JUDAISM
AND
VOLUME
HELLENISM ONE
MARTIN HENGEL
JUDAISM AND
HELLENISM Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period
VOLUME
FORTRESS PRESS
ONE
PHILADELPHIA
Translated by John Bowden from the German Judentum und Hellenismus, Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung Palastinas bis zur Mitte des 2jh.s v.Chr., no. 10 in the series Wissenschaftliche Untersuchimgen zum Neuen Testament, ed. D . D r Joachim Jeremias and D . Otto Michel, published by J. C . B . Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tubingen, second revised and enlarged edition 1973.
First American Edition by Fortress Press 1974 1974 S C M Press Ltd, London & Fortress Press, Philadelphia Library of Congress Catalog Card Number ^4-80427 ISBN 0-8006-0293-5
Printed in Great Britain
1-293
TO MY
WIFE
CONTENTS
VOLUME
ONE
Preface
xi
Preface to the Second Edition Introduction: I
T e r m s o f Reference
Early Hellenism as a Political and E c o n o m i c F o r c e 1. T h e Historical Framework: Palestine as a Bone of Contention between Ptolemies and Seleucids
II
xii I 6 6
2. Graeco-Hellenistic War and the Jews
12
3. Administration and Taxation in Palestine under Hellenistic Rule a) T h e organization of the Ptolemaic administration and the levy of taxes b) T h e Ptolemaic administration and the Jewish temple state c) Contemporary Jewish views on the power of the state
18 23 29
4. Hellenistic Influence on Trade, Commerce and Social Structure in Palestine a) Greek influences in the pre-Hellenistic period b) T h e economic and social situation under Ptolemaic rule c) T h e economic development of Palestine under the Ptolemies d) T h e effects on Palestinian Judaism
32 35 39 47
5. Summary: Hellenistic Civilization as a Secular Force in Palestine
55
H e l l e n i s m in Palestine as a C u l t u r a l F o r c e and its Influence on the Jews
58
1. T h e Greek Language in Palestinian Judaism a) T h e penetration of the Greek language into Palestine b) T h e advance of Greek names
58 58 61
2. Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism a) Hellenism as a force in education b) Greek education and culture in Palestine and its influence on Judaism Excursus I : The development of the Jewish school
65 65 70 78
viii
III
Contents 3. Greek Literature and Philosophy in Palestine a) T h e intellectual influence of Hellenism in non-Jewish Palestine and Phoenicia b) Jewish hterature in Greek in Palestine aa) T h e anonymous Samaritan bb) T h e Jewish historian Eupolemus cc) Jason of Gyrene and Palestinian-Jewish history writing Excursus 2: Palestinian-Jewish history writing in the Hellenistic period dd) Greek translations of Jewish writings in Palestine
<>9 100
4. Summary: T h e Judaism of Palestine as 'Hellenistic Judaism'
103
T h e Encounter and Conflict b e t w e e n Palestinian Judaism and the Spirit o f the Hellenistic A g e
107
1. Supposed Greek Influence on the Late Hebrew Literature of the Old Testament Canon
109
2. T h e Development of Jewish Literature in the Early Hdlenistic Period
110
3. Koheleth and the Begiiming of the Crisis in Jewish Religion Excursus 3: Koheleth and Solomon
115 129
4. Ben Sira and the Controversy with Hellenistic Liberalism in Jerusalem a) T h e personality of Ben Sira, the form of his work and the political and social situation in Jerusalem b) Ben Sira's controversy with Hellenistic liberalism 5. T h e Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought in connection with Jewish Wisdom Speculation a) Wisdom as a hypostasis in Prov. 8.22ff. and Job 28 b) Wisdom and the doctrine of creation c) 'Wisdom' in Ben Sira d) T h e Greek translation of Prov. 8.22-31 e) Creation and wisdom in Aristobulus, the first Jewish 'philosopher' in Alexandria / ) Wisdom and Torah in Pharisaic and Rabbinic Judaism \ 6. T h e Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic a) T h e Hasidim as a Jewish party at the time of the Hellenistic reform h) T h e first climax of Jewish apocalyptic aa) T h e universal picture of history in early apocalyptic bb) Resurrection, immortality and judgment cc) Wisdom through revelation Excursus 4: 'Higher wisdom through revelation' as a character istic of religion in late antiquity 7. Early Essenism a) The theology of early Essenism b) The Teacher of Righteousness and the crisis caused by the Hellenistic reform
83 83 88 88 92 95
131 131 138 153 153 156 157 162 163 169 175 175 180 181 196 202 210 218 218 224
Contents
ix
c) New developments and alien influences in Essene teaching Excursus 5: Secret teaching from primeval times d) T h e form of the Essene community and the question of Pythagorean influence
IV
228 241 243
8. Summary: Palestinian Judaism between the Reception and the Repudiation of Hellenism
247
T h e 'Interpretatio G r a e c a ' o f Judaism and the Hellenistic R e f o r m A t t e m p t in Jerusalem
255
1. T h e Jews as Philosophers, according to the Earliest Greek Witnesses
255
2. T h e Identification of the G o d of Judaism with Greek Con ceptions of G o d
261
3. T h e Hellenistic Reform Attempt in Jerusalem and its Failure a) The Tobiads and Oniads Excursus 6: Hyrcanus in Transjordania b) T h e Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem down to the erection of the Acra at the beginning of 167 BC c) T h e edict of religion, the king and the Jewish apostates d) 'Zeal against the law', the new worship of God and the ideology of apostasy 4. Summary: T h e Reform Attempt, its Failure and the Farreaching Consequences of the Jewish Counter-reaction Svimmary and C o n c l u s i o n
267 267 272 277 283 292 303 310
VOLUME TWO Notes to Notes to Notes to Notes to Notes to Tables I
Introduction I II III IV and II
i 3 42 72 169 206
Abbreviations
211
Bibliography Select index of passages from ancient writers Index of names and subjects
217 267 290
PREFACE
This work was presented as a thesis to the Faculty of Protestant Theology of the Eberhard-Karls-Universitat in Tiibingen in November 1966 and was abbreviated or expanded further in a nimiber of places before publication. It sets out to make a contribution to the better understanding of the development of Judaism in the period between the Testaments, which to a considerable degree coincides with the age of Hellenism, and at the same time to illuminate the social, religious and historical background from which primitive Christianity emerged. M y thanks are due first to the Faculty of Protestant Theology of the University of Tiibingen which, by granting me a research fellowship from 1964 onwards, created the conditions for my return to theology after many years of other work; also to the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, which supported the publication of the work by a substantial subsidy. I am grateful to my honoured teacher Professor Michel for the lively interest which he has always shown in the work and to him and Professor Jeremias for accepting it in the Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament. I also owe thanks to Professors Galling, Gese, Betz and Stuhknacher, and to D r H . P. Riiger and D r P. Welten for valuable suggestions and conversa tions. T h e University Library in Tiibingen has gone to endless trouble in obtaining widely-scattered literature for me, and has helped the process of publication on by its knowledgable and friendly collaboration. For help over proofs and the compilation of the indices I am above all grateful to Klaus W . Miiller and W . Lorenz, to Fraulein G . Krugmann and Herr H , Kienle. Tiibingen, October ip68
PREFACE T O THE SECOND E D I T I O N
T h e first edition went out of print more quickly than was expected. For the second edition, mistakes and misprints have been removed and about ninety titles o f more recent literature, together with further references to ancient sources, have been worked into the notes where this was possible. I am particularly grateful to my assistants Klaus W . Miiller and Heknut Kienle for their vigilant care in this work. Tubingen, January 1973
INTRODUCTION
Terms of Reference
One fundamental presupposition of historical work on the N e w Testament which seems to be taken for granted is the differentiation, in terms of tradition, between 'Judaism' on the one hand and 'Hellenism' on the other. Distinctions are made between 'Jewish apocalyptic' and 'Hellenistic mysticism', between the 'Jewish, rabbinic tradition' and 'Hellenistic, oriental gnosticism', between 'Palestinian' and 'Hellenistic' Judaism, between a 'Palestinian' and a 'Hellen istic' community. Investigations of particular concepts, above all, usually result in a separation of these two 'lines of tradition', which are often traced back into the Old Testament or to classical Greece. This unavoidable distinc tion does, of course, pass too lightly over the fact that by the time o f Jesus, Palestine had already been under 'Hellenistic' rule and its resultant cultural influence for some 360 years. T h u s , even in Jewish Palestine, in the New Testament period Hellenistic civilization had a long and eventful history behind it. I f N e w Testament scholars are to apply these unavoidable differ entiations properly, and not just schematically, they must take account of the result of this history. T h e 'prehistory of Christianity', which goes by the unhappy designation 'history of N e w Testament times', and is often passed over all too quickly, is one of the indispensable foundations of a true under standing of the N e w Testament. T h e present work sets out to depict the 'encounter between Judaism and Hellenism' in the first half of these 360 years, that is, until about the middle of the second century, though in certain issues the temporal limit will be exceeded. Furthermore, developments in Palestine itself will be deliberately given a central place, and events in the Diaspora will only be introduced in part, as by that time Jerusalem and Palestinian Judaism already formed the centre of the Diaspora as it spread out to the east and west. It is hoped that the investigation will be extended to cover the second half of the period at a later stage. The two basic terms, 'Judaism' and 'Hellenism', used as they are with such great confidence, themselves already point to the many difficulties in the task we have set ourselves. T h e Greek counterpart to 'Judaism', 'lovSaCafMos, derives from the middle of the period with which we are to deal. It appears for
2
Introduction
the first time in the account of the persecution under Antioc&us I V in II Maccabees or its source in Jason of Cyrene, and conveys what even the ancient world found to be an astonishing state of affairs: the word means both political and genetic association with the Jewish nation and exclusive belief in the one God of Israel, together with observance of the Torah given by him.i From this it follows that if our work is to do justice to its subject it cannot be limited to 'religious' questions, but must also include politics and social questions. T h e meaning of the corresponding Greek 'EXXr]viap.6s is limited to the philologically unobjectionable dominance of 'common Greek' as opposed to dialects and barbarisms. ^ W e find one of the very rare divergences from this usage once again in II Maccabees (4.13), where aKi^rj ns 'EXXrinafiov, i.e. 'a climax of Hellenizing tendencies', is mentioned in connection with the Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem. One might conclude from this first contrast between the two terms that Palestinian 'Judaism' and 'Hellenism' represent forces that are opposed in principle; this supposition is, of course, countered by the fact that the Jew Jason presented his defence of 'lovSaCafws in the highly rhetorical garb of solemn Hellenistic historiography, of which his work is one of,the best preserved examples (see below, pp.95fif.). It was J. G . Droysen who first gave the term 'Hellenism' the significance it now bears, by transferring it to the epoch of Greek expansion in the Orient which begins with Alexander the Great. In work for his doctorate in 1831, Droysen, beginning with the longestablished philological interpretation of the term which, starting from the 'Hellenists' in Acts 6.1, designated N e w Testament koine the dialectus hellenistica,^ defended the dubious theory that Christianity was nearer to Greece than to Judaism, basing it on the penetration of the Greeks into the lands of the East.* A little later he applied the designation 'Hellenism' to the epoch characterized by the union of Greece and the Orient and to the culture of that epoch: 'East and West were ripe for fusion, and crossfertilization and metamorphosis quickly took place on both sides; newlyawakened popular life led to constantly new and further developments in the state and in knowledge, in commerce and in art, in religion and morality. May we be allowed to give this new principle in world history the name Hellenistic ? Greece, invading the life of the world of the East and fertilizing it, developed that Hellenism, in which the paganism of Asia and Greece, indeed antiquity itself, was destined to culminate.'^ He regarded Hellenism as the 'modern period of antiquity','' which found its goal and climax in the rise of Christianity: 'That is the point towards which the development of the old, pagan world strives, from which its history must be understood.'' Hence he set theology alongside philology as being 'the disciplines most deeply involved in the history of Hellenism'.«Unfortunately the former has had far too small a share in the investigation of this period. Droysen thus already saw quite clearly the essential criterion of that time and its culture. Something fundamentally new arose in 'Hellenism' - through
Introduction
3
the encounter of Greece with the Orient - which differed from the time of classical Greece, just as Judaism - and here we return to our theme - under went a gradual but deep-rooted change in the Hellenistic period through its encounter and conflict with the social, political and spiritual forces of this epoch, on the basis of which it differs in essential points from ics earlier forms in the Old Testament. 7 There have, of course, been disputes over the dating of the Hellenistic period and the content that is to be assigned to the concept of Hellenism. T h i s is not least because the concept has been used in a nuiriber of ways and there fore became very indefinite and variable; it^ content has tended to change according to the perspective in which it has been considered. ^ T h u s it has to be remembered that the Hellenistic period was in the making throughout the fourth century,!" ^ind that Greek cultural influence was visible in the East, above all in Phoenicia and Egypt, even before Alexander's expeditions. 11 For the moment, the lower limit of the Hellenistic epoch concerns us less; for Syria and Palestine it should not be set at Actium, as is the case for Greece, but at the end of the last 'Hellenistic' city territories in Commagene, the kingdom of Agrippa H and the Nabateans under the Flavians, viz. Trajan. It is incomparably more difficult to define the characteristic content of Hellenism. Is it primarily a matter of the political, economic and cultural permeation of the East by the conquerors from Greece and Macedonia, or is it the fusion of oriental conceptions and Greek form, for which Oswald Spengler coined the concept of 'pseudomorphosis'?ia T h e former aspect is dominant in the period o f early Hellenism down to the end of the third century B C : the vic torious course of Alexander the Great finally shattered the particularist narrowness of the polis and created a common Greek cultural consciousness which was especially developed in the newly-conquered territories, where the Greeks were rapidly bound together into a unity (see pp. 65fif. below). How ever, oriental influence grew with the decline of the kingdoms of the Diadochi after the beginning of the second century BC, giving rise to that process of fusion which is described in the religious sphere by the catchword 'syncretism'. 13 Hellenism, then, must be treated as a complex phenomenon which caimot be limited to purely political, socio-economic, cultural or religious aspects, but embraces them all. T h e starting-point and point of reference is the expansion of Greece which was in the making in the fourth century BC, reached its political and military climax with the expedition of Alexander, and was • followed by economic and cultural penetration; the East answered this in the religious sphere by accepting it, rejecting it and developing countermovements. T h e 'encounter between Judaism and Hellenism' can therefore be described only in a complex way. This account of it begins, in accordance with historical developments, in Chapter I with political, military and socio-economic
4
Introduction
developments, with emphasis on the third century BC. In Chapter II it moves on to the problem of the proliferation of Greek language, Graecized names, Greek education and literature. Chapter III deals most extensively with religious and theological questions, and the account closes in Chapter I V with the early Greek descriptions of Judaism and the Jewish attempt at reform in Jerusalem. A brief summary has been attached to each chapter; in coimection with these, attempts are made from time to time to outline briefly those aspects which have a bearing on the New Testament. T h e first two chapters aim at a degree of completeness in literary and "atI?HktT5iT>g\ca\ t n S t e r i i ; "cue political anh cu'ltural'backgrouni'm the empire of the Ptolemies or the Seleucids and in non-Jewish Palestine is also regularly included. T h e real difficulties lie in the all-important third part, which extends from Koheleth to early Essenism. A t this point attention must be drawn to the methodological discussion at the beginning of the chapter (see pp.ioyfiF. below). It is not primarily a matter of demonstrating supposedly 'Greek influences' here and there, especially as it is often impossible to distinguish between analogies and real influences. Rather, an attempt is made to depict the inner contours of Jewish and Palestinian thought in the tension between acceptance and rejection of the Hellenistic Zeitgeist. N o 'history of scholarship' can be offered here, as this treatment of the theme in its complex multiplicity is a first attempt; it is only possible to enter discussion with the flood of secondary literature in coimection with particular problems. However, reference should be made to a number of fundamental works to which the author owes a great deal. Pride of place goes to the work of Schiirer, unequalled in its wealth of material, even if some details are now outdated; unfortunately it only begins at 175 BC. F . M . Abel's history of Palestine and Tcherikover's great work Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews^'^ deal predominantly with political history, though Tcherikover also pays special attention to economic and social conditions; unfortunately, he neglects religious questions. Mention should also be made of the numerous and always stimulating investigations of E. Bickermann, in whom knowledge of Hellenistic history and Judaism are combined in a happy and, for the present, probably a unique way. His masterly monograph, Der Gott der Makkabder, 1937 ( = GM), determined the direction of Chapter I V of this book. T h e work of Bousset and Gressmaim is still fundamental to a study of the religious development of Palestinian Judaism in the pre-Rabbinic period, and A . Schlatter's Geschichte Israels also contains a wealth of valuable observations.!^ As an introduction to the Hellenistic world the works o f RostovtzefiF were helpful for politics and economics, as was that of Nilsson for Greek religion, T h e greatest burden to the author was the astonishing amount of published material in very scattered form which swelled the work to its present size. However, this very 'atomizing' of individual pieces of scholarship was a stimulus to bring a comprehensive synthesis to some sort of meaningful
Introduction
5
conclusion. In the process, it has not always been possible to satisfy the conflicting demands of a concise account and that convincing form of argument which depends on detail to avoid the charge of being a 'terrible simplification'. T h e theme takes the investigation into the 'inter-testamental' period. T h e questions raised keep the N e w Testament in view, ahhough the New Testa ment period is only reached as a number of lines are drawn further; as a rule the work breaks off 150-180 years earlier. It has not proved possible to anchor it backwards to the Jewish history of the Persian period, desirable though that would have been, because of lack of space. It is, however, clear that in some ways there is a remarkable degree of continuity between the Persian rule and the Hellenistic era, so that later developments were prepared at an earlier stage; furthermore, the ancient East and Greek tradition were not complete opposites, but on some lines each pressed towards a union. It was the un successful attempt at Hellenistic reform that brought about the real breach in Judea. T h e profound shock which the Jewish people experienced in the following decades created the presuppositions for the spiritual and religious constellation which was later determinative for the New Testament period. Because of the uncertain position over source material and its fragmentary nature, one often has to work with hypotheses. Attempts are made to indicate their different degrees of probability. T h e questionability of this kind of approach constantly becomes evident in the problem of dates. Nevertheless, the aim remains, despite all the potential errors in individual detail, to provide something like an overall historical picture of the encounter between Judaism and Hellenism in Palestine in the period under review.
I Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
I . T h e Historical F r a m e w o r k : Palestine as a B o n e o f C o n t e n t i o n b e t w e e n Ptolemies and Seleucids After the defeat of Antigonus at Ipsus in 301 BC, despite the objections o f Seleucus I, Coele Syria and Palestine fell to Ptolemy I Soter, who since the begiiming of 304 had been king of Egypt. T h e Lagid had left the risk of the decisive battle to his allies, and did not take part in it; indeed, preoccupied with the siege of Sidon, he had quickly left the province again as a result of a rumour of the defeat of his friends, leaving garrisons behind. Going against an earlier agreement, the victors now assigned Coele Syria in its entirety to Seleucus, but Ptolemy forestalled the latter in occupying the land and presented him with a fait accompli. Seleucus was unwilling to proceed by force against his former comrade-in-arms, to whose support he owed his successful rise, but he never gave up his claim to the territory that was his by right of victory. T h e opposition between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids which resulted was to determine the history of the Hellenistic East for the next 150 years.1 Even after Ipsus, Demetrius Poliorcetes, the son of Antigonus, had retained control of the sea and the Phoenician coastal cities of T y r e and Sidon because of his fleet, and from time to time he was able to cause unrest in Palestine. In 296 he is said to have destroyed Samaria, but he was not able to sustain his effort; we find him back in Greece again that same year.^ T h e coastal cities also fell to Egypt by 286 BC at the latest. In occupying Coele Syria and Palestine, Ptolemy I was reviving the old policy of the Pharaohs. First, this territory formed a vital military buffer for Egypt against any attack from the north, and secondly, the harbours of Phoenicia and the forests of Lebanon were the basis for the naval might of the Ptolemies. Moreover, Palestine was a focal point for the commercial and caravan routes from Mesopotamia, the Persian G u l f and Southern Arabia; from an economic point of view, too, it represented a valuable extension to Egypt. Finally, the Ptolemies, who were primarily dependent almost entirely on foreign mercenaries for their army, were able to enlist Idumean, Arabian and Jewish auxiliaries here.^ It is therefore no coincidence that with the loss of this territory about 200 B C ,
The Historical Framework
7
Egypt also relinquished its political predominance in the eastern Mediter ranean. All this enables us to see why the Ptolemies felt it important to keep a firm hand on their province not only militarily, but also fiscally and admini stratively. Its official name was 'Syria and Phoenicia', but it is often mentioned simply as 'Syria' in the sources; where that is the case, both Palestine and Phoenicia are also meant.* A n intensive penetration of the territory began especially during the long rule of the vigorous Ptolemy II Philadelphus (282-246 BC) ; the correspondence of Zeno gives us numerous instances of this. Zeno was the steward of a large estate in the newly reclaimed Fayum, which ApoUonius, the 'finance minister', had received as a present from the king. Zeno carried on an extensive corre spondence on his master's behalf, covering almost all the eastern Mediter ranean under Egyptian domination; he collected it together carefully in an archive of which about two thousand items are extant, forty of them relating to Syria and Palestine. Before Zeno was entrusted with the administration of the estate he undertook prolonged journeys for his master which, as in 259 BC, took him the length and breadth of Palestine. ^ T h e accounts in the Zeno papyri are supplemented by a papyrus from Vieima which contains two royal decrees, especially concerning 'Syria and Phoenicia'.* This fills at least part of the gap in our knowledge of conditions in Palestine in the third century BC, caused by the lack of source material. T h e process of Hellenization proper will have begun with the administrative and economic development of Palestine.' Leaving aside the invasion of Antiochus III (219/217 BC), about a hundred years of Ptolemaic rule brought a period of relatively peaceful development to the disputed provinces.« T h e first three Syrian wars seem to have touched the country only in the north.» Despite individual military setbacks, on the whole they did not turn out badly for the Ptolemies, and in their successful phases of the first and third wars the Seleucids were only able to penetrate as far as Damascus, Nevertheless, Dan. 11.5-9 shows that the conflicts between the 'king of the south' and the 'king of the north' were followed attentively even in Jerusalem." Throughout the third century the boundary of the two kingdoms remained relatively constant, apart from minor altera tions. It began at the stream of Eleutheros north of Tripolis and ran southeastwards in the direction of Baalbek and from there to Damascus, which was disputed. Transjordania including Batanea and Trachonitis also belonged to the Ptolemies' kingdom. 1 a As early as 221, the young Antiochus I I I had failed in an attempt to attack the border fortresses of theBiqa',i3 and it was only at this fourth encounter in 219 BC that he was able to occupy a large part of Coele Syria. He over powered the coastal cities of T y r e and Acco-Ptolemais through the treachery of the strategos Theodotus and went on to lay siege to Dor. Negotiations proposed by Ptolemy I V Philopator, who had not yet completed his military preparations, came to nothing. So the following year, 218, Antiochus advanced
8
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
along the Phoenician coast to Galilee, capturing Philoteria, Scythopolis and the fortress of Atabyrion on the Tabor. He crossed the Jordan, occupied Pella, Kamoun {qdmon, Judg. 10.5 ?) and (G)ephron in Transjordania, stormed the fortresses of Gadara, Abila and Rabbath A m m o n , and sent a detachment of troops to Samaria. W e hear nothing of the fate of Jerusalem; presumably it was also occupied by the troops of Antiochus in connection with the lastmentioned undertaking. Antiochus H I directed the main thrust of his attack against Transjordania and outflanked Palestine to the east because he was counting on Arab support. T h e y immediately took his side and provided powerflil aid (see below, p p . i S j i y f . ) . His successes were further facilitated by the fact that a number of Ptolemy's military leaders came over to his side;i* the mismanagement and nepotism under Philopator (222-205 BC) ushered in the dovrafall of the Ptolemaic kingdom. I f some of Ptolemy's officers were in such a doubtful mood, one may assume, despite remarks of Polybius to the contrary,i5 that at the time a large part of the populace were on the side of the Seleucids. T h e exception was those cities and territories which had close economic ties with Egypt, e.g. Sidon, which Antiochus was unable to occupy, Gaza and, according to Polybius, Samaria: presumably Judea was included in the Toiis Kara Uafxapeiav TOTTOVS^^ T h e fact that nevertheless Antiochus took two years to occupy Coele Syria and Palestine shows the degree to which the Ptolemies had fortified their first line of defence. Meanwhile Philopator, or rather his minister Sosibius, had concluded preparations for war. O n 22 June, 217 BC, the armies met at Raphia on the southern border of Palestine. Despite initial successes, Antiochus was un expectedly defeated. A vital part in the result was played by the native Egyptian troops trained along Macedonian lines; in this way the national consciousness of the Egyptians was strengthened over against the Greek ruling class and expressed itself a few years later in a chain of rebellions.i' Antiochus had to vacate immediately the territory he had won over the two previous years; on the other hand the victorious Philopator and his sister Arsinoe stayed on for almost four months in the province that they had recovered, visiting its cities and sanctuaries to receive the homage of the populace and to demonstrate their reverence for the gods of the country, Honorific inscriptions in Joppa on the coast and in Marisa on the border of Idumea and Judea bear witness to the visit of the two rulers;i9 presumably they will also have visited Jerusalem. It is quite possible that there was a conflict with the Jews, as is hinted at in I I I Macc.i.iofiF., over the king's leanings towards mysticism and his exaggerated reverence for Dionysus, Ptolemy I I I Euergetes had already visited the temple in Jerusalem and had sacrifices offered - probably after the victorious end to the third Syrian war.^i Despite the victory, the collapse of the Ptolemaic kingdom was now inevitable. T h e exploited Egyptian populace revolted, and the maladministra tion at court took worSe and worse forms. Antiochus I I I , on the other hand.
The Historical Framework
9
had surprising victories in Asia Minor and in the East, and appeared as the restorer of the kingdom of Seleucus I.aa After the mysterious deaths of Philopator and his sister and wife Arsinoe in 205 BC, the incompetence of the guardians of the five-year-old Ptolemy V Epiphanes made the weakness of Egypt utterly clear.as In 201 (202 ?) BC Antiochus, in alliance with Philip V of Macedon, again crossed the frontier, and the country came over to him much more easily than eighteen years earlier. Only Gaza, the terminus of Arabian trade with Egypt and therefore particularly closely bound up with it, offered resistance for any length of time, a* In the autumn Antiochus departed from Palestine, leaving garrisons behind. T h e Ptolemaic leader Scopas took advantage of this in the winter of 201/200 for a counter-thrust by which he was able to win back considerable areas of the lost territory. Meanwhile a strong pro-Seleucid party had established itself in Jerusalem. T h e obscure saying in Dan. 11.14 probably hints at its resistance and the punishment meted out by Scopas: 'In those times many shall rise against the king of the south; and the men of violence (pdrisim) among your own people shall lift themselves up in order to fulfil the vision; but they shall fail.' T h e partisan warfare in the capital of Judea is confirmed by the inter pretation of the passage in Jerome, which is dependent on Porphyry :25 'Pugnantibus contra se Magno Antiocho et ducibus Ptolemaei in medio Judaea posita in contraria studia scindebatur, aliis Antiocho aliis Ptolemaeo faventibus.' A fragment of Polybius preserved in Josephus also suggests that the Jews were suppressed by force; i.e., probably that this time the majority of them were pro-Seleucid. 26 In 200 BC, however, Scopas was overwhelmingly defeated by Antiochus at Paneion, by the source of the Jordan; he fled to Sidon and there had to surrender to the Seleucids in exchange for free conduct. 2 ' N o w Antiochus had a free hand finally to occupy the province, and in the two following years 199/198 he brought his campaign to a conclusion. O n this expedition the king attached great importance to gaining the favour of the populace. This is shown by an extensive inscription from the neighbourhood of Beth-Shean/Scythopolis. It contains two memoranda from Ptolemy son of Traseas, strategos of Syria and Phoenicia, to the king or his son, and six royal letters to subordinate officials from the period between 201 and 195 BC. In them soldiers are ex pressly forbidden to billet themselves on the populace of Ptolemy's villages or to drive them from their homes. In this way the king was probably countering the acts o f violence which had been perpetrated by his troops. All this was to be engraved on stone and to be set up in public places.as Once again we find the majority of Jews on the side of the Seleucids; they supported the Syrians by besieging the Egyptian garrison in the citadel and victualling the troops and elephants.2s But Jews also seem to have fought on the Ptolemaic side, for according to Jerome/Porphyry the 'optimates Ptolemcei partium' were evacuated to Egypt,
10
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Jerusalem and Judea had sufiFered severely under the fighting of previous years.3i It was therefore a considerable help that Antiochus I I I , in a decree (npocjTayiia)^^ which was also addressed to the strategos Ptolemy, promised the Jews not only his support in rebuilding the city and the temple, but also exemption from tribute for three years and the release of Jewish prisoners. , T h e temple persoimel and the gerousia were exempted from all taxes. Further more the Jews were granted internal 'autonomy', i.e. were given the possibility of living according to their own laws. With these 'royal marks of favour' (<j>i,Xdv6pw7Ta fiaxjiXiKo.) which were negotiated through a Jewish delegation in Antioch,^^ the 'great king' Antiochus was probably deliberately taking up precedents from the earlier Persian period they also corresponded to the more 'federative constitution' of the Seleucid kingdom, Moreover, the king was concerned to bind the Jews, whose military capabilities he had learnt to value,^^ more firmly to the new Seleucid rule, especially as he had to keep in mind permanently a conflict with a new, dangerous enemy over against which he needed to keep his rear secured: after Rome's victory over Philip V of Macedon in 197 B C , a war seemed inevitable.3' For this reason, in 196 Antiochus promised his daughter Cleopatra as wife to the young Ptolemy V Epiphanes and raised his hopes that he might receive Coele Syria back again as a dowry. T h e wedding eventually took place two-and-a-half years later in 194/193, but Antiochus never returned the territory he had conquered, Defeat by the Romans at Magnesia (end of 190 BC) and the harsh peace of Apamea (188) not only put an end to the high-flown plans of Antiochus I I I , but at the same time ushered in the collapse of the Seleucid empire. Above all, the territory won back in the East was quickly lost again. Only a year later Antiochus was killed plundering a temple of Bel in Susiana.-*" His son Seleucus I V Philopator (187-175) differed from his father in being a passive ruler. In Egypt, where there was disappointment that Coele Syria had not been returned at the peace of Apamea, hopes for the reconquest of the province rose again; perhaps first hostilities already came about, and it was probably only the constant internal unrest and the sudden death of Ptolemy V Epiphanes in 180 BC that prevented an attack on Syria. Even in Jerusalem, sympathy for Egypt seems to have grown again. War reparations had to be paid to Rome by Seleucid subjects to the tune of 12,000 talents, so that the populace in Judea will no longer have detected much of the original alleviations of tribute. *a T h e attempt of Heliodorus to sequestrate money in the temple in Jerusalem is coimected with this acute financial crisis. A t the same time this incident, which led to the journey of the high priest Onias I I I to Antioch and to his deposition, reveals the internal party struggle in Jerusalem.*^ When after the murder of Seleucus I V in 175 BC his more ambitious brother Antiochus I V Epiphanes took over the throne, Seleucid politics again became more active (see below, pp.277£).
The Historical Framework
11
Cleopatra I, the sister of the two brothers, had no plans for an aggressive military policy against the Seleucids, but after her death in 177/176 this attitude altered, when the one-time Syrian slave Lenaeus and Eulaeus, who was probably also an oriental eunuch, took over the guardianship of Ptolemy V I Philometor, who was still a minor. 44 Their incredibly clumsy and provocative politics (II Mace. 4.21) gave Antiochus a pretext for attacking Egypt at the end o f 170 or the beginning of 169 BC, and he found progress surprisingly easy as far as Alexandria. H e concluded a treaty in his own favour with the young Philometor and left garrisons; presumably he believed that in the civil war which was now to be expected Philometor would remain dependent on him. On his return at the end of 169 BC he visited Jerusalem and plundered the temple treasury, which certainly exacerbated feelings towards the Seleucid regime. However, Ptolemy V I Philometor broke the agreements which had been made with Antiochus I V xmder compulsion and reconciled himself with his kinsfolk and co-regents.*^ During the second invasion of 168 BC, in which Antiochus also sacked Cyprus, the Roman ambassador C. Popilius Laenas met Antiochus at the beginning of July in Eleusis, near Alexandria, and in a brusque fashion required him to surrender the fruits o f his victory. 46 Presumably the humiliation of the king, coupled with a rumour o f his death, strengthened the ami-Seleucid forces in Palestine and Phoenicia, which had formerly been a province of the Ptolemies. T h e deposed high priest Jason undertook a successful surprise attack on Jerusalem from Transjordania, Antiochus had to overpower the city by force of arms, and let it feel his hand in pxmishment. A t that time, too, it is probable that the sphere of influence of the Tobiad Hyrcanus, who had presumably sup ported Jason, in Ammanitis, was destroyed.*' Phoenician Aradus also tem porarily defected, and was severely punished, as perhaps were other parts o f Phoenicia, too.*^ T h e great period of the Hellenistic monarchies o f the east was finally over. This compressed survey of political events down to the outbreak of the Maccabean revolt shows how much the destiny of the country was shaped by its role as a disputed buffer-state between the two great powers; the situation had much in common with the political position of Israel and Judah between the eighth and the sixth century BC. Such an exposed position had by no means only negative consequences. These only become clear in the fourth and fifth Syrian wars, when Palestine became a theatre of war. O f quite positive significance is the fact that both powers turned their attention towards the political, military and economic development of the country and sought to influence it at least for some of the time in a favourable direction. More suspicious was the fact that parties in Jerusalem, even if they had a social or a religious background, easily acquired a political slant because they were regularly called to decide for or against one of the two powers. Even the apocalyptists, who did not commit
12
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
themselves to either of the two powers, saw Jewish history determined by this opposition, as D a n . i i shows. T h e relationship between Jerusalem and the Diaspora was also damaged: ' T h e fact that Jerusalem, the spiritual centre o f the Diaspora, belonged to one of the rival powers cast suspicion on the loyalty of the Jews xmder the domination o f the other.'^s These tensions could lead to the founding of competing sanctuaries, as xmder the Tobiad Hyrcanus in Transjordania or xmder Onias I V in Leontopolis (see below pp.274f.). O n the other hand, we must not overlook the fact that despite the struggles between Ptolemies and Seleucids which kept flaring up again and again, Palestine was above all granted a period of peace for eighty years, a time of relatively peaceable development such as the country was not to see again over the next three himdred years. W e might ask whether this period, in which the first encounter between Judaism and Hellenism took place xmder favourable circumstances, was not of decisive significance for its further development. A t the end of our epoch, in the crisis which became manifest in Jerusalem after 175, we find Judaism in a form which has changed in many ways, a Judaism which has essential differences from the Judaism to be seen at the time o f Nehemiah and Ezra. This transformation is bound up with the influence of Hellenistic civilization on Judaism and began as early as the third century BC, when the fronts between Greece and Judaism had not yet hardened. Not the least important reason why the attempt at a Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem after 175 BC came to nothing, despite this long period of preparation, is that the great Hellenistic powers had by then passed the zenith of their strength, that Rome increasingly restricted their freedom of movement, and that also in Egypt and Iran the oriental nationalist reaction had gone over to the coimter-oflfensive xmder the leadership of indigenous priests.^i
2. Graeco-Hellenistic W a r and the Jews In the first period after the expedition of Alexander, the encoxmter of Judaism with Hellenistic civilization did not take place in those spheres which one usually associates with the term 'Hellenism': Greek literature, art, philosophy or a syncretistic religious context. Rather, the Greek spirit first revealed its superiority to the people of the East in an inexorable, highly secular w a y : in a perfected, superior technique of war=^2 and - particularly in the Egyptian sphere o f influence - in a no less perfect and inexorable state administration, whose aim was the optimal exploitation of its subject territories. Greek mercenaries were not unknown to the inhabitants o f Palestine centuries before the expedition of Alexander. According to newly-discovered ostraca, 'kittim' were stationed on the southern border in Arad even at the end of the Jewish monarchy, xmder Josiah; they probably came from Cyprus or even from the Aegean. ^3 A t about the same time the Saite dynasty in Egypt enlisted Greek mercenaries who were settled in the country, and Greeks also
Graeco-Hellenistic War and the Jem
13
fought earlier, from the beginning of the seventh century BC, in Assyrian armies. 54 A brother o f the Lesbian poet Alcaeus, named Antimenidas, served under the king of Babylon, presumably Nebuchadnezzar, and perhaps took part in the siege of Ashkelon in 604 BC.=^=^ Later, Greeks were highly valued by the satraps of the western Persian provinces, and after Marathon and Plataea their participation in a war was almost regarded as decisive. T h u s the long-drawn-out war over the independence of Egypt in the fourth century BC was carried on principally with Greek mercenaries on both sides, who from time to time also went through Palestine. It can be shown that a Greek army led by the Athenian Iphicrates was in Ake (Acco) between 380 and 374, to prepare for an attack on Egypt. Excavations at 'Atlit, six miles north of D o r , suggest that at that time Greek mercenaries were already settled at individual places on the coastal plain. T h e rebellion of Sidon, fomented by Egypt, after 350 also took place vdth the aid o f Greek troops, and the same thing is also true of the sacking of Egypt by Artaxerxes III Ochus which followed; it was largely just a war between Greek mercenaries. Judea, too, seems to have been affected by the battles following the revolt of Sidon. But all this was merely a prelude. Alexander's xmprecedented chain of victories, the successful sieges of T y r e and Gaza, the rapid and harsh punish ment of the Samaritan rebels,^' all this demonstrated even to the populace of the hill country of Judah the tremendous superiority of the GraecoMacedonian technique of war. Alexander's drastic measures against Samaria, which changed the city into a Macedonian colony (see note 69), led to the resettlement of Shechem and thus probably also to the building of the temple on Gerizim, an event which made the schism between Jews and Samaritans final. 58 Alexander is one of the few Hellenistic leaders with whom apocalyp tic, Alexandrian Jewish and even Rabbinic literature were extensively pre occupied at a later date.^s T h e Macedonians came as conquerors, with all the arrogance of the victor at whose feet the world hes. Their first concern was to secure the fruits of this victory over against the subject peoples and - after Alexander's premature death - against the rivals from their own ranks. Army and fleet formed the foundation of the Diadochi kingdoms which now arose, or rather, were the completely personal power of the rulers; the mihtary assembly, represented by the guard, was the only institution which retained an independent function, e.g. the right of acclamation and the control o f the s u c c e s s i o n . ( T h i s was a relic from early JUacedonian times.) T h e technical progress of the Hellenistic period accordingly manifested itself above all in the construction of astonishing machines of war, of increasingly large warships and in types of fortification, T h e superiority of the Graeco-Macedonian monarchies over the 'barbarians' lay above all in the technical perfection .of the way in which they waged war, beginning with pre-military training in the gymnasiimi, and progressing through tactics and strategy to the techniques of laying siegers T h e decline
14
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
of individual kingdoms began with the breaking o f the monopoly o f absolute military superiority. T h e armies o f the Hellenistic period were for the most part mercenary armies, whose core was made up of the traditional 'Macedonian' phalanx, Those soldiers who did not belong to the relatively small standing army were settled in times o f peace in widely dispersed military colonies (KXrjpovxiai, KarotKiai) (that is, i f they did not wish to return to their home lands) and thus formed a kind o f reserve army which secured the territory against rebellion and invasion, a* T h e relatively high pay or the royal gift o f land, coupled with tax concessions, furthered the development o f a well-to-do class o f professional soldiers. Especially in the Seleucid multi-nation state, the non-Greek elements kept increasing with time, so that in spite o f an original division o f detachments according to nationality, the army favoured the progress o f miscegenation."'' Palestine was to savour to the full the fearfulness o f Hellenistic warfare in the twenty-two years between the death of Alexander and Ipsus: it was crossed or occupied seven or eight times b y a r m i e s J e r u s a l e m itself was stormed by force at least once, and Ptolemy I had a large number o f Jews brought captive to Egypt! Those were also the years when the first Macedonian military colonies were established in Palestine. Perdiccas was probably the founder o f the new Samaria and o f Gerasa, where he was later venerated as 'ktistes'.^^ Pella, Dion and some other cities with names from Macedonia or Northern Greece perhaps go back to Antigonus, who in this way sought to protect Transjordania against the Arabs."* T h e Ptolemies constructed their military buffer by a chain o f fortifications and numerous strongholds: first along the coast, then between Lebanon and the Antilebanon, south of Lake Geimesaret and in Transjordania." A fine example o f the Hellenistic art o f fortification is extant in the round towers from the early Ptolemaic period in Samaria; another fortified position discovered in Samaria dates from the time of the transition from Ptolemaic to Seleucid rule about 200. Fortifications o f towers and walls from the Ptolemaic era have also been excavated in Philoteria on Lake Geimesaret.'2 T h e citadel o f Beth Z u r discovered by Sellers, the newly-discovered fortified tower o f Tell 'Arad and the fortified position at 'Engedi perhaps belong to a Ptolemaic or Seleucid chain o f fortifications intended to protect southern Palestine against marauding Arabs. T h e five city-foundations or renamings o f earlier places known to us from Ptolemaic times also presumably had a military character: Acco-Ptolemais on the coast, Philotheria at the southern end o f Lake Gennesaret, RabbathAmmon-Philadelphia in Transjordania, Pella-Berenice in the Jordan valley and Arsinoe, which either lay in the Biqa' or is even perhaps to be identified with Damascus. Possibly there were even two different cities o f this name.'* Scythopolis (bet-s^'dn) was perhaps founded as a military colony o f Greek mercenaries from the Bosphorus or o f Scythian bowmen. A s A . H . M . Jones infers from a comparison with names o f Egyptian cities ending in -polis, a
Graeco-Hellenistic War and the Jews
15
foundation by the Ptolemies seems most p r o b a b l e . A t first the military colonies proper had little economic or cultural significance, as the Macedonian, Thracian and Northern Greek mercenaries who predominated there were still half barbarians.'9 However, mingling with the native Semitic populace was to their advantage. One example of this is given by the Rainer papyrus, which is addressed to 'the soldiers and other (Graeco-Macedonian) settlers in Syria and Phoenicia', and states that their native-born concubines are exempted from the general census of slaves. Such relatively frequent associations thus seem to have been legitimized in this w a y . ' ' A s well as military settlers there were also garrison troops in the numerous fortresses. Polybius mentions a considerable number in his account of the fourth Syrian war, among them principally Abila, Gadara and Rabbath-Ammon (5,7of.). T h e Zeno papyri mention a garrison in Tripolis on the Seleucid boundary and with it a whole series o f senior officers, like fortress-commanders, hipparchs, etc."* A n inscription on the tomb of a Cretan officer of the garrison, his young son and his granddaughter has been preserved in Gaza; an Aetolian son-in-law is also mentioned in the same place as an officer of Ptolemy. T h e monument presumably comes from the time of Philopator. It shows how Greek families settled in Palestine and remained in the country as early as the third century BC. A series of decorated tombs of soldiers o f the occupation has also been foxmd in Sidon.'" A n inscription in the same city mentions apoliteuma of Caunians from Caria, the home town o f Zeno, which presumably arose out of a Carian detachment of the occupying troops, s" True, there is no evidence of a Ptolemaic garrison in Jerusalem until after the recapture of the city by Scopas in 200 BC, but the existence of a citadel makes the constant presence of a small Ptolemaic detachment of troops probable, In the Seleucid period the force consisted o f Cypriots and men from Asia Minor, and was a standing arrange ment. Most significant, however, is the existence o f a military colony in the Ammanitis east o f the Jordan consisting of Graeco-Macedonian, 'Persian' and Jewish soldiers and horsemen under the command of a Jewish sheikh Tobias, whose ancestors were settled in this area as early as the time of Nehemiah, as representatives of the Persian state. Here the Ptolemies took note of local circumstances and exploited the age-old hostility o f the local sheikh against the Arab nomads who constantly threatened the cultivated land. Presumably this military colony under Jewish command also served to defend the province against the Arabs. Wherever such garrisons were situated, mutual influence and miscegenation were unavoidable. Here we also come up against a sphere in which we may suppose the earliest closer contacts between Jews and Greeks to have taken place: the Jewish mercenaries. According to Josephus (Ps. Hecataeus), even Alexander the Great had enlisted Jewish mercenaries, and there is no real reason to doubt this.84 He was followed by Ptolemy I and his later successors, taking up a tradition o f Jewish mihtary settlements in Egypt going back to Psammetichus and the
i6
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Persian period. T h u s the Aramaic Cowley Papyrus S i , c. 310 BC, newly edited by J. Hamatta, mentions ten places between Migdal on the north-eastern border of Egypt and Syene in the south where Jews were settled; even two priests are mentioned, one from Thmuis in the south, where the Jewish temple mentioned in Isa. 19.19 was perhaps located. Later, Josephus and some inscriptions speak of Jewish garrisons in Egypt, Libya and Cyrenaica; the latter in particular had to be secured by non-Greek mercenaries: it was a border region inhabited by a Greek population who were passionately con cerned for freedom. In Teucheira we find a Jewish burial groxmd from the early period o f the empire, very probably going back to a Ptolemaic military colony; the same may be true of the great community in Berenice, to which coxmtless inscriptions bear witness.^s In the time of Sulla (85 BC), the Jews formed one of the four classes of population in Cyrene, and in Boreion the Jewish community claimed that its 'temple' went back to the time of Solomon: probably there had been a Jewish border garrison here at the extreme south western corner of Cyrenaica since early Ptolemaic t i m e s . T h e Ptolemies also enlisted Samaritans, Idumeans and Arabs as well as Jews in their eastern province, but strangely enough no Syrians, as these were apparently little suited to war service.**' T h e Jewish units of troops and their generals acquired great political significance particularly in the second century, after the foundation of the temple of Leontopolis by Onias I V , together with the military colony that went with it. Statistics show clearly that whereas the number of Semitic mercenaries increased in the second century BC, that of Greek and Thracian mercenaries and mercenaries from Asia Minor declined, The Seleucids, too, seem to have used Jewish mercenaries in their service from the b e g i n n i n g . A c c o r d i n g to a note which is legendary in the form in which it has come down, but probably goes back to a historical event, in II Mace. 8.16-18, Jewish mercenaries played a decisive role in a battle o f Antiochus I against the Galatians in 275 BC.**! T h e strong Jewish Diaspora inland in Asia Minor presumably goes back to the settling of two thousand Jewish cleruchs of the Babylonian Diaspora in Phrygia by Antiochus I I I , before 200 BC.*'^ Under the Hasmonean high priests Jonathan (I Mace. 10.36; ii.43flf.) and John Hyrcanus (Antt.13, 249flf.), self-contained Jewish con tingents provided war service for their Seleucid overlords; they will have been engaged in this form even in pre-Maceabean times.'^ Alongside slaves, Jewish soldiers in Hellenistic armies may therefore have made the greatest contribution to the rise of the Diaspora in the Greek-speaking world. T h e Jewish military settlers transplanted to Egypt adopted the Greek language and Greek customs relatively quickly, as they had no desire to be counted among the down-trodden, native-barbarian population and, moreover, lived in closest contact with Greek and Macedonian soldiers (see below, p. 63. There is no evidence of self-contained Jewish units in the third century BC). This assimilation went so far that Jews could adopt the designation 'Macedonians',
Graeco-Hellenistic War and the Jews
17
because they or their forbears had served in Macedonian units. W e may well associate vdth the growing significance of Jewish troops and officers, especially in Egypt, the romance o f Artapanus that Moses invented the weapons and war machines o f the Egyptian army, served as supreme com mander of a peasant force o f 100,000 men and waged war successfully with them for ten years in Ethiopia. One might almost assume that in preMaccabean Judea there was a custom similar to the Reislauf in mediaeval Switzerland, o f taking up mercenary service in the Hellenistic kingdoms, especially as the small, hilly country could hardly provide enough food for its constantly increasing population. T h e accoxmt by Hecataeus of Abdera from the last years of the fourth century BC about the attention devoted to warfare even b y Moses, and the military training o f Jewish youth (i-rroirjaaTO 6 vofj,o6£Trjs Toiv re TTo\efj,iKa>v epycjv TToXXrjV npovoiav Koi TOVS vdovs rjvdyKa^ev daK€iv dvSpeiav),^'^ may go back to experiences with Jewish mercenaries in Ptolemaic Egypt. This development was not without its effect on the mother country. Not all the Jews serving in the Egyptian army will have stayed in Egypt for ever; presumably at least a part of them - as was also the case with Greek mercenaries^' - will have returned home to Judea. Moreover, there was a close link between the mother country and Alexandria. These contacts formed an ever-increasing, effective counterbalance to the tendency appearing from the time of Ezra and Nehemiah towards an external segregation of the Jewish cultic commimity. Encounter with Hellenistic techniques o f war did not fail to have an influence also on Jewish thought. I n apocalyptic circles the picture o f the fourth world kingdom o f the Greeks received its fearful traits above all because of its mihtary superiority: A fourth beast, fearful and terrifying and extraordinarily strong; and it had great iron teeth . . . ; it devoured and broke in pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet. I t was different from all the beasts that were before it . . . 9 9 In the same way, in the L X X of Jer.27 ( M T 50). 16, the 'sword o f the oppressor' (hereb hayyona) which annihilates Babylon becomes a ^dxaipa 'EXXrqviKTj. In the face of this godless, uncanny power, memories recalled the early Israelite tradition of the Holy W a r : For I bend Judah as a bow and make Ephraim its arrow. I summon your sons, O Zion, against the sons o f Jawan and wield you hke a warrior's sword . . . . . . for Yahweh Sebaoth cares for his flock, the house of Judah, and makes them like his proud steed in battle. Out of them comes the corner stone, out of them the tent peg, out of them the battle bow, out o f them every ruler. A n d they trample heroes in battle like the mire of the streets and
l8
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force fight, for Yahweh is with them, and the riders on horses shall be put to shame . . .lo"
Alexander's expedition and the struggles of the Diadochi probably gave new life to the forecasts of prophets and apocalyptists (see pp.iSoflF. below). T h e careful attention paid in Judea to political and mihtary controversies in the third century BC is clear from I Mace, i . i - i o and above all the historical outline in D a n . i i , with the enumeration of the various Syrian wars. T h e connection between Hellenistic techniques of war and the tradition of war in ancient Israel becomes quite clear in the War Scroll of Qumran, the earliest version of which surely goes back to the Hellenistic period. Here the ideaUzed conception of the holy war of the end-time was fused with experiences of contemporary tactics, so that a double picture arose, partly reaUstic and partly Utopian. There is probably an intrinsic connection between the war service of Jewish mercenaries in Hellenistic armies, these apocalyptic traditions of war and the military success of the Jews in the Maccabean revolt. It is quite possible that former mercenaries formed the nucleus of the Maccabean army and gave it its superiority over the auxiUary forces of its Syrian neighbours, who had become unaccustomed to war (see below, pp.iysf).
3. Administration and T a x a t i o n in Palestine under Hellenistic R u l e a) The organization of the Ptolemaic administration and the levy of taxes In contrast to the Seleucids, who followed the decentralized Persian admini stration in organizing their far-flxmg, multi-national state,!"^ the geographi cal and economic structure of Egypt xmder the Ptolemies required a centrally directed, tightly organized system of administration, T h e old institutions of the time of the Pharaohs had been thrown into disorder both by the ultimately unsuccessful war of independence against the Persians - after 343 BC Egypt was sacked by Artaxerxes III and remained in Persian hands, apart from a brief interlude from 338-336, xmtil the invasion of Alexander in 332104 _ and by internal confusion, Above all under their first two rulers, Ptolemy I Soter (323) 304-283 and Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285) 282-246 BC, the Ptolemies now created a new state organization following on the old institutions, in which the ideals and insights of the Greek theory of the state also played a certain part.i'>" This achievement is to be rated all the more highly in that the Macedonians and Greeks did not bring with them any exphcit experience in the administration of large kingdoms. Hecataeus of Abdera, historian - the first Greek who also wrote about the Jews - , Utopian and a philosophico-political supporter of Ptolemy I, could proclaim to the Greek world that state administration in Egypt came nearest to the concept of the philosophers' state.i"' T h u s under the first Ptolemies the oriental idea
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
19
of the divinely sanctioned omnipotence of the king was put into effect, with Greek logic, down to the final consequence, T h e starting point here was the conception that the whole land was the personal possession (OIKOS) of the king.i^^ T h e titles of the Ptolemaic administrative officials therefore often derive from the terminology used in large private estates in Greece. T h e king 'managed the State as a plain Macedonian or Greek would manage his own household'. 1 1 " T h e first man in the state beside the king was the dioiketes, xmder Philadelphus from 261 BC the ApoUonius who has already been mentioned, and from whose sphere the Zeno correspondence derives. He bore responsibility for the entire possessions and income o f the king, i.e. everything connected with the finances, the economy and the administration of the state. He seems to have had tremendous gifts as an organizer and attached supreme importance to acquiring as much information as possible about the many and varied riches of the great e m p i r e . " ! Egypt itself had of old been divided into nomes, and these in turn into toparchies. T h e smallest administrative unit was the village. T h e most important officials in any district were the military strategos, the oikonomos for administration of finance and commerce, and a series of further functionaries presumably of equal status; under them was a hierarchically ordered host of subordinate officials. T h e leading places were exclusively in the hands of Greeks, but there were also many non-Greeks in the lower ranks of the administration. " 2 Ptolemy H I Euergetes (246-222) tried to tighten up the complicated and inflated administration along military lines and put the district strategos at the head of each nome. T h e juxtaposition of military and dvil-economic administration thus came to an end."^ However, the dangerous overall development could not be brought to a halt by individual measures, as the bifurcated system of administration inevitably led in the end to a bureaucratic formalism. In itself, the bureaucracy built up in its many gradations on the office of the 'scribe' was of oriental origin, and was in practice unknown to the Greeks, with their backgroxmd of the polis. However, with their own logic they completed it to perfection."* B y far the largest part of the land was the direct possession of the king and was worked by free tenants, the royal peasants, xmder the strict supervision of royal officials. T h e royal land also provided those portions of land which were assigned to military settlers or given as gifts to high officials like ApoUonius. However, both could be repossessed by the king at any time, as they were his property. T h e temple land, too, was under strict state control. " ^ T h e high incomes obtained from farming out the royal land were supplemented by a number o f taxes which, following the Greek pattern, were farmed out to private in dividuals. However, the amount of them was accurately estimated and strict supervision was given to their collection. A further source of income was the state monopoly on the most important merchandise."" T h e riches of the Ptolemies which followed from this poUcy of firm administration and financial
20
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
control gave them political superiority in the eastern Mediterranean during the third century BC. T h e reverse side of this concentration of power in the hands of the king was a state capitalism without parallel in the ancient world, by which the lower strata of the people, especially the native Egyptians, were burdened beyond b e a r i n g . " ' It was not until the administrative reform by Diocletian almost five hundred years later that an 'equally xmiform state administration' was once again created. " ^ We must now ask how far the Ptolemies attempted to introduce this system into their foreign possessions, and above all into Palestine. Here conditions were very different from those in E g y p t ; whereas there the uniform population of fellahin and the natural characteristics of the country simplified a centralized administration and indeed made it necessary,' Syria and Phoenicia' were relatively xmuniform, both ethnologically and geographically. T h e country was divided by high mountains and deep chasms; politically it was made up of a whole series of former Phoenician 'city-states' on the coast from Orthosia to Gaza, the 'temple state' of Jerusalem with the Jewish 'ethnos', and the 'ethne' of the Idumeans and Samaritans, groups of people of Canaanite and Syrian descent, various cities in the interior including the Macedonian mihtary colonies, and finally the Arabian and Nabatean tribes east of the Jordan and in the s o u t h . " ' O n the one hand the Ptolemies had to take into account the special circumstances in their disputed boundary province and adopt them selves to the circumstances obtaining at the time; on the other hand, it is understandable that a system of administration that was accustomed to keep such a tight rein in its home country at least attempted to force the well-tried bureaucratic administration of the motherland on the province immediately adjoining it. Like the nomes of Egypt and the other foreign Ptolemaic provinces, 'Syria and Phoenicia' also had a mihtary strategos and a financial specialist as chief officers - later the strategos alone.i^o Acco was presumably the chief administrative centre; we can assume this both from its geographical position and from its frequent mention in the Zeno papyri and in the accounts in Polybius. Its name was changed to Ptolemais by Philadelphus, probably towards 261 BC, i.e. shortly before Zeno's travels. From this year we find the first coins of Ptolemy II made in Ptolemais. It rapidly gained in importance, and in Ptolemaic times was well on the way towards outstripping its Phoenician sister-cities, which did not have such a large hinterland.121 T h e province was divided up into smaller administrative units which perhaps went back to Persian times and whose names kept changing. In the earUest official document we have relating to Ptolemaic administration in 'Syria and Palestine', they are called 'hyparchies'.^^^ T h e names of these administrative units have prob ably been preserved in the place-names ending in -itis, like Ammanitis, Esbonitis, Gaulanitis, Galaaditis, etc, as in Egypt the 'nomoi' were Graecized in similar fashion. A further group is formed by the places ending in -ia:
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
21
ludaia, Idumaia, Samareia and Galilaia.i^s T h e Seleucids also kept this division at a later date.i^* Although only the 'oikonomoi' o f the hyparchies are mentioned in the document to which reference has been made, here too we may assume a division between military and financial matters with a 'kyparch' on one side and an 'oikonomos' on the other; there is evidence of this in Ptolemaic possessions in Asia Minor and later in the Seleucid period.i^s T h u s perhaps the 'kyparch' Keraias mentioned by Polybius (5, 70, 10) had Galilee under his command. Sometime a royal 'grammateus' is mentioned outside Palestine - as a third ofiicial.126 A s in Egypt, the village, under the 'komarches', was at the bottom o f the chain o f command. Presumably Idumea formed such a 'hyparchy', with the administrative centre at Marisa, about twenty-five miles south-west o f Jerusalem, i^s Here the Zeno correspondence gives us an insight into the Ptolemaic administration: on travelling through Marisa in 259 BC, Zeno had purchased three young slaves from two prominent Idumean brothers. When he returned to Egypt, they escaped and went back to their old masters. T h e latter demanded a further sum for their surrender. Zeno now sent his agent Strato to Marisa with five letters. T w o o f them were to senior officials perhaps the 'kyparch' and the local police officer - , the third letter went to their executive department with the description o f the slaves, and the last two letters were sent to personal friends for them to influence three further officials - probably in the finance department - in Zeno's favour.129 Strato was not to be burdened in Marisa with any compulsory 'special tasks', e.g. the collecting o f tax, etc. Zeno also sought to use the same Strato to collect a debt from a certain Jeddiis - presumably a Jew and 'komarck' of a village. A higher official (Alexand)ros delegated the matter to his subordinate Oryas. However, the latter was 'prevented by illness' perhaps because he did not want to incur the hostility of Jeddus - and only allowed Strato to be accompanied b y his slave. Jeddus drove the two o f them from the village by force, and Oryas could only send to his superior the resigned report that we now have.i^o T h e two episodes show a flourishing bureaucracy even on the borders o f Judea and Idumea, and at the same time the difficulties with which the officials, who were presumably all Greek, had to struggle in their barbarian surrotmdings. Idumeans and Jews were not so easy to regulate as the Egyptian fellahin, and even the right hand of the all-powerful finance minister instilled little respect into them. It was o f decisive significance that the Ptolemies also introduced the originally Greek system o f tax-farming and delegation o f tolls into their foreign possessions. According to the Rainer papyrus, the whole matter was regulated in a v d / x o y rrjs fjuadwaews specifically relating to 'Syria and Phoenicia'; unfortunately this is no longer extant, i^i In addition, the papyrus refers to a whole series of royal ordinances (TTpoardyixara), regulations (^laypdfxfxaTa)
22
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
and a special royal decree. All this must be taken as the expression of special legislative activity for the province. T h e Zeno papyri report - for the first time, as far as Palestine is concerned - the activity o f the TeX&vai in the mercantile centres o f Gaza and Tyre.i^^ i n ^he Rainer papyrus, which among other things contains a decree o f Ptolemy I I about the valuation o f livestock and slaves, the 'village tax farmers', together with the 'komarchs', are entrusted with the execution and supervision of the livestock valuation.i^^ j n the domain o f ApoUonius in Galilean Beth-anath there appears a Kwp.op.iada}rrjs whose tasks include hiring out the state land - or in this case the domain land, which probably comes from a royal gift - to the peasants o f a village and making an exact calculation o f the quantities to be delivered, A s a 'blend o f farmer and royal official', he was probably competent in a multiplicity o f duties, i s s This context fits Josephus' report from the story of the Tobiads that the taxes of the 'cities o f Syria and Phoenicia' were farmed out year by year in Alexandria, by free tender, to the magistrates or principal citizens o f that area. T h e supervision o f the collection o f taxes was strict: fraud by false declaration or even refusal to pay tax were punished by severe penalties; informers were generously rewarded; those who owed taxes were threatened with prison or even compulsory selling into slavery, A s in Egypt, it is probable that state revenue officials worked alongside the tax-farmers or in their service, so that each supervised the other. One important factor was the royal land in the direct possession o f the Ptolemies which was worked in the form o f domains or through the royal peasants. It was held for 'Syria and Palestine' as for Egypt that the whole province was a territory 'won by the spear' (SopvKrrjTos x'^P"-) ^^'^ '^hus theoretically belonged to the king.i^s g y g n if this claim was considerably qualified because of practical political considerations, a quite considerable part was nevertheless under the direct control of the king. T h e settling of military peasants, the establishment of military colonies and the equipping of newlyfounded cities of Greek constitution with the necessary land, together with the rewarding o f deserving officials, like the dioiketes ApoUonius in Galilee or the strategos Ptolemy in Scythopolis, were all done through assignments from the royal estates, A . A l t has sought to demonstrate the existence o f such royal estates in Galilee, the plain o f Megiddo and the Jordan valley.!*" j n addition, one might point to the cleruchs tmder the command o f Tobias in Ammanitis, who had certainly been settled on royal ground; or even to the famous balsam plantations o f Jericho and Engedi, which were old domains going back to the time of the monarchy or o f the Persians.!*! Recent investigations east o f Jaffa suggest that there were also royal domains on the coastal plain, and perhaps military settlers were established there. !*2 In Roman times, at any rate, the number o f imperial estates in Palestine was again very significant. !*3 On the whole, then, a picture emerges which is very similar to that in
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
23
Egypt. T h e Ptolemies introduced a system of taxation and leasing so thoroughly organized down to the last detail that even the Seleucids - who exploited the country still more after an initial remission of taxation - took it over; indeed, its basic features continued down to Roman times, i** O n the other hand, by giving the upper class of the country a share in the risk and the gain of collecting taxes and revenues, the Ptolemies gained a hold on the aristocracy, who played a key role in determining the mood of the country, i^^jyioreover, their interest in preserving the yield of the land resulted in a certain concern towards the ordinary population; this is shown by the prohibition against enslaving free natives of 'Syria and Phoenicia'. Probably the GraecoMacedonian military settlers tried to make the Semitic peasants who worked their lots of land into their slaves, a custom which probably had hung on from the wars o f the Diadochi. i*" T h e freeing of Jewish slaves in Egypt by Ptolemy II is also connected with this p o l i c y . " ' h) The Ptolemaic administration and the Jewish temple state T h e question now is whether the practice of administration and taxation depicted above held without qualification for the whole province or whether there were exceptions for certain 'semi-autonomous' areas.^'^'^ These latter would comprise in the first place the cities with a Greek constitution, Those cities which can be recognized by their names as being Macedonian and Ptolemaic foundations have already been mentioned;i5o in addition, there are all the important coastal cities and at least part of the 'cities in Coele Syria', later restored by Pompey and Gabinius, which had been made subject by the Hasmoneans.i^i In individual instances, however, it can often no longer be established whether the places had full city rights or only had a 'city like' character, or whether the elevation to the status of city took place in Ptolemaic times or only in the Seleucid period. T h e significant Phoenician coastal cities, like Sidon, T y r e , Acco-Ptolemais, Gaza, Ashkelon, Joppa and Dor were certainly cities in the proper sense at an early date. On the other hand, the military settlements were not yet free poleis in the full sense, though they had features resembling those of the polis, as for instance a certain city territory and their own magistrates. T h e y could be elevated to the status of polis at any time by royal decree. There were no completely 'free' cities in the ancient Greek sense within the Ptolemaic empire, i^s Whatever the in dividual details, in Palestine - as opposed to the mother country of Egypt - we find a relatively large number of 'free' or 'semi-free' cities with a constitution following the pattern of Greek models. In these, administration and the collection of taxes were carried out by the city magistrates and local taxfarmers, but, as the instance of Marisa and the Aegean cities and those in Asia Minor belonging to the Ptolemies shows, there was strict supervision by Ptolemaic officials, who maintained a constant presence. There is no reason to assume that the royal 'prostagmata' did not hold here.i^s
24
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
T h e second group o f 'semi-autonomous' areas were the 'ethne'. Strabo names four such peoples in Palestine, who 'dwell intermingled with the Syrians, Coele Syrians and Phoenicians': Jews, Idumeans, Gazeans and Azoteans.156 T h e Zeno correspondence shows that there was a considerable bureaucratic administrative apparatus for Idumea. So the Ptolemaic admini stration will not have made any fundamental exception in its treatment of the Jewish 'ethnos',^^'^ and will not have been particularly lenient towards them. Like the rest of the population of Syria-Palestine, the Jews who settled outside their main territory in Galilee (I Mace. 5.2off.), Idumea and Transjordania will - i f they did not have a special status as cleruchs (see above, pp. I 5 £ ) - have been regarded as adofxara XaiKa iXevdepa (see above, p. 15, nn.146, 325). Even Judea itself, whose geographical extent - leaving aside one tmeertain note in Josephus - largely corresponded, in all probability, to the former Persian province o f Jehud,i58 was neither 'politically independent within the Ptolemaic kingdom', nor did it take 'the first steps towards political in dependence' with the high priest as a 'petty monarch'. In addition, Judea not only formed the heart o f an 'ethnos', but could at the same time be regarded as a 'temple state'. T h e very fact that 'Jerusalem' was called 'Hierosolyma', contrary to the real wording, indicates that it was interpreted on an analogy with the temple cities o f Syria and Asia Minor, which termed them selves 'hierapolis'.^^° However, whereas the Seleucids allowed their 'temple states' relative freedom down to the defeat o f Magnesia,!"! ^he rich Egyptian sanctuaries were carefully controlled by the crown, particularly in respect of finance. A n 'epistates' appointed by the king was responsible to the king for the finances of a particular sanctuary; the temple land itself was eontrolled by the fiscal a u t h o r i t y . x h e dioiketes ApoUonius in particular seems to have tightened this control o f the t e m p l e s . x h e result was that the Egyptian sanctuaries partly became a stronghold o f resistance against the Greeks. O f course, in Jerusalem the high priest was nominally at the head o f the Jewish 'ethnos' and the temple, but it would have been against the principles of Ptolemaic rule - especially under Philadelphus - if he could have held sway there like an independent ruler, apart from paying a certain amotmt o f tax. Palestine was no peripheral territory, but o f great strategic significance, bordering, as it did, in the north immediately on the territory of the old enemy, the Seleucids, and in the south and east on the constantly tmsettled tribes o f the Arabian desert.!"* Probably a special Jewish temple official, authorized by the foreign regime, worked alongside the high priest, responsible for the finance of Judea and the temple; presumably he collaborated with the Ptolemaic officials, who would no more have been absent from Jerusalem than from Idumean Marisa. This division between the religious-political office o f the high priest and the financial administrator, which apparently goes back to the pre-Ptolemaic period and perhaps under Alexander took the place o f the Persian division!"^ between governor and high priest,!"" would accord
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
25
with a rule which can also be noted elsewhere in the Hellenistic administration (see above, pp.igf.). W e find one piece of evidence for it which probably comes from the Seleucid period: H Macc.3.4flf. records a bitter dispute between the TrpoaraT-qs Tov lepov Simon and the high priest Onias III over the 'agorammia', an office which in itself comes from the Greek polis and was botmd up, among other things, with police r e g u l a t i o n s . T h e independence of this official over against the high priest is clear, for the latter was not in a position to override Simon and have him removed from office. Rather, Simon presumably as the one responsible for finance - went to the Seleucid strategos of Coele Syria with the charge that Onias was keeping money hidden in the temple without justification. The office of crrpaTriyos TOV lepov {s'gdn hakkoh'^nim), the representative of the high priest, attested in Josephus, in A c t s 4 . 1 ; 5.24, 26 and in the Mishnah, may possibly have grown out of the earlier one o f TrpoaTarrqs TOV Upov. Three treasurers were subordinate to him.^"* Not least, the power of the high priest depended on the strength of his personality. T h e tax farmer Joseph could rob the weak Onias II of a good part of his political power, whereas the energetic Simon II made a strong position for himself at the time of the conquest of Jerusalem by Antiochus III. His son Onias I I I , however, fotmd himself on the defensive. P. W . Lapp has investigated pottery stamps inscribed with jhd in old Hebrew letters (and the sign 0)andyrslm(with a five-pointed star). These are probably connected with the Ptolemaic tax system. According to him, the signs served to distinguish between the taxes for the king and those for the sanc tuary, i"* T h e only question one might add is whether the great vessels marked in this way might not have contained tax contributions from royal domains in Judea in addition to the natural taxes, i ' " T h e msh stamp has also been associated with Persian crown property in J u d e a . I n the light of circum stances in Egypt, a common collection of taxes for the crown and the sanctuary was by no means tmusual. This automatically resulted in an effective control of the temple finances, which was necessary simply because the foreign ruler was at the same time patron of the sanctuary. Even in Jerusalem, according to ancient tradition, the royal exchequer was responsible for at least part of the costs incurred in the sanctuary.i'^ Whether one can attribute a 'nationalistic' tendency to the yrslm stamp is, of course, questionable. Presumably during Ptolemaic rule, another important institution developed, limiting the authority of the high priest: the gerousia. T h e origins of this body go back into Persian times, where we find the nobility, the heads of large families or even the elders as an influential group. However, they did not form a strictly demarcated nucleus; as can be seen from the change in designations, their boundary was still indeterminate."* T h e principal priests, who are still mentioned alongside the high priest in the writings of the Jews of
26
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Elephantine/'^ presumably also had a share in the constitution o f the gerousia. W e meet it as a regular authority for the first time in the decree o f Antiochus I I I after his seizure o f Jerusalem, where the gerousia, together with the priests, temple scribes and temple singers are granted exemption from tax in gratitude for their support o f the king in his capture o f the country: -q yepovcria
Kat ol UpeXs Koi ol ypapi,pi,arels rov lepov
Kat ol lepoijiaXrai.. A little
later Sirach seems to give indications o f the existence o f the ^erowi/a.i'" W e may regard it as representative o f the principal priests, the rich lay nobility, the great landowners and heads of clans, and we may assume that the Tobiads played a decisive role in this assembly down to the outbreak of the Maccabean revolt. 'Scribes', too - like Ben Sira (see below, pp. i3iflF.) - will have been re presented in it in small numbers, as the gerousia surely also had juristic functions. This could be the historical root for the fiction of the 'men of the great synagogue' (^Ab. i , la), who are said to have passed on the Mishnah between the prophets and Simon the Just. In the edict o f Antiochus I I I , however, the 'temple scribes' are cited as a special group alongside the gerousia, and there - presumably down till the end of the second temple the scribal element formed a minority. T h e Pharisees only gained absolute dominance at the Synod o f J a b n e h . i " Just because the gerousia formed an aristocratic and not a democratically elected body, we may not assume that it was constituted as a regular institution even during Persian times; there were also a whole series o f assemblies with an aristocratic constitution under the Greek system, too, chief among which was Sparta. Indeed, Sparta was particularly attractive to the Jewish Hellenists, so that at an early stage they constructed a primal relationship between Jews and Spartans.1'8 T h e Hellenistic reform programme put forward by Jason and the foundation of the new polis Antiochia in Jerusalem seems to have been sanctioned by a majority in the gerousia, so the gerousia was presumably also to form the supreme authority in the city to be fotmded; open protests b y members o f the senate only came about after the replacement of Jason by Menelaus.1'9 o f course the attempt to turn Jerusalem into a Greek polis was only a brief - albeit momentous - episode, Even in the Maccabean period, the gerousia retained its great significance, though surely with other members. This is shown b y the introduction o f Jonathan's letter to the Spartans: Iwvadav
dpxi-epevs
Kal rj yepovaia
rov eOvovs Kal ol lepels
xal 6
TOLS dSeX(f>ots ; ^ a t p e t v . ! * i Here we can see not only the political status o f the Jews as an 'ethnos', but also, as their supreme head bore the title dpxtepevs, the political form of Judea as a 'temple state'. T h e fact that the gerousia is mentioned before the priests shows that it was the second ruling authority alongside the high priest. However, we may not conclude from this that it was a purely lay body; rather, the leading priestly temple authorities will also have been represented in it. Through the AotTToy
SrjiJU)S
TU)v 'lovSatwv
ETTapnaTais
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
27
rest of Jewish history, despite all the changes of political circumstances, the gerousia (from the time of Herod under the name of the Sanhedrin)!*^ remained an important organ of the Jewish state. Its final constitution and acquisition o f political influence probably goes far back into Ptolemaic times, and influence from Greek models is quite possible, xhe Ptolemies and the Seleucids after them thus had the possibility of playing off' different constitutional organs against one another, following the motto 'divide et impera\ This was one of the chief reasons for the partisan struggles which broke out in Jerusalem as early as the third century BC. When the high priest Onias I I , probably imder Ptolemy III Euergetes (see below, pp. 268ff'.), suddenly refused to pay the tax, he did not do so, as the author of the Tobiad romance relates, from old-aged stubbornness and avarice, but because of the general weariness in face of constant regimentation by the Ptolemaic administration. Perhaps, too, he hoped for a change of regime under the impact of the temporary success of Seleucus II Callinicus towards the end of the third Syrian war. 1^4 T h e king immediately threatened a confiscation of Jewish territory and the settlement of military colonists. T h i s threat was repelled by the intervention of the Tobiad Joseph. He received the office of 'prostasia', i.e. he was entrusted with the representation of the Jewish 'ethnos' to the royal administration, addition, because of his high offer, he acquired the right to levy general taxation throughout 'Syria and Phoenicia'. He was able successfully to break the resistance of a number of cities, like Ashkelon and Scythopolis (see above, p. 26, n.75), which by then had already been largely Hellenized, and held the office of 'general taxation officer' for twenty-two years, i s e T h e report of Josephus that Euergetes 'after his occupation o f all Syria, instead of making thank-off'erings for victory to the gods in Egypt, came to Jerusalem and there off'ered many sacrifices to God according to our customs', could be connected with the new regulation of affairs in Jerusalem, Probably the administrative apparatus constructed by his father and his dioiketes had become too complicated for Euergetes; he concentrated military and political responsibility in the hand of the strategos (see above, p. 21), partly did away with the office of 'oikonomos', and sought to relieve the state bureaucracy and at the same time raise the revenue from taxation by transferring the entire tax collection of the province to the Tobiad Joseph. Whether he was successful in so doing is questionable. Probably the deposition of the financial genius ApoUonius had a negative effect. T h e king found himself in financial difficulty and had to take refuge in a debasement of the coinage. T h e considerably increased financial burden could - at least partially - be the reason for the sharp drop in finds of coins of the third and fourth Ptolemies in Palestine (see below, pp. 4 3 f ) , as any additional levy of taxes must have diminished the amount of currency in circulation. For the Jews themselves, the rise of the Tobiad Joseph to his influential position was certainly by no means unfavourable, as Jerusalem, which until that time was
28
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
still relatively insignificant and indeed old-fashioned, will have gained economic and political significance, and perhaps even have won internal independence. Moreover, Joseph was able to protect his people against excessive exploita tion."" T w o documents from Seleucid times give us some information about the nature and the level o f the taxes paid in Judea. T h e decree of Antiochus I I I in favour of the Jews freed the temple personnel and the gerousia from three royal personal taxes: the salt tax, which was connected with the state monopoly in salt, the garland tax, presumably a compulsory gift on royal feast days, and the poll tax. A t least the first two were already levied by the Ptolemies. In addition to a three-year exemption from taxes, Antiochus granted the whole people remission of a third of the tribute previously paidtothePtolemies.i'^ Possibly Seleucus I V , tmder the pressure of the annual war reparations to Rome and Pergamon, revoked these concessions again and demanded 300 talents ;i93 on the accession of Antiochus I V , Jason probably increased this contribution to 360,194 and by the sale of the office of high priest to Menelaus it was screwed up to almost a double contribution of 660 talents - a third of the annual payment to Rome, with which Antiochus was in arrears, i^^ T h e incomes o f the temple and the priests were probably also taxed again, i*" After the Jewish rebellion Judea was apparently treated as a royal territory, as punishment for its disobedience; in addition to the royal personal taxes, it was required to pay a quota mentioned in the letter of Demetrius I in I Mace. io.29f. of harvest produce to the extent of a third of sown produce and a half of fruit from trees. 1 9 ' These excessive tax demands will have helped the Maccabean independence movement and are perhaps the real cause for the smouldering of revolt after the death of Judas Maccabaeus.i's It is reasonable to suppose that the sum of 300 talents mentioned often in the sources was the tax demand of the Ptolemies, based on the economic capability of the country, to which the special taxes mentioned above and the excise were added, i*^ T h e sum of 8,000 talents given by Josephus in Antt.i2,ij§ as the tax contribution for 'Syria and Phoenicia' may be somewhat exaggerated, but is not 'so far from the truth';200 of course the doubling of the sum by the Tobiad Joseph is an exaggeration. Porphyry gives the income of Ptolemy II Philadelphus from Egypt alone as 14,800 talents of silver and 1,500,000 artaboi of grain, probably not including the export monopoly (see below, p.37).2''i A comparison with figures from Persian times shows how the Greeks and Macedonians could make subject lands financially profitable and exploit them: tmder Darius I the tribute for Phoenicia, Palestine and Cyprus was 350 (Babylonian) talents. Even if we must assume an essential change in economic structure for the two to three hundred years down to Ptolemaic or Seleucid rule, above all a transition from a natural economy to a money economy and thus a change in the price of precious metals, the figures given indicate the considerable increase in the income from taxation in Judea. T h i s increase was only possible as the result of
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
29
more intensive cultivation and the consequent increase in the fertility o f the country. 202 i n later times, on the other hand, it hardly grew at all. Archelaus took in 400 (Be//. 2,97) or 600 (Antt. 17,320) talents from Judea and Samaria, and Herod I and Agrippa I about 1200 from a much larger area. 203 It had reached its extreme limit in the Hellenistic period. c) Contemporary Jewish views on the power of the state T h e remarkable thing is that Jewish judgments on the foreign state and its rulers in the early Hellenistic period are still overwhelmingly positive. For Artapanus, the ordering of the Egyptian state was so impressive that he derived it from Joseph and Moses. Joseph was the first dioiketes of the whole country (^LoiK7]T7]s T7]s oXrjs yevdodai x<^pasj, who introduced the surveying and distribution o f the country (c£ Gen. 47.2off.), set apart the temple land and like Philadelphus in the Fayum - made much unfertile land arable. Moses' contribution was, among other things, the division into 36 nomes, the irrigation system and the absolute monarchy. 204 Here the motive of the 'culturebringer' certainly plays a part; but the alien culture was the model. T h e Letter of Aristeas draws a completely ideal picture of the first two Ptolemies - in some contrast to the report o f Agatharchides on Ptolemy I and his attitude to the Jews. Philadelphus above all appears as a pure philanthropist, correspon ding completely to the demands of the model which he draws up in question and answer form with the seventy-two elders. 20" Like the king, his officials and cotmsellors are also depicted in an ideal light. T h e cordiality and graciousness o f the two Ptolemies also occupy the centre o f the Tobiad romance. Its aim is to show that Joseph and his son Hyrcanus succeeded in gaining to an tmlimited degree the favour of the king, his spouse and his friends. 207 One could raise the objection that these stories come from the milieu of the Jewish Diaspora in Egypt, where in the second century above all a close collaboration was developed between Ptolemeans and Jews, and more than a few offices, from strategos to tax farmer, were occupied by Jews. 208 g u t even the 'court histories' preserved in Palestinian Judaism, though transferred to the Babylonian and Persian court - show in similar fashion an overwhelmingly positive attitude towards the foreign monarchy. With God's help Daniel succeeds in winning the favour of the various kings and retaining it in spite of all temptations and trials. N o t only does he become cotmsellor to Nebuchad nezzar, but with his friends he reaches the highest posts in the administration of the pagan land, whose wisdom he has learnt better than all its native inhabitants. A positive picture o f the heathen king is also drawn in the Prayer o f Nabonidus, which is related to the Daniel narratives, and after his healing by a Jewish miracle-worker - like Nebuchadnezzar in Dan. 4 - he becomes a worshipper o f the true God. 210 Without going further into the difficult literary problems o f the book o f Daniel, we may state that the narratives of Dan. 1-6 and others of this nature - though still in simpler form -
3©
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
were current in Jewish Palestine in the third century B C and had perhaps already been collected by that time.^n In spite of all their criticism, for example towards the self-glorification of the divine monarchy - in which there is probably already a hint o f the opposition to the ruler cult of the Hellenistic monarchs - they contain an openness towards the foreign kings which was hardly possible after Antiochus I V and the gaining of national independence. We find further court histories built on a similar pattern at the beginning of the book of Tobit, which is influenced by the story of Ahikar,^!^ and in more elaborate form in the book of Esther.^ii Both probably come from the Hellenistic period before the Maccabean revolt, and hint at a new stage of development in Hebrew literature which probably is a kind of analogy to the rise of the Hellenistic romance and the aretalogy.^is Finally, the story o f the three page boys (III Ezra 3.1-5.6) also belongs in this context; here Zerubbabel gains great honour and respect through his wisdom before the Persian king and his officials. With its oriental, fairy-tale like features and its primitive, Semitictype Greek, it does not match the Alexandrian-Jewish literature known to us, and probably goes back to an Aramaic source. T h e parallels to Daniel and Esther are not the result of literary dependence, but arise because each is the same kind of narrative. It can hardly be put in the post-Maccabean period because of its secular tendency.^i" Significantly, e.g. the command of the king to rebuild Jerusalem is described by analogy with fotmding a polis.^^'' All these 'court stories' have a common model in the story of Joseph or even the story of Ahikar, thus going back to an oriental, pre-Hellenistic basic motif 218 O n the other hand, the story of the Jew who rose to power and honour tmder the great foreign king attracted the interest of the Jewish listener and reader particularly in the early Hellenistic period, as is shown by the number of contemporary examples listed above. Had the foreign, pagan monarchy been rejected in principle, these stories, which are attached to a predominantly friendly attitude of the Persian king towards the Jews, would hardly have been handed on further, been collected or fixed in writing. It is striking that the motif of the rise to power and indeed the whole genre of 'court history' no longer appears in this way in the literature of Judaism after the second century; the hostile additions in the Greek translation of the book of Esther show that difficulties were found even with the traditional stories.219 Later stories in Jewish literature, like the book of Judith from the Maccabean period or III and I V Maccabees, which come from the Diaspora of the first century AD, have an outspokenly hostile attitude to the pagan state, for all their Hellenistic form. Typical of this attitude is the maxim of Shemaiah, head of a Pharisaic school at the time of the last Hasmoneans and Herod: 'Hate the dignity of the ruler and do not seek acquaintance with authority' ('Ab. i , lob). In the later Rabbinic period, it was in principle suspicious for anyone to be 'close to the govemment',22o and prayers were offered in the synagogue for the speedy downfall of the 'wicked government'.221 Significantly, by far the
Administration and Taxation in Palestine
31
greater majority of Jewish synagogue inscriptions in Egypt consist of dedica tions to the two Ptolemies, while such dedications in synagogues of the Roman period are infinitesimally small.222 So we may probably take the fondness for 'court stories' at the beginning of the Hellenistic era as an expression o f openness to the world on the part of certain sections of the Jewish people, who were in opposition to that apocalyptic view of history which expected the imminent downfall of the Gentile world of nations (see below, pp. iSoff.); it is imderstandable that examples of this kind awakened the desire, particularly among young Jews of the aristocracy, to seek their fortunes far from the narrowness of their homeland in the service of the Hellenistic kings, whether as soldiers or as officials. This did not necessarily mean apostasy from the faith of the fathers. Nehemiah had been a high Persian official, and in the Hellenistic period Ps. Hecataeus was concerned to show that the Jews in the service of Alexander and Ptolemy I kept faithfully to their ancestral beliefs.223 True, we can point to some apostates who gave up their faith for their career in the state,^^* but these remained the exception. In Koheleth, which probably comes from the third century BC (see below, pp. ii5fF.), we find a whole series of sayings which are concerned with behaviour towards the king. Even if this was a traditional theme of the wisdom tradition - the 'court story' as a whole has its origin in wisdom - these sayings cannot have been spoken theoretically into the void, but could have been directed towards yoimg nobles in Jerusalem who were toying with the thought of going into the service of the Ptolemies. Perhaps Koheleth himself had gained some of his experience there.225 Even Ben Sira, who took up a critical attitude towards Seleucid rule^ss and could warn against royal service (7.4f.), nevertheless saw the service o f princes as an appropriate activity for the wise - probably looking back to his own past: He serves among great men and appears before rulers. He travels through the land of foreign nations and learns good and evil among men.227 If we look for the reasons for this predominantly positive attitude, the answer can be given in the words of H . Gressmann: 'Dread of the Greeks led to wonderment at their success and their power.'^^s However, this was true only for the Jewish aristocracy - rejection may have been stronger in the lower strata of the people; it found its expression in apocalyptic speculation as this is reflected, say, in the vision of the terrifying beast in Dan. 7, which is quite different/rom what has gone before (7.8, 20, 23). This is matched by the general verdict on the monarchs of the Diadochi between Alexander the Great and Antiochus I V in I Mace. 1.9: 'and they caused many evils on the earth.' That this negative judgment was not limited to Palestine - just as the positive appreciation was not limited to the Diaspora - is shown by the way in which
32
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
the translation of I s a . 9 . i o f in the Septuagint, which presumably came into being in Egypt in the second half of the second century B C , is brought up to date: Kat pa^et o deos Tovs i'TTavi.aTavofj.evovs eV 'opos ELWV en avTOVs KOI TOVS i^Opovs aVTCOV StacTKeSacretj Evpiav a
(JTOfiaTi,. Here the reference is evidently to the successes of the Parthians against the Seleucids and the annihilation of Macedonia by the Romans. ^The essential feature of all these negative testimonies is of course that they were written at the time of the Maccabean revolt or later, under its influence.
4. Hellenistic Influence on T r a d e , C o m m e r c e and Social Structure in Palestine a) Greek influences in the pre-Hellenistic period As a coastland, Palestine had had trade connections since the second millen nium not only with Egypt, Mesopotamia, northern Syria and Arabia, but also over the sea with Cyprus and the islands of the Aegean. With the Greek mercenaries, for whom there is evidence back to the seventh century BC, Greek merchants, Greek goods and, after the sixth century, Greek coins came to Palestine. T h e import statistics in Ezek. 27.1 i-25a, which probably come from the beginning of the fifth century BC, know Tyrian trade with Tartessus, Ionia and Greece, Asia Minor and Rhodes. About 460 B C , after the victory at Eurymedon, Athenians settled, probably for about a decade, at Dor on the Palestinian coast, and the city paid tribute to the Attic sea alliance, Both Isaeus^si and his pupil Demosthenes^as mention a colony of Greek merchants some decades later in A k e (Acco). It is quite possible that merchants and mercenaries from Greece settled in other harbours on the coast of Palestine. Conversely, from the fourth century there is evidence of a Sidonian community in the Piraeus, and as early as about 370 Strato, king of Sidon - presumably the founder o f Strato's T o w e r on the coast south o f Dor - was honoured by the Athenians with the proxenia. According to a bilingual inscription of the fourth century from the mercantile centre of Delos, the 'hieronautai' of T y r e made an offering to Apollo there.234 All this indicates that it was the Phoenicians who were the mediators of Greek culture for Palestine in the pre-Hellenistic period. T h e y lived for a long time on Cyprus and in the Western Mediterranean in close economic and cultural contact with the Greeks, and were more and more influenced by them. Through them Greece, and primarily Athens, exported valuable pottery and other luxury goods, receiving in exchange above all grain. 235 A n Attic pottery fragment from Dor still bears the name of its Phoenician owner, and another has Greek marks on it; perhaps Greeks had settled there even after the end of the brief 'Athenian' era. 236 T h e Greek export of pottery to the
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
33
orient was as ancient as the 'export' of Greek mercenaries; it can be found as early as the end of the seventh century BC - above all in the form of Athenian black lacquered and red figured ceramic ware - in a great many burial places in Palestine, not only on the coastal plain, where culture was more strongly developed and which from 475 down to the expedition of Alexander was in the possession of T y r e and Sidon,^^' but also in the hinterland, including J u d e a : ' f i n d s of Greek pottery are rather the rule than the exception for sites in Palestine.' With Attic pottery came Attic money. It was needed above all to pay the Greek mercenaries who were in the service of the Persians or the Phoenicians. T h e oldest coin found in Palestine was minted by Pisistratus between 555 and 546 BC and was discovered in a suburb of Jerusalem; a coin coming from north Greece about 500 BC was found in excavations in ancient Shechem. 2*0 Silver coins minted in Attica, which formed an almost international currency, were much more widespread in Syria and Palestine than Persian darics, which hardly played any part there. When the stream of Attic drachmae ceased after 404 BC, they were imitated by the local Persian governors. Even the governor of the Persian province 'Jehud' had coins minted on the Attic pattern and with the inscription of the province; a few examples are still extant. So it is certainly no coincidence that one of the few Greek loanwords in the Old Testament is the word darkfmdnim, a Hebrew form of the Greek genitive plural Spax/^cov.241 On this W. F. Albright remarks: 'Virtually all coins found in Palestine excavations from the Persian period are Attic drachmas or imitations of them.' This is confirmed by D . Schlumberger in a survey of hoards of coins from Persian times in Syria and Palestine: none of the hoards discovered down to 1950 contained Persian darics. 242 JQ contrast to the 'monnaie vivante' of the Greeks and the imitations of it, Persian coinage was a 'monnaie quasi immobile'. 2 4 3 Through Phoenician mediation, interest grew in artistic objects in Greek style. A t Tell el-Fare", about eighteen miles south of Gaza, in tombs of the Persian period, have been discovered three bronze vessels, presumably of Greek origin, and an elegant suite of bed and chair with 'almost pure Attic forms';244 JQ addition, silverware in a 'mixture of Persian and Syrian style' has been found. 245 T h u s Palestine became the meeting point of most varied spheres of influence, something which was only possible because a kind of international trade existed even in the Persian period. T h e terra cottas and miniatures foimd in a whole series of places in Palestine, above all on the coastal plain and in the Shephelah, indicate Egyptian and Persian models on the one hand, but the growing influence of Greek form is unmistakable. T h e y may derive in part from Greek imports, but more probably they are local imitations or a product of Phoenician manufaaurers.246 One such was discovered in Harayeb near Sidon; it extends from the fourth century well into the Hellenistic period. Here there are immistakable links with Tanagra,
34
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
the stronghold of Greek terra cotta m a n u f a c t u r e . T h e influence of Harayeb is in turn demonstrable in the coastal region of Palestine.^^s A collection of small bronzes from the fourth century which was found in Ashkelon and contains above all representations of Egyptian gods shows elements of Greek style as well as strong Egyptian features. 249 T h u s in the Phoenician sphere of influence, in which at that time almost all Palestine could be included, one can talk of a 'mixed culture' in which Egyptian, Persian and to an increasing extent Greek influences encoimtered each other. A typical picture is presented by the burial ground of 'Atlit, between Haifa and D o r , from the fifth and fourth centuries BC. C . N . Johns, who excavated it, described it in the following way: 'Their culture was complex, an eclectic combination of Greek, Egyptian and oriental objects such as Attic vases, Egyptian amulets and scarabs in a mixed style.' T h e economic and cultural mediation of the Phoenicians was effective during the Persian epoch and well into the Hellenistic period. T h i s is shown, among other things, by the Sidonian colonies in Marisa and Shechem and presumably also by a Tyrian colony in Rabbath-Ammon-Philadelphia, which flourished during the third and second centuries B C ; probably these were originally mercantile settlements.251 According to N e h . 13.16, as early as the fifth century BC Phoenician merchants, who had settled in the country, were working in Jerusalem; they were active in deahngs with 'fish and all kinds of wares', i.e. in trade with places on the coast. 2^2 Presumably economic undertakings which went beyond the narrow borders of Judea were in their hands. D o w n to the Christian era, the Palestinian Jews themselves lived pre dominantly from agriculture and rearing livestock. 253 This is true to a con siderable degree even for the Jewish diaspora outside Alexandria. T h e two Jewish wholesalers 'Abihai and Jonathan, whose extensive list of debtors from the period before 310 BC is to be found in P. Cowley 81, certainly form an exception. 254 i n ancient Israel and post-exilic Judaism, the terms for 'merchant' and 'Canaanite' were identical,255 and the circles of strict Jews regarded the Phoenician and Canaanite merchants who imported luxury, the temptation of alien cults and ritual impurity into the country, with the utmost mistrust. Prophetic prediction of the early Hellenistic period saw it as a sign of eschatological salvation that 'there shall no longer be a trader (kfna'^'^i) in the house of Yahweh Sebaoth on that day'.256 Q Bostrom in particular has demonstrated from Jewish wisdom literature the deep-rooted aversion of the conservative Jews to 'foreign' merchants and their Jewish representatives.257 This attitude was furthered by the fact that from an economic point of view Judea was a dead end; the great trade routes passed it by. T h e Phoenicians dominated sea trade, the coastal plain and connections to the north; the Arabs (Nabateans) in the south and east dominated the caravan trade with southern Arabia and the Persian G u l f 25^ Moreover the imported luxury goods, e.g. the valuable Greek pottery, were of interest only to the thin upper stratum; the
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
35
simple peasant of the hill country of Judea led a frugal life and with his few needs in life was largely self-sufficient. Nevertheless, Attic pottery has been found even in Jerusalem and other places in Judea,^^^ and in the capital itself some terra-cotta heads of an Egyptian or Hellenistic type.^^o In comparison with Samaria, however, Judea was economically backward, not least because of the hostility of active religious circles to alien influences. This does not quite match up with the vigorous intellectual life of the Palestinian Jews which is attested by their rich literature (see below, pp. i i2flF.). Perhaps this ambiguous situation is the reason why the liberal minority of the Jewish aristocracy stubbornly maintained contact with their northern neighbours, although they had the majority of the people against them on this point.^si b) The economic and social situation under Ptolemaic rule T h e Macedonian conquest brought a manifold intensification of previous Greek influences. T h e vision of a uniform Graeco-Macedonian world empire from India to the pillars of Hercules indeed occupied the political horizon for only a short space of time, and so the subject peoples of the East were hardly aware of it. However, the trend towards international trade which was already there in the Persian period increased further, despite the division of Alexander's kingdom into the rival kingdoms of the Diadochi. T h e Greek language became the lingua franca, and Greek standards, weights, coins, ways of reckoning and trade usage became the general norm. Even the constant wars could not hinder the development of commercial connections. It was only the intervention of Rome in the East which introduced the economic decline. T h e f a a that for 100 years Palestine came imder the kingdom of the Ptolemies was of decisive significance. Here from the beginning the tight administration was supplemented by a no less purposeful state commerce which, in the form that it took, was a novelty and had not been practised before in any oriental state, ^sa Rivalry with the Seleucid empire, which was con siderably larger both in extent and in population, required that Egypt mobil ized all its resources to create an effective balance of power. This notion dominated the great line of Ptolemaic economic policy in the third century: according to a phrase of W . W . Tarn's, Egypt became 'a money making machine'. T h e starting point was the conception already mentioned, that the whole kingdom was the personal estate of the king. This led not only to his power of disposal over the country and its natural resources, but also - at least in theory - to the same power over its inhabitants. 265 T h e Greeks, to whom conceptions of this kind were alien, in the light of their native 'poleis', were won over to collaboration in this new form of state because they were assigned a vital role in the development of the Ptolemaic state economy and at the same time a share in its fruits. So the first Ptolemies and their Greek helpers developed Egypt in the first half of the third century BC on the basis of the oriental idea of kingship in such a way that it became the leading state in the
36
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Hellenistic world. In so doing they bound two systems very closely together, 'the immemorial practice of Egypt and the methods of the Greek State and the Greek private household'. It remains uncertain how far this new order had already come into being imder Ptolemy I Soter, who ruled Egypt from 323 BC and took the title of king in 305/4.267 According to the Aramaic Papyrus Cowley 81, the later monopoly was still imknown in Egypt towards 310 B C . 2 6 8 T h e transfer of the capital from Memphis to the new 'Greek' Alexandria was a far-sighted move; it increasingly became an economic and cultural bridge between Greece and the oriental world269 and thus also influenced deeply the development of Judaism in Egypt and Palestine. Sources begin to flow more fully under Ptolemy II Philadelphus, primarily the Zeno papyri. What happened earlier remains largely in the dark. T h e foundation of the Ptolemies' riches was agriculture, above all the cultivation of wheat, which had probably been introduced into Egypt in Persian times. Here a subtle system of farming out, planned cultivation, supervision and taxation led to a huge increase in royal income over previous levels.270 T h e king and his dioiketes were concerned not only with a more extensive exploitation of the land but also with a real increase in its fertility by the reclamation of marshland, better irrigation, the introduction of new plants, breeding stock and improved methods of cultiva tion. T h e estate of Philadelphia in the Fayum, handed over to ApoUonius as a royal 'dorea', with Zeno as its administrator, was at the same time a kind of experimental agricultural institute.2'i A further source of income was the royal 'monopoly' on vegetable oils, linen cloth, metal, salt, spices and other important goods and merchandise. 272 Where it was not carried on in royal 'ergasteria', industrial manufacture, too, was supervised by the state and, if that were necessary for its purpose, was taken over directly; the same was true of transport. T h e carriers needed state concessions; the level of interest and the price of essential goods were prescribed.273 T h u s in practice the state controlled the whole of the Egyptian economy in such a way that private initiative on the part of the individual entrepreneur was not excluded, but made use of where possible through a refined system of leases and the mutual supervision of the state treasury. 274 A further support of Ptolemaic commerce was the strictly preserved monopoly in coinage, which took further Alexander's idea of a uniform imperial currency. In contrast to the other Hellenistic states, Ptolemy I changed over from the Attic standard, already spread widely by Alexander (see above, p. 33), to the Phoenician, and his son continued this independent policy. Foreign coins coming into the country were called in and reminted; the independent city and feudal coinages were suspended in at least Cyprus, Phoenicia and Palestine, and Ptolemy's own royal gold, silver and copper coins were circulated in sufficient quantities. Copper coinage represented an innovation; it made coins popular even among the lower strata of the populace and limited the extent of barter. This policy
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
37
over coinage was supplemented by a royal bank with its branches scattered throughout the empire, which made possible a kind of Giro credit transfer and establishment of private bank accoimts.^'s Uniform imperial coins were also minted in the province of 'Syria and Phoenicia'; coins have been found in Scythopolis with the stamp of Philadelphus from Joppa, Ptolemais, T y r e and Sidon.2'6
Commercial policy within Egypt was supplemented by intensive trade with the foreign provinces of the Ptolemaic empire which to a large extent provided what Egypt itself lacked. In addition, a proper export trade was also developed. T h e possession of the harbours of Palestine gave the Ptolemies the termini of the old profitable trade with the Mineans in Arabia Felix and Gerrha on the Persian Gulf. T h e Zeno correspondence mentions Gaza as the most important mercantile centre in Palestine, in which incense, myrrh and other aromatic goods, spices and luxury goods were all traded.^'s A special ofi&cial was entrusted with supervision, as working in aromatic goods was a royal m o n o p o l y . T h e trade itself was in the hands of the Nabateans and people related to them; the Zeno correspondence mentions, for example, a 'Moabite' Malichus, perhaps an intermediary between a caravan from Gerrha and the dioiketes.The Nabateans, who were still depicted as wild nomads at the end of the fourth century by Hieronymus of Cardia, had successfully withstood an attempt to subjugate them by Antigonus and his son Demetrius P o l i o r c e t e s , b u t had to submit to the first Ptolemies, as these had the Palestinian termini of the caravan routes firmly in their hands; Philadelphus not only sent a fleet against them, but also set up coastal stations on the Red Sea and thus isolated them.^^s However, when Antiochus III invaded Palestine for the first time, 'the inhabitants of Arabia' immediately went over to his side and fought alongside him at Raphia. T h e Maccabees later had friendly relations with them, and were probably given their support in the fight for freedom against the Seleucids. Despite their independence, close trade conneaions, especially with Egypt, brought them visibly under the influence of Alexandrian Hellenistic culture, so that towards the end of the first century B C Strabo could depict them as a settled, highly civilized people. Ptolemaic trade policy could also be used as pressure even against overpopulated Greece: to a large degree the Greek cities were dependent on Ptolemaic grain exports. 286 Ambitious Greeks regarded Ptolemaic Egypt and its colonies as the promised land, in which a man could easily make his fortune. 'Ptolemyis the best paymaster for a free man,' remarked Theocritus, 2 8 ' and at about the same time (beginning of the third century BC) Herondas praised the advantages of the 'new world' in a mime: For all that is and will be, can be found in Egypt: Riches, stadiums, power, fine weather. Reputation, theatres, philosophers, gold, young men.
38
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force T h e sanctuary o f the kindred gods, the king, A just one, the museum, wine, every good thing, Whatever you want, and women . . .^^s
This praise o f the riches o f the Ptolemies is matched by the family tomb stone of two officers of Cretan or Aetolian origin from Gaza, which praises the TTaXalirXovTOL (SaCTtAiJej Alymnov.^^^ Plato may Still have seen curiosity to learn as the characteristic of the Greeks and avarice as the characteristic of the Phoenicians and Egyptians {Republic 435e/436a), but in the Hellenistic period these characteristics were exchanged: ' T h e Greeks came to Egypt to grow rich.'29o T h e first Ptolemies had a great need for Greek soldiers, officials, inventors, craftsmen and other specialists, so that they favoured immigration. T h e political freedoms of the polis, which had become increasingly more questionable after Alexander, even in the mother country, were replaced by the economic advantages of belonging to a superior class and the possibility o f alliance with politeumata of fellow-coimtrymen, in which a Greek way of life could be followed even in barbarian surroundings, O n precisely this point, the Jews in the Greek-speaking Diaspora were their apt imitators; they too allied together in politeumata, where the synagogues took the place of the gymnasium (see pp.65fF. below) as the centre of their communal life. Thus the foundations of Ptolemaic politics rested above all on economic considerations, which had precedence over pure power politics. Apart from the founder of the dynasty, the Lagids, in contrast to the majority of the Seleucid rulers, were no longer significant generals. Here they displayed a tendency which was transferred to the Greeks settled in Egypt: ' T h e homo politicus, still alive in Greece, yielded place to the homo oeconomicus and to the homo technicus in Egypt.'293 This specialization in the commercial sector was expressed inter alia in the specialist literature of the 'Georgika', 'Kepurgika', etc.,294 which, based on earlier Greek models, flourished particularly in Alexandria. It is a particularly striking manifestation of the 'rationalist and technical character o f Greek culture',295 which in the case of the mass o f Graeco-Macedonian immigrants was completely directed towards economic success. As the Zeno papyri show, in the Ptolemaic 'foundation years' they worked with feverish activity and required the native inhabitants to do the same. T h e climate o f work on the estate in Philadelphia is characterized by ApoUonius' demand to Zeno to carry out his commands as quickly as possible: vvKTa ri/xepav . . . noiovfj-evos. T h e consequence was that some workers and slaves simply absconded:296 'Strike after strike, complaints, requests, trials are the order o f the day.'29' Unlike the king and his officials, who had to take care to preserve the working capacity of the native population and for whom, therefore, the demand for 'philanthrdpia' had to some extent a real background, the Greeks of the developing upper class - 'presses de s'enrichir' showed hardly any trace o f a social conscience for the Egyptian and Semitic 'barbarians' under them. 298 i n a petition to Zeno, one of his lesser
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
39
employees, presumably a Palestinian, laments bitterly that the wages which he has been promised many times keep being withheld from him, for 'they had seen that I am a barbarian . . .' and 'that I do not know how to live like a Greek (on OVK eTriarajxai iXXrjvlCew)'.^^^ However, the lament o f the 'katochos' Ptolemy from the Serapeion in Memphis, in the middle o f the second century BC, shows how much the situation was to change in a hundred years. He complains that he has been attacked by Egyptians 'because I am a H e l l e n e ' . N a t i o n a l unrest in Egypt breaking out after the end of the third century is a consequence o f the failure of Rolemaic internal policy, ^oi This change o f situation, furthered by social distress, is similarly to be found, perhaps to a still greater degree, in Palestine and in the east of the Seleucid empire. It was one o f the reasons for the Maccabean revolt. This situation gave the ever-increasing Jewish Diaspora in Egypt the alternatives o f either becoming part of the Egyptian fellahin or advancing into the favoured class o f Greeks, or at least obtaining an equivalent status, by learning to eXXrjvlUiv.^"^ T h e Septuagint, the synagogue inscriptions and the Alexandrian Jewish literature show that the majority of Jews in Egypt adopted the latter course, though without giving up their particularity; this was a significant decision that was to have world-wide, historical importance. c) The economic development of Palestine under the Ptolemies Among the external provinces of the Ptolemaic kingdom, 'Syria and Phoenicia' were of special significance not only strategically, but also commercially. T h e role of Palestinian harbours as turn-round points for the aromatic trade has already been mentioned, and the Phoenician cities and the forests of Lebanon were the foundations of Ptolemaic sea power. But even the hinterland attracted the Greek entrepreneural spirit with the aim of better commercial exploitation. The great journey which Zeno made through the length and breadth of Palestine as representative of the 'dioiketes' was connected with this task. A papyrus o f 261/260 B C shows the dioiketes as an importer of considerable amounts o f grain from Palestine ;^''^ he also had an estate in Beth-Anath in Galilee,^''* presumably a royal gift, in which he concentrated on producing wine. A London papyrus gives us some interesting details. It is a letter from a certain Glaucias, who had been sent on a tour of inspection, to the dioiketes. He seems to have been satisfied with the work being done and speaks of eighty thousand vines, the building of a cistern and the erection of sufficient living accommodation for the workers. T h e quality o f the wine was so excellent that it was indistinguishable from the wine of the Aegean (Chios), which was imported into Palestine in very great quantities. W e see from this that similar progressive and systematic methods were used in work on the estate in Galilee to those being used on the experimental estate in Philadelphia in the Fayum. Probably ApoUonius had vines from Chios planted, in order to be independent of wine imports,
40
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Zeno, however, was not only concerned with the inspection o f this estate but spent about thirteen or fourteen months in all, from the end of 260 to at least March 258 BC, in Palestine and Phoenicia. Moreover, his recall came imexpectedly as a sudden summons by ApoUonius: he was to take over the direction of Philadelphia. From about the same time we also have the Revenue Laws (end 259) and the Rainer papyrus on 'Syria and Palestine' (see pp.2ofF. above); so these were years with particular financial and economic activity, which also concerned Palestine. W e can still follow some of Zeno's journeyings. His first began at the end o f January 259 from Strato's Tower on the coast and continued by Jerusalem, Jericho and Abella ('dbel hassittim, N u m . 33.49), into Transjordania to the stronghold ((Sipra or Hovpa^cTTocs) o f Tobias in the Ammanitis. He reached there on 29 Dystros (25 April) 259 and probably stayed several days. H e continued the journey in a northerly direction, making a detour to the south o f Damascus and, going by the estate of ApoUonius in Beth-Anath in Galilee, he again reached the coast at Ptolemais at the end o f May. A t the end o f M a y or the beginning o f Jime he sent goods from a Palestinian harbour to Pelusium.^o' Presumably he also made a detour into some Phoenician cities; we also find him in the south, in Gaza and the Idumean cities of Marisa and Adora, right on the border of Judea. He sent an agent with a caravan into the Hauran; another, who had been stationed in Cyprus for some time as a 'grammateus' and was presumably summoned to Phoenicia by Zeno, requested an advance payment from T y r e to Berytus.^o^ Finally, shortly before his sudden departure to Gaza, Zeno is given a con siderable amount of grain at the special request of ApoUonius. 3io On his great excursion into Transjordania and to Galilee, in which he also crossed Judea and visited Jerusalem - we have a receipt from Jerusalem^n Zeno travelled with an extensive staff, like his master ApoUonius on his inspection tours in Egypt: including Zeno, seventy-eight people are mentioned by name in the lists that we have, of whom only twelve have Semitic names. T h e rest have Greek names. Among them are high ofi&cials, like a certain Apelles, TOIV TTapd TOV ^amXews, presumably with a special commission for the king, possibly also Callicrates, the admiral of Ptolemy I I , Dionysodorus, inspector of the accounts office of the dioiketes, and several officers, Greeks from Athens, Aspendus, Miletus and Colophon. Ariston, a brother of Zeno, also belonged to the group.^i^ Mere consideration of this illustrious escort will suggest that Zeno imdertook this journey less as a private concern of his master^isthan as an official commission, so to speak as his representative. Its long duration was deter mined by the multiplicity of tasks laid on him: intensive study of local conditions, taking up trade relationships, supervising the financial officials already working there, new organization and further extension of the net o f agents - a number of members o f his staff remained behind in the province even after his return. H e was also concerned with any measures which could
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
41
serve an improved exploitation o f the productive capacity of Palestine. Presimiably Zeno will also have investigated the possibility of direct participa tion in the aromatic trade to the exclusion of the Nabateans; this could be the reason for the expeditions into Transjordania and the Hauran, the business relations with the Moabite Malichus and the Jewish sheikh Tobias, and the intervention of ApoUonius in the Palestinian caravan trade.^i* T h e foimdation of the miUtary colony imder the command of Tobias in the Ammanitis, mentioned earlier, and the elevation of Rabbath-Ammon to the status of the city of 'Philadelphia' may also be coimected with Ptolemaic politics towards the Nabateans. Later letters from Tobias to ApoUonius and the king and the various reports from agents of Zeno's about happenings from all over Palestine show that the connections established by Zeno's journey remained alive.^i" Officials, representatives of ApoUonius, but also unscrupulous speculators must have worked there in large numbers. T h e slave trade in particular seemed to be a profitable business, as in Egypt the enslavement of free workers was forbidden by royal l a w . ^ " Even Zeno bought slaves in Palestine, though they caused him some trouble; Tobias later sent three more with a eunuch as tutor as a present to the dioiketes.^'^^ A more suspicious matter was when one of his agents bought slaves in Palestine on his own account and ran into trouble with the customs in T y r e in his attempt to sell them abroad without an export licence.319 W e also hear of two Greeks who spent a time as guides in the service of ApoUonius and later carried on an open trade in girls; they travelled far and wide into the Hauran, Ammonite and Nabatean territory, taking their slave girls with them, buying here and selling there; they sold four of their victims as 'priestesses', i.e. probably as temple prostitutes, to Joppa, and hired out another to a 'horophylax' in 'Pegai', who ran a guesthouse. 320 W e hear several times that Palestinian slaves absconded from their transport to Egypt; perhaps they felt the difference between the status of slave in the more patriarchal ordering of the oriental household and the purely economic approach of the Greeks. 321 Ben Sira later occupies a pecuUar middle place between the harsh Greek and the milder patriarchal treatment o f slaves.322 Among the Greek upper class in Egypt there was a considerable need for 'Syrian' slaves for the household; they could hardly compete with the cheap 'free' working forces in agriculture and the crafts. There were surely also Jews among these acufiara drro Svpias, who are mentioned several times in the Zeno correspondence. T w o slaves girls 'Iajava(i) and 'Avas, presumably with the Jewish names Johanna and Hanna, worked in the household o f ApoUonius. Ps. Aristeas also confirms the large number of Jewish slaves who had come to Egypt through the campaigns of Ptolemy 1.323 addition, however, there were also free Jewish workers there; the Zeno correspondence mentions two vintners, a shepherd, a dog-watcher and a brickmaker, who even observed the sabbath in his work for the dioiketes. A number of 'Syrian viUages' with partial Jewish populations were scattered through the country. 324 All this points to
42
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
a constant immigration from Palestine. T h e Rainer papyrus with the decree on the declaration of slaves in 'Syria and Phoenicia' is to bring an end to the widespread enslavement of acJixara AaiVa iXevdepa, i.e. the semi-free popula tion. A n inscription of the early third century BC from Oropos on the borders of Attica and Boeotia concerning the freeing of the Jew Moschus son of Moschion on the ground of an incubation dream shows that Jewish slaves were sold even to Greece at a relatively early period.^^s This is an illustration of the threat against T y r e , Sidon and the 'regions of Philistia' in Joel 3.4-8, which threatens vengeance on them because of their plundering of Jerusalem and then continues: ' Y o u have sold the people of Judah and Jerusalem to the Greeks (lilyne hayyewdnim), removing them far from their own border. But now I will stir them up from the place to which you have sold them . . . A n d I will sell your sons and daughters into the hands of the sons of Judah, and they will sell them to the Sabeans, to a nation far off . . .' T h e slave trade with southern Arabia is confirmed by the hierodule inscription of Ma'in, which mentions 28 slave girls from 'Gaza' and only 8 from Egypt. T h e dating of the Joel passage remains uncertain; perhaps it is connected with the conquest of Jerusalem by Ptolemy I or events during the wars of the Diadochi in 323-301 BC which are unknown to us. T h e threat hardly fits the peaceful period of Ptolemaic rule, and a date in the Maccabean period is prob ably too late.3" For this era, II M a c c . 8 . i i also mentions the Phoenicians as intermediaries in the slave trade, and at the same time the reports of freeings of Jewish slaves in Greece grow more frequent: in 163/162 BC an unknown Jewish slave was freed in Delphi; in 158/157 there follow a Jewess Antigone with her daughters Theodora and Dorothea, T h e well-known cynic Menippus came at the begiiming of the third century as a slave from his home town Gadara in Transjordania to Sinope on the Black Sea.^as* Without doubt, the slave trade in Palestme had great economic significance. Palestine was also, given good harvests, an exporter of grain, and had to come to the rescue when the Egyptian harvest turned out badly. 'Syrian wheat' was highly prized in Egypt, and even planted there by ApoUonius because of its rapid ripening, ^so A further export article was olive oil, indispensable to the Greeks, as Egypt produced almost nothing but vegetable oil. T h e government allowed private export dealings in both grain and oil, but watched them carefully because of its monopoly, T h e deliveries from ApoUonius' vineyard in GalUee show that wine, too, was exported to Egypt.^^^ In addition, the Zeno papyri include lists of goods with an abundance of further items, ^ss All in aU, Palestine was the predominantly exporting partner; Egyptian shipments were largely of manufactured wares like papyrus, glass, pottery and fine textiles. There were also luxury goods, to the degree that Palestine became capable of purchasing them. Here Alexandria entered into the Greek heritage, But even here, domestic production developed.
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
43
Because of their geographical position, Phoenicia and Palestine had long been countries of transit, above all for traffic between Egypt, Arabia, Meso potamia and the rest of the Mediterranean. Merchant shipping consisted for a large part in coastal shipping, and Pelusium was only two days' journey distant from Gaza. A long list of goods with excise levied in Pelusium, and imported from 'Syria', contains many items coming from Greece and Asia Minor. Illuminating here is the report of a truly international trade in furnishings: cushions, coverings, mattresses and bed linen, with sales or purchases in Miletus, Caimus in Caria - Zeno's homeland - Halicarnassus, Gaza, Rabbath A m m o n and Ptolemais A c c o ; the wife o f the entrepreneur, who, himself an agent of ApoUonius, was really meant to be buying wool in Miletus, arranged the business in the meantime in Alexandria. 3 3 6 This shows at the same time that even in the period before Alexander, Palestine had close trade connections with the Aegean, especially the great mercantUe centres like Rhodes, and later Delos. W e have a whole series of reports from this area not only of Phoenician but also of Palestinian merchants. T h e relatively early evidence of Jewish communities in Delos and Rhodes is also to be explained in this way.337 By and large the Zeno correspondence, even as far as Palestine is concerned, gives the picture of a very active, almost h e a i c commercial life, originated by that host of Greek officials, agents and merchants who flooded the land in the truest sense of the word and 'penetrated into the last village of the country'. 3 3 8 This extraordinary activity, which took place even in Palestine under Philadelphus, is further confirmed from various quarters. Probably in the same decade in which Zeno travelled through Palestine, the Sidonians founded a trade settlement in the Idumean administrative centre of Marisa, which lay at the crossroads of the routes from Gaza to Jerusalem, Ashkelon to Hebron and Petra to Joppa. Probably they wanted to intervene from here in the traflfic in aromatic goods and spices. T h e y formed a politeuma of their own in Marisa, rapidly reached a state of prosperity, associated with the Idumean aristocracy, and together with them led the life of grand feudal lords, as the tomb paintings in their great rock tombs show. Linked with this was the adoption of strong Hellenistic and Alexandrian cultural influences and the Greek language. 3 3 9 At about the same time the Tyrians possibly founded a settlement in Rabbath Ammon in Transjordania and introduced there the cult of their city god Heracles-Melkart and his mother Asteria-Ashtoreth. T h e city - which was also an important fortress - was still given the name Philadelphia imder the second Ptolemy. It, too, had great significance as a staging post for the caravan trade with the Persian G u l f and southern Arabia, s-") Finds of coins are a further indication of the commercial boom in Palestine at this time. A comparison of the coins found in various excavations in early Hellenistic sites and strata shows that the coins minted by Ptolemy II exceed those of his father by four- to fivefold, and pre-Ptolemaic, Attic, Phoenician,
44
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Philisto-Arabian coins and coins of Alexander by eightfold. However, after the second Ptolemy, the number of coins of the later Ptolemies declines sharply again, perhaps because the stock minted by Philadelphus was adequate, but more likely because there was no longer such positive commercial activity, and the pressure of taxation was increased (see above, p. 27). Almost no Seleucid coins from the third century BC have been foimd - because of the Ptolemaic money monopoly; they appear only after the conquest of the coimtry by Antiochus H I . A t this time they appear in large quantities, whereas the Ptolemaic coins quickly disappear. T h e coins of Antiochus H I , however, amount to little more than a third of those of Philadelphus. T h e absolute climax is reached with Antiochus I V Epiphanes, who even exceeds the second Ptolemy with his mintings, presumably because of the expeditions in Palestine carried out b y him and his generals. T h e particularly large number of coins of Epiphanes in the citadel of Beth Zur shows that the soldiers brought coins into the coimtry. B y and large, one might say that minted money was finally established in Palestine only through Ptolemy I I , and largely superseded barter. 3 " T h e increase of foreign trade in the course of the third century BC is attested by the many stamped - and partly datable - jars from Rhodes and other parts of the Aegean which are to be found throughout Palestine west of the Jordan, including Judea, Samaria and Galilee. There have even been some individual finds in Transjordania. Probably the soldiers of the occupation, the Greek officials and merchants, and indeed the members of the local aristocracy, preferred the wine and the oil of the Aegean islands and the coast of Ionia, which was 'bottled' in Rhodes and Cos and exported throughout the world, to native produce. T h i s makes ApoUonius' efforts towards a Galilean wine o f Ionian quality understandablc^^^ From an early date the enjoyment o f GentUe wine had become impossible for strict Jews because o f its ritual impurity. T h e interest shown by PhUadelphus and his dioiketes in improvement and greater fertility in agriculture suggests that on the great crown estates in Palestine and, say, in the 'dorea' o f ApoUonius in GaUlee, they will have introduced new plants, animals and methods of growing. 3 4 * Individual proof is difficult because of lack of evidence, but there are some hints from which one may draw conclusions to this effect. Theophrastus, the pupil o f Aristotle, reports at the end of the fourth century BC on two 'paradeisoi', i.e. plantations of the Persian kings, in 'a valley in Syria'; the context shows this to be the Jordan valley, in which precious balsam was grown. 3 * 5 T h e later paraUel reports of Diodorus, Strabo, Pompeius Trogus and Josephus directly indicate Jericho and 'Engedi. 3 4 6 According to the account o f Diodorus, which goes back to Hieronymus of Cardia, a contemporary of Theophrastus, the growth of the balsam shrub was a real monopoly ( o v h a i x o v fxkv TTJS aAA-^j olKOVij,ev7jS €VpiaKO\j.ivov), which brought great profit (i^ ov rrpoaoSov aSpdv
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
45
Xan^dvovrnv). Pompeius Trogus attributes the riches of the Jews to this monopoly; Horace makes it an especially valuable product of Herod. According to Strabo the Jews are said to have limited growth in order to obtain the highest possible price for their monopoly, All this explains why Mark Antony left the balsam plantations ~ perhaps in fulfilment of an old promise ~ to Cleopatra V H , and Herod had to buy their produce back again for a high f e c ^ * ' Nevertheless, the balsam monopoly does not seeni to have been fully enforceable, as the sources also speak of balsam being grown at Zoar to the south of the Dead Sea, in Scythopolis, by Lake Gennesaret, and in one instance even of Egypt, not to mention Arabia Felix, the home of the balsam s h r u b . P l i n y adds a note, depending on Theophrastus, that in the time of Alexander the crops of the two 'paradeisoi' had been relatively small, but that in Roman times the produce had increased considerably: for a period of five years he mentions the sum of seventy to eighty million sesterces.s^i It is further striking that in ancient writers the balsam of Judea or Jericho, with the Dead Sea and the asphalt gained from it, excites the greatest interest, which is not exceeded even by the accoimts of the temple in Jerusalem. This can best be explained from the great significance of this monopoly, ^ss i f one considers that there is a gaping chasm in historical tradition between the fourth and the first centuries BC and that the historians of the early empire mostly draw on Hellenistic sources which are largely lost,3S3 it seems likely that the significance of the balsam monopoly was not just discovered in the Roman period, but already goes back to the first Ptolemies who, following their policy elsewhere, exploited as profitably as possible the domains in Jericho and 'Engedi which they took over from the Persians. T h e y may therefore already have extended the size of the plantations and transferred the growing of balsam to Galilee and Egypt. In 'Engedi, too, where there was an estate producing balsam in the late monarchy, which flourished under Persian rule in the fifth century and then fell victim to nomad incursions, coins from the Ptolemaic period have been foimd together with the foundations of a strong citadel which protected the royal estate against the Arabs. It is therefore probable that the growth of balsam and palms which flourished in Roman times through terraced plantations with artificial irrigation was already begun in the Ptolemaic period.354 Song of Songs 5.13; 6.2; 8.14 already speaks of balsam plantations of Jericho in connection with various aromatic goods. After the Maccabean uprising, the royal estates passed over into the hands of Hasmonean priests and later the Herods. Pliny, Solin and the Talmudic tradition show that they were imperial estates in the Roman period.355 T h e Dead Sea, with the asphalt rising in it, which was fished out by local Arabs, also excited the interest of ancient historians and geographers. Here we have the eye-witness report of Hieronymus of Cardia, who led an unsuccessful operation against the Arabs by the Dead Sea in the time of Antigonus, towards the end of the fourth century BC, which was meant to bring the acquisition of
46
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
asphalt into Greek hands. Perhaps the intention at the same time was to prevent the export of asphalt to Egypt, as at the beginning of the Ptolemaic period it became quite important for embalming. Here too, as R. J. Forbes points out, there can hardly be any doubt that Philadelphus took the acquisition of asphalt under his own control in the course of his repression of the Nabateans. 35 6 A. Schlatter has pointed out that papyrus, too, was planted in Palestine in the Hellenistic period, according to Theophrastus by Lake Gennesaret and according to a report of Josephus presumably in the Jordan valley. 3 5 ' A series of archaeological discoveries confirms vigorous commercial activity in the coastal plain: in the middle of the third century new agricultural settle ments arose near Jaffa on land which had not been built on before5368 and twelve miles east of Jaffa a great fortress-like warehouse was discovered with an oil press, considerable dyeing equipment and workshops, presumably the centre of an estate. 3^9 A dye-works has been foimd in Tell Mor, the harbour of Ashdod, connected with obtaining purple dye from murex shells. In D o r , too, the Phoenicians are said to have obtained purple. A 'wholesale business' for wool-dying was found in Hellenistic Gezer.s"" Further dyeing installa tions from the second century BC have been found at Tell el Ful north of Jerusalem and in Beth Zur, where there was also a centre of the wool industry. 3 " i T h e dye-works of the Hellenistic period are at the same time an indication of extensive sheep-tending and weaving, s e s Artificial irrigation was probably also introduced into Palestine at that time. T h e first express evidence of it is provided by Koheleth (2.6) and Jesus Sirach (24.301). Diodorus speaks of irrigation canals in the date-palm planta tions of Jericho, and at Damascus the Chrysorrhoas was almost completely led off into canals, to irrigate a large area.3"3 On the western slope of the Judean hill-country at Adullam364 there were, in the Hellenistic period, a large number of artificial terraces, pools and canals which probably also served to improve agriculture and irrigation. According to the evidence of the Qumran hodayot and the archaeological discoveries there, the Essene agricul tural settlement of 'Ein Feshka was also equipped with artificial irrigation, and in Roman times there is evidence of constructions in Jericho, by Lake Gennesaret and elsewhere in Galilee. T h e y are taken for granted by the Jewish Talmudic tradition.3S5 With their help, in climatically favourable areas, e.g. in the Jordan valley, two harvests a year could be obtained. By its very name, Taricheae at the southern end of Lake Gennesaret points to a fishing industry in Galilee founded in the Hellenistic period - perhaps as a royal domain;366 according to the evidence of Rabbinic literature, agriculture, trade and commerce were much more intensive than in Old Testament times. 3 6 ' Unfortunately the sources do not allow us to present a historical development, but e.g. the excavations at Beth Zur give an impression of the lively commercial life of a small garrison city of the early Hellenistic period, and the
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
47
discoveries at IJirbet Qumran and 'Ein Feshka show very varied economic activity even among the Essenes.3"^ There are also individual indications of technical improvements at that time: thus a better form of oil and wine presses,389 the treadmilU^'o the irrigation w h e e P ' i and the plough all seem to have been imiovations. T h e latter was already known in ancient Babylon, but is first mentioned for Palestine in Jub. 11.23 as an invention of Abraham. Even in Egypt one only comes across it after the Hellenistic period. 3 ' 2 Finally, mention should be made of building technique, which also made great progress at that time. Traces of this are to be foimd in Palestine. It extends from Hippodamus' 'gridiron' pattern of a city strictly divided into quadrilateral blocks of dwellings - ultimately deriving from the East - through wall-building technique to simple house-building. In addition there were the splendid public buildings in Hellenistic cities. Unfortunately we only have scanty remains of what was certainly considerable building activity in the early Hellenistic period. Interestingly, the Greek loanwords of the Mishnah are particularly concerned with the building sector.^'^ By and large it may be assumed that in Palestine, as in Egypt, agricultural and commercial production was considerably increased, leading not only to a substantial increase in the revenue from taxes but also to an increase in the population itself In the hill-country of Judah, where artificial irrigation was difficult and it was not so easy to secure an increase in crops, superfluous population may well have been forced to emigrate to non-Jewish parts of Palestine and to Egypt, especially in years when the harvest was bad. A n economic recession set in from the second century, as it did throughout the eastern Mediterranean. T h e confusion of war, with the conquest of Palestine by Antiochus I I I , the high Seleucid war damages to Rome which meant a heavy burden of taxation, and finally the Maccabean war of liberation followed by the Hasmonean war of conquest, did not favour future develop ments. A whole series of settlements were given up, partly through destruction, partly through improverishment and the departure of the inhabitants, including places like Gezer, Beth Zur, Lachish, Shechem and possibly also Bethel, Dothan, Shiloh, e t c h ' s T h e political and economic isolation of the new Jewish state, combined with constant civil war and wars of expansion at the end of the second century, inevitably led to this decline. d) The effects on Palestinian Judaism On his journey, Zeno also came into close contact with Jews. T h e Jewish sheikh Tobias, commander of the Ptolemaic military colony in the Ammanitis, and according to Josephus the brother-in-law of Onias I I , deserves first place here.3'8 Not only was his fortress beyond the Jordan one of the most important destinations of the great caravan of Zeno in its journey to Trans jordania, but Tobias also lent generous support to Zeno by giving him asses, three horses and animal d r i v e r s m o r e o v e r , this was not just done after
48
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Zeno's visit to the Ammanitisj but before the beginning of his journey. Both sides were interested in treating each other advantageously. Presumably Zeno sought the support of influential Jews as a counterbalance to the Arabs, whose position of power was to be limited: the Jew Tobias is the only non-Greek in Palestine to appear so extensively in the sources. Jews are also mentioned elsewhere: the village elder Jeddus lent money to Zeno and had difficulty in getting it back again, and a certain Simon led a grain caravan from Galilee to Sidon. It remains uncertain whether he is the same person who, as the editors assume, sent ApoUonius a jar filled with mackereL^'^ In addition, Jews also appear in quite subordinate positions as escorts to the great caravans; we find a 'Oaalos
(Hoshea) and an 'Awalos
(Hanan).38o Finally, mention
should be made of the Jewish slaves in Zeno's service (see p. 41 above). T h e social division which seems to be appearing here was no coincidence: the Ptolemies were interested in contacts with the Semitic upper class because they needed them - here circumstances were different from those in Egypt - to maintain their rule. If the Semites were prepared to adopt the Greek language and Greek ways o f life - as can be seen, for example, in Marisa (see below, p p . 6 i f ) , they had the possibUity o f obtaining equal rights to the Greeks. These circles were the real active proponents of the trend towards Helleniza tion. T h e simple populace, the awixara XaXKo. iXevdepa, appeared primarily as
an object of exploitation, and the only notice needed to be taken o f them was to see that their economic productivity was not limited. This tendency was increased by the fact that, as a result of their native inheritance, the Greeks were only interested in city culture and despised the open country, the chora. T h e y had no time for a cultural mission to the country populace. This attitude could not be accepted without further ado by the leading strata of non-Jewish Palestine, above aU where the influence of Phoenician city and commercial culture had long been dominant, as in the coastal plain. In Jewish areas, on the other hand, it inevitably kept on meeting resistance on strongly religious grounds. In Israel from pre-exiUc times a deep-rooted social tradition had been effective as a result o f the preaching o f the prophets - in complete contrast to Greece. Certain forms of the term 'poor' acquired virtually a positive religious significance, and in the sense of 'unjustly oppressed' the term came near to the word 'righteous',^^! a development which would have been impossible with the Greeks, who originaUy recognized only responsibiUty to the family and the polis, and not to their poverty-stricken fellow-men. This contrast, explored most thoroughly by Bolkestein, probably rests in the end on a deep-rooted difference between the social conceptions of the East and those o f the Graeco-Roman world, where the much wider spread of slavery had led to a hardening of social contrasts. Even in the />re-HeUenistic period the social conditions in Judea were less than ideal: this is shown by the eloquent lament o f some of the populace to Nehemiah:
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
49
W e have to pledge (read 'or^bini for rabbim) our sons and daughters to get grain, so that we may eat and stay alive. Others said, ' W e have borrowed money for the king's tax upon (add 'al) our fields and our vineyards. Y e t our flesh is as the flesh of our brethren, (and) our children are as good as theirs; and we are forcing our sons and daughters to be slaves, and some of our daughters have already been enslaved; but it is not in our power to help it, for other men have our fields and our vineyards.' Although Nehemiah himself was creditor on many counts, he did not take the part of his peers, the'nobles and officials' (5.7,10), but supported those who were weak in society; in the assembly of the people he brought about a general remission of debts. T h e fact that in his reforms he relied less on the priesthood than on the Levites and secured for the latter a tithe of the harvest as their income,38'i also has a social background as well as a religious and political one, and it is significant that in the Hellenistic period the priesthood applied the claim for the tithe to itself ^ss with the coming of the Ptolemaic 'economic and social policy', the social conflict which Nehemiah in his time strove to obviate must have grown substantially more acute, especially as religious motives were at work here. T h e new masters relied on the support of the 'nobles and officials', the aristocratic estate-owners and the leaders of the priesthood, on whom Nehemiah had defivered such a sharp judgment one hundred and fifty years before. In these circles the dominant attitude was one of resistance to the reforms of Nehemiah and Ezra together with the growing legal rigorism and separatism that these produced. Although this group could not make headway against the majority of the people, they never gave up contact with avowed opponents of reform, the house of Sanballat in Samaria and the 'Ammonite' T o b i a d s . T h a t now, in contrast to Persian times, they gained influence, is shown by the kinship of Tobias with the high priest and the move of the Tobiad family to Jerusalem, attested by Josephus. ^s? These circles sought the profitable contact with the 'foreigners', whether these were Phoenician merchants or Greeks, which was so strongly attacked in Proverbs and also in Ben Sira.^^^ From here, too, there probably came those who were responsible for collecting tax: the leading priestly famifies appointed the officials of the temple treasury, like that Hezekiah who emigrated to Egypt in the time of Ptolemy I and whose 'incomparable business efficiency', eloquence and close contact with the Greeks (awi^drjs rijjuv yevo/ixevoj) are so praised by Ps.-Hecataeus.^sa T h e priests and lay nobility also had the possibility of leasing all kinds of duties; the Ptolemaic tax system was manysided enough. In addition, good relations were maintained with the leading men in Alexandria, as is shown by the example of Tobias, his son Joseph, and perhaps also the Simon who is nientioned above. On both economic-social and religious grounds, a development is beginning here which carried within itself the germ of conflicts. A relatively small, but rich and powerful upper class, which moreover had the confidence of their
50
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Greek masters and their immediate neighbours, faced on the one hand the representatives of a theocracy faithful to the L a w , which was predominantly recruited from the lower priesthood and the Levites and whose conservative, legalistic and cultic attitude is manifested above all in the work of the Chronicler and those who revised it, together with Ben Sira,39o and on the other those groups in which the prophetic tradition lived on and apocalyptic was coming to birth. Although these groups were not completely at one within themselves, both regarded the growth in the power of the aristocracy and the penetration of Greek customs into Jerusalem with the utmost distaste. O n the other hand, their members had to face the temptation to rise into the class o f the privileged by compromising with the new masters and their way of life. T h e predilection for the genre of 'court stories' indicates that this temptation was by no means small for gifted Jews. It will emerge that the ideal of 'theocracy' was not strong enough by itself to withstand the manifold tempta tions o f Hellenistic civilization (see above, p . 3 1 , and below, pp.zSjS.). This 'tendency to compromise' must have appeared at an early stage, as Hecataeus of Abdera at the beginning of the third century BC already testifies that during the Persian and Macedonian rule the Jews had 'changed many of the laws that had come down from their forefathers' (-TroXXd r<3v narpicjiv TOIS 'lovSalois voiJ.lp.ojv €KivqdTj) because of 'their mingling with aliens' (s'k rrjs TUJV dXXo(l>vXa>v emfxi^ias).^^^
It is difficult to say how far the simple people shared in the fruits of the intensification of economic life under the first Ptolemies. Probably their lot, too, will have improved through the long period of peace. However, as the elaborate system of taxes and duties pressed hard on them and the social gulf between the thin upper stratum favourable towards Greek customs and the mass of people became more striking, if not in fact greater, than in the Persian period, we must assume that the rule of the new foreigners found little approval in their sight. T h e contrast, so typical in Israel, between the godless rich and the poor, unjustly oppressed faithful, as it appears in prophetic preaching and in the P s a l m s , m a d e it possible to interpret the social contrast in religious terms. It is therefore very probable that hints of religiosocial contrasts have been preserved in certain late psalmsj^^* in the latest parts of Proverbs, 39 5 in the latest parts of the prophets 3 9 " and above all in Koheleth. 39 7 T h e y entered an acute stage in the Maccabean revolt (see below, p. 290). Koheleth gives us some illustrations of the social situation of his time, which is best put in the third century BC between 280 and 230 BC (see below, pp. ii5flf.). H e gives us an impressive description of the boimdless struggle for riches: He who loves money will not be satisfied with money; nor he who loves wealth, with gain; this also is vanity. When goods increase, they increase who eat them. ( K o h . 5 . 9 f )
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
51
T h e other side of this boundless desire for money is the subjection of the poor: A n d I went roimd and saw all the oppressions that are practised under the sun. A n d behold, the tears of the oppressed, and they had no one to comfort them; O n the side of their oppressors there was power, and there was no one to comfort them.^^s These and the following verses could reflect the pressure of the hierarchically gradated Ptolemaic bureaucratic administration which went hand in hand with the upper class in exploiting the population: If you see the poor oppressed and justice and right violently taken away in the province {bam'dind =
vd/^o?),
do not be amazed at the matter; for the high official is watched by a higher, and there are yet higher ones over them. T h e apodosis perhaps indicates the interest of the Ptolemies in agriculture: But in all, this is an advantage for the land: A king where there are cultivated fields.^si* T h e type of the restless business man who is so fascinated by the hunt for money that he has no possibility of enjoying it is a typical manifestation of the early Hellenistic period; the best examples are the dioiketes ApoUonius and Zeno himself. T h e Tobiad Joseph could represent a Jewish counterpart (see above, pp. 27f.). W e find the presentation o f this time simultaneously in Koheleth, Ben Sira and the N e w Comedy.*"" It is significant that the aristocratic wisdom teacher Koheleth, who himself stands 'in the shadow of money' (7.12), observes and notes the misdemeanours, but does not really criticize them. For him the social question is not an independent problem, as it is for the later Ben Sira; it merely serves as illustrative material for the inexplicability of human fate, on which he reflects in a new, critical way - prob ably already imder the influence of the Hellenistic atmosphere in which he wrote (see below, pp. ii6ff".). This change in the 'social climate' because of the rational and technical order of the Greeks is perhaps illustrated by a small translation variant in the L X X , coming from the middle of the second century, on Isa. 58.6: whereas the Masoretic text demands in vivid imagery 'Is not this the fast that I choose . . . to undo the thongs of the yoke and to let the oppressed go free and for you (translations sing.) to break every yoke', the L X X puts this significantly in concrete t e r m s : ' . . . undo the thongs of compulsory treaties (fiiaioiv avvaXXayfidrouv), release the broken ones b y letting them go free (iv d(f)£aeL), and shatter every unjust treaty (iraaav (jvyypa(j>rjv dSiKov
52
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force Laam).' W e encounter this new attitude, for example, in the negotiations of the protesting Galilean peasants in Beth-Anath: the agents of ApoUonius refer to the agreement with the 'komomisthotes' and demand fuU payment on time (evTaKreiv), P S I 554, U.i2fF., 33f Only then has an appeal to the 'generosity' (ra (j>LXdv9poiTTa) of the exalted lord any prospect of success.
Significantly, the assessments of social questions to be foimd in Jewish wisdom literature do not agree in the way that we find in prophetic preaching: riches and the independence that they produce are recognized and valued,*"! and in Proverbs and Ben Sira poverty can be condemned, as in Greece, as something that a man brings on himself However, alongside this there is stiU the same emphasis on the condemnation of the unjust and arrogant rich and sympathy for the poor. This contrast between the appreciation and the condemnation of riches can be pursued down through the Rabbinic tradition. On the other hand, Hasidic and apocalyptic circles more clearly applied themselves to condemnation of the rich and religious appreciation of the poor, and this finds its consummate expression in the communism of Qumran and the designation of 'the poor' ('bywnym) which they apply to themselves (see below, p. 246). This opposition of the faithful to the acceptance of economic and cultural contacts with the non-Jewish environment is most clearly expressed by Ben Sira*"* in his polemic against the hectic concern with earning money and against the - usually - deceptive merchant (see below, pp.i37fF.). After the conquest of Jerusalem by Antiochus III in 198 B C , the orthodox members of the priesthood, presumably under Simon the Just, succeeded in obtaining from the king a regulation which - allegedly on grounds of purity and to protect the sanaity of the temple - inevitably put considerable Umitations on deaUngs of aliens in the city and its significance in transit dealings. Significantly, the dispute between Simon's son Onias III and the financial administrator of the temple, Simon, a supporter of the Tobiads (see above, pp.24f. and below, p. 272), which finally led to the deposition of Onias III, broke out over a question which also concerned trading in the city, the 'agoranomia\ This restriction on trade with foreigners through ritual prescriptions occurs to a stUl greater extent after the Maccabean period. T h u s the first pair of teachers of the Pirqe 'Aboth (see below, p. 81), Jose b. Jo'ezer and Jose b. Johanan, are said to have declared as levitically unclean 'the lands of the heathen' and the glass vessels ( c f Job 28.17) imported as luxuries from Alexandria, T y r e and Sidon. This decree was probably promulgated by the Hasidim of the Maccabean period (see below, pp. I 7 5 f l f . ) , in order to prevent the emigration encouraged by the disasters of war and to make the import of foreign luxury goods more difficult. Simeon b. Setah ( c . 100 BC) later consistently extended this regulation to all metal implements. These could not be 'cleansed' again, even by melting down (Shab. I4h; j.Pes. 2jd., 54fF. and j.Ket. 32c, 4flf.; c f Shab. i6b). Even before him, Jehoshua b.Perahya
Influence on Trade and Social Structure in Palestine
53
(c. 130 BC) is said to have forbidden the importation of 'wheat from Alexandria', as in Egypt the impure water of the Nile was brought to the cornfields by irrigation wheels {'ntly' = dvrXla), and according to Lev. 11.38 this made it unclean. His rigoristic attitude was, however, rejected, presumably in order to keep down the price of food and to guarantee the provision of grain during famine {T. Mac.14,1.675). Con versely, an old Mishnah prohibited the sale of cattle to Gentiles {Pes. 4.3 and A . Z . 1.6; c f A . Z . 7b). We find a parallel regulation in C D I 2 . 8 f , where the sale of aWpure animals and birds of Gentiles is prohibited, 'so that they do not sacrifice them'. T h e sale of the produce of 'threshing floor' and 'winepress' (12.10), i.e. of all corn and wine, to Gentiles is also utterly forbidden. Here, too, we seem to have rigorist, originally Hasidic regula tions. T h e tendency to prohibit all trading with non-Jews by ritual com mands and prohibitions, which amounted to an economic boycott, comes up again in the time of the first revolt in AD 66, when the importation of foreign oil and other foodstuffs was prohibited on grounds of impurity. A fiu-ther important factor was that, as the only 'city' of Indtz., Jerusalem completely dominated the country. Whereas even Nehemiah had to move some of the country population into the city through a compulsory synoicism, Judea could now be regarded by outside observers as the territory of what seemed to be the 'polis' of Jerusalem, although this was not in fact the con stitutional position, T h e city, which underwent an economic revival imder the tax farmer Joseph, now also attracted the interest of ancient writers. Timochares, the biographer and presumably also the contemporary of Antiochus I V Epiphanes, gives as its circumference the figure of 40 stadia (4.8 miles), which is probably set too high. T h e same figure also appears in Ps. Aristeas i o 5 f , and at the same time or a little later the topographer Xenophon, or an anonymous writer, speaks - probably more realistically - of 27 stadia. Even for Greek conceptions, Jerusalem itself was no longer a small city. 407 But even now, the sanctuary formed the absolute centre and remained so until the end of the second temple. Polybius speaks of the Jews 'who live round the sanctuary named Hierosolyma' {Antt.12, 136, cf. Sib.'i, 2 i 3 f ) . As the example of the Tobiads shows, the nobility lived more and more in the city. Whereas the sheikh Tobias still lived for the most part in his fortress in the Ammanitis - significantly, Zeno visited him there and not in Jerusalem, - we find his son Joseph and Joseph's sons principally in the capital. T h e preliminaries to the Maccabean revolt, in which the Tobiads played a decisive role, consist principally in partisan struggles in Jerusalem itself (see below, pp.277ff.). Hellenistic cultural influence, too, was limited for the most part to the capital. T h u s the old opposition between city and the people of the land {'am hd-dres) reached a new climax; it was also to play a decisive role in the further history of Judea down to the destruction of the holy city in AD
7O.4O8
In view of this, it is not improbable that the 'faithful' with their apocalyptic
54
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
tendencies were recruited - as Max Weber thought^os - predominantly from the growing middle class of the city. But the conservative, small-farmer population settled on the land also considered with mistrust the arrogant priests and the rich lay aristocracy who took up Greek customs. Thus the guerrilla war which was successfully waged against the Jewish friends of Greece and their Seleucid protectors did not begin from some prominent families in Jerusalem but from the sons of Mattathias, who belonged to the lower priest hood and perhaps even only to the levitical clerus minor from Modein, a small country town in the north-west, on the periphery of the territory of Judea (see below, pp. 289f). The degree to which this fight for freedom was helped on by the social division is shown by Jub.23.19fF., which in its context clearly refers to the Maccabean revolt: And they shall strive one with another, the yotmg with the old . . . the poor with the rich, the lowly with the great, and the beggar with the prince, on account of the law and the covenant . . . And they shall stand (with bows and) swords and war to turn them back in the way; but they shall not return tmtil much blood has been shed on the earth, one by another. T h e primarily economic trend of Hellenistic civilization and its limitation to the upper classes and the cities resulted in a relaxation of life-style which during the course of the third century probably found an entry even into Palestine and certain circles in Jerusalem. T h e eloquent warnings of the latest part of Proverbs in particular, against adultery with the 'strange woman',4io the picture of enjoyment of life and the delight of feasting on the one hand and the warning against a luxurious way of life on the other suggest that the 'Graeculi' were not just a phenomenon in the Rome of the late republic, but were also to be foimd in Palestine. In addition to the later wisdom literature, like the last part of Proverbs, Koheleth and Ben Sira,*" some scenes from the Tobiad romance speak a language which is clear enough:*i2 Bread is made for contentment, and wine gladdens life, and money answers everything. (Koh. 10.19) A reaction against the predominance of city life is shown in the agricultural ideal which keeps on appearing in the wisdom literature.*^" T h e laxer, materialistic spirit of the New Comedy and the mime was true not only of the citizens of Athens or Cos at the time of a Menander or a Herondas, but also of the Greek emigrants who brought it, for example, to Phoenicia and Palestine, where it easily found enough imitators among the natives. (They) certainly were selfish, their conception of life was materialistic, their ideals somewhat distasteful, and their morality low. What they wanted was a quiet and easy life of pleasure, with the minimum of work and worry. They showed very little interest in the State or in religion. Their main endeavour
Summary: Hellenistic Civilization
as a Secular Force
55
was to increase their material possessions and to bequeath them to their posterity. Love plays an important part in their lives, but it was not the basis of marriage; the latter was simply a business transaction. The emigrants were perhaps less 'bourgeois' and therefore showed more of a 'pioneer spirit', but they were certainly even less bound by social considera tions and religious taboos than those who remained at home. That the seed sown by them also came up in Syria and Palestine is shown by the picture outlined by Posidonius, with a certain pointed exaggeration, of the life of the rich bourgeoisie in the Syrian cities towards the end of the second century BC: Because of the richness of the land the inhabitants of the cities are liberated from concern for the necessities of life; they hold many assemblies at which they constantly dine. They use the gymnasiums as baths and anoint them selves (there) with valuable oils and ointments. They live in the 'grammateia' - which is what they call their common dining rooms - as though they were their private dwellings, and for the greater part of the day fill their body with wine and food to such an extent that they can still take a good deal home with them; the sound of the bright-toned lyre rings so in their ears that whole cities echo with its noise.^^^ A perspective on life can be seen here which is also refleaed in the epigrams of the Palestine poets Meleager and Philodemus, and is also vigorously reflected in the tomb-paintings and graffiti of Marisa (see below pp. 62, 84flF.).
5. S u m m a r y : Hellenistic Civilization as a Secular F o r c e in Palestine Even the Jews met the civilization of early Hellenism, coming in the wake of Alexander and the kingdoms of the Diadochi which followed him, as a fully secular force. This was the experience of the whole of the East. Its dominant feature was the impact made by the apparently insuperable war technique of Greece and Macedon, with which the Jews, too, gradually became familiar through Jewish mercenaries. This made its mark on the conception of the Holy War in Jewish apocalyptic and made possible the later Maccabean revolt and the Jewish expansionist policy which followed. A further deep impression was left by the strict Ptolemaic system of administration and taxation, and here above all by the typically Greek institution of farming out dues of all kinds. This became a firm institution in Judea over the centuries which followed: the power of the state was henceforward embodied not least in the hated reXcovai. The development of the 'constitution' of the Jewish temple state as we know it from New Testament times, with the delicate balance between high priest and Sanhedrin, also probably goes back to the Ptolemaic period. Other impressive features were the economic activity, the talent for organ ization and the logical and technical system which the Greeks developed in
56
Early Hellenism as a Political and Economic Force
Palestine, in the service of the Ptolemaic state and in their own interest, to draw more profitably than before on the riches of the country. At the same time they intensified domestic and export trade in Palestine in conjunction with the Phoenicians; not only were the trade connections of the cotmtry strengthened towards Egypt and Arabia, but also the Aegean and western Asia Minor attracted the interest of Palestine more than before. The Jewish Diaspora also began to expand further, partly through Jewish mercenaries and emigrants and partly through slaves; it not only grew stronger in Egypt and Cyrenaica, but also took root in Greece and Asia Minor. T h e long period of peace in the third century furthered favourable economic development, which probably reached its climax under Ptolemy I I Philadelphus 285 (282)-246. In Palestine itself, virtually every inhabitant of the country came into close c o n t a a with the new masters, whether he was a soldier, official, merchant or landowner. T h e Phoenicians, who had dominated the whole of the coastal region of Palestine since Persian times and also had great influence in the interior as a result of their trading colonies, took quick and skilful action to adjust to the new situation. But even the inhabitants of Judea could not close their eyes to it indefinitely. T h e theocratic programme of separation from the non-Jewish environment was now put to a severe test. Were the leading groups to seize the economic and social possibilities which Hellenistic civilization oflfered to them, as it did to other members of the Phoenician-Palestinian aristocracy, or were they to continue to persist in the enchanted sleep of a temple state set beyond great events, which at the same time enjoyed the reputation of separatism ? There were certainly young and ambitious people who struggled to break through the narrowness of their homeland and to make more room for the new spirit which was gradually making itself felt even in Jerusalem. A concrete example of this can be found in the surprising rise of the Tobiad Joseph at the time of Ptolemy I I I Euergetes (246-222), in becoming the chief tax-farmer of 'Syria and Phoenicia'. Connections with the growing Diaspora of the Greek-speaking world, especially Egypt, which could not close its eyes to Hellenistic civilization precisely because of its social status, will have lent powerful support to these tendencies. An essential factor here is that in the economic sphere Hellenism brought about no radical break, but intensified developments which had already begun to take shape in Palestine in the Persian period through the mediation of the Phoenicians. Interest in Hellenistic civilization, however, remained predominantly limited to the well-to-do aristocracy of Jerusalem. Intensive economic exploitation and the social unconcernedness of the new masters and their imitators, who were concerned purely with economics, only served to exacerbate the situation of the lower strata of the population. It prepared the ground for apocalyptic specula tion and the later revolts, which had increasingly strong social elements, right down to the time of the Bar Kochba rebellion. Even the milieu of the parables of Jesus, with its great landowners, tax farmers, administrators, moneylenders.
Summary: Hellenistic Civilization as a Secular Force
57
day-labourers and customs officials, with speculation in grain, slavery for debt and the leasing of land, can only be tmderstood on the basis of economic conditions brought about by Hellenism in Palestine. Now Hellenistic civilization was by no means an exclusively or even pre dominantly military, civic and socio-economic phenomenon - these were simply the areas in which its effects first became visible; rather, it was the expression of a force which embraced almost every sphere of life. It was a force of confusing fullness, an expression of the power of the Greek spirit which penetrated and shaped everything, expressive and receptive. Consequently it also had effects on areas which so far have been kept in the background of our investigation, literature, philosophy and religion. T o penetrate into these regions, however, the foreigner needed a bridge, and this was provided for him by the common language of the Hellenistic world, which bound it all together, the koine.
II Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force and its Influence on the Jews
I . T h e Greek L a n g u a g e in Palestinian Judaism a) The penetration of the Greek language into Palestine The bond which held the Hellenistic world together despite the fragmentation which began with the death of Alexander and continued thereafter, was Attic koine.^ Its sphere of influence went far beyond that of Aramaic, the official language of the Persian kingdom. Greek merchants dealt in it, whether in Bactria on the border of India or in Massilia; laws were promulgated in it and treaties concluded in accordance with a tmiform basic scheme ;2 it was the language of both diplomats and men of letters; and anyone who sought social respect or even the reputation of being an educated man had to have an impeccable command of it. T h e word iXkr]vit,eiv primarily meant 'speak Greek correctly', and only secondarily 'adopt a Greek style of life'. Impeccable command o f the Greek language was the most important qualification for taking over Greek culture." T h e final establishment and dissemination of , the koine was probably the most valuable and the most permanent fruit of Alexander's expedition. T h e way 'n which it dominated pubHc and economic fife in Egypt as virtually the only written language is shown by the Zeno correspondence. Among its approximately two thousand items, very few are in Demotic, and there is not one single piece of writing in Aramaic, although Jews, Idumeans, Syrians and Arabs ( = Nabateans) are mentioned often enough; we have hardly two or three Aramaic or Hebrew writings from Jews in Egypt between 300 BC and AD 300.* In Palestine, the triumphal progress of Greek makes an impressive showing in inscriptions. It is no coincidence that if we disregard later Nabatean inscriptions in Transjordania and the typically Jewish tomb, ossuary and synagogue inscriptions, which rest upon a certain national self-awareness, from the third century BC we find almost exclusively Greek inscriptions in Palestine. This is true, to mention only the demonstrably early evidence of the third and second century BC, of official texts in honour of Ptolemy IV Philopator in Marisa and Joppa or of the great warning inscription with letters of Antiochus I I I and Seleucus IV from Hephzibah in Scythopolis
The Greek Language in Palestinian Judaism
59
as it is of the religious inscriptions in Ptolemais, Scythopolis, Samaria and Marisa or of the tomb inscriptions in Gaza, Marisa and now also in Shechem. Indeed, even graffiti were often written in Greek. ^ T o this extent the official language was dominant in the public life of the non-Jewish cities of Palestine. Outside the sphere ofJudaism the principle could probably very soon be applied that anyone who could read and write also had a command of Greek. Aramaic became the language of the illiterate, who needed no written remembrances. Weak beginnings of a non-Jewish, Aramaic literature only started to develop in the Byzantine-Christian period, when the significance of Greek in com parison with local vernaculars receded into the backgroimd. Here the Hellen ization of the non-Jewish parts of Palestine seems to have been even stronger than that of Phoenicia, where a whole series of Phoenician inscriptions exists from the Hellenistic period, and where even local coins were minted with two languages," a sign that the national consciousness of the Phoenicians was still alive, despite the Hellenistic varnish. T h e situation m Judea is illtuninated by the letters of the Jew Tobias to ApoUonius and the king himself, which were all written in excellent Greek and beautiful handwriting by his Greek secretary in 257 B C A Jewish soldier son of Ananias appears as 'guarantor' alongside some pure Greeks, as a witness in a purchase arrangement concluded in the 'birta' of Tobias; he too will have known Greek. Since Tobias was the commander of a cleruchy with Greek troops, it is further probable that he himself spoke Greek; his son Joseph certainly received a thorough education in Greek, as is shown by his success in the court in Alexandria: the important office of general tax farmer for 'Syria and Palestine' would not have been entrusted to an uneducated barbarian.» It is said explicitly of the grandchildren of Tobias that their father Joseph sent them 'one after the other to the famous teachers of the time', though Greek education seems to have been really successful only with the youngest of them, Hyrcanus; he went on to be Joseph's representative at the celebration of the birth of the heir to the throne at the court in Alexandria.' T h e grandchildren of Tobias and their sons later formed the nucleus of that party of Hellenists in Jerusalem who wanted to turn the city into a Greek polis. The high priest and the financial administrator of the temple will also have had impeccable Greekspeaking and Greek-writing secretaries for their correspondence with Ptolemaic offices and the court. I f one goes on to include members of the Ptolemaic garrison, officials and merchants, even the Jerusalem of the third century BC may be assumed to have had a considerable Greek-speaking minority. Clearchus of Soli records the meeting of Aristotle with a Greek-educated Palestinian Jew from Judea in Asia Minor about 345 BC. Although this report is unhistorical, we may conclude from it that at the time of Clearchus, about the middle of the third century BC, there were Jews from Palestine to whom the description that 'he was a Greek not only in his language but also in his soul' could be applied with some degree of accuracy, i " The same is true of the
6o
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
Letter o f Aristeas. According to that, the high priest chose for the translation o f the Torah into Greek six men from each tribe who were distinguished by their 'paideia' and 'not only had a mastery of Jewish literature, but had also acquired a thorough knowledge of Greek'." This report of 72 Jews knowing Greek at the time of Philadelphus may be an exaggeration, but we can conclude that at the time of the composition of the letter in the second half of the second century BC a knowledge of Greek could be taken for granted among Palestinian Jews of the aristocracy. Moreover, the books of Maccabees clearly show that not only the members of the Hellenistic party but also many supporters of Judas and his brothers had a command of Greek: this is the only way in which the embassies to Rome and Sparta and the tedious negotiations with the Syrian rulers are conceivable. There was no stopping the penetration o f the Greek language even in Jewish Palestine, and the yotmg Jew who wanted to rise a stage above the mass of the simple people had to learn it. This process was strengthened by contacts with the Diaspora in Egypt, Asia Minor and the Aegean, above all after the temple in Jerusalem attracted more and more festival pilgrims from there. The significance of Jerusalem grew with the growth of the western Diaspora, though it continued to remain the centre of world Judaism, now predominantly Greek-speaking. 1* There was no break in this development even as a result of the Maccabean revolt, but it was furthered because after Jewish independence had been won, the Hasmoneans followed a quite deliberate policy of influencing the Diaspora, which was then continued by Herod. It could not fail to aflfect the Jews in Palestine. From the second century BC onwards we can trace the beginnings of a GraecoJewish literature in Palestine (see below, pp. 88-102). Finally, one need only mention the many Greek inscriptions in Jerusalem, which only in part derive from those who had returned from the Diaspora: they do belong, though, for the most part to the later period between Herod and AD 70. i" Probably the earliest Greek inscription from Jerusalem is a graffito from the magnificent tomb of Jason, decked with drawings of ships. T h e tomb comes from the time of Alexander Jannaeus, 103-76 BC, and the grafliito is composed in the style of the Hellenistic epitaph with the motto 'Enjoy life'.i' Greek loanwords give a further indication of the penetration of Greek. It is true that they are extraordinarily rare in Old Testament literature: in addition to the 'drachmae', already mentioned, we find 'appiryon in the Song of Songs, which is perhaps derived from the Greek (f>op£iov, 'sedan chair', and the various musical instruments in Dan.3.18 A deliberate purism based on religious and nationalistic grounds may be the reason why neither Sirach nor the extrabiblical Qtmiran texts have any Greek loanwords; conversely, the Greek papyri of Egypt and the koine in general have hardly any 'barbaric' foreign words. 19 On the other hand, even the Essenes, who had a very critical attitude towards the Greek world, could not get by without the Greek language, as is shown by the Greek papyrus fragments fotmd in Qumran, which include
The Greek Language in Palestinian Judaism
6i
fragments of the Septuagint. It was required of the 'overseer of the camp', among other things, that he 'was familiar with all the languages of the families (living in the camp)', and this surely included Greek. A similar demand was made in the Talmud of members of the Sanhedrin, 'so that they were not compelled to use an i n t e r p r e t e r ' . U n l i k e literary Hebrew, popular Aramaic or Hebrew constantly adopted new Greek loanwords, as is shown by the lan guage of the Mishnaic and Talmudic literature. While it reflects the situation at a later period, its origins go back well before the Christian era.22 The collec tion of the loanwords in the Mishna to be found in Schiirer shows the areas in which Hellenistic influence first became visible: military matters, state adminis tration and legislature, trade and commerce, clothing and household utensils, and not least in building. 23 T h e so-called copper scroll with its Utopian list of treasures also contains a series of Greek loanwords. 2" When towards the end of the first century BC, Hillel in practice repealed the regulation of the remission of debts in the sabbath year (Deut. 1 5 . 1 - 1 1 ) by the possibility of a special reservation on the part of the creditor, this reservation was given a Greek name introduced into Palestinian legal language: p^roz^bbol = Trpoa^oXr],^^ a sign that even at that time legal language was shot through with Greek. b) The advance of Greek names One measure of the advance of the Greek language is the introduction of Greek names. T h e first traces of this go back to the time before Alexander. Just as prominent Phoenicians, e.g. Strato, king of Sidon, had a Greek form of name,26 so too the last 'Persian' governor of Samaria, Sanballat, seems to have given his daughter the Greek name Nikaso. She married Manasseh, the son of the Jewish high priest. 2 ' After the Macedonian conquest, the Phoenicians in particular, being more open to Greek culture than hitherto, took over Greek names. W e know Philocles son of Apollodorus (Resephiatan), the last king of Sidon and admiral of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Ptolemy II Philadelphus. 28 After his death Sidon went over to a democratic constitu tion, and in PZenMich 3 we hear of an 'archon' Theodotus, who sends the dioiketes ApoUonius a present. In a bill which speaks among other things of Gaza, incense and myrrh, and is thus connected with the trade in aromatics, a Zenodorus appears whose father still had the good Semitic name Abbaeus Cabbd' or ^abba'y).^^ T h e double name was an intermediate stage in the Graecizing of names: for dealings with Greeks and on journeys a man had a Greek name, while at home and among Semites he had a Semitic name. Graeco-Phoenician bilingual evidence of the third century connects Sama'ba'al with Diopeithes, Benhodes with Noumenius, 'Abdtanit with Artemidorus, 'Abdsemes with Heliodorus; an Ashkelonite 'Abd'astart calls himself Aphrodisius, two Tyrian brothers on Malta, 'Abd'osir and 'Osirsamar, are called Dionysius and Sarapion, like their father and grandfather, Here the giving of names indicates the syncretistic interpretatio graeca of the native gods.
62
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
The contamination of Greek and Semitic divine names is striking in Panabelus, the name of a travelling companion of Zeno in Palestine, or a formation like Patrobala, from the tomb inscriptions of Marisa on the Judaeo-Idimiean border: the ending Baal was so obvious that it was not always Hellenized.^i In the tomb inscriptions of Marisa from the end of the third century BC we find a motley mixtilre of Phoenician, Idumaean and above all Greek names, with a clear trend towards Hellenization: the Phoenician Sesmaius gave his son the name Apollophanes; the latter was then '•archon" of the Sidonian politeuma in Marisa for thirty-three years, his son had the same name and a granddaughter was called Demetria. However, a sister of Apollophanes had the Idumean name Sabo, and a brother was called Anmio(n)ius in Egyptian-Hellenistic manner. Ammo(n)ius named a son Kosnatanus after the Idumean God Kos (see below, p.261, n . 2 7 ) ; he called his sons Babas and Babatas in JewishIdtimean fashion, and a daughter, once again, Sabo. Alongside the great family of Sesmaius we find the Phoenician Meerbaal, who called his son Demetrius, who in turn had a descendant Ortas, bearing a Macedonian name. T h e Phoenician Zenodorus had a son Antagoras; Kosbanus, presumably an Idumean, was father of Callicrates, who again named his son Kosbanus after his grandfather. Another Idumean, Zabbaeus, had two sons Apollodorus and Ammonius. In tomb IV, which, according to Peters and Thiersch, was not one of the tombs of the Sidonian colony, what is perhaps a Jewish name, Sarya, appears among predominantly Greek women's names like Irene, Berenice, Demetria, daughter of Philo, and Aristeia.^^ Two other names which are possibly Jewish appear among the inscriptions of the special tomb V published by F . M. Abel; apart from a certain HaXap. (ip) (for I!aXap.>jiu)) and Naovpua (feminine form of Nahum), it probably contains the names of female slaves who come from the region between eastern Asia Minor and the Caspian sea.33 On the whole, the tomb inscriptions, composed throughout in Greek, together with the names, point to a very high degree of Hellenization in Marisa for the period from the end of the third century to the conquest of the city about n o BC by John Hyrcanus, a finding which is also confirmed by the tomb paintings and inscriptions elsewhere. Conditions in the capital of Idumea are certainly to be understood as a parallel phenomenon to the Hellenizing tendencies in Jerusalem at the beginning of the second century BC, as it was a bare twenty-five miles away. It is interesting that the Idtimean ancestors of Herod presumably descended from the Hellenized aristocracy of this city.^-t Greek names like 'Melantheus' are also found m the similar, but simpler rock tombs in Samaritan Shechem, which come from the Hellenistic period. Perhaps they are connected with the Sidonian colony in Shechem. A pottery fragment from the same place from the time between 250 and 150 BC, engraved before the firing of the vessel, has a long inscription in which the name Simonide(s) is still legible; perhaps this is the Graecizing of the Hebrew Simeon. 35
The Greek Language in Palestinian Judaism
63
Little can be said about Jewish names in Palestine during the third century BC, as we have very little Judeo-Palestinian material from this period. How ever, circtimstances in Egypt are very illtiminating: whereas the many Jews mentioned in the Aramaic P. Cowley 81 towards 310 BC have almost exclusively Hebrew names,^" fifty to a hundred years later we find predominantly Greek names among the Jews of the Egyptian Diaspora. In an agreement of April 260 BC we come across the Jewish soldier Alexander, son of Andronicus; a trial account from 226 BC reports on the dispute between the Jew Dositheus and the Jewess Heraclea; a complaint of 210 BC and an agreement of 201 BC mention nine Jews in all, all of whom have Greek or - in one case - Egyptian names and patronyms.^' Only about twenty-five per cent of the Jewish military settlers mentioned in the papyri have Jewish names; in reaUty the percentage is still lower, as Jewish bearers of Greek names can only be recognized by the addition of 'loudaios', and that was by no means always made. 'The common life in the camps and military settlements, as well as in mixed military units, brought about a rapid adoption o f Greek names and customs.'38 Typically Jewish names are rather more frequent in the second century BC, prestimably because the Jevrish military settlers at that time setded more in self-contained groups; perhaps the national sensibility aroused by the Maccabean revolt also made itself felt in Egypt. A certain tendency towards double names or altering an original Hebrew name can also be demonstrated, whether this came about through translation, assonance, or quite freely, without any visible connection with the old name.^^ Even pagan theophorous names were not excluded, as in a will of 238/7 BC, which mentions an Apoll(odorUS ? . . .) os KOI Evpiarl
'Iwvadas
[KaXelrai
. .
The theophorous names of Daniel and his companions in Babylonia show that people were not so sensitive on this point in the early Hellenistic period.*! Nevertheless, the overwhelming majority of people in the Egyptian Diaspora - like the Jews in Palestine - remained true to the faith of their fathers; this is clear from the fact that in a comparison of all Jewish names, the theophorous names Dositheus - which was used almost exclusively by Jews and Theodotus stand at the head by a long way. This may be taken as a kind of confession of the one God in pagan surroundings. The most striking instance of this kind is the Jewish slave Antigone, freed in Delphi in 158/157 BC, with her daughters Theodora and Dorothea. *2 There is certainly an intrinsic connection between the rapid Hellenizing of the Jews o f Egypt attested by the names and the translation of the Pentateuch into Greek, which also took place in the same century. T h e first synagogue inscriptions from the time o f Ptolemy I I I Euergetes (246-222 BC) are naturally composed in Greek.*3 From the moment when the sources for Palestine Judaism become fuller, with the books of Maccabees, we come across an abundance of Greek names. It is clear that the tendency to adopt them did not begin with Antiochus IV,
64
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
but had been at work even earlier. The first to carry a name which, if not Greek, at least sounded Greek to Jewish ears, was - as far as we can see Hyrcanus the Tobiad, son of the tax farmer Joseph.** Antigonus of Socho, who according to 'Ab. i, 3 received the Torah 'from Simon the Just', high priest and father of Onias I I I and Jason, is one of the early figures with a Greek name to appear in Jerusalem about the end of the third century BC. This is all the more striking as he did not come from Jerusalem, but from a small country town some fifteen miles south-west of Jerusalem.*'' T h e fathers of the ambassadors sent by Jonathan and Simon to Sparta or Rome, Ntimenius son of Antiochus, Antipater son of Jason and Alexander son of Dorotheus, may similarly have been born before the turn of the century.*" John, of the priestly family of Haqqos, who negotiated with Antiochus I I I , presimiably in Antioch, after 200 BC over the (fjiXdvdpoi-na ^aaiXiKa for the Jews, called his son Eupolemus. Under Judas, Eupolemus later led the first embassy to Rome, perhaps with Jason, mentioned above, and presumably distinguished himself as a Jewish history writer in the Greek language.*' According to II Mace. 14.19, the parliamentarians who sent Nicanor to Judas for peace negotiations included a Theodotus and a Mattathias; perhaps this too was a person with a double name. Two Maccabean cavalry officers in Transjordania, who probably belonged earlier to the cleruchy of the Tobiads in Transjordania (see below, pp. 2 7 5 1 ) , bore the names Dositheus and Sosipater.*** This tendency did not cease even during the Hasmonean period. A certain Lysimachus son of Ptolemy - presumably here, as in the case of Antiochus, who has already been mentioned, the names were at the same time political confessions - translated the book of Esther into Greek in Jerusalem; a priest Dositheus and his son Ptolemy then brought the work to Egypt, prob ably in the year 78/77 BC.*^ Mention should finally be made of JeshuaJason, the leader of the Hellenist party, the brothers Menelaus and Lysimachus, and the later high priest Eliakim-Alcimus; their Greek names were by no means extraordinary, but rather corresponded to a general tendency of nomenclature in the Jewish aristocracy, no matter whether persons were proHellenist or pro-Maccabean. Among the seventy-two Palestinian elders, the Letter of Aristeas lists men with Greek names like Theodosius (three times), Theodotus, Theophilus, Dositheus and Jason (twice). Even if it is a JewishAlexandrian fiction, it would hardly have given individual Palestinians Greek names if this had not happened at the time, so Even the Hasmoneans again bore Hebrew/Greek double names after the second and third generations, i.e. after John Hyrcanus, his brother-in-law Ptolemy son of Abub, and his sons Jehuda-Aristobulus, Antigonus and Alexander Jannaeus. s i Finally, it is certainly no coincidence that in the Hellenistic-Roman period up to about AD 200 the name Simeon-Simon is used most frequently in Palestine. First, it matched the strong national consciousness, for the last of the Maccabean brothers had borne it;^^ secondly, however, it was easily assimilable, as it
Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism
65
was almost identical with the Greek name Simon. 5 3 T h e ambiguity which becomes evident in the popularity of this name is typical of Jewish history throughout this whole period.
2. Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism a) Hellenism as a force in education The Hellenistic period was a period of education. Thus H. I. Marrou defined Hellenism, in contrast to the preceding 'civilization of the -noXis' and the later 'civilization of the city of God', i.e. the later Byzantine and medieval Christian empire, as 'a civilization of paideia'.^'^ Some time before Alexander, Isocrates had already broken through the old prejudices of the Greeks towards the 'barbarians' which had existed above all since the Persian wars and were still defended by Aristotle, in a revolutionary formulation t^s The designation 'Hellene' seems no longer to be a matter of descent but of disposition, and those who share in our education have more right to be called Hellenes than those who have a common descent with us.^s Even if Isocrates was also setting out to express the intellectual superiority of Athens here, we can see in his words the conception of a 'universal concept of culture' pertaining to every man,^' which for him was identical with the Greek paideia. A century later, under Stoic influence and in a defence of Alexander, Eratosthenes made the further proposal that men should no longer be classed as Greeks or barbarians, but according to dperij and KUKU, 'for in the one the sense of right and community, of education (waiSeia) and eloquence prevails, and in the other the contrary'. Thus the Hellenistic epoch produced a new picture of man, and the key concept in it was paideia.^^ Varro and Cicero were not wrong in later translating paideia as humanitas.^^ Alexander's victorious expedition gave new possibilities to the idea of 'Greeks hy paideia'. T h e Graeco-Macedonian soldiers, offidals and merchants planted their customary institutions of education, the Greek school and above all the gymnasium - 'il n'existe . . . pas d'institution plus typiquement grecque'"" - in the newly-conquered areas of the East. Both institutions developed predominantly on a private and at best on a communal basis. Direct evidence for the Seleucid sphere is relatively limited,"^ but for Ptolemaic Egypt the sources are considerably richer. Here we have the indirect evidence of school papyri for the elementary school, and the overwhelming mass of Greek literary papyri from the chora, which point to a widespread intellectual interest among the Greek-educated population, show that this private institution, so difficult to reconstruct from the sources, did not lack success. T h e best-known school papyrus, a handbook of instruction, comes
66
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
from the third century BC and is typical of a conservative form of instruction, quite uninfluenced by the Egyptian homeland. T h e gymnasia, which en countered strong public interest, appear more frequently, partly in applications made to state offices and also in inscriptions. Like the elementary schools, they were to be found not only in the cities but even in larger villages, i.e., every where that Greeks settled in self-contained groups. T h e sponsoring body was as a rule an association, but often they were based on private foundations. School and gymnasitim together gave the Greek minority support against the threat of assimilation to the 'barbarian' environment; they were 'the basis on which Greek culture was built up'."* Here generation upon generation of the foreign ruling class received its traditional Greek education and life-style, which bound together all Greeks far beyond the boundaries of the worldempires. For political reasons, in Egypt even in Roman times strict precautions were taken to exclude native Egyptians as far as possible from the gymnasium and to accept only the sons of Greek parents, whose fathers had themselves passed through the gymnasium. "^ Nevertheless, above all in the Ptolemaic period, from time to time individual Egyptians succeeded in rising into the preferential class of Hellenes. Non-Greek foreigners were in a better position: prominent Persians and Jews, above all from the ranks of the military settlers, could gain access to the leading upper class by way of Greek education and the gymnasium."" The remarkable and probably historically unique fusion of Jewish and Hellenistic culture in Alexandria from the third century BC is only understandable on the grounds of the unhindered access of Egyptian Jews to the treasures of Greek education. Here the gymnasium became an important point of transition. Instruction in the 'Greek school' was presumably divided into three age groups: school age from about 7 to 14/15, followed by the period of the ephebate which lasted one or two years, which was the real time of training in the gymnasium, dominated above all by physical exercise and also a degree of military training. This was in turn followed by the stage of the 'young men', who continued their instruction in the gymnasium until about the age of twenty."' Former pupils continued contacts with their place of education by means of associations. T h e honorary director of the gymnasium, the gymnasiarch, was one of the most important city dignitaries, as a rule a rich citizen who could contribute to the support of the institution from his own means. At the same time, the gymnasium was also always one of the central places of public life."^ Instead of examinations and reports in our sense, the constant competitions served as an effective stimulus; these were not just limited to sports, but also included literary skills."» Literary instruction, which at least in the earlier period took third place behind physical training and musical education, was concentrated on one language, the Greek mothertongue, and on one - it might almost be called the canonical - book, the epic work of Homer, especially the Iliad; at a higher level of instruction the later
Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism
67
classic writers o f canonical' status were also taken up. For example, the school book from the third century BC, mentioned above, contains among other things an elegy on the consecration of a temple of Homer by Ptolemy IV Philopator, together with a fragment of the Odyssey and Euripides' Phoenician Women.'^'^ T h e very idea of constant competition, the 'agonistic ideal of life', basically goes back to Homer: atev dpLareveiv
Kal vneipoxov
ep.p.evai aAAaiv.'i
Despite all locally conditioned differences, Greek education, which hardly changed from the beginning of the Hellenistic age, maintained down the centuries a 'remarkable unity and steadfastness'.'2 It preserved its con servative traits and educated the young 'Hellenes' in a very uniform way. I f its original aim, the training of a responsible citizen of the polis, had been suppressed in the Hellenistic monarchies, it still shaped the self-awareness of members of the Greek ruling class: 'Its overall object was to fashion the ideal of Greek gentlemen'.'^ In this way - not least because of its slant towards sport and because its spiritual foundation was rooted in the chivalrous ideals of the Homeric world - it acquired an expressly aristocratic character: and after hesitation at some unusual manifestations, like the competition of naked youths in the palaestra, had been overcome, it could also exercise a stronger attraction over the youths of subject peoples than the educational ideal of the oriental scribe, which was predominantly directed towards religious attitudes and traditional 'wisdom'.'* 'Whereas Greek education was designed to produce gentlemen amateurs. Eastern education was designed to perpetuate a guild of professional scribes.'"> It is commonly stressed that the Greeks could contribute nothing to the peoples of the East in the sphere of religion, but rather that they themselves were to an increasing extent the receivers. This view pays too little attention to the influence of the Greek school. Constant reading of Homer kept alive knowledge of Greek mythology, and favoured the interpretatio graeca of the Oriental world of the gods. Moreover, the gymnasitim possessed its own guardian deities, Hermes, Heracles and the muses,'" and the countless festivals and competitions of the Greeks had a thoroughly religious character." Young people at school played an important role in the feasts to honour the gods of the city, and in the Hellenistic monarchies the ruler cult gained overwhelming significance in the gymnasia in particular; it was the culmination of the tendency to revere himian heroes and benefactors as gods, which began at an early stage in the gymnasitim.'* Much as freedom of religious con viction was allowed in the Greek polis, people could be very intolerant with their own citizens in questions of the official cult. At least the Jew exposed to Hellenism in the Diaspora could come up against difficulties if he wanted to undergo education in the gymnasium or acquire citizenship of his native town.'9 In a petition from Ionian cities to Marcus Agrippa between 16 and
68
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
13 BC the citizens demanded that Jews should give up their claim to equal rights, for 'if the Jews really belonged to them, they would also reverence their gods';
et avyy€v€is
eloLV
avrois
'/ouSatot,
ai^eadai
rovs
avTcuv
deovs.^^
Similarly, Apion asked the Jews who laid claim to citizenship of Alexandria: 'quomodo ergo . . . si sunt cives, eosdem deos quos Alexandrini non colunt?'^^ The legendary I I I Maccabees reports that the Jews who allowed themselves to be initiated into the mysteries of Dionysus were honoured for their action with the citizenship of Alexandria, and that some could not resist this allure. Even if the framework of this book is for the most part unhistorical, the temptation to apostasy for political advantage may point back to a particular historical situation. On the whole, the Jews of the Diaspora remained constant in face of these claims and temptations, but the inscription of the second century BC from lasus in Ionia, according to which a 'Nicetas son of Jason from Jerusalem' contributed 100 drachmas for a feast of Dionysus, shows that they had to be very generous - above all in the early period, before the promulgation of privileges for the Jews by Caesar and his successors. As far as the education of their sons was concerned, the Jewish upper class in the Diaspora was ready on occasion to compromise with the polytheistic basic tendency o f gymnasitim instruction, as is shown by the way in which Jewish names keep appearing in the lists of ephebes of Greek cities, which usually end with a formula of dedication to Hermes and Heracles.s* However, this is not to be taken without qualification as an evasion of Jewish belief; partly, it is also a sign that the Judaism of the Diaspora had won an inner self-assurance over against its polytheistic environment. **5 T h e Letter of Aristeas, about 140 BC, with its frequent stress on the educational ideal of the KaXoKayadla, so loved in the gymnasium, already shows that this had been accepted and acknowledged by the Jewish upper class in Alexandria. *" Philo, too, took it for granted that well-to-do Jews would be educated at the gymnasium, s' The account of Josephus suggests that Jews were admitted to gymnasium education in Seleucid Antioch: he says that they laid claim to the official distribution of oil by the gymnasiarch; however, they could have received the equivalent in money, T h e view of S. Applebaum in his controversy with V. Tcherikover, that gymnasiimi education 'must have been purchased with the betrayal of Judaism', is, however, probably too sweeping. In Sardes in the second to fourth century AD, the great synagogue appears 'seemingly as an integral part o f the city gymnasium', and thus in practice formed a buildingcomplex with it. Prominent Jews proudly called themselves 'Sardianos', i.e. citizen of Sardes, and some of them were city councillors. T h e place of the synagogue probably goes back to a gift of the city to the Jews in the first century BC (Antt. 14, 26of).9o When by his famous letter o f AD 41 Claudius finally deprived the sons of the Jewish aristocracy o f entry to the gymnasium in Alexandria, which they coveted, and hence of the right to Alexandrian (and Roman) citizenship, it was a bitter blow against the leaders of Alexandrian
Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism
69
Judaism and led the way to the rebellion and the annihilation of the Jewish Diaspora in Egypt in AD 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 . 9 1 T h e normal course of Greek education communicated an 'esprit de corps' and a marked self-awareness in the face of the barbarian environment, but hardly a comprehensive knowledge of great literature or even philosophy; here pupils were at best informed about certain fashions that were dominant. Whether a person wanted to go beyond the normal course of education which was itself already something of a selection - and to continue his studies until he had acquired a real iyKVKXios 7raiSeta93 was left to his individual financial and intellectual capacity. There will in any case have been very few who devoted themselves to a more thorough study of rhetoric, philosophy or other special disciplines. The best basis for such a more thorough 'university study' was provided in the early Hellenistic period by Alexandria. It was of decisive significance for later Jewish and Christian intellectual history that the first Ptolemies succeeded in making this city - which was so easily accessible from Palestine - into the spiritual centre of the Hellenistic world, and in this area too in achieving an absolute superiority over the Seleucid rulers, s* In this way Alexandria exercised tremendous attraction not only as the greatest mercantile metropolis, but also as the centre of science and the arts.^s The intellectual elite of the Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt could not escape this influence. They developed their own learned tradition, which lasted over several centuries - probably a unique phenomenon in the history of the Graeco-Roman world. The first stimulus towards this surely came from the translation of the Torah made under Ptolemy I I Philadelphus, probably primarily for fiturgical usage (see below, p. 102); the first representative we can note was Demetrius, who wrote a chronological work on 'the kings of the Jews' in a learned Alexandrian style, under Ptolemy IV Philopator, 222-204 BC. In this he was following the tracks of Manetho and Berossus, who had treated Egyptian and Babylonian history in a similar way before him; the goal which all had in common was to demonstrate the considerable age of the national tradition, He was followed in the second century by the historical romancers like Artapanus and Cleodemus Malchus, or by poets who dealt with historical themes like the older Philo, the Samaritan Theodotus, Ezekiel the tragedian and - with an apocalyptic slant - the author of the earliest Jewish Sibyllines.9' With the exception of Demetrius, they all elaborated quite considerably the material of Jewish history which they treated, and did not disdain to use even the colours of Greek mythology or at least the archaic language of classical models. In addition there were more serious historians like Aristeas, Ps.-Hecataeus and Jason of Cyrene, and the first beginnings of philosophical writing in Aristobulus (see below, pp. iioflf.), the Letter of Pseudo-Aristeas and the Wisdom of Solomon, which was composed in the first century BC. AS the numerous fragments, mostly spurious, of Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, Heraclitus, Aeschylus, etc., show, writers had their own views
yo
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
on monotheistic belief in creation or the sacred number seven confirmed by classical authorities. This writing, which is usually designated apologetic or missionary literature,'^ served only exceptionally, however - as with Aristobulus - , to defend Judaism to the outside world; rather, it met the particular needs of a Greek-speaking Jewish readership with an intellectual interest. it was supplemented by an abundance of translations of a more popular kind from Palestinian literature. Even in the mother country, an express need for a wider selection of reading material will have made itself felt as early as the Persian and early Hellenistic period (see below pp. iioff.). T h e Greek learned world, on the other hand, did not bother much either with the Septuagint - the creation account was, perhaps, an exception (see below, p. 261, n.24) - or with Hellenistic Jewish writings. The special exception of the collector of curiosities, Alexander Polyhistor, only proves the rule. Only with Philo and Josephus do we meet an apologetic deliberately aimed at outsiders. It is likely that the influences of the literati and learned men inspired by the genius of Ptolemaic Alexandria were not limited to Egypt, but also extended to nearby Judea. There too, the Greek language had made an entry since the middle of the third century BC, and in addition the themes of JewishAlexandrian literature frequently reflect their close connection of the author with the mother country and the holy city. So from the beginning of the second century we can find the first signs of a native literature in the Greek language in Alexandria itself (see below, pp. 88fF.). It may be asstimed that the connections between Jerusalem and Alexandria were also of a cultural kind, and we cannot exclude the possibility that individual gifted sons of the Jerusalem aristocracy, like young Syrians from the Hellenized Palestinian cities, at some time pursued rhetorical studies in Alexandria or other intel lectual centres of the Hellenistic world, b) Greek education and culture in Palestine and its influence on Judaism The earliest account of the establishment of a gyrnnasium^"^ in Syria and Palestine - leaving aside the mention of a gymnasium in Antioch on the Orontes from the middle of the third century B C ^ ^ ^ _ is the narrative in the two books of Maccabees about the foundation of a gymnasium and the ephebate associated with it in Jerusalem, in 175 B C I " * From a later period, too, we have only quite isolated evidence about gymnasia, for example the report of Josephus that Herod had built gymnasia in Damascus, Rolemais-Acco and Tripolis at his own expense - presumably developing older institutions, a Graeco-Phoenician bilingual inscription from Aradus, which mentions the gymnasiarchs, Hermes and Heracles,!"" and an inscription which is difficult to decipher and date from Philadelphia, which probably reports the honouring of a gymnasiarch devoted to the cult of Heracles by the council and citizens of the place.!"' Finally, we have the archaeological discovery of the gymnasiimi of Petra built at the end of the period,
Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism
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Alongside these and other more or less chance accounts of gymnasia in the Seleucid kingdom, e.g. in Babylon, where Antiochus IV is named as ktistes,^"^ there is indirect evidence, above all the inscriptions which report victories of Phoenician competitors in games in the Greek mother coimtry. As early as 270 BC an inscription from Delos mentions the Sidonian SilUs and the Byblian Timocrates as victors in the boxing, n " T h e 'sufet' (St/cacrrr;?) Diotimus is celebrated in Sidon, his home city, towards 200 BC, with a skilful Greek verse inscription, as victor in the Pan-Hellenic Nemean chariot race in Argos, to which in principle only 'Hellenes' were admitted. T h e poem therefore explicitly stresses the mythological aSinily between Argives, Thebans and Phoenicians.!" An undated but probably contemporaneous inscription praises another Diotimus son of Abdubastius, who was victor in the wrestling under the agonothesia of Apollophanes son of Abdyzomum^ in the competition in Sidoninhonour of Delphian Apollo.!!^ Phoenicians are mentioned relatively frequently in the inscriptions of honour of the Pan-Athenian games in Athens: in 191 BC (or 182/181) the Sidonian Poseidonius son of Polemarchus won in the double race; his countryman Lysanias son of Theodorus followed in 184 BC as victor in the chariot race, and at the same time a Hieron from Phoenician Laodicea was victor in the horse racing, Tyrians, too, were successful, in 180 BC a Dioscorides in the boxing,!!* and in one case a citizen from Ptolemais, perhaps Phoenician Acco.!!^ Phoenicians even distinguished themselves in musical festivals in Greece, like the Sidonian Strato son of Strato, as kitharistes in the Museia in Thespiae in Boeotia.!!" Although they were at home in their ancestral language and maintained the traditional religious and political institutions, these Phoenicians competed as 'Hellenes' in their own right; not only did they have a command of the Greek language, but they had also undergone a gymnasium education and observed the rules of the contests as well as the Greeks of the mother country. Thus there will have been gymnasia not only in the Phoenician cities, but also in the larger Palestinian cities, especially in those which derived from MacedonianGreek military colonies. When Jason-Jeshua,!!' in addition to the office of high priest, also purchased permission to 'establish by his authority a gymnasium and a body of youth for i t ' m Jerusalem and 'to enrol the men of Jerusalem as citizens o f Antioch',118 he had these examples in mind. Indeed his Jewish compatriots in Egypt had long had the possibility, if they belonged to the upper social strata of the populace, of obtaining equal rights to the Greeks by Greek education and training in the gymnasium and, hke, e.g., the royal hypomnematographos Dositheus son of Drimylus, of rising to the highest offices of the state. "^ Even the Phoenicians on the coast were well advanced here in comparison with 'backward' Jerusalem; they could regard themselves as 'Hellenes' o f a special kind whose culture was older than that of Greece and from whom
72
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force had descended mythical figures of Greek primeval time like Europa, Andromeda - who was associated with the Palestinian port of Joppai^" and above all Cadmus, the foimder of Thebes.i^i A line o f descent was also constructed in the reverse direction: Agenor, the first king o f Sidon and father of Cadmus and - according to some mythographers - of Andromeda, was said in turn to have been a son o f Phoronis, king of Argos.122 Zenodotus the Stoic, otherwise unknown, expressed this high reputation of Phoenicia in an epigram on Zeno of Citium, the founder of the Stoa: I f Phoenicia bore you, who will find it fault ? Cadmus, from whom Greece learnt writing, was also a Phoenician. el Be Trdrpa Kelvos, d<j)OV
0oivtaaa, ypavrdv
T T J c5 (j>d6vos; rjv Kal 6 'EWas
e'xet
Ka&jxos
aeXiSa.
Diog. Laert. 7,30 = Anth. Or. 7, 117 T h e legend of the affinity between Jews and Spartans, which surely goes back well into pre-Maccabean times, shows that even the Jews were interested in supporting their claims to equal rights with such primeval associations with Greece. Speculations of this kind were helped on by the fact that there was a certain analogy between the Jews and the Spartans with their strict laws, their lawgivers Moses and Lycurgus, and the divine authorization on Sinai or through Delphian Apollo. Just as the Jews, even according to the first Greek account of Hecataeus of Abdera, led a p^im^evov ^lov, so according to Herodotus the Lacedaemonians were regarded as ^evolai diTpoapeLKTOL, and while Lycurgus, the Spartan 'lawgiver', was designated friend o f Zeus {Ziqvl <J>LXOS) by the oracle at Delphi, so according to Exod. 33.11, God talked with Moses 'as with a friend'. 123 it is certainly no coincidence that Jason, author of the Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem, ended his life in Sparta. T h e reform party in particular seems to have had a quite special interest in this affinity, so that the origin of the legend is presumably to be sought in their circles. Possibly it goes back to an elaboration of the note in Gen. 2 5 . 1 - 4 on the sons of Keturah.124 Here, too, we again have parallels from Phoenicia and Asia Minor: Tyrian writing preserved as an inscription in Delphi claims that the people of Delphi are similarly kin {avyyevels),^^^ and a series o f cities in south-west Asia Minor claimed - without historical basis - to be Lacedaemonian colonies. All these instances are fimdamentally cases of 'entrance tickets into European cuhure'.i^s With his apparently revolutionary step, Jason was by no means treading a solitary course; according to the parallel report in I Mace, i.iiflf., an influential group with a considerable following were behind him: In those days men came forth from Israel who were lawless {mpdvopMi) and misled many {dveTveiaav •noXXovs), saying: 'Let us go and makt a covenant with the
Gentiles round about (Siad coined a hiad-qK-qv / x e r a T&V
e6va>v ra>v KVKXCO rjixcuv), for since we Separated from them many evils have come upon us.' This proposal pleased them, and some of the people
Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism
73
declared themselves ready to go to the king. He authorized them to introduce the ordinances (TO. SiKoiwixaTa) of the Greeks. So they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem, according to Gentile custom, had the foreskin restored, and abandoned the holy covenant. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil. This bold decision of Jason and the men behind him was not just an offence against 'Jewish popular custom', as I. Heinemann thought in his critical discussion of the theses of E . Bickermann, 12 7 but a decisive change of course in the development of the Jewish temple state, an attempt to do away with the result of five hundred years o f Israelite and Jewish history. The aim of this step, in which the initiative clearly came from the aristocracy in Jerusalem sympathetic to the Greeks, with the Oniad Jason, son of Simon the Just, at their head, was complete and final bridge-building with Hellenistic culture and the incorporation o f the Jewish upper strata into the privileged class of 'Hellenes', i.e. those with Greek education.128 Por this purpose, everything that separated the Jews from their more progressive neighbours and had earned them the charge of hostility to foreigners had to be pushed into the background (see below, p. 261). Despite this decisive reorientation, Jason must have found many enthusiastic supporters in his undertaking. At first we hear nothing about the unrest or the resistance of the pious: presumably most of the citizens o f Jerusalem were on his side, a sign that this development had been on the way for some time. T h e best young men of the Jerusalem nobiUty (TOVS KpariaTovs r&v i<j>rj^u)v) followed him; the high priest, gymnasiarch and archon of'the Antiochenes in Jerusalem' were at o n e , ! 2 9 'under the petasos', the broad-brimmed hat which was part of the 'uniform' of the ephebes. The gymnasium was built in the immediate vicinity of the temple 'imder the a c r o p o l i s ' , a n d as soon as the gong gave the sign, the priests gladly left temple and sacrifice to take part in what was going on in the palaestra. W e do not know whether the Greek guardian deities of the gymnasium, Heracles and Hermes, and the 'ktistes' Antiochus IV, were honoured there; the dilemma in which the Jewish Hellenists found themselves at this point is illustrated by the following episode: the musical and gymnastic festival in Tyre, founded by Alexander the Great and celebrated every five years, provided an admirable opportunity to demonstrate the solidarity of the new 'Hellenes' and 'Antiochenes o f Jerusalem' with the 'Hellenes' o f the Phoenician cities, a solidarity which, in the view o f Jason himself, included sacrifice to the guardian deity of the festival, the Tyrian Heracles-Melkart. T h e fact that the envoys (Becopot), against their original commission, then gave the money to equip ships, shows that they could not rid themselves o f ancestral custom so easily. But this was only a question o f interpretation: according to the contemporary Jewish 'historian' Eupolemus - who was probably a Palestinian and a faithful follower of the Maccabees - Solomon had already given a golden pillar to king Suron for the temple of'Zeus' in Tyre. i34 Another
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Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
Jewish 'history writer' of the time, Cleodemus-Malchus, reports that the sons of Abraham by Keturah hastened to aid Heracles in his battle against Antaeus and that Heracles eventually married a granddaughter of Abraham.i^o In this way the sons o f Abraham were given a share in the Phoenician colonization of Africa. Hellenistic Jewish learning offered many possibiUties of 'interpreting' pagan-Greek cults and their mythology in the right way (see below, pp.263flf.). W e have no detailed knowledge about the training given in the gymnasium in Jerusalem. It will, however, hardly have been different from the form usual in other Palestinian and Phoenician cities. Obviously the ephebes competed naked in sports, an offence about which the book of Jubilees becomes excited even two generations later.is" T h e vigorous rejection o f oil for anointing the body by the Essenes is presumably to be tmderstood as an aversion to the Greek custom and indirectly as polemic against the similar use of oil in the palaestra. T h e fact that Jewish ephebes attempted to tmdo the effects of circumcision by epispasm shows how far the tendency to assimilation went. This may at the same time be an indication that non-Jews took part in the gymnastic games.i^s I I Mace. 4.10 states that Jason conformed the young ephebes completely to the Greek style of Ufe by means of gymnasium educa tion: em TOV 'EXXrjViKOv )(apaKTT]pa roiis 6po(j>vXovs pereuTrjijev', thus the instruction will have embraced not only sports, but also music and literature, like the reading o f Homer.i^s Tcherikover's view 'that Jason's reform did not affect traditional religious life' is certainly too optimistic. T h e programme of the reformers, which Tcherikover himself describes as 'the end of selfdifferentiation from the Gentiles, which had been the tradition of generations since Ezra's time',!*" also had very serious consequences for Jewish religion. In the ancient world, and still more in Judaism, religion was indissolubly bound up with the cultural and political side of life. T h e new institutions, the gymnasium, the ephebate and the establishment of 'Antiochenes in Jerusalem', also had a by no means insubstantial political backgroimd: the aim was to transform the Jewish ethnos, or the temple state of Jerusalem, into a Greek polis, with a limited, Greek-educated citizenry. T h e broad mass of the people were left on one side and were demoted to the status of perioikoi,^*'^ a development which was not such a heavy blow as it might seem, as the people had very little political influence, because of the aristocratic constitution of the Jewish ethnos (see above, pp.25flf.). Nevertheless, a series of popular assemblies are recorded from pre-Maceabean and post-Maccabean times. 1*2 In the long run the new political order in Jerusalem seemed a convenient way o f breaking the influence of the conservative opponents of all iimovations, who were certainly still numerous. T h e social gulf which already existed was also extended and deepened by the Greek education of the upper class, which now became obligatory, i*^ So with the unity o f state and religious order which was particularly marked in the Jewish theocracy, the
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revolutionary innovations of Jason and his followers inevitably shook the Jewish temple state to its very foundations. According to I I Macc.4.13, these events marked 'an extreme of Hellen ization' (dKjxrj TLs 'EWrivLajxov) in Jerusalem. They were only conceivable on the basis of a lengthy period of preparation, in which Hellenistic influences in Jerusalem had long been at work, though we do not know much about them.i^s One indication is given by Ben Sira with his polemic against apostasy from the law, religious laxity, the arrogance of the rich and religious scepticism (see below, pp. 138-53). T h e predilection for Greek names in the Jewish upper class of Jerusalem from the end of the third century BC also points in this direction. A man like Jason could only introduce his reform in Jerusalem and lead ephebes as 'gymnasiarch' because he himself had also undergone a certain degree of Greek education. T h e same is true of his contemporaries, the three brothers Simon, Menelaus and Lysimachus of the priestly family of Bilga (see below, pp. 2 7 9 f ) , who without hesitation supported the rapid Hellenization of the city. T h e name Menelaus in particular could on the one hand point to the 'affinity' with the Spartans and at the same time indicate a certain knowledge of Homer. i « That Homer was recognized as the canonical book of Greek education in Jewish Palestinian circles even later is shown by the criticism made by the Sadduccees, reported in Jad. 4.6 and coming from the first century AD : 'We object against you Pharisees that you say that the holy scriptures make the hands unclean whereas the books of Homer (DT'Xsn ''nDD) do not make the hands unclean.' Here the term 'books of Homer' is probably already a stereo typed description of Greek literature in general, and we may see here a sign that it had found a way into the everyday language of Palestinian Jews a long time before. Perhaps it goes back to the era of acute Hellenization after 175 B C . i * ' Even in the later Rabbinic period Homer was not imknown to the Jews o f Palestine and was even read again in more exalted circles close to Graeco-Roman civilization, At about the same time as Jason's attempted reform, the Jewish 'peripatetic' Aristobulus quoted a series of lines from Homer, wholly or partially forged, in his dissertation to Ptolemy VI Philometor, to stress the significance of the seventh day, and in so doing attempted to press the highest authority of Greek education into the service of Jewish apologetic aims.!*" A few decades later, towards 140 BC, presumably under the influence of the anti-Hellenistic wave swollen by the victorious Maccabean revolt, the Jewish Sibyl condemned Homer as a iljev8oypd(f>os by interpolating an earlier Greek text, a verdict in which she was later followed by Josephus, with a reference to Plato, Thus the problem of Homer could be considered by Jews in very different ways; the early Christian fathers then took this many-sided approach further. The penetration of Greek education into Jewish circles in Palestine began in analogy with the expansion o f the Greek language - as early as the third century BC: there was already a Greek secretary in the family of the Tobiads in
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Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
257 BC (see above, p. 59), and later Greek tutors were probably at work. T h e situation may have been the same in the house of the high priest; the pioneer of Hellenization was indeed the second son of Simon the Just, who is praised so strikingly by the conservative Ben Sira (Sir. 50.1-21), and who in the Pirqe 'Aboth is the first teacher mentioned by name at the head of the chain o f tradition after the prophets and the men of the 'great synagogue' (see below, pp. i 6 i f . ) . In these leading circles, there need not have been conflict between a conscious preservation of the national tradition of the Jewish people and an affirmative attitude towards Greek education. There were also crossconnections with Judaism in Alexandria, which was certainly already strongly Hellenized: for example, the brother of the Tobiad Joseph sought to marry his daughter to a prominent Jew in Alexandria, All these points suggest that even from the Ptolemean period the sons of the Jewish aristocracy in Jerusalem had the possibility of learning Greek language and customs; in other words, a long time before the establishment of the gymnasium and the ephebate there was something like a Greek elementary school - o f course on a private basis. Even after the Maccabean revolt, the Greek school does not seem to have vanished completely from Jerusalem. About the middle of the second century BC, the Palestinian Eupolemus - presumably the leader of a Jewish embassy to Rome - wrote a history of the Jewish kings in Greek (see below, pp.92flF.). A Rabbinic, legend reports the civil war between Hyrcanus I I and Aristobulus I I in Judea in 65 BC a short time before the invasion of Scaurus: When the Hasmoneans were waging war against each other, Hyrcanus was outside and Aristobulus inside (Jerusalem). Every day the besieged put denarii in a basket and took it up for the Tamid sacrifice. There was an old man who had insight into Greek wisdom (m'W HttDna T'Dtt H'-nty). H e spoke to them in Greek wisdom ( r r n r "na nnb TS?"?). As long as (the besieged) concern themselves with the worship o f God, they will not fall into your hands. On the following day (the besieged) again took up denarii in a basket, and instead they found a pig . . . At that hour it was said. Cursed be the man who rears a pig and cursed be those who instruct their sons in Greek wisdom. As the legend appears in a slightly different form in Josephus, it may have a historical nucleus. T h e attached curse on learning 'Greek wisdom' may come from a later time; the association between 'Greek wisdom', the cessation o f sacrifice and the desecration of the temple points back to the events imder Antiochus IV and is thus presumably an interpretation of old tradition. T h e passage also contains the reminiscence that under the later Hasmoneans the leading circles in Jerusalem again came more strongly under the influence of Hellenistic culture: the uncle of the two disputing brothers, Aristobulus I, bore the surname
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mercenaries from Asia Minor, All this shows that Hellenistic education and style of life once again gained ground in Jerusalem even before Herod. Herod himself seems to have been to the Greek elementary school in Jerusalem, in which the sons of the Jewish aristocracy were probably instructed. At an advanced age he then pursued philosophical, rhetorical and historical studies imder the direction of Nicolaus of Damascus; he also had his sons brought up completely in the Greek style. Josephus calls his great-grandson Agrippa H and his kinsmen dvBp&v rfjs 'EWrjvtKfjs vaiSelas em vXelarov rjKovTcov {Vita 359)-^^* W e should also presuppose Greek instruction later in the circles of the Jewish aristocracy, for example in the influential family of Simon son of Boethus, who was appointed high priest by Herod and who came from Alex andria, or even in the young Josephus; otherwise he would hardly have been entrusted with the difficult embassy to Rome while he was still a young man. Even after the catastrophes of AD 70 and 135 the positive attitude towards Greek education continued in the family of Jewish patriarchs descended from Hillel. Even towards the end of the fourth century AD the sons of the patriarch are said to have studied with the rhetorician Libanius in Antioch.158 Behind these very different reports of the emergence of Greek education in Jewish Palestine, extending over a period of six hundred years, there is one basic necessity. I f the circles ruling there at the time wanted to.gain greater influence over the Greek-speaking Diaspora and the changing foreign govern ments, they not only had to master the Greek language (see above, pp. 58flF.), but also to become familiar with certain basic forms of Greek rhetorical education. But this was true only for a certain upper stratum. F o r by and large the events between 175 and 167 BC which began with the introduction of gymnasium education and ended with the 'abomination of desolation' marked a unique and deep turning-point in the history of Palestinian Judaism during the Graeco-Roman period. Only in that brief space of about eleven years under the rule of Antiochus IV was Judaism in the acute danger of submitting to Hellenistic culture as the result of the assimilation furthered by a powerful aristocratic minority. This deep crisis, which led to the attempt which was undertaken primarily by Jewish forces themselves - decisively altered the religious and spiritual face of Palestinian Judaism. T h e ground was laid for that polemical and legalistic accentuation of Jewish piety which characterizes it in the New Testament period. And even where the Greek language was, in fact, largely used and with it forms of rhetoric (see below, pp.pSflf., 102), this often only happened in order to stress the absolute superiority of the Jewish tradition and to show the impossibility of Greek polytheism and the lax morality of the non-Jews with the means of the Hellen istic criticism o f religion. Thus 'Greek education' was put to serve the Jewish cause. T h e fathers of the early church took over a large part of their polemic and apologetic arsenal from Hellenistic Judaism (see below, pp. i 6 9 f , 266).
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Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
However, the richest fruit of what was at first such a threatening encounter with 'Greek education' began to grow as Judaism formed its own 'system of education' which in practice embraced the totality of the people and was decisively to shape its spiritual development.
Excursus
i: The development of the Jewish
school
From pre-exihc times, there were certainly scribal schools in the temple and probably elsewhere in the coimtryiss which served primarily to instruct suitable priests and Levites, who would in turn instruct the people in the law on the great feast days and who had to make legal judgments also on the basis of the law and the legal tradition, i"" In this way the status of the ypa/xjuaretj TOV Upov, witnessed for the first time in the edict of Antiochus I I I , developed (Antt.12, 142, c f I I , 128). It should be noted here that particularly in the Hellenistic period the temple had become the stronghold of the old national language and tradition in both Babylonia and Egypt. This may also have been true to some extent of Jerusalem, though we can also see the opposite tendency, that the rich priestly nobility was particularly open to foreign cultural influences. As far as they can be named, those who supported the reform in Jerusalem were almost exclusively priests (see below, pp. 279flF.). Thus at the beginning of the Hellenistic period the 'scribal schools' had two completely opposite possibilities of development; on the one side they could accept the new cultural and intellectual influences and the assimilation to Hellenism which those produced; on the other, they could be conservative and preserve the old tradition. T h e majority of them surely took the second course, but this did not exclude the adoption o f new forms and conceptions. On the contrary, they were the first to provide the possibility o f offering effective opposition to the danger of excessive foreign influence. In this sense the term 'soper', like 'hdkdm', is not the name of a party but a professional or educational designation. There will have been sop^rim and h^kdmim in the camp friendly to Greece, just as there will have been with the rigoristic h'^sidim; the same is true later, down to AD 70, of the Sadducees and Pharisees. Only from that time on were 'scribes' and 'learned men' necessarily also Pharisees. Nevertheless, we cannot overlook the fact that the 'scribal' element had decisive significance in the formation of the anti-Hellenist opposition and later Pharisaism. Aristocratic laymen, too, were probably admitted for education at this scribal school - the author o f Koheleth could be taken as an example of this - , but at first we hardly hear anything of them. In I I Chron. 34.13 the 'scribal office' appears as a privilege o f the Levites, and even for Ben Sira, Aaron and his descendants were 'masters of law and right' (Sir. 45.17). T h e Jewish wisdom tradition was probably native to such priestly-levitical circles; they may therefore also have been responsible for the 'Israelitizing and Yahwehizing' of what was at first a predominantly secular and eudaimonistic, common
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oriental wisdom tradition, T h e great men of the Israelite past like Solomon and David were also later characterized as 'wise men' and 'scribes', The great period o f these s5p<'rim lay in the two hundred years between the only two bearers o f the title known to us by name, Ezra about 398 and Ben Sira about 180 BC; this is a period of considerable obscurity. Whereas Koheleth, about the middle of the third century (see below, p. 129), still hid behind a pseudonym, even though it was only partially observed, Ben Sira was the first to venture to emerge clearly as a personality (50.27). Here is the beginning of a new development, for the stressing of the personaUty of the individual teacher derived from Greek custom and was probably a sign that the individualism of the Hellenistic period was also gaining significance among the Jewish people, From now on, more such teacher personaUties were to emerge under their own names. Moreover, in his writing there appear for the first time the exact phrases 'Jewish house of learning' (t^man ^\^'^2) and the 'seat' (ny^) of the teacher; we can hardly go wrong in supposing that the two phenomena are also connected with the development of the institute of the synagogue in Palestine. W e have the first report from a synagogue in the Diaspora at a rather later period, Finally, his portrait o f the soper demonstrates how the position of the teacher is breaking away from its associa tion with the temple, a connection which is still strongly stressed in the work of the Chronicler. Koheleth no longer had any real connection with the cult (see below, pp. i2off.), but he was an outspoken outsider; in Ben Sira, on the other hand, the soper seems to have relatively independent significance, even if in 45.17 he still depicts Aaron as the lawgiver pure and simple.i"" For him 'instruction' is an important key term {mUsdr, see p. 132). With this ideal of instruction, grounded in old oriental wisdom but adapted to the new time, he is in immediate controversy with the influences of Hellenism in Jerusalem which are breaking up traditional custom. It was probably this intellectual struggle which brought the office o f the soper more and more out of the exclusiveness of the privileged scribe, associated with the temple, and made it accessible to wider circles of the laity. Priests and Levites, even those who were at least partly infected with Hellenistic ideas, were no longer up to the new tasks on their own. T h e motto attributed to the 'men of the great synagogue', 'Put up many schools', points to this development; it is at the same time the basis for one of the chief aims of later Pharisaism, the intensive instruction of the whole people in the law. Even if the 'great assembly' is a very questionable entity in the form in which it has been handed down to us, its leading ideal may be connected with efforts to intensify the national traditions o f Israel in the time of Simon the Just: 'Like their leader the High Priest, the members of the Great Assembly reaUzed that Hellenism as a cultural movement could be offset only by a strong educational effort among, the masses.'^"' The new programme of education, which was later developed by the Pharisees and was probably handed down above all by the pre-Maccabean Hasidim (see below.
8o
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
pp. I75FF.), was essentially different from the exclusive, status-conscious attitude of the earlier scribal schools. Even Ben Sira, as a scribe conscious of tradition, wanted to exclude peasants and craftsmen from the study of wisdom,!"^ but on the other hand he stressed that 'the true wise men are wise for their people'. Here we clearly have a certain contradiction, which we also meet elsewhere. T h e aristocratic priestly tradition did not break off with the rise o f the new 'plebeian' form o f school; Josephus still knows about the special teaching reserved for the priests. Among the Essenes, too, the exposition of the Torah was above all a matter for the priests, especially the Zadokites.*"" However, the new attitude gained the upper hand; it is clear in the - presum ably Hasidic - wisdom psahn i i QPs" 1 5 4 : For to proclaim the glory of Yahweh is wisdom given . . . "'Sim'? "'D nasn mni mn'' 113D, to proclaim to the foolish (D-'Nms'?) his power, to declare to those who are lacking in understanding (AA"? N O N " ? ) his greatness, to those who are far from its (wisdom's) gates, who are driven from its entrances. The social and political situation from the time before the Maccabean revolt is probably indicated in these verses, partially expanded in the Syriac translation: Praise Yahweh, who deUvers the humble (''IS? "^NU) from the hand of strangers and the innocent from the hand of the godless. Anyone who belonged to the people of God - even the proselyte - was now invited to study wisdom, i.e. the law (see below, pp. i6off.); and provided that he had the application and the aptitude, he had the possibility of being a great teacher of the law. This attitude 'was foreign to early Israel and the ancient Orient in general, but was part and parcel of the liberal Hellenistic ideal'.i'i The motto of Jose b. Jo'ezer, a contemporary o f Sirach, who according to Rabbinic tradition was not only a priest and martyr, but also the uncle of the later high priest Eliakim-Alcimus, shows a similar 'democratic' tendency: 'Let your house be a meeting place for the wise, cover yourself with the dust of their feet and drink their word thirstily.' Immediately before the account of the execution of the sixty Hasidim by Alcimus - who probably included Jose b. Jo'ezer - 1 Mace. 7.12 speaks of the conference of a awayoiyrj ypajxixaTemv with Alcimus and the Seleucid general Bacehides, which examined the legitimacy of the Aaronite descent of the new high priest. T h e scribal 'wise' men appear here for the first time as an independent group in Judea; they probably formed the elite of the Hasidim (see below, pp. i76ff.), who were concerned not with a continuation of the struggle for freedom, but with peace, which was the essential presupposition for a settled adoption of the interpretation of the law, the education of the people and a life in accordance with the law. A generation later we hear of Joshua b. Perahya: 'Take a teacher (rah) and make yourself a
Greek Education and Culture and Palestinian Judaism
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companion (hdber).'"^ These pre-Pharisaic, Hasidic 'wise men' were prob ably also responsible for the introduction o f eschatological, anthropologically dualist and cosmological conceptions of Hellenistic and oriental origin, alien to conservative Judaism, which considerably transformed the picture of Jewish piety."3 The chain of teachers in Pirqe 'Aboth, which emerges from anonymity with Simon the Just, the high priest before 200 BC, and is continued after Antigonus in five pairs down to Hillel and Shammai (end of the first century BC), is certainly a later construction, but it shows that there was more interest than there had been in the personality of the individual teacher, just as elsewhere traditions about them were preserved in anecdotes. The form of this chain of authoritative tradents, which is traced back through the past as far as Moses for the purpose of legitimation, has, as E . Bickermann stressed, its nearest parallel in the chains of tradition of the heads of Greek philosophical schools and Roman law schools. There, too, was a tendency to extend these chains backwards to an authoritative origin.i'* Rengstorf points out that the way in which earher authorities, and particularly a man's own teacher or the head of his school, are quoted in the Rabbinate runs parallel to the 'form usual in the Stoa' (TDNT 4,441). Particularly famous teachers like Shemaiah and Abtalion are said to have demanded teaching fees about the middle of the first century BC, like the Greek teachers;!'^ later, of course, as in the case of Socrates, teaching was required to be given without payment: '. . . and if you accept payment for the words of the Torah, you will be found to be one who destroys the whole world.'i'" In this perspective, the comparison between the Jewish sects and the Greek philosophical schools in Josephus is not completely u n j u s t i f i e d . E v e n the master-pupil relationship in the Rabbinate, bound up with the principle of tradition, has its model less in the Old Testament, where it was not known in this strict form, than in Greece. T h e SiSdaKaXos corresponded to the rob and the talmid to the fiaOrirris."^ The dialectical form of instruction which could almost be termed 'Socratic', with its sequence of question and answer, quaestiones and solutiones, may have been influenced by the model of the Greek rhetorical schools, j h e same is true of the exegetical methods developed by the rabbis after Shemaiah and Abtalion and their pupil Hillel; this applies both to halachic exegesis which, on the basis of the seven middot of Hillel in the controversy with the Sadducees, anchored the prescriptive right of the oral Torah in the Torah, and to haggadic exegesis, which, like the Homer exegesis of the Alexandrian grammatists, was meant to abolish and explain contradictions and stumbling blocks in the text, i^" One significant consequence of the idea, which began with the Hasidic and later Pharisaic scribes and wisdom teachers, of educating the whole people in the Torah was the gradual introduction of elementary schools {bet seper). Simeon b. Setah already ordained 'that the young boys should go to school', This tradition, which goes back to the end of the second century BC, is
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Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
supplemented by a tradition in the name o f Rab, according to which the school system in Jewish Palestine had been introduced by stages. First chil dren's teachers had been appointed in Jerusalem, and then R . Joshua b. Gamla had had teachers installed in all the provinces and cities. The usual identification of this teacher with the high priest Jesus son o f Gamaliel c. AD 63-65 was already doubted on good grounds by Bacher and S. Krauss; instead, they conjectured that Joshua ben Perahya, already mentioned above, was responsible for it in the time of Hyrcanus I , about 130 BC. Simeon b. Setah would then have put his ordinance into force once again.^^^ Without a considerable number of Jewish elementary schools, the rise of the Rabbinate, the extension of the popular Pharisaic movement and even the estabUshment of the institution of the synagogue, which presupposes a basic stock of people knowledgeable in the law in particular places, would be inconceivable: 'The beginnings o f a popular school had to arise as a preUminary to the liturgy of reading and p r e a c h i n g . ' I n the addition to the Essene community rule which probably comes from the first century BC, instruction 'from youth onwards in the book o f contemplation' (linn 1BD) is required for the whole community of the people o f Israel ('ec/a); after this, instruction in 'the laws of the covenant' (nnan y^^n'2) is called for, according to age. Young aduhs are to be instructed in the commandments for ten years. T h e book of Jubilees also stresses the great value of education, transferring it to the past: 'Jacob learnt the scripture, but Esau did not.'"4 The Testament of Levi, which probably derives from the same circles, admonishes parents: 'Also teach your children letters (ypdfj.fj.aTa), so that they have understanding in their whole life by reading the law o f God incessantly' (13.2, c f Ps. Philo 2 2 . 5 1 ; Philo, Leg. C. 115). Even the mild Hillel could stress the demand for learning in a harshly formulated Aramaic rhyme: 'Anyone who does not learn deserves death' ('Ab. I, IS). Josephus took it for granted that Jewish children were instructedin the law, and derived this from Moses.iss A Rabbinic account, albeit late and certainly exaggerated, can report: There were 480 synagogues in Jerusalem, and each possessed a school house and a teaching house; a school house for bibhcal instruction and a teaching house for instruction in the Mishnah, and Vespasian took steps against all of t h e m . i s o
T h e Theodotus inscription also points to the connection between the synagogue and instruction in the law (ets
SiSaxrjv
ivToXwv).^^'^ According
to the tradition of Rab, the school age was set at 6-7 years of age as in the Greek elementary schools; non-Jews and even Samaritans were prohibited as teachers on principle. Instead of Homer, the Hebrew Bible, and especially the Pentateuch, held pride of place in instruction. That instruction traditionally began with the book o f Leviticus is perhaps an indication that the Jewish school derived from the scribal school of the temple.i^s T h e fact that the
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Jewish school gave the people unique support as a bulwark against alien rule and alien civilization is attested by a Rabbinic anecdote of the Cynic philo sopher Oenomaus of Gadara,i89 about the goyim who lamented that they could not cope with the Israelites: Go and observe their synagogues and schools; as long as you find children there who twitter with their voice - i.e. who recite the Torah aloud - you caimot succeed, for their (heavenly) Father has promised them.
3 . Greek Literature and Philosophy in Palestine a) The intellectual influence of Hellenism in non-Jewish Palestine and Phoenicia By means of Greek education, Hellenism also gained ground in Palestine as an intellectual force. Tcherikover's judgment that 'of the cultural activity of the Greek cities of Palestine in the Hellenistic period we hear absolutely nothing' is incorrect in this bald form. Of course one cannot make comparisons with Alexandria, Rhodes or Pergamon, but in a narrower framework we can see a vigorous intellectual life in a series of places, especially if we include the Phoenician cities, which exercised a considerable influence on the Palestinian hinterland in the period with which we are concerned. However, in contrast to Egypt, where the rich material o f the literary papyri is at our disposal, the accounts are fortuitous and scattered, though they speak for themselves. Thus in Gaza and Sidon we find two lengthy Greek verse inscriptions of unexception able form from the period around 200 BC, the epitaph of two Ptolemaic officers and their families and the victory inscription of Diotimus.i^i Still more astonishing is a graffito from tomb I of Marisa with an erotic poem, a 'Locrian song' in genre, in which a hetaira exults over her lover to whom she has shown the door, keeping his coat - according to Canaanite c u s t o m - a s a pledge.i"^ A further example of this popular poetry in the Greek language from Hellen istic, pre-Christian times is provided by a spell against fever on a papyrus of the first century BC which is ascribed to a 'Syrian woman' from Gadara and is composed in faultless hexameters: . . . Evpas
Fa^apprjvrjs
[cTraoiSij] rrpos
TTSV KardKavp.{a. A counterpart in prose is off'ered by the forty-nine cursing tablets composed predominantly in Greek from Marisa, though from a literary point of view they are at a very low level."^ Gadara seems to have acquired literary significance at a very early stage. The epitaph of Apion of Gadara which was found near Hippo on the east bank of Lake Gennesaret calls the dead man's home town xpv'^Top.ovaia,^^* an honorific title which Gadara really deserved. Despite its out-of-the-way situation east of the Jordan (see above, p. 8), it produced a whole series of significant poets and philo sophers. Strabo confuses Gadara with Gazara (Gezer), which became Jewish in the Maccabean period, but he mentions four famous writers coming from the city: 'Philodemus the Epicurean, Meleager, Menippus the satirist
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Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
(anovSoyeXoios) and Theodorus the rhetor from our days', who all belong to the pre-Christian period, Menippus belongs to the last decades of the fourth century BC; presumably in the turmoil of the wars of the Diadochi he was sold as a slave to Sinope in Pontus of Asia Minor, We may conclude from this that he was not a new Greek settler but a Syrian; he is an example of the way in which Semites could assimilate to Greek ways even at that time. Later freed and having a moderate sum of money, he purchased for himself the citizenship of Thebes. According to Diogenes Laertius, who significantly calls him a 'Phoenician', he was the most famous pupil of the cynic Metrocles. In that case his real period of activity falls into the first half of the third century BC. Whereas Bion of Borysthenes developed the cynic 'diatribe' at about the same time, Menippus created his philosophical polemic form of satire. Both diatribe and satire exercised a strong influence on later Hellenistic and Roman hterature, and even Jewish and Christian preaching were not uninfluenced by them.i^s Among other things, Menippus' satirical work contained a journey into the underworld, 'letters of the gods', 'testaments' and very probably also a journey to heaven.*"" Schmid and StahUn point out that similar literary genres and themes also appear in Jewish, apocalyptic hterature, though in quite a different context. 2"" Another pecuharity is the mixture of prose and verse, in which F . Dornseiff'and M . Hadas see a typically Semitic form of style, ^"i We also find this form, alien to the Greek sense of style, in contemporary Jewish literature, above all - significantly - in apocalyp tic, say in Daniel (chs.2;7), and also in the War Scroll, where hymns and prose passages alternate. Hardly any of the work of Menippus is directly extant, but the Syrian Lucian of Samosata has an affinity to him and deliberately took up his work; above all, he used his conversations of dead men and gods and his journeys to Hades and heaven as a model.^"2 W e might ask whether the caustic wit so typical of the two does not make an appearance again in Rabbinic anecdotes. Meleager of Gadara,2"3 who, two hundred years later, in his old age, still referred to the example of his countryman, shows that this great son of the city was still remembered in Gadara, although he ended his life in Greece and probably hardly saw his homeland again. Meleager was born about 140 BC and received his higher education in Tyre, where the 'Phoenician school', so significant for the development of Greek lyric poetry, was under the direction of Antipater of Sidon (about 170-100 BC).2"4 He was the real creator of the Greek anthology, to which he himself contributed 132 epigrams and Antipater 65; at the same time he was a master of Hellenistic love poetry, which had perfect control of every degree of feehng. At the same time, however, he mixed parody in with it, for 'they (the Syrians) prized spirit and wit above feeling, and it is surely no coincidence that, as with Heine, we find the destruction of illusion prefigured among them.'2"5 From Tyre, he later went to Cos, but he never denied his Palestinian homeland:
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Island Tyre was my nurse, and Gadara, which is Attic, but lies in Syria, gave birth to me. From Eucrates I sprang, Meleager, who first by the help of the Muses ran abreast of the Graces of Menippus. I f I am a Syrian, what wonder? Stranger, we dwell in one country, the world; one Chaos gave birth to all mortals.206 Macros efjia Bpivreipa 'Ardis
Tvpos'
eV 'Aaavpiois
'EvKpareo)
h'e^Xaarov
Trp&ra Mevtmretots el Se Evpos, vaiop,ev,
ndrpa
vaiop,€va
6 avv Movaais
(jvvrpo)(daas
T T T O 6avp,a;
ev Bvarovs
Se p,e
reKvol
FaSdpois' MeXiaypos
Xdptatv.
p.Lav, ^eve, Trarptha
Trdvras eriKre
KoapLOv
Xdos.
Meleager's reference, while still in Cos, to the intellectual heritage of Menippus and his homeland, subjugated by the Jews under Alexander Jannaeus towards 100 B C J ^ O ' and the fact that he even calls it the 'Assyrian Attica', shows his Syrian national pride and at the same time indicates that the Palestinian country town east of the Jordan had developed a vigorous intellectual Ufe since the time of the Ptolemies, though it probably exercised little influence on the surrounding neighbourhood. He also stresses 'holy' Tyre several t i m e s . A l o n g s i d e this, however, there also emerges the Cynic-Stoic feeling of the citizen of the worldi^i" 'Stranger, we dwell in one country, the world.' Love of the homeland and cosmopoUtan breadth are also connected in another epitaph: Heavenborn Tyre and Gadara's holy soil reared him to manhood, and beloved Cos of the Meropes tended his old age. I f you are a Syrian, 'Salam!' I f you are a Phoenician, 'Naidius!' I f you are a Greek, 'Chaire!', and say the same yourself ov OeoTTais TJvSpMoe Kws
S'epaTrj
dXX 'el p,ev Evpos 'AvSovls',
Tvpos PaSdpMv
MepoTTojv eoai,
npea^vv 'EaXdp,',
el 8' "EXXrjv, 'Xalpe',
6'lepd
x^ciiv
ey-qporpocjiei. el h'ovv av ye TO S'avTO
0OLvt$,
(f)pdcrov.
His pride in his Syrian homeland also emerges in his nationahst solution to the old dispute over Homer's native land: Meleager of Gadara claimed in his work 'The Graces' that Homer was a Syrian by origin, as according to the custom of his homeland he has the Achaeans eating no fish, although the Hellespont overflows with them. 212 Antipater of Sidon, who was probably his teacher, resolves the question in an epigram in a universal sense: Different men call different places your cradle. But if I may utter openly the wise prophecies of Phoebus, great heaven is your country, and your mother was no mortal woman, but Calliope.^is
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Here we have at the same time an indication of the significance of Homer even in Phoenicia and Palestine. I f Antipater of Sidon was close to Stoicism - among other things he com posed an epitaph in honour of Zeno of Citium^i* _ and Meleager was close to the Cynics, the third great Gadarene Philodemus (c. 100-40/35 BC) was an Epicurean. He too contributed a considerable number of delicate epigrams to the anthology. However, the chief work of this man with his all-round educa tion was in the sphere of philosophy. Later he worked in Rome, and, like so many other educated men from Syria, became a teacher of the young Roman aristocracy. Part of his philosophical work has been preserved to us through the papyrus finds at Herculaneum.^is He was a pupil of the Epicurean philosopher Zeno of Sidon, bom about 160 BC and feared for his acuteness.216 According to his tombstone, the Sidonian Philocrates son of Philocrates, coming from about the same time, was 'devoted from his earhest youth upwards to the easily understandable teaching of Epicurus'. He ended his life as a trainer for gymnastic contests in Greece.^" Marginal mention should be made of the Epicurean Philonides, coming from Syrian Laodicea on the Sea, who instructed the young Demetrius I, son of Seleucus IV, and according to his own testimony also converted Antiochus IV Epiphanes to Epicurean philosophy. He founded a school of philosophy in Antioch, but later returned to his home town.^is According to Strabo, Sidon had an old philosophicomathematical and astronomical school tradition, and Posidonius can even report that the theory of atoms was invented not by Democritus, but by a Sidonian, Mochus, long before the Trojan war.^i" This report certainly derives from the competition of various peoples and cities over the 'first discoverers',220 and has hardly more historical value than the Jewish reports of Moses and Abraham as the first teachers of astrology and philosophy (see below, pp. Spflf.), but it does show that in the Hellenistic period individual Phoenician cities laid claim to be leaders in the intellectual sphere. The un orthodox Stoic Boethus of Sidon, a pupil of Diogenes of Babylon (c. 240-152 BC), came from a rather earher period (c. 180 BC). He broke with Stoic monism and divided the world: the godhead, an ethereal substance, has its place in the firmament. This change has been attributed to Aristotelian influences, but we should consider whether these beginnings of a theistic correction of the Stoa were not sponsored by the Semitic conception of the supreme God of heaven.221 Ashkelon was also already an intellectual centre alongside Gadara and the Phoenician cities in pre-Christian times: 'Many from there made a name for themselves: as philosophers, Antiochus the Swan, Sosus, Antibius and Eubius, famous Stoics; as grammaticians the distinguished Ptolemy son of Aristarchus and Dorotheus, as historians ApoUonius and Artemidorus . . .'222 T h e most significant among them was probably Antiochus (c. 130-68 BC), who is usually simply called 'the Ashkelonite' in the sources. Sosus, to whom he devoted a disputation, was, hke Posidonius, a pupil of Panaitius (c. 185-109
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BC), and therefore was probably older than Antiochus. Perhaps he introduced the latter to the Stoa,223 as Antiochus was not originally a Stoic, but an adherent of the Sceptic academy. However, he broke with Scepticism because he could find in it no basis for human action, and became head of the newformed Academy in Athens, where Cicero heard him. However, instead of going back to the spirit of Plato himself, following the inclinations of the time he made considerable borrowings from the Stoa, which, of course, he traced back to Plato by way of justification, and became a real eclectic. T h e old philosophical schools, the Academy and the Peripatos, were, according to him, originally at one in their teaching, but at a later stage Zeno, Chrysippus and Epicurus, against whom in places he writes vigorous polemic, later introduced falsifications.^s-* It is worth remembering that the eclectic combination of Platonism225 and Stoicism, associated with a deliberate ethical trend and an appeal to the earliest tradition, was a basic feature of Jewish and Alexandrian philosophy. T h e motto of Antiochus, veteres sequi, was a fundamental principle of the late Hellenistic period and also corresponded to the Jewish principle o f tradition. In general, philosophical eclecticism was more and more predominant in the different schools from the second century BC on. 227 A whole series of other Syrian-Phoenician philosophers can be cited from this period. A teacher or studying companion of Strabo was the Aristotelian Boethus of Sidon (not to be confused with the earlier Stoic of the same name), and his brother Diodotus is also mentioned as a philosopher.228 T h e Sceptic Heracleitus came from T y r e ; like Antiochus of Ashkelon he was a pupil of Philo of Larissa, but in contrast to him he had no leaning towards dogmatism, but remained faithful to Scepticism. 229 W e also hear of the Tyrian Stoic Antipater, who introduced the younger Cato to Stoic philosophy, and ApoUonius, who wrote a first history of the Stoic school of philosophy.230 T w o otherwise unknown Stoics, Diogenes and ApoUonius of Ptolemais, complete the picture. 231 In this way, all the philosophical schools were represented in Palestine and Phoenicia, but the preponderance of the Stoa is unmistakable, above all if we add its most significant representative, Posi donius from North-Syrian Apamea, who had a decisive influence on the intellectual and religious development of the late-Hellenistic and Roman period (see below, pp. 2586"., 300!). It is certainly no coincidence that it was the Stoic school which exerted particular influence in this region and found most adherents. First, as J . Kaerst stressed, the Stoa was the dominant philosophy of Hellenism, and secondly, its founders Zeno of Citium in Cyprus and Chrysippus of Soloi in Cilicia were very probably themselves Semites assimi lated to Greek ways. 232 In his great work, M . Pohlenz often refers to the influence of Semitic thought-forms on the teaching edifice of the Stoa. 233 J . Bidez stressed Semitic and Syrian influence on the Stoa even more strongly; he was perhaps too one-sided in seeing in it a predominantly oriental spiritual movement.234
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In view of all this, Tcherikover's judgment that there was no intellectual life worth mentioning in the 'Greek' cities of Palestine during the preChristian Hellenistic period is too one-sidedly negative. Even if the great men like Menippus, Meleager, Philodemus, etc., for the most part emigrated to Greece and Rome, it is astonishing that such gifts flourished in Palestine and Phoenicia at all, and could be nourished there. There was also a poetical and philosophical school at least in Sidon and Tyre. All this was only possible on the basis of a continuing intellectual tradition which probably arose as early as the third century BC. This development was probably stimulated by the constant cultural influence of neighbouring Alexandria and the cultural centres of the Aegean, like Rhodes, Cos and even Athens. Alexandrian influence can also clearly be demonstrated in the artistic sphere, say in the tomb paintings in Marisa and in the monument of the Tobiad Hyrcanus in 'Araq el Emir in Transjordania. Here we come up against the question how far even Palestinian Judaism was influenced by the intellectual might of Hellenism in the pre-Christian Hellenistic period. But first we have to deal with the problem of a Jewish-Palestinian literature in Greek. b) Jewish literature in Greek in Palestine It is very probable that the Greek-educated friends of Hellenistic cukure in Jerusalem made attempts to produce their own literature in the Greek language, following the pattern of their fellow-Jews in Alexandria. However, we have as little of this material as of the writings of the Jewish freedom movement before AD 70; the losing side seldom has its say in history. 2 ss A certain exception is perhaps the 'Tobiad romance' transmitted by Josephus, which is perhaps based on remnants of a family chronicle of the Tobiads. However, the romance was not composed in Palestine, but in Egypt, some time after the events depicted in it, and so it can only be included among 'Palestinian' literature with qualification. 237 aa) T h e anonymous Samaritan We do, however, have preserved for us in Eusebius' Praeparatio Evangelica, among the Jewish fragments of the collective work of Alexander Polyhistor, extracts from the work of an anonymous historiographer wrongly named Eupolemus,238 who according to the investigations of Freudenthal was a Samaritan.239 This anonymous writer, who probably wrote in Palestine between the Seleucid conquest in 200 BC and the Maccabean revolt,24'' attempted to combine the biblical creation stories and above all the haggadically elaborated Abraham narratives of Genesis with Babylonian-Greek mythology, by using non-Jewish sources like Berossus, Hesiod and perhaps also Ctesias.241 The intention is to confirm the truth of the Old Testament account - which the anonymous writer treats very freely - and to glorify the figure of Abraham.
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T h e proper names suggest that the author used the Septuagint in his work, but we must also suppose that he had a knowledge of Hebrew. 2*2 In addition, an acquaintance with the Jewish-apocalyptic tradition can be demonstrated: Enoch, who is named Atlas by the Greeks, is the inventor of astrology, and transmitted to posterity 'all that he learnt from the angels of God'.243 Even more astounding is his interpretation of the stories of Gen. 6 - 1 1 : Noah and Nimrod are combined in one person and identified with Bel and Kronos. This superhuman figure is the only one of the 'giants' to have been rescued from the great flood; he founded Babylon and built the famous tower. 244 Here the Samaritan, freely reshaping his biblical model and misreading the genealogy, combined the sagas of the fall of the angels (Gen. 6.4 L X X ) , the flood, the foundation of Babylon by the 'giant' Nimrod (Gen. 10.9 L X X ) and the building of the tower of Babel. At the same time, he combined these accounts with the narrative of Berossus about the foundation of Babylon by the creator God Bel245 and the myth of the revok of the Titans in Hesiod. The third book of the Sibyllines, composed about 140 BC, and probably dependent on the work of the anonymous Samarkan, also com bined these sagas, but gave more prominence to the Theogony of Hesiod. 246 From now on the combination of the struggle of the Titans and the building of the tower of Babel became a favourke theme: it appears in Alexander Polyhistor, Thallus, Eusebius, etc. 24? T h e essential feature in all these mythological speculations is that despke their gigantic nature, the ancestral dekies of Babylon and Greece, Bel and Kronos, are mortal men. Their descendants are punished by God for their sins and scattered over the earth. Thus the demythologizing euhemerism of the Samaritan dissolves the polytheistic pantheon of Greeks and Babylonians. T h e sequence of descent from Bel to Kronos to Noah is also instructive. Bel I I (Shem) and Ham appear as sons. T h e latter has only one son, Canaan, 'the father of the Phoenicians'. Only from the latter- in contrast to Gen. 10.6 - do 'Chum' and 'Metzraeim', the ancestors of Ethiopia and Egypt, descend, a sign of the predominance of the Phoenicians and probably also of the non-Egyptian origin of the work. 248 In a similar way we find the euhemeristic humanization of pagan deities once again in the chronographer Thallus in the first century AD, who was possibly a countryman of the anonymous Samaritan, and at least a Syrian. 249 Further parallels are the identification of 'Hamor' (Gen. 34.2) wkh 'Hermes', whose son Sikimios founded Shechem, in the Samaritan Theodotus (second century Bc) who wrote in Homeric hexameters, and the mention of Heracles and Astarte (Asteria) as parents of Melchizedek in Epiphanius, who also knew his association with Shechem. Here, too, Phoenician influence is visible. 250 Against this background of demythologized pagan sagas of the gods which are fundamentally intended merely to confirm the truth of the biblical account, the personality of Abraham shines out all the more brightly. 'He surpassed all in nobility and wisdom and . . . was well-pleasing to God through his special
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p i e t y . ' B o r n in the tenth generation after the flood, he still belongs to the race of the 'supermen',252 and, following the Enoch tradition, he becomes the (re)discoverer of astrology and 'the Chaldean art'. 253 A t God's com mand he emigrated to 'Phoenicia' and taught the Phoenicians the 'course of the sun and the moon and all other (wisdom), to please their king'. When the Armenians - a change from the king of Shinar in Gen. 14 - conquered Phoenicia254 and took Abraham's nephew prisoner, Abraham defeated the victors, but generously gave back to the enemy without ransom the wives and children he had taken captive. T h e n he met with the priest-king Melchizedek in the 'city sanctuary o f Hargarizin', the 'mountain of the most high'. 255 Only after these events did he go to Egypt - a transposition of the sequence in Genesis - because of a famine. T h e episode with Sarah and the Pharaoh is transmitted similarly to the way in which it appears in the Genesis Apocryphon and in the Palestinian haggada.256 Furthermore, he instructed the priests of HeUopolis in many ways, above all in astrology. Once again it is expressly said that this was not invented by the Egyptians but by the Babylonians, though the real authorship goes backto Enoch.257 Presumably the anonymous Samaritan knew the report of Herodotus which mentioned the priests of Hehopohs as the wisest in Egypt and the Egyptians as the wisest men (Xoyicoraroi) in the world. 2 5 8 A n explicit interest in the history of culture is manifest in this narrative; it is expressed both in the sequence of the tribal ancestors and in the journeys of Abraham: first Babylonia, then Phoenicia and Canaan, and only at the end Egypt. T h u s Abraham becomes the bringer of culture for the Western peoples and indirectly also for the Greeks, since as the youngest people they drew their wisdom from the Phoenicians and the Egyptians. Here we find this claim to the which we have already noted among the Phoenicians, made for a biblical person. Abraham and Enoch were quite simply the wisest men in humanity. A t this point the anonymous writer could take up the Greek tradition of Herodotus, Plato and above all Hecataeus, according to which the Greeks were instructed by the wisdom of the Egyptians. N o w that Abraham is made the teacher of the (Phoenicians and the) Egyptians, the biblical tradhion is proved to be the oldest wisdom of mankind. O n this point the anonymous Samaritan was followed by the Palestinian Eupolemus (see below, pp. 926".) and the Alexandrians Aristobulus and Artapanus, down to Josephus and the church fathers. So here we have the first evidence for the Jewish and Christianapologetic view that the Greek philosophers really drew their wisdom from the patriarchs and Moses. 259 T h e identification of Canaanites and Phoenicians is also surprising. It is grounded in the predominant cultural and economic role that the Phoenicians had in Palestine in Persian and early Hellenistic times. It will be remembered that during the period of persecution under Antiochus I V Epiphanes, the Samaritans described themselves in a letter to the king as 'Sidonians', presum-
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ably because there was a Phoenician trading colony in Shechem similar to those in Marisa and Philadelphia. T h e Septuagint also calls Canaan or the Canaanites Phoenicia or Phoenicians on several occasions. 2«o A further important point is the fact that the fragments which we have, apart from one statement about the sanctuary on Gerizim, could just as well come from a Jew with a Hellenistic education, that the Septuagint was used, and that often contacts with Jewish haggadic and apocalyptic tradition can be demonstrated. Despite the competing sanctuaries and the border disputes reported by Josephus, it seems probable that contacts between the Jewish upper classes and the Samaritans were not broken off in the third century BC : even in Alexandria, the final break only seems to have taken place under Ptolemy V I Philometor (180-145) - presumably in connection with the Maccabean revolt, despite previous d i s p u t e s . T h e 'syncretism' of the anonymous writer, said by Freudenthal to be typically Samaritan, is not present in this way. In him we find no traits tending towards polytheism, and one could with much greater justification apply the term syncretistic to the fictional biography of Moses by the Egyptian Jew Artapanus; it probably comes from about the same time, and states that Moses introduced the cult of animals into Egyptian territory and is himself to be identified with Hermes-Thoth and Musaeus, allegedly the teacher of Orpheus, T h e fragments rather have a rational and universalist trait. T h e anonymous writer is concerned 'to build a bridge between Babylonian and Greek culture on the ground of the biblical tradition, which provides his material and determines its form'. Here he is one of the first Palestinians to present the biblical history in the form of Hellenistic history writing, ^ss T h e pagan myths are historicized and humanized; Abraham appears as the universal bringer of culture; the 'father of many nations' (Gen. 17.5 L X X ) becomes the 'teacher of many nations'. Further, as the result of a certain academic and national interest, his own history is tied up with that of the nations. T h e freeing of the Armenian women and children is to be taken as a humanitarian trait. T h e divine retribution, revelations by angels, indeed even the efficacy of manticism, of course retain their validity, yet for all its national pride the religious attitude is free of narrowness and fanaticism. Abraham openly teaches the Phoenicians and the pagan priest of Heliopolis astrology or astronomy (they were identical at that time), which were highly prized and associated with Enoch and Abraham, the Chaldean. So we find it not only in the Jewish Hellenistic tradition in Alexandria, but also in Qumran and in Palestinian apocalyptic; its high valuation is a typical achievement of the Hellenistic period. On the whole we find here a quite different spirit from that, say, in the later book of Jubilees, where attempts are made to trace back the validity of the Mosaic law even into the patriarchal narratives, and where there is even polemic against knowledge of the heavens. W e probably have to imagine that the views of the moderate friends of Greece in Jerusalem were
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along similar lines. People were proud of their national history and of the extreme age of their own tradition, but on the other hand they were tolerant and interested in an expansion of their own horizon of education, and thus interested in a certain knowledge of the Greek intellectual world. N o r were people disinclined for contacts with Greeks and with their Hellenistic neigh bours in the Palestinian-Phoenician cities. Abraham must have been of particular interest for this circle because of what one might almost call the 'international'breadth of his personality. By speculations about his joumeys^^s or even about his manifold descendants, like the sons of Keturah, so briefly treated in the Bible, lines of affinity for the Jews could be traced to the Ethiopians, the Spartans and the Sophacians in Cyrenaica, or even to friend ship with the Pergamenes.2«« bb) T h e Jewish historian Eupolemus In the excerpts of Alexander Polyhistor, further fragments are preserved of a history writer Eupolemus which, according to the researches of Freudenthal,^"' go back to a Greek-educated Palestinian Jew. In view of the time at which the history work begins, after 158/57 BC,^"^ this Jew could be identical with Eupolemus son of John from the priestly family of Haqqos, mentioned in I Mace. 8.17 as leader of the Jewish delegation to Rome.^"" T h e very title, 'About the kings in Judea', indicates the 'patriotic' character of this work, which has serious linguistic and stylistic deficiencies, and for that reason alone can hardly have been composed in Alexandria, ^'o Like the anonymous Samaritan, the author uses the Septuagint, but like Josephus and Paul he also knew the Hebrew text. 2'1 There survive, first, a brief fragment about Moses, who is called the 'first wise man' (irp&rov ao^ov) and is said to have been the first to have communicated the knowledge of the alphabet, or of the sciences in general, to the Jews.2'2 T h e Phoenicians would then have received this knowledge from the Jews and the Greeks from the Phoenicians. Here we have basically the same 'invention' theme as in the anonymous Samaritan, except that the same thing is transferred, as with Artapanus, to Moses, and the invention of alphabetic writing, of which the Phoenicians were so proud, is shifted to the Jewish lawgiver. Probably the alphabet here represents literature and science in general. Perhaps this is meant to say that the Mosaic law was the first written document. T h e identification o f Moses and Hermes-Thoth in Artapanus points back to the myth reported by Plato in the Phaedrus, that the Egyptian ' T u t ' , in addition to number, logic, geometry, astronomy, dice and board games also invented writing (rd ypdiip-ara), and showed it to the king of Egypt. Hecataeus, a worshipper of Plato and an admirer of Egypt, further enlarged and elaborated this report2'3 by having the wisest Greeks come to Egypt in primal times 'so that they could have a share in the laws and education there'. In first place he mentions Orpheus, who is said to have brought the
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Greeks the mysteries from Egypt (Diod. i , 96). T h u s for Artapanus, Moses-Hermes was not only the foimder of Egyptian wisdom and religion, but also, as teacher of Orpheus, founder of Greek wisdom and religion, too (see above, n.262). Similar themes appear elsewhere in a less 'syncretistic' form in the Jewish Alexandrian tradition. 2'4 For this reason, Eupolemus put the exodus from Egypt at an earlier date than the usual biblical chronology, in 1736 BC. T h e antiquity of the Jewish tradition could not be set high enough over against Egypt, Phoenicia and the Greeks, According to a further fragment, Jeremiah announced deportation by the Babylonians to the Jews as a punish ment for their idolatry. T h e king of Babylon heard of this prediction - in this way his resolve is fully rationalized - and allied himself with king Astibares of Media, a feature which the author could have borrowed from Ctesias.^'" T h e two kings first subjected 'Samaria, Galilee, Scythopolis and the Jews living in the Galaditis'^" and then plundered Jerusalem; only the ark with the tables of the law was saved by Jeremiah, T h e largest fragment con tains the narrative of the building of the temple by Solomon; the central place is occupied by a fictitious correspondence between the king and Pharaoh Uaphres of Egypt and king Suron o f ' T y r e and Sidon', based on the exchange of messengers between Solomon and Hiram in I I Chron. 2.2-15 (the Pharaoh is probably taken from Jer.44.3o).2'9 T h i s is in accordance with the manner of Hellenistic history writing, which loved to insert 'official' archives. T h e letters were left unaltered by Polyhistor, who made excerpts from them; they therefore have particular value as sources. While elsewhere Polyhistor smoothed over the unskilful style of the author, here his linguistic inadequacy is evident, and we have also some echoes of the expressions to be found in the papyri letters and Ps. Aristeas. ^so Above all, the political picture of Solomon's kingdom which Eupolemus paints is remarkable. His father David had already defeated the Syrians in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates and in the Commagene - i.e. in the heart of Seleucid tertitory, and the 'Assyrians and Phoenicians'281 living in the 'Galadene' east of the Jordan; he exacted tribute from his nearer neighbours, like the Idumeans, Ammonites, Moabites, Itureans, Nabateans, Nabdeans and finally even Suron, the king of T y r e and Sidon. He even exploited the golden island of Uphre in the Erithrean sea by means of the Arabian harbour of Elana. But with Pharaoh Uaphres he main tained friendly relations and concluded a covenant.^^a Here is a clear expression o f the political situation of the Maccabean struggle and the beginning of Jewish expansion in Palestine, which relied on a good relationship with Ptolemaic Egypt. So in the letters of Solomon to Suron, Galilee, Samareitis (!), Moabitis, Ammanitis and Arabia appear as subject provinces, which have to contribute grain and sacrificial beasts as provisions for the builders of the temple and for sacrifices, ^ss T h e letters of Solomon to the
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two kings are composed in brief as to subject peoples; the answers, in which Solomon is addressed as 'great king' (^acrtXevs neyas),^^^ like Antiochus I I I , are full of subservience. On the whole Eupolemus follows the account of Chronicles and the books of Kings in his portrait of the building of the temple, but he allows himself complete freedom in his elaboration, above all when it is a matter of the enlarging and more splendid decoration of the sanctuary. Its size was a cube of sixty cubits instead of the twenty of the biblical accoimt, and the two iron pillars were covered with gold to the thickness of a finger; as in the description in the Mishnah, the temple building itself had skilful arrange ments for driving away birds, T h e broad-mindedness of the author is finally expressed in the note, mentioned above, that Solomon sent Suron a golden pillar which he erected in the temple of Zeus (ev rut ieput rov AL6S) in T y r e . According to Contra Apionem 1,113 ( c f 118), this was the Zeus Olympius identified with Ba'al Sdmem.^^^ Perhaps in the backgroimd here is the conception of pre-Maccabean Hellenists that the 'greatest G o d ' (Beds fxeyiOTos) to whom Solomon owed his status as king, the G o d who gave him the commission to build the temple and whom Suron defined in his answer as 'creator of heaven and earth', was in the last resort, as the one G o d , also identical with the Zeus of the Phoenicians and Greeks.^**' Various parallel narratives suggest that this account comes from a more extensive collection of traditions originating in Phoenicia, which were concerned with the relationship between Hiram and Solomon. T h e friends of Hellenism in Jerusalem were surely interested in traditions in which Jerusalem appeared as a partner of the Phoenician cities with equal, if not superior, status, ^ss Although Eupolemus was a supporter of the Maccabees, he also seems to have been influenced on this side. On the whole, however, a strong nationalistic tendency predominates in his work, which heralds the vigorous expansionist policy of the Hasmoneans in the following decades. Furthermore, the temple and its cult stand in the foreground. This may partially have been conditioned by the material in the fragments that we still have, but on the whole one may concur with the judgment of Dalbert: 'One is given the impression that the piety of Eupolemus is expressly directed towards a right ordering of the cult.'289 -phe law is mentioned only once in passing.^s" Perhaps one may say that Eupolemus is a link between the work of the Chronicler - his primary source - and the strongly nationalistic colours of the Sadduceeism of the Hasmonean period. T h e Hellenistic element introduces a certain interest in and openness towards the wider world; thus Eupolemus paves the way for the positive attitude o f the later Hasmonean kings towards Hellenism. T h e anonymous Samaritan and Eupolemus have a number of things in common. A . Schlatter would not, therefore, allow the division made by Freudenthal, but derived the two groups of fragments from a great history work of an otherwise unknown Alexandrian Jewish historian Eupolemus, on whom Artapanus, Philo and to an especial degree Josephus were said to be
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dependent. However, this is an improvable hypothesis: the stress on Shechem and the temple on Gerizim in the anonymous writer, and the demotion of Samaria to a dependent province and the glorification of the temple of Solomon in Eupolemus rule it out.^si Common to both is their great freedom towards the biblical text, which they both expand or alter at will in an effort to make the biblical tradition correspond with non-Jewish history writing or to give it an even more splendid appearance. T o this end they refer back to Greek history writers: here we have an indirect proof that these were read in Jewish or Samaritan circles in Palestine. In addition there are the relationships with the Alexandrian Jewish tradition and the Palestinian haggada; indeed even apocalyptic material like the Enoch tradition is taken up by the anonymous writer, j n both works the Egyptians, and still more the Phoenicians, appear as the people with whom Israel and its ancestors were associated through close cultural relationships. Here perhaps the conditions of the time of the Ptolemaic-Seleucid rule are transferred to the past. One special concern is the strengthening of the author's own self-awareness by the assertion that decisive 'first inventions' come, like astrology, from Abraham, or like writing, from Moses. In this way the Torah becomes the earliest of all books; in the end, indeed, 'all Hellenism is made dependent on M o s e s ' . A n o t h e r feature which the two have in common is their tendency towards rationalization, though this did not exclude the appearances of angels and predictions in the prophets. T h e most essential difference, apart from the two competing sanctuaries on Gerizim and in Jerusalem, is the universalist breadth of the Abraham narrative in the anonymous Samaritan and the Judean nationalistic narrowness of the fragments of Eupolemus, where even the international relationships of Solomon only serve to the greater glory of the Jewish king and the sanctuary built by him. Furthermore, it is by no means the same thing whether Abraham or Moses appears- as the 'first wise m a n ' . i n one case the universalist tendency predominates, and in the other the nationalist. Here the change of conditions brought about by the Maccabean revolt is evident, cc) Jason of Cyrene and Palestinian-Jewish history writing T h e very name of Jason of Cyrene, the author of the history work summarized in II Maccabees, indicates that he was not a real Palestinian but either came from the Jewish Diaspora in Cyrenaica or at least spent a good part of his life there. His work, which is 'profoundly influenced by the spirit of solemn Hellenistic historiography',^"" also presupposes that its author has received a thorough training in rhetoric, which he is most likely to have been able to obtain in Alexandria.^s' I f despite this we consider his work, it is because its contents refer completely to Judea, and in its not inconsiderable extent of five books - which a later epitomator then forcibly compressed into one - must have dealt in comparatively great detail with a relatively short but decisive
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space of Jewish history,extending over about fifteen years (say, 176-160 BC), i.e. the preliminaries to the Maccabean revok and the acts of Judas, Even in the severely compregsed form of II Maccabees,^"" the work still has such a fullness of historical detaiP"" that we must suppose that the author had a lengthy stay in Palestine and knew Aramaic or Hebrew. T h e question o f his sources and the time of his writing is disputed: whereas Niese, Schiirer, Jacoby, Abel and Tcherikover see Jason as an eye-witness who composed his work soon after the death of Judas and used principally oral tradition,3oi others, like E. Meyer, Bickermann, PfeifFer and Schimck, believe in a later use of written sources (though these are hard to define), on which there is no agreement. 3 02 Schunck, who investigated the source problem in the greatest detail, assumed that a history of Judas was a common source for the otherwise completely independent historical works of Jason and I Maccabees; in addkion, w k h a lesser degree of probability, he posited a chronicle of the Seleucids. Furthermore, Jason is said to have drawn on the diaries of the high priests Onias, Jason and Menelaus, which were preserved in the archives of the temple in Jerusalem, for the preliminaries to the rebellion. ^ 04 Knowledge o f the proceedings in I I Mace. 1 1 , whose authenticity is now almost universally acknowledged, was communicated by the archive in Jerusalem, Schunck would not rule out even oral tradition. His source theory, which is based above all on the double chronology of the books of Maccabees (especially of I M a c e ) , with the different beginnings of the Seleucid era in Autumn 312 and on i Nisan o f early 311 BC, has, however, been outdated by the Sachs-Wiseman publication of the cuneiform chronology of the Seleucids and needs to be examined again, Surprisingly, it has proved that the historical reliabilky of the work of Jason, which B. Niese already stressed so strongly (perhaps too strongly), has been confirmed in one point where Jason had previously been taken to be wrong: the report of the death of Antiochus I V was published in Babylon as early as the ninth month of the year 142 in the Seleucid era, i.e. between 20.11 and 18.12.164 BC; this means that the king did not die in early 163, but a short time before the reconseeration of the temple on 25 Chislev = 1 4 December 164.3"' T h e reason why in other places I I Maccabees reports the historical order of events in a false sequence which deviates from the relatively ordered chronology of I Mace, may be that the epitomator altered Jason's order in the interest of an increase in the inner tension of the work, so that the victory over Nicanor could be depicted with supernatural colouring. He prob ably also omitted the death of Judas Maccabaeus, the real hero of the work, in the interest of a 'happy ending', ^"s A decisive factor is that despke the outward Hellenistic garb of Jason's work, his theological views are stamped much more with the piety o f the Palestinian Hasidim than with the Jewish Hellenism of Alexandria, This is true, say, of the depiction of the rigorous observance of the sabbath commandment^i" and of the food laws by the pious Jews who fled into the wilderness ;3ii of the doctrine of the
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resurrection of the dead, presented several times, and the intercession of the departed faithfulj^ia the extensive angelology^is and the tradition of the holy war.314 It is impossible - as Hanhart assumes, following Seeligmann^is that all these points could come from a Palestinian revision of the work of Jason by the epitomator. A s the epitomator shared the approach of Jason's work - otherwise he would hardly have worked over it - he naturally abbrevia ted the purely historical parts and retained the 'edifying' parts, in this way strengthening the tendency of the work. O n the other hand, the doctrine of retribution stressed particularly by Hanhart is not typically Jewish, but is also to be found in Hellenistic 'solemn' historiography, like the writing of Timaeus of Tauromenium, in whose footsteps Jason walks.^i" A special concern of the work - like that of Eupolemus and the books of Chronicles - was the glorification of the temple: the sanctuary, threatened several times by the Gentiles, is continually protected by God in new and wonderful ways.^i' On the other hand, interest in the later Hasmonean dynasty fades right into the background: we hear neither of its ancestor Mattathias nor of the priesthood of Judas nor o f the high-priestly office of his brothers Jonathan and Simon; rather, the only regular Zadokite high priest Onias I I I is presented as a holy figure. People have wanted to regard Jason as a representative of the Pharisaic movement, but against this it has rightly been stressed that one decisive Pharisaic feature, reference to oral tradition, is missing from his work. 319 His views are nearer to the pre-Pharisaic, Hasidic movement which we find in Daniel and in the older pans of the Essene tradition. In contrast to the first book of Maccabees, which here marks a clear distinction, he makes Judas the leader of the Hasidim. 320 Tcherikover calls attention to one feature which is essential for the question of dating: in connection with the reform attempt of the high priest Jason, I I Mace. 4.11 mentions a John as a successful negotiator with Antiochus I I I and adds, by way of explanation: 'the father of Eupolemus, who took part in the delegation to the Romans for a treaty of friendship and armaments'. A s else where the name of a person is defined more closely by his father's name, the mention of the son only makes sense i f he was still known to the readers. Indeed, one might assume that Jason himself was a contemporary of this Eupolemus - presumably the historian, and thus also of Judas Maccabeus. 321 I f one takes all the viewpoints together, the suggestion of Niese, that Jason spent at least some time in Palestine in those decisive years after 175 BC and wrote his work soon after the death of Judas (May 160) and possibly before Jonathan took over the office of high priest (autumn 152 BC), still has a certain degree of probability (see below, pp.224flF.). Presumably the intention was to gain some understanding and support in the Greek-speaking Diaspora and the Greek world in general for the Jews who were fighting for the integrity of their sanctuary and their piety. T h e Maccabean fight for freedom would hardly have been possible without support from outside, especially from E g y p t ;
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the delegations to Rome and Sparta also belong in this context. T h e fact that Jason of Cyrene wrote contemporary history does not exclude the possibility that he also used written sources, like enumerations of the victorious battles of Judas, which still came from his lifetime, or even of certain political events in the Seleucid kingdom, about whose administration, including the titles and names of officials, he is very well informed indeed. ^22 His own observation, narratives of eye-witnesses and access to the archives in Jerusalem gave him the knowledge of events necessary for his work. His predilection for legendary elaborations, especially for the appearances of angels and heavenly figures and for heroic martyrdoms,^^^ is conditioned on the one hand by the con temporary style of solemn historiography which used strong colours to excite fear and sympathy,^^* and on the other by his Hasidic piety: the appear ances of angels and astonishing miracles play a great role in the book of Daniel, which was written only a short while earlier, and the Essenes were familiar with miraculous healings, prophecies, and above all close connections with angels.325 Presumably the narratives of the deaths of martyrs testifying to their faith and the atoning effect of their suffering go back to Palestinian models: by combining them with the Hellenistic theme of the exitus clarorum virorum, Jason gave them a form that was effective in the Greek-speaking world, and thus became the father of the martyrium.^^^ 'This synthesis of narrowly orthodox theology and the most powerful rhetoric, which is quite absent from the books of the Bible, gave the work its tremendous success.'^2' T h u s , if Jason was in all probability a Jew of the Diaspora - the attempt which has often been made to identify him with Jason son of Eleazar, the second delegate to Rome mentioned in I Mace. 8.17, remains an undemonstrable hypothesis - his work nevertheless points to a very close connection with Palestine, despite its completely Hellenistic form; perhaps it even arose there. ^28 Although the writings of the anonymous Samaritan and Eupolemus had a very much simpler form, the content of their work seems to be deter mined by freer and stronger Hellenistic influences. Despite the rhetorical form of Jason's historical work, it lacks deep philosophical ideas; the echoes of Plato which J. Baer thought that he could find, above all in eh. 7, are not a striking peculiarity, as they were widespread elsewhere in contemporary Palestinian Judaism. On the whole, the author has more of a hostile attitude to Hellenistic civilization. In a strange reversal of the sense of the word, the supporters of the Seleucids are called 'barbarians',329 and the Jews who are faithful to the law become the citizens of a 'polis' fighting for the existence of the 'politeia' given to them by God.^^o On this point the five books of Jason differ considerably from Alexandrian writing which is not too far removed from them in time and has a positive attitude to Hellenistic culture, like the Letter of Aristeas (see above, n. I, 206) and the Apology of Aristobulus (see below, pp. i63ff.). This is a sign that the intellectual climate was in process of changing. T h e essential point here is that in the encounter between Judaism
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and Hellenistic culture, the shape and content of a writing did not necessarily have to conform.
Excursus 2: Palestinian-Jewish history writing in the Hellenistic period It is no coincidence that in the Graeco-Jewish literature associated with Palestine, historical works predominate, whereas in Alexandria 'philosophicaltype' writing is more strongly in the foreground. This development finds its climax and conclusion during the first century in the two Jewish-Palestinian historians Justus o f Tiberias and Josephus. O f Josephus, who comes from the priestly nobility of Jerusalem, it could be said that a kind of'priestly' historical writing which can be demonstrated from the Priestly Writer, the work of the Chronicler, Eupolemus, I Maccabees and the anti-Herodian source of Josephus himselfssi comes to an end in his work. Finally, one may also point out that the Greek Peripatetic Nicolaus of Damascus, a friend of Herod and therefore close to him, probably wrote his great universal history of 144 books, in which he also dealt with Jewish history at length and thus formed the main source of Josephus, in Jerusalem at the court of Herod, T h e Hebrew-Aramaic literature of the Hellenistic period (see below, pp. 110-15) also shows an intensive interest in the historical tradition o f its own people. This is already indicated by the fact that even during the third century - perhaps in the time of the high priest Simon the Just (see below, pp. 2 7 1 ! ) the Torah of Moses, which was canonically binding, was supplemented by the 'prophetic' writings, to which the 'hagiographies' were attached in their turn (see below, pp. 1 3 4 ! ) . This created something like a historical continuity in Israelite history down to Persian times and thus a strong argument for the antiquity and the purity of the Jewish tradition in the controversy with Hellenism. In style and content, I Maccabees deliberately continues the tradition of Kings and Chronicles, and in comparison with the Old Testament text, the great retellings of biblical history, like the book of Jubilees, the Genesis Apocryphon or the later pseudo-Philonic Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, are very free revisions of the holy history. Even in apocalyptic writings, a peculiar form of'encoded history' developed, based on vaticinia ex eventu; we find it in Dan. 1 1 ; I Enoch 85-90 or later in the Assumption of Moses (see below, pp.i83ff., i87fF.). Closely related to the apocalyptic form is the inter pretation of Old Testament prophecy in Qumran in relation to an eschato logical understanding of history, by use of the pesher method.^^s In itself, wisdom may be 'ahistorical', but in the work of Jesus Sirach it is bound up with the history of Israel by its identification with the Torah and through the 'praise of the ancestors' in Sirach 44.1-50.24.^34 T h e interpretation here of past history in the light of the present, or present history in the light of the saving experiences of the past, gave the Jewish community of believers a support against the manifold influences of the Hellenistic environment. W e
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already find two significant features of this Jewish history writing in the Hellenistic period in the work of the Chronicler, which was composed, at least in its basic form, during the Persian period: an astonishing freedom in the expansion and adaptation of the received historical tradition to meet the needs and problems of the present and a stress on direct personal retribution by the L o r d of history. Since in most historical works the eschatological perspective is either missing or very much in the backgroimd, history becomes the place of judgment. Both features are also expressed in the work of Jason of Cyrene. H e does not set out to write an 'objective' historical report, but to give a 'theological' interpretation of the events of the most recent past, and thus to describe God's wonderful work in saving his sanctuary and his people and punishing evildoers and persecutors.sse T h e fact that he could attempt this in what is externally a completely Hellenistic, highly rhetorical form, is a sign of the flexibility of the Jewish religion and its capacity for adaptation to a new intellectual environment. T h e Jews were the only people o f the East to enter into deliberate competition with the Greek view of the world and of history, whether they gave their 'historical' works the traditional form of a chronicle, the cryptic form of an apocalyptic outline of history or even the alien garb of Hellenistic historiography. That after AD 70 they suddenly broke off from giving accounts of their history and concentrated entirely on developing a fundamentally ahistorical halacha and haggada is a sign of the radical upheaval which was introduced by the destruction of the second temple and the Jewish state and the establishment of the Rabbinic claim to leadership in Palestine: ' T h e Jew no longer created history, but suffered it.'ss^ dd) Greek translations of Jewish writings in Palestine T h e work of Jason of Cyrene is at the same time a proof of the close connection between certain circles of Diaspora Judaism and Jerusalem. T h e Hasmoneans attached importance to drawing this connection still closer, because - as with Herod later - their international significance depended on their influence on Diaspora Judaism. For this reason alone they must have been interested in a continuation of Greek studies in Jerusalem. So we find signs of lively trans lation activity in Jerusalem, with the aim of winning over Jews outside Palestine, especially in Egypt, to the politics of the new Jewish national state, and at the same time warding off the competition of the Oniad temple in Leontopolis. 338 A n official 'festal letter' of the Jews in Jerusalem to their 'brothers' in the Egyptian Diaspora from the year 124 BC has been preserved in II Mace. 1.1-9. It quotes an earlier writing of early 142. Presumably these were letters which had been translated from Aramaic into Greek in the Maccabean chancellery. 339 T h e lengthy 'festal letter' which follows in II Mace. 1.10-2.18, which is a forgery probably made before Pompey's conquest of Jerusalem in 63 BC and was possibly also written in Jerusalem,34o eontains a reference in 2.i3ff. to the temple archive allegedly founded by Nehemiah and
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enlarged by Judas Maccabeus; there is the significant invitation: ' I f you need anything now, send (people) to get it.' Here the author presupposes that the Jews in Alexandria had writings with religious and historical content from Jerusalem, and that, as the Jews of Alexandria no longer knew Aramaic, these were at least in part translated into Greek. This is confirmed by the postscript to the Greek book of Esther, in which it is stated that the book was translated in Jerusalem by a Lysimachus son of Ptolemy and that it had been brought to Egypt by the priest Dositheus and his son Ptolemy as a 'festal letter for Purim'.34i Presumably this translation of the book of Esther was connected with the revision and expansion which distinguishes the Greek form from the Massoretic. T h e contrast between Jews and Gentiles was made sharper and more profound,^*^ the arch-enemy of the Jews, Haman, is described as a 'Macedonian' - a feature which could hardly come from Alexandria, where some Jews were proud to call themselves Macedonians^^^ _ and G o d was brought into the centre as an active force by the insertion of prayers, a dream and its interpretation. Finally, the scandal of Esther's marriage with the heathen king, at which the original author had taken no offence, had to be played dovm. This may be a reason why the book of Esther was not to be found in the library of Qumran. So Esther prays in the additional material (4.i7u-y = C 25-29) in a way which represents a clear repudiation of the attitude of the earlier 'court histories' (see above, p.29ff.): T h o u hast knowledge of all things; and thou knowest that I hate the splendour of the wicked and abhor the bed of the uncircumcised and of any alien. T h o u knowest my necessity - that I abhor the sign of my proud position, which is on my head on the days when I appear in public. I abhor it like a menstruous rag, and do not wear it on the days when I am at leisure. A n d thy servant has not eaten at Haman's table, and I have not honoured the king's feast or drunk the wine o f libations. T h y servant has had no joy since the day that I was brought here until now, except in thee, O Lord G o d of Abraham . . . Here a legalistic rigorism has been introduced into the book of Esther which was alien to the original tendency of the work, but which is in many ways akin to the spirit of II Maccabees or Jubilees. In the additions, the translator and reviser Lysimachus son of Ptolemy seems to have used earlier Aramaic or Hebrew models, T h e addition of the colophon to Esther r&v ev 'lepovaaXrifj, indicates that he was a Palestinian. At the same time the colophon is an indication of the close coimection between Hasmonean Jerusalem and the Egyptian Diaspora.^*' W e may reckon that other works, like I Maccabees,^*^ were also trans lated into Greek in Palestine, but here we caimot go beyond suppositions, because only in the case of Esther has a bibliographical note been preserved to that effect. T h e work o f translating and editing the L X X also continued in
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Palestine in the first and second centuries AD with Theodotion and Aquila.s*" T h e use of the L X X in the anonymous Samaritan and in Eupolemus, together with the discovery of L X X fragments in Qumran and in the caves used in the Bar Kochba revolt (see above, n.20), shows that the Greek translation of the Old Testament also came to be highly prized in Palestine from the second century BC to the second century AD - in contrast to the sharp criticism of later Rabbis. On the whole, and above all in the Pentateuch - regardless of the considerable differences between the various translations of individual books the L X X is under the influence of Palestinian tradition, even if it was largely translated in Alexandria. Those unknown Jews who had the holy tradition o f their people so much at heart and who still had sufficient command of the holy language to be able to translate the books of the Old Testament into Greek were probably still closely coimected with their mother country, even if the narrative of the seventy-two Palestinian elders and their precious rolls of the law from Jerusalem (Bp. Arist. I2iff., 176) are to be banished to the realm of legend. T h e holy texts were translated as literally as possible, even dovm to preserving the Hebrew word order, and more far-reaching influence by Greek mythology and philosophical speculation was avoided. Individual exceptions (see below, n.372) only confirm the rule.ssi T h e prologue and the trans-' lation work of the grandson of Jesus Sirach (see below, pp. I 3 i f f . ) offer a concrete instance of this link with the Palestinian homeland. T h e overall picture of the surviving fragments of Jewish-Hellenistic literature in Greek from Palestine must inevitably be a one-sided one, because the number of writings preserved in fragments is limited, and their tendency apart from the anonymous Samaritan - is relatively uniform. T h e y served to strengthen the Jews' religious and national consciousness, to increase the distance between the non-Jews and the politico-religious influence on the Diaspora, especially in Egypt. T h e post-Maccabean situation is evident here throughout: knowledge of Greek language and literature, indeed training in rhetoric, were put completely at the service of the defence of the Jewish tradition against the dangers of Hellenistic civilization. It is also interesting that the surviving writings, in contrast to Alexandrian Jewish literature and to the intellectual tradition of Hellenistic cities like Sidon, T y r e , Gadara and Ashkelon (see above, pp. 83ff.), are not philosophical in content, but almost entirely historical, and have a strong legendary flavour. It is very probable that there will also have been writing in Jewish Palestine that was more open to Hellenism, as a counterpart to the nationalistic and progressively more legal istic literature; possibly it will have stemmed from the universalism of the wisdom literature (see below, pp. i 2 7 f ) . However, because of the victory of the Maccabees, none of it survives. All we have is fragments of works which - apart from the anonymous Samaritan - represented a reaction to Hellenistic attempts at reform; by contrast, the intellectual cultural activity of the friends of Hellenism which sparked off the reaction can only be inferred indirectly.
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4 . S u m m a r y : T h e Judaism o f Palestine as 'Hellenistic Judaism' It can be demonstrated from the Zeno papyri that the Greek language was known in aristocratic and military circles of Judaism between 260 and 250 BC in Palestine. It was already widespread at the accession of Antiochus I V in 175 BC and would hardly have been suppressed even by the victorious freedom fight of the Maccabees. Their very desire to influence the Diaspora required the cultivation of the international language. One might almost say that it played the role in Jewish higher society that French played among the German aristocracy at the end of the seventeenth century and after. This is confirmed, among other things, by the large number of Greek loan words in Talmudic literature. Parallel to this ran the adoption of Greek names, which followed in analogy with the Graecizing of Phoenician nomenclature and that of the Egyptian Jews; however, it began somewhat later and can be demonstrated from the end of the third century. It too continued after the Maccabean revolt and even emerged in the family of the Hasmoneans from the second or third generation on. Language and nomenclature both suggest the infiltration of Greek educa tion. Its influence on the Phoenicians and the Jews in Egypt can be demon strated considerably earlier; however, we may suppose that it had also penetrated Judea from the second half of the third century on, and in 175 BC this development reached its first climax with the construction of a gymnasium in Jerusalem by the high priest Jason. T h e process of Hellenization in the Jewish upper class then entered an acute phase, the aim of which was the complete assimilation of Judaism to the Hellenistic environment. This was combined with a political aim: the foundation of a Greek polis in Jerusalem was intended to strengthen the privileges of the aristocrats friendly to Greece and to disenfranchize conservative circles. Presumably Greek 'education' in Jerusalem not only led to training the ephebes in sports but also had intellectual and literary elements. A Greek school must have existed in Jerusalem as a preparation for the gymnasium and to run alongside it. In later times, too, there are signs of a continuation of Greek education in the Jewish capital, which even included the knowledge of Homer. As a counter-movement to this there developed a broader stratum of scribes, begiiming from the scribal group which had long been associated with the temple, whose aim was the instruction of the whole people in the Torah. T h e culmination of this centuries-long development was the Rabbinate in the second century AD. Even in this move ment, however, with its explicitly anti-Hellenistic tendencies, the methods and forms of Greek educational theory were adopted. Literary and philosophical centres of education developed not only in Alexandria, but also in the Phoenician cities and in individual places in Hellenized Palestine, which produced a whole series of significant poets and philosophers. T h e greatest influence was exerted by the Stoa, which
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predominantly went back to founders of Semitic origin; it was the dominant philosophy of the Hellenistic period. A t the same time, eclectic mixing of the schools could be seen from the second century BC, to which philosophers of Syro-Phoenician origin contributed. T h e penetration of Greek education is confirmed by the beginnings of a Jewish literature in Greek in Palestine, a literature which was above all interested in the Jews' ovm history. T h e anonymous Samaritan combined the biblical primal history with euhemeristically interpreted themes from the Babylonian and Greek theogony and made Enoch and Abraham bringers of culture to all the nations, whereas the priest and Jew Eupolemus depicted the Jewish national history with special stress on the sanctuary at Jerusalem. Jason of Cyrene, a Diaspora Jew, narrated the latest events of the Hellenistic reform in an extensive work and presented the struggle o f Judas Maccabeus for freedom in the solemn maimer of Hellenistic historiography, though in so doing he used a fullness of themes from Hasidic, Palestinian piety. T h e Hasmoneans attached importance to the circulation of Palestinian Jewish literature in Greek translations outside the mother country in the interest of strengthening the religious and national authority of the liberated, new Jewish state. This led to a certain amount of translation activity in Palestine itself. On the whole, it emerges that Hellenism also gained ground as an intellectual power in Jewish Palestine early and tenaciously. From this perspective the usual distinction between Palestinian and Hellenistic Judaism needs to be corrected. Here it is not only used misleadingly as a designation of subjectmatter and in a false contrast as a geographical concept,353 but tends to give a mistaken account of the new situation of Judaism in the Hellenistic period. From about the middle of the third century BC all Judaism must really be designated 'Hellenistic Judaism' in the strict sense, and a better differentiation could be made between the Greek-speaking Judaism of the Western Diaspora and the Aramaic/Hebrew-speaking Judaism of Palestine and Babylonia, But even this distinction is one-sided. From the time of the Ptolemies, Jerusalem was a city in which Greek was spoken to an increasing degree. T h e Maccabean revolt changed little here, and in the N e w Testament period between Herod and the destruction of AD 70 it must have had a quite con siderable minority who spoke Greek as their mother tongue, as Greek inscrip tions show. T h i s minority not only consisted of people who had returned from the Diaspora, but also embraced groups of the native aristocracy. Here we come up against the type from which the strongest political, cultural and religious impulses stemmed, the Jews who moved with the same skill in both the traditional Jewish-Aramaic and the alien Greek cultural and linguistic areas. One example of this is offered by the bilingual Greek and Aramaic inscriptions on tombs or ossuaries in Jerusalem, T h e series o f these Jewish 'Graeco-Palestinians' begins with the Tobiads, like the tax farmer Joseph and his son Hyrcanus; the later high-priestly Oniads, like Onias H I ,
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Jason and Onias I V , the founder of LeontopoUs; the members of the leading priestly nobility like Simon, Menelaus, Lysimachus; and the subsequent high priest Alcimus. It continued in the writer Eupolemus, the grandson o f Ben Sira, the later Hasmoneans like Aristobulus Philhellene and Alexander Jannaeus, and their sons. Herod, his family and his supporters, the highpriestly family Boethus brought by him to Jerusalem (see n. 154), and other high-priestly families in the N e w Testament period should be mentioned here. T h e same is also true of N e w Testament figures like John Mark (Acts 12.12,25; 13.5, 1 3 ; 15.37), Silvanus-Silas,356 Judas Barsabbas (Acts 15.22, 32) and Menahem, the younger contemporary of Herod Antipas (Acts 13. i). Jews who themselves came from the Diaspora but whose families were closely associated with Palestine and spent a great part of their life there should also be counted among those who belonged to this group of people who had two languages and two cultures, like Jason of Cyrene and later the Levite Joseph Barnabas from Cyprus, the 'cousin' of John Mark (Acts4.36 etc; c f Col. 4.10), and the Pharisee Saul-Paul from T a r s u s . O n e might also point to the seven 'Hellenists' of Acts 6, though it is uncertain whether they knew Aramaic. Later representatives o f this twofold education were Josephus, Justus of Tiberias ( = Zadok), who had an excellent rhetorical training, and the house of the patriarchs. T h e prominent Jewish cemetery of Beth-Shearim in Galilee shows how from the second half of the second century AD Greek influence was almost stronger there than in Jerusalem.^ss These circumstances make the differentiation between 'Palestinian' and 'Hellenistic' Judaism, which is one of the fundamental heuristic principles of N e w Testament scholarship, much more difficult; indeed, on the whole it proves to be no longer adequate. W e have to count on the possibiKty that even in Jewish Palestine, individual groups grew up bilingual and thus stood right on the boundary of two cultures. This problem arises not only with Jerusalem, but also with Galilee, which had for a long time had special links with the Phoenician cities; we can ask whether some of the immediate circle of Jesus' disciples were not themselves bilingual. A t any rate, two o f the twelve, Andrew and Philip, had Greek names (Mark 3.18), and Simon Cephas-Peter, Andrew's brother, later undertook extensive missionary journeys among the Jewish Diaspora of the West, which spoke only Greek. T h e differentiation between the (primitive) Palestinian community and the Hellenistic-Jewish community of the Diaspora, especially that of Antioch, which follows from Acts ii.igff"., also needs to be defined more sharply: we must not underestimate the Greek-speaking - and presumably more active element in the Palestinian communities. Knowledge of Greek was the ex pression of a higher social standing, better education and stronger contacts with the world outside Jewish Palestine. So we might ask, for example, whether the Gospel of Matthew might not come from such Greek-speaking JewishChristian circles in Palestine,
I06
Hellenism in Palestine as a Cultural Force
T h e investigation of the spread of the Greek language, Greek education and culture in the Jewish Palestine of the N e w Testament faces a new begiiming although the material has grown very considerably in the last decades. In future we must not be influenced so much by the fact that one of the chief witnesses, the Rabbinic tradition, has been preserved only in Hebrew and Aramaic. S. Lieberman has inescapably shown that even here the Hellenistic element and the use of the Greek language often gleams powerfully through. Alongside this, the evidence of Josephus and archaeology, especially inscrip tions and papyrus finds, acquire increasing significance.
Ill The Encounter and Conflict between Palestinian Judaism and the Spirit of the Hellenistic Age
Particularly in the post-exilic period, Palestinian Judaism produced a rich and many-sided literature which is astonishing, given the smallness, poverty and political insignificance of this ethnic group, even if one presupposes a close contact with the Babylonian and Egyptian Diaspora (see above, pp. l y f ) . This literary activity by no means broke off with the change of rule between Alexander the Great and Ptolemy I ; on the contrary, in the Hellenistic period it became even more fruitful than before. Nevertheless, to demonstrate direct 'Hellenistic influences' in the literature we now have in Hebrew and Aramaic or in that which was originally composed in these languages - is extraordinarily difficuk. 1. This holds first for the language problem. When foreign - in this case Greek - conceptions were transferred into the language of the Jews, they were considerably altered, as Hebrew and Aramaic had not reached the same high level of abstract reflection as Greek, although they show the begirmings of the formation of abstract concepts in the late wisdom literature. So unless obvious Graecisms or loanwords appear - and this is the case only at a relatively late stage (see above, pp. 6of.) - it is often difficult to say whether a particular idea is developed on a line consistent with Jewish thought or whether alien influences are present. 2. In addition, it is difficult to put a date to those writings, like Koheleth, Job, Proverbs, Song of Songs, Jonah, etc, for which Greek influences have sometimes been claimed. Sometimes scholars differ in dating by several centuries, and sometimes the postulate or the categorical rejection of alien influence and the date proposed are bound up in a circular argument. While Greek 'influence' is not completely impossible if these books are assigned to the fifth and sixth centuries, because of already existing military or trade connections, it is somewhat improbable, i 3. Furthermore, in most recent times scholars have increasingly discovered the astonishing connections between the mythology and wisdom of the ancient East and the spiritual world of ancient Greece, in which at this early epoch the Greeks were predominantly the recipients. Oriental influences were not just
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limited to the poets o f the early period like Homer and Hesiod,^ but also affect Ionian natural philosophy and indirectly even Plato and Aristotle.^ This fact was well known to the Greeks: T h u s the mythographer Pherecydes o f Syros, to whom Posidonius ascribes for the first time the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, is said to have possessed 'secret Phoenician books' after 600 BC,* and it is reported o f Pseudo-Democritus and Theophrastus, the pupil o f Aristotle (see below, p. 256), that they translated the book of the Wisdom o f Ahikar into Greek. 5 Josephus, who in Contra Apionem 1,14 designates Pherecydes, Pythagoras and Thales as 'pupils (iiad-qrd's) of the Egyptians and Chaldeans' - with some historical justification - shows how much people were aware of these connections in antiquity and how even Jewish apologetic could make use of them. W e must therefore reckon with the possibility that parallels to Greek con ceptions emerge, without it being possible for us to infer a direct dependence, as these might go back to'a common oriental background. Furthermore, despite the unity of the culture of the eastern Mediterranean in the Persian period, we should bear in mind the possibility that analogous phenomena may have arisen which are not to be explained by causal derivations and relationships of dependence, because certain notions simply matured and were expressed quite independently in different places at the same time. 4. Finally, we should note that the late writings of the Old Testament canon, the apocryphal and apocalyptic works still extant and the extrabibhcal fragments of the library of Qumran, represent a one-sided selection as far as our question is concerned, as they were collected and preserved by circles which saw their task as the repudiation of alien Hellenistic influences. T h e y found endorsement in the success of the Maccabean revolt, and we can hardly expect that alien, Hellenistic influences were accepted in awareness of their origin; on the contrary, new notions found their way into Judaism precisely in the controversy over and repudiation of alien conceptions, without those in the circles who accepted them being aware of the fact. Moreover, to attempt a thorough analysis of the late Hebraic and Aramaic literature which is followed so to speak without a break by apocalyptic and Essene, as well as early Rabbinic writing, with the aim of discovering possible parallels and inferring cormections with the Greek intellectual world from them, would far exceed the scope of this work; and it would only be possible through close collaboration between Old Testament and Jewish scholarship and classical philology. W e can therefore only present a limited survey here of the extent to which the relationships of dependence which are constantly claimed really exist. More important than tracing possible 'influences' is the attempt to follow certain lines of development in Jewish thought in its con troversy with the spiritual forces of the new time.
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I . S u p p o s e d G r e e k Influence on the L a t e H e b r e w Literatture o f the O l d T e s t a m e n t C a n o n There has constantly been a desire to discover Greek 'influences' in a whole series of late writings of the Hebrew canon. T h u s Theodore of Mopsuestia who contributed some modern-seeming ideas to the historical understanding of the Old Testament - saw Job as an imitation of Greek t r a g e d y / and in more recent times the work has been supposed to be dependent on Euripides' or on Aeschylus' 'Prometheus Bound', ^ and even to show some links with the dialogues of Plato.» But these hypotheses have rightly met with rejection almost everywhere. T h e first real imitation of Greek tragedy only came in Alexandria with the Jewish 'tragedian' Ezekiel during the second century BC.i" In form and theme the book of Job is completely dependent on the ancient East; despite some analogies with themes from Greek tragedy, the contrasts are 'in part of a fundamental n a t u r e ' . " On the other hand, the book of Job shows how, in the thought of the period of the Achaemenides, determined by 'wisdom', intellectual development was preparing to move in the direction o f the Hellenistic epoch even without demonstrable Greek infiuence.i2 In this the most learned book of the Old Testament, we find an express tendency towards the propagation of encyclopedic knowledge, a completely universalist conception of God^^ and, as in the later Koheleth, an individual critical attitude towards the school tradition, stamped as it was by the doctrine of retribution (though not with Koheleth's cool, asseverative scepticism, but presented in passionate form). Its conclusion is neither resignation nor Promethean defiance, nor even a change in G o d from arbitrari ness to righteousness - the speech of G o d shows God's sovereign right - but the humble submission of Job to God's superior p o w e r . i ^ T h i s work should not be put too early. It seems best to belong to the fifth or fourth century BC.I^ A recent Hebrew investigation, following earlier hypotheses, has sought to demonstrate on the basis of a number of parallels, that the author of the Song of Songs was acquainted with the erotic lyrics of the Hellenistic period and especially with the Bucolics of Theocritus.i" But as F. Dornseiff already recognized, it is more probable that Alexandrian lyric poetry is itself dependent on oriental models, say love poetry from ancient E g y p t . i ' This is true still more of the most significant authors o f erotic epigrams in the Anthologia Graeca, the Palestinian Syrians Meleager and Philodemus of Gadara (see above, pp. 848".), who presumably wove popular themes from their homeland into their often very free verse. M . Friedlander has sought to demonstrate traces of Greek philosophy in the Hebrew wisdom literature, including Job, individual psalms, Prov. 1-9 and Koheleth, but this 'Panhellenism' has generally been rejected with good reason. 18 A t best we may say that the Jewish wisdom schools of the preHellenistic period prepared the ground for the penetration and rejection of
no
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Hellenistic civilization after the rule of the Ptolemies by the 'international' and practical-rational character of their teaching: I f one draws this conclusion, even before the real onslaught of Hellenism on Judaism, the latter had produced in its wisdom teaching an intellectual trend which was related to Greek popular philosophy and at the same time was destined to work against it. This judgment by Rudolf Kittel at the end of his History of Israel is prob ably an apt expression of the situation, i" Leaving aside the particular situation of Koheleth (see below, pp. i I 5 f f . ) , we can nowhere talk of a direct, demonstrable Greek influence on the Hebrew literature that we have before Sirach.
2. T h e D e v e l o p m e n t o f Jew^ish Literature in the Early Hellenistic Period Certain forms of literature which can be regarded as being typical of the new era can be seen in a number of relatively late writings, some of which belong to apocalyptic literature. But this statement is only true with qualifications. Some of the works are only preserved for us in Greek, though they go back to predominantly Hebrew or Aramaic models. Significantly, these forms of literature emerge both in Palestine and in Alexandria. First among them is the epistle:20 e.g. the edict of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 3.31-4.34), the Epistula Jeremiae, the fictitious festal letter in II Mace. i . i o b - 2 . i 8 and the letters of Mordeeai and Esther (Esther 9.20-32), together with those of Haman and Artaxerxes in the Greek additions to Esther (after 3.13 and 8.12). T h e later letters from the Apocalypse of Baruch can also be mentioned. 21 A typical Alexandrian counterpart would be the Letter of Aristeas. However, these 'epistles' also imitate Old Testament 'letters'; thus the Epistula Jeremiae and the letters of the Baruch group link up to Jeremiah 29, which presumably contains an extended letter of Jeremiah in vv. 1-23 and two further fragments of letters in w . 24-32.22 Solomon's correspondence with the kings of Phoenicia and Egypt in the Eupolemus fragment is simply an expansion of the exchange of messages - presumably in the form of letters between Solomon and Hiram in 11 Chron.2.2-15 or I Kings 5.15-23 (see above, pp. 94f.). T h u s this new 'genre' at least had some points o f contact with the Old Testament. T h e narrative romance is another literary form from the Hellenistic period. W e meet it in Palestine - where material from the Babylonian Diaspora is used - in Esther, in Tobit and, with strong nationalistic colouring inspired by the Maccabean war of liberation, in Judith. A n essential characteristic is the variety of erotic motives. 23 One special case here is the strongly elaborated
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Testament of Joseph, which M . Braun has shown to be familiar with the Phaedra legend in the version used in Euripides' Hippolytus. Josephus, too, must have known this fictitious version of the Joseph-Potiphar episode and used it {Antt. 2, 39-59). T h e allegorical, novellistic narrative of Joseph and Asenath presumably arose in the Hellenistic Jewish milieu of Alexandria in the first century BC, A further 'romance' from strongly Hellenized Jewish circles in Egypt is the biography of Joseph and Moses by Artapanus, from the second century BC, which still has a striking opermess towards syncretistic conceptions and marked aretalogical features, T h e question is, however, whether the blunt term 'Hellenistic romance' is adequate to give a satisfactory description of the literary character of the works cited, especially as the 'romance' does not just have its origins in Greek literary history, say in history writing, but at least equally goes back to the oriental 'Novelle' which has mostly religious motives. T h e Greek love romances are all relatively late; the first example of which we have fragments, the romance o f Ninus, was com posed in the second century BC at the earliest and takes its material from idealized Assyrian history. T h e romance of the journeys of lambulus comes from a Syrian or Nabatean of the third century BC.^" True, the 'Novelle' with erotic themes can already be found in Herodotus, but it clearly points back to Egyptian or Persian sources, or to Asia Minor.2' If, like Eissfeldt, we describe Esther, Tobit and Judith as 'influenced by Hellenistic romances', we must also do the same for the book of Ruth and the story of Susanna, which are of a related genre, but whose material certainly belongs to the preHellenistic period. 28 Furthermore, the book of Tobit is related to an earlier type of popular wisdom narrative such as we find in the story of the three pages, the romance of Ahikar or in the still earlier Joseph story. 29 Even the book of Esther, as a 'court history' (see above, pp.29f), has echoes in this direction. Even the aretalogical style of narrative did not find its way into Alexandrian Jewish literature solely on the basis of Greek or Egyptian models; for the Jews, the description and the praise must have suggested the miracles and the mighty acts of G o d in history and the present. 3" It is probably hardly a coincidence that the term dperaAoyt'a appears for the first time in the Greek Sirach 36.13,31 and that the specific conception of the proclamation of the dperai o f G o d emerges in the Isaiah translation. 32 E. Bickermann points out that the legend o f Heliodorus in II Mace. 3 represents a typical aretalogy,33 and R. Reitzenstein saw in the 'prophetic and missionary story' of the book of Jonah 'the earliest (aretalogy) that we have outside Egypt'.3" Here he certainly indicates an essential characteristic of this peculiar work, but - against his hypothesis - it should be set towards the end of the Persian period rather than at the begiiming of the Hellenistic era.35 Moreover, it is not the only narrative of this kind; the miracle stories in Dan. 2-6 and above all the Prayer of Nabonidus from Cave 4 at Qumran have an 'aretalogical' character. But as
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the latter originates in the eastern Diaspora during Persian rule, one cannot speak of the 'aretalogy' without qualification as a 'Hellenistic' genre. T h e roots of such narratives go far back into the pre-exilic period; one need only think of the Elisha-Naaman narrative in I I Kings 5 or of the healing of Hezekiah by Isaiah in II Kings 20.1-11 ( = Isa. 38). Even the universal feature of the recognition of the supreme God by the foreign ruler is prefigured in II Kings 5 . 1 5 - 1 9 . 3 8 T h e predilection for the romance-like and aretalogical narrative in the Hellenistic period is thus more an expression of oriental influence on the spiritual-religious life of the Greeks than the reverse: 'Something seems to have reawakened among Greeks which facilitates an understanding o f oriental religion.'3'
Furthermore, the fact should not be overlooked that these 'new' literary forms were predominantly used, at least after the Maccabean revolt, for the production of polemic, anti-Hellenistic, tendentious literature. Examples of this are the book of Judith, the additions to Esther and Daniel (see above, pp. l o i f ) and - in a completely Hellenistic form - II Maccabees (see above, pp.95flF.). One might also mention here the apocalypses and the testament literature, which on the one hand sought to continue the heritage of the prophets and at the same time had a large number of parallels in the predictive literature of the Hellenistic period. 38 A typical literary phenomenon of the Hellenistic era which has abundant Greek parallels is the pseudepigraphon, which, however, is also not completely absent in the ancient Orient - as e.g. the usually pseudepigraphic royal instructions show. 3 " Its accumulation in the Hellenistic period shows that for Jews and Greeks this epoch was a 'post-classical' late period. A work which sought recognition had in Jewish Palestine to relate in aretalogical fashion the great deeds of God and his servants or to take the name and the authority of a spiritually gifted man from earlier times. It was best when the two elements were combined, in which case canonization was still possible, as with the book of Daniel, despite its late origin. T h e third possibility, which emerged for the first time in Palestine with Ben Sira and Eupolemus (see above, pp. y S f , 92), was to name the author openly, this was above all the rule in Greek-speaking Judaism, whereas in the mother country pseudepigraphical anonymity pre dominated through its link with the sacred tradition.*" M u c h more significant than the influence of 'Hellenistic' literary forms, which carmot be demonstrated unequivocally in works which were originally written in Hebrew or Aramaic, is the tendency of Jewish literature in the Persian and early-Hellenistic period towards development. Here the most significant phenomenon is its astonishing richness and pluriformity. Its extent was probably much greater than is suggested by the fragments which we have. This is indicated not least by the large number of fragments of unknown apocrypha from the library of Qumran, which are surely not all the literary products o f the Essenes.*! In addition to the 'oflRcial' literature consisting of
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the Torah of Moses (which was given its final form at the latest in the fourth century BC, before Alexander the Great, since it was taken over by the Samaritans before the final sealing of the schism by the building of the temple on Gerizim),42 the 'books on the kings, the prophets and David', which according to II Macc.2.13 Nehemiah is said to have had collected in a 'library' in Jerusalem,*^ we find works with explicitly popular traits like Ruth, Esther, Susarma and the Song of Songs, or wisdom works like Proverbs and the book of Ahikar, on which in turn Tobit was dependent and which was therefore probably known in Palestine. W e may also presuppose an intellectual and literary exchange with the non-Jewish environment and the Diaspora in Babylon and Egypt. In works like Job and Koheleth a critical reflection could break through the traditional religious view, and in Jonah and the narratives of Daniel - in its original form including the Prayer of Nabonidus - a universalist tendency. Historical works like that of the Chronicler and midrashic works after the fashion of the Genesis Apocryphon and the Book of Jubilees could be reckoned in this many-sided literary production, though the latter are sub stantially later in their present form (see above, p. 99). Finally, collections of liturgical and wisdom hymns should be mentioned, like the Psalm Scroll from Cave iiQ"** and the special collections from prophetic and apocalyptic circles (see below, pp. I76f.). It is astonishing what creative forces were developed in the small and relatively remote Jewish temple state measuring barely more than twenty-four miles across, during the Persian and early Hellenistic period. Morton Smith speaks of 'belles lettres' and sees there 'indications of an educated laity which was in contact with the culture of its environment' and changed its 'literary production with international fashion'. However, there should not be any stress here either on the distinction between priests and laity or on that between sacred and profane literature, especially as there were no fundamentally 'profane' works, and the 'sacral', i.e. priestly-levitical literature, like the Priestly codex and the work of the Chronicler, had an expressly systematic, chronological, i.e. 'rational and scientific' interest.*" Whether individual works were written before or after Alexander's expeditions is also of secondary importance, as obviously 'Greek' influences are hardly directly demonstrable before Koheleth; rather, we find rational, critical, speculative and universalist tendencies which prepared the ground for the encounter with Hellenistic civilization. In all probability, groups of the priesthood, the Levitical writing schools (see above, pp. ySf.) and the lay nobility shared in producing this rich writing. From this perspective we can also understand why from the beginning the Hellenistic rulers made use of the gifted and alert Jews as mercenaries and officials and why the first verdicts of Greek writers on the Jews are completely positive.*' From the middle of the third century BC - the time of the activity of Zeno in Palestine and first hinted at in Koheleth - a certain division then began gradually to set in. In Palestine, too, an active, aristocratic minority became open to the critical
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and universalist spirit of early Hellenism, whereas conservative circles, in deliberate antithesis, opposed it by referring to the national tradition, with the help of certain arguments taken from the thought of the new period. T h e earliest witnesses to this development are the anonymous Samaritan and Ben Sira. But despite the difference in situation, there is no break between the latter and the pre-Hellenistic period; indeed, he regards himself as the legitimate defender of the theological and historical heritage of his people. T h e striking thing about Jewish literature of the Persian and early Hellenistic period down to the begiiming of the second century BC is its continuity. That in the period between about 250 BC and the Maccabean revolt a liberal trend' also developed in Jewish Palestinian literature is not improbable, but can only be demonstrated from hints. Beginnings in this direction were already present in the preHellenistic period; further indications might be the critical observation of the second, 'orthodox' redactor in K o h . 12.12: ' O f the making of many books there is no end, and much learning wearies the flesh', or the threat in I Enoch 98.15: 'Woe to you who write down lying and godless words (\6yovs •n-Xavqoeojs); for they write down their lies that men may hear them and act godlessly towards (their) neighbour' (see above, n. H , 236). Even the transition into the Greek-speaking milieu did not necessarily have to lead to discontinuity. T h e striking thing in the Septuagint - leaving aside the translations of Proverbs and Job (see below, pp. i62ff.) - was that funda mentally the translators were very little influenced by the Greek spirit. Anyone who was interested in the holy scriptures was no advocate of assimilation, T h e speculation about hypostatized wisdom which first arose in Palestine was developed further in Alexandria, and from the beginning could display there an affinity to parallel Greek conceptions. The crisis under Antiochus IV first brought a break in the development and was followed by the freedom fight which favoured a radicalization of Jewish piety in a way that is not evident before. From the end of the second century BC this process also embraced the Diaspora and grew stronger under Roman, rule down to the catastrophe. 'Zeal' became an essential feature of Jewish piety.*" However, this did not necessarily mean an exclusion of alien influences; on the contrary, Palestinian Jewish apocalyptic from the time of Daniel, which played its part in this radicalization, was no less open to 'syncretistic' tendencies than say wisdom, which is in many ways so different, or the work of Philo. T h e conservative opposition of the Sadducees, especially in the early period, shows that people were at least partially aware of this fact even in Palestine. 5" Even Pharisaism is based on an unhistorical, 'ontological' conception of the law, which was alien to the Old Testament itself (see below, pp. lyiff.), and Old Testament history writing finds its continuation not in the casuistic legal collections of the Mishnah, Tosefta or the Talmuds, nor even in the Rabbinic midrashim with their unhistorical thought, but albeit in the alien garb of Hellenism - in the work of the Palestinian priestly
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aristocrat and Hellenistic Jew, Josephus. W e must now investigate in more detail this development in Jewish thought from the middle o f the third century BC.
3. K o h e l e t h and the B e g i n n i n g o f the Crisis in Jewish Religion Influence from the Greek world of ideas is seen in Koheleth more than in any other Old Testament work. Above all in the earlier period, when the rich comparative material of Egyptian and Babylonian wisdom literature had not yet been discovered and so the special structure of Israelite wisdom had not rightly been recognized, new relations between Koheleth and Hellas were constantly found, despite individual warning voices. 'Koheleth and Greek philosophy' was a standard chapter in the introductions of commentaries, s i He was seen as a pupil of Epicurus, the Stoa or the hedonists of Cyrene; others supposed the influences of Heraclitus or an immediate dependence on the Greek g;iomic thought of a Hesiod or a Theognis. Furthermore, the peculiar form of the work suggested an affinity with the Stoic-Cynic diatribe. However, in the long run all these attempts at derivation could not prove convincing, and it transpired that the decisive parallels were to be sought less in Greece than in the Old Testament itself, in Egypt and in Babylonia. ^ g r did the examination of alleged Graecisms produce a very satisfactory result; there are some echoes, but nothing that can be regarded with certainty. ^4 For this reason, it would seem natural to follow O. Loretz in strictly rejecting any contact with the Graeco-Hellenistic world.^^ But it seems evident that Loretz, who himself wants to exclude Egyptian influences and will only accept Semitic and cimeiform parallels, proceeds with too much violence. This is true primarily of a decisive point, the question of date, which he leaves completely uncertain. T r u e , as E. Meyer and K . Galling stressed, one cannot read any direct allusions to individual historical events from Koheleth,^" but the language, with its strong Aramaic colouring which already paves the way for the Hebrew o f the Mishnah,^' and the whole milieu of the book, suggest a very late date of composition. T h u s the work presupposes a long period of peace, in which a man can gather riches and enjoy life; this was hardly possible in Palestine between 350 and 300 BC (see above, p p . i 3 f ) . Furthermore, the indications of a strict, indeed harsh administration, which joined the rich in oppressing the poor, and of an omnipresent power of the king, fit best in the Ptolemaic period. Finally, the manifold references to Egypt, like the form of the work as a royal testament, and the different contacts with the approxi mately contemporaneous wisdom teaching of the Insiger papyrus, are best explained from this epoch, T h e terminus ad quem is Ben Sira, about 180 BC; he knew the book, and in Cave I V at Qumran fragments of Koheleth have been found which came from a scroll written about the middle of the second century BC."" In both cases the work was certainly already in a corrected
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form and therefore acceptable to strictly orthodox circles; its origin must therefore lie at least some decades earlier. This brings us to the period between 270 and 220 BC, when according to the Zeno papyri considerable political and economic activity was developing in Palestine which could not in the end fail to make its mark in the intellectual sphere. T h u s the majority of scholars, even if they have rightly rejected a direct dependence of Koheleth on Greek philosophy and literature, have conceded 'that in ideas and mood the work has contacts with the spirit of Hellenism'. As a man of his time, the author, who in his youth was certainly vigorous and ambitious, could hardly close his mind to the spiritual climate of the age, which brought so many new and stimulating impressions with it. However, the problem that interests us Koheleth and early Hellenism - carmot simply be solved by an enumeration of parallels. First, the examples adduced from the ancient world are much too disparate, and, leaving aside the philosophical school altogether, reach from archaic and aristocratic poets like Hesiod, Theognis and Simonides to such a late and solitary thinker as Marcus Aurelius;"^ secondly, because of the 'international' spread of wisdom and its universal human themes, the indica tion of parallels says nothing about their origins. Rather, leaving aside any hypothetical literary 'dependencies', it could be illuminating to set the thinking of Koheleth beside the spirit and the atmosphere of early Hellenism by means of some examples from the N e w Comedy and Greek epitaphs. However, the starting point here is an account of the structure of and problems included in the thought of Koheleth himself, which is critical in the deepest sense. T h e first striking thing about him is that in his work we encounter a wisdom teaching which goes beyond the anonymous matter-of-factness of earlier wisdom and its unbroken optimism, and find in it the personally engaged, critical individuality of an acute observer and independent thinker. T h u s he may light upon really new insights: 'Within the Old Testament or Old Testament "wisdom", Koheleth is the first, if I see it rightly, to have discovered and treated thematically the historicity of existence - in tormentis.''^^ However, as he had a masterly understanding of how to fuse together the received wisdom tradition and his personal critical analysis of experience, it is difficult to separate the two and work out any 'biographical' features."* O n the other hand, in his writings the foreground is not occupied by the manifold traditional motives; rather, he transforms them in his extremely individualist criticism by shattering the traditional world-view of earlier wisdom, denying a fixed cormection between action and result, and proclaiming the absolute inexplicability of the divine action in nature and history. Even if we have no more external data about his person than the fact that as a wisdom teacher he belonged to the well-to-do aristocratic upper class in Judea and compiled his work in old age as a kind of personal confession, "^ one can still speak of a marked 'individuality' of authorship. It is an in dividuality which emerges with him for the first time among the wisdom
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teachers of the Old Testament, and later also appears in a kindred form in Jesus Sirach and is typical for the time of Hellenism. ' N o w the individual gains the freedom to live as himself,' for 'the feeling of the unity of the in dividual with environment and world has given way to the awareness of opposition, independence and selfhood.'"" Significantly, from the middle of the third century we can see an emergence of individual personalities from the tradition of peoples and families, even in Judea."' A s far as the person of Koheleth is concerned, the most significant thing here is his cool detachment, in which any sense of responsibility for the community of his people is lacking, and which, while noticing injustices in the social sphere, develops no initiative towards setting them right. This distinguishes him on the one hand from the prophets, and on the other from a figure like Marcus Aurelius, with whom he has much in common, especially his fundamentally pessimistic attitude. "^ T h e inevitable counterpart to this is universalism.'^^ True, 'wisdom' had universal features right from the begiiming, so that we find no reference to the history of Israel even in Job and Proverbs; only in Sirach are wisdom and the Israelite historical tradition bound together under the impact of the threat of Hellenistic alienation (see below, pp. i36f.) However, Koheleth 'denationalizes' even the concept of God. He avoids - surely deliberately - the divine name Yahweh and instead uses predominantly the expression hd'Hohim; only 8 out of 38 instances are without the article. This consistent terminology is probably meant to express both the universality of his conception of G o d and its detachment from men.'" T h e traditional formula 'under the sim', which had early (probably wrongly) been presumed to be a Graecism'i and which he uses 27 times, indicates the universality and normativeness of his observations. T h e terms 'man' and 'children of men' also simply mean men in an allembracing sense.'2 I f practically all references to the history of G o d with Israel and to the law are lacking in Koheleth, we nevertheless find in him a series of references to the first chapters of Genesis, where, in contrast to Sirach, above all the dark and inexplicable side of God's created world is seen.'3 Gerhard von Rad therefore charges Koheleth with thinking in a 'com pletely unhistorical' way, though this depends on the way one interprets the term 'history'. One could also say that Koheleth reflects particularly im pressively on 'historical' existence (see above, n.63) in time; it is just that in doing this he excludes a 'salvation-historical' approach.'* According to R. Kroeber, this universalist view of G o d , man and the world corresponds to a new kind of 'knowledge from observation alone, conceivable only in the intellectual atmosphere of Hellenism, philosophic in conception, but quite deliberately practical in realization, along the lines of wisdom teach ing, primarily concerned not with knowledge but with a mastery and fulfilment of life'.'5 J. Hempel had already come to a similar conclusion, seeing 'a " G r e e k " root' in the 'logically consistent thought' of Koheleth, 'quite unoriental in its consistency and power of abstraction'.'" However, we should
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
not lay excessive emphasis on the contrast between 'Greek' and 'oriental' which is made here and suppose any dependence on the part of Koheleth. T h e intellectual revolution with which the third century began made more room for new, independent begirmings of thought, though movement in this direction had already begun in the Persian period (see above, pp. iioff.). Nevertheless, the critical point of application of his thought remains the Old Testament. What gain (mdh-yifron) does a man have from all his toil at which he toils under the sun? (1.3) Behind this question of'gain' - the word appears in the Old Testament only in Koheleth - which keeps being put afresh," is the basic question of the meaning of life. It forms the basic problem of his penetrating urge for knowledge: A n d I applied my mind to seek (lid^ros) and to search out (Idttir) all that is done under heaven {vd. the sun) - it is an unhappy business that G o d has given to the sons of men to be busy with. (1.13) I turned my mind to know and to search out (w^ldtUr) and to seek wisdom and the sum of things (kesbon), to know the wickedness of folly and the foolishness which is madness. J. Pedersen wants to see in the tHr, which the L X X translates KaraaKeijiaadai, an investigation (guetter), 'comme aKevTeadai en sens philosophique'.'" Even if one must be careful in using the term 'philosophic' - it might be better to speak of a pre-philosophical transitionary stage in his thought^" - one might say that his striving for knowledge takes new courses. As the last clause of 1.13 shows, in his search for 'wisdom' he quickly comes up against impass able boundaries: All this I have tested by wisdom; I thought, 'I will be wise'; but it was far from me. That which is, is far off, and deep, very deep; who can find it out ?8i A really valid and permanent 'gain' carmot be found by means of the search for wisdom. Human observation and reflection can at best achieve certain provisional rules of life and counsels. This means that the realm of validity for traditional wisdom is extremely limited. T h e decisive power in life which ultimately determines everything that happens, the work of G o d , remains completely impenetrable and therefore carmot be influenced. This is the case not only, as earlier wisdom knew,^^ jn natural events, but also in God's con duct towards men. T h e irmocent are oppressed and exploited, and there is no-one to 'comfort' or to take vengeance.
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There is a righteous man who perishes in his righteousness, and there is a wicked man who prolongs his life in his evil-doing, There is an irresolvable discrepancy between God's universal activity and human demands for righteousness. In contrast to traditional wisdom, for Koheleth the destiny which G o d has conceived for everyman, be he righteous or wicked, is absolutely inexplicable, s* In this sense, above all in comparison with earlier optimistic wisdom, one could speak of a scepticism of Koheleth, though this merely doubts human possibilities, and not the reality of God.^^ This scepticism intensifies to become fatalism, in that Koheleth reflects on the end of human life: neither wisdom nor righteousness, possessions nor descendants, indeed not even reputation can stand before the inexorable destiny of death. Although in the traditional view wisdom and folly are as different as light and darkness, the wise man must die like the fool and will eventually be forgotten.^" M a n is no better than the animals (3.i9ff.). T h e sharpness with which Koheleth puts the question of the meaning of human life in the face of the threat of death is unique in the Old Testament; it leads inexorably to the conclusion which stands at the beginning and the end of the work as its key theme: 'Vanity, vanity, all is vanity'.^' T o express man's fate, death, he seven times uses the word miqre, which appears only three times elsewhere in the Old Testament with the meaning 'chance', none of them in the wisdom literature, W e may therefore reckon that, like yit^ron, it is one of those predominantly abstract key terms which Koheleth uses to express certain ideas that are peculiar to him, concepts which are mostly rare elsewhere in the Old Testament and sometimes do not appear again at all. Even if they should come from the Hebrew and Aramaic current in his time, about which on the whole we know very little, they are still an expression of his independent thought which attempted to describe human existence in the world and before God in new concepts, in controversy with traditional wisdom on the one hand and the Hellenistic spirit of the time on the other, Scholars have also attempted to see the word miqre as a Graecism and have connected it with Tvx-q. Even if such an over-hasty identification has rightly been rejected,"" we should not overlook the fact that concepts like 'chance' or 'fate' are funda mentally alien to the Old Testament world of ideas; for miqre no longer means any particular 'chance', as in the few other passages in the Old Testament, but the fixed unalterable 'destiny of death' which hangs over every man and meets him at the appointed time without reference to his conduct. T h i s is the new element in Koheleth."i Alongside he also uses pega", which occurs only once elsewhere in the Old Testament, in the sense of 'chance' and in close con nection with 'time' ('et = L X X Kaipos): Again I saw that under the sun the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.
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nor bread to the wise, nor riches to the intelligent, nor favour to the men of skill, but time ('et) and chance (pega') happen (yiqre) to them all. For man does not know his time. Like fish which are taken in an evil net, and like birds which are caught in a snare, so the sons of men are snared at an evil time, when it suddenly falls upon them.s^ In the didactic poem 3 . i - i 5 , w h i c h i s of decisive significance for Koheleth, he meditates on the problem of time. T o every happening that G o d brings about he gave a fixed kairos (3.1-8), and in the light of its particular kairos, all that happens is good (3.11), for all kairoi are included in the unalterable course of God's time.^* T h e difficulty is that the course of God's time ('oldm) remains completely concealed from man, and so for him God's works are inscrutable: 95 I know that whatever God does endures for the course of time (kH' yihye lo'oldm). Nothing can be added to it nor anything taken from it; G o d has made it so, in order that men should fear before him. (3.14) T h u s for man the whole world becomes an insoluble riddle, and nature and history appear to him as an apparently meaningless circle."" Not even love and hate are in man's own hands (9.1). In the last resort, for Koheleth, man no longer has free will. Everything has been laid down by God. T h e apex of senselessness is the incalculable destiny of death, which affects all men in the same arbitrary way and thus brings all the speculations of earlier wisdom about a just retribution to nothing."' O n the other hand, the absence of just punishment becomes one of the main reasons for human evil: 'This is an evil in all that is done imder the sun, that one fate comes to all; also the hearts of men are full of e v i l . . .'"^ Nevertheless, Koheleth sharply wards off any accusation against G o d such as those made by, say, Job; rebellion would be senseless, for man should not imagine that he can be God's partner in con versation. Towards God's omnipotence there can be only submission:"" Whatever has come to be has already been named, and it is known what man is, and that he is not able to dispute with one stronger than he. T h e more words, the more vanity. (6.iof) Similarly, Koheleth does not reject the cult and practices of piety, but considers them with considerable reservation: For G o d is in heaven and you upon earth; therefore let your words be few.i""
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G o d is far removed from men and is in danger of becoming an impersonal power of destiny. K . Galling points out that 'the "course of rime" which G o d allots to his plan . . . takes on an almost personal charaaer','an independence which can be compared with extra-biblical aeon-conceptions'. There is hardly any more room left for prayer, which in the Old Testament forms a bridge to the 'near God'.i"! j n addition, G o d 'loses his moral nature and thus his posi tion as preserver of what exists, as the source of righteousness and the power of life'.i"2 Consistently ethical conduct cannot therefore be commended: 'Be not righteous overmuch and do not make yourself over-wise; why should you destroy yourself?' (7.16). A l l that is left for man, therefore, is a 'resigned' attitude of 'fear of God'^"^ in face of the incomprehensible rule of the divine plan which constantly threatens his life, and contentment with the portion (heleq) appointed to him by God. T h i s last is a new conception of Koheleth's, the positive counterpart to the 'destiny of death' {miqre').^"'^ In so far as G o d gives man his 'portion' in the good things of this world as a gift, man is to use his 'kairos', enjoy it and forget tormenting afterthoughts, lo^ A t one point here a personal feature emerges in the strict picture of the distant G o d : ' " G o d is pleased" (rasa) at the acceptance of this gift.'"*" But even this positive prospect is qualified on two sides. It applies only to what is preferred by G o d in a fundamentally arbitrary way (2.25f; 5.18). Those who for unfathomable reasons are put by G o d on the shadowy side of life have no share in this joy; for them it would be better to be dead or never to have been born,!"' and the 'evil day' of need, sickness and old age which suddenly dawns can bring an end to joy at any time. Only the destiny of death is certain and unavoidable, bringing to an end all joy and toil.ios 'He receives nothing for his toil.'i"" In 1925, E. Meyer entitled his chapter about Koheleth ' T h e Enlightenment' and defined this more closely as 'the Enlightenment stemming from Hellenistic culture'.11" Twenty-six years later, however, K . Galling entitled his rectoral address on Koheleth The Crisis of the Enlightenment in Israel: Koheleth is in sharp critical dispute with the 'theistic enlightenment' of traditional wisdom, m But how did this crisis come about ? R. H . PfeifFer does not believe that the ancient oriental background is sufficient to explain it: 'Neither the influence of Egyptian nor Babylonian wisdom would have led Ecclesiastes to criticize orthodox Judaism.'n^ W e should ask, rather, whether this 'crisis' was not furthered by the spirit of the time and the new feeling about life in early Hellenism. K . Galling has already pointed out an essential starting point for this critical attitude of Koheleth's: 'It was preceded by a breach with ancestral belief, a breach with the doctrine of r e t r i b u t i o n . ' T h i s breach with faith in the efficacy of the divine righteousness in reward and punishment had already been introduced into Greece a considerable time earlier. T h e rhetor Thrasymachus took a very critical attitude as early as the end of the fifth century BC : ' T h e gods do not care about human things, for they overlook the highest good among men, justice. W e , on the other hand, see that men make
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no use of it.'n* That this was not the opinion of an outsider is shown by his great contemporary Euripides' criticism of traditional belief in the gods, charging the gods with not being in a position to care for righteousness on the earth.115 Here the criticism goes one stage further, to the conclusion: ' I f the gods do shameful things, they are not gods.' Alongside this, however, he can also stress the working of divine righteousness in a conservative way. Through him religious doubt makes its way into wide circles o f the people. Over one hundred years later we find similar contradictory expressions in the N e w Comedy of Menander, which now really reproduces the opinion o f the people. Alongside the affirmation o f the providence o f the gods there are quite opposite accents: T h e gods (help) the bad, but we (although we are good) bring nothing good to pass . . . N o one who is just gets rich quickly.!*' Here, too, doubt heightens to the point where the question is asked whether the gods can care for men at all.ns But Menander also makes room for the other possibility, that G o d alone is responsible for good fortune and misfortune, and that the human character cannot be held responsible for mistakes (r6 S'drvxeiv rj ro [j,rj Oeos Si'Scocriv, ov rpcmov h"i<j6'dp.apria); nothing is left for men but to accept the good gifts o f the gods (r&v 6e&v ro ovp.^opov).^'^^ T h e old view, that Zeus records the actions o f men, is mocked b y remarks to the effect that Zeus looked at his account books too late or confused the tablets, so that he assigned the punishments inappropriately. 120 Cercidas of Megalopolis in Arcadia, a contemporary of Koheleth (c. 290-220 B C ) , a politician and poet influenced by Cynic philosophy, put the question o f the justice of the gods with biting sharpness: What should prevent . . . if anyone should want to ask the question, it is easy for the Godhead (Oeos) to bring about anything whenever it comes to mind . . . if one should be the ruin of money, pouring out what he has, or a dross-stain begrimed usurer, ready to perish for gold, that G o d should drain him o f his swine-befouled wealth and give to one feeding frugally ? Is the eye of justice (SUTJ) then as blind as a mole ? . . . Does a mist dim the eye o f Themis the bright ? H o w can they be held for gods who can neither hear nor see ? T h e y say that even the lofty Zeus, the gatherer o f lightning, holds the scales in balance and does not incline them. These scales, says Homer, sink when the day of destiny arrives, in favour o f mightier men. W h y does the balance never incline to my advantage, if it is just ? But the Brygians (Macedonians), farthest (of mortals) - clearer words I dare not say - how far they pull down the scales in their favour! T o what places or sons o f heaven may one then turn to discover how a man may obtain his due portion (TT&S XA^T} rav a iiav), when the offspring of Kronos, our parent who begat us all, shows himself to be stepfather to one and real father to another ? As long as the spirit blows a favourable vrind.
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honour (Nemesis), you men, whose life is easy. For when the wind turns about and blows in the opposite direction, you will have to spew out your riches and all these gifts of fortune (rvxas) to the last morsel.121 Cercidas, who was fundamentally an aristocratic-conservative person - he had a particular reverence for Homer - though very critical of his time, shared with Koheleth a similar social background: the economic activity of the Ptolemaic period brought about increasing prosperity, which, however, was predominantly to the advantage of the upper classes.i^a Both also share an obviously critical attitude towards the naive optimism of traditional religious views, though this went further in the greater emancipation of Greece, and both invite men to a modest enjoyment of life. We also come across the theme that death comes to both pious and wicked alike, without justification, and the invitation to 'carpe diem' as an expression of the inner thoughts of a wider stratum of the people in Greek epitaphs from the third century B C : But Hades carries men off without seeing whether they are good or virtuous. (aXXa KofML^ei "ALSTJS OV KaKi-qv
ovS'dperrjv
irdoas)
But if living in the fear of the gods brought its just deserts (el S'^^v evae^iojv SOLOS Xoyos) my house would never have been visited with such fortune (rvxais)
by my departure.
T r u l y , the gods take no account of mortals (Oeols OVK e W i ^por&v
Xoyos);
no, like animals we are pulled hither and thither by chance (avropidrtp), in life as in death.125 T h e good die before their time, but you always turn suffering away from the wicked. 126 Rich and poor, wise and foolish, are equal in death: 'For dovm there in Hades is Thersites, and honoured by none less than Minos h i m s e l f ' 1 2 ' One consequence is a desperate accusation against the gods: this is expressed openly on the epitaph of Ptolemaic officers in Gaza about 200 BC, which has already been mentioned on several occasions (see above, pp. i j f ) : . . . all that is left for mortal men is to reproach the gods (p.ipnjja<j6ai. 8e Beols dpKeX [xovov dvSpa ye BVTJTOV).''-^^
T h e other possibility is to accept the age-old 'carpe diem', which we have already met in the conversation of Gilgamesh with the harlot and in the Egyptian Song of the Harper, 12s though it also occurs particularly frequently as a popular theme in the Greek tradition: Remembering that the same end awaits all mortals, enjoy life as long as you live. This teaching I give, Euodus, to all mortals: do not grudge yourself any good thing. W h y do you struggle ? Enjoy yourself and so delight in life. For know this well: once you have descended to the drink of Lethe, you will see
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no more of those things that are above, once the soul has flown out of this body.130
Even if these last examples are relatively late, they go back to an earlier theme that is widespread in the Hellenistic period and which we also find in a Demotic epitaph from the late Ptolemaic period,i3i in Menander, Philetairos, Euripides, Theognis and others, Significantly, this theme appears on what may well be the earliest known Greek inscription in Jerusalem, the graffito from the tomb o f Jason dating from the time of Alexander Jannaeus, which P . Benoit and B . Lifshitz, who supplements it, read in the following way: ev(^pai.veade ol t^wvres [ t ] o Se (Xoi)Tr6[v
. . .] rretv ofia i^a[yetv]
W e should probably see Jason as a member of the Sadducean aristocracy. T h e motto of Koheleth seems to have had further influence in these circles.133
In attacking the view that the 'spirit of man goes upwards' (3.21), Koheleth takes up a view which had probably penetrated into Judaism from the Hellen istic world and had made room there for the first beginnings of a hope for eternal life (see below, pp. i96fF.). Both in Euripides and in Greek epitaphs there often appears the conception that after death the human soul mounts to its heavenly dwelling place, the aether, the seat of the gods, It was easier for this view to be accepted because o f earlier Old Testament ideas that the impersonal breath of life breathed into men by G o d could be taken back again by him.135
However, in the consistency o f his criticism o f traditional conceptions, Koheleth does not go b y any means so far as the popular Greek criticism of the gods, although even there it must be noted that critical comments sometimes appear in the same author side by side with others which take up the traditional piety. 13" So Menander admonishes: D o not fight against G o d (firj Oeofxaxei, c f fr.673 lvyop.axf.lv), do not add new misfortune to the matter, bear with what is necessary (fr. 187). Here one is reminded of the warning in Koh. 6.10 against quarrelling with God in the same way as Job and also of his admonition to observe the golden mean in religious questions: Be not wicked overmuch neither be a fool; why should you die before your time?i3'
T h e main difference, however, remains that Koheleth could maintain the reality and omnipresence of God, whereas the polytheistic Greek pantheon had been fundamentally destroyed by criticism, and a very general, impersonal conception of God was maintained only with difficulty. This is already true for the terminology in Euripides and still more for a later period. Even i f the old gods had grovra pale, people could not renounce the belief'that a higher power.
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a guide stood behind the events which befall man . . . People spoke o f an unknown god, of the collective o f the gods, the abstract deos TLS, 6eOL, TO Oelov, TO ^aLfiovLov. This concept lacked life and credibility and in the end did not mean much more than the course of events.'iss A t an early stage this shadowy conception of G o d was bound up with the conception of fate, which played a tremendous role among the Greeks even from the time of Homeric" and for which - unlike the Hebrews - they had an abundance of different expressions.!*" I f in early days people still spoke of the'fate assigned by the gods' (ALOS atoa; fiotpa 9ea>v; Salfiovos atcra), the concept later became free from any 'intervention of a higher power' and meant only the 'irrational in human life'.*** In the Hellenistic period the more neutral tyche largely forced out moira, the earlier term for fate, as the latter was still associated with the earlier conception of the lot that is a man's due.!*^ However, moira lived on later as the destiny of death and was usually personified: death became 'the moira that is common to all men' and the dead man received his 'lot' from it.!*3 T h u s tyche and moira were to some extent used in opposite senses, in the same way as miqre and heleq. Tyche was already the really popular term for fate in Euripides and still more in the N e w Comedy, i** Its identification with the terms avTOfiarov or r d TrpoaTrLTrrovTa shows that it often had a fully secularized sense and simply meant the established course of events. T h e different forms of time appeared alongside it as further terms for fate and, like Kmpos and xP'^^os, sometimes even as personified, abstract deities; here, too, the N e w Comedy and above all the epitaphs offer a series of interesting examples, i*" T i m e in particular could be closely associated with the destiny of death. Even the concept of the 'aeon' was absolutized under the influence of Plato. It appears as the divine, unalterable, 'total world order' in an Eleusinian inscription of the Augustinian period, i*' T h e crisis of Greek religion, briefly sketched out here, which was expressed in the evacuation of the old conceptions of the gods and the replacement o f them by the non-committal concepts of fate, and which reached its climax about the third century BC - from that point onwards a religious retrenchment sets in, not least under the influence of oriental religions (see below, pp. 2i7ff.) - presumably did not fail to make a mark on the thought of Koheleth. A t the same time, as is indicated for example b y the Insinger papyrus with its con stantly recurring stereotyped closing formula, 'Fate and fortune are determined by G o d ' , Egyptian wisdom was also occupied with the question of fate, 1*8 though without achieving the depths reached by Koheleth. Acquaintance with Greek criticism of religion and Greek or Egyptian belief in fate was presumably communicated by Ptolemaic officials, merchants and soldiers, who were not lacking even in Jerusalem (see above, pp. isf). In this way Koheleth encountered not the school opinions of the philosophers, but the popidar views of the Greek 'bourgeoisie'. In a completely individualistic way he fused stimuli from this direction with traditional 'wisdom' and his ovm observations.
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In what follows, we shall attempt to sum up the points in Koheleth's thought in which contacts with the spirit of early Hellenism might be visible: 1. T h e individuality of his personality breaks through the previous impersonal anonymity of the wisdom tradition despite the use of traditional forms; at the same time, his thought is free from all nationalist limitations and is directed towards the basic questions of human existence. 2. Its unprejudiced, detached observation and its strictly rational, logical thought lead to a radical criticism of the doctrine of retribution in traditional wisdom and thus indirectly attack a cornerstone of Jewish piety. T h e category of 'righteousness' can no longer be applied to God. Where Koheleth uses it, it has a negative aspect; there is no righteousness on earth, nor does it find the reward that is its due.**" 3. As a result of this, his conception of G o d loses its immediate personal relationship to man and threatens to become ossified, for God's action not only is completely incomprehensible to man but every happening is determined by God's 'course of time' ('oldm, 3.14); even love and hate are in his hand (9.1), prayer seems less meaningful, and piety and ethics become a matter of astute ness (s.iff.; 7 . i 6 f ) . G o d is removed far away from man, and in the face of his incomprehensible power Koheleth can only require the fear of G o d (see above, p. 121, n. 103), though a real relationship of trust between G o d and man is hardly possible any longer. There is no longer any room either for God's wrath or for his mercy, nor are there any reflections on his commandments, on guilt and forgiveness. Only one more step, and Koheleth's deus dbsconditus becomes impersonal fate.^^o 4. Terms for destiny insinuate themselves between God and man. 'For him the reality of God fades away to become "fate".'i5i T h e inescapable destiny of death {miqre) forms the central point of his thought; its positive counterpart is the 'portion' {heleq) of the enjoyment of life assigned - in a fundamentally arbitrary way - by G o d ; however, all is dependent on 'time and chance' (Vt wdpega', 9.11) and the 'course of time' that stands over against them. Granted, Koheleth avoids a hypostatization of these concepts, but this action happens according to a strict regularity which only G o d can see (11.5). 5. In the face of God's ordering of time and fate, for man there remains only resignation and a careful via media in the practical matters of life. Only the possibility of 'carpe diem' - here Koheleth takes up a topic that is widely current - , the enjoyment of the portion assigned by G o d , can give meaning, albeit very limited, to life. In the end this, too, is an attempt at forgetting (5.19), a 'flight before the anguish of death'.i^a 6. In this sense we can rightly speak of a 'questionable bourgeois ideal of education' or a 'bourgeois ethic' in Koheleth. 1^3 T h e 'bourgeoisie', i.e. the well-to-do stratum of society who lived off their capital in the form of land or other investments (cf K o h . 1 1 . i f ) , was the really dominant force of the
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Hellenistic world, whether Greek or oriental. RostovtzefF has given a brilliant description of their approach to life, active, yet entirely directed towards security and pleasure, and, despite all its rationalism, basically conservative, In the Ptolemaic monarchy, where the political activity of the 'bourgeoisie' was considerably limited, this activity was predominantly concentrated in the economic sphere. T h e best example of this is a figure like Zeno, though he himself also had artistic and literary leanings. In the countryside of Palestine this 'bourgeoisie' still had a feudal and aristocratic stamp. T h e essential feature, however, is that Koheleth at the same time sees through the nihilism of this 'bourgeois' existence, although he himself offers no ethical alterna tive. Koheleth stands at the parting of the ways, at the boundary of two times. Under the impact of the spiritual crisis of early Hellenism, his critical thought could no longer make sense of traditional wisdom and, consequently, of traditional piety and the cult. On the other hand, his aristocratic and con servative attitude prevented him from breaking vrith the religion of his ancestors and identifying G o d , say, with incalculable fate. For him God is and remains the sovereign law of every happening. He did not even have access to the expedient of newly-developing apocalyptic (see below, pp. I96ff.), which under the influence of Iranian and Greek ideas postulated just recompense after death. So there remained for him only the pessimistic conclusion that human existence with all its toil and its apparent success amounted to nothing. God's unshakable ordinance alone stands fast, though it remains concealed from human understanding. As is stressed by the writer of the first epilogue (12.9-11), who was probably a personal disciple,i55 Koheleth was a wise man (hdkdm) who 'taught the people knowledge'. He mentions the critical weighing ('izzen), studying (hiqqer) and arranging (tiqqen) of wisdom sayings (m^sdlim) by his master, for whom a pleasing form was as important as the truth (dib'^re kepes and dib'Te '«ffKt). T h e imagery of the 'ox goad' and the 'firmly fixed nails' may indicate that his teaching had a provocative and deeply penetrating effect. T h e pupil probably composed this epilogue as a kind of apologia for his teacher, because the latter's work gave rise to fierce controversy soon after his death, i ^ s As he does not make any theological corrections, but characterizes the work of his master in a matter-of-fact, secular way, he will have shared his master's critical attitude. Presumably Koheleth, who used the weapons of 'wisdom' to fight against traditional wisdom, also founded a school to carry on this critical tradition. T h e only possible place for these controversies is Jerusalem; sugges tions by Dahood and Albright that the work was composed in Northern Palestine or the Phoenician cities are highly improbable, Some linguistic echoes may be explained by the fact that all Palestine was under Phoenician cultural influence after the time of the Persians, i^s Perhaps a final hypothetical question may be allowed. In what way will the
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school of Koheleth have developed ? Surely not in the direction of the writer of the second epilogue (12.12-14), who in the authoritative tones of the teacher and at some distance in time from Koheleth warns against the writing of many books and study, thus probably pointing to a literary productivity and instruc tion of a heterodox nature, no longer extant, but doubtless thought by him to be dangerous (see p. 114). His corrective hand is also to be detected in the work at 11.9c, and presumably also in other p l a c e s . W i t h his reference in the closing sentence to the keeping of the miswot and to God's judgment, he forms a bridge to the 'reactionary' wisdom of a Ben Sira, who about 180 BC again firmly proclaimed the doctrine of retribution in all its massiveness and for the first time identified 'wisdom' with the law and thus prepared the way for the end of its universality (see below, pp. i6ofF.). T h e 'orthodox' revision by the writer of the second epilogue made the work acceptable even to Hasidic circles who were faithful to the law, so that it could be accepted even into the library of Qumran and later - albeit with difficulty - be canonized, i"" Certainly the school which began with Koheleth and was manifested by the writer of the first epilogue went in another direction. Perhaps a trace of it has been pre served in the writings of the teacher Antigonus of Socho, otherwise unknovra, who flourished about 200 BC and whose chief saying is directed against the idea of reward (^Ab.i, 3): Be not like slaves who serve the master with a view to receiving a reward; but be like slaves who serve the master not vrith a view to receiving a reward: and let the fear of heaven be upon you. That this saying was felt to be offensive at a later date is indicated by the addition in 'Ab RN ch. 5: 'that your reward may be twofold in the world to come'. When Sadduceans and Boethusians were associated vrith later genera tions of the pupils of Antigonus, defending the enjoyment of life because they were without hope for the coming world, historical accuracy may have been strained, but justification was certainly present. L . Finkelstein suggests that the school of Koheleth consisted of 'Jewish equivalents of the Athenian cynics' or 'cynical p l e b e i a n s ' . H o w e v e r , like its master, the school must rather be sought in the Jerusalem aristocracy, and this finally raises the question whether under the increasing influence of the Greek spirit, the criticism of traditional wisdom introduced by Koheleth was not extended within it to become a criticism of Jewish religion in general. According to the little that we know of the Hellenistic reform party after 175 BC, it expressed a sharp criticism of the temple cult and the ritual law, and had such a pale and universalistic conception of God that it could accept an identification of this G o d with the universal heavenly God of the Greeks, Zeus Olympius, or of the Phoenicians, Ba'al Samem (see below, pp. 2966".). Is this the end of a develop ment which had been introduced by Koheleth ?
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Excursus 3: K o h e l e t h and S o l o m o n T h e semi-pseudonymity of the work is unique. T h e name Koheleth probably means 'leader of the assembly' or 'the speaker in the assembly';i"3 however, whether it was an official title - say, for an office in the Jerusalem gerousia - is uncertain.i"4 Additionally, the author presents himself, as 1.12 shows, as 'king over Israel in Jerusalem': the introduction in i . i , which was added later, shows that by this we can only understand Solomon,!"^ the 'prototype of all vrisdom teachers'.i"" Here the Deuteronomistic tradition of Solomon as the wise king and writer of poems and sayings (I Kings 5.11S.) vdll have had an influence, as will the Egyptian model of the royal testament (see above, note 39). But we should also remember that pseudonymity, which can only be demonstrated in Judaism to any considerable extent after the beginning of the Hellenistic period, was widespread in Greece and especially in the collections of Greek gnomic sayings.*"' Furthermore, from about 300 BC one can speak of a certain accumulation of 'Solomonic writings': the final recension of Proverbs and the Song of Songs are to be put at about the same time as Koheleth, and at best a few decades earlier, i"^ T h e Psalms of Solomon and the Wisdom of Solomon follow about two hundred years later, and the Odes and Testament of Solomon even after that, not to mention the Solomonic writings with a magical content which were in circulation.*"" T h u s it is understand able that the Septuagint made the thousand and five songs mentioned in I Kings 5.12 into five thousand.*'" Sirach also shows interest in the 'wiseman' Solomon, ascribing to him universal wisdom of international status on the basis of I Kings 5 . 1 1 : How wise you became in your youth! Y o u overflowed like a river with understanding (mUsdr) . . . B y your songs and proverbs and riddles and parables Y o u astounded the peoples. Your name reached to far-off islands. A n d they came to hear you.*'* There is certainly a reference here to the visit of the queen of Sheba, but as the 'islands' often represent the Greek islands,*'^ we should also think of Greece. According to a Phoenician tradition, Menelaus is said to have visited Hiram m Tyre after the Trojan war, when lie was in the process of marrying his daughter to Solomon.*'3 T h e reason for this emphasis on Solomon in the Hellenistic period was probably the same as that in the presentation of Enoch, Abraham and Moses as the 'first wise men' or the Phoenicians Mochus and Sanchuniaton as 'philosophers' of the pre-Trojan period. T h e intention was to demonstrate the great age and at the same time the superiority of the national wisdom over against that of Greece. T h e extent of the 'wisdom' of Solomon was constantly enlarged until it finally embraced the whole of the visible and invisible world, 'the system of the cosmos and the power of the
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elements' (Wisdom 7.17, cf. 18-21). T h e Jewish 'Peripatetic' Aristobulus, about 170 BC (see below, n.378), cites him 'as one of his philosophical pre decessors', who went beyond the philosophers of the Peripatetic school in the acuteness with which he expressed himself,*'* and according to Josephus, Solomon 'philosophized' about the whole of nature, though according to the thinking of the Hellenistic period this all-embracing wisdom could only be tmderstood in a magical sense, i'^ i n this way, Solomon took his place alongside Moses in the Hellenistic-Roman world as one of the great wise teachers of secret knowledge long before the first Greek philosophers, com parable with the 'magicians' Zoroaster and Ostanes or the Egyptian HermesThoth. This explains his significance for ancient magic which, according to the witness of Wisdom and Josephus, goes back into the pre-Christian period. T h e number of astrological, alchemistic, iatromantic and other tractates ascribed to him, quite apart from amulets and magical gems, is almost incalculable.i'" Here was one of the points in which Hellenistic-Roman paganism proved to be extremely interested in Jewish traditions and stretched out a hand to Jewish and pagan syncretism.*" Koheleth came before this development and was naturally far removed from its consequences. He chose 'Solomon' as the author of his work because the figure of the wisest and richest king formed an effeaive foil for his basic thesis of the vanity of human existence. T h e observations in 1.16 and 2.9, which do not fit the framework very well, show that he himself did not take the pseudo nymous garb very seriously. In fact the pseudonymity only applies to 1 . 1 2 2.12b; later the individuality of the author breaks through the pseudonymous form. T h e first epilogue of his pupil, therefore, uses the second designation Koheleth as a proper name for his teacher (12.9). According to O. Eissfeldt, it is perhaps primarily intended to characterize Solomon as an orator.i'^ Furthermore, the riches and the wisdom of Solomon form a pendant to the splendour of the Ptolemaic kings, the richest and most learned in the world at that time. Solomon was, so to speak, their Jewish counterpart. T h e historian Phylarchus, who still lived in the third century BC, reported of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-246 BC) an anecdote which by its opposition of towering hybris and pessimistic despair provides an illustration for Koheleth's Solomon Ptolemy, the second king of this name in Egypt, despite the fact that he was the most brilliant of all rulers and devoted to education (TraiSela) beyond others, was nevertheless so deceived in his power of judgment and seduced by immoderate luxury that he believed that he would live for ever and asserted that he alone was immortal. When he felt better after an attack o f gout which lasted for several days and watched through some windows how the Egyptians were enjoying their simple meal lying in groups on the sand of the river bank ( c f K o h . 5.11, 16), he exclaimed: 'Unhappy man I am, that I cannot become like one of these.'
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4. B e n Sira and the Controversy w i t h Hellenistic L i b e r a l i s m in Jerusalem!^" a) The personality of Ben Sira, the form of his work and the political and social situation in Jerusalem Koheleth may be difficult to place, but the time at which Ben Sira's work was written, the intellectual milieu and the personality of its author are easier to establish. By his own testimony in the prologue to the Greek translation, the grandson o f the author came to Egypt in the thirty-eighth year of 'king Euergetes' - i.e. Ptolemy Physcon V I I Euergetes II (170-164 and 145-117) and therefore in 132, and translated the work of his grandfather into Greek in a relatively free way, presumably after the death of the king in 117 BC. W e may see this work as a testimony to the influence of Palestinian piety on the Jewish Diaspora in Egypt in the Hasmonean period, which may also be observed elsewhere (above, p p . i o o f ) . " ! T h e author, whose full name was Joshua b. Eleazar b. Sira,282 lavishes striking praise in a hymn (50.1-24) on a high priest Simon, presumably Simon I I , who according to Josephus (Antt. 12,224, 229, 238; 19,298) held office at the time of the conquest of Jerusalem by Antiochus I I I in 199/8 and is also probably identical with Simon the Just mentioned in 'Ab. I , 2 (see below, pp. 27off.). As Ben Sira presupposes his death and on the other hand there is no trace yet of the sharpening of the situation in Jerusalem by the deposition of Onias I I I in 175/4 ^c and the erection of a gymnasium (see below, pp. joS.), the time of composition will lie somewhere between 190 and
175
BC.183
A s with Koheleth, we have here a composite work which represents the fruits of a lifetime; on the one hand it has a good deal of traditional sayings material, and on the other a whole series of hymnic and didactic poems, e.g. poems about wisdom ( 1 . 1 - 2 0 ; 4 . 1 1 - 1 9 ; 14.20-15.8; 24.1-34; 51.13-21), hymns to God as the wise creator (see below, pp. i45fF.) and above all the imique 'praise of the fathers' (44.1-49.16). This poem, without parallel in wisdom literature, which previously was 'imhistorical', celebrates the great figures of biblical history. Ben Sira uses a great many poetical forms with skill, stretching from the simply distich of the wisdom saying to the artistic lament and thanksgiving. In this multiplicity he differs quite essentially from earlier wisdom; the multiplicity is an indication of the late form of this Hebrew poetry."* Furthermore, it is the poetic passages - as in the case of the later hymns of praise from the Teacher of Righteousness (see n. I l l , 756) - which express the theological conceptions of the author. Peculiarities in his work which are probably already influenced by Hellenistic usage and which represent an innovation in Hebrew poetry are the titles for individual sections and some transitional passages from one theme to another, or even the mention of his name in 50.27 as a sign of a u t h o r s h i p . T h e fact that he seldom expresses
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his ideas in independent logia but usually treats definite themes in larger imits also represents an innovation in comparison with earlier wisdom. W e know little in detail about his person. He points with obvious pride to his profession as a 'scribe' {soper); for him, lifelong concern with wisdom represents the highest stage that a man can r e a c h : " " 'Here for the first time appear in Jerusalem scribes who are nothing but s c r i b e s . ' " ' In the closing hymn which describes his own striving for wisdom from early youth onwards, he invites the 'untaught' to his 'school' and his 'chair' (51.23, 2 9 ) ; " 8 we must therefore imagine him as a wisdom teacher giving regular instruction. His admonitions are accordingly often addressed to young m e n , " " who were in especial danger from the attractions of Hellenistic civilization. A decisive key concept for him is mUsdr, which his grandson reproduces as -n-aiSela. Here the 'zeal for education' in Jewish wisdom and the Hellenistic world come together.*"" Presumably there were various wisdom schools in the Jerusalem of Ben Sira with different trends, sometimes conflicting with each other. T h e characterization of the different kinds of teachers might be a reference to this: There are wise men who are wise for many, and yet are foolish for themselves. There are wise men who are hated for their discourse, and are excluded from all ( ) enjoyment. ( ) There are wise men who are wise for themselves, (they learn) the fruit of their knowledge in their life. There are wise men who are wise for their people, the fruit of their knowledge is trustworthy. T h e man who is wise for himself is filled with enjoyment, and all who see him call him happy. T h e man who is wise for his people obtains praise, and his name lives for ever.*"* T h u s Ben Sira put his wisdom to the service of his people, perhaps on journeys which he imdertook, presumably with a political aim: A travelled man knows many things, and one with much experience can speak with understanding. He that is inexperienced knows few things, but he that has travelled acquires much cleverness. I have seen many things in my travels, and many things have gone by me. I have often been in danger of death, but have escaped because of these experiences. (34.[G 3i.]9-i3)^''^ This biographical note is supplemented by the description of the scribe who stands in the service of 'princes' (nni:?) and appears before 'rulers' (a''a''13) and thus 'passes through lands and peoples' (39.4^ see p. 3 1 above). T h u s the fascinating world of Hellenism was by no means strange to Ben Siraj
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we may even conclude from his travels that he had a certain knowledge of Greek. As he often comes to speak of the appearance of the wise man in the coimcil and the assembly of the peoplcji'^we might assume that sometimes he performed public functions; perhaps he was a judge or coimsellor and member of the gerotisia,^^-^ and possibly he even belonged to the 'scribes of the temple' mentioned in the decree of Antiochus III (Antt. 12,142; see above, p. 78). It is not clear whether he was himself of priestly or Levitical descent, but imlike Koheleth he had a positive attitude to the temple, the priesthood and the cult; he stressed the inalienable privileges of the priesthood,"^ and above all gave clear expression to his admiration for the Oniad Simon (50.1-24), though after Simon's death the power of the high-priestly family was under severe attack from the intrigues of the Tobiads and events like the Heliodorus affair (see above p p . 2 4 f and pp.272f), and not least by disputes even among his own sons. Ben Sira probably had this threatening situation in mind when he directed a warning against the high-priestly descendants of Phinehas: M a y the Lord give you a wise heart ( c f I Kings 3.9), to judge his people in righteousness (supplement M by G ) ; so that your goodness is not forgotten nor your power to distant generations. (45.26f.) Following the panegyric on Simon the Just he reiterates: M a y he give you a wise heart, and may there be peace between you (!). M a y his grace continue with Simon, and may he maintain the covenant with Phinehas, which will not be broken by him and his descendants as long as heaven stands. (50.23f) T h e following verses may be closely connected with these admonitions: D o not seek from the Lord the highest office, nor the seat of honour from the king. D o not assert your righteousness before the king, nor display your wisdom before him. D o not seek to become a ruler ( M S A lest you do not have the power to remove iniquity; lest you be partial to a powerful man and thus put a blot on your integrity (G). (7.4-7) T h e formulation of these ideas is too concrete and specific for a general wisdom sentence. T h e y would, however, fit Onias I I I , Simon's successor, well. He was unable to cope with the party struggles and the influence of rich families, and put himself in the wrong by a pro-Ptolemaic policy and the acceptance of a bribe from the Tobiad Hyrcanus in Transjordania, so that he was denoimced by his opponents and finally simmioned to answer for his
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conduct to king Seleucus I V Philopator in Antioch, where he was detained, If this interpretation is correct, then Ben Sira's work was finished immediately before the accession of Antiochus I V (Sept. 175 BC). His emphatic plea for the Oniads and for the privileges of the descendants of Aaron and Phinehas shows that these were already being disputed. In general, Ben Sira shows a comiAtrahlt political interest in a nationalistic Jewish sense, which culminates in a completely this-wordly expectation of salvation for his p e o p l e . " ' O n the other hand, the nationalistic, xenophobic - one might even say anti-Seleucid - attitude of the work is tempered by a caution which probably rests on unfavourable experiences: D o not set yourself against the current (4.26b) . . . and do not resist the rulers (•''Vir^W) (27b). D o not contend with a powerful man, why should you fall into his hands ? (8.1). Thus with Sirach two tendencies are in conflict: on the one side politicalreligious engagement, protest against the arrogance of the liberal aristocracy which was probably already predominantly moulded by the spirit of Hellenism, and on the other side the traditional caution of the wise, which counselled silence and subjection before the powerful, " s This tension is to be seen throughout his work, and indeed in his person ality. O n the one side he is a wisdom teacher who is to a strong degree indebted to the tradition, but on the other side his self-awareness goes beyond that of a mere tradent and assumes prophetic features. T h u s he concludes the great hymn to pre-existent wisdom, which is identical with the Torah, the hymn which forms the centre and the climax of his work, by comparing it with a channel which is made from a stream and draws off its waters (24.30f.), indeed he himself becomes the 'bearer of light': I will again make (my) teaching shine forth like the dawn light and I will make it shine afar. I will again pour out teaching like (thus G , Syr 'in') prophecy ( G dis TTpo4>r)Tdav; Syr |ZQA=ij.o) and leave it to all future generations."" If it pleases God, the soper will be filled with the 'spirit of understanding'; he will 'pour forth (dvop,Pp-qcr£L = hibba') words of wisdom' and praise God in hymns. 200 A s W . Baumgartner has already shown, Ben Sira uses a variety of prophetic genres, as in the prophecies of the threatening judgment of G o d (35[G 32].22-26) and the promise of salvation (47.22); the prayer for the redemption of the people (36[G 33].1-22), shaped as a lament, also has prophetic form (cf. v. 21). Here we can see a 'quite imique mixture of wisdom and prophecy'.201 Just as Simon the Just stands at the end of a series of the nriestlv and roval rulers of Israel, so the author himself concludes the seauence Of p r o p h e t s g n d
wil? m e n
of
tk
people:
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I was the last on watch ("'rnpi:? i n n x ) and (was) like one who gleans after the grape-gatherea:s. B y the blessing of the Lord I excelled, and like a grape-gatherer I filled my wine press. Consider that I have not laboured for myself alone, but for all who seek instruction (TraiSeta; there is a lacuna in M , presimi ably mUsdr). T h e concluding statement of this sentence, which is probably directed to the high-priestly family and the gerousia (see above, p p . 2 5 f ) , makes the prophetic claim particularly clear with a political accent: Listen to me, you princes of the people ( ), and attend, you rulers of the community (Vnp
''bmii).^°^
Here we come up against an inner transformation of the old institution of the soper, which was to be significant for the further development of Judaism and also for primitive Christianity. T h e 'wisdom teacher' becomes the man 'learned in the scriptures', in that his activity is concentrated more and more on the holy scriptures of Israel. Perhaps those conservative and nationalist circles which became more dominant under the high priesthood of Simon the Just awakened interest in the prophetic and historical tradition of Israel in addition to the Torah, which was already widely recognized, and in the con troversy with liberal 'Hellenists' furthered the formation of the canon. In any case, for Sirach the 'prophetic writings' from Joshua to the twelve prophets were also an established authority. This is clear from his description of the ideal soperi^o^ O n the other hand, he who devotes his life to the fear of G o d (Syr), and reflects on the law of the most high, will seek out the wisdom of all the ancients, and will be concerned with the prophetic writmgs {TTpo^nqTeiais). (38.34cd; 39.1) H e will understand (Syr) counsel and knowledge, and investigate his (i.e. God's) mysteries. H e will reveal instruction (TratSeia) in his teaching, and will glory in the law of the Lord's covenant. (39.7, 8)204 But to study the Torah and the prophetic writings presupposes the 'spirit of understanding' (39.6). So the scribe enters upon the heritage of the prophets - among whom Ben Sira also includes Moses (46.1) - and has to protect this legacy in the onslaughts of the present. From this point the development could go in two directions: either to a new 'prophecy' founded on the inspired interpretation of the law and the prophets, as in Essenism, among the Zealots and in primitive Christianity,205 or to the institutionalization of exegesis, as
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among the Rabbis. T h e beginnings of this can aheady be found in Ben Sira himself, where the prophets are transformed into interpreters and preachers of the law and proclaimers of the future salvation of Israel by means of a rationalizing, salvation-historical scheme. T h e scribe and the prophet 'are no longer distinguished in principle . . . but merely in degree'. 206 According to a wisdom collection of psalms of David found in Cave 11 Q , even David was a soper filled with 'an understanding and enlightened spirit' (nJ13J nn miXI) and a hdkdm who composed all his 4050 psalms and hymns 'in prophetic inspiration' (nifasa). There is no fundamental difference between Palestinian and Alexandrian concepts of inspiration. 2»' However, what marked out the wise men and prophets of Israel's earlier history were their 'heroic' personalities, which manifested themselves above all in astonishing m i r a c l e s . A t this point the 'praise of the fathers' is reminiscent of the glorification of the heroes in Hellenistic times with its biographical genre de viris illustribus.'^°^ T h e type of heroic glorification of leaders of the people and prophets in terms of salvation history, which culminates in an admonition for the present, is continued in the 'testament' of Mattathias in i Mace. 2.49-68. Another striking feature is the 'principle of succession' (Sir. 46. i ; 47.12; 48.12) by which the continuity of salvation history is guaranteed. For 'successor' Sirach uses the Aramaic taft^lip, which is imknown in the Old Testament (44.17; 46.12; 48.8). Eupolemus, too, gave an exact account of the 'succession' of kings and prophets in his history work (FGrHist 723 F 2b = Pr. E v . 9 , 30, iff. and F.5 = Pr. Ev. 9, 39, 2). Josephus later speaks of TTJV T&V -npo^rjT&v (XKpL^rj StaSox^V (c. Ap. I , 41), and in Pirqe 'Aboth the unbroken chain of tradents guarantees the authority of the oral Torah ('Ab.i, i f , see above, pp. 8 i f ) . T h e continuity of the tradition, like the idea of inspiration, is meant to provide rational backing for the ancestral heritage and to support its authority. Here, too, Ben Sira's apologetic attitude is expressed. T h e holy literature and history of Israel with its great men and acts is far superior to non-Jewish, Greek history and literature (44.3-9), and the 'inspired wisdom' of the soper and the prophetic tradition entrusted to him and guided by G o d is completely in a position to keep within bounds the threatening influences of 'Greek wisdom', which only rests on human reasoning. T h e tension between a 'criticism of the time' delivered with prophetic solemnity and traditional wisdom based on observation and experience which sometimes appears egotistic - can be seen in Ben Sira's social 'preaching'. He can value riches honestly gained, which guarantee a secure and carefree life, as much as the modest enjoyment of life; self-incurred poverty and beggary are hateful to him.21'' M u c h stronger, however, is his warning against the dangers of riches and his admonition to a merciful social attitude which corresponds with the will of God. Here there is, inter alia, a decisive difference from Koheleth, which points towards a changed social consciousness. Ben Sira gives an impressive description of the power of the rich aristocracy, which
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makes unscrupulous use of i t . 2 " There is thus an unbridgable opposition between poor and rich: Every creature loves its like and every person his neighbour. What fellowship has a wolf with a lamb ? N o more has a sinner with a godly man. What peace is there between a hyena and a dog ? A n d what peace between a rich man and a poor man ? Wild asses in the wilderness are the prey of lions; likewise the poor are pastures for the rich. Himiility is an abomination to a proud man; likewise a poor man is an abomination to a rich one. (13.15-20) D o not lift a weight beyond your strength, nor associate with a man mightier and richer than you. How can the clay pot associate with the iron kettle ? T h e pot will strike against it and will itself be broken. A rich man does wrong, and he even adds reproaches; a poor man suffers wrong, and he must add apologies. I f you are useful for him he makes you a slave, but if you collapse he keeps away from you. I f you own something, he will live with you, he will make you poor and will not come to grief himself (13.2-5) However, Ben Sira does not limit himself to a critical description of the status quo;"^ he immistakably utters a warning that the hectic hunt for riches leads a man into sin: M y son, why do you busy yoiu-self with so many matters; if you multiply activities you will not remain guiltless. (11.10) H e who hunts after money will not remain guiltless, and he who loves profit will go astray. (31 [G 34].5) In his polemic against the 'sacrifices of the lawless' his accusations have an almost prophetic ring. Like one who kills a son before his father's eyes is the man who offers a sacrifice from the property of the poor. T h e bread o f the needy is the fife of the poor; whoever deprives them of it is a man of blood. T o take away a neighbour's living is to murder him; to deprive an employee of his wages is to shed blood. (34 [ G 311.24-27) H e is particularly critical of the merchant, who is presumably often still non-Jewish and whose profession, unlike that of divinely sanctioned agriculture (7.15; 20.28), brings with it extreme danger. A merchant can hardly keep from wrong-doing, and a tradesman will not be declared innocent of sin.
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M a n y have committed sin for a trifle, and whoever seeks to get rich will avert his eyes. As a stake is driven firmly into a fissure between stones, so sin is wedged in between selling and buying. I f a man is not steadfast and zealous in the fear of the Lord, his house will be quickly overthrown. (26.29-27.3)213 Here we come up against the idea of retribution, which plays a decisive role in all parts of Ben Sira's works (see below, pp. i42fF.). For him, as a member of the well-to-do upper class, it is the basis of social conduct towards those in need. M y son, deprive not the poor of his living, and do not put desperate eyes to shame Deliver him who is wronged from the hand of the wrongdoer and do not be fainthearted in judging a case. Be like a father to orphans, and instead of a husband to their mother; you will then be like a son of the Most High and he will have mercy on you and save you from the pit. (4.1, 9, 10) T h e prayer of a poor man goes from his lips to the ears of G o d , and his judgment comes speedily. (21.5)214 T h u s the Jewish social milieu, which Ben Sira depicts in bright colours, on the whole corresponds with the conditions of the early Hellenistic period in Palestine described in the first chapter of this book (see above, pp.47fF.); at the same time, we can see the culmination of the situation on the basis o f the partisan struggles in Jerusalem, which was brought about not least by the penetration of the Hellenistic style of life and foreign thought-forms into the Jewish upper class. This starting point gives the whole work of Ben Sira an apologetic-polemical basis, which to some degree conflicts with his thought and its indebtedness to traditional wisdom. b) Ben Sira's controversy with Hellenistic liberalism R. Smend already recognized the decisive tendency of this work clearly: 'Sirach heightens the statement in Prov. 1 . 7 , 9 , 1 0 , that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom . . . by asserting that all wisdom comes from the Lord and that it has been with him from eternity. In these words, which he sets at the head of his work, he formulates a Jewish declaration of war against Hellenism'.215 In this way the universalistic attitude expressed in earlier Jewish wisdom tradition is necessarily qualified;2i8 wisdom and pious observance are identified, and the possibility of a profane wisdom dissociated from piety is excluded. Sirach i . i gives a programmatic expression of the main theme of the work, and 1.14 takes it up again to define it more closely ad hominem:
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T o fear the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, she is created with the faithful {marol) in the womb. Fidehty is given greater significance by the tlireat from outside and becomes the conditio sine qua non of wisdom. 2 1 ' However, Ben Sira goes one stage further in his definition: All wisdom is the fear of the Lord, and in all wisdom there is the doing of the law. But the knowledge of wickedness is not wisdom, nor is there prudence where sinners take counsel. There is a cleverness which is abominable, but there is a fool who merely lacks wisdom. Better is the God-fearing man who lacks intelligence than the highly prudent man who transgresses the law. (19.20,22-24G, T ) A wise man will not hate the law, but he who is hypocritical about it is like a boat in a storm. (33 [G 36].2) .The essential point here is that in Sirach, in contrast to Proverbs, tord is no longer instruction in general but as a rule the particular tora of Moses. 2 " T h u s at the beginning of his work he can set out the basic principle: I f you desire wisdom, keep the commandments {1.26).'^^^ In practice, wisdom and the law have become one, and Ben Sira expresses this by putting the great hymn to wisdom (ch. 24), in which this fusion is achieved, in the centre of his work. 220 A s we shall be looking at this hymn later (below, pp. i s y f ) , we can leave the question whether this notion came from Ben Sira himself or whether he took it over from his tradition; at present the important fact is that with this step 'wisdom' became the exclusive gift of God to Israel. This provided the possibility of repudiating an alien autonomous ideal of wisdom which refused any association with the law; for Ben Sira that meant godlessness. Accordingly, he warns against false 'striving for wisdom': Seek not what is too difficult for you, nor investigate what is beyond your power. Reflect upon what has been assigned to you, for you do not need what is hidden. D o not meddle in what is beyond your tasks, for matters too great for human imderstanding have been shown you. For their hasty judgment has led men astray, and v s T o n g opinion has caused their thoughts to slip. (3.21-24)221 R. Smend conjectures that the 'men' ( D I X ' n ) in the last verse refers particularly to the Greeks,222 and in view of the context we may perhaps concede that he is right. T h e admonition is directed towards the yoimg, rich aristocrats ( 3 . i 7 f ) who are advised by Sirach to be modest and for whom the
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free critical questioning of Greek 'wisdom', restricted by no conventions, must have been very attractive. T h e closing warning against the 'perverse heart', the 'wicked man' who heaps sin on sin and the poison of the mocker, like the admonition at the end to listen to the 'sayings of the wise' (3.26-30), clearly shows the perspective of these verses. Ben Sira illustrates the nature of these impermissible questions by some examples of his own: Do not say ' M y sin comes from G o d ' ('rir^D Vxa), for he does not do what he hates. Do not say, 'It was he who led me astray', for he has no need of a sinful man. T h e Lord hates all abominations, and does not let evil come upon those who fear him. God created man in the beginning ( ) and gave him his yeser (the power of distinction in man). If you will, you can keep the commandments, and to act faithfully (TTLOTIS = n r a x Smend) is to do God's will. H e has placed before you fire and water; stretch out your hand for whichever you wish. Before a man are life and death, and whichever he chooses will be given to him {is.ii-ij).^^^ T o talk in this almost philosophical way of the determination or freedom of the human will, describing the decision to be obedient as n i W X , is something new in Judaism. One is given the impression that in the Jerusalem of Ben Sira whether as a continuation of the thought of Koheleth (see above, pp. iipff.) or imder the influence of determinist astrology - the freedom of man, and thus the foundation of obedience to the law, was denied. Here and in what follows it may well be that the ideas of some of the wisdom schools which were strongly influenced by Hellenism may be being repudiated. T h e same themes emerge though now connected with retribution after death - in the admonitions of I Enoch 98.4-8 (see below, p p . 2 o o f ) , which are also directed against the liberal upper classes. It is certainly no coincidence that the concept of the 'two ways' (Svo rpl^ovs 2.12) appears expressly in Sirach for the first time, though it is used in the rather different form of the dichotomy of the sinner, who travels on two ways at the same time. From now onwards the conception gains increasing significance in wisdom literature and in apocalyptic; it should be added that it had certain parallels in the Greek sphere, e.g. in Prodicus' fable of Heracles at the cross roads. T h e strong stress on the freedom of, the will supported the beginnings of a nomistic way of thinking: 'Whoever keeps the law controls his desire' ( 2 1 . 1 1 : G iworifia; Syr \ y . M presumably 2 2 6 xhe term 'yeser' gains its central anthropological significance in the sense of 'character', 'disposition' for the first time in Ben Sira; there is a tendency to think of it primarily as the 'evil impulse', which must be kept in check. Also new is the expression 'flesh and blood' to designate the creature-
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liness of man in 14.18 and 17.31; in the latter passage, the text of which has not been well preserved, the term is associated with the 'evil impulse' (ns"! S7n, see Smend, op. cit., 162, following the Syr.; similarly Segal, op. cit., 107). Alongside it appears the 'heart' as the place of thought and conscience (17.6b; 37.13-18). From all this it becomes clear how with the help of his wisdom terminology Sirach is developing the basic concepts of a theological anthropology. W e meet it again in a strongly dualistic context with the Teacher of Righteous ness and the Essenes (see below, pp.2i8fF.). T h e degree to which the question of the freedom of the will occupied Jews in the Hellenistic period - presumably under the influence of the penetration of the ideas of Greek popular philosophy - can be seen on the one hand from the denial of it in Koheleth and later among the Essenes, and from the classification of the Jewish sects by Josephus on the basis of this question. Here too the Pharisees took up the attitude of Ben Sira (see below, p p . 2 i 9 f ) . Granted, the latter was also acquainted with the traditional picture of G o d as the potter (33 [G 36].10-13), but this seems to be an alien body within his general account. Just as the Stoics had difficulties in associating the freedom of man and the denial of any divine responsibility for evil with their determin istic world view, so Ben Sira and later the rabbis found it difficult to relate the divine omnipotence and their picture of man. 22' Ben Sira had to refute not only denial of free will but also a conception o f G o d which claimed in an almost 'Epicurean' way that G o d was not concerned with the fate of the individual, thus denying the fundamental dogma of the rational 'theology' o f both Judaism and the Stoa, that of 'divine providence'. Here too the views of his opponents might perhaps rest on a doctrinal develop ment of notions of Koheleth in connection with Hellenistic criticism of religion.228
D o not say, 'I shall be hidden from the Lord, and who from on high will remember me ? Among so many people I shall not be known, for what is my soul in the totality of spirits ( )? Behold, heaven and the highest heaven, the abyss and the earth, when he descends on them, they will tremble . . . and no mind will reflect on this, who will ponder my ways ? I f I sin, no man sees me, or if I deceive, quite secretly, who observes it ? M y righteous dealing, who announces it ? A n d what is hope ? T h e time is far oS. This is what those void of understanding think, and a simple man thinks hke this. (16.17-23)229 Wisdom and foolishness are no longer formal criteria, but are exclusively
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measured by the will of G o d revealed in the Torah. Even the enlightened sceptic who considers wisdom identified with the law as a prison, fetters and chains, is a fool.^so Even the problem of the 'delay of salvation' was a disputed question in the Jerusalem of Ben Sira. His prayer for the dawn of the time of salvation - tmderstood in political terms - shows that some of the promises of the prophets were no longer believed because they were thought to have been proved deceptive: . . . and fulfil the prophecy (ptn) spoken in thy name. Reward those who wait for thee, and let thy prophets be foimd trustworthy. (36.2of) In the dispute of opinions and parties within pre-Maccabean Jerusalem, Ben Sira requires a constant and unequivocal attitude, which for him means fidelity to the law: D o not winnow with every wind, nor follow every path. Be steadfast in your understanding, and let your speech be consistent. (5.9f) T h e sentence which immediately precedes this shows that his polemic is directed against the aristocracy which is rich and lax in its religious convictions, for whom the faith of the fathers had lost its binding force and who were in danger of falling victim to libertinism: D o not set your heart on your wealth, nor say, 'I can acquire it.' ( ) D o not follow your inclination and strength, walking according to the desires of your heart. D o not say, 'Who will have power over me ?', for the Lord will surely punish you. D o not say, 'I have sinned, and what will happen to me ? Indeed he is a patient G o d ! ' D o not say, 'His mercy is great, he will forgive the multitude of my sins,' for both mercy and wrath are with him, and his anger rests on sinners. (5.1-4, 6)231 In effect, what we have here is another version of the theme which has already been presented in i6.i7ff., that God does not intervene in the life of the individual man. Over against such views, the doctrine of retribution occupies a central position in Ben Sira's argument as a basic idea of his work. Even here that 'universal transformation of wisdom in Jewish thought', which according to J. Fichtner derives from the 'controversy with Hellenism', also becomes evident.232 Corresponding to a widespread basic attitude in the early Hellenistic period (see pp. 54f above), his opponents had a completely thisworldly, eudaemonistic approach to life, firmly trusting in progress, an
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approach according to which external success was the decisive factor. Ben Sira counters this with a hardly less eudaemonistic ideology of the law which, while indeed representing a retrogression from the deeper human or theological reflection of a Koheleth or a Job, nevertheless represented a more effective weapon in the ideological struggle, ^-^s Once 'the theory of a just retribution here on earth' had been 'recognized as an insufficient principle for explaining human destiny' in the books just mentioned, as in Ps.49 and Ps. 73,23* ^hg earlier conception in wisdom of the fixed connection between action and consequence also shattered. For Sirach, who was surely not imaware of this crisis in early Israelite wisdom, the old connection was no longer a matter that could be taken for granted, ^ss i f he nevertheless takes up earlier ideas, while deliberately modifying them, he does so in order to gain a more effective rational starting point for his argument: transgression of the law and apostasy certainly bring punishment from G o d in this life, while fear of God and obedience to the law lead to all the good things which seem to be worth striving for, even to his opponents: 'honour and praise', 'happiness, joy and a long life', 'well-being and flourishing health' and not least - in contrast to Koheleth - an abiding remembrance after death, ase Here, too, is the cause of the alleged 'Epicureanism' which I. Levi wants to discover in Ben Sira.^s' This firm connection between human action and divine retribution runs through the work of Ben Sira like a scarlet thread, and gave it to a large degree its polemic force.238 While in Proverbs action and consequence are still for the most part directly related, in Sirach G o d himself appears much more strongly as the author and guarantor of righteous retribution: this is elevated so as to become virtually a theological principle: 'For the Lord is the one who repays' (""S Nin mai'jB'n m'7N).239 W e also find this strong stress on divine retribution in two historical works akin to the thought of Ben Sira, first the Chronicler and then that o f Jason o f Cyrene (see above, p. 97). On the other hand, the criticism of the doctrine of retribution in Sirach's contemporary Antigonus of Socho, who branded counting on divine reward as the attitude of a slave, could be directed against the school of Sirach. Possibly Antigonus was more open to Hellenistic influences; later legend made him the teacher of the foimder of Sadduceeism. 2*0 In any case, we may count on the fact that the doctrine of retribution presented by Sirach did not go undisputed and that like other basic Jewish doctrines in pre-Maccabean Jerusalem it was vigorously con tested. It then imposed itself all the more after the Maccabean victory. 2*1 The climax of religious criticism in Jerusalem was probably the challenging of the righteousness of Yahweh himself. W e find it in the notion that G o d is fundamentally the cause o f sin, and also in the view that G o d does not care either about the individual or about right and wrong in this world. Both themes are also to be found in the criticism of religion made in the Greek enlightenment after the time of Euripides (see above, pp. i2ifF.). However, the criticism of the traditional picture of G o d was even extended to the question of
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the perfection of creation, whereas the existence of G o d was apparently never put in question. O n the contrary, even Ben Sirach's opponents spoke of G o d in their own way and shared in the cult, an attitude which Ben Sira rejected with almost prophetic vehemence. 2*3 Ben Sira gives his answer to the question of the perfection of this world in his hymns to creation, which introduce a rational motive not entirely unknown to earlier wisdom, but so far not fixed in any conceptual terms: T h e works of G o d are all good (cf Gen. 1.31) and they are appropriate for tzch purpose ("[niS) in his time. (39.16). This introduction is the title for a lengthy wisdom hymn about the absolute purposefulness of creation : Nothing is small and of no accoimt with him, and nothing is incomprehensible and difficult to him. N o one can say, 'What is this for ?', for everything has been created for its (necessary) purpose (''D "JD nnii). N o one can say, ' T h i s is worse than that', for all things prove good in their season (39.2ocd, 21). T o the holy (•''an'?, Smend, op. cit., 363) his ways are straight, just as they are obstacles to the godless (Smend, op. cit., nnT*?). From the beginning good things were created for good people, just as evil things for sinners. Basic to all the needs of man's life are water and fire and iron and salt and wheat flour and milk and honey, the blood of the grape, and oil and clothing. All these things are for good to the godly, just as they turn into evils for sinners. There are winds that have been created for vengeance (G) in the time of annihilation they pour out their strength and cahn the anger of their Maker, (M) Fire and hail and famine (Smend, op. cit., 365 lS7n) and pestilence, all these have been created for vengeance; wild beasts and scorpions and poisonous snakes and the sword that punishes the ungodly with destruction, all these things have been created for their purpose (nS' Therefore from the beginning I have been convinced, and have thought this out and left it in writing: T h e works of the Lord are all good, and they are adequate for every purpose in their time. A n d no one can say, 'This is worse than that', for everything is valuable in its season. (39.24-34)
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T h e recapitulation of the theme at the end of a didactic poem, coupled with a personal confession, which is unique in Ben Sira's work, shows how deeply he felt about this doctrine of the purposefulness of creation and that it was pre sumably energetically disputed by his opponents, whom we are perhaps to seek in an 'enlightened', sceptical wisdom school. A t the same time, his strong involvement with the doctrine of retribution is manifest, since 'evil is created for the wicked' (nS7T nsnai S7B'T Vi? 40.10). Here we have the clear beginnings of the construction of a theological system, albeit a simple one, such as we can find later to a still greater degree and with a completely different content in Qumran (see below, pp.2i9fF.). T h e term "[niS, 'goal, need, use', a hapax legomenon in the Old Testament, appears many times in Sirach; like Koheleth before him and the Essene community later, he has a predilection for certain abstract theological key terms, T h e goal of his concern is rational theodicy. Despite the toil and terror of human life, with the inevitable fate of death at its end - significantly all this is described in detail immediately following the theodicy quoted above (40.1-41.4) - , God's creation is perfect in every respect. A pessimistic view of the world and of life was thus by no means unknown to Ben Sira^^s - perhaps he even had to carry on a polemical controversy with a radical version of its consequences - though he comes to a diametrically opposed conclusion: despite all its riddles and its shady side, the world is demonstrably good; man himself is free and on every occasion receives from G o d only his just deserts. Here the whole theodicy is directed towards man as the ruler of the earth (17.2). Creation serves to sustain him, to reward him and to punish him. So the theme o f purposefulness appears once again in the last great hymn which, together with the 'praise of the fathers', brings the work to an end. In it he depicts in detail the perfect harmony of the 'works of G o d ' (42.15) which in strict regularity^*" follow the order deter mined by him. How greatly to be desired are all his works, and how sparkling they are to see. All these things live and remain for ever, and all are obedient for every purpose. All things are twofold, one opposite the other, and he has made nothing incomplete. One thing changes in value with another, and who can have enough of beholding his glory P^*' T h e later Rabbinic tradition takes up Sir. 38.4, 7 f in its discussion of the purposefulness of the world in Gen. R. and further bases the curative power of heaHng herbs on astrological constellations and 'sympathy' with the stars (see below, pp. 238f). A fundamental Baraita adds to this: 'Our teachers said: even those things which you regard as being completely superfluous in the world like fleas, gnats and mosquitos, are part o f the creation of the world, and the holy one carries out his purpose through every thing" (Gen. R. 10, 7).
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T h e expansion of Gen. 1.29 by Targ.Jer. I ad loc. is on a similar line: God gave man the trees which bring forth no fruit 'for the purpose ("ins"?) of building and heating'. T h e last consequence of this thinking is that every thing was made for the sake of man.^'^^ In addition to the beauty and purposefulness of the world there is its eternal duration, and Ben Sira also believes - perhaps by transforming a sentence of Koheleth (7.13) - that he has discovered an 'ontological structural law' in creation, which he had already discussed in connection with the question of the opposites in creation. This world is not unitary, but has 'paired' structures, i.e. dialectically polar structures, which God has incorporated in it. He distinguished e.g. between festal days and ordinary days, and the same is also true in the case o f men: As clay in the hand of the potter, so that he forms whatever he pleases, so men are in the hand o f him who made them, so that their fate (p'jn) is determined. Good is the opposite o f evil and life the opposite of death. T h e good man is the opposite of the sinner and light the opposite o f darkness. Look upon all the works of G o d : they are all in pairs, one the opposite of the other (33[G 3 6 ] . i 3 - i 5 ) . 2 4 9 Here Ben Sira takes up a traditional picture of prophetic proclamation (Jer. 18.4-6; Isa.45.9) and draws the 'fate'^so of men almost with Koheleth's colours. He does, however, bend roimd the consequence o f his statements by reading out of God's free, sovereign activity a basic structural law of polarity for creation, which affects the cosmos as well as men. Seen as a whole, both physical and metaphysical evil fit into the purposeful harmony of the work of creation. It is no coincidence that his theodicy had a strong effect on later times. T h e contemplation of the works of G o d in the great hymn to creation which has already been mentioned culminates in a confession which bears almost'pantheizing'features: Further in this vein we will not add, let the end of the discourse be 'He is all'. (43.27) bor\ K\n i n Tpl (or even: 'He is the all'). A n earlier hymn begins with a statement which could be set above all Ben Sira's theodicy: T h e Lord alone is to be declared righteous. Kvpios
fiovos hiKaiioOrjaerai
(l8.2).252
T h e essence o f the divine righteousness is the possibility of observing and testing it rationally. Even if we do not suppose that Ben Sira sets out to strike 'a
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balance between Jewish faith and the Hellenistic world-view',253 but recognize that in good faith he believed that he was defending the original intention of the Old Testament revelation, we cannot ignore the fact that particularly in his doctrine of creation and his theodicy a spirit emerges which is related to Hellenistic popular philosophy. T h e first thing to be noted is his great confidence in the possibility of a rational understanding of the world. T h e purpose and goal of the world created by G o d are to be demonstrated with the means of rational argument, even if the full extent of the works of G o d , like God himself, in the last resort remains immeasurable and tmfathomable because of God's boimdlessness.^s* There is neither arbitrariness nor even unrighteousness in the conduct of G o d ; he keeps the rules that are manifest to the wise. Rudolf Bultmann may describe the nature of the biblical concept of God in the following w a y : Certainly, the pious Israelite admires and praises the wisdom of G o d , but he does not see it in the rational cosmic structure. Therefore the conceptions of providence and theodicy, discussed by the Stoic philosophers, are strange to Biblical thinking,255 But this is no longer true for Ben Sira and the Rabbis. Certainly Ben Sira knows other sayings taken from the tradition, like 1 1 . 1 4 : Good things and bad, life and death, poverty and wealth, come from the Lord (cf. Isa. 45.7); however, these are margmal, and the element in the divme action which is perceptibly rational and purposeful in the action of G o d predominates. Here we find close contacts with Stoic conceptions, since Chrysippus was already concerned to demonstrate the purposefulness of individual phenomena of nature and applied it above all to mankind, who through the Logos is destined to be master of the cosmos. However, in the Stoa the humanitarian and pedagogical tendency was substantially stronger. For Ben Sira, wild beasts and serpents primarily existed to pimish the wicked (see p. 144 above on 39.30), but for Chrysippus they were to strengthen human forces and to p i o v i d c mc?uas o f IncaUng.'^^'^ Similatly, c"vcn the docllinc of icttibmion was not alien to the Stoa, though its pedagogic and minatory character was stressed even more strongly than in Ben Sira.^^' T h e remark 'he is all' recalls on the one hand individual passages o f the Old Testament like Jer.23.24 and Ps. 139.7-12, but it also suggests Stoic influence. R. Pautrel points out that before the discovery of the Hebrew text, earlier commentators wanted to delete Sir. 43.27 as a Stoicizing gloss, because 'cette expression a ime saveur etrangere'. It is interesting that the earliest Greek witnesses to Jewish belief in G o d , Hecataeus and Posidonius, interpret him as the 'all-embracing one' ( r o rrepiixov •qfias airavras, see below, pp. 256f). It is also significant that Ben Sira has a predilection for the abstract concept of the 'all' Qiakkol), which embraces all
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creation; it is still relatively rare in early Hebrew literature, but appears all the more frequently in literature which is approximately contemporaneous with Ben Sira. Whereas there God is at best called the Creator or the Lord o f all, Ben Sira goes a step further and ventures to say: ' H e is the all'.^ss Cleanthes' Hymn to Zeus could also have come from the hand o f Ben Sira, with some minor alterations, ^so It is significant that the Rabbis later singled out pantheistic-type formulas of this kind to retain and made variations on them. T h u s Tannaites and Amoreans discussed the fact that while G o d embraced the sphere o f the world (nViS? \>^' Wlpa), the sphere o f the world did not embrace G o d (impa Mibys VNI Gen. R. 68, 9n., Jose b . Halaphta), that G o d 'filled his world' (^Tib'iV ON xVaa Ber. loa and Lev. R. 4,8) Hke the soul the body, and that Moses was the first to recognize that G o d was present even in the 'empty space of the world' (between heaven and earth: ab^TS ^bbn^2 Deut. R. 2, 26/27).2" Ben Sira thus shared with the Stoa the notion 'that the whole world is a single cosmos which is permeated and shaped down to its smallest part (42.22, see n.247 above) by a rational power, deity'. A t the same time, though, the idea of the polar structure of creation also has its parallels in Greek thought. It played a considerable role in Heraclitus and from him found entry into the various trends o f Greek philosophy. Even the essentially monistic thought o f the Stoa did not escape his influence. Here was the notion that the good in the world would not become visible without the evil. Perhaps the views o f Ben Sira took a similar direction, Certainly the thought had further currency in the Greek tradition. Possibly we have here a prelude to the dualism o f Qumran, albeit still unmythological.^s* Once we have assumed an analogous development between Jewish wisdom and Stoic philosophy, we can hardly avoid presupposing some popular philo sophical influence not only in the opponents o f Ben Sira, but also in the thought of Ben Sira himself In the spiritual climate o f the period about 175 BC in Jerusalem, this phenomenon is not surprising. Even a fimdamentally conservative scribe like Ben Sira would have to adapt himself to the learned arguments of his time, if only to be heard and understood by his pupils and his opponents in the youth of the aristocracy. Here a number of Stoic conceptions could well have been helpful in his apologetic and polemic statements. Ben Sira could rediscover a number of important elements in Stoic thought: a strict drive towards ethical conduct, an attempt at a balance between human freedom and divine providence, the value o f man as God's first creation,^"^ the harmony and purposefulness of the world and even the identity of the divine reason of the world (or wisdom) and the moral law that is binding on all men (or the tdrd o f Moses, see pp. 159!?. below), and he could adapt all these statements to Jewish belief. T h i s borrowing was all the easier for him as the
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Stoa had grown up on Semitic ground, and had a great deal in common with the thought-world of the Old Testament: 'Thus it is certainly not too bold to conclude that the conception of G o d to be found in Zeno and Chrysippus displays features which have been taken over from the Orient . . of course,'identification with the/)Ay5W which shapes everything according to immanent laws represents a complete transformation into Hellenistic modes of thought.'2 99 So in one sense the Jewish adoption of Stoic notions from Ben Sira and Aristobulus (see pp. i66fF. below) dovra to Philo was an oriental interpretation taken back again. Obviously Ben Sira did not take over Stoic monism and its identification of G o d and world. For him G o d , despite his permeation of the universe, remained the sovereign Creator exalted over his creatures, who is 'greater than all his works' (43.28b). In the last resort the ordering of the world was not oriented by an impersonal, immanent 'world reason' over which man also has control, but by the creative word of God. And the effect of this word is neither arbitrary nor imjust, but purposeful, meaningful and harmonious. Even 'wisdom' (see pp. i59f. below) remained God's property, and it was a free act of his if he filled man at his creation with 'knowledge and understanding' (imarrjfirjv avveaews 17.7) Or the scribe with the 'spirit of understanding' (TTvevfian avveaeios 39.6, see pp. i36f. above). Being in the image of God (17.3) did not yet mean identity of being; man was above all directed towards God's mercy (18.11-14). N o r did Ben Sira surrender the special election of Israel in favour of an 'ideal of world citizenship', although he knew of the incomparable 'glory of Adam' which was surpassed by no man ( D I N mNDn TI "JS "7571 49.16). On the contrary, at this very point - from an apologetic situation - we can see a clear constriction in comparison with earlier wisdom: He appointed a ruler {yjf) for every nation, but Israel is the Lord's own portion. (17.17) On the other hand, we must not overlook the f a a that from the second century BC, tendencies were at work in the Stoa to break through the strict monism, and particularly thinkers from Phoenicia and Syria, like Boethus of Sidon and later Posidonius, required the conception of a Godhead separated from the rest of the world and localized in the ethereal sphere. T h u s Hellen istic thought came to meet that of Judaism (see above, pp. i i o f ) . Furthermore, in Sirach, as in Koheleth, there are a considerable number o f 'parallels', or perhaps better, 'echoes', to the Greek gnomic poetry of Theognis, the dramatists, especially Euripides, and comedy. I. Ldvi and L . Bigot in particular have drawn attention to this. However, it is no more a question of direct literary dependence than with Koheleth: the comparable themes like the negative verdict on women, the warning against over-hasty friendship, the preservation of the honour of parents, etc, are occasioned by universal human
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experiences. 2 6 ' One thought which already emerged with Koheleth and was rejected (3.2of., see p. 124, n. 134 above), has been given a fixed, almost stereo typed version in Ben Sira: All things that are from the earth turn back to the earth, and what is from the waters returns to the sea (40.11). There is a parallel with almost the exact words in Euripides: What sprouts from the earth returns to the earth, and what has come forth from the 'ether' returns to the firmament of heaven. Further parallels concern the meaningless of too heavy a death lament^"" or a life without hope, in the face of which death is preferable,^"' and the warning against excessive striving for wisdom, ^'i W e can hardly talk here of a real 'influence'; the parallels with oriental-Jewish wisdom, say with Proverbs or Ahikar, are incomparably stronger. But in view of the international character of the wisdom tradition in the Hellenistic period, we cannot exclude the possibility of the transmigration of sayings from gnomic Greek thought, tragedy and comedy, by word of mouth.^'a Finally, the influence of Greek conventions can be seen in Sirach's extensive account of dining customs and in his positive attitude towards the doctor, which ran coimter to an orthodox rigorism.2'3 N o w it would be wrong to attempt, as does R. Pautrel, to explain away the largely anti-Hellenistic tenor of Ben Sira's thought because he takes over certain ideas from the Greek world. 2'* It is a frequent phenomenon in religious and intellectual history that one can be influenced by one's opponent precisely in warding oS\as language and thought-forms. T h e reason why Ben Sira - with a few exceptions - does not attack non-Jews and pagan polytheism is that his opponents - and pupils - were Palestinian Jews for whom alien thought was a greater danger than pagan cults. Ben Sira speaks of the opponents of wisdom in the rich, traditional language of the wisdom literature. Alongside the fool2'5 stand the mocker,2'6 the wicked m a n 2 " and finally the 'violent' man, cruel and alienated from God.2'8 Here too the supposition is that Sirach is not only repeating formulas, but giving them particular application in his exposed position. T r u e , in mentioning the 'fool' or the 'mocker' he does not have particular people in mind, but we may still assume a polemical reference in individual cases. This may be true, for example, of the collection of sayings about the 'arrogance' (^a'«a)a)ofmen:279 D o not be violent with your neighbour with any kind of wickedness and do not go the way of arrogance. Arrogance is hateful before the Lord and before men, and oppression is regarded by both as wickedness ( i o . 6 f ) .
J3fiM Sira and the Controversy
with Hellenistic
Liberalism
151
T h e beginning o f arrogance is that a man is stubborn and departs from his creator in his heart, for sin is a sea o f presumption {zadori) and its source overflows with transgression. Therefore G o d sends his punishment in a wonderful way and smites it to nothingness. T h e L o r d casts down the throne o f rulers and sets the oppressed in their place. ( 1 0 . 1 2 - 1 4 ) Pride (zddon) was not created for men nor fierce anger for those b o m of women. ( 1 0 . 1 8 ) One might feel that the Tobiads, who represented the most powerful group in Jerusalem after the high-priestly family o f the Oniads, or the I*tolemaic or Seleucid rulers, were particular embodiments o f this 'arrogance', ^so Ben Sira could not express his criticism directly, but had to clothe it in the form o f wisdom discourse to protect himself (see pp. i33f. above). A t one decisive point, however, he does express his view openly. W o e to you, imgodly men, w h o have forsaken A e law o f the M o s t H i g h G o d ; W h e n you increase, it is for misfortune, when y o u beget children, it is for grief. W h e n you come to a fall, it is for lasting joy, when y o u die, it is for a curse. ( 4 1 . 8 , 9)^*1 W i d e circles of people seem to have become indifferent to the law and even to have rejected it directly before the beginning o f the Hellenistic reform proper; Ben Sira returns to the question on a number o f occasions. So he speaks, for example, o f the^clan o f apostates' (tyra T\nt)Wti) b y whom a city is devastated, whereas it is hallowed b y a single God-fearer ( 1 6 . 4 ) . Here, too, it would be reasonable to think o f the Tobiads and Simon the Just,282 T h e tenor o f the admonition also becomes clear in the following sentence, which follows immediately after the warning against 'arrogance' ( 1 0 . 6 - 1 8 ) : W h a t race is worthy o f honour ? T h e human race. W h a t race is worthy o f honour ? T h o s e who fear the L o r d . W h a t race is despised ? T h o s e w h o transgress the commandments. A m o n g brothers (their) leader is worthy o f honour, but the one who fears G o d in the e(yes o f G o d G ) . It is not right to despise the intelligent poor nor is it proper to honour any man o f violence. T h e prince, the counsellor and the judge are honoured, but none is greater than the one who fears G o d ( 1 0 . 1 9 - 2 4 , text after Segal). T h e indirect criticism o f prominent families w h o are lax towards the law illuminates the situation in Jerusalem immediately before the Hellenistic
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
refonn. Sirach's often repeated instruction about proper and false shame which immediately follows the lament against apostates shows a similar tendency: O f the following things do not be ashamed, and do not let partiality lead you to sin: of the law o f the M o s t High and his covenant, and o f rendering judgment to acquit the ungodly (42.1c, 2). In his portrayal of Abraham - a figure of early Jewish history in whom the Hellenists were particularly interested because of his international significance (see above, pp.9of.) - Sirach, like the Book o f Jubilees later, stresses above all that he 'observed the command o f the M o s t H i g h ' and entered into the covenant with G o d b y circumcisjon (44.20). His warning against personal converse or even friendship with the godless is also impressive, presumably because he feared that Hellenistic libertinism would have an attractive influence. T h i s tendency to segregate thoise faithful to the law then became a typical mark o f Jewish piety. 2** Q o s e converse with non-Jews seemed even more dangerous: Receive a stranger into your house and he will alienate yom: way o f living (yaiT Ttm IT pl!7n) and will estrange your family from you. (11.34, cf. v. 29) T h i s is probably an allusion to the frequent contacts of the Jewish Hellenists with non-Jewish friends, b y which the confines of Jewish moraUty and religion which separated Israel from the non-Jewish world were shattered (on this see above, pp. 49f., and below, pp. 277fF.). In the prayer for deliverance from the 'goymi, already mentioned, Sirach emerges from the old wisdom tradition and comes near to the prophetic apocalyptic tradition. H e prays for the speedy intervention o f divine pimishment on the enemies o f the people and for the glorification o f Israel: Deliver us, G o d o f all, and cause the fear o f thee to fall on all the nations. Lift up thy hand against foreign nations, and let them see thy might. (36 [ G 33]. if.) ShoWj signs anew and work ftirther wonders, make thy hand and thy right arm glorious. Rouse thy anger and pour out thy wrath, destroy the adversary and wipe out the enemy. Hasten the day and remember the appointed time, for w h o can say to thee "What art thou doing ?' ( G ) With the fire o f wrath will the survivor be consimied and those who do injustice to thy people will meet destruction. ( M ) H e w off the head o f the princes o f M o a b , who say, there is no ( G o d ?) beside me (36 [ G 33]. 6-12). Here we have an expression o f the profound antipathy which Ben Sira has
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
153
towards the Seleucid oppressors and their Jewish supporters; it also comes out in the threat against the neighbours o f Judea, the Samaritans, the dwellers in the coastal plain and the Idumeans (50.25f., cf. Test. L e v i 7.2). It is remarkable that, as in later times, Rome is mentioned in a disguised way. One could find a reference to the Tobiads in the prince o f M o a b ; they had great possessions in the Ammanitis, but a reference to the Seleucids and the obligatory ruler cult which was intensified even before the time of Antiochus I I I is more probable, Ben Sira's eschatological hope, which is based on an intensive study of the prophets (see above, pp. I35f.), is still completely this-worldly, and has political and nationalistic colouring; in contrast to Daniel, who comes a little later, there is no hope beyond death, and indeed the idea o f the resurrection is perhaps directly repudiated in 38.21.28* ij^g must J^Q^ therefore include him among the Hasidim proper, but assign him to that conservative, nationalist-Jewish movement which according to him was represented b y the Hasmoneans, and to which many o f the later Sadducees approximated, However, any assignation to the later Jewish 'parties' is fundamentally mistaken, as Ben S u a comes before these diflFerentiations and still has within his work the various possibilities of the later development of Judaism. Particularly in his attitude to the future, w e find in this man, who has so few aggressive features, the attitude which gave later Judaism the strength to overcome the crisis o f acute Hellen ization in the Maccabean revolt: Strive even to death for the truth. A n d Y a h w e h will fight for y o u (4.28). ^ss
5. The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought in connection with Jewish Wisdom Speculation a) Wisdom as a hypostasis in Prov. S.22ff. and Job 28 In the latest part of Proverbs, chs. 1-9, which probably came into being in the early Hellenistic period, at the latest, say, b y the middle o f the third centiuy BC, it has on occasion been supposed that 'the maimer in which wisdom "and folly are here personified probably betrays Greek influence', ^s® I n parti cular, the independent wisdom h y m n Prov. 8.22-31, which was probably worked in at a relatively late stage, speaks o f personified wisdom in a unique way which is hard to interpret, Wisdom is described as the primal creation o f G o d , who was present at the creation o f the world and its ordering as a playing 'favourite child' - this translation is to be preferred to the inter pretation'master workman'.^'iAlongsideProv. 8.22-31 comes Job 28, probably only a little older, a poem about wisdom, hidden and equally, according to w . 25-27, present at the creation o f the world, which was inserted into the book o f Job only at a secondary stage. Here, too, scholars have wanted to discover the influence o f Greek thought. I n both texts there are possibly
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Pakstinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
two views of the function of wisdom as a hypostasis or as a 'personal entity'. 2»4 According to Prov. 8 it was accessible to the man who earnestly sought it (w. 32-36), but according to Job 28 it was undiscoverable and hidden with God. This conception would point to a more sceptical trend, but it would also correspond to the later apocalyptic conception of the misimderstood wisdom which returned to heaven. 2»5 Closely connected with Prov.8.22ff. is 9. iff. immediately following, where wisdom appears as a 'royal hostess'. Here the favourite of God becomes the teacher of men, who sends out her invitation (9.4ff.)2»« and does not allow herself to be put off by her foolish counterpart. Here her appeal has almost the character of revelation (9.3). However, one should be very careful in supposing that these earliest instances of a Jewish 'wisdom speculation' display Greek 'influences', since in the Greek sphere 'sophia' appears as a divine, personal entity only at a relatively late stage. This was presimiably under oriental and gnostic influence, and comes out more strongly in the Hermetica, in Plutarch and among the NeoPlatonists.298
Granted, Plato speaks at one point of
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thot^ht
155
various spirits o f God,3<»s and later forms like the W o r d o f God,3»« the Shekinah and the Metatron,^'" T h e beginnings o f the various personifica tions o f evil3"5 and the extension o f the doctrine o f angels in apocalyptic (see below, pp.23ifF.), which goes far beyond the limited conceptions of early Israel, belong in this connection. T h e remarks b y Bousset and Gressmaim on the historical reasons for this development are still valid today, and have simply been confirmed b y the dominant role o f the doctrine o f angels in Qumran: ' T h e trend towards the transcendent and the abstract in Jewish belief in G o d ' favoured the origin o f 'middle-beings' which interposed them selves 'between G o d , who had become distant from the world, and m a n ' . " " T h e objections o f G . Pfeifer, that there had always been hypostasis-like conceptions in Judaism, but that on the whole they had been rare and that an awareness of G o d constantly active in the world had always been preservedj^i" cannot conceal the fact that in the Hellenistic period the middle-forms whether as 'hypostases', like wisdom in Prov. 8.22flF., Job 28, etc, or angels, as the boundary is a fluid one^^^ - increased in both Palestinian Judaism and that o f the Diaspora. A t the same tune the divine name Yahweh retreated behind more general designations o f G o d (see above, p p . i i T f . and below, pp.266f.). O n the other hand, it is right to note that hypostases 'do not have their place in immediate experience o f G o d . . . but in reflection'.si^ Later wisdom, as we find it in Prov. 1-9 or even in Koheleth and Ben Sira, has explicitly reflective character and thus shows the beginnings o f systematic theological conceptualization. However, whereas in the sceptical thought o f Koheleth the reality o f G o d is concealed behind the unpredictability o f the 'plan o f the times' and 'destiny* (see above, pp. i20f.), in Prov. 1-9 the revela tion o f divine salvation is realized in the personal appeal of 'wisdom', which 'makes the claim to lead to God'.^i^ xhe 'hypostatization' o f 'hokmd' as a companion at play b y G o d ' s side before all the works of creation is intended to provide this invitation with imconditional authority, though it must be noted that its claim also came u p against opposition as being an innovation and an_ alien body in the Jewish tradition. For certain wisdom schools, however;^the wisdom o f G o d became a supreme authority and received a function as a 'mediator of revelation'.^^'^ T h e mythological form o f individual statements about 'wisdom' may be connected with the fact that they are also intended to ward off the incursion o f the worship o f foreign mother-goddesses.'^s A t the same tune, however, w e should also consider whether the wisdom whose starting point was the fear o f Yahweh* (Prov. 1.7; 2.5; 9.10) was not also intended in apologetic fashion to prevent the development of an alien wisdom which endangered traditional belief. One indication o f this could be the fact that the foreign woman who appears frequentiy in Prov. 1-9 (2.i6fF.; ch.5; 6.24flF.; ch.7), and probably also the foolish woman, were already interpreted metaphorically in the Septuagmt o f Prov.2.16-18 (SiSaaKoAt'aj' veonjro?, V. 17) as referring to 'foreign wisdom', whereas Q e m e n t o f Alexandria later
156
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
interpreted Prov. 5.3 as 'EXk-qviiai iicuSela and probably took over this con ception from Alexandrian Jewish exegesis.si* We can also best understand the wisdom fragment found in Cave 4 of Qumran, which depicts the seductive arts of the evil woman in the most sombre colours, in the light of this meta phorical interpretation. The coimterpart to the foreign seductress was 'wisdom' as a young bride, as she appears in the beautifiil love song ascribed to the young David from 11 QPs», which has been preserved in Sir. 51.13-20 in a milder, less passionate fonn.3i8 There is a imique Greek parallel to this: In his investigation of Hercules at the parting of the ways,3i» I. Alpers draws attention to related features between Prov. 7 and 9, with their competing invitations of wisdom and folly, and the fable of Prodicus in Xenophon, Memorabilia 2, i, 21-34, and the allegorical figures oi arete and kakia which appear there. Nevertheless, even here dependence is improb able; however, here as elsewhere it is evident that analogous conceptions could arise independently of each other in Judaism and in Greece, so that there was finally a certain aflSnity between the two realms. Literal and metaphorical interpretation of the foreign woman* as a counter part of'wisdom' need not be completely exclusive. As long as the PhoenicianCanaanite cult of the mother goddess and goddess of love still represented a danger to Judaism, the literal interpretation was the obvious one; asfromabout the middle of the third centiuy b c criticism of traditional Jewish belief in God nourished by the Hellenistic spirit and popular philosophy took form, a metaphorical interpretation was increasingly adopted. b) Wisdom and the doctrine of creation An important preparation for the encounter of Jewish wisdom teaching with Greek thought was that it had become more and more bound up with the doctrine of creation. Although the Priestiy account of creation in Gen. 1.1-2.4 merely represents the introduction to a great historical work with a systematic and chronological construction, it contains 'the results of concentrated theological and cosmological reflection'.^^o its origin can be understood as a 'significant testimony to the first international "scientific" attempts . . . to investigate the world and all associated with it',321 and the result can hardly be understood apart from the systematic work of priestiy wisdom schools;. Although it is probably dependent on early Semitic and above all Egyptian creation narratives,322 the unknown author has 'created an account of unique consistency in a strictiy ordered construction*. In this way the myth 'appears to be overcome by knowledge, but the knowledge that rests on the analysis of the world of phenomena is subordinated to the creative power of Go(j>_323 From a purely formal point of view, the creation account of Gen. i is related to its mythological predecessors in the same way as the philosophical cosmogonies of the Ionian nature philosophers or Plato's Timaeus to their
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
157
mythological models. it is 'one of the most rationally consistent parts of the Bible%^2j If, for instance, as von Rad assumes, "the conception of a creatio exnihilo' is boimd up with the Kia of Gen. i.ij^^ethis is the expression of a reflective capacity for theological abstraction, and it is no coincidence that the explicit formulation first appears in II Mace. 7 . 2 8 , in a completely Hellenized (see above, pp.95fF.) form (on OVK e$ ovrtnv i-nol-qaev aina 6 Oeos), although even here one must be careM about introducing the dogmatic formula creatio ex nthilo. Even if the later wisdom of the book of Job or Prov. 1 - 9 differs substantially from the strictly salvation-historical and cultically orientated theology of the Priestly writing, it had in common with that theology a rational tendency towards demythologizing which subjected the, sphere of nature to the ordering will of God, seen in unmythical terms.^^v Here the concept oi hokmd was particularly suited to express the rationality of the newly-creating and sustaining activity of God: Yahweh by wisdom (b'hokmd) founded the earth, by imderstanding he established the heavens (bifbSnd).^^^ This cormection of wisdom with the doctrine of creation had a twofold consequence. On the one hand it led to an encyclopaedic treatment of all the phenomena in the world aeated by God, as they were an expression of the 'wisdom' of God. Here the ordering of creation and the functioning of its offshoots were not, of course, understood as an immanent 'natural' process this conception was alien to early Jewish wisdom - but as a divine miracle.'^s This was the genuinely Jewish answer to the 'principle of form' of the visible world. We find an early form of this 'natural science'm the book of Job and in Ps. 1 0 4 , and a later one in apocalyptic speculation, above all in I Enoch, where the whole sphere of history and the heavenly and subterranean worlds are included, thus producing - under heavily foreign influence - a new re-mything (see below, pp. 2D7S.). Secondly, the individual who accepted the religious and ethical obligations in the call of hokmd - 'the fear of Yahweh is the beginning of wisdom' (Prov. 1 . 7 ) - received a share in cosmic, divine wisdom. Both consequences necessarily led in the end to an encoimter with Hellenistic thought. This can be seen for the first time with Ben Sira, at least in hints. c) 'Wisdone in Ben Sira We shall limit ourselves to those hymns in. which Sirach describes wisdom as a jcosmic hypostasis' or has it speaking in person: i . i - i o and ch.24. Unfortun ately, neither is extant in its original Hebrew form. Sirach's work, which probably was composed several generations after Prov. 1 - 9 , reflects the intellectual tensions in the Jerusalem of his time (see above, pp. i3iflF.). So the general picture which he presents is remarkably ambiguous._On the one hand we find in him the imiversalistic, optimistic attitude of traditional religion, open to the world, and on the other there is obviously a polemical repudiation
158
Pakstinianjudaistn
and the Hellenistic Age
of attacks on the threatened faith of the fathers and, in contrast to earlier^ wisdom, an energetic appeal to the heritage of Israel and its holy history (see above, pp. i35fF.)- Thus the mythological background to the hokmd speculation emerges particularly clearly in the great wisdom hymn of ch. 24, where, as has long been recognized, in the statements made by wisdom about herself (Sir. 24.3-7)33" there are immistakable parallels to similar predicative statements in Hellenistic Isis aretaJogies.^^^ In the third century, probably with a certain degree of backing from the state in the Ptolemaic empire,'32 the worship of_ Isis, together with the Serapis cult, increased considerably. Isis, who had possibly taken over features of early Egyptian Maat, here showed a predilection for the assumption of abstract concepts like ZIKOIOOVV^, hrlvoia, irpovoia, p6vr]ai.s, etc. That in this form Isis also found a footing in Palestine, in close conjunction with the native Astarte, is shown by the great Isis aretalogy of Oxyrhynchus, which goes back to Hellenistic times. Here her worship in Ptolemais-Acco is attested with the cult name ^/)ovi^tj[v].334 Another whole series of Palestinian and Phoenician cities are mentioned as cult places of Isis: Rhinocolura on the Egyptian border; Raphia, Gaza, Ashkelon, Strato's Tower - thus the tradition seems to go back to preHerodian times, and perhaps to the time before the Hasmonean conquests Dor, Sidon, Ber3mis, etc. In Sidon she bears the name Astarte, in Thoenicia' she is called the Syrian goddess, and in north Syrian Bambyce she is called Atargatis.33s The cult of Egyptian goddesses was already widespread in the pre-Hellenistic period, and Isis too was not tmknown there. In the bronzes discovered at Ashkelon datingfromthe fourth century, she appears as a smallfigurine,nursing the child Horus. She later appears as a nurse in the Tannaitic tradition. 336 We have archaeological evidence for the worship of her in the Hellenistic-Roman period from Ashkelon, Gerasa and - from the early Hellenistic period long before the destruction of the city by Hyrcanus about 108 b c - from Samaria. 33? The fragments of bas-relief from the Hellenistic period published by R. A. S. Macalister and I. G. Dimcan could point to the worship of Isis-Astarte in Jerusalem under Ptolemaic rule; they were found in a relatively deep, pre-Roman site on the Ophel. They show a headdress similar to that worn by the goddess Hathor, who was identified with Isis, with the disc of the sim between two cows' horns, a triangle (betyl) and ornaments of plants, and could come from circles of Phoenician merchants or the Ptolemaic garrison or its ofiBcials. Palestinian goddesses had long tended to take over Egyptian traits.338 Thus we cannot exclude the possibility that in the third centiuy b c the Isis cult attempted to penetrate even Jerusalem, and that Jewish wisdom schools transferred predicates of Isis-Astarte, who was then becoming more influential, to divine wisdom in a kind of polemical transformation. If Bubastis was given pride of place in the Isis aretalogies as the holy city of the goddess, it was logi cal that in Ben Sira Jerusalem should be the place where wisdom descended. 33* The transference was helped by the fact that Isis was regarded on the one
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159
h a n d as c r e a t o r o f t h e w o r l d a n d o n t h e o t h e r as a u t h o r a n d g u a r a n t o r o f e t h i c a l a n d legal order and
h u m a n c u l t u r e i n g e n e r a l , s*" O f c o u r s e
there
were
f i m d a m e n t a l diflferences w h i c h p u t c e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s o n a t r a n s f e r e n c e
of
p r e d i c a t e s f r o m t h e I s i s a r e t a l o g i e s t o J e w i s h hokmd. T h e m a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e w a s t h a t w i s d o m w a s n o t a parhedros w i t h e q u a l r i g h t s a l o n g s i d e God;
s h e e m e r g e d from h i s m o u t h - a n d t h u s is m o r e t o b e e q u a t e d w i t h t h e
c r e a t i v e w o r d o f G o d ( 2 4 . 3 ) - o r a p p e a r s as h i s c r e a t i o n ( 2 4 . 8 , 9 ) , w h i c h s e r v e s h i m and obeys h i m (24.iof.). B e n Sira p r e s u m a b l y took over the echoes o f the p r e d i c a t e s o f t h e I s i s a r e t a l o g y from a n e a r l y w i s d o m h y m n , f o r i n h i s t i m e t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e w o r s h i p o f Isis o r another f e m a l e g o d d e s s i n Jerusalem w a s h a r d l y a n a c u t e o n e a n y m o r e . H o w e v e r , w e a l s o find, a b o v e a l l i n t h e
first
h y m n to w i s d o m in Sir. 1 . 1 - 2 0 , conceptions w h i c h h a v e contacts w i t h popular philosophical thought: W i s d o m w a s created before all things and p r u d e n t understanding from eternity. (1.4)
•nporipa iravTOiv eKTiarai K a l avveais povqa£a)s The
aoia al&vos
L o r d himself created w i s d o m , h e saw her a n d apportioned her (Job 28.27),
h e poured h e r out u p o n all h i s w o r k s , s h e d w e l l s i n a l l flesh a c c o r d i n g t o h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n . ( S i r . 1 . 9 , l o a )
. . . Kal i^exeev avrrjv iirl irdma TO. epya Hera irdcrqs aapKOs Kara Trpi Soaiv avrov.
avrov
Sir.24.5f. also points in a m o r e m y t h o l o g i c a l f o r m - p r e s i m i a b l y t a k e n o v e r from
t h e Isis a r e t a l o g y - t o this c o s m i c xmiversality o f w i s d o m :
A l o n e I h a v e m a d e the circuit o f heaven, and have walked in the depths o f the abyss. I n t h e w a v e s o f t h e sea, i n t h e w h o l e earth, and in every people a n d nation I h a v e gotten a possession.
yvpov ovpavov ixoKXcoaa fjAvrj Kal ev pd0ei dpvaacov TTepieiraTrjaa ev KVfjLaaiv OaXdaoTjs Kal ev irdcrg rg yfj KoX ev -navrl Aaai Kal eOvei ijyjjaafujv.^*^ H e r e w i s d o m n o l o n g e r a p p e a r s , as i n P r o v . 8.30, as t h e d a r l i n g o f G o d , b u t as a ' p o w e r w h i c h p e r v a d e s t h e w h o l e w o r l d , n a t u r e a n d h u m a n i t y ( a n d n o t o n l y t h e Jews)'.^*^ B e n S i r a w a s p r o b a b l y n o l o n g e r a w a r e o f t h e o r i g i n a l mythological features in his w i s d o m h y m n in c h . 2 4 , a n d regarded w i s d o m m o r e as a k i n d o f 'world reason' e m a n a t i n g from G o d , w h i c h filled a n d p e r m e a t e d t h e w h o l e c r e a t i o n a n d finds t h e c u l m i n a t i o n o f i t s t a s k i n m a k i n g m a n a r a t i o n a l b e i i ^ ( i .9f., 1 9 ; cf. 1 7 . 7 ) . F o r h i m , t h e w o r k i n g o f w i s d o m a n d G o d ' s creative action formed an inseparable imity. T h u s 'wisdom' in B e n Sira could
i6o
Pakstmictn Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
be understood analogously to the Stoic ' L o g o s ' , which permeates and shapes the cosmos: T h e universal laxo, which is true wisdom permeating ever3?thing, is identical with Zeus, the director o f the pervading o f all things.^**
o vofios 6 KOivos,
ooTTep ioTiv
ipXOfievos, 6 avTOS <3v T& Ad, ovTOiV Su)iicqaeais ovri.
6 opBos \6yos 8ia iravraiv Kod-qyciiMVi. TOVTO) T^S T<3V
However, Ben Sira is not content with the imiversal interpretation o f 'wisdom* as a formative and regulative principle in the world, especially as in this way it could also be acknowledged b y the 'enlightened' Jewish circles to whom the national religious tradition o f Israel and its law no longer meant anything. H e went a decisive step ftirther, and here too Stoic thought could provide him with an analogy: the 'imiversal law* identical with the Logos which ordered the world harmoniously, at the same time formed the moral norm for human conduct. While it directed the rest o f the world in a firmly determined causal way, it directed man endowed with reason b y virtue of his free moral decision (see pp. i4of. above), b y bringing him 'to live in acOTrd with nature, which means the same thing as living virtuously', for as Zeno already remarked - 'this is what nature drives us to'.^^s i n a similar way, Ben Sira identified 'wisdom' as the 'primal image' and the 'principle of order* of the world created b y God,^*" which was 'poured out on all (God's) works' (Sir. 1.9), with the firmly delineated moral norm o f pious Jesess_die T o r a h communicated exclusively to Israel on Sinai :347 All this is the book o f the covenant o f the Most High G o d , the law which Moses commanded us, as an inheritance for the congregations o f Jacob, Tovra iravra /3t/3Aos Sta^Tjmjs Oeov vij/Urrov, vofiov ov evereiXaTO •qpuv Mtovaijs KXifpovofiiav owayoyyats 'laKCOp. In^diis way the many-layered conception o f cosmic wisdom, so easily misunderstood, was indissolubly associated with the history o f Israel and, conversely, the law which was attacked in Jerusalem in the time o f Ben Sira was given a supra-historical and at the same time a rational basis. Granted, with this the universality of the influence of wisdom, which had originally been intended b y the hymns o f 1.1-9 and 24.3-6, was shattered; but this corre sponded to the whole tone o f Sirach's work. H e therefore bent round even this universaUsm in a significant way in i . i o b y supplementing with all flesh acOTrding to his distribution against its original meaning: and he supplied her to those who love him.
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thoi^ht exopn^yijoev avrrjv t o i s dyaJTOoCTiv
i6i
avrov.
H e does the same sort o f thing in 24.6b-8: in every people and (every) nation I ruled. T h e n follows the change: A m o n g all these I sought a resting place; I sought in whose territory I might lodge. T h e n the Creator o f all things gave m e a commandment, and the one who created m e assigned a place for m y tent. A n d h e said, ' M a k e yoiu: dwelling in Jacob, and in Israel receive yoiu: inheritance.' T h e violent break is dear i n both passages: the originally universal wisdofflt. becomes the possession of a limited number of elect, the people of Israel or the pious devoted to the law. A t the same time, an answer was given to the old mythological question whether wisdom sought a dwelling place on earth in vain and so in disappointment returned to her heavenly dwelling: she has found her a b i d i i ^ place o n earth in the T o r a h , which is entrusted to Israel alone. 3** Whether Ben Sira was the first to make this momentous identification or whether he took over even it from the wisdom school to which he was indebted is hard to say. I t certainly marks a climax in the composition o f Sirach's collection of sayings which represents the firuits of a lifetime's work (see above, p. 131), and this really indicates that h e was presenting ideas which had n o t long been in general currency. Perhaps the identification was first made in the circle of sdp'rtm around Simon the Just, who as high priest strengthened the national tradition (see above, p . i32f), a group standing close to Ben Sira. T h e motto ascribed to Simon in 'Ab. i , 2 similarly gives the T o r a h 'cosmic' significance: T h e world stands o n three things: on the T o r a h and on the (temple) cult and on works o f love, ^so Here the cult and works o f love are essentially included in the Torah. B u t we do not know whether this saying really comes from Simon the Just or his time. T h e beginnings o f an integration o f law and wisdom were certainly older; w e already have a pointer in this direction in Deut.4.6, where G o d ' s commandments are called the wisdom o f Israel over against the nations, and this becomes even more marked in Psalms i and 119, which were probably composed in the third centuryj^si b u t a decisive step has still to be taken before the complete identification in B e n Sira. According to von R a d the identification o f hypostatized, cosmic wisdom and T o r a h in Sirach 'has to be regarded as simply a theological conclusion already latent in principle in Prov. 1-9 and now come to maturit3r'.352 Without question, there is an inner logic in this development o f Jewish wisdom speculation, b u t w e should ask
i62
PakstinimJtidaistH
and the Hellenistic Age
whether a movement in this direction would have developed at all if it had not been fluthered by the necessity to ward off foreign influences. We must there fore agree with J. Fichmer, who sees the decisive motive force in the 'con-^ troversy with Hellenism': Over against Hellenism and its wisdom, a wisdom in Judaism could only assert itself if it approximated to the factor which played the decisive role in this struggle on the side of the Jews: the law . . . The significance of hokmd for the shaping of Jewish religion in the struggle against Hellenism and its aoia is not to be underestimated.^ss If the rejection of the cult of female deities marked the beginning, the continuation came with the controversy with the Hellenistic 'enlightenment' and its sceptical tendencies. On the positive side, at least at the end of this development. Stoic-type conceptions near to popular philosophy were taken up by Ben Sira. All taken together created that 'powerful conception of world and salvation history'^s^ which tenaciously influenced not only the Palestinian haggada but also the Alexandrian philosophy of religion and was itself of decisive significance for the development of christology. d) The Greek translation of Prow. 8.22-31 Understandably, contacts with philosophical thought-patterns increase where the boundary presented by the Greek language is crossed. Although on the whole one can discover only a few echoes of Greek popular philosophy in the Greek translation of the Old Testament, which itself came into being in close conjunction with the Palestinian tradition and in the case of individual books even in Palestine (see pp. looflF. above),^ss there are some exceptions. Thus G. Gerleman has demonstrated such popular philosophical features in the Greek version of Proverbs.^ss This was presumably composed in the first half of the second century BC and was more strongly subjected to Hellenizing influences than the translation of other books.^s' Above all, according to Gerleman, the translation of the predicates of wisdom in Prov. 8.30 zod^ekyeh 'es'.ld 'dmon by •^/iTjv nap^avTw apfio^ovaa shows an approximation to Stoic conceptions: 'Wisdom accommodates, brings into harmony.'^ss jq addition, however, the whole Greek translation of Prov. 8.22-31 is illuminating, espe cially as it deviatesfromthe Hebrew original. Wisdom was created or begotten (eKTiaev px 8.22; yewa fie 8.25) as the beginning of the work of God (apxfjv oSwv avrov 8.22) arid for his works («'? epya avroO).^^^ In that it is present throughout creation, as apfiS^ovaa it guarantees creation's perfection and purposeful beauty. It is therefore the ground of God's joy (eyJi rjfi-qv ^ npoaexaipev 8.30b) and shares in his joy throughout the whole work of creation ( k o O ' r/fiepav Se ev<^pai,v6fi-qv ev Trpoadmit) avrov ev rravrl Katpai), especially in God's joy at the perfection of his work and at men (ore ei^palvero rqv olKovfievTjv awreXeaas KOU evev^palvero evvlois dvOftdmcov).^^^ One could ask
The Encoimter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
163
whether the conception of wisdom as a kind of 'world soul' which w e akeady find in Plato's Timaeus and which was later taken over and transformed b y the Stoa is hinted at herc^^i W i t h the conception of the demiurge as a personal creator G o d , the Timaeus would inevitably come closer to Jewish thought than the Stoic identification o f G o d and world. A s in Jewish wisdom specula tion, the 'world soul' appears as the first and most excellent creation o f the demiurge (yeveoa Kol aper^ irporepav KOI TrpeajSurepav), which permeates the universe (SiA TTUVTOS ereivev),^^^ surrounding it and guaranteeing rationaUty and harmony to the corporeal world as an invisible mediatrix (avrq Se aoparos fjLev Xoyiafiov Se fierexovaa Kal apfiovias 'I'vx^ . . . dplarr] yevopLevr) T&V yewTjdevTwv).^^^ T h e divine father thus also delighted in the world soul that he had created and in its perfection (o yew^aas Trarqp, rfyax^ re KOX eu<j)pavdeLs);^^'^ the soul itself is begotten b y him as evSalfiova deov.^^^ T h e world created by the demiurge through the mediation of the world soul is a Koofios dX^qOivos and as such 'harmonious and good' (KOACSS- dpiioo6h> KOX exov eS).^"* T h e s e conceptions o f the world soul and the demiurge influenced not only the Stoa, where it was identified with the Logos,^*' but also Xenocrates, the pupil o f Plato, who gave them a more strongly mythological stamp. H e set the world soul as a feminine, inferior second principle alongside ' Z e u s ' , ' G o d the Father', who ruled in heaven as the nous: as the mother of the gods (firiTpds de&v) and dike, she is at the same time the 'soul of the imiverse' {ijrvxh Tot? navTos). A t a later date, in Plutarch, this Xenocratic world soul is identified with Isis, and R. Henze, the editor o f the fragments o f Xenocrates, already supposed that Plutarch had taken this identification from his sources. Leisegang with good reason sees in her one of the preludes to (the Gnostic 'Sophia'.^** W e might ask whether wisdom in Wisdom and Philo, w h i c h does not have such a strong mythological colouring, is not influenced from this direction.369 A s Plato, among others, also considers the possibiUty of an evil world-soul {Laws 896e-897d), there is also the possibiUty here of a fall o f Sophia.^'" T h e unknown translator of Proverbs is probably quite dose in time to the first known Jewish 'philosopher o f religion', Aristobulus, about 170 b c , who refers to Prov. 8.22fF. and perhaps already presupposes that it has been trans lated, ^'i A s Aristobulus expressly stresses that Plato knew M o s e s ' account of creation, even the Timaeus, which has the closest contacts with G e n . i,^'^ will not have been unknown to him. Whether and how far the translator o f Proverbs knew the Timaeus is hard to say. T h e analogies d t e d , of coiurse, are in no way suffident to demonstrate Uterary dependence; nevertheless w e can see how Jewish wisdom speculation and the doctrine of creation grew increasingly close to analogous Greek conceptions. T h i s can be seen for the first time in Aristobulus. e) Creation and wisdom in Aristobulus, thefirst Jewish 'philosopher' in Alexandria A t almost the same time as Ben Sira, w e find in this Jew from Alexandria a
i64
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
doarine of wisdom and of creation which combines inseparably his own sacred tradition with the thought-forms and ideas of Greek philosophy. According to II Macc.i.io he came from a high-priesdy family and in later tradition is called a Teripatetic'.^'s A. Schlatter pointed out that the theological views of Aristode, his acknowledgment of philosophical mono theism, his doctrine of God as the first unmoved mover and his clear and moderate ethic might well have influenced a philosophical Jew. 3 ' * But in Aristobulus we find an expUdt edectidsm with influence from no one school, and moreover the designation Teripatetic' was not used as a specific designation of a school in the Alexandria of his time.^'s N. Walter has recently provided an impressive demonstration of the authentidty of the fragments of his writings which have been p r e s e r v e d , w h i c h , according to the rather exaggerated judgment of A. Schlatter, 'are left to us only in a state of complete ruin'. 3 " They derive from an apologetic, didactic work presumably dating from 175-170 BC, addressed to the young Ptolemy VI Philometor (181-145 b c ) . 3 ' 8 They were intended to demonstrate that Jewish doctrine as presented in the Pentateuch, i.e. the Greek translation of the Mosaic law, represented the true 'philosoph]^' and did not contradict philosophically trained reason. Here a 'philosophical' support is provided to the correspondence of 'wisdom' and piety as taught in the wisdom schools of Judea, with the support of cosmo logical and psychological arguments. For him, the Jews are basically a nation of philosophers (see below, pp.255flF.): 'All philosophers agree that men must have sacred concepts from God; but our atpeais is most prindpally concerned with this.' Here Aristobulus employs a term which was commonly used for the different philosophical schools. A few decades later, the Letter of Aristeas out lines a similar picture of the seventy-two elders from Palestine, In his thought, Aristobulus proceeds from two basic presuppositions: I . If men are to understand the 'philosophical', real (vaiKaiveTai, fieyaXetov t i 8iaaa<{>(ov 8,10,5). Rather, one must try to reinterpret all the statements in the Pentateuch which are offensive because of their anthropomorphic form by allegorical interpretation, in order to preserve 'the appropriate conception of God' (TTJV apfio^ovaav hvoiav nepl Oeov 8, 10, 2), as Moses often uses obviously meta phorical concepts to describe physical circumstances (vaiKds hiaOiaeis 8,10, 3). Thus when the Pentateuch talks about the 'hands of God' it means his power; and the 'standing of God' means the existence and immutability of the
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
165
world that he has created ( 8 , 1 0 , 7 - 1 1 ) . Here, Aristobulus takes up the allegorical interpretation of myth from the Stoa or from Alexandrian philologists, though he still uses these methods in a very restrained way.382 Similarly, the 'descent* o f G o d on Sinai accordii^ to Exod. 19.17-20 should not be under stood locally, as G o d is omnipresent (rqv KaTa^aaiv
fir) romnrfv
etvai rroAnrj
yap
8, 10, i5).383 T h e appearances o f fire and the sound o f the tnunpet were, however, svunmoned forth b y G o d in a miraculous way without human intervention in order to prove his all-pervading majesty to the IsraeUtes (8, 1 0 , 1 7 ) . 6 deos iariv
2. For those ' w h o can think rightl]^' (oTs fiev oSv ndpearc
ro KOXWS voelv),
this law o f Moses, tmderstood 'philosophicall]^', is a clear indication o f the 'wisdom and divine spirit* o f its author (rqv rrepi ainov
oo^lav
Kal ro Belov
•nvevfia 8 , 1 0 , 4 ) , who is rightly called a 'prophet*. Greek philosophers and poets are also counted among those who revere him, and have taken over many ideas from him, as a result of which they are marvelled at. For Aristobulus, rationality. ,and inspiration do not exclude each other but belong closely together; they are not in opposition, because they both come from divine wisdom. Here we have the first beginnings of a doctrine of inspiration in Alexandrian Judaism, which is essentially diflferent from the later Philonic approach, but is closely connected with corresponding conceptions in Palestinian wisdom, e.g. that of Ben Sira.^^* Becatise 'right thinking* and the 'pneuma' are not exclusive, Aristobulus can adduce the 'hieros logos' of Orpheus and the well-known verses of the Stoic Aratus as wimesses to G o d ' s rule over the world.^^^ However, the inferiority of these to Moses is shown b y the fact that they 'have no holy concepts of God* and therefore must be corrected (13, 1 2 , 7 f , see below, p. 265). Pythagoras, Socrates and Plato, on the other hand, knew the much earher Torah which they already had in part in an older translation, and b y 'contemplation of the construction o f the world, with what care it was created is sustained b y God* (r-qv KaraoKevrfv
rwv
oXwv
awOeuipowres
aKpi^ws
VTTO Oeov yeyovviav
Kal
. . . 1 3 , I I , 4) W e r e led to the recognition o f the truth o f the bibhcal account o f creation. T h e r e could b e an allusion here to the Timaeus, as Plato has his doctrine of creation presented to Socrates b y the Pythagorean Timaeus. T h u s b y virtue o f its antiquity and the divine wisdom o f its prophetic author, the law of Moses is far superior to the doctrines of the Greek wise men and philosophers, who are dependent on it (on tiiis see above, pp.9of.,92). awexofievrjv
abiaSelnrojs
Here Aristobulus takes u p notions which in essence go back to the idea, favoured in the Hellenistic period, o f the Egyptian or even Phoenician origin o f Greek culture and philosophy, and which we encountered in a Jewish version in the anonymous Samaritan, Eupolemus and the romance writer Artapanus. Even the attempt at a rational or allegorical reinterpretation o f offensive passages will not be his own invention; presumably these efforts reached a first clunax with him.'^® T h e Jewish Alexandrian 'philosophy o f
i66
Pcdestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
religion' which later culminated in Philo, and whose results and methods were to a large extent taken over by the early church fathers, have their earliest really tangible representative in him.^^' In his doctrine of wisdom and creation proper, which is imfortunately preserved only in fragments, we find a unique combination of the resting of God on the seventh day and the creation of light on the first day with thepretemporal being of wisdom according to Prov. 8.22 and certain philosophical notions: God, who created the whole cosmos, also gave us the seventh day for rest, because it is wearisome for us all to sustain life. This could in reality (vaiKws) also be called the first (day and) the begetting of the (spiritual) light (ifxjoTos yeveais),^^^ in which all is comprehended (iv
owdetopeiTai). The same thing could also be transferred to wisdom, as all light comes from her (/jLeraxfiipoiTO S'av TO avro Kal €771 T^s aortas' TO yap
nav a)s ioTiv
e| avrijs);
just as some members of the Peripatetic
school say that wisdom has the role of a lamplighter (Xafiinijpos avT-qv exeiv To^tv), because those who persevere in following her find that their life continues long in a state of rest (dTopaxoi). But one of our forbears, Solomon, said more clearly and more beautifully that it was created before heaven and earth (Prov. 8.22f). Which corresponds with what was said beforehand. The first remarkable thing is the identification of the first and the seventh days of creation. However, for Aristobulus God was not subject to the ordering of time. The 'resting of God' on the seventh day did not mean the end of his work but only the 'fixing of the order of things', and the work of the six dajrs was to be tmderstood as the estabUshing of the course of time ('va t o u ? XP°V°^ StjAooctij) and of gradations within the created world (13, 12, iif.). In this way Aristobulus attempted to bring the Old Testament conception of the creation of God in time in accord with the Greek idea of the timeless activity of God. Not God himself, but only his creation is subject to the course of time. ^'^The individualfeast-dajrswhich have been estabUshed,andaboveallthe sabbath as a day of rest, appear as symbols of the divine ordering of the world. The astronomical discussions of the date of the feast of the passover also suggest a 'cosmic' significance of this feast, ^'i Thus the conception of the seventh day only makes sense when one recognizes its deeper significance: following Pythagorean, Platonic and Hippocratic ntimber speculation,*'^ j^g interprets it as the principle of the mtmber seven which orders the cosmos. By this 'the whole cosmos, with all its animals and plants, is moved' (St' ejSSo/xdScuv Se KOX ttS? 6 KoopLos KVKXeiTai T&V l,uioyovovpxvo>v
KOI r&v
above all in an organic and physiological respect, is shaped after the structiu:e of seven, which is for the eye that can see it the proof of the divine ordering of the world. But Aristobulus does not limit himself to this cosmo-
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
167
logical speculation; he goes fiirtiier and considers its utiUty for men. T h e seventh day is to be kept holy 'as a symbol of our "sevenfold Logos", to which we owe our knowledge o f human and divine things' (h>eK€v orjfielov TOV nepl •f/fjids i^SofjiOV \6yov iv <ji yvwaiv e^ofiev dvOpuynivuiv KOX Oeiuiv npaypLaToiv 13, 12, i2).39* T h e 'structure of seven', permeating and ordering the world, is also the basis of himian capacity for knowledge and wisdom. Here Aristobulus is evidendy taking over the Stoic definition of wisdom. I n a similar way, I V Maccabees, which comes from the beginning of the first century A D , describes 'wisdom' in good Stoic fashion as 'the knowledge o f divine and human things' (i.i6f.), but then qualifies it by defining it as 17 TOV vopuov naiSeia. F o r Aristobulus, too, right knowledge has ethical consequences, so that he ascribes direct 'saving significance' to the 'sevenfold Logos'. H e interprets the apocryphal verse of Homer, 'On the morning o f the seventh day we left the floods of Acheron' as a reference to the liberation o f men from the 'forgetfiilness' which aflBicts the soul corresponding to Acheron - and evil (KaKia) through the 'sevenfold Logos' which corresponds to the truth, from which 'we receive the knowledge o f the truth' (yvtSatv dhjOelas XapLpdvofiev 13, 12, 1 5 ) . O n e might suppose that here Aristobulus' thought was completely Greek: right knowledge also leads to right will, as it can rein back the power of the evil forces of the soul. But perhaps, in reaUty, he did not want to say more than the Palestinian wisdom teachers, that 'wisdom' freed men for right conduct and guided them ( c f 13, 12, lof.). And the significance o f the nine apocryphal verses relating to seven by Hesiod, Homer and Linus, which he quotes presumably from a Jewish-Pythagorean source, lies less in their proof o f the authority o f the sabbath commandment - this is only the con sequence - than in their confirmation of the cosmic and spiritual significance o f the number seven (13, 12, 13-16). Here we come fiill circle: the imiversal divine structural principle of seven which, as the 'sevenfold Logos',^** gives men true knowledge, is identical with wisdom 'from which all light comes', which according to Solomon, the Jewish wise man, 'was before heaven and earth', which the Peripatetic philosophers compare with a Ught and which gives the true sabbath rest to those who follow it, by making them aTapaxoi (13, 12, i o f ) . 3 9 7 This conjxmction o f 'wisdom' and 'primal light' is then taken further in Wisdom 7.22-26. B y and large, Aristobulus has fiised the original Jewish-Palestinian conception o f personified 'hokmd' as the consort of God at the creation o f the world with the bibhcal account o f creation in Gen. 1-2.43, laying special stress on Gen. 2 . 1 - 4 3 , with conceptions of Greek philosophical cosmology and epistemology, yet without giving up their specific features. Moreover, he does not attach himself to a particular philosophical _school, but in a free and eclectic maimer uses those ideas which in his view can be reconciled with the Jewish tradition. His understanding o f God as being omnipresent, not limited by space or time; his attempt to interpret anthro pomorphisms and to demonstrate a unitary divine ordering o f the cosmos
i68
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
embracing both the world and men, must be understood as ajx)sitive effort to adapt the traditional conceptions of the Jewish tradition to the spiritual demands of a new age. If the Jewish community was not to waste away in the isolation it had chosen, but was to assert itself against a superior civilization and go over to a missionary coimter-attack, it had to embark on this venture. It is not an insignificant factor that a large nimiber of the ideas which were made explicit in Alexandria had already been prepared for in the Palestinian Jewish tradition."8 What Ben Sira only hinted at was now made plain: 'wisdom' was comparable with the Stoic Logos, the law of the world or the world-soul. It was the spiritual principle of order and knowledge of the cosmos, recogniz able in the number seven and created by the supra-temporal and transcendent God. The individual man shared in this principle by right thinking (8.10.4 x o A i S s voelv) and the resultant right action; he had to direct his life by it if he was to be happy. It is imderstandable that in this approach the cosmologicalpsychological orientation came to overshadow that of salvation history, but as in pre-Christian Jewish understanding 'salvation history' predominantly im plied the exclusive limitation of salvation to Israel and its separationfiromthe 'peoples', in the more open drcles of the Diaspora a certain reorientation was necessary in the face of the missionary task which went beyond the narrow boundaries of the people. At this point, at a later stage - over against Palestinian and Diaspora Judaism - there set in the penetrating corrective of the eschato logical and universal message of primitive Christianity. The mythological and personal features of wisdom appear less prominent in Aristobulus than in Prov. 8.22, Sir.24 or later in Wisd.6.12-8.18 and in Philo (see n. 369 above); we do not even find here the unique connection with Israel, which was achieved in Ben Sira through the identification of wisdom with the law.3** Its place is taken by the identification of wisdom with the cosmic principle of seven, which had been revealed to Israel ip a special way through the sabbath commandment. This idea, too, essentially goes back to Palestinian foundations. Even in the Priestly writing the sabbath commandment is a universal sign of salvation, which affected the whole of creation; so the Priestly redactor in Exod. 20.11 grounded it in the rest of God, according to Gien.2.i-4a.*'"> According to the book of Jubilees, which originated in Zadokite and Essene circles towards the end of the second century, the sabbath, like the feast of weeks, had been celebrated in the heavenly world long before it had been enjoined on Israel by Moses, as it was regarded as an expression of the heavenly ordering of the world and of time. « i The 'Apocalypse of the Ten Weeks', which probably derives from the early period of the same movement (I Enoch 93 and 91.12-17), also recognizes a cosmic and noetic significance of the number seven. The great apostasy will begin in the seventh week of the world, and at the same time the elect will be gathered together, who receive 'sevenfold teaching about the whole of creation'.^o^ The number seven has similar supernatural significance in the heavenly sabbath liturgy of the
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
169
seven archangels, pubUshed by John Strugnell, where to some extent it represents the basic structiu:e o f the whole heavenly liturgy.''"^ Even the notion o f the special character of the primal light created on the first day o f creation was not unknown in Palestine, nor was the identification of light and wisdom; both appear in Tannaitic-Rabbinic and in apocalyptic literature; however, primal light was not interpreted in noetic and cosmo logical terms, but eschatologically: G o d himself has kept it for the time of the Messiah,*"* It is remarkable how in this way Jewish-Palestinian and Pjrthagorean-Platonic and Stoic conceptions are intermingled in Aristobulus. A t that time in Alexandria - and probably also in the wisdom schools o f Palestine (see above, pp. 8of. and l y i f . ) - ^ t i m u l i from Greek thought were probably not rejected, because in the end they merely demonstrated the superiority o f the older Jewish religion. However, while in Palestine after the Maccabean revolt the tendency to spiritual segregation from the non-Jewish world grew stronger in circles faithftd to the law, the best forces of the Greekspeaking Diaspora remained more open to their environment. I n contrast to the exclusive Zealot limitation of the sabbath commandment to Israel in the book o f Jubilees and the later Rabbinic traditionj^^^ Aristobulus dtes the oldest 'wise men' of Greece as chief wimesses for this 'law of life of the cosmos', and thus makes Pythagoras, Socrates and Plato confessors of an ethical mono theism which they had learnt from Moses. Behind these views there is no weakness which is prepared for assimilation, but a firmly based spiritual and reUgious self-awareness. Although the thoughts o f Aristobulus are preserved for us only in firagments, they suggest 'a bold and clear thinker as their author'.*"® Whereas in Palestine the universaUty o f the old wisdom tradition was constructed in the controversy with Hellenistic liberalism, it was taken ftirther in the Diaspora - albeit in a different form - and even later presented in more or less philosophical garb in works like Ps. Aristeas, the Wisdom o f Solomon, Ps. PhocyUdes, the forged sajrings of Menander and Heraclitus. Even i f these writings are addressed predominantiy to a Jewish pubUc or one that sympath ized with Judaism (see above, pp.69f.), they still raise the supra-national claim to represent true 'wisdom', true philosophy, and are thus at the same time anjexpression of the missionary expansion of Greek-speaking Judaism o f the Hellenistic and Roman period. T h u s they represented an ethical monot h d s m grounded in the doctrine of creation, to which the missionary preaching o f the early church could attach itself.
/)
Wisdom and Torah in Pharisaic and Rabbinic Judaism
O n the other hand, in the Jewish-Palestinian wisdom tradition positions hardened. T h e identification of cosmic hokmd and T o r a h made b y Sirach was maintained above all in that branch of the Hasidim from which the Pharisaic movement grew after the separation of the Essenes (see below, pp.224ff.) in
170
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
the Hasmonean period, say from the time o f Simon and John Hyrcanus I (143-134 or 134-104 b c ) . * " ' T h u s in 3.9-4.4, the book o f Baruch*"^ contains a wisdom psalm, originally in Hebrew, dependent on Sirach 24, which varies the theme of hidden wisdom known from Job 28, to the effect that wisdom remained hidden from the foreign rulers o f the nations, the Canaanites and Arab merchants, who are described as 'writers o f sayings' (p.vd6\(yyoC) and 'seekers after wisdom', and even from the giants o f earlier times. It was jcommunicated only to Israel in the form of the law: only now has it appeared on earth and conversed with men (i.e. Israel).*"» She herself is the book o f the commandments o f G o d and the law which remains to eternity. avrr] rj ^i^Xos rwv
KoX 6
vofjLOs 6
npoarayiidrwv
wrdpxov els TOV
Oeov alwva
(4-t, cf. Isa.40.8b).
Granted, even here an earher universalistic approach shines through, but this is deUberately changed into its opposite: the hjrmn o f wisdom comes to a climax in a call to repentance. Israel must repent and not allow the law, her Sd|a, to go to any aUen people (4.2f). W e can hardly be mistaken in seeing here polemic against all attempts to discover wisdom among alien nations, too whether Arabs or Greeks - or to communicate any of Israel's owii wisdom, the law, to non-Jews.*^" N o w i f wisdom, as the divine, pre-existent ordering o f the world, was at the same time identical with the T o r a h o f Israel entrusted to Moses on Sinai, a consequence arose which corresponded in an astonishing way with the Stoic, idea o f the unity of the world nomas and the moral law ordering the life o f the individual. T o accord with the 'cosmic' significance of the law, the pious man had to put it into practice without omission and without quahfication in his everyday life,*ii so that his whole life was dkected by it. O f exemplary significance here was the transference o f ritual Levitical holiness, which was a matter for the temple and those concerned with temple worship, to the whole life o f the faithful, including the laity. T h e realization o f this demand, which was also an Essene ideal (see below, pp.223f) and goes back to common Hasidic roots, probably led to the foimdation o f the first Pharisaic h'tOrot.*^^ In one way the whole world was G o d ' s sanctuary (<S 'laparjX, ws (leyas 6 OTKOS TOV Oeov Kal errt/x^/cij? d ronos rijs Krrjaews avrov Bar. 3-24), and there fore required constant holiness. T h i s idea also contains a mixture o f O l d Testament, Jewish and Hellenistic-oriental conceptions.*!^ A s here w e are going beyond the temporal limitation o f our work, w e can only hint at the farreaching consequences of the identification of wisdom as the ordering of the world and the T o r a h in a summary way. T h e development from Prov.8.22flf. via Surach 24 to the Septuagint o f Proverbs and Aristobulus could be described as a 'process o f rationalization'. T h e same is also true, with qualifications, o f the interpretation of wisdom in
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the Rabbinate.*!* T r u e , hypostatized hokmd endowed with mythological uaits did not disappear completely,*^* b u t it reueated behind the T o r a h which in the earUest Tannaitic uadition that w e can detect was already regarded as a pre-existent, first creature, standing nearest to G o d (with reference to Prov. S.zzflF.).*!* 'Wisdom surrendered her cosmic fimctions . . . to the Torah.'*!' Jq ^he parables, above all, the T o r a h could b e called directly 'daughter o f G o d ' , and here one may see a parallel to the designation of the Logos as the S o n o f G o d in Philo.*!* M o r e eflFective, however, were the conceptions o f the role o f the T o r a h in the creation of the world based on Prov.8.22flF.: For R. Akiba, its mediating role was taken for granted and presupposed as a generally recognized teaching tradition: 'Israel is loved, for to her was given an instrument (k'H) with which the world was created.'*!' R . Ho§a*ya from Caesarea, a contemporary o f Origen, summed u p the different possibiUties o f interpreting Prov. 8.30: pas is a 'master builder* Cihndn). T h e T o r a h declares: I was the instrument of G o d ' s skiU(in3aw ''Vs n"3j?n bw). When a king builds a palace, he does not do it himself, b u t with the help o f 'the knowledge o f a master builder' ( p I S nsia). A n d the master builder in turn considers plans and drawings: in just the same way, ' G o d looked mto the T o r a h ' (mina tt'-aa) when he created the world. T h e beginning o f G e n . i.i here was interpreted through the g'zerd sdzod in the light o f the re'sit dcar^ko o f Prov. 8.22 and the b^e'sit was understood as b'hohnd in the sense o f 'through the T o r a h ' , with the help o f which G o d created the world. *2o R . Hosa'ya was credited with creative, magic powers because o f his doctrine o f creation (Sanh. 67b). G . F . Moore has already demonsuated the parallels here to the Platonictype doctrine o f creation in Philo. Whereas there the Koa^ws vorp-os was created as a sphitual model o f the visible creation, among the Rabbis the T o r a h is the perfect model on which creation is based. Philo uses a similar image. H e compares the creator to a king who wants to found a new city and recruits the aid of a master builder who carries everything out according to an exact plan.*2! K . Schubert, w h o takes this u p , suesses that there is a real and deep-rooted analogy between the T o r a h as understood b y the Rabbis and the Philonic Logos.*^^ It is hardly likely that the Rabbis are directly dependent on Philo; rather, both will go back to earher common traditions. I n the close connections between Alexandria and Jerusalem in the second and first centuries BC there were many possibiUties for mutual influence.*^' T h e consequences of this 'ontological' understanding of the Torah, transposed into the cosmic sphere, were manifold and far-reaching: from the time o f Ben Sira, the Torah could be understood as a spiritual light that lightened men;*^* it lasted for ever*^* and was immeasurable ;*26 in its absolute significance it was regarded simply as 'the good'.*^^ T h u s it became the mediator of creation and revelation between God and the world. Here the development of a crude doctrine
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
of inspiration or better 'mediation' was a matter o f course: ' T h e whole T o r a h is from heaven', no verse may be excluded. In this way, however, its six hundred and thirteen individual command ments and prohibitions received a 'cosmic' significance gomg beyond the realm of the individual; they were 'materialized forms o f expression' o f the divine ordinance o f creation and salvation.'*^^ Each individual commandment, indeed each individual consonant possessed absolute importance; each deliberate or unintentional transgression o f a commandment,^ each omission o f a letter in copying the T o r a h meant in principle an attack on the divine structure o f the world, formed b y the Torah, for 'the T o r a h is indivisible'.^^" W h e n R. M e i r came to R. Ishmael (died AD 135) and gave his profession as scribe (of the Torah), the latter required of him the utmost care, 'for if you leave out a single letter or write a single letter too much, you will be found as one who desuoys the whole world'.**! According to R. Simon b . LaqiS (third century), the existence o f the world depends on the fact that Israel accepts the T o r a h ; otherwise the world would return to chaos (inai inn'7).*'2 A Baraita going back to R. Eliezer b . Hyrcanus (c. AD 100) concludes from Jer. 33.25: I f the T o r a h were not there, heaven and earth would not exist.' Even the laws o f heaven and earth (Jer. 33.25) are an ingredient o f the Torah {Ned.-^Ta). R. Bannaya expressed the ultimate consequence (towards AD 200): the world was created for the sake o f the T o r a h (min msta), a conclusion for which he refers to Prov. 3.19 (see above, p.157).*** From this there followed with logical consistency both the casuistic securing of the commandments b y the oral Torah, the hedge round the law,*** and the scrupulous fixation o f the text.*** A further necessary development was the unique valuation of the study of the Torah, for only on the basis of constant study was it possible to observe the commandments correctly. T h e demand for an uninterrupted preoccupation with the Torah was elevated to an extreme form. It comprises the foundations o f the tractate Pirqe 'Aboth.^^ T h a t it brought the highest reward in the other world was taken for granted. T h i s fact also explains the growing intellectual power of the scribes: they were the only authoritative exponents of the T o r a h , and as the 'wise men' had the key to the right understanding o f it and thus to the mysteries o f the present and the future world.**' T h e significance o f the scribe could almost be depicted with expressions which we also find in the thought-world o f Hellenistic mysticism. T h e T o r a h makes him great and exalts him above all things QAb. 6,2a). Taking up this statement, and on the basis of an allegorical reinterpretation of Nirni. 2 1 . 1 9 , R. Jehoshua b . L e w i (begmning of the third century AD) could say: 'Anyone who occupies himsetf with the study o f the T o r d i , behold, he goes ever higher. For it is said: 'From the gift (mimmattdnd) to the heritage o f G o d (naJj^U'el) and from the heritage o f G o d to the heights' (bdmot).
The Encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic Thought
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T h e conception o f tiie absolute authority and sufficiency of the T o r a h in all the realms o f human knowledge had as a consequence the fact that the halachic traditional material of the Pharisaic and Rabbinic schools which arose out o f popular custom and the practical U a d i t i o n o f the law had to be derived from the T o r a h itself with new exegetical methods taken over from Alexandrian philology. Apparent contradictions in the T o r a h were also removed with this help.*** T h e canonical books o f the 'prophets' and the 'writings' which were not part o f the Pentateuch, and the 'oral Torah', were in the last resort only indirectiy authoritative as interpretation o f the law given b y Moses.**' A n y understanding o f history as the sphere o f the revelation of the divine salvation was thus excluded. A s the T o r a h contained all wisdom, and the study o f it was not to be restricted b y any other intellectual occupation, converse with foreign writing not related to teaching, and especially Greek wisdom, was taboo and indeed partiy prohibited.**" Nevertheless, further aUen notions flooded into Judaism from a w h o l e variety o f sources, from popular philosophical conceptions to the darker levels of popular superstition and magic; indeed, the latter was considerably furthered b y the notion o f the cosmic significance o f the T o r a h and the unique power of the mysterious name o f G o d which it contained.**^ However, these aUen influences were hardly ^ felt to be such; they had already been 'fiased' into Jewish thought b y translation into the vernacular, and the Rabbis were far from seeing the truth o f the Mosaic law confirmed b y some evidence from the Greek philosophers, as happened often in Diaspora Judaism, which must be taken to include the Palestinian Josephus, who also claimed to be a Pharisee. T h e summons to constant study o f the law was matched b y the obligation o f the permanent fulfilment o f the commandments; the infinite extension o f the casuistic discussion beyond the individual commandments was based on the purpose o f making the whole o f the everyday conduct o f the pious conform with the Torah. Considered in this perspective, the pious Jew in the Rabbinic tradition was constantiy concerned, like the Stoic, 'to Uve in conformity with the law of the world'. T h e diflference was that he encoimtered this law not so much as an iimer norm but rather in the form o f countiess individual requirements expressed in minute detail.*** Y e t even the idea that the T o r a h was l a i d upon' m e n was not completely aUen to the Rabbis. In accordance with their concrete and pictorial way of thinking, it was manifested in the view, demon strable in various forms from Tannaitic times, that man was made u p o f 248 members and 365 veins, corresponding to the 248 commandments and 365 prohibitions of the T o r a h (Targ.Jer. i on Gen. i .27). A later Amorean tradition drew from this the practical conclusion: 'Each individual member says to m a n : I beseech y o u , do this commandment through me.'*** I n this way there arose the T o r a h ontology o f the learned Rabbis with its 'claim to absolutism . . . [alongside] the philosophical schools o f the age, and their attempts to
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Judaism
and the Hellenistic
Age
understand the world' (K. H. Rengstorf, TDNT 4,440). Here the ordering of the world and the law conformed with each other to the same extent as in Stoic philosophy.*** Most recently, J. Baer has drawn attention to the analogies between Jewish and Rabbinic thought and Greek philosophy. Thus, for example, he points to the early Mishnah Sanh. 4,5: God fashioned all men with the mould of the first man', and sees here a parallel to the conceptions of eikon and typos to be found in Philo of Alexandria.*** One might also refer to the com parison introduced shortly before, according to which the annihilation of a human life is equivalent to the annihilation of a 'complete world' (NVS Q VIS), whereas the dehverance of a man corresponds to the preservation of a complete world. Here man, as a microcosm, is the image of the macrocosm (see n. I l l , 499). It is still more significant that Baer relates the Rabbinic understanding of the Torah to the Platonic interpretation of the Logos. Like the Logos in Plato, the Torah is understood as a living organism, comparable to the work of a weaver. Dialectical discussion of it raises the learned man into a higher world. Philo had already interpreted concern for the law - which he identified with the divine Logos - in this sense. **s Granted, we may not make the Rabbis Platonists, but an analogy is there. Constant and intensive concern with the law as the divine plan of creation brings the soul of those who devote themselves intensively to it near to the divine world. Thus the cosmic understanding of the Torah could become the gateway to Jewish mysticism. We must therefore ask whether this understanding of the law does not involve a transformation of Old Testament conceptions of the historical revelation of God to his people, a transformation which is hardly less profound than that which took place in Jewish Alexandria with Aristobulus and later with Philo. Certainly the Pharisaic scribes were not aware of the influence of the Hellenistic spirit of the time on their thought and activity, and the Greek 'philosophers' and the 'Epicureans' were regarded as opponents.**' Never theless, this influence was effective not only in combining the divine ordering of the world and personal norms of life through the Torah, but also in the constant, unqualified suess on continuing study as the only certain basis for unobjectionable moral and religious conduct. A teacher-pupil relationship was formed in analogy to the Greek philosophical schools which included the chains of tradition (see pp. 8 i f above), the conception of a sacrosanct corpus of holy writings given directly by God or inspked by him, the development of a differentiated exegetical method and finally the adoption of a wealth of foreign views, both in the sphere of cosmology and in that of anthropology and eschatology, where there was any dependence on the legacy of the Hasidim and apocalyptic.*** In contrast to Diaspora Judaism, which, because of its more exposed position and consequent missionary tendency, never grew weary of stressing the universal vahdity ofthe law of Moses in an ethical interpretation,**'
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the Rabbis - apartfroma very few significant exceptions**" - stressed the exclusive revelation of the Torah to Israel. The peoples who had once been oflFered the Torah by God had rejected it.**! xhe goal of the education of the whole people in the Torah (see above, pp. 79S.), which is probably unique in the ancient world, was grounded here also. The Torah was not God's gift to the learned, but for all IsraeUtes. The 'pedagogic' penetration of broader strata of the people which ensued, coupled with growing intellectual isolation from outsiders, was a substantial reason for the preservation of the community of the Jewish people and their reUgion through all national catastrophes. On the other hand, they lost the sense of thefreeaction of God in history, since its eschatological aspect retreated into the bac^ound and wasfixedas a 'doctrine of the last things'. The Torah became an 'essentiaUy unhistorical entity'.*** The moment the RabbiiMte achieved itsfinalrule over Palestinian Judaism after Jabneh, the almost thousand-year-old tradition of IsraeUte and Jewish history writing came to an end. Even apocalyptic hterature gradually died out and was replaced by Jewish mysticism. Under the guidance of the Rabbis, the pious Jew found his satisfaction in preoccupation with what for him was the un fathomable Torah, unfathomable because it encompassed God's very wisdom itself. 6. The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic A) THE HASIDIM AS AJEZOISH PARTY AT THE TIME OF THE HELLENISTIC REFORM
At the begiimii^ of the Maccabean revolt in 167/166 b c wefindthe 'assembly of the pious' (AWAYAIYRJ 'AAISAUOV = '"DAT-H^SIDIM or perhaps even G'HAJ H<'SIDIM, I Mace. 2.42) as a clearly defined Jewish party,**' which resolved to join Mattathias and his sons in the struggle to preserve Jewish belief The initiative for this alliance presumably camefromthe Maccabees, who hoped to suengthen theirfightingforce considerably by the support of this suong group.*** As the group seems well organized at this time, the period of its origin will Ue at least a few years in the past. The name of the Essenes and the history of their origins could give us a hint here. Their designation probably comes from the Aramaic equivalent to the Hebrew HDSID, pious = H'SE' absolute, plural H'SEN = Greek 'EOARJVOL or determinative plural H''SQYYD = 'EOAATOI, a hypothesis which is strengthened by Philo's uanslation of 'EAAALOI as OMOI and thefragmentof a letterfromthe time of Bar Kochba, which probably calls the camp at Qumran the fortress of the faithfiil' (IJSa •pT'On).*** This suggests that the Essenes originated from the Hasidim.*** We can learn a httle more about the prior history of the Essenesfromthe Damascus Document. According to this, the assembly 'of the root of the plant ing' - i.e. presumably the Hasidim - is said to have taken place in the 'time of wrath', twenty years before the emergence of the Teacher of Righteous ness. As the Teacher and his followers most probably separatedfromthe
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temple in Jerusalem after Jonathan took over the office o f high priest in 152 B C , and thus founded the Essene movement proper, w e find ourselves putting the closer formation of the 'pious' at about the period between 175 and 170 B C , when the Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem was at its height.**' T w o apocalyp tic historical surveys in the book o f Enoch, the vision o f the beasts, coming from the time of the Maccabees, and composed even before the death of Judas Maccabaeus,*** and the T e n Weeks' Apocalypse from perhaps a rather earher date, indicate their formation at this time.**^ These 'pious' were significant for the religion of Judaism in two ways. F u s t , it has been thought that the author of the earhest real apocalypses, the book of Daniel, which was composed during the climax of the Maccabean struggle for freedom in 164 B C , before the death of Antiochus I V and the reconseeration o f the temple, is to be found in these circles. T h e earliest parts of the book of Enoch, which were composed at about the same time or shghtly later, may also have a similar o r ^ i n . A s the discovery o f a whole series o f Daniel fragments from Cave 4 Q shows, in the case o f Daniel we are dealing not just with one book, but, as in Enoch, with a whole cycle, probably backed b y a school.**" Secondly, the Hasidim are looked to as the common root o f the two most significant rehgious groups o f post-bibhcal Judaism, the Essenes, already mentioned, and the Pharisees.**^ O . Ploger has convincingly demonstrated that the Hasidim have a long history, going back from the closer collaboration born o f need into the third century and perhaps even into the Persian period. Perhaps in a way they were opposed to the 'official' Judaism, embodied in the priestly hierarchy and the rich lay aristocracy, who fijund their satisfaction in the presence o f G o d in cult and T o r a h and r e p r d e d prophetic apocalyptic conceptions with mistrust. In the conventicles o f the 'pious*, treasured more b y the simple people, how ever, the eschatological tradition o f the prophets was handed down and extended.*** Whereas from the middle o f the third century B C a large part of the priestly upper class and the lay nobility fell victim more and more to Hellenistic assimilation - not least 'as a result o f the non-eschatological and increasingly aimless attitude'*** - these groups, hitherto only loosely associated, developed ideas which then suddenly came to hght in the period o f persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes. Perhaps some references of individual psalms to the h''sidm, hke Ps. 149. i with the q'halh'^sidim, are to the conventicles o f these 'pious' at an early period, even if we may not assign these psalms to the Maccabean rebellion, as sometimes happened in the past.*** T h e Hasidim seem to be speaking above all in a wisdom psalm from Cave I I Q pubUshed b y J. A . Sanders.*** T h e striking thing here is the invitation: 'Assemble yoxurself as a community to proclaim his salvation ( i T s n n 1SW S'TinV i r r ) , and be unceasing in making known his power' (v. 4). According to this psahn, "wisdom* is no longer an esoteric possession.
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but is given for the proclamation o f the glory o f Y a h w e h to simple and uneducated people, since the praise o f G o d is as important as sacrifice. Here possession of wisdom is limited to the 'righteous' and the 'assembly o f the pious' ( D ' T O H Vnj?), at whose common meal it is present ( w . i z f . ) . It caimot be found either among the 'godless' (0''yi2n) or among the 'proud' (D''lt). T h e reference to the liberation o f the humble from the hand o f the stranger and to G o d ' s judgment on the nations outside Israel*** clearly demonstrates the threat posed by foreign rule. Language and style still lack the typical Qumran stamp and the parallels to Ben Sira are striking, though the latter lacks the conventide-like assembly and the almost missionary zeal. T h e editor is probably right in his characterization o f the work as 'perhaps . . . proto-Essenian or Hasidic from the period o f the "separa tion" '.**' T h e psalm also shows clearly that the 'pious', too, had wisdom schools, m which 'their meditatiop on the T o r a h ' (p-'Vs x n i M DXin^ v. 14) occupied a central place. In the other non-canonical psalms in this scroll the concept o f the a''T'DtT occurs several times. A verse in the Zion hymn points to the apocalyptic element: Take up a vision (ptn) (which) was spoken over you and the dreams o f the prophets (which) were sought out for you.*** T h e intensity of the eschatological hope is also dear in the same psalm: Great is your hope, Zion, that (the) salvation and the redemption y o u long for will come. Generation upon generation will dwell in you, the generations o f the pious (a''T'On) will be your glory, who wish for the day o f your redemption and look forward to the ftillness of your glory. T h e y suck at the bosom o f your glory (Isa. 66.11), and trip in your glorious sueets. Remember the acts o f faith ("'lon) o f your prophets and glorify the works o f your pious men (")''Ton). A t the same time, there is evidence o f a new conception o f man in comparison with the O l d Tesuiment, which tends towards a doctrine o f redemption and then finds its full expression among the Essenes: Forgive Y H W H m y sin, and deanse me from m y unrighteousness. Give me the sphit o f faithfulness and knowledge, and do not let me be brought to shame through unrighteousness. L e t Satan not rule over me, nor a spirit o f impurity. L e t n d t h e r grief nor evil desire (S"i i y , see pp. I40f) possess m y bones.**' It is probable that the comervative nationahst chcles which were represented b y Ben Sira and later b y the family o f Mattathias o f Modein, who was
lyS
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
descended from the lower priesthoodj came close to the 'pietistic' Hasidim because of the danger o f a Hellenistic alienation. I n the 'praise o f the fathers', Ben Sira, too, shows an express interest in the prophetic tradition and is the first to presuppose that the 'prophetic canon' has been closed. However, in his writing the main emphasis does not lie on any apocalyptic secret teaching, although he shares in the messianic expectation (see above, pp. I35f.); for him the prophets stand alongside the priests and the god-fearing kings as primarily the great representatives o f the national history o f Israel.*'" However, this common front was not joined for any length of time; it soon broke u p after the raismg o f the prohibition on the Jewish rehgion.*'! A n essential characteristic o f the 'pious' was their rigorous strictness in the law, which was already suessed b y the books of Maccabees and which goes far beyond the common sense o f a Ben Sira. T o understand the law rightly a man needs divine enhghtenment, and at the same time the Hasidic teacher o f the law receives an almost missionary commission: Grant me understanding, O L o r d , in thy L a w , and lead me in thine ordinances. T h a t many may hear of thy deeds and peoples may honour thy glory. (DJDJ I V , 71, col. 24, 8) T h e Rabbis later called the 'pious' the 'men o f the deed', nwVJS -TOM.*" It is probable that among their members were e.g. those fiigitives w h o would rather be killed than follow the command o f the king and desecrate the sabbath.*'* T h e fact that, unlike the Maccabees, they did not oflFer resistance on the sabbath at the begmning o f the persecution, indicates that they sur rendered unconditionally to the will o f G o d revealed in the Torah. S o a httle later they expected less from their own political action than from the miraculous intervention o f G o d , and strove for a rapid peace treaty after the restoration o f religious freedom.*'* I n D a n . 11.34b the seer already laments the fact that 'many join themselves to them from flattery' because o f the initial success o f the Maccabees - the 'httle help'. I n addition to the rigorous observation of the sabbath, which can be pursued in both the Essene and the Pharisaic tradition,*'* we find a no less strict observation o f the food laws. One example o f this is provided in Dan. i .8flF.: neither the fact that Daniel learns the wisdom of the Chaldeans nor that he enters the service of the heathen king causes oflFence to the Hasidic author o f the book, provided that he carefully observes G o d ' s commandment and does not take to himself any unclean food.*'* I I Maccabees 5.27 (or Jason o f Cyrene) reports the same thing o f Judas Maccabaeus, who ate only plants in the desert in order to remain pure, and who is portrayed as a member o f the Hasidim (14.6, cf. above, pp.97f), quite contrary to historical circumstances. A further feature that is maintained with Daniel and the Rabbinic tradition is their great zeal for duty, indeed their devotion to prayer.*" A final surprising thing in the book o f Daniel is the
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astonishing loyalty shown to the pagan rulers, a fact which cannot be explained solely b y saying that earher narrative traditions were adopted, because o f the unitary form o f the work.*'* For all their stricmess to the law, these 'pious' men allow themselves to be influenced more tlmn other Jewish groups by ahen conceptions -_as is shown b y the many non-Jewish elements in early apocalyp tic, as long as the encounter with the ahen envuronment does not lead to a denial o f the will o f G o d given in the l a w . * " However, the severe crisis caused b y the Hellenistic reform attempt brought about a substantial change in this attitude: after the Maccabean revolt the tendency towards spiritual segregation from outsiders grew stronger, whereas on the other hand the Hasidic ideal o f piety became dominant for the majority o f Palestinian Jews. T h i s strengthening o f their spiritual influence ran parallel to a far-reaching split in the Hasidic movement, which was brought about, among other things, b y differing attitudes to the new Hasmonean state. T h e apocalypse with the vision o f the beasts is akeady less positive towards Judas Maccabaeus than the book o f Daniel ( c f I Enoch 90.9flf. and Dan. 11.34). After the astonishing success o f the sons o f Mattathias, such a development could not be long in coming (see below, pp.29of.). It is very probable that in addition to the Essenes and Pharisees, there were other pietistic and conventicle-like splintergroups who emerged from the Hasidim but who are unknown to us, combining apocalyptic tendencies with a rigorous view o f the law.**" T h e assembling o f the 'pious' into a relatively closed commimity took the form o f a penitential movetnent. In retrospect, the Damascus Document describes the situation in the following w a y : A n d in the age of wrath, three hundred and ninety years after He had given them into the hand o f king Nebuchadnezzar o f Babylon, H e visited them, and H e caused a plant root to spring from Israel and Aaron . . . A n d they perceived their iniquity and recognized that they were guilty men, yet for twenty years they were hke blind men groping for the way ( c f Dan. 12.4b). A n d G o d observed thek deeds, that they sought H i m with a whole heart, and H e raised for them a Teacher o f Righteousness to guide them in the way o f His heart.**! In the vision o f the beasts in I Enoch, the newborn lambs, i.e. the Hasidim, call the sheep, i.e. Israel, to repentance, but the latter remain deaf and bUnd.*** W e also meet repentance for the sin o f the people in the penitential prayer inserted in D a n . 9.4-19, which has features akin to a pre-Essene Hasidic hturgy from Cave 4 Q.*** In the admonitions o f I Enoch 91-104, Enoch appears principally as a preacher o f repentance and judgment, in some wajre comparable to John the Baptist. Finally, the special significance o f the term 'repent* in the Essene writings may g o back to the Hasidic heritage.*** T h i s understanding of itself b y the movement is also matched by a radical view of history: for Israel the present, three hundred and ninety years after the surrender o f Judea to Nebuchadnezzar, is a 'time o f wrath'j*** for Daniel it
i8o
Palestinian jhidaism and the Hellenistic Age
appears to be 'a time of trouble, such as there has never been since there was a nation' (Dan. 12.1; cf 11.36; 8.19 and, m contrast, I Mace. 9.27). But the cause of this hes in the sin of the past, for seventy weeks of years were needed 'to finish the transgression, to put an end to sin, and to atone for iniquity'.*** According to the later symbohc apocalypse of the beasts (see pp. i87f. below), the return from exile and the estabUshment of the second temple made no difference to these circumstances, for the sacrifices oflfered in it were 'tainted and impure'.**' The Ten Weeks' Apocalypse, which is perhaps stiU older, is no less abrupt in its judgment on the time after the exile: And after that in the seventh week shall an apostate generation arise. And many shall be its deeds. And aU its deeds shaU be apostate.*** This general verdict - not on a minority of apostates but on the whole development of Israel from the exile, including the temple cult - shows the conventicle-Uke segregation of the 'pious' from the ofQcial cult community, though it did not exclude external recognition. It is best explained from the deep inner crisis in which the Jewish temple state was involved through the influence of Hellenistic forms of hving and thinking which had been effective since the third century BC, a crisis which reached its climax after 175 BC. The 'pious' projected theu: dismay at present condition* in Jerusalem on to the whole of Jewish history since the destruction of Jerusalem, so that this epoch was regarded as a time of apostasy which had now reached its climax and its end with the formation of a penitential movement. For according to the Ten Weeks' Apocalypse, at the end of the seventh week of apostasy 'shaU be elected the elect righteous of the eternal plant of righteousness, to receive sevenfold instruction concerning all His creation' (I Enoch 93.10). Thus the conversion of the 'pious' introduces the turn of the ages which begins with the eighth world-week. Here the contrast with Ben Ska becomes particularly clear. In a sharpening of the Chronicler's picture of history, he aUows only three pious kings in the pre-exilic period, David, Hezekiah and Josiah, though the Oniad Simon the Just, who died only a short period before, is praised in panegyric fashion.**' The righteous who 'receive sevenfold instruction' from God probably correspond to the 'wise' (tna^kilim) in Daniel,*'" and are to some degree the vanguard of the eschatological community of salvation. Here we come across the most significant spkitual contribution of these 'pious*: in their circles, Jewish apocalyptic reached its first climax. b) The first climax of Jewish apocalyptic Jewish apocalyptic did, of course, have a long prehistory, in essentials going back to Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah, but it wasfirstgiven itsfiiUform in Daniel and the earhest parts of Ethiopian Enoch. Granted, with some degree of justice Isa. 24-27 has been regarded as the 'earhest apocalypse*, but these chapters
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
i8i
stand closer in content and in time to the late prophecy o f the O l d Testament than to Daniel and I Enoch. T h e y may have apocalyptic features, but their form is not homogeneous and they lack a unitary picture of universal history. W e shall therefore concentrate above all on the last two works, leaving aside the later SimiUtudes in I Enoch 37-71, though it is clear that the boundary with the Essene writing which comes a httle later is a fluid one (see above, n.460 and below n.691). aa) T h e universal picture o f history in early apocalyptic Apocalyptic took u p the themes provided by O l d Testament prophecy, o f Y a h w e h as the L o r d of history, his judgment over the peoples, the hberation of Israel and the establishment o f the rule o f God,*'* and incorporated them i n a new universal, world-historical, indeed cosmic framework. In order to systematize and rationalize this drama of world history, writers made use of the widespread conception o f predetermined epochs o f history. However, the course o f world history was not thus made an immanent event with its own laws, but was strictly boimd in its individual stages to G o d ' s secret plan, resolved on by him in freedom, and had its goal in the eagerly awaited time o f salvation for Israel or for G o d ' s chosen faithful, which was expected to dawn soon.*'* T h e materials u s e d ' t o depict these new outlines of 'imiversal history' culminating in the time o f salvation were largely drawn from the mythological conceptions of the Hellenistic oriental environment. Although they were often very different in outward appearance, they did show an astonishing degree o f correspondence in certain basic features.*'* A n instance o f the problems involved here is provided by Dan. 2, where three different themes are combined in Nebuchadnezzar's dream or its interpretation: It is necessary to be careful in describing themes specifically as 'Hellenistic' or 'oriental', i.e. Babylonian or Persian or even Indian - and this apphes to the question o f the hisioncs^ derivation o f apocalyptic themes^in general.*'* T h e s e essentially vague designations should not be regarded as fundamental opposites, because the two often run into each other and can often hardly be separated at this late period. T h i s is all the more the case since the question o f the cotnmunication o f foreign themes - which must be distinguished from the question o f derivation - is neglected. A t the expense of a one-sided Iranian and Babylonian derivation,*'* it is probable that mediation through the receptive Greek-speaking Diaspora o f Egypt and Syria or Phoenicia has received too little attention. T h e cultural influence of Alexandria, Antioch and the Phoenician cities probably had greater eflfea in Jerusalem in the third and second centuries BC than a direct IranianBabylonian influence, especially as Babylonia and Iran were similarly under Hellenistic rule from the time o f Alexander the Great to the middle o f the second century.*" W e must therefore "reckon on the possibility that even originally oriental themes were mediated b y Hellenistic sources.
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1. T h e background to the giant statue incorporating the history of the four world kingdoms is probably the idea o f the representation o f the world or, in Daniel, world history, b y 'allegorical figures', or its portrayal as a 'microcosm . . . through the picture o f a great man'.*'* T h i s idea recurs in ancient astrology, Orphism and the Hermetica, and also in Iran.*'' 2. T h e notion o f the foxu: metals o f increasingly inferior qtiality: gold, silver, bronze and iron, as characteristics of the foxu: epochs o f history, may g o back to the end o f the second millennium and have been occasioned b y the change from the Bronze A g e to the Iron A g e . However, its nearest parallel is the portrayal o f the ages o f the world in terms o f metals in Hesiod, in the eighth century BC. I n addition, it can be found - albeit in a very late and less precise form - m late Iranian tradition, where a period o f steel replaces that of bronze. 3. T h e interpretation o f the dream vision in terms of four world kingdoms which are done away with b y the rule o f G o d and his people*"! parallel to the interpretation o f the vision o f the beasts in D a n . 7. A n unpubUshed firagment from 4 Q which presumably belongs to the Daniel cycle and probably symbolized the foxu: kingdoms b y foxu: trees, mentioning Babylon and Persia, belongs m this context.*"* Test. Napht.5.8, where 'Assyrians, Medes, Persians, ( ) Syrians' are mentioned as masters o f the twelve scattered tribes, and which probably also derives from Hasidic soxu:ces, shows that the knowledge of this 'world-historical scheme' was widespread in contemporary Jewish Palestine. T h i s collection also shows the anti-Seleucid attitude adopted (see E. Bickerman[n], J S Z , 69,1950,254f). Herodotus ( i , 95, c f 130), and later Ctesias, the physician o f Artaxerxes I I , already knew the whole scheme o f successive world monarchies.*"' T h e sequence o f Assyrians, Medes and Persians is presupposed b y Daniel, but for the sake o f the scenery he replaces the Assyrian kingdom b y the neo-Babylonian,*"* T h i s indicates an originally Persian view o f history, but the t w o historians mentioned above had long made this the common property of the Greek world. T h i s is indicated, for example, b y the fact that the scheme was xised b y Polybius in his portrayal of the lament of the yoimger S d p i o over the ruins o f Carthage in 146 BC, where he supplemented it b y the Macedonian empire.*"* A t an earher stage, in the first third o f the second centvury BC, t w o Roman annalists, the otherwise xmknown Aemilius Sxu:a and presumably also Ennius,*"* expressed the view that after her victories over PhiUp o f Macedon and Antiochus I I , Rome had entered upon the heritage o f the Macedonians and thus the foxu: kingdoms o f the world.*"' W i t h the central significance that the historical pictiure of D a n . 2 - together with D a n . 7 - has for the whole book o f Daniel, w e may hardly assimie that the narrative o f the vision o f the foxu: kingdoms and their supersession b y the kingdom o f G o d was already an independent entity before the origin o f the work and was simply taken over by the author. Moreover, not only 7.8,24 but
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also 2.43 point clearly to historical events near to the author.*"* D a n . 2 is not a popular miracle story, like the narratives in chs.3; 5; 6; behmd it, as in D a n . 7, there is profound reflection on the 'theology o f histor}^'. T h e story o f the foxu: great kingdoms presupposes the end o f the history of Israel as an independent nation through its loss of independence and the destruction o f Jerusalem; thus the foxu: kingdoms embody the period of the seventy weeks of years as a time o f wrath (see above, pp. i79f) and expiation (Dan. 9.24). O n e could therefore follow K . K o c h and speak o f a tripartite division o f world history in Daniel: 1. T h e time of history given by the sacred tradition from the creation of the world to 598 or 587 BC, in the centre o f which stands the national history o f Israel. 2. T h e time of the foxu: world kingdoms, which at the same time represents a certain decline, and in which above all the foxurth is associated with an extreme heightening of hxmian arrogance, which comes to a climax in the persecution of the faithful. It is followed b y ; 3. T h e time o f the 'eternal kingdom' after its destruction, in which G o d ' s saving plan with his people and with the world is consummated.*"' Whence do these themes originate ? It seems likely that the author knew the myth of the f o m periods of history characterized by the foxu: metals in a simpUfied popular form, widespread in the Hellenistic period, which essentially goes back to Hesiod. T h e anonymous Samaritan, who is not too far removed from Daniel, and the earUest Jewish Sibyl also seem to have known Hesiod. O n the other hand, there is no possibiUty of demonstrating an intermediate Babylonian stage for the Iranian myth.*!" T h e same is true o f the replace ment o f the foxu: world kingdoms by a fifth. It is a very artificial hypothesis to suppose that this conception reached Rome after the victory o f Magnesia in 190 BC from groups of Persian settlers in Asia Minor.*!! y^jy ^y Polybius and others suggests that it was a theme used often in the Greek historiography of the HeUenistic period. T h e Greeks of the mother country and Asia Minor hated the rule o f the Diadochi states just as much as the orientals, and for a short time Rome played the part of the restorer o f early Greek freedom for them. T h e author's detailed knowledge of the history o f the Ptolemies and the Seleucids in the third century BC shows that he was familiar with Greek history writing.*!* Even R o m e at that time was already in the Jewish field o f view, as is clear from the 'ships of Kittim' (11.30) and the con tacts made with Rome a Uttle later by Judas Maccabaeus (I Mace. 8), in about 161 B C Behind the portrayals of the beasts and the various persons in the judgment scene in D a n . 7, however, there is an abimdance of different conceptions, some Babylonian and Iranian, others North Syrian and Phoenician. W e need not go into them in detail here.*!* T h ^ author (or his school) had a great many possible variations on the pictiures and themes to be used, which were not
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limited b y any national or cultural boundaries. A l l this was used to express the almost 'encyclopaedic' learning o f early - Hasidic and Essene - apocalj^tic (see below, pp.207flF.). T h u s w e can easily demonstrate the knowledge o f ancient astral geography in D a n . 8.2-8, in which the ram represents the star of Persia and the he-goat which attacks him is the star o f Seleucid Syria.*!* These and possibly other astral allusions are all the more striking, as in Dan.2.2iflF. the influence of the stars on fate and history is denied, and G o d ' s omnipotence is proclaimed. A similar opposition can be found in a still more acute form in Qumran, where asttology is simultaneously rejeaed and practised (see below, pp.237fF.). Typical of the whole of apocalyptic and here especially o f Daniel, as o f the apocalypses of the symbolic beasts and the weeks (see notes 463-5), which come from the same period and the same circles, are the vaticinia ex eventu, describing past or present events of history in the form of a prophecy given in earher times, in order to strengthen trust in the prophecies of the apocalyptist as a sign of the divine determination o f history.*!* ^ t the same time, how ever, they are also an expression of his pohtical and historical interest. In Daniel they make up a large part of the work, i.e. chs. 2; 7 - 1 1 , and here attain classical form in the great survey of history in 11.1-39, which then goes over to 'prophecy' in 11.40-12.3. W e find vaticinia of this kind relatively frequently in the Hellenistic period, especially in Egypt. T h e most significant is the 'Demotic Chronicle' from the early Ptolemaic period, composed by an Egyptian priest, which claims to come from the time of king Tachus in 360-359 BC, and which proclaims in dark prophecies the further history down to the b ^ i n n i n g of Greek rule. Finally it announces the annihilation of Greek foreign rule and the estabUshment of the national state under a native ruler beloved o f Isis: Rejoice over the ruler who wiU be, for he wiU not forsake the law (col. 3,16).*!* In addition it claims to be the exposition of obscure oracles which in reaUty are only a Uttle older; the prophetic interpretation carried out sentence b y sentence is reminiscent of the Essene 'prophetic commentaries'. Finally, it has in common with Daniel and the symboUc apocalypse of the beasts the fact that it has in the background a national Egyptian rebeUion which has probably just broken out.*!' Probably very close to the time of Daniel is the abruptly anti-Macedonian Potter's Oracle, which is dated by its author back into the Eighteenth Dynasty at the time o f king Amenophis: According to this, such unspeakable suffering wiU be infUcted upon the 'girdle-wearers', i.e. the Graeco-Macedonian masters (lines 26, 33, 43, 49, etc.) that the sun wiU be darkened (i6f). T h e advent of a 'king from Syria, who is hated by all men' is presumably to be interpreted as Antiochus I V , foUowing Reitzenstein (3f.). T h e city of the 'gurdle-wearers' b y the sea, i.e.
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Alexandria, is laid waste and becomes a place where fishermen may dry their nets. The god 'Agathos Daimon' (i.e. Knephis-Chnum) abandons Alexandria and returns to Memphis (43flF., 50). Under a king who comes firom the east (from the sun ?) and from the supreme goddess Isis, Egypt experiences a golden age of abundance, 'so that those who have disappeared and died earher ask toriseagain (from the dead) to share in the good things' (65-71). 'For in the time of the Tj^honians (the followers of Tj^hon-Seth) the sun god was darkened'; but 'he will shme out again when he has brought pimishment to the gurdle-wearers for their evil and delinquency' (text of the last sentence follows P. Rainer, col. 2, i4f ).*!* The Messianic features in both prophecies are significant. A further xenophobic fragment of oracle sharply attacks the Jews as 'lawless' ( 7 7 0 ^ 0 v o / i o t ) ; they are to be driven out of Egypt by the 'wrath of Isis'.*i' Manetho had already conneaed the expulsion of the Jews firom Egypt as lepers at the time of Moses with an oracle dehvered to the king (Josephus, c. Ap. i, 232flF.). Finally, mention should be made of astrological 'predictions' as they are con tained in the standard work of ancient astrology, attributed to king Nechepso and the wise man Petosiris, which arose in Ptolemaic Egypt at about the same time as Daniel. Like Daniel 11, they are concerned, mter alia, with detailed accounts of political events in Egypt and Syria: 'When the sun or the moon grow dark in the constellation of the ram, the places of Egypt and Syria will undergo great distress and death; persecution and rebelhon will come upon the rulers of those places. And hosts will engage in battle and wreak conflagrations . . .' All the symbohc beasts are treated in this way and continually new catastrophes are forecast.**" ' Significantly, astrological 'prophecies' of a very similar form are also found in Qiunran (see below, pp. 237flF.). It is not improbable that Egyptian 'apocalyp tic', with its strong national colouring and its anti-Macedonian and xenophobic character, and its Jewish counterpart had a mutual influence on each other. But the parallels are not only restricted to Egypt. Both O. Eissfeldt and W. Baumgartner point out the numerous mostiy anti-Roman oracles firom Asia Minor and Syria, for which they assume a strong Iranian influence. A typical example - thoughfiroma later period - is the oracle of Hystaspes.**!^ How ever, one must also include in any consideration the Greek collections of oracles whichfloiurishedafresh under Alexander the Great. Varro knew ten different Sibyls in the first half of the first century BC alone, and others still more.*** According to Suetonius (Augustiis 31, i), Augustus, on taking over the ofl&ce of Pontifex Maximus in 12 BC had over two thousand anonymous oracles (or oracles written by Uttie-known authors) in Greek or Latin colleaed and burnt; he made a selection only of the Sibylline books. Thus 'political prophecy' could become a danger to the state. One instance of this is provided by Eunus the slave king from Apamea in Syria in the Furst
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Slave W a r between 136 and 132 BC in Sicily. H e claimed to have received information about the future from the gods in a dream, and indeed that the gods had appeared to him while he had been awake (eypriYopoTcus 6eovs opwv . . . Kal avTwv oKoveiv TO. fieXXovra). Finally, he prophesied in ecstasy and claimed that the Syrian goddess had prodaimed to h i m that he would become king. I n the rebelhon which now followed, and which was at first surprisingly successful for Eunus and his followers, the slaves attempted to put into practice a kind of Utopian kingdom of sodal righteous ness. T h e slave revolt o f Andronicus in Pergamon after 133 BC also had sodal-utopian features.523 It was an exceptionally skilftil move when, about two decades after Daniel, a nationalist Jew of the Egyptian Diaspora mixed his apocalyptic pictures o f the future with vaticinia ex eventu in the archaic garb o f Sibylline prophecy and thus created a successful means o f Jewish propaganda. From now on, Jewish apocalj^tic could develop its eflfectiveness in the Diaspora also. A fiirther example o f pohtical 'prophecy* in the Hellenistic sphere is provided b y the 'Peripatetic' Antisthenes of Rhodes, a contemporary of the author o f Daniel ftom the first third o f the second century BC, in his portrayal of the Roman expedition against Antiochus I I I . According to him the Syrian cavah7 commander Buplagus rose from the dead (avia-n). . . IK T&v v€Kp&v) and prophesied on the battlefield o f Magnesia - like the PamphyUan Er in Plato's Repubhc (614b) - in hexameters the vengeance of Zeus on Rome. A great host would fall on Italy and bring an end to Roman rule - a prophecy which was confirmed b y the oracle at Delphi when the Romans approached it. Still more miraculous were the 'prophedes' o f the Roman consul Pubhus in the camp of Naupactus; they foretold the aimihilation of Rome by a tremendous host from the East under a king of Asia. A s a vaticinium ex eventu he added in prose the fiirther course and outcome of the expedition against Antiochus I I I and aimounced his own impending death. T o m to pieces b y a wolf, the head, separated from the body, dehvered an oracle in verse form at the behest of Apollo and depicted the kilUng of the Romans who were capable of bearing arms and the exile of the women and children to Asia. Oracles of this kind also played a significant role in the Mithridatic wars and in the Jewish war o f AD 66-70. Particularly i n the pohtical sphere, Jewish apocalyptic made contact with its environment, adopted ideas from it and in t u m influenced it.*** Nevertheless, despite all the parallels there is a quite substantial difference in the non-Jewish hterature of prophecy and oracle in the Hellenistic period. T h e Egyptian and Greek 'prophedes' as a rule deal with limited periods o f time, often without a deeper religious background. Above all, there is n o . portrayal of world history, no picture of history that takes in the whole cosmos, directed towards the realization of the divine plan and the imminent dawn o f the future time o f salvation. T h u s the visions painted in the colours o f Hellenistic oriental mythology serve to present world history 'as one and as
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a whole', m such a way that the whole of history 'is directed from the beginning towards salvation at the end o f history".*** T r u e , in Daniel imiversal history is visible only in a particular period - albeit a decisive one - as he did not incorporate primeval times and the national history of Israel and even hints at the time of salvation rather than stating it exphcitly (2.44J 7.27; 9.24; I 2 . i f ) . B u t the fragments of a Daniel apocryphon from 4 Q which embraces world history from the beginning to the consummation, and the apocalypse o f the symbohc beasts in I Enoch 85-90, which must have been composed only a httle later, before the death of Judas Maccabeus (see above, n. 458), both show that a total view of history underhes the partial aspect found in Daniel. According to this, world history is divided into three, or better four epochs: i . the primeval period from A d a m to Isaac (I Enoch 85-89.12), for u p to him, the father of the hated Esau and the tribal patriarch Jacob, the history o f the nations and that of the chosen people cannot be separated. 2. T h e history o f Israel as G o d ' s chosen people from Jacob to the deUvery o f the people by the ' L o r d of the sheep' to the seventy shepherds. Here there emerges for the first time the conception of the seventy peoples of the world and t h e k 'guardian angels': Israel is surrendered to t h e k power because of its sin. Perhaps here there was originally the idea o f the scattering o f the people among the seventy peoples of the world**' - i.e. likewise a universal feature. However, the apocalyptist associated the seventy angels or shepherds o f the nations with Daniel's seventy weeks o f years (Dan. 9), and assigned to each a fixed and determined time span (89.65; 90.5, etc.) A k e a d y in Daniel one can see the tendency, noted above, to systematize the course o f history. T h e idea o f the angels of the nations is not unknown in Daniel ( i o . i 3 f , 20). W e may follow Bertholet in seeing them as 'dispossessed gods of strange peoples', who like the satraps o f the Persian king sometimes fight among themselves and act contrary to the orders of t h e k supreme master, to be punished later b y him. T h e national gods of the pagans are thus given a rational interpretation. T . F . Glasson points out two remarkable parallels to the idea of the angels of the nations: according to Plato, Laws ji^cfd, BLronos did not set men as rulers over the 'poleis' o f men 'but daimones, like gods and o f better origin', in the same way as herds are led by men and not b y animals. In Critias i09b/c, the gods divided u p the earth and its inhabitants by lot, to rule over men as shepherds over t h e k flocks.*** H . Gressmaim points to the assignation of the peoples by BLronos to different gods, l i e Attica to Athene and E g y p t to T h o t h m Philo o f Byblos.**' T h e first period of rule in the 23 shepherd periods begins with the conquest of the northern kingdom by Assyria and ends with the return from exile under Cyrus (89.65-71); the second with 12 'shepherds' extends to the end o f the Persian kingdom (89.72-77). T h e t h k d brings about a sharpening o f the oppression of Israel, corresponding to the gruesomeness o f the fourth beast in D a n . 7.7, 23, which incorporates the Macedonian kingdom. It again contains
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23 'shepherd periods' down to the change of rule in Palestine from the Ptolemies to the Seleucids (90.2-6). The foxurth, with the last twelve periods, concerns the Seleucid kingdom. In this last and - as in Daniel - worst period the Hasidim appear for the first time as 'Uttle lambs', whose 'eyes are opened'; they call to the other sheep, but these do not Usten in theur deafness (90.6f). Only with the appearance of Judas Maccabexis as a 'Uttle goat' with 'a large horn' who bitterly defends himself against the Macedonian 'eagle' and the Seleucid 'raven' are the eyes of the sheep opened, and the valiant goats rxm to him (90.9-13, see p. 179 above). Now foUow the real events of the end. Furst as in Dan. 12.1 - Michael comes to the help of the sheep, and then the lord of the sheep himself, whom Michael had informed of the wickedness practised by the last twelve shepherds - i.e. in the Seleucid era. The sheep are armed with a 'sharp sword' and wage a last, holy war against 'all the beasts of the field'. One is thus given the impression that the sxurprising success of Judas against the various Seleucid armies was regarded by some of the 'faithful' as a prelude to the final eschatological struggle. Indeed, it seems as if the conception of this struggle which received its final form in i Q M was now first developed.*'" Here, too, is the real difference firom Daniel, where God brings in his kingdom all by himself (see above, p. 183). There follows the judgment on the fallen star angels of Gen. 6 (see below, p. 232) and the 'blinded sheep', i.e. the countless apostate Jews (see below, pp. 288f.), who are thrown into afierysea. The beasts and the burds subjea themselves to the sheep, the sanctuary is purified and renewed, and all resort to it; the martyrs rise again (cf Dan. 12.2, see below, pp. i96f), the Diaspora returns, the Messiah is born and finally aU the beasts not only the sheep or Israel - are changed back into theur perfea primal form of the patriarchal period; they become 'white bulls', like the pious fathers from Adam to Isaac (90.19-42). Thus at the end of history is restored again what Ben Sira called the incomparable 'splendoxur' of Adam and the Essenes the glory of Adam.*'i The apocalypse ends, taking up the xmiversal prophecies of salvation firom Old Testament prophecy - and despite aU the Zealot featiures occasioned by the warlike character of the Maccabean period - with a portrait of salvation for all mankind which breaks the bounds of all national limitations (cf. I Enoch 10.21). It is remarkable how, as in Daniel (10.13,2of; 12.1) and in various Essene writings, especially the War ScroU and the newly pubUshed Melchizedek firagment firom 11 Q, it is not the Messiah but Michael who plays the role of an eschatological spokesmen and bringer of salvation.*'* But even he, the angel who is entrusted with the salvation of Israel and who perhaps goes back to a depotentiation of the Canaanite-Phoenician God Mikal,*" is not the centre of the eschatological drama; this is rather determined by God's plan for history with his people and aU the nations, in which the eschatological figures of salvation only have limited functions. The Ten Weeks' Apocalypse in I Enoch 93.1-10 and 91.12-17 (see above.
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
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N . 4 5 9 ) IS SUBSTANTIALLY SHORTER. I T DOES NOT DISPLAY THE SAME ABRUPTLY ANTISELEUCID ATTITUDE AS I ENOCH 8 5 - 9 0 AND WAS THEREFORE COMPOSED PERHAPS BEFORE THE BEGINNING OF THE REHGIOUS DISTRESS AND THE FREEDOM FIGHT. I T IS THEREFORE DIVIDED MORE ABRUPTLY INTO TEN WORLD WEEKS, OF WHICH SEVEN RELATE TO "WORLD HISTORY' PROPER. T H E Y END WITH THE APOSTASY OF THE MAJORITY OF THE PEOPLE AND THE ILLUMINATION OF THE 'ELEA RIGHTEOUS'. I N THE OTHER THREE THE TIME OF SALVATION DEVELOPS STAGE B Y STAGE; AT ITS CONSIMMIATION IN THE TENTH WEEK A 'NEW HEAVEN' ( I S A . 6 5 . 1 7 ; 6 6 . 2 2 ) AND ' M A N Y COUNTLESS WEEKS TO ETERNITY I N GOODNESS AND RIGHTEOUSNESS' ARE TO B E FOUND. I N THESE PARTS OF I ENOCH, WHICH ARE PROBABLY THE EARHEST, THE detenninism and periodization OF THE WHOLE OF WORLD HISTORY EMERGES MORE STRONGLY THAN IN THE BOOK OF DANIEL, WHICH ONLY ENCOMPASSES ONE PERIOD: FOR EVERYTHING SHALL COME AND B E FULFILLED; AND ALL THE DEEDS OF M E N IN THEIR ORDER WERE SHOWN TO M E ( I ENOCH 9 0 . 4 1 ) . T H E DIVISION OF HISTORY INTO EPOCHS, TOGETHER WITH A DEGREE OF CHRONOLOGICAL ORDERING, IS AKEADY INDICATED - AS A SIGN OF A RATIONAL AND SYSTEMATIC APPROACH TO HISTORY - IN THE Priestly writing, WHICH COMES FROM THE EARLY PERSIAN PERIOD. T H I S , HOWEVER, FINDS ITS CULMINATION IN THE LAW GIVING AT SINAI AND IN THE CON QUEST, AND DOES NOT CLEARLY ENVISAGE THE ESTABUSHMENT OF AN ESCHATOLOGICAL KINGDOM OF G O D . * ' * O N E MIGHT PERHAPS SAY THAT HASIDIC APOCALYPTIC C O M BINED THE SYSTEMATIC VIEW OF HISTORY HELD IN PRIESTLY WISDOM WITH AN ESCHATOJOGY DETERMINED B Y THE PROPHETIC TRADITION. I N ITS ESSENE BRANCH IN PARTICULAR, THE PRIESTLY AND ZADOKITE ELEMENT IS CLEARLY VISIBLE AMONG THE H A S I D I M . A TYPICAL EXAMPLE OF THIS IS GIVEN IN THE STRESS ON PRIESTLY PRIVILEGES IN THE HASIDIC OR EARLY-ESSENE TESTAMENT OF L E V I , WHICH
IS COMPOSED THROUGHOUT I N
APOCALYPTIC STYLE (SEE BELOW, P . 2 0 5 ) . * ' * I T SHOULD NOT THEREFORE B E ASSUMED THAT THE WHOLE OF THE PRIESTHOOD FEU VICTIM TO THE HEUENISTIC 'ENLIGHTENMENT'; NOR SHOULD THE OPPOSITION BETWEEN THEOCRACY AND ESCHATOLOGY WORKED OUT B Y O . PLOGER B E M A D E ABSOLUTE. POSSIBLY THE PRIESTLY GROUP CAME MORE INTO THE FOREGROUND AMONG THE ESSENES AND THE LEARNED LAITY OF THE HASIDIC MOVEMENT AMONG THE LATER PHARISEES. I N THE ESSENE BOOK OF JUBILEES, THE CHRONOLOGICAL BEGINNINGS OF P AND CERTAIN THEOLOGICAL INSIGHTS ARE ELABORATED TO AN ULTIMATE DEGREE OF PERFEC TION; ONE NEED ONLY THMK OF THE COSMIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SABBATH C O M MANDMENT (SEE P . 1 6 8 ABOVE). I N ADDITION, THE 'SYSTEM' OF THE WEEKS OF YEARS AND JUBILEES INCLUDING THE IDEA OF A PERFECT 'HEAVENL}^' ORDERING OF FEASTS IS GIVEN AN ASTRONOMICAL GROUNDING IN THE ESSENE SUN-YEAR. O N THE OTHER HAND, THE BOOK OF JUBILEES IS CLOSELY CONNECTED WITH THE ENOCH TRADITION AND IN ITS HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK ALSO INCORPORATES THE ESCHATOLOGICAL CONSUMMATION, THE 'NEW CREATION' IN THE FORM OF PROPHETIC VISIONS FOR THE PATRIARCHS.*^^
I N ADDITION, THE differences BETWEEN THE early - HASIDIC - FORMS of apocalyptic AND ITS ELABORATION AT A LATER PERIOD SHOULD NOT B E OVERLOOKED:
190
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
1 . T h e r e are n o d k e a a n d clear details a b o u t t h e total course o f t h e w o r l d s u c h as w e r e v e r y w i d e s p r e a d i n t h e a s t r o l o g i c a l s p e c u l a t i o n o f t h e g r e a t w o r l d y e a r , i n I r a n i a n e s c h a t o l o g y (see b e l o w , p . 1 9 1 ) , i n J e w i s h a p o c a l j ^ t i c from t h e e a r l y first c e n t u r y a n d i n t h e R a b b i n a t e . I t r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n w h e t h e r t h e y w e r e a l r e a d y i n t h e b a c k g r o u n d as s e c r e t t e a c h i n g . T h e s e v e n t y w e e k s o f y e a r s in D a n i e l e n c o m p a s s o n l y a period, t h e t i m e o f particular temptation after t h e destruction o f Jerusalem, a n d t h e t e n V e e k s ' o f I E n o c h 93 a n d
91.12-17
c a n n o t b e fixed d e f i n i t e l y i n c h r o n o l o g i c a l t e r m s . * * ' 2 . T h e p a i r o f o p p o s i t e s , "the p r e s e n t a e o n ' a n d ' t h e c o m i n g a e o n ' , k n o w n to us
from
t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t , a r e still a b s e n t i n t h i s f o r m . * * * C e r t a i n l y
t h e r e is k n o w l e d g e o f t h e
fiiture
a n d eternal k i n g d o m o f G o d ( D a n . 2.44),
w h i c h w i l l b e g i v e n t o h i s p e o p l e ( 7 . 1 8 , 2 2 , 2 7 ) , b u t t h i s k i n g d o m o f G o d is a t the same time a k e a d y present (3.33; 4 . 3 1 ; 5.21J 6 . 2 6 f ) ; the T e n W e e k s ' A p o c a l j ^ s e a n d t h a t o f t h e s y m b o U c beasts also s h o w t h a t there w a s a t e n d e n c y to divide world history into several periods rather than into t w o . 3 . T h e D a v i d i c M e s s i a h still h a r d l y p l a y s a n y p a r t as a n e s c h a t o l o g i c a l r e d e e m e r figme ( I E n o c h 9 0 . 3 7 ^ ) ; t h e r e is m o r e e m p h a s i s o n t h e p e r s o n o f t h e 'heavenly redeemer' M i c h a e l , b u t even he has only a limited function. G o d ' s action itself occupies a central position. 4. T h e r e is n o r e a l d u a h s m : G o d is t h e u n q u a l i f i e d L o r d o v e r t h e w o r l d a n d its h i s t o r y . E v i l is c a u s e d b y t h e d i s o b e d i e n c e o f m e n ( I E n o c h 98.4flF.), o f t h e n a t i o n s as o f I s r a e l . T h e f a l l o f t h e a n g e l s a c c o r d i n g t o G e n . 6 . 1 - 4 ^ n d t h e d e m o n s w h o d e r i v e from t h e m ( I E n o c h i5.8flF., s e e p . 2 3 0 b e l o w ) c e r t a i n l y represent an accentuation, in view o f the a u t o n o m y o f the angels o f the nations a n d the godless world powers, b u t everything happens with G o d ' s will to purify a n d test his creatures, a n d especially his people.*** T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f a deos
TOV atwvos
TOVTOV ( I I C o r . 4 . 4 ; c f
E p h . 2 . 2 ; John 12.31) would
still
have been hardly conceivable. Significantly, the fallen angels a n d t h e k rulers S e m y a s a a n d A s a e l c a n n o t w o r k freely o n t h e e a r t h . R a t h e r , A s a e l is b o u n d b y R a p h a e l a n d b r o u g h t to a place o f p i m i s h m e n t in t h e wilderness, a n d S e m y a s a w i t h his c o m p a n i o n s is f e t t e r e d b y M i c h a e l a n d h e l d i n t h e d a r k n e s s u n t i l t h e j u d g m e n t (I E n o c h 1 0 . 4 - 1 2 ; c f fragment
chs. i f f ;
1 8 . 1 1 - 1 9 . 3 ; 2 1 ; and the
final Noah
in I E n o c h 6 7 ) . T h e a n a l o g y t o t h e fall o f t h e T i t a n s i n G r e e k
m y t h is c l o s e r t h a n I r a n i a n d u a h s m ( s e e b e l o w , p p . 2 3 o f ) ; e s p e c i a l l y a s t h e fallen angels, like A e s c h y l u s ' P r o m e t h e u s , revealed c e r t a m cultural benefits a n d secret k n o w l e d g e t o men.**" J t w a s e a r l y E s s e n i s m w i t h its d o c t r i n e o f t h e t w o s p i r i t s , d e v e l o p e d u n d e r Iranian
influence,
that
brought about
a
duaUstic
sharpening
of
Jewish
a p o c a l j ^ t i c (see b e l o w , p p . 2 i 8 f l F . ) a n d t h e s p e c u l a t i v e d e r i v a t i o n o f e v i l
from
one power, in principle anti-godly, t h o u g h it was created b y G o d . * * i
The
u s u a l d e s i g n a t i o n o f a p o c a l j ^ t i c as ' d u a h s t i c ' n e e d s t o b e c o r r e c t e d , a t l e a s t as f a r as
its e a r l y f o r m s
are concerned.
R u b e r ' s assertion
that
'apocal3^tic
THE HASIDIM AND THE FIRST CLIMAX OFJEWISH APOCALYPTIC
191
(eschatological beUef) is essentially built on elements o f Iranian duahsm' must necessarily lead to a distorted picture.*** It might be asked how far the apocalyptic SCHEMATIZATION OF WORLD HISTORY has j t s origin or at least its parallels in extra-Jewish sources. T h u s Bousset and Gressmann combine the concept 6 ALWV 6 /xcyas*** which appears in the early angelological book I Enoch 1 6 . 1 , and I Enoch 1 8 . 1 6 ; 2 1 . 6 , where the time o f the punishment o f certain angels is given as ten thousand years, with the conception o f the 'great world year'. Granted, the time o f the punishment o f these angels probably has another backgroimd (see below, p.201), but w e must enquire whether and how far the 'great year* was significant for the apocalyptic author o f I E n o c L Bultmann goes one step fiirther and sees in the apocalyptic picture o f history as it is presented, say, in Daniel, a historicizing transformation o f the cosmological myth o f the eternal return: 'the cosmic world-year is . . . reduced to the history o f the world'.*** T h e conception o f the 'GREAT WORLD-YEAR', which comes to an end with the meeting o f all the comets at their startmg point, appears similarly in Greece, Babylonia and India.*** T h e earUest direct Greek wimess to this is Plato (TIM. 39c/d), but according to Eudemus, a pupil o f Aristotle, it was already taught b y the Pythagoreans in conjunction with the doctrine o f the eternal return. In view o f the firagmentary tradition, it is difficult to say whether HeracUtus knew it, and i f so to what degree.*** A m o n g the Pythagoreans this notion was probably based on their behef in the divinity o f the stars and the perfection o f theur movements. ' T h e repetition o f the circuit o f the planets thus necessarily brought about a repetition o f historical events on earth.'**' Alongside the world year Plato also knew the myth o f the periodically recurring catastrophes which were caused by the deviations o f stars firom their courses (7i!»i.22b/23c, c f LAWS 676S.). In addition, in STATESMAN 269C/274*** the conception o f a periodiral fall o f the world and humanity and their restoration appears. It is brought about b y the fact that the demiurge alternately leaves the world to itself, i.e. to its own contrary movement, and then again takes over personal control o f its perfect movement. O n the other hand, the Pythagorean doctrine o f the eternal return is not accepted b y Plato (REPUBLIC 10, 617a). However, according to Censorinus, Aristotle does not seem to have connected the world year and periodicaUy recurring catastrophes with each other.**' T h e Stoics, among whom the idea o f the eternal return played a decisive role because o f theur deterministic view o f the world and their high valua tion o f Chaldaean astrology - it was at the same time an expression o f the perfection o f the world - had it consummated by EKPYROSIS.^^" A s has been demonstrated in particular by B . L . v. d. Waerden, the conceptions o f the world year, the alternating catastrophes for the world and the eternal return - as indeed the whole o f Pythagorean mathematics and astronomy - go back to the knowledge o f the Babylonian priests and wise men.**^ T h i s is shown INTER ALIA b y the fact that (Ps.) Berossus also knows the combination o f the great world year and tfie alternating
192
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
catastrophes o f fire and water with astronomical signs. T h e theme o f the burning o f the world could therefore derive firom Iranian influence.*** T h e observations o f Babylonian astronomers about the regularity and calculabihty o f heavenly events in the firmament, which were combined with earher conceptions o f the world simraier and the world winter and led to the conclusion that all earthly events were also dependent on the strictly regular occurrences in the starry heaven, probably gave impetus to the conception o f the world year. Finally, an Egyptian version firom the Hellen istic period connected the great year with the sun bird Phoenix.*** T h e first question is whether one can derive all doctrines o f world periods firom one basic myth - quite apart firom the astronomically conditioned con ception o f the 'great world year', which can be clearly localized. A s is the case with other similarly constructed, apparently unitary oriental mythologumena, like primal man, the journey o f the soul to heaven (see below, pp.204f.), the burning o f the world or the wisdom myth, it is more probable that certain themes were conceived at different places and at different times, without it being possible to demonstrate mutual dependence. T h u s e.g. Hesiod's doctrine o f the ages o f the world (see above, pp. i82f.) and that o f Plato in the Statesman show a relatively independent structure which need not have been influenced b y Babylonia or Iran. T h e same is even more true of the pictiure o f history in Jewish apocalyptic. It is certainly possible that the 'great' year was known not only in Hellenistic Judaism - as e.g. in Josephus Antt. i , i o 6 and probably also in Sib.s, 9if.*** - but also in the Palestinian Enoch tradition, but the way in which it is transformed only shows the deep gulf between the historical picture o f Judaism and the astronomically based, unhistorical doctrine o f the world cycles in Babylon and Greece, with their exclusive cosmological orienta tion. Consequently the T e n Weeks' Apocalypse speaks o f the flood in the second week as the "first end', whereas 'the great eternal judgment takes place' in the tenth week, when - according to I Enoch i 8 . i i ; 2i.7flf.; 90.24! - the fallen angels and godless will be punished in the abyss o f fire (see below, pp. 20if.). T h e introduction to the admonitions in 91.6ff. states that - as at the time o f the flood - 'unrighteousness will repeat itself for the second time' and G o d will root out all wickedness and idolatry with fire (see below, pp. i 8 2 f ) . T h e conception o f alternating catastrophes o f water and fire also appears in isolation in the later Jewish tradition.*** So the 'great aeon' o f I Enoch 16.1 could possibly be a Jewish pendant to the great year, though hardly anything is left there o f the original Babylonian myth. T h e course o f history is neither based on astronomy nor calculated on the basis o f the stars, but rather rests on G o d ' s plan, into which Enoch is given insight b y the heavenly tables (see pp. 201 f below). Flood and fire are not natural cosmic catastrophes which take an inevitable course, but are punishments determined b y G o d and under his firee control. T h e astronomical book I Enoch 72-82 does not serve as a basis for the apocalyptic picture o f history but to explain the Essene sun year o f 364 days
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
193
(see pp. 235f. below). Certain conceptions analogous to the 'great year', hke the correspondence between end-time and primal time, or the idea o f the ages o f the earth, must not be derived from it, but may have theur roots in the O l d Testament itself.**' In both instances w e have widespread views which are common in antiquity. A more significant parallel is formed by Iranian eschatology with its linear outiine o f history, which is to be distinguished in principle from the cycUcal conception o f the great year. T h i s is aheady attested by Theopompus in the fourth century B C : H e speaks o f several (three or four) successive periods o f history, each o f three thousand years, in which 'Oromazes-Zeus' and 'Ahriman-Hades' dominate in turn. For further periods o f three thousand years the two fight together until, after the victory o f Oromazes, Ahriman vanishes and a time o f imtroubled good fortune dawns for men. T h e later Iranian tradition records a duration o f the world o f twelve thousand years, which is divided into different periods o f time. Various astrological themes, like the rule o f certain zodiacal signs over particular millennia, are taken up, but in every case there stands at the end the victory over e ^ and the dawn o f the tune o f salvation. Even i f one assumes Babylonian astrological influence - say for the Zervanism o f the Magusians in Asia Minor and Syria, the linear pictiure o f history is preserved and 'an eternal return' is excluded.**' Iranian e s c h a t o l ( ^ had a considerable effea in the West on writmgs like the oracle o f Hystaspes and the Chaldean Sibyl. O n e interesting example o f a Hellenistic-syncretistic mixed form between the astrologically determined conception o f the consummation and the new beginning o f the 'great year' and the Iranian or Jewish idea o f the final dawn o f the tune o f salvation as the consummation o f history, conditioned by a Sibylline pattern, is to be found m the fourth Eclogue o f Vurgil, written about 40 BC. T h e diflSculties o f its mterpretation are presented not least b y the opposition o f these two irreconcilable basic themes. However, the 'magnus ah integro saeculorum nascitur ordo' (I.5, cf. I.12) seems to point clearly to the idea of an eternal return which is supported b y astrology.*** It is diflScult to know whether the Jewish apocalyptic view o f history is directly dependent on that o f Iran, and i f so how far, or whether there is only a far-reaching analogy. Furst, there are chronological difficulties, as the wellknown Iranian 'apocalypses' are relatively late, and in addition there are considerable differences in content. Particularly in the early Hasidic apocalyptic there was no interest in abstract world-periods interpreted in a duahstic form, and astrological regulation o f them is even more absent. T h e seven world weeks o f I Enoch 9 3 . 1 - 1 0 do not stand under the sign o f the seven planets as they do in the speculations o f the Hellenized Magusians in North Syria and Asia Minor;**' rather, the history o f the world given m the Torah and in the prophets and systematized through the idea o f G o d ' s plan was interpreted from the perspective o f the oppressive present, understood as G o d ' s judgment.
194
Palestinian Judaism and the HeUenistic Age
and there was an extremely mtense expectation - in contrast to all astrologicaltheoretical or mythological-duahstic speculation about the ages o f the world of the imminent dawn o f the time o f salvation promised by G o d (Dan.8.17: l''et -qes c f 1 9 ; 11.35, A°^-l I 2 . i f ) . It would be quite conceivable that the apocalyptic conception of history developed along prophetic and eschatological lines as a continuation o f earher outlmes o f history, like that in the Priestly writing. Obviously one would have to presuppose a considerable degree o f reinterpretation. T h e history o f Israel and the nations was abstraaed even more strongly and tmderstood as a whole; it was, moreover, no longer judged from the saving present in the cultus and the law, but in the hght o f the imminentiy expected eschaton. In any event, the ahen influence in apocalyptic from other religions was not so much in the total view o f history as in detail.*'" W h y did this new historical view, and indeed Jewish apocalyptic, come into being? H . Ringgren has rightiy suggested that the cause was "the difficult situation of the Jewish people in the Hellenistic age'.*'i It is no coincidence that the first great 'apocalypses' come from the time o f the Hellenistic reform and the persecutions and freedom fights that proceeded from it. T h e y were written by the Hasidic 'wise men' - despite the 'almost stifling element o f erudition'*'* - primarily as polemical and consolatory writings to strengthen the trust o f behevers in a 'time o f tribulation, such as there never was since there were peoples' (Dan. 12. i ) . A t a time when the temple was desecrated at the hands o f Jevre (see below, pp.287fiF.) through a foreign cult, when a large number o f Jevre had tvuned apostate*" and the death penalty threatened the faithful, a conservative optimism like that o f Shach, constructed on the basis o f G o d ' s retribution in this life and the purposefulness o f creation, was made impossible. T h e 'apocalyptic eschatological predetermination' did not 'dis appear later with the distresses o f the present',*'* because in the eyes o f the pious and rigorists, right down to the failure o f Bar Kochba's revolt, there was in fact no end to them. Only in the second century AD did Jewish 'apocalyptic' come to an end. T h u s the world powers are primarily the 'enemies of G o d ' . T h e history of Palestinian Judaism between Daniel and Bar K o c h b a is largely one o f blood and tears. I . T h e Jewish people, sorely tried, fighting desperately for thek sanctuary, their law and the faith of the fathers, now needed a new interpretation of history which went beyond the glorification o f the past in the 'praise o f the fathers' or in the work o f the Chronicler*'* and was displayed in G o d ' s hidden plan with his people and the powers o f the world, to encourage and comfort the oppressed so that they would continue to persevere in an apparentiy hopeless situation. Understandably, under the experiences o f the diflBcult present, the development o f world history was seen in a predominantiy n e p t i v e w a y : it was in a final crisis immediately before its end. Here there developed that view o f the world which O . Spengler charaaerized by the phrase "the world as hell' as being typical o f 'Arabic' culture under the Hellenistic pseudo-morphosis.
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
195
This basic attitude leads from apocalyptic to later gnosticism, fed on oriental and Platonic sources; with it, of course the ultimate unity of creation and history guaranteed by God's plan of salvation collapsed. 2. The desperate-seeming attempt of the apocalyptist to calculate an itmninent end to the world by continually new suggestions and corrections is to be understood from this situation of extreme crisis: The one positive thing that can be said about theur calculations is that they were a temporally conditioned expression of faith in the plan of a righteous God for the world, which forms a powerfiil counterpart to the thoughtiess world view of Hellenism with its . . . resignation towards happenings dommated by fate, by Tyche . . .*«« The bumir^ expectation of the end which expressed itself here should not therefore be judged in essentiaUy neptive terms. It was the factor which pre vented the apocalyptic 'pictiure of history* from degenerating into mere salva tion-historical theory and speculative teaching about the first and last things. 3. If 'the coming of salvation was now no longer bound up with the obedience of the people',*" because a considerable number of the people had failed in a way that could no longer be made good, so that hardly anything more was to be expected from man's own action, in this desperate situation aU hope had to be directed towards the imminent realization of God's saving plan. In the situation of crisis, the questionableness of human attempts to create for themselves the presuppositions of salvation were manifest. 4. The decision of the individual came more strongly into the foreground because a clear decision between the faith of the fathers and apostasy into a Jewish-syncretistic mixed cult had never been required in this way of any mdividual in Jewish history. Here, too, we possibly have the stronger emphasis on the individual in the HeUenistic period (see n. I l l , 66). On the other hand, responsibihty for the whole people, who were to be caUed as a whole to repentance (see above, pp. i79f), was expressly stressed by the Hasidim, who as a poUtical group joined in fighting for the existence of the people, in contrast to the later separatist Essenes.*'* 5. One final reason why the picture of historyfinaUyembraced the whole of world history as a unity whose central pomt was Israel is perhaps that the view was a defence against the HeUenistic cosmopoUtanism influential in Jerusalem, which wanted to give up what was pecuUar to Israel in favour of soUdarity with aU 'HeUenes' in the 'oikUmene'.^^^ In this direction the old prophetic idea that the God of Israel is the God of aU peoples (Amos 9.7) and the whole of creation was strengthened by a 'historico-theological system' which saw the whole of world history from the perspective of the election of Israel and the imminence of the time of salvation. 'History gains its unity entirely in the Ught of eschatology.'*'" This attempt at rationalization and rystematization is to be understood analogously to the struggle for a more
196
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
rational understanding of creation which becomes visible in Gen. 1-2.43 and later Jewish wisdom (see above, pp. iSTflf.)- Even the Hasidic wisdom schools could not cut themselves ofiF from this general trend (see below, pp.207ff.). Thus the picture of history in apocalyptic is above all a fruit of the Jewish struggle for spiritual and religious self-determination against the invasion of Jerusalem by the Hellenistic spirit.
bb) Resurrection, immortality and judgment With the martyrs at the time of the rehgious distress, who would rather be killed than break God's commandment (see below, pp.292f), the immanent doctrine of retribution repristinated by Ben Sira in apologetic fashion inevit ably proved to be insufficient. If the God of Israel really was the omnipotent and just Lord of the world, his power could not be limited even by death. So we encounter in early Hasidic apocalyptic the first references to the resurrec tion, judgment and human fate after death. The problem of theodicy, raised over and again in IsraeUte wisdom,^ here sought a new solution. If one leaves aside Isa. 26.19, which is hard to date but is surely earUer,*'i the first clear reference to the resurrection of the dead is in Dan. 12.2, though this is not - as in Isa. 26.19 - in a universal form, but with a vague limitation to 'many', of whom some wiU awake 'to eternal life' and others 'to eternal shame'. The first group probably refers to those who were true to the faith in earUer times, including the teachers of old times (Dan. 12.13), whereas the second refers to the Jewish apostates.*'* Further references to the resurrection from the same .period are to be found in I Enoch 90.33 and the work of Jason of Cyrene, which is close to Palestinian and Hasidic doctrmes - and was probably composed not too long after the death of Judas Maccabeus.*" The indications of the historical origin of resurrection are on the one hand in the direction of Iranian reUgion, where they are already attested by Theopompus (fourth century BC),*'* while on the other hand conceptions of resurrection commuiucated by the dying and rising of vegetation deities had certainly been known in ancient Israel for some time.*'* It is remarkable that the mode and manner of resurrection in early apocalyptic witnesses is indicated in very obsaure terms. Nothing is said about the form in which the eschatological restitution of men is to take place.*" Thus in Daniel it is clearly bound up with astral themes: And those who are wise shall shine like the brightness of the firmament, and those who tum many to righteousness, Uke the stars for ever and ever (Dan. 12.3). As the apocalyptic teachers and admonishers of the people (11.33-35), the 'wise' receive a special share in the heavenly astral glory. Even Isa.26.19 has an astral component with the 'dew of Ught'. I Enoch 104.2 takes up this theme again from Dan. 12.2:
The Hasidim and the First Climax ofjeivish
Apocalyptic
197
Like bright stars ((fxaarfjpes, cf. Phil. 2.15) in heaven, you will light up and shine, and the doors of heaven will be opened to you. * " Perhaps there is an anticipation here o f an idea which was later to be significant among the Essenes, that the pious hve in close communion with the angels in the time of salvation: 'stars and angels are often to be regarded as one thing.'*'* T h i s could be a Jewish version o f 'astral immortality', which was un commonly widespread in the Hellenistic period in both philosophy and poetry as in popular b e h e f Koheleth 3.21 had aheady rejected the idea that the 'spirit' o f man rises 'on high'. F . Cumont attempted to derive the idea of astral inunortahty, which probably appears in the Greek world for the first time among the Pythagoreans and then later in Plato and his school, firom the Maguseans in Asia Minor who were influenced b y Iran and Babylon. However, his hypothesis was rightly rejected b y M . P. Nilsson. T h e idea that men will become stars after their death already appears in Aristophanes (Pax 832ff.) and on individual Greek epitaphs - a sign o f its popular charaaer - and even on a Jewish inscription firom Cilicia, though this is late.*" A n epitaph o f Antipater o f Sidon (see p . 84 above) can combine the concept o f dv(d)aTaais in the sense o f 'rising' directly with the idea o f astral inunortahty: Blessed for ever the people whom Heraclea raises to the spacious realm of the heavenly clouds Sdfios del fiaKopiOTOs,
os avaraaiv
(conj. for dareaiv)
ovpavUov veeaiv rev^ev iir'evpvdXojv
'HpaKXeirjs
(Anth. Gr. 7, 748).
Emphasis on the wise in the portrayal o f the resurrection is a special feature. It corresponds to the 'metaphysical heightening o f the value o f education' which can commonly be observed in ^ e Hellenistic period, and is particularly notable in epitaphs.**" A good example o f it is the graffito on the tomb o f the famous priest of T h o t h , Petosuris, fiom the middle of the third century B C : HeToaeipiv
avhSt T6(V)
vvv S'ev deoiai
Keifievov
Kara
xOovos
nerd
aexft&v ao6(v).^^^
veicvv,
Like Homer, the O l d Testament knew only the concept o f the underworld (s''ol), in which the dead hve a shadow existence; Ben Sira (14.12, i 6 f ) still shares this view. In the angelological book I Enoch 1 2 - 3 6 (see n.460 above), there appear for the first time in Judaism - in connection with Enoch's journeys to heaven and to the underworld - detailed portrayals o f the mjrthical kingdom of the dead in the north-west beyond the sea, which have contacts at many points with Greek and Babylonian mythology: A stream o f fire corresponds with Pyriphlegethon, further streams to some degree with the underworld rivers o f Styx, Acheron and Cocytus ( 1 7 . 5 ! ) , and even the great ocean into which all tiie streams flow is there ( 1 7 . 5 , 7 f ; 18.10). T h i s mythical geography probably rests on a mixtiu-e o f Greek and
198
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic
Age
Babylonian elements, as P. Grelot has carefully demonstrated, though he perhaps lays too much stress on the parallels from the Gilgamesh epic. T h e Greek mythology o f the realm o f the dead was in popular a u r e n c y in the Greek world, especially as it derives, inter alia, from the portrayal in the Odyssey ( c f e.g. 10,508-15). Presumably Homer was also read in Jerusalem at the time o f the foundation o f the gymnasium (see p p . 7 5 f ).*** There in the west, on a rocky mountain ( c f Odyssey 10, 5 1 5 ; 24,11) Enoch is shown the place o f the spirits o f the souls o f the dead ( t o irvevfiara r&v t/wx&v r&v v c K p t S v ) . * * * A bright realm with a spring - one is reminded of the Orphic conception o f the Elysian fields with the spring o f Mnemosyne*** is for the 'spirits of the righteous', and two (or three) other dark realms are for the sinners. In the first those who fared well on earth are tormented imtil the day o f judgment; in the other are the sinners who already suffered theur pimishment while they were still ahve. T h e y will not be punished on the day o f judgment, but they will not be raised either. Such a division o f the realm of the_ dead, bound up with the conception o f a retribution beyond death, is a n e w idea for Judaism. Only now, as a result of the Hasidim, does there penetrate to_ the consciousness o f fhrther circles o f the Jewish people the idea that after death the 'souls' undergo different fates and can be pmushed or rewarded. T h i s idea had probably been long familiar to the Greek world because o f Orphic or P3rthagorean doctrines; it occurs both in the philosophers, like Plato and the Stoics, and in the mysteries and in popular behef.*** A t the same time, the in fluence of Greek anthropology can be seen. T h e soul is separated from the body and in the resurrection - a conception which as yet does not have a single content - in some circumstances receives it back again. T h e 'journey to heaven' for the purpose o f receivmg revelation (see below, pp.204f.) can now be presented as a separation o f the soul from the body.**' B y and large, one receives the impression that the internal consequences o f this belief have not alwa3re been thought through clearly. In D a n . 12.2 and I Enoch 22 the resurrec tion is present in a double form, but it remains incomplete and does not apply to all the dead; I Enoch 27 removes the righteous and the damned to Jerusalem: the latter are punished in the valley of Hinnom in the presence of the righteous. Spiritualized and realistic conceptions stand side b y side with relatively httle connection.**' This lack o f unity is also shown in the f a a that in the Essene wing o f the Hasidim the idea o f physical resurrection retreated so far into the background that w e must ask whether this concept is still appropriate in their case, and whether for them eschatological salvation did not rather consist in the heavenly communion o f the exalted spirits w i t h the angels (see below, pp.223f.). N o t only does Josephus stress that they believe in the inunortahty of the soul, in a place for the blessed and a place of punishment - allegedly after the fashion o f the P3rthagoreans (see below, pp.245flF.) - but Jub.23.3oflF. seems to confirm this report:***
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
And And And And And And And And And And
199
at that tune the Lord will heal His servants. they shaU rise up and see great peace. drive out thek adversaries. the righteous shall see and be thankfiil. rejoice with joy for ever and ever. slmll see all their judgments and all theur curses on their enemies. their bones shall rest in the earth. their spirits shall have much joy. they shall know that it is the Lord who executes judgment shows mercy . . .
The statements in the admonition of I Enoch I03.2ff. are similar: I know this mystery (cf I Cor. 15.51); for I have read the heavenly tablets and I have seen the holy books (text follovre the Ethiopian) . . . that good ness and joy and honour are prepared and written down for the souls of those who have died pious (rats ^mxats TWV aTroOavovrotv evaeP&v). And thek spirits (irveviJuiTa) will rejoice and not perish . . . And you, you sinners, when you have died, they will say of you: Blessed are the sinners: they have seen all thek days; and now A e y have died in prosperity and wealth, and judgment has not been executed on them during thek life. You shall know that thek souls will be made to descend to Sheol, and there they will be in great tribulation. Alongside this, in the admonitions there are also isolated statements about the peacefiil sleep of the pious in death, from which they will be 'awoken' at the time appointed by God.*'" Even in the Qumran writings the possibihty of 'resurrection' is intimated only in two passages; otherwise, there is only mention of 'eternal life', 'eternal joy' and 'eternal salvation', without any elaboration.*'! There is further mention of the original immortahty of Adam in the Noah fragment I Enoch 69.11 in a way which recalls Wisdom 2.23f.*'2 Thus it is understandable that the problem of the Hasidic-Essene eschatological anthropol(^ is disputed by scholars. Whereas P. Grelot fundamentaUy rejects the idea that the Essenes knew the concept of resurrection by reference to the earher parts of I Enoch and Jubilees, and considers thek views as a prelude to the behef in immortahty in Wisdom 2-5,*" K. Schubert beheved that he could presuppose that they, too, knew it, albeit in a reduced form compared to later conceptions. The question in the end involves the definition of the concept of 'resurrection'. Even K. Schubert rejects the conception 'of a particular resurrection of the flesh' in the sense of 'the individual bodies of those who have died' and speaks 'only of a new spiritual and corporeal life', or in more restrained fashion of a resurrection of the soul, endowed with corporeal fimctions.*'* It should be pointed out in this connection that e.g. for Stoic thought the difference between soul and matter was only a relative one. The soul itself was merely a 'fine body' (awfia) of a substance like fire.*'* Possibly this
203
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
feature is connected with their Semitic presuppositions. This connection is also significant for the Pauline conception of the resurrection (I Cor. 15.44, 50; Phil. 3.21). Thus the Essene doctrine of resurrection stiU lacks that crudeness which we later find among the Pharisees.**' Only m the non-Essene similitudes firom the first century BC and in the still later IV Ezra and Syrian Baruch does the resurrection emerge in clearer form.**' The influence of Hellenistic 'eschatology' thus seems to have been stronger in early Hasidic Essene apocalyptic than in the later period, since even for the Greeks the conception of the revivification of the old fleshly body was an idea that was hard to comprehend. Thus it is all the more astonishing that it could find a foothold even in the Greek-speaking Diaspora: The fourth Sibylline, which was composed immediately aflrer the destruc tion of Jerusalem, has the following passage after a description of the judgment by fire which has probably been taken over firom the Stoic conception of ekpyrosis: 'Then God himself forms menfiromdust and bones and makes the mortals as they were formerly. And then comes the judg ment . . .'*** This example also shows how the boundaries between allegedly 'JewishSemitic' and 'Hellenistic' forms of conception ran straight through Palestinian Judaism and the western Diaspora. Moreover, as the example of the Essenes shows, a spiritualized form of the individual expectation of salvation after death did not necessarily exclude hope directed to the imminence of the eschaton. The counterpart to resurrection or eternal life was judgment. The earhest apocalypses in Dan. 7.9-14; I Enoch 90.15,18-26; 9i.i4f. already described this theme, sometunes with detailed scenery. It involves the godless kingdoms of the world, and especially the last, the seventy angels of the nations, the fallen watchers of Gen.6, the Jewish apostates, indeed all the 'godless'.*** In this sense the universal notion of judgment supplements the universal pictiure of history. However, the individual pictures and conceptions vary considerably. There is no more a fixed 'dogmatic of judgment' than there is a_ view of resurrection. The visionary images resist being fixed as a system. The idea of judgment and retribution is expressed most sharply in the admonitions of I Enoch 92-104.'"o Here the godless are threatened in constantly repeated woes with death at the sword of the faithftil in the eschato logical Holy War, with condemnation in the final judgment, eternal torment in the underworld and annihilation by the fire of judgment. It remains un certain, however, whether the sinners will be completely annihilated or punished everlastingly.'"! The heavenly books or tables play a special part in the judgment. On them Michael, Enoch or the angels write all the deeds of men, and especially
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
201
their sins. T h e book o f those destined to Ufe or death is a theme that is aheady widespread in the Old Testament, but the conception o f heavenly laws or memorial tablets comes from Babylon;*"* however, Gredc mythology also knew the theme o f the memorandum o f Zeus in which the deeds o f men were written so that they could be rewarded and punished accordingly. 6"» W e meet this idea in the HeUenistic period in the prologue of Plautus' Rudens, who has taken it over from the new comedy o f Diphilus. According to this the stars - in this case Arcturus - observe the evil deeds o f men at Jupiter's command m order to note them.*"* T h i s is matched b y Diodore's account o f the Chaldean astrology o f thirty (-six) stars, half of which watch over the places above the earth and half of which watch over those below. Every ten days these messengers change, i.e. one group o f stars goes below and another above.*"* A paraUel to this appears in I Enoch 100.10: ' K n o w now that the angels in heaven foUow your deeds to note your sin from the sun, the moon and the stars . . .'*"* T h e idea of judgment thus seems to have been bound up with themes o f Babylonian and astral derivation. T h e punishment or annihilation of the fallen angels is carried out - following O l d Testament and Iranian models - b y fire, a conception which could at times almost assiune the features o f a doctrine of e^ryrosis.^"'' T h e mention o f the ten-thousand-year time o f punishment for the seven stars in I Enoch 1 8 . 1 6 ; 21.6, which wiU be 'roUed in the fire', because they transgressed G o d ' s commandment and did not rise at the time appointed for them, recalls the ten-thousand-year period o f repentance according to the doctrine o f the transmigration o f the soul in the Pythagoreans and Orphics, which appears e.g. in Plato, Phaedrus 248e/249a. In this context the Phaedrus also speaks of'places of punishment under die earth', in which those who come there do 'righteous expiation' (els TO. VTTO yfjs SiKaioirrjpia iXdovaai 8i'(ojv eKTivovaiv). A . Dieterich, who was the first to point to this context, cites the saymg o f HeracUtus: '(For) HeUos wiU not overstep his limits, otherwise the Erinnyes, the scourges of fate, wiU search him out' (fr. 94, Diels).*"* A stiU more detailed portrayal o f the punishments m the underworld is to be found in the Sunilitudes (I Enoch 5 3 ! ) , where the plague angels prepare instruments of torture for the faUen '(angel-) hosts o f Asasel' and 'the kings and mighty ones o f the earth', 'with which to annihilate them'. M . P . Nilsson, who pomts to this passage, stresses that the nearest paraUels come from the portra3^s of the places of punishment in the underworld in the Greek tradition, where the punishments for the faUen Titans and the wicked men are mentioned side b y side: 'It unfortunately remains the case that heU is a Greek invention.'*"' T h u s it is on the whole evident that Hasidic apocalyptic wisdom not only took over its themes connected with man's fate after death from Iranian or Babylonian mythology, but was also strongly influenced by Greek Orphic conceptions o f the beyond. Here the burning problem of a theodicy looked for
202
Palestinian Judaim
and the Hellenistic Age
a new answer. Foreign conceptions need not primarily have been taken over in hterary ways; they could also rest on the transference o f popular motives, which also happened later with the Rabbis (see above, p . 172). Possibly, too, the Jewish diaspora in E g y p t may have been an agent o f communication; it was interested in the figure o f Orpheus and took over Orphic themes. J. A . Sanders has indicated the possibiUty that in the Davidic psahn 11 QPs* 1 5 1 , Orphic themes were worked over.'i" T h e elaboration o f apocal3?ptic doctrines o f resurrection, immortahty and j udgment in Jewish Palestine also explains why the HeUenistic mystery cults and their language hardly became influential there - in contrast to Alexandrian Judaism.*!! Since apocal3?ptic Hasidic piety took up the question o f the fate of the individual after death, it answered the basic question o f hiunan existence which had burst forth in an elementary way in the Hellenistic period and favoured the spread o f the mystery religions from the second century B C onwards. In this way new factors became eflFective in the religious development of Palestinian Judaism: 1. T h e akeady existing tendency to individualize piety was quite sub stantially strengthened: ' O n l y in the notion o f other-worldly retribution does religious individualism find its firm stay and its terse siunmation.'*!* 2. T h e question o f the certainty o f eschatological salvation came more strongly into the centre, and with it the problem of the redemption of man from the anti-godly powers o f sin and death. 3. T o the universal consideration o f history from an eschatological per spective was added interest in an anthropology with a soteriological orientation: why is man subject to sin, and how must he be shaped to obtain eternal salvation ? Attempts were made above aU in Essenism to give an answer to this question. cc) Wisdom through revelation In contrast to Ben S k a , who also claimed 'prophetic inspkation' for himself, though without making it a matter of central unportance (see above, pp. 1 3 4 ! ) , the apocal3?ptic Hasidim ground their 'wisdom' in a d a i m to d k e c t divine revelations, though they put them in the mouths o f wise men and prophets o f past time. T h e sober wisdom o f the traditional wise men with thek observa tions and reflections could hardly say anything about the aU-embracing divine plan for history, the imminent end o f the world, resurrection and judgment, angels and the kingdom of the dead; here one could only refer to spedal divine communications which transcended the usual degree of experience.*!' T h i s emerges for the first time in concentrated form in Daniel, where w e find a multipUdty of forms of revelation and supernatural knowledge. E v e n as a young man Daniel 'had understanding in aU visions and dreams' (1.17). In a 'night vision' he discovered the content and the interpretation o f Nebuchad nezzar's dream (2.19, cf. 4.i6fiF.); in 5 . 2 4 ! he is the only one to read the divine
THE HASIDIM AND THE FIRST CLIMAX OFJEWISH APOCALYPTIC
203
writing on the w a l l ; in y.ifif., 15 he reports a dream vision the content o f which really presupposes a journey to heaven, and the angel who interprets i t ; in 8.1, 15 he has a vision which is explained b y the angel Gabriel; in 9.1S., 21 Gabriel again appears to him - after penitential prayer and fasting - to interpret to h i m the seventy years o f Jer.25.11f and 29.10, which h e does not under stand, as weeks of years; in lo.ifiF. he has a final vision, again communicated by an angel, which he experiences while h e is awake. In almost all these 'revela tions' 'the didactic element is combined with prophecy' in a striking way.*i* T h u s Daniel appears - to a much greater degree than the earUer Old Testament prophets - as sunultaneously a seer and a wise man. T h e r e is deUberate stress here on the extent to which his wisdom smpasses that o f the learned Chaldeans (2.1-13; 4.3!; 5.7f.) - a statement with polemic and apologetic intent in view o f the 'international' reputation o f the Chaldean wise men and astrologers. L i k e the Greek XAXSALOI, the designation kass'DDYD' here no longer has a geographical significance, but means 'astrologers' (Dan.2.5, 10; 4.4; 5.7, 11). High praise is given him from pagan lips: H e is the man in whom is the 'spkit o f holy gods' C'LDHIN), in whom 'Ught and understandmg and wisdom' dweU like "the wisdom o f the gods' (5.11, cf. 14), w h o can solve dreams, riddles and magic problems (qiP^N) (5.12,16). In Daniel's prayer o f thanksgiving for the revelation o f the king's dream it is made clear that this divine wisdom is the firee gift o f G o d : Blessed be the name o f G o d for ever and ever, to whom belong wisdom and might. H e gives wisdom to t h e wise and knowledge to those w h o have understanding; he reveals deep and mysterious (things); he knows what is in the darkness and the Ught dweUs with him. T o thee, O G o d o f my fathers, I give thanks and praise, for thou hast given m e wisdom and strength. (Dan. 2.20-23) It is no coincidence that the term RDZ = fivaTtjpi.OV, which is later so significant at Qumran, appears often for the first time m this context (leaving aside one passage o f secular usage in B e n Sira)«i* (2.i8f, 27-30, 47): ' B u t there is a G o d m heaven who reveals mysteries, and he has made known t o king Nebuchadnezzar what wiU be at the end o f dajre.''^* However, the only one worthy to receive such revelations or to mterpret them is the one w h o brings the necessary disposition. Daniel therefore appears as a 'hasid', w h o only eats pure food and keeps the three times o f prayer turned towards Jerusalem, even at the risk o f his life (see pp. I78f below). T o show himself worthy o f special revelations h e fasts and prajre intensively and shows his readiness to repent (9.3; 10.2).
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PaJesiinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
The situation is similar m I Enoch. Enoch appears as the prototype of the pious wise man of the primal period. The short note about his walking 'with God' and his exaltation m Gen. 5.24 (P) was probably understood to mean that he was the man who stood closest to God; he therefore assumed almost angelic character. A whole series of features of the Babylonian wise men of the primal period were transferred to hisfigiure,which probably derives from the Baby lonian primal long Enmeduranki.'i' At the same time he was also a prophet of judgment, who announced the imminent judgment of God to the generation before the flood and the fallen watcher angels. So now he could issue a simmions to repentance before the second final judgment, which was immi nent.'i* In addition, he was thought to be the bringer of culture who was half hiunan and half belonged to the divine sphere; in this sense he was identified by the anonymous Samaritan with the titan Atlas, the brother of Prometheus: he brought astrology to the Greeks (see above, p. 89). For Sirach, who stresses him twice (44.16; 49.14), he is the great 'pattern of knowledge' as the m s nsi.sis The Enoch tradition was thus not the exclusive possession of the Hasidic, apocalyptic wisdom teachers; rather, it is possible that the Hellenists m Shechem and Jerusalem developed their own 'Enoch tradition' in the identification with Atlas. He did, however, appear to the apocalyptic specula tions of the Hasidic 'wise men' to be the ideal 'mediator of revelation', smce he was equally at home in the earthly and the heavenly worlds: according to Gen. Apoc.2.2of. his lot was 'assigned (with the angels), and they made everything known to him' (cf. Jub. 4.21). As in Daniel, we find with him an abundance of variable forms of revela tion.'^o He receives his wisdom through dreams (13.8; 14.1; 85.1) and visions (1.2; 37.1; 83.if.; 93.if.) - the two can hardly be separated - , is introduced by angels into the heavenly m3«teries (12.4; chs. 17-27; 72-82; Jub.4.21), is taken up and experiences an extensive heavenly journey, which is at the same time connected with a descent to the kingdom of the dead and the places of punish ment (12.1 iX'qfj^eri, ij.i and chs. 12-36; 7i.iff.). Behold, in the vision clouds invited me and a mist summoned me, and the course of the stars and the Ughtnings sped and hastened me, and the winds in the vision caused me to fly and lifted me upward, and bore me mto heaven (14.8). A spkitualized form in which it is no longer the whole man but the spirit which shares in the journey to heaven is to be found m the Similitudes: And it came to pass after this that my spkit was translated And it ascended mto the heavens (71.i). The ascent is matched by the return; Enoch is brought back to earth by seven archangels and is set down before the door of his house (81.5). In the context of the journey to heaven the heavenly tablets are a particularly im portant source of revelation (8i.iflF.; 93.2; see nn. 602-5 above). On them the
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
205
whole course of history is inscribed. The esoteric secret knowledge acquired in this way is handed on by Enoch to his son Methusalem (76.14; 81.5; 82.ifiF.; 83.1; io8.ifif.; see below, p.215); on the other hand he directs his call to repentance and his admonition to all the members of his generation (gi.iS.; cf. 91-104). Other fathers and prophets hke Noah, Abraham, Levi could also become the bearers of such revelations in the same way as Enoch.**! In the Hasidic or early Essene Aramaic fragment of the Testament of Levi there is a description of the way m which after appropriate preparation, purification and penitential prayer Levi receives a vision of heaven in a dream which - according to the secondary version in the Greek text, which is all that we have - takes him through the different heavens. The Geniza fragments of the Testament of Levi, which are probably also Essene, point to further similar visions.*** This very theme of the heavenly journey which was so beloved in apocalyptic from the begmning should warn us against viewing apocalyptic one-sidedly and exclusively under the temporal aspect of the immment expectation of the end, although this latter feature forms its constitutive centre. The spatial con ception of the spheres of heaven laid one on top of the other, through which the seer passes in a heavenly vision or a heavenly joiuney, also has a special significance. It belongs just as much to the mythical world-view of the Palestinian Jews as to the conceptual sphere of Hellenistic mysticism. Thus the spatial and the temporal elements cannot be played off against each other (see pp.2i4f below). I . The supposedly great age of these writings was a demonstration of their truth. The pseudepigraphic form necessarily became a firm rule for Jewish apocalyptic, since the apocalyptists' unheard-of claim to revelation could only be maintained by reference to those who had been endowed with the spkit in ancient times.**' This predilection for pseudepigraphy was fvuthered by the correspondence of primal time and end time. What God had revealed to the spkit-possessed pious of primal times, and these had 'sealed' from profane eyes as secret teaching or had communicated to only a few of the electj'^* was now made known to the pious of the last time to strengthen thek faith. So we find as the predominant recipients of these 'secret doctrines' the fathers from Adam to Moses; the reason why Daniel and Baruch appear alongside them is the paralleUsm m the situation of judgment, the deseaation of the temple and the exile, and the fact that the last period of the history of Israel is beginning, which stands under the sign of dispersion, apostasy and special temptation. On the other hand, Ezra only became an 'apocalyptic prophet' when the view was estabhshed that the gift of prophecy in Israel had ceased with him. By contrast, 'apocalyptic pseudonymity' retreated in Qumran and in the early church: the basis for the 'collective authority' in the Essene writings was the spkit at work in the community, whereas Christian apocalyptists hke
2o6
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
John of Ephesus and Hermas could write as pneiunatic authorities under their own mimes. It would, however, be over-hasty to conclude from this that the Hasidic apocalyptists no longer considered themselves 'prophets' or the legitimate successors o f the prophets. T h e last prophetic writers, like the author o f the prophecies o f Trito-Isaiah, Deutero-Zechariah and Malachi, preserved their anonymity and added their writings to prophetic collections that had akeady been made.*** T h e situation o f the late period had created a new position, similar to that which can also be observed in the Hellenistic envkonment: 2. T h e free worldng o f the spkit, without reference to the extant tradition which had already been fixed in writing and had in efifect acquked 'canonical' vahdity, was now impossible. From now on, the 'prophetic self-awareness' was at work not least in xh&^inspired' interpretation of prophetic writings which had already been composed. T h i s is shown b y the meditation o f Daniel on the seventy 'years' o f Jeremiah in D a n . 9.2 and b y the exposition o f the prophets b y the Teacher o f Righteousness.*** W e can hardly say here that the apocal3?ptists no longer regarded themselves as being in possession o f the s p k i t ; they simply r e p r d e d present inspkation as weaker and therefore referred to the more powerfiil models o f the past.**' O n the other hand, they raised the claun that they understood the prophetic words which they had deciphered better than thek very authors, for it was the eschatological present, near to ftdfilment, which first put them in a position to interpret the deeper sense o f these writings correctly.*** 3. Prophetic consciousness and the learning acquked by wisdom were now inseparably intertwined. The wise men acquired prophetic features, and the prophets became inspired wise men. It should be noted here that for this late period the term 'wisdom' is no less vague, general and therefore disputable than the word 'apocal3^tic'.**9 Essentially it could mean the most different forms o f learning practised in schools, from the 'Greek wisdom' o f the Hellenists (n'MV nusn, see p . 76 above) to the casuistic distinctions o f the sopfrim entrusted with the custody o f the law, who laid the foundations o f Mishnaic law. 'Apocal3^tic wisdom' was marked off from other forms o f wisdom by the fact that it rested on special revelations o f G o d and therefore was granted only to a few elect. In this respect, the 'apocalyptic' concept o f wisdom remained closely bound up with the old conception o f wisdom hidden m heaven and beyond man's control.**" A s a consequence o f the conjunction of wisdom and prophecy, the great men o f the early period from A d a m and Enoch down to the last prophets were regarded as both prophets and wise men. T h e note about David in the psahn scroll o f 11 Q portrays David as a 'wise' (DSn) and 'learned' (nsiD) man inspked with the prophetic spkit and endowed with particular insight (IWJB' m S S , cf. D a n . 12.3 and Test. Levi 4.3). T h e conception in the 'praise o f the fiithers' ( S k . 44.3-5; cf. 39.1-8, see above, p p . i 3 6 f ) is quite similar. T h e m o d e m approach which wants to derive
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apocalyptic one-sidedly from wisdom or prophecy would have been ahnost incomprehensible to Ben Sira or to the Hasidic apocalyptists. 4. T h i s situation b y no means excludes the possibihty that, despite its hterary form, the apocalyptic hterature is derived at least in part from visions and eatatic experiences.,There was again a strong interest in such extraordinary experiences in the Hellenistic period, mdeed one must suppose that certain methods - like fasts and constant prayer - were developed in order to bring on visionary e x p e r i e n c e s . T h e vision and ecstasy thus became the con firmation of the true 'prophetic wise man'.*'* T h i s was also true o f the later period. T h e famous Baraita Hagiga 14b: 'Four entered paradise (10S31 n s a n s m n S 3 ) , Ben Azzai, Ben Zoma, Aher and R. Akiba . . . ' , is to be related not primarily to apocalyptic-gnostic speculations, but to ecstatic experiences. Even the former Pharisee Paul will not have received his ecstatic gift only on becoming a Christian. Certam figiures, like Honi the Curde Drawer (first half o f the first centiuy BC) and the nuraculous healer R. Hanina b . Dosa (c. AD 100), indicate the Hasidic apocal3?ptic components in early Pharisaism, which were only excluded b y the stronger institutionalization in the second century AD. T h e Essene movement also possessed its own 'prophets'.*** 5. T h e web o f the 'inspired learning' o f the early apocalyptists was stretched widely. I f in Daniel it was limited to an exact knowledge o f historical events and to the unagery o f oriental and Hellenistic mythology, in the Enoch tradi tion it extends to the whole world, visible and invisible, including earthly and heavenly geography - here the larger world-picture o f the Hellenistic period is presented*** - through astronomy and astrology - rejecting Babylonian Hellenistic astral reUgion*** - down to meteorology and medicine.**' O f coiu^e this apocalyptic 'encyclopaedic' wisdom is in no way an end in itself. T h e cosmological mysteries o f I Enoch have a clear eschatological tendency, as they embrace the sphere o f G o d ' s judgment on angels and sinners as weU as G o d ' s reward for the righteous. T h e whole cosmos is in the service o f an eschatologicaUy controlled salvation history. Closely connected with this is a second point which E. Sjoberg has noted: ' I f one wants to know G o d in aU his glory, one must also know these cosmological mysteries', for 'the glory o f G o d as creator is revealed through them'.*** T h i s is shown, say, by Enoch's praise at the end of his first great journey through heaven and the world (36.4): A n d when I saw, each time I blessed the L o r d of glory . . ., who has done great and glorious wonders to show the greamess o f his work to angels and men, so that they may praise his work and his whole creation . . . . 6. O n the whole, one can speak o f three stages in the apocalyptic under standing o f wisdom: (a) the basic j d e a , taken over from late Jewish 'wisdom', that only the righteous, i.e. the doer o f the law, can be wise: 'None o f the wicked shaU understand, but the wise wiU understand' (Dan. 12.10). T o 'accept the words of wisdom' means 'to observe the ways of the Most High, to walk in
2o8
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
the way of his righteousness and not to sin with the godless' (I Enoch 99.10). The 'masMlim' (Dan. 11.33, 35; 12.10) are primarily teachers of the law, and the admonitions of I Enoch 92; 94-104 are primarily concerned with concrete obedience, (h) In the temptations of the last time the revelations of the ancient men of God and prophets which have hitherto been concealed are opened; they give their explanation of the meaning and the goal of history, the heavenly world, judgment and eternal salvation. But even these revelations, which strengthen the 'pious' in distress and raise them above their unknowing envuronment, are only provisional and unperfect. (c) Perfect wisdom belong jmong the eschatological gifts of the time of salvation itself (I Enoch 5.8; 32.3-6; 90.35; 91.10; cf. the Sunilitudes 48.if; 49.ifiF.). Of course these three stages are not completely disconnected. The law and the prophets akeady contain a deeper meaning and need 'study' (Bhl, Dan. 12.4b) to discover it. In addition, God's commandments are really taken seriously and rigorously observed only in the drcles of the 'pious'. Similarly, the revelation of the eschatological, heavenly mysteries to the beleaguered pious is at the same time the preparation and the foretaste for the communication of perfect wisdom in the time of salvation. 7. The comprehensive apocal3rptic striving for knowledge - von Rad speaks of an 'almost hybrid-looking universal gnosis'**" - only becomes com prehensible when we consider its historical background. This conjunction of superabundant learning, rational s3«tematization and a theocentric view of history in an eschatological perspective was something new in the history of the Jewish people. A. Schlatter gives a hint at the reasons for its appearance in his characterization of Daniel, which one might transfer to the Hasidic fathers of apocalyptic in general: The Greeks praised knowledge as the highest possession of man, and Daniel took over from them a reverence for the power created by know ledge. So he describes prophecy as a share in divine knowledge, which can even unveil the fiiture. But the Greeks lacked the supreme knowledge, knowledge of the divine will. This was the advantage which raised Israel above the levd of the nations. The Hasidic 'wise men' were even more sharply engaged than Ben Ska in controversy with Greek wisdom, which after 175 B C , as the result of the founding of a g3mmasiiun in Jerusalem, had become an acute threat to the continuance of the Jewish rehgious tradition. The Greek iyicvKXios naiSela with its logical and systematic force which penetrated the whole cosmos and ordered it, was opposed to a view of the world and history grounded on a divine 'revelation' and 'apocal3^tic' in the best sense of the word, which also could claim to be older than any Greek wisdom. The critical 'enhghtenment' which filled the Hellenistic world in the thkd century B C and - as Koheleth shows - came up against analogous streams m Jewish wisdom, had for some
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
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time gained influence in the upper strata o f Jewish society. Its criticism was primarily directed against Israel's special coiu^e among the nations, as in its view segregation hampered the economic and cultural development o f the people (see below, p p . 2 7 i f ) . Whereas the conventional cultic and legaUstic piety o f these trends could not put up any adequate resistance, the Hasidic wise men gathered together the forces faithfiil to the law with their rationally unassailable^counter-argument of'higher wisdom through revelation', created a universal picture o f the world and history related to the imminence o f the eschaton, in which the election o f Israel formed the foundation, and thus laid a decisive basis for the further inteUectual development o f Palestinian Judaism. 8. I f one follows Lagrange and F . M . Abel in designating the world picture o f I Enoch as an anachronism in the time o f an Erastothenes and a Hipparchus, or with W . Bousset comes to the conclusion that 'all wisdom here is lay fantas3^,8*2 one overlooks the pre-scientific character of this wisdom. Furthermore, the Qumran firagments show that w e have both the Enoch tradition and the Testament o f Levi in a partially disrupted form, and that in the Aramaic original they were more extensive and more precise.*** A n analysis o f the geographical or astronomical parts o f I Enoch or the book o f Jubilees shows that the 'wise men' were astonishingly famihar with the learning in this area - which presiunably was predominantiy Babylonian (see pp. i83f. above). A n d as far as their 'philosophy o f historjr' is concerned, hardly any pattern o f world history has had greater influence than that o f the book o f Daniel.*** FinaUy, it should be noted that writings like Daniel and the Enoch cycle (excluding the astronomical book) or even presiunably Essene works like Jubilees and the Testament o f Levi - in contrast to the innermost esoteric writings, which were anxiously kept secret (see below, n. 691) - were 'popular books' written for the wider circles o f the 'pious', like the Jewish Sibyllines in the Diaspora, which were intended to support the Jewish mission and which imitated the popular prophetic oracular hterature in the Hellenistic period.*** T h e esoteric garb here was a dehberate styhstic expedient to arouse the interest o f the reader. In the first place^the writings contributed to keeping ahve the eschatological expectation o f the end down to the rebelhon o f Bar K o c h b a , and saw that the views o f the Hasidim about the hierarchy and the fall of the angels, resunrection and judgm^it, tiie end o f the world and the dawn of the time o f salvation became common knowledge in the wider circles of Palestinian Judaism in the HeUenistic and Roman period. 9. A general verdict which has been passed on apocalyptic by von Rad and others fails to do it justice because it pa3« too Utde attention to its historical setting. T h e characteristic o f ' a fundamentaUy unhistorical way o f thinking'*** does not apply to it but to its counterpart, the world picture o f the HeUenistic period determined b y the arbitrary sway o f T y c h e or by astral determinism. A b o v e aU, the speculations on cosmology and the philosophy o f history should not lead to a neglect o f the 'saving character' o f this wisdom.
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
which is directed towards the imminent eschaton, as it appears particularly in the closing vision o f Daniel and the later admonitions o f I Enoch. In the utmost tribulation 'the wise men of the people bring many to understanding (yabinu larabbinify and 1 2 . 3 , shortly afterwards, shows that this 'msight* was not any mere speculative knowledge: in this way the wise have brought 'many to righteousness' - i.e. to the side o f the faithfiil community and thus to eschato logical salvation: they are mas'ddiqe harabbim. T h i s saving character o f apocal3^tic knowledge then emerges even more dearly a Uttle later, among the Essenes.
Excursus 4: 'Higher wisdom through revelation' as a characteristic of reUgion in late antiquity
T h e revival o f piety after the coUapse o f traditional forms o f religion in the the wave of destructive sceptidsm in the fourth and third centuries B C have as a typical feature the personal tie of the individual to particular deiti a tie which was grounded more strongly than in the earUer period through personal supernatural experiences, dreams, epiphanies, healings, direct instruc tions hora G o d , etc. T h e gods who gained great influence in this way early on in the Hellenistic period, because they entered into durect assodation with their behevers and so created a quite personal relationship, mcluded deities like Asdepius and Serapis and Isis, though these are by no means the only ones. A characteristic feature of the latter was that in contrast to the Greek gods they also had power over fate.**' EspedaUy through dreams, they gave com mands to their worshippers and saw that these commands were carried o u t ; they inflicted punishment through sickness and communicated secret know ledge about cures, about the fiiture after death, etc, through revelations. In this way there mcreased in wide areas of the people an interest in dreams about revelations or visionary, ecstatic experiences, which in earUer days were reserved for mdividual wise men, seers, kings and poets.*** I f a man did not himself have the capadty for visions, he would at least receive a share in this higher knowledge t h r o i ^ h reading similar, allegedly 'secret' revelatory writing. T h e revival o f Neo-Pjrthagoreanism in the first century BC and the success o f the mystery religions are to be explained in the Ught o f these tendendes.
polis and
T h i s development was prepared for by z'literature of revelation'. T h i s partly contained the miraculous experiences o f ecstatic wonder-workers, but often also narratives o f descents which at least from the classical period were often combmed with a 'journey to heaven'.**' T h e reason for this was that, as the world-picture changed, people were more and more inclined to transfer the kingdom of the dead to the starry heavens. Homer's Odyssey already made rich use o f the popular theme o f the descent, and it was given a deeper back ground in the philosophy o f religion as Orphic and Pjrthagorean myths and the doctrine o f the soul assodated with them were taken over b y Empedocles, Plato and others :6So
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
2ii
' T h e first hterary description o f the journey o f a man to heaven is that o f Parmenides at the beginning o f his poem.'«*i O n the glowing chariot o f the Sim, harnessed to heavenly horses, and guided b y the Hehades, he goes towards the hght. D i k e allows him to enter b y the door at which the paths o f day and night divide. T h e r e he receives his revelation firom 'Aletheia' (fir. I , Diels). A . Dieterich derives this large poetic vision firom Orphic models, and W . Jaeger saw in it a deUberate borrowing and development o f the vision of the caU o f the Boeotian shepherd Hesiod (Theogon.22S.), in which the muses revealed the truth to him.*** In both instances one is reminded o f certain Old Testament analogies: in Parmenides o f I I Kings 2 . I I and in Hesiod o f Amos 7.15, from about the same period: the latter are 'the two earUest visions which are narrated b y the persons who received them'.*** Later descriptions no longer have this complete form, but prove to be widespread didactic hterature: T h u s HeracUdes Ponticus (390-310 BC), a pupil o f Plato, combines the themes o f a vision, an epiphany o f the gods, a descent as a journey to heaven and the revelation o f transcendent wisdom in his portrayal o f the aUeged experiences of Empedotimus. A t a lonely spot, Pluto and Persephone appear to him at noon in a garland o f light, he is taken up and shown the 'heavenly' Hades on the Milky W a y and the three diflferent doors for the dead (see p. 198 above), which divide up into three star-patterns, one leading to the gods in the 'ether' and another presumably to Tartarus. In another work o f the author the wonder man Abaris, who comes firom the mythical Hyperboreans in the North, asks Pythagoras about his journey to Hades. T h e r e were a whole series o f such wonder-workers in ancient Greece, whose soul left theur body after appropriate preparations; they prophesied the future, healed the sick and turned away disaster, and theur experiences were elaborated in romantic fashion b y later writers. T h e efifect o f these phantasmagoria in the HeUenistic period was considerable. T h e vision o f Empedotimus seems to have influenced Posidonius, Varro and the Sotmium Scipionis; Clement o f Alexandria Usts him alongside Zoroaster and Socrates in a catalogue of'seers'.*** W h e n such 'transcendent wisdom' did not come from Greece itself but from barbarian 'phUosophers' or from the East, it seemed to be particularly eflfective: T h u s in the pseudo-Platonic Axiochus (first century BC?), the Persian magician Gobryes reports that his description o f the astral Idngdom o f the dead comes from uron tablets - a favourite theme of revelation, see pp. 242f. b e l o w - w h i c h were brought b y the Hyperboreans to Delos in earUesttimes. *** T h i s 'revelation Uterature', which emerged with a serious claim, was mocked b y the Palestinian Menippus o f Gadara (after 300 BC, see above, pp. 83f.), who among other things wrote a journey to Hades and a journey to heaven, 'testaments' and letters o f the gods.*** Perhaps it was he w h o .
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in his Nekyia - as it is described later b y Lucian in his Nekyonmnteia, which is dependent on Menippus (ch. 6, ed. A . M . Harmon, L C L 4,82flF.) had the door to the imderworld opened to him in Babylon b y the ' M a g i ' , the pupils and followers o f Zoroaster. Alongside the magicians of Persia, the Egyptian priests were also regarded as dispensers o f secret divine wisdom. It was, o f coiurse, most eflFective if one combined Iranian and Egyptian wisdom: In the Pkysica o f Ps. Democritus (according to Festugiere from the first century AD), Democritus travels to Egypt to learn magic and alchemy from the Persian magician Ostanes there. After the latter's untimely death he conjures up his former teacher in order to learn the hiding place o f his secret books.**' According to the introduction to the PseudoClementines, Q e m e n t reports how, driven b y the question what happens to the soul after death, he goes to Egypt to learn there b y means of one o f the 'hierophants and prophets', 'whether the soul is immortal'.*** A Jewish counterpart to this is the conjuring up o f the dead b y Mambres according to the fragment o f the Paenitentia lanne et Mambre.^^^ A threefold intellectual tendency can be seen against the background o f these examples from Hellenistic time which have been briefly sketched out: 1. A widespread trend towards the urrational and the mysterious, which could only be discovered b y means o f supernatural 'revelations'. 2. T h e attempt in this way to discover the basic questions o f human existence, the destiny o f the soul after death and the 'sympatheia' o f the individual with the cosmos and its resulting fate. 3. A growing interest in the mysterious, age-old wisdom o f barbarian peoples, especially in the East. T h e 'wise men of the East', including the Indian Brahmans, the Persian ' M a g i ' , the Babylonian 'Chaldeans' and the Egyptian priests were regarded as special kinds o f philosophers and bearers o f higher knowledge, from whom answers were sought to questions o f life which remained inaccessible to rational thought.**" T h i s spuritual change, which becomes visible about the beginning o f the second century BC and reaches its climax in the second and third centuries AD, inevitably strengthened the self awareness o f the spuritual 6hte o f the subject oriental peoples. Theur older, religiously shaped 'wisdom' seemed at last to be superior to the rational, logical and systematic thought o f their Greek masters. Whether and how far they had been influenced b y these very masters was not a question that people asked. T h u s Jewish apocalyptic, too, stands in a wider cultural context as a counter-movement to 'Greek alienation', and as such was itself a firuit o f the Hellenistic period. T h i s defensive attitude against Greek language and culture can be seen, for example, in a Hermetic text in which Asclepius appears to king A m m o n :**! H e forbade any translation o f the wisdom communicated to him, 'so that
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these mysteries woiild not reach the Greeks and the arrogant, impotent and elaborate talk o f the Greeks would not destroy the honoiurable, terse and powerfiil expression o f the words. For the Greeks have . . . empty con cepts, with which they can indeed make eflFective arguments, but in reaUty the philosophy of the Greeks is just the soimd o f words (Xoytov ili6os). O f course we do not use (mere) words, but sounds fiiU o f efficacy (rjT€vwv 1.169) he was completing the translation into Greek b y v k t u e o f divine inspkation {nX-qpwdels TTjs aijs 0e[t]dT7jTo?, I.164): 'Every Greek tongue wiU teU your story, and every Greek wiU honour Imuthes, son o f Ptah', U.i98flF.««2 T h e decisive thing is rather the absolute superiority o f these revelations o f the Egyptian god over Greek language, Greek philosophy and Greek reUgion. In similar fashion the Rabbis on the one hand condemned the translation o f the T o r a h firom Hebrew - the language o f creation and o f the angels - into Greek and Aramaic and then went on to fiirther it. Typical here is the 'bat qoV in the translation o f the prophets b y Jonathan b . Uzziel (Theodotion ?): ' W h o is it who has betrayed m y secrets to men ?', and the answer, that it was done to G o d ' s glory.««» T h e reasons for this fundamental superiority of the 'prophets of the East'^^^ and t h e k inspked wisdom were given b y Festugiere with reference to the detailed report o f the Egyptian priest and Stoic Chaeremon (first century AD) about the holy life of the prophets and leading priests in the temples o f Egypt. ««* H e points out that what is said there also apphes, with a few changes, to the Jewish Essenes and Therapeutae, the Persian ' M a g i ' or the Indian Brahmans. Separated firom the imclean world, they lead a Ufe o f complete self-control in freely chosen asceticism with sparse and rituaUy pure food, completely devoted to prayer and the praise of G o d , the observation of heaven, philosophy and the study o f holy writings: For this constant converse with divine knowledge and inspkation (deCa yvwaei Kcu eirtvoCa) drives away aU avarice, damps down the passions and dkects Ufe towards wisdom.*** T h e pious ideal o f the Hasidim, like the author o f the book o f Daniel, will not have been too far removed firom this attitude. E . Fascher, who describes the 'prophets' o f the late Egyptian period as 'scribes, wise men and magicians with a prophetic bent', therefore pointed out the affinity o f this 'pseudoprophecy' to late apocalyptic.**' One receives the impression that in the
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Hellenistic period the forms of rehgious experience and thought were assimilat ing to each other over and beyond religious and national limitations. Here 'the prophets o f the east' did not remain completely restricted to Egypt. Iranian evidence also indicates similar forms of revelation: T h e oracles o f Hystaspes, which have already been mentioned, were pre sumably composed b y a Hellenistic adherent o f Iranian reUgion in the east of the Roman e m p k e between about l o o BC and AD IOO. T h e y claim to be a dream of Hystaspes, king of the Medes, i.e. probably the friend and patron of Zarathustra. T h e dream is interpreted b y a boy with prophetic gifts and preserved for posterity {sub interpretatione vaticinantis pueri ad memoriam posteris tradidit) - presimiably the young Zarathustra himself. It contains references to the appearance of a redeemer figure, the decline of Rome, the annihilation o f the godless through Jupiter and the burning o f the world. T h e paraUels to Daniel are manifest. ««* T h e astrological Uterature also exercised great influence; it made a decisive contribution to the world picture and the reUgion o f educated citizens in late antiquity. F k s t mention should be given here to the fimdamental work o f Nechepso-Petoshis, which was composed at about the time o f Daniel or a Uttle later, and began with journey o f the king to heaven: H e noted how the kings and rulers o f the early period 'left the earthly behind them to pass through the heaven {ovpavoParelv) and to take up converse with the immortal souls and divine holy thoughts'. A m o n g other things he describes how, presumably after intensive prayer in the night, he was raised up into the air. A heavenly voice rang out (ef^^^aev ovpavov j8o^ and finaUy a gigantic black figure appeared to him, concealed in a cloak. His conversation parmer Petosiris is characterized b y Proclus as a trustworthy man w h o , Uke Enoch, 'conversed with the manifold classes of gods and angels'. In a letter to the king he admonishes h i m : ' B u t on the ground of your wisdom inspired by the divine spirit (<8td> deoiTvevoTov oov TTpovotas) concern yourself over what I have written.'*'" T h e right interpretation of texts of this kind presupposes the possession of the divine sphit in astrology also. Here there are quite similar 'forms of revelation' to those in apocalyptic. T h u s the whole Hermetic astrological Uterature, the earhest parts of which, according to Festugiere, go back to the end o f the third or the beginning o f the second century B C , * ' I claim to be the revelation o f the Egyptian G o d Hermes Thoth. Erastosthenes (275-194 BC) already reported an extensive journey o f Hermes through heaven, in which he combined a m o d e m scientific description of heaven and earth with the old Greek star sagas.*'* T h e astronomer Manilius (about the end of the first century BC) praises him as the author of all holy wisdom: Tu princeps auctorque sacri,Cyllenie {= Mercurius-Hermes) tanti. Even if the poet himself does not understand the divine mysteries, he must
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
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describe them at the command o f G o d . Only G o d himself, though, can give the interpretation.*'* T h e r e is an imitation o f the entry vision o f Nechepso in the later tractate Poimandres o f the Corpus Hermeticiun (second to third century AD), though it is much more detailed.*'* T h e heavenly voice (fiorj) in Nechepso and C H i , 4 recalls the bat qol o f the Rabbinic tradition.*'* A further detailed joiuney to heaven which leads through the various heavens up to the opened gates o f heaven - also a frequent apocalyptic theme - , * ' * behind which the world o f the gods opens u p and in which finally Hehos himself appears and communicates the desked revelation, is contained in the great Parisian magical papyrus. Even the Isis initiation o f Apuleius {Met.ji, 23,8) is connected with a journey o f the initiate to Hades and to heaven.*" A comparison between Hermes Thoth in the Kore Kosmu and Enoch is astonishing. Hermes T h o t h , who received the ovfiirddeia rot? ovpavov pLvoTTiplois from the gods, wrote down all he learned. Part he taught to his son T a t , so that the latter would pass it on to his descendants Asclepius and Hephaestus, and another part he concealed (see pp. 242flF. below). W h e n he had completed his work he ascended to heaven (dve^aivev els darpa, C H 23,5, c f 7) and there worked as 'scribe' (viTonvTjfj.aT6Ypaos) o f the gods ( C H 23, 44). T h e parallels to the Enoch tradition are obvious. T h u s it is imderstandable that Enoch and Hermes T h o t h were conftised in the early Middle Ages.*'* T h e transmission o f the revealed wisdom from father to son (see above, p. 304), which is so typical of Enoch and the whole 'testament Uterature', appears here as a constitutive element.*" W i t h the unique significance o f the Egyptian god as the 'wise man o f primal times', it is understandable w h y Artapanus identified him with Moses (see above, p. 9 1 , n. I I , 262). T h e Egyptian priests CaUed Moses 'Hermes' 8td rrjv TWV tepwv ypap.pi,dTwv eppLrfveiav.^^" T h e problem o f the supplementary interpretation b y a decipherment o f a writing regarded as mspired, and the corresponding preparation for it, appears in the letter o f the doctor Thessalus to the emperor Claudius. Here one can see an analogy to D a n . 9.2, 24ff.: According to this, Thessalus discovered in Alexandria an astrological, iatromantic writing o f king Nechepso about healmg plants and stones under the influence o f the Zodiac, but met only with failure in its practical appUcation. So the writing itself seemed to him to be the 'empty vapour o f royal foUy'. In complete despair and iU wiU, ' I raised m y hands to heaven unceasingly and prayed to the gods to give m e the possibiUty o f justifying myself b y vision or cUvine inspiration' (81' oveipov
avTaaCas rj Bid
rrvevfiaTos
delov). H e came to Thebes, where after three days of fasting an Egyptian priest arranged the epiphany o f Asclepius to him. T h e latter explained t o him the incompleteness o f Nechepso's information: in addition to noting the time and place for gathering plants it is also necessary to note the changing astral constellations. Thessalus immediately writes down these additional 'revelations' in a new tractate, which he puts in his letter to the emperor.**!
2i6
PALESTINIAN JTIDAISM AND THE HELLENISTIC AGE
Finally, mention should also be made o f verbal revelation through 'INSPIRED ECSTASY'. W e meet it, for example, in the Potter's Oracle, where the prophetic potter falls into ecstasy ( e | e a T [ i j K O T < o ? ] . . . T&V P€V&Vfr.i , i , 14-15) and, filled with the divme spkit, presents his prophecy to the king (FIECXJJOPOV I , 1 5 ; e K [ t o v ] oipa[VOV\ YVOVS 1,16). T h e description o f the prophedes of the consul Pubhus b y Antisthenes is similar: IFIFIAV^S y e v d ^ e v o ? K a t Tjupd^PWV dTro9eyyeTai IROXXD Tiva EVDOVAITOS&S.^^^ Both the Potter and Pubhus find death in their divine inspiration. Such prophedes IN STATU TNORIENDI recall the Jewish Testament Uterature.*** A n analogy would be the - historical - fate o f the ecstatic prophet o f disaster, Jesus son o f Ananus, in AD 70 (BELL.6, 300-9). E v e n the Jewish Sibyl refers to her ecstatic inspkation (3, 810: OURRPOFIAVIJS, c f . 8 i 6 , 818: fiaivofiev7]V). Driven by divine necessity (dvayKT) 3, 296, c f I Cor.9.16), she proclaims her prophecy: A n d again the great word of divine revelation ( ^ o T t ? ) entered my breast and bore m e up to prophesy the fiiture against that land and the kings (3,296flF., c f 49of, i 6 2 f ) Nor is this form o f revelation ahen to the Enoch tradition, when Enoch as a 'prophet' summons his relatives at the beginning o f the admonitions in 9 1 . 1 : for the word caUs me, and the spkit is poured out on m e to show y o u ever3rthing that wiU happen to y o u to eternity. Finally, Jewish apocalyptic shares with the 'revelation Uterature' o f the^, Hdlenistic world the characteristic o f PSEUDEPIGRAPHY. T h i s is true o f aU the SibyUine Uterature, the Hermetic and Orphic Uterature, the oracle of Hystaspes, the pseudo-Platonic Axiochus and the writings o f Nechepso-Petosiris. T h e prophetic poem o f Lycophron, ALEXANDRA, from the third century B C , was presented as a prophecy o f Cassandra (see n. 522 above), and the writings o f the PHYSIOLOGOS and alchemist Bolus of Mendes (c. 200 BC) partially appeared as the works o f Democritus; the ORACULA CHALDAICA in the second century AD appeared as revelations o f Hecate. In Rome in 181 BC, books purporting to be by the fabulous second king o f Rome, N u m a PopiUus, were foimd and imme diately burnt b y the d t y praetor, presumably because o f their Pythagoreanapocryphal content.*** It makes Uttle sense to pursue the details o f individual dements - like the heavenly journey - in detail and, as W . Bousset attempted, to c o n s t r u a 'a selfcontained oriental view o f the heavenly journey o f the soul'.*** W e must (see above, p . 205) reckon with the f a a that such phenomena appear independently o f each other at different places,*** and they should therefore be interpreted more in terms o f the phenomenology and psychology of reUgion. T h e examples and paraUels mentioned do not on each occasion demonstrate a d k e a influence on early Jewish apocalyptic b y its HeUenistic oriental envkonment - this is
The Hasidim and the First Climax of Jewish Apocalyptic
217
certainly present, but the investigation would have to go into much more detail to demonstrate it in particulars - but only show the relevant sphitual miheu which is typical o f the Hellenistic period from the beginning o f the second century BC onwards. T h e common basis is formed b y the idea oi'higher wisdom by revelation'. It characterizes the renewal o f the religious feelings o f the ancient world imder the influence o f oriental religions and the suppression of Greek rationahsm and religious scepticism, although the new forms o f piety - not least as a result o f their encounter with the Greek sphit - had taken on a considerable measure o f rationahty. In the philosophical sphere this new tendency is clear from the end o f the second century on in the Syrian Posidonius and in the overcoming o f Sceptidsm within the Academy b y his contemporary, the Palestinian Antiochus o f Ashkelon (see above, pp.86f). Even philosophy now no longer seeks to gain its results ' b y the means o f academic investigation, but grounds them on positive authorities and higher revelations, and sees its certamty guaranteed only b y these'.**' Within this total movement, Jewish apocalyptic emerged - alongside astrology - as the earliest clearly delineated spiritual force. Its historical eflfects caimot be ignored, because Christianity too must be induded in this context, where according to E. Kasemann 'apocalyptic formed the real beginnmg o f primitive Christian theology'.*** It could become fruitful in this way because although it had several features in common with the newly emerging Hellen istic-oriental religious development, it in no way surrendered the element o f the personal revelation o f G o d to Israel, but rather maintained it in a new universal form - in conformity to its time but at the same time also radical and opposed to Hellenistic cosmopoUtanism and cultural optimism. For it, G o d remains the sovereign L o r d o f the cosmos and history, o f the people Israel whom he has chosen, and of the individual. His judgment and the dawn of the time of salvation which he has promised from the very beginning have become imminent, and a last respite has been granted to the people in which they may prove themselves, together and as mdividuals. Human history from the creation of the world has been moving towards this climax. T h e whole cosmos, the nations o f the world and the people o f G o d face then last crisis; no one can reUeve them of the dedsion; either men will hearken to the caU to repentance issued b y the Hasidic 'wise men' and put themselves under the commandment o f G o d given in the T o r a h , or they wiU not share in the coming salvation or will forfdt then Uves m the coming judgment.**' It is imderstandable that the movement o f the Hasidim could not limit themselves to their message amidst the cosmological speculation and specula tion about the 'philosophy o f history', the struggle after visions b y which to acquire divine knowledge; rather, the whole eschatological bent o f this move ment demanded the solution o f a question which the late wisdom o f Koheleth and S k a c h had raised but could not answer, the question o f the significance o f a man's life in the face o f the divine wiU, the question o f man's salvation and
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Palestinian Judamn and the Hellenistic Age
the glory o f G o d . A n answer was attempted b y the two Jewish groups which evolved from the Hasidim, the Essenes and the Pharisees.
7. Early Essenismsso a) The theology of early Essenism Whereas the early Hasidic apocalypses were addressed to a wider circle o f readers and accordingly contained an attractive multiplicity o f mythical and legendary elements, the central Essene writings, hke the Community Rule, the Hodayot, etc.,*'! directed towards the smaller circle o f the elect members o f the Essene community itself and express in part systematic theological statements in extremely concentrated form. T h e y represent a further development o f apocalyptic historical thinking, with a tendency on the one hand m the direction o f a theodicy - the explanation o f the origm and power o f evil in the world - and on the other o f a soteriologically deter mined anthropology. In what follows it is impossible to discuss the whole Essene 'theology* in extenso, so we shall limit oiurselves to a survey, beginning from two well-known central theological texts. T h e first appears in the Community Rule i Q S 3.15-4.26; w e quote here the first half, down to 4 . 1 : 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
24 25 26 4.1
From the G o d o f Knowledge (niyT.T "?Na) comes all that is and all that happens (n^iin min V o ) . Before ever they existed he estabhshed their whole design (nnaizma VlD fDn nnr'n "'3B'7),/and when, as ordained for them, they come into bemg, it is in accord with his glorious design (iTiaD nawnaD) that they accompUsh t h e k task, and there is no changing {mmb f Kl). In his hand/are the laws o f all thmgs (•'UBWa VlD), and he provides them with all t h e k needs. H e has created man to govern/the earth and has appointed for him two spirits in which to walk imtil the time o f his visitation: the spkits / of truth and falsehood. T h o s e b o m o f trath spring from a fountain of Ught, but those b o m o f falsehood spring from a source o f darkness./AU the children o f righteousness are ruled b y the I*rince o f L i g h t and walk in the ways o f Ught, but aU the duldren o f falsehood/are ruled b y the Angel o f Darkness and walk in the ways o f darkness. T h e Angel o f Darkness leads aU the children o f righteousness astray,/ and all t h e k sins . . . are caused b y his dominion/in accordance with the mysteries of G o d , imtil his time. Every one of their chastisements, and every one of the seasons o f thek distress, hes under the rule o f his persecution (WBUtWi see Jub.)./And all his aUotted spkits seek the overthrow o f the sons o f Ught; but the G o d o f Israel and his Angel o f T m t h wiU succour aU/the sons o f Ught. A n d he created the spirits o f Ught and darkness and founded every action upon them/(and upon) t h e k (ways) (read p ' ' a m Vsi) he estabhshed every deed ( ). G o d loves the one for aU/time and deUghts in its works for ever. But the counsel o f the other he loathes, and for ever hates its ways.*'*
Early Essenism
219
T h i s text resembles a catechism and, as J. Becker rightly observes, 'develops an overall theological view in didactic form which outlines with pregnant content and consistent argument a self-contained theological conception which is without parallel in Judaism'.*'* A striking feature is the accmnulation o f abstract terms which is aheady prefigured in the late 'wisdom' of Koheleth and Ben S k a , just as Essenism in general is influenced firom this dkection in its anthropological terminology.*'* W e m a y see here the concern for a systematic, indeed almost 'philosophical' conceptuahty which had not appeared earUer in Hebrew thought. T h i s apphes, for example, to the p a k o f concepts 'being and happening' (n^^nil rmn),*'* which is used elsewhere on a nvimber o f occasions in Essene writings. E . Kamlah is probably right when he observes that here 'the Jewish behef in creation' is, among other things, wrestling with an 'imderstanding o f the world which has developed the abstract terms o f bemg and becommg, in other words, Greek. O n e might translate the . . . sentence b y TTavra TO. ovra
Kal TO. yivd^eva'.*'*
T h i s text forms the didactic heart o f the Rule and, as the earUest examples of it are to be found in manuscripts o f about 140-120 BC, wiU have been com posed in its original form in about 150-130 B C . * " It is reaUy an attempt to interpret 'being' and 'happening', i.e. creation and history, in systematic form on a theological basis. T h e starting point is a terse and precise account o f creation. T h e r e is no notion o f a hypostatized hokmd as mediator at creation here - nor anywhere else in the Essene writings;*'* its place is taken b y the sovereign, perfect knowledge possessed b y G o d himself. T h e term nWTn "?K which appears here is also used elsewhere, always in connection with the idea o f predestination.*" Before the world came into being, G o d estabhshed the whole order o f creation and history in an unalterable way through the plans o f his thought (n/natt^na).""' Everythmg is predestined firom the very beginning, including the individual human life with its thoughts and actions: 'Before thou didst create them, thou didst know (all) thek works for all times. (For withom thee) is (nothing) done, and nothing is known without thy w i l l . ' " ! G o d has foreordamed the 'lot' o f man (Vnu), i.e. the realm to which he belongs in relation to the two spirits, firom the very beginning o f the world, whether for salvation or for damnation. H e has 'created the righteous and the godless' ( i Q H 4.38).'02 T h i s conception o f the predestination of the course of history and the fate of the individual is new in its pregnant form, although it was prepared for both in the apocalyptic picture o f history and in Koheleth and, in a weakened form, b y Ben S k a . However, the latter, Uke the Pharisaic movement at a later time, left the postulate of the fireedom of the human wUl and a demonstrable doctrine o f retribution juxtaposed and unrelated to the conception o f predestination.'"'* Josephus is fundamentaUy right i n his report o f the difference between Essenes
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
and Pharisees so far as their divergent views of the working of divine heimarmene is concerned - that is, leaving the Stoic terminology aside.'"* The two spirits appear as mediators between God and man, thoi^h they are only executive powers of the divine plan. They determine the historical 'sphere of rule' (n'TB^BB),'"* in which man's ethical and reUgious existence is to be found, though then spheres partly overlap; thus aU the temptations and sins of the 'sons of Ught' and the tribulations and judgments in history can be regarded as the work of the Angel of Darkness and his spkits.'"* The battle of the two spkits extends to the heart of men, so that man appears as a being divided into parts of Ught and darkness.'"' God, who, according to the 'mystery' of his prior determination,'"* which even embraces evU, has estabhshed this constant struggle for the diuration of world history, appoints an end for it at the time he determines, which is imminent. T o the spkit of truth, who according to the War ScroU is identified with Michael, the chief angel, he givesfinalvictory over the spkit of evU, or Belial, in an eschatological stru^le which embraces the whole cosmos.'"' Thus an exclusively psycho logical and anthropological mterpretation of the two spkits is imjustified,'!" though it is umnistakable that the struggle of the two 'powers' finds its climax and its decision over and in man: the apocalyptic drama concentrates on anthropology, without the cosmic aspect being lost. The picture of history i n i QS 3.i5flF. is enlarged by a related text:'!! '. . . And they do not know the fiiture mystery (n""?!! n, see i QS I I . 3 f . ) and they do not imderstand past things, nor do they know what wiU befaU them, how thek soul (could) be saved m the face of the 5 fiiture mystery. / And this shaU be a sign for you that these things wiU come to pass: when the descendants (or ways of birth ?) of evil are shut up,'!2 wickedness shaU vanish in the face of righteousness as 6 darkness vanishes/before the Ught and vanishes Uke smoke and is no more. So shaU wickedness vanish for ever. But righteousness wiU be 7 made manifest like the sim as the norm/of the world (Van pan), and aU those who hold up the marvellous mysteries will be no more. And knowledge shaUfiUthe earth, but foUy shaU no (longer) be there . . .'
4
The sign that this prophecy wiU certainly be fidfiUed consists in the contradiction which stiU dominates aU history in the present: 8/9
'Do not aU nations/hate wickedness ? Yet it is spread abroad by every hand. Does not the knowledge of the truth (nSK saw ?) emergefiromthe 10 mouth of all nations,/but is there a Up or a tongue which observes it ? Which nation loves to be oppressed by a stronger? Who/likes his 11 property to be plundered by wickedness ? (But) which nation does not oppress his neighbour ? Where is a nation that does not plunder the 12 property (of others) ?' In thefiragmentsof the next column one can detect the hint that in the continuation the old problem of theodicy, the unequal lot of the righteous
Early Essenism
22i
and the godless, and probably also the unequal distribution of property in this world, wiU be discussed. From this we see that behind these apocalyptic outlines there stands a question which occupied post-exihc wisdom after Job, which Skach sought to solve dkectly by stress on the doctrine of retribution, but which broke out in a new and elemental way in the terrors of the time of persecution after 167 BC and in the decades-long sufferings of war that followed: this was the question of the origin, the meaning and the overcoming of evil in history. As the outline of history in Daniel shows, the answer given to it in apocalyptic Hasidic ckdes dming the climax of the crisis in 164 BC was that with the desecration of the temple and the persecution of those faithftil to the Torah, the last time of purification had reached its clunax and that the dawn of the time of salvation was imminent (see above, pp. 179!). This beginning was deepened in Essene ckdes and an outiine of history was developed which bore systematic traits expressmg a 'philosophy of history': God's plan for the world and for history in which even the spirit of evil is only allotted a limited span of time according to his sovereign wiU remains an impenetrable 'mystery for autonomous human reason. God is the sovereign lord over the fate of individual men, over the realm of the two 'spirits', the plan of the times and mtervals in history. Man cannot haggle over his fate with God, he must simply accept that he is a bUnded sinner in his creaturely weakness and fiailty, who has deserved aU the trials and torments which he encounters in his historical e x i s t e n c e . H e r e the Essene picture of history and man penetrates deeper than the optimistic and over-simple attitude of Ben Ska and later Pharisaism, who maintain that the pattern of retribution still makes sense (see above pp. i42flF.); however, it does not faU into the impasse of the fatahsm of Koheleth (in this connection, it is interesting that the works of both Ben Ska and Koheleth were found in the library of Qumran, see n. II, 60 and n. I l l , 694). On the contrary, God's righteousness and saving will are demonstrated in the fact that he is preparing an end for the spirit of evil predsely at the point when it has reached its climax, and so 'righteousness' becomes the 'basic order of the world'. The divorce between the will and the action of the peoples is an indication of this aun. Thus the old and ever new question of the origin of evil changes into the question of the saving meaning of history - hidden from smfiil man - and at the same time his eschatological liberationfiromthe realm of the spkit of darkness. This Essene picture of history, which has more strongly duahstic features than the earlier Hasidic conceptions, but in the end again overcomes dualism, appears equally in the Community Rule, a large number of hymns, the biblical interpretation and the various 'apocalyptic pictures of history', preserved in fragments and dkected towards both past and future. Even the Damascus Document, probably intended for a wider drde of the community, and the book of Jublilees are stamped by it.'^* This explains the central significance of that group of concepts which
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
probably possessed the greatest importance for Essene theology and the later religious development, and which embraced the concepts of knowledge, insight and wisdom (n»l, n » l , byo, nra, rmsn, n » 1 » , etc.) mdudmg the re lated verbs ( » T , bw, pa). Earher wisdom traditions may have been influential here, though the terms nasn and DSn &de well into the background in fevour of n»T and "jStr?.'!* In so &r as it corresponds to the 'truth' (nSK),'" all human knowledge is grounded in the knowledge of God as nST llpa.'!* Knowledge about the deeper connections in creation and history, about the greamess and the misery of man, come from him alone, and the only wise man is the one to whom God has revealed the mysteries of his knowledge through his spirit. For he has displayed his hght from the source of his knowledge, so that my eyes have looked on his wonders . . . and the hght of my heart on the mystery of fiiture history and eternal bemg (nVl» Klim rrns [T]ia) . . . M y eyes have looked on the eternal being (nVlS Klina), deep insight which is concealed from men, knowledge and wise thoughts (hidden) from the children of men. A typical example, the blessing for novices entering the community, shows the meaning of the 'knowledge of being", fimdamentally understood in a soterio logical way, for the members of the community (i QS 2.2f): May he bless you with all good things and preserve you from all evil. May he hghten your heart with the insight of life and endow you with eternal knowledge (a''Vl» nsia). Year by year the members of the group are classed 'according to the d ^ e e of their knowledge and the perfection of their way of life'.'*" Conversely, evil and godlessness always appear also as an expression of mis understanding and f o l l y . F i n a l l y , terms like 'eternal being* and 'eternal knowledge' suggest an assimilation of Essene theological conceptuahty to Greek models. The way to saving knowledge which puts the individual in the realm of the sphit of truth is only open in the community, where in charismatic fashion the Torah and the prophets are interpreted in respect of the divine mysteries of history and a perfect fiilfilment of the divine commandments, and are thus disclosed in their deeper meaning.'** In respect of the apparently 'perfec tionist' aspect of the complete fiilfilment of the Torah, one might speak of an 'eschatologically radicalized . . . movement of sanctification'.'** But this is only one side of the community. Whereas in the legal texts 'revelation' is more strongly attached to the interpretation of the Torah and the prophets, in the hymns it appears more in the form of direct insphation. Of course, there is no unconditional opposition,- the chief reason for the diflference is the divergent hterary form of the statement. Divine revelation is needed, even if one is to be able to know the mysteries of the divine revelation in scripture.'** Thus
Early Essenism
223
alongside the concepts of 'knowledge' and 'understanding' we have such necessary expressions as 'reveal', 'enlighten', 'appear" and even 'conceal' - and
above all 'rrtystery' ( n ) and secret counsel (*no).'25 xhe hymns in particular portray in ever new variations the incomprehensible miracle of the divine revelation of salvation. It gives man knowledge of his absolute nothingness and complete sinfuhiess (see above, n.714), leads him to repentance and thus makes him willing to separate himself now, at the end of time, from the massa perditionis of apostate Israel and the nations of the world, and enter the holy renmant of the community of the 'children of hght* which incorporates the people of God.'** There his sin is blotted out,'*' his 'knowledge is piurified by the truth of the commandments of God','** and his way of life is^ made perfect by the constant practice of obedience. For only in the community is the Torah of God truly expounded and are its demands really fiilfiUed.'** Thus man is transposed to the sphere of the spirit of truth, even if there he is still assailed by the 'parts of darkness in him': 'the God of Israel and the angel of his truth help aU the sons of hght'. '*" In this way the community becomes the 'eschatological cotnmmity of salvation', which has only an external, loose connection with the national association of the people; in other words, it becomes a 'church'. However, the complete 'purification' of man by the spirit of God happens only in the eschaton aflier the annihilation of the sphere of evil."! Rigorous obedience to the law finds its climax in the daily praise of the 'sons of light'. In it is disclosed the perfect harmony of the whole of creation, as it is expressed above all in the ordering of the seasons and the movements of the stars.'** Moreover they enter into community with the angels of God;'** for in the doxology the world and history reach their goal: the glorification of the divine kdbod. In the last resort, creation and the revela tion of salvation took place only to the glory of God.'** The heavenly hturgies or the descriptions of the heavenly Jerusalem are the expression of a contemporizmg, proleptic epiphany of eschatological salvation. For the members of the community of salvation, heaven was opened in the praise of God.'** This did not exclude a fiiture expectation: it was hoped that soon evil would be finally annihilated, that the priestiy and the Davidic Messiah would come andthattherewouldbeeternallife(seepp. 198! above). However, the eschatolo gical gifts of salvation were aheady in the community, if only incompletely.'** A significant feature here is the restraint in the elaboration of scenes of fiiture judgment and salvation. Here abbreviated themes like 'eternal joy' . . . (I Q H 18.15), 'eternal peace' (I QS 2.4) . . . 'eternal light' (i QS 4.8; M.17.6; H. 12.15?) or 'light of hfe' (. . . i QS 3.7) predominate.'*' The pious wiU share in 'the whole glory of Adam' (i QS 4.23; i Q H 17.15; C D 3.20). Thus on the whole the foundations of an individual soteriology and ecclesiology are to be seen against the background of a duahsm of salvation history and anthropology. However, what happens in and through man for his salvation is not grounded in his own contribution. As he is determmed from the beginning
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and the Hellenistic Age
either for righteousness or for judgment, 'redemption' by acceptance into the community is grounded exclusively in G o d ' s free election.'"* T h e early Essene 'theology* which w e find in the Rule, the hymns, certain apocalyptic fragments and in parts of the W a r Scroll,'"* can therefore be regarded as the most impressive theological contribution produced b y Judaism in the time 'between the Testaments'.''*'' I n contrast to the 'creation onto logy' of Aristobulus and the later 'Torah ontology' o f the Rabbis, Essene teaching was concentrated on two apparently divergent focal points, which are, however, in reahty closely associated and indeed condition each other: i . an apocalyptic dualistic interpretation o f history which has now - immediately before the end - entered upon its decisive crisis, and 2. an anthropology and ecclesiology directed at the redemption o f the individual, according to which G o d gives man knowledge o f his true situation and introduces him into the vita communis o f the Essene 'community', where alone the T o r a h is fiilfiUed: extra ecclesiam nulla salus. b) The Teacher of Righteousness and the crisis caused by the Hellenistic reform I f w e pursue our enquiry into the historical causes of the origin of the Essene movement, w e come up against the towering figture o f its founder, the Teacher of Righteousness, who, as has now probably been made sufficiently clear, brought about the final break o f the community with the temple in Jerusalem at the time of the Maccabean high priest Jonathan, i.e. between autunrn 152 BC and 143 BC - presiunably not too long after the appointment o f Jonathan as high priest. T h e secession needed a certain time of preparation, so that the begin nings o f his activity reach back into the decade between 160 and 150;''*! presumably by his prophetic charisma and the compellmg authority o f his personality''** he became the leader o f a group of Hasidim w h o were particularly faithfiil to the law and oriented on the priestiy ideal. T h e strong stress which appears a number of times on the 'sons o f Zadok' as the leading group o f the Essene movement with its strictiy arranged hierarchy also suggests that the leader himself belonged to the Zadokite priestiy nobihty.''** A s in addition he is hardly likely to have been a young man at the time o f the Essene schism - about 150 BC - w e are probably best advised to put the year of his b h t h before rather than after 180 B C ; that means that in his youth he will have known of the Hellenistic reform attempt b y the Zadokite Jason. W e may also assume that as a young member o f the priestiy nobility he had some d ^ e e o f Greek education. T h e son of the last regular high priest, Onias I V , who towards 160 B C founded the Jewish military colony with a temple in Leontopohs in Egypt, is a typical example o f the high degree o f Hellenization undergone b y the Zadokite leaders o f the people (see above, pp.73f and below, p. 277). Various indications in the h y m n i Q H 5.5-19, which presum ably comes from the Teacher himself, indicate that for some time he hved abroad among non-Jews and there was in danger of his life. Perhaps he was for
Early Essenism
225
a time in Seleucid hands as a prisoner or a hostage. That time also seems to have given him the insights which were fundamental to his later activity.'** Another personal confession perhaps has a reference to the events during the HeUenistic reform in Jerusalem: For I remember my sins and the imfaithfiilness of my fathers. When the wicked rose against thy Covenant and the damned against thy word. (n5i3T V» n-'vabm ^n•'13 V» n-'jran mi?3) I said in my smfiilness, 'I am cast out of thy Covenant.' But calUng to mind the might of thy hand and the greamess of thy compassion, I rose and stood and my spirit was estabhshed in face of the scourge.'** We might ask whether the godless here are not the reform party friendly to the Greeks, and the fathers the Zadokite priestiy nobihty which - like the majority of the Jewish aristocracy - at first made common cause with the friends of Greece (see below, p.277flF.). In any case, one may assmne that the Teacher had come to know HeUenistic civilization and its dangers to the continuance of the Jewish community of reUgion from his own experience and that the origin of his rigorous doctrine - a radical break with those who required this godless way of life - and the foimdation of his self-contamed, monastic community with its miUtary discipline are to be understood against the background of that serious inner crisis which had become evident among the Jewish people in the years after 175 BC and which determined theur way for the next decades. The b a n n i n g of the Damascus Document also connects the appearance of the Teacher directiy with the Hasidic movement of repent ance which was formed 'in the time of wrath' under Antiochus IV, and other Essene writings, like the later Nahum commentary, the book of Jubilees and the Testament of Levi, mention the king or the events of that time of distress. '** According to the Habakkuk commentary the new high priest Jonathan confiscated the means 'of the men of violence who rebeUed against God', which probably means those Jews of the reform party who sought refuge in the Acra as they had been unfaithfiil to the faith of the fathers (see p. 290 below). Significantiy, immediately afterwards the godless (high) priest is himself branded a 'rebel'; i.e., in the eyes of the community his sins were hardly smaUer than those of the apostates.'*' Jonathan was not a Zadokite and had illegaUy obtained the high priesthood firom the pagan ruler Alexander Balas, accepting further oflSces and honoiux from him. 'There was no better legal basis to his priesthood than to that of Jason or Menelaus.''** PoUtical and military success were more important to this man of action than rigorous obedience to the law, and in the prophetic revelations and demands of the
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Teacher he could see only a threat to his hard-won power. After the years of deprivation in the guerriUa war and Seleucid oppression, he and his ofScers probably struggled no less ambitiously for riches and power than the Tobiads and theur supporters, w h o were now driven out and dispossessed.'** O n the other side, in the eyes of the Teacher, the people w h o were now rejoicing over the Maccabees as hberators had not drawn the one correct consequence from the fearful judgment of G o d , the abomination of desolation in the temple, the time of persecution and the followmg tribulations o f war, namely serious repentance. T h u s they had failed to recognize the threatening signs of the time and had perhaps even delayed the bringing in o f the time o f salvation. T h e book of Daniel, the vision of the symbohc beasts and the T e n Weeks' Apocalypse show that the Hasidim had expected the imminent dawn of ^he time of salva tion. Its failure to come, the endless prolongation of the torments o f war and the change in the Maccabees from being charismatic leaders of the people to being adaptable real pohticians and violent condottieri must have been a great disappointment to them. The.explanation was ready to hand: the people as a whole had not been worthy o f the dawn o f the time o f salvation, and so it had to be purified b y fiurther judgments. Its place was therefore taken b y the 'remnant', the Essene community o f salvation.'*" Jubilees 23.2iflF. stresses this felse coiurse of the people after a short description which probably refers to the successfiol Maccabean revolt: A n d those who have escaped shall not return from theur wickedness to the way o f righteousness, but they shall all exalt themselves to deceit and wealth, that they may each take all that is his neighbour's, and they shall name the great name ( ), but not in truth and righteousness, and they shall defile the holy ofholies with theur uncleaimess . . . A n d H e will wake up against them die siimers of the Gentiles, who have neither mercy nor compassion.'*! T h e apostate Jews and the pagan garrison still occupied the Acra in Jerusalem and Beth Z u r and formed a latent threat; only in 141 BC could Simon compel them to surrender - two years after the murder of Jonathan b y the Seleucid commander T r y p h o (I Mace. 13.49-53). But even after that - as the successfiol siege o f Jerusalem b y Antiochus V I I Sidetes in 135/134 B C shows - the Seleucid danger was b y no means ended.'** In essentials the Teacher had thus forecast the course of the Maccabean Hasmonean dynasty correcdy. Its power pohtics removed it from rigorous obedience to the law and exposed it and the leading strata once again to the seductions o f their Hellen istic envuronment.'** Its apparentiy contradictory combination of con servative reUgious attitudes, poUtical nationalism and a position open to Hellenistic cultural mfluences, became the basic stance of the Sadducean nobility, newly in process o f formation, truly devoted to the Hasmoneans for the future, and rich as the result o f plunder o f war and confiscations.'** T h e
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Jewish priest and historian Eupolemus (see above, pp.gzflF.) might be cited as a typical representative of them; he was a contemporary of the Teacher of Righteousness. T h e secular tendency towards power pohtics strengthened towards the end o f the second century BC under John H5rrcanus and his sons to such a d ^ e e that even the Hasidic wing, from which the Pharisees grew and which remained loyal to the Maccabees primarily for nationahstic reasons, sharply attacking the Teacher of Righteousness for his separatism, also broke with the Maccabean dynasty and became its most deadly o p p o n e n t . T h e complaints which the d e l ^ a t i o n o f two hundred Pharisees brought in the spring of 63 B C to Pompey in Damascus in effect confirm the step which the Teacher o f Righteousness had taken about ninety years earher. T h e y sound like the accusations o f I I Mace, against Jason and Menelaus: the Hasmonean leaders had 'done away with the ancestral laws' (/caToAcAu/coTas t o w vd/xous) and unjustly enslaved the citizens (Diod., 40 fr. 2 ; Remach 7 6 ! ) . Conversely, the Sadducean nobihty, w h o , despite all theur openness towards a freer life style in theur 'oflScial' theological views, remained completely conservative, charged the Essenes and Pharisees with 'ahenation' through non-Jewish reUgious views. T h e picture of the fronts within Judaism under the aspect of 'HeUenistic influence' remained remarkably broken even after the Maccabean revolt. T h e basic views o f the early Essene community can hardly be separated from those o f their spiritual leader, the Teacher o f Righteousness. Their theology, determined b y a developed conceptuahty, theur peculiar form of exegesis and theur strict priestly-miUtary organization as a monastic desert commimity probably aU go back to him.'** His teaching may also be regarded as a firuit o f that profound crisis which shook the fabric o f the Jewish people to the uttermost after the accession of Antiochus I V and was a consequence o f the HeUenistic reform attempt and the secularization of the Maccabean leaders. What the Teacher and his foUowers felt to be a disastrous develop ment among the Jewish people only left them the possibiUty of the segregation o f a smaU m i n o r i t y , ^ the holy remnant and the true Israel.'*' T h i s situation also explains the scrupulous adherence o f the Teacher and the community to the law. Since the HeUenists in Jerusalem had robbed it o f its force and the later Maccabees had refiised it radical obedience, the new community had to uphold its demands aU the more, interpreting them in a rigorous way. T h e experience of the overwhelming power of evil, going beyond aU traditional forms, in the history of the individual and the people, which raged even in Israel and led the majority o f the people astray, together with a deep-rooted prophetic experience of repentance and salvation,'** gave the foimder and his community the basis for theur apocalyptic view o f history (which has been sketched out above only in a very fiagmentary fashion in the sense o f a theological answer to the demands of theur time).
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
c) New developments and alien influences in Essene tecuJiing
N o w it is strange that in Essene teaching w e also find features which appear new in comparison with the Jewish tradition and the O l d Testament. I n accordance with their dualistic picture of history, the Teacher and his followers advocated an abrupt separation firom all the 'sons of wickedness', and included in this not only all the opponents o f the community among theur own people, but still more all non-Jews. F r o m this perspective they were certainly also the bitterest opponents of any Hellenistic influence. T h e beginnings of the Jewish reform movement in 175 BC were made under the slogan that separation from non-Jews had to be abandoned.'** T h e high priest Jonathan attempted once again to estabhsh closer connections with the godless Seleucids. In the face o f these tendencies, the Essenes held the view that only rigorous separation firom everything godless could meet the demands of the immment time of salva t i o n . " " T h e desert ideal should probably also be understood in this s e n s e . " ! T h u s in Essenism to some extent - as had already happened with the Hasidim - a Jewish 'reform movement' was opposed to the HeUenistic reform attempt. A n indication of this is e.g. the avoidance o f any HeUenistic building elements in the site o f IJirbet Q u m r a n , " * and the emphatic cultivation o f a bibhcal Hebrew that was as pure as possible, which the community attempted to keep as firee as possible firom all alien words and which they r e p r d e d as 'the language o f creation' and of the angels."* T h e same is true of the great Ubrary in Qumran, which with the extant remains of over five hundred scroUs (and as 381 o f them come firom Cave 4, the original nmnber may have been very much higher) formed a spiritual centre o f Palestinian Judaism. A s some of the scroUs go back to the end of the third century BC and the first half of the second century BC, the Ubrary was probably begun at a very early stage."* W i t h a touch o f exaggeration one could talk of a Jewish 'Atticism' and a Jewish 'Museum'. AU the more astonishing, therefore, are the new spiritual developments and the foreign influences, which w e can only indicate b y means o f a summary: I . In first place comes the 'intellectualization of piety' effected b y the towering significance of the group of concepts including knowledge, under standing, revelation and mystery."* T h e roots of this already Ue in the Hasidic apocalyptic wisdom tradition, in which the 'wise' received insight into the secret plan of G o d for history and the fate of men aflrer death. In Essenism, because of its anthropological and soteriological tendency, this Hasidic wisdom becomes 'saving knowledge' to an even greater d ^ e e . T h i s is the reason why the Essene texts could sometimes be caUed 'gnostic'.'** Whether this was correct is a question o f the definition o f this term, which is often used loosely. I f one begins with the definition o f gnosticism which does most justice to its content, using later Christian gnosticism with its complete depreciation o f creation and its myth of the ontic identity o f the soul with the heavenly
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redeemer, the designation is certainly inappropriate. W e therefore do best to characterize Essene theology in the hght o f its historical setting and eschato logical expectation as ' a p o c a l y p t i c ' , " ' though this term has become wider than in the original context of Hasidic apocalyptic, since the 'apocalyptic' of an Essene character has received strong anthropological and soteriological com ponents. T h u s the Essene 'epistemological concepts' mean 'eschatological knowledge o f salvation' for both the individual and the community. Here Essenism stands more i n the reUgious stream o f the HeUenistic world which was described above b y the phrase 'wisdom through revelation'. G o d discloses the mysteries of his action and his wiU at the end o f time only to those chosen b y him in his community o f salvation b y the s p k i t . " * I n this sense one can follow K . G . K u h n in speaking o f a 'preliminary form o f gnostic thought, planted in the Jewish religion o f the law and . . . apocalyptic . . . centuries before the gnostic texts'.'** T h e apocalyptic-Essene conception o f know ledge anticipates many essential features o f that in gnosticism: While yivaiaKeiv
is for the Greeks the cultivated methodical activity of the
vovs or Xoyos, fulfiUed in science and particularly philosophy, the yvwais o f
the Gnostic, both as process and result, is a x^pi^oiia which is given b y G o d to man. It is thus radicaUy distinguished from rational thought; it is iUumination. G o d is inaccessible to man as such. B u t h e knows men, i.e. the pious, and reveals Himself to them.' Bultmann's definition o f gnostic knowledge could, with the alteration o f a few terms, b e appUed word for word t o Essenism."" While contacts with ideas and concepts of popular philosophy are probable, as akeady with Ben S k a , chronology alone makes it impossible that the chief Essene writings have been influenced b y any 'gnostic HeUenistic' sources. T h e origm o f the Essene community about 150 BC is too early for this, and i n any case it is immediately connected with the Hasidim and early apocalyptic. Influence in the other dkection is m u c h more likely, as when Palestinian apocalyptic traditions in the Diaspora met u p with Platonic conceptions, e.g. in Wisdom in Alexandria in the first century BC and in Philo. W e must there fore reckon with the possibihty that Jewish apocalyptic, above aU in its Essene form, iiifluenced the development o f later Jewish-Christian gnosticism."^ 2. A fiurther attitude, which goes beyond the framework o f the Old Testa ment, is dualism and its limitation b y double predestination. T h i s duahsm began b y bemg cosmological, b u t later went on t o be historical and anthropologicaL I n principle, the O l d Testament pattern o f G o d ' s sovereign, unlimited omnipotence in nature and history was maintained."* However, because evil had been experienced in personal life and in the most recent history of the Jewish people as a concentrated power with apparentiy a deUberate plan, and there was at the same time a concern to Uberate G o d from the chain o f d k e c t causaUty m the interests o f a theodicy, the duaUstic doctrine o f the two spkits was adopted as a fimdamental part o f 'angelology*. G o d ' s righteousness and
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
saving will were expressed in the &ct that God 'hates the ways of the evil spirit* and will give the final victory to the 'spkit of truth' in the near fiiture."* The Iranian derivation of this conception has been demonstrated since the fimdamental studies of K. G. Kuhn, but Kuhn has at the same time also stressed its Jewish peculiarityj its association with belief in the Creator and its anthropo logical slant."* However, the question of the communication of these Iranian influences remains open. H. Michaud and £. Kamlah have shown that similar dualistic and Iranian traditions also appear in the Hellenistic world, in Philo and Plutarch."* Here the latter seems to be going back to reliable sources of the early Hellenistic period, in the fourth century BC, hke Theopom pus and Eudemus of Rhodes. Because of the great interest which Iranian reUgion had aroused among the Greeksfiromthe time of Herodotus and Plato, and in view of the considerable interval of time between the Essene community and the end of Persian rule, we might consider the possibility that an Alexandrian Jewish source was involved instead of the Babylonian mtermediary which has yet to be demonstrated."* This is a real possibihty, especially as Alexandrian Judaism apparentiy knew the Hellenized Zarathustra tradition."' According to the 'Peripatetic' Hermippus, about 200 B C , the Ubrary of Alexandria had at this time writings which were ascribed to Zarathustra, extending to about two milUon lines - on a conservative estimate eight hundred scroUs. Even if this information is exaggerated, it shows the mterest in Iranian religion during the early HeUenistic period."* 3. T o give clear expression to the omnipotence of God in the face of the tendency towards dualism, stress was laid in strict determinist fashion on the ordering of the world and events within it, even before creation, in 'the plans of God'. K. Schubert conjectures that Tlatonic influence is unmistakable' here,"* but one must be carefiil about these philosophical judgments. C. Schneider seems more correct in pomting to analogies between the creation hymns and the Zeus hymn of Qeanthes.'*" But even here we would be wrong in construing a relationship of dependence. Rather, m the statements about God as creator in the Essene hymns we find the tendency that was also present in Ben Ska and Aristobulus (see pp. 1448". above). EstabUshing 'all being and happenmg' before time is meant to demonstrate the absolute transcendence and superiority of God, corresponding to the spkitual traits of the time, and at the same time to show his care. In striving for a more rational version of the event of creation, Essene theology - like late wisdom in Palestine and Alexandria generally - adopts notions which have contacts with the ideas of Greek philosophy. It is hard to decide here whether we really have 'HeUen istic influence' or whether it is not simply an analogous development. That God's plan relates more to the coiuxe of history than to the ordering of the world is not a Greek characteristic. This relationship of Essene theology to
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231
history probably also prevented an identification of God's knowledge or 'plan for the world' with the Torah, in a way that would correspond more with Stoic thought. This, of course, happened with Ben Ska, and later determined Pharisaic and Rabbkdc thought. The abrupt determinism, too, has some analogy - though one cannot talk in terms of dependence - to the notions of the Stoa where Chrysippus interpreted the Homeric saying Aios S'ireXeUro PovX-q with reference to the imalterable sway of 'heimarmene' or the divine 'pronoia' which determmes not only the external order of the world but also hiunan action. Although man possessesfireedomof choice, as a rational being, in the end every event is laid down by fate.'*! J Q Qumran, too, an appeal was made to the human will, but it was also said that every 'perfect way of life' was the free gift of God (i QS i i . i o f ; see above, n.738). Finally, as m the Stoa, the Essenes accepted the command only to wiU what God had resolved for them, even if it led to sorrow and distress.'s* On the other hand, the fimdamental diflference should not be overlooked. Despite its predestinarian basis, what happened in the world did not rest on impersonal fate, which simply expresses strict causahty within a world understood along monistic lines,'** but on God's plan, as the firee disposition of his personal transcendent power. 4. Angelology, too, servesfimdamentaUyto rationalize the picture of God, although its form looks so mythological to us. It was developed in a system which involved a strict hierarchy. Its significance for Essene theology can be seen in the oath sworn by members of the community which is reported by Josephus, 'carefiilly to preserve the names of the angels'.'** However, for the mo&t part individual conceptions were taken over firom the traditions of the Hasidim, as is shown by the appearance of individual angels like Gabriel and Michael (see above, pp.iSSf., 203) in Daniel, and the detailed doctrine about angels in the earhest part of I Enoch. The fact that the same names for angels and similar notions appear again in the Rabbinic tradition shows the common Hasidic root.'** Thus the doctrine of the two spirits, with a more strongly anthropological bent, was expanded by the doctrine of the 'good and evil angels' taken overfiromthe tradition, and the two were combined into a 'system'. The prince of hght was probably identical with Michael, the first of all the angels, to whom Israel was entrusted and who had clearly soteriological traits. 'The angel of darkness' or the 'spirit of evil' represented simultaneously both the head of the fallen angels and all the evil powers.'** The 'crisis in primeval history" through which the powers of evil became effective on earth was caused by the fall of the watchmen angels according to Gen. 6 . 1 - 4 , akeady mentioned several times.'*' The host of 'good angels', on the other hand, was the heavenly counterpart of the eschatological community of salvation, which was very closely connected with it (see pp.223f. above). At the same time the angels guaranteed that nature would run according to God's will without disruption. The individual phenomena of nature were explamed
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
by the most varied working of very different angels. The late Rabbinic maxim, 'You find that an angel is set above every thing''** already apphes in essentials to the Essene speculation about angels, where the lowest classes of angel represented httle more than personified natural forces.'** The only disruption in the ordering of the cosmos camefiromthe fall of the heavenly 'watchers', who were also said to be stars; among other things they led men astray into star worship and thus to idolatry in general. Thus a suflScient explanation of the origin of evil was given not only in 'ontological' terms this came about through the doctrine of the two spirits in connection with that of predestination - but also 'historicaUy'. The demons on earth were regarded as the ghosts of the giants who had emerged firom the union of the fallen 'watchers' with the wives of men.'*" There could be a remnant of the Babylonian conception of world ages (see pp. i g i f below) in the idea that the order of heaven will also be destroyed again at the end of the world, 'in the days of sin', so that the moon and individual 'star leaders' will deviate firom the order ordained by God. However, it is more probable that this was meant as an aetiological explanation for the deviation of the limar year and the stellar year from the Essene solar year (see below, pp.234f). The Essenes also shared with apocalyptic and the whole Hellenistic environment the widespread conception of a 'sympatheia' between earthly and heavenly events. Thus on the whole the Hasidic-Essene angel doctrine formed the basis of an attempt at a self-contained explanation of the world and history. The rehgiousjjrigin of this systematic angelology with its mihtary-sounding hierarchy and an abundance of secret angel names'*^ was probably the Old Testament conception of the court of Yahweh; the sudden expansion of. angelology in the Persian and Hellenistic period, however, remains a long unsolved riddle. AUeged 'Iranian' origin, oft;en appealed to in such dUemmas, does not bring any clarification.'** The old idea, widespread throughout the whole of the ancient East and in Hellas, of the stars as Uving beings (see n.8i6 below), and the designation wbH (D'm'jN) for the angels, so loved in Qumran,'** suggests that the angels were essentially gods stripped of their power. In this way conceptions from Canaanite popular reUgion seem to have been adopted, transformed and systematized. As particular names for indi vidual angels appear for the first time in Daniel and in Tobit, who stands dose to Hasidic piety (12.15) - Zechariah knows only the 'angel of Yahweh' as an interpreting angel ( i . i i , 13; 3.1-10; cf.2.2, 7; 4.1, etc.), and Job and Ben Sura do not mention any individual angd by name - the formation of names was probably a spedal development in apocalyptic and Hasidic drdes. It was hoped to avoid the danger of polytheistic misinterpretation by re presenting God himself as the soverdgn 'prince of the gods (O'bH "W) and the revered king and lord over all the spirits' ( i Q H 10.8). The last-mentioned angelic designation (OTTn/mrm) hints at a spiritualized form of the idea of angels, typical of HeUenistic times; perhaps it was derivedfiromPs. 104.4;
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233
significantly, it usually means the host of Belial in the War ScroU (cf. I Sam. 16.14)."* Thus fundamentaUy the whole of angelology was an indication that the figure of God had receded into the distance and that the angels were needed as intermediaries between him, creation and man. Now they also became the bringers of his revelations and observed, protected and punished mankind."* This strictly-ordered, pyramid-like hierarchical system probably corresponded to a general rehgious need of the time, as it exercised a profound influence, not only on the Greek-speakii^ Judaism of the Diaspora and early Christianity, but through them on gnosticism and indeed on the whole of popular reUgion in late antiquity, as is shown by its significance for magic."* Even neo-Platonism could not escape its influence."' Effects of this kind were only possible because analogous tendencies had been at work in the Greek sphere for a long time. T . F. Glasson draws attention to a paraUel in Hesiod to the'watcher angels'in Daniel and I Enoch:"* 'Three times ten thousand immortal watchers {adivaToi vXaK€s) does Zeus possess on the aU-nourishing earth for men, who observe decisions of law and unwholesome deeds and go about the whole earth clothed in air.'"* The fimction of the angels in I Enoch and JubUees is very similar: 'Therefore we come and make known aU sin . . . before the Lord, which is done in heaven and (on) earth and in light and in darkness and everywhere' (Jub. 4.6). Attention has aheady been drawn to a paraUel which originaUy comes from Babylonia (see above, nn. 606-8.). However, the heavenly watchers probably come nearest to the Iwia voepd in the theogony of Sanchuniaton or PhUo of Byblus, who are caUed Zo^xunjfilv, i.e. ovpavov KaTOTTTal.^"^
The derivation of the demonsfiromthe marriages of the faUen angels with human women is also un-Jewish. In Hesiod the spirits of the men of the golden age became 'daimones' (good) and 'watchers of mortal men' in accordance with the 'wiU of Zeus'.**! Socrates gives another definition drawn from Greek popular belief in. Apology 27d: they are 'chUdren of gods, bom of nymphs or others'.*** Xenocrates, the pupU of Plato (see above, p. 163), fiUed the space between thefirmamentand the earth with such semidivine 'daimones', who were responsible for the lower forms of reUgious practice and also for evil. One can find in him a concem similar to that of apocalyptic and Essenism, to bring the forms of popular behef into a system. For WUamowitz he is 'the real father of HeUenistic spkits and devils'.*** Chrysippus adopted these views in Stoic teaching, and Posidonius developed them still further. Thus for example he argued that these spiritual beings had afieryform, a view which also held for Judaism. He conceived the ak as being 'inhabited by countiess spkits, who are fragments of the fiery primal spirit'. Thus in addition to the supreme deity he accepted divine beings of lower rank as servants of God and helpers of man, who represented a link between
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234
God and the transitory world, Obviously one cannot speak of a 'dependence' of Jewish angelology on Hesiod or Xenocrates; rather, there were probably analogies between Greek popular belief and that of Asia Minor, and the climate in the HeUenistic period was favourable to a ftision of them. The ease with which Jewish and HeUenistic views could be combined is evident, for example, from the interpretation of the faU of the angels in G e n . 6 . 1 - 4 in Philo, Gig.6S.
(M.i, 2 6 3 ) .
5. A further instance of a rational view of the world which was closely bound up with angelology is to be found in consideration of the stars and here again above aU of the sun. Reference here was made to ideas which akeady occurred in the traditional doctrine of creation in wisdom, and which Ben Ska had stressed - probably in controversy with Hellenistic hberalism.*"* Although represented as personal beings, the stars foUow exactly the courses prescribed for them by God, and the regular precision of their movements is among the mysteries of God's creation.* °« For through the order ofthek courses estabhshed by God they regulate not only the times of the holy festivals, which are also celebrated in heaven, and the seasons with sowing and harvest ing, but also the epochs of history, which are systematized by division into jubUees and weeks of years. They are an expression of the orderly course of history, which guides them to thek goal determined by God's plan.*"' If one leaves aside the disruption as a result of the fall of the angels and the eschatological shaking of the cosmos, which are included in God's plan,*"* they - in contrast to men - never transgress the 'laws' given them by God.*"' In this way they are an expression of the 'rehable order which proceeds from God's mouth and is a testimony for being' (i QH 1 2 . 9 : •'Sa nWKJ p3n rmn m i s m The degree to which such notions were appropriate for association with Stoic conceptions is shown by the obedience of the stars, indeed of the whole cosmos, pictured in i a . 2 0 . H. Bietenhard has akeady recognized the diflference of apocalyptic from earUer texts like Ps. 1 0 4 : 'The consideration of nature in apocalyptic is to some degree rational; it has become more "scientific" and more detached, despite aU the fantasy.' In this connection he conjectiures the 'influx of Greek natural theology into late Judaism'.*!" The sun acqukes unique significance as the source of Ught and thus as a symbol of the divine sphere of Ught; its course - in contrast to that of the moon - was perfect for ever.*!! The Essene solar year of 3 6 4 days is closely connected with this high valuation; the community oriented itself to this instead of to the ofiidal Jewish lunisolar year, and in it the sabbaths and feasts always fell on the same day in the year. The division of this year could dearly be seen - in contrast to that of the lunar year - and above all the clash of commandments between the sabbath rest and the obUgation for sacrifice on great feast days, which had caused such perplexity to the Pharisaic halacha
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down to Hillel, was abolished.*!* Presumably it was kept functional by intercalation; we have no indication that it was done away with. Rather, certain Essene calendar fragments show that the reckoning of the seasons was kept at Qumran with great exactimde. Thus the calendar, too, is an indication of the rational tendency of Essene thought. Its central significance - it was to some degree a shibboleth of 'orthodox/ - arosefiromthe behef that a life according to the Torah, corresponding to the laws of creation and the course of history, was possible only with the correct calculation of time revealed by God. As its introduction led to a breach with the official cult in Jerusalem and the people as a whole, because the feasts were calculated to be on completely diffisrent days, it cannot have been of pre-Essene Hasidic origin. Daniel and the vision of the beasts in I Enoch still give no indication in this direction, whereas Jubilees and I Enoch are of Essene origin. Presumably it came from Ptolemaic Egypt,*!* as the division of the year into four seasons, which was associated with it, follows Egyptian Hellenistic models.*!* This contrasts with the two seasons of Old Testament reckoning; each season consisted of 91 days making 13 weeks and was introduced by intercalary days celebrated as festivals. A direct derivation from Pythagoreanism as conjectiured by M . Testuz on the basis of Essene number speculation is, on the other hand, improbable.*!* Possibly this solar year with 365 days had akeady found entry into HeUenistic ckcles of Judea during Ptolemaic rule, and had been maintained by the Hasidim or Essenes with a reduction to 364 days, because this could be brought into accord with rigorous observance of the sabbath. Such knowledge of the solar year in Jewish Palestine at the begiiming of the second century BC could be indicated by the fact that the feast of Hanukkah was probably attached to a solstice feast akeady celebrated in Jerusalem by Jews friendly to Greece (see below, pp.298f, 303). BeUef in the regularity and perfection of the heavenly order, with a phUosophical and rehgious basis, was a common view throughout the HeUenistic world. The roots of the behef may Ue in Babylonian astrology (see above, p. 191); however, there is hardly any idea which the Greeks took up early with such enthusiasm, to make it an essential ingredient of thek religion and thek phUosophical thought. We akeady find it in Pythagoras and later in Plato, his firiend Eudoxus of Cnidus and Aristotie; however, it was given its greatest significance in the Stoa through its marriage with 'Chaldean' astro logy: the ordered movement of the stars, especiaUy of the firmament, was regarded as an expression of divine perfection and the stars themselves were divine beings.*!* For PhUo they were ^x<"' • • • d-icqpaToi re KOI deal (Gig.%, M I , 263). This corresponded to both Palestinian apocalyptic and Hellenistic tradition. In the pseudo-Aristotehan De mundo, the writing which with its phUo sophical monotheism probably comes nearest of aU the phUosophical works of the Greeks to Jewish behef in God, the divinely perfect ordering of the
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Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
stars leads to a kind of proof of God.*i' Cicero expresses this view, which was generally held in his time, in a way which comes near to the conceptions of the Essene creation hymns with then: stamp from Jewish wisdom: 'nulla igitur in caelo nec fortuna nec temeritas nec erratio nec vanitas inest contraque omnia ordo Veritas ratio constantia' (De nat. dear. I I , 56).*!*
The HeUenistic 'astral theology' came to completion in 'solar theology', a 'learned derivation' which was 'dependent on the Stoic explanation of the world'.*!* For Qeanthes, the sun was already T O rjyeyuoviKov
TOV
Koafiov,
and in his doctrine of ekpyrosis the stars melt into the sun of their own free wiU. In the Sjrrian Posidonius it is identified as the "heart of heaven' and with Zeus.**" Possibly we have here the notion of the Syrian God of heaven who was later associated with HeUos. Even if the Essenes never worshipped the sun as 'divine', the much-discussed report of Josephus in Belli, i28ff. on their aUeged worship of the sun - which in reaUty probably refers to the Shema prayer before sunrise - shows that the symboUc significance of the sun in Essenism could at least be understood by the non-Jewish observer. In any case, this high estimation corresponded to the trend of the time - particularly outside Judaism.**! 6. Astral and solar theology could never have gained such significance had it not been for the victorious progress of astrology in the HeUenistic era. After the end of the third centiury it became more and more the spurituaUy dominant force among the educated. The coUapse of old Greek reUgion in thefifthand fourth centuries BC (see above, pp. i22ff.) and its relegation to a mere behef in fate had inevitably to culminate in astrology, for here there was apparentiy a possibiUty of gaining a glimpse into the mysterious working of fate. The earUest individual horoscopes we have come ftom Babylon, the earUest from 29.4. 409 BC, the latest from 68 BC.*** Whereas these horoscopes are StiU relatively rare, and many learned men from the Babylonian schools of astronomy and mathematics had a sceptical attitude to the astrological practice of omens (according to the evidence of Strabo, 16, i , 6 [739]), in the second century astrology acquired overwhelming significance in the HeUenistic world of the eastern Mediterranean and also in Rome. O. Neugebauer, who knows it best, comes to the conclusion: 'The main structure of the astrological theory is undoubtedly HeUenistic.'*** The central point of this development was Ptolemaic Alexandria, a miUeu open to all new spiritual movements.*** The earUest Egyptian astrological works can be demonstrated from the end of the third century, and the earUest horoscope on papyrus from the beginning of the first century BC. It probably took time for this custom of the learned Alexandrians to penetrate into the simple people and the chora. There is evidence for the first 'Chaldeans' in Rome about the middle of the second century BC. The greatest significance came to be attached to the astrological works under the names of Hermes-
Early
Essenism
iy]
Thoth and Nechepso-Petosiris, which were written in Alexandria before 150 B C . 8 2 5
Significantly, even the Essene community could not escape the &sdnating influence of this new 'science'. As the 'community of salvation' was strictly segregated from alien influences, the adoption of astrological knowledge seems to have taken place more at the time of its foundation than at a later point of time. Among others, a nimiber of astrological fragments have been discovered in Cave I V ; J. M . Allegro has published one of them written in secret writing, which also contains Greek letters. *2« Col. II, 5-9: . . . and his bones are long and thin, and his toes are thin and long, and he is of the second pillar. His spirit is in the house of light in six (parts) and in three (parts) in the house of darkness. And this is the con stellation of his birth (tVian) under which he was bom: in the foot of the bull ("iwn "rna). He will be poor. And this is his beast: (the) bull. Col.III.2-6: 'and his head . . . his cheeks (?) fat . . . his teeth pro minent, the fingers of his hands thick, his legs thick and each very hairy and his toes thick and short. His spirit is in the house (of darkness) in eight (parts) and one (part) from the house of light . . .' An Aramaic text pubUshed by J. Starcky,^^' which by its orthography comes from the end of the first century B C , gives a similar but more thorough physiognomical description of a person expected in the future with red hair, various striking features like body marks, regular teeth, etc. During his youth he is without knowledge'like a Uon' . . . 'until the time of the mystery of the knowledge of the three books'. Thereupon his wisdom grows immeasurable: 'He will know the secrets of every Uving thing, all their plans against him come to an end, the rule (over) all Uving things will be great . . . for God has chosen (the time of) his birth . . . " or 'because he is the elect of God, his birth and the spirit of his breath are (perfect ?)'. The editor and a further scholar, J. Carmignac, suppose that the last text is the 'horoscope' of a Messianic personality, presumably the 'prince of the community' from the family of David. As J. Starcky stresses, there are also certain contacts with the Messianic picture of the Similitudes of I Enoch. Common to the two texts is the combination of physiognomical and astro logical data. The former belong, as J. Licht rightly observed, in the mantic sphere. The argiraient from physique and physical appearance (jj.op
and peculiarities like body marks (iXaCa) to ascertain the
character and future of a man was already widespread in the Hellenistic world, following oriental patterns. *29 in the Essene interpretation it is striking that a better 'spiritual' constitution also goes with a more ascetic appear ance. *3o This does not, however, mean that the astrological details were of less significance than the physiognomical; it is just that they are less well preserved because of the fragmentariness of the text In the Aramaic text, the m'ria at the end probably indicates the asttological constellation of the date of
238
Palestinian yudaism and the Hellenistic Age
birth of the future ruler.*'! xhe appearance and fate described could only be inferred from the horoscope. One of the most valuable 'products' of ancient astrology was the horoscope of a wise 'world ruler' expected in the future.*'* J. Starcky, the editor, therefore pointed to the correspondence between appear ance and physique and constellation of burth, so widespread in astrological technique, which could even include the 'e/ata'.*" The first text presupposes knowledge of the astrological significance of the aroAoc:*'* when the person concerned was bom, the sun was in eclipse with a star which was called 'the bull's foot'. This is perhaps identical with the 'kneeling' of the constellation attested by Eratosthenes in the third century B C . * ' * The future was read from the nativity and the mantic interpretation of physical peculiarities and in addition - according to the first text - the determination of the inner being was established according to the deterministic dualistic doctrine of the two spirits. The Community Rule, i QS 4. i f f , already stated that the portions of a man in the spirit of hght or that of darkness could be different, and that the two fought together in the hearts of men (4.23). The significance of the zodiac in the Essene community is confirmed by a fiuther unpubhshedfiragmentfirom4 Q, which relates to certain days of the month: 'Le 13 ou le 14 (du mois Tebet) c'est le Cancer.' There follow predictions based on an astrological interpretation of thunder: 'S'il tonne dans le signe des Gemeaux, terreur et angoisse causee par I'etranger et par . . .' Here too the parallels with Ptolemaic astrology are obvious, for example the Berlin Brontologion of Hermes Trismegistos. In contrast to the Hasidim, with the Essenes astrological and apocalyptic predictions of pohtical events were combined.*'* The zodiac also plays a great role in the Essene astrological book (I Enoch 72.13, 19; 75.3) and also in II Enoch (30.6, cf.20.6 [secondary] and 30.3), which comes from Egypt. Its knowledge and use were then taken for granted among the Rabbis and the synagogues of the third to sixth centuries A D . * " The significance attached in Qumran to these esoteric astrological doctrines is shown by the fact that they were partiy written in cryptic writing. Such a fragment has the tide '(Words) of the instractor to all the sons of the dawn', and another the titie 'Midrash of the words of Moses'.*'* Thus astrological secret doctrines of this kind, ahen to the Old Testament, were traced back to Moses. This recalls the fact that in the ancient tradition in Pliny, Apuleius, Celsus, etc., Moses could also appear as a great magician.*'* It is remarkable that views of this kind from the Hellenistic envhonment penettated the Essene community. However, we should recall the rational features in Essene theology, which have aheady been mentioned more than once. X-ike the Hasidim, the Essenes could make use of continually new thought-forms in their controversy with the Hellenistic enlightenment, with syncretistic tendendes and a retrograde conservatism. Astrology was regarded
Early Essenism
239
as the highest of all 'sciences', and together with mantidsm it was defended by the Stoics, especially as both corresponded with Stoic determinism and gave unsurpassed expression to a basic notion of the attitude of the time, the 'sympathy' of the macrocosm and the microcosm, the world and man.**" In addition, they marked the spiritual transformation from the scepticism which was still predominant in the century after Alexander the Great to a resurgence of new religious feeling. Astrology, despite its claims to 'science', expressed the feeling that the deepest mystery of being, that of history and human fate, was not freely accessible to the approach of the calculations of reason, but had to be discovered in each single instance by a 'higher' knowledge oriented on the 'divine' courses of the stars. That the Hasidic-Essene 'wise men' were engj^ed in controversy with such conceptions and that in warding them ofiFthey could not altogether escape them is shown by the fact that they had already taken over Babylonian astro nomical and astrological conceptions in the Enoch tradition, though they had considerably transformed them. The lack of'compulsion from the stars' was in fact an essential distinguishing feature between the historical picture of early Jewish apocalyptic and that ofits Hellenistic environment (see pp. I92ff. above). Presumably interest in astrology was very much stronger among their oppon ents, the friends of Hellenistic education in Jerusalem. This is shown by the anonymous Samaritan and the Egyptian Jew Artapanus, who made EnochAtias or Abraham the inventors and communicators of astrological secret knowledge (see above, p. 91). Jubilees 12.16-18 shows that the Essenes could produce polemic against the adoption of astrological conceptions: According to Jub. 12.16-18, Abraham looks at the sky to discover the rain for the coming year (!): 'And a word came into his heart and he said: "All the signs of the stars, and the signs of the moon and of the sun (are) all in the hand of the Lord. Why do I search them out ? If he desires, he causes it to rain . . . and if he desires he withholds (the rain), and all things are in his hand."' In this context belongs the view that among the secrets betrayed by the fallen angels to men all kinds of astrological knowledge were expressly enu merated. But as the astrological fragjnents show, the Essene attitude was ambivalent and the insight of Jub. 1 2 was not maintained. The struggle for 'science' in accord with die times was stronger than that for deeper theological knowledge. **2 That this division was continued among the Rabbis is shown by the bitter discussion among the teachers of the second and third centuries over the question whether Israel was subject to the compulsion of the stars {Shab.isSajh). 7. The newly-discovered astrological evidence is supplemented by reports which indicate Essene mantidsm and magic. The 'Prayer of Nabonidus' (which is pre-Essene, stands dose to the Daniel narratives and therefore probably belongs to the Hasidic tradition) has the king of Babylon healed by a
240
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
Jewish 'mkacle worker' ("ITI),**' and in the Genesis Apocryphon, Abraham heals the Pharaoh by the laying on of hands and prayer (20.25-30). Daniel, faithful to the law, could assume the office of overseer to all the wise men of Babylon without offence, though this group included all kinds of magicians, interpreters of stars and dreams, etc. (Dan. 2.48, see pp.203f above). The sceptical attitude of Sir. 34 (G. 31). 1-8 stands in a certain amount of opposition to this. We learn about the Essenes firom Josephus: There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, by reading holy books, and using several sorts of purification rites, and being perpetually conversant with the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions (Bell.2,159). The report shows that the Essenes foUowed the Old Testament prophets in theur 'prophecy'. For them the gift of prediction was probably the sign of the possession of the 'prophetic' s p i r i t . B u t the style of theur 'prophecy' differed considerably fi-om Old Testament models by the conjunction of exegesis and rites of purification, and the 'holy books' cannot have been limited to the Torah and the prophets, but must also have included apocalyptic and astrological-mantic writings. The different examples of Essene 'visions of the future' reported to us by Josephus already contain this ahen tendency, akin to HeUenistic manticism and dream-interpretation, though, as O. Betz has shown, they are formed from the Old Testament. Thus the Essene Judas as a fiivTis prophesied the very day of the death of the Hasmonean Antigonus and gave the exact place where it would take place. His later companion Menahem welcomed the schoolboy Herod as a future king of the Jews, but later gave the king an obscure answer to a question about the length of his reign;*** and an Essene Simon interpreted the dream of Archelaus in respect of his immin ent banishment in a way which recalls Artemidorus' book of dreams.*** The prophet Agabus would be an early Christian counterpart to these Essene seers (Acts 11.28; 21.10). Fiurther reports point to the existence of a mantic-magic Essenism:
medicine in
They also take great pams in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of theur soul and body, and therefore for the cure of distempers they seek out such roots as may be effective and inquire into the (occult) properties (iSioD^Te?) of stones (Bell. 2, 136).**' JubUees lo.iff., i2ff., explains the way in which this Essene medicine is to be understood: To prevent the descendants of Noah succumbing to sicknesses caused by the demons, the angels of the presence reveal to Noah 'all the medicines of theur disease, together with theur seductions, how he might heal them with herbs of the earth. And Noah wrote down all things in a book as we
Early Essenism
241
instructed him concerning every kind of medicine.' He then gives this book to his son Shem. As the sicknesses were of demonic magical origin, they could only be eflFectively combatted by a kind of 'white magic' taught by the good angels. Conversely, according to I Enoch 8.3 (presumably from a Noah apocryphon), Semyasa, the leader of the fallen angels, had taught men 'spells and the cutting of roots' as 'black magic'. 'Roots', 'plants' and the 'properties of stones' were used in antiquity as technical terms in a magical iatromantic sense,^^^ and frequently also had astrological significance. We may therefore imagine the 'Book of Noah' as the same kind of work as that which the doctor Thessalus found in Alexandria as the work of Nechepso, which contained 'cures for the whole body and every ailment in accordance with the zodiac through stones and plants'.A similar work was also known to the Rabbis; in Pes.4.9a, Hezekiah is praised because he concealed the 'book of cures' (mxiBn neo). According to Suidas and Maimonides it was a work of Solomon who, according to Josephus, is said to have composed quite similar writings: 'God granted him to learn the art directed against the demons for the use and the healing of men.' He goes on to describe how in his presence a Jewish exorcist drove out a demon before Vespasian by means of a ring which contained 'a root described by Solomon' and with the help of spells composed by Solomon (eira>Sds cf. I l l Kingdoms 5.12 ^Sa/).*^" Thus even Essenism will have had its share in the development of Jewish magic in antiquity. The prohibition against giving away 'the books of the community and the names of the angels' is meant to prevent a vaa^cal misuse of their own 'secret knowledge' (Josephus, Bell.2,142). Jewish magic was one of those phenomena in Judaism in which non-Jewish observers were most interested. It is witnessed to us by many ancient writers from the first century AD onwards,85i and even early gnosticism will not have been uninfluenced by i t . I t s roots go well back into the pre-Christian Hellenistic period; this is true for the magical Solomon Uterature*^^ and for the travelling Jewish miracle workers. Presumably Clearchus of SoU (first half of the third century Bc) met one.^^* Bolus of Mendes, the father of alchemical magical Uterature, who Uved in Alexandria about 200 BC, also seems to have known Jewish magic.855 Matt. 12.27 = Luke 11.19 Q shows that the Pharisees, too, were active as exorcists. The origin and extension of Jewish magic is fundamentally another expression of the feeling of superiority in Jewish religion: men beUeved that it possessed 'higher' powers, especially in connec tion with the holy name of God (see below, n. IV 22).^^^
Excursus
5; Secret teaching from primeval times
That the Essenes, despite such apparently strict segregation, were involved in polemical and apologetic controversy with their Hellenistically influenced
242
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
environment, and that features which seem so strange to us, hke astrology, manticism and magic, are to be understood in this context, is shown by the transformation of a widespread travel legend which even found its way into Palestinian Judaism. One of the favourite 'forms of revelation' in the Hellen istic Roman period was the discovery of scrolls, inscriptions or pillars from primeval times. Both the secret Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions and the Babylonian cuneiform monuments supported the spread of this frequent theme.85' The variant which appears probably for the first time in Berossus, that in this way the wisdom of patriarchal times was saved through the great flood, represents a special form: According to this Bel-Kronos commanded Xisuthros before the flood to bvury aU works of writing - i.e. cimeiform tablets - in the sun city of the Siparenes and after the flood to dig them up again and 'deliver them to 0ien'.858
In a similar way, the later Ps. Manetho reports that Hermes-Thoth had inscribed his wisdom in hieroglyphics on pillars and that in this way they had survived the flood. However, we also meet it in the Jewish Palestinian tradition in the Life of Adam and Eve 49!, in later haggadic works**' and in Josephus Antt. i , 69-71: The sons of Seth, the discoverers of astronomy, 'so that their discoveries should not be lost to mankind . . . - for Adam had prophesied the down fall of the universe, once by the power of fire and the second time by violence and abundance of water (see above, n. 552) - erected two pillars, one from tiles and the other from stones, so that if the one made of tiles vanished in the flood, the one of stone would remain to inform men through its inscription . . .' The same legend appears - in an Essene version - in Jubilees 8. if, but with a different prelude: The grandson of Noah, Kainam, instructed in writing by his father Arpachsad, found a writing which former (generations) had carved on the rode, and he read what was thereon, and he transcribed it. And he saw from it that it contained the teachi?ig of the watchers in accordance with which they used to observe the omens of the sun and moon and stars in all the signs of heaven. And he wrote it down and said nothing regarding it; for he was afraid to speak to Noah about it lest he should be angry with him on account of it. In interpreting this passage it should be noted that according to Antt. i , 144 Arpachsad appears as the ancestor of the Chaldeans; the 'wisdom' which Kamam discovered thus presumably laid the foundation for the Chaldean star cult, the practice of omens and magic. According to the Noahfragmentsfrom I Enoch, this 'teaching of the watchers' induded not only astrology (see above, pp. 237ff.) but metal working, the iatromantic knowledge of plants, of minerals
Early Essenism
243
for cosmetics and for colours - an alchemy understood in magical terms probably also appears here^'" - and also, according to another passage, writing on papyrus and all kinds of magic^'i What other Jewish circles regarded as a positive wisdom tradition deriving from Seth, was rejected in the Essene movement as demonic knowledge coming from the betrayal of divine secrets (I Enoch 16.3) by the fallen angels, and it may be supposed that in eflfect this included all the wisdom of the pagans and the refined culture of the Hellenistic period. T o rob these negative 'revelations' of their force, 'counterrevelations' were given by God on writing and language, the courses of the stars, cures, feasts etc., to Enoch, Noah (see above, n.621) and Abraham.882 Thus the diialistic division in history was matched by two opposed streams of revelation and wisdom. When the Essenes were occupied with astrology and iatromantics they beUeved this to be something fundamentally different from what was happening outside the community in the same area. As a result of their Hasidic heritage, they still maintained an 'encyclopaedic' interest along side their soteriological and anthropological thought; they wanted to set against the 'demonic' Chaldean, Egyptian or Greek 'wisdom' a more com prehensive, genuine wisdom of their own, encompassing the cosmos and history, and founded on revelation and not on betrayal. It is not to no purpose that the groups of concepts relating to knowledge and understanding he at the centre of Essene theology. In this sense one could speak of a HasidicEssene 'gnosticism', just as Solomon, in a passage related to this way of think ing. Wisdom y.iyff., says that God has given him r&v ovrcav yvejaw d^euS^:**' 6aa T€ eoTiv
(d)
Kpimra.
KOI ifj^ayij
eyviDV (7.21).
The form of the Essene commimity and the question of Pythagorean
influence
New and underivable from the Old Testament Jewish tradition is the form of the Essene community, whether this is the monastic community of Qumran which formed its heart, or the groups of Essene 'tertiaries' Uving in the cities of Judea.8«4 Neither the reference by Morton Smith to the opposition between '^J/a' and "am ha'aref at the time of Nehemiah nor the groups of prophets about EUjah and Elisha, the Rechabites nor even the famiUes of priests and Levites are suflSdent paraUels to explain this formation of groups.» It can only be understood in the light of the spirit of a new time, requir ing as it did the breakii^ off of all family ties and the dedsive conversion of everyone who wanted to attach himself to the community of salvation. Thus, as H. Bardtke and C. Schndder have shown independently of each other, the nearest parallels to the form of the community are to be found in the law of assodations in the HeUenistic period; that is, the external forms of the community and its organization possess typical features of a private, religious association, a form of law which neither the Old Testament nor Jewish law knew in this way.^^s xhis is confirmed and supplemented by B. W. Dombrowski's demonstration that the designation of the Essene community
244
Pakstinianjudaistn
and the Helknistk
Age
as hayyahad in essentials represents a translation of the Greek common-law term ro KOLVOV. He refers to the KOLVOV of the Sidonians in the bilingual inscription from the Puraeus (96 bc ?), and to the KOWOV of the worshippers of Zeus Hypsistos from late Ptolemaic Egypt with theur strict disciplinary order. The formation of such associations, partiy on the basis of country, partiy on the basis of rehgion, was typical of the Hellenistic period. Here we must remember that the Jewish synagogue communities of the Diaspora had the same legal form, so that it was not unknown to the Jews. Especially in Ptolemaic Egypt, where there were no pokis on the Greek pattern in Upper Egypt apart from Alexandria and Ptolemais, the association served to foster patriotic connections and religious interests among the Greeks scattered throughout the country, and the Jews imitated this form of alhance.*'* Thus the Essenes appear to be the earhest private 'association' in Jewish Palestine known to us. Even after their formation (see above, pp. I75f.)j the Hasidim from which they grew were probably not such a strictiy organized, self-contained alhance (see above, pp. 176!), and even thelater Pharisaic J'^iwrJf, which probably had the same legal basis, did not have this strict hierarchical organization, despite many similarities.*" However, presumably the politeutna founded by the last Oniad high priest Jason, which was to prepare for the transformation of Jerusalem into a Grcckpolis and provide legal support for the gymnasium, already had the form of an association, albeit with a more pubUc character.*'" We need not make fiurther reference to the individual features which connect the form of the Essene community with the law of associations in the Hellenistic period; they have been convincingly worked out by H. Bardtke and C. Schneider. They begin with the particular honour paid to the person of the founder, continue with the rules laid down for precedence, for the community officials and the full assembly (which was basically re sponsible for all decisions), with the testing of initiates and the oaths by which they are bound, common meals, the administration of community finance, to which everyone contributes and in which everyone shares, with ethical regula tions and a thorough-going system of association law with punishments and the right of exclusion, and end with a common burial place. In particular, 'the legal position of the assembly of members corresponds completely, according to the Community Rule, with that of the Hellenistic association'. By and large, we have here 'a towering example of the appropriation of Hellenistic commun ity thought with all its legal consequences by the Jewish sphit of the second centiury bc'.*'i On the other hand, the Essene expectation of the imminent end and theu- certainty that they represented the true Israel produced a selfestimation which is almost witiiout analogy in the Hellenistic world. As a 'union of the everlasting covenant' (dVi» n^na irr), the Essene community of salvation is the only legitimate bearer of the covenant which God concluded with the fathers; they and the 'covenant' are basically identical.*'* We may not therefore assume that the founder of the community and its members were
Early
Essenism
245
aware that they had chosen a form of community life that was not in the Old Testament; but the very confidence with which they could take over aUen forms of organization shows how strongly Hellenistic law and, in conjunction with it, Hellenistic thought-forms, had found their way into Palestinian Judaism. The only religious or philosophical movement whose strict organization and heightened self-estimation corresponded in any way to the Essene com munity was that of the Pythc^oreans, though in the early Hellenistic period and before the blossoming of Neo-Platonism they existed only in individual conventicles without any great influence.^'s Josephus, or probably better his source Nicolaus of Damascus, in Antt.i.^, 371 described the Essenes as a Jewish pendant to the Greek Pythagoreans (yevos
Se TOOT eanv
Siairrj
The close affinity between the two groups was already often assumed in the eighteenth and nineteenth century on the basis of the tradition of Josephus, Philo and Pliny, among others by F. C. Baur, D. F. Strauss and particularly emphatically by the philosopher E. Zeller. Against him A. Hilgenfeld no less emphatically advocated the affinity of the Essenes to Jewish apocalyptic and an early Persian derivation of their ideas.*'* In this century, too, significant scholars like Schiirer, F. Cumont and M. J. Lagrange, among others, have conjectured Pythagorean influence; I. Levy has even devoted a monograph to the relation ship between Pythagoreanism and Judaism, ^'s After the discovery of the Qiunran texts, which shattered all previous views, Dupont-Sommer in partiadar, and T . F. Glasson, more cautiously, have once again put forward the Pythagorean hypothesis.*'* ypcifjievov rfj
Trap'
'EXXr^mv imo Uv&ayopov
KaTaZthei.yii.lvri).
That Alexandrian Judaism at the beginning of the second centiuy knew Pyth^orean and Orphic doctrines and had a positive view of them is shown by Aristobulus. According to him Pythagoras and Orpheus had been taught by the law of Moses, and in his speculation associated with the number seven he follows both Palestinian and Pythagorean traditions (see pp.i65flF. above). In his life of Pythagoras, the Greek literatus Hermippus had already connected the Jews with Greek philosophy in the third centiuy B C . * " Thus it is possible in theory that the founder of the Essene community knew Pythagorean doctrines. Nevertheless, direct dependence is improbable. The Essene com munity wanted only to represent the genuine intention of the Torah and the prophetic writings and to defend its own Jewish heritage against all aUen influences. Thus these aUen influences were accepted only unconsciously or in a polemic apologetic situation. This is also true of the supposedly Pytha gorean features. Similarly, the reasons given by Dupont-Sommer for Pytha gorean influence do not stand close inspection. The daily evening and morning prayer of the Essenes and Therapeutae were not a cultic veneration of the sun but were made in praise of God as the Lord of creation and of the course of history; the interest in the sun which can without doubt be detected was a
246
Palestinian Judiasm and the Hellenistic Age
result of light symboUsm, which was promoted for dualistic reasons.*'* The interpretation of the isolated letter nun which appears in i QS 10.4 as a reference to the Pythagorean holy number fifty is erroneous, as this is a scribal error - as is shown by other manuscripts of the Rule.*'* A large number of the features said by E. Zeller and others to be typically Pythagorean can be explained by the concern of the community for a life in perfect priestly purity, and a further number are the result of the adoption of the legal form of the Hellenistic religious association. Others, e.g. the secret discipline, were wide spread.**" In addition, we may not overlook the fact that the 'foundations' of both orders had the critical character of rigorous reform movements and that each was stamped by the strong-willed personality of its founder. The critical attitude towards riches and luxury, the sharing of goods and the rejection of money among the Essenes stem, for example, from a radical development of the Hasidic 'ideal of poverty' and from a protest against the hunt for riches which was so typical of the period before and after the Maccabean revolt and which dominated the old and new upper classes.**^ At the same time it is probably to be understood as an anticipation of the eschatological time of salvation. In view of the instances already dted there can hardly be any more dispute that the Essenes - like the Hasidim before them - adopted and worked over to a considerable degree foreign influences in their Hellenistic environment from Babylonia and Iran and indeed from Ptolemaic Egypt. **2 But they are not typical Pythagoreans. Even the doctrine of the immortality of the soul merely corresponded to a widespread rdigious opinion in their Hellenistic environment (see pp. i96ff. above). Despite the conjectures of C. Schneider, it remains questionable whether and how far thdr jnterpretation of scripture, which was also familiar with simple allegory, was influenced by Alexandria. Certainly allegorical interpretation was widespread among the Stoics for the purpose of interpreting Homer, but it can in fact already be found in andent Egypt. The Demotic Chronicle offers a typical example; one can be found in Palestine in the apocalyptic interpretation of scripture. The desire to interpret inspired holy scripture in the Ught of the particular present inevitably led to allegorical interpretation. **3 The starting point of the learning practised by the Essenes was in the Palestinian Hasidic wisdom schools in the first half of the second century BC, in which - as in Ben Sira - we may suppose that there was akeady some knowledge of 'Greek wisdom' in the sense of popular philosophical views. The Teacher of Righteousness and other learned members of the community probably introduced a certain degree of 'Greek education' into the community at the time of its foundation, which was then used in an apologetic sense. Thus for example the yearly testing of members of the community and their classification according to 'their knowledge and the perfection of their way of life' (i QS5.23f.) points to the Greek 'agonistic' ideal of life (see above, p. 67). It is in any case striking that a profound piety
Summary:
the Reception and the Repudiation
of Hellenism
247
and a significant theological anthropology and ecclesiology can go hand in hand with an exphcit rational quest fi3r knowledge of an ahnost encyclopaedic character, which finds its expression in astronomical and astrological interests and in a strict systematic and detemunistic division of the course of history. One almost has the impression that various theological outlines with different structmes stand side by side,*** though it is very questionable whether the members of the community were aware of this. Perhaps they were much more strongly under the impression that Essene thought presented a closed theo logical 'system' of cosmos, history and man under the sign of the glory of God. Despite aU the apparent breaks and contradictions, the beginnings of a systematic total view are unmistakable. If we consider the Essene community against its envuronment, the essential thing is not the supposed 'Pythagorean' mfluences, but the fact that Hellenistic observers hke Josephus - or Nicolaus of Damascus - could present them as Jewish Tythagoreatis'. In commenting on a comparison of Essene and Pythagorean eschatology, P. Grelot remarks: 'L'hypoth^e de la dependance ^tant ecartde les paraU^Usmes subsistent.'*** The ancient reporters like Philo, Pliny the Elder, Solinus, Porphyry and above all Dio Chrysostom presented the Essenes as a community of 'philosophers', who led an ascetic life in the wilderness by the Dead Sea in the service of the knowledge of God, wisdom and the love of man.*** Thus they belonged to that widespread ideal of wisdom with a religious basis which, according to Festugiere, was typical of the 'prophets of the Orient' (see above, n.664). In one sense the 'Hellenized' interpretation of the Essene order by the various ancient writers was not completely mistaken, for precisely in Essenism, Judaism pomts beyond the narrow context of Palestine; the retreat into the soUtariness of the desert unleashed great reUgious consequences which had their eflfects on primitive Christianity, the baptist movements in Transjordania and early gnosticism. The Therapeutae, too, are best explained as an imitation of the Essenes in the Egyptian Diaspora.**' The very featiu-es which distiu-b us and seem strange to us, hke the duaUstic doctrine of two spirits, their determin ism, the hierarchical angelology, astrology, manticism and magic, aroused attention within and outside Palestine through theur speculative scientific character, and in conjunction with the ascetic life of the community occasioned the supposition that the Essenes were Jewish 6tZoi dvSpes on Palestinian soU.**8
8. Svmimary: Palestinian Judaism between the Reception and the Repudiation of Hellenism I . and 2. (see pp. 109S.) The strikii^ thing about the spiritual situation of Judaism towards the end of Achaemenidian rule and the beginning of HeUen istic domination is the astonishing variety of its Uterature, which points to a
248
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
rich spirimal life within the small community of the Jewish people. The central point of this Uterary activity was probably provided by the'wisdom schools', in which very different tendencies come to Ught. The strongest group was con cerned for a fiision of the international wisdom tradition with traditional piety, an attitude which appears, say, in Prov. 1-9 and is continued in the identifica tion of wisdom and law in Ps. 119 and in Ben Sira. Alongside this, however, we find in Job and Koheleth a universalist and critical tendency; another trend, from which later the Hasidim and early apocalyptic Uterature developed, was particularly indebted to the legacy of the prophetic tradition. This stiU docs not outline the intellectual multiplicity of Judea at that time, however; presumably there were even more substantial differences, which can hardly be brought under a single heading. The feature common to the three main trends that have been mentioned was strictly rational thought, which was expressed, among other things, in a predilection for the formation of abstract terms, and in the beginnings of a certain S3rstematization and establishing of regularity in nature, history and human existence. In this sense one might speak of a 'prephilosophical' stage of late Jewish wisdom, which displays an affinity to Greek popular philosophy and especially to the, Stoa, influenced by the Semitic spirit, which paved the way for the later encounter. Thus the early Hellenistic period produced hardly any break that we can see in the development of Jewish spiritual life; one can rather talk of a continuous development down to the Maccabean period, which did, however, present a certain decline. From the middle of the third centiuy BC we can trace the influence of Greek language and culture even in Judea (see above, pp.59ff.); from this time onwards a greater differentiation between conservative circles and those friendly to Greece may have set in. AU in all, however, during the third century even those circles which observed the law strictly seem to have been open to foreign influences; only on this basis is the development of Hasidic apocalyptic, with its strong S3mcretistic elements, conceivable in the first half of the second century BC. The positive verdict of the Greeks on the Jews in this early period corresponds to the stfll open attitude of the latter (see below, pp.2i5fiF.). 3. In Koheleth (see above, pp. iisff.) about the middle of the third century we can see the critical controversy with the spiritual and religious foundations of traditional school wisdom. Righteousness and thus the meaning of the divine rule of the world is in no way obvious to men; they are helpless in the hands of 'fate', which they cannot understand, which often seems unjust, and yet is determined by God. This fate reveals its arbitrariness above all in death, and before it all human values become questionable. Man's personal relation ship to God is reduced to a compUant acceptance of the portion allotted to him by God; prayer and cult become empty, conventional forms. Although it cannot be demonstrated that Koheleth is truly dependent on Greek thought, we can understand his scepticism, with its air of cool resignation, as being to
Summary:
the Reception and the Repudiation of Hellenism
249
some extent analogous to the criticism of traditional religion which had burst on the Qreek world from the second half of the fifth centiuy BC and had reached its chmax in behef in fate in the fourth and third centiuies BC. The first epitomist indicates that Koheleth had the effect of founding a school. The lack of fiurther sources leaves open the question whether this school developed in the direction of a sharper criticism of the faith of the fathers and a stronger acceptance of Hellenistic ideas. 4. Ben Sira marks the end of this epoch of a first encounter between Judaism and Hellenistic civilization, probably assessed in a predominantly positive way by both sides; at the same time he marks the beginning of a new era, which is characterized by critical repudiation. Writing about 180-175, immediately before the Hellenistic reform attempt, he is involved in a con troversy which at heart he does not want and which contradicts his ideal of the soper. The controversy is with those groups of the Jerusalem upper classes who as a result of their assimilation to foreign cultiu-e had become almost completely aUenated from the behef of theur ancestors. For him they are apostatesfi-omthe law and no longer beUeve that God works meaningfxilly and recognizably in this world, making demands on individual men. Against these men, with all the massiveness of certainty, Ben Sira puts forward a justification of divine retribution: man is free and receives the reward that is his due. Alongside this - probably under the influence of popular philosophy - there appears the demonstration of a theodicy from creation. The world has been created by God for the sake of man with a deep piurposefulness and harmony that can be known; the central point of mankind is Israel, with its unique and miraculous history guided by God. In the law of Moses it has been entrusted with the divine wisdom itself, the power which orders the whole creation. In the threatenii^ situation in Jerusalem Ben Sura came forward with almost prophetic claims: he admonishes the disputatious sons of the high priest Simon, intercedes for the oppressed poor, and in the style of the old prophets prays for the coming of the dawn of national eschatological salvation for Israel. 5. Presumably the most firuitful and most consequential idea of later Jewish 'wisdom' was the conception of hypostatized hokmd, probably developed ^ a counterpart to the Canaanite Astarte, who in the Ptolemaic period was identified with Isis. It was understood as the 'mediatrix of creation', and at the same time formed the shaping and fashioning power within creation (see above, pp. i53ff.). In the course of the 'nationalization' of Jewish wisdom it was identified by Ben Sura with the Torah of Moses. In this, its affinity with_ certain philosophical conceptions became particularly clear, whether these were the Stoic 'world law' or the Platonic 'world souTj, There was a close conjunction of Palestinian wisdom and Greek philosophy in the Jewish wisdom schools of Alexandria, e.g. with Aristohdus (see pp. iS^S. above) - a short time after Ben Sira - , who was the first to assert the dependence of the great
250
Palestinian Judaism and the Hellenistic Age
Greek philosophers on Moses and with whom 'wisdom' and 'Logos', in conjunction with the number seven, which was equally holy to the Pytha goreans and the Jews, became the principle of the spiritual ordering of the world and at the same time the basis of the knowledge and moral will of the individual. It is significant that in the Alexandrian Jewish wisdom tradition in analogy to Palestinian wisdom in Ben Sira - the cosmological and individual anthropological interest occupied the central place, whereas the problem of history retreated into the background. In the Palestinian Pharisaic tradition, the cosmic character of the law, resting on its identification with divine 'wisdom', gave it a comprehensive ontological significance (see above, pp. i7oflf.). Thus it became the centre and goal of Rabbinic life and thought in general. A consequence of this Torah ontology was - as in Alexandria - the loss of historical consciousness, though the Alexandrian Jewish 'philosophy of reUgion' maintained its missionary task and remained fimdamentally open to the Hellenistic environment, whereas Rabbinic Judaism separated itself more and more from the outside world, above all after AD 70. 6. At the beginning of the Maccabean revolt we meet the Hasidim (see pp.i75fiF. above) as a relatively self-contained group, which presumably closed its ranks as a 'penitential movement' under the impact of the Hellenistic reform. The origins of Jewish apocalyptic are to be sought here, where above all there was a desire to preserve the legacy of the prophets (see pp. iSoff. above). Typical of this 'Hasidic' apocalyptic, which becomes visible in Daniel and in the oldest parts of I Enoch, is its view of world history as a unity, the centre of which is occupied by the course of the chosen people Israel and which according to God's plan is hastening towards a speedy end. In the present, last time, human hybris and apostasy are reaching their climax. With this view of history it is fundamentally different from Hellenistic oracle Uterature and the astrologically based doctrine of world-cycles, although it takes over indi vidual features of them. The problem of theodicy which broke out in late wisdom was solved by the doctrine of resurrection or immortality and reuibution after death or at the eschaton. Individual coiiceptions are still not sharply marked out. The epistemological basis of apocalyptic is the notion of the 'revelation' of special divine 'wisdom' about the m3reteries of history, the cosmos, the heavenly world and the fate of the individual at the eschaton, hidden from hiunan reason. Although it was itself strongly shaped by the pressure of late wisdom towards encyclopaedic knowledge, it was radically diflferent from the traditional wisdom which rested on the tradition of the schools, personal observation and experience. Here wisdom and prophecy flowed into one another: the prophet is a wise man and the wise man a prophet. The development of this understanding of wisdom and revelation is to be understood against the background of the reaction of the oriental reUgions to Greek rationaUsm. Alongside astrology, Jewish apocalyptic forms the earUest demonstrable counter-movement which could be classified as 'higher know-
Summary:
the Reception and the Repttdiation of Hellenism
251
ledge through revelation'. Its consummation was probably brought about by the profound crisis of the Jewish people which broke out as a result of the Hellenistic reform and the Maccabean revolt which followed it. On the other hand, no Jewish trend of thought borrowed so strongly from its oriental. Hellenistic envuronment as apocalyptic.JThe derivation of individual themes is often difficult to elucidate, and it is also often difficult to decide whether we have chanceanalogies to ahen conceptions, or real instances of dependence^ All in all, however, these ahen influences aflfect the detail rather than the totahty of the apocalyptic pictiure of the world and history, which fimdamentally still rests on an Old Testament conception of salvation history. 7. At the end of this development stands the Essene community. It emerged about 150 BC as a result of a division of the 'Hasidim', when the Teacher of Righteousness left the cultic community of Jerusalem with his followers after the appomtment of the Maccabean Jonathan as high priest and foimded a monastic order with strict discipline and lofly spiritual claims. It considered itself to be the eschatological community of salvation and the holy remnant of Israel. This development represented theological progress over against Hasidic apocalyptic and late wisdom, inasmuch as it was an attempt to give a systematic basis to the apocalyptic picture of history through the deterministic duahstic doctrme of the two spurits. Furthermore, the anthropological elements of the wisdom tradition were here combined into a soteriological anthropology in which the lost and hopeless state of man was shown, and he was told the way, through repentance and acceptance mto the community of salvation, to perfea obedience to the law and communion with the heavenly world. In all this the process of salvation was tmderstood as God's unmerited gift. The concepts of knowledge and imderstanding which occupy a central position in Essene doctrine are thus primarily to be understood in terms of 'saving knowledge'. On the other hand, knowledge is not limited to the anthropological, soterio logical sphere. It contains within itself the impulse to grasp the totahty of 'bemg and happenmg' brought about by God (see above, p. 219) - mcluding the heavenly world - , the secrets of history and of human destiny, with the 'scientific' means of its mythical picture of the world. This was brought about by the 'inspured' interpretation of the Torah and the prophets, and also astrology, manticism and the interpretation of dreams. The ordermg of the cosmos was explamed, in connection with Hasidic apocalyptic angelology, as being through a hierarchy of angels; under Babylonian and Egyptian influence an independent astronomical system was built up based on the solar calcula tion of time; indeed, there was even a knowledge of horoscopes for determining charaaer and the future, and of iatromantic practices. The demonic wisdoni of the rest of the world based on the betrayal of the fallen angels was contrasted with the community's own knowledge, resting on the divine revelation. Penetrating theological reflection and a 'Faustian-gnostic' drive to knowledge which embraced both the visible and the mvisible world therefore stand side
Palestinian Judaisfft and the Hellenistic Age
252
by side. In the last aspea in particular, the influence of Hellenistic, syncretistic conceptions is unmistakable. This attempt at a siurvey of the development of Jewish thought in the controversy with the Hellenistic spirit of the time from the third to the end_ of the second century B C in Palestine must necessarily contain gaps, and its dynamics and its riches are only approximately visible. In simimary, however, we may draw the following conclusions: (a) It is clear that the multiplicity which was to be observed at the starting point has become even greater. Although the influential Jewish group which pressed for a complete assimilation to the Hellenistic environment had been annihilated in Palestine as a result of the success of the Maccabean revolt, and the validity of the Torah remained imassailed among the Jewish parties which were formed down to the end of the second century, the Jewish people did not succeed in welding themselves into a unity as a result of the victorious war of independence. True, from now on, any movement which criticized the Torah in a fimdamental way was doomed to failure; however, the question of its authoritative interpretation constantly gave rise to bitter disputes.**' The religious rigorism kindled by the rejection of the Hellenistic attempt at alienation continued to work as an unsettling element down to the 2 ^ 1 o t movement in the first century AD. We may not therefore, regard Palestinian Judaism between 200 B C and AD 70 as a unitary entity under the aspett of the later Rabbinic view of the law, especially as the strongest party, that of the Pharisees, had an internal split.*'" It only became a real unity under great difliculties through the effect of the school of Jabneh and the doctrinal schools of the second century. (b) Another striking fact is that Hellenistic oriental influence was effective even where foreign 'wisdom' was most bitterly repudiated, in Hasidic apo calyptic, among the Essenes and also - to a lesser degree - among the Pharisees. This confirms the observation already made at the end of chapter 2, that even Palestinian
Judaism
must be regarded as Hellenistic
Judaism.^^^
Its boimdaries towards the Diaspora were fluid, and no straight lines can be drawn; the mutual exchange, even in the theological and intellectual sphere, seems to have been extremely vigorous, especially as Jerusalem had become even more a reUgious and spiritual centre of world Judaism as a result of the deliberate poUcy of the Hasmoneans and Herod from the second century B C onwards. In Hellenistic-Roman times Jerusalem was an 'international city*, in which representatives of the Diaspora throughout the world met together (see above, p. 60). Alexandrian wisdom speculation, which we meet for the first time in Aristobulus, evidently had Palestinian origins, and has its later parallels in the 'Torah ontology of the Rabbis': the eschatological expectation of the end and the eflfectiveness of apocalyptic, on the other hand, cannot be limited to Palestine; it must also have played a significant role in the Diaspora (see below, imder d).
Summary:
the Reception and the Repudiation
of Hellenism
253
(c) A further essential pomt is the strong rational element which can be traced from Koheleth to Essenism and which is determined by the imderlying wisdom thought. Nevertheless, here too a certain 'decline' can be seen. Whereas in Koheleth 'wisdom' still rests enturely on empirical experience and tradition, with which it is engaged in a critical dispute, in Ben Sira we find alongside it the authority of the Torah and the prophetic writings. In Hasidic apo
254
Palestinian jfudaism and the Hellenistic Age
the Diaspora. The Jewish Sibyllines (from 140 BC) and the Slavonic book of Enoch are a clear sign of this; furthermore, the many works preserved in Christian versions, or at least known through quotations in the church fathers, like the various apocalypses of Baruch and Ezra, the apocalypses of Abraham, Elijah, Moses, Shadrach, Zechariah and Zephaniah, together with the testa ments of Adam, Abraham, Isaac, Job, the prayers of Joseph, Jannes and Jambres, Eldad and Modad, to mention only a selection,*'* cannot all have been written in Palestine. Even if they were originally written in Hebrew or Aramaic, people would hardly have gone to the trouble of translating them and other apocalyptic works into Greek had there not been widespread interest in the Diaspora. The mission preaching of primitive Christiatiity, too, would hardly have become possible without similar apocalyptic tendencies in the Diaspora. There were already Messiatiic disturbances in Cyrenaica in AD 73, and in the great rebellion of AD 114-117, which involved all the Jews of Egypt and Cyprus as well as the Pentapolis - i.e. all the old Ptolemaic areas the Jews under their pseudo-Messiah Andreas Lukuas caused the Romans the greatest difficulties.*" We should not be misled by the faa that in Josephus, who was completely dependent on the imperial favour, and in Philo, the brother of the Jewish Rothschild of his time, the eschatological element is concealed, even if it is not completely absent.*'* The eschato logical expectation of the end was above all a matter for the lower classes, who bore the whole burden of an insecure sodal existence. Without preparation from Jewish apocalyptic Uterature in Greek, the origin of the later Christian apocalypses is hardly conceivable. The fact tha^ both early Pharisaism and the Greek-speaking Diaspora knew an intensive eschatological hope with a picture of history to match would finally also explain the apocalyptic foimdation of the thought of Paul. The question of the apparent parallels between Paul and Essene Uterature is often discussed today.*" The similarity is probably to be derived from the fact that Essenism and Pharisaism, which both went back to the same Hasidic root, shared a whole series of theological views, despite their bitter opposition. The constellation created by the repudiation of the Hellenistic reform and the Maccabean revolt thus was a fimdamental influence in determining the religious situation of Palestine in the New Testament period, and had con siderable effect on the Diaspora.
IV The 'Interpretatio Graeca' of Judaism and the Hellenistic Reform Attempt in Jerusalem
There are many aspects to the question of the 'encoimter between Judaism and early Hellenism'. In the last chapter we considered it in the theological perspec tive of Jewish wisdom and early apocalyptic; now, in conclusion, we are to consider it from the standpoint of the Greeks. An attempt will be made to build a bridge towards the 'self-imderstanding' of those Jewish 'Hellenists' who, between 175 and 164 BC, attempted to dissolve Judaism completely into Hellenistic civilization, but failed because of their own lack of unity and the poUtical obtuseness of Antiochus IV.
I . The Jews as Philosophers, according to the EarUest Greek Witnesses Down to Posidonius, i.e. as far as the antisemitic movement which set in at the end of the second centxuy B C , i the earUest Greek witnesses, for aU their variety, present a relatively imiform pictiure: they portray the Jews as a people of'philosophers'. From this it is clear that the intellectual 'encounter' between Greeks and Jews did not take place only from the Jewish side, and that the Greeks took an interest in meeting this people with its reUgion that sounded so 'philosophical'. 2 Mention should first be made of Hecataeus of Abdera, who wrote an ideal istic work about Egypt in the time of Ptolemy I , presiunably before the end of the fourth centxuy BC, in which he also went into the exodus of the Jews and the priestly state foimded by Moses.' 'He chose the most educated, and those most capable of leading the whole people and made them priests.' He then entrusted them with temple worship, legislation and 'supervision' (^uAaxij) of the keeping of the law. 'Thus at no time did the Jews have a king; rather, the leadership of the people was entrusted to those who were best in insight and virtue (rqv 8e Tov nX-qOovs npoaraaCav
8iSoa6ai 8ia navros
rto SOKOVVTI TCHV Upecuv povT]aei
Kol aperij npoexeiv) among the priests. These they named high priests and regarded them as messengers of the commands of God' {ayyeXov . . . Tcuv TOV Beov npoaTayfiaTciiv)
(§5, 6).
The 'Interpretatio
256
Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
Thus Hecataeus described the Jewish state as a true 'aristocracy' along the lines of the Platonic Utopian state. The priests here corresponded to the perfect 'watchmen' or 'regents' m Plato's Republic* As he also stresses the Jews' xenophobia, their zeal for war and their just distribution of land, one might suppose that he was already thinking of a comparison with the Sparta that Plato so treasured. Such a comparison was expressed later in the legend of the affinity between Jews and Spartans. This is especially likely as, according to Hecataeus, the forbears of the Spartans, Danaus and Cadmus, emigrated to Greece at the same time as Moses and the Jews came to Palestme (F6, 2). Despite the rationalism that he learnt from Pyrrho, he presents the Jewish picture of God in a positive way. It corresponded to philosophical ideals, following the criticism of polytheism by Xenophanes: He (Moses) did not make any kind of pictiure of gods, as he did not beheve that God was in human form; rather, the heaven, which surroimds the earth, was alone God and Lord of all. 'AyaXfia
Se Beoiv TO avvoXov ov KareaKevaae
<j>ov elvai Kal
Ttuv
TOV Oeov, dXXa TOV neptexovra
oXciiv Kvpiov
Std t o fi'q vofii^eiv avOpcuTTOfiopT^V yrjv ovpavov
fwvov
etvai
Oeov
(§5)-
The fragments of Hecataeus preserved by Josephus, the authenticity of which is disputed, and which depict individual Jews as wise, enUghtened men, also show enhghtened monotheistic tendencies.* Only a short time later there follows the most significant pupil of Aristotle, Theophrastus, who in his work 'On Piety' - again probably dependent on Hecataeus - expressly terms the Jews 'philosophers':* For this whole period - as they are a race of philosophers - they discourse on the divme, observe the stars at night, look up to them and call to them in theur prayers. Kara
Se iravra rovrov
rov xpovov, are oi ro yevos ovres, irepl rov Oelov
fiev dAA'^Aoi? AoAouCTi. rrjs Se WKTOS TUJV darpcov pXenovres
els avrd
Kal Sid TCOV ev)(cov
noiowrai
TTJV Oecuplav,
OeOKXvrowres.
As with Hecataeus, we have here the conception that the Jews worship heaven as the highest God, a view which was particularly illuminating for Aristotehan philosophy, as in it the firmament was regarded as an expression of divine perfection (see above, pp. 235!). This view probably went back through Jewish belief in God to a designation for God, popular in the Persian period, as 'God of heaven'. It was continued in andent reports about the Jews down to the Roman satirists.' According to Bidez/Cumont, Hecataeus and Theophrastus were dependent m tum on Democritus, but this supposition is extremely questionable, as we have no indication that Democritus made any statements about the Jews.* A httle later, and quite independent of this line of tradition, is a report in
The Jews as Philosophers
257
the Indica of Megasthenes, who was ambassador of Seleucus I Nicator to India between 304/3 and 292 B C : * Everything that was taught among the ancients about nature is also said among the philosophers outside Greece, first among the Indians by the Brahmans, and then in Syria by the so-called Jeeoj. anavTa fievrot TO. nepl <j>vae(os elprjiieva napa TOIS dpxcuois Aeyerai Kal napd TOLS e^co rijs 'EXXd8os
<j>i,Xoao^ovai, rd fiev nap' VvSoi? vno rcav
Bpaxfidviuv, rd 8k iv TTJ Evpia imo T&V KoXovpAvoiv 'loitSaliuv.
As Megasthenes gives a detailed accoimt of Brahman 'philosophy'' and here again presents their doctrine of the origin of the world and of nature with Stoic elaborations, we may assimie that he also knew some basic teachings of the Jews and interpreted them in a similar way. Clearchus of Soli, a pupil of Aristotle, is in turn dependent on him; in what is surely a fictitious accoimt he describes the meeting of Aristotle with a Jewish 'wise man' in Asia Minor and makes the master himself give the following report: 'It would be too tedious to report it all, but those features which call for admiration (davfiaawTrira) and show 'love of wisdom' (^tAoao^t'av) deserve to be mentioned. Here I will give the impression of telling . . . wonders, which are like dreams {Bavfujarov oveipois taa) . . . By origin the man was a. Jew from Coele Syria. These are descendants of the philo sophers in India (^d-noyovoi, rS>v ev 'IvSois i,Xoa6ciiv).
Among the Indians, it is said, the philosophers are called Calatii, but among the Syrians, taking the name of the area, they are called Jews. For the territory in which they Uve is called Judea (see above, pp. 2off.). The name of their city is very exceptional: Jerusalem . . . This man had friendly deal ings with many and travelled from the interior of the land to the coast. He was a Greek not only in his language but also in his soul. As he visited the same places during our stay in Asia and held converse with us and some other learned men, he tested their wisdom (mipwiievos
avrujv TTJS ao^ias). As
one who had met with many educated men, however, it was rather he who contributed from his (intellectual) store.' Thus far the quotation from Clearchus. Josephus adds: 'This is what Aristotle said in Qearchus, and moreover he treated the great and marvellous duration and moderation of the Jew in the life that he leads (TTOAA^V Kal davfidaiov KaprepLav rod 'lovSalov dvSpos ev rij Siairfj Kal acopoavvrjv Sieficov)'.!"
Since Clearchus in his writing 'On Sleep' deals above all with 'parapsychological phenomena' which are meant to demonstrate the independence of the soul over against the body, H. Lewy assumes that the Jew whose wisdom is praised so highly by Qearchus' Aristotle is identical with a miracle worker who appears alongside other witnesses in this writing of Clearchus'. With a wand, this man made the soul of a youth depart from him and return again, and moreover needed no sleep, but was nourished by the rays of the sun. Lewy argues that since such magical practices cannot be attributed to a Jew in the second half of the fourth century B C , this must be a pure fantasy,
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
258
Attempt
Now despite the many mkaculous things with which Clearchus deals in his tractate, it remains open whether the Jew is to be idendhed with this particular hypnotizer. It is, however, probable that he too had 'supernatural' gifts, perhaps the art of interpreting dreams, which Posidonius ascribed to the Jews one hundred and fifty years later. It is also almost certain that here we have a stereotyped theme of Hellenistic hterature, the encoimter of a Greek with a 'barbarian philosopher', in which the non-Greek partner shows his superiority. Thus Aristoxenus of Tarentum, a pupil of Aristotie who claims, among other things, that Pythagoras was a pupil of Zoroaster, asserts that in Athens Socrates met with an Indian philosopher who was far superior to hun by virtue of his knowledge of divine things. The counter-movement of oriental religions thus began on this basis, i* However, the Prayer of Nabonidus, the Daniel narratives and the work of Artapanus, which was composed at most a century later (see above, n. II, 262), show that m the first half of the third century BC, when Clearchus composed his tractate, there may very well have been Jewish mkade workers. H. Lewy overlooks the fact that - apart firom the nonsensical information about the Indian Calani, which represents an elaboration of the statements of Megasthenes - the account also contains information which is to be taken completely seriously, like the Hebrew name of Jerusalem in contrast to the form Hierosolyma, which is customary else where, and the name of the province Judea. This points to an encounter with a Palestinian. Why should Qearchus not have known a Jewish miracle-worker comingfiromPalestine, whom he then introduces into his tractate as parmer in a conversation with Aristotie ? Still in the third century BC, the Alexandrian biographer Hermippus, who also gave hunself out to be a Teripatetic' (see pp. 163! above), asserted that Pythagoras had 'unitated the opinions of the Jews and Thradans and had transferred them to himself' (rds 'lovSaUov KOX OpaKtuv 8d|a? fiifioiSfievos Kal fiera^pcov
els eavrov),
a view which was not only readily taken up by the
Alexandrian Jews, but also handed on fiurther by the Greeks, i ' Only the Maccabean revolt and the bitterness fostered thereafter on both sides, together with the increasing Alexandrian antisemitism in the second half of the second century - a reaction to the pohtical and mihtary mfluence of the Jews in Ptolemaic Egypt after the time of Philometor - put an end to this positive presentation of the Jews. Nevertheless, amazement at the founder of the Jewish rehgion and the original teaching of Moses continued in the Syrian Posidonius of Apamea (c. 135-50 BC). A S E . Norden and I. Heinemann have demonstrated in dependently, following T . Reinach, R. Reitzenstem and J. Geffcken,i* his report is contained m the positive portrait of Moses given by Strabo, though theur view has again been disputed recentiy. According to Strabo, Moses, an Egyptian priest, went with his followers to Judea, because he was not content with Egyptian rdigion. 'Neither the
The Jews as Philosophers
259
Egyptians nor the Libyans had a correa view of the deity, when they portrayed it like wild beasts or cattle; but even the Greeks, who formed their gods in himian shape, were wrong. For only this one being is God, which embraces us all, earth and sea, and which we call heaven, world and the nature of being (e'lj ydp ev roxho puovov Beos TO irepUxov Kal yrjv Kal OdXarrav,
ov KoXovfiev
ovpavov
KOX Koafiov
ij/^?
diravras
KOX TTJV TCJV OVTCUV
<j>vai.v). Now how could anyone with understanding dare to form a picture of this being that was like any of the things with us ? Rather, the making any kind of picture has to be abandoned; one must mark off a holy precinct and here in a worthy cult-place estabUsh worship without images. Incuba tion must also be used, both for one's own help and for that of others. The person who Uves morally and in righteousness may always expea good of God, whether as a gift or as a sign, but not the others.' There follows an account of the foundation of Jerusalem by Moses in the Jewish hills. By the renunciation of weapons and proper worship - a clear attack on the Hasmonean poUcy of force - he also wins over a large nimiber of those Uving in the country. 'His foUowers remained for a time following the same customs, for they were righteous and truly god-fearing men. But afterwards superstitious (SeiaiSat/ttovcov, see n. 30 below) and ambitious men succeeded to the status of the priesthood. The consequence of the superstition was that now the withholding of the enjoyment of certain foods . . . the circumcision of men and the exdsion of women and other such practices were adopted. The rule of the powerful led to a poUcy of exploitation. For the apostates damaged their own and the adjoining territory, and those who remained true to the rulers seized aUen land and subjected a large part of Syria and Fhoenida.i5 The last part of this report clearly aUudes to the struggles within Judaism in connection with the HeUenistic reform attempt and the subsequent Maccabean revolt, foUowed by the Hasmonean expansion. It is remarkable here that the origin of an 'apostasy' within Judaism is groimded on the later introduction of superstitious customs, like food laws and circumcision. Perhaps this detail as E. Bickermaim supposed - is connected with the views of the radical reformers in Jerusalem after 175 BC, who beUeved that the originaUy good legislation of Moses had been falsified by 'superstitious' additions :i* 'The commandment is ambivalent; it is dther &om the gods or from men.' Posidon ius also knew that the reform attempt brought only misfortune to the Jews and to neighbouring territories.^' At the same time, this theory fitted admirably into his own ideas of the good lawgivers and foimders of olden times and the later decline, which he discusses in connection with his report on the Jews: 'For this is so natural, and is common to both Greeks and barbarians.'i* Another striking feature is his accoimt of the Jewish doctrine of God, in which he himself is again probably dependent on Hecataeus of Abdera. However, he expands this portrayal of the worship of'heaven which embraces the earth' (see above, p.256) in a Stoic fashion: the Phoenidan and Syrian conception of Ba'al Samem could well stand behind his picture of God
26o
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
(see below, pp.296f.). For him the conception of God held by the Jewish lawgiver and the philosophers is the same: 'The God of Moses is the God of Fosidonius.'i* These connections also explain, in part, why the philosopher who parted company with contemporary Judaism could still exercise such profound influence, partly indirectly but more indirectly through the diatribe, on Jewish philosophy of rehgion.*" Even Varro (116-27 BC) is dependent on Posidonius' reports of the God of Moses. We have several indications from Augustine, and in one instance from J. Lydus: 'Varro
. . . deumIudaeorumIovemputavit,nihilinteresse
censens quommiine
nuncupetttr, dim eadem res intellegatur.' Augustine supplements this state ment: 'nos autem lovem colimus, de quo ait Maro: 3, 60)." Id est omnia vivificantem opinatus est coli a ludaeis,
spiritum.
"lovis omnia plena (Eclog.
Merito
quia dicit per prophetam,
ergo et Varro
lovem
coelum et terrani ego
impleo (Jer. 23.24)'.*!
The way in which Augustine combmes the quotation from Jeremiah and the quotation from Vurgil, shaped by the famous verse of Aratus firom the b a n n i n g of his Phairummena, with Varro's statement about the Jews, shows that there were points of contact between certain Old Testament/Jewish conceptions of God and Stoic views. On occasion these made possible the Stoicizing of the Jewish concept of God and the Judaizing of the Stoic concept (see p. i48f above). Varro also knew - presumably from Posidonius - the Jewish divine name lao: he says it is given in the 'secret writings of the Chaldeans', i.e. in the syncretistic Jewish magical hterature; its magical significance must therefore already have been known at the beginning of the first centiury BC.** Finally, like Hecataeus and Posidonius, he praises the fact that in worshipping God the Jews have no images: dicit etiam antiques Romanos plus annos centum et septuaginta deos sine simulacro coluisse. 'Quodsi
cuihuc, inquit, mansisset, castius dii obseruarentur.'
Cui sententiae suae testem adhibet inter cetera etiam gentem ludaeam.^^
The writing irepl vtpovs presumably comes from the first half of the first century AD, from the hand of an unknown rhetorician who was possibly a pupil of the Palestinian Theodore of Gadara (c. 30 BC), and also refers very positively to the 'lawgiver of the Jews' (0eapio0eT7)s): He was no msignificant man, especially as he had a worthy conception of the power of the deity and described it well, yet at the very beginning of his law he wrote 'God said'; and what did he say ? 'Let there be hght, and there was hght; let the earth be, and it was.' Thus he represents Moses as the recipient of divine laws in the middle of a series of quotations from Homer, indeed he puts him above Homer, since Moses - in contrast to the Homeric theomachy - gave worthy expression to
The God of Judaism with Greek Conceptions of God
261
the divine activity.** About a century later the Hermetica then fused the account of creation with Platonic philosophy,
2. The Identification of the God of Judaism with Greek Conceptions of God However, this positive verdict on the Jews in early writings and the identifica tion of their concept of God with the philosophical monotheism of, say, the Stoa, had its dangers. If Hecataeus, Manetho and Posidonius were struck by the segregation of the Jews from foreign peoples as a special peculiarity, and if this peculiarity later became an irremovable stumbling block,** the Greeks must similarly have foimd the exclusiveness of the Jewish conception of God strange and presumptuous. As the 'interpretatio graeca' of foreign gods shows, they had long been ready to accept aUen forms of the divine into their pan theon, and no exception was made even for the gods of Palestine. For the most part, the new masters gave the old Semitic gods Greek names;*' in more exceptional cases they paid due reverence to them in their old form.** But where they raised themselves through philosophically-trained thought beyond the naive polytheistic nature religion of the simple people and regarded the 'spiritual' Jewish worship of God, devoid of images, with goodwill, there was nevertheless no understanding of the way in which this religion was anchored in the law in a way which excluded all other forms of religious practice, and was inseparably boimd up with the Jewish people and its history. According to Josephus, c. Ap.2, 258, the rhetorician ApoUonius Molon (ambassador from Rhodes to Rome in 81 B c ) criticized the fact that 'we do not accept those who put forward other conceptions of God (on, ixr) irapaSexop-eOa rovs oAAais irpoKaTeiXrjixixevovs S6$ais irepl 0eoC)'.*« Thus even before the emergence of Christianity, there was never an intensive concern on the part of non-Jews with the Jewish history written in the Septuagint. Rather, the charge of super stition was never far away,'" and the history and law of the Jews were presented in the utmost distortion even by capable and critical historians like Tacitus.'1 Even Posidonius showed clearly that he rejected the Jewish religion practised in his time as superstition. The universal religious attitude of learned men which developed in the Hellenistic period through 'theocrasy' regarded the different religions as in the end only manifestations of the one
deity.Thoughtful Greeks Uke Hecataeus, and later Posidonius, may have acknowledged Jewish beUef in its unfalsified form to be a high stage of spirituaUty, and Greek philosophy vrith an interest in religion had long been on the way to monotheism,'' but they found the claim of Jewish reUgion that it embodied the one revelation of the one God, to the exclusion Xo all else, to be inacceptable. In their view the - relative - uuth of even the Jewish faith could be expressed only in a universal way without national and historically conditioned limitations.
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The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform Attempt
We find this attitude in a polemically heightened and late, but typical, fijnn in Celsus (second half of the second century AD): '[They] thought that there was one God called the Most High ('Y
interesse censens quo nomine mmcupetur'.^^ The feet tlmt this is no
chance phenomenon, but a fimdamental approach in which Varro was following the learned world of his time and in which he was dependent on his oriental teachers, the Stoicizing Platonist Antiochus of Ashkelon and the Platonizing Stoic Posidonius of Apamea, is attested to - again via Augustine by Varro himself: Hi omnes dii deaeque sit unus lupiter, sive sint, ut quidam voltmt, omnia ista partes eius sive virtutes eius, sicut eis videtur, quibus eum (sc. lovem) placet
esse mundi animum, quae sententia velut magnorum multumque doctorum est.'' The schohast Servius points out that here we have a doctrine of the Stoa which passed over into the general consciousness of antiquity: et sciendtm Stoicos dicere unum esse deum, cui nomina variantur
pro actibus et qfficiis.^^
In essentials this idea probably goes back to Zeno, the Graeco-Phoenician founder of the Stoa: 'There exists one God and sphit and fate and Zeus, who is also named with many other names.'" One may add that Orphic circles also propagated similar ideas from a relatively early period and expressed them in a series of h3mns. This 'monotheizing' tendency and the strict way of Ufe practised by Orphic conventicles with their esoteric, didactic house-worship
The God of Judaism with Greek Conceptions of God
263
devoid of sacrifice early aroused the interest of Jewish circles in Egypt who, as Aristobulus and Artapanus show, made Orpheus a witness to the truth of the Mosaic law.*" This tendency towards theocrasy, which grew continually in the Hellenistic period and was furthered by popular philosophy, did not remain without consequences even for Judaism. One example of this is provided by the earUest accoimt of the appearance of Jews in Rome in 139 BC, which has been pre served for us by the Roman compilator Valerius Maximus: Cn. Cornelius Hispalus praetor peregrinus. M. Popilio Laenau, L. Calpumio consulibus, edicto Chaldaeos citra dedmtim diem abire ex urbe atque Italia iussit, levibus et ineptis ingeniis fallad siderum interpretatione quaestuosam mendadis suis caliginem inidentes. Idem ludaeos, qui Sabazi lovis cultu Romanos inficere mores conati erant, repetere domos suas coegit.*^
It is hard to dedde here whether we simply have a change of Tao Sabaoth' into 'lupiter Sabazius' by the unknown annaUst and informant of Valerius Maximus,** or whether, as is supposed by F. Cumont, R. Reitzenstein, A. D . Nock, etc.,*' S3mcretistic Jews were akeady seeking to propagate their mixed cult from Judea and Asia Minor in Rome at that time. There are some features which support the latter possibiUty. At the same time or slightly earUer, a Jewish delegation sent by Simon the Maccabee, coming from Jerusalem, was honoured in Rome by the Senate and was able to obtain from the Roman consul Lucius (Calpumius Piso ?) a number of commendatory letters to those HeUenistic states which had a Jewish Diaspora, letters which among other things asked for the deUvery of fugitive members of the HeUenist party to the high priest Simon. R. Reitzenstein calls attention to the possibiUty that an expulsion of heterodox Jews from Rome foUowed as the result of this Palestinian embassage. E. Bickermann supposed that the Jews immigrated via Southern Italy and were sent back there again.** We know further that two thousand Jewish famiUes from the Babylonian Diaspora were settled as cleruchs in Phrygia by Antiochus III before 200 BC. After the peace of Apamea in 188 BC, these Jews came under Pergamene rule, which furthered the cult of Sabazius, who was native to Phrygia and was closely associated with Rome.*^ Furthermore, at a relative early stage Jewish-pagan mixed cults developed in Asia Minor in which, inter alia, the designation 'hypsistos', beloved of both Jews and Gentiles, occupied a central position (see below, nn. 264-6). In general, pre-Maccabean Judaism was more open to its non-Jewish environment than after the reUgious distress and the struggle for freedom which foUowed. Its eflFects also extended to the Diaspora, especiaUy as the Hasmoneans sought to exercise their influence there (see above, pp. loof.). Whatever events may stand behind the note of Valerius Maximus, it shows how the Jewish God could be regarded by the Romans - and probably not only by them - as a kind of Zeus-Jupiter with an oriental orgiasticflavour.A paraUel to this is the identification of Yahweh-Iao and Dionysus which keeps recurring in ancient writers. It perhaps played a certain role in the religious
The 'Interpretatio
264
Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform Attempt
policy of Ptolemy IV Philopator towards the Jews after his victory at Raphia in 217 BC.*« We later iSnd references to it in Tacitus, Plutarch, the oracle of Qaros (see above, n.35) and Johannes Lydus. An identification with other deities, e.g. Kronos-Satum, may also have taken place, but we caimot trace it any longer.*' However, we find this tendency to 'theocrasy' including the Jewish God not only among the Greeks but also in one or two particularJiraiisA witnesses. Thus two Jewish inscriptions from the Ptolemaic period are to be foimd in Redesieh in Apollonopohs Magna (Edfu) in Upper Egypt: God be praised, Theodotus (son of) Dorion, a Jew, saved from the sea. Ofov
evXoyla
/ 0e(v)68OTOS
AwpUovos
/ 'lovhatos
awBels
EK TTE/X(DIY)ovs
Ptolemy, son of Dionysius, a Jew, thanks God. 'EvXoyet
TOV Oeov j nToXefialos
/ Aiowaiov
/ '/ouSaibs.**
These come, however, not from some synagogue but from a temple to Pan, in which there are also a great many non-Jewish inscriptions, which were probably affixed by members of a Ptolemaic garrison. Significantly, these pagan inscriptions, which all run in the same way, mention the God - Pan Euhodos - by name,*' whereas the two Jews speak only of 'Theos' in general terms. Nevertheless, 'Pan', as the universal God, was for them presumably identical with the God of the Jews. The grandson and translator of Ben Sira could likewise say, following the sphit of his time: TO 7701' EOTLV AVTOS (Sir.43.27b; see above, pp. 146,147). The Letter of Aristeas shows that this tendency towards an assimilation of the Jewish concept of God to the Greek, universaUst conception of God was to be found not only among Jews in a remote garrison in Upper Egypt, but also in circles who cannot be suspected of syncretism or assimilation. Here the alleged writer of the letter of King Ptolemy II Philadelphus explains the universal Jewish conception of God: Since, as I have been at pains to discover, the God who gave them their law is the God who maintains your kingdom. They worship the same God - the Lord and Creator of the Universe, as all other men, as we ourselves, O king, though we call him by different names, such as Zeus or Dis. This name was very appropriately bestowed upon him by our first ancestors, in order to signify that He through whom all things are endowed with life and come into being, is necessarily the ruler and lord of the Universe (Ps. Aristeas 15/16). . . . TOV YAP TTAVTOIV ETTOTTTTJV KAL KTIOT-QV Oeov OSTOL oe^ovrai,
OV KAL
TTAVRES, ijfieis Se, ^aaiXev, TrpoaovopLaCovres erepcos Zrjva KAL Ala- TOVTO 8'OVK dvoiKeUos
01 TTPWTOI 8ie(RQ[iavav, 8i'ov ^woiroioCvrai
TO, IRDVTA KAL
yiverai,
TOVTOV AIRAVTOIV T)yelaOal re KAL KVPIEIIEIV.
Even if the Jewish author of the letter puts the speech in the mouth of a
The God of Judaism
with Greek Conceptions of God
265
Greek, the view presented here is astonishing. It clearly takes up a position on two fronts. On the one hand it goes against the Jewish radicals, who demanded a complete break with Greek education and culture and for whom all non-Jews were reprehensible, and on the other hand it shows the kind of judgment clear-sighted Greeks might make about the faith of the Jews in the face of growing Greek prejudice about the Jewish religion.*" The author asserts that philosophically educated Greeks - as the Stoic etymology of Ala and Z^ra shows*! - had long had a genuine monotheism. Granted, he later attacks idolatry, but his judgment on it is milder than that in other contemporary Jewish works. It is a sign of apostasy resting on folly and ignorance, which moreover is to be foimd in a more reprehensible form among native Egyptians than among Greeks.** Over against this, Judaism appears as the true 'philosophy' of ethical monotheism, with which clear-sighted Greeks, too, can only agree. In essentials, at this point the earUer judgment of individual Greek writers about the Jews as 'philosophers' is taken up and given the status of a principle: 'Judaism is a combination of a universal philosophy with the idea of monotheism.'*' This provides the aim of the work: 'the S3mthesis between Judaism and Hellenism'.** We can see that this is not the view of an individuaUst, but a relatively widespread attitude, from the way in which Aristobulus, a litde earlier, quotes the Jewish Testament of Orpheus and the verses of Aratus. In their original form these also contained the names 'Dis' or 'Zeus', but they are replaced in Aristobulus by 'Theos' for special reasons.** We have interpreted the passage as necessary by removing the names 'Dis' and 'Zeus' which occur in the poems, since their meaning relates to God. That is why we express them in this way. We beUeve it right to attach this to the questions already raised. For all philosophers agree that one must have holy concepts of God, and this is something with which our com munity is most concerned. KaOais
SE SEI, aicn]ixayKafji.ev
Zrjva • TO ydp rjpuv e'pTjTOi,
Trjs
Siavoias
irepiaipovvres avr&v
TOV Sid TWV TTOirnxdroav ACa Kal
E M Oeov dvairefiTreTai,
. . . irdai ydp rots ^iXoa6ois ofioXoyeirai
SiaXi^ifieiS oaCas exfiv,
Sionep
SIORI Set irepl
o fxaXiara TTapaKeXeverai KaX&s 17 Ka9' •^jxas
ovrais Oeov aipfais
Euseb., Ft. Ev. 13,12, jf., G C S 43,2,195, ed. Mras. Here Aristobulus agrees with the author of Ps. Aristeas in granting that when the Greek poets and philosophers speak of 'Zeus', they mean the true God. Yet at the same time he displays a critical attitude. He will not himself coimtenance this terminology, and will certainly not adopt it himself, since as a Jew he must take more care than any philosopher to use 'pure concepts' for God. Presumably he saw in the use of 'pagan' names for God the danger of falsifying his own pictitte of God. From this discussion we may conclude that at about the time when Yahweh was identified with Olympian Zeus in Jerusalem, in Greek-educated circles of Jews in Alexandria there were
266
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
reflections on tiie problem of the relationship between the God of Israel and the 'Zeus' of the philosophers. The Palestinian, priest, Pharisee and Hellenist Josephus, who about two himdred and fifty years later incorporated the Letter of Aristeas into the twelfth book of his Antiquities, did not, on the other hand, fimd anything to object to in the formula, but repeated it in a slightiy altered form: They (the Jews) and we revere the God who has ordered all things, by naming him in an etymologically correa way {irvfuas) Zeus {ZTJVO) and givmg him his name on the basis of the fact that he breathes Ufe (Xrjv) mto aU creatures {Antt. 12, 22).
Corttra Apionem above all shows that Josephus' conception of God was not too far removed from the sphitual breadth of Ps. Aristeas: I wiU not now describe how the wisest men of the Greeks were taught by that man (Moses) how to thmk about God, but they have testified to God's nature in afimeand seemly way. For Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Plato and the phUosophers of the Stoa who followed them, like almost aU phUosophers, seem to have thought in this way about the nature of God.** For Josephus, as for Aristobulus and for Ps. Aristeas, the God of the philosophers is fimdamentally also the God of Israel. Clearly, this was not the predominant attitude of Judaism towards concep tions of God current in the world of Greek culture. The negative, separationist tendency was very much stronger. But even here, HeUenistic forms of criticism of reUgion were used, hke Euhemerism, which we find both in Palestine and in the Diaspora, as in the anon]nnous Samaritan (see pp.88flF. above) and in individual instances also in the Rabbinate. It can also be foimd in the earUest Jewish Sibyl, about 140 B c ( 3 , 110-158), which makes use of Hesiod's Theogony interpreted along the lines of Berossus, in Artapanus, Ps. Heraclitus ch.3, the Samaritan Theodotus, PhUo and again in Josephus.*' Even the 'demonological' explanation of pagan religions, beloved in apocaljrptic circles, is not solely of Jewish origin, and has its analogies in Hellenistic thought.** Both these forms of criticism and the identification of the God of the philosophers with the God of the Bible were later taken over by the Christian apologists and the early church fathers. The syncretistic combina tion of lao with pagan deities, on the other hand, hved on in the popular reUgion of the magical papyri.** The refiisal of the overwhelming majority of the Jewish people - even in the Diaspora** - to allow a transference of non-Jewish divine names - and thus also conceptions of God - to the God of Israel by theocrasy led relatively early to a unique consequence, connected with the growing suppression of the original divine name Yahweh-Iao and the mjretery attached to it. As the abstract and universal terms used to replace it often, as with 'Kyrios', did not have any specific religious significance in the Greek world*! qj.^ ijj^e 'Theos', were too impersonal and weak** - Greek religion understood the term
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
iS-]
'Theos' in a quite diflferent way from Jewish, in an impersonal, predicative sense - the view emerged that the God of the Jews was 'nameless'. This amounted to a debasement. We meet this notion for thefirsttime in the writing of the Samaritan community (or the 'Sidonians' in Shechem) to Antiochus IV in i66 BC {Antt. 12,261, see n. 234 below). When this characterization appeared in the works of Graeco-Roman writers hostile to the Jews, the Jews made a virtue out of necessity and argued that the true God had to be nameless.*' The alleged worship of 'heaven' akeady attested by Hecataeus, which was later changed by the satirist Juvenal into worship of the clouds, may be connected with this 'namelessness' in Jewish worship of God. Aristophanes had akeady characterized the indefinite worship of God by Socrates in a similar way. The last conclusion in this direction which went on to affect Christians was the charge of 'atheism'.** We might ask whether these problems were not limited to the Greekspeaking Diaspora, leaving Jewish Palestine imtouched. But the very reference to the 'nameless' God of the Samaritans shows that this is not the case. On the contrary, the problem of theocrasy between the God of Zion and the con ceptions of God in the Hellenistic oriental envkonment became acute for the first time in Jerusalem, in the reform attempt by the Jewish Hellenists between 175 and 163 BC. The tendency towards 'theocrasy' was indissolubly boimd up, for the Jews, with the pressure towards assimilation.
3. The Hellenistic Reform Attempt in Jerusalem and its Failure (a) The Tobiads and Oniads
The reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah certainly repressed the influence of the religiously lax aristocratic ckcles who, for economic and cultural reasons, were likely to become assimilated to thek non-Jewish neighbours, including the 'semi-Jewish' Samaritans, but they could not remove it altogether. From the middle of the thkd century BC there suddenly re-emerges an influential group with quite similar tendencies, the family of the Tobiads.** We find thek supreme chief, the feudal lord Tobias, in the Zeno papyri, as the commander of a Ptolemaic cleruchy in the Ammanitis.** According to Josephus he was married to the sister of the high priest Onias II (Antt. 12, 160); presumably he was the most powerfiil man in Jewish society next to the high priest. He was very probably a descendant of the 'Tobiyya with whom the (high) priest 'Ely^ib had intermarried and who had akeady made diflSculties for Nehemiah by his great influence as an 'Ammonite oflicial'.*' It is hard to dedde whether this Tobiah was a Judaizing Ammonite at the time of Nehemiah or a real Jew; he certainly did not come from a priesdy family, as was sometimes supposed.** His name is a good Jewish one, and in the thkd centiuy the family had become completely Judaized and according to Josephus lived principally in Jerusalem (Antt. 12, 160).
268
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
On his visit to the citadel of Tobias in the Ammanitis in April/May of 259 BCj Zeno bought a seven-year-old slave ghl called Sphragis. Tobias' steward, a Greek Nicanor from Cnidos, signed for the sale. Although at least one Jewish witoess, . . son of Ananias' and also a soldier of Tobias, was present at the sale (1-I7)j there is no evidence of any concem for Jewish sensibihties. FoUowing the style of the time, the dating is given with reference to the priests of Alexander the Great and the divine mling couple (Oewv dBeXffiwv, U.2, 13).®' The reference to the Oeol aScA^oi may pass, as the
agreement itself was concluded between two Greeks, but the correspondence between Tobias and the dioiketes ApoUonius which developed as a result of Zeno's visit shows a very lax view of the law on the part of the brother-in-law of the high priest himself. In one letter whose whole form expresses the attitude of the Jewish feudal lord,'" he writes to the minister: If aU goes weU with you and all your company, and all else (goes) according to your (wishes), many thanks be to the gods (77o]AA-^ x^V"? rots Oeols, p. 2).
Certainly the letter, composed in imobjectionable Greek, is the work of the Greek secretary of the feudal lord, but Tobias, who determined its tone, was responsible for the content. It is no coincidence that a simUar formula appears in Jewish letters from the miUtary colony at Elephantine, which was imder syncretistic influence.The introduction is matched by the content of the letter: Tobias is sending on a eunuch and four slaves between seven and ten years old, of whom two were uncircumcised. As he expressly stresses their qualities as house slaves, one might assume that they had grown up for at least some time in his possession. So Tobias already seems to have been rather lax about the circumcision conunandment, which also included slaves belonging to the house.'* It became a stumbling-block in Jerusalem eighty years later (see above, n.II, 138, and below, p. 289). The sale of Jewish slaves abroad in pagan territory was also strictly forbidden for a Jew, at least in the postMaccabean period." It is signiflcant how the indiflference of Tobias to the Jewish law emerges in the few reports that we have of him. One could compare his attitude with that of Herod - who did, however, have to pay more attention to his environment, and its faithfiilness to the law.'* We leam more from Josephus about the briUiant career of his son Joseph and his grandson Hyrcanus.'* This report of Josephus must be used with care, but it is partly confirmed by the Zeno papyri and the archaeological investigations at 'Araq el Emir. We need not go into detail here about the reasons for the rapid rise of Joseph to become general tax farmer of 'Syria and Phoenicia', or at least for Palestine (see above, pp.98f). Josephus' chronology, which puts the whole story in the time after the conquest of Palestine by Antiochus III, should be corrected. This con tradicts its content, which is exclusively oriented towards the Ptolemaic royal house. The temporal sequence proposed by Tcherikover and others
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
269
comes nearer to reality.'* According to it, the refusal of Onias II to pay tribute fells into the time towards the end of the third Syrian war, when Seleucus II Callinicus imdertook an at first successful counter-thrust to the south as a result of which Orthosia and Damascus went over to his side in 242/41 and were able to assert themselves successfully. However, his real attack on Palestine failed, and he made peace approximately on the basis of the status quo (cf. Dan. 11.9). The visit of Ptolemy III Euergetes to Jerusalem after die third Syrian war, reported by Josephus in c. Ap. 2,48, is perhaps connected with die new ordering of circumstances there. The twenty-two years during which Joseph occupied the ofl&ce of general tax farmer (^n«.i2, 186) would then best be placed in the period between about 239 BC and 217 BC, when Ptolemy PhUopator presumably reordered the administration on his lengthy visit to the province after the victory at Raphia (see above, p. 8). The successful mission of Hyrcanus, the youngest son of Joseph, to Egypt to celebrate the birth of the successor to the throne could then perhaps be transferred to 210 BC, when Ptolemy V Epiphanes was bom. Hyrcanus then was probably given supreme command over the deruchy in Transjordania to protect the border against the Arabs, and incimed the enmity of his family in Jerusalem as a result." The romance about the Tobiad Joseph and his sons was probably composed in Alexandria in the second half of the second century BC. On the one hand it contains such gross errors that one must assume that a considerable space of time had elapsed since the events described, but on the other hand it has such exact information that it is probable that it used good sources, like a family chronicle of the Tobiads. One might suppose a Hdlenized Jew to have been the author, one who had not been occupied with the religious renewal move ment after the Maccabean revolt.'* The tendency of the work is completely secular, with a nationalist bias (Antt. 12, 175-185), and it is therefore most comparable to the book of Esther in its Hebrew form. A central position is occupied by the fabulous success of its hero at the court of Ptolemy and espedally at the royal table, together with delight at the extraordinary riches there. The regulations about purity and about the eating of food that play so great a role in the narratives of Daniel - which also takes the form of a court history - and Tobit, simply do not exist for the author." The law is only given a marginal mention on two occasions: in the case of Joseph, when he is involved in an aflFair with a dancer in Alexandria, and in the case of Hyrcanus, when he praises the kii^ for his generosity.*" Nevertheless, even the Tobiad romance has its slant. In conclusion, it says of the death of Joseph: A noble and generous man who led the Jewish people from poverty and miserable circumstances to a brighter way of life. *i avTjp ayaOos Kol
TTpayixaTiov
. . . KaX ixeyaXojspwv aoBevwv
els
Kal TOV TWV 'lovSaicov
XapuirpoTipas
dopnds
•/ov
^Cov
Xaov eK
Trraixeias
KaTacrrqaas.
Here we have a chief theme of the Jewish Hellenists, which matches their
270
The 'Interpretatio GraeccC and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
programme as it is sketched out in I Mace, i . i i rjjniy dose economic, pohtical and cultural contact with the non-Jewish Hellenistic environment can improve the situation of the Jews in Palestine. Joseph is therefore glorified as the bringer of economic and cultural progress, who opened the door for backward and isolated Judea to enter the great world and introduced a higher standard of Ufe for the people.** Here the narrator has transferred features of the great namesake of Joseph, who Ukewise foimd his fortune in Egypt, to the Tobiad,** though he leaves aside any rdigious motive. Thus the Tobiad narrative presents a court history in completely Hellenized form (see pp.29flF. above). The darker foU against which the brilUance of Joseph shone out b r ^ t l y was his uncle the high priest Onias II, who embodied conservative backwardness and was said to have brought his people to the brink of disaster through his ambition and the stubbornness of old age. He therefore rightly lost finandal and poUtical representation of the people to the king, the irpooTaala TOV Xaov (i2, i6i), to his wiser nephew and counterpart.** One striking feature is that the young Joseph equips himself for his first journey to Alexandria with money which he has borrowed from fiiends in Samaria.The Tobiads seem to have maintained good relations with their kin in the northern tribes even in the third century BC, as at the time of Nehemiah and theu: ancestor Tobiah. This was an attitude which was opposed to the abruptly anti-Samaritan tendency of religious circles in Jerusalem. ReUgious indiflference and friendship with the Samaritans apparently belonged together.** In addition, Joseph and his family became the first Jewish bankers,** with a variety of capital interests and a slave as steward (oiKovoiJios) in Alexandria. The narrative mentions a reserve of three thousand talents deposited there (Antt. 12, 200). Generous bribes to the king and his friends saw that good rdations with the court were not aflfected. In this way Ptolemaic 'high finance' had found an oitry even into Jerusalem.*' In this sense the Tobiads were ThilheUenes and business men of the regular new HeUenistic type' (Rostovtzeflf, CAH 7,160), and under theu: influence the style of Ufe in Jerusalem altered. Ben Sua is evidently in dispute with the new sphit that they introduced (see above, pp.ifof.). At the same time, there is an indication of a spUt within the leading stratum of Judea, which made a dedsive contribution to the later conflict under Antiochus I V : the struggle for power between the Tobiads and the highpriestly Oniads. The family of the high priest - as is shown by its last represen tatives Jason and Onias TV - was by no means untouched by Hellenistic influences (see above, pp.73f. and below, n.132), but as the Tobiads could constrict and endanger the position of the high priest through their support at the Ptolemaic and later at the Seleudd court, the latter had to seek stronger support from conservative drdes. During his period of twenty-two years as general tax farmer, the Tobiad Joseph wiU have been the real holder of power
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
271
in Jerusalem. However, he lost this office - perhaps after Raphia in 217 BC and finally, towards 210 BC ( ?), the dispute between his son Hyrcanus and his older brothers came out into the open. At this point Simon II, 'the Just*, the energetic son of the high priest Onias I I , probably succeeded with the help of active religious groups which would include, e.g., a man like Ben Sira, in building up his position of power and again obtaining a strong position as high priest: He protected his people against plunder and fortified his city against the enemy (Sir. 50.4). The right of prostasia, in the sense of the political representation of the people to the Seleucid king, was now probably again in the hand of the high priest. In the struggle against the pro-Ptolemaic Hyrcanus, who was asserting himself on the famil3^s ancestral possession in Transjordania with the help of the military colony there, and was probably attempting to find a foothold in Jerusalem, too, he was a welcome colleague for the other sons of Joseph, who were now representii^ the interests of the Seleucids.** Although Jerusalem had suffered severely in the fifth Syrian war because of a twofold change of occupation and the bloody internal party struggles (see above, pp. 9f.), the final victory of Antiochus III at Paneion showed that Simon had estimated political developments correcdy. The king showed his gratitude in the decrees preserved in Josephus, which were probably negotiated as 'royal marks of favour*, through a Jewish delegation in Antioch (II Macc.4.11). At the same time they may be regarded as the personal success of Simon II. They confirm the right of the Jews to Uve according to their ancestral laws, i.e. the Torah and the oral legal tradition associated with it (noXiTeviaOtoaav TOV
eOvovs
KaTo.
TOIJS iraTplovs
vofwvs,
Antt. 12,
8e navres
ot eV
142). These laws were
not, of course, laid down in detail, but complete internal autonomy was granted. FinaUy, thegerousia and the temple personnel including the 'scribes' (see p. 26 above) were completely freed from taxes,^ tax remission for three years was proclaimed and the 'tribute' of the province of Judah was reduced by a third (see p. 28 above). The king also contributed generously to sacrifice and the restoration of the temple.«» If the very first decree goes to meet the cultic and legal interests of the conservative circles under the leadership of Simon II, 'the Just', the second decree, which was probably formulated by the priests with the authorization of the king himself, shows this tendency to a still stronger degiee. The 'ancestral law" is specified at a point which also affected non-Jews: the import of the meat and hides of unclean animals and even their breeding is prohibited, and only the flesh of piu:e animals, which have been slaughtered in traditional 'kosher' fashion, may be eaten. These ritual regulations must have restricted the economic signiiScance of the city as a mercantile centre, for which the Tobiads strove, since foreign merchants would avoid a place with such restrictive regulations as far as possible. Thus the decree probably
272
The 'Interpretatio
Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform Attempt
has an mdhect pomt, directed agamst the economic strength of the Tobiads.90 However, the development introduced by the Tobiad Joseph could not be halted. After the death of Simon II, a breach seems to have come about be tween the conservative and presiunably weak Onias III and his brother Jason, who had a more marked leaning towards the Hellenists. Various references of Ben Sira mdicate that the power of the high priest was seriously threatened (see p. 133 above). Presumably the similarly pro-Seleucid sons of Joseph could find a hearing in the court of Antioch more easily, m the long run, than the high priest, by vutue of their riches and their freedom from all the restrictive regulations of the law. In addition, the pohtical consteUation altered. The defeat of Antiochus III by the Romans at Magnesia and the weakening of the Seleucid kingdom by the oppressive peace of Seleucus I V Philopator (187175 BC) allowed the Ptolemaic party to become strong again, and the high priest himself probably adopted a different poUtical course. There was probably the hope of a re-conquest by the Ptolemies (see above, p. 10). One indication of this is provided by the Legend of Heliodorus: according to this Onias III fell out with thefinancialadministrator of the temple (II Mace. 3.4), Simon, the priestly delegate of the Tobiads,'^ over the 'market administra tion' in Jerusalem - perhaps m connection with limitations on trade made in order to preserve the rimal purity of Jerusalem. Thereupon Simon denounced the high priest to ApoUonius, son of Thraseas, the strategos of Coele Syria and Phoenicia, for having Ulegitimately concealed money m the temple (II Mace. 3.5f.). In the legendary report which now foUows, Onias III makes his defence before the ro3ral chancellor HeUodorus, who had hastened to Jerusalem, that it was only a question of 'some deposits belonging to widows and orphans, and also some money of Hyrcanus, son of Tobias, a man of very prominent posi tion' (3.iof.). According to this, Onias seems to have been in a close busmess relationship with the Tobiad H3rrcanus in Transjordania, who had been such a vigorous supporter of the Ptolemies before the conquest of Palestine by Antiochus H I , and presumably reverted to this position after Magnesia. That pohtical accusations were also involved here - probably because of Ptolemaic tendencies - is indicated by the fact that Onias, again on the prompting of Simon, was compeUed a Uttle later to defend himself in Antioch, and was not able to return again.'* At the same time, there seems to have been imrest and bloodshed in Jerusalem itself (II Mace. 4.3). The murder of the king by HeUodorus and the siuprising accession of Antiochus I V Epiphanes, who had returned from Rome, created a completely new situation.
Excursus
6: Hyrcanus in Transjordania
According to Josephus, Hyrcanus constructed for himself an independent sphere of rule beyond the Jordan, in which he could assert himself against his
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
273
brothers and the Arabs. He remained unmolested even by Antiochus III and Seleucus IV - presumably he subjected himself to them formally. Only when Antiochus IV Epiphanes came to power, and Hyrcanus feared that he would come into his grasp, did he put an end to his life (Antt. 12,229-236). Hyrcanus' ambition was not, however, sated by his struggles with the Arabs and his brothers; he built a mighty palace (jSapi?) from white stone, which he adorned with giant figures of animals. This last report has been confirmed by archaeo logical evidence: the building of Hyrcanus is identical with the moniunental ruins of Qasr el-'Abd at 'Araq el-Emir in the Wadi es-Sir.*' H. C. Butier, who undertook the first thorough investigations of the ruins with the Princeton University Expedition, clearly recognized its Hellenistic-oriental mixed style and dated it at the beginning of the second century BC, though he left open the possibility of an earUer date going back to the time of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-247).94 He also decided the question which had been discussed for long beforehand, whether it was a fortress, a palace or a temple, in favoiu: of a temple - with certain reservations.'* E. Littmann, who edited the inscrip tions on the same expedition, supported the interpretation that it was a temple even more emphatically,'* and supposed that Josephus had kept silent about its character as a temple. This hypothesis was taken up later by Vincent," who connected the site with the Ammonite 'Birta' of the Zeno papyri, and beUeved that the miUtary colony of Tobias, in spite of its Jewish com mander, had had a pagan temple here. H. Gressmann also beUeved the site to be a sanctuary, but he ascribed its foundation to Hyrcanus, whom he beUeved to have made messianic claims.'* As it was thought improbable that a pagan or Jewish-schismatic temple would have been built in Tobiad territory, the palace hypothesis found an increasing niunber of supporters, despite the archaeological evidence unfavourable to it." Partiy the question was left xmanswered, and a new more thorough archaeological investigation was looked for.ioo Here Watzii^er pointed to kindred forms in Alexandria, Miletus and Samothrace. Albright attempted to solve the question with a compromise proposal: Hyrcanus wanted to build a mausoleum to the Tobiad family.^"! O. Ploger took Butier's observations fiuther and conjectured a lake sanctuary in Egyptian style which served the miUtary colony as a temple. The excavations which P. W. Lapp carried out from 1961 in three st^es were able to bring a certain amount of clarity into the dispute. The first and most important result was to confirm Josephus' datii^: all the buildings investigated, the Qasr itself, remains in the village of 'Araq el Emir and the so-called smaller 'square building' between the caves and the Qasr, point to the early second century BC. It is thus as impossible to make an identification with the 'Birta' of the Tobias of the Zeno papyri as it is to assxmie that there was a special temple for the military colony, i"* A fiuther important point which was seen by Butler but interpreted wrongly is the fact that the site at Qasr could not be properly completed. The Uon frieze, the capitals of the
274
^
'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
pillars and the bosses on the stones are unequally finished. Hyrcanus did not succeed in completing his work.^"* The mvestigations also made the temple hypothesis more likely, and Lapp was able to build on the fimdamental work of Amy."" The latter investigated a large number of Syrian temples firom the Roman period and in so domg established a series of common structural elements. Chief among them were the tower-Uke comer rooms, which flank the entrance halls set on the narrow sides. In at least one of these rooms is a. staircase leading to the towers, galleries or terraces. Hyrcanus' building also contains these tjrpical forms."" So the excavator comes to the conclusion: 'The Qasr emerges as a unique example of the old S3nrian temple type in the Hellenistic period.'"" The cultic impression is fiurther strengthened by the monmnental Uon fiieze, though this has only rough-hewn animal capitals m the interior and thefiguresof two eagles; a similar impression is given by the size of the rectangular building (5' 10' by 4' 9') with its large basihca-Uke inner room supported by half pillars, a great staircase in the firont left tower room, and by two doors east and south of the Qasr, together with the moat that siuTounds the whole."" In addition to the pictmes of animals already mentioned, the bas-relief of a great (6' 10' by 4' lo") predator was found, half hon and half leopard, which was probably intended to serve as the gargoyle for a spring and was elaborated on the basis of Greek modds.^"* On the other hand, it is significant that portrayals of htunan beings are not found. The prohibition against images in Exod. 20.4, which gained such great significance in the post-Maccabean period,^" existed only to a limited degree for the builder; the dependence of the whole building even down to details on Hellenistic-Alexandrian and Syrian-oriental models is obvious. There remains the question of the p i u r p o s e of this temple site. It can hardly have been a pagan temple, as the building was in the centre of the neighboiurhood which Hyrcanus himself used as a residence with its caves and its halls, and to which he gave the name ' T 3 « r u s ' . ! i * The most probable thing is that H3rrcanus wanted to make the Qasr mto a temple to compete zoith Jerusalem, a
parallel to the sanctuaries of Elephantine, Leontopohs and Gerizim."' Probably at about the same time as the foundation of Leontopohs, the sjmagogue at Antioch also took on temple-Uke fimctions to which 'the successors of Antiochus I V - presiunably Demetrius I Soter, 162-150 BC bequeathed the bronze vessels taken by Antiochus ftom the temple. Later kings also bequeathed valuable gifts to the growii^ community, with which 'the
sanctuary was
adorned'
( t o Upov
€$eXdpLTrpwav)M*
Presumably
the Ptolemies, like the Seleudds, sought to make 'central sanctuaries' m t h e u r sphere of rule independent of 'apostate' Jemsalem, for the use of the Jews. Of course t h e s e efforts remained without real success. Presumably H3nrcanus also saw a danger in the fact that his Jewish sup porters were still culticaUy bound to the temple in Jemsalem, which was
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
275
dominated by supporters of the Seleudds. The Deuteronomic command for centralization of the cult (Deut. 12) was still not strong enough to exdude centrifugal forces, even in Judea. How much this situation changed in the two centuries after the Maccabean period is shown by the fact that after the destruc tion of the temple in AD 70 no Jewish group attempted to erect a substitute temple anywhere else."* Nor should one overlook the fact that the animal figures gave the building something of a syncretistic stamp. Watzinger points out that the eagle figure is a symbol of the supreme Syrian goddess of heaven; possibly there is also a hint of this in Dan.9.27b."« There seems to have been no dominant concern to establish any demarcation from Syrian nonJewish cults in these circles which were open to Hellenistic dvilization. In this context, reference might also be made to certain syncretistic influences among the military colonists in Elephantine, who were also gathered round a 'separatist temple'. That such tendendes were not completely lacking even in Judea could be indicated by the much-discussed Jehud coins, with a divine image on the winged chariot in the form of Triptolemus, which presumably comes from the late Persian or pre-Ptolemaic Diadochi period, With the religious laxity of the Tobiads and the Greek education of Hyrcanus as stressed by Josephus (see above, p. 59), the spirit in which the reform attempt was made in Jerusalem presumably came to the fore. According to Josephus, Hyrcanus is supposed to have ruled only seven years in Transjordania, 'the whole period of Seleucus' rdgn over Syria' (Antt. 12,234). This is obviously incorrect, as Seleucus IV reigned for twelve years (187-175 Bc), so that the seven years are probably to be interpreted in a different way. Hyrcanus must have begun to rule over the Transjordanian cleruchy and the region belonging to it substantially earUer (after 210 BC ? , see p. 269 above). The complex of buildings realistically depicted by Josephus in 'Araq el Emir, which in addition to its monuments embraced a moat, great halls, parks and the excavation of caves (Antt. 12, 230-233),"« will have taken more than seven years to build. As Hyrcanus (according to II Mace. 3.11) continued to maintain good relations with the high priest Onias III down to the end of the reign of Seleucus IV (see above, p. 272), so that he deposited considerable sums of money in the temple in Jerusalem, it can hardly be assiuned that he would already have begim to build a competii^ temple at this point. However, when immediatdy after the accession of Antiochus IV Jason drove his brother Onias III from the office of high priest, and the sanctuary thus probably came into the hands of the pro-Seleudd party, i.e. his brother, who was hostile to him, Hyrcanus may have felt the necessity to erect a schismatic sanctuary, though he was imable to complete it. In 173 BC the last Oniad, Jason, also lost the high priesthood and fled to the Ammanitis, i.e. - as MomigUano already conjectured - to Hyrcanus."' From there, in 168 BC - about seven years after the accession of Antiochus IV Jason attacked Jerusalem, but could not assert himself in the long run and had
276
The 'Interpretatio Graeca'
and the HeUenistic Reform Attempt
to retreat to Transjordania (II Mace. 5.5-9, see below, pp.28of.). Now the rule of Hyrcanus probably collapsed as a result of the retributive attack of the king; Hyrcanus, who had grown old, conunitted suicide and Jason fled to the Nabateans and then to Egypt and Sparta. 1*" Thus the seven years would be best put in the rule of H3n:canus durmg the rdgn of Antiochus IV, and perhaps refer to the time it took to build the temple proper. The report in I Mace. 5.13 that the Jews ot ovres ev rols TovPlov were attacked by the S3mans hving round about and enslaved or killed shows that there were other anti-Sdeudd, Jewish strongpoints in the area beyond the Jordan which went back to the Ptolemaic cleruchy of Tobias, while according to II Mace. 12.17, Judas rushed to the help of roijs \eyo{ievovs Tov^iavovs 'lovhalovs in their fortress (Xapa^.^^^ The Jews, probably descended from the former Ptolemaic cleruchies of the Zeno papyri (ev rrj Tov^lov, CPJ 1,123, no. 2d, 16), had theur own cavahry, and at least some of them had Greek names. Thus two cavalry oflScers Sosipater and Dositheus (II Mace. 12.19, 24 and 35: AwalBeos Sc ns TWV Tov^iijvwvy^^ gave powerful support to Judas Maccabaeus.i** Consequently the struggle on the side of the Maccabees agamst the Seleudds must have been determined by more than religious motives; at the same time it can be seen against the background of the old pohtical opposition between the Ptolemaic and the Seleudd party in Palestinian Judaism. A flgure like Hyrcanus seems to have adopted a very sovereign position against the Jewish religious tradition, though he did not become an apostate from Jewish faith. So all sorts of hjrpotheses have been assodated with his person. H. Gressmaim beheved that messianic claims were made about him, on the basis of which he entered the Rabbinic tradition as the dying Messiah b. Joseph.124 J. Klausner even made him the author of Koheleth, with reference to Koh. 2.4-10,1** and O. Ploger attributed ambitious pohtical plans to him: he envisaged the estabhshment of a neutral, independent buffer state between Egypt and S3nria similar to the Nabatean kingdom.^** Finally Tcherikover, following Momigliano, sought to understand Hyrcanus as one of the typical adventurer figures of the early Hellenistic period and points to Plutarch's accounts of the Uves of Eumenes, Demetrius PoUorcetes and Pyrrhus. 1 * ' But wefindthe best parallels to Hyrcanus in contemporary Judaism itself. Like his fether Joseph, he is certainly a sign of the rise of sovereign individual personalities who go beyond the boimds of tradition. But in this capadty he stands in that extensive series of deliberate and vigorous figures whom we meet so often among the Jewish rulers and scholars, teachers of the law, founders of sects and apostates of the Hellenistic and Roman period: they include the Hasmoneans from Judas to Alexander Jannaeus, the Teacher of Righteousness and Simeon b. Setah, Antipater, Herod and Agrippa I, HUlel and Shammai, Philo and Tiberius JuUus Alexander, Simon bar Giora, Josephus and Johanan b. Zakkai, Akiba and Bar Kochba. They and many others are an
The HeUenistic Reform Attempt
277
expression of the overflowing vital and spiritual force of the Jewish people which produced its greatest historical influences in those centuries. if)) The Hellenistic reform in Jerusalem down to the erection of the Acra at the beginning of 167 BC
The preliminaries to the Maccabean revolt and its deeper causes were described exhaustively in E. Bickermann's masterly monograph and the work of V. Tcherikover; in what follows, therefore, we are not so much concerned to give a comprehensive account as to attempt to concentrate on points where scholars still come to conflicting results. 1** By travelling to Antioch, Onias III had played into the hands of his oppon ents in Jerusalem. His brother Jeshua-Jason, who probably had automatically taken over his position,^*' went over to the 'Hellenistic' side and - presumably soon after the accession of Antiochus IV in September/October 175 BC - bought the high priesthood with their support, t(^ether with the authority to prepare for the transformation of Jerusalem into a Greek polis. Suspicions of leanings towards the Ptolemies on the part of Onias III and a voluntary increase of the tribute to 360 talents and a 'special payment* of 80 talents were probably reason enough for Antiochus IV to make a change of high priests. 1 ' ° The position of the new king was still not fully assured; he needed money and reliable supporters, since those circles who were friendly towards the Ptolemies seemed to him (according to a report of Porphyry) at first to have refused him recognition. The retreat of Onias III to the sanctuary of a shrine of Apollo and Artemis of Daphne suggests that he was not as 'zealous for the law' as Jason of Gyrene made out. The degree to which the Oniads were stamped with the spirit of Hellenism is shown not only by the new high priest Jason but also by Onias IV, the son of the deposed Onias III and the founder of the schismatic temple of Leontopolis-i^a The king readily acceded to the wishes of the Jerusalem aristocracy and their new head for preparations to found the new polis 'Antioch in Jerusalem', since this served to estabUsh the multi national Seleucid state. One cannot speak of a deUberate poUcy of HeUenization on the part of the Seleucids or Antiochus IV, but it was useful when orientals adopted Greek customs and became Hellenes. Furthermore, he attached importance to stable conditions on his southern border in the face of the revanchist Egyptians. Not least, this royal mark of favour was honoured with an additional one hundred and fifty talents. Thus it is easy to understand that during his reign the king granted similar rights to a further eighteen cities, including Babylon, The initiative here clearly came &om the HeUenists in Jerusalem, who presumably had the majority of the priests and lay nobiUty, who in practice held aU power in their hands, on their side (I M a c c . i . i i : avemiaav t t o A A o w , cf. Dan. 11.23). They had a threefold aim:
278
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
Attempt
1. A way was to be opened for the extension of Hellenistic civilization and customs, which had previously been hindered by the religious prejudices of conservative groups. The limitations which the latter placed on imrestricted economic and cultural exchanges with the non-Jewish environment were to be aboUshed (I Mace. 1.11, see above, pp.72fF. and below, p.300). 2. T o this end the 'reactionary' conservative groups had to be deprived of their poUtical power, so that they could no longer exercise their influence to carry through limiting, legalistic and ritual regulations, as had happened imder Simon the Just. 3. The prerequisite for this was the repeal of the 'letter of freedom' promulgated by Antiochus III, as this grounded the internal ordering of the Jewish 'ethnos' solely on the traditional 'ancestral laws' and gave a legal basis to the defenders of the traditional theocracy. These aims could be most easily achieved by the transformation of Jerusalem - and thus of the whole Jewish ethnos in Judea - into a Greek 'polis'. As the bestowal of citizenship of the proposed/W/K, and admission to the gymnasium and ephebate, were under the control of Jason and his friends, those feithful to the law, who probably reUed for the most part on the poorer classes in the city and on the country populace, were deprived of their power and reduced to the status of perics (see pp.74f. above). True, the temple Uturgy with its sacrifices continued in the usual way, and the law of Moses was by no means officially repealed, remaining vaUd largely as a popular custom, but the legal foundations were removed from the Jewish 'theocracy'. Political order and policy were no longer determined by the Torah and the authoritative interpretation of it by priests and sop'rim; in the future they were to be based on the constitutional organs of the new polis, the 'demos', i.e. the full citizens, the gerousia and the magistrates appointed by them. This inevitably resulted in a lowering of the status of the priestly nobility, and a sign of the strength of the desire within the priesdy aristocracy to adopt Greek customs is the fact that this consequence was taken into accoimt. The most powerful lay family, the Tobiads, wiU on the other hand have wel comed the tendency, as the fact that they were not of priesdy descent had been a hindrance to them in earUer struggles for power. The considerable relaxation of the law, which was no longer a binding norm, was evidenced in the fact that individual Jewish ephebes, presumably because of the participation of foreigners in contests in the gymnasium, underwent epispasm (see above, n.II, 135). The unsuccessful sacrifice for the Tyrian Heracles can also be regarded as a sign of the tendency towards assimilation in the development as a whole.i'* Revolutionary innovations of this kind in a city like Jerusalem, which so far had only become Hellenized in a relatively superficial way, did of course take a number of years. Consequendy we should not reject out of hand Bickermann's suggestion that the citizens of the new 'Antioch' formed themselves into a kind of association preparatory to the foundation of the city proper. Its centre
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would have been the gymnasium, and the high priest Jason was at the same time both gymnasiarch and archon (see above, p.73, n.II, 129). At least in the city, the Hellenists seem to have found considerable support among the landowners, merchants and craftsmen; there was probably the expectation of an economic boom and perhaps even of the right for them to mint theur own coin^e.^** When the king visited Jerusalem about two and a half years after Jason's institution, he was welcomed 'magnificently by Jason and the city (popula tion), and ushered m with a blaze of torches and with shouts' (II Mace. 4.22). Whether, as V. Tcherikover assiunes, this visit of its 'ktistes" officially consti tuted the new polis, and the time of preparation was over, does, of course, remain completely uncertain. 1** This development sounds positive, but a short time later it was abruptly broken off. About three years after the appointment of Jason as high priest, towards the end of 172 or the beginning of 171 BC, Menelaus, the brother of Simon the 'financial administrator of the temple' and perhaps his successor,i" succeeded in purchasing the office of high priest from Antiochus IV by the offer of an increase m tribute of three hundred talents. This step might not have meant much for the king, who was behind in his payments to Rome and therefore took money where he could get it. In the Greek world priestly office was fi-equently piurchased, and even city magistrates were appointed in a steady succession. Moreover, as 'ktistes" Antiochus could claim the right to bestow by favour the dedsive office in the dty founded under his name.i** However, it was a momentous dedsion for Jerusalem. As an Oniad, Jason came from the family of the Zadokites, who had occupied the office of high priest for centuries in hereditary succession; with Menelaus, a non-Zadokite from the priestly family of Bilga became high priest for the first time. The Greek codices at II Mace.3.4 read 'Benjamin' throughout, and according to this Menelaus and Simon would have been of non-priestly descent, but this is improbable. The original reading Balgea is preserved in Old Latin and Armenian manuscripts, i'* This tradition is supplemented by the old Mishnah that the priestly clan of Bilga was excluded firom offermg sacrifice for all time (ph>^'Sb) because of its conduct in the religious distress under Antiochus IV: 'Its rii^ of slaughter is dosed and its niche is shut up' (Sukkah 5, 8c). A Baraita explains this punishment in two ways: according to one view, Miriam had become apostatefiromthe priestly order of Bilga, had married a Greek officer, desecrated the altar and blasphemed God. According to the other, the order of Bilga aUowed itself to be deterred from exerdsing priestly office. Both reasons probably conceal a more severe chaige which alone could match the uniqueness and magnimde of the punishment, namely, the chiefrespons ibihty for the desecration ofthe temple in 167 BC. According to S. Klein, the priestly order of Bilga stiU bore the name n'Tl'', i.e. 'the Greek', in the time of Eleazar Kalir (seventh centiury AD).!*" According to the report of Josephus, which goes back to Seleucid sources.
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Menelaus was backed by die Tobiads, who through the fall of Jason had finally driven the hated Oniads from their dominant position. Presum ably Menelaus and Simon were related to the Tobiads, and were their willing tools. Jason fled to Hyrcanus in the Ammanitis, and his opponents thought that they were finally in possession of power in Jerusalem. However, it was precisely these events which led to the failure of the Hellenistic reform attempt in Jerusalem. The upper class, who had supported the programme of progressive assimilation in view of their friendship to wards the Greeks, was split, and it was obvious for the supporters of Jason again to turn towards the conservative religious circles who for long had maintained more of a negative attitude towards the experiment of 'Antioch in Jerusalem'. The basis of those in favour of a progressive Hellenization of the city thus shrank to a minority which could only sustain itself through the constant support of the Seleucids. The situation was aggravated by the fact that Menelaus could only produce the sums required by the king with the help of recourse to thejemple treasury. This inevitably made the majority of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, whether they were fevourable towards assimilation or conservative, particularly bitter towards him, and while he was away in Antioch to bring the king at least some of the payment, his brother Lysimachus, his representative, was killed by an angry mob although he had a considerable bodyguard - II Mace. 4.40 speaks, probably with some exaggeration, of three thousand men. Menelaus for his part succeeded in murdering Onias III, who could have been dangerous to him in Antioch, with the help of a high Seleucid official.!** Despite the complaints of three members of the gerousia in Jerusalem, Antiochus, who was holding an investigation in Tyre into the events at Jerusalem, took the side of Menelaus and had three councillors executed. Here, too, the Tobiad agent had taken care to influence the king by bribing the oflScials involved. 'His alliance with the government rested on the soUd basis of a mutual financial i n t e r e s t . ' I t was only logical, when the king visited Jerusalem for the second time on his return from his first Egyptian campaign, that he entered the sanctuary, stole the cultic vessels and thorox^hly plxmdered the temple: 'he had all the gold stripped off"' (I Mace. 1.22). In all, about 1800 talents are said to have come into his hands. 1** Possibly Menelaus had again been in arrears with payment of tribute, but the plunder ing of sanctuaries had almost become a regular custom of the Seleucids after the time of Antiochus III, who had lost his life in an unsuccessful attack on the temple of Bel in the Elymais. Polybius, a contemporary, says of Epiphanes himself: UpoarvX-qKei Be Kal rd TrXelara TWV lepwv ( 3 I , 4, 9 = 30, 26, 9). For the Hellenistic ruler this may have appeared an obvious expression of his unlimited power to rule, but in the eyes of his oriental subjects it was unforgivable sacril^e.i** The harvest came up in the next year, when Antiochus was held in check by C. Popilius Laenas, and Jason, on the basis of a rumour of the death of the
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king, fell on Jerusalem with a thousand men from the Ammanitis and forced Menelaus back into the citadel (II Mace. 5.5-7; see p.275f above). According to the Seleucid source worked over in Josephus, Bell, i , 31 and Antt. 12, 239, he was supported by the majority of the people and finally drove Menelaus and the Tobiads out of the city. They fled to the king - presumably to ]^ypt and asked for his support. Jason could not cope with an attack by the Seleucid army, so he fled, probably before Antiochus reconquered the dty, into the Ammanitis and then through the Nabateans to Egypt. The vengeance of the king and his Jewish supporters was harsh; the dty was ruled imder martial law, a considerable number of its inhabitants were killed, and others sold as slaves. i*« Tcherikover's view that Jason had already been driven out by a third Jewish party, the plebeian Hasidim who were faithfiil to the law, and that these had incurred the punishment of the king, has no support in the sources, and misunderstands the attitude of the 'pious', who certainly did not resort to armed revolt on thek own initiative.^" It is, however, worth noting the interpretation in Bell, i , 32, which in a Seleudd perspective states that the king 'occupied the dty with force and killed a large number of Ptolemy's supporters'. The old constellation of parties fiom the struggles of the tune of Antiochus III was also revived in this unrest. The Jews wiU also have been considerably encouraged firom Egypt in the Maccabean revolt which broke out a httle later. To support the Tobiads, the Phrygian Phihp remained behind with a garrison, but they too were less than masters of the situation, so that at the beginning of 167 B C an army had to be sent to Judea for the second tune. Its commander, the 'rnysarch' ApoUonius, took a hard line. He occupied Jeru salem on a sabbath,!** again made use of martial law, razed the dty waUs and erected in the city of David - presumably south of the temple hiU - a large and weU-fortified dtadel, the so-caUed 'Acra'.^** Non-Jewish miUtary settlers were put in it as a garrison: 'And they stationed there a sinfiil people, lawless men . . . Because of them the residents of Jerusalem fled and (the city) became a dweUing of strangers' (I Mace. 1.34, 38; cf 3.36). For the next decades the 'Acra' was to form the firm support for Seleudd power in Judea. In this way Jerusalem and Judea were also subjected teethe usual form of punishment for a rebelUous dty or province in antiquity: the property of the pro-Ptolemaic supporters of the Oniads, and indeed of aU those who took part in Jason's rebelUon, was confiscated and divided among the miUtary colonists and the supporters of the Tobiads.i*" Presumably the 'Acra' sunply continued the tradition of the 'Antioch in Jerusalem', though it produced a substantial redeployment of the dtizenry. The numerous enemies of Menelaus probably lost thdr rights as dtizens, and part of the population fled into the desert. This 'anacJwresis' was a favourite means of passive resistance in antiquity.151 The foreign cleruchs took the place of the 'rebels', and as a result the dty lost its purely Jewish character and became a 'Jewish-pagan colony'^**
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with mixed population. Judea was its territory, and its inhabitants, 'the ethnos of the Jews', became for the most part citizens without rights. Of course it went into a state of smoulderuig rebellion, and the task of the Jewish-Gentile population of the Acra - 'the sons of the Acra'i*' - will not least have been the military one of 'pacification'. In this sense we must concede the justice of Tcherikover's thesis: 'It was not the revolt which came as a response to the persecution, but the persecution which came as a response to the revolt.'^** However, by way of qualification to Tcherikover one must say that it was less the 'pious' than the pre-Ptolemaic Oniads who stood behind the beginnings of the revolt. Nor can one talk of an organized rebellion before the intervention of the Maccabees, which only came about after the rehgious decrees. It will above all have been a matter of 'anachdresis' into the wilderness and the refusal to pay taxes which went with it; active guerrilla warfare will only have been a secondary matter. The supreme authority in the Acra will not have been the usual magistrates of the polis, of whom we have no account, but a royal 'commissar' (imaraTrjs), the Philip who has akeady been mentioned.i** Afterwards, as before, Menelaus too will have had decisive significance (II Macc.5.23; c f i i . 29ff.; I3.3f.); he was the head of the Jewish 'ethnos' and high priest.^** That the Acra itself was still regarded as a Seleucid 'polis' long after Jerusalem had returned to Jewish hands is shown by the charges of the ambassador of Antiochus V I I Sidetes to Simon the Maccabee in 139 B C : 'You hold controfof Joppa and Gazara and the citadel in Jerusalem; they are cities of my kingdom (noXeis T7\S PamXelas fiov). You have devastated thek territory, you have done great damage in the land.' Sunon defends himself - in particular with respect to the Acra - with the argument of legitimacy: 'We have neither taken foreign land nor seized foreign property, but only the inheritance of our fathers, which at one time had been imjusdy taken by our enemies.'^*' The nearest parallel to the military colony in the Acra is the setdement of Macedonian colonists in Samaria by Alexander the Great or Perdiccas after the Macedonian commander there had been murdered by the Samaritans. However, the Samaritans remained strictiy separated ftom the setders in Samaria and founded Shechem as a new centre. One city which was inhabited by Jewish and 'Greek' citizens from the beginning and at the same time became the metropohs of a large stretch of Jewish territory was Tiberias, founded by Herod Antipas. The situation was sunilar in Sepphoris-Auctocratoris, which he re-estabhshed.^** The temple, too, headed by Menelaus as high priest, became the common property of the new Jewish-pagan citizenry. The bitter hostility with which the restless Jewish country population watched new developments in Jeru salem left no retreat open for the Tobiads and their supporters to a compromise peace with their Jewish compatriots. If they wanted to assert their leadership
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in Jerusalem and Judea, the only possibihty left open to them was the vigorous apphcation of force, and at the same time close collaboration with the nonJewish cleruchies which had been settled in the Acra to support them. Here the goal of complete assimilation and the abohtion of the barriers between Jews and non-Jews had in practice been completely achieved, though hardly in the way that the Jewish Hellenists had expected in 175 BC. (c) The edict of religion, the kir^ and the Jewish apostates
The estabhshment of the Acra in early 167 B C and the occupation of the temple by its mixed, Jewish-Gentile populace, made the question of a Jewishsyncretistic mixed cult in the sanctuary an acute one, even before the pro hibition of the Jewish rehgion. According to I Mace. 1.37, 39, the "holy prednct' had akeady been desecrated and 'laid waste like a desert" (ijpTj/wij&Tj ws efyqfjLos) by the penal expedition of ApoUonius. This probably meant that the tamid offering had been stopped at least ftom then on. Daniel, too, hints at this by putting the cessation of the toinid offering - which was certainly not ordered personaUy by Antiochus - at the beginning of this wickedness practised against the sanctuary: 'Forces ftom hun shaU appear and profane the temple and fortress, and shaU take away the continual binnt offering.'i*' However, the legendary Baraita of Miriam from the priestly order of Bilga (from which Menelaus also came), who apostatized and married a Seleudd officer, shows that the extreme HeUenists imder Menelaus had lost any interest in sacrifice according to the law: When the heathen entered the temple, she came and struck (b. Sukk. 56b) against the comer of the altar with her sandal and said to him: 'Wolf, wolf, you have squandered the riches of Israel (]iaa nrainn n r s Dy>^b Dj?!*? •jsiar) and do not stand up for her in the time of her need!' The uselessness of the tamid offering could not be expressed more vividly. The age of this legend is shown by the fact that it was later transferred to Titus. The cohabitation of Jewish and non-Jewish mUitary settlers was nothing new in itself; we akeady find it in the thkd century in Egypt and in the deruchy of Tobias, but it never amounted to a cultic community (see above, pp. I f f . , nn. I, 83-94). Thus it would have been concdvable in theory, even now, that the pagan settlers erected thek own sanctuaries - indeed the Ptolemaic and Seleudd offidals and soldiers or the Phoenidan merchants in Jerusalem may akeady have had thek own private house cults.i*i So when the sanctuary on Zion was opened to the non-Jewish cleruchs, who were of mixed nationality in origm,i'* and the worship of the God of the Jews was assimUated to the cult of the supreme Semitic God of heaven, we may assume that the initiative for the assimUation came from the Jewish minority of the Tobiads and thek supporters. FundamentaUy the unsuccessftil sacrffice for Heracles akeady represented a beginning in this dkection (see above, pp.73f,279f.).
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This tendenqr was substantially sharpened - though not initiated - by new measures which I Mace. i.4if. describes in the following way: Then the king wrote to his whole kingdom that all should be one people and that each should give up his customs (eyKaraXnTeiv , . . rd v6[U[ia avrov). All the Gentiles accepted the command of the king. For I Maccabees this command, allegedly directed at the whole Seleucid empire, formed the basis of the royal decree prohibiting the Jewish rehgion, which immediately followed. This, too, is said to have gone out to the whole kingdom (i.5i).i*3 The historical value of this report is of course considerably disputed. Whereas earher historians attached decisive importance to it,!** E, Bickermann declared that it was unhistorical,!** and even his critic I. Heinemann, who holds that I. Mace. 1.41 describes a circular letter, 'which commended certain ordinances as desired by the king', had to concede that 'the reporter takes a great deal on'.^** The statements in Daniel about the rehgious pohtics of Antiochus IV would support an initiative of this kind on the part of the king: He shall give no heed to the gods of his fathers, or to the one beloved by women; he shall not give heed to any other god, for he shall magnify himself above all. He shall honour the god of fortresses instead of these; a god whom his fathers did not know he shall honour with gold and silver, with precious stones and costiy gifts. He shall deal with the strongest fortresses by the help of a foreign god.^*' Of course, this description presented in dark prophetic style could, like I Mace. 1.41, be written from a very limited Jewish perspective. The Hasidic author could hardly have had the possibility of informing himself about the rehgious policy of the king throughout the Seleucid realm; rather, so far as the present was concerned, his attention was totally directed towards the terrifying situation in Judea. The 'god of fortresses' is therefore not, as R. H. Cluirles and others suppose, Jupiter CapitoUnus, to whom the king built a temple in Antioch,^** but the 'god of the Acra', worship of whom was also transplanted by the apostates and their Seleucid confederates into the larger fortified areas. A newly discovered inscription from Scythopohs consecrated to 'Zeus Akraios', the Zeus of the summit of the mountain of the Acra, is a more likely explanation of the origin of the term.^*' As all that the Jewish renegades and the foreign military setders did to compel worship of him happened with royal legitimation, Antiochus IV necessarily became the real author, in the eyes of the apocalyptist, of the persecution which now began. This happened particularly because for the apocalyptic picture he was a much more effective anti-godly projection than say the apostate Menelaus. On the other hand, a comparison of rojral 'rehgious politics' with the statements in I Macc.i.4ifF. and Dan.11.37f. does not produce a unitary picture which could be cited in support.
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The author of Daniel could best draw certain conclusions from royal coinage and from the partial change of imagery from the traditional Apollo to the Olympian Zeus, who appeared as a thronedfigiureon the reverse of coins from 173/2, and from 169/8 BC replaced the royal head with a bearded portrait of him on Antiochene mintings. i'" However, one should not overestimate the numismatic evidence for 2^us Olympius, as at the same time a minting also appeared with the portrait of Apollo on one side and a standing Apollo Qtharoides on the reverse. Nor can the approximation of the portrait of Zeus to the features of the king himself, which is so often mamtained, really be estabhshed. Moreover, in the nearest mint at Acco-Ptolemais from 170-168 BC, Judea still exclusively minted coins with the royal portrait on the front and seated Apollo on the reverse, and these continued at least in part from 168 to 164 BC. The portrait of Zeus did not appear on the coins coming from there at all.^'* The imperial coins minted in Tyre also seem to have carried only the traditional Apollo as an image.i" Finally, as E. Bickermann rightly stresses, the evidence of the local copper mintings allowed for the first time by Antiochus IV in various cities stands in contradiction to the allegedly uniform religious poKcy of the king; alongside the obhgatory royal portrait, these places for the most part had representations of their manifold local deities and cult symbols. The Phoenician cities even added legends in their vernacular, and thus stressed their own national tradition. Precisely at this point signs of a strivir^ towards independence become visible, which later made a substantial contribution to the downfall of the Seleucid empire.^'* The reason why Daniel lays so much stress on the heaven-storming hybris of the kingi'5 could, on the other hand, also be because of his reaction to the king's pohcy on comage. The king was the first Seleucid ruler to have his fiiU title, elaborated by epithets from the emperor cult,i" BAEIAEQE ANTIOXOY 0EOY Eniairqs {Antt. 12, 258), but the answer to it has only the short form BamXevs 'Avrloxos (12, 262) which was usual in royal documents;fiurthermore,it was also used in most of the local mintings.^'* As Ben Sura, Daniel and Judith show, now for the first time the Jews took up polemic against the Hellenistic emperor cult, although they had certainly akeady known it for some time.^" On the other hand, it cannot by any means be said that the king identified himself dkectly with 2^us Olympius. i*" This diverse picture which akeady emerges from the evidence of coinage about the royal favouring of Zeus Olympius also emerges in the other reports : Thus he completed the temple of Zeus Olympius in Athens,i«i left in complete by the Pisistratids, and probably made over a splendid curtain to the temple of Zeus in 01ympia,i** though at the same time he generously
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demonstrated his reverence for Apollo of Delos.^*' Polybius does not therefore speak of a preference of the king for Olympian Zeus, but says in general terms that he exceeded all the Hellenistic kings in his tokens of reverence for the gods (ev rats npos rovs 9eovs rt/xat?) - towards the cities of the Greek motherland (Polyb.26, i, 10). He had the temple of Apollo in Daphne, the 'chief sanctuary of the royal house',!** extended and put there a copy of the statue of Zeus made by Phidias of Olympia;!** in the spectacular 'pompe' of Daphne he had representations of 'all the gods or divine beings named or worshipped by men' presented (Polyb. 30, 25, 13); 'the number of images of the gods could not be counted'. We have evidence for the worship of Olympian Zeus in the second half of the second century BC in Scythopolis and perhaps in Samaria, where there was a close association with the emperor cult;!** at a later date for Dura Europos!*' and for Gerasa, which, since it also had the name 'Antioch on the Chrjrsoroas', could have been founded by Epiphanes.!** Accord ing to the Phoenician historian Dio, 'Zeus Olympius' had long had a temple in Tyre, and in Philo of Byblos the 'Zeus of the Greeks' was identified with 'Ba'al Samem'.!** However, worship of Zeus in Syria is evidently older than Antiochus IV. Thus there is evidence of the cult of Zeus Olympius, Zeus Ck)ryphaeus, Apollo and the emperor cult in the priesdy lists from Seleucia in Pieria under Seleucus IV.!*" According to a legend connected with the founding of Seleucia in Pieria, the founder of the dynasty, Seleucus I Nicator, who was probably a model for Antiochus IV in many things, lad shown reverence to the famous Baal of Mount Kasion as Zeus Kasios.!*! He was akeady called Seleucus 'Zeus Nicator", and his son Antiochus I 'Apollo Soter'; it should be noted here that with the Seleucid kings, including Antiochus IV, divine epithets changed according to time and place. !** Thus from the begmning Zeus and Apollo were "the two chief gods of the Seleucids', and presimiably very closely connected with the emperor cult.!*' However, we cannot speak either of a imitary religious policy of the first Seleucids or of a dehberate attitude over the emperor cult. Traditionally, the rehgious interests of the Ptolemies seem to have been decidedly greater.!** Thus in his only sporadic, and therefore certainly not over-emphatic, pre dilection for Olympian Zeus, and in his foundations of cities, Antiochus IV may be taking up an earher tradition of the first Seleucids; as he was a person who was indifferent to rehgion, this wUl have been on purely pohtical grounds.!** Possibly he had the ideal of a syncretistic 'imperial cult' which would unite the worship of the Semitic-Iranian God of heaven and the Greek 2^us, but he did not advance this consistentiy, nor did he achieve a success comparable to Ptolemy I and the introduction of the cult of Serapis.!** His concerns in this dkection ultimately Uve in historical memory only because of the failure of the reform attempt in Jerusalem. The decree of I Mace. 1.41 and the picture drawn by Dan. ii.37ff. of the reUgious attitude of the ruler are therefore primarily determined by the narrow Palestinian perspective from which they are presented, and can only be
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accepted with very considerable qualifications. If there is nevertheless a desire to maintain the historicity of the decree, then it can only be regarded as 'an expression of loyalty which was originaUy meant to be quite innocuous',^*' commending in a quite voluntary way the introduction of the worship of Zeus Olympius, identified with the supreme Semitic God of heaven, in con nection with the emperor cult. It is unprobable that such a decree was issued to the whole empure. E. Meyer akeady proposed that I Mace. 1.41! should be understood as a rewritten formula firom the royal prohibition proper,^'* and F. M . Abel pointed to the parallels to the decrees dkected to the whole empke in Dan.3.4ff. and 6.8fF., which similarly have a 'religious pohtical' character. Thus this could be a theme of legendary Jewish patriotic hterature. In making it the starting point for his criticism of E. Bickermann, I. Heinemann is on very uncertain ground. As a result, the chief reason for the second royal degree which immediately followed and which prohibited the practice of the Jewish rehgion in the region of Judea - despite the evidently false note in I Mace. 1.51a, the Diaspora was not affected*"" - commanding the consecration of the temple to '2^eus Olympius' (cf I Mace. i.44ff. and II Mace. 6.iff.) can no longer be given as an initiative of the king in the context of his aUeged 'HeUenization poUcy'.*"i Nor is Tcherikover's thesis, that the religious edict of the king was issued because the Jews faithfiil to the law were akeady in open rebelhon against Seleucid rule,*"* adequate in this form. In the first place, exphcit reUgiopoUtical measures to subject unruly populaces are without paraUel in antiquity, and in the second place we must ask who informed the king about the rehgious situation in Judea to the effect that the rebelhon of the Jews could not be put down by the usual means of sheer force, but only by a completely unique pro hibition of religion. Neither the king nor his 'firiends', who were certamly very httle interested in the Jews, wiU have conceived such imusual ideas, which presuppose a knowledge of conditions within Judaism. This gives greatest probability
to Bickermann's view that the impulse to the most extreme escalation
of events in Judea came from the extreme Hellenists in Jerusalem itself.^"^
The Jewish religion was the only religion in the East and in the HeUenistic world in which the worship of foreign gods was fundamentaUy regarded as apostasy and could be punished with death.*"* In the acute tension which had long been present in Jerusalem between those faithfiil to the law and the 'antinomians', the antipathy of the extreme Hellenists, forming a hopelessly smaU minority yet sure of the support of the king, towards thek conservative opponents was no less intensive than the 'zeal' of a Mattathias in issuing a summons to foUow Phinehas and kUl the apostates.*"* Why should not the apostates, turning the regulations of the Old Testament upside down, break the faithfulness of thek opponents to the law by threatening them with death ? The fiiUy assimilated Jewish renegades knew weU enough that thek rule in Jerusalem could in the end only be ensured by rooting out the traditional
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Jewish religious attitude by force, since it was impossible for those who were faithful to the law to be reconciled with the apostates because of the un compromising character of the Jewish rehgion. The foundation of the Acra gave them afirmlegal basis: the law obhgatory for all was no longer the Torah of Moses, as it had been once in the decree of Antiochus III, but the legal ordinances of the new polis permitted by Epiphanes - including their religious clauses, Furthermore, even the sources themselves in various ways point directly to the decisive role of the Jewish Hellenists, although they tend to exaggerate the co-operation of the king. We should draw attention here first to Dan. 9.27: w'hig'bbir b^t Idrabbim ScSma' 'chad, which is best translated, without a textual emendaition, 'He will make strong a covenant for the many, a week (of years) long*. The word 'covenant* will be meant to express the dose com munity of interest between the king and the extreme Hellenists, 'the many', who, &om the appointment of Menelaus at the end of 172 or the beginning of 171 BC down to the time of the author, about 165 BC, held sway in Jerusalem for about seven years, i.e. a week of years, and according to I Mace, i . i i wanted to condude a covenant with the Gentiles (Sia&rJKrjv fjxra TCOV eOvSiv).^'^'' There is a further reference immediately before the report of the foundation of the military colony and the desecration of the sanctuary: 'He (Antiochus IV) shall turn back (from Egypt) and shall give heed to those who forsake the holy covenant': w'lab zo'ydben 'al-'dz'be b'rit qodes.^"^ Jerome explains this, following Porphyry: 'postquam eum de Aegypto pepulerunt Romani, indignans contra Testamentum sanctuarii, et ah his invitatus sit qui derelinquerant Legem Dei et se caeremoniis miscuerant ethnicorum.'^°^ According to Josephus, this primarily involved the Tobiads. A further important indication is the corresponding judgment on their agent Menelaus as the real person responsible for the persecution and thus for the rebellion of the Jews: According to II Mace. i3.3fF., Menelaus came with Antiochus V Eupator and Lysias to Judea in 163 BC and also attempted to be restored to his oflBce in Jerusalem, which was in the hands of the Maccabees. 'When Ljreias informed the king that this man was to blame for all the trouble' ( o ' t i o v Tcuv KaKcov elvai iravraiv), the king ordered them to take him and kill him. Independently of this, the same man counsds the king in Josephus, Antt. 12, 384: 'That he should kill Menelaus if he wanted to give the Jews peace and not to make any more trouble for himself, as Menelaus had caused the disturbance by convincing his father (Antiochus IV) to compel theJews to give up their traditional worship of God.' rov MeveXaov aveXelv, el fiovXerai rovs 'lovZaiovs ripefieiv Kal ftqSev evoxXeiv d v r a i . TOVTOV ydp dp^ai rwv KaK&v, irelaavr' aurov rdv irarepa t o w 'lovSalovs dvayKoaai rrjv -narpiov OpTjoKeiav KarcxXiTTeiv. After the report of his execution there follows the significant characterization of the high priest (12, 385): 'and so that he himself could rule, he compelled the people to transgress their own laws': Kal Iva avrds dpxxt T O edvos dvayKaaavra rovs ISiovs TrapaPijvai vofiovs.
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We may also apply these verdicts to the Tobiads standing behind Menelaus; nor is there any reason to doubt these clear statements of two completely independent sources.*!" II Maccabees 5.23 describes the high priest immediately before the invasion of ApoUonius and the foimdation of the Acra in the same way: He lorded it over his fellow citizens worse than the others (i.e. the Seleucid commanders) did, fiUed with maUce {airexOrj . . . Siddeaiv) against his Jewish feUow citizens.*" Thus Menelaus and the Tobiads who supported him appear as the authors of
the edict of persecution. Presumably, by fiunishmg appropriate information, they caused the king to prepare the decree for the extermination of the Jewish religion by force in the summer of 167 B C , soon after the erection of the Acra, and it was then brought to Jerusalem by an 'Athenian senator'. *i* Possibly this decree was part of the constitution of the newly estabhshed polis with Jewish-GentUe citizenship. Even if one assumes that an earUer royal initiative - stiU in essentials voluntary - stands behind I Mace. i.4if, this would not be a contradiction. For according to 1.43, 'many from Israel' (TTOAAOI dno 'lapa-qX) had akeady assented to the religious custom of the new polis and to the form of worship fluthered by the king (evSoicrjaav rrj XarpeCa avrov) before any use offeree, 'sacrificing to idols and profanmg the sabbath'. This note, that many foUowed the HeUenistic reform, appears in the sources many times. I M a c c i . i i itself says in connection with the 'programme' of assimilation to the non-Jews that the HeUenists succeeded in convincing 'many' (see above, p. 72). The fact that at that time Jewish ephebes attempted to remove the marks of thek ckciuncision means that they had akeady broken with the law completely (I Mace. 1.15, see above, p. 278). JubUees 15.33! designates the omission or removal of the marks of ckcumcision, which was apparently practised by many people in the Maccabean period, as a breach of the covenant, and makes specific reference to these events. It is evasion of God's command and blasphemy, which conjured up his anger, so that they 'wiU be driven out and exterminated firom the earth'. This could be a reference to the later fate of the apostates, who were either put to death or fled abroad. I Maccabees 1.52 attests that as a consequence of the royal prohibition of religion, 'many of the people, everyone who forsook the law, joined them' (i.e. overseers from the Acra appointed in the royal decree). In Modein 'many came from Israel' to sacrifice before the royal oflBcials (2.16). One can hardly foUow Tcherikover in his attempt*^* to interpret this phrase to the higher praise of the Maccabees in the sense of 'much enmity, much honour'. Alcunus, who later became high priest, was charged with having 'voluntarily poUuted himself in the time of the revolt' (iKovaUos Se pLefioXvpLfievos ev rots rrjs dpu^ias xpovois), SO that he could no longer be considered for
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The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform
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service at the altar. Nevertheless, the Hasidim who were faithful to the law accepted him as high priest; presumably the candidates by this time were very few.*!* jn xjas, case of the councillor Razis, on the other hand, it was expressly stressed that at that time he had decided for Judaism (^lovSaXaixos, see above, pp. if.) and had interceded for it vigorously (11 Mace. 14.37^), because this was a rare exception - at least among those inhabitants of Jerusalem who had not fled. Dan. 11.32 also shows that the Jewish Hellenists did not shrink from the ultimate consequence of complete apostasy: 'He shall seduce with flattery those who violate the covenant: zoah'^p bah''laqqdt.^^^ The form in which the royal 'seduction' led to apostasy is shown in 11.39b: 'Those who acknowledge the strange god he shall magnify with honour. He shall make them rulers over many and shall divide the land for a price.' While those who were faithful to the law were dispossessed as rebels, the apostates received their property, to be worked on by disenfranchised elements of the population who, perhaps like the Syrian fellahin, were to be kept under in a state of semi-slavery. The same procedure was repeated after the death of Judas in 160 B C , when the victorious general Bacchides dehberately supported 'the lawless ones in the hill country of Israel' and the 'godless men', and made them 'masters of the country' (I Macc.9.23ff.). Of course when Jonathan, the brother of Judas, was made high priest by Alexander Balas in 152 B C , he reversed the position and 'plundered and collected the riches of the men of violence who had rebelled against God' (b)H2 m a oan "TOX pn pajJ-n "jTO-n).*!' Here we can see at the same time the strong sodal backgroimd of events in Judea. As a result of the surprising military successes of Judas Maccabaeus in the battles from the end of 167 BC to the beginning of 164 BC, which to a large extent amounted to a civil war between those faithful to the law and the apos tates,*!* the prohibition of the observance of the Jewish law was repealed by a document from the king (or his son ?) in March 164 BC, after lasting not quite three years. Here again Menelaus appears as an ambassador. Perhaps he was sent by Lysias to Antioch, so that he could present the failure of his pohtics of force in person and salvage what could be salvaged. Lysias himself, who also dealt direcdy with the rebels (II Mace. ii.i4flF.), seems to have had a less favoiuable attitude towards the Hellenists and thdr pohcy of imposing rehgion by force.*!* But the counter-movement launched by Menelaus and his supporters could no longer be stopped. Towards the end of 163 BC the son of Epiphanes, Antiochus V Eupator, also had to withdraw oflBdally from jurisdiction over the Acra - which Judas had akeady won back in 164 B C and hand it over to the Jews.**" Of course the Jewish apostates could not return into the community of the Jewish people and its rehgion. Unlike Alcimus, who could still become high priest although he had seriously com promised himself with the Hellenists, they were bound to the Gentile miUtary
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
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settlers on the Acra for better or worse. They probably refused to make a real peace treaty with thek own people because it was known that they had been the ultunate authors of the religious distress. The exclusion of the priestly order of Bilga fiom sacrifice 'for all time' likewise points in this dkection (see above, pp. 279!, 283!, nn.IV, 139!, 160). Even after the repeal of the rehgious ordinances, the Jewish renegades in the Acra remained a constant pohtical threat. When Judas began to besiege the Acra at the beginning of 163 B C , some of the garrison broke out through the ring of besiegers and 'a mob of wicked men firom Israel joined forces with them' to complain to Antiochus V Eupator about thek rebelhous fellowcountrymen: How long will you fail to do justice and avenge oiu- brethren ? We were happy to serve yoitt father, to hve by what he said and to follow his com mands. For this reason the sons of oiu- people besieged the citadel and became hostile to us . . . Unless you quickly prevent them . . . youwiU not be able to stop them.221 When Jonathan later had a free hand as a result of the struggle between Alexander Balas and Demetrius I, built the walls of Jerusalem again and forced the garrison of the Acra to give up thek hostages, the foreign mihtary settlers (dAAoyevets) fled to the smaller fortresses in Judea, 'each to his own land'. 'Only in Beth Ziu- did some remain who had forsaken the law and the com mandments, for it served as a place of refiige' (I Mace. 10.14). Even now, the Jewish apostates were still in a position to hold the fortress of Beth Ziu- against the Maccabees, although to some extent they had been left in the liurch by the non-Jewish mihtary settlers. A httle later a deputation ftom this side, 'pestilent men ftom Israel, lawless men', sought to complain about Jonathan to Alex ander Balas, but were rejected by him because he needed Jonathan's help (I Mace. 10.61). The same scene was repeated in 145 BC before Demetrius I I : when Jonathan began to besiege the Acra, again some lawless men, who hated the people, made complaints against him. He had to answer before the king, but was able to change his mind with presents (ii.2oflF.). Twenty-six years had gone by after the erection of the citadel when on 4.6.141 Sunon succeeded in getting the Acra into his hands by starvation and after the assiuance of a ftee passage out; he also succeeded in conquering Beth Ziu- (I Mace. 13.49-51; i4.7).222 Only now did the Jewish apostates cease to be a danger to the people. The suggestion in the letter of protection ftom the consul L. Calpurnius Piso for the Jewish embassy to Rome that a whole series of Greek states should hand over Jewish fugitives to the high priest Sunon 'so that he might punish them according to the law' may refer above all to Jewish apostates who had fled abroad (I Mace. i5.2iflF.). In the thirty-four years between the beginning of the Hellenistic reform and its final hquidation by the expulsion of the Seleucid garrison and the
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Jewish apostates from the Acra and from Beth Zur, Palestinian Judaism had been given a profound impression which still continued its effect even in New Testament times. One can hardly understand the desperate zeal with which the Jewish people continued to fight for the unqualified validity of the law and for their sanctuary, and branded any criticism of the law as apostasy, unless one notes that for more than three decades they had to defend themselves in Jeriisalem - the Acra on the hill south of the temple, the site of the old city of David, was in the true sense of the word a thorn in the flesh - with the utmost vigour against a minority whose chief aim was the aboUtion of the law of Moses and complete assimilation to the Gentile environment. (d) 'Zeal (gainst the law', the new worship of God and the ideology of apostasy
If the royal decree on the prohibition of the Jewish rehgion goes back to an initiative on the part of radical 'reform Judaism',**' we must be able to find points of contact in the edict and in the way in which it was carried out. I Maccabees 1.44-51 has some indications of its content; I Mace. 1.52-54 and II Mace. 6.6-11 describe the consequences of its execution. Granted, I Macca bees, which was written towards 100 BC, gives only a very superficial, one sided description of events in Judea. Nevertheless, in the religious ordinances and their execution two fundamental tendencies can be seen which certainly have a historical background: 1. The chief aim was the complete abolition of the law of Moses, its com mandments and prohibitions, with particular note of the repeal of the most noticeable regulations, e.g. the hallowing of the sabbath, the festivals, circum cision, the impurity of certain kinds of meat, etc. These were all regulations which had the character of a confession of Judaism. The aim was for the Jews to 'forget the law and do away with all their holy ordinances' (I Mace. 1.49). For this reason all the scrolls of the law were destroyed which people could get their hands on, and the very possession of the law was made punishable by death (i.56f.). There were individual instances of martyrdom, but the greatest sacrifice was probably in the massacre of those who had fled to the desert on the sabbath, during the time that those who were faithful to the law did not defend themselves on this day.*** Just as the Maccabees, at least at the beginning of their struggle for freedom, were directed by 'zeal for the law', one could say that the Jewish apostates were directed by a 'zeal against the law'. 2. Qosdy connected with this was a thoroughgoing reform of the cultus which affected not only the sanctuary attached to the Acra but the whole Jewish 'ethnos' in Judea. The abolition of the 'bimit offerings, sacrifices and drink offerings' (1.45) prescribed by the law sanctioned a situation which had probably existed only since the invasion of Apollonius (see above, nn. i59f.). The same thing might be said of the aboUtion of the regulations to protect the sanctity of the temple and the priesthood (1.46). Even women could enter the
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inner court of the sanctuary which had previously been closed to them.*** The abolition of the deuteronomistic cult centralization was of decisive significance here: 'altars, holy precincts and chapels' were to be erected even in the country, so that the populace who hved a long way firom the now desecrated sanctuary could be compelled to observe the new cult (w. 47, 54b). People were not content with oflFering incense on the streets in Jeriisalem, but 'sacrificed before the doors of the houses' (v. 55): 'Every Jew was to be com pelled to the new behef'*26 Thus behind the edict there was an exphcit 'zeal for conversion', and at the same time a well-thought-out plan which presupposed a knowledge of the Jewish law that was to be abohshed. For precisely what the law had forbidden was now dehberately ordained. Ckcum cision, largely practised among Egyptians, Arabs and Syrians, was now prohibited for Jews, and against a widespread Semitic custom pigs were sacrificed, because the rejection of this animal was characteristic of those Jews who were faithfiil to the law.**' Thus the royal edict brought 'not only the abohtion of the previous law but the introduction of a new one',*** which in many points represented a reversal of the old. What was prohibited there, now became an obhgation. Strict consistency in the abohtion of the law, the 'reform' of the cult and the adoption of what were considered 'Greek customs' (TO 'EXXrjviKo, II Mace. 6.9; 11.24) were probably neither the work of the king nor that of the royal chancellor in Antioch, since these lacked the basic requisite, knowledge of the 'superstition' which was to be rooted out. Behind aU this stand rather the 'resolute' Jewish reformers who, according to I Mace. I . I I , had akeady striven in 175 BC to make an alhance with the nations round about and who now beheved, on the basis of the extremely acute pohtical and social situation, that they could mtroduce complete assimilation and remove the strict orthodox opposition, as they wished, by a violent solution. The king was certainly pleasedtobeconvincedby these Jewish'^reafotj^a/asf tAc/aw',**' who had taken his side against the majority of thek fellow-countrymen, even in plundering the temple. He gave them his fiiU approval and support against the orthodox who, according to the accounts of thek opponents, were rebels inclined to revolution and friends of the Ptolemies. In this way the reformers could come forward in the name of the king, as thek proposals were backed by a royal edict, and royal officials and soldiers were the executive instruments of thek concerns. As E. Bickermann has shown in detail,**" an mdkect proof of this inter pretation of events was the quite different course matters took in Samaria. The royal officials also began to make difficulties for the Samaritans, because of the often obscure border line between the Samaritan and the Jewish population and the Samaritans' almost identical rehgious customs,**^ especiaUy as Judea and Samaria were presumably an administrative unit under a meridiarch with his seat in Samaria. **2 At the beginning of 167 BC a royal commissar, Andronicus, was appointed for both Jerusalem and for the
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Samaritans (II Alacc. 5.23). In 166 BC the latter finally asserted in a deputa tion to the king - in which they described themselves as 'Sidonians in S h e c h e m ' - that while they observed the sabbath, they had nothing to do with the charges raised against the Jews, especially since, as Sidonians, they were not related to them. They asked not to be molested by royal oflScials and they wanted to name their sanctuary on moimt Gerizim, long anonymous (12.259: ISpvadnevoi Se avcowfiov iv rw Fapi^eCv . . . opei iepov), after '2^us Xenios' (thus II Alacc. 6.2; Josephus, Antt.12, 261, 263 has 'Zeus Hellenics'). The king hstened to their ambassadors in the company of his friends and granted their wish 'not to be involved in the charges laid against the Jews', i.e. recognized that they were not rebels like the Jews faithful to the law. He was satisfied with the fact that the 'supreme God' worshipped on Gerizim could in the future also be named '2^us', as a demonstration that 'they wanted to hve according to Greek custom' [Ann. 12, 262f.). There was thus no more a question of the abohtion of their way of life in accordance with the Torah of Moses than there was of a 'reform' of the cult on Gerizim, which was probably as much in accordance with the Torah as previous worship on Moimt Zion. In Shechem the Torah of Moses and the religious customs associated with it, like the observance of the sabbath, continued to be valid, while in Jeriisalem they were prohibited on penalty of death, and this policy was forcibly carried out. Antiochus IV was probably interested very generally in a 'Hellenization' of his oriental subjects, but not in the concrete details, the alteration of religious customs and laws. The Samaritans kept their law and cult - leaving aside the voluntary naming of the temple on Gerizim, which made sense only to the Greeks; even Ps. Aristeas allows the God of the Bible to be called Zeus (see above, pp. 264f.) - although they were no less different from their heathen neighbours than the Jews.*'* Thus if the persecution in Judea was regional and linuted to the 'ethnos' of the Jews, it seems reasonable to suppose that it was initiated by the local authorities. *36 The real reason for the harshness of the edict of rehgion lay not so much in giving a Greek name to the God on Zion but in the attempt at a radical elimination of the law, 'zeal against the law' and the introduction of completely new cult forms. In contrast to the extreme Hellenists in Jerusalem, no one among the Samaritans had thought to do away with law and cult, and so here the king proposed no changes. E. Bickermann has also made a brilUant analysis of the new form of warship forced on the Jewish populace.*" The naming of the temple in Jerusalem after '2^us Olympius' (II Mace. 6.2) in no way meant the introduction of Greek cult-forms, for until a late and presumably unhistorical report from Porphyry there is no sign that an anthropomorphic cult image of the god was erected in the temple.*'* The 'abomination of desolation' erected in the temple on the 15 Chislev (6 December) 167 B C * " represented, rather, a second altar set on the great altar of burnt offerings, which perhaps had the
The Hellenistic Reform Attetnpt
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significance of a massebah or a betyl, a sacred stone widespread in the Phoenician-Syrian envkonment; 'this objert was as much a place as an object of worship'.**" Possibly the same altar had an inscription or a pictorial representation. According to Philo of Byblos, betyls as 'ensouled stones' were an invaition of the god 'Uranus', the son of 'Elyon Hypsistos'. **i The sanctuary itself was changed into a sacred grove with trees after the destruction of the gates, and the temple buildings proper stood empty.*** Both the planting of trees and the massebah represented a dkect opposition to Deut. i6.2if. The altars and groves made in country areas were to some degree offshoots of the great precmct on Zion with its holy stone on the old altar of burnt offering. 'In this way the cult places of the new worship corresponded to the old Semitic type of sanctuary which was a place for sacrifice among trees, siurrounded by a wall and open to the skies.'*** The most famous and most venerable Palestinian and Syrian sanctuaries still had this form in Hellenistic times, for example on Mount Kasion near Seleucia, in Mamre, the old Abra ham sanctuary near Hebron, and above all on Carmel, where as early as the time of Ehjah and Ahab, Yahweh and the Tyrian Baal had struggled for supremacy.*** The archaic form of worship there is described by Tacitus: 'nec simulacrum
deo aut ten^lum - sic tradidere maiores -:
ara tantum et
reverentia' {Hist.2, 78). Here the old Semitic and the old Greek usages met. On the siunraits of Olympus, Mount Ida on Crete and other mountains sacred to Zeus, there was also likewise just a simple altar; even on the magnificent acropohs of Pergamon, Zeus - in contrast to the other gods who had temples declared himself content with an altar, albeit of gigantic dimensions.*** There is also a good deal of evidence for the veneration of sacred stones in Greece, as throughout the Mediterranean; Pausanias 7 , 2 2 , 4 reports that once all the Greeks revered unworked stones instead of unages of gods.**®
Herodotus reports a partially comparable, apparently 'archaic' form of worship among the Persians: 'It is not customary among them to construct idols, temples and altars. They even assert that anyone who does this is a fool. They do not beheve, it seems to me, that the gods have human form, as among the Greeks. They are accustomed to sacrifice to 2^us on the summits of mountains and designate the whole firmament Zeus.'**' Numa PompiUus, the pious philosophical king of pruneval Rome, also worshipped gods without images or a temple: 'nondum tamen aut simidacris aut templis res divina aptid Romanos constabat', and Zeno of Citiiun declared
in his first work that it was senseless to build temples and consecrate images to the gods.**8
Thus the new cult of the Jewish renegades and thek Seleucid confederates on Zion could claim to be 'universal', archaic - proof of age was at the same time proof of truth - and rational. It corresponded to what the colonists in the Acra knew and at the same time matched 'the religion of the philosophers'.***
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In one way it anticipated Stephen's enlightened, polemic thesis in Acts 7.48: dAA' ovx d vt/iiOTOs ev x^i'Porroi.ilJTOis KaroiKet.
According to the contemporary judgment of the book of Daniel, this new form of worship was concentrated on the 'alien god', the 'god of fortresses', the occupant of the Acra (see above, nn. 167-8). This is certainly an apocalyp tic symbol for the fact that the temple in Jerusalem was named after Zeus Olympius
(T6V iv
'lepoaoXv/xois
veo) Kal npoaovofidaai,
Aios
'OXufmiov,
II Mace. 6.2), though in the HeUenistic period Olympius was merely a 'synonjm for heaven' (GAf, 96). There is no mention of the worship of other gods - leaving aside the emperor cult associated with that of 2^us Olympius, which was obhgatory and had existed even before Antiochus IV (see above, nn. 190-3). True, according to II Mace. 6.7, the Jews 'were compelled to walk in the procession in honoiu: of Dionysius, wearing garlands of ivy', but there is no mention of any way in which 'Dionysus' was related to 'Olympian 2^us' and his cult on Zion. E. Bickermann's term 'the gods of the Acra' (GAf, 11 i - i 16) is in some contradiction to the statements of Daniel and I Maccabees which, as Tcherikover rightiy stresses, saw 'a monotheistic policy' in the propagation of the new cult [HC, 182). The late report of Malalas that Athene was worshipped alongside Zeus Olympius - Bickermann sees the Semitic Allat behind her - has hardly any value as a soiurce, in view of the confused reports about events under Antiochus IV by the Bjrzantine chronographer.**" So it remains very questionable whether we may suppose that there was the cult of a divine triad in Jeriisalem such as was later worshipped in Heliopohs Baalbek.251 The 'monotheizing tendency" in the reports of Daniel and I Mace, about the reform in Jerusalem does not have its cause in any uni formity as a religious policy of the king - such a pohcy can only have been a marginal one - nor in the fact that the Jews faithfiil to the law, who were monotheists, interpreted events in Judea in this way.*** They would have slated an obvious and crude polytheism such as can be foimd in Kings, say, in Manasseh (II Kings 21.1-18), just as sharply. But the central feature of their polemic is the prohibition of the law, the persecution of those faithful to the law and the desecration of the sanctuary by new cultic forms contradictory to the law. The impression given by I Mace, and Daniel, that what was happen ing was an attempt to make religion uniform throughout the empire and to propagate the 'foreign god' to whom the king was particularly devoted, is not of course completely without historical background. It presumably comes from the religious propaganda of the reformers in Jerusalem itself, who emphatically appealed to the king in support of their iimovations. It has long been recognized by most scholars that the various designations which apply to the 'abomination of desolation' in Daniel: 8.13 happesa' somes; 9.27 siqqusim nfsdmes and 'al-sdmes; 11.31 hassiqqus mfsomes and 12.11
siqqus somes, represent in the first word a distortion of ba'al and in the second of Mmes, and thus reproduce a Semitic name for the god worshipped in the.
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'Acra'.*** Ba'al Samem, or in his Aramaic form Be'el Semin, was destined to gain influence in the Hellenistic period as a god who - at least in his later form - 'ruled the whole world', and at the same time 'stood in a particularly intimate relationship to the individual worshipper'.*** He corresponded to both the individualistic and the universalistic tendencies of the epoch (see above, pp. ii6f. and 2iof.). We can trace worship of him from the begmning of the first millennium BC down to the middle of the second century AD; it extended from Sardmia and Carthage to Armenia, East Mesopotamia and Arabia. In the earher period he was worshipped above aU in the Phoenician sphere of influence, and there Philo Bybhus attests the identification of him with Zeus (and HeUos): TOVTOV (sc. TOV ^Atov) ydp (ifyqaCv) Oeov evofu^ov fuovov ovpavov Kvpiov BeeXadfirjV KoXovvres, o eari irapd <&otvtf i Kvpios ovpavov, Zevs Se nap' '^AAijotv.*** Presumably he is also identical with the 'Zeus Olympius' who, according to Menander and Dio, two writers who describe Phoenician history from the second century BC, had a sanctuary in Tyre as early as the time of king Hiram, said to be firiend and father-in-law of Solomon.*** Evidence for him in creases from the first centiury BC onwards and relates above all to the ArabianSyrian-Mesopotamian borders, from the Nabateans, via the Hauran and the Safa, Palmyra, Dura Europos, Haran and Nisibis to the inscriptions of Hatra. Whether this sudden extension of worship of him 'was zealously furthered by the (Seleucid) royal house and aU who were close to it or attached importance to its good opinion' (Eissfeldt, op. cit., 2,178) is, however, questionable. It is much more likely that the development was determined by the reUgious need of the time, with the supreme god of heaven or the sun god of the monotheism of late antiquity as its final stage.**' In Babylonian Uruk, the heavenly god Anu suddenly came strongly into the foreground for reasons which have hitherto been unexplained; he occupied the highest place in the pantheon, but early had played only a smaU part as a deus otiosus.^^^ It is significant for Judea that as in Idumean Marisa or Samaritan Shechem the aristocracy who were friendly to the Greeks were in close economic and cultural contact with the Phoenicians, who had had a dominant role in Palestine from the Persian period onwards and who also played an important role as communicators of HeUenistic civilization. One need only think of thek participation in festivals in Tyre, of the anonymous Samaritan or the Jewish 'historian' Eupolemus, according to whom the golden pillar given by Solomon to Hiram was set up m the temple of Zeus Ba'al Samem.*** Thus for the Hellenists m Jerusalem Ba'al Samem was probably the universal god of heaven of the Phoenicians, who were a model for them here, as in so much else. Of course we do not know whether the Jewish renegades gave the god on Zion this unaccustomed name. It may have been enough for the Seleucid miUtary settlers to have worshipped him under the name known to them to arouse the polemic of the apocalyptist. In the Persian period, the Jews had
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readily allowed the oflScial designation of Yahweh as the God of heaven to be used, although at that time it imphed identification with the Persian Ahiura Mazda and, willy nilly, with the Semitic Ba'al Samem,**" and precisely in the early Hellenistic period, when the name of Yahweh had become 'immentionable', the related designation ('«/) 'elyon = (Beos) Sipiaros enjoyed great popularity in both Jerusalem**^ and in Shechem,*** although in the Phoenician pantheon it represented a deity almost identical with Ba'al Samem,**' and the corresponding Greek Sipiaros was a widespread epithet of Zeus.*** Significantly, the designation 'Hypsistos', which appears particularly often in the early evidence from the Diaspora,*** became the starting point for Jewish-Gentile mixed cults in Asia Minor and on the Black Sea.*** Whether it was the 'highest' God or, as in Persian times and later, the 'God of heaven' or the 'Lord of heaven', i.e. Ba'al Samem or '2^us Olympius' who was worshipped on Zion, for the radical reformers these were aU simply different names for the one, all-embracing deity. Thus they could assent to the official designation for the sanctuary on Zion - which perhaps had been r^arded for a long time as anonymous, as in Shechem**' without further ado: the precinct and the altar were consecrated to a universal god of heaven. This conception is thus astonishingly close to what was said of the God of the Jews by Hecataeus, Theophrastus, Posidonius and Varro (see above, pp. 2^6S.): dAAa TOV irepiexovra Tqv yrjv ovpavov puovov elvai deov. In this sense one can also speak of a 'Hellenization' of the new form of worship as a result of 'theocrasy' - despite the 'old Semitic' form of the new cult on Zion (see above, pp.26iff.). It remains questionable whether other gods were also worshipped, and if so how far - whether the new cult can be designated 'polytheistic', as by E. Bickermann (GM, 116). It was certainly 'syncretistic', but the soiurces do not really speak of'polytheism' proper; the one-sided stress on the 'ahen god' in Daniel rather suggests the opposite. In the case of the one exception, the celebration of the feast of Dionysus in II Mace. 6.7, we might ask whether 'Dionjrsus' appears here as an independent deity alongside 2^us Olympius in this connection E. Bickermann thinks of the Nabatean Dusares*** - or whether we should regard him as a 'manifestation' of the same god. According to two inscriptions published by B. Lifshitz, in Scythopolis, where there is similarly parallel attestation to the cult of Dionysus and that of 2^us Olympius, at a later date Zeus was on the one hand worshipped as '2^us Akraios', as a god of heaven or of the moimtains, and perhaps in Dionysian form as 'Zeus Bacchus'.*** The god Sabazius, who was possibly identified with the Jewish God at an early stage (see above, pp. 263f. nn. 45-47), was associated with both 2^us and Dionysus.*'* J. Wellhausen conjectiured that the procession in honoiu- of Dionysus should be combined with the consecration of the addition to the altar on 25 Chislev, which was both celebrated as a vnnter solstice festival and, after the purification of the temple and the reconsecration
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of the sanctxiary by the Maccabees, had a further Ufe m a diflferent form as the 'feast of Ughts' ( ^ t S r a , Antt.12, 325). 'It can be doubted whether Dionysus, in whose honoiu- the feast at Jerusalem was instituted, was so very different fiom 2^us Olympius. The "Lord of heaven" (Belsamin) corresponds to both the former and the latter, but he could also be regarded as an equivalent to the "God of heaven", the name the Jews gave to theu: ancient God Yahweh.'*'* Also in favoiu: of this interpretation would be the fact that according to II Mace. 14.33 Nicanor threatened to destroy the temple and erect a temple to Dionysus in its place: this was presiunably because the God on Zion could also be brought into connection with Dionysus.*" Unless II Mace.6.4 is a piece of traditional polemic, the reference there to feasting and debauchery may perhaps be connected with the feast of Dionjrsus and the monthly feast of the king's birthday. The character of such feasts is evidenced by the Bacchanaha displayed twenty years earUer in Rome.*'* E. Bickermann was subjected to the sharpest criticism for his attempt to explain the 'cultural' background to the HeUenistic reform, the 'ideology of persecution'.'^''^ Both I. Hememann and V. Tcherikover saw the 'HeUenists' merely as the representatives of a decadent aristocracy who were concerned only with riches, power and a luxurious life. As with the 'Graeculi of the Orient', it was said that 'there is no trace of a serious, painful struggle between HeUenistic knowledge and Jewish piety", ^'s This, however, is to present an unpermissible simplification of the historical position. Not only can we pomt to a whole series of significant phUosophers and other learned men in the second andfirstcenturies in the Phoenician coastal citiesfiromLaodicea on the Sea through Sidon, Tyre and Ptolemais to Palestinian Ashkelon, but even an inland city like Gadara in Transjordania has a significant tradition of Greek education which reached back into the third caitury BC (see above, pp.83ff.). The many-sided Uterary production of the Palestinian Judaism of the Persian and HeUenistic period, for which the learned upper classes are above aU responsible, contradicts the general thesis that the aristocracy who inclined towards HeUenism in the first third of the second century BC were without any mteUeetual interest. In view of the strength of the forces which, even under Jason, had a very positive attitude towards a reform, and the concerns for the reception of Greek language and civUization going back weU into the third centiury, it would be extremely improbable if the reformers could not have grounded theur criticism of the law and the tradition in the inteUectual sphere also - and possibly even have put it into writing. Here E. Biekermaim begins from the maxim aheady quoted several times which, according to I Mace, i . i i , represented the 'programme' of the HeUen ists: 'Let us go and make a covenant with the Gentiles round about us, for smce we separated from them many evils have come upon us.' Here the tradi tional view is certainly maintained that disaster in history is punishment for
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the wrong conduct of the people, but its content is turned upside down: the catastrophe of past history has been caused not by imitation of the Gentiles and their idolatry, but by separation.*" The aTrdvOpoynov rwa KOI fiiao^evov ^iov of the Jews had akeady struck their earhest chronicler Hecataeus, and became one of the chief causes of ancient antisemitism.*'* According to Eratosthenes (275-194 BC), 'xenophobia' was a typical characteristic of the barbarians: KOWOV fiev etvai
rots
^appdpois
naaiv
eOos rqs
FEI^YACURTAS.*"
The ideal of the educated, which became common property as a result of the Stoa, was not segregation in a national religion with separatist customs, but world c i t i z e n s h i p : f i i a v , ^eve, irarplZa Koafiov vaiofjxv cried the Palestinian Meleager of Gadara to his readers (see above, pp.84f., n.II, 209). The tolerant apologetic author of Ps. Aristeas, for whom the 2^us of the philosophers was identical with the God of Israel (see above, pp.264f.), had great difficulties in making the s^egation of the Jews comprehensible. He was only able to do so by portraying the Jews - again in accordance with an ideal of his time - as 'philosophers', who remained aloof &om all external matters to 'devote their whole life to the study of the divine rule'.**i The reformers may have felt not only the pohtical catastrophes of the past but also the economic, pohtical and intellectual isolation of the Jewish 'ethnos' to have been a 'punishment' for thek segregation: once the Tobiad Joseph had succeeded in breaking through it, the conservative ckcles had erected new protective walls as a coimter-measiure.*** True, one could follow I, Heinemann in objecting that these trends present in the time of Jason had nothing to do with the later persecution, which was solely the work of Antiochus.**' But according to the accoimt in I Macc.i, the events in Jerusalem represaited a consistent escalation which had been hastened and heightened to the level of armed revolt by party disputes in the city, the political ineptitude of the king, the deposition of Jason, the plundering of the temple and above all the growing resistance of those faithful to the law. The 'zeal {^nst the law' and the 'zeal for the law' finally beat up against one another and led to a bitter civil war. Bickermaim's view that the Hellenists believed 'that there had been a primeval time when separation was unknown', and that they thus 'apphed to their own people ideas from the Greek enlightenment' (GAf, 128) is an illumin ating one. He refers to the theories of Posidonius about the great lawgivers of primeval times and the later distortion which he believed to have happened in the history of the Jews, namely, that the good and simple l^slation of Moses had been falsified at a later period by superstitious and forceful priests who by separatist regulations had changed the simple and truthful worship of God intended by the founder into something quite different.*** Of course, here one can only bring forward tentative h3^theses, as the soiurces say nothing about the deeper reasons for the reform. Posidonius (c. 135-51/50 B C ) wrote his treatise on the Jews probably about a hundred years later, after the
The Hellenistic Reform Attempt
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conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63 BC, but the theory of the perfection of primeval times and a later decUne was a widespread one. It akeady appears in Hesiod and - in another form - in the Yahwist and in the Priestly codex. Ideas of this kind are likely (see n. 14 above). According to Tacitus, too, or the sources on which he drew, the ritual commandments which brought about the segregation of the Jews only entered the nature of the Jewish state, constimted in this way, after Moses, by the aimexing of bad elements from neighbouring peoples {Hist. 5, 4f). One could ask whether this theory of the perversion of the origmally good legislation of Moses did not perhaps derive from the Jewish Hellenists. Possibly in some aristocratic famihes in Jerusalem there was stiU a dim awareness that in its present form the law was not as old as aU that and was not the work of Moses alone. The continuance of such critical ideas in Palestinian Judaism is indicated by the Mishnah Sanh. 10, i, which was written during the early controversy with the Sadducees at the beginning of the first centiuy BC. This states that no one wiU have a share in the future world who asserts, 'There is no Torah from heaven' (i.e. from God). Philo, too, reports much criticism of the Torah in Greek-educated and predominantly Jewish ckdes in Alexandria, 'who disr^ard kinsmen and fiiends, who transgress laws in which they were bom and brought up, who undermine ancestral custom which cannot rightly be censured, and faU away from it' {Vit.Mos.i, 31, M 2 , 85). In another passage he attacks those 'who proclaim thek displeasure with the constimtion made by the fathers and express incessant censure and complain against the law", talking about the ludicrous fables (fivBoi) in the Pentateuch. We must imagme that the critidsm of the law made by the 'enlightened* aristocracy in Jerusalem took an analogous form. It is fiurther conceivable that influence was exerted not only by those wisdom schools in Jerusalem which worked towards an association of 'hokmd' with the national tradition and its identification with the Torah, but also those which maintained the inter national and rational character of wisdom and in view of thek starting point had a more open attimde towards the Greek enhghtenment. It must remain an open question whether Koheleth should be assodated with an earher stage of this trend. Nevertheless, it is not improbable that there are contacts between him and critidsm of rehgion in the early Hellenistic period; an 'enlightened' interpretation of this independent wisdom teacher would be at least as possible as a later correction in a traditional orthodox dkection (see above, pp. i27ff.). So it is concdvable that in pre-Maccabean Jerusalem there was a broad, influential stream which rejected the constricting limitations of the rimal law as 'superstition', which unwillingly associated with pious convention as long as conservative groups were in the ascendancy, but which were only waiting for the moment when they could throw oflF the yoke of the law. Skach's open polemic against those who 'put the law to shame' and those who 'abandon the law of the Most High' shows that the battle was fiilly joined in
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his own time. T h e 'praise o f the fathers' could be intended to glorify the history of the faith of his people, looked on critically b y the Hellenists, through its great figures, and the imiversal picture of history in apocalyptic, which does, however, have the history of Israel at its centre, is perhaps (among other things) also an answer to certain 'cosmopohtan' trends in the Jewish metropohs (see above, pp. I36f.). O f course, for the 'reform Jews', not only was the history o f Israel essential, but so also were those features which gave occasion to glorify the fathers o f primal times, like Abraham and Moses, as 'protoi hettretai' and true citizens o f the world, features which w e have encountered in the anony mous Samaritan, Eupolemus, Artapanus, Cleodemus Malchus and others (see above, p. 91, n . I I , 262 and pp.73f., n . I I , 135). T h e idea o f the primal aflSnity between the Spartans and the Jews through Abraham, the marriage o f a daughter o f Hiram o f T y r e to Solomon and the legends about the golden pillar given b y Solomon and placed in the temple of Ba'al Samem in the city, or about the contest o f riddles between the two, may also come from these circles (see above, p.72, n . I I , 262, and p.94, n . I I , 287). Abraham above all seems to have been o f interest to them, especially as the most remarkable reports about him were current: Berossus had already mentioned h i m ; he was said to have joined friendship with the Pergamenes and to have ruled for a certain time as king of Damascus. H e is also said to have gone to Egypt to hear the priests there and to compare his views about the gods with theirs.*** T h i s is not to say that these scattered reports all come from the 'Hellenists' in Jerusalem from the time about 175 BC, but they show that in early Hellenistic Judaism there was a view o f Abraham and the other fathers which in its cosmopolitan breadth fundamentally differed from the one which Ben Sira puts in the foreground: H e kept the law o f the M o s t H i g h A n d was taken into covenant with h i m ; he estabhshed the covenant in his flesh, and when he was tested he was found faithfiil (44.20). T h e climax o f this presumably antithetical picture of Abraham oriented on the law comes in the book o f Jubilees, according to which Abraham akeady fiilfilled all the essential commandments o f the T o r a h before Moses (see above, pp.91,168). In extreme opposition to this is a report, albeit a late one, that in the fifth century AD the Samaritan Marinus justified his transition to Neo-Platonism on the grounds that his fellow Samaritans had all departed from the original teaching o f Abraham because o f later innovations (raivoTo/tiav).**' T h e parallel to Posidonius' theory o f the decline is striking. M i g h t not the Jewish Hellenists similarly have sought the ideal o f a 'natural', original patriarchal religion, not yet falsified b y superstitious usages ? Unfortunately the lack o f sources prevents us from giving a definitive answer. One might also perhaps draw certain conclusions for the 'conception o f G o d ' among the 'reformers' from Ben S k a ' s polemic. In 16.17-23 he attacks
Sutnmaty:
The Reform Attempt, and its Failure
303
those who beheve that G o d cannot care about the uidividual and that there is no obvious righteous retribution; in 15.11-17 he turns to those who assert that there is no freedom of decision, and that man's wrong conduct rather comes from G o d himself (see above, pp. J4of). His theodicy, which is meant to demonstrate the perfection of creation, even including evil, and its piuposefiilness for men (see above, pp. i44ff.), is probably directed against views to the opposite efifect. Was a conception o f G o d perhaps predominant among the HeUenists in which the omnipotence o f G o d and the incalculabihty o f fate coincided, so that the aU-embracing 'heavenly G o d ' was in effect identical with the compulsion of the stars ? Again one could cite the anonymous Samari tan and Artapanus (see above, pp.Sgflf.), and also the Essenes (see above, pp. 2375".), for the strong interest of Jewish circles in a s t r o l c ^ . F . Cumont and H . Gressmann have also pointed out the strong astral features in Ba'al Samem or the supreme Semitic G o d of heaven in the HeUenistic period. T h e distance between the human and the divine was always m u c h greater among the Semites, and astrology could only contribute to stressing it stiU more strongly, b y giving it a didactic basis and a scientific garb.*** T h u s the consecration o f the addition to the altar on 25 Chislev 167 BC would be understood 'as the solstice festival o f the hated Belsamin', which hved on after the Maccabean victory as the feast o f Ughts and the consecration o f the temple.**' It seems most improbable that the supporters o f unqualified assunUation imitated the stiU relatively primitive forms o f Arabian-Nabatean assunilation - here E . Biekermaim contradicts his own views to some extent. Rather, the models for them were the 'progressive' Phoenician cities, which were able to combine national tradition and unqualified acceptance o f Hellen istic civUization. Towards the middle of the second century BC, the opinionated Stoic Boethus o f Sidon taught there that the world and G o d were not identical, but that the latter had his place in the perfect firmament: Oeov TTJV aTrXavaiv aaipav. Presumably h e was also influenced by the conception o f the Semitic supreme G o d o f heaven in the astral sphere,*'" a view in which Semites and Greeks agreed. I f the 'apostates' accepted certam apparently polytheistic forms - as e.g. the emperor cult or the worship o f Dionysus, this was because as 'enlightened' Hellenists they beheved t h e u K e l v e s t o be in a position to 'interpret' the different forms o f reUgion rationaUy, T h e s e hypotheses cannot amount to more than 'suggestions for the i d e o l < ^ of apostasy*. Unfortunately the defeated party has left behind no direct source as to the deeper motives o f t h e k 'reform attempt*, which came to a conclusion in a bloody persecution. 4, S u m m a r y : T h e R e f o r m A t t e m p t , its F a i l u r e a n d the F a r - r e a c h i n g C o n s e q u e n c e s o f the Jewish C o u n t e r - r e a c t i o n Jewish worship o f G o d , without images, spkitual and appearing rational to
304
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the HeUenistic Reform Attempt
the Greeks, aroused the positive interest o f a number o f Greek writers in the Jews in the early Hellenistic period. T h e y regarded the Jew as a special kind of barbarian 'philosopher', a notion which was taken u p b y the Jews with a Greek education, say, in Alexandria - but probably not only there - and put to their own ends. O n the other hand, the exclusive claim to truth o f the Jewish rehgion and the segregation o f the Jews from their non-Jewish environment, fiirthered b y the ritual commands o f the law, had to an increas ing degree a negative eflfect. From this there developed the charge o f 'super^ t i o n ' , intolerance, indeed o f 'impiety', and among serious ancient history writers this even led to the severest distortions o f Judaism. T h e G o d o f the Jews was partially interpreted in a philosophical sense - as say with Hecataeus, Posidonius and Varro, b y being identified with the heavens or the cosmos, but another way was to identify him, through theocrasy, with other deities like ^abazius, Dion3reus or Zeus, a process which was not alwa3rs rejected out of hand even by Jews. T h e most dangerous development was the attempt b y a part o f the Jewish aristocracy to approximate Jewish belief in G o d and the cult on Zion in a syncretistic way to its Hellenistic environment in Jerusalem itself, under Antiochus rv, b y violent means. Whereas ahen influences were at work, unconsciously with Ben Sira, the Hasidim and Essenism, here there was a consistent and open tendency towards complete Hellenization. Presimiably the tendencies towards assimilation in Judea had a long history behind them, and g o weU back into the third century BC. Probably the most powerful Jewish lay family, the Tobiads, akeady had very close contacts with the Greeks in the middle of the t h k d century B C : the Tobiad Joseph became chief tax farmer under the Ptolemies and worked for a closer economic and cultural contact with the non-Jewish envkonment. However, for the moment the vigorous conservative high priest Simon the Just succeeded in suppressing the influence o f his sons. T h u s the struggle for power o f the high-priesdy Oniads and the Tobiads forms the historical background to the real reform attempt in Jerusalem after the accession o f Antiochus I V in 175 BC. While the hberal T o b i a d Hyrcanus built up the Ptolemaic cleruchy o f his grandfather Tobias in the Ammanitis into a semi-independent territory and finally managed to erect a schismatic Jewish sanctuary with a S3mcretistic flavour, in Jerusalem the aristocracy in favour o f reform gamed the upper hand through the deposition of Onias I I I , a n d with the king's help prepared to change Jerusalem into a Greek polis b y the building o f a gymnasium and the estabhshment o f a hst o f citizens. T h e expulsion o f the last Oniad, Jason, from his oflfice and his replacement with Menelaus, who was closely associated with the Tobiads, gave fiill power to the reformers, but as t h e k support was limited, it made them even more dependent on the favour o f the Seleucid ruler who - in exchange for his services - laid his hands on the temple treasures. After an abortive attempt at revolt b y Jason and in view o f the hostile attitude o f the
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simple, conservative populace, tiie radical reformers witii Menelaus at their head advised the king to abohsh b y ro3ral edict the Jewish law, from which they had long been ahenated and towards which they were hostile (as it gave support to their opponents). T o support them, Seleucid cleruchs were settied in the newly-built Acra south o f the temple, and together they formed the citizens o f the new polis. T h e decree obtained from the king formed the basis of the compulsory abrogation o f the law and the persecution o f those faithfiil to it. T h e cult in the temple was also 'reformed' in syncretistic fashion, presumably foUowing the example o f the more strongly HeUenized Phoeni cians. A s maUer altar on the great altar o f burnt oflFering formed the real cultic centre on Zion within a temple courtyard changed into a 'holy precinct'. Honour was given above aU to thejsupreme G o d o f heaven', interpreted in a syncretistic and universaUstic way. H e was identified with Ba'al Samem o f the Phoenicians and Zeus Olympius o f the Greeks. Presumably the radical reformers were influenced b y the ideas o f the Greek enUghtenment, and perhaps they sought to restore the origmal 'reasonable' form o f worship of the deity without 'superstitious' falsification. A t the same time they sought the complete dissolution o f the characteristics o f Judaism and its consistent assimilation to its HeUenistic oriental environment. A s a result o f their victorious revolt and the continuing weakening o f the Seleucid empire, the Maccabees succeeded in warding oflF the deadly threat, and after struggles lasting for decades achieved national independence through the edict o f Demetrius I I m 142 BC (I Mace. 13.31-42). T h e Acra feU a year later. O f covirse a severe 'coUective traiuna' remained, despite the victory, and this had a decisive influence on the fiirther course of Jewish history. T h e controversy in Jerusalem after 175 B C , which reached its climax between 167 and 164 BC, was a stn^le over the law. T h e Jewish renegades wanted to reverse b y violence the course which the Jewish people had pursued smce the exUe. However, those who were faithfiil to the law - as is shown b y both the book o f Daniel and the first chapters o f I Maccabees - did not refer one-sidedly to the T o r a h ; * ' ! they used a more comprehensive term from salvation history: they defended 'the holy covenant'.*'* A m o n g the fathers o f Jewish apocalyptic there was stUl a Uvely awareness that the history o f G o d with his people rested on a 'covenant the most important part o f which was, of course, the l a w . * " S o the attack on the law let loose b y the renegades' hate o f it - one can speak directiy o f a 'zeal agamst the law' - aroused a corresponding counter-reaction, 'zeal for the law',^and as a result the fiurther spiritual development of Judaism was in a remarkable way associated with the Torah. T h e Pharisees, who were primarily involved in this development, are in a direct line from the Hasidim o f the Maccabean period who formed the inteUectual eUte o f the Jewish struggle for freedom (see above, pp.i75flF.); about fifty years later, in the time o f Hyrcanus, they parted company with t h e . Hasmoneans because the latter would not accept their legal casuistry and
3o6
The 'Interpretatio Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform Attempt
additional oral tradition. Significantly, a considerable element o f the people went over to their side even at this stage, not least because as a result o f the institution o f the s3magogue they had become the teachers o f the simple populace and had deeply anchored in them the aggressive pattern o f 'zeal for the law'.*'* W e should not overlook the significance o f the crisis after 175 BC, which only to a Umited degree came to an end with the official return of the temple at the end o f 163 BC and dragged on until the conquest o f the Acra in 141 BC. It was particularly important for the fiitiu-e history o f Judaism and indirecdy for the origin o f Christianity. It gave a new direction to the political and intellectual development o f the Jewish people in many respects. 1. T h e extreme sensitivity o f Palestinian Judaism towards even an apparent usurpation o f power over the law and the sanctuary which is demonstrated in the Essene attacks on Jonathan and the Pharisaic criticism o f John H3rrcanus,**5 and which was expressed in wild mass demonstrations under Alexander Jannaeus, Herod and Archelaus and the Roman procurators,*'* is a fioiit o f this newly awakened 'zeal'. One might see it as an almost anarchical feature which on the one hand made it extraordmarily difficult for the Jews to be governed b y their own or b y foreign rulers, and which at the same time was directed against the people themselves, because it made unitary action in times of political need almost impossible, since the disputing groups kept accusing each other o f 'apostasy from the law'. T h i s anarchic radicahsm, especially in Palestinian Judaism, which however also extended in the Roman period to the Diaspora and found an expression in the intensive national eschatological expectation o f the fiitiu-e (see pp.254f.), is one o f the chief causes o f the incessant series o f rebellions in Judea and the great catastrophes o f AD 66-70, 116-117 and 132-135. T h e moderate forces were too weak to restrain these developments. A m o n g the themes which developed in apocal3rptic in the time of persecution under Antiochus I V is the figure o f the 'final tyrant' or ' A n t i christ', and the notion that the holy city and the temple or part o f it will be 'trampled down' b y the Gentiles. T h u s it was natural to judge the Roman rule in the hght of this pattern, and for the Jews alwa3rs to persecute the 'apostates' in their own ranks.*" 2. T h e tendency towards se^egation from non-Jews, which had been strengthened b y the attempt at assimilation b y force, coupled with the pohtical expansion o f the Hasmoneans in Palestine and the pohtical and military ascendancy o f the Jews under the later Ptolemies,*'* led to ancient 'antisemitism'. Positive judgments were displaced b y negative ones: the change can clearly be seen in Posidonius. Antiochus I V was the political model of the new antisemitism. A similar interpretation o f his actions against the Jews is to be found in Posidonius, A p i o n , P o r p h y r y , * " and above all in T a c i t u s : Rex Antiochus, demere superstitionem et mores Graecorum dare adnisus, quomiiuis taeterrimamgentem in melius mutaret, Parthorum bello prohibitus est (Hist. 5, S, 2).
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T h i s one-sided and tendentious account o f the motives o f Antiochus I V may have spurred on later Roman emperors to similar anti-Jewish measures. Perhaps this motive akeady had its effect with Caligula and his attempt to set up his image in the temple at Jerusalem, and possibly also with Vespasian and Titus in respect o f the destruction o f the temple and the introduction o f the fiscus Judaicus in favour o f Jupiter Capitolinus. B e this as it may, it certainly influenced Hadrian in his prohibition o f ckcumcision and his foimding o f Aeha Capitolina, and in the erection of temples of Jupiter Capitolinus on Zion and on Gerizim. H e then responded to the revolt o f Bar K o c h b a - following the example o f Antiochus I V - with the prohibition o f the practice o f the Jewish law. 3. T h e persecution and the victorious Maccabean revolt had aroused not only strong religious but also political forces - the two can hardly be separated in ancient Judaism. T h e conquest o f Samaria, large parts o f Transjordania and all the 'Greek' cities o f the coastal plain except Ashkelon, the forcible con version o f the Itiu-eans in Galilee and the Idumeans in the south, must have seemed a m k a c l e to the Jews under foreign rule, and it is understandable that John Hyrcanus could assiune charismatic messianic features as a successfiil commander and high priest.'oi In this way, a tremendous strengthenmg o f Jewish national consciousness came about in Palestine. Despite its expansion and to a degree its missionary successes, the Jewish religion remained prim arily a 'national' rehgion, and for most people the eschatological hope had strong political colouring. T h e loss o f freedom after 63 BC was therefore felt aU the more severely. T h e constant attempts to regain it resulted from the fact that foreign rule was felt to b e a threat to obedience to the law, and there was a behef in a repetition o f the 'Maccabean miracle'.'oa Even the Jewish mission had its pohtical side: according to Esther 8.17, after the royal edict 'many people accepted Judaism ( M mityah'dim, LXX nepierenvovTo), for fear of the Jews had fallen upon them', and in Judith 14.6-10 the Ammonite Achior comes to beheve in the G o d o f Israel and has himself ckcumcised when Judith shows him the head o f Holofemes, 'and he was reckoned in the house o f Israel'. T h i s cormection between nation and religion,
probably
unique among the ancient 'missionary religions, gave Judaism its tremendous strength in the Diaspora, but with few exceptions, say in Adiabene, prevented really extensive missionary success, although m the more open, Greek-speaking Diaspora attempts were made to rob this element o f its force. I n antiquity, to become a Jew was never simply a religious action; it was always also a pohtical decision: on his conversion the Gentile became a member o f the Jewish 'ethnos'. 303 It is understandable that the Roman state regarded the Jewish mission as a danger and often tried t o limit it.304 Jerusalem became the antipodes for Rome, even for the Jews o f the Diaspora and the full proselytes, who were closely tied to Jerusalem b y the didrachm tax, and the holy land was the real centre o f the world. Paul's struggle against ckcumcision and the law
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The 'Interpretatio
Graeca' and the Hellenistic Reform Attempt
was not least a 'betrayal o f Judaism' in die eyes o f his Judaistic opponents because o f its 'ethnic pohdcal consequences'.'o* 4. T r u e , in die mother country of Judaism a brake was put on the manifest syncretistic tendencies which led towards an assimilation to paganism,306 but in Samaria, in Transjordania"" and still more in the Greek-speaking Diaspora, they continued to have an eflfect. W e find evidence for J e w i s h pagan mixed cults in various inscriptions from Asia Minor, e.g. on the Sambatheion in Th3ratira and the worshippers o f the G o d 'Sabbatistes' in CiUcia, as also in the 'synhodos Sambathike' in Egyptian Naucratis, the Hypsistos worshippers in the kingdom o f the Bosphonis and the later Hypsistarians in Asia Minor. Although this evidence only begins with the time o f Augustus, the small number o f Jewish pre-Christian inscriptions outside Egypt suggests an earlier date for this mixed cult.'"* T h e way in which scholars differ in their assessment o f it - partiy purely Gentile, partiy Jewish - is an indication of its ambivalent character, which makes it impossible in practice to distinguish between Judaizing pagans and p ^ a n i z i n g Jews.'"* Reports like Acts i9.3flf.; Rev. 2.9 and the false teachers in Colossae may point to the existence o f Jewish S3mcretistic groups o f this kind.'!" Philo attests that there were Greek-educated Jews who robbed the law ot its hteral meaning by radical allegorization, and others who criticized it sharply, s " Moreover, in his writing, in I I I Maccabees and in epigraphic sources we find a whole series o f references to Jewish a p o s t a t e s . T h u s the first beginnings o f gnosticism probably developed in heterodox Jewish Samaritan groups. A Jewish antinomianism could also have continued its influence here. Finally, the broad field o f Jewish magic must also have led to open S3mcretism.3i3 T h u s the Hellenistic environment represented a certain danger, though its eflfects should not be over-estimated. In warding oflf the 'reform attempt', the Judaism o f Palestine and the Diaspora had found a firm centre in the law which, despite all alien influences and an astonishing multipUcity, at least enabled it to present a relatively closed front to the outside world. T h i s is in fact confirmed b y later antisemitic evidence. In addition, a strengthened national self-awareness provided a fiirther eflfective protection. 5. T h e failure o f the attempt o f the Hellenistic reformers to abohsh the Torah b y force in eflfect intellectual development on the Torah. T h e r e were presiunably preliminaries to the struggle for the law; Ben Sira refers to them, and they are probably also expressed in the 'basic programme' o f 'Ab. I , l b : '. . . Set up many schools, put a hedge round the law", regardless o f whether this statement comes from before the Maccabean period or after it. T h i s development is sometimes characterized in a derc^atory sense as 'nomism' - mistaking the historical necessity for it. In accordance with the spkit o f the Hellenistic period it had a strong rational element which found expression, among other things, in an almost arithmetical idea o f reward and in the ' T o r a h ontology' sketched out on pp. lyoflf. above. W e find this con-
Summary:
The Reform Attempt, arui its Failure
309
centration on the T o r a h both m Pharisaism and in Greek-speaking Judaism, say in Josephus and Philo. But it found its most pregnant expression - in an eschatological context - among those groups whose characteristic H . Braim has described with the concept o f 'sharpening of the Torah'. 6. T h i s fixation meant that any fundamental theological criticism o f the cult and the law could no longer develop freely within Judaism. T h i s is also true of the attempt to abohsh, for intrinsically religious reasons, the exclusive limitations which pious Jews had imposed as a protection against the 'despisers of the law* among their own people, the Samaritans and the non-Jews, for the sake o f the universal character of the salvation conveyed in the message o f the prophets. Equally intolerable was a fundamentally critical consideration o f their own history and especially the giving o f the law, as this is expressed say in Mark lo.fflF.; Acts 7.35-53; or Gal.3.i9flF. Undertakings o f this kmd were inevitably misunderstood in analogy to the Hellenistic reform attempt as an attack on the supreme articles of Israehte faith or even as apostasy to paganism. Here is the profound tragedy o f the reaction o f Judaism to the primitive Christian movement which developed from its midst. Jesus o f Nazareth, Stephen, Paul came to grief among their own people because the Jews were no longer in a position to bring about a creative, self-critical transformation of the piety o f the law with its strongly national and pohtical coloiuing. T h e small Jewish Christian community could only maintain itself in Palestine b y strict observance o f the T o r a h - and even then only with great difficulty. T h e charge o f apostasy to Hellenistic syncretism still has its influence on Jewish interpretation o f Paul, even today.'** T h e apostle appears as a 'Diaspora Jew who had become ahenated from the faith-ideas of the fathers'.'i® T h i s is to fail to see that the apologetically rigidified understanding o f the T o r a h , which no longer measures up to the message o f the prophets, was irreconcilable at that time with the universal eschatological claim of the gospel, and had to be broken. 7. B y and large, Judaism had its greatest influence on world history in the Hellenistic-Roman epoch. T h i s included the reception and reworking o f Greek thought side b y side with self-assertion agamst ahenation; the founda tion of a national state after four hundred years o f foreign rule, and the inner strength to withstand the new catastrophes which brought that state to an end and led to the final 'dispersion'. W e may regard this as an expression o f the incomparable vitality and dynatnism o f the Jewish people. Both its freedom fight against the Seleucids and its bitter struggle with Rome are probably unique in the ancient world. However, 'this dynamism' developed most strongly in the rehgious sphere. T h i s happened in a world-wide mission which was likewise without analogy, and then in the new force which burst the fi:amework o f a nationahstic legalism which had grown too narrow with its prophetic and eschatological appeal: the primitive Christianity which grew out o f Judaism.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION A s is the rule in complex historical circumstances, our account o f the first encounter between Judaism and Hellenism in Palestine has not produced a uniform, easily understandable, uncontradictory picture, which could be summed up in a schematic judgment. It is not possible to say that Palestinian Judaism, leaving aside the interlude under Antiochus I V , which was speedily remedied, maintained a straight course through the Hellenistic period un touched by the ahen civilization and completely faithful to the O l d Testament tradition. Still less can it be claimed that it was completely permeated b y the Hellenistic spirit and fell victim to S3mcretism, betraying its original task. T h e truth hes between the exttemes. It is evident that as early as the third century BC an encounter between Hellenistic civilization and the Jewish upper classes took place which was probably more intensive than our scanty sources indicate to us. T h e Zeno pap3rri and the earhest Greek reports about the Jews on the one hand, and the Tobiad romance, the anonymous Samaritan and similar hterary fragments, together with the polemic o f Ben Sira on the other hand, all indicate this. So the significance o f one hundred years o f predominantiy Ptolemaic rule for the internal development o f Palestine cannot be set too highly. However, this process o f Hellenization did not affect all the Jewish population in the same way. Following the character of the new civilization in the conquered areas o f the East as being a civilization for the aristocrats and more well-to-do citizens, it had an open and direct influence only on the relatively narrow, but normative stratum o f the priesdy and lay nobility and the prosperous city population. T h e s e took deUght in a freer, more expensive style o f life and in freer thought. In these circles, perhaps in connection with a 'wisdom school' which was influenced b y the Greek 'enUghtenment' and had a hostile attitude to the received tradition, the law was increasingly criticized as being a hindrance to economic and cultiu-al development. T h i s development culminated in the violent 'reform attempt' depicted in the last chapter, which, however, came to grief on the resolute resistance of the majority o f the population. However, even the traditional wisdom schools in which 'wisdom' and ' T o r a h ' were identified, probably in repudiation o f the antinomian tendencies mentioned above, came near to some o f the ideas o f a popular Stoicism, as is shown b y the example o f Ben Sira. In this sense the manifest adoption o f philosophical ideas in Alexandria, which emerges for the first time with
Sumtnary and Conclusion
311
^ i s t o b u l u s , simply represents a continuation o f tendencies which were already at work in Palestine, albeit in a less marked form. A t that late period there was an alliance between oriental Jewish wisdom and Greek popular philosophy. Common to both was their rational, empkical character, their universahst tendency, their interest in the divine ordering o f the cosmos and their marked anthropological and ethical perspective. T h i s is confirmed, among other things, b y early Greek verdicts on the Jews as 'philosophers'. T h e draughts of the new spkit were to be felt not only in the realm of the pro-Hellenistic upper class and in late wisdom, but at the very point where the bitterest defensive action was being fought against the destructive forces of HeUenism, among the Hasidim. W i t h t h e k rigorist fidehty to the law, they wrote the first apocalypses and thus exercised a most tenacious influence on the further religious development o f ancient Judaism, but even they reveal a 'syncretistic' influence fed from many sources. T h e spkit o f a disruptive enlightenment was countered b y an encyclopaedic wisdom, superior to aU purely human wisdom, which was based on a divine revelation that unveUed all the mysteries o f the cosmos and o f history. These 'faithfiil' formed a spkitual biUwark in the battle against the HeUenistic reformers and thek Seleucid alUes, yet a Uttle whUe later thek radical wing tiurned no less sharply against the successful Hasmonean dynasty which, after its victory, could not escape the hated ahen form o f life. Under the 'Teacher o f Righteousness' this Hasidic group o f 'Essenes' separated from the bulk o f the people and formed a strictly organized commimity with a virtuaUy monastic character, which, however, despite its abrupt rejection o f aU that was un-Jewish, had its jiearest analogy as an organization in the Greek association^^Even it was strongly influenced b y the HeUenistic oriental envkonment, though at the same time, with astonishing attempts at systematic thought, it produced the most signiflcant theological statements between Deutero-Isaiah and the N e w Testament. Even Pharisaism, the second branch o f the Hasidim, developed as a continuation o f Ben Sira's identification o f wisdom and T o r a h - a kind o f ' T o r a h ontoiogy* which has paraUels to the thought of Philo. Here is a confus ing, many-sided picture of changing types of reception and reaction which none of the difierent, partially opposed groups in Palestinian Judaism could avoid. JEven where people thought themselves to be oriented to the T o r a h alone_indeed precisely among such people - an abundance o f ahen influence was accepted, often without the fact being noticed. T h u s the spkit o f the new period worked on each o f the difierent Jewish groups in another form again, and in this way Palestinian Judaism underwent a profound transformation during the HeUenistic era in a relatively continuous development down to 175 B C ^ F o r this reason, the distinction between 'Palestinian' Judaism and the 'HeUenistic' Judaism of the Greek-speaking Diaspora, which has been customary for so long, now becomes very questionable. Strictly speaking, for the Hellenistic-Roman period the Judaism o f the mother country must just
312
Summary and Conclusion
as much be included under the heading 'Hellenistic Judaism' as that o f the western Diaspora. T h i s statement applies not only to external cultural influences, but even in the religious sphere - indeed, particularly there. For 'Palestinian' Judaism also shared in the 'religious koine' o f its Hellenistic oriental environment. T h i s is true, inter alia, o f the idea o f a 'natural revela tion' which appears even before wisdom, the knowledge o f G o d from the purposefulness and perfection of the natural order, and especially the stars; it is true o f the idea of divine providence and retribution in the life o f the individual and above all after his death, the expectation o f a future realm o f peace, the existence o f heavenly hypostases and redeemer figures, angels, demons and spirits o f the dead, the significance o f astrology, mantidsm and magic, the forms of supemattiral revelation of divine wisdom through dreams, visions, joiuneys through heaven and the underworld, ecstatic or inspired discourse or holy scriptures given b y God.. Jewish Palestine was no hermetic ally sealed island in the sea o f Hellenistic oriental syncretism. O f course Judaism both inside and outside Palestine retains a dominant central feature in the form o f the Torak, despite its confiising multiphdty. Indeed, the T o r a h gained this absolute significance predsely through the struggle for spiritual self-aflBrmation. Ben Sira declared that the Torah was identical with wisdom, but for the reformers in Jerusalem it was the embodi ment o f superstition and folly, against which they finally fought with brute force. In so doing, however, they simply aroused the 'zeal for the law' among those faithfiil to the T o r a h on which their party came to grief. T h u s the controversy with Hellenism made the T o r a h the centre point o f Judaism, though o f course not only in Alexandria, but also in the Rabbinic ' T o r a h ontology', it was interpreted in a 'Hellenistic rationalist' way. It became more and more the only, exclusive medium of revelation, and all other forms o f revelation were derived from it and formed to a certain extent its interpreta tion. T h e r e may have been hopdess disputes over the right interpretation o f the law, but it was still the expression o f the unity o f the Jewish people, b y which it was distinguished from all other peoples. A t the same time, even in the Greek-educated d r d e s o f the Diaspora, the law gave a guarantee o f religious and national cohesion, while its ethical monotheism provided a feeling o f superiority over the Hellenistic cults. A second fruit o f the controversy with Hellenism was kope for the future, which among the simple populace usually took the form o f an imminent eschatological expectation. T h i s was hope, for the whole people, o f the rule of G o d or the messianic kingdom, and for the individual, o f resurrection or immortality. T h e whole of world history, according to G o d ' s plan, would find its goal in the time of salvation, which was expected to come in the near future. A t the same time, eschatology formed the only regulative force b y which the omnipotence of the Torah, dominating the present and anchored in the cosmos, could possibly b e limited.
Summary and Conclusion
313
In the Hellenistic period, say from die second half of the second century BC, Judaism was well on the way towards becoming a world religion as a result of the rapid extension of the Diaspora and a partially very active mission - the success o f the Maccabean period had also raised its self-awareness in this respect T h e anxious and zealous fixation on the letter o f the T o r a h which w e meet in Pharisaism was, o f course, in manifest opposition to this. E v e n in Greek-speaking Judaism there was only a sUghtiy greater freedom towards the law here; the allegorical interpretation did not do away with the hteral sense, and the concrete commands and prohibitions remained unqualifiedly in force even in Philo. Moreover, after the Hasmonean rule the influence of the Palestinian mother country and its piety also grew in the Diaspora. Even the eschatological hope among the people was predominantiy interpreted in a nationaUstic sense as the expectation o f a Jewish world-kingdom (Acts 1.6). Under this lay a defensive attitude which was largely justified, brought about b y the trauma of the Hellenistic reform and the unexpected national expansion of the Hasmoneans, their sudden collapse after the intervention o f Pompey and the subsequent Roman rule. The^ahnost complete fiision of religion and nationaUsm not only prevented any assimilation, but at the same time gave the Jewish minority, particularly in the Diaspora, a poUtical importance which even the Roman rulers after Caesar had to take seriously. A universal mission ary consciousness could not reaUy develop freely in the face o f this elemental impulse towards national self-preservation. T h e large number o f semiproselytes standing between Judaism and paganism in the N e w Testament period, who could not take the last step towards complete association with the Jewish people (c. Ap.2,, 183), although out o f conviction they foUowed the Jewish faith and its monotheism supported b y a profound ethical conscious ness, shows the insoluble dilemma of the Jewish religion in ancient times. A s it could not break free from its nationaUst roots among the people, it had to stoop to constant and ultimately untenable compromises. T h i s is where the reaction of the primitive church with its prophetic spirit, growing out o f Judaism, set in. T h e first step in this direction was the early Christian mission among the hated Samaritans, which was presumably carried out b y members o f the Greek-speaking Jewish-Christian group who were driven out of Jerusalem (Acts 8.4flf.). A Utde later foUowed the mission towards the non-Jews in Antioch (Acts 11.198'.). A t this point, though in a very different way from the reform attempt after 175 B C , the door really was thrown open to the 'nations'. With Jesus' prophetic and eschatological message o f the imminence o f the kingdom o f G o d , and the kerygma o f the primitive community which took that message fiuther - its revolutionary consequences were recognized above aU b y the group o f 'HeUenists' in Jerusalem w h o were familiar with the selfcontradictory nature of the Jewish mission - the protective attitude of Judaism over against its environment, which had been developed in the controversy
314
Summary and Conclusion
with Hellenism and was most strongly expressed b y the absolutized place o f the Torah, was shattered in pieces. Christology took the place o f ' T o r a h ontology* as an expression o f the free and sovereign saving revelation o f G o d in history, which no longer recognized national or historically conditioned limitations. T h u s particularly in view o f the especially active, Greek-speaking Jewish-Christian community in Jerusalem and later in Antioch, primitive Christianity is to be seen as an eschatological and revolutionary movement within Judaism itself in which the 'salvation-historical' task o f the people o f G o d on the basis of the 'fiilfilment of time' and in expectation of the imminent end of the world was fiilfilled b y national self-surrender for the nations o f the world ( c f Gal. 3.28; 4.4). T h a t it was misunderstood from the Jewish side at that time as a new sect urging apostasy from the law and assimilation is indirectly the last and most grievous legacy o f those Jewish r e n ^ d e s w h o , between 175 and 164 BC, attempted to do away with the law and 'make a covenant with the people round about'. T h e zeal for the law aroused at that time made impossible all attempts at an internal reform o f the Jewish reUgion undertaken in a prophetic spkit, as soon as the nerve centre, the law, was attacked.
JUDAISM
AND
VOLUME
HELLENISM TWO
MARTIN HENGEL
JUDAISM AND
HELLENISM Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period
VOLUME
FORTRESS PRESS
TWO
PHILADELPHIA
Translated by John Bowden from the German Judentum und Hellenismus, Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung Palastinas his zur Mitte des 2 Jh.s v.Chr., no. 10 in the series Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, ed. D . D r Joachim Jeremias and D . Otto Michel, pubUshed by J. C . B . Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tiibingen, second revised and enlarged edition 1973.
First American Edition by Fortress Press 1974 1974 S C M Press Ltd, London & Fortress Press, Philadelphia Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 74-80427 ISBN 0-8006-0293-5
Printed in Great Britain
1-293
CONTENTS
VOLUME
TWO
N o t e s to I n t r o d u c t i o n
i
N o t e s to I
3
N o t e s to I I
42
N o t e s to I I I
72
N o t e s to I V
169
T a b l e s I and I I
206
Abbreviations
211
Bibliography
217
Select index of passages from ancient zoriters
267
Index of names and subjects
290
INTRODUCTION
1. II M a c c . 2 . 2 i ; 8.1; K . G . Kvihn, TDNT 3, 364; M . Hengel, ZNW 57, 1966, I79f. 2. For the first time in Theophrastus, see R. Laqueur, Hellenismus, 1925, 22 n. 8, cf. Diogenes of Babylon, S V F 3, 214, no. 24. Cf. W. Jaeger, Das fruhe Christentum, 1963, 3, 81; H . Preisker, Ntl. Zeitgeschichte, 1936, 5f. 3. Laqueur, op. cit., 27f. n.9. 4. Ibid., 4ff., 21 n. I ; G . Droysen, Johann Gustav Droysen I, 1910, 69 n. i ; cf. F. Meinecke, HZ 141, 1930, 261. 5. See the introduction to Vol. i of Geschichte des Hellenismus, 1836, 4f. Itahcs mine. 6. Preface to Vol. 2 of Geschichte des Hellenismus, 1843; reprint ed. E. Bayer, Tubingen 1953, Vol. 3, xxii, cf. xvii. 7. F . Meinecke, 'Johann Gustav Droysen', in Staat und Persdnlichkeit, 1933, n o ; cf. HZ 141, 1930, 262. 8. J. G . Droysen, Historik, ed. R. Hiibner, 1937, 319 (Foreword to Grundriss der Historik, 1868). Cf. also Jaeger, op. cit., 2f, 80 n. 5. 9. Bousset/Gressmann, 483: 'However, Hellenism is not a unity, but a combination of all possible forms and interpenetrating influences'; V . Gronbech, Der Hellenismus, 1953, 1 5 : 'In Hellenism the horizon is enlarged, there are no walls which round off experience as a whole and provide firmness for thought', cf. 13-17. Similarly H . Preisker, op. cit., 1 1 . 10. S. J. Kaerst, Geschichte des Hellenismus l^, iioflf., I38flf.; 2^, 272; H . Bengtson, G G ' , 285flf., reckons the Hellenistic period from 360 BC, from about the accession of Philip II of Macedon. 11. C f F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens 2, 1948, 147: ' T h e Hellenic character of the Stoics of Phoenician origin was a direct continuation of the selfHellenization of Western Asia, which had already taken place before the con quest of Alexander' (see Vol. I, pp. 32flf., 6if.). 12. For the first view see e.g. W. Schubart, Verfassung und Verwaltung des Ptolemaerreiches, A O 35, 1937, V0I.4, 4: 'Hellenism brii^s and is an extension of the Hellenic character', and H . Herter in Das Neue Bild der Antike i , 1942, 334-553 cf. 336flf. For the pseudomorphosis between 'ancient' and 'Arab culture' see O. Spengler, The Decline of the West, 1926, 209flf., and on this H . Jonas, Gnosis und spdtantiker Geist I , ^1954, 7 3 ! Cf. also Preisker, op. cit., 6-12. 13. Views differ over the proportions of Greek and oriental influence in the reUgious sphere. Whereas R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, ^1927, 2f., and F. Cumont, Die orientalischen Religionen, ^1959, xiiif., etc. over-
2
Introduction
stress the oriental side, it is almost completely denied by C . Schneider, ARW 36, i939j 300-47, and in his Geistesgeschichte des Antiken Christentums, 2 vols., 1954. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 5ff. occupies a middle position and stresses that the permanent share of Greek religion, despite all the transformations, should not be underestimated. 14. E. Schiirer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 3'^i90i-i909, 3 vols, (cited as Schiirer); F. M . Abel, Histoire de la Palestine, T o m e I , De la conquete d'Alexandre jusqu'd la guerre Juive, 1952 (cited as HP); V . Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, tr. S. Applebaum, 1961 (cited as HC). 15. Bousset/Gressmann, Die Religion des Judentwns im spathellenistischen Zeitalter, 81926; A . Schlatter, Geschichte Israels von Alexander d.Gr. bis Hadrian, 31925 (cited as GP). 16. M . Rostovtzeffj The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, 3 vols., 1941 (cited as HW); M . P. Nilsson, Geschichte der Griechischen Religion, V o l . 1 , 21955; V o l . I I , 21961 (cited as GGR^).
CHAPTER I
1. Cf. Diodore 10,113; 2 1 , 5 ; W . W . Tarn, CAHe, 502; 7, j6fi., yoif.; E. R. Bevaiij History of Egypt, 1927, 37; P. Jouguet, L'imperialisme Macedonien, 1926, 183; Volkmaniij PW 23, i623f.; H. H . Schmitt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos' d.Gr., Historia-Einzelschriften 6, 1964, 35; fi. Will, Histoire politique du monde hellenistique i , 1966, 68ff. W. Otto, Beitrdge zur Seleukidengeschichte, A A M 34, 1928, 78 n.2, believes that Ptolemy was summoned back because of unrest in Gyrene. For the hypothesis that Palestine and Coele Syria originally belonged to the Seleucid empire see J. Beloch, APP 2, 1902, 229-37, and Tcherikover, HC, s^f.; F. M . Abel, HP i, 42, and B . Niese, GGMS i , 387, conjecture a Seleucid rule until at least 295 BC. Bouche-Leclerq, Histoire des Lagides 1,154, and E. Meyer, UAC 2,3, even go down to the murder of Seleucus I in 281 BC. T h e report of Sulpidus Severus, II, 17, 4f. (ed. C. Halm, C S E L i , 73), that Seleucus imposed an annual tax of 300 talents on the Jews, does not prove anything, as he has no knowledge of any Ptolemaic rule in Palestine. It could be a Ptolemaic tax or one imposed later by Seleucus I V (see below, pp. 28f.). Nor is there evidence for the foundation of cities by the Seleucids in Coele Syria and Palestine in the third centiuy BC. However, the Seleucids never gave up their claim, see Polybius 5, 67. 2. Eusebius, Chron., ed. Hehn, G C S 7, i27f.: Samaritarum urbem vastat. O n this cf. P. Jouguet, op. cit., i88f., and Tcherikover, HC, 424 n. 42; 451, n. l o i . In that case the city would have been destroyed three times within 35 years. B . Niese, GGMS i, 355 and W. W. Tarn, CAH 7, 78, doubt the historicity of the episode. For the role of Demetrius to 286 see H . Bengtson, GG^, 374ff. 3. T h e strategic significance of Coele Syria for the Ptolemies is already stressed by Diodore on the basis of Hieronymus of Cardia, 18, 43, i. For the Jewish mercenaries see Vol. I, pp. iff. 4. 'Syria and Phoenicia' was the official Ptolemaic designation of the province: see W. Otto, A A M 34,1928, 37; U . Wilcken, APP 12,1937, 223; H. Bengtson, Die Strategic in hellenistischer Zeit 3, 1952, 166 n. i , and Tcherikover, HC, 423 n.36; 428 n.55; CPJ I , 5 n. 13. Perhaps in this way the Ptolemies wanted to express a claim to all Syria. T h e designation appears even in Seleucid documents, see V . H . Landau, lEJ 16, 1966, 59 III, 14 (JJepzibah). 5. See V o l . 1 , pp.39ff. They key work on Zeno and his relationship with Apollonius is M . Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate in Egypt in the Third Century BC, 1922, esp. 1 6 - 4 1 ; see also the introduction by C . C. Edgar to PMichZen. 5-50. Archaeological details are given, inter alia, by P. Viereck, Philadelphia, Morgenland 16,1928. On the decisive role of the Greeks in the economic development of
4
Chapter I
Egypt see C . Preaux, Les Grecs d'apris les archives de Zenon, 1947 (lit.). For conditions in Palestine, which can also be discovered from the Zeno correspon dence, see L . H . Vincent, RB 29,1920, 161-202; G . M . Harper, AJP 49,1928, 1-35; V . Tcherikover, 'Palestine under the Ptolemies', Mizraim 4/5, 1937, 9-90 (especially iiflf. on Zeno's Journey) and HC, 60-72; M . Rostovtzeflf, HW i , 340-50. 6. P. Rainer, no. 24552 Gr., ed. H . Liebesny, 'Ein Erlass des Konigs Ptolemaios II. Philadelphos iiber die Deklaration von Vieh und Sklaven in Syrien und Phonizien', Aeg 16, 1936, 257-88 = SB no. 8008. Cf. Rostovtzeflf, op. cit., I , 35off. 7. For the administration and economic development of Ptolemaic Palestine see V o l . 1 , pp.i8ff., 39ff. For the chronology of the Ptolemies see A . E. Samuel, Ptolemaic Chronology, M B P A R 43, 1962. 8. Tcherikover, HC, 59. 9. See B . Niese, GGMS 2, r27ff., r34f., isiff.; Bouche-Leclerq, Histoire des Seleucides, 66ff., 78ff., r o 4 f ; W . W . Tarn, CAH 7, 702ff., 7iiff., 7i8f.; Volkmann, PW 23, i65of, i654f., i669ff.; H . Bengtson, GG^, 394-9. There are only fragmentary traditions about the three wars. Even the dates are not com pletely certain, cf. H . Bengtson, op. cit., 395 n.4: 274-272/71; 260 (259) - 253 (op. cit., 397 n.4) and 246-241 B C ; fi. Will, op. cit., i , I27ff., 2o8ff., 22iff. 10. F. M . Abel, HP i , 4 5 , 4 8 ! ; W . Otto, A A M 34,1928,242 n. i ; Volkmann, PW 23, 1651, 1671. 11. K . D . Schunk, VT g, 1959, I92ff., sees an allusion in Koh.4.i3ff. to the preliminaries to the third so-called Laodicean war. A s he needs violent textual emendations for his thesis, this is improbable: see H . W. Hertzberg, Der Prediger, 1963, 1 1 7 ; see also below, n.III, 56. 12. For the course of the boundary see W. Otto, op. cit., 37ff., who gives a critical discussion of the hypotheses of U . Kahrstedt, Syrische Territorien in hellenistischer Zeit, A G G 19, 2, 1927, i4ff. His assumption was confirmed by H . Seyrig, Syria 28,1951,2i2f. For the information from the Zeno papyri see in detail Tcherikover, Mizraim 4/5, 1937, 32-6, and HC, 61 and 428 n.56; F. M . Abel, Geographic 2,129. For variations see H. H . Schmidt, op. cit., 35f, though he puts the boundary too far to the south: Damascus seems to have belonged to the Ptolemies for most of the time, see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 34f. 13. Polybius 5, 45, 10-46, 6; F. M . Abel, HP i , 72. For the geographical details see F. W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius i , 1957, 577f.; for the political situation of Antiochus III, who had to struggle with internal difficulties, see fi. Will, REG 75, 1962, 7 1 - 1 2 9 ; id, Histoire politique 2, I4ff. 14. Polybius 5, 61-66, 68-71; on this see F. W . Walbank, op. cit., i , 587-97; F. M . Abel, HP i , 5-79; Tcherikover, HC, 7 3 f and 54; Volkmann, PW 23, i68off; fi. Will, op. cit., 2,23ff. For the change of sides on the part of Theodotus see E. Bevan, History of Egypt, 224f.; in addition, Panaitolus, friendly officers and, a year later, the hyparch of Galilee (?), Keraias, the ThessaUan commander Hippolochus and the commandant of Abila, Nicias, came over to Antiochus' side (5, 70f). 15. 5, 8 6 , 1 0 ; as a friend of the Romans, Polybius has a certain anti-Seleucid attitude; cf. 5.71: the Arabs changing sides. For the contradiction in Polybius see
Notes
5
Tcherikover, Mizraim 4/5, 1937, 56. For the pro-Seleucid attitude of the Arabs see Altheim-Stiehl, Die Araber in der Ahen Welt r, 1964, 75, 77. They still supported Antiochus I I I at Magnesia, Appian, Syr. 32. 16. See F. M . Abel, HP i , 77, 79 n. i ; on Gaza see E. Meyer, UAC 2, 122, and Tcherikover, HC, 96. For the Jews it was decisive that the Tobiad Joseph was tax farmer for Coele Syria: see V o l . 1 , pp.27f. T h e quotation is from Polybius 5, 7 1 , I I . 17. Polybius 5, 79-87; on this see W. F. Walbank, op. cit., i , 607-16; cf. I l l Mace. 1 . 1 - 7 ; P. Jouguet, op. cit., 2 5 1 - 5 ; F. M . Abel, RB 48, 1939, 225-30. For the effects of Raphia on internal politics see W. W. Tarn, CAH 7, 731. Cf. also below, n.301. 18. H . Gauthier and H . Sottas, Un Decret trilingue en I'honneur de PtoldmSe IV, 1925. T h e best preserved Demotic inscription is particularly important: pp.35ff., 11.15-25. In almost four months, the king seems to have spent three weeks on hostile Seleucid territory. Polybius 5, 87, 6 speaks of a three-month stay and confirms the joy of the liberated subject peoples: 5,86, 87; on this see W. Otto, A A M 34,1928,80-5. T h e conjeaure of the editor, based on a doubtful reading, that a certain Eleazar had risen against the Egyptians (op. cit., 36,1.23, see the commentary, 54ir.) is untenable. See W. Otto, op. cit., 8if.; Tcherikover, HC, 434f. nn.95 and 97, against P. Jouguet, op. cit., 253 and F. M . Abel, HP i , 83 n. 5. See H.-J. Thissen, Studien zum Raphiadekret, 1966, 6off. 19. Joppa-Jaffa: B . L i f s h i t z , Z D P F 7 8 , 1 9 6 2 , 82f.; Marissa: Bliss/Macalister, Excavations in Palestine 1898-1902, 62f., and the supplementary information in Qermont-Ganneau, CRAI1900,536-41; cf. also S E G 7, 326 = Polybius 5, 61, 9, from the neighbourhood of Tyre. 20. T h e report has legendary elaborations and has been assimilated to the legend of Heliodorus in II Mace. 3. Perhaps we may see the characterization of Heliodorus, 'and his heart became proud', in Dan. 11.12 as an allusion to inconsistencies which III Mace, takes up. On his reverence for Dionysus and his identification with him see Volkmann, PW 23, i689f. and below, n. I V , 43. 21. Josephus, c. Ap.2, 48. Josephus exaggerates for apologetic reasons. 22. See H . H . Schmitt, op. cit., 85; fi. WiU, op. cit., 2, 346?., and n.301 below. 23. On the downfall of the Ptolemaic empire and the successes of Antiochus I I I see H . Bengtson, GG^, 4o6f., 4 i 4 f ; cf. Volkmann, PW 23, i684f. On the diange of throne in Egypt and the ensuing confusion see Bouche-Leclerq, Histoire des Lagides i , 335-50. H . W . Hertzberg, Der Prediger, 1963, 50ff. would see in Koheleth 8.2ff. an allusion to the pro-Seleucid tendencies imder Philopator and in io.i6f. an allusion to the child Epiphanes. But these can equally weU be themes of wisdom. We can hardly date Koheleth from this (see n. I l l , 56 below). For the date of the deaths see A . E. Samuel (n. 7 above), io8ff. 24. W e are very much less well informed over the fifth Syrian war than over the fourth. Cf. Volkmann, PW 23, i694f.; M . Holleaux, Btudes d'epigraphie et d'Mstoire grecques 3, 1942, 318-35 = Klio 8, 1908, 267-81; fi. WiU, op. cit., 2, l o i f . O n the siege of Gaza see Polybius 16, 22a. 25. In Dan. I I . 1 4 , Migne PL 25, 562. E. Taubler, J Q i ? 37, 1946/47, 1-30,
6
Chapter I
125-37, gives an interpretation of Dan. 11.14 and the quotation from Porphyry, but his theory of a messianic revolt is untenable. T h e attempt to consider the 'pdrise' with the Hasidim and Pharisees as 'members of a chain' (26) stands historical connections on their head. Daniel gives a negative verdict on the 'men of violence': see Tcherikover, HC, jSf. and 436 n. 108. 26. Josephus, Antt. 12, 135. 27. Polybius 16, 18; Antt. 12, 32; B . Niese, GGMS 2, 578f. For the siege of Sidon see Jerome, in Dan. 1 1 , 15, 16, PL 25, 563 = FGrHist 260 F 46. 28. Provisional report by Y . Landau, RB 69, 1962, 406; final text in lEJ 16, 1966, 54-70 (58-60). A similar ordinance from Ptolemaic Egypt may be found in the Alexandrian dikaidmata, PHal 1,11.166-85 (PP- 98flf.). According to Polybius SJ 83, 3, Ptolemy was commander in the army of the fotuth Ptolemy in 219 BC, but later went over to Seleucid service, see H. Volkmann, PW 23, 1762 no. 42. 29. Josephus, Antt.12, 133, 136, 138 J cf. Polybius 16, 39, 3flf. 30. In Daw. I I . 1 4 , PL 25, 563 = FGrHist 260 F 45. Jerome gives Scopas as its originator; in Jerome's view Scopas was besieged in Jerusalem by Antiochus III with the help of the Jews. Thus he connects the sieges of Sidon and Jerusalem. 31. Josephus, .^nK. 12, I29f, 139. 32. Antt.12, 138-144: in the form of a letter to Ptolemy, the strategos of Coele Syria. For literature see R. h/iaxai&, Josephus 7, L C L , 743-61. Its authen ticity was already argued for by E. Meyer, UAC 2, 127 n . 2 1 ; a thorough investigation was made by E. Bi(c)kerman(n), REJ 100, 1935, 4-35; c f Inst., i36f, 195 and GM, 5 1 - 3 ; but cf. the critical comments by K . Galling, OLZ 42, 1939, 227; further A . Alt, ZAW 57, 1939, 283flf., according to whom there are two edicts here, one about the restoration and resettlement of Jerusalem and the other about privileges for temple, cult personnel and gerousia, and about tax relief for the people; see also F. M . Abel, HP i , 89flf., and Tcherikover, HC, 76flf., 438flf. For the whole see also V o l . 1 , p p . 2 8 f , 27oflf. Cf. the granting of privileges to the temple of Pluto in Nysa by Seleucus I in C. B . Welles, Royal Correspondence, 1934, 54flf.; the decree of Antiochus I in favour of Erythrae, O G I S 223 = C. B . Welles, op. cit., 78flf.; the thanksgiving of Antiochus III at Amyzon, op. cit., i65flf., c f i 7 i f . ; his letter to Ilion about the preservation of 'ancestral privileges' (11.3f. TO. St] a Trpoyovoiv 'TTpovirTjpyffj.eva, Dp. cit., 175^0 and the e d i a in favour of a city on the Hellespont, S E G 2, 663,11.9flf. ijf iWev rov pamXia TOVS re vof/fjLovs Kai TTJV Trdrptov TroXir^iav Kat Upd TO. T^pAjvri, including Care of the sanctuary and freedom from tax for three years. 33. II Macc.4.11. On the concept of royal ^iXaveptava cf. I Ezra 8.10, the promise to the Galilean peasants of Beth Anath, P S I 554, 34f., and H . Kortenbeutel, PW Suppl 7, i032flf. 34. H . Zucker, Studien zur judischen Selbstverwaltung im Altertum, 33flf.; R. Marcus, op. cit., 73 n . b ; Tcherikover, HC, 49 and 422 nn.29, 30, assumes that Alexander the Great had already confirmed 'autonomy' for the Jews, c f Antt. 11, 338. 35. H . H . Schmitt, op. cit., 96, 99. 36. Not only the Jews in Palestine supported him; Jewish mercenaries elsewhere were at his service, see below, nn. 90-92. dnoSodrjvat
Notes
7
37. See M . HoUeauXj CAH 8, 165: a few months after the siege of Sidon a Roman delegation visited him. A s Rome needed a free hand against Philip V , at first he did not find the engagement of Antiochus with Egypt particularly un attractive, but after the victory over Macedon in 197 BC Rome regarded the Seleucids as her most dangerous adversaries in the East. Forces were then at work to destroy her rule. For the politics of Antiochus III after the conquest of Palestine, see O. Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 1968, iff. 38. Jerome, m Daw. 1 1 . 1 7 , P L 25, 564, cf. Appian, 5yr. 5; Josephus, ^ « J M 2 , 154; Polybius 18, 5 1 , 1 0 . On this see B . Niese, GGMS 2 , 639, and E. Meyer, UAC 2, i24f., with the right dating. T h e report of Josephus, Antt. 1 2 , 155, that the income of Coele Syria was divided between the two rulers, is unhistorical, see H . Bengtson, GG^, 469 n . i , and Die Strategic 2 , 1944, 161 n.2. 39. M . Holleaux, CAH 8,222-34; £. Will, op. cit., 2 , lyyf.; Polybius 2 1 , 45; cf. D a n . I I . 1 8 . 40. Bouche-Leclerq, Histoire des Seleucides, 22iflf.; for the date of his death see H. H . Schmitt, op. cit., if.; cf. Dan. 11.19. 41. Jerome, in Dan. 11.20, PL 25, 565, see on this Bouche-Leclerq, Histoire des Lagides I , 396-9; W . Otto, A A M N F 1 1 , 1 9 3 4 , 23f., and Volkmann, PW 2^, i697f. T h e decree of Cairo of the year 23 ( = 182 Bc) mentions the victory of an Aristonicus before the Syrian coast at Aradus; see G. Daressy, Receuil de Travaux relat. d la Philol. et I'Archeol. Egypt, et Assyr. 33, 1 9 1 1 , 6f. 42. Rostovtzeff, HW 2 , 6958?., certainly stresses that despite the peace of Apamea and other setbacks, the riches of Syria were hardly affected; but the attempts at confiscating temple treasuries suggest that the Seleucids had trouble in producing any large sums of actual money: see Vol. I, pp. 28f., 280, n. I V , 145. 43. IIMacc.3.4ff.;4.iff.;andDan.ii.2o;onthissee A. Schwarz, A f G W ^ 6 3 , 1919, 225; E. Meyer, UAC 2 , 132 n . 2 , 1368?.; E. Bi(c)kerman(n), AIPHOS 7, 1939-443 5-40, whose thesis, that the temple of Jerusalem did not have any income of its own and had to be supported by the king, who supervised the finance, is questionable. There are criticisms in Tcherikover, HC, isyff., 465 n. 12; Rostovtzeff, HW 2 , I278flf., 1282, and 3, 1630 nn.205 and 206, who demonstrates that there were very probably temple banks in the Hellenistic period. Similarly, N . Q. Hamilton, J B L 83,1964, 365-72. A dioiketes Heliodorus appears as the recipient of a royal letter on the Hephzibah inscription of 195 EC, see lEJ 16, 1966, 61 1.34. 44. On these figures and their rule see W . Otto, Die Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptolemdus, A A M N F 11, 1934, 21, 24flf.; O. Morkhohn, Antiochus IV of Syria, Qassica et Medievalia 2 2 , 1961, 32-43. 45. For the sixth Syrian war see W . Otto, op. cit., 23flf.: the declaration of war was made by Egypt: Diodore 30, 15, cf. Livy 42, 29; see op. cit., 42. Supplements and corrections in Volkmann, PW 23, 1 7 0 5 - 1 1 . For the problem of dating see T . C . Skesit,JEA 46, i960, 91-94; 47, 1961, 1 0 7 - 1 2 . There is hardly justification for the hypothesis of three expeditions of Antiochus I V , thus F. Heichelheim, PW Supplj, 33f., more cautiously H . Bengtson, GG^, 482; see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), ChrEg 27, 1952, 396-403; cf. Tcherikover, HC, 473 n. 19; Volkmann, op. cit., 1705. For the plundering of the temple treasury see nn.IV, 144-6. Cf. O. Morkholm, Antiochus IV, 1966, 64-101.
8
Chapter I
46. Evidence from antiquity in Volkmann, PW 23, 1710. 47. On the sacking of Jerusalem see II Mace. 5.5-23. For the dating see E. Meyer, UAC2, i55flf.; Bickermann, GM, 160-8; Tcherikover, HC, li-jfl.. = late summer 168 BC, after the second expedition, see II Mace. 5.1, against W. Otto, op. cit., 66 n.3, and Volkmann, PW^23, 1709 = after the first expedition in 169 BC. For Hyrcanus see Antt. 12, 236. Further see V o l . 1 , pp. 2728?., 28of. Accord ing to Dan. 11.28, 30 the king probably also came to Jerusalem on this punitive expedition, see Tcherikover, HC, 186, 473f n.20 and Abel/Starcky, Mace, 252, on II Mace. 5.1 iff.; O. Morkholm, op. cit., I42f. 48. See Porphyry, FGrHist 260, F 56 = Jerome, in Dan.ii, 44f., PL 25, 573; c f H . Seyrig, Syria 28, 1951, 2 1 9 ; against him O. Morkholm, op. cit., I22flf. 49. E. Bi(c)kerman(n), From Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees, 1962, 7 3 ; cf. e.g. the differing translation of Deut. 26.5 in L X X or Jub. 46.6!, 1 1 , I3f, on the oppression of the Israelites by Pharaoh in Egypt. 50. T w o examples of divergent views on this question: 'We have no informa tion about Hellenism in Jerusalem during the Egyptian period. In that time it does not seem to have been a general and penetrative influence there. It only became a danger for Palestinian Judaism in the Syrian period' (J. Wellhausen, Israelitische undjiidische Geschichte, *i92i, 227). 'Friendship with the Greeks was quite common in Jerusalem and Judea, particularly in the first hundred years after Alexander, under Ptolemaic rule' (G. Kittel, Die Religionsgeschichte und das Urchristentum, repr. 1959,47). W e believe that Kittel's view is nearer to historical reality. 51. For resistance to the Hellenistic ruling classes see S. K . Eddy, The King is Dead, 1961, passim; for Iran, cf. 65-100, for Egypt, 271-94. 52. M . Launey, Recherches sur les Armies hellenistiques i, 1949,3f.: ' L e monde hellenistique est pour une bonne part demeur6 un monde militaire.' This is also true for the later Roman period. 53. Personal communication from D r Y . Aharoni, who excavated Tell 'Arad, cf. now lEJ 16, 1966, 2-5. For what is presumably a Greek settiement on the coast from the same period see J. Naveh, lEJ 12, 1962, gSf. 54. H . Bengtson, GG^, 76 (esp n.2), 98; F. K . Kienitz, Die politische Geschichte Agyptens von 7 bis ^Jahrhunderts vor der Zeitwende, 1953, 12, and on this Herodotus 2 , 1 5 2 : lonians and Carians in the service of Psammetichus I ; c f also Kienitz, op. cit., i44ff. 55. J. D . Quinn, BASOR 164, 1961, igt; cf. Strabo, 13, 2, 2 (617), and Alcaeus, fr. 50, ed. Diehl. 56. H. W . Parke, Greek Mercenary Soldiers from the Earliest Times, 1933, 4ff., 59f., 1058?., 165-9 j F- K- Kienitz, op. cit., 7oflf.; the attacks of the Athenians on Egypt and the Phoenician coast; SgS.: the camp of Ake and the expedition of Iphicrates; for the rebellion of Sidon and the consequences for Judea see op. cit., l o i f , iSiflf.; cf. also G . Holscher, Palastina in der persischer und hellenistischer Zeit, Q F A G G 5,1903,35,46flf.; Schiirer, 3, 6 n. 1 1 . Probably Jews were by then transplanted to H5rrcania on the Caspian Sea, and perhaps Jericho was affected as well as Jerusalem. For archaeologically demonstrable effects on Palestine see D . Barag, BASOR 183, 1966, 6-12. According to G . Holscher, the historical
Notes
9
nucleus of the later legend of Judith is to be found here. For 'Atlit see C . N . Johns, QDAP 2, 1933, 56; Watzinger, DP 2, 9. For the conquest of Egypt see F. K . Kienitz, op. cit., losff., i i s f . 57. For Alexander's army see W. W. Tarn, Alexander the Great 2, 1948/50, 135-69. For the siege of T y r e and Gaza see Arrian, Anab. 2, 16-27, and Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. 4, 8-29, and on it F. M . Abel, RB 43, 1934, 5288?.; 44, 1935, 34ff.; HP I , 3-10. T h e convulsions of the two sieges probably had an eflfect on the prophetic saying Zech.9.1-8: K . Elliger, ZAW 62, 1949-50, 6 3 - 1 1 5 ; M . Delcor, VTi, 1951,110-24. For the defection and pimishment of the Samaritans see Curt. R u f , Hist. Alex. 4, 34; Eusebius, Chron., G C S , ed. Hehn, 7, 123, and on this F. M . Abel, RB 44, 1935, 56flf.; R. Marcus, Josephus 6, L C L , 1958, 523flf.; also the great new papyrus discovery of which there is a provisional report in F. M . Cross, BA 2 6 , 1 9 6 3 , 1 1 0 - 2 1 ; cf. HTR 59, 1966, 201-11 and the report by P. W. Lapp on the renewed investigation of the death cave, RB 72, 1965, 405flf. 58. See G . E. Wright, HTR 55, 1962, 357-66; id., Shechem, 1964, I75flf. Now traces of the first Samaritan temple on Gerizim seem to have been found; see E. F . Campell, BA 28, 1965, 2 1 ; the report RB 72, 1965, 4i9f.; R. J. Bull, BASOR 180, 1965, 39ff.; Bull/Wright, HTR 58, 1965, 234-7. 59. For Jewish tradition on Alexander see J. Gutman, EJ 2,204ff.; R. Marcus, op. cit., 5 1 2 - 3 1 ; see E. Bickerman(n), RB 59,1952, 44; F. Pfister, Alexander der Grosse in den Offenbarungen, 1956, 8f, 24ff. 60. For the armies of the Diadochi see M . Rostovtzeff, HW i , 144-9; for the military assembly see H . Bengtson, GG^, 427 n. i . 61. Rostovtzeff, HW 2, 1203, 1232-5; 3, 1625 n. 180; see also Jax-Thraede, RAC 5, ii82ff. 62. J. Kromayer and G. Veith, Heerwesen und KriegfUhrung der Griechen und Romer, 1928; for Graeco-Macedonian tactics, ygflf., iisflf., i4iflf.; the phalanx, I32ff.; techniques of siege, 244; cf. Rostovtzeff, op. cit., 2, 1082-4. 63. For mercenaries in Hellenistic times see G. I. Griffith, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World, 1935, and above all M . Launey, op. cit., passim. 64. H. Bengtson, GG^, 43of, 435f.; for the military colonies in Egypt see J. Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de I'Bgypte sous les Lagides, 1911, 30-66; M . Launey, op. cit., i , 4iff.; Rostovtzeff, op. cit., i , 284-7; they did not settie there in groups according to their units, but in villages scattered over the country. 65. M . Launey, op. cit., 2,724-812, esp. 748flf., 776f, ySoflf.; and Rostovtzeff, op. cit., I , 25f. 66. For the size and composition of Hellenistic armies see M . Launey, op. cit., I , 7 - 1 8 ; for the Seleucid army see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 51-100; for native troops see 58flf.; military settlements, 78-83; also M . Launey, i , 49ff. 67. F. M . Abel, RB 44, 1935, 559-81; HP i , 22-43. 68. C. Ap. I , 209-11 = Antt. 12, 3-6 (Agatharchides, FGrHist 86 F 20) and Appian, Syr.so. T h e dating is disputed: Eusebius, Chron., G C S , ed. Helm, 7, 125, puts the conquest at 322 B C ; F. M . Abel, RB 44, 1935, 576f., and H P , 2 1 , conjectures 312 B c ; Tcherikover, HC, 55-58, probably rightiy suggests 302 BC. 69. Eusebius, Chron., op. cit., 132, 128; on this see Tcherikover, HC, lO^t. For Gerasa see C. B . Welles in C . H. Kraeling, Gerasa, 1938, 423 no. 137: in-
10
Chapter I
scription of the third century AD, and on it, A . H . M . Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, 1937, 238f, 447, and Tcherikover, HC, 448 n.77, against C . H . Kraeling, op. cit., 29. Seleucus I was honoured as 'ktistes' in a similar way in Roman Dura in the second and third centuries AD, see M . Rostovtzeflf, Dura Europos and its Art, 1938, 10, 58f, and HW i , pi. L I . How ever, a Gerasene coin published by H . Seyrig, Syria 42, 1965, 25-8, indicates Alexander the Great as 'ktistes'. 70. J. Beloch, APF 2, 1902, 233, also includes Scythopolis (but see below, 75)3 Gadara and Hippos among early Macedonian foundations. Perhaps one should also add Anthedon (Boeotia), Apollonia and Arethusa (Chalcidice) in the coastal plain. But a Hellenization of earlier place names could also have taken place as a result of homonymity: Tcherikover, HC, 98: Pehal-Pella; Apollonia (present-day 'Arsuf'), because the Phoenician ReSeph-ApoUo was worshipped there, see below, n. IV, 27. 71. RostovtzefiF, HW i, 346f see also A . Schlatter, GP, igf. 72. J. W. Crowfoot et al., Samaria-Sebaste, Reports 1931-1933, Vol. i, 1942, 24: on the round tower, 'the finest monument of the Hellenistic age in Palestine'. On the later fortress see i , 28flf. On the walls of Philotheria see RB 63, 1956, 89, and M . Avi-Yonah, Ten Years of Archaeology in Israel, 1958, 58. 73. On Beth Zur see O. R. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth Zur, 1933, 10, 22; Watzinger, DP 2, 24fr.; R. W. Funk, BASOR 150, 1958, 8-20, who puts the first fortress in the Ptolemaic period on the basis of new excavations, see 14 nn.5, 15. For Tell 'Arad see RB 70, 1964, 566; for 'Engedi see below, n.354. 74. Tcherikover, Mizraim, 43f, HC, gii., 99, l o o f , 102. For Arsinoe see Tcherikover, Die hellenistische StddtegrUndungen, PhilSuppl 19, I , 1927, 66f.; A. H. M . Jones, op. cit., 242; F. M . Abel, HP i , 58. C f S. S. Weinberg, IEJ21, 1971, 86flf., on Tell Anafa. 75. T h e name HKVOWV m'Air appears for the first time in Polybius 5,70; c f also the gloss Judg. i .27 L X X ; Judith 3.10 and II Mace. 12.29 > on this M . Avi-Yonah, lEJ 12, 1962,123-36. T h e founding date of 254 BC is, however, improbable. See also A . H . M . Jones, op. cit., 242. 76. T h e Macedonian nobility was already completely Hellenized at the time of Alexander, but this extended to the peasant populace only in the third century, see W. W . Tarn, CAH 7, 197, and Tarn-Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 63. 77. H . Liebesny, Aeg 16, 1936, 258f, r. col. 11.12-15 = SB 8008, on this 274; cf. Tcherikover, HC, 63; Rostovtzeflf, HW i , 34of 78. Tcherikover, Mizraim, 36-8; c f H . Zucker, Studien zur judischen Selhstverwaltung im Altertum, 1936, 31. 79. Gaza: P. Roussel, Aeg 13, 1933, 145-51 = S E G 8, 269; on this F. M . Abel, RB 49, 1940, and HP i , 5 4 ! Sidon: E. Bickerman(n), Inst., 88flf., and RostovtzefiF, HW 3, 1401 n. 137 and plates X I X , 2 and L V I I . 80. O G I S 2, 592. 81. Cf. Antt. 1 2 , 1 3 1 - 1 3 3 . For the citadel see Neh. 2.8; 7.2; Ps. Aristeas looflf.; 11 Mace.4.12; it lay on the north side of the temple: L . H . Vincent, Jerusalem de I'Ancien Testament 1, 1954, 193 n. i , 215, 232f; H . Zucker, op. cit., 32, con jectures no garrison, but does not go into the problem of the dtadel: positive verdict in M . Smith, Hellefiismus, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 6, 1965, 266.
Notes
II
82. II Macc.4.28f., 49; 5.22, 24 and F. M . Abel, HP i , 275. Cf. V o l . 1 , pp.282f. 83. P C Z 59003 = CPJ I , i i 8 - i 2 o n o . i . For miscegenation see Tcherikover, Mizraim, S2i.; see also Vol. I, p. 63. For the religious significance of this pheno menon see C . Schneider, ARW ^6, 1939, 328flf. 84. C. Ap. I , i92flf.: the mutiny of Jewish troops in Babylon, c f Amt. 1 1 , 3 3 9 : summons to the Jews to military service. Samaritan troops are said to have been settled by Alexander in the Egyptian Thebais, Antt. 1 1 , 321-45. However, the attempts of Josephus to connect the Jewish mercenaries with a supposed grant of Macedonian citizenship to the Jews in Alexandria are an apologetic expedient: c. Ap.2, 35, 42, y i f . ; Bell.2, 487ff.; on this see CPJ i , 14, esp. n.38. T h e scepticism of M . Launey, op. cit., i , 542, and Tcherikover, HC, 2j2i., towards Jewish mercenaries under Alexander is too great. Cf. Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. 4, 6, 31, after the conquest of Gaza: namque etiam secmdis atterehantur tamen copiae, devictarum gentium rmliti minor quam domestico fides habehatur. Alexander used 'barbarian' auxiliaries, albeit with reservations. Moreover the Jews had an old mercenary tradition. 85. Antt. 12, ji.; Ps.Arist. 12, 35f j according to this Ptolemy I took a large number of Jewish prisoners into his army; cf. also c.Ap.2, 44: the establishment of Jewish military colonies in Egypt, Libya and the Cyrenian pentapolis. These reports are confirmed by papyrological and epigraphical evidence: see Schiirer 3, 40-53: e.g. the presumably military 'Jewish camp', 42f, and the prosopography in M . Launey, op. cit., 2, 1232-35, 12428?.; further CPJ i , iiff., 15, 17, and nos. 18-32, pp. 1 4 7 ^ 8 . No. 18 (260 BC) shows a Jewish soldier, Alexander son of Andronicus, in completely Greek surroundings, c f on this M . Launey, op. cit., I , 544f W e later come across Jewish ofiBcers: CIJ 2, 37of, no. 1443 = O G I S 96 and 2, 438, no. 1531. For the Jewish garrisons in Egypt going back to the sixth century BC, above all at Elephantine, see E. G . Kraeling, in the introduction to The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, 1953,27-48,76-117 and RGG^, 2,415-8, cf. also Jer.4i.i6flf.; 43.88?.; 44.iff. T h e danger of assimilation was already great at that time: Jer.44.15ff. On the great P. Cowley 81 (in A . Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century BC, 1923, 190-9), which comes from the end of the fourth century and gives a survey of the distribution of Jews in Egypt at this time, see the new edition by J. Harmatta, Acta Antiqua 7, 1959, 337-409 and esp. 404fr.; cf. J. T . Mihk, Aeg 40, i960, 7 9 - 8 1 ; a Jewish ofiBcer JeSebiah in el Hibeh. F. Uebel, Die Kleruchen Agyptens, A A B 1968, 3, see index 420, s.v. '/ouSaior.
86. For Cyrenaica see Antt. 14, 114S., according to Strabo (Cyrene); Procopius, De aed. 6, 2, 22, ed. H. B . Dewing, L C L 7, 370 (Boreion), S. Applebaum, ScrHieros 7,1961,396?., 46S. (Teucheira) and S E G 16,931 ( = C I G 3> 5361) and 17, 823 (Berenice); cf. Schiirer 3, 52ff., jgS. T h e great Jewish Diaspora goes back to the Ptolemaic military colonies: see M . Hengel in: Festgabe fur K. G. Kuhn, 1971, i82f. 87. In themselves the Ptolemaic mercenaries were an internationally mixed company, see M . Laimey, op. cit., 2, 1116-267. T h e Samaritans can hardly be distiuguished from the Jews because of the similarity of their names, op. cit., i , 554. However, there was a place in the Fayum called 'Samaria', which was
12
Chapter I
probably founded by Samaritans, though later it had a mixed population including Jews, Macedonians and Cilicians; there was a gymnasium there founded by a Cilician officer (see below, n. II, 63): O. Gueraud, P. ENTEYSEIS, 1931, 2off. no. 8 = S B 7245; on this see Schiirer 2, 51 n. 58; F. Heuchelheim, Die auswdnige Bevolkerung, Klio Beiheft 18, 1925, 67 n. 10, joL; M . Launey, op. cit., I , 547; 2, 841, 846f, 85of. etc.; Rostovtzeflf, HW^, I394f n. 121; 1588 n.23; CPJ I , I58ff. no. 22, 1.6. For the Idumeans see M . Launey, op. cit., i , 556flf.j 2, 974ff., i235f-J Arabs: op. cit., i , 56of; 2, i 2 4 f ; Syrians: i , 536, 539f; 2, 1231; there were indeed many Syrians in Egypt, see F. Heichelheim, op. cit., 7 1 , but these came as slaves and private persons, see also V o l . 1 , pp.4if. 88. Belli, 190; 7, 42iflf.; Antt.i^, 287; 14, 131; c.Ap.2, 49: from the time of Ptolemy V I Philometor. T h e temple in Leontopolis was founded about 160 B c ; on this U . Kahrstedt, A G G N F 19, 2, 1927, 132-45; Tcherikover, HC, 275-83; CPJ I , 44-6; see Vol. I, pp.274f 89. M . Launey, op. cit., i , 9off. 90. Antt. 12, 119 under Seleucus I, c f c.Ap.2, 39, and Antiochus II for the Ionian cities, Antt. 12, 125; see also M . Launey, op. cit., i , 55if. For Hellenistic influence on the Jews in Babylonia, see J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia i , 1965, loflf. For a Samaritan Eumenes son of Demetrius in Iran see L . Robert, CRAI1967, 295! 91. On this I. Levy, Melanges H. Gregoire, AIPHOS 10, 1950, 681-8. It is quite possible that Jewish mercenaries fought among the lightly armed troops of Antiochus I, see E. Meyer, UAC 2, 36 n. i , c f also J. Neusner, op. cit., I 2 f 92. On this see the letter to Zeuxis, Antt. 12,147-53 j see below, n. I V , 45,150. 93. See E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 70S., and GM, 55. 94. See CPJ I , 27flf.: Greek names; 30: Greek language (see Vol. I, pp. 22fr.); Jewish 'Macedonians', see CPJ i , 1 3 - 1 5 , c f I 7 5 f no. 30 and CPJ 2, 5f no. 142. 95. FGrHist 726 F 3, 4, 7 ( = Eusebius, Pr. Ev.g, 23); c f Josephus, Antt.2, 238-53. 96. FGrHist 264 F 6, 6 (Diodore 40, 3). For overpopulation see Philo, Vit. M0S.2, 232. 97. M . Launey, i , 4 2 ! T h e Jerusalem ossuary inscriptions from the first century BC and the first century AD show that there were a large number who returned from the Diaspora to Jerusalem. For the problem see also E. R. Bevan, Jerusalem under the High Priests, 1904, 43. 98. Tcherikover, CPJ i , 44ff. and HTR 51, 1958, 81. 99. Dan. 7.7. Translation follows A . Bentzen, Daniel, ^1952, 48; c f also 7.19, 23 and 2.33,40. T h e fourth kingdom is of iron and crushes everything; 8.5ff.: the goat which overcomes the ram. Here Daniel has made use of earlier traditions, at least in part, see A . Bentzen, op. cit., 33, and M . Noth, The Laws in the Pentateuch, 1966,194-214. C f also K . Koch, HZ 193,1961,19: the picture 'comes from the experience which the orientals apparently had of their Greek rulers'. 100. Zech. 9.13 and 10.3-5. War traditions also appear elsewhere in DeuteroZechariah: 12.2-9; 14.1-35 12-14. Perhaps Zech. 14.2 is a reminiscence of the conquest of Jerusalem by Ptolemy I. C f also I I Chron. 26.15, the 'invention' of skilful machines of war by Uzziah, which is probably meant to demonstrate the greater antiquity of Jewish techniques of war.
Notes
13
101. On the question whether Roman or Hellenistic techniques of war are used in the War Scroll see J. v. d. Ploeg, Le rouleau de la guerre, 1959, yff. Perhaps the special Hebrew military expressions, many of which are difiBcuIt to interpret, go back to Jewish mercenaries in Hellenistic armies or the experiences of the Maccabean wars. See already J. G . F6vrier, Semitica 3, 1950, 53-9, and K . M . T . Atkinson, BJRL 40, 1957-58, 272-97. There was, however, no direct dependence on Leontopolis, as A . supposes. See also M . H. Segal, ScrHieros 4, 1958, 138-43, and C . H . Hunzinger, RGG^ 4, 944f.: middle of the second century BC. T h e Roman period is in any case too late. For the complicated history of the tradition of i Q M see J. Becker, Das Heil Gottes, 1964, 43flf., 74f, and P. v. d. Osten-Sacken, Gott und Belial, 1969. 102. E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 7, i i f , 20iflf.; H . Bengtson, GG^, 42ji. 103. H . Bengtson, MusHelv 10, 1953, lyoflf. 104. F. K . ICienitz, op. cit., 1058?., logflf. 105. Op. cit., 118-21. T h e economy and administration of Egypt were disrupted by the constant state of war with Persia and internal unrest; c f M . Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate in Egypt, 1922, 3f.; HW 1, 2558?.; E. Bevan, History of Egypt, 1927, I32f. This does not exclude the possibility that Cleomenes, Alexander's governor, and the first Ptolemies followed the old ordinances, see W. Schur, Klio 20, 1925/26, 270-302; F. Heichelheim, Historia 2, 1953-54, 129-35, and H . Volkmann, PW22,16338?., on Ptolemy I ; J. Vogt, Cferow i , 1971, I53ff. 106. For the philosophical and religious bases see Rostovtzeff, CAH 7, i i 3 f , and HW i , 267S.; 3, 1379 n.83, lit.; c f also the collection of texts in W. Schubart, APP 12, 1936, 1-26, and the fundamental article by E. R. Goodenough, ' T h e Political Philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship', YCS i , 1928, 55-104, and B . Kotting, RAC 6, 8518?. (lit.). 107. C. B . ^€\i£S, JJurPap 3, 1949, 40-4; on Hecataeus of Abdera see also F. Jacoby, PW 7, 27618?., and below n . I V , 3. He presents the ideal of the jSootAeur ivepydrqs, 'the enlightened despot'. 108. For the discussion of this question see H . Volkmann, PW 23, 1632. 109. For Egyptian administration and the special position of the king see Rostovtzeff, CAH 7, 1138?.; HW i , 267S.; 3, 13788?.; W . Schubart, A O 35, 4, 19373 i9ff-3 34ff-j H. Bengtson, GG^, 433; MusHelv 10, 1953, 161-77, and Strategic 3, 1952, passim; also C. B . Welles, op. cit., 21-47 (lit.), who lays too much stress on the adoption of the old traditions of the pharaohs. For criticism see H . Bengtson, MusHelv 1 0 , 1 9 5 3 , 1 7 7 . On Ptolemy I Soter see H . Volkmann, PW 23, i 6 3 5 f ; on Ptol. I I Philadelphus, 1658, i662flf. n o . Rostovtzeff, HW i, 269. 1 1 1 . See R. Seider, Beitrage zur ptolemaische Verfassungsgeschichte, 1938, 43-75112. For the relationship between the Greeks and the Egyptians in Ptolemaic state service see W. Peremans, Vreemdelingen en Egyptenaaren in vroegptolemaeisch Egypte, 1943; A . E. Samuel, Proceedings of the 12th International Congress of Papyrologists, 1970, 443ff.; C. B . Welles, op. cit., 5058?. 113. See H . Bengtson, Strategic 3, 32ff.; H . Volkmann, PW 23, 1677; also see PColZen 2, 120. This is probably the reason for the assignment of the tax-
14
Chapter I
farming contract for 'Syria and Phoenicia' to the Tobiad Joseph; see Vol. I, p. 27, and the hypothesis of H. Bengtson, op. cit., 3 , 1 7 0 , on the change of administra tion in the province. 114. See the instance from the second century BC cited by E. Bevan, op. cit., I37flf. = U . Wilcken, UPZ i , 150-71, no. 14; c f also H. Bengtson, MusHeh 10, 1953, i63f 115. For the distribution of land in Egypt see C. Preaux, L'economie royale des Lagides, 1939, 459-91; Rostovtzeflf, HW i , 276-91; 3, 1380-5. 116. For taxation see C. Preaux, op. cit., 297flf., 302flf., 307flf., etc., above all 45oflf.; c f U . Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka i , 1899, 512-630, and MitteisWilcken, Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde I, i , 1912, 169-85, and the selection of texts in I, 2, 23iflf., 256flf., 264ff., 28oflf., 284 (P. Revenue, ed. Grenfell, cols.36f) and 296flf. (cols. 1-22). Further Rostovtzeflf, CAH 7, 136-42 and HW i , 273, 279, 283, 305, 313, 316; 3, 1396 n. 125 lit. For the monopoly of trade see below, n.272. 117. Rostovtzeflf, op. cit., i , 316-20; c f the concrete instances in P. Viereck, Philadelphia, Morgenland 16,1928, 4iflf. However, no clear conclusion has been reached as to the question of the Egyptian situation, cf. H . Volkmann, PW 23, 1631, lit. and 1665; see also V o l . 1 , pp.38f. 118. H . Bengtson, MusHelv 10, 1953, 175. 119. Tcherikover, Mizraim, jS. C f A . Alt, Kleine Schriften 2, 402f 120. H. Zucker, Studien zur judischer Selhstverwaltung, 1936, 30; H. Bengtson, Strategic 3, i68flf., and Rostovtzefif, HW i , 344, against Tcherikover, op. cit., 38f, and HC, 6 i f ; see also P. M . Fraser, J B ^ 46, i960, l o i no.37: a strategos in Caria, where none had been known for a long time. T h e financial administrator appears in P. Rainer, inv. 24552, ed. H. Liebesny, Aeg 16, 1936, 258flf. ( = S B 8008), col. 2.18: ToC Sioi/coCi^oy rar Kara. Svpiav KOX 0OIVIKT]V irpoooSovs. According to F. M . Abel, HP i , 60, he was a direct subordinate of the dioiketes in Alexandria. Polybius 5, 40, i mentions Theodotus as d T e r a y / i i e W ini KolXris Svpias and by this means his office as strategos; according to 5, 87, 6 Philopator appointed Andromachus as crrpanjydr in the province after Raphia. See now the Hephzibah inscription, Y . H . Landau, lEJ 16,1966,59: Ptolemy (son of Traseas) as 'strategos' in 'Syria and Phoenicia' (ll.i4f) in 201 BC and his subordinate 'dioiketes', 11.5, 22. 121. P C Z 59004, 59008, 59698 ( ? ) ; P S I 366, 403, 495, 612, 616; the as yet unpublished P.Lond inv. 2358 B and 1931 (inv. 2661); also Polybius 5, 61, 5: the seat of the strategos Theodotus, c f 62.2; 71.2; Antiochus III wintered there; Ps. Arist. 1 1 5 : founded by Philadelphus, c f Dig. 6$, i , 3. For the significance of Ptolemais see also F. M . Abel, HP i , 53f, and B . Spuler, PW 23,1884. With 11 mentions, Rolemais appears most frequently in the Zeno papyri; Gaza has 9 and Sidon 6. For the minting of coinage in Rolemais see B . V . Head, Historia Numorum, 1912, 793f For the history of the place see also Tcherikover, HC, 92, 443 n . I I . 122. H. Liebesny, Aeg 16, 1936, 258ff. ( = S B 8008), col. 1.3-2.1; for the changing designations of the administrative areas see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., I 9 7 f ; the designation 'nomas' which appears in I Mace. 10.30 is likewise of Ptolemaic origin. A . Schalit, Konig Herodes, 1969, i87flf., is a fundamental study.
Notes
15
123. A . H. M . JoneSj The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, 1937, 241, 448 n. 19, and The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian, 1940, 20; Rostovtzeff, HW 3, 1402 n. 142. Double forms also occurred: Ps.Aristeas 107: 'Samareitis', c f I Mace. 10.30; 11.28,34, and Eupolemus, FGrHist 723 F 33. For 'Judaia' and 'Galilaia' see also G. Holscher, Q F A G G 5, 1903, 76ff., who however puts the Graecizing of the province too late. A Zeno papyrus (CPJ i , 124, no. 2e = PCol Zen I , 2) still knows the form 'Galila'; Hecataeus, end of the fourth century, see V o l . 1 , pp.iSf. (FGrHist 264 F 6, 2 = Diodore 40, 3), probably already knew the form 'loudaia', similarly Clearchus of Soli in c.Ap. i , 179, in the first half of the third century B C ; c f Schiirer, 2, 2 n.2. 124. U . Kahrstedt, Syrische Territorien, A G G N F 19, 2, 1927, 52. 125. T h e tides could in part be exchanged, see P C Z 59341: a 'strategos' and an 'oikonomos' in Calynda; similarly in Thera: O G I S 59 11.4, 9 and n o . I.5; c f also Rostovtzeff, HW 3, i398f n. 129. For Jerusalem and Samaria in the Seleucid period see Antt. 12, 261: the 'meridiarch' Apollonius, and Nicanor, who was responsible for the royal exchequer. According to the Tobiad romance, Antt. 12, 220, Rolemy wrote in favour of Hyrcanus to all 'hegemones' and 'epitropoi' in the province: III Ezra 4.47, 49 has a royal missive directed to all 'oikonomoi' and 'toparchai' in the Persian empire and moreover - probably in ascending order - to the 'strategoi' and satraps. For the whole see also R. Seider, op. cit., 67. C f also Y . H. Landau, / B J 16, 1966, 59 I.14: an oiKovofios and a [,
. .Jov
TTp [o]
eanjKtos
. . .
126. P C Z 59016 for Cyprus: O G I S 102 for Crete. 127. See H. Liebesny, op. cit., 257 col. 1.18. For /coi/iiapx'a in the later Herodian sense see A . Schalit (n. 122 above), p. 214. There were still 'komogrammateis' in Judea in this period, an institution which probably goes back to the Ptolemaic period: Bell, i , 479 = Antt. 16, 203, and on this A . Schlatter, GP, 391 n.25. C f also the Nabatean strategoi in Madeba, 37 BC, C I S 2,196 = R E S 674 and on this W. Schrottrof, ZDPV 82, 1966, I97fr.; also Y . H . Landau, op. cit., 58, on the villages of the strategos Ptolemy at Scythopolis. 128. Idumea was already an 'eparchy' or 'satrapy' under Antigonus, i.e. in the fourth century (Diodore 19, 95, 2 and 98, i , according to Hieronymus of Cardia), see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 40. W e see here how the Persian designation was taken over from the Greek. For Marisa see also n. II, 32. 129. P C Z 59015 verso; on this see F. M . Abel, RB 33, 1924, 566-74, and HP I, 67; G. M . Harper, AJP 49, 1928, 23-6; Tcherikover, Mizraim, 40-2, and HC, Sst. T h e correspondence is preserved in Zeno's records. A n explanation for the demand of a second purchase price is perhaps that the Idumeans knew a r^ulation similar to Deut. 23.16, see F. M . Abel, HP i , 67. P C Z 59804 probably reports the successful recapture of the slaves. 130. CPJ I , 129 no.6 = P C Z 59018; on this G. M . Harper, op. cit., 22f; Tcherikover, Mizraim, 42f, and H C , 65. 131. H. Liebesny, op. cit., 259, col. 2, 2if.: the law on the farming-out of tax; 1.25, royal letter; 1.3, 8, 33; 2.1: 'prostagma' and i.6f, 26, 3of.: 'diagramma'; c f Tcherikover, HC, 428 n.59, and Rostovtzeff, HW i , 340. 132. Gaza, PColZen i , 11 no. 3 and as a supplement P C Z 59804: Tyre, P C Z 59093; on this Tcherikover, Mizraim, 6off.
16
Chapter I
133. H. Liebesny, op. cit., 257, col. i , lyff.; on this Rostovtzeff, HW 1, 340ff. 134. P S I 554, c o l . i , 14; the criticism of Rostovtzeff, HW ^, 1403 n.149, of the interpretation of the passage by Tcherikover, Mizraim, 46-8, is hardly justified. W e can hardly expect exact juristic distinctions between KTrjiia and yrj iv Saipea from the writer of the letter in Galilee: KrijiM could simply mean 'vine planting' (see V o l . 1 , p. 39). 135. Rostovtzeflf, HW i , 345; the expression already indicated that this could be no 'finance official' in the sense of a state officer as is supposed by F. Preisigke, Fachwdrterhuch, 1915, 115, and Tcherikover, Mizraim, 46. These were private persons who had contracted for the tax returns of a village, and who were employed in a supervisory capacity by the fiscal authorities. 136. Antt.12, 155, 169, I75flf.; the division of taxes between Ptolemy V Epiphanes and Antiochus I I I is, however, unhistorical; the events belong in the time of Ptolemy I I I Euergetes (see above, n. 38 and n. I V , 76). Josephus' account shows that this was a real increase. Of the figures given, the first, 8000 talents, is by no means too high, see below, nn. 199-202, but the second is; see Rostovtzeflf, HW2,1152; Tcherikover, HC, 460 n.42, differs; C. Preaux, 6conomie, 425 n. i , is cautious. For the whole subject see also M . Rostowzew, Geschichte der Steuerpacht, PhilSuppl 9, 1904, 36oflf., and HW 1, 34of; 3, 1400 n.132; also A . H. M . Jones, The Cities, 240, 448 n. 18. Taxes of the Ptolemaic cities of Asia Minor were probably also administered in similar fashion, see P C Z 59036f.: Halicarnassus, and O G I S i , 55: Telmessus in Lycia, both from the time of Ptolemy V Epiphanes, about 200, see Rostovtzeflf, HW 1, 336-8, and 3, 1399 nn. 131, 131a, see also R. Seider, op. cit., 65. 137. See H . Liebesny, op. cit., 258f, cols, i , 29 and 2, 25; Ps.Arist.26; see Rostovtzeflf, HW 1, 321, 350, 41 if.; 3, i392f. n. 118, i402f n. 1 4 6 , 1 4 i 9 f n.208. 138. Diodore 18, 39, 5; and on this W . Schmitthenner, Saeculum 19, 1968, 3iflf. 139. For the legal and economic position over the royal land see M . Rostowzew, Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonats, A P F - B h i , 1910, 246flf., and for the Ptolemaic possessions 278flf., see also HW i, 269, 277-80, 336, 346. For Palestine see J. Herz, PJB 24, 1928, I 0 5 f , and Tcherikover, Mizraim, 47flf. Cf. also Y . H. Landau, lEJ 16, 1966, 66 n. 14, and M . Hengel, ZNW 59, 1968, 2oflf. 140. Alt, Kleine Schriften 2, 1953, 390-5. For the royal possessions of the Persian period in Syria ('Pardes') see Neh.2.8; Xenophon, Anab.1,4,10; Diodore 16, 41, 5 b : Sidon. Further instances in Tcherikover, HC, 432 n . 7 5 ; c f also Posidonius, FGrHist 87 F 68 = Athen. i , 2 8 D : Persian vineyards in Damascus. 141. CPJ I , iiSflf., no. I = P C Z 59003, and on this Tcherikover, Mizraim, 48. For the balsam plantations see Vol. I, pp. 44fr. 142. C f J. Kaplan, RB 62, 1955, 92flf.: it could be a matter here of cleruchs settled on royal land. T h e whole new situation of agricultural settlements fits the economic activity of the early Ptolemaic period, see Vol. I, pp. 83flf. A large store centre discovered 12 miles east of Jaffa could have been the centre of a domain: see RB 69, 1962, 4o6f.; this would fit the observation of A . Alt, op. cit., 2, 382 n. 4, on the character of this area as royal land on the basis of Neh. 6.2. Perhaps
Notes
17
the border at 'Pggai', later Antipatris, suggested in P S I 406, marks the transition from city territory of Joppa to royal land, see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 40, 86n. 89, and HC, 433 n. 85. 143. See F. M . Heichelheim in T . Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome 4, 1940, 145 n. 19 lit. 144. For taxation under the Seleucids see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 8 f ; for the Roman period see O. Michel, TDNT 8, 93ff., and also the survey of Uteratiire, 88; see also M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1 9 6 1 , 1 3 2 - 4 5 . 145. Rostovtzeff, HW I , 350 and 2 , I i i 6 f ; c f E. Bickennan(n), Prom Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees, 1 9 6 2 , 52f. This policy favoured the tendency towards Hellenization in the indigenous aristocracy, see Vol.1, pp.49ff. 146. See the schedule and the prohibition against the sale of adiiara XaXKa fXev6epa, H . Liebesny, op. cit., 258f., cols, i , 34ff. and 2 , i7£f.; on this Antt. 12, jf. T h e Hephzibah inscription calls both the Palestinian population at Scytho polis and Egyptian fellahin Xaoi, see Y . H . Landau, lEJ 1 6 , 1 9 6 6 , 5 9 , 1 1 . 1 2 , 26 and forbids their expulsion (or abduction). 1 4 7 . Ps.Aristeas 1 2 - 1 4 , 1 9 - 2 7 ; c f U . Wilcken, APF 1 2 , 1 9 3 7 , 2 2 1 ; A. Wilhehn, APF 1 4 , 1 9 4 1 , 3 0 - 5 , and W. L . Westermann, AJP 5 9 , 1938, 1 - 3 0 . On the problem of welfare under the Ptolemies see W . L . Westermaim, ' T h e Ptolemies and the Welfare of their Subjects', AHR 4 3 , 1 9 3 7 / 3 8 , 2 7 0 - 8 7 , and Rostovtzeff, HW 3 , I377f, lit. Especially on Ptolemy II see also W . Peremans, RBPH 1 2 , 1 9 3 3 , 1 0 0 5 - 2 2 ; W . L . Westermann has too favourable an assessment of the situation of the native-bom population; the 'welfare' of the king was conditioned less by humanitarian motives than by economic considerations. See Vol. I, p. 38. 148. Tcherikover, Mizraim, 54f., supposes that the Ptolemaic regime was milder in Palestine than in Egypt and made room for the struggles of the cities and ethne for independence, but sees that they made a systematic attempt to introduce Egyptian methods of administration here as well. T h e result is that he finds 'an ambiguous picture'; similarly Rostovtzeff, HW i , 3 4 0 - 5 1 , who also wants to draw a distinction between conditions in the province of 'Syria and Phoenicia' and those in Palestine. This is impossible on geographical grounds, as Palestine formed the nucleus of this province (346ff.). 1 4 9 . On the 'poleis' in Palestine see Schiirer, 2 , 9 5 - 2 2 2 ; A. Schlatter, GP, 12S., 385ff.; A . H. M . Jones, The Cities, 1 9 3 7 , 2 2 7 - 9 5 ; The Greek City, 1940^ l4fiF., 79ff.; V . T(s)cherikov(w)er, Die Hellenistischen Stddtegrundimgen, PhilSuppl 1 9 , 1 9 2 7 , 6 4 - 8 1 ; Mizraim, 43ff.; HC, 9 0 - 1 1 6 , 4 4 1 - 3 ; M . Avi-Yonah, QDAP 5, 1 9 3 6 , 1 3 9 - 9 3 (Roman period); F. M . Abel, HP i , 5 1 - 6 0 . C f also A . Alt, 'Hellenistische Stadte und Domanen in Galilaa', op. cit., 3 8 4 - 9 5 , and H . Bietenhard, ZDPV 7 9 , 1 9 6 3 , 2 4 - 5 8 . 150. See V o l . 1 , pp.i4f- and n. 70. 1 5 1 . Antt. 1 4 , 7 5 , 88 = Bell. 1, 1 5 6 , 1 6 6 ; on this A . H. M . Jones, The Cities, a58f, 454f., and Schiirer, i , 2 9 9 ; 2 , lOifF. 1 5 2 . C f A. Alt, op. cit., 2 , 393if., on Philotheria and the later Seleucid foundations of Antiocheia and Seleuceia north of Lake Gennesaret. On the other hand, in the Ptolemaic period Scythopolis was not only a politeuma but a real polls. Josephus, Antt. 1 2 , 1 8 3 , tells against the view expressed by M . Avi-Yonah,
Chapter I
18
I^f 12, 1962, 129. That the Ptolemies foimded no new free poleis in their territory applies only to Egypt; see A . H . M . Jones, The Cities, 302flf. Above all, the cities on the Phoenician coast seem to have changed themselves into 'poleis' at an early stage: on this, see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 44. 153. See O. Eissfeldt, PW, 2 R. 7, i895f, and H . Gressmaim,Pir, 2 R. 2, 2224f.: T y r e became a democratic polis on the Greek pattern presumably in 275 BC and Sidon at the latest in 262/1, after the death of Philocles: c f E. Bi(c)kernian(n), Melanges Dussaud i , 1939, 9 7 ! 154. In Carian Calynda in 247 B C , two royal offidals were at work, see Edgar, ad l o c , 67. A letter of the dioiketes is said to be addressed to the 'oikono mos', the 'houle' and the 'demos' (PCZ 59341). Thus royal officials and the organs of city administration worked together. Cf. also Rostovtzeff, HW i , 335, and R. Seider, op. cit., 638?., and above, n. 125. 155. So E. Bi(c)kerman(n), RevPhil 65, 1939, 3 3 7 ! Moreover there is also a difference between the cities which had long been autonomous and the royal 'foundations' in 'Syria and Phoenida'. 156.
0otviKas
16, 2, 2 (C 749)'
SteXovres rovrois
^vLoi 8e TTiv Svpiav
dvafi€fii)(9at
^am Terrapa
OXT)V eh
re KotXofjvpovs
edvTj' 'lovhaiovs,
Kal Svpovs
^ISovfjLaiovs,
Kal
Fa^aiovs,
'AlcoTiovs, cf. Ps.Aristeas 107,117, and Sir. 50.25f. TheSamaritans are not included; Josephus speaks of the 'ethnos' of the Samaritans only for a later period {Antt. 17, 20; 18, 85). Perhaps the OS? of Sir.50.25 (cf also Deut.32.21) is to be understood to mean that after their revolt against Alexander these were added to the territory of the new military colony of Samaria (see also below, n. 158) and received the legal status of an ethnos only after Pompey. In the correspondence with Antiochus I V , too, they do not call themselves 'ethnos', but 'Sidonians in Shechem', on this see below n. I V , 233. This view would in part go against A. Alt, op. cit., 2, 403f n. 8. 157. For the Jews as an 'ethnos' see E. Bi(c)kennan(n), Inst., 16^.; A . A l t , op. dt., 2, 40if and Tcherikover, HC, 88. 158. C.Ap.2, 43, according to Ps.Hecataeus: Alexander 'added Judea' to the territory. T h e report is hardly historical in this form. T h e new boundary was presumably only drawn under Demetrius II in 145 Bc: see I Mace. 10.30, 38; 11.34. For the extent of the province of Jehud see the map BHHWB 2,1299. G. Holscher, Q F A G G 5, 1903, 46ff. and 67ff., supposes that the Jews under Artaxerxes III Ochus had lost the Jericho valley to the Edomites, but bases his view on late, questionable sources; c f on the other hand I Mace.9.50: Jericho under the dtadel of Judea. See also Schiirer, 2, iff., and A. Alt, Kleine Schriften 2, *i9593 346-62, 347: 'Still almost two centuries after the end of Persian rule the Jewish- Samaritan border was where it had been drawn in the time of Nehemiah'; cf. the survey by K . Galling, PJB 36, 1940, 47ff. Probably the Jewish area of settlement in the north-west or north-east extended beyond the narrower boundaries of the province. 159. H. Zucker, Studien zur judischen Selhstverwaltung im Altertum, 1936, 32, and Tcherikover, H C , 59. T h e construction by Bo Reicke, The New Testament Era, 1969, 48, is unhistorical. 160. Both Hecataeus (Diodore 40, 3 = FGrHist 264 F 6, 3ff.) and Ps. Aristeas (e.g. 84ff., the term 'ethnos' for the Jews does not occur here) describe
Notes
19
Judea as a temple state. See also Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, I38ff. ( 1 4 0 ) , 2 1 0 , and H. Bengtson, Strategic 2 , 1 9 4 4 , yf.: the temple states in Asia Minor. Clearchus of SoU still knew the correct name 'hpovaaXTj/iriv, Josephus, c.Ap. 1 , 1 7 9 . Eupolemus, FGrHist 7 2 3 F 2 , 1 1 , similarly knows both designations and derives the Graecized form from Up6v ZoXofiwvos. Philo, Spec. leg. 36; c.Flacc.46, etc., uses UpoTroXis. 1 6 1 . Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., i 7 2 f F . ; Rostovtzeff, op. cit., i , 5 0 5 - 7 . T h e later conflicts are for a large part connected with the limitation of these freedoms. 1 6 2 . W. Otto, Priester und Tempel im hellenistischen Agypten i , 1 9 0 5 / 8 , 7 5 : the governing ofl&cials never took part in the purely priestly administrative apparatus of the temple, but 'exercised a very intensive supervision'. See also 2 , 42£f., 8iff., 2 8 7 , 2 8 9 f . ; C. Preaux, op. cit., 4 8 , 4 8 0 ; Rostovtzeff, op. cit., i , 2 8 i f f . ; 3, I383f. n.90. For 'epistates' or 'archiereus' see W . Otto, op. cit., i , 3 9 f , 4 5 , 4 0 9 f ; P r & u x , op. cit., 480, and Rostovtzeff, op. cit., i , 282. 1 6 3 . R. Seider, op. cit., 5 9 - 6 3 . 1 6 4 . On this see P. W . ILapp, BASOR 1 7 2 , 1 9 6 3 , 2 2 - 3 5 , esp. 3 i f f . ; supported by F. M . Cross, HTR 5 9 , 1966, 209. 1 6 5 . Perhaps one might better speak of a division into three in the Persian period: governor, high priest, prince: K . Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter, 1964, i62f. 1 6 6 . On this see W . F. Albright, BASOR 1 4 8 , 1 9 5 7 , 2 8 - 3 0 : the high priest Hezekiah mentioned by Ps.Hecataeus (c.Ap. i , 1 8 7 - 9 ) , who at the age of 66 was brought by Ptolemy I to Egypt and whose business experience is stressed, could have been such a temple treasurer. His name perhaps also appears on the Jehud coins published by O. R. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth Zur, 1 9 3 3 , 7 3 f ; on the leading see E. L . Sukenik, JPOS 1 4 , 1 9 3 4 , 1 7 8 - 8 4 . Possibly the Jehud coins were minted in the interregnum between the death of Alexander in 323 and the final occupation of Judea by Ptolemy I in 301 BC .In no way do they fit the third century (against G. Garbini, in Y . Aharoni, Excavations at Ramat Raftel, Seasons M9S9 ond /960, 6 5 ) , as the Ptolemies kept the monopoly of coinage strictly in ihfiir own hands: on this see Vol. I, pp. 3 6 f , and n.275. T h e two stamps with the double inscription yhwd + Hebrew proper name described by N . Avigad (and Y. Yadin, IJ^ 7 , 1 9 5 7 , 1 4 6 - 5 3 ) could come from the same period (after 3 3 3 B C ) ; cf. a third find in Y . Aharoni, Ramat Rahel, Seasons 1961/62, 44. T h e far more numerous phW stamps (with yhwd or Hebrew proper name or both), c f Y . Aharoni, loc. cit. and P. W. Lapp, op. cit., 3 3 , on the other hand indicate the Pfersian period; the phw' is probably to be identified with the peftdh, the local satrap in Jerusalem, pehdh is not translated in L X X either by epistates or prostates, but with more political and military designations, see Hatch-Redpath 3> 2 5 7 c , and the related concepts like 'eparchos', Ezra 5 . 3 , 6 ; 6.6, 1 3 ; 8.36; N e h . 2 . 7 , 9 ; 'satrapes'. I I I Bas. 1 0 . 1 5 ; 2 1 (20). 2 4 ; II Chron.9.14; 'toparches', Iaa.36.9; 'hegemon', Jer.28 ( 5 1 ) , 23 etc.; c f also K . Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter, 1964, i82f. 167. On this see Tcherikover, HC, 4 6 5 n. 1 1 ; F. M . Abel, Mace, 3 1 7 ; A . Mannzmann, KP i , 1 4 2 ; cf. also S E G 1 6 , 801, a high priest and agoranomos in Byblos; Y . H . Landau, 'Atiqot 2, 1 9 5 9 , i 8 6 f , the same office in 1 2 9 / 8 B C in Joppa.
20
Chapter I
168. T h e title 'prostates' appears above all in the Egyptian priesthood; see W . OttOj op. cit.j i j 4 5 , 3 6 2 ; 2 , 8 1 - 1 1 1 ; E. Bi(c)kerman(n), AIPHOS 7 , 1 9 3 9 - 4 4 , 7ff.; F. M . Abel, HP i , 1 1 6 and Afacc.3i6f. ad loc.; in II Chron.24.11 the finance official of the high priest, 'paqid', is rendered 'prostates' in L X X . Tcherikover, HC, 46^. n. 10 would derive the tide firom Neh. 1 1 . 1 1 , the 'prince in the house of G o d ' ; there, however, it is applied to the high priest ,see W. Rudolph, Esra und Nehemiah, 1 9 4 9 , 1 8 5 . C f also the TrpoardTes in the Egyptian synagogues, CIJ 2 , 1 4 4 1 , 1 4 4 7 . T h e title is to be distinguished from the •npoaraoia TOV Xaov of the high priest, see V o l . 1 , p. 2 7 , n. 183, against A. Momigliano, AttiAcc.Torino 6 7 , 1 9 3 1 / 3 2 , i88ff. For the later leading temple officials see J. Jeremias, Jert«a/em in the Time of Jesus, 1 9 6 9 , 1 6 0 - 8 1 . 1 6 9 . P. W . Lapp, op. cit., 23ff.; for the dating see 2 5 : third quarter of the third centtiry B C ; on the collection of taxes see 30 and 3 4 ; c f say Neh. 1 3 . 1 2 . However, the star is not so widespread as a high-priestly symbol, as is assumed by Lapp, with reference to F. M . Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, 1 9 5 8 , 1 1 2 . C D 7 . 1 9 and T . Levi 18.3 are typically Qumranite instances, and far more messianic passages can also be cited which are based on N u m . 2 4 . 1 7 : see e.g. Bill. I , 7 6 f and M . Hengel, op. cit., 245f. T h e star perhaps goes back to Greek models, see F. M . Cross, HTR 5 9 , 1966, 209 n. 29. 1 7 0 . A. Alt, op. cit., 2 , 4 0 1 , assumes that there was no royal land in Judea (and Samaria) as the dwelling place of an 'ethnos'. However, there remains the question what happened to the pre-exilic royal domains (on this see K . Galling, BRL, 339). Thus the fortress-like sites from the Persian-Hellenistic period in Ramat Rahel (RB 6 9 , 1962, 4 0 3 , and 7 0 , 1963, 5 7 3 ) and in Engedi with its balsam plantations (RB 7 0 , 1 9 6 3 , 5 7 5 f , see V o l . 1 , pp.44ff.) could indicate such domains. Even the existence of temple land - e.g. on the basis of gifts - cannot be excluded. Perhaps Pe5.57a Bar. of Abba Sa'ul, first century AD, gives a reference to Jericho. 1 7 1 . N . Avigad, lEJ 8, 1 9 5 8 , i i 8 f 1 7 2 . E. Preaux, op. cit., 4 9 : 'lorsque les rois absorbent les domaines sacres, il leur faut payer le culte'. For the payment of expenses falling due in the temple by foreign rulers see Ezra 6 . 4 f , 8 f ; 7.2off.; c f I I Chron.31.3ff.; I I M a c c . 2 . 1 3 : the library of Nehemiah with the letters of the (Persian) kings about sacrifice (dvaeriiJ.aTa); Josephus, Antt.12, i40ff.: Antiochus I I I ; II Macc.3.2f.: Seleucus I V ; I Mace. 1 0 . 4 4 : Demetrius I ; Philo, Leg. ad C. 1 5 7 : Augustus; on this see E. Bi(c)kernian(n), AIPHOS 7 , i 9 3 9 - 4 4 j 6ff., and K . Galling, ZDPV 68, 1 9 4 9 - 5 1 , 1 3 4 - 4 2 : the kings of the time as patrons. However, against Bickermann, it is improbable that the rulers bore the entire costs of the sanctuary, and the temple otherwise had no other sources of income. Royal control was essential; see above, n.43.
1 7 3 . So L . Koole, OTS 1 4 , 1965, 395. 1 7 4 . For the earlier stages of xhe gerousia in the Persian period see E. Meyer, Die Entstehung des Judentums, 1896, I32ff.: 'die Vorganger des spateren Synhedrions, der yepovma'; E. Schiirer 2 , 238ff.; Poland, PW, 2 R . 4, i346ff., and E. Lohse, TDNT'], 86off.; cf. N e h . 2 . 1 6 ; 4 . 8 . 1 3 ; 5 . 7 ; 7.5: h^horim Whass'ganim; Ezra 5 . 5 , 9 ; 6.7f., 1 4 : sabey'hUddye; 1 0 . 8 : h^ssdrim w'hazz'qentm, c f 1 0 . 1 4 , 1 6 : rd'se hd'dbdt, cf. Neh. 8.13. For more general comments on the gerousia see H .
Notes
21
Zucker, op. cit., 2 9 , 32fF., though he puts it too early, and H. Mantel, Studies in the History of the Sanhedrin, 1 9 6 1 , 49S., who wants to put the 'Sanhedrin' dominated by the Pharisees far too early, in the time of Jose b. Joezer, before 1 6 0 BC.
1 7 5 . A . Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century, 1 9 2 3 , 1 1 2 , no. 3 0 , 1 . 1 8 . 1 7 6 . Antt. 12, 1 4 2 , cf. 1 3 8 : the gerousia and the people went out to meet the king: Kal nera TTJS yepovoias aTravrqaavroiv, cf. also E . Bi(c)kennan(n), lOO, 1 9 3 5 , 8f. In Sir. 33 ( G 30). 27, thegerousia could be meant by the Vnj? ^bWi and in 7 . 1 4 by the 0''1B? ms?. 1 7 7 . On this see J. L . Koole, OTS 1 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 9 1 ; K . Schubert, Die Religion des nachbiblischenjudentums, 1 9 5 5 , 2 1 0 n. 7. T h e beginnings of the Mishnah may have developed from the legal decisions of the gerousia or its authorities and from the traditions of the temple scribes in the Hellenistic period. Cf. J. Baer, Zion 2 7 , 1962,
117-55-
1 7 8 . Against E. Lohse, TDNT 7, 862; c f E. Schiirer 2 , 2 3 8 : ' A n aristocratic senate in Jerusalem . . . can only be demonstrated definitely in the Greek period.' A . Alt, Kleine Schriften 2, 1 9 5 3 , 4 0 2 , is correct: as a result of the dis appearance of the governor appointed by the great king, who in the fourth century BC presumably came from the native aristocracy (on this see K . Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter, 1964, 182 on Neh. 1 1 . 2 4 ) , the nobility could extend its influence more strongly, and by means of the gerousia receive a share in government. For thegerousia in the Greek states, and espedally Sparta, see V. Tcherikover, HC, 466 n. 2 2 ; M . Hadas, HCu, 2 7 2 f , and J. Miller, PIT 7 , 1 2 6 4 - 8 . For the affinity see V o l . 1 , p p . 7 2 f Rhodes also had an aristocratic constitution, see Strabo 1 4 , 2 5 ( 6 5 2 / 3 ) and Rostovtzeff, CAH 8, 6 3 3 f ; HW 2, 6 8 4 f ; and in the Macedonian setdement of Laodicea on the Sea in North Syria there is evidence of an aristocratic coimdl of elders in 1 7 5 BC, see P. Roussel, Syria 2 2 , 1 9 4 2 / 3 , 29ff. = I G L S 1 2 6 1 . 1 7 9 . I I Mace. 4 . 4 4 : three men are sent to the king Imo rrjs yepovaias cf. Tcherikover, HC, 162. 180. See Vol.1, pp.277f.; later Jerusalem never became a 'polis' in the Greek sense, see V . A . Tcherikover, lEJ 1 4 , 1 9 6 4 , 6 1 - 7 8 . 1 8 1 . I Mace. 12.6 = Josephus, Antt.i-i, 166; cf. also I I M a c e . 1 . 1 0 , the fictional letter to Alexandria on the consecration of the temple: Tj yepovfjta Kal 'lovSas . . . I I Mace. 1 1 . 2 7 , letter of Antiochus V : yepovoia T&V 'lovSatuv Kal T o t s oAAoiy'ZouSaiW, and Judith 4 . 8 ; 1 1 . 1 4 ; 1 5 . 8 . I I Mace. 1 4 . 3 7 ; I Mace. 1 1 . 2 3 ; 1 2 . 3 5 ; 1 3 - 3 6 ; 1 4 . 2 0 speak of frpeaPvTepot. 1 8 2 . E . Schiirer 2 , 242ff.; E. Lohse, op. cit., 86off. 183. J. Baer, Israel among the Nations, 1 9 5 5 , 63. M . Hadas, HCu, 7 5 , cf. also 2 7 6 : 'modeled on Greek patterns'. 184. Antt. 12,1sSS.: the history is elaborated in favour of the Tobiads: the low sum of twenty talents is meant to stress the ambition of Onias; the king's ambassador plays the intermediary between Joseph and Ptolemy. T h e whole description of the development of the conflict, the conversation with the high priest, the assembly of the people, the reception by the king in Memphis are fictitious scenes. T h e threat itself (cf I Mace. 3.36 and Rostovtzeff, HW i, 348) and the increase in taxation are realistic. On this see Josephus, Bell. 2, 405.
22
Chapter I
185. In Antt. 12, 1 6 1 , Josephus made the high priest point out the duties associated with the •npoaraaia TOV Xaov. Onias replied that he was not in a position to represent the people to the crown. Thereupon Joseph held a popular assembly and went before the king as irpoaTdTqs (TOV TrXri&ovs). According to the later account of Josephus, 'prostasia' was boimd up with the ofl&ce of the high priest, see Antt. 20, 238, 244, 2 5 1 . However, after the batde of Actium Herod took it to himself by a popular resolution: Belli, 3 9 5 = Antt.15, 160. C f also Diodore 40 fr. 2 (Reinach 7 6 ) : T h e Hasmoneans had received 'prostasia' over the Jewish people, who had hitherto been free, from the Roman senate. T h e D''71(T'n on the coins of John Hyrcanus (Schiirer i, 269) probably corresponds to the tide TTpooTdrqs. See also V o l . 1 , p . 2 5 , and n . i 6 8 above, and below, n . I V , 84. T h e report in Hecataeus (FGrHist I I I A 2 6 4 , f r . 6 . 5 f = Diod.40, 3 , 6) that the prostasia' was always given to the noblest priest, is also a consequence of his idealistic picture of the Jews (see Vol.1, pp.255f.) and has only Umited historical value; in reality, it went by heredity. T h e same is true—pace H . Zucker, Studien zoi jiidisclten Selbstverwaltung, 1936, 32 n. I - of the report of Ps.Aristeas on the Jewish priestly state. B . Mazar, lEJ 7 , 1 9 5 7 , 138, c f also S. Gandz, J Q i ? 3 1 , 1 9 4 1 , 3 8 3 - 4 0 4 5 is right. 1 8 6 . Antt. 1 2 , i75flf., i 8 2 f . , 2 2 4 ; c f H. Volkmaim, PW 2 3 , 1 6 7 7 . 187. Josephus, c.AP.2, 4 8 , see also V o l . 1 , p p . 2 6 8 f 188. In Telmessus in Lycia, Euergetes changed the Lycian royal land, some of which had been given by his father as a gift and some of which he had expropriated himself, 'into a kind of dynasteia or vassal kingdom', which he handed on to a relation. His first measure was a substantial reduction of tax: Rostovtzeff, HW i, 3 3 6 f On the other hand, the 'dioiketes' of his father Apollonius probably feU out of favour after the death of Philadelphus, and his property was confiscated: M . Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate in Egypt, 1962, 20, and P. Viereck, Philadelphia, Morgenland 1 6 , 1928, 6 7 ; however, see R. Seider, op. cit., 4 5 . 1 8 9 . See H. VoUmiann, PW 2 3 , i 6 7 3 f 190. Antt. 12, 2 2 4 ; on this see H . Zucker, op. cit., 3 2 ; see also J. L . Koole, OTS 14, 1 9 6 5 , 394. 1 9 1 . On the kinds of tax see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., iiiflf.; Rostovtzeff, HW I , 464£f. 1 9 2 . Antt. 1 2 , i 4 2 f . ; for what foUows see A. Mittwoch, Bibl 3 6 , 1 9 5 5 , 3 5 2 - 6 1 . For freedom from tax: Antt. 12, 1 5 1 (Antiochus III to Zeuxis); I Mace. io.29f. = Antt. 1 3 , 5 2 (Demetrius I ) ; Antt. 1 5 , 303 and 1 7 , 25 (Herod); cf. Antiochus I, O G I S 223, and Antiochus III, S E G 2 , 663 (see above, n. 32). 193. A . Mittwoch, op. cit., 360, conjectures inter alia in the noges of Dan. 1 1 . 2 0 a reference to increased taxation; the report of Sulpicius Severus (see above, n. i ) about a tax laid on the Jews by Seleucus Nicator of 300 talents could also refer to Seleucus I V Philopator. Cf. also Bickermann, GM, 5 5 ; Inst., 1 0 8 ; and Tcherikover, HC, 4 5 9 n. 39. 194. II M a c c . 4 . 8 f , and also a once-for-all payment of 80 talents and 1 5 0 for the transformation of Jerusalem into a polis; for the 300 talents see I Mace. 1 1 . 2 8 and A . Mittwoch, op. cit., 353. 195. For war reparations see B . Niese, GGMS 2 , 7 5 8 ; for the delay in
Notes
23
payment see I I Mace. 8.lo, 3 6 ; Livy 4 2 , 6 , 6 ; Sulpicius Severus 2,19,6, C S E L i , 7 5 , ed. Halm; on this E. Bickennannj GM, 6 7 . 196. I I Mace. 4.24, cf. 27ff.j 3 9 ; for the temple see I Mace. 10.42 and J. Pirenne, RIDA i, 1 9 5 4 , 225. 197. A . Mittwochj op. cit., 3 5 4 ; similarly Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., I3iff.; Rostovtzeff, HW i , 468, supposes that taxes to this level 'were traditional in Judaea'. 198. A . Mittwoch, op. cit., 3 6 o f ; c f I Mace. 8.18. 1 9 9 . For the Ptolemaic duties see C. Preaux, Economie, 3 7 1 - 9 . With imported goods they could be up to 50% of the value. 200. Rostovtzeff, HW 2 , 1 1 5 2 ; see above, n. 136. 201. See FGrHist 260 F 42 = Jerome, in Dan. 1 1 . 5 , PL 2 5 , 560. On this see Rostovtzeff, HW2, iisoff., especially 1 1 5 5 : the total income of Alexander is said to have been 30,000 talents, that of Antigonus 1 1 , 0 0 0 . T h e exploitation of the Ptolemaic administration seems to have been the most effective. 202. Herodotus 3 , 9 1 : Egypt paid 7 0 0 talents and 120,000 artaboi oi grain, cf. K . Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter, 1964, 1 7 2 : the basic income from taxation in Macedonia imder the Antigonids amounted to only a little over 200 talents, see Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 62; on the whole question see Rostovtzeff, HW 2, 1 1 4 3 - 5 9 . For the devaluation of money and increase in income see Tarn/Griffith, op. cit., I i 2 f , I 2 0 f , and Rostovtzeff, HW I , i 6 5 f , c f 2 , 7 i 2 f and 2 , i i 5 9 f F . : ' N e w Sources of Wealth'. 203. See M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 329 n.4. Cf. A . Schalit (above n. 122), 256ff.
204. FGrHist I I I C 7 2 6 fr.2, 2; 3,4 (Eusebius., Pr.Ev.g, 23 and 27). 205. For Agatharcides see Vol. I, p. 1 4 and n.67 above; on this cf. H . Willrich, Judaica, 1 9 0 0 , 9 9 f , and B. Schaller, Z N I T 5 4 , 1 9 6 3 , 30 n . 7 0 . F. M . Abel, RB 4 4 , r 9 3 5 j 575ff-3 and HP i , 3 i f , on the other hand righdy supposes that Ptolemy changed his attitude towards the Jews. Ps. Hecataeus has a completely positive assessment of it, see above, n. 84. 206. T h e work comes from Alexandria; its date is disputed. E. Bickermann, ZNW 2 9 , 1 9 3 0 , 2 8 0 - 9 8 , puts it between 1 4 5 and 1 2 7 (100) BC because of certain formulas of the style used by the Ptolemaic chancery and other details; W . W . Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 1 9 3 8 , 424f. at 100 Bc; cf. M . Hadas, Aristeas, 1 9 5 1 , 5 4 , etc.; see, on the other hand, Schiirer 3 , 6 i 2 f ; S. Jellicoe, JTS 1 2 , 1 9 6 1 , 266 n . 5 (before 168 BC), and A . Pelletier, Lettre d'Aristee, 1962, 57f. There is still no trace in the letter of the more critical attitude towards Hellenistic culture furthered by the Maccabean revolt and of the Alexandrian antisemitism which arose towards the end of the second century BC. On the other hand the names seem to presuppose the Maccabean revolt: the names of Mattathias and his five sons given in I Mace. 2.2 appear particularly frequently, see the index in A. Pelletier, op. cit., 3 i 8 f Thus the letter probably was written between 1 5 0 and 1 3 0 BC. For the tendency of this work directed to Greekspeaking Jews see M . Hadas, Aristeas to Philocrates, 1 9 5 1 , 2 0 , 60, and V . Tcherikover, HTR 5 1 , 1 9 5 8 , 5 9 - 8 5 . T h e model for princes goes back to a philosophical writing Peri Basileias, written in the third century, see W. W. Tarn, op. cit., 4 1 4 - 3 6 (425ff.). For this style of literature see E. R. Goodenough, YCS
24
Chapter I
1,1928,58ff.; RAC
Rostovtzeff, HW3,1346;
M . Hadas, HCu,
2 5 , 293 n . 7 ;
P. Hadot,
8, 5 5 5 - 6 3 2 .
207.
Antt. 12, ijiS.,
i 7 6 f f . , 1 8 5 , 2 0 7 , 2i4ff.
On this see CPJ i, 1 7 - 1 9 , I94ff-, 2 4 4 f 209. Dan. 1 . 1 7 ; 2.48ff.; 3 . 3 0 ; 6.2ff., 2 9 . For the term 'court history' see W . Baumgartner, TR N F 1 1 , 1 9 3 9 , i 3 i f 2 1 0 . See R. Meyer, Das Gebet des Ndbonid, B A L 1 0 7 , 3, 1 9 6 2 , 1 3 - 5 2 ; c f also 107, where the author stresses that 'the so exceptionally positive and sympathetic description of the foreign ruler' hardly fits the militant attitude of the Essenes. 2 1 1 . See A . Bentzen, Daniel, ^ 1 9 5 2 , 6, 29ff., 37f., 39. T h e legends 'arose in the Hellenistic period and were probably first transmitted by word of mouth' (6). This view was also confirmed by linguistic investigation: see W . Baumgartner, Zum AT und seiner Umwelt, 1 9 5 9 , i04ff., 1 0 7 , n o ; see also n . I I I , 460 and n . I I I , 508 below. 2 1 2 . A . Bentzen, op. cit., 4 5 , 4 7 : the whole of ch. 3 . 3 1 - 4 . 3 4 is a proclamation of the 'converted' great king. Cf. also W . Baumgartner, RGG^ 2 , 28 and R . Meyer, op. cit., logS. 2 1 3 . Tobit 1 . 1 0 - 2 2 (cf Dan. 1 . 8 - 2 0 ) . In Tobit the 'court history' is only a framework:onitsconnectionwiththestoryof A h i k a r s e e 2 . i o ; i i . i 9 a n d i4.ioff., and Altheim/Stiehl, Die aramdische Sprache unter den Achaemeniden, I92ff. For the time of composition see R. H . Pfeiffer, History of NT Times, 1 9 4 9 , 2 6 5 , 2 7 4 f and O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament. An Introduction, 5 8 5 : after 200 but before the Maccabean revolt. T h e place of origin is probably Palestine, even if the material comes from the east. 2 1 4 . For the time and place of its composition see H . Bardtke, Das Buch Esther, 1963, 2 5 2 - 5 : end of the third century BC in Palestine. 2 1 5 . For Esther and the 'Hellenistic romance' see R. Stiehl, WZKM 5 3 , 19573 6 - 9 , and Altheim/Stiehl, op. cit., 1 9 5 - 2 0 1 ; also Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 507, and H. Bardtke, op. cit., 2 5 3 , who also wants to include Daniel in the 'genre of the Hellenistic romance'. However, an 'aretalogical Novelle' would better fit Dan. 1 - 6 and the L X X additions (see V o l . 1 , pp.iiiff.). For Tobit see M . Hadas, HCu, 2 0 6 : ' A romance, based on the oriental story of Ahikar but influenced in form by Hellenistic practice.' On the whole, see V o l . 1 , pp.iio-15. 2 1 6 . C f 3 . 7 ; 4 . 4 2 ; 4.60. T h e derivation of the narrative is disputed. W. Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, 1949, pp. v - x , follows R. Laqueur in supporting a Greek derivation, but R. H . Pfeiflfer, op. cit., 2 5 0 - 7 , conjectures an AramaicPersian source on the basis of studies made by C. Torrey. More substantial is the affinity with the Ahikar tradition and the wisdom backgroimd pointed out by Pfeiffer. A n oriental (Persian-Indian) derivation is also conjectured b y A . Schalit, BJPES 1 3 , 1 9 4 6 / 7 , 1 1 9 - 2 8 . F . Zimmermann, J Q i ? 5 4 , 1 9 6 3 , i82ff. strengthens the arguments for an originally Aramaic form. 2 1 7 . 4 . 5 3 ; this Hellenizing tendency is probably to be attributed to the translator. 2 1 8 . For the relationship of Esther and Daniel to the story of Joseph see L . A . Rosenthal, ZAW 1 5 , 1 8 9 5 , 2 7 8 - 9 0 , and 1 7 , 1 8 9 7 , 1 2 5 - 8 ; c f also H . Bardtke, op. cit., 3 o 2 f , 323f., 3 7 3 , and M . Gan, Tarhiz 3 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 4 4 - 9 . For the 208.
Notes
25
relationship of the story of the Tobiads to the Joseph story see H . Willrich, Die Juden und Griechen vor der makkabdischen Erhebung, 1895, 94, 100; c f e.g. Gen. 4 1 . 4 3 and Antt. 12, 1 7 2 , or the theme of the hostile brothers, 1 2 , 202. T h e starting point for these 'court histories' is the good relationship of the Jews to their Persian overlords; apart from the Joseph story, the pre-exilic tradition does not know this genre. For the oriental basic motif see E. Meyer, UAC 2 , 39 n. i , on Koh. 4 . 1 3 ! 2 1 9 . For the dating of the translation see E. Bickerman(n), JBL 6 3 , 1 9 4 4 , 346ff.: 7 8 / 7 7 B C ; Altheim/Stiehl, Aramdische Sprache, 2 1 0 - 3 : about 1 3 0 BC. On the other hand, the book of Esther is put too late, op. cit., 2 o i f f . , and R. Stiehl, WZKM 5 3 , 1 9 5 7 , i8ff., and E. Bickerman(n), op. cit., 3 5 5 . T h e book is too secular for the time of the Maccabean revolt and later. T h e translation made in Jerusalem (see E. Bickerman(n), op. cit., 3 5 5 f , 36iff., and PAAJR 20, 1 9 5 1 , 1 0 1 - 3 3 j Ii4ff-) therefore enriched the work in a religious and a polemic direction; see Vol. I, p. lOi. T h e addition to Daniel of Bel and the Dragon, on the other hand, merely shows a polemical rationalist tendency against idolatry (cf Ps. Hecataeus in c.Ap. i, 1 9 2 , 2 0 i f f . ) . He is loyal to the pagan king. 220. C f b.Sanh.43z; Sola 4 9 b : of Jesus; Gittin 1 4 b . 2 2 1 . See M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1 9 6 1 , 309 n. I . 2 2 2 . For Ptolemaic Egypt see CIJ 2 , nos. 1 4 3 2 , 1 4 4 0 - 4 , 1 4 4 9 and CPJ 3 , 1 6 4 , no. 1 5 3 2 a . T h e very much more numerous synagogue inscriptions from Roman Byzantine times have dedications to the rulers in only two instances, see CIJ, no. 927, and the newly discovered synagogue inscription in Ostia, F. M . Squarciapino, Archaeology 1 6 , 1 9 6 3 , 203, both from the time of Septimius Severus, who was relatively friendly towards the Jews. 2 2 3 . Josephus, c.Ap. I, 1 9 2 , 20iff. 224. So under Euergetes and Philopator a certain Dositheus son of Drimylus, cf. I l l Mace. 1.3 and CPJ 3 , 23off., no. 1 2 7 : in 244 B C he was 'hypomnemato graphos' of the king, in 222 priest of Alexander and of the divinized Ptolemies. In 2 1 7 he is said to have saved the life of the king before Raphia; see A. Fuks, jfJurPap 7 / 8 , 1 9 5 3 / 5 4 , 2 0 5 - 9 . In Roman times it was the Rabbi Elisha b. Abuya /Aher) and the famous Tiberius Julius Alexander, the nephew of Philo. A further Ptolemaic instance in O. Morkholm, Classica et Medievalia 2 2 , 1 9 6 1 , 3 9 f 2 2 5 . K o h . 5 . 7 f ; 8.2ff.; 9 . 1 7 ; io.4f.;
226. 227. the Last 228. 229.
10.16-20.
Sir.36 ( G 33). 1 - 2 2 ; lo.Sff., I4fr.; see V o l . 1 , p p . i 5 2 f Sir. 39.4; c f 34 ( G 3 1 ) . 9ff.; on this see E. Bickerman(n), From Ezra to of the Maccabees, 1962, 62. H . Gressmann, Vortrdge der Bibliothek Warburg T922/23, 1926, 1 7 3 ! See I. L . Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah, 1948, 8 1 . 230. Schiirer 2 , 1 3 9 n. 1 8 2 , and F. M . Heichelheim, ZRGG 3, 1 9 5 1 , 2 5 1 - 3 . For Phoenician trade connections with the West according to Ezek. 27 see P. Riiger, Das Tyrusorakel, Ez 2 7 , typescript diss. Tubingen, 6off., 66ff., 7 4 f ; for import statistics see 2 2 f and for dating ii8fF. However, it seems more probable that the list is of Phoenician origin, as at this time Jewish trade was little developed and the Phoenicians dominated the coastal area (see below, n. 252). 2 3 1 . Orat. 4 , 7 . Isaeus lived in Athens c. 4 2 0 - 3 5 0 B C ; c f Schiirer 2 , 1 4 1 n. 1 9 5 , and F. M . Abel, HP i , 1 9 . For the Greek mercenaries see Vol. I, pp. i2fF.
26
Chapter I
232. Orat.s2, 20, where on the basis of Harpocration, ed. Dindorf, 1 8 5 3 , i , and 2, 2 3 , 'AKTIV is to be read for ®paKrp>; see Schiirer, loc. cit. 233. So e.g. in Mesad Hashavyahu, between Ashdod and Jaffa, as early as the end of the seventh century B C ; see J. Naveh, lEJ 1 2 , 9 8 - 1 1 3 . There may also have been a settlement in 'Atiit; see C. N . Johns, QDAP 2 , 1 9 3 3 , 4 i f f . , and on this Watzinger, DP 2 , 8 f For the Greek settlement Al-Mina in Northern Syria see Rostovtzeff, HW I , 8 5 - 8 , and 3 , 1326 n. 19. 234. Schiirer 3 , 9 8 - 1 0 0 ; see KAI, 5 3 - 6 6 ; Dittenberger, SylU i , no. 1 8 5 ; C I S I, I , 1 1 4 . For the earlier period see T . J. Dunbabin, The Greeks and their Eastern Neighbours, 1 9 5 7 , 24ff., 35fif.; see also V o l . 1 , p.43 and n.I, 3 3 7 . 235. Schiirer 2, 6 8 f ; see also V o l . 1 , p p . 3 7 , 42f. T h e Athenian comic poet Hermippus (c. 4 2 5 BC) mentions among other things the import of fine wheat meal and dates from Phoenicia and incense from Syria: Athen. i , 2 7 f / 2 8 a ; see H. Bengtson, GG^, 200. C f also Herondas 2 . 1 6 (beginning of the third centiu:y): grain from Acco to supply the famine on Cos. 236. British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem Bulletin 4, 1924, 4 2 f 237. According to the Eshmunazar inscription (specially for Sidon), C I S I, i , 13 1.19 = K A I 1 4 and Ps.Skylax: see K . Galling, Studien, 1 9 6 - 2 0 4 . T h e Palestinian coast at that time received a whole series of new harbours: see K . Galling, BRL, 264. Pliny 5, 69 still speaks of'Jope Phoenicum', and according to Strabo 1 6 , 2 , 2 1 ( 7 5 6 ) the whole coast from Orthosia to Pelusium is called ^OIVIKT] : c f also 2 , 33 (760). 238. On the earlier discoveries see J. H . Iliflfe, QDAP 2, 1 9 3 3 , 1 5 - 2 6 . Newer discoveries (without any claim to completeness): (a) in the coastal plain: lEJ i , 1 9 5 0 / 5 I 3 2 i 2 f : Tell Qasile atthemouthof the Yarkon; IEJ6,1956,259 = RB 64, 1 9 5 7 , 2 4 2 : Jaffa; lEJS, 1 9 5 8 , 9 7 : Hirbetal-Muqamma = Ekron; op. cit., I33f: Tell Abu-Zeitim, Yarkon valley; lEJ 9 , 1 9 5 9 , i i o f . : Zephat, south-west of D o r ; RB 6 2 , 1 9 5 5 , 9 0 : Bat-Yam, south of Jaffa (cf already AJA 5 1 , 1 9 5 2 , 1 4 2 ) ; RB 7 0 , 1 9 6 3 , 584: Strato's T o w e r ; QDAP 2 , 1 9 3 3 , 4 7 : 'Atlit; QDAP 4, 1 9 3 5 , 5, i 6 f . : Tell Abu-Hawam (near Haifa), (b) Inland: O. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth Zur, 19333 4 1 ; O. Tufnell, Lachish I I I , 1 9 5 3 , 5 8 f , 1 3 1 ; lEJ 1 4 , 1 9 6 4 , 1 2 5 f : 'Engedi; 7 ^ 6 , 1 9 5 6 , 1 3 7 ; Ramat Rahel (near Jerusalem); BASOR 8 3 , 1 9 4 1 , 2 4 f . ; Tell en Nasbeh = Mizpah; BASOR 1 6 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 52 and 1 6 9 , 1 9 6 3 , 3 8 : Balatah = Shechem; J. W. Crowfoot, Samaria-Sebaste 3 , 1 9 5 7 , 2 i o f f . ; BASOR 1 7 3 , 1 9 6 4 , 4 3 f : two lecythoi from the middle of the fifth century BC from Tell Ta'annek. In general see C. Clairmont, Berytus 1 1 , 1 9 5 4 / 5 5 , 8 5 - 1 3 9 , and 1 2 , 1 9 5 6 / 5 8 , 1 - 3 4 , though Palestine is treated in rather a niggardly way. J. M . Myers, ZAW 7 4 , 1 9 6 2 , 1 7 8 - 8 5 , also gives a survey of trade relationships between Greece and Palestine from the seventh/sixth century with special reference to pottery. 19
239. D . von Bothmer, BASOR 83, 1 9 4 1 , 26. 240. J. Meshorer, 'Atiqot 3 , 1 9 6 1 , 185 pi. xxviii, 6; G . E. Wright, 144, 1956,
BASOR
I9f
2 4 1 . For the distribution of Attic coins and imitations of them in Syria and Palestine see Rostovtzeff, HW i , 8 8 f , and 3 , 1 3 2 4 n. 1 6 , and the earlier literature there; W. Schwabacher, 'Geldimilauf und Miinzpragung in Syrien von 6 u. 5 Jahrhunderten v. Chr', Opuscula Archaeologica 6, i 9 6 0 , 1 3 9 - 4 9 ; R. Loewe, PEQ 87, 1 9 5 5 , 1 4 1 - 5 0 , and B . Kanael, BHHWB 2 , i 2 5 o f For the so-called
Notes
27
Philisto-Arabian imitations from Palestine see G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine, I 9 i 4 j l x x x i i f f . j ij6ff., pi. xix; for the Jehud coins see E. L . Sukenikj J P 0 5 1 4 , 1 9 3 4 , 1 7 8 - 8 7 , and 1 5 , 1 9 3 5 , 3 4 1 - 3 ; A. Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins, ^1947, 5 - 9 . Six instances in all are known. A new one with lilies and an eagle has been published by J. Meshorer, lEJ 1 6 , 1 9 6 6 , 2 1 7 - 1 9 . For the Hebrew loanword darkfmdnim see Ezra 2.69; Neh.7.69ff., where in view of the context it must mean gold and drachmae, i.e. darics; see R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 1 9 6 1 , p p . 2 0 7 f 242. Alexander Marx Jubilee Vol., E S , 1 9 5 0 , 6 5 ; similarly K . Galling, Studien, l o i ; D . Schlumberger, UArgent Grec dans Vempire Achemenide, Paris 19533 9 f f - the situation in Egyptian finds is similar. 243. Op. cit., 25. 244. Rostovtzeff, HW 3, 1 3 2 5 n . 1 7 ; J. H. Iliffe, QDAP 4, 1 9 3 4 , 1 8 2 - 6 ; Watzinger, DP 2, 5, 10. The excavator Flinders Petrie, Beth Pelet I, 1930, 1 4 (no. 42, pU.xliv-vi), put the bed about 850 BC, so at first also Watzinger, DP 1 , 1 1 0 ; see, however, the correction 2, 10. For the bronze vessels, see Petrie, op. cit. (no. 43, pl.xlvii), and Watzinger, DP 2, 5. 245. Watzinger, loc. cit., esp. n.3. 246. See the collection in A. Ciasca, OA 2 , 1 9 6 3 , 6 3 ; for literature on the sites see p p . 5 1 - 8 . They are Tell ed-Duweir (Lachish); Tell Sandahannah (Marisa); Tell es Safi; Tell Gat; Achsib: all these places in the Shepelah; Macmish (plain of Sharon); Tell Abu Hawam (Haifa); Tell et Tiyur (as yet unpublished); Beth Shean; Harayeb (near Sidon); c f also Watzinger, DP 2, 5 f , and O. Negbi, lEJ 1 4 , 1 9 6 4 , 1 8 7 - 9 , who distinguishes between terra cottas of Western Greek and of Syro-Palestinian-Eastem types; in one case (pi. 42a) he demonstrates importation from Rhodes. The strong Greek influence is confirmed by the find of twenty statuettes and two hundred terra cottas at Tell Sippor from the fourth century BC: O. Negbi, 'Atiqot 6, 1966. 247. M . H. Ch^hab, Les Terres cuites de Harayeb, B M B 1 0 , 1 9 5 1 / 5 2 , passim, esp.
i56ff.
N . Avigad, lEJ 1 0 , i 9 6 0 , 9 0 - 6 (95 n. 1 2 ) ; A. Ciasca, op. cit., 53flf. and 63. 249. J. H. Iliffe, QDAP 5, 1 9 3 6 , 6 1 - 8 , pU.xxix-xxxiv; above all in the Horus-Harpocrates figures, pl.xxix and the two priests pl.xxxii. 250. C. N . Johns, QDAP 2 , 1 9 3 3 , 4 1 - 1 0 4 (cit. 4 1 ) ; c f Watzinger, DP 2, 7 - 9 . From 4 7 0 / 6 0 BC onwards Greek sculptors were at work in Sidon, who developed anthropoid sarcophagi following Greek models of a new type; see K . Galling, ZDPV 7 9 , 1963, I42ff., 1 4 5 n . 2 , and in detail E. Kukahn, Anthropoide Sarkophage in Beyrouth, 1 9 5 5 , 1 5 - 2 2 : the sarcophagi have 'the closest connections' with the 'mixed style' of the north Phoenician terra cottas (16). A climax of this Graeco-Phoenician art is the Alexander sarcophagus of Abdalonymus, who was named king of Sidon by Alexander in 3 3 2 : see M . Hadas, HCu, 225f., and M . Bieber, The Sculptor of the HeUenistic Age, 1 9 6 1 , 272ff. (lit.) 2 5 1 . Marisa: O G I S , 5 9 3 , see also V o l . 1 , pp.293f.; Shechem, Antt. 1 1 , 344 and 1 2 , 257flf.; c f on this Rostovtzeff, CAH 7, 1 9 1 and HW 3, 1401 n. 1 3 7 , and M . Delcor, ZDPV 7 8 , 1 9 6 2 , 36flf.; see also below n.IV, 233. For Rabbath Ammon see V o l . 1 , p. 4 1 . 252. On this see K. Galling, Die BUcher der Chronik, Esra, Nehemiah, A T D 248.
a8
Chapter I
1 2 , 1954, 1 6 , who ascribes this passage to the 'second Chronicler' about 200 BC. 2 5 3 . For the agricultural ideal see below, n . 4 1 3 ; cf. Ps.Aristeas l o y f , i i 2 f ; Josephus, c.Ap. i , 60 and G. Bostrom, Proverbiastudien, L U A , 1 9 3 5 , 5 9 - 6 9 , 7 9 - 8 2 ; G. Holscher, S A H Ph. h. Klasse 3 4 , 1 9 4 4 / 4 8 , 3 , l y f ; R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 1 9 6 1 , yzff.; see Vol. I, p. 1 3 8 . C f on this Cicero, De Officiis i , i 5 o f . 2 5 4 . Tcherikover, CPJ i , I 5 f ; J. Harmatta, Acta antiqua 7 , 1 9 5 9 , 3 3 7 - 4 0 9 (378ff.). 2 5 5 . H 0 S . 1 2 . 8 ; Ezek. 1 6 . 2 9 ; 1 7 - 4 ; Job 4 0 . 3 0 ; P r o v . 3 1 . 2 4 ; Zeph. i . i i and Isa.23.11 are probably already directed against the Phoenicians as merchants. 256. Zech. 1 4 . 2 1 ; the passage is most probably to be understood in the light of Neh. I3.i6flf. and the decree directed against alien merchants in Antt. 1 2 , 1 4 5 f . This does not exclude an additional reference to the Samaritans (so K . Elliger, Kleine Propheten II, A T D 1950, 1 7 5 ) ; see below, n. IV, 233, their description of themselves as 'Sidonians from Shechem'. 257. G. Bostrom, op. cit., 5 1 - 9 8 : 'Trade is a contract which brings in its train alien culture and certainly also alien religion' (92), cf. also 9 5 : his rejection is a 'reaction against Canaanism'. 258. For the Jewish view of 'Arab' caravan trade, see G e n . 3 7 . 2 5 ; I s a . 2 1 . 1 3 ; Ezek.27.2oflf.; 3 8 . 1 3 ; Job 6 . 1 9 ; Bar.3.23; Ps.Aristeas 1 1 4 . For the position of Judea see E. Taubler, Tyche, 1 9 2 6 , 1 2 1 - 4 , and K . Galling, BRL, 262. 259. See V o l . 1 , p. 33, and above, n . 2 3 9 : Beth Zur, Ramath Rahel (Beth Kerem ?); Mizpah. For Jerusalem see Macalister-Dimcan, 'Excavations on the Hill of Ophel', PEFA 4, 1926, i S y f 260. Loc. cit., figs 197/8 and 201. 2 6 1 . N e h . 3 . 5 ; 4 . 3 ; 6 . 1 0 - 1 9 ; 1 3 . 2 8 ; Josephus, Antt. II, 3 0 2 f , 3o6flf.; 1 2 . 1 6 8 . For the 'liberal' group see K . Galling, Studien, 1 5 7 , i 6 4 f ; M . Smith, Fischer Weltgeschichte, Vol. 5, ed. H . Bengtson, 1 9 6 5 , 362ff., 366ff. 2 6 2 . Rostovtzeff, HW 2, loiSflf., I026ff., I238ff.; Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 2.39S. 263. C f also F. K . Kienitz, op. cit., I44f T h e Egyptian king Tachus already allowed himself to be advised by the Attic strategos Chabrias on the financing of his expedition to Palestine, op. cit., 96f., i i 9 f . , cf. lysff. T h e description given above follows Rostovtzeff, HW i, 2 5 5 - 4 2 2 on essential points, also making use of C. Preaux, L'iconomie royale des Lagides, 1939. 264. Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 1 7 9 . 265. This claim did not exclude private property: see Rostovtzeff, HW i , 2 7 3 ; 3 , 1380 n . 8 4 ; C. Preaux, op. cit., 459ff.; it was, however, substantially limited, op. cit., 5 3 3 - 5 7 266. Rostovtzeff, HW i , 2 7 2 ; c f also C. B . "belles, JJurPap 3 , 1949, 23. 267. See H. Bengtson, MusHelv 1 0 , 1 9 5 3 , 1 6 2 : the years between 323 and, say, 260 BC, the beginning of the Zeno papyri, are decisive for the organization of Ptolemaic rule, but almost completely unknown to us. 268. On P. Cowley 8 1 : J. Harmatta, Acta Antiqua 7 , 1 9 5 9 , 394ff., 3 9 7 f 269. See E. Leider, Der Handel von Alexandria, Diss. 1934, I7ff.: trade with Syria and Arabia, and W. Schubart, RAC i, 2 7 i f f . , 278ff. 2 7 0 . HW 2, i i 6 4 f F . ; see above, nn. 2 0 1 / 2 . 2 7 1 . For Egyptian agriculture see M . Schnebel, Die Landwirtschaft im
Notes
29
hellenistischen Agypten, 1 9 2 7 , I, Der Betrieb des Landes, 1 9 2 5 , passim; see especially the summary, 355fF.; C . Preaux, op. cit., 1 1 7 - 5 2 (especially on the growing of grain); and Rostovtzeff, HW i , 2 7 4 - 8 7 ; 3 , 1 3 8 0 - 9 (lit.). For growing of wheat see J. Harmatta, op. cit., 3 9 6 , and HW I , 3 5 9 - 6 2 ; 1 4 0 4 ^ ; for technical and economic progress in Hellenistic times see 2 , 1 1 8 0 - 1 2 0 0 ; 3 , 1615-20; cf. P C Z 5 9 1 9 5 and 1 9 4 3 0 : the testing of Milesian and Arabian sheep: for ApoUonius as 'minister of agriculture' see R. Seider, op. cit., 47fF. 272. T h e extent of the monopoly cannot be established clearly because of the limited nature of the sources. T h e bases are P. Revenue, ed. Grenfell, cols. 3 8 - 7 2 , new ed. J. Bingen, SB Bh i , 1 9 5 2 , and P. Tebt. 7 0 3 . A n introduction can be found in Mitteis/Wilcken, Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, 1 9 1 2 , I, I , 2 3 9 - 5 8 , and the selection of texts in H , 2 , 348fF.; for their derivation see A . Andreades, Melanges Maspero 2 , 1 9 3 4 - 3 7 , 2 8 9 - 9 5 ; C. Preaux, op. cit., see Index 'Monopole', 6 1 5 , and the summary 4293.; RostovtzefF, HW I, 3 0 2 - 1 3 and 3 , 1388-91. 2 7 3 . Rostovtzeff, HW i, 3 i 3 f f . 274. See M . Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate, 1922, 140: 'Almost no branch of economic life was closed to these revenue farmers and concessionaires.' 2 7 5 . For the bank monopoly see P. Revenue, cols. 7 3 - 8 , see also Mitteis/ Wilcken, op. cit., I, 2 , 2 i 2 f F . ; on the policy on coinage and banking, C. Preaux, op. cit., 2 6 7 - 9 7 ; Rostovtzeff, HW i, 3 9 8 - 4 0 7 ; 2 , I292f; 3 , 1 4 1 6 - 8 . P C Z 5 9 0 2 1 is especially important for the monopoly on coinage, see op. cit., I4i6f., lit. For Alexander's monetary policy see D . Schlumberger, op. cit., 27ff. 276. A . Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth Shean, 1930, 4 5 ; G . M . Fitzgerald, Beth-Shean, Excavations 1921-23, 1 9 3 1 , 5ifF., p i . 4 1 ; see also F. M . Abel, HP I , 5 3 , 5 6 , 5 7 , and O. R. Sellers, BA 2 5 , 1962, 8 9 f 2 7 7 . Rostovtzeff, HW i , 2 4 9 - 3 9 8 ; especially on trade with Syria and Palestine see Tcherikover, Mizraim 1 5 - 2 4 , and V o l . 1 , p p . 4 2 f On the old Phoenician trade connections with southern Arabia according to Ezek. 27 see P. Riiger, op. cit., 82ff., 86ff., 9 6 - 1 0 3 . On the 'incense route' see io8ff. 2 7 8 . P C Z 5 9 5 3 6 ; 5 9 0 0 9 and the supplement Vol.4, 2 8 5 ; 5 9 0 1 1 , col. i. 1 5 (in L 1 0 Joppa is mentioned and in 1.8 the property of ApoUonius in Beth Anath, see V o l . 1 , p p . 3 9 f ) ; P S I 628 and 6 7 8 ; c f Strabo 1 6 , 3 , 2 ( 7 6 6 ) ; 1 6 , 4, 1 9 ( 7 7 8 ) ; Diodore 2 , 4 9 , 1 - 3 3 , 4 6 ; Pliny, Hist. nat. 12, 52ff. T h e significance of aromatic trade for the prestige of Egypt is shown by its role in the 'pompe' of Philadelphus: Athen. 5, 2 0 1 a ; see also H . Kortenbeutel, Der aegyptische Sild- und Osthandel, 1 9 3 1 , i6fF.; E. Leider, op. cit., 4, 5 i f F . ; Tcherikover, Mizraim, 2 5 - 9 ; C. Preaux, op. cit., 3 6 2 - 6 ; Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 2 4 4 - 9 ; Rostovtzeff, HW I , 3 8 7 f ; 2 , i 2 4 3 f f . ; and 3 , 1 4 1 4 n. 1 8 5 lit.; G. W. v. Beek, BA 2 3 , i 9 6 0 , 7 0 - 9 5 and on Gerrha especially F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens 2, 1948, 43f. 2 7 9 . -Awhwpov rov im r-qs X^PavumKTjs: P S I 628 (to be supplemented by P C Z 59009 and the addition Vol. 4, 285), see U . Wilcken, APF 8, 1 9 2 7 , 2 7 7 ; A . Willrich, APF 10, 1932, 239, and C. Preaux, op. cit., 363 n.6. 280. P C Z Vol.4, 285 on 5 9 0 0 9 ; cf. Tcherikover, Mizraim, 7 8 n . 3 5 . T h e Nabateans are also mentioned: P S I 406. 2 8 1 . F. M . Abel, RB 4 6 , 1 9 3 7 , 3 7 3 - 9 1 , and HP i , 3 4 - 7 ; see Diodore 2 , 4 8 , 1-6;
19, 94-100.
30
Chapter I
282. W. W. Tarn, JEA 1 5 , 1929, 9 - 2 5 ; M . Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, 1932, F. Althetm, Weltgeschichte Asiens 1, I58f; and Althetm/Stiehlj Die Araber in der Ahen Welt 1, 1 9 6 4 , 6 5 - 7 9 . See Diodore 3, 43, 4 - 5 . 283. Polybius 5 , 7 1 , I , 4 ; 7 9 , 8; 82, 1 2 ; 85, 4 ; see above, n. 1 5 . 284. I Mace. 5 . 2 5 ; 9.35; II Mace. 5.8. 285. Strabo 1 6 , 4, 2 1 , 26 ( 7 7 9 , 7 8 3 f ) . On the Nabateans see J. Starcky, BA 1 8 , 1 9 5 5 , 8 4 - 1 0 6 , and R. Dussaud, La penetration des Arabes en Syrie avant rIslam, 1 9 5 5 , 2 1 - 6 1 ; Nabatean kings can be demonstrated from about 1 7 0 BC (II Mace. 5.8: Aretas I). Aretas III, c. 8 7 - 6 2 B C , gave himself the surname Philhellene (op. cit., 54). 286. Rostovtzeff, HW I , 3 5 9 f ; 2, 1 2 4 9 ; H. Bengtson, GG^, 4 3 7 . 287. Theocritus 1 4 , 58flF. Cf. Ps.Aristeas 1 2 4 . 288. Herondas, Mim.i, 2 6 - 3 2 ; c f Athen.5, 203 c/d; and Teles, ed. Hense, 1889, p. 29, 6; see Rostovtzeff, HW i , 407ff. 289. See V o l . 1 , p. 1 5 and n.I, 7 9 = Peek, Griechische Grabgedichte, i 9 6 0 , 24-85 5 6 - 6 1 ;
no. 1 6 2 , 1 1 . 9 f .
290. Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 2 0 1 . Hauck/Kasch, TDNT 6, miss the problem, as the article only refers to the critical voices of a few Cynic-Stoic philosophers against riches. 2 9 1 . F. Heichelheim, Die auswdrtige Bevolkerung im Ptolemderreich, Klio Bh 1 8 , 1 9 2 5 , 36ff.; immigration was particularly strong from Athens and its surroundings and the Aegean islands: 47ff., 55ff.: see also E. R. Bevan, A History of Egypt, 1 9 2 7 , 83ff.: W. Schubart, B h A O 1 0 , 1 9 2 7 , 1 0 - 2 1 ; W. Peremans, Vreemdelingen, 1 9 4 3 , 2iff.: the political position of the Greeks; 7 4 f : the relationship between Greeks and Egyptians in the administration; 86ff., i 7 i f : social status; i 3 5 f f . : the distribution of professions; Rostovtzeff, HW 1, 3 2 3 f , 407ff.; 2, 1 0 7 7 - 9 5 ; S j I394f n . 1 2 1 , lit. A. ^v/iderek, JJurPap 9 / 1 0 , 1 9 5 5 / 5 6 , 3 6 5 - 4 0 0 , gives a detailed description of the private economic activity of the Greeks in the Zeno papyri. 292. See Schiirer 3 , 7 o f 293. Rostovtzeff, HW i , 42 i f ; c f 2, 1076. 294. Op. cit., 2, 1 1 8 1 , Ii83f, i i 9 3 f T h e Georgics of Bolus of Mendes were probably the best known; op. cit., 2, 1 1 8 3 and 3, 1 6 1 6 n. 136 (see also below, n. I l l , 848); cf. F. Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur in der Alexandrinerzeit I , i 8 9 i f . , 829ff.; F. Heichelheim, Winschaftsgeschichte des Ahertums 2, 1938, iioSflf. n.49 lit.: Varro, De re rust. I, i , 8 enumerates fifty Greek writers occupied with Georgics, etc. T h e Hellenistic period brought a climax of ancient empirical 'sciences', see O. Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, ^ 1 9 5 7 , iff. 2 9 5 . Title of ch. 3 in J. Kaerst, Geschichte des Hellenismus 2 , ^1926, 1 4 6 - 6 7 : the decisive turning point was brought with 'the organizational idea of the division of work' ( 1 5 7 ) , which, however, antiquity was not able to combine with independence and freedom of initiative ( 1 6 7 ) . 296. P C Z 59329II. I5ff.; P S I 4 2 1 , 5 1 4 , c f 602, 637, 6 6 7 ; see also C. C. Edgar, Introduction to PMichZen, 26ff., 43ff. Zeno, for example, not only worked for Apollonius but at the same time increased his own property as owner of a vineyard and of baths, as a tax farmer and moneylender. Cf. C . Preaux, Les Grecs en Bgypte d'apris les archives de Zemn, 1 9 4 7 , 59ff., 65ff., 8iff.; also A. Swiderek, 3i9ff.,
Notes
31
op. cit., 37ofF., and W. Peremans, 'Ptolemee II Philadelphe et les Indigenes egyptiens', RBPH 1 2 , 1 9 3 3 , 1 0 0 5 - 2 2 : J. Bingen, Proceedings of the 12th Inter national Congress of Papyrologists, 1970, 35fF. 2 9 7 . M . RostovtzefF, A Large Estate, 1 9 2 2 , 85, see also 72fF., 77fF., etc. 298. C. Preaux, op. cit., 83. On the attitude of the king and his officers towards the laoi see RostovtzefF, HW 1, i098fF., and W. L . Westermann, AHR 43) 1936, 28iff.; for 'philanthrdpia' see W. Schubart, APF 11, 1 9 3 5 , 9fF.; cf. also the model for the king, Ps.Aristeas 208, 265, 290, and in addition, H. Bolkestein, Wohltdtigkeit und Armenpflege im vorchristlichen Altertum, 1 9 3 9 , 3 9 i f . , who sees a typical instance of this philanthrdpia in the 'care' of the Ptolemies for their subjects. 299. PColZen 2, i6fF., no. 66, 1 8 , 2 1 . 300. U . Wilcken, APF 1 4 , 1 9 4 1 , I54f., following U P Z i , 7 , 1 3 ; 8 , 1 4 ; 1 5 , 1 7 f . 301. On this see P. Jouguet, 'Les Lagides et les Indigenes', RBPH 2, 1923, 4 1 9 - 4 5 3 and L'histoire politique et la papyrologie, 1 9 3 4 , 93fF.; C. Preaux, ChrEg 11, 1 9 3 6 , 5 2 2 - 5 2 , and F. Uebel, APF 1 7 , i 9 6 0 , 1 4 7 - 6 2 on a papyrus fragment which reports on a rapaxv AlyvTrrimv in the Thebais between about 1 7 5 and 145 BC. 302. On these two possibilities see Tcherikover, CPJ i , 43f. Cf. also the assertions of Josephus about the 'isopoliteia' of the Alexandrian Jews: c.Ap. 2, 3 5 ; Antt. 12, 8. On Antioch and Asia Minor see above, n.90. 303. P S I 324, 3 2 5 . 304. P. Lond 1948 (inv.2661) of 6 Xanthikos (8.5) 2 5 7 BC. T h e letter was written four days before the letter of Tobias and two years after the journey of Zeno. T h e correspondence between Alexandria and Palestine seems to be lively. 305. P S I 594, col. 3, 1 7 ; c f also 5 5 4 ; P C Z 59004, col. i , 4 ; 5 9 0 1 1 col. i , 8; c f Tcherikover, Mizraim, 4 5 - 8 , and HC, 67 and 4 3 1 n . 7 3 . On the site see A . Alt, PJB 22, 1926, 5 5 - 9 , and F. M . Abel, Geographic 2, 265. T h e strategos Ptolemy son of Traseas had a domain from a royal gift at Scythopolis. It included a number of villages, see Y . H. Landau, lEJ 1 6 , 1 9 6 6 , 58fF., 66flF., and M . Hengel, ZNW 5 9 , 1 9 6 8 , 2 o f 306. For the length of the stay see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 1 1 - 1 3 , and the introduction to PLond 1930, about to be published; for the route of the journey and geographical detail see also 57fF., 84 n.8o, 87 n . 9 7 and HC, 430 n . 7 0 . T h e lists of rations are important: P C Z 59004, col. i, c f CPJ i , I 2 I F . , no.2a; P C Z 59005 = CPJ I , 1 2 2 , n o . 2 b ; PLond 1930 (inv.2358 A) in part in CPJ i , I 2 3 F no. 2d. For the 'Birta' of Tobias see P C Z 59003 (SB 6709) = CPJ i , i i 8 f F . , no. i . For the identification of individual places see F. M . Abel, RB 3 2 , 1 9 2 3 , 409fF.; 33, 1 9 2 4 , 566fF.; 36, 1 9 2 7 , I45ff., 474ff.; A. Alt (in the report on documents, see U . Wilcken, APF 7 , 1 9 2 4 , 293) and J. Herz, PJB 24, 1 9 2 8 , I 0 7 F n.4, have a critical discussion of the hypotheses of Abel. For a reference see P S I 322. For the whole see Table I, p p . 2 o 6 f below. C f S. Mittmann, in: Archdologie und AJtes Testament (Festschrift K . Galling), 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 9 - 2 1 0 . 307. P C Z 5 9 0 1 2 . Report on the duty on wares in Pelusium; according to the unpublished PLond inv. 2 3 5 8 b Zeno sent presents from Ptolemais to Pelusium, «ee Tcherikover, HC, 432 n. 80. 308.
PCZ
5 9 0 1 6 ; 5 9 0 0 6 , 5 9 0 1 5 ; 5 9 5 3 7 ; PSI
309.
PCZ
59008 col. 3 ; 5 9 0 1 6 .
322.
32
Chapter I
PLond 1 9 3 1 (inv.2326) of 25 Audenaios ( = 1 0 . 2 ) , 258 B C . CPJ I , I 2 2 j no.2b = P C Z 59005 cf. also 2a = P C Z 59004. 3 1 2 . For what follows see Tcherikover, Mizraim, SJ-^l-i Apelles: P C Z 59006, 26, and 59004, 2 7 , on this U . Wilcken, APF 8, 1 9 2 7 , 2 7 6 ; Callicrates: P C Z 5 9 0 0 6 , 2 2 , 3 9 : two Greeks from his entourage, on this see U . Wilcken, loc. cit., and W. Otto, A A M 1 1 , 1 9 3 4 , 2 5 n . 3 ; c f O G I S i , 26 and PZenMich I47f no. 100. Dionysodorus: 59006, 38, 6 5 ; 5 9 0 9 3 , 8; PCorn i , 7 , 40, 59 etc.; P C Z 5 9 2 6 3 . Ariston: P C Z 59006, 4 6 ; 5 9 0 5 2 , 9 PLond inv. 2 3 5 8 b and the introduction by Edgar to P C Z 5 9 0 2 9 . 3 1 3 . Rostovtzeff, A Large Estate, 1 9 2 2 , 2 6 f , assumes a predominantly private commission, c f also CAH 7 , 120, 1 3 5 ; on the other hand, Tcherikover, HC, 63, rightly stresses the official character of this journey, even though some private business was also undertaken on it. 3 1 4 . Hauran: see above, n . 3 0 9 ; aromatic trade, n.309 above; for the caravan trade see PColZen i , 3 - 1 0 , no. 2; a caravan of Apollonius moved to and fro between Gaza and Sidon and Sidon and Galilee. If P C Z 5 9 0 1 5 were better preserved, it would give us a closer look into Apollonius' involvement in the aromatic trade. 3 1 5 . See V o l . 1 , pp.8, I4f, 34. T h e report of Polybius 5, 7 1 , i - i o shows that 'Philadelphia Rabbath Ammon' was built into a strong fortress especially against the Arabs. C f also M . Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, 1 9 3 2 , 5 8 - 6 2 . 3 1 6 . T h e letters of Tobias: P C Z 5 9 0 7 5 / 6 = CPJ i , 1 2 5 - 9 , nos.4 and 5. For the later activity of agents from Palestine and Phoenicia see P C Z 5 9 0 5 7 , 5 9 0 7 7 , 590935 5 9 2 9 2 ; 5 9 5 3 7 , 5 9 8 0 4 ; P S I 406, 444, 4945 495, 594^ 6 1 6 , 6 2 8 ; P C o m i , 224f.; see also Tcherikover, Mizraim, 1 5 , 67. 3 1 7 . For trade between Palestine and Egypt in general see Rostovtzeff, HW 1, 346, 3 8 4 f ; 3, I 4 i 3 f n. 184 lit; especially on the slave trade see Tcherikover, Mizraim, i6ff., and HC, 6 8 f ; for the limitation of slavery in Egypt, Rostovtzeff, HW I , 3 2 i f ; 3 , I393f, n. 1 1 9 ; for slavery in Ptolemaic Egypt in general see also W. L . Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, 1 9 5 5 , 28, 310. 311.
30f 3 1 8 . P C Z 5 9 0 1 5 (see V o l . 1 , p p . z i f ) and perhaps 5 9 8 0 4 ; P C Z 5 9 0 7 6 a and b = CPJ I , I25f, no.4. C f also P C Z 59003 = CPJ i , i i 8 f , n o . i . 3 1 9 . P C Z 5 9 2 9 2 , and on this in detail Tcherikover, Mizraim, 68flf. 320. P S I 406, and on this op. cit., I7f and 7 4 n. 10; c f also Herondas 2, 1 6 : the export of prostitutes from Tyre to Cos. For the situation of Pegai see Josephus, Antt. 1 3 , 2 6 1 ; A. Alt, ZDPV 45, 1 9 2 2 , 220-3, and Tcherikover, HC,
n.85.
433
P C Z 5 9 0 1 5 , 5 9 5 3 7 : the slaves have escaped as they were badly treated by the addressee (Zeno?) in Marisa (I.4); 59804 ( = PColZen no.3 and P S I 602); c f also Sir. 33 (G 30). 40. 322. Harsh treatment: Sir.23.10; 33 (G 30). 3 3 f ; 4 2 . 5 . Positive: 4.30 ( G ) ; 7 . 2 o f ; 10.25; 33 (G 30). 39ff. For the Greek attitude see J. Vogt, Skldverei und 321.
Humanitat, 1 9 6 5 , 37ff., 68ff., 83fF.
For the slaves from Palestine or 'Syria' see P C Z 5 9 0 1 1 , 2 2 ; 5 9 0 7 7 ; P S I PColZen 2 , 92ff. no. 8 7 ; PCorn i , 223ff.; it is hard to say whether the Syrians in the great list P C Z 5 9 2 9 2 , 5 2 , 464, 4 7 2 , PCol Zen 2.i09ff. no. 9 3 , and 323.
648;
Notes
33
PZenMich 4 9 are slaves or paid workers. The slave girl Sphragis bought by Zeno in the Ammanitis was perhaps occupied in the Fayum as a wool spinner according to P C Z 5 9 1 4 5 , see CPJ i, 1 2 1 , 1 . 5 . For the Jewish slave girl see P C o m i, i6off. = CPJ I , I32f. no.y; and PCorn i , 198 (see Introduction p. i ) . Cf. Ps.Aristeas 1 2 - 1 4 , 2 3 ; of course the number 100,000 is exaggerated, see W. L . Westermann, op. cit., 28. 324.
PCZ
59241, 59292, 6 1 1 , 59367, 59710, 4 1 , 66;
PSI
393
and
Vol.6,
p.xiii = CPJ I , 1 3 4 - 4 5 , nos. 9 - 1 4 . For the Syrian villages see P C Z 5 9 4 0 4 , 5 9 4 9 7 , and Tcherikover, CPJ i , 4 nn. 1 2 and 1 4 . Svpos was a favourite name for a slave, Liddell/Scott, 1 7 3 2 . 325. See above, n. 146. 326. M . Mitsos, Archaiologike Ephemeris 1952, ed. 1 9 5 5 , 1 9 4 - 6 , and D . M . Lewis, 2, 1 9 5 7 , 2 6 4 - 6 . On this F. Bomer, Untersuchungen iiber die ReUgion der Sklaven II, A A M z i 9 6 0 , 24ff. In 1 3 6 - 1 3 2 B C the Syrian slave Eunus, inspired by the Syrian goddess, led his fellow slaves in revolt, see J. Vogt, Sklavenkriege, A A M z 1 9 5 7 , 27fr. 327. Because of its prose form Joel 4.4-8 is often regarded as a later insertion, see A. Weiser, Das Buch der 1 2 kleinen Propheten I, A T D 24, 1 9 4 9 , 1 0 7 , and Robinson-Horst, Die 1 2 kleinen Propheten, ^1964, 67. It is less probable that it should be put before Alexander at about 520 BC, as is attempted by J. M . Myers {ZAW 7 4 , 1 9 6 2 , 1 9 0 , 195). For the inscription of Ma'in see Altheim/Stiehl, Araher 1, 7 5 . 328. CIJ I , 5 i 2 f f . , n o . 7 1 0 and 7 0 9 ; c f 7 1 1 : a Jewish freeing, 1 1 9 B C . 329. R. Helm, PW 1 6 , 888; M . Hadas, HCu, i i o f ; see V o l . 1 , pp.Ssf. 330. P S I 3 2 4 , 3 2 5 ; c f Tcherikover, Mizraim, 2 o f , and HC, 6gf., 434 n.88, lit.; see also O G I S 5 6 . 1 7 : Under Euergetes grain was imported from 'Syria and Phoenicia' and Cyprus during a famine. For Syrian wheat see A. Thompson, APF 9, 1 9 3 0 , 2 0 7 - 1 3 (PCZ 5 9 1 5 5 ) . It remains uncertain whether the large quantity of wheat and barley which Zeno is said to have delivered according to PLond 1 9 3 1 (inv. 2326) shortly before his return to Ptolemais was grain imported from Egypt or from the Palestinian hinterland. Certainly there were also great granaries in Ptolemais, as being the most important Ptolemaic centre of administration. 3 3 1 . P C Z 5 9 / 1 2 ; 5 9 0 1 5 recto; 5 9 0 7 7 ; on this see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 22, and C. Preaux, Economic, 85fF. The Revenue Laws (col.52.25fF. = Mitteis/ Wilcken, Grundz. I, 2, 2 5 6 f ) already distinguish between' Syrian' and foreign oil. 332. P S I 594 c f 5 5 4 ; Tcherikover, Mizraim, 23. 3 3 3 . P C Z 5 9 0 1 2 , 5 9 0 1 3 , 5 9 0 1 4 ; P S I 5 9 4 ; PColZen i,3flF., no. 2 ; Tcherikover, Mizraim, 23f., cf. also the still unpublished PLond inv.2358B with a list of 'gifts' of Zeno's which he left behind in Ptolemais; it contains an abundance of food from Chian wine to Syrian honey. 334. RostovtzefF, HW i , 366fF., 2 6 3 f ; Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 252, 2 5 7 ; K . Galling, BRL, 1 9 9 , 360, see also R. Giveon, lEJ 1 3 , 1 9 6 3 , 2 0 - 9 , and E. Leider, Der Handel von Alexandria, 49fF. For local production of glass, etc., see Tell Anafa: S. S. Weinberg (n.74 above), 99fF. 3 3 5 . P C Z 5 9 0 1 2 ; see on this Tcherikover, Mizraim, 2 4 f ApoUonius supported his own merchant fleet for transport on the Nile and to Palestine; a captain Heraclides travelled there in his service: P C Z 5 9 0 1 2 ; 5 9 0 1 3 ; 5 9 8 0 4 ; c f also
34
Chapter I
and P S I 322 and 5 9 4 : the small boats easily got up the Nile as far as Memphis; see Tcherikover, H C , 4 3 2 n . 7 9 . 336. P S I 616. 337. For the role of Rhodes in the third century in trading with the Ptolemaic empire see Rostovtzeff HW i, 225ff., and 3, i 3 7 o f f . ; among other things gifts of Sidonian notables were sent to the dioiketes in Alexandria through their agents from Rhodes, see PRyl 5 5 4 = C. C . Edgar, BJRL 1 8 , 1 9 3 4 , i i i f n. i and PMichZen 3. For merchants from Ashkelon in Rhodes, Delos, Athens, etc., from the third century B C , see Schiirer 2 , 1 2 4 f . The earliest report of a Jewish diaspora is contained in the writing of the Roman senate of 139 BC which lists a series of cities and islands in the Aegean alongside Rhodes and Delos: I Mace. 1 5 . 1 6 - 2 4 ; the number of Jews in this area must therefore have been relatively large. For Delos see Rostovtzeff, HW I , 23off., and P. Roussel, Delos Colonie Athenienne, 1 9 1 6 , 86ff.: lists of ephebes with mentions of their homes in Ashkelon, T y r e , Sidon, Damascus. In the second century BC there appear Gerrhaeans, Minaeans and Nabateans. See also the sanctuaries of the gods of Ashkelon and Jamnia in A. Plassart, Exploration archeologique de Delos, vol. 1 1 , 1 9 2 8 , 278ff., 285ff. For the Jews see P. Roussel, op. cit., 94f., the discovery of the earliest known Jewish synagogue (first century BC), and on this M . Hengel, ZNW 5 7 , 1966, 1 5 1 n . 5 3 , and the Jewish prayers for vengeance from the neighbouring island of Rheneia, see A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 1 9 2 7 , 4 1 3 - 2 4 , c. 100 B C In general on the Jews in the Aegean see Schiirer 3, 5 6 f , and Juster i , i 8 8 f From the island of Cos we have the dedicatory inscription of an Abdaeus from Gerasa to Helios about 200 BC and a Nabatean-Greek bilingual inscription of 68 BC. There was also a Jewish community here, according to I Mace. 1 5 . 2 3 : see O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2 , 1 9 6 3 , 3 0 9 - 1 2 . 59002
338. M . Smith, in Fischer Weltgeschichte 6, 1 9 6 5 , ed. P. Grimal, 255. 339. J. P. Peters and H. Thiersch, Painted Tombs in the Necropolis of Marisa, 1905, 9ff.: the epitaph, op. cit., 12, 36, 38 = O G I S 593 and Schurer 2, 4 f n.8, is important: 'AiToXXo(l>avqs Heapiaiov, dp^as TWV iv Mapi'aiji £ihwvtu]v er-q TpMKOvra Kai Tpia Kal vofJLia&els / TrdvTcov TWV KOO* avrov xP^^'^O'^^'^o? ^^^^ (ftLXoKeioraros, d-nidavGv 8e jStcoCTa? €r77 ^^hop,rjKOvTa Kal Teaaapa eV . . . Apollophanes was 'archon' of the politeuma of Sidon. A Philothion terms herself 'Sidonia' (Peters/Thiersch, 66) and so does an Eikonion (F. M . Abel, RB 34, 1 9 2 5 , 275). For the names see V o l . 1 , 6 i f T h e feudal way of life is shown, among other things, by the hunting scene depicted by Rostovtzeff, HW i , pl.lviii (Peters/Thiersch, pl.vi). T h e 'hipparch' Ananus (?) on a leopard hunt could be a Jewish ( ?) officer of the garrison; for the name see the index to Josephus, ed. B . Niese, 1 9 5 5 , 7 , 9 ; for the picture see n.II, 235. 340. Tcherikover, HC, 100. For the cult of Melkart Heracles and Asteria see Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 7, 1 9 0 6 , 1 4 7 - 5 5 , and F. M . Abel, RB N S 5, 1908, 5 6 8 - 7 7 . See also above, p p . 1 4 , 4 1 . 3 4 1 . On this see Table 2, pp. 2o8f. below. It is based on the following publica tions : I . G. A. Reisner-C. S. Fisher, Harvard Excavations at Samaria, 1908-1910 1 , 1 9 2 4 , 252flF.; J. W. Crowfoot, etc., Samaria-Sebaste. Reports, 1931-33,1953,3, 45ff.; 3. O. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth Zur, 1 9 3 3 , 7 o f , andR. W. Vviiik, BASOR 150, 1958, 8 - 2 0 ; 4. G. M . Fitzgerald, Beth-Shean Excavations 192J-1923, 1931,
Notes
35
5iff. (for the most part from a find of coins); 5. O. R. Sellers, BA 2 5 , 1 9 6 2 , 8 7 - 9 6 (partly from treasure, partly in situ); 6. O. Tufnell, Lachish III, 1 9 5 3 , 4 i 2 f f . ; the coins here show clearly that the place flourished in the Persian period and lost significance in Hellenistic times; 7. C. C. McCown, etc., Tell en Nasbeh i, 1947, 1 7 4 , 2 7 5 ; 8. B . Mazar et al., 'Ein-Gedi, 1 9 6 3 , 8 i f . ; 9. Y . Aharoni, Excavations at Ramath Rahel, Seasons 1959 and i960, 1 9 6 2 , 93f., and Seasons T961 and 1962, 1 9 6 4 , 1 0 7 - 1 5 ; 1 0 . L . A. Sinclair ,AASOR 3 4 / 3 5 ( 1 9 5 4 / 5 6 ) , i 9 6 0 , 36. T h e collec tion is by no means complete, especially as important earlier excavations like R. A. S. Macalister, Gezer 1 , 1 9 1 2 , 2 6 7 , and Bliss/Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1902, 68 (Marisa), provide no usable survey of coins. For the problem see already Sellers/Albright, BASOR 4 3 , 1 9 3 1 , 1 0 . There is still no overall survey of Balateh Shechem.
342. Jars from Rhodes were found in the coastal plain in almost every early Hellenistic excavation: see J. H . Iliffe, QDAP 2, 1933, 1 5 5 , earlier literature; C. A. Johns, QDAP 3 , 1934, 1 5 1 : 'Adit; lEJ 9, 1959, 2 7 4 : Ptolemais Acco; RB 7 0 , 1 9 6 3 , 5 8 4 ; Strato's T o w e r ; RB 6 9 , 1 9 6 2 , 4o6f.: Tirat Yehuda: RB 6 7 , i 9 6 0 , 3 9 7 : Tell M o r ; M . Dothan, lEJ 1 4 , 1964, 88: Ashdod; QDAP 9, 1942, isiff.: Petra; O. R. Sellers, op. cit., 4ifF., 5 2 : Beth Zur; Bliss-Macalister, op. cit., 1 3 i f . : Marisa; R. A. S. Macalister, op. cit., 2, 2 5 i f f . , and QDAP 4, 1 9 3 4 / 3 5 , 200: Gezer; Macalister-Duncan, PEFA 4 , 1 9 2 6 , i 9 i f F . , 2 0 3 ; Jerusalem-Ophel c. 3 - 4 0 0 jars, probably from the garrison of the Acra, see also Crowfoot-Fitzgerald, PEFA 5, 1 9 2 7 , 86fF.: Tyropoeon valley, Jerusalem; Toombs-Wright, op. cit., 4 5 : Shechem; Reisner-Fischer, op. cit., i, 3 i o f f . ; J. W. Crowfoot, SamariaSebaste 3 , 3 8 0 ; RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 7 9 = ADAJ 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 79fF-: Tell Dothan; G . M . Fitzgerald, op. cit., 44ff.: ScythopoHs; B . Maisler, etc., lEJ 2, 1 9 5 2 , 1 6 6 , 22f.: Philotheria; lEJ 5, 1 9 5 5 , 2 1 1 : Beth Shearim. For Transjordania see E. Olavarri, RB 7 1 , 1965, 9 3 : Aroer. This enumeration necessarily remains incomplete. For trade from Rhodes, especially with wine and oil, see Rostovtzeff, HW 1 , 225ff.; 2, 676ff.; 3 , 1 4 8 5 n . 9 3 ,
i486 n.97,
1488 n . 1 0 9 .
343. Dan. 1.8; c f S. Lieberman, Hellenism, 150, and E. Bickerman(n), RIDA 5, 1 9 5 8 , 140.
344. T h e fact that the post-biblical Talmudic tradition mentions a great many more herbs than the Old Testament, see G . Dalman, Arbeit und Sitte in Palastina 2, 1 9 3 2 , 2 6 4 - 3 0 2 , c f also Schiirer 2, 7 8 f , and K . Galling, BRL, 84, may at least be because new plants were introduced into Palestine in the Hellen istic period; see also the examples cited by RostovtzefF, HW 2, 1 1 6 3 - 8 , and F. Heichelheim in T . Frank, An Economic Survey of the Roman Empire, 4, i3oflF.
345. Theophrastus, Hist, plant., 9, 6, i; c f 2 , 6, 8; 9, 7, i: by the lake of about 300 stadia, in which the reed grows from which aromatics are gained; this is perhaps Lake Gennesaret, though the size is much nearer that of the Dead Sea, c f Strabo 1 6 , 1 2 , 1 6 ( 7 5 5 ) . 346. Diodore 2, 48, 9 = 1 9 , 9 8 ; Strabo 1 6 , 2, 4 1 ( 7 6 3 ) : the term 'paradise' and the 'great profit' also appears here; Pompeius Trogus in Justin, Epit.^S, 3 (Reinach 2 2 5 ) ; Jos., Antt. 4, 1 0 0 ; 1 4 , 5 4 ; Bell. 1, 1 3 8 ; 4, 469. For Jericho see also Schiirer i, 3 8 0 - 2 n. 37. For Engedi see Josephus, Antt. 9 , 7 , c f Pliny, Hist. Nat. 5, 7 3 ; Shab.26a on Jer.52.16 and B . Mazar et al., 'Atiqot 5, 1966, 8 f
36
Chapter I
347. Justin, op. cit.,: Opesgenti ex vectigalibus opobalsami crevere; cf. Horace, Epp.2, 184 (Reinach 2 4 7 ) . In the Tahnudic tradition I'aoVaiSN is a loanword which is often used, see S. Krauss, Talmudische Archaologie i, 1 9 1 0 , 234ff., and Griechische und Lateinische Lehnwdrter 2, i898f., 9 9 ; I. Low, Die Flora der Juden I, I , 1926, 299-304. 348. Strabo 1 7 , i , 1 5 (800). 349. Josephus, Belli, 3 6 1 ; Antt. is, 96; c f Plutarch, Antonius 36 (Reinach 148). 350. Zoar: I. Low, op. cit., I, i , 3 0 1 ; Scythopolis: Aristides, Or.48 = 2 , 4 7 0 Dindorf = 36 cuneiform, p. 8 2 ; Lake Gennesaret: Strabo 1 6 , 2 , 1 6 ( 7 5 5 ) , c f also S. Krauss, Archaologie I, 688 n . 2 5 4 ; Ber.43a (Bar.); Egypt: Dioscorides, Mat. med. I , 18 (Reinach I 3 4 f ) , Dioscorides goes back to the same source as Pliny, i.e. Theophrastus; Arabia: Diodore, 3, 46, 2 ; Strabo 1 6 , 4 1 9 ( 7 7 8 ) ; Pausanias 9, 28, 3 , et al 3 5 1 . Pliny, Historia naturalis 12, 1 1 1 - 2 3 . 352. At the time of Alexander balsam was already weighed out at twice its weight in silver and often faked: Theophrastus 9, 6, 4 = Pliny 1 2 , 1 1 7 . 353. According to K . Reinhardt, 'Poseidonios iiber Ursprung und Entartung', Orient und Antike 6, 1 9 2 8 , 6 0 - 7 5 , the description of the Dead Sea in Strabo goes back to Posidonius, but the account of the balsam plantations to an imknown source. 3 5 4 . B. Mazar, 'Ein Gedi, Archaeological Excavations 1961/62,1963, 6ff.,iiff., 62ff. E T in 'Atiqot 5, 1 9 6 6 , 3 9 - 4 4 , 5 i f , stratum III and the coins. C f also the third season, B. Mazar and I. Dunayewsky, lEJ 1 4 , 1 9 6 4 , I23ff. 355. The restrictions on the plantations probably come from the time of Jewish rule, to keep the price high; balsam also acquired religious significance, see Antt. 14, 5 4 : the juice issues out at dawn in the direction of Jerusalem; the use of a stone knife to cut the bark (see Pliny 1 2 , 1 1 5 and Tacitus, Hist.S, 6, against the earlier report of Theophrastus) is also probably to be understood in religious terms. Taan. 27a (Bar.) mentions that twelve of the twenty-four priestly watches lived in Jericho; this probably means a settlement on Hasmonean royal land. Shah. 26a and Ber. 43a both indicate royal supervision over the processing. In addition there was also balsam 'from the house of the Rabbi', i.e. perhaps from a domain of the patriarch in Galilee, which might go back to a royal gift; cf. also Solin 3 5 , 5 (Reinach 3 3 9 ) : the Romans again extended the plantations con siderably and also used the hillsides as a result of artificial irrigation at Engedi. This could already go back to Ptolemaic times. 3 5 6 . Diodore 2, 48, 6-8 = 1 9 , 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 3 ; in 1 0 0 , 1 Hieronymus is explicitly mentioned as commander of the unsuccessful undertaking and a later historian. Further reports on the Dead Sea are to be found in Aristotle, Meteorol. 2, 3 , 39 (Reinach 6 f ) ; Strabo 1 6 , 2 , 42 ( 7 6 3 f ) , following Posidonius: Pomp. Trogus in Justin, Epit.i6.3 (Reinach 2 5 6 ) ; Pliny, Hist.nat. 12, J2{., etc., see Reinach, index 3 6 6 ; Asphaltide. For the economic significance of the acquisition of asphalt for the Ptolemies see R. J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology 1, 1 9 5 5 , 2 7 - 3 0 , 98ff.; P. C, Hammond, BA 2 2 , 1 9 5 9 , 4 0 - 8 . T h e Essenes of Qumran also seem to have procured asphalt at a later date: see R. de Vaux, UArcheologie et les manuscrits, 1 9 6 1 , 6 8 f
Notes
37
357. A . Schlatter, GP, 2 3 , 393 n . 3 1 ; Theophrastus, Hist, plant, 4, 8, 4 ; Josephus, Bell, i, 1 3 0 = Antt. 14, 3 3 ; a place 'Papyrus' near Jericho. 358. A . Kaplan, RB 6 2 , 1933, 9of., 98. 3 5 9 . RB 69, 1 9 6 2 , 4o6f.; see above, n. 1 4 2 . 360. M . Dothan, RB 6 7 , 1960, 3 9 7 , and BIES 2 4 , i 9 6 0 , i20fF.; Dor: Claudius lolaus, FGrHist 788 F. 2; Gezer: see Macalister, Gezer i, 223f., and the interpretation by Watzinger, DP i , tor, and K . Galling, BRL, 154. 3 6 1 . P. W. Lapp, BA 28, 1 9 6 5 , 8, and O. R. Sellers, op. cit., r6ff.; cf. RB 7 2 , 1963,
399-
362. Sheep-rearing and weaving also had an upsurge in Egypt in the Ptolemean period. For example, there was a special Syrian woollen cloth (avpim) which was used in the army. The wool industry in Palestine was important, because originally Egypt produced almost nothing but linen, see RostovtzefF, HW I , 308, and 3, 1390 n. 1 0 8 ; cf. also V. Edgar, PMichZen 3 7 and 7 4 no. 1 3 ; PColZen r, 55fF., 6ifF., nos. 1 5 and 1 7 ; P S I 854 and P C Z 3 9 4 8 4 ; also C. Preaux, Economie, ro6fF. 363. For Engedi see B. Mazar, 'Ein-Gedi, i2fF., see above, n . 3 5 4 . For Damascus see Strabo 1 6 , 2 , 1 6 ( 7 5 5 ) , on which see H . Bietenhard, ZDPV 7 9 , 1963, 47f., who suggests Gerasa. For Jericho see Diodore 2, 48, 4 (Reinach 7 2 ) . 364. L . V. Rachmani, RB 6 7 , 1 9 6 0 , 403 and Z. Ron, lEJ 1 6 , 1 9 6 6 , 3 3 - 4 9 , 111-22; for the date, 1 1 3 . 365. See I Q H 8 . 2 1 - 2 6 and R. de Vaux, RB 66, 1 9 5 9 , 2 3 0 - 7 and VArchdo logie, 6ifF., 67fF.; a refined irrigation system of great technological skill has been found there; it partially served industrial ends, dyeing or the cultivation offish; for the possibility of gardening see RB 66, 1959, 254, and L'Archeologie, 48, 5 9 , 67fF., above all with dates; c f Pliny, Hist. nat. 5, 7 3 , and 1 3 , 44 and Reinach 3 7 2 , index: Palmiers. Even here a coin of Ptolemy II was found, RB 66, 1 9 5 9 , 248f.; for Galilee, Jericho and the Hauran see K . Galling, BRL 4, 84, 5 3 5 f , and S. Krauss, Talmudische Archdologie 2, 1 9 1 1 , i64fF.; the Taknudic tradition speaks of artificial irrigation as an obvious arrangement; cf. G. Dalman, Arbeit und Sitte in Palastina 2, 1 9 3 2 , 230fF., and R. J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology 2 , 1 9 5 5 , 9, 37366. F. M . Abel, Geographic de la Palestine II, 4 7 6 f , 3 7 3 : presumably identical with migdal nunayyd (fish-tower) = Magdala. 367. M . Avi-Yonah, Geschichte der Juden im Zeitalter der Talmud, 1 9 6 2 , 20fF. 368. O. R. Sellers, op. cit., 1 8 - 2 0 ; R. de Vaux, L'Archeologie, 12L, 22, 63fF., 68, 9 8 ; cf. W. R. Farmer, TZ 1 1 , 1 9 5 5 , 2 9 5 - 3 0 8 ; 1 2 , 1 9 5 6 , 5 6 - 8 . 369. K . Galling, B R L , 4 0 3 : first of all probably the beam press and in the later Hellenistic period the screw press, following on the invention of the screw (Archytas of Tarentum, 394 B C ) ; c f RostovtzefF, HW i, 364fF.; 2 , 1 1 9 0 , and R. J. Forbes, op. cit., 2, 38 and r33fF. 370. K . Galling, BRL, 387 (Matt. r 8 . 6 ) ; c f R. J. Forbes, op. cit., 2 , 1 4 4 ; it was already known in Greece about 300 BC. 3 7 1 . Dalman, op. cit., 2, 2 3 0 ; S. Krauss, op. cit., 2 , 1 6 6 ; R. J. Forbes, op. cit., 2, 37fF.
372. K . Galling, BRL, 4 2 8 ; c f RostovtzefF, r, 364. 373. For the Hippodamian city plan see K . Galling, BRL, 4 9 9 ; H. Bengtson,
Chapter I
38
GG-, 444 (lit.). For Palestine see Watzinger, DP 2, rrf.: Marisa; 2 6 : Samaria. Moreover, we also find it in Damascus (see J. Sauvaget, Syria 2 6 , 1 9 4 9 , 339fF., 355ff.) and perhaps in Philotheria, see B. Maisler, etc., lEJ 2 , 1 9 5 2 , r66ff. For wall technique and house building see K . Galling, BRL, 373f. and 2 7 i f . , and Watzinger, DP 2 , 25fF.; cf. J. Kaplan, RB 7 0 , 1 9 6 3 , 5 7 8 : Joppa; also G . E . Wright, BASOR 148, 1 9 5 7 , 2 4 : Shechem; B . Maisler, loc. cit.: Philotheria (cf RB 62, 1 9 5 5 , 87). For the whole see Rostovtzeff, HW 2 , 1 0 5 1 ; 3 , 1 5 8 7 nn. 1 9 , 2 0 lit. For loan words see Vol. I, pp. 6 o f 374. For Egypt see R. J. Forbes, op. cit., 2 , 2 7 ; for the growth of the popula tion in Egypt see Rostovtzeff, HW 2, i r36ff. 375. J. P. W. Lapp, Palestinian Ceramic Chronology, 1 9 6 1 , 230. 376. Josephus, Antt. 1 2 , r6o, 1 6 4 ; see also Vol.1, pp.267f. 377.
CPJ I , I22ff., n o . 2 b ( = P C Z 5 9 0 0 5 ) ; 2 c ( = P C Z 59802, 2 , 1 8 ) : 2 d
( = PLond 1930, 11.49, 175)- In this long list an ostler of Tobias appears as a member of the company six weeks before the visit to the Ammanitis. Thus Tobias supported the expedition from the beginning. A further Tobias is mentioned in the unpublished PLond inv. 2 3 7 8 fr. r verso; even if this is an Egyptian list, as Tcherikover stresses in his publication of a fragment, CPJ i, 1 4 6 no. 1 7 , we cannot exclude the possibility that there is an allusion here to the Jewish sheikh, e.g. to slaves who come from him. 378 See above, n. 30. 379. PColZen i,3ff., no.2, col.3,22, c f p . 9 ( = CPJ r, 1 2 4 no.2e); for the present see P C Z 59508. 380. CPJ I , I 2 7 f , no.3 ( = PJand Giessen, inv.4r3). 3 8 1 . A . Kuschke, ZAW 5 7 , 1 9 3 9 , 4off., 44flf., 49f.; E. Bammel, TDNT 6, 888ff.; C . van Leeuwen, Le developpement du sens social en Israel avant I'ire chretienne, 1 9 5 5 ,
117-52.
382. H . Bolkestein, Wohltdtigkeit und Armenpflege im vorchristlichen Altertum, 19393 1 2 9 : 'It is never stressed or commended that one should accept the lot of the poor'; c f i i 4 f , rrS, 24rff., 248ff. The Greeks therefore had no word for alms: 1 1 4 , 2 1 3 . For the role of slavery: 4 6 3 f ; for conduct towards the poor in Israel: 38ff. and 4 o r f f . ; see also W. Schwer, RAC 1 , 6giS., and Bolkenstein/ Kalsbach, RAC i, 698ff. For the oriental parallels, only some of which are adduced by Bolkestein, see E. Bammel, op. cit., 6, 891 n n . 4 8 - 5 0 and 892 n . 5 3 383. N e h . 5 . 1 - 5 ; on this W. Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, 1949, I29ff. ad loc 384. Neh. 1 3 . 1 0 - 1 4 ; c f 10.38a and the addition 3 8 b - 4 0 , together with r 2 . 4 4 f T h e charges of Nehemiah here are again directed against the 'supervisors' (D''3JD); on which see M . Smith, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 5 , ed. H. Bengtson, 1965, 363 The preference for Levites rather than priests continues in the work of the Chronicler, see W. Rudolph, Chronikbucher, 1 9 5 5 , xxii: the Levites become above all communicators of the right teaching: N e h . 8 . 1 2 ; II Chron. 1 7 . 7 f f . ; 3 0 . 2 2 ; 35.3 etc. K . Galling, Die Biicher der Chronik, Esra, Nehemia, A T D 1 2 , 1954, rr, counts on the possibility that the editor of the work of the Chronicler, the 'second Chronicler', came from 'Levitical circles'; for his dating see rsff.: the time of the edict, Antiochus III, c. 197 BC. 385. The legal claim of the Levites to the tithe goes back to P (Num. 1 8 . 2 1 , 24fif.). O. Eissfeldt, Erstlinge undZehnten im AT, B W A T 2 2 , 1 9 1 7 , irsff., 1 3 1
Notes
39
conjectures that the transfer to the priests was made as early as the time of Sirach (Sir. 7 . 3 r ; 35 (G 32). l o f ; 4 5 . 2 o f ) ; the objections of B. Schaller, ZNW 54, 1963, 23 n.48aj do not refute this assumption. Judith 1 1 . 1 3 and Jub. 3 2 . 1 5 , which both probably reflect an established custom, regard delivery to the priests as a matter of course. T h e archaizing Tobit 1.6-8 cannot be adduced as a counterproof, especially as here there is a tendency to increase the tithe, see Eissfeldt, op. cit., rigff., 123. T h e strongly pro-Levite tendency of the Chronicler probably presupposes tensions between the priestly nobility and the Levites - these con tinued until the destruction of the second temple, see Josephus, ^wtr.2o.2r6fF. and the question of the tithe will have been one of the main points at dispute. Perhaps the resolution of this question in favour of the priests goes back to the vigorous high priest Simon the Just. It is certainly no coincidence that Sirach often speaks of the priests ( 7 . 2 9 , 3 1 ; 5 0 . 1 , 1 2 , 24) but never of the Levites. 386. For the relationship with Samaria see M . Smith, Fischer Weltgeschichte 5, ed. H. Bengtson, 1965, 367, 369fr. For the family of Sanballat see F. M . Cross Jr, BA 2 6 , 1 9 6 3 , r 2 0 f , and K . Galling, Studien, 2 o 8 f ; for the Tobiads see Vol. I, pp. 2 7 f ,
267f
387. Antt. 12, r6o, 2 2 2 . 388. See above, nn. 2 5 6 / 7 ; for Sirach see below, n.III, 284. 389. Josephus, cAp.i, 1 8 7 : . . . €Tt SE Kal AEYETV hvvaros Kal rots T r e p i riov TTpayfMarwv, e t T r e p ns OAAOJ, €fj.7T€Lpos see above, n. 1 6 6 . 390. For the books of Chronicles see K . Galling, Die Bticher der Chronik, Esra, Nehemia, A T D 1 2 , 1954, 8fF. (for the redactor, the 'second Chronicler', loff., 1 4 - 1 7 ) etc., above n. 384 and RGG^ i, 1S04L; c f also W. Rudolph, op. cit., viiif, xviiiff. T o show the legitimacy of the sanctuary in Jerusalem over against the Samaritans and the Diaspora which was developing above all in Egypt, the author of the Chronistic work idealized the picture of Jewish history and stressed the temple cult as the manifestation of the saving presence of God. For the interest of the 'second Chronicler' in the Diaspora see K . Galling, op. cit., 1 6 ; c f Ezra 7 . 2 5 : Ezra's authority concerns all the Jews beyond the Euphrates. 3 9 1 . O. Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, V o l . 1 , pp. i 7 5 f F . : the Hasidim. 392. Diodore 40,3, fr. 13,9 (Reinach igf.). 393.
1 9 6 8 , 26fF., 4 2 , 46fF.;
see also
P s s . 9 . r 3 , 1 9 ; 1 0 . 2 , 9 , 1 7 ; 25.r6fr.; 3 5 - i o ; 37-145 r6; 4 0 . 1 5 - 1 8 ; 69.20-30;
etc.; see E. Bammel, TDNT 6, S91L, and J. J. Stamm, TR23,1955, 55fif. 394. It is significant that the Aramaizing form '"ndzvim has a completely religious note, see E. Bammel, op. cit., 6, 892f.: ' T h e description of a movement of '"niyylm or humble pious and humble, called '"ndzvim in Aramaic, has thus made its way primarily or secondarily into the Psalms.' In the late, perhaps Hasidic Ps. 149, the '"ndmm and the k<'hal-h"sidim have become completely identical (see Vol. I, pp. r 7 5 f ) . 395. P r o v . r . 1 3 , 1 7 , 1 9 ; 3 - 3 1 ; 4-17 (cf r i . 2 6 , 28). 396. Isa.24.2; 2 6 . 5 f ; Zech. io.3fif.; ir.4ff., i5fF.; i 3 . 7 f F . : against the high priests. 397. Koh. 5 . 9 f ; c f 6.7fF. T h e whole section 5 . 9 - 6 . 9 deals in effect with the use and uselessness of riches. 398. K o h . 4 . r ; c f 3 . 1 6 ; 8.ro; 9.16. 86.1,14
Chapter I
40
399. Koh.s.yf.j see below, n . I I I , 58. See the acutely ironic exegesis of this passage in Mek.Ex. 1 7 . 1 4 (Lauterbach 2, 150). 400. K o h . s . i r f , 1 6 ( 1 8 ) ; 6.rfF., 6fF.; c f 4 . 4 ; the 'competition': Sir. 1 1 . 1 0 - 1 9 , c f I 3 . 2 4 f . ; I 4 . 3 f ; 2 1 . 8 ; 3 1 (G 34). 3fif., c f Menander, fr.624 (Kock), see also 6 2 1 , 665, 539, 3 0 1 , 2 8 1 , and H. L . Ginsberg, Studies in Koheleth, 1950, 44. 4 0 1 . F. Hauck-W. Kasch, TDNT 6, 323L; Prov.2.10; 3 . i 6 f ; 8 . 1 8 ; 1 0 . 1 5 ; I I . r 6 ; 13.8, r i ; 14.20;
19.iff.; 402.
44.1-8,
1 9 . 4 ; 2 2 . 4 ; K o h . 2 . 2 4 f ; 3 . 1 2 ; 7 . 1 2 ; 9.7fF.; S i r . r o . 3 0 ;
etc; see also below, n.III,
210.
P r o v . 6 . 6 - r r ; r o . 4 f ; 1 2 . 2 4 , 2 7 ; 1 4 . 2 5 ; 2 0 . 1 3 ; 2 1 . 1 7 ; 2 3 . 2 1 etc.; Sir.
r 8 . 3 2 f ; 2 5 . 2 f . ; 4 0 . 2 8 - 3 0 ; for the conceptions in Greece see H. Bolkestein, op. cit., I74ff., 282fF. 403. E. Bammel, TDNT 6, 8 9 3 ; P r o v . r r . 2 8 ; rS.ioff.; 28.6, r r ; for postbiblical and especially Rabbinic Judaism see Bill, i, 8r8fF., 822fF., 826fF.; H . Bolkestein, op. cit., 4orfF.; F. Hauck-W. Kasch, op. cit., 3 2 3 f ; E. Bammel, op. cit., 899ff-
404. Sir.26.29-27.3; c f 3 1 ( G 3 4 ) . 5f. and ir.ioff., 34 (see V o l . 1 , p. 1 5 2 ) ; on Antiochus I I I see Antt. 12, r 4 5 f , and below, n. I V , 90. 405. S. L . Ginzberg, On Jewish Law and Lore, 1 9 5 5 , 79ff., and M . Hengel, Zeloten, 205ff., 208. 406. Tcherikover, lEJ 14, 1 9 6 4 , 6 1 - 7 8 ; c f also E. Bickerman(n), J 5 L 6 3 , I944j 3 5 6 : legally Jerusalem was not a polis. 407. Timochares, see FGrHist 1 6 5 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 35 (Reinach 53), also R. Laqueuer, PW, 2 R . 6, 1 2 5 8 ; for Xenophon or the anonymous Samaritan see FGrHist 849 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 3 6 (Reinach 54), in both instances according to Alexander Polyhistor. T h e figure of over 5 0 stadia from Ps. Hecataeus, according to c.Ap.\, 197, is a complete exaggeration, whereas Josephus, Bell. 5, 1 5 9 , speaks of a total extent, including the wall of Agrippa I encompassing the suburbs, of 33 stadia. T h e main growth of the city would thus come in the Hellenistic period; see also F. M . Abel, HP i , 9 6 f , and B. Niese, GGMS 3 , 222, 224. 408. C f also II Kings i r . 1 8 - 2 0 ; 1 4 . 2 1 ; Zech. 1 2 . 7 ; 1 4 . 1 4 ; for the time before the Maccabean revolt see Vol. I, p p . 2 8 2 f ; for the time between Herod and AD 7 0 see M . Hengel, op. cit., 335, 3 7 1 n. i . 409. M . Weber, Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Religionssoziologie 2, 1 9 2 1 , 400. 410. From the latest part of the collection ( i . r - 9 . 1 8 ) , see Prov.2.i6fr.; 5 ; 6.24ff.; 7 ; c f also 9 . i 3 f f . : folly as a seductress, and 2 2 . 1 4 ; 2 3 . 2 7 , also the frag ment from 4 Q ed. J. M . Allegro, PEQ 9 6 , 1 9 6 4 , 5 3 - 5 . According to G. Bostrom, Proverbiastudien, 1 9 3 5 , 4 2 - 5 2 ; 1 0 3 - 5 5 , the strange woman is to be referred to the wives of foreign merchants settled in Judea: the temptation of adultery was accompanied by that of idolatry. C f V o l . 1 , pp. i 5 5 f . 4 1 1 . Prov.5.3fF.; 7.rofF.; c f also the older sayings 20.ifF.; 2 1 . 1 7 ; 2 3 . 2 9 - 3 5 ; 3 1 . 4 f . ; K o h . 2 . i o , 24f.; this probably presupposes people who seek enjoyment of life without God, c f also 3 . 1 3 ; 5 . i 7 f f . ; 6.7ff.; S.rsff.; 9.7ff.; 1 0 . 1 6 , 1 9 ; r i . 9 f ; Sir. 3 1 (G 34). 2 5 - 3 3 (G 35). 1 3 presumably presupposes the customs of Greek feasts, see A. Schlatter, GP, 21, and 392 n . 2 8 ; see also Sir.9.9ff.; 1 9 . 2 ; 2 3 . i 6 f f . ; 2 6 . 8 ; 32 ( G 35). 4 - 8 . 4 1 2 . Antt.i2, i86fif., 209fF., 2 3 1 ; see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 6 9 f
Notes
41
4 1 3 . See G. Bostrom, op. cit., 5 3 - 1 0 2 , esp. 64if., ySfF.; cf. Prov. 2 4 . 3 0 - 3 4 ; 2 7 . 2 3 - 2 7 ; S i r . 7 . 1 5 ; 20.28; K o h . 2 . 4 f ; 5.8; Test. Iss.3-6 and above, n.253. 4 1 4 . Rostovtzeff, HW 2, i I25f; for the Graeculi of Rome see Cicero, Orat. 1 , 2 2 ; Tusc.i, 3 5 , 86, and J. Jiithner, Hellenen und Barharen, 1923, 63, 137 n. 1 5 . 4 1 5 . Athen. 12, 527e/f (FGrHist 87 F 10) par. 5, 2 1 0 e/f; see also the extra vagance of the 'royal camps' in Syria: 1 5 , 692c. Luxury was much greater in Egypt and Syria, as in the Magna Graecia of southern Italy and Sicily, than in the sparse motherland; c f Plato, Epist. 326h and Republic 404d = Athen. 1 2 , 527 c d; see also S. K . Eddy, The King is Dead, 1 9 6 1 , 209. There is a Jewish con firmation in Ps.Aristeas io8ff.
C H A P T E R II
1. For the origin and distribution of the koine see A . Deissmann, RE 7 , 6 3 o f F . ; L. Rademacherj S A W 224, 5, 1 9 4 7 , 6fF., r 4 i f . ; cf. also H . Bengtson, GG^, 3 5 2 , 447, 444 (literature) and F. Altheim, Die Weltgeltung der griechischen Sprache, N B G A W I , 1 9 6 4 , 3 1 5 - 3 2 . Cf. J. N . Sevenster, Do you know Greek ?, 1968. 2. Reference may be made, as just one example, to the Greek treaties found in Kurdistan, a long way from any considerable Greek settlement, dating from the first century B C : E. Minns, J/JS' 3 5 , 1 9 1 5 , 2 2 - 6 5 , c f also the release of slaves with a dedication to Serapis from Gorgan on the north-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea, 2 8 1 - 6 1 B C , see L . Robert, Hellenica 1 1 / 1 2 , i 9 6 0 , 8 5 - 9 1 . 3. Liddell-Scott, "1940, 5 3 6 ; R . Laqueur, Hellenismus, 1 9 2 5 , 22fr. n . 8 ; J. Jiithner, Hellenen und Barbaren, 1 9 2 3 , 39f., 4 7 . 4. W . Spiegelberg, Die demotische Urkunden des Zenonarchivs, Demot. Studien 8 , 1 9 2 9 : 25 documents of which 9 are bilingual. For the Jewish evidence see the early Ptolemaic inscriptions CIJ 2, nos. 1424, 1 4 2 5 , and on them Tcherikover, CPJ i, 3 n. 8. CIJ r, 1 5 3 4 , 1 5 3 6 on the other hand are only from the Byzantine period. Still more striking is the find of papyri, on which see L . H . Feldman, J e a j w / i Sociological Studies 2 2 , i 9 6 0 , 2 1 7 . P. Nash, see CPJ r, I07f., is a unique exception. 5. Joppa and Marisa; see Vol. I, p. 8 and n. 1 , 1 9 ; Hephzibah near Scythopolis: see above, n.I, 2 8 ; the religious inscriptions in Ptolemais: M . Avi-Yonah, lEJg, 1 9 5 9 , 1 - 1 2 ; Y . Landau, lEJ 1 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 1 8 - 2 6 ; Scythopolis and Samaria: R. Mouterde, MUSJ 1 7 , 1 9 3 3 , 1 8 0 - 2 ; J. W . Crowfoot, Samaria 1, 1 9 4 2 , 37 no. 1 3 ; Marisa: Clermont-Ganneau, CRAI 1900, 536fF.; epitaphs in Gaza; see Vol.1, p. 15 and n.I, 7 9 ; Marisa: see below n . 3 2 : here there are also some Aramaic inscriptions among the many Greek ones, see F. M . Abel, RB 34, 1 9 2 5 , 2 6 7 - 7 9 ; in Shechem (second to first century B C ) , see R . J. Bull, BASOR 180, 1 9 6 5 , 32fF. For the graf&ti see the love poem from Marisa, V o l . 1 , p p . 8 3 f and below, n . 1 9 2 ; further examples, Peters and Thiersch, op. cit., 48 nos. 1 6 , 1 7 ; 60, 7 2 : the inscription of a curse against Simon the Maccabee in Gezer: CIJ i , 225 no. 1 1 8 4 and n o . 1 1 8 3 , the bilinguals on the boundary of Gezer from the first century AD. C f also S E G 20, 1 9 6 4 , 389, and the Greek inscriptions from Tell Anafa on Lake Huleh (second century B c ) , lEJ 1 9 , 1 9 6 9 , 25ofF., and S . S. Weinberg, lEJ 21, 1 9 7 1 , r o 8 f 6. For Phoenician bilingual inscriptions see C I S I, i nos.45, 89, 9 5 , 1 1 4 - 2 0 , 122 = K A I 39, 4 2 , 5 3 - 6 , 58, 59, 4 7 ; R E S 3, 1 2 1 2 , 1 2 1 3 , 1 2 1 5 = K A I 4 1 , 60. The bilingual inscriptions come above all from Cyprus, Athens, Rhodes, Malta, etc.; in the home country itself there are predominantly purely Phoenician
Notes
43
inscriptions; RfiS 3 , 800, 1204, 1205, 1 2 1 1 Lapethos (Cyprus) = K A I 1 7 , 1 9 , 43, and the inscription of the Hellenistic period from the temple of Melk Astart in M . Dunand, Oumm el-'Amed, 1962, 18iff.: sixteen Phoenician inscriptions from the third to second century BC and only one small Greek fragment. How ever, the temple was in a country area (pp.233, 240). For bilingual coins see G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Phoenicia, 1 9 1 0 , cvif.: Sidon; cxxxiii: Tyre, and H . Seyrig, Syria 2 8 , 1 9 5 1 , 2 2 5 - 8 : even a Greek text could be re produced in Phoenician writing. 7. CPJ I , i25fF. nos.4 and 5 = P C Z 5 9 0 7 6 , 5 9 0 7 5 of 1 2 . 5 . 2 5 7 B C ; see also the editor, C . C. Edgar, on the passage, i, 9 7 : ' T h e letter is written in a beautiful large hand, no doubt by a Greek scribe.' For the treaty see CPJ i, iiSff., no. r; see below, n. IV, 69. 8. See Vol. I, p . 2 7 : a Jewish tax farmer Simon in Upper Egypt in the second century BC was, however, illiterate: CPJ i, 2 2 2 , no. 107, though he had quite subordinate local significance. 9. Josephus, Antt. 12, 1 9 1 , I96f 10. Josephus, c.AP.i, 1 7 6 - 8 1 ; on this see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 5 7 f 1 1 . Ps.Aristeas 1 2 1 : dAAa Kal TTJs ruiv *EX\-qviKcov l(l>p6vriaav ov -rrapepyajs KaraaK 12. Ibid.: T O i ) ? dp((7TOU9 dvSpaj . . . are 8rj yopdcjv . . . €v86^wv. 13. I M a c c . 8 ; 1 2 . 1 - 2 3 ; 1 4 . 1 6 - 2 4
etc.
H. Hegermann in UU i, 30ifF. 1 5 . C f I Mace. 1 5 . 1 5 - 2 4 ; II Mace, r . 1 - 9 ; Esther 1 0 . 3 1 L X X ; Sir., Prologue L X X ; c f V . Tcherikover, CPJ i, 4 6 ; ScrHieros 7 , 1 9 6 1 , 2 6 ; M . A . Beek, OTS 2, 14.
1942, r 4 2 f 1 6 . For the inscriptions see CPJ 2, 2 4 4 - 3 3 9 , and Bagatti/Milik, Gli Scavi del 'Dominus Flevit' I, 1958, 7 0 - 9 9 . 17. See L . Y . Rahmani, etc., 'Atiqot 4, 1964, 1 - 4 0 ; for the inscription see P. Benoit, 3 9 , and the further supplementation by B . Lifshitz, RB 7 3 , 1 9 6 6 , 2 4 8 - 5 5 , see also below, n.III, 1 3 3 , and more recently P. Benoit, lEJ 17, 1967, II2f
18. Cant. 3 . 9 ; see on this Kohler/Baumgartner, Lexicon, 7 9 ; and F. Rundgren, ZAW 7 4 , 1962, 7 0 - 7 2 ; Dan.3.5, 7 : qlt^ros = Ki&api; — Ki&apa; Dan.3.5, 1 0 , 1 5 p'santerin and 3.7 p'santerin = xliaXr-qpiov, Dan.3.5, I 5 sumpon'ydj' = avp.<j>uivia; Dan.3.7, 1 0 , 1 5 sabb'ka' = aafi^vK-q, according to Athen.4, I75d a 'Syrian invention'; the Aramaic form could be original here; on this see A. Bentzen, Daniel^, 28 on 3.5fF. and Kohler/Baumgartner, op. cit., 1 1 0 3 , 1 1 1 3 , 1 1 1 9 , 1 1 2 5 . Fohrer, Introduction, 1970, 3 1 9 , also wants to derive 'etun in Prov. 7 . 1 6 from odovTi, linen garment, but the replacement of by 13 is not very probable. C f M . Wagner, Die lexicalische und grammatikalische Aramaismen, B Z A W 96, 1 9 6 6 , 1 5 3 and n. 1 9 . 1 9 . For Qumran see S. Segert, Qumranprobleme, ed. H . Bardtke, 1 9 6 3 , 3 i 7 f : merely some Greek proper names are mentioned: i Q H 4 . 1 6 perhaps means Greek. For the loanwords in koine see L . Rademacher, op. cit., 24. 20. DJDJ III, Lespetites Grottes de Qumran, ed. M . Ballet, etc., 1962, I42ff., and the survey by C. Burchard, Bihliographie zu den Handschriften, 1 9 6 5 , 328f.: five Greek M S S from Qumran. Among other things a fragment of the Letter of Jeremiah, only preserved in Greek, has been found (7 Q 2 ) ; on this see V o l . 1 ,
44
Chapter II
p.228 and n.III, 7 6 3 , cf. O. Eisfeldt, The Old Testament, 594f. (lit.); P. W . Skehan, BA 2 8 , 1 9 6 5 , 89fF., and V o l . 1 , pp. looff.: 'Translation activity in Palestine'. 2 1 . C D I4.9f., cf. Sanh.11a end. 22. See S. Krauss, Griechische und Lateinische Lehnwdrter in Talmud, two vols., i 8 9 8 f . ; by way of supplement see G. Zumz,JSS i , 1 9 5 6 , 1 2 9 - 4 0 , and H . B . Rosen., JSS 8, 1 9 6 3 , 5 6 - 7 2 ; cf. also S. Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Palestine, 1 9 4 2 , passim, and B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 7 8 , 1 9 6 2 , 78fF., and RB 7 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 520-38. 2 3 . Schiirer 2 , 5 9 - 8 4 , see also S. Krauss, Lehnwdrter 2, 623fF., the survey of areas where Greek (and Latin) loanwords can be demonstrated in the literature of the Talmud, through I. Low. 2 4 . DJDJ I I I , 246f., no. 84 IfeSpa; 2 4 7 , nos.88f.: t,vyov or Ivyooi; 248 no. 1 0 4 : •jreploTvXov; 2 5 1 no. 1 2 8 : aX6-q; 2 5 3 no. 1 4 9 araTTip. Greek consonants were also used as numerals, see E. UUendorf, VT i i , 1 9 6 2 , 2 2 7 f . For Greek letters in the cryptic writing of the Essene horoscope see below, n. I l l , 826. 2 5 . Sheh. ro.3fF., and on this Schiirer 2 , 4 2 7 f . ; M . Jastrow, Dictionary 2 , 1 2 1 8 , puts forward a false derivation. T h e word comes from Greek law, see D . Correns, Schebiit, Giessener Mischna, i 9 6 0 , 1 5 0 ; F. Preisigke, Worterbuch 2,390. 26. For Strato see Schiirer 2 , 134, and 3 , 100; Fiehn and Obst, PW, 2 R . 4 , 2 7 3 f . There were three Phoenician princes of this name: i . a king of Sidon at the time of Artaxerxes II Mnemon ( 4 0 4 - 3 5 8 ) , see Dittenberger, Syll.^ 1, no. 1 8 5 ; 2. a prince of Aradus; 3. a king of Tyre, the two last at the time of Alexander the Great; presumably the Phoenician name was 'Abd'aStart and Strato was the Greek form. Cf. further K . Galling, ZDPV 6 3 , 1 9 6 1 , 70fF. on Ezra 4 . 1 7 : possibly the Tripolis founded from the three Phoenician cities of Sidon, T y r e and Aradus already had its Greek name at the time of Ezra. 2 7 . Josephus, Antt. i r, 3 0 3 ; on this see G. E. Wright, BASOR 144,1956,15: quotation from a letter of W. F. Albright to Wright; on the name itself see W . Pape, Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen 2, i863fF., 1 0 0 1 / 2 = C I G 882 and 1 7 1 0 ; F. Preisigke, Namenbuch, 1922, 234, and also PHambZen no. 1 0 5 ; P C Z 5 9 3 3 5 ( ?) and
59676, 13.
28. See H . Gressmann, PW, 2 R . 2, 2 2 2 4 f ; c f also RostovtzefF, CAH 7, 9 2 , I90f., and Dittenberger, Syll.^i, nos. 390 and 3 9 1 . 2 9 . P C Z 5 9 0 0 9 , see Tcherikover, Mizraim, 5 2 . 30. See Repert. Epigr. Sem. 3 , 1 2 1 2 , 1 2 1 5 = K A I 4 1 , 6 0 ; C I S i , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 2 2 , cf. 1 1 7 ; = K A I 54, 53, 4 7 , 5 5 ; see A. H . M . Jones, The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian, 1 9 4 0 , 3 6 , and C. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 3 , 1 0 0 0 , r45fF. 3 1 . CPJ I , 125 no.3: ' T h e conflation may serve as evidence of the religious syncretism of the epoch.' Marisa: Peters and Thiersch, op. cit., 7 1 no.57. 32. Only a small number of the graves can be dated. The family of SesmaiusApoUophanes can be traced through four generations, though the last relatively certain date refers to the year 201 of the Seleucid era = 1 1 2 BC, i.e. shortly before the conquest of the city by John Hyrcanus (F. M . Abel, RB 3 4 , 1 9 2 5 , 2 7 5 no. 1 1 ; the reading of no. 14 = 2 1 0 Seleucid era is, as Abel himself says, very un certain). Thus we may put the earliest tombs at least 100 to 120 years earlier (see Peters and Thiersch, op. cit., 7 6 ) . This would be matched by the reading Z P
Notes
45
Seleucid era = 206/5 BC in tomb no. 2 9 , thus M . J. Lagrange, CRAI cf. Schurer 2 , 5 n.8, and A . Schalit, ASTI 2, 1 9 6 2 , 146 n. 1 6 ; Peters and Thiersch, op. cit., 5 4 f , read I Z P = 1 1 7 Seleucid era = 196/5 and discuss the possibility of X P = r6o Seleucid era = 153 BC; the second oldest datable tomb is from the year 188 BC: see the demonstration, op. cit., 7 7 . T h e time of the origin of the tombs towards the end of the third century BC would also correspond to the inscription of Philopator after the battle of Raphia: see above, n.I, 1 9 and the elements of Alexandrian style in the tomb paintings. For the names of the tomb inscriptions see Peters and Thiersch, op. cit., 3 7 - 7 1 , and Add. 2 - 4 , esp. nos. I , 3, 9 - 1 3 , 20, 2 3 , 2 8 - 3 2 , 50, 5 2 , 5 3 , 5 7 , 58. On 'Sarya' see Josephus, Antt. 1 0 , 1 4 9 f , 160, and A. Schlatter, Die hebrdische Namen, B F C T 1 7 , 1 9 1 3 , Vol. 3 , r o 5 f For the Idumean god Kos see more recently T . C. Vriezen, OTS 1 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 3 0 - 5 3 , esp. 3 3 3 , and Josephus, Antt. 1 5 , 2 5 3 ; he was identified with Apollo, see below n. IV, 2 7 . 33. RB 34, 1 9 2 5 , 2 6 9 f , see also already W. Moulton, AJA 1 9 , 1 9 1 5 , 6 3 - 7 0 , and in general also E. R. Goodenough, J e a j w / z Symbols i, 1 9 5 3 , 72fF. 34. A . Schalit, ASTI I , 1962, iioff.: an indication of this is the complete destruction of Marisa by the Parthians after the flight of Herod, Antt. 14, 364 = Bell. I , 269. 35. R. J. Bull, BASOR r8o, 1965, 3 3 ; for the inscription of Simonides see Toombs/Wright, BASOR 1 6 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 45, and G. E. Wright, Shechem, 1964, 183. 36. J. Harmatta, Acta Antiqua 7 , 1 9 5 9 , 383ff. One exception is perhaps col. A 1.10: Haggai son of Diaphorus (dyprs). 37. CPJ I , i48fr. no.rS; isrff. n o . 1 9 ; i57fF. n o . 2 1 ; i88fF. no.22. For what follows see Tcherikover, CPJ i, 27fF., and HC, 346L, S23L and already L . Fuchs, Die Juden in Agypten, 1924, I43ff. 38. CPJ I , 28. 39. CPJ r, 28 nn.69 and 7 0 ; HC, 523 n.6. 40. CPJ I , 2 2 8 f no. 1 2 6 , c f CIJ 2, no. 1425. For the theophorous names see also the prosopography CPJ 3, 1 7 0 : Apollonius, etc., Artemidorus; 1 7 2 : Demetrius (cf also the Jewish chronographers in Alexandria towards the end of the third century BC), Dionysius; 1 7 3 : Dosarion (Dusares); 1 7 6 : Heliodorus, Heracleides; 1 8 1 : Isidorus, etc. 4 1 . Dan. 1.7 and esp. 4.5; on this see A. Bentzen, Daniel^, 2 1 : it is, however, improbable that we have a condemnation of foreign names here; rather, this is merely a feature of historicizing realism. Daniel bears his pagan names without objections, so to speak as second names. 4 2 . Tcherikover, HC, 523 n. 5 ; see also the prosopography CPJ 3, i 7 3 f . , i 7 6 f . For the release in Delphi see above, n.I, 328. 43. CIJ 2, 3 6 6 f no. 1440, and CPJ 3, 1 6 4 no. 1 5 3 2 3 (SB 8 9 3 9 ) ; M . Hengel, (n.I, 86 above), i57ff. 44. Antt. 1 2 , 1 8 9 , 1 8 9 - 9 5 , etc.: the name appears in the Genesis Apocryphon for an official of Pharaoh: 20, 8, 2 1 , 24. C f J. Neusner, op. cit., 11 n . 2 : presum ably it was originally a designation of descent, 'from Hyrcania', on this see above, n.I, 56. 45. See P. Kleinert, ThStKr 82, 1909, 5 0 3 f ; I. Heinemann, MGWJ 82, 1 9 3 8 , 1 5 9 ; E. Bickerman(n), HTR 5 4 , 1 9 5 1 , 1 5 3 - 6 5 ; see below, n. I l l , i 6 r . =
107
1902,
503f.;
46
Chapter II
46. I Mace. 1 2 . 1 6 ; 1 4 . 2 2 , 2 4 ; 1 5 . 1 5 ; cf. Antt. 1 3 , 1 6 9 ; 1 4 , 1 4 6 , the resolution of the senate cited here probably belongs to the time of Simon. According to I Mace. 8.17 the above mentioned Jason perhaps already went as an ambassador to Rome under Judas. By some scholars he is identified with Jason of Cyrene, see below, n.III, 328. 47. II M a c c . 4 . 1 1 and I Mace. 8.17. 48. II Mace. 1 2 . 1 9 , 2 4 , and probably also 3 5 ; on this see below, p. 2 7 6 . 49. Esther 1 0 . 3 1 L X X , see also below, nn.III, 3 4 1 - 4 . Cf. E. Bickermann, JBL
6 3 , 1944)
348f
Ps.Aristeas 4 7 - 5 0 . C f the Hasmonean delegations, Antt. 1 3 , 2 6 0 ; 1 4 , 248. 5 1 . Schiirer, i, 2 5 5 , 257fif., 273fF., 2 8 4 f : in the case of Aristobulus the Hebrew name is only preserved through coins, and in the case of Antigonus {Bell. I, 64, 7 1 - 8 0 = Antt. 1 3 , 276fF., 3 0 1 - 1 4 ) is no longer preserved at all. 52. On this see W. R. Farmer, NTS 4, 1958, 149, and M . Hengel, Zeloten, 50.
177.
53. For the frequency of the name see already G . Holscher, 'Zur jiidischen Namenskunde', in Vom alten Testament, K. Marti z. 70 Gehurtstag geiuidmet, 1925, 1 5 5 ; his observation is confirmed by Bagatti/Milik, Gli scavi del 'Dominus Flevit' I, 1958, 7 6 f , and the statistics, 108. C f also J. A. Fitzmeyer, HTR 56, 1963,
1-5.
54. H. I. Marrou, Histoire de I'education dans Vantiquite, 1948, 139. 5 5 . J. Jiithner, Hellenen und Barbaren, 1 9 2 3 , 25fr., and M . Hadas, HCu, i2fF. 56. Isocrates, Panegyr. 4, 50. The interpretation of the passage in Jiithner, op. cit., 3 4 f , turns it into the opposite. C f H. C. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, 1966,
69f
J. Kaerst, Geschichte der Hellenismus 1, ^ 1 9 1 7 , 140. In Strabo i, 4, 9 ( 6 6 f ) ; c f M . Miihl, Die antike Menschheitsidee, 1 9 2 8 , 5 4 f ; very similarly Plutarch, De Alex. fort. 6 (329 C/D). 59. H. I. Alarrou, op. cit., 144. 60. M . Launey, Recherches sur les armies hellenistiques 2, 1950, 8 1 3 ; c f M . Hadas, HCu, 5 9 f , and L . Robert, CRAI 1968, 4i6fr., 454ff. 6 1 . For the institution of the gymnasium in newly-won territory see M . Launey, op. cit., 2 , 8 1 3 - 7 4 ; RostovtzefF, HW2,1058-60; H. I. Marrou, op. cit., 1 4 8 - 6 4 , esp. i 5 4 f f . ; M . P. Nilsson, Die hellenistische Schule, 1 9 5 5 , 8 3 - 9 8 , and specially on the buildings, J. Delorme, Gymnaseion, i 9 6 0 , i36fF., r98fF., 4 5 9 - 7 9 . 62. M . Launey, op. cit., 2 , 8 6 9 - 7 4 ; RostovtzefF, HW 2, i o 6 o f ; M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 83f. 63. M . Launey, op. cit., 2 , 8 3 6 - 6 8 ; RostovtzefF, HW 2 , i058f., 1 0 8 2 ; 3, I588f lit.; M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 85fF.; J. Delorme, op. cit., 90, i37fF., i99fF. Even in the village of Samareia in the Fayum there is evidence of a gymnasium about 2 2 1 / 2 0 B C : see above n.I, 87. We already find individual reports in the Zeno papyri: P S I 340; 4 1 8 , 7 ; 3 9 1 , 7 , 2 1 : the feast of'Hermeia' in the gymnasium of Philadelphia. For the gymnasia of the larger Egyptian viUages see F. Zucker, AegII, 1 9 3 1 , 4 8 5 - 9 6 . For the Hellenistic elementary schools see H . I. Marrou, op. cit., 2 0 0 - 2 2 , and M . P. Nilsson, 34f., 42fF.; for the school papyri see the index of R. A. Pack, The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Greco-Roman Egypt, 1952, 8 2 - 9 2 ; in all ninety papyri from the third to the seventh century AD, for their 57.
58.
Notes
47
distribution see M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., i 6 . For the literary papyri, see below, n. 70. For the school papyrus from the third century BC see Pack, op. cit., 89, no. 2068 = O. Gueraud-P. Jouguet, Un livre d'ecolier du III' slide, 1 9 3 8 . 64. M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 83. 65. M . Launey, op. cit., 2, 865ff.; M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 85ff., 90ff.; the exclusion of natives in Roman times is probably also connected with the poll-tax obligations of the non-Greek populace. C f also H. Brunner, Altdgyptische Erziehung, 1 9 5 7 , 2 7 , 29.
W . Peremans, Vreemdelingen, 1 9 4 3 , 1 7 3 - 9 9 . M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 34ff., who here attacks the division by H. I. Marrou, op. cit., I52ff.; the latter puts the ephebate, as in Athens, between the ages of 18 and 20. For military training and conscription into the army see M . Launey, op. cit., 2, 8 i 5 f f . , 8 3 6 f , and H. I. Marrou, op. cit., 1 5 7 , 5 0 0 f nn. 13 and 14; it occurred particularly in Egypt. 68. For the associations and the office of gymnasiarch see H . I. Marrou, op. cit., 1 5 8 , i63ff., 502ff., and M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 53ff., 75ff.; the centre of public life: op. cit., 78ff,; J. Delorme, op. cit., 352ff., 44iff., 4 4 3 ; the buildings came increasingly to the centre of the Hellenistic cities. 69. H. I. Marrou, op. cit., 1 6 5 , i 6 8 f ; M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 43fr. 70. H . I. Marrou, op. cit., 2 i 4 f f . ; M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 46ff., 49ff. For Homer see H. I. Marrou, op. cit., 226ff.; M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 6 1 , 80; M . Hadas, HCu, 6 1 , see also R. A. Pack, op. cit., 2 9 - 4 4 , n o s . 4 1 2 - 9 6 2 ; of the 2368 hterary papyri enumerated in the catalogue, 3 7 1 are Iliad texts and 109 relate to the Odyssey; in addition there are about 7 0 paraphrases and philological aids, i.e. in all about 5 5 0 Homerica. For the Ptolemaic period cf. especially C. H . Roberts, MusHelv 10, 1 9 5 3 , 267f. For the other 'canonical' classics see H . I. Marrou, op. cit., 2 2 7 f For the school book see O. Gueraud/P. Jouguet, op. cit., 66.
67.
u. 1 5 5 - 6 1 , 1 3 1 - 9 ; 1 1 5 - 2 9 -
7 1 . Iliad 6, 208 = I I , 7 8 4 ; on this see H . I. Marrou, op. cit., 38. Posidonius gave this saying to Pompey as a motto on his departure: Strabo 1 1 , i , 6 = FGrHist 87 T 8. 7 2 . M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 8 1 . 7 3 . M . Hadas, HCu, 6 0 / 6 1 . For the conservative form of the instruction see C. H. Roberts, op. cit., 2 6 4 f , for Egypt; C. Welles, Aeg^g, 1 9 5 9 , 26ff., for Dura Europos. 7 4 . L . Diirr, Das Erziehungswesen im AT und im Ahen Orient, 1 9 3 2 , 22ff., 74ff. Only the young nobility or kings' sons knew training in sports = war: i8f,
70f
7 5 . M . Hadas, HCu, 68. 7 6 . M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 6 i f f . ; J. Delorme, op. cit., 339ff., 3 4 7 , etc. 7 7 . J. Delorme, op. cit., 3 5 2 : 'Athletisme et religion se confondent dans les gymnases depuis les origines.' 78. M . Launey, op. cit., 2, 853ff. (lit.); M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 64ff., 67ff., 7 i f f . ; J. Delorme, op. cit., 340ff. The gymnasium in the place 'Samaria' in the Fayum was also dedicated to Ptolemy II (Philadelphus): O. Gueraud, P. Evrev^ets, I 9 3 I , no.8, 3f., and on this, op. cit., I 3 9 f , and above n . I , 87. H. Kortenbeutel, APF 1 2 , 1 9 3 7 , 4 4 - 5 3 , gives a further example.
Chapter II
48
79. Education at the gymnasium was a presupposition for citizenship in a number of Hellenistic cities, see E. Bickermann, GM, 62 n. 3, cf. also CPJ 2 , 27f. no. 150,11.2fF.: the petition of the Alexandrians to Augustus c. 20/19 BC for the preservation of the purity of the ephebate and citizenship. For the difficulty of acquiring citizenship see Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 8 4 f and 2 2 i f 80. Josephus, Antt.12, 126; cf. 1 6 , 2 7 - 6 0 . For religious misdemeanours in the Greek polis see E. Fascher in Abraham unser Vater, Festschrift fur O. Michel, 1 9 6 3 , 7 8 - 1 0 5 , and W . Nestle, RAC 1, 7 3 5 - 4 0 . 8 1 . Josephus, c. Ap. 2,65. 82. See H I M.acc.2.3of; cf. 3 . 2 1 ; see also below, n . I V , 46. 83. CIJ 2 , 1 5 no. 7 4 9 . 84. For the lists of ephebes in lasus and in Corone in Messenia see L . Robert, REJ
101, 1 9 3 7 , 8 5 f , and Hellenica 3 , 1 9 4 6 , lOOf. ( = I G V , i , no. 1 3 9 8 , 9 i f . ) ;
also in Cyrene; S E G 2 0 , 7 4 0 , 3 : 'IrjaoCv 'AvrujiiXcM (lirst century B C ) , 7 4 1 , 48f.; twice 'EXed^apos (third/fourth century AD) ; in Sardes (second century AD) ; CIJ 2, 1 9 n o . 7 5 5 . For the whole matter see Tcherikover, CPJ 1, 39 n . 9 9 ; 41 and 75flF.; S. Applebaum, ParPass 1 9 , 1 9 6 4 , 2 9 1 - 3 0 3 . 85. This would correspond to the open attitude of the patriarchs from the house of Hillel towards Greek education and culture or even the later attitudes of the Jewish congregations towards the prohibition of images, see below, n.II, 1 5 8 . 86. Ps.Aristeas 3 , 2 7 2 , 285, c f 4 3 , 46, 207 and on this V . Tcherikover, HTR 51,
1 9 5 8 , 66f., 8 1 .
87. C f e.g. Spec. leg. 2, 230 ( M 2 , 2 9 8 ) ; De somn. 69 ( M 2 , 6 3 1 ) , i29fF. (M 2 , 640); on this see L . H. V&\6man,JewSocSt 2 2 , i 9 6 0 , 224flf. 88. Antt. 12, 119L, c f c.Ap.2, 39 and Bell.j, 4 3 f , on this Tcherikover, HC, 5 1 6 and E. Bickerman(n), From Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees, 1 9 6 2 , 53 and 89 n . 4 7 . 89. S. Applebaum, Tarbiz 2 8 , 1 9 5 8 / 5 9 , nos. 3 , 4 , X I I I (Summary), see Hebrew T . 424f.; c f already a similar suggestion in Wolfson, Philo 1, jgt T h e existence of special Jewish gymnasia is extremely improbable, on this see also L . H . Fc[dman,Jev)SocSt
2 2 , i 9 6 0 , 225f.
See L . Robert, Nouvelles Inscriptions de Sardes, I" fasc, 1 9 6 4 , 54flF., nos. 1 3 - 1 9 , and D . G . Mitten, BA 2 9 , 1 9 6 6 , 64f. (quot.); c f the inscription above, n. 84. 9 1 . CPJ 2, 36flF. no. 1 5 3 , esp. col.V, 92f. T h e question of citizenship had been disputed long before, see 2 , 25flF. nos. 1 5 0 / 1 5 1 ; on this V. Tcherikover, CPJ I, 90.
5 9 - 7 8 , esp. 7 3 f
92. See H. I. Marrou, op. cit., I56f, 3 3 2 . 9 3 . For this ideal of education see op. cit., 2 5 2 f , 3 3 0 , 3 3 6 , 538f. n n . 2 - 5 . The significance was fleeting, see in detail H. Fuchs, RAC 5,366flF., and especially on Philo, 3 8 9 f 94. W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 1 9 3 8 , 3 4 - 7 0 and esp. 40f.: the majority of scholars migrated from the Seleucid empire; see also Rostovtzeflf, CAH 7, 1 9 5 ; HW 2, i o 8 4 f ; M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 3 9 . 9 5 . W . Schubart, RAC 1, 2 7 1 - 8 3 , and with particular reference to the museum, E . A . Parsons, The Alexandrian Library, 1 9 5 2 , 53flf., 84flf., see also
Notes
49
N . Walter, Der Toraausleger Aristobulos, 1964, 41 n. 2, and J. Schwartz, ZPapEp r, 1 9 6 7 , i 9 7 f f .
96. T h e various fragments can be found in FGrHist 7 2 2 ; for his work see I. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 1 8 7 5 , 3 5 - 8 2 , who stresses his dependence on Palestinian exegesis, and Schurer 3 , 4 7 2 - 4 ; Y . Gutman, The Beginnings of Jewish-Hellenistic Literature i , 1 9 5 8 , 1 3 2 - 9 ; c f also M . Hadas, HCu, 9 4 f ; N . Walter, op. cit., 4 3 , and H. Hegermann, UU r, 3 i 8 f Josephus, who quotes him in c.Ap. in connection with the discussion of the extreme antiquity of the Jewish tradition ( i , 218), confuses him with Demetrius of Phaleron - probably he knew him only from the collection of excerpts in Alexander Polyhistor. 97. Freudenthal, op. cit., 8 2 - 1 7 4 ; Schurer 3 , 4748?., 497ff.; Y . Gutman, op. cit.,
I , 2 2 1 - 6 1 and
2, 9 - 1 4 3 .
Schurer 3 , 5 0 5 - 6 0 3 , and on Aristobulus N . Walter, op. cit., i5off. 99. So in P. Dalbert, Die Theologie der hellenistisch-judischen Missionsliteratur, 1 9 5 4 ; 8, i8ff., etc.; see already M . Friedlander, Geschichte der judischen Apologetik, 1903, and Bousset-Gressmann, 8 o f 100. So S. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, ^ 1 9 5 2 , I97f.; Tcherikover, Eos 48.4, 1 9 5 6 ( = Symb., R. Taubenschlag, III), 1 6 9 - 9 3 , and 98.
HTR
5 1 , 1 9 5 8 , 59ff-
1 0 1 . This could be true e.g. of Eupolemus and the anonymous Samaritan; see also V. Tcherikover, Eos, 4 8 . 3 , 1956, 1 8 7 ; not everything that is termed 'Jewish Alexandrian literature' need come from Alexandria. 102. For what follows c f E. Bickermann, GM, 5 9 - 6 5 . 103. J. Delorme, op. cit., I36f. 104. II M a c e . 4 . 9 - 1 4 and I M a c e . i . i 4 f . ; c f Josephus, Antt.12, 2 5 1 . 105. Bell. I , 4 2 2 ; c f 2, 560. 106. R. Savignae, RB 2 5 , 1 9 1 6 , 5 7 6 - 9 . According to E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Melanges Dussaud 1, 19393 96 n.8, it falls in the year 2 5 BC. 1 0 7 . F. M . Abel, RB N S 5, 1908, 5 6 8 - 7 7 . ro8. J. Delorme, op. cit., 2 i 8 f 109. Soloi in Cilicia: O G I S 230 from the time of Antiochus I I I ; Laodicea on the Sea: 163 BC, see J. Delorme, op. cit., 1 9 9 ; Babylon, i i i / i o BC, and Seleucia on the Eulaius = Susa c. 1 0 0 - 5 0 B C , see B . HaussouUier, Klio 9, 1 9 0 9 , 3 5 2 - 6 3 ; Rostovtzeff, HW 2, 1 0 6 1 and S E G 7, 3, 3 9 , c f 1 1 - 1 4 . Especially on Babylon see O G I S 2 5 3 and Bengtson, GG^, 482 n . 3 ; see below n.IV, 133. Both places were at that time under Parthian rule. All the gymnasia mentioned of course point back to a much earlier time; c f further M . Launey, op. cit., 2, 873f. n o . I G X I , 2. no. 203, 6 8 : on this and on what follows see M . Launey, op. cit.,
2, 8 7 i f
i n . L e Bas/Waddington, Voyage archiologique II, 3 , i847ff., no. 1 8 6 6 a , newly edited by E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Milanges Dussaud I, 1939, 9 1 - 9 . T h e statue going with the inscription was erected by a Cretan Timocharis. 1 1 2 . L e Bas/Waddington, op. cit., no. 1 8 6 6 c , see also E. Bi(c)kerman(n), op. cit., 9 6 f 1 1 3 . I G 2 II, 2, n o . 2 3 1 4 , 2 1 ; 2 3 1 6 , 5 i f ; c f also 960, 1 6 : the Sidonian Dionysius won the young men's pankration at the Athenian Theseia in 142 BC.
Chapter
50
II
1 1 4 . IG^ II, 2, n o . 2 3 1 5 , 2 7 ; cf. V I I n o . 4 1 7 , 4 0 : a Tyrian in Oropus. 1 1 5 . IG^
cf.
965,
II,
2 n o . 2 3 1 3 , 5 0 : 'EttIvikos &6.X1UVOS nroXifxaiivs
d-no [0omio)9 • . . . - • ] ,
50.
1 1 6 . I G V I I , no. 1760, 2 1 , at the end of the second century BC. 1 1 7 . For the double name see Antt.12, 139. 1 1 8 . II Mace. 4.9, and on it seeE. Bickermann, GM, 59fF., and following him F. M . Abel, iMacc.33if. T h e petition {ivrmiis) of Jason did not lead imme diately to the foundation of the new polis 'Antiochia in Jerusalem', thus Tcherikover, HC, 404fF., but it served to prepare for it; see below, pp.277fF. 1 1 9 . See above, n.I, 2 2 4 ; see V o l . 1 , pp.268fF. 120. See W . H. Roscher, Lexikon 1, 1409 on Europa; according to Lucian, Dea Syr. 4, there was a temple of Europa-Astarte in Sidon. For Andromeda see Roscher, op. cit., I, 3 4 5 - 8 : the connection between her and Joppa is old and can already be found in the time before Alexander in Ps.Skylax, C. Miiller, GGM 1, 565. T h e whole material is in F. M . Abel, HP 1, 2ji{. 121. Roscher, Lexikon 2, 8 2 4 - 9 3 , cf. already Herodotus 2 , 49. T h e claim to cultural superiority is expressed e.g. by a coin from Tyre which depicts how Cadmus gives the alphabet to the Greeks, op. cit., pi. 7 , on this see Herodotus 5, 5 7 - 9 . T h e inscription edited by E. Bickermann (see above, n. i n ) expressly stresses the delight of the Thebans of Cadmus at the victory of their mother city Sidon (viVai; fvKUa narpomXiv); cf. Achill.Tat. I , I . ed. R. Hercher, Erot.script.gr. I , 1 8 5 6 , 37 and Josephus, c.Ap.i, 10-13. 122. E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Melanges Dussaud 1, 9 4 : HeUanicus (fifth century B c ) , FGrHist 4 F 3 6 ; according to Arrian, Anab.2, 2 4 , 2, there was an 'Agenoreion' in Tyre as early as 332 B C . 123. FGrHist. 264 F 6, 4 (Diod.40, 3 ) ; Herod, i , 6 5 , 2. 1 2 4 . I Mace. 1 2 . 6 - 2 3 ( 1 0 . 2 0 ) ; II M a c e . 5 . 9 ; Josephus, Antt. 12, 226f., cf. 1 3 , i66f. T h e starting-point is the letter of king Areus to Onias II. As Areus I, who is the only possible author, fell as early as 265 B C , a defence of the authenticity of this letter is difficult. T h e suggestion by Y . Gutman, op. cit., I, 1 0 8 - 1 1 , that the initiative came from the Spartans who had learned from Hecataeus of the common exodus of Jews and Daneans from Egypt, is improbable; similarly M . S. Ginsburg, ClassPUl 2 9 , 1 9 3 4 , 1 1 7 - 2 2 , and F. M . Abel, Mace, 2 3 1 - 3 and HP 1, 4 1 . M . Hadas, ifCw, 87, rightly observes:'Claims of relationship . . . were not proffered by the Hellenes but by the non-Hellenes.' T h e correspondence of Jonathan with the Spartans, on the other hand, may be genuine. It shows that some ideas of the Hellenists continued to influence the Maccabees; see E. Bickermann, PW 14, 786 and below, n. 286. T h e origin of the affinity is probably to be sought in the Jewish Hellenistic mythographers like Cleodemus Malchus, who had the sons of Abraham by Keturah migrating to Libya (i.e. Cyrene), where they met up with the children of Heracles (FGrHist 7 2 7 ) . T h e report of Hecataeus, mentioned above, of the emigration of the Daneans under Cadmus and the Jews under Moses from Egypt could also have been a cause (FGrHist 264, 2 , Diod. 40,3; fr.25, Diod. I , 28, 2). C f further the note of Claudius lolaus (Reinach 2 1 5 = FGrHist 788 F 4) on the derivation of the name Judea from a certain OiJhaws UndpTwv <€«>, i.e. one of the men sown by Cadmus in Thebes; on this see A. Schlatter, GP, 15. Only fragments of this remarkable literature have
Notes
51
been preserved. As the Hellenists in Jerusalem were most interested in the legend, it will also have arisen there. E. Bickermaim, PW 1 4 , 786, supposes that it arose in the first quarter of the second century BC. Later, reference to the laws and the xenophobia of the Spartans probably became a theme of Jewish apologetic. Josephus makes rich use of it: c.Ap.2, 1 3 0 , 1 7 2 , 2 2 5 - 3 1 , 2 5 9 f , 2 7 1 . A parallel which probably comes from the Jewish military settlers in Phrygia, who came under Pergamene rule after the peace of Apamea {Antt. 1 2 , 1 4 7 - 5 3 , see below, n. IV, 45), is the alleged friendship between Jews and Pergamenes in the time of Abraham: Antt. 1 4 , 255. 1 2 5 . S E G 2, 3 3 0 ; A. H. M . Jones, The Greek City, 1940, 5 0 , 3 1 1 n.68. T h e construction of such affinities was a widespread phenomenon of great political significance in HeUenistic times, see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Melanges Dussaud i , I 9 3 9 > 95U
and
RHR
1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 207.
126. E. Bickermann, PW 14, 7 8 6 . 1 2 7 . I. Heinemann, MGWJ 82, 1938, 1 4 6 . 1 2 8 . F. M . Abel, H P I , i i 2 f 129. Cf. E. Bickermann, GM, 63 n. 4: the high priest and gymnasiarch in the temple city of Ma in Cappadocia; G . de Jerphainion/L. Jalabert, MUSJ 5, I 9 I I / I 2 , 3^6 no. 1 0 ; dfpjxtepews Kal yvfivaaidpxov.
II Mace. 4 . 1 2 ; on this see E. Schuppe, PW 1 9 , i , 1 1 1 9 - 2 4 . 1 3 1 . T h e acropolis probably means the citadel at the north-eastern corner of the temple, see above, n.I, 8 1 . 132. II M a c e . 4 . 1 4 ; on this see A. Wilhelm, S A W 2 1 4 , 4, 1 9 3 2 , 4 5 , and L . Robert, &udes Anatoliennes, 1 9 3 7 , 290 n.50. According to A . Wilhelm, op. cit., 46, and L . Robert, the fierdxeLv t ^ j eV -naXaLorpfi napavofiov x^PVY^'^^ refers to the distribution of oil and other things necessary for use in the gymnasium; see also Abel/Starcky, 243 ad loc. 1 3 3 . II M a c e . 4 . 1 8 - 2 0 ; on this F. M . Abel, Mace, 3 3 5 ad loc. For the foundation of festivals see Arrian 2, 2 4 , 6 and 3 , 6, i : iv Tvpw av&es 9v€i. TU> 130.
'HpaKXei Kal dywva
Trote?
yvfiviKov re Kal
fiovaiKov.
134. FGrHist 7 2 3 I 2, 3 4 , 1 6 ; see on this below n.287. 135. Op. cit., 7 2 7 ; on this see E. Bi(e)kerman(n), RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 205. T h e reasons why Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 1 8 7 5 , 1 3 0 - 6 , wants to make him a Samaritan, and A. Schlatter, GP, 409 n. 100, wants to make him a pagan Syrian are not compelling; c f Schiirer 3 , 4 8 1 , and B . Wachholder, HUCA 34, 1 9 6 3 , 87
n.27.
Jub. 3 . 3 1 on Gen. 3 . 2 1 . 1 3 7 . Josephus, Belli, 1 2 3 ; c f also C D 1 2 . 1 6 , where possibly the incompre hensible 1232? should be emended to ]W; see E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran, 136.
1 9 6 4 , 286
n.78.
I Mace. 1 . 1 5 ; Antt.12, 2 4 2 , c f Jub. I 5 . 3 3 f ; Ass.Mos.8.3 and Philo, Migr.Ab. 9 2 f ( M i , 450). According to Herodotus 2, 104, the Phoenicians did not introduce circumcision into Greece; in Egypt it was limited more and more to the priests. C f E. Bi(c)kerman(n), RHR 115, 1 9 3 7 , 2 i 9 f ; I. Levy, Semitica 5, 1 9 5 5 , 1 7 ; F. Stummer, RAC 2 , 1 5 9 f For epispasm at a later period see Martial 7 , 3 5 ; 'Ab.3, r r ; J. Juster 2, 284 n . 4 ; Bill.4, 33f. Perhaps the gymnasium text CPJ 3 , 1 1 7 n o . 5 1 9 , U. i8ff. also refers to a Jew who performed epispasm. For the 138.
52
Chapter II
rejection of circumcision by the Greeks see already Herodotus 2, 3 7 , cf. R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 7 8 . ; see also below, n.IV, 7 2 . 139. Jewish-Hellenistic writers like Cleodemus Malchus, Artapanus, the older Philo, the earliest Sibyl, the tragedian Ezekiel, the translator of the book of Job or the anonymous Samaritan and his compatriot Theodotus knew Greek mythology and the language of the Greek poets. W e may presuppose the same thing, though to a lesser degree, even in Jerusalem, see V o l . 1 , pp. 88ff. For Homer see Vol. I, pp. 75f. 140. Tcherikover, HC, i 6 6 f . , cf. on the other hand the statement to the opposite effect, 193. 1 4 1 . Tcherikover, HC, i 6 3 f , 1 6 5 . 142. Josephus, Antt.12, 1 6 4 lKK\rioia; I Mace.5.16; 14.28; see also Schlatter, GP, 401 n. 2 6 . 143. Rostovtzeff, HW 2, i o 6 o f 144. T h e significance of the reforms introduced by Jason in 1 7 5 BC are underestimated by I. Heinemann, op. eit., I45ff., and Tcherikover, HC, i 6 6 f , because they overlook the fact that at that time there was no division between religion and polities as we understand them. On the other hand, the brief observation by A . Alt, Kleine Schriften II, ''1964, 4 0 2 f , 403 n. i , is correct. Political aims necessarily had religious consequences. For the problem see M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1 9 6 1 , 147. 145. On this see M . Noth, History of Israel, ^1960, 36ifr., and Vol. I, pp. 267fr 146. According to Menander and Laitus, two Phoenician history writers about 200 BC, Menelaus visited T y r e at the same time as king Hiram married his daughter to Solomon, after the conquest of Sparta: see FGrHist 7 8 4 F i = Tatian, Adv.Gr.27. 147. T h e charge of the Sadducees is refuted by R. Johanan b. Zakkai (c. AD 1-80). T h e DT'an was corrupted by later copyists to p T a DT'tt; Fr.E 1 / 1 5 2 of the Taylor-Schechter Collection in Cambridge, however, still reads D^^a^, see G. Lisowsky, Yadayim, Giessener Mischna V I , 11, 1956, 7 4 , 91; c f also j.Sanh. 28a 1.18 (R. Akiba), and B . Heller, MGWJ 7 6 , 1 9 3 2 , 3 3 0 - 4 ; R- Meyer, Hellenistisches in der Rabbinischen Anthropologic, 1 9 3 7 , I38f.; J. Neusner, A Life of R. Yohanan b.Zakkai, 1962, 49. 148. See S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, 1950, 105-14. 149. See Eusebius, Pr.Ev.13, 12, 14, and on it N . Walter, T U 86, 1 9 6 4 , 15 Iff., who rightly does not suppose a direct falsification by Aristobulus but the adoption of such verses from Jewish Pythagorizing circles, c f i66if. T h e 'monotheistic' interpretation of Homer, with reference to Iliad 2, 204, in Ps.Justin, Coh.ad Gen. 1 7 , may go back to Jewish models. 150. Sib.3.419S. i in 414-30 we have an old oracle, see Pausanias 1 0 , 1 2 , 2 , from Alexander Polyhistor, which was interpolated by the Jewish author, see A . Kurfess, Sibyllinische Weissagungen, 1 9 5 1 , 9, 296. For the dating of the third Sibylline see Rzach, PW, 2 R . 2, 2 i 2 7 f f . For Josephus, see c.Ap.2, 2 5 6 , and for reference to Plato, H . I. Marrou, op. cit., 1 1 2 ; see also E . Norden, A A B K l . f Sprachen, 1954, no. i , 9. There is a further example of apologetic usage in Antt. 7, 6 7 , possibly a gloss which goes back to the association of c.Ap. i , 1 7 3 (quot. Choerilus of Samos) with Homer, Odyss.^, 283; on this see Thackeray/Marcus,
Notes
53
Josephus 5, L C L j 394. For the view of Meleager of Gadara that Homer was a Syrianj see n.212, cf. 213. 151. G . Glockmann, Klio 4 3 - 4 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 2 7 0 - 8 1 (lit.). 1 5 2 . Josephus, Antt.12, i 8 6 f . ; see below n . H I , 423. 153. Sota^cjb, see also Bill. 4 , 4 1 1 (BQ 82b), Bar. T h e Josephus paralleMnrr. 1 4 , 2 5 - 2 8 probably follows Nicolaus of Damascus. For dating see Schiirer 1, 294. For the later addition of the curse see R. Meyer, op. cit., 136. 154. Antt. 13, 318, on this, against Schiirer i , 2 7 5 , see E. Meyer, UAC 2, 2 7 7 n. I . A little later, the Nabatean king Aretas H I bore the title 'Philhellene', as did Arsaces V H and other Parthian kings, see Schiirer i , 2 7 5 n. i and 7 3 3 . 155. Antt. 15, 3 7 3 : he went 'to (the house of) the teacher's', probably hardly a Jewish het seper but 'Herod's tutor in Greek studies', see Thackeray/Marcus, Josephus 8, L C L , 181 n.g., against W. Otto, PW Suppl.2, 17; the passages cited there about his being brought up with the Hasmonean princes. Belli, 2 1 5 ; Antt. 1 4 , 183 and 15, 1 8 , do not exclude Greek instruction, but imply it. For his later studies see the report of Nicolaus in his autobiography, FGrHist 90 F 135; on this Otto, op. cit., 105. According to this 'Herod had full command of the Greek language', i.e. because he had learned it in Jerusalem in his youth. For the education of his sons see Antt. 16, 242fF.: the royal tutors Gemellus and Andromachus, on which see W . Otto, op. cit., 87, cf. also 106, 109; cf. also B. Wacholder, Nicolaus of Damascus, 8ifF.: Greek authors in Herod's library. 156. Se&Antt.is, 32ofF.; 1 7 , 7 8 : Joazar son of Boethus: 1 7 , 1 6 4 , 339 (the son of Simon); see also 18, 3 , 2 6 and Bell. 2, 5 5 : Eleazar son of Boethus. Simon son of Boethus also seems to belong to this family {Antt. 19, 2 9 7 f . ) , and the same is true of Matthias son of Boethus {Bells, 5 2 7 ) , despite the objections of Niese. The members of this high-priestly family formed the Sadducean group of Boethuseans, see R. Meyer, TDNT 7, 42f., 45f.; for the legendary riches of this family see the Rabbinic traditions about Martha from the house of Boethus, J. Jeiemias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, 1969, I94f.
157. Vita 13-16. 158. On this see Billerbeck 4, 407fF.; R. Meyer, Hellenistisches, i39fF.; B. Lifshitz, ZDPV 7%, 1 9 6 2 , 7 7 f F . For the patriarch and Libanius see M . Avi-Yonah, Geschichte der Juden im Zeitalter der Talmud, 1962, 228, and H . Mantel, Studies in the History of the Sanhedrin, 1 9 6 1 , 24if., 2 5 i f . 1 5 9 . Cf. e.g. I Chron. 2 . 5 5 : Jabesh as the dwelling-place of the families of the sop'rim, though the exegesis of this is disputed; see W. Rudolph, Chronikbiicher, 1 9 5 5 , 25.
160. Cf. already Deut.33.10; further Hecataeus in Diodore 40, 3,6 (Reinach 17) and FGrHist 264 F 5 : they function as judges in all difficult situations and are also responsible for the 'maintenance of law and custom'; cf. H Chron. 34-13 j Sir.45.17; Test.Levi i3.2fF. For the older wisdom schools see L . Diirr, Das Erziehungswesen im Alten Testament und im Antiken Orient, M V ( A ) G 36, 2 , 1 9 3 2 , I i o f . ; W. Baumgartner, TR 5, 1 9 3 3 , 269f.; see also K . GaUing, Die Krise der Aufklarung in Israel, Mainzer Universitatsreden 1 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 6fF., lofF.: the 'wisdom school' in Jerusalem goes back to the time of the monarchy, indeed to Solomon. On teaching and judgment see R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 1 9 6 1 , 3 5 3 - 5 . For what follows see R. Meyer, Tradition und Neuschopfung, B A L n o , 2, 1 9 6 5 , 3 3 - 4 3 .
54
Chapter
II
1 6 1 . E . Bickerman(n), From Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees, 1 9 6 2 , 68ff., cf. also H . Brunner, Altdgyptische Erziehung, 1 9 5 7 , 29ff. 162. J. Fichtner, Die altorientalische Weisheit in ihrer israelitisch-judischer Ausprdgung, 1 9 3 3 , 3 5 , 46fr.; W. Baumgartner, op. cit., 283f. For the Levites see II Chron. I 7 . 8 f . ; 19.8, 1 1 ; 23.7f. 163. Above all from the beginning of the Hellenistic period: for Solomon see V o l . 1 , pp. I29f.; on David see 1 1 QPs^ DavComp, ed. J. A . Sanders, The Psalms Scroll, DJDJ IV, 9iff., see also Vol.1, p . i 3 5 f . 164. On this see I. Levi, L'Ecclesiastique, 1 9 0 1 , Vol. 2 , Ixxxiiiff., and R. Pautrel, RSR 51, 1 9 6 3 , 5 3 5 ; see also V o l . 1 , pp. i i 6 f . 165. Sir. 51.23, 29. R. N . Whybray, Wisdom in Proverbs, 1 9 6 5 , 9of. already sees in Prov. 9.1 a reference to the house of the wisdom teacher. Moort, Judaism I , 41 n . 2 , supposes - probably wrongly - a reference in Sir.39.6; cf. also R. H . Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times, 374. T h e beginnings of the synagogue are probably hinted at in the work of the Chronicler, see the reading of the law in Neh. 8 . 1 - 1 2 and Ezra 7 . 2 5 , which reports the appointment of scribes for legal decisions and instructions in the law, and on this K . Galling, ZDPV 7 2 , 1 9 5 6 , i 6 7 f For the earliest synagogue inscriptions in Egypt see CIJ 2 , 3 6 6 f , and CPJ 3 , 1 6 4 no. 1 5 3 2 a , from the time of Ptolemy III Euergetes, 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 BC. T h e word 'teaching house' appears for the first time in Ben Sira; for its significance in the later period see J. Levy, Worterhuch 3 , 34f. For the seat of the teacher see the synagogue of Delos, E. L . Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues, 1934, 6 1 , and Goodenough, Symbols, 2, 74f.; also the so-called cathedra of Moses (Matt. 2 3 . 2 ) , in Chorazin and Hammath near Tiberias, see Sukenik, op. cit., 57ff., may go back to xh^y'sibd of the teacher. For the whole matter see M . Hengel (above n.I, 86), 157-841 6 6 . See his praise of the scribes, 3 8 . 2 4 - 3 9 . 1 1 and 5 1 . 1 3 - 2 9 , his hymn to wisdom formed from a wisdom hymn attributed to David with an invitation to the foolish attached. For a preliminary stage see i i Q P s ^ Sir, DJDJ I V , 79ff. 1 6 7 . "Ab. I , I ; on this see L . Finkelstein, The Pharisees 2 , ^1962, 580, cf. 5 7 6 ; see also N . Morris, The Jewish School, 1 9 3 7 , 1 2 . 168. Sir.38.25ff., presumably taken over from the wisdom tradition; on this see the satire on the various professions and the praise of the scribe in the teaching of Heti son of Duauf, ANET^, 432ff., and in some contrast to that Sir. 3 7 . 2 3 (M), Ben Sira may stand at a point of transition, and the urgent invitation to the fool, 5 i . 2 3 f f . , perhaps reflects his real intention. 169. C f Bell.3, 2 5 2 ; Vita 8ff.; Test.Levi 1 3 , 2 - 6 ; Yoma 3 , 1 1 : the priestly family tradition about the incense; on this, J. Jetemias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, 25. C f also Shekalim 6, i. 170. DJDJ IV, 64 col. 1 8 , 3 , 4 f , I 5 f For the text see below, n . I V , 466. C f also 7 1 col.24, 9, and D a n . 1 1 . 3 3 ; 12.3b; see V o l . 1 , pp.i76ff. 1 7 1 . W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity, 1940, 3 5 5 ; see also E. Bi(c)kerman(n), RB 5 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 5 3 f ; A. Schlatter, GP, 6 1 : 'Access to know ledge was open to everyone and not associated with priestly birth.' 1 7 2 . 'Ab.i, 4, 6; for R. Jose b. Joezer see Gen.R. 6 5 , 22 = Bill.2, 263. 1 7 3 . See R. Meyer, op. cit., 3 6 f 1 7 4 . E. Bickerman(n), op. cit., 4 4 - 5 4 ; c f K . H. Rengstorf, TDNT 4, 439ff.,
Notes
55
esp. 440. T h e anecdotes about the early teachers of the law are collected in K . Schlesinger, Die Gesetzeslehrer, 1 9 3 6 , and J. Neusner, The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees before 70 I, 1 9 7 1 , 2 4 - 1 8 3 . 1 7 5 . Yoma 35b Bar; cf. however, J. Jetemias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, 1 1 2 , against Schiirer 2, 380. For the tradition see J. Neusner, op. cit., i, 258f. 1 7 6 . Bill. I, 563b; Derek Eres Zuta 4 1 , and other instances. 1 7 7 . Josephus, Bell.2, 1 1 9 ; Antt. 18, 1 1 , cf. Vita 1 2 , on which see R. Meyer, op. cit., 43f. n . 3 . 1 7 8 . See K . H. Rengstorf, TDNT 4, 42ifF., 429fF., cf. A. Schlatter, GP, 62. T h e word T'aVn appears only in I Chron. 25.8, that is, very late in the O T ; the word does not appear at all with the meaning 'teacher'. On this see M . Hengel, Nachfolge und Charisma, 46fF. 1 7 9 . M . Hadas, HCu, jgt; cf. N . Morris, op. cit., 40, 7 4 ; J. Baer, Zion 1 3 / 1 4 , 1 9 5 8 / 5 9 , i39fF.; D . Daube, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, 1 9 5 6 , 1 5 Iff. 180. For Hillel see W. Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten 1, ^1903, iff. and on the question of Alexandrian influence on Rabbinic exegesis see D . Daube, H U C A 2 2 , 1 9 4 9 , 2 3 9 - 6 4 ; E. E. Hallewy, Tarbiz 2 9 , 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 4 7 - 5 5 ; 3 1 , 1 9 6 1 - 6 2 , 1 5 7 - 6 9 ; 2 6 4 - 8 0 . Cf. already S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, 1 9 5 0 , 4 7 - 8 2 , esp. 53fF.; R. Meyer, op. cit., 8if., and G . Mayer, RAC 6, i i 9 6 f F . , with an abundance of parallels from Hellenistic Roman rhetoric. 1 8 1 . j.Keth.22c, 4 ; see G . F. Moore, op. cit., H I , 104 n . 9 2 , and critically Schiirer 2 , 493f.; E. Ebner, Elementary Education, 1 9 5 6 , 38f., 4 5 , sees here a reference to the first elementary school in Jerusalem. However, this certainly goes back to the scribal school of the temple. 182. B B 2 i a (third century A D ) ; on this see S. Krauss, op. cit., 20of., and the detailed discussion in E. Ebner, op. cit., 39fF. T h e time immediately before the outbreak of the Jewish war was probably inappropriate for such a school reform in view of the chaotic situation in Judea, and moreover it is questionable whether the high priest, who was close to the Sadducees (cf. Antt.20, 199, about his friend Ananus son of Ananus) and married to one of the richest families in Jerusalem (Yeb.S.ii,), was interested in educating the people on a broad basis and the strengthening of the Pharisees which would result from it. T h e time of Hyrcanus I, who was indeed originally a friend of the Pharisees {Antt. 1 3 , 289), with its nationalist expansion and compulsory conversion of non-Jewish neighbours to Judaism {Antt.12, 2 5 7 ) , would be more appropriate for an intensification of school policy. 183. A. Schlatter, GP, 5 9 ; according to Shab. 1.3 the synagogue servants functioned as children's teachers. 184. I QSa 1 . 6 - 8 , see D J D i, 109 and E. Lohse, Die Schriften von Qumran, 1 9 6 4 , 46. C f also Jub. 1 9 . 1 4 ; c f I I . 1 6 . 185. Antt.4, 211; c.Ap.2, 204, cf. also 2, 178 and 1,60. For the Diaspora see I V Macc.i8.ioflF.; Philo, Leg.ad C . 1 1 5 , 1 2 0 and II T i m . 3 . 1 5 ; Luke 2.46flF. might also be mentioned. 186. jMeg. 73d, 23flF., c f BiU.2, 1 5 0 and 662 (par.). 1 8 7 . CIJ
2, 332f. no. 1404.
188. Prohibition of the non-Jewish teacher, S. Krauss, op. cit., 2 1 8 , T . ' A Z
56
Chapter II
3, 2 (I.463). For the role of the Bible, op. cit., 2 2 0 ; for the book of Leviticus, op. cit., 235, c f A . Schlatter, GP, 6 0 , 402 n. 7 7 . 189. Op. cit., 2 2 7 ; see Gen.R. 65.20. According to Ruth R.2.13, he was a friend of R. Meir; c f also Ex.R. 1 3 , 1 and flag. 15b. T h e identification of the D W n X of Rabbinic tradition and Oenomaus is very probable, despite the doubt of H. J. Mette, PW 17, 2249ff., as both come from the same period; see also W. Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten 2, 31. 190. HC, 115. For what follows see also F. M . Abel, HP 1, 2 7 8 - 8 1 , and Schurer 2, 5 3 - 5 . 1 9 1 . See above, n.I, 7 9 and n.III, i n ; c f also E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Melanges Dussaud I , 93. 192. Peters/Thiersch, Painted Tombs, 1905, 5 6 - 6 0 , no. 33 = S E G 8, 2 4 4 (lit.); in detail, W . Cronert, RheinMus 64, 1909, 4 3 3 - 4 8 ; cf. also U . von Wilamowitz-Mollendorf, Griechische Verskunst, 1921, 344f. For pledging the cloak see M . Dahood, Bibl 4 2 , 1 9 6 1 , 3 5 9 - 6 6 . For dating see Peters/Thiersch, op. cit.: ' T h e script resembles that of the papyri at the end of the third century', against this W. Cronert, op. cit., 4 3 3 f : c. 150 B C . T h e graffito reproduced in op. cit., 447, from Marisa (see R . A. S. Macalister, CRAI 1901, 109), belongs in the same milieu. T h e same is true of the obscure verse (Peters/Thiersch, op. cit., 60 no. 34), which is also said to have metric form, see Cronert, op. cit., 438f. According to Ulpian in Athen. 15, 6 9 7 c , the whole of Phoenicia was full of these (Locrian) songs. On this see S. A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, 1930, 205, and F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens 2, I53f T h e magical interpretation of the poem in R. A . S. Macalister, A Century of Excavation in Palestine, 1925, 322ff., is improbable; similarly the explanation by H. Lamer, ZDPV 5 5 , 1932, 56-67.
193. See P. Maas, 6 2 , 1942, 3 3 - 8 , see 36 col. II, 4 ; Bliss/Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1902, I56ff., 1 7 5 , and S. A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, 2 o o f ; on the dating see op. cit., 201 n. i. 194. Schurer 2 , 161 n.262. For interpretation see P. Perdrizet, RevArch 3 5 , 1899, 49f.: 'ville lettree'. T h e epigram itself seems to date from post-Christian times. 1 9 5 . Strabo 1 6 , 2 , 29 ( 7 5 9 ) . 1 9 6 . For Menippus see R. Helm, PW 1 6 , 8 8 8 - 9 4 ; F. Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur in der Alexandrinerzeit 1, i 8 9 i f , 4 6 f ; Schmid/Stahlin, G G L " II, I , 8 8 - 9 0 , c f also 5 3 , 5 6 ; M . Hadas, HCu, i i o f , and tTberweg/ Praechter, Philosophic des Ahertums 1 2 , 1925, I3f ^ lit. 1 9 7 . Diogenes Laertius 6, 9 5 , 9 9 - 1 0 1 ; Aulus Gellius, Noct.Att.2, 18, 6f 1 9 8 . F. Dornseiff, Antike und Alter Orient i , ^1959, 244. M . Hadas, loc. cit., c f P. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-romischer Kultur, 1912, 7 7 f T h e influence of Menippus is evident in Varro's Menippean satires, Petronius, Seneca's Apocolocyntosis, etc. For the oriental background see F. Altheim, op. cit., 2 , 1 5 4 . 199. Diogenes Laertius 6, l o i ; cf. Lucian, Icaromenippus, ed. A . M . Harmon, L C L 2 , 267fr. 200. Op. cit., II, I , 189 n . 5 ; c f also R. Reitzenstein, Hellenistische Wundererzdhlungen, 1 6 , i8ff. Journeys to heaven and to the underworld also occurred in Alexandrian literature of the third and second century BC, see V o l . 1 , pp.zioff.
Notes
57
Cf. also Diog.Laertius 6, loz, which according to K . von Fritz, PW 1 5 , 7 9 4 , is to be transferred to Menippus. 2 0 1 . M . Hadas, op. cit., i i i ; F. Dornseiff, op. cit., i , 234f.; cf. Lucian, Bis accus. 3 3 , L C L 3 , 1 4 6 . R. Merkelbach, Roman und Mysterium, 1 9 6 2 , 333f., sees in the prose metre the form of presentation of the early aretalogies. 202. See R. Helm, Lucian und Menipp, 1 9 0 6 , i4ff., I9ff., 8off., 343ff. 203. Anth.Gr.'j, 4 1 7 , 3 and 4 1 8 , 6; on Meleager see Geffcken, PW 1 6 , 4 8 1 - 8 ; Susemihl, op. cit., 2 , 5 5 5 - 7 ; Schmid/Stahlin, op. cit., I I , i , 326f.; Anth.Gr., ed. H . Beckby, 1 9 5 7 , Vol. i , 35ff.; M . Hadas, HCu, i i i f . A clear edition of all the epigrams of both poets with an excellent commentary can be found in A. S. F. Gow - D . L . Page, The Greek Anthology, Hellenistic Epigrams 1, 1 9 6 5 , 1 1 - 3 4 and
214-53.
E. Schwartz, PW 1, 2 5 1 3 ; Susemihl, op. cit., 2 , 5 5 i f f . Meleager gave him his own epigram: 7 , 428. 205. Anth.Gr., ed. H . Beckby, Vol. i , 3 7 ; cf. also M . Hadas, HCu, 1 1 2 . T h e only contact with Judaism is significantly the mention of a Jewish rival: Anth.Gr. 204.
5, 160.
206. Anth.Gr.'j, 4 1 7 , 1 - 6 ; translation following H . Beckby; similarly 4 1 8 , if. 207. Antt. 1 3 , 356, 3 9 6 ; Bell, i, 86. 208. See R. Philippson, PW 3 7 , 2 4 4 4 , though he wrongly wants to put Gadara near Ashkelon. Cf. also Gow/Page, op. cit., 2 , 6 0 7 : 'a city of poets and philosophers'. 209. Anth.Gr. 1 2 , 256, cf. 5 9 ; 7, 4 1 8 , 4 2 8 ; probably the Tyrian coin inscrip tion Tvpov Upas Kal aavXov Hes in the background; see G . F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Phoenicia, 1 9 1 0 , cxxxiiiff., 233ff. T h e designation 'holy' for Jerusalem appears on coins of the Jewish rebellion of AD 6 6 - 7 0 , cf. M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1 9 6 1 , 1 2 1 . On the other hand the Samaritan Theodotus calls Shechem lepov darv, FGrHist IIIc 7 3 2 . 210. For the origin of the idea of the world citizen in Cynicism see Diog. Laert.6, 6 3 : Diogenes, and 6,93: Crates; cf. Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civiliza tion, 79f.; M . Hadas, HCu, I5ff. This apolitical and individualist conception is connected with the Stoic notion of the 'world state'; see J. Mewaldt, 'Das Weltbiirgertum in der Antike', Die Antike 2, 1 9 2 6 , 1 7 7 - 9 0 , and M . Miihl, Die antike Menschheitsidee, 1 9 2 8 , 49ff. T h e negative version seems to be older, see Xenophon, Mem.z.i, 1 3 : Aristippus to Socrates: 'I am a stranger everywhere.' 2 1 1 . Anth.Gr. J, 4 1 9 , 5ff.; 'Audonis', conjectured by Scaliger from "'mx. 2 1 2 . Athenaeus 4, 1 5 7 b ; cf. M . Hadas, HCu, 8 3 : the wise man Calasaris in the Ethiopiaca of Heliodorus similarly asserts that Homer was begotten of Hermes-Thoth in Thebes (3, 1 4 , cf. 2, 34). Phoenician or Syrian descent was also claimed for Thales and Pythagoras: Clem.Alex. i , 6 2 , 2 - 4 , G C S Stahlin/ Friichtel, 2, 3 9 , and Herodotus i , 170. 2 1 3 . Anth.Gr. 1 6 , 2 9 6 , 5 - 9 ; cf. in general 2 9 2 - 3 0 4 . 2 1 4 . Diogenes Laertius 7, 29. 2 1 5 . R. Philippson, PW 1 9 , 2 4 4 4 - 8 2 ; cf. Susemihl, op. cit., 2, 2 6 7 - 7 8 , 5 6 1 ; Cberweg/Praechter, op. cit., 439, 444, 134" lit. For his personality see Cicero, in Pis.70:'Est non philosophia solum, sed etiam ceteris studiis . . . perpolitus.' 2 1 6 . E. Zeller, PhGr III, 284ff., 385 n . i ; Uberweg/Praechter, op. cit.,
Chapter II
58 4 3 6 , 4 3 8 5 1 3 4 " lit.
Forthe so-called'SyrianEpicureans'see W . S c h m i d , i ? ^ C 5 , 7 5 8 f . W. Peek, Griechische Grabgeschichte, i 9 6 0 , n o . 2 0 1 . 2 1 8 . c. 2 0 0 - 1 3 0 BC, see W. Cronert, Der Epikureer Philonides, S A B , 1900, 2 , 9 4 2 - 5 9 , cf. 9 5 3 cols.29/30; cf. also R. Philippson, PW 20, 63ff.; E. R. Bevan, CAH 8, 498f., and W. Schmid, loc. cit. He edited the letters of Epicurus. 2 1 9 . Strabo 1 6 , 2, 24 ( 7 5 7 ) : Mochus was presumably an old Phoenician mythographer like Sanchuniation. For fragments on him see FGrHist 784. As the Iliad was regarded as the earUest monument to Greek culture, 'before the Trojan wars' meant 'earUer than the earliest Greek tradition'; on this see the arguments of Josephus, c.Ap.i, i i f . 220. On this see K . Thraede, RAC 5, i 2 0 7 f f . ; cf. Diogenes Laertius, 1 , 3 : the rejection of claims to a higher antiquity for 'barbarian' philosophers, and the learned statements to the contrary effect by Josephus, c.Ap. i , 6 - 1 4 ; Clem.Alex., Srom.i, 66ff., 74ff., G C S Stahlin/Friichtel 2, 4iff., 47ff. C f below, index S.v. 'Inventor'. 2 2 1 . Von A m i m , PW 3 , 6 0 1 - 3 , and S V F 3 , 2 6 5 f ; E. ZeUer, PhGr III, P , 4 7 n . I , c f Kleine Schriften, 1 9 1 0 , 1 3 4 6 ; J. F. Dobson, ClassQ 8, 1 9 1 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 ; M . Pohlenz, Die Stoa i, ^1964, 1 8 5 ; 2 , 9 4 f ; c f also Diog.Laert.7, 1 4 3 , 1 4 8 , and on this below n . I V , 2 9 0 ; see the polemic against ekpyrdsis bound up with this view in Philo, Aet.mundi 7 8 - 8 4 ( M 2 , 5 0 2 - 4 ) . 222. Stephen of Byzantium, Ethnika, ed. A . Meineke, 1 8 4 9 , 1 3 2 , imder 'Askalon'; the source is probably Herennius Philo of Byblos. For Antiochus see also Strabo 1 6 , 2, 29 ( 7 5 9 ) . 223. For Sosus see Schurer 2 , 53 n. 1 2 1 ; M . Pohlenz i , 2 4 9 ; 2 , 98 and 129. 2 2 4 . Uberweg/Praechter, op. cit., 47off., 142'', for earlier literamre; A . Liider, Die philosophische Persdnlichkeit des Antiochus von Askalon, 1940; M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 2 4 9 - 5 3 ; 2 , izgi.; G . Luck, 'Der Akademiker Antiochos', NoctRom 7, 1953. His brother Aristos also had a philosophical education, op. cit., 1 5 . A. Wlosok, Laktanz und die philosophische Gnosis, A A H , i 9 6 0 , 2, 5 o f 225. For the influence of Plato in the Hellenistic period see M . Hadas, Journal of the History of Ideas 1 9 , 1 9 5 8 , 3 - 1 3 , and HCu, jzS.; H. J. Kramer, Der Ursprung der Geistmetaphysik, ^1967. 226. A. Liider, op. cit,, 59ff.; see Cicero, de Fin.s, 1 4 , etc. 227. See P. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-romische Kultur, 1 9 1 2 , 7 1 . 228. Strabo 1 6 , 2 , 2 4 ( 7 5 7 ) , on which see Gercke, PW 3 , 6 o 3 f ; von Arnim, 217.
PW 5,715229. Von Arnim, PW 8, 508. 230. Von A m i m , PW 1, 2 5 1 6 and 2, 2 1 4 6 . 2 3 1 . Diogenes: Diog.Laert. 7 , 4 1 , c f von Arnim, PW 5, 777 and M . Pohlenz, op. cit., 2 , 9 1 ; Apollonius: von Arnim, PW 2 , 1 4 6 and M . Pohlenz, op. cit., 2 , 98. 232. J. Kaerst, Hellenismus 2^, 1 1 iff. For Semitic influence see M . Pohlenz, 'Stoa und Semitismus', NJWJ 2, 1 9 2 6 , 2 5 7 - 6 9 , and Die Stoa, ^1964, Zeno: i , 2 2 f and 2 , 1 4 ; see Diogenes Laertius 7, 3 , 30 (see V o l . 1 , p. 72) = Anth.Gr.7, 1 1 7 ; Cicero stiU caUed him poenulus, de Fin.4, 5 6 ; Chrysippus: M . Pohlenz, Stoa I , 28 and 2 , 1 7 , his father Chrysippus came from Tarsus. C f also U . von Wilamowitz-MoeUendorf, Der Glaube der Hellenen 2, ^ 1959,297S., and M . Hadas, HCu,
io6ff.
Notes
59
233. M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 46f.: the Stoic conception of the structure of language is determined by Semitic sensibility, i , 68f.: the nature which is identical with the Logos is not understood in a mechanical way, as with Epicurus, but as 'the living, all directing deity'. Behind this there could be a 'new feeling of life', the 'idea of a transcendental creator god'. 65f.: the corporeality of the soul and the deity is un-Greek, but has Old Testament parallels. 100: the 'new feeling of life' can be seen in the fact that man becomes the sole purpose for the creation of the world; everything is created for his sake (see V o l . 1 , pp. I 4 5 F . , Ben Sira), loyf.: the fatalism furthered by the unrestricted sway of heimarmene is not Greek, but oriental, like Chaldrean astrology (see Vol. I, pp. 236ff.), which was fluthered by the Stoa; see also op. cit., i , i64f. 234. J. Bidez, ' L a Cite du Soleil chez les Stoiciens', Bull. Acad. roy. Belg., classe des lettres, 1 8 , 1 9 3 2 , 2 4 4 - 9 4 ; on this see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 2 5 9 n . 2 . R. P. Festugiere, Revelation 2, 266 n. i , has a critical attitude towards the 'oriental' features in the Stoa, but his verdict here is too one-sided. 2 3 5 . For the tomb paintings of Marisa see Peters/Thiersch, op. cit., 86ff. and the plates; E. R. Goodenough, Jewu/z Symbols i , 1 9 5 3 , 68ff., and 3 , plates 7 - 1 6 . Parallels to Alexandrian art can be seen from, say, a comparison of the represent ations of animals with the illustrations in B . R. Brown, Ptolemaic Paintings and Mosaics and the Alexandrian Style, 1 9 5 7 , pi. 44, i and 2 ; see also Rostovtzeff, HW I, pi. Iviii, and in comparison the hunting theme on the Calabrian gilt key, pi. liv: 'Without doubt both were made by Alexandrian artists or artists trained in Alexandria.' Cf. above n . I , 3 3 9 . 236. B . Wacholder, HUCA 34, 1963, i i2f.: 'It may be assumed that the socalled Hellenizers produced their own literature, now lost.' See V o l . 1 , p. 1 1 4 . 237. See V o l . 1 , pp.268f. 238. FGrHist 7 2 4 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 1 7 ; 1 8 , 2 . T h e most important investigations are J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 1 8 7 5 , 8 2 - 1 0 3 , esp.86f.; Schiirer 3 , 4 8 2 ; Y . Gutman, The Beginnings of Jewish-Hellenistic Literature 2, 1 9 6 3 , 9 5 - 1 0 8 ; B. Wacholder, HUCA 3 4 , 1 9 6 3 , 8 3 - 1 1 3 , and N . Walter, Klio, 43 45) 1 9 6 5 , 2 8 2 - 9 0 . Bousset/Gressmann, 2 1 n . 2 , would nevertheless assign the fragment to Eupolemus; cf. A . - M . Denis, Introduction, 1 9 7 0 , 2 6 i f . lit. 239. See J. Freudenthal, op. cit., Ssf., 9if., 96, and B . Wacholder, op. cit., 104. The translation of 'Apyapiliv (cf. Deut. 2 7 . 4 Samarit.) by OPO? itpioTov and the assertion that Abraham met Melchizedek there clearly point to it. Cf. id., HTR 6 1 , 1 9 6 8 , 458ff., and H. G . Kippenberg, Garizim und Synagoge, 1 9 7 1 , 8off. 240. See already J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 9 6 : not in Egypt, but in 'one of the Syro-Phoenician Greek cities'. However, a direct derivation from Samaria is more probable. This is also indicated by his acquaintance with the Palestinian Haggada and the Enoch tradition, see B . Wacholder, op. cit., 98f., 1 0 9 , 1 1 2 : 'renmants of a work written in Samaria circa 200 BCE'; cf. N . Walter, op. cit., 283f.
2 4 1 . For Berossus see already J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 94, and P. Schnabel, Berossus, 1 9 2 3 , 67ff.; on the other sources see Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , loof. and B. Wacholder, op. cit., 8 8 , 9 o f . The formulas in F i,g: Ba^vXwviovs yap Xiyew and 'EXXffvas U Xiy^iv already point to the use of Greek and Babylonian sources. •
6o
Chapter
II
242. J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 8 3 ; B. Wacholder, op. cit., Sjf. nn.30 and 3 2 ; critical remarks in N . Walter, 284!?.: the use of the Hebrew text remains uncertain. 243. F. I , 9. According to Greek tradition Atlas discovered astrology, see B. Wacholder, op. cit., 96 n . 8 3 , and Roscher, Lexikon i, yoyf. Cleanthes, S V F i , 1 2 5 n o . 5 4 9 , mentions him in connection with Homer, Od.i, 5 2 , -nepl TSIV oXoiv 4>povovvTos. We also find the combination of Babylonian and Greek mythology in Philo of Byblos (AD 5 4 - 1 4 2 ) , see FGrHist 790 F 2. For Enoch and the angels see Gen.Apoc.2.i9ff.; I Enoch 1 0 6 . 1 3 ; Jub. 4 . 2 1 : 'And he was with the angels of God six jubilees of years, and they showed him everything that is on earth and in heaven . . . and he wrote it all down.' For the astrological revelations of Enoch see J u b . 4 . 1 7 ; I Enoch y 2 - 8 2 and Antt. i , 68ff.: the descendants of Seth invent 'science of the heavenly bodies'; see below, nn.III, 8 5 9 - 6 2 ; on this see also the astrological text in R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 183 n . 2 . For the Babylonian origin of the Enoch tradition see below n . I I I , 6 1 7 . M . Gaster, The Asatir, 1927, 9 - 2 7 , draws attention to an abundance of parallels between the anonymous Samaritan and the Samaritan book Asatir; see 6 . 1 8 , Enoch and astronomy, on this, op. cit., 37f. 244. F 1.2, 9 and F 2 : the killing of the godless 'giants' mentioned in F 2 refers to the flood and corresponds to 1.2. B . Wacholder, op. cit., 94, overlooks this identification of Noah and Nimrod = Bel-Kronos, which necessarily follows from the text. It comes about because the anonymous Samaritan identifies the yiyavTcs of Gen. 6.4 and the yiyas of 10.9. There was also speculation in the Jewish haggada whether Noah might not be descended from the sons of G o d ; see G e n . A p o c . 2 . 1 6 and I Enoch 1 0 6 . 8 . Even the Rabbis knew of extremely peculiar attempts at identification: thus Shem and Melchizedek (Bill. 3, 692), and Phinehas and Elijah (M. Hengel, Die Zeloten, 1 9 6 1 , i 6 y f f . ) , were regarded as one person. M . Gaster, op. cit., 38f. differs. 245. Berossus: see P. Schnabel, op. cit., 68f. (cf. on the other hand 246) and FGrHist 680 F I .yff.; Bel appears here as God and creator of the world. For the foundation of Babylon by Bel see Abydenos, who goes back to Berossus: FGrHist 685 F i . According to Ctesias Babylon was built by Semiramis, the wife of Ninus, the son of Bel: FGrHist 688 F i b = Diodore 2, 7 , 2 , c f also Wacholder, op. cit., 9 i f , 102, and N . Walter, op. cit., 289. 246. Sib. 3, 97 = 1 6 1 , and Hesiod, Theog.42iS. Castor of Rhodes (first century BC) already knows of a battle of Bel against the Titans: FGrHist 250 F i . For the dependence of the Sibyl on the anonymous Samaritan see Oracula Sibyllina, G C S ed. J. Geffcken, 53 (on 3, 9 7 ) and 59 (on 3, 218). For the whole see B . Wacholder, op. cit., 9 0 - 3 . T h e theogony of Hesiod is in turn of oriental origin, see below, n. I l l , 2. 24y. Op. cit., 93 n. 68, and the examples cited by J. Geffcken, op cit., 5 3 . 248. B . Wacholder, op. cit. 9 9 : 'By identifying Noah with Kronos or Belus, Pseudo-Eupolemus apparently was satisfied that he had undermined the polytheistic creed.' For the genealogy see F 1 . 9 : Chum the ancestor of the Ethiopians is also said to have been called 'Asbolus' by the Greeks; for attempts at interpretation see P. Schnabel, loc. cit., and B . Wacholder, op. cit., 9 5 . T h e name 'the ruddy' is probably derived from the colour of his skin.
Notes
6l
249. R. Laqueur, PW, 2.R. 3 , i 2 2 5 f . , and FGrHist 2 5 6 F 2; critical remarks in F. Jacoby, FGrHist H B p. 835 (Comm.). 250. See FGrHist 7 3 2 F i = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 22; Epiphanius, Pamr.ss, 2, I , G C S Holl, 2, 326. 251. opfii^aavra
F
I , 3* €vyeveia
evapearijaai
Kai aoij>La Travres
vTTep^e^rjKora
. . . eVt re
rrjV
evai^eLav
TO) &€qj.
252. T h e stress on the tenth generation after the flood also appears in Berossus, FGrHist 680 F 6 = Josephus, Antt.i, 1 5 8 , and in Sib.3, io8ff. T h e additional contradictory statement about a birth of Abraham in the thirteenth generation is probably to be excluded, following Jacoby, as a gloss: B. Wacholder, op. cit., 100, differs. 253. Perhaps XaA8aiKi7 (jixvr]?) refers to manticism and visions of the future, see R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistische Mysterienreligionen, ^1927, I55f. According to Asatir 2,6, see M . Gaster, op. cit., 1 9 8 , Enoch received the 'book of signs' (mmxn ISO) from Adam. 254. We may see here a sign of friendliness towards the Seleucids: in contrast to Babylonia, Armenia never belonged to the Seleucid kingdom. This would also have prevented a fight between Abraham and his own kinsmen. Genesis Apoc. 21.23 mentions 'Arioch of Kptwk' ( = Cappadocia) among the kings. 255'
E t, 5 • ^€VL(j&7Jvai re avrov VTTO TrdAeoj? iepov *Apyapi^iv.
256. For the punishing of Pharaoh ( i , 7 ) , see G e n . A p o c . 2 0 . 1 7 ; Josephus, Antt.i, 1 6 2 - 5 and Gen.R.41, 2; j.Keth.3id, 33ff.; Asatir 6, 1 0 - 2 6 ; see B . Wacholder, op. cit., 1 0 9 , and M . Gaster, op. cit., 25off. 257. F I , 8: we also find the same report in Artapanus, FGrHist 7 2 6 F i = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 1 8 , i , and Josephus, Antt.i, 1 6 6 - 8 . In contrast to the anonymous Samaritan, Abraham here goes first to Egypt and remains there twenty years; only then does his journey to Syria take place: here the Palestinian and Egyptian view of affairs stand side by side. 258. Herodotus 2, 3 , i ; 7 7 , i ; 1 6 0 , 2, cf. 54ff.: the oracles come from Egypt; 8 1 : the Orphic and Dionysian mysteries are Egyptian, cf. below n . 2 7 3 . 259. For the problem see A . Kleingiinther, nPOTOS 'EYPETHS, PhilSuppl 2 6 , I , 1 9 3 3 , though he deals only with the pre-Hellenistic period; fiirther in K . Thraede, RAC 5 , 1 1 9 2 - 1 2 7 8 . For the Jewish tradition see op. cit., 5 , I243ff., and Bousset/Gressmann, 72ff.; see also V o l . 1 , p p . 2 9 , 86, 9 2 , I29f., i65f.
260. Antt.12, 2 5 8 , 260, 1 6 2 : the Samaritans called themselves officially <x' ev SiKip^is Sihoivm. On this see n . I V , 2 3 3 . 2 6 1 . For the border unrest in Palestine see Antt. 1 2 , 1 5 6 ; for the disputes in Alexandria see 2, 1 0 , 12 and 1 3 , 7 4 - 9 , and on this H . Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, ^1905, 6 5 i f . , who cites Rabbinic and Samaritan sources. Cf. also N . Walter, Der Toraausleger Aristobulus, T U 86, 1964, 3 8 f n . 7 . Antt. 1 2 , 168 shows that the connections between Jews and Samaritans nevertheless did not break off completely; see also Smith, Der Hellenismus, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 6, ed. P. Grimal, 1 9 6 5 , 2 5 4 f 262. FGrHist 7 2 6 F 3 , 3 (Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 2 7 ) : Musaeus, the teacher of Orpheus 3 , 6 : Moses receives godlike honour (iao&eov np,fjs) and is named
Chapter II
62
Hermes ( = Thoth) because of his ipfi-qviia of the Upd ypdp.iJ.aTa, 3 , 4, 9, 1 2 : the introduction of animal cults by Moses. 3, 32: the earth is identified with Isis, In addition Moses is also the inventor of artificial irrigation, war machines and philosophy (3, 4). Nevertheless, Artapanus is not a polytheist, see his account of the activity of G o d : 3, 2 i f . , 23ff., 38. His whole work, which is probably a romantic aretalogy, see M . Hadas, HCu, 96ff., expresses a strong nationalist feel ing, see I. Heinemann, PW 1 6 , 367. T h e epic fragment of Theodotus, FGrHist 7 3 2 (Eusebius, Pr.Ev., 9, 22) identifies Hermes in a euhemeristic way with 'Sikimios', the king of Shechem. According to Philo Byblius (FGrHist 7 9 0 F i , 23 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. i , 9, 23), on the other hand, the Phoenician Taut was the inventor of writing, called by the Egyptians 'Thouth' and the Greeks 'Hermes'. See N . Walter, Klio, 4 3 / 4 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 289f. 264. Theophrastus already attributed to the Jews a predilection for astro logical studies: fr. 1 5 1 Reinach, see Vol. I, pp. 256f. This report from the end of the fourth century B C may still rest on invention; in later times the interest is manifest. T h e Jewish Alexandrian tradition ascribes astrological knowledge above all to Abraham. Artapanus, FGrHist 726 F i = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 9, 18, i j Orpheus in Aristobulus: Pr.Ev.13, 1 2 , 5 = Clem.Alex, Strom.5, 1 3 2 , 2; Josephus, Antt.I, 1 5 8 , i 6 7 f . : in general see also Wisdom 7 . 1 8 and Philo, Spec.Leg. i, 1 3 , 8 9 - 9 2 . Vettius Valens, Anth.2, 28f., ed. Kroll 96, and Firmicus Maternus, had an astrological writing ascribed to Abraham: Math. 4 , 1 7 , 3 ; 4 , 1 8 , I etc. For the rabbis see 'Ah.3, 15; T.Qidd.5, 1 7 (I.343) = B B i 6 b , Eleazar of Modaim (c. A D 8 0 - 1 3 5 ) : 'Our father Abraham had astrological knowledge in that all the kings of the east and west came early to his gate (to ask counsel of him)'. Bill. 3, 4 5 1 . For the whole question see A . Schlatter, GP, 397 n.48. However, we also find the opposite view, that Abraham had broken with astrology: Jub. 12. 1 5 - 1 7 ; Sib. 3 , 2 2 1 - 7 ; J. Geffcken, op. cit., 5 9 , sees here a polemic against (Ps.)Eupolemus; Philo, De Ahr.69«.;De Migr.Ahr. i78ff., i84ff.; Quis Rer.Div.Her. 9 6 - 9 , etc. For the Rabbinic tradition on it see Bill. 2, 403f. and 3 , 2 i 2 f . ; Shah. 156a and Gen.R.44.10, 12 on 1 5 . 1 5 Bar. in connection with a journey to heaven: ' T h e rabbis said: (God spoke to Abraham): Y o u are a prophet and not an astrologer (DinV'TIBOX).' Presumably there is polemic here against the wide spread view of Abraham as an astrologer. According to Samaritan tradition, Adam was already introduced to astrology, see J. C. H, Lebram, VT 1 5 , 1965, 193 n- 5J cf. Asatir 1,22 = M . Gaster, op. cit., 1 9 2 ; for the whole matter cf. also N . Walter, op. cit., 226f. n . 5 . For Enoch see above n . 2 4 3 . For the role of astrology in Essenism and apocalyptic see Vol. I, pp. 236ff. 263.
265. Cf. G e n . A p o c . 2 1 . 1 5 - 2 0 , the journey of Abraham round Arabia, on which see R. Meyer, Das Gehet des Nahonid, B A L 1 0 7 , 3 , 1 9 6 2 , 76ff. Nicolaus of Damascus and Pompeius Trogus, in Justin, Epit. 36, 2 (Reinach 252), report that Abraham ruled in Damascus for some time. Antt. 14, 255 could suggest a saga of Abraham's journey to Asia Minor, see also above, n. 124. 266. According to Demetrius, FGrHist 7 2 2 F 2 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 9, 2 9 , Moses' wife, the 'Ethiopian woman' Zipporah, also stemmed from Abraham by Kemrah. T h e postscript to Job(LXX) makes Job a great-grandson of Esau and thus one of the descendants of Abraham; the same is true with his friends Eliphaz, king of the Temanites, and Zophar, king of the south Arabian Mineans;
Notes
63
Gen. 36.10, 1 5 , 33f. L X X suggest such genealogies, see Freudenthal, op. cit., I36flf., and Schlatter, GP, 7 4 , 7 6 . According to Cleodemus Malchus, FGrHist 7 2 7 = Josephus, Antt. 1, 24of., the sons of Keturah are said to have given their names to Assyria and Africa (cf. Gen. 2 5 . 4 ) . The Sophacians are said to have sprung from the marriage of Heracles to the granddaughter of Abraham. Even the Spartans refer to their common descent from Abraham in the forged letter of Areus to Onias: I Mace. 1 2 . 1 9 - 2 3 and Antt. 1 2 , 2 2 6 f ; on this seen. 1 2 4 . Sir. 4 4 . 1 9 , 21 also knows of the universality of the descendants of Abraham: 'to give them a possession from sea to sea and from the river (Euphrates) to the ends of the earth.' For the Rabbinic tradition of Abraham as the 'heir of the world' see Bill. 3, 209. 267. FGrHist 7 2 3 (Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 9 , 2 5 , 4 ; 9 , 3 0 ) ; on this see J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 8 2 - 1 2 9 ; Schiirer 3 , 4 7 4 - 7 ; Y . Gutman, op. cit., 2 , 7 3 - 9 4 ; J. Giblet, ETL
39, 1 9 6 3 , 5 3 9 - 5 4 -
268. The information follows from the chronological details in F 4 = Clem. Alex., Strom. 1, 1 4 1 , 4, according to which Eupolemus reckoned 5 1 4 9 years from Adam to the fifth year of Demetrius I ; on this see F. Jacoby, PW 6, 1 2 2 6 . Bousset/Gressmann, 20 n . 2 , come to a rather later date, after 1 4 5 BC. Like Demetrius, see above n . 9 6 , Eupolemus also has chronographical interests in demonstrating the greater antiquity of the Jewish tradition. 269. J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 127. His thesis found general acceptance, see Schmid/Stahlin, GGL<^ 11, i, 589. F. Jacoby, op. cit., I227ff., and FGrHist 723 T I ; N . Bentwich, Hellenism, 1 9 1 9 , 92. F. Baron, A Social and Religious History I, i 8 5 f ; E. Bickerman(n), A. Marx Jubilee Volume, 1950, i 6 4 f ; F. M . Abel, Mace, 1 5 3 , on I 8 . 1 7 . Only H. Willrich, jMden und Griechen, 1 8 9 5 , i 5 7 f , opposed it. T h e terminus a quo would be the translation of Chronicles into Greek. This was already available to the grandson of Ben Sira after 117 E C ; see H.J. Cadbury, HTR 48, 1 9 5 5 , 223f. It could already have been translated about the middle of the second century. Literature in A . M . Denis, Introduction, 1 9 7 0 , 252ff. 270. J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 1 0 9 ; F. Jacoby, PW 6, 1 2 2 9 : 'His style is miserable, his vocabulary scanty and the construction of sentences clumsy.' 2 7 1 . J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 1 0 7 ; J. Giblet, op. cit., 547. 2 7 2 . F I after Clem.Alex, Strom. 1, 1 5 3 , 4: ypa/x/xaT«i}; more generally Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 9, 2 5 , 4 : ypdfifiara. For the communication of the alphabet by the Phoenicians to the Greeks see Herodotus 5, 5 7 - 5 9 , and A. Kleingiinther, op. cit., 6off., see also n. 121 above; cf. also Y . Gutman, op. cit., 2, 8if., and P. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-romische Kultur, 1 9 1 2 , 198 n. i. 273. Plato, Phaedrus 2 7 4 c - d , c f R. Hanhart, VT 12, 1 9 6 2 , 143 n. i. For Hecataeus see Diodore i, 1 6 , and on this I. Heinemann, PW 1 6 , 368, and F. Jacoby, PW7,2766. The basis for these views can already be found in Herodotus' account of Egypt, c f 2, 49, 54ff., 58, 7 7 . For the verdict of Hecataeus c f F. Jacoby, PW 7, 2 7 6 0 : 'Egyptomania', which did, however, have a political back ground, the demonstration of the power of Ptolemy I. For Hermes Thoth see above n. 262. 2 7 4 . See Antt.i, 1 6 6 - 8 : Abraham as teacher of knowledge (see also V o l . 1 , p p . 9 o f ) , c.Ap.i, 168, 2 7 9 , 2 8 1 : Moses as teacher of the Greek philosophers, similarly already in the second century BC Aristobulus, Pr.Ev. S, 10, 3 f : the
64
Chapter II
pagan poets made great borrowings from Moses, cf. 1 3 , 1 2 , i f f . : Plato, Pythagoras and Socrates as disciples of Moses: on this see N . Walter, op. cit., z y f , 44flf.; J. Jeremias, TDNT 4, 850; L . H. Feldman, 'Abraham the Greek Philosopher', TAPA 5 9 , 1 9 6 8 , 1 5 6 , and below pp. i 6 5 f , i67ff, 2 7 5 . F 4 after Clem Alex., Strom.i, 1 4 1 , 4 ; on this see A . v. Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften 2, 1890, I93f, and N . Walter, op. cit., 4 7 f 276. J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 1 1 8 ; Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , 9 4 ; see FGrHist 688 F 5 = Diodore 3 4 , i . C f Josephus, Antt.11, 5 : Cyrus' edict rested on a reading of the prophet Jeremiah. 2 7 7 . Eupolemus sees the kingdom of Judah completely in the light of the situation of the Maccabean period: c f I Macc.s.gf, i 4 f , 5 2 , 55ff.; II Mace. 12.30.
278. C f II Macc.2.4ff. and Vita proph., ed. T . Schermann, Propheten und Apostellegenden, T U 3 1 , 3 , 1 9 0 7 , 83. T h e legend persisted among the Rabbis that Josiah had hidden the ark: see L . GiazbsTg, Legends of the Jews, 191 iff., 3 , 4 8 and 4, 1 9 n. 1 1 2 . 2 7 9 . For Pharaoh Uaphres see Y . Gutman, op. cit., 2 , 88; c f Jer.51.30 L X X . For Suron see Freudenthal, op. cit., 108 and 208. Sidon is also included in the kingdom of the Phoenician partner - to the greater glory of Solomon. 280. Freudenthal, op. cit., n o , 2 1 0 ; Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , 8 6 ; P. Wendland, op. cit., 1 9 8 ; 'both pairs of letters are composed in the conventional forms of Hellenistic epistolary style.' 2 8 1 . For the 'Phoenicians' in Palestine see V o l . 1 , pp.32ff., 6 i f ; c f also Sir.46.18 G in contrast to M . 2 8 2 . F 2 b = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 9 , 3 0 , 3 , 4 , 7 . There is a remarkable coincidence between the extension of the Davidic kingdom in Eupolemus and the promise to Abraham and the following journey of the patriarch from the Taurus moun tains to the Erythrean sea in G e n . A p o c . 2 1 . 8 - 1 9 . 383. F 2 b = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 3 3 : the names of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid administrative units have probably been preserved here, see Vol. I, pp. 20f. 284. Antiochus I I I : see O G I S 2 3 0 . 5 ; 2 3 7 . 1 2 ; 2 3 9 . 1 ; 2 4 0 . 1 ; 2 4 5 . 1 8 , 4 0 ; 2 4 9 . 2 ; 2 5 0 . 2 ; 7 4 6 . 1 . Antiochus V I I Sidetes: O G I S 2 5 5 . 1 , 2 ; 2 5 6 . 2 , 3 ; the formula is rare with the Ptolemies, see e.g. Ptolemy III Euergetes: O G I S 5 4 . i f f . 285. F 2 == Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 34, 9, c f Midd.4, 6; M Q 9a; see J. Freuden thal, op. cit., 1 1 8 . C f also Josephus, Bell. 5, 2 2 4 , and D . Sperber, J Q i ? 5 4 , 1 9 6 4 , 25 I f .
286. According to the otherwise imknown Phoenician historian Dio, cf. Antt.i, 14J and O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2, 1963, 1 7 4 . 287. F 2 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 3 4 , 1 6 ; c f 33 and 3 4 , i ; see V o l . 1 , pp.296ff. 288. A n otherwise unknown Theophilus, FGrHist 7 3 3 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. g, 34, 1 9 , reports that Solomon sent Hiram, his father-in-law, a statue of his daughter, and the golden pillar served as a case for it. Herodotus had already reported a golden pillar, though this stood in the temple of Heracles (2, 4 4 ) : the writers of Phoenician history, Menander of Ephesus, FGrHist 7 8 3 F i = Josephus, c.Ap. 118, and Dio, FGrHist 7 8 5 F i = Josephus, c.Ap.i, 1 1 3 , tell both of the close contacts between the two kings, e.g. the exchange of riddles, and of the erection of a golden pillar in the temple of Zeus. According to Laitus and
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65
Menander, FGrHist 7 8 4 F i b = Clem.Alex., Strom, i, 1 1 4 , 2 , Solomon married the daughter of Hiram at a time when Menelaus was visiting Tyre after the destruction of Troy. 289. P. Dalbert, Die Theologie, 1954, 42. 290. F I = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 2 5 , 4 : Moses is said to have been the first to have written down the law of the Jews. 2 9 1 . A . Schlatter, GP, 1 8 7 - 9 2 . Cf. also Bousset/Gressmann, 2 1 n.2. T h e report of the building of the temple by Solomon is irreconcilable with the Gerizim tradition; on this see J. C. H. Lebram, VT 1 5 , 1965, 207. 292. For elements held in common by the Samaritan and Jewish traditions see J. Jeremias, TDNT 7, 89ff., and J. C. H. Lebram, op. cit., 1 6 7 ; cf. M . Gaster, The Asatir, 6 1 - 1 2 4 . 293. A . Schlatter, GP, 1 9 1 . 294. Cf. FGrHist 724 F i = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 1 7 , 3 with FGrHist 723 F i . 295. K . D . Schunck, Die Quellen des I u. II Makkabderbuches, 1 9 5 4 , yoff., would also ascribe to Eupolemus the composition of the Hebrew Judas source which he finds in I M a c e , a hypothesis which it is impossible to prove. 296. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 58of. For the work of Jason see the basic article by B . Niese, Hermes 3 5 , 1900, 2 6 8 - 3 0 7 , 4 5 3 - 5 2 7 , esp. 299ff.; also Schiirer 3, 4 8 2 - 9 ; J. Moffatt in Charles, Apocrypha I, I25ff.; R. H. Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times, 1 9 4 9 , 5 0 6 - 1 8 ; Funaioli, PW g, 7 7 8 - 8 0 ; F. M . Abel, Maccabees, xxxiiif.; Abel/Starcky, lyff.; Tcherikover, HC, 3 8 1 - 9 0 . Full details now in J. G . Bunge, Untersuchungen zum zweiten Makkabderbuch, Diss. Bonn 1 9 7 1 . 297. For the rhetorical style of the work see B . Niese, op. cit., 300: 'Jason must have written in a luxuriant style with poetic phrases and all kinds of unusual word-formations', see also 3 0 3 ; F. M . Abel, Mace, x x x v i f : R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5 1 8 , and E. Bickermann, GM, 1 4 7 : 'the only example of this literary genre, of which otherwise no works have been preserved complete'. 298. C f the table of contents and the characterization of the work of Jason by the epitomator: H M a c e . 2 . 1 9 - 2 5 , 2 8 - 3 0 . According to this the epitome covers the whole work of Jason; see B. Niese, op. cit., 305; R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5 0 9 f ; F. M . Abel, Mace, xliiif; K . D . Schunck, op. cit., I20f.: possibly Jason reported down to the death of Judas. T h e conjecture of E. Meyer, UAC 2 , 4 5 6 f , and A. Schlatter, GI^, 121, that the work went down to the elevation of Jonathan to be high priest or even to Simon is unfounded. 299. For the epitome see R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5 i 9 f f . ; according to him 2 . 1 9 - 3 2 ; 1 5 . 3 7 - 3 9 and probably 4 . 1 7 ; 5 . 1 7 - 2 0 ; 1 2 - 1 7 come from the epitomator. We may add the introductory letters (on which see V o l . 1 , pp. i i o f ) and the mention of Mordecai's day in 1 5 . 3 6 . T h e problem of ch. 7 is difficult, as here the king himself appears, in contrast to the historical framework. Possibly we also have a revision here or even the insertion of an additional martyr haggada by the epitomator (cf B. Niese, op. cit., 305). T h e other martyrdoms, c f 6.iof., 1 8 - 3 1 ; 1 4 . 3 7 - 4 6 , on the other hand, probably come from Jason. On the whole the tendency of the work of Jason and the epitome itself will have been the same (see B. Niese, loc. cit.). 300. C f e.g. H Mace. 3 . 4 ; 4 . 1 2 , i9f., 2 8 , 4 1 , 4 9 ; 1 2 . 3 4 , 4 0 ; 1 3 . 2 1 ; i 4 . 2 4 f , 38.
Chapter
66
II
3 0 1 . B. Niese, op. cit., 3 0 4 ; Schurer 3 , 4 8 4 f . ; F. Jacoby, FGrHist, Comm. on 1 8 2 , n B p . 6 0 6 ; F. M . Abel, Mace, xliflf. (with J. Moffatt in R. H. Charles, Apocrypha i, I23f., he assumes a rather later point of origin, after 1 3 0 B C ) ; Abel/Starcky, 1 7 , 3 4 ; Tcherikover, HC, 3 8 5 ^ 302. E. Meyer, UAC 2, 457f.; E . Bickermann, PW 1 4 , 7 9 3 , cf. 796 and GM, 1 8 , 34, 147, 1 5 0 ; his view of a 'Seleucid source' is followed by R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5 1 6 ; cf., however, the criticism of Tcherikover, HC, 385f. 303. K . D . Schunck, op. cit., 36ff., 59ff., i i 6 f f . , and the collection of sources, 126.
Op. cit., i 2 2 f f . ; on this cf. also II M a c c . 2 . i 3 f . Op. cit., 9 7 - 1 0 9 ; but Schunck regards the second letter 1 1 . 2 3 - 2 6 as inauthentic; see, however, E. Bickermann, PW 1 4 , 7 8 9 ^ ; GM, 1 7 4 , 1 8 1 ; Tcherikover, HC, 2 i 4 f f . , 388f.; R. Hanhart, Zur Zeitrechnung des I und II Makkabderbuches, B Z A W 88, 1964, yif. 306. Sachs/Wiseman, Iraq 1 6 , 1 9 5 4 , 2 0 2 - 1 2 , and on this J. Schaumberger, Bibl 36, 1 9 5 5 , 4 2 3 - 3 4 ; Abel/Starcky, op. cit., 35ff., and R. Hanhart, op. cit., 7 1 , 82 etc.: the Macedonian and Antiochene calculation from autiunn 3 1 2 was used in I Mace, for political and secular dates and the Babylonian reckoning from I Nisan 3 1 1 BC for cultic and priestly ones. 307. J. Schaumberger, op. cit., 428f.; Abel/Starcky, 38. T h e sequence in II M a c c . 9 ; 10. 1 - 9 is correct; the positioning of I Mace. 6 . 1 - 1 3 a long way after 4 . 3 6 - 6 1 is not. R. Hanhart, op. cit., 8 1 , attempts to mediate by putting the death of the king between 14 and 1 7 . 1 2 . 1 6 4 B C in order to justify I Mace, at least relatively, but this is unjustified. T h e king did not die in the neighbourhood of Babylon, but in Tabae (Gabai ?), on the Persian/Median border (see B . Niese, GGMS 3 , 2 1 8 , and Weissbach, PW, 2 R . 4, i84of. = Polyb. 3 1 , 9), which was about 3 5 0 - 4 0 0 miles from Babylon as the crow flies. 308. See the comparison of events between I and II Mace, in Hanhart, op. cit., 7 5 . In contrast to this, however, the death of Antiochus and the reconsecra tion had already been deliberately made into a unity by Jason by the addition of 10.9. The investigation of W. M611eken,Z.,4tt^65,1953,205-28, on the date of the appointment of Alcimus shows that even I Mace, did not work in a chronologi cally unobjectionable fashion: it was not 161 BC but 1 6 3 ; ef. II Mace. 14.3, 7 and Antt.12, 385. I Maccabees 7 . 1 2 - 1 8 and 2 0 - 2 4 belong in the structure after I Mace. 6.58ff.; see also M . Smith, Der Hellenismus, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 6, 384 304.
305.
n.370. 309. O n this see Abel/Starcky, op. cit., 1 8 - 2 5 , and R. H . Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5i3ff., 5 1 5 : 'His theology is distinctly Palestinian rather than Jewish-Hellenistic' According to R. H. Charles, Eschatology, reprinted 1 9 6 3 , 2 7 7 f , the eschatology of II Mace, belongs in the second century BC because of its affinity with I Enoch 83-90. 3 1 0 . Refusal of self-defence on the sabbath: 6 . 1 1 ; 8.25ff.; 1 5 . 1 - 6 , e f Jub. 50.1 and C D i o . i 7 f f . ; see also i i . i 5 f f . ; I2.6f and V o l . 1 , p. 1 7 8 . 3 1 1 . I I M a e e . 5 . 2 7 ; e f also 6.i8ff.; also see Dan. 1 . 8 ; Judith 1 0 . 5 ; Tobit i . i o f , etc.; we find a related situation in A s e . I s a . 2 . 8 - 1 1 . 3 1 2 . 1 2 . 4 4 ; 14-46 (7-9= ii> 1 4 , 2 3 ) ; ef. Dan. 1 2 . 2 ; I Enoch 2 5 . 5 ; 2 7 . 3 ; 9 0 . 3 2 f ; 9 1 . 1 0 . For the immortality of the soul see on the other hand Wisd. 1 . 1 5 ; 2.23ff.
Notes
67
etc.; I V Mace. I 4 . 5 f . ; 1 6 . 1 3 , etc., and Volz, Eschatologie, 23ifF., 266f. and R. H . PfeifFer, op. cit., 5 1 4 . For the intercession for the departed faitliful see i 5 . i 2 f F . ; c f I Enoch 39.5 and O. Betz, Der Paraklet, 1 9 6 3 , 56fF. 3 1 3 . On this see below n . 3 2 5 . 3 1 4 . For the theme of the holy war in II Mace, see M . Hengel, op. cit., 278f
3 1 5 . R. Hanhart, op. cit., 7 4 n . 3 3 , and I. L . SeeUgmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah, 1948, 94, in connection with the murder of Onias III, II Mace. 4 . 3 0 - 3 8 . 3 1 6 . On this see M . P. Nilsson, GGR 2^, i98fF., and R. Laqueur, PW, 2 R . 6, i i 9 i f He lived about 3 5 6 - 2 6 0 , first in Sicily and later in Athens. In contrast to the widespread scepticism of the early Hellenistic period he stresses direct retribution by the gods in his history writing in an almost archaic way. His love of omens and oracles is also striking. T h e report preserved by Diodore 20, 7 0 , of the murder of Ophelias and the adoption of his army by the tyrant Agathocles is typical: on the same day the latter lost his son and his army. He gives a similar report on the date of the conquest of T y r e by Alexander, Diodore 1 3 , 108 = FGrHist 566 F 1 0 6 : it fell on the same day and at the same hour on which the Carthaginians had stolen the statue of Apollo in Gela in 406 BC and had sent it back to Tyre. Even Polybius can sometimes refer to divine retribution, despite his enlightened attitude: i, 84, 10 and 18, 5 4 , 10. Later Plutarch deals with the problem in a positive way in De sera numinis vindicta. C f below n. 336. 3 1 7 . Cf. 2 . 1 9 , 2 2 ; 3.38f.; 5.i9flf.; 1 4 . 1 3 , 3 1 , 35f.; 1 5 . 1 8 . Even pagan kings reverenced the temple: 3 . 2 f ; 5 . 1 6 ; 1 3 . 2 3 ; c f 9 . 1 6 . God intervenes directly, to protect the temple and punish those who sin against the sanctuary: 3 . 2 4 - 4 0 ; 9.5fF., 1 6 ; 1 3 . 6 - 8 ; I 4 . 3 3 f ; and 1 5 . 3 2 - 3 5 . T h e work has two new temple feasts as its climax: the reconseeration, 1 0 . 1 - 8 , and the celebration of the victory against Nicanor, I 5 . 3 6 f . ; however, this order might only go back to the epitomator, see E. Bickermann, PW 14, 793. 318. Brothers of Judas are mentioned just once as subordinate commanders: in 10.20 there is a report of thetreachery of the men of Simon and in 1 4 . 1 7 Simon suffers a defeat. For Onias III see 3.iff.; 4.2, 3 3 - 3 8 and above all his appearance with Jeremiah - both were regarded as martyrs - in the vision in i 5 . i 2 f F . T h e only indirect reference to the rank of Judas is 1 4 . 2 6 . 3 1 9 . See R. H. PfeifFer, op. cit., 5 1 5 . 320. 1 4 . 6 ; c f 5.27, and in contrast to this I Mace. 2.42; 7 . 1 3 . O. H. Steck, Israel, 26of. n . 5 , stresses the connections with the conception of suffering in Ps.Sol. 3 2 1 . Tcherikover, HC, 3 8 4 f On this see the similar observation in Mark 1 5 . 2 1 and M . Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel, reprinted 1 9 7 1 , i82f. 322. B . Niese, op. cit., 2 9 4 f ; E. Bickermann, PW 14, 7 9 3 and G M , 147. 323. In 2.21 the epitomator counts as a special characteristic of the work of Jason T Q s ovpavov yevop.4vas im(f>aviiag. For details see 3 . 2 4 - 3 9 (on this see E. Bickermann, AIPHOS 7 , 1 9 3 9 - 4 4 , 2ifF., 3 7 f ) ; 5 . 1 - 4 (on this see the omens before the outbreak of the Jewish war according to the 'eye-wdtness' Josephus, Bell.6, 297fF.); i o . 2 9 f ; 1 1 . 8 ; 1 5 . 1 2 - 1 6 ; and the prayers of I I Mace. 1 1 . 6 and I 5 . 2 2 f For the martyrdoms see 6 . 1 8 - 7 . 4 2 ; 1 4 . 3 7 - 4 6 .
Chapter
68
II
324. E. Bickermann, GM, 1 4 7 ; cf. also B . Niese, op. cit., 3 o i f . and F. M . Abel, Mace, xxviif. and the contemporary examples cited there. 3 2 5 . D a n . 3 . 2 5 , 2 8 ; 9 . 2 2 ; i o . 5 f f . , i 3 f f . , 20ff.; 1 2 . 1 . For Qumran see Vol. I, pp. i88f. n.III, 7 7 3 , and V o l . 1 , 2 3 1 , cf. J. T . Milik, Ten Yean of Discovery, 1 9 5 9 , 87. The epiphanies in II Mace, are apocalyptic conceptions of angels presented in a fundamentally Hellenistic form. 3 2 6 . Cf. e.g. Asc.Isa. 5 . 2 - 1 4 ; also the various martyrdoms of the prophets in the Vita prophetarum, ed. T . Schermann, T U 3 1 , 3 , 1 9 0 7 : 5 1 , Amos; 60, Micah; 74f., Isaiah; 8if., Jeremiah, also Gen.R.65, 2 2 , the martyrdom of Jose b. Joezer. For the expiatory effect of suffering see II Mace. 7.33, 37f. Cf. G . F. Moore, Judaism i , 546ff., and M . Hengel, Zeloten, 2 7 3 . T h e 'confession narratives', say in Dan. 3 and 6, are a prelude to the history of the martyrs, see M . Smith, Fischer Weltgeschichte, Vol.6, ed. P. Grimal, 1 9 6 5 , 2 7 0 . For the exitus clarorum virorum see R. Reitzenstein, Hellenistische Wundererzahlungen, 3 7 f . ; M . Hadas, HCu, I77ff., and A. Roneoni, RAC 6, 1 2 5 8 - 6 8 lit. T h e starting point here is the report of Plato on the death of Socrates. Cf. also I. Baer, Zion 23/24, 1958/59,
20f.
327. E. Bickermann, PW 1 4 , 7 9 2 . 328. A . Geiger, Urschrift und Vbersetzungen der Bibel, 1 8 5 7 , 2 2 6 , and J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 1 2 9 , regarded Jason as a Palestinian. L . Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 1 8 5 5 , 445f., wanted to bring out the connection with I Mace. 8 . 1 7 . Tcherikover, HC, 385, is more cautious. On the one hand we have to take seriously the express derivation of Jason 'from Cyrene', while on the other hand the close connections with Palestine cannot be ignored. 329. I. Baer, op. cit., 2 o f , 1 6 1 . We must not overlook the fact that both creatio ex nihilo and the resurrection of the body are hardly Platonic notions, despite some echoes of Platonic concepts in II M a c e ; c f below n.III, 326, and R. H . Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5 1 5 ; e.g. it is not chance that the concept of the wisdom of God is absent, and also retreats into the background in Qumran in contrast to the position in Sirach and Wisdom: see V o l . 1 , p . 2 2 1 . For condemnation of Greek culture see 4 . 7 - 2 0 ; 5 . 1 5 - 2 6 ; 6 . 1 - 9 ; 1 4 . 3 8 ; c f i i . 2 4 f Forthe opponents of Judas and his followers Jason has a rich arsenal of insults, see R. H . Pfeiffer, op. cit., 5 i 3 f ; for 'barbarians' or 'barbarian' see 2 . 2 1 ; 4 . 2 5 ; 5 . 2 2 ; 10.4; cf. also 4.47; 7 . 4 : Scythians. 330. T r o A i T T ) ? : II Mace.4.5, 5 0 ; 5.6, 8, 2 3 ; 9 . 1 9 ; 1 5 . 3 0 c f 1 4 . 3 7 . T r o A i T c i a : 4 . 1 1 ; 8 . 1 7 ; 1 3 . 1 4 ; c f 6 . 1 ; 1 1 . 2 5 . T h e term Tiarpis is very frequent: 4 . 1 ; 5 . 8 f , 1 5 ; 8 . 2 1 , 3 3 ; 1 3 - 3 3 1 0 , 1 4 ; 1 4 . 1 8 . I V Mace, is again dependent on this 'political terminology' (cf 3 . 2 0 ; 8.7; 1 7 . 9 ) . The term 'lovhaiapLos, used for the first time, also belongs in this context, see II Mace. 8 . 1 ; 1 4 . 3 8 ; c f 2.21 and IV Mace. 4.26. 3 3 1 . On this see G. Holscher, PW g, 1 9 8 2 , I992f. However, Holscher brings the 'predecessors' of Josephus too close to him, 1993. On this see W. Otto, PWSuppl 2 , 1 0 - 1 2 . For Justus of Tiberias see Schurer i, 5 8 - 6 3 ; F. Riihl, RheinMus 7 1 , 1 9 1 6 , 2 8 9 - 3 0 8 , and Schmid/Stahlin, GGL^ I I , I , 6 o i f He seems to have been a highly educated writer with rhetorical training who wrote a history of the Jewish kings from Moses to the death of Agrippa II in AD 100, see Schurer i, 61 and Riihl, op. cit., 292. In style and presentation his work was superior to that of Josephus, see Vita 40.
Notes
69
332. B. Wacholder, Nicolaus of Damascus, 52ff.: it was his aim to incorporate a relatively 'objective' account of Jewdsh history (in contrast to other Greek historians) into the total framework of his world history and thus also to stress the international standing of his master and friend Herod. 'Nicolaus' full account of Biblical history contained Jewish apologetics mixed with Hellenistic embellish ments', op. cit., 5 6 . 333. On this see O. Betz, OJfenbarung und Schriftforschung in der Qumransekte, i 9 6 0 , 77fF., 83fF., 86.
On this see J. Fichtner, TLZ 7 6 , 1 9 5 1 , 1 4 6 - 1 5 0 , and W. Baumgartner, and V o l . 1 , p p . 2 8 9 f 335. For the two traits in the work of the Chronicler see E. Bickerman(n), From Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees, 1 9 6 2 , 2 0 - 3 1 ; here Bickerman draws parallels with Greek history writing: ' T h e Chronicler, like Hecataeus of Miletus or Herodotus, gives such information concerning the past as appears to him most probable, and corrects the sources in conformity with his own historical standards' (22). For the doctrine of retribution see pp. 24fF.; c f here the express quotation from Deut. 2 4 . 1 6 in II Chron. 25.4. For the theological background to the historical view of the Chronicler see G . von Rad, Das Geschichtsbild des chronistischen Werkes, 1930, passim and D . Rossler, Gesetz und Geschichte, ^1962, 334.
TR
5, 1 9 3 3 , 2 8 3 f ,
38fF.
336. R. H . PfeifFer, op. cit., 5 1 2 : 'Jason is much more interested in theology than is the author of I Maccabees.' For the doctrine of retribution see loc. cit.; c f 4.38, 4 2 ; 5 . 9 f ; 7 . 1 9 , 3 5 ; 8 . 3 3 ; 1 3 . 5 - 8 ; 1 5 . 3 1 - 3 5 and above all 9 . 8 - 2 8 : Antiochus IV dies through being eaten by worms, the manner of death of the enemy of G o d : see P. Wendland, Hellenistisch-rdmischer Kultur, 1 9 1 2 , 330 n. 6; it also appears as early as Herodotus 4, 205. C f also the excursus of the epitomator in 6 . 1 2 - 1 6 . See also above, n . 3 1 6 . 337. N . N . Glatzer, Geschichte der talmudischen Zeit, 1 9 3 7 , 1 1 ; c f also D . Rossler, Gesetz und Geschichte, ^1962, 2 o f 338. On this see U . Kahrstedt, Syrische Territorien in hellenistischer Zeit, A G G , N F 1 9 , 2, 1 9 2 7 , 1 3 7 - 4 5 ; E. Bickermann, ZNW 3 2 , 1 9 3 3 , 2 5 3 f ; M . A . Beek, OTS 2 , 1 9 4 3 , 1 2 1 - 3 2 , i 4 i f F . , whose transposition of the foundation of the temple in Leontopolis to 2 7 0 BC is surely incorrect. Tcherikover, HC, 2 7 9 f , on the other hand, puts it too late, at 145 BC. Onias IV fled to Alexandria after the naming of Alcimus in 163 ( ? ) BC and will have founded the temple and the military colony in Leontopolis a little later; c f Antt. 1 2 , 3 8 7 f ; 1 3 , 6 2 - 7 3 ; 20, 236. 3 3 9 . On II M a c e . 1 . 1 - 9 see E. Bickermann, op. cit., 2 3 3 - 5 4 ; M . A . Beek, OTS 2, 1 9 4 3 , 1 3 8 - 4 3 , against R. H. PfeifFer, op. cit., 508. 1 . 1 - 9 would be quite incomprehensible as an edificatory work of Alexandrian epistolography. 340. According to E. Bickermann, op. cit., 234, the work comes from the time around 60 B C ; for its origin in Jerusalem see his short note in JBL 6 3 , 1 9 4 4 , 357. N . Walter, op. cit., 1 7 and 18 n. 2, conjectures that it originated in Alexandria. In any event the legend 2.ifF. is Palestinian and also appears in Eupolemus, see above n.278; the miracle of fire in i.i9fF. is probably of Iranian origin. C . C . Torrey's hypothesis of an original Aramaic version, ZAW 20, 1900, 2 2 5 - 4 2 , and JAOS 60, 1 9 4 0 , 1 1 9 - 5 0 , is unconvincing; the same is true of the defence of the authenticity of the letter by Abel/Starcky, op. cit., 27fF. However, the objections
Chapter
70
II
to a late date in Abel, Mace, 289, are worth considering. After the loss of independence, such influence on the Jews in Egypt hardly seems to make sense any longer. T h e question of the origin of the epitome is closely connected with this. Bimge (n. 296), 56flf. posits a genuine work with some interpolations. 3 4 1 . See E. Bickerman(n), J B L 6 3 , 1 9 4 4 , 3 3 9 - 6 2 , and by way of supplement and correction, R. Marcus, J B L 64, 1 9 4 5 , 2 6 9 - 7 1 , and P. Kahle, The Cairo Geniza, ^1959, 213 n. i . 342. C f 3 . 1 3 d (B 4 ) ; 10.3g (F 7 ) ; for the tendencies of the Greek book of Esther see above all E. Bickermann, PAAJR 20, 1 9 5 1 , 1 0 1 - 3 3 , and O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 59 i f It is improbable that these abruptly anti-Greek expansions were only added in Alexandria at a later date (thus Hautsch, PW, 2 R . 2, i 6 o o f ) . Josephus had access to the additions in ^nrr. 1 1 , 1 8 4 - 2 9 6 . 343. 8.12k (E. 1 0 ) ; 9.24; for the Macedonians in Alexandria see above, n.I, 94. Altheim/Stiehl, Die aramdische Sprache unter den Achdmeniden, 2 1 0 - 3 , want to put this expansion in 130 BC on the basis of the Parthian successes in the east of the Seleucid kingdom. 344. I . I I (A I I ) ; 4 . i 7 a - z ( C ) ; s.iaff. (D iff.); 8 . i 2 d , q, r, t (E 4, 1 6 , 1 7 , 20); 10.3a (F i). T h e dream at the beginning and its interpretation at the end of the book, like the edict of the great king, are also meant to strengthen the reUgious components of the book (against O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 5 9 i f . ) , c f II Mace, is.iiff. and
9.i3ff.
345. C f e.g. Jub.30.7ff., I4ff., and on this M . Hengel, op. cit., I92f 346. See O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 802: ' B and E were written originally in Greek . . . , A C D and F presuppose . . . a Hebrew or Aramaic original'. Similarly R. H . Pfeiffer, op. cit., 3o8ff. 3 4 7 . See E. Bickermann, op. cit. (n.341 above), 335ff. 348. E. Bickermann, GM, 1 4 5 and JBL 63, 1944, 3 5 7 : the slavishly Uteral translation suggests that this was carried out in Palestine. 349. For later redaetional or translation work on the L X X during the first and second centuries AD in Palestine see D . Barthelemy, Les Devanciers d'Aquila, S V T 1 0 , 1 9 6 3 , I5ff., I48ff., 2 7 i f He conjectures that the L X X redactor Theodotion was identical with Jonathan b. Uzziel, the pupil of HiUel, to whom the Prophet Targum was later falsely ascribed. Meg. 3a could contain a reference to his translation of Daniel (op. cit., i 5 o f ) , see also below, n.III, 663. Both his translation work and the later translation activity of Aquila presuppose the tendency to reUgious influence and control on the Diaspora which already begins in the Hasmonean period. For Theodotion see S. Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Palestine, 1 9 4 2 , I7ff., and M . Smith, BJRL 40, 1 9 5 7 / 5 8 , 482 n . 3 ; for the work of the Palestinian redactors of the L X X in general see E. Bickerman(n), Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume i, 1 9 5 0 , 1 6 4 . FinaUy see the general comment by B . Lifshitz, RB 7 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 5 2 1 . See Billerbeck 4, 4 1 4 w, x ; R. Hanhart, VT 1 2 , 1 9 6 2 , I 4 4 f 3 5 1 . On this see already Z . Frankel, Vorstudien zur Septuaginta, 1 8 4 1 , 8ff., io5ff., i85ff., and Uber den Einfluss der paldstinischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik, 1 8 5 1 . For the same problem see also J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 1 8 7 3 , 65ff. and P. Katz, ZNW 47, 1 9 5 6 , 2 i o f Palestinian and Alexandrian exegesis had a mutual influence on each other, see Vol. I, pp. 350.
Notes
71
169, lyifF. The influence of Hellenistic mythology (on this see H. A . Redpath, AJT 9, 1905, 3 4 f ) and philosophy on the L X X as a whole is small: see J. Freudenthal, JQR 2, 1 8 8 9 / 9 0 , 2 0 5 - 2 2 ; E. Zeller, PhG'^ III, 2, 274ff.; R. Marcus, 'Jewish and Greek Elements in the Septuagint', in L. Ginzherg Jubilee Volume, 1 9 4 5 , 2 2 7 - 4 5 ; c f also R. Hanhart, VT 1 2 , 1 9 6 2 , 1 3 9 - 6 2 , and E. Bickerman(n), PAAJR 28, 1959, i i f , especially on the language. On the other hand, Bickermann defends with good reason the existence of an official transla tion of the Pentateuch under Philadelphus, pp.7fF., i3fF. For the uniqueness of the L X X in the Hellenistic-Roman period see 38. 352. J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 129, presupposes a lengthy and perhaps permanent stay of the author in Jerusalem on the basis of the description and glorification of Jerusalem in four books by the older Philo (FGrHist 729). It is impossible to move beyond conjecture in view of the small number of fragments which have been preserved. T h e assumption of M . Hadas, HCu, 100, that the work of the Jewish tragedian arose in Jerusalem (see below, n.III, 10), is pure speculation. 3 5 3 . See H. F. Weiss, Klio 4 3 - 4 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 307 n.3. 354. In this sense Bousset/Gressmann, 2 - 5 , already speak of 'Hellenistic Judaism'; cf. also W. G. Kiimmel, Heilsgeschehen und Geschichte, Gesammelte Aufsdtze, 1 9 6 5 , 1 5 and 3 7 7 , and G. PfeifFer, Ursprung und Wesen der Hypostasenvorstellungen im Judentum, 1967, 95 n . 4 2 7 : 'The Judaism of that time is always Hellenistic Judaism - sometimes more, sometimes less.' 3 5 5 . Cf. CIJ 2, 26ifF., no. 1 2 5 6 : the Nicanor inscription; 1 2 6 6 ; 1 2 8 2 ; 1 3 9 3 ; 1 3 3 7 - 4 1 ; 1 3 4 4 ; 1 3 5 0 (cf 1 3 5 1 - 4 ) ; 1 3 6 6 ; 1 3 7 2 - 4 ; 1 3 7 8 ; see also the indications of a homeland in 1283: Bethel and i372fF.: Scythopolis. Further bilingual inscrip tions in P. B . Bagatti/J. T . Milik, Gli Scavi del Dominus flevit, I, 1958, Stud, bibl.frans. 1 3 , 1 9 5 8 , 84 no. 13 ab; 9 7 f no. 3 7 . On the whole, Hebrew-Aramaic and Greek inscriptions alternate at random. Cf. also R. de Vaux, RB 6 5 , 1958, 409, and N . Avigad, lEJ 12, 1962, 1 - 1 2 , a family tomb with Greek inscriptions, two of them bilingual, and E. M . Meyers, Jewish Ossuaries, 1 9 7 1 , 48fF. 356. Acts 1 5 . 2 2 , 2 7 , 32 etc.: I Thess. i . i ; II Cor. 1 . 1 9 etc. For the form of the name see W. F. Arndt and F. W. Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, 1 9 5 7 , 758. 357. C f Phil. 3 . 4 ; c f Gal. i . i 3 f ; on this see G. Bornkamm, RGG^ 5, 1 6 7 , on the 'bilingual character of the family 'and its stay in Jerusalem. 358. On this see B . Lifshitz, ZDPV 7 8 , 1 9 6 2 , 77fF. 359. T h e conjecture of W. G. Kiimmel, Introduction to the New Testament, 1966, 84, that it is difficult to assume composition in Palestine for linguistic reasons therefore needs to be examined carefully again. Presumably the author of the First Gospel was a multilingual 'Graeco-Palestinian'; c f also J. Jeremias, ZNW
50, 1 9 5 9 , 2 7 0 - 4 =
Abba, 1 9 6 6 , 2 5 5 - 6 0 .
C H A P T E R III
1. Phoenicia had long had strong economic and cultural connections with the Aegean; considerable artistic and economic influence is noticeable there even before Alexander's expedition. The question is, however, whether one can suppose an influence extending to ideas, or even a Uterary influence. The Greek mercenaries in the service of the Jewish, Egyptian, Babylonian and Persian kings might be involved as intermediaries (see V o l . 1 , pp. 12S., 32ff., 6 i f and nn.II, 26-7).
2. See e.g. W. Baumgartner, 'IsraeUtisch-griechische Sagenbeziehungen', Zum AT und seiner Umwelt, 1 9 5 9 , 1 4 5 - 7 8 , esp. I7iff.; also the investigations by C . Gordon, 'Homer and the Bible', HUCA 26, 1 9 5 5 , 4 3 - 1 0 8 , and Before the Bible, 1962 (though these are disputed; further literature, ibid., 3038?.); F. Dornseiff, 'Hesiods Werke und Tage und das alte Morgenland', Antike und Altes Orient, ^1959, 7 2 - 9 5 ; F. Dirlmeier, 'Homerisches Epos und Orient', RheinMus 9 8 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 8 - 3 7 ; P- Walcot, 'Hesiod and the Didactic Literature of the Near East', REG jSt 1 9 6 2 , 1 3 - 3 6 ; the collection Elements Orientaux dans la Religion Grecque Ancienne, i 9 6 0 ; M . C. Astour, Hellenosemitica, 1 9 6 5 , who deals with the many-sided mythological and historical connections between the Aegean and the Semitic Orient in the second miUennium BC. 3. See U . Holscher, 'Anaximander imd die Anfange der griechischen Philosophic I F , Hermes 8 1 , 1 9 5 3 , 3 8 5 - 4 1 8 , and the supplementation and correction by O. Eissfeldt in the collected volume Blements Orientaux, cited above, pp.3ff., 1 4 ; also H. Schwabl, in op. cit., 41 n. i and PW Suppl.g, 1484, i 5 o 5 f f . , I 5 i 3 f f : Thales (cf U . Holscher, op. cit., 3 8 8 f , and above n.II, 2 1 2 ) ; I5i5ff.: Anaximander. No direct dependence of Plato on the East has been demonstrated, although he uses oriental (e.g. Egyptian) traditions (see Timaeus 2 i e ff.) and there was speculation at an early date about visits supposed to have been made by him to Egypt, Phoenicia and Babylonia, see T . Hopfner, Orient und griechische Philosophic, BhAO 4, 1925, 7ff.; c f J. Kerschensteiner, Plato und das Orient, 1 9 4 5 , passim, against W. Jaeger, Aristoteles, ^1955, I33ff.; but see W. Baumgartner, op. cit., 1 7 5 n.4. On the interest of Plato in his old age in Egyptian and Syrian (Chaldean) astronomy see also E. des Places, MUSJ 3 7 , 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 , 2 0 1 - 5 , lit-, on the basis of Epinomis 9 8 6 e - 9 8 7 d , and c f on this Theophrastus on the Jews: see Vol. I, pp. 2 5 6 f A member of the Academy was himself a 'Chaldean' (op. cit., 203 n.4). Now see above aU M . L . West, Early Greek Philosophy and the Orient, 1 9 7 1 . 4. Diels, Vorsokratiker i, 44 fr. detail M . L . West, op. cit., 1 - 7 5 .
2
and K . v. Fritz, PW
1 9 , 2025ff.,
and in
Notes
73
5. F. Dornseiff, Echtheitsfragen in der Antik-Griechischen Literatur, 1 9 3 9 , see also E, Schiirer 3 , 255f., 2 5 i f . 6. L . Pirot, L'oeuvre exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste, 1 9 1 3 , 1 3 1 - 4 ; the author, 'paganica scientia esse eruditus', imitated the pagan = Greek tragic poets ( i 3 2 f . n . 3 ) ; see also J. M . Voste, RB 38, 1 9 2 9 , 3 9 0 - 3 . This conjecture was taken up by R. Lowth, Praelectiones de sacra Poesi Hebraeorum, 1 7 5 3 (non vidi). C. Kuhl, TR 2 1 , 1 9 5 3 , 2 0 4 - 3 0 6 , gives a siurvey of more recent attempts to connect Job with the Greek tradition. 7. See above all H . M . Kallen, The Book of Job as a Greek Tragedy, 1918 (repr. 1 9 5 9 ) , i9fF.; cf. M . Hadas, HCu, i36fF., and C. G. Montefiore, HTR 1 2 , 26;
1919,
219-24.
8. N . Schmidt, The Message of the Poets, Vol. 7, see The Message of the Bible, 1 9 0 7 , 76fF., 87fF., 9ifF.; M . Jastrow, The Book of Job, 1 9 2 0 , i 7 7 f F . , iSsff. is critical; J. J. Slotki, ExpT 39,1927/28,131-4, presupposes 'a careful study of the Prometheus Bound' by the author of Job ( 1 3 4 ) . W. A. lTVfm,JR 3 0 , 1 9 5 0 , 9 0 - 1 0 8 , gives a more restrained verdict: it is not impossible that the author knew Aeschylus, but analogies do not amount to dependence; see also C. J. Lindblom in Dragma Martino P. Nilsson, 1939, 2 8 0 - 7 , and H. G. May, ATR 3 4 , 1 9 5 2 , 2 4 0 - 6 , both of whom rightly observe that in Job, as opposed to Prometheus, the solution does not come from a change on God's side, but through the subjection of Job. A . Alvarez de Miranda, Anthologia Annua 2 , 1 9 5 4 , 2 0 7 - 3 7 , gives a detailed comparison. C. Kuhl, op. cit., 306, comes to the conclusion: 'We must consider more than before the question whether the poet of Job was famihar with the tragedy of Aeschylus.' F. M . Heichelheim, ZRGG 3, 1 9 5 1 , 253 n . 3 , believes that the poet of Job could have come to know Greek tragedy perhaps about 460 BC, when the Athenians settled in Dor (see above, n. I, 280). However, all this is very improbable. A t best there remain certain analogies between late wisdom and Greek thought. 9. K . Fries, Das philosophische Gesprdch von Hiob bis Platon, 1904, who at the same time refers to earher models of 'philosophical dialogue' in the Iliad, Egypt, etc. O. Holtzmann, in B . Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel 2, 1888, 3 4 8 - 5 1 , transfers the book of Job to the Ptolemaic period: 'Without doubt (!) we have here a Hebrew imitation of the philosophical dialogue in Plato'; cf. also N . Schmidt, op. cit., 80, 84. Even N . Peters, Das Buch Job, 1928, 58, sees parallels to the ideas of Greek poetry and poesy and will not exclude the possibihty of acquaintance; cf. on the other hand M . Jastrow, op. cit., 1 8 1 : 'Perhaps in a very general way one may conjecture that a wave of rationalism spread over the ancient Orient in the fifth and succeeding centuries.' 10. In Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 2 8 f , G C S V I I I , i, 5 2 4 - 3 8 , ed. Mras. 1 1 . G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob, 1963, 4 7 . 12. On the question of Job and 'wisdom' see H . Gese, Lehre und Wirklichkeit, 1 9 5 8 , Iff. and
74fF.
13. R. H. PfeifFer, Introduction to the OT, 1948, 6 7 9 , terms the unknown author 'the most learned man up to his time known to us', see also H. Richter, ZAW 7 0 , 1 9 5 8 , 1 - 2 0 . Even R. H . PfeifFer, who rejects any dependence of Job on Greek models and - probably wrongly - beheves that it was composed about 600 by an Edomite (op. cit., 6 7 8 - 8 3 ) , stresses the peculiarity of Job's conception of
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God (op. cit., 7 0 3 ) : 'Job's theology is more akin to the Greek than to the Israelite notion . . . the function and attributes of the Deity in Job indicate that the author conceived his God primarily as a cosmic force, not as the patron God of a nation.' G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology i , 4 1 7 , speaks of the 'theological boundary situation' of the work, see also P. Humbert, ' L e modernisme de Job', SVT 3 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 5 0 - 6 1 , esp. 1 6 4 . Like Koheleth, Job has also been corrected for doctrine by the addition of the speeches of Elihu: see G . Holscher, Das Buch Hiob, 2 1 9 5 2 , 6f. 1 4 . G. Fohrer, op. cit., 5 5 2 - 7 . T h e 'speech of God' in Job 3 8 - 4 0 . 1 4 , however, expresses far more God's absolute sovereignty than his 'saving, blessing concern' (G. von Rad, op. cit., i , 418). God's omnipotence is the demonstration of his righteousness, not of his concern. 1 5 . See the survey in C . K u h l , op. cit., 3 i 4 f f . : 7 0 0 - 2 0 0 B C ; G . Fohrer, op. cit., 42f.: fifth to third century BC, cf. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 7 0 : the fourth century seems most likely to be right. G . Holscher, op. cit., 7f., puts it relatively late, between 400 and 200 BC. 16. M . Rosier, (ZXOAIA) Commentationes de Antiquitate Classica i , 19543 3 3 - 4 8 ; H . Graetz, Schir Ha-Schirim, 1 8 7 1 , 67ff.; N . Schmidt, op. cit., 229ff., and C. Gebhardt, Das Lied der Lieder, 1 9 3 1 , I9ff., already put forward a similar view; the last mentioned made a special comparison with the mimes among the Idylls of Theocritus; see, however, the criticism of K . Budde, ChrW 453 193I3 9 5 7 - 6 0 . Cf. also M . Hadas,7oMrna:/ of History of Ideas 1 9 , 1 9 5 8 , 5 , and HCu, I59ff., over against C . Schneider, Gnomon 3 3 , 1 9 6 1 , 308. For further examples see W . Rudolph, Das Buch Ruth, Das Hohe Lied, 1 9 6 2 , 117. 1 7 . F. Dornseiff, ZDMG 90, 1 9 3 6 , 593f.; cf. e.g. Philodemus, Anth.Gr.5, 1 3 2 , and Song of Songs 7 . 1 - 7 . 18. M . Friedlander, Griechische Philosophic im Alten Testament, 1904, passim; objections are, however, raised by W . Swart, op. cit. (n. 5 2 below), and E. Sellin, Die Spuren griechischer Philosophic im Alten Testament, 1905, I7ff., though the latter will not exclude some traces of 'influences of Greek culture and life style' in Prov. 1 - 9 and Job 2 8 ; 29.18 (Phoenix saga, see below, n . 5 5 3 ) ; there is also a critical survey in P. Heinisch, 'Griechische Philosophic und A T ' , Bihlische Zeitfragen 6 / 7 , 1 9 1 3 , i5ff.
19. Geschichte des Volkes Israels, 1 9 2 9 , I I I , 2, 7 3 3 . Cf. also Bousset/ Gressmann, 497 n . 2 . 20. K . GaUing, BRL, 1 2 1 ; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 2 2 - 4 ; Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament, 85. 21. For the additions to Esther and the festal letter from II Maccabees see V o l . 1 , pp.ioif.; on Ep.Jer. see O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 594f., and R. H . Pfeiffer, A History of NT Times, 429f. For the Baruch literature see Syr. Bar. 78ff., and cf. the so-called 'remains of the Sayings of Baruch', trans, in Riessler, Altjudisches Schrifttum 6, I7ff. ( 9 1 2 ) ; 7,23ff. ( 9 i 4 f . ) . 22. W. Rudolph, Jarewzza, 21958, i66ff., and O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 2 2 f . ; for the Baruch Uterature see also Jer. 36.4f., 3 2 . T h e edict of Nebuchadnezzar in Dan.3.3iff. could have as a model the various edicts of the Persian kings in Ezra i.2ff.; 4.i7fr.; 5.6ff.; 6.3ff.; cf. also Dan.6.26ff.; the aretalogical style can
Notes
7S
already be found in the Prayer of Nabonidus (see below, n. 36). C f also the legendary letter of Elijah, II Chron. 2 1 . 1 2 - 1 5 . 23. O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 3 8 ; especially on Esther see R. Stiehl, WZKM 5 3 , I 9 5 7 J 6 - 9 ; Fohrer, op. cit., 2 5 3 f ; see also already Bousset/Gressmann, 4 9 5 f 24. M . Braun, History and Romance in Graeco-Oriental Literature, 1 9 3 8 , 4 4 - 9 3 ; cf. M . Hadas, HCu, i53fF. For Josephus see M . Braun, Griechischer Roman und Hellenistische Geschichtsschreibung, 1 9 3 4 , 2 3 - 1 1 7 . The version of T.Jos, is the earlier, which would suggest a non-Christian, Jewish origin for the work; see the discussion in O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 40fF. 25. For Joseph and Asenath see now C. Burchard, Untersuchungen zu Joseph und Aseneth, 1965, i4off.: first century B C ; perhaps the eirenic character of the work indicates that it was composed in pre-Roman, Ptolemaic times, when the relationship between Jews and non-Jews in Egypt was not so tense. For Artapanus see above, n.II, 262, and M . Hadas, HCu, 1 7 2 . 26. For the origin of the romance see K . Kerenyi, Die griechische orientalische Romanliteratur . . ., ^1962, 2 0 6 - 2 8 ; cf. 24fF., 44ff., 229fF.; see also R. Merkelbach, Roman und Mysterium in der Antike, 1962, 333fF.; 'Greek and oriental elements were mixed in the ancient romance . . . the external form of the romance is essentially Greek'. For the romance of Ninus (P. Ber. 6926 A) see in F. Zimmermann, Griechische Romanpapyri, 1 9 3 6 , 1 3 - 3 5 ; c f also 3 6 - 4 0 = P.Ox 1826, the son of king Sesonchis. On lambulus see W. KroU, PW 9, 6 8 I f f . , and F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens i , i55fF. 27. Herodotus 9, 1 0 8 - 1 3 : Xerxes and the wife of Masistes; 2, i n : the blind Pherus; 2, 1 2 1 : the treasure house of Rampsinit; 1 . 8 - 1 3 : Gyges and Candaules; on this see also W. Aly, PW 1 7 , i i 7 4 f F . 28. Quotation from Eissfeldt, op. cit., 3 8 ; on Ruth and Susanna see op. cit., 477fF., 5 8 9 f ; cf. also Fohrer, op. cit., 2 5 0 , and R. H . PfeifFer, op. cit., 449fF. Even if the last version of the narratives possibly goes back to Hellenistic times, the material is older. The Daniel of the Susanna narrative still emerges as the type of the wise judge, according to Ezek. 1 4 . 1 4 , 20, and not as the Babylonian and Persian official of the Daniel legends. 29. The narrative cycle about the fortune and misfortune of the wise Croesus in Herodotus could also be included among the 'wisdom narratives'; it comes from the milieu of Asia Minor and Persia: see i, 2 9 - 3 5 , 8 6 - 9 1 ; 3 , 36. For the Egyptian miheu of the Joseph 'Novelle' see G. von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch, 1 9 6 6 , 293fF.
30. For the aretalogy in the Jewish milieu see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), AIPHOS 7, n. I , and M . Hadas, HCu, ijofi. 3 1 . As a translation of hod (in M v. 1 9 ) ; c f also Symmachus, Ps.29 (30). 6 in Origen, Hexapla, ed. Field, 2, 1 3 0 . 32. Isa. 4 2 . 8 ; 4 3 . 2 1 ; 6 3 . 7 as a translation for t'hilld, c f also Hab. 3.3 and in the N T I Peter 2.9 and II Peter 2.3. For Alexandrian Judaism, cf. Philo, Vit.cont. 26. 1 9 3 9 - 4 4 , 34
33. Op.
cit.,
34fF.
R. Reitzenstein, Hellenistische Wundererzdhlungen, ^1963, 3 5 . 35. O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 4 0 5 ; Fohrer, op. cit., 442. 36. For the same feature in the book of Daniel see Dan.2.46fF.; 3.28fF.; the whole creed-like edict 3 . 3 1 - 4 . 3 4 ; 5 . 2 9 ; 6.25fF.; for the prayer of Nabonidus see 34.
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R. Meyer, Dew Gebet des Nahonid, B A L 107, 3 , 1962, first publication by J. T . Milik, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 4 0 7 - 1 5 . 37. W . Aly, PW Suppl, 6, 1 5 , cf. also Crusius PW 2, 670, and A . Kiefer, Aretalogische Studien, Diss. 1929, there 2ff., the evidence for the terms apeTaXoyla and dpcTaAdyoj, also 38ff. for a collection of aretalogies; see, however, the critical comments in W. Aly, op. cit., I3ff. R. Merkelbach, Roman und Mysterium, 1 9 6 2 , 3 3 3 - 6 , derives the Greek romance from the Isis aretalogy. A collection of texts with comments in V. Longo, Aretalogie nel mondo Greco, i , 1969. 38. A . Bentzen, Daniel, ^1952, 1 1 ; see V o l . 1 , pp.272ff., n n . 5 1 6 - 2 5 ; I93f. 39. On this see H . Gese, RGG^ 6, is/Sf. 40. For pseudepigraphy see also V o l . 1 , pp.205f., 2 1 6 . In Alexandria the names of authors are known to us only from fragmentary works preserved through Alexander Polyhistor. The anonymous or pseudonymous work is by far the most predominant in Palestine. J. Lebram, VT 1 5 , 1965, 2 1 5 , sees in the mention of the author's name a typical characteristic of wisdom literature and points to Prov.25.1; 30.1; 3 1 . 1 , and to the Samaritan Marqah in the third or fourth century AD. But Prov.25.1 names two well-known kings of the pre-exilic period and 3 0 . 1 ; 3 1 . i very old Ishmaelite wisdom teachers from outside Israel. The rule was in fact anonymity or pseudonymity, as is shown by Koheleth (see V o l . 1 , I29f.) and Prov. 1 - 9 . Ben Sira and the naming of authorities in the Rabbinic tradition are, however, a parallel to Marqah. The naming of authorities emerges for the first time from Simon the Just, i.e. it is a phenomenon of the Hellenistic period, see V o l . 1 , pp. 8if. Cf. W . Speyer, Die literarische Falschung im Altertum, 1 9 7 1 , I5ff., 150. 4 1 . On this see the provisional observation by R. Meyer, op. cit., 7f. 42. For the background to the schism see Josephus, Antt. 1 1 , 302ff., 3o6ff., 324ff. T h e Torah was possibly introduced among the Samaritans by the son of the Jewish high priest, Manasseh, who went over to them. See also above, n. I, 58. 43. As in this enumeration the canonical books which were largely estabhshed about 60 BC, the approximate time of composition of the forged letter, are not included (see Sirach, Prologue 8ff., and Josephus, c.Ap. i , 37ff.), and furthermore the decrees of the (Persian) kings on sacrifice are mentioned, this note seems to have a historical background, see Abel, Mace, 3ojfi. 44. Ed. J. A. Sanders, The Psalm Scroll, DJDJ I V , 1 9 6 5 , 5 3 - 9 3 . 45. M . Smith, Fischer Weltgeschichte, Vol. 5, 1 9 6 5 , 3 6 5 ; cf. R. H . Pfeiffer, Introduction to the OT, 1948, 6 5 5 , and M . Hadas, HCu, 2 3 : ' A n e w Uterature arose to answer the needs of ordinary people.' 46. We also find this chronological interest in the first known Jewish teacher in Alexandria, the chronographer Demetrius, at the time of Ptolemy I V Philopator, 2 2 2 - 2 0 4 B C , see Vol. I, p. 69. The Palestinian Hellenist Eupolemus based himself above aU on Chronicles in his historical work, see Vol. I, pp. 94ff. 4 7 . See Vol. I, pp. 256ff. The self-awareness of the Jews at the beginning of the Hellenistic period is reflected in the anecdotes of Ps. Hecataeus in Josephus, c.Ap. I , i 8 7 f f . , I92f., 20iff.
48. On this see the comments of R . Hanhart about the character of the L X X as a translation, VT 12, 1962, isSff., esp. 1 6 1 : the L X X appeared as 'something completely heterogeneous over against Hellenism'. R. Marcus, 'Jewish and
Notes
77
Greek Elements in the Septuagint', L. Ginsberg Jubilee Volume, 1 9 4 5 , 239f. argues emphatically, among other things, that the deletion of certain anthropo morphisms from the Hebrew text in the L X X , which was apparently done on the basis of Greek influence, took place in parallel fashion in the Targums. Further, see Vol. I, p. 102 and below, n. 3 7 2 . 4 9 . M . Hengel, Ze/oren, 1 5 4 - 2 3 4 ; see V o l . 1 , pp.292flf., 3o6f. 50. R. Meyer, TDNT 7, 4 9 : 'a strand of belief . . . which was not inter woven into ongoing dogmatic development. It may thus be described as con servative' (see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 2 6 f ) . 5 1 . K . Galling, TR N F 6, 1934, 3 6 1 . 52. A critical survey of earlier attempts to interpret Koheleth in the light of Greek philosophy is to be found in P. Kleinert, ThStKr 5 6 , 1 8 8 3 , 7 6 1 - 8 2 , and 82, 1 9 0 9 , 4 9 3 - 5 2 9 ; see also W . Swart, De invloed van der griekschen Geest op de boeken Sprewken, Prediker,Job, 1908, 2 3 - 1 0 6 . For Epicurus see already Jerome, in EccL, on 9.7, PL 23, 1 0 7 2 ; clearly in Voltaire, see O. Loretz, Qoheleth und das Alte Orient, 1964, 49 n. i ; further earlier commentators there, who wanted to see K . as an Epicurean; c f also M . Hadas, HCu, 1 7 . Both Epicurean and Stoic influence is assumed more frequently: see W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity, 1 9 4 0 , 3 5 2 ; M . Hadas, HCu, i40ff.; John Bright, A History of Israel, rev. ed., 1 9 7 2 , 4 5 2 n. 39, who assumes only indirect influence. For the relationship to the Stoa see E. Zeller, PhGr^ III, 2, 3 0 1 - 7 , and the literature in O. Loretz, op. cit., 50 n. 37. For the Cynics and Cyrenaicans see L . Levy, Das Buch Qoheleth, 1 9 1 2 , I2ff.; for Heraclitus, E. Pfleiderer, Heraklit, 1886, 2 5 6 - 6 9 ; for Theognis and Greek gnomic poetry, H. Ranston, Ecclesiastes and the Early Greek Wisdom Literature, 1925, and the criticism by K . Galling, op. cit., 363ff.; c f also PW 22, 1 8 3 1 . H . W. Hertzberg, Der Prediger, 1963, 5 9 f , would concede the possibility of an indirect acquaintance of Koheleth with Theognis. For the Cynic-Stoic diatribe see P. Kleinert, ThStKr 82, 1 9 0 9 , 508, etc., and the criticism of O. Loretz, op. cit., 3 2 f , 5 5 f As the diatribe only developed as a genre in the third century BC (see W . Capelle, RAC 3, 994ff.), Koheleth can hardly have made use of it. J. Pedersen, RHPR 10, 1 9 3 0 , 3 3 3 - 4 4 ; H . J. Blieffert, Weltanschauung und Gottesglauben im Buche K., Diss. 1 9 3 8 , 8 4 - 8 , and R. Cordis, Kohelet, 1 9 5 1 , 5 i f f . , also reject any direct dependence of Koheleth on Greek philosophy. On the other hand, in view of the international character of wisdom, we need not exclude an acquaintance with Greek sayings wisdom, which does not have to be a literary one. For a fundamental investigation, see now R. Braun, Koheleth und sein Verhdltnis zur literarischen Bildung und Popularphilosophie, Diss. Erlangen 1 9 7 1 . 5 3 . On this see W. Baumgartner, TR N F 5, 1 9 3 3 , 262ff., 2 8 i f f . ; K . Galling, op. cit., 3 6 6 f , and ZAW 50, 1 9 3 2 , 293ff.; here above all there are Egyptian parallels; R. Kroeber, Der Prediger, 1 9 6 3 , 48ff., 59ff., and - very one-sidedly O. Loretz, op. cit., 53ff., 90ff. For the themes in Koheleth deriving from Old Testament wisdom Uterature see the collection by K . Galling, ZAW 50, 1932, 293, and O. Loretz, op. cit., I96ff. F. Dornseiff, ZDMG 89, 1 9 3 5 , 246ff., puts forward the possibiUty that the relationships between Greek thinking and Koheleth go back to early connections between the ancient East and Greece. 54. L . Levy, op. cit., I3ff., noted a number of Graecisms; critical comments
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in K . Galling, TR N F 6, 1 9 3 4 , 362f.; R. Cordis, op. cit., 358 n . 3 ; O. Loretz, op. cit., 45ff. Suggestions of Graecisms are indicated by W. Svart, op. cit., 98ff., and H. W . Hertzberg, op. cit., 5 6 ; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 9 8 f ; R. H . Pfeiffer, Introduction to the OT, 1948, 7 2 9 , and Fohrer, op. cit., 340. C f R. Braun (n. 52). 55. Op. cit., 56. As Loretz considers neither the personality of the author nor the period in which he is writing, and rejects the possibility of alterations by the writer of the epilogue (40, 1 4 4 , i66ff., 296ff.), he comes to an exaggerated, apologetic view of the whole which does not do justice to the tensions and depths of the work. G. Holscher, Geschichte der israelitischen und judischen Religion, 1 9 2 2 , 1 8 2 , doubts that there is any Graeco-Hellenistic influence in Koheleth. But as he wants to reduce the influence of Hellenism in the third and second centuries BC in Palestine and the Orient in general to a minimum, and can hardly continue to maintain this general attitude, his judgment is prejudiced. 56. E. Meyer, UAC 2, 3 9 n. i ; K . Galling, TR N F 6 , 1 9 3 4 , 3 5 7 . Nevertheless, F. Dornseiff, op. cit., 2 4 8 , on 9 . 1 3 - 1 6 ; H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 5off., on 8.2ff. and io.4ff., 1 6 ; and K . D . Schunck, F T 9 , 1 9 5 9 , 1 9 2 - 2 0 1 on 4 . 1 3 - 1 6 , have again seen concrete allusions to individual historical events. T h e y misunderstand the 'parabolic character' of these instances, see K . Galling, loc. cit., c f ZAW 50, 1 9 3 2 , 2 8 6 f , and RGG^ 5 , 5 1 3 . T h e attempt by A. D . Corre, VT 4, 1 9 5 4 , 4 1 6 - 8 , on 2.3, to demonstrate in Koheleth, by means of a textual emendation, an attempt to remove the marks of circumcision for which there is evidence in the time of the reform in Jerusalem after 1 7 5 BC, is misguided; see also O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 9 8 - 5 0 0 . 5 7 . H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 28ff.; R. Kroeber, op. cit., 2 8 ; relatively speak ing, Koheleth has the most Aramaisms among the books of the Old Testament; cf. M . Wagner, Die lexikalischen und grarmnatikalischen Aramaismen, B Z A W 9 6 , 1966, 1 4 2 , I45f 58. Striving for riches: 4 . 8 ; 5.ioff., 1 8 ; 6 . 2 ; 7 . 1 1 (see also V o l . 1 , pp.49ff.). For the Ptolemaic administration and the oppression of the poor: 5 . 7 ; 'in the province' {m'dina), c f 4.1 and 7 . 7 . T h e textually difficult 5.8 could indicate the interest of the Ptolemaic kings in agricultural produce (see above, n. I, 399). T h e agricultural undertakings of 'Solomon', 2.4ff., with parks (par'desim, Persian loanword, V o l . 1 , p.44), domains, artificial irrigation (see above, n . I , 3 6 3 - 5 ) , would also fit best in the Ptolemaic period; cf. E. R. Bevan, History of Egypt, 1 9 2 7 , 7 8 . On the power of the king see 8.2ff.: K . GalUng, ZAW 5 0 , 1 9 3 2 , 2 9 4 f , and Die 5 Megilloth, H A T 1 8 , 1 9 4 0 , 7 9 , sees here the opms pamXiKos of the Ptolemies. T h e question remains whether in this textually difficult passage we should not follow H . W . Hertzberg, op. cit., 5 o f , i63ff., in seeing a warning against apostasy, which was always an acute possibility, since in the third century Palestine was in the centre o f the tension between Ptolemies and Seleucids. However, the passage gives no help towards a more exact dating. Rostovtzeff, HW i , 350, refers to the work of informers imder the Ptolemies in connection with 10.20.
59. P . Humbert, Recherches sur les sources egyptiennes, 1 9 2 9 , I07ff., already saw Egyptian parallels, but he exaggerates in supposing that Koheleth was composed in Egypt ( 1 1 3 ) and has a knowledge of Demotic ( 1 2 4 ) . For the royal
Notes
79
testament see K . Galling, ZAW 50, 1 9 3 2 , 298f., cf. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 499, and the literature given in notes i and 2. T h e objections of O. Loretz, op. cit., 57ff., will not hold. For Pap.Insinger see K . Galling, TR N F 6, 1934, 366f.; O. Loretz, op. cit., 84ff.: and R. Kroeber, op. cit., 5 3 , syf.: ' T h e contents and the imagery of the two works have so many points of contact that we must assume some literary acquaintance. However, statements on the same subject are often diametrically opposed.' For a translation see A. Volten, Das demotische Weisheitsbuch, Analecta Aegyptica II, 1 9 4 1 . B . Gemser, SVTj, i 9 6 0 , 1 0 2 - 2 8 , points to certain parallels between Koheleth and the equally late Egyptian Teaching of Onchsheshonqy, cf. especially I25f.; see also O. Loretz, op. cit., 86ff. On the whole, however, Koheleth's thinking goes its own way: 'As far as content is concerned, the belief and thought of this material are so com pletely fused together that it always clarifies and enriches, but never defines' (R. Kroeber, op. cit., 56). 60. R. Kroeber, op. cit., 64f., 67ff.; H. W . Hertzberg, op. cit., 46ff.; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 9 1 , Ut.; 683 n. 18. 6 1 . R. Kroeber, op. cit., 4 7 , cf. the enumeration in n . 9 ; for the names cited there see also W. Zimmerh, Die Weisheit des Predigers Salomo, 1936, 28 n.2. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 9 8 ; W . Rudolph, Vom Buche Kohelet, 1 9 5 9 , i6f.: 'It cannot be denied that this whole way of thinking only became possible in the time of Hellenistic world culture . . . an important testimony to the historical controversy between Judaism and Hellenism.' More cautiously K . Galling, RGG^ 5, 5 1 3 : 'There can be no question of real Graecisms. So we may affirm only a degree of affinity with Hellenistic views.' 62. See V o l . 1 , pp. i i 5 f . and n . 5 2 above; E. Meyer, UAC 2 , 3 5 ; on Marcus Aurelius see H . J. BUeffert, op. cit., 9 2 - 9 4 ; cf. also W. Rudolph, op. cit., 1 7 . H. L . Ginsberg, Studies in Kohelet, 1950, 43f., cites a whole series of parallels from the Hellenistic period, above all from Menander. R. Braun (n. 51 above) has the largest collection of parallels. 63. K . Galling, ZTK 5 8 , 1 9 6 1 , i . 64. Cf. K . Galling, ZAW 50, 1 9 3 2 , 28of.: 'I statements and T h o u addresses' are 'concretizations of wisdom'; see, however, id., Prediger Salomo, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 4 8 : even if they should not be 'evaluated in autobiographical terms', they are still 'confessions'. In that Koheleth works out his opposition to the 'school tradition' through ' "broken" sentences' (op. cit., 47), we are at the same time given a picture of his personaUty; the I discourse keeps breaking through the stylistic form of the wisdom tradition and can become a personal confession; see R. Kroeber, op. cit., 3 5 , on K . Calling's question, ZAW 50, 1 9 3 2 , 280. For the personaUty of Koheleth see also R. T . Cordis, op. cit., 7 7 - 8 6 . 65. For his Palestinian home see H. W. Hertzberg, ZDPV 7 3 , 1 9 5 7 , 1 1 3 - 2 4 , and Der Prediger, 1 9 6 3 , 42ff.; for the social miheu of his origin see K . GaUing, op. cit., 2 8 4 : ' T h e state order he finds there is the feudal aristocracy', see also R. Kroeber, op. cit., 23f. 66. P. Wendland, Die hellenistich-romische Kultur, 1 9 1 2 , 4 5 , 47f.; cf. also M . P. Nilsson, GGR 2% 294, 300; M . Hadas, HCu, 22S. For Koheleth's 'individuaUsm' cf. R. T . Cordis, op. cit., 7 5 : ' N o other book within the Bible . . . (is) as intensely personal as Koheleth . . . individual in content and
Chapter
8o
III
unique in expression'; see also K . Galling, loc. cit., 'aristocratic individ ualism'. 67. Tcherikover, HC, 1 5 9 ; the best example is the family history of the Tobiads and Oniads, see Vol. I, pp. 268ff. 68. For a comparison with the prophets see A . Lauha, SVT 3, 1 9 5 5 , 1 8 5 ; on Marcus Aurelius see H. J. Blieffert, op. cit., 92ff. His verdict on the state is also fundamentally negative and restrained: 8.9, 1 1 . 69. Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 2 : '. . . t h e particularism of the Greek city state . . . was being replaced by universalism and its corollary, individualism'; see also P. Wendland, loc. cit.; individualism is matched by cosmopoUtanism, cf. 35ff. For the conjunction of the two in Koheleth see H . J. Blieffert, op. cit., 9of. 70. R. Kroeber, op. cit., i 3 o f . ; cf. K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 4 7 : 'some times one is almost tempted to say "deity".' 7 1 . Cf. on the other hand K . Galling, TR N F 6, 1934, 362S., who is followed by the modem commentators. R. Braun (n. 52 above) now differs. 7 2 . K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1 9 4 0 , 5 3 : 'the universal human anthropology which "wisdom" largely has.' For 'under the sun' see O. Loretz, op. cit., 180; however, this formula was surely not repeated by Koheleth 'just for the sake of the sound'; rather, it is intended to underline the universality of his observations. Alongside 'men' appear other typical figures: the wise man, the fool, the king, the rich man, the righteous man and the wicked man ( 7 . 1 5 ; 9 . 2 ) ; the woman ( 7 . 2 6 ) , etc.; they are typified manifestations of mankind. 7 3 . Cf. 5 . 1 4 - 1 6 with Gen. 3 . 1 7 - 1 9 ; 3.20b and 12.7a with Gen. 2 . 7 , 1 9 and 3 . 1 9 , also 3 . I I and Gen. 1 . 1 3 . Further instances in H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 2 2 7 - 3 0 , cf. W. Zimmerli, Prediger, A T D 1 6 / 1 , 1 9 6 2 , i 3 7 f . ; 1 2 . i (245) has, however, a disputed text, see below, n. 108. T h e name Israel is only mentioned in 1 . 1 2 in connection with the alleged royal status of the author; a legal regulation appears in 5 . 3 - 5 , but the two in no way figure in the author's perspective. 7 4 . G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology I, 1 9 6 2 , 4 5 5 .
7 5 . R. Kroeber, op. cit., 26f. 7 6 . J. Hempel, Die althebraische Literatur, 1 9 3 4 , 1 9 1 , followed by H. J. Blieffert, op. cit., 9 1 . 7 7 . C f 2 . 1 1 ; 3 . 9 ; 5 . 1 5 ; 10.10 (textually difficult), 1 1 ; cf. H. J. Blieffert, op. cit. 99, 'the question with which Koheleth approaches his consideration of the world and of life'. 7 8 . 7 . 2 5 ; text following Hertzberg, op. cit., 1 3 7 , 1 4 2 . For the interpretation of hesbon, which is equally strange, see K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 7 7 : 'In the end he wants to settle with wisdom.' 7 9 . J. Pedersen, RHPR 1 0 , 1930, 3 3 1 n. 1 2 . 80. E. Bickerman(n), HTR 5 4 , 1 9 5 1 , 1 6 2 ; see also V o l . 1 , pp. I04f., 2 i 9 f 8 1 . 7 . 2 3 f , c f already i . i 7 f , 8, i 6 f ; c f above, n . 7 2 . 82. C f P r o v . 3 0 . 1 - 4 ; Job 36.26ff.; 3 7 . i 4 f f . ; 38.iff.; see already I s a . 4 0 . 1 2 - 1 4 and
Ps. 1 3 9 . 6 , 7. 83. 4.1 84.
and
c f 3 . 1 6 ; 5.7; 8.10, 14. is here to be translated 'failiure', see 7 . 2 6 ; 3 . 1 1 ; 7 . i 3 f ; 8 . i 6 f . ; here an earlier theme of wisdom (Ps. I 3 9 . i 3 f f . ; Job 1 0 . 9 - 1 3 ) is used 7.15,
2 . 2 6 : hole'
9.iff.; I I . 5 :
Notes
81
to demonstrate the incomprehensibility of God's activity. For the whole see H. Gese, in: Les Sagesses du proche-Orient ancien, 1 9 6 3 , 1 4 9 : 'World history is incomprehensible and all knowledge of it is delusion.' 85. O n this see J. Pedersen, op. cit., 344. 86. Cf. the typical 'broken sentence' 2 . 1 2 3 - 1 7 , which begins with an apparent confirmation of traditional views in w . i3f. and ends in inexorable consistency with the despair of v. 1 7 ; cf. K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1 9 4 0 , 5 7 : 'It shows the invasion oinew insights which shake Koheleth.' Righteous and wicked: 9.2ff.3 cf. 7 . 1 5 . For the meaninglessness of riches and posterity see the next sentence 2 . 1 8 - 2 3 ; cf. 4 . 8 ; 5 . 1 4 ; for reputation and memory see 1 . 9 - 1 1 ; 2 . 1 6 ; 9.5f.; on this see O. Loretz, op. cit., 225ff. 87. 1.2 and 1 2 . 8 : all in all, hehel appears 23 times; for its significance see W. Zimmerli, op. cit., i3f. n . 2 , and above all O. Loretz, op. cit., 2 1 8 - 4 6 . 88. 2 . 1 4 , 1 5 ; 3 . 1 9 (3 times); 9.2f. In the sense of chance, see I Sam.6.9; 2 0 . 2 6 ; Ruth 2 . 3 ; for the concept see R. Kroeber, 5 5 f ; H. J. Blieffert, 2 o f ; and H. Gese, op. cit., i 4 3 f 89. On this see R. Kroeber, op. cit., 4 1 . T h e category also includes hdlelot sik'lut (ftavi'a) rayon and r^'ut; hesbon, kisron or even terms which occur elsewhere in the O T but are used in a stereotyped way in Koheleth, hke hebel and 'dmdl; on both see H. Gese, op. cit., i 3 9 n . i ; ^e/eg'and 'er (see V o l . 1 , p. 126). In general Koheleth has a typical vocabulary and a characteristic style; see the detailed investigations of O. Loretz, op. cit., 1 6 6 - 2 1 7 . 90. E . Meyer, UAC 2, 3 7 n. i , and O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 498, point to rvx-ni on the other hand, K . Galling, TR 6, 1 9 3 4 , 3 6 2 ; O. Loretz, op. cit., 46, but see n. 5 : tyche can also be used ad malam partem. 9 1 . This fact is noted too little by R. Kroeber, op. cit., 5 5 ; see, however, F. Notscher, Vom Alten zum Neuen Testament, 1962, i 3 f , and below, n. 148. C f also H . Gese, op. cit., I43f. 92. g.iif.: pega' appears only once elsewhere in the O T , see I Kings 5 . 1 8 ; it is synonymous with miqre; cf. also its appearance in the sayings of Ahikar: A . Cowley, Aramaic Papyri, 1 9 2 3 , 2 1 5 , 1 . 8 9 . 93. O n this see K . Galling, 'Das Ratsel der Zeit im Urteil Kohelets (Koh. 3 . 1 - 1 5 ) ' , ZTK 5 8 , 1961, 1 - 1 5 , and H. Gese, op. cit., I48ff. According to Gese (n. i ) , the 'beginning of the main part of the book of Koheleth' is to be found at 3 . 1 - 1 5 , and the author always keeps returning to it: 3 . 1 7 ; 8 . 5 f , 9 ; 9 . 1 1 . 94. 3 . 1 4 a and i i a . T h e latter passage is difficult textually. T h e interpretation by H. Gese, op. cit., 1 5 0 , is preferable to that of K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 6 2 , c f also ZTK 58, 1 9 6 1 , 5ff., in that it requires no complicated alteration of the text. On the other hand, the translation of 'oldm as 'course of time' (K. Galling, followed by H. Gese) is infinitely preferable to the attempts at interpretation by H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 96. For the quite different 'plan of time' of the Jewish philospher Aristobulus in Alexandria about 80 years after K . , see Vol. I, pp. i66f 95.
Cf.
3.17b, 2 2 b ; 6 . 1 0 - 1 2 ;
7 . 1 0 , 14b,
24, 29; 8 . 5 b - 8 . i 7 ; 9 . 1 2 ;
10.14;
11.2, 5f 96. See the introductory poem 1 . 3 - 1 1 and on it H. Richter, ZAW 7 0 , 1 9 5 8 , 1 9 , with special reference to 5 - 7 : 'Here nature is considered neither on its own
Chapter
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III
account nor to introduce the praise of Yahweh. These observations are meant to consolidate and demonstrate a philosophical theory.' On this c f also 1 . 1 5 ; 7.13; 11.3. 9 7 . 2 . i 2 a - i 7 ; 9 . 1 - 6 ; 3 . 1 8 - 2 1 ; c f 7 . 2 ; 8.9; 9.10.
98. 9 . 3 ; c f 8 . I I : here related to the power of the state. 99. H . Gese, op. cit., 1 5 0 : in this 'Koheleth is a faithful pupil of old wisdom'. 100. 5 . 1 b , c f also 4 . 1 7 - 5 . 6 and 7 . 1 6 - 1 8 . 1 0 1 . K . Galling, ZTK 5 8 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 3 ; c f also Die Krisis der Aufklarung in Israel, 1 9 5 2 , 1 7 . 102. A. Lauha, op. cit., 1 8 6 . 103. 3 . 1 4 ; 5 . 6 ; there could be additions in 7 . 1 8 and 8 . i 2 f , see K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1 9 4 0 , 7 4 f and 80; 1 2 . 1 3 is a correction added by the epitomist. For the positive significance of the 'fear of God' see H. Gese, op. cit., 1 5 0 ; c f , however, also the more restrained judgment of K . Galling, ZTK 58, 1 9 6 1 , 1 4 . 104. 3 . 2 2 ; 5 . 1 7 ; 9 . 9 ; see on this H. J. BUeffert, op. cit., 2 1 , and R. Kroeber, op. cit., 56, 1 2 7 . 105. This constantly recurring summons of Koheleth is the positive side of his interpretation of Ufe: only here can he see a limited meaning for human life; c f 2 . 2 4 ; 3 . i 2 f ; 3 . 2 2 ; 5.i7ff.; 8 . 1 5 ; 9 . 7 - 9 ; 1 1 . 9 . T h e motif of self-forgetfulness in 5 . 1 9 is significant. 106. H. Gese, op. cit., 1 5 1 ; for God's good pleasure see 9.7. T h e account by H. Gese is perhaps too positive; 'striving after wind' and 'nothing to be gained' also come at the end of 2 . 1 - 1 1 , and the joy given by God is realized in forgetting the latent problem of Ufe ( 5 . 1 9 ) . 1 0 7 . C f already 2 . 2 6 b (and on this above, n. 84); 4 . 1 - 4 ; 6 . 3 - 6 ; c f also 5 . i 8 f : the summons to enjoy life is only meaningful to someone to whom God has given the outward possibiUties; it is considerably limited by the crude social contrasts prevailing at that time. Koheleth speaks 'under the protection of money' ( 7 . 1 2 ) ; c f R. Kroeber, op. cit., 24. 108. In 9 . 1 2 b ; 1 1 . 8 b ; 1 2 . 1 we should probably follow K . GalUng in reading bor'kd, H A T 1 8 , 1 9 4 0 , 88. For the rejection of hope for Ufe after death see 3 . 2 i f ; 9.4ff.,
lob.
in the Ught of this, even 'deUght in toil' ( 2 . 2 4 ; 3 . 1 3 ; 5 . 1 7 ) , etc., becomes a questionable intermediary solution; cf. already 2 . 1 1 as a consequence of 2 . 1 0 . n o . UAC 2, 35f For the 'HeUenistic enUghtenment' see W. Nestle, RAC i , 109. 5 . 1 4 ,
938flf.
1 1 1 . Die Krisis der Aufklarung in Israel, 1 9 5 2 , I2ff.
1 1 2 . R. H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament, 1948, 730. However, the further interpretation of Koheleth by the author is unfortunate: we certainly cannot speak of 'the first attempt to make a synthesis of Judaism and Hellenism'; this is an inadmissible simpUfication. T h e same time is also true of the attempt of O. Loretz to explain Koheleth merely from a 'general Semitic background'. 1 1 3 . K . Galling, ZAW 5 0 , 1932, 2 9 1 . 1 1 4 . K . Oppenheimer, PW, 2 R . 6, 586. 1 1 5 . M . Nilsson, GGR"^ 1, ii2i.; the following quotation: fr. 2 9 2 ; on this and what follows see also Festugiere, Revelation 2, 1 6 1 - 8 , who shows how the
Notes
83
philosophical enlightenment shattered naive popular belief and changed the conceptions of the gods. 1 1 6 . M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 2, 1 9 6 : cf. fr. 3 7 9 ; 5 1 5 ; 5 1 6 : God is good; 818.
1 1 7 . Kolax, 2 6 f , 42, c f also 33. T h e text has considerable gaps, see Menander, ed. F. G. Alhson, L C L , 1 9 6 4 , 384ff.; on the same question see also frs. 3 3 5 , 386. 1 1 8 . Epitrepontes, 875ff., 88off. ( L C L , i i 6 f f . ) : the gods cannot be bothered with details, and so they have given each man 'character' as a watcher; cf. also fr. 7 5 9 : 'I sacrificed to gods who were not concerned about me'; fr. 2 4 5 : God cannot be influenced, otherwise he would not be God. 1 1 9 . M . Nilsson, op. cit., 2, 1 9 7 ; fr. 4 2 5 , cf. frs. 482, 483: the incapability of the nous; tyche rules everything. 120. Op. cit., I96f.: cf. already Euripides fr. 506 (Nauck^): it is impossible for Zeus to write down the unjust deeds of men, they are too many. 1 2 1 . Op. cit., I93f; text see POx 8, 1 9 1 1 , 1082, and Herodes, Cercidas, ed. A. D . Knox, L C L 1 9 6 1 , I94fif. For the personality of Cercidas see Gerhard, PW I I , 294ff. 1 2 2 . See V o l . 1 , p p . s o f c f also Rostovtzeff, HW 2 , i i 4 8 f A n economic decline in Greece began from the end of the third century onwards. 1 2 3 . W . Peek, Griechische Grabgedichte, i 9 6 0 , no. 1 3 9 : Alexandria, third century BC. 124. Op. cit., no. 1 5 1 , 9 : Samos, second to first century BC ( ?). 1 2 5 . O p . cit., no.308, 7 f : Cyprus, second to third century A D ; c f also 3 5 2 , i f : bad reward for piety, and 3 2 6 , 9 . 1 2 6 . Op. cit., no. 2 8 8 , 5 : Thrace, second century AD. Coupled with this is the charge against 'Phthonos', the personified envy of the gods; cf. 3 5 2 . 1 2 7 . Anth.Gr.'j, 'ji'j, c f 7 4 0 and I G X I V , n o . 2 1 3 1 . 128. Peek, op. cit., no. 1 6 2 , 1 3 . C f Antipater of Sidon, Anth.Gr.'j, ifi'j. 129. On this see O. Loretz, op. cit., 7 8 (cf also 83, the conversation of the man weary of life), and 1 1 7 ; however, it is incomprehensible that Loretz, 1 3 4 , should want to see a 'forerunner' of Koheleth in parts of the Gilgamesh epic, while pushing Egyptian (and Hellenistic) 'parallels' to one side. This and similar topics are too general for one to construct relationships of dependence from them. 130. W . Peek, op. cit., no. 3 7 1 , second to third century AD, Pisidia, and 4 6 5 , lyff., second to third century AD from Corcyra; cf. also 248, 4 7 9 , 480; also the many instances from Asia Minor in L . Robert, RevPhil 1 7 , 1 9 4 3 , i 8 2 f 1 3 1 . A . Erman, 'Zwei Grabsteine griechischer Zeit', Festschrift fiir E. Sachau, 1 9 1 5 , 1 0 7 - 1 1 , and here above all the last, the inscription of the priest consort Taimhotep of 42 BC, loSff. 132. Menander, fr. 4 1 0 , and L C L , 432 (Demianczuk, Suppl. Com. 5 8 ) ; cf. also the interesting fragment 4 8 1 : man should treat the period of his Ufe as a 'feast'. Philetairos (middle comedy), fr. 7 , ed. Kock, C A F 2 , 2 3 2 ; Euripides, Alcestis 7 8 8 f . ; Theognis, Eleg.i, 5 6 7 - 7 0 , 7 5 3 - 6 , I 0 4 7 f Further examples from Greek and Latin poetry in R. H. Pfeiffer, The Joshua Bloch Memorial Vol., i 9 6 0 , 6 3 f ; F. Dornseiff, ZDMG 89, 1 9 3 5 , 244f., who also refers to Menippus of Gadara (see V o l . 1 , pp.83f) and to the parting words of the ghost of Darius in Aeschylus, Persae 8 4 o f , and M . P. Nilsson, opuscula selecta 3 , i 9 6 0 , I73f.
Chapter
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III
— GGR^ 2, 662 n . 2 : tomb of Vincentius and the epitaph of Sardanapalus according to Cicero, Tusc. 5, l o i = Anth.Gr.j, 325. Old Testament - Jewish parallels: I s a . 2 2 . 1 3 ; Sir. 1 4 . 1 1 - 1 9 , c f I Cor. 15.32. ' T h e simimons carpe diem
rings out through all times and all peoples in view of the transitoriness of man', see R. Kroeber, op. cit., 4 9 , and the Chinese example cited there. T h e theme of Koheleth 4.2ff. ( 6 . 3 f . ) : better dead than alive, or better never born, is also a universal one: c f Jer.20.13ff.; Job 3.iff.; Sirach 3 0 . 1 7 , see below, n . 2 7 0 ; but also Euripides, frs. 285 and 833, ed. Nauck^; Theognis, i?/e^.425ff.; Herodotus 7, 46, 2ff.; further examples in O. Loretz, op. cit., 233 n n . 7 5 - 7 ; K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 6 5 , and F. Dornseiff, op. cit., 246: it goes back to old wisdom communicated by Silenus to the Phrygian king Midas; see also Eitrem, PW 1 5 , I527ff.: ' A confession of an ancient pessimistic view of life as old as it is comfort less.' This view is said also to have been widespread among barbarian peoples: see Herodotus 5, 4 and Strabo 1 1 , 1 1 , 8 C 5 1 9 / 2 0 = Euripides 449 (ed. Nauck^). A similar direction is taken by W . Peek, op. cit., no.274, 3 - 6 , and 3 3 3 ; Anth.Gr. 9 j 359> ll-9f.3 and 360,11. g f , and Menander, frs. 1 4 , 1 6 9 ; c f 2 2 3 , 5 3 4 : better dead than living, better an animal than a man. On the whole matter see H. Diels, 'Der antike Pessimismus', Schule und Leben i , 1 9 2 1 , 8ff., i8ff. For Epicurus' criticism of this attitude see Diogenes Laertius 1 0 , I 2 5 f 133.
P. Benoit, 'Atiqot 4 , 1 9 6 4 , 3 9 ; lEJ 1 7 , 1 9 6 7 , 1 1 2 / 3 , and B . Lifshitz, RB Many instances from Greek tomb epigraphy can be found
7 3 , 1966, 248-55.
there. 1 3 4 . M . Nilsson, GGR^ i , 1 9 4 n. i ; 2, 2 7 9 f , further see below n . 5 7 9 ; E. Rohde, Psyche 2, 1 9 6 1 , 2 5 7 n . 3 ; Euripides, Suppl.1140; Electro 5 9 ; fr. 9 7 1 , Nauck^ c f also fr. 4 8 1 ; see further W. Peek, op. cit., no. 1 2 , 5 : aWrip p.ev
34.14.
136. T h e tragic or comic poets already found this to be necessary because the various views circulating among the people had to be expressed on the stage and the view of the author retreated into the background. T h e traditional, allseeing deity who 'assigns to each man his portion of fate' ([vejpei S'^KdoTM TT]V Karaiowv poipav) in his time appears in a poem ascribed to Cercidas (Herodes, Cercidas, ed. A . D . Knox, L C L 1 9 6 1 , 2 3 7 , Cercidea 11. looff.); c f also M . Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 200 ( 1 9 2 ) , while from time to time divine retribution appears in the otherwise completely 'enlightened', rationally thinking Polybius (cf e.g. I , 84 and 18, 5 4 , l o f , see above n.II, 316). 1 3 7 . Koh. 7 . 1 7 , c f 1 6 - 1 8 . Koheleth does not draw the consequences from his revolutionary insights, that 'an attitude of medio tutissimus ibis commends itself in the realm of practical life, see K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 7 5 ; see also V o l . 1 , pp.i26f.: Uke Menander (cf e.g. fr. 5 3 1 ) , he praises a completely'bourgeois morality', c f K . GaUing, ZAW 50, 1932, 2 9 2 . 138. M . Nilsson, GGR^ i , 8 1 3 , c f 7 7 4 .
Notes
85
Op. cit., 3 6 i f f . ; cf. also S. Eitrem, PW 1 5 , 2453ff. 140. See the collection by S. Eitrem, PW 1 5 , 2449. 1 4 1 . M . Nilsson, GGR^ i , 366, 7 7 4 . 139.
1 4 2 . Op.
cit.,
2, 20iff.
143. T h e conjunction of moira and the destiny of death is already introduced in Homer, see M . Nilsson, GGR'^ i , 3 6 2 f , and S. Eitrem, PW 1 5 , 2 4 5 5 ; later, moira appears above all on epitaphs, see op. cit., 2 4 7 5 f . , and W . Peek, op. cit., no. 9 7 , 3 : -rfjs Kowrjs fioipas ndmv ex^i, ro fxepos, Eleusis, fourth Century B C , similarly 468, 5 ; c f also 1 5 2 , 1 2 ; 1 5 8 , I ; 209 etc.; see the index, 3 6 7 and 3 7 3 . 1 4 4 . M . Nilsson, GGi?^ 7 7 4 ; 2 , 2 0 2 f ; S. Eitrem, PW 1 5 , 2 4 6 5 , and G. Herzog-Hauser, PW, 2.R. 7, 1 6 5 4 and i 6 5 7 f ; 'in the face of its regime, human spirit and human foresight are completely powerless'; c f also Menander, fr. 3 5 5 ; it acts davXAoyioTov; fr. 5 9 8 : all things are only lent out by it; 4 8 3 : rvx-q m^epva ndvra. For the epitaphs, see the index in W. Peek, op. cit., 3 6 7 and no. 9 5 : it is stronger than all hope (Attica, fourth century BC), c f 198, 6. 145. M . Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 2 0 3 ; G. Herzog-Hauser, PW, 2.R 7, 1 6 5 8 ; in addition to the instances cited there see also Menander, fr. 2 9 1 : rairo/iarov ianv <us ioiKi TTov Beos . . . , and
460,
4.
146. According to Palladas, Anth.Gr. 10, 5 2 , ed. Beckby 3, 502, Menander also described the kairos as a 'god', see Weissbach, PW 10, 1508. For chronos see Menander, fr. 5 3 8 : all the treasures of the world can avail nothing against time; the underworld is the common lot of all mortals; 5 9 3 : time and human character bring astonishing and wonderful things to pass. Diphilus, fr. 83, Kock, C A F 2 , 569, calls it a 'grey-haired deceiver'. T h e epitaph on those who fell at Chaironea is well known, W. Peek, op. cit., no. 1 5 ( 3 3 8 / 7 B C ) : [M Xpov]^, navrolav 6vr]ro[is navcTTloKone Salixov ( = Anth.Gr. J, 2 4 5 ) ; cf. 1 6 4 : 'All-seeing time has separated me from them and with it . . . the fates have assigned me . . . this lot', Egypt (second century B C ) ; 2 6 0 : ' I did not receive this life as my own . . . I borrowed it from time and now return it to time as to my creditor' (Lydia, second century AD), further in A. B. Cook, Zeus II, 2 , 859ff. A unique personification of time can be found in the letter of Mara bar Serapion, which perhaps comes from the end of the first century AD (ed. Cureton, Spicilegium Syriacum, 1 8 5 5 , 48 (76)). Time 1) appears here as the decisive concept of fate: fettered Mara is asked by a friend why he is laughing and he replies: 'I am laughing at time because without having borrowed evil from me it is repaying me.' On this see J. A . Montgomery, HTR 3 1 , 1 9 3 8 , 148. 147. M . Nilsson, GGR 2^, 348, c f also 4 9 9 ; c f Dittenberger, Syll. 3, no. 1 1 2 5 . For alojv as a fixed attribute of God in Aristotle see H. Leisegang, PW, 2 R . 3 , 1 0 3 0 ; see also A . D . Nock, HTR 2 7 , 1 9 3 4 , 7 8 - 9 9 , who rejects the usual Iranian derivation and with Philo Byblius supposes a Phoenician origin (86f.), see FGrHist 7 9 0 Fr 2 = Pr.Ev. i , 10, 7. 148. A. Volten, Das demotische Weisheitsbuch, 1 9 4 1 , 165 (5, 1 1 ) ; 1 7 4 (7, 1 9 ) , etc.; see also S. Morenz and D . Miiller, Untersuchungen zur Rolle des Schicksals in der dgyptischen Literatur, A A L , Ph. hist. K l . 5 2 , i , 1 9 6 1 , 29ff., 3 5 f , and F. Notscher, op. cit., 27ff., who points out that the concept of fate gains significance in Egypt in the later period. In Hellenistic times - probably in contrast to the Greek view that even the gods cannot master fate - different deities, above all
Chapter
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Isis, are described as 'master (mistress) of fate', see Morenz/Miiller, op. cit., 3of. R. Kroeber, op. cit., 53 (cf. also S. Morenz, Agyptische Religion, i 9 6 0 , yzff., 80), sees above all a comiection between conceptions of fate in Egypt and Koheleth, which he contrasts with the Greek conception of fate. There are certainly differences here, but it is remarkable that in Koheleth - in contrast to the rest of the O T - a whole series of concepts of fate emerge. T h e confident word of the suppliant in Ps. 3 1 . 1 6 is no longer spoken by Koheleth, because he has only a broken relationship to prayer: 5.1. 149. 3 . 1 6 ; 5 . 7 ; 7 . 1 5 . T h e resigned conclusion follows in 7 . 1 6 . 150. H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 2 3 6 : 'God becomes a fate . . .'; K . Galling, ZAW 50, 1932, 2 9 2 : 'a belief bordering on fataUsm'. 1 5 1 . Loc. cit., cf. 2 8 8 : 'With "fate" the question of God becomes acute for the Jew Koheleth: providence? retribution? tyche? anankeV 1 5 2 . Op. cit., 290. 1 5 3 . Op. cit., 292. 1 5 4 . Rostovtzeff, HW 2, 1 1 0 5 , 1 1 0 8 , and especially i i i 6 f f . : 'a class of men who had achieved by their efforts or inherited from their parents a certain degree of prosperity, and lived not on the income derived from their manual labour but from the investment of their accumulated capital in some branch of economic activity' (above all from land-owning). See also the description by H. L . Ginsberg, Studies in Koheleth, 1950, 44. 1 5 5 . K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 8 9 : 'In it a pupil presents the achievement of his master'; c f also H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 2 1 9 : ' A n apologia is given here for Koheleth', and R. Kroeber, op. cit., 1 5 7 . For a reference to the 'acuteness, penetration and indeed annihilating effect of Koheleth's wisdom', see W. Zimmerli, Prediger, A T D 1 6 / 1 , 1 9 6 2 , 249. 156. H. W. Hertzberg, op. cit., 2 i 9 f , c f also 2 3 7 : 'He formed a school and had opponents.' 1 5 7 . M . Dahood, Bibl32,, 1 9 5 2 , 3 0 - 5 2 ; 3 9 , 1 9 5 8 , 3 0 2 - 1 8 ; c f W. F. Albright, SVT
2, 1 9 5 5 , 1 5 .
1 5 8 . We have already encountered this influence many times; see V o l . 1 , pp.32ff., 6 i f ,
7 i f f . , 8 7 f , 90ff., 9 3 f ,
296ff.
1 5 9 . W. Zimmerli, 'Die Weisheit des Predigers Salomo', Aus der Welt der Religion 1 1 , 1936, 1 6 n.2, and A T D 1 6 / 1 , 1962, 2 5 0 ; for the problem of the further additions see E. Meyer, UAC 2, 3 8 f A s Koheleth often introduces the views of his opponent, traditional wisdom, so to speak as a quotation, it becomes difficult to recognize them. K . Galling, RGG^ 5, 5 1 2 , still ascribes 3 . 1 7 (so probably instead of 1 6 , see H A T 18, 1940, 49); 7 . 2 8 - 8 . 1 ; 7 . 1 8 b ; 8.5, I 2 f to the writer of the second epilogue. O. Loretz, op. cit., 29off., would recognize only one epilogue writer and also rejects all revision. T h e epilogue does not go 'beyond what has already been said in the book of Koheleth' ( 2 9 7 ) . In the perspective of this apologetic attitude we can hardly expect a real understanding of the author of this work, who stands 'at the farthest frontier of Yahwism' ( G . von Rad, op. cit., I, 458). 160. See the difficulties in the canonization of the book, R. Kroeber, op. cit., the remarks by O. Loretz, op. cit., 302ff., who also wants to deny these difficulties, are incorrect. Certainly the definitive discussion in Yad. 3, 5cd took 69ff.;
Notes
87
place in the second century AD, but the reference of R. Simeon b. Johai to the controversy over this question between the schools of Hillel and Shammai indicates that the discussion lasted for several generations, for the school of Shammai ceased to exist in practice after AD 7 0 . 1 6 1 . For Antigonus of Socho see E. Bickerman(n), HTR 5 4 , 1 9 5 1 , 1 5 3 - 6 5 ; W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity, 1940, 3 5 1 , would see Stoic influence in him. T h e impersonal concept 'heaven' is said to be an expression for 'heimarmene'. John Bright, A History of Israel, 1 9 5 9 , 4 0 1 , speaks similarly of Stoic influence. This is surely going too far. As elsewhere in post-biblical Judaism, the term 'heaven' is meant to represent the divine name, see below, n.IV, 260. On 'Ah RN 5 (rev. ed., Schechter, i 3 a b ) , see also R. Meyer, TDNT 7 , 4 1 . L . Levy, op. cit., 4 2 - 4 5 , regards the late note as historical and makes 'Zadok or Boethus', the alleged founder of Sadducaism, the author of the book of Koheleth. W e know nothing about Zadok, but (Simon son of) Boethus was the Alexandrian appointed by Herod to be high priest in Jerusalem; see above n . I I , 156). A parallel tradition appears in Ps.Clem., Recog. i , 5 4 , G C S 2.39, ed. Rehm; on this see T . Caldwell, Kairos 4, 1 9 6 2 , i o 8 f 1 6 2 . L . Finkelstein, The Pharisees i , ^1962, 2 3 0 , 2 3 5 . He believes that Koheleth is thus in a critical tradition which derives from Job. Quite apart from the fact that the difference between Job and K . is very great (on this see A . Lauha, op. cit., 1 8 3 - 9 1 ) , the sociological classification seems to be very improb able. 163. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 9 2 . C f V o l . 1 , p. 130. 164. R. Kroeber, op. cit., 3 , would regard the name 'as a proper name . . . derived from an office'. However, it is improbable that I ^ O should be understood as 'councillor' - following W. F. Albright, SVT 3 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 5 n. 2. T h e same is true of the interpretation by H. L . Ginsberg, SVT 3,1955,148f, as 'property owner'. For the 'gerousia' in Jeruslem see V o l . 1 , pp.25f. 165. Thus K . Galling, H A T 1 8 , 1940, 4 7 , and H. W . Hertzberg, op. cit., 52ff. O. Loretz, op. cit., 1 5 4 , doubts whether the author intended an identifica tion with Solomon. However, 'king over Israel in Jerusalem' in 1 . 1 2 hardly permits any other conclusion. 1 6 6 . J. A . Sint, Pseudonymitdt im Altertum, i 9 6 0 , 1 3 9 ; see above n.II, 1 6 0 , and below n. 853. For the pre-exilic wisdom tradition, in Israel, which probably goes back to the time of Solomon, see A. Alt, Kleine Schriften I I , ^1964, 9 0 - 9 , and R. N . Whybray, Wisdom in Proverhs, 1 9 6 5 , 20flf. (lit.). 167. J. A. Sint, op. cit., I40flf.; see also W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity, 1940, 7 8 : deliberate forgeries are rare in the ancient East before the Ptolemaic period. 168. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 483, 490. Obviously there were even older collections current under the name of Solomon, c f Prov. 10. i and Ps. 72.1;
127.1.
169. C f J. A . Sint, Pseudonymitdt, 1 5 4 ; Bousset/Gressmann, 4 9 5 ; E. Lohse, TDNT 7 , 459flf. For the magic literature current under the name of Solomon, see K . Preisendanz, PW Suppl 8, 66oflf. 1 7 0 . A similar productivity of 4050 psalms was also ascribed to his father David: DJDJ IV, g^ff.
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1 7 1 . Sir. 4 7 . 1 4 , 1 7 , 1 6 , see M . Segal, Sefer Ben Sira, ^1958, 226. Verse 1 6 is only preserved in L X X . 1 7 2 . Cf. I Kings 5.14 and 10. i , where the 'islands', however, do not appear. For the significance of Greece or the Aegean see Dan. 1 1 . 1 8 ; cf. also Isa. 1 1 . 1 1 ; Ezek. 2 7 . 3 , 6 ; perhaps this reference of Sirach comes from Ps. 7 2 . 1 0 . 1 7 3 . Menander of Ephesus and Laitus, see FGrHist 7 8 4 F i , see V o l . 1 , pp. 7 5 and 9 4 f 1 7 4 . Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 1 3 , 1 2 , i i a , on the basis of Prov. 8.22ff. (see V o l . 1 , p p . i 6 6 f ) ; quoted N . Waher, Der Thoraausleger Aristobulus, T U 8 6 , 1 9 6 4 , 32 n. 2. Solomon appears here as the second great Jewish 'philosopher' alongside Moses. 1 7 5 . Antt. 8, 44: cV maais e^iXoa6(j,7)ae. The tradition of Solomon as a magician was developed in Palestine; it derives from I Kings 5 . i 2 f . Josephus already knows a considerable magical literature under his name, Antt.%, 4 5 ; cf. also Syr.Bar. 7 7 . 2 5 and Ps.Philo 6 0 , 2 , ed. Kisch 2 6 1 : 'nascetur de lateribus meis quivos domabif, David in Citharismus contra daenionium Saulis, on this see K . Preisendanz, op. cit., 6 6 3 ; the original text of the Testament of Solomon prob ably also originated in Palestine, see op. cit., 688, 690. Rabbinic evidence in Bill. 4, 533ff1 7 6 . See K . Preisendanz, PW Suppl 8, 6 6 2 - 7 0 4 , c f also Schiirer 3, 4 i 8 f ; F. Pfister, PW 1 9 , i 4 5 i f ; P. Festugiere, Revelation i , 2ofF., 4 1 , i 4 5 f , i52ff., 200, 339-
1 7 7 . For Jewish and especially Essene magic see V o l . 1 , pp.239ff. 178. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 493. 1 7 9 . FGrHist 81 F 40 (Athen. 1 2 , 5360), on which see E. R. Bevan, A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty, 1 9 2 7 , 7 8 . 180. For the Hebrew text (M) see M . S. Segal, Sefer Ben-Strd, ^1958 (Hebr.), and R. Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach hebrdisch und deutsch, 1 9 0 6 ; id.. Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach erkldrt, 1906; and on 33.4 - 34.1 see I. Levi, REJ 9 2 , 1 9 3 2 , 1 3 9 - 4 5 ; on 1 5 and 1 6 . 1 - 9 see J. Schirrmarm, Tarbiz 2 7 , 1 9 5 8 / 5 9 , 4 4 0 - 3 , and on 3 9 . 2 7 - 4 4 . 1 7 the new fragments ed. Y . Yadin, The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada, 1965. For the Greek text ( = G) see Sapientia Jesu filii Sirach, ed. J. Ziegler, 1 9 6 5 , Vol. X I I , 2 of the Gottingen edition of the Septuagint. For the Syriac text (Syr) see Libri VT apocryphi Syriace, 1 8 6 1 , ed. P. de Lagarde; I am grateful to D r Riiger for a series of observations on textual criticism, see also his book. Text und Textform im hebrdischen Sirach, Untersuchungen zur Textgeschichte und Textkritik des hebrdischen Sirachfragmente, B Z A W 1 1 2 , Berlin 1970.
1 8 1 . T h e date of the translation is almost universally acknowledged, see Schiirer 3, 2 1 6 ; N . Peters, Das Buch Jesus Sirach, 1 9 1 3 , xxxiff., and O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 5 9 7 ; c f also H. J. Cadbury, HTR 48, 1 9 5 5 , 2 1 9 - 2 5 . 182. T h e names vary, see 5 0 . 2 7 and the colophon 5 1 . 3 0 (M), the Prologue and the title of the Greek translation and the Syriac text. T h e decisive thing is that the grandson renders the name of his grandfather 'Jesus' in the prologue; 5 0 . 2 7 is to be corrected from here; see Schiirer 2 , 2 i 5 f , and Oesterley/Box, in R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha I, 2 9 i f 183. Oesterley/Box, op. cit., I, 2 9 3 ; R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 3 6 7 ; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 597. The suggestion of N . Peters, op. cit., xxxiv-xxxvii.
Notes
89
174-171 BC, i.e. after the beginning of the reforms in Jerusalem, has a false assessment of the situation of the book. 184. For the genres of the work see W . Baumgartner, ZAW 3 4 , 1 9 1 4 , 1 6 1 - 9 8 . C f also W . Jenni, RGG^ 3 , 6 5 4 . 185. Titles in G : 2 0 . 2 7 ; 2 3 . 7 ; 2 4 . 1 ; 3 0 . 1 , 16; 4 4 . 1 ; 5 1 . i ; in M : 31.12 ( G 34.12); 41.14; 4 4 . 1 . Transitions: 4 2 . 2 5 to 43.1; 4 3 . 3 3 to 4 4 . 1 ; and 49.16b to 5 0 . 1 ; on this see I. L6vi, L'Ecclesiastique i, 1898, xxv, c f 50, and L . Bigot, DTC IV, 2 , 1 9 2 0 , 2 0 4 7 . For the literary form influenced by Hellenism see also A . Schlatter, GP, 100. 1 8 6 . 38.24 - 3 9 . 1 1 ; c f
1.24b; 8 . 8 f ;
24.308?.; 3 7 . 2 6 ; 4 4 . 1 0 - 1 5 .
187. A . Schlatter, GP, 9 7 . 188. Sir.51. 13-30. T h e first half of the hymn appears in an earher form in I I QPsDav, ed. J. N . Sanders, DJDJ I V , 1 9 6 5 , 79ff. W e see here how Ben Sira shaped earlier forms. 189. See the frequent address 'my son': 2 . 1 ; 4 . 2 0 ; 6 . 1 8 , 23 ( G , Syr.), etc.; on this G . F. Moore, Judaism i, 3 8 : ' T h e inclination to adopt Hellenistic civihzation was nowhere stronger . . . than among the young aristocrats, who were sent to school to him.' Similarly I. Heinemann, MGWJ 82, 1938, 1 5 9 . 190. R. Smend, 'Griechisch-Syrisch-Hebraischer Index' to Weisheit des Jesus Sirach, 1907, I 7 6 f ; the Greek translation uses the term even more often. C f V o l . 1 , pp.65ff. 1 9 1 . 3 7 . 1 9 - 2 6 , text follows V. Hamp, Sirach, Echterbibel, 1 9 5 1 , 98f. Brackets indicate secondary expansions. 192. For the text in vv. 12 and 13 see V . Hamp, op. cit., 90. One might think, say, of an embassage to Antioch as in II M a c c . 4 . 1 1 . 193- 4 - 7 ; 1 5 - 5 ; 2 1 . 1 7 ; 3 8 - 3 3 ; 3 9 - 1 0 . 1 9 4 . Judge: 3 8 . 3 3 , c f 4.9, 1 5 ; l o . i f , 2 4 ;
counsellor of the ruler, 1 1 . i ; 1 3 . 9 ; see W . Baumgartner, op. cit., 1 6 2 . 195- 7-29flf-; 35 ( G 32). 6flF.; description of Aaron, 4 5 . 6 - 2 2 ; of the covenant of Phinehas, 4 5 . 2 3 - 2 6 ; the defence of priestly privileges, 4 5 . 1 3 , 1 8 ; the hymn to Simon the Just, 5 0 . 1 - 2 1 . On the other hand, the Levites are not mentioned, see above, n.I, 385. 196. Cf. II Macc.3.4ff., 1 1 ; 4.iff.; see also V o l . 1 , p p . i o f , and further, p p . 2 7 i f T h e view of A. Schlatter, GP, 94f., that he does not go into the political circumstances of his time, is hardly correct, c f e.g. 1 0 . 8 , 1 4 , i6ff.; i6.4ff. He just cannot speak openly. 1 9 7 . 1 7 - 1 7 5 35 ( G 32). 22ff.; 36 ( G 33). 1 - 2 2 ; 5 0 . 2 5 f ; c f also 4 8 . 2 4 f ; 4 9 . 1 0 ; 50, 4. In 10.22 he counsels foreigners and non-Jews to the fear of God, i.e. to turn to Judaism. 198. C f 4 . 7 ; 7 . 1 4 ; 8 . i o f , 1 4 ; 9 . 1 3 ; 1 3 . 9 - 1 3 ; 2 6 . 5 : fear of calmnny and popular unrest; see also R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 3 7 1 , on 1 . 2 2 - 2 4 , and V . Tcherikover, HC, 1 4 8 : 'in several places in his book we feel that behind this himiility hes a feeling of fear of the powerful rather than respect for authority'. 1 9 9 . 2 4 . 3 2 f , c f R. Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach erkldrt, 2 2 4 ; we should probably also read Ka''3 instead of VTi in the closing saying 5 0 . 2 7 c , thus Smend, op. cit., 4 9 4 f ; N . Peters, op. cit., 436, and W. Baumgartner, op. cit. 186. Cf. also the reference to Isa.55.1 in Sir. 5 1 . 2 5 . 20.27; 39.4;
90
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200. 39.6, cf. 1 8 . 2 9 . For feWacf 16.25 and 5 o . 2 7 d j see also W. Baumgartner, loc. cit. 201. Op. cit. 1 8 6 - 9 (quot. 1 8 6 / 7 ) . 202. 33 (G 30). 1 6 , 2 5 - 2 7 (text follows V . Hamp, op. cit., 88). T h e 'overseers of the community' might be a reference to the gerousia. 203. J. L . Koole, OTS 1 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 7 4 - 9 2 , esp. 386ff., and E. Jacob in Melanges bibliques A. Robert, 1 9 5 7 , 289f. 204. For the text see V. Hamp, op. cit., i 0 3 f J. Koole, op. cit., 3 7 6 , points out that with reference to the Torah the verb ISHT means the exposition of the law, see 32 ( G 35). i 4 f - against it, probably wrongly, G . Mayer, RAC 6, 1195. 205. For Essenism see V o l . 1 , pp.222f, 239f.; for prophecy in Judaism see R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 8i2ff., and M . Hengel, op. cit., 236flf. 206. R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 8 i 6 f , on the Rabbinic conception of prophecy; for Ben Sira, see J. Koole, op. cit., 3 8 1 . 207. J. S. Sanders, DJDJ IV, 92: 1 1 QPs* Dav. Comp., col. 27.4 and 1 1 ; for Ben Sira's conception of inspiration see also J. L . Koole, op. cit., 3 8 2 f , who refers to Ps.Aristeas, and Philo, Vit.Mos.2.40 ( M 1.140). C f also inspiration in Aristobulus, a little later, V o l . 1 , p. 1 6 5 ; also Wisdom 7 . 7 , 1 5 , 2 7 , etc. 208. See in the 'praise of the fathers': 45.2 Moses; 4 5 . 1 9 Aaron; 46.4 Joshua; 46.i5ff. Samuel; 4 7 . 3 David; 48.3ff. Elijah; 4 8 . i 2 f Elisha; 48.20, 23 Isaiah; 49.8 Ezekiel; 4 9 . 1 4 Enoch; on this see E. Jacob, op. cit., 2 9 o f , and on the 'praise of the fathers', R. T . Siebeneck, CBQ 21,1959, 4 1 1 - 2 8 . 209. C f E. Jacob, op. cit., 290: 'ce genre de I'eloge des individus est une n o u v e a u t 6 dans I ' A T ' ; see also R. T . Siebeneck, op. cit., 4 i 3 f ; R. Pautrel, RSR 51, 1 9 6 3 , 5 4 i f Greek biography reached a climax in the third century BC under Peripatetic influence, with Hermippus, Satyrus and Sotion. From the latter, between 200 and 1 7 0 B C , come the BmBoxal roiv if>iXoa6if>u>v, see Miinzer, PW, 2R. 3, i235ff. For examples by way of biography see A . Lumpe, RAC 6,1229-57. 210. Estimation of riches: 10.27; 1 3 . 2 4 ; 2 5 . 3 ; 4 0 . 1 8 (G), c f also 33 (G 30). 2 8 - 3 2 ; self-incurred poverty 1 8 . 3 1 - 1 9 . i ; 2 6 . 2 8 ; 2 5 . 2 f , c f also 4 0 . 2 8 - 3 0 ; further instances in R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 3 9 o f For fear of poverty in the Rabbinate, see B i l l . i , 8i8ff. 211. 8.2, 12; 9 . 1 3 ; 1 3 . 9 - 1 3 . For the social climate in Sirach see V. Tcherikover, HC, i45fr., and R. Smend, op. cit., x x v ; see V o l . 1 , pp.49ff2 1 2 . C f also i 3 . 2 2 f ; 5.iff.; 8 . 1 4 . 2 1 3 . Cf. 14.4f.; 2 0 . 9 - 1 2 ; 2 1 . 8 and 1 1 . 2 9 , where Vsn does not mean'calum niator' but the itinerant, foreign merchant; see N . Peters, op. cit., 102, and G . Bostrom, Proverbiastudien, 7 0 . For the rejection of the merchant in Judea see Vol. I, p p . 3 4 f ; for the agricultural ideal see above, n. I, 4 1 3 . Similarly Panaitios, according to Cicero, De qffic. i , i 5 o f 2 1 4 . C f 3 . 1 7 , 3 0 f ; 5 . 1 - 8 ; 7 . 1 1 , 3 2 ; 1 0 . 2 3 ; 29.8; 35 (G 32). I5ff., etc. R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 390, is right here when he speaks of the 'self-interest' of the advice of Ben Sira. 2 1 5 . R. Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirachs erkldrt, xxxiii, c f also R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 3 7 i f R. Pautrel, op. cit., 545, attacks Smend, but overlooks the fact that Ben Sira is not taking a position over against the non-Jews but against his contemporaries infected by the Hellenistic spirit of the time. For the Rabbinic
Notes
91
interpretation of Sir.3.2if. in terms of 'merkdbd' speculation see H . W. Weiss, Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des hellenistischen und paldstinischen Judentums, 1966, 80. For the anti-Hellenistic position of Sirach see A. Sisti, RivBibl 1 2 , 1964, 2 1 5 - 5 6 .
2 1 6 . O . Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 5 9 8 : 'Much more strongly than in Prov. or even in [Koheleth] the element of universal and general human interest retreats behind the specifically Jewish.' For the fundamental difference between Sirach and Proverbs see J. Fichmer, Die Altorientalische Weisheit, 1 9 3 3 , 8 2 - 9 4 , i25ff., and E. G . Bauckmaim, ZAW 7 2 , i 9 6 0 , 3 3 - 6 3 , who unfortimately go too httle into the reasons for this change. J. Fichtner, op. cit., 1 2 7 , speaks in general terms of the 'controversy with Hellenism'. 2 1 7 . T h e group of terms t t i W i j , maros, (efi)maTivei.v = nnOK, p K l ; paKH plays a key role, albeit in a wider context, see R. Smend, index i 8 9 f ; c f above all 1 . 2 7 ; 2.8, 1 0 , 1 3 ; 4 . 1 6 ; 1 5 . 1 5 , where we should follow G in reading nnOK; see R. Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirachs erkldrt, 1 4 3 , and an addition in M and Syr to Hab.2.4 is referred to ( 1 5 . 1 5 c ) : 'If you trust him, you will live'. C f fiurther 34 (G 3 1 ) . 8; 3 6 . 2 1 ; 4 0 . 1 2 ( G ) ; 4 4 . 2 0 : Abraham; 4 5 . 4 : the nnOK of Moses; 4 6 . 1 5 Samuel, see Smend, op. cit., 4 4 5 ; 4 8 . 2 2 : Hezekiah. Significantly the group of concepts appears even more frequently in the translation. On this see A . Schlatter, Der Glaube im NT, ^1927, i6flf. 2 1 8 . T h e same is the case with the term miswd; see E. G . Bauckmann, op. cit., 36ff., 4 8 f J. Fichtner, op. cit., 93f., wants to understand some passages (32[G 351-I5J 33 [G 3 6 ] . 2 ; 3 7 - 1 2 : 'not impossible'; 32 [G 35]-i7> 1 8 , 2 3 f : 'certain'), where the concepts seem to be indeterminate, in 'a hochmatic significance'. However, all these passages seem to refer to the tord of Moses in a concrete sense. Ben Sira deliberately transformed the older wisdom tradition at this point, and his grandson was not wrong in translating the indeterminate tord or miswd with nomas, see op. cit., 9 4 ; cf. also R. H. Pfeiffer, op. cit., 38iff. 2 1 9 . C f 1 5 . 1 b : 'He who keeps to the law acquires it (wisdom)', and on the other hand 1 5 . 7 : ' T h e unholy do not acquire it . . . it is far from the mockers.' C f further 6 . 3 7 ; 2 i . i i f ; 23.27b; 34 ( G 3 1 ) . 8; 33 ( G 36). 2 and 4 3 . 3 3 . 220.
Cf
1 7 . 1 1 ; 3 8 . 3 4 c d and
39.1.
2 2 1 . For the text see H. P. Riiger, op. cit., 3 4 f ; c f 4 3 . 2 8 : G o d is greater than man's capacity for comprehension; see below, n . 2 7 1 . 222. Op. cit., 3 1 ; N . Peters, op. cit., 34, also wants to include 'exaggerated Jewish speculation', but the context makes such an anti-apocalyptic position improbable; c f also the DIK and ISIIK in 3 5 (G 32). 24. 223. For the text see H. P. Riiger, op. cit., 75flf.; c f 1 7 . 7 b : 'He teaches them good and evil', see 2 7 . 8 : anyone who strives after righteousness acquires it, c f Aeschylus, Agamemnon I497flf., 15056?. Here Ben Sira develops ideas from Deut. 3 0 . 1 5 , 1 9 . 2 2 4 . For the conception before Sirach see Ps. i and Jer.21.8, c f Sir. 1 5 . 1 7 ; after Sirach see I Enoch 9 1 . 1 8 ; T . Asher 1 . 3 , 5 - 7 ; Slavonic Enoch 3 0 . 1 5 ; Hermas, Mand. 12, 3 , 4. C f Bill, i, 4 6 i f , and W. Michaelis, TDNT 5, 5 7 f For polemic against the split see Sir. 1 . 2 8 ; 5 . 1 4 ; 6 . 1 . C f also Ps. 1 1 9 . 1 1 3 . As a Greek parallel see Theognis 910S. 225. Xenophon, Mem. 2, i, 2 1 - 3 4 , on which see I. Alpers, Hercules in Bivio,
Chapter
92
III
diss. 1 9 1 2 , gff., and W. Michaelis, TDNT s, 43S. According to Persius, Sat.3, 56f., the doctrine of the two ways is derived from Pythagorean tradition; cf. P. Wendland, Hellenistisch-rdmischer Kultur, 85f. 226. C f Sir. 1 5 . 1 4 ; 2 7 . 6 ; 3 7 . 3 : Vl I'S'', see R. Smend, op. cit., 3 2 7 , after the Syriac; presumably also 1 7 . 3 1 (G) after Gen. 8.21, see R. Smend, op. cit., 1 6 2 ; on 23.2 see R. Smend, op. cit., 304; c f also the retrotranslations by Segal. For yeser in Ben Sira and later see R. H . Pfeiffer, op. cit., 393, and Bousset/Gressmaim, 403ff.; see esp. 'Ab.4, i and Kidd.3oh Bar.: the law as a 'means of salvation' against the 'yeser' which has similarly been created by God. For the Rabbis see Bill. 4, 4 6 6 - 8 3 , and Moore, Judaism i, 4 7 9 - 8 3 ; 3 , I46f T h e concept also has great significance as an anthropological term in Qumran, above all in the Hodayot; see Kuhn, Konkordanz, 92f. 2 2 7 . C f also I I . 1 4 ; 1 8 . 6 ; 4 2 . 2 1 ; on this R. H . Pfeiffer, 3 9 3 f For the com parison with the Stoa and Chrysippus' defence against the charges of his opponents, that Stoic determination leads to loss of freedom, see M . Pohlenz, Stoa I , I04ff. and 2, 60; see also R. Pautrel, op. cit., 542. 228. Obviously this 'depersonalization' of G o d is in contradiction to the whole of the O T with the possible exception of Koheleth; however, we find it in the Greek enlightenment: see Vol. I, pp. i 2 4 f W e find an analogous situation to Ben Sira, say, in the controversy of Socrates with Aristodemus, who believed that the gods were not concerned with men and that therefore it was useless to worship them (Xenophon, Mem. 1 , 4 ) . T h e argument of Socrates on the basis of the purposefulness of the world created by the demiurge and here again especially of man formed by the divine 'pronoia' is often quite near to the rational argument of the son of Sira about the purposefulness of creation. Later the Stoa caused the doctrine of divine providence, which overlooks nothing and is concerned for every man, to be acknowledged widely. For Ps.Arist. 2 1 0 it is TO rfjs evoepeias . . . Kardarrjfm. It was also a basic feature of the theological views of Josephus, c f his polemic against the Epicureans, in cormection with the prophecies of Daniel, Antt. 10, 2 7 8 , who 'drive pronoia from the life of men and assert that God is not concerned with what happens in the world', see also c.Ap. 2, 180 and Antt. 2, 2 4 ; 4.47, and on this A . Schlatter, Wie sprach Josephus von Gott, B F C T 1 4 , 1 9 1 0 , 50. For divine providence and care in the Stoa see M . Pohlenz, op. cit., 2 , 9 8 - 1 0 1 , who assimies that this feature is to be derived from the founder's Semitic belief in providence. For the text in i 6 . i 7 d see V. Hamp, op. cit., 4 3 . see Smend, op. cit., i 9 3 f according to the Syriac; c f 6.24ff., 2 9 . 2 3 1 . For the text in 5 . 1 , 2, see R. Smend, op. cit., 4 8 : M has expansions, in v. 3 read TID. For the text of vv.4 and 6 see H. P. Riiger, op. cit., 1 3 , 35ff. 232. Op. cit., 1 2 7 . 233. This 'eudaemonistic understanding of the law' in Ben Sira is a chief starting point of criticism: see D . Michaelis, TLZ 83, 1 9 5 8 , 6 0 6 ; E. G . Bauckmann, op. cit., 5off. Of course the term 'eudaemonistic' is inappropriate for earlier wisdom - on this see H . Gese, Lehre und Wirklichkeit in der dlteren Weisheit, 1 9 5 8 , 7 - 1 1 , and RGG^ 6, 1 5 7 8 - however, one can use it for Ben Sira. 234. J. Fichtner, op. cit., 7 4 . 235. This objection must be made to O. Kaiser, op. cit., 59. K . Koch, ZTK 229.
230. 2 i . i 8 f ,
Notes
93
5 2 , I 9 5 5 j 37S; shows that the doctrine of retribution found a way into the L X X ; one may add Ben Sira, who was virtually contemporaneous with it, as a Palestinian witness. T h e early oriental notion of order was no longer unaffected even in earlier Israelite wisdom, see H . Gese, op. cit., 3 3 - 5 0 and especially 45flF.; for its real transcending by Job see pp. 746?. 236. See already the programmatic introductory verses i.iiflf., i 8 f ; c f also the praise of the fear of God in 40.i8ff. For remembrance after his death see 3 9 . 9 - 1 1 , c f 3 7 . 2 6 and 4 1 . 1 1 ; see on the other hand the pessimistic judgment of Koh. 2 . 1 6 . 237. I. L6vi, op. cit., 2 , I x f ; see on the other hand W. O. E. Oesterley in R. H . Charles, Apocrypha I, 2 6 9 . 238. In what follows there is only an incomplete selection of allusions to retribution: 2 . 8 ; 3 . i 4 f , 3 1 ; 4 . 1 0 , 1 3 , 2 8 ; 5 . 7 f ; 6 . 1 6 ; 7 . 1 - 3 ; 9 . i i f ; i o . i 3 f ; I I . 1 7 , 2if,
26 ( G ) ;
1 2 . 2 , 6; 1 5 . 1 3 ; 1 6 . 1 1 - 1 3 ; 1 7 . 2 3 ; 18.24; 20.18, 26; 2 1 . 1 0 ;
23.8, I I , 1 4 , 2 5 - 2 7 ; 2 6 . 2 8 ; 2 7 . 2 4 - 2 9 ; 2 8 . 1 ; 33 ( G 36). I ; 3 8 . 1 5 ; 3 9 - 2 5 - 3 0 ; 4 0 . 1 0 ; 4i.6ff.; 4 6 . 6 - 1 0
etc. For the connection between retribution and the end of life
see 1 1 . 2 6 - 2 8 ; 1 . 1 3 ; 7 . 3 6 ; 2 8 . 6 ; 4 1 . 9 ; c f Ps.
73.i7flf.
( G 32). 1 3 , c f 1 2 . 6 b : '. . . he exercises retribution on the wicked'; 1 7 . 2 3 : 'Later he raises himself up and takes retribution on them and pours it upon their head'; c f 35 ( G 32). 24. 240. 'Ab. I , 4. For Antigonus see above, n. 1 6 1 . O. S. Rankin, Israel's Wisdom Literature, 1 9 5 4 , 9 9 - 1 0 9 , conjectures that the idea that man must do good for its own sake goes back to Stoic influences. 2 4 1 . Thus e.g. J. Becker, Das Heil Gottes, 1 9 6 4 , 1 9 - 3 5 , though he overlooks the fact that in this late period the Old Testament pattern of action and con sequence cannot be presupposed without interruption, even if the formulas still continue. Punishment and reward are wholly directed towards God's judgment and retributive action. 242. Theoretical atheism was almost completely unknown in antiquity, see W. Nestle, RAC i , 8 6 6 - 8 ; E. Sandvoss, Saeculum 1 9 , 1 9 6 8 , 3 1 2 - 2 9 . Ps. 1 4 (53) might already be understood in a similar sense to Sir. 16.176?. 2 4 3 . C f 1 5 . 9 , 10 and on it R. Smend, op. cit., xxv, also 34 ( G 3 1 ) . 2iflF.; 35 239-
35
( G 32). 5 , I4f, see Vol. I, pp. I 3 7 f
244. In the O T only II Chron. 2 . 1 5 . For its significance in Ben Sira see R. Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach (Hebrew and German), 7 7 : need, necessity: 1 5 . 1 2 (in M S A , M S B 'j'Dn); 32 ( G 35). 2 ; 3 8 . 1 , 1 2 ; (time of) need: 8.9; 1 0 . 2 6 ; use: 1 3 . 6 ; 32 ( G 3 5 ) . 1 7 ; 3 7 . 8 ; purpose: 3 9 . 1 6 , 2 1 , 30, 3 3 ; 4 2 . 2 3 (in the creation hymns). 245. For the knowledge of Koheleth in Ben Sira see the comparison i n H . W . Hertzberg, Der Prediger, 1 9 6 3 , 46ff.; e.g. the theme of carpe diem: 1 4 . 1 1 ; 30. i4flF. 246. i6.26flF. (following the Syriac, see V . Hamp, op. cit., 4 4 ) ; 4 2 . 1 5 , see Y . Yadin, op. cit., 2 6 ; 4 3 . 1 0 . T h e term for the 'natural order' is hoq, see below, n. 809. 2 4 7 . 4 2 . 2 2 - 2 5 . T h e reconstruction of this important verse has been con siderably simplified by the Masada scroll, see Y . Yadin, op. cit., 2 7 f Previously, V . 22 was preserved only in the Greek and the Syriac, the order of the verse was disrupted and the text partially corrupt. In 2 3 b , however, rOlSl is to be read instead of naiSl with M , G and Syr, against the Masada Text, whereas in v. 24 Y .
94
Chapter
III
Yadin is to be followed in his addition following 33 (G 36). 1 5 . We thus arrive at the following text: nxno n-'tm •^'X'l [n'']ioni ftsro "73 KiVn (i.rotsi)naw Van -[ns ir"? •-n Van Kits nm rwa kVt ht nor"? [nt n-'its cats] dVd m m onnV rats'' nai» nt nr 248. I V Ezra 8.44; cf. also the two parables Sanh-ioia and Gen.R.2%.6, in Bill. 3 , 2 4 9 d . This statement is usually limited to saying that the world was created for the sake of Israel, as an embodiment of the new humanity, see op. cit., 3 , 248.
249. For the text see I. Levi, REJ 92, 1932, i 4 o f ; for v. 1 3 b s e e V . Hamp, op. cit., 88, whereas v. i 4 d is to be retained despite its absence in G and Syr. 250. Like Koheleth (see V o l . 1 , p p . i i 9 f f . ) , Ben Sira also has different terms for fate; e.g. pVri: 3 3 . 1 3 d ; 4 1 . 4 (here for the destiny of death) and pn, 38.22; 4 1 . 1 3 , also for the destiny of death. 2 5 1 . On this see O. S. Rankin, op. cit., 2 8 - 3 5 . For the 'polarity' see the Habdala prayer in W. Staerk, Altjudische liturgische Gehete, ^1930, 26 and Hermas, Mand.%, i. 2 5 2 . R. Smend, op. cit., 1 6 3 , reads BUams with the Syriac {^t^Xi and some M S S , c f also K . Ziegler, op. cit., ad loc. 253. So D . Michaelis, TLZ 83, 1958, 606. 2 5 4 . 4 3 . 2 8 - 3 2 ; c f 1 1 . 4 b and 1 8 . 4 - 7 . These are early wisdom themes which Ben Sira takes over from the tradition. 2 5 5 . R. Bultmann, History and Eschatology, igsij 96- In the same way Ben Sira and later Judaism know the idea of 'training and education', s e e Vol. I, pp. I32f 2 5 6 . M . P. Nilsson, GGR"^ 2, 2 5 8 - 6 2 , and M . Pohlenz, Stoa i , 94ff., 98ff.; 2 , 5 5 f C f e.g. Chrysippus' definition of G o d in S V F 2, 305 fr. 1021 = Diog. Laert. 7 , ^47 • ^^^^ elvai ^<x)ov dOdvarov XoyiKov ^ vocpov reXetov ( s e e M . Pohlenz, loc. cit.) iv €v8aifiovia, KaKOV vavros dveTTiSeicrov, Trpovo-qTiKOV KOCfiov T€ Kal Ta>v iv KoafKp- . . . etvat 8e rov fiiv brffuovpyov rdiv oX(x)v Kal (hamp Traripa Travroiv Koivws rc Kal ro fiippos avrov ro SiiJ/cov 8ia wavrcDv . . . SCC alsO Vol. I, pp. I 5 9 f For anthropocentric teleology see M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 9 9 ; 2, 5 6 f and c f Chrysippus, S V F 2, 168 fr. 5 2 7 ; 342 fr. 1 1 1 8 ; 332 fr. 1 1 5 0 = Philo, De prov. 2, 7 4 , and fr. 1 1 5 2 . 2 5 7 . See M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i, 98, l o i ; 2, 5 7 ; c f S V F 2, 337f5 fr. 1 1 7 5 / 6 ; 339 fr. 1180. For retribution in the Greek world outside the Stoa see also n . I I , 3 1 7 ; for doubts about it see Vol. I, pp. 12 iff. 258. R. Pautrel, op. cit., 543. 259. T h e term is relatively frequently in Chronicles and Koheleth; it appears for the first time with reference to God's creation in Jer. 1 0 . 1 6 ^ 5 1 . 1 9 , c f also K o h . 3 . 1 1 ; I I . 5 and Ps. 1 1 9 . 9 1 , and without the article in Isa.44.24. Also in I I Q Ps. 1 5 1 A , e d . J. A . Sanders, DJDJ I V , 5 4 f ; V , 4 ; Gen.Apoc. 20.i2f and 'Ab. 4,22. For Sirach s e e 36 (G 33). i : VdH "•n^K c f 4 5 . 2 3 c (without article); 3 9 . 2 1 , 3 4 : a l l things created by God. In the sense of 'the universe', 4 3 . 2 7 , 3 3 ; 5 i . i 2 d ( M ) : Van niJT' and presumably also 1 8 . i and 260. S V F r, i2iff.3fr. 537: almost all these features can be found in Ben Sira:
Notes
95
1.4 language (and thought) of man: 1 7 . 6 ; ll.sf., 38 invitation to the praise of his works: 3 8 . 1 4 ; 4 3 . 3 0 ; 11.7f.j willing obedience of creation: 1 6 . 2 8 ; 3 9 . 3 1 ; 4 2 . 2 3 ; 4 3 . 7 f . ; 11. lof. lightning; 3 9 . 2 9 ; 4 3 . 1 3 ; 1.12 reason or wisdom of G o d : i.4ff.; 2 4 ; 1.13 the lights of heaven; 43.2S., 8ff.; 11.14f. God's omnipotence works through his word; 4 3 . i 5 b c ; 4 3 . 2 6 b ; 11. i 7 f . does not cause evil: 1 5 . 1 1 - 2 0 ; 11.28ff. against avarice: see Vol. I, pp. i 3 7 f . ; 11.32ff. God's demonstration of himself to man: 3 6 (G 33)- 5> 2 2 b . Similar features in common can also be found in the creation hymns of Qumran: see below, n.780. 2 6 1 . For Rabbinic testimony to the ubiquity of G o d see S. Schechter, Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, 1909, 26ff.; cf. below n . 3 8 3 . 262. M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 7 2 . 263. Heraclitus B , fr. 10, Diels i , I52ff., following (Ps.) Aristotle, De mundo 5, 3 9 6 b ; cf. A fr. 2 2 =
1 , 1 4 9 and C fr. i §i5ff. = i , i86ff. ( H i p p o c r a t e s , v i c t u ) .
For the Stoa see above all Chrysippus, S V F 2 , 335 fr. 1 1 6 9 , on the relationship between good and evil, and on it M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 100. For the Stoics, being was only existent in relation to another - opposing - being, see op. cit., I, 69f. 264. For the polarity in later Jewish speculation of a cabbalistic stamp see M . Segal, op. cit., 2 1 2 , who points to the Sefer Jezira and Midrash Temura, see the translation in M . J. bin Gorion, Sagen der Juden. Von der Urzeit, 1 9 1 3 , 2 9 - 3 2 and 352 no. 5. 2 6 5 . T h e picture of man in Ben Sira is remarkably variable; 1 7 . 1 - 2 3 is relatively positive, cf. also the praise of the fear of God in 4 0 . i 8 f f . ; i8.8ff. is more negative; cf. also the stress on the fall in 2 5 . 2 4 and 40.iff.; 41.iff. on tribulation and death in human life. On the whole, the positive features predominate, and the optimism of old wisdom continues here. This is the decisive difference from Essene anthropology, see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 i 9 f , 2 2 i f 2 6 6 . M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 1 0 8 ; c f 69;further V o l . 1 , p. 8 7 , 1 m . n , 2 3 3 f 267. L6vi, op. cit., 2 , bdvff.; Bigot, op. cit., I V , 2, 2 0 4 7 f ; Ehrhardt, HTR 46, 1953, 6 i f
268. Euripides, Chrysippus, fr. 839, 8ff., Nauck^; c f Suppl 5 3 2 ; Orest. 1086; and on this I. Levi, op. cit., 2 , Ixv. 269. Sir.38.20f, c f Sophocles, Electro I37flf.; Euripides, Androm. i2joi. 2 7 0 . Sir. 3 0 . 1 7 , c f Aeschylus, Persae 7 5 o f ; Euripides, Troiades 6 3 2 ; Hecuba 3 7 7 ; Theognis i 8 i f ; c f above, n. 132. 2 7 1 . S i r . 3 . 2 0 - 2 6 (see V o l . 1 , p . 1 3 9 ) ; Euripides, Bacc.393S.; Medea 1224. 2 7 2 . Further instances in L . Bigot, op. cit., 2 0 4 8 ; c f 7 . 1 1 and Theognis 1 5 5 - 8 ; 9 . 7 f and Aristophanes, Nub.gg6L, see also Herodotus i , 8; 1 1 . 1 4 and Theognis i 6 5 f ; i i . i 7 f l f . and Theognis 903flf.; 1 2 . 3 f , 7 , l o f and Theognis 955f., l o i f ; 3 1 (G 34). 2 6 and Theognis 4 9 9 - 5 0 2 . 2 7 3 . 3 1 ( G 34). 1 2 - 3 2 (G 35). 1 3 , esp. 32.iff. and 3 8 . 1 - 1 5 , c f II Chron. 1 6 . 1 2 andR. a n d M . Hengel,Medicusviator, Festschriftfur R. Siebeck, 1 9 5 9 , 3 3 2 f , 3 3 5 f ; cf. also N . Bentwich, Hellenism, 1 9 1 9 , 89f. 274. R. Pautrel, op. cit., 5 4 5 ; c f also R. H . Pfeiflfer, op. cit., 3 7 2 . 2 7 5 . nabdl 4 . 2 7 ; 2 1 . 2 2 ; 50.26 etc.; potd 8 . 1 7 ; 4 2 . 8 ; k'sil 2 0 . 1 3 ; 4 2 . 8 .
2 7 6 . les 3.28; 8 . 1 1 ; 1 3 . 1 etc.; 1 5 . 8 'it (wisdom) is far from the mockers' is typical.
Chapter
96 2 7 7 . rasa' 5.6; 8.10;
12.6; 1 3 . 1 7 ; 16.6; 40.10
Smend); an'se zddon 1 1 . 1 4 ; 15.7; c f
13.24 and
etc.;
279.
For
1 1 . 9 ; 39.24
(following
40.15.
2 7 8 . {Hs) hdmds 10.23; 13.12; 32 (G 35). 18 etc.; honep 16.6;
zed
III
'a^-'sarf 8.15; 35 (G 32).
22;
41.10. the
word group HIKl: pKl:
HKJ
see
10.6-18; 1 1 . 3 0 ;
13.20;
16.8;
c f in G vmp-q^avia, v^pis etc. 21.4; 22.22; 2 7 . 1 5 , 2 8 ; see further 7.17 against the '"nos rimmd. 280. 'Overweening violence' (HIKl DOn) is mentioned in 10.8 as a reason for change of rule; this could refer to the change of rule in Palestine in 198 BC and to the loss of Asia Minor after Magnesia in 190 B C ; perhaps the death of Ptolemy IV Philopator in 203 BC is mentioned in the following verses, see R. Smend, op. cit., 9 3 . A . T . O l m s t e a d , ^ ^ 0 5 5 6 , 1 9 3 6 , mentions further historical possibilities. 21.4 might also refer to the party struggle in Jerusalem and to the dispute in the Tobiad family: 'violence and pride lay waste a city (text follows Smend, op. cit., i 8 9 f . ) and the house of the overweening is devastated.' 281. T h e warning against apostasy also appears elsewhere: 2.3 from Yahweh; 4.19 from wisdom ( = the law); 2 8 . 3 9 ; 2 9 . 1 7 (text following Smend, op. cit., 260), from the creator (cf. also 1 0 . 1 2 ) ; see also the 'praise of the fathers': 4 6 . 1 1 ; 4 7 . 2 3 ; 4 8 . 1 6 , and above all 49.4ff., where the threat of the present has probably strengthened the negative judgment on the past: 'Apart from David, Hezekiah and Josiah they all acted wickedly and left the law of the Most High . . . They gave their power to the stranger and their honour to another people' (text following Smend, op. cit., 4 6 9 f ) . 23.8; 25.2,
282.
Cf
2 1 . 4 (see above, n . 2 8 0 ) ; 1 1 . 9 b : ' D o not take part in the dispute of
the wicked (D''1T)', could refer to partisan struggles in Jerusalem. 283. C f on the whole question 41.16-42.8; also 4.21; 'there is a shame which leads to sin . . .'; 4.26a; 2 0 . 2 2 f A few years later, Jewish ephebes performed epispasm in order to remove their circumcision: I. M a c e . 1 . 1 5 , see above n.II, 138, and V o l . 1 , p.289. On the warning against transgression of the law see also 2.7,
15; 17.14; 26.28c.
C f 6.17 ( G ) ; 9 . 1 6 ; I I . 9 ; 1 2 . 1 4 : 'Anyone who goes about with the wicked stains himself with his sin'; 1 3 . i : 'Anyone who attaches himself to the mocker learns his mode of conduct', c f also 13. I 7 f and 22.13. This attitude was later normative for Essenes and Pharisees; the latter gave it its name. For the Christian community see I C o r . 5 . 1 1 ; for the rabbis see Bill.2, 5ioff. 2 8 5 . M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, i 6 8 f , and E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 254ff. For the naming of Moab see Isa. 2 5 . 1 0 , which is also hard to interpret. 286. C f l o . i i ; i 4 . i i f , 1 6 ; 1 6 . 3 0 ; i 7 . i , 2 7 f ; 2 8 . 6 ; 3 8 . 2 1 ; 4 0 . 1 , i i ; 4 i . 4 , l o f ; 44.9. 2.9c and 17.26b have been expanded by the Greek glossator to indicate hope in eternal life, see J. Fichtner, op. cit., 70. 4 8 . 1 1 also originally contained no kind of reference to eternal life. Unfortunately the Hebrew text is illegible; for its later alterations see R. Smend, op. cit., 4 6 i f . ; c f O. Kaiser, op. cit., 63 n.3, and O. S. Rankin, op. cit., 208. Ben Sira's eschatological hope at no point goes beyond what is indicated in the Old Testament, c f 36.22 and 4 8 . 1 0 . For a possible rejection of the resurrection see G . Widengren, SVT 4, 1956, 2 2 7 . 287. Apart from the doctrine of immortality there is no speculation about the heavenly world and no halachic casuistry. T h e concrete individual command284.
Notes
97
ments are hardly mentioned. For 'Sadduceeism' in Ben Sira see Oesterley/Box, I , 282f.; G . F. Mooie, Judaism i, 44, and H. Duesberg/P. Auvray, op. cit., 1 8 : 'presadduceisme'. His difference even from the Hasidim is unmistakable. In any case, it is impossible to follow L . Finkelstein, Pharisees^ 2, 589, and read 'neoHasidism' out of him. He is free from any Hasidic pietistic anxiety and prudishness, c f 32 (G 35). i ; 38.iff., and on it R. Smend, op. cit., xxvi; perhaps the omission of Ezra from the 'praise of the fathers' is a consequence of this nonHasidic attitude, see H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber, 1930, 3 7 . 288. T e x t following G ; see Smend, op. cit., 45, against Segal, op. cit., 27. C f also the description of Phinehas and Elijah, 4 5 . 2 3 f and 48.iff. For zeal in the Maccabean period see M . Hengel, Zeloten, I54ff. 289. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 4 7 3 ; c f also Fohrer, Introduction, 3 1 9 . R. N . Whybray, Wisdom in Proverbs, 1965, 106, puts Prov. 1 - 9 in the Persian period, but this is probably too early; the period between 330 and 250 BC is more hkely. In connection with the time of origin we should note that Koheleth is presumably arguing against the optimism and the doctrine of retribution which we find in Prov. 1-9. 290. C f also Prov. 1 . 2 0 - 3 3 ; 3 . 1 3 - 2 6 ; 4.7ff.; 7 . 4 f f . ; 9.iff. and personified folly, 9 . 1 3 - 1 8 . M . Friedlander, Griechische Philosophic im AT, 1 9 0 4 , 7 7 - 8 9 , and R. Kittel, Geschichte des Volkes Israel III, 2, 1929, 7 3 1 , conjecture a Greek back ground as well as Babylonian and Persian influence; E. Sellin, Geschichte des israelitisch-jUdischen Volkes 2, 1 9 2 2 , i 8 o f ; see also the literature given in P. Heinisch, op. cit., 3 i f ; W. Schencke, Die Chokma in der judischen Hypostasenspekulation, 1 9 1 2 , 7 8 f . , and K. Schubert, Die Religion des nachbiblischenjudentums, I955> I5f2 9 1 . T h e translation of 'amon in 8.30 is largely disputed: the traditional interpretation 'aman = master workman ( L X X , Syr, V , Rabbis, see Bill. 2, 356) is put forward, inter alia, by H. Ringgren, Word and Wisdom, 1 9 4 7 , 1 0 2 - 4 ; J- de Savignae, VT 12, 1962, 2 i 2 f , and H. F. Weiss, op. cit., 1 9 1 . One could refer to 3.19 for it, but the whole context of 8.22, according to which wisdom is not actively engaged in creation, tells against it. T h e explanation by G . Gerleman, OTS 8, i 9 6 0 , 2 6 f , that this interpretation arose under Stoic influence ( = hT]iuovpyos), is illuminating. T h e interpretation 'dmon or ''mUn ( ?), favourite child, darling, is therefore to be preferred; see B . Gemser, Spriiche Salomos, ^1963, 46 (further interpretations are given there); G . Fohrer, TDNT 7, 4 9 1 , and H . Gese, RGG^ 6, 1 5 7 6 . T h e secondary explanation 'master workman', 'mediator in creation', is less mythological and more rational (against H. F. Weiss, op. cit., I92f). 292. G . Holscher, op. cit., 6 7 ; G . Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob, 1 9 6 3 , 392ff., and TDNT 7, 4 9 0 ; even if wisdom here appears less as a person and rather 'as a thing', this hymn has the same historical background as personified wisdom in Prov. 8; Sir. i and 2 4 ; c f e.g. Job 2 8 . 2 7 and Sir. 1.9. In no case should one talk at this early stage of a 'gnostic myth' (thus loc. cit.), see against this also H . Conzelmann, The Future of Our Religious Past, ed. James M . Robinson, 1 9 7 1 , 2 3 2 n. 1 6 . 293. For Job 28 and Prov. 8 see W. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament 2 , 1 9 6 7 , 8 3 f Job i 5 . 7 f . could represent a prehminary stage of personified wisdom.
98
Chapter
III
where the wisdom that is with God is connected with the first man; see on this H. Ringgren, op. cit., 89ff. 294. T h e question whether this is the hypostatization of a divine character istic, a mythical person or merely a poetical expression is also disputed. T h e idea of the hypostasis is argued for by H. Ringgren, op. cit., 1 0 4 ; H. Donner, ZAS 82, 1 9 5 8 , 9f., but against him are R. Marcus, HUCA 2 3 , i , 1 9 5 0 / 5 1 , leyff.; B . Gemser, op. cit., 4 8 ; R. B . Y . Scott, VT 10, i 9 6 0 , 2 2 3 , and R. N . Whybray, op. cit., 1 0 3 , 'the poetic personification of an attribute of Yahweh'. However, all three interpretations flow into each other and have their Umited justification, see H. Conzelmann, op. cit., 2 3 2 : 'The statements made by or about Wisdom actually do reflect so many shades of meaning that every attempted explanation can be supported by some texts. T h e denial of any mythical derivation, to be sure, leaves entirely too many statements unexplained.' T h e essential point is that this is not an 'abstract principle', see H. Gese, loc. cit. 295. R. H. Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times, 1949, 2 5 3 , sees in Prov. 8 a direct attack on the view of Job 28 about the inaccessibility of wisdom. A similar opposition emerges, among other things, between the magicians' answer to Nebuchadnezzar in Dan. 2 . 1 1 and the praise of Daniel in 2.2off., cf. also I Enoch 42 and 91.10, on which see V o l . 1 , pp.202ff. Cf. further von Rad, Old Testament Theology i, 4 5 1 , and 2 , 3o6f. T h e offence caused by Job 28 is mitigated by the addition of v. 28. C f also n.349 below. 296. C f virtue, S V F 3 , 5 0 8 : omnibus patet, omnes admittit, omnes invitat. 297. B . Gemser, op. cit., 5 i f (quot.). Here too we can hardly follow H. F. Weiss, op. cit., I94f, in reading a share of wisdom in the creation of the world out of 9.1. 298. See H. Leisgang, PW, 2.R. 3, I026f, and Hofner in Roscher, Lexikon 4, 1 2 1 2 - 4 : it appears now and again as a poetic personification, see Aristophanes, Birds, 1 3 2 0 ; also Nauck^, Frag.trag. adesp. 1 3 0 (Diodore 3 1 , 30, 3): an appeal to Wisdom as a goddess; and Euripides, Med.S43: in the train of Cypris: ra^o^ia Ivvipyovs. The scene possibly goes back to oriental influences. In Priene and Ephesus, Wisdom was represented as an allegorical figure with other similar concepts. All in all, the evidence for a personified wisdom in the pre-Christian period is small. Even Athene, most appropriate for the attribute of wisdom, while named ^povqms (see Leisegang, op. cit., 1028, and von A m i m , S V F 4, 7) by Democritus and the Stoics and receiving oo<j>la (Protag. 32id) and <j>iXo
Notes
99
1 9 0 - 7 ; cf. also the criticism by H. Conzelmann, op. cit., 232f. Perhaps a sharper distinction should be drawn between 'mythological backgroimd' and 'mythological origin'; the most recent investigation by R. N . Whybray, Wisdom in Proverbs, 1 9 6 5 , I03ff., which again asserts in apologetic terms that there is no 'mythological origin for wisdom' in Prov. 8.22ff., and that the terms discussed are 'metaphorical not mythological', does not take matters further. There can be no question that Prov.8.22fF. represents the starting point for the later speculation of Sirach, Wisdom and Philo, and if the hymn of 8.22ff. was composed for the purpose of warding off ahen influences and, as a result, features of the strange goddess (Astarte, Isis, etc.) were transferred to wisdom, 'mythological influence is still present'; see the author's assent to Bostrom's theses, op. cit., 90.
301. A. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri, 1 9 2 3 , 2 1 5 , 'Words of Ahikar' 11.94 and 9 5 ; see also W. F. Albright, AJSL 3 6 , 1 9 2 0 , 2 8 5 ; W. Baumgartner, TR 5 , 1 9 3 3 , 2 8 7 ; C. I. K . Story, J B L 6 4 , 1 9 4 5 , 3 3 3 - 7 ; H. Donner, op. cit., I2ff.; e f also the assent of S. Morenz, Agyptische Religionen, i 9 6 0 , 1 3 3 . 302. A . Cowley, op. cit., 1 4 7 , no.44, 3 : the oath of Menahem son of Sallum by 'Yahu the God, the temple and Anatyahu'; e f 7 0 no.22, 1 2 5 : "Anatbethel'. Albright, op. cit., 258ff., had already drawn attention to a Semitic goddess 'of life and wisdom' of the Ishtar type. In SVT 3 , 1 9 5 5 , 7, the same author stresses that 'the wisdom cosmogony in V I I I , 22ff. is full of obvious Canaanite reminiscences', see also From the Stone Age, 1940, 3 6 8 f , and G . Bostrom, Proverbiastudien, L U A 30, 1934, no.3, 14- G. Pfeifer, Ursprung und Wesen der Hypostasenvorstellungen im Judentum, 1967, inconsistently rejects the influence of Canaanite-Phoenician conceptions ( 7 9 ) , but then conjectures that a feminine deity of the type of 'Anatyahu or the queen of heaven of Jer. 4 4 . 1 7 (102, c f 2 7 f . ) might be of Canaanite origin. For the term qnh in Prov. 8.22 and the context see W. A . Irwin, JBL 80, 1 9 6 1 , I36ff., 'the imagery here is not the creation but birth of wisdom'. 303. G . Holscher, op. cit., 69. On this see H . Ringgren, RGG^ 3 , 5 0 4 - 6 , and M . P. Nilsson, opuscula selecta 3 , i960, 2 3 3 - 4 2 , and GGR^ i , 8i2ff. C f already H. Usener, Gotternamen, 304.
31948, 3 6 4 - 7 5 305. On this see Bousset/Gressmann, 347ff.; c f also H . F. Weiss, op. cit., 21 iff. T h e doctrine of the spirits at Qumran is a new stage which was surely not developed without alien influences, see V o l . 1 , pp.22of Cf. also H. Gese, RGG^ 6, 1576: '. . . in which it comes very close to the concepts of ruah and ddbdr'. 306. For the word of God see H. Ringgren, op. cit., I57ff.: apart from Aristobulus (see below, n . 3 9 6 ) and Wisdom i 8 . i 5 f , it is relatively rare as a hypostasis in Jewish writing; it only gains significance in Philo and in part is a substitute for 'wisdom'. For the Rabbis see the long excursus in Bill. 2, 3 0 2 - 3 3 . T h e tendency to hypostatization and divinization in the Greek tradition emerges much more strongly with the term 'logos' than with 'sophia', see H. Leisegang, PW 1 3 , I02iff. See in detail now H . F. Weiss, op. cit., 2 1 6 - 8 2 , who stresses that the 'word' has no expUcit creative function in Palestinian Judaism. 307. For Metatron see G . F. Moore, HTR 1 5 , 1 9 2 2 , 5 5 f ; Bill., Index 4 , 1 2 4 9 . For the later identification with Enoch see L . Ginzberg, Legends i, 140, and 5 , i62f n . 6 i .
100
Chapter
III
308. Bousset/Gressmann, op. cit., 3 3 1 - 4 2 ; G. von Rad, TDNT 2, yiff.; W. Foerster, TDNT 2 , 75S., and 7 , isiff. Basically, what we have here is the negative side of the doctrine of spirits and angels starting from I Kings 2 2 . i 9 f f . ; see also V o l . 1 , pp.22ofr., 2 3 i f 309. Op. cit., 3 1 9 , 342f., c f also 3 5 7 : hypostasis speculation as one of the foundations of christology. The objection made by R. N . Whybray, op. cit., 104, overlooks the fact that Prov.8.22ff. or chs. 1 - 9 are not the only sources for hypostatized wisdom. Job 28 and Sir. 24, inter alia, can be added. This is a relatively wide tradition. The tendency to make the divine absolutely trans cendent and to introduce intermediary beings was also to be found in Hellenistic, Platonizing philosophy of religion, see A. Wlosok, Laktanz, A A H i 9 6 0 , 2 , 5 3 , 56ff.
310. G . Pfeifer, op. cit., 66f. 3 1 1 . See e.g. the text pubUshed by A. S. vanden Woude, OTS 1 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 5 8 , in which in U. 10 and 1 6 Melchizedek (Michael?) is mentioned in connection with the '"lohim of Ps. 82.1 and Isa.52.7; the doctrine of the two spirits in i Q S 3.i8fF. also goes beyond the bounds of traditional angelology. In Philo, on the other hand, mention can be made of the hypostasis of the Logos (dpx)dYy(Xos: Conf.ling. 146 ( M i, 427); De somn. 239 ( M i, 656); Quis.rer. div. 205 ( M i, 501) etc. 3 1 2 . G. Pfeifer, op. cit., 1 6 . 3 1 3 . G . von Rad, Old Testament Theology i, 443. 3 1 4 . For the formation of wisdom schools in post-exiUc Israel see above, pp. 78ff., and J. C. H. Lebram, VT 1 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 227fF., who regards the 'Levitical schools' as being above aU 'the representatives of hokmd in Palestine' ( 2 2 9 ) ; he points to possible tensions between the returning Golah and the schools existing in the country. For wisdom as 'a divine mediator of revelation' see G. von Rad, op. cit., I , 4 4 1 , and H. Gese, RGG^ 6, 1 5 7 6 . 3 1 5 . H. Ringgren, Word and Wisdom, 1947, 134, and RGG^ 3, 5 0 6 ; see also Bostrom, op. cit., 1 0 2 - 5 5 and, in agreement, G . von Rad, op. cit., i, 4 4 3 f : 'wisdom personified largely received blood and life from her more sensual opposite, Astarte, the goddess of love' (444); see also W . L . Knox, St Paul and the Church of the Gentiles, 1 9 3 9 , 5 7 . 3 1 6 . On this see M . Friedlander, op. cit., 73ff.; R. Kittel, op. cit., 3, 7 3 2 ; R. Reitzenstein, Das manddische Buch des Herrn der Grosse, S A H 1 9 1 9 , no. 1 2 , 54ff., though his historical classification is too fantastic; see the polemic by G . Bostrom, op. cit., 1 6 - 3 2 . For Clem.Alex., see Strom, i, 2 9 , 6, G C S 2, 1 8 . 3 1 7 . J. M . Allegro, PEQ 9 6 , 1 9 6 4 , 5 3 - 5 5 = 4 Q 184 (DJDJ V , 8 2 f f . ) and J. Strugnell, RQ 7, 1 9 6 9 / 7 1 , 263ff. J. Carmignac, RQ 5 , 1 9 6 4 / 6 6 , 3 6 1 - 7 4 , supposes that a competing sect is meant here. The literal interpretation of the 'strange woman', presented by Bostrom, op. cit., 42ff., and above all the 'cultic interpretation' associated with it, 1 0 3 - 5 5 , need not be the only possibility. For the theme see H. Ringgren, Word, I34ff.; however, it appears extraordinarily frequently in Prov. 1 - 9 . 3 1 8 . DJDJ IV, 79ff. T h e very artificial acrostic hymn was taken into his coUection by Ben Sira in a considerably altered, extended version. For the theme see also Sir. I 5 . 2 f ; P r o v . 5 . i 8 f ; Wisdom 8.2ff.
Notes
loi
3 1 9 . I. Alpers, Hercules in Bivio, diss. 1 9 1 2 , 62f.; see W. Michaelis, TDNT s, 55 n. 36. Allegorical interpretation of Prov. 7 and 9 can no longer be excluded after the discovery of the fragment about the wicked woman in 4 Q. The fable then emerges later in the Rabbinic tradition; see Bill.4, 4 o 8 f : Koh.R. 1 , 1 4 . R. Abba b. Kahana (begitming of the fourth cenmry AD). 320. G . von Rad, Old Testament Theology i, 1 4 1 . 3 2 1 . S. Hermann, TLZ 86, 1 9 6 1 , 4 1 8 ; c f also H. Schwabl, PW Suppl 9, i498f
G. von Rad, op. cit., 1 4 3 ; S. Herrmann, op. cit., 4i8fF. 323. S. Hermann, op. cit., 4 2 3 , 4 2 4 ; see also C . F. von WeizsScker, The Relevance of Science, 1 9 6 4 , 42ff.: 'If it is a work of scholarship, it belongs to theology' (46). 3 2 4 . On this see H. Schwabl, op. cit., I5i3ff., i539ff- G. von Rad, op. cit., i, I4if., rightly indicates that the creation story of P does not look for a 'cosmo logical primal principle' like the Ionian natural philosophers, but connects everything with the 'personal creative will of Yahweh'. On the other hand, genuine analogies appear in the Timaeus, see Vol. I, p. 163. 325. C . F. von Weizsacker, op. cit., 52. 326. G. von Rad, op. cit., i, 1 4 2 ; for creatio ex nihilo, see H . W. Weiss, op. cit., 1 1 - 1 7 : the Old Testament presuppositions; 69fF. in Philo; 73f. in II Mace. 7 . 2 8 ; 86ff. in the Rabbis; i i 9 f f . in apocalyptic; i29ff. the Samaritans. There is a summary at i65fF.: the conception was not present from the beginning, 'but must first have estabhshed itself in the controversy with Gentile myth and . . . philosophical thought' (66); c f 1 7 4 . 3 2 7 . On this see G . von Rad, op. cit., i, 45off. 328. P r o v . 3 . 1 9 ; c f Job 3 8 - 4 2 ; P s . 1 0 4 . 2 4 ; 1 3 6 . 5 ; see also the hynm to Yahweh, the wise creator, in 1 1 Q Ps", DJDJ IV, 89ff. For the creation traditions in Ben Sira see V o l . 1 , p p . i 4 4 f f . C f aheady Jer. 1 0 . 2 1 = 5 1 . 1 5 . For the whole see J. Fichmer, Die altorientalische Weisheit, 1 9 3 3 , i i i f For the difference from Prov. 8 see H. W. Weiss, op. cit., 189. A parallel conception is the notion that the world was 'built up' by the spirit, Judith 1 6 . 1 4 . G. Pfeifer, op. cit., 98, already conjectures Stoic influence here. 322.
329.
Ps. 1 3 9 . 1 4 ; Job
5.9ff.; 9.8fF.; 3 7 . 1 4 etc.,
and
on it see G. von Rad,
Old
Testament Theology i, 449. 330. Sir. 2 4 . 1 , 2 characterizes this self-predication as an exphcit aretalogy with reference to wisdom's praise of itself (alvioei ""-^s and twice KouxfiaeToi). 3 3 1 . Thus for the first time W . L . Knox, j r 5 38, 1 9 3 7 , 2 3 0 - 7 , who rightly characterizes the historical context: 'a startling affinity to a Syrian Astarte with feamres of Isis' ( 2 3 5 ) , see further St Paul and the Church, 59ff.; H. Ringgren, op. cit., i 4 4 f . , and in detail H . Conzelmann, op. cit., 2 3 4 - 4 3 . As the Isis areta logies in the form preserved for us and also the propaganda for Isis 'of the many names' in her syncretistic transformation are products of the Ptolemaic era from the beginning of the third century BC at the earUest (see A. D . Nock, Conversion, 1 9 3 3 , 48f., and R. Harder, Karpokrates von Chalkis und die memphitische Isispropaganda, A A B 1 9 4 3 , no. i 4 . 4 5 f f . ) , a connection between the Isis aretalogies and Proverbs, which probably arose in the first half of the third century at the
102
Chapter
III
latest, is still uncertain. T h e texts appear in W. Peek, Der Isishymnus von Andros, 1930; R. Harder, op. cit., i8ff., gives a reconstruction of its context. Other important passages are Diodore i , 27, 4, the epiclesis of Isis, P O x 11.1380, and the hymns of Isidorus (first century BC), S E G 8, 548-51. Cf. also Kore Kosmou in Hermes Trismegistos 23, 64flf. = C H 4 , 2iff., and Apuleius, Met. 1 1 , 5; on this see also M . Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 626ff. n. 5 and H. Conzelmann, op. cit., p. 230 n. 5. For identification with earher Egyptian goddesses see Roeder, PW 9, 209if., 2096 (Plutarch, Isis et Osiris 56, 374b), and S. Morenz, op. cit., 279. C f J. Bergman, Ich bin Isis, 1968. 332. State support is of course heavily qualified by P. M . Fraser, Opuscula Atheniensia 3, i960, 1-54, 2ifiF., but a complete denial is imjustified. 333. Goddess of righteousness: see Roeder, PW 9, 2129, and Waser, PW 5, 565; cViVoia see P O x 1 1 , 1380,11.6of; loc. cit., 11.43f, c f Apuleius, Met. I I . 1 8 ; dea providens; tfipomjois P O x I I , 1380,1.44, cf. I23f and Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 2, 353 A / B and 60, 375 D , where Isis is elevated to be the goddess of knowledge and her name is derived from otSa and Sv. See also her connecrions with the 'world soul', n.368 below. C f further R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 1904, 44, on Isis as goddess of wisdom; A . Wlosok, Laktanz, A A H i960, 2, 95f. n. 103 and 56f, nn.32, 33; R. Merkelbach, Roman und Mysterium, 1962, 6 n. I and 97 n. I : Isis as 'providentia'. 334. P O x I I , 1380, 11.116/7, c f S E G 8, 548 1.18 and Dittenberger, SylP., 1132, and Drexler in Roscher, Lexikon 2, 500. For Isis-Sophia in Aristides see Bergman, op. cit., 35 n.2. 335. P O x I I , 1380, 93-97: Rhinocolura, Dor, Tower of Strato, Ashkelon, Raphia; 98: Gaza; l o o f : Bambyce; io6f.: Phoenicia; i i 6 f : Berytus, Sidon. Cf. also S. Herrmann, 'Isis in Byhlos', ZAS 82,1958,48-55, and P. Roussel, Syria 22, 1942/43, 2iff.: the private sanctuary of Serapis and Isis in Laodicea on the Sea in Northern Syria, 175 BC. 336. Bronze discovered at Ashkelon, see J. H . Iliffe, QDAP 5,1936, 64,66f., 68; cf. also the Palestinian terra cottas with the picture of a mother and child from the Persian/Hellenistic period in A. Ciasca, OA 2,1963,45-63, esp. 51 n. i , and O. Negbi, 'Atiqot 6, 1966, 10 pis. i and 2. For 'murse' see T . A Z 5.1 (I.468), and b. A Z 43a, see below, n . I V , 57. 337. Ashkelon, see Schurer, 2, 31, and M . R. Savignae, RB N S 2, 1905, 426-9, with the features of a city goddess (Tyche); Gerasa: Schiirer, 2.40, and the inscription in C. H . Kraeling, Gerasa 1938, 382, no. 15 (143 AD); Hauran (Kanatha); Schiirer, 2, 47; Samaria: J. W. Crowfoot etc., Samaria-Sebaste 1957 3, 37, no. 13 = S E G 8.93, presumably already the third century BC. Cf. L . Vidman, Sylloge, 1969, i8Qff. 338. MacaUster/Duncan, 'Excavations on the Hill of Ophel', PEFA 4, 1926, i59ff-j 'provisionally we may ascribe it to the time of Ptolemaic domination'. On this see S. A. Cook, The Religion, 67, and the illustration, pi. X I V . For Isis and Hathor see H. Gressmann, Vortrage der Bibl. Warburg, 1923/24,1924/25, i82fiF., and Roeder, PW 9, 2092, 2120, etc.; see also the Astarte with ram's horns as the royal headdress according to Philo Byblius, FGrHist 26 F 2.31 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 1 , 1 0 , 3 1 . A n illustration of this is given by a representation of Isis with the Horns child and a Phoenician dedication 'to 'A§toret', from about the fourth
Notes
103
century BC, CRAI 1904,472-5. In general on the old and beloved 'Egyptian type' representation of Palestinian goddesses see S. A. Cook, op. cit., i 2 5 f . 339. Sir.24.10f., c f P O x 1380, 5 f , 3 7 ; Diod. 1 , 2 7 , c f Andros, 1 1 . 3 , 2 5 ; Cyme 1 1 ; letica 8; Gomphoi 5 (ed. W. Peek, op. cit.). 340. W. Peek, op. cit., 122, Cyme, 1 1 . 4 , 1 6 , etc.; i23ff., letica, 1 1 . 3 , 1 3 , 28, 3 5 , 38 etc.; line 3 2 = 28 shows how much legal order and knowledge hang together: the distinction between good and evil comes from Isis; cf. also S E G 8, 5 4 8 , 1 . 6 . 341. C f above all P S I 844, which was shown to be an Isis aretalogy by E. Heitsch, MusHelv 1 7 , i 9 6 0 , 1 8 5 - 8 . 342. Read ^adfiT^v with Sin., Syr., Lat., instead of iia-riadfi.riv. H . Conzelmann, op. cit., 2 3 8 f , calls attention in this context to the prediction of Isis as ruler of the earth, which frequently emerges in this context. 343. W . Schencke, op. cit., 2 7 , who sees a prelude to this in Prov. 8.15 and the wisdom of the animals, 6.6ff.; 3o.24fr. C f also H . F. Weiss, op. cit., i96fr. 344. Zeno according to Diogenes Laertius 7, 88 = S V F i , 1 6 2 ; c f U . Wilckens, Weisheit, 239. Similarly Cicero, Republic 3 , 3 3 : Est quidem vera lex recta ratio . . . diffusa in omnes. 345. Diogenes Laertius 7 , 8 7 (cf. already 86) = S V F i , 5 5 2 ; on this see M . Pohlenz, Die Stoa i, 1 9 5 9 , i i 4 f . T h e identification of the KOIVOS Xoyos 5? 8id irdvTcov with the KOIVOS vofios which men are to follow also appears in the Cleanthes hymn S V F I , 1 2 2 2 , no. 5 3 7 , lines 8, 20. C f Cicero, loc. cit., quae vocet ad qfficium iubendo. 3 4 6 . H. F. Weiss, op. cit., i 9 6 f 347. K . Schubert, Judaica 9 , 1 9 5 3 , 6 7 f . ; Die Religion des nachbiblischen Judentums, 1 9 5 5 , i4fF. and J. L . Koole, OTS 1 6 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 7 7 , which point to Cicero, De natura deorum 2 , 1 4 , 37 (after Chrysippus, see S V F 2 , 1 1 5 3 ) : Ipse autem homo ortus est ad mundum contemplandum et imitandum. See also already W. L . Knox, St Paul, 60. 348. Sir.24.23, cf. already 8b, lof. and i . i o b ; on this see Vol. I, pp. I48f. A l l the preceding statements are included in the stressed -ndma: see G . F . Moore, op. cit., I , 264 n . I . It is extremely improbable that Sir.24.23ff. is a later inter polation, as W . L . Knox, op. cit., assumes. 349. C f already Ahikar, Vol. I, p. 1 5 4 , and above n. 3 0 2 ; Job 2 8 ; the model for Bar. 3 . 1 5 - 3 2 (see Vol. I, pp. i 7 0 f . ) and the interspersed I Enoch 4 2 . See also U . Wilckens, TDNT 7 , 5o8f., though he overstresses the significance of this 'myth'. A considerable number of the passages cited by him do not appear in this context. 350. It is, however, questionable whether this identification was a 'common place in his times', as G. F. Moore, op. cit., i , 265, supposes; op. cit., i , 268, he sees in the motto of Simon from 'Ab. i , 2 an anticipation of the later idea that the world was created for the sake of the Torah, see Gen.R. i , 1 0 ; 1 2 , 2 etc. But here the formula is substantially different. C f also J. Goldin, PAAJR 2 7 , 1 9 5 8 , 4 3 - 5 8 , esp. 53ff. T h e identification of DVIS and world, which can only be demonstrated later, is a disruptive element. 3 5 1 . In Ps. 1 1 9 there is also talk of apostasy ( w . i i 8 f , 1 5 8 ) , neglect of the commandments (126, cf. n o , 1 1 3 , 139) and oppression of those faithful to the law ( 1 2 1 , 1 4 3 , i 5 o f , 1 5 7 , 1 6 1 ) ; this could aheady be a hint at the conflict which has been fully developed in Ben Sira; the psalm will therefore come from the
Chapter
104
III
second half of the third century, when the free-thinking party of the Tobiads were already in power (see V o l . 1 , pp.267ff.), cf. also A . Deissler, P j . 1 1 9 , Miinchener Theologische Studien 1 1 , 1 9 5 5 , 283fiF., 289, 'a degree of closeness to the epoch of Ben Sira'. T h e second half of the third century therefore appears more probable than the first half, which he supposes. H. W. Wolff, EvTh 9, 1 9 4 9 / 5 0 , 3 8 5 , conjectures the miUeu of Ptolemaic rule for Ps. i . 352. Old Testament Theology i , 4 4 5 . 353. Op. cit., I27f Author's italics. 3 5 4 . G . von Rad, loc. cit. 3 5 5 . J. Freudenthal, 2 , 1 8 8 9 / 9 0 , 2 0 5 - 2 2 ; E. ZeUer, PAGr« III, 2 , 274flf., and R. Marcus, L. Ginzberg Jubilee Vol., 1 9 4 5 , 237ff. 3 5 6 . G. Gerleman, OTS 8, 1 9 5 0 , 1 5 - 2 7 , and Studies in the Septuagint III, Proverhs, L U A I, 5 2 , 1956, no. 3 : for the special form of this translation see 1 5 : the use of Greek metre, c f also 29 on Prov. 1 9 . 1 5 : d^^poyvvau>v and on this Plato, Symp. i 3 9 e , and Philo and the late Palestinian haggada, see Bill. 4, 405, 4 i o f , and I, 8 o i f . ; cf. already J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 68f. 3 5 7 . G . Gerleman, Studies, 59ff., defends a relatively early date against Thackeray with good reasons, and with reference to the affinity with the book of Job puts the L X X in the middle of the second centvury BC. C f also Vol. I, pp. i 5 5 f for the metaphorical interpretation of Prov. 2 . 1 6 L X X . 358. G. Gerleman, OTS 8, 1950, 26, and Studies, 5 7 ; similarly already G . Bertram, ZAW 5 4 , 1 9 3 6 , 1 6 2 : 'its all-embracing activity arises through the harmony in creation . . .'; the interpretation of G. Pfeifer, op. cit., 2 7 , 'I was betrothed to him', is extremely improbable; here one would have to expect the middle or passive, see Liddell-Scott, Lexicon 2 4 3 : perhaps, however, dpfiolovoa is to be imderstood intransitively, as an object is missing: 'I was in harmonious community with him'; this would also correspond to the idea of the world soul. 359. M has 'as the earliest of his works': qedem mip^'dldy. 360. Prov. 8.30c, 3 1 : M mentions only the 'delight' {sa'^su'tm or sa'^su'ay) of 'wisdom' and not the joy of God. T h e originality of L X X L A here is question able. For the joy of God in creation cf. Targ. Jer. II Gen. 2.2. 3 6 1 . For the Platonic world soul and the origin of the Timaeus see U . von Wilamowitz-Mollendorf, Platon, ^^1959, 4648?., 48of., and R. P. Festugiere, Rivelation 2 , 9 4 , i o 2 f f . ; c f also H. Schwabl, PW Suppl, 9, I539f It already appears in the Statesman, zSgd: Ca>ov ov KoX ^povrioiv ciXrjxos e/f rod avvappLoaavTos avro KUT 'apxds, cf. also Philebus 30a. The Platonic conception is fimdamentally different from all Jewish interpretations of wisdom, but there were certain starting points in common. 362. Plato, Timaeus 34c, 4f. and 3 4 b , 3f. 363.
Tim.
36e/37a.
364. Tim. 3 7 c , 7 , c f also Aristotle, Eth.Nic. 1 1 5 4 , 2 5 f 3 6 5 . Tim. 3 4 b , 8 f 366. rzOT.4oa, 5 ; 4 1 b , i ; see R. P. Festugiere, op. cit., 2 , n o . 3 6 7 . For the world soul in the Stoa see M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 7 7 , 2 i 5 f ; there it is identified with the Logos and even called God, see e.g. Cleanthes, SVF
I, I I I , no. 4 9 5 : TTjv Sc ijivx-qv 81' oXov TOV Koctp^v St^KClv,
ifupvxovaBdi.
p.epos fierexovras
•qp.ds
Here there is an analogy to the spirit of God in Judaism; cf. also i .
Notes
105
120, no. 532. Further instances, op. cit., index 4, 166. For the problem see also J. Moreau, L'dme du monde de Platon aux Stoiciens, 1 9 3 9 . 368. R. Heinze, Xenokrates, 1891, fr. 1 5 , p. 164, c f 35ff., J2S., and Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 4 5 - 6 0 , 3 9 6 A - 3 7 5 D and on it R. Heinze, op. cit., 3 1 - 7 7 ; cf. further H. Leisegang, PW, 2.R 3,1027, and now in detail H . J. KrSmer (above n. II, 2 2 5 ) , 21-126.
369. C f Wisd.7.22b, 2 5 f ; 8.1, 3 ; 9.4; for Philo see above all J. Pascher, Der Konigsweg, 1931, 60-105, and following it, U . Wilckens, Weisheit und Torheit, 1959, 142-57. T h e derivation of gnostic 'Sophia' from an 'ancient Near Eastern myth' (op. cit., i 9 4 f ) , following W . Bousset, sees only one side of this complex of tradition. Cf. on it G . Quispel, Eranos Jahrbuch 2 2 , 1 9 5 3 , 208, 'it must always be remembered that for the Gnostic, Sophia represented something like the anima mundi and had contacts with Greek ideas about the world soul; this world soul attracted every possible metaphor and comparison from Hebrew hterature to itself Uke a magnet.' 370. J. Kaerst, Geschichte des Hellenismus 2 , ^1926, 221, supposes a dualistic Iranian influence here, c f also Statesman 2 6 9 e / 2 7 o a . 3 7 1 . Eusebius, Pr.Ev.13, 1 2 , 1 1 ; see below, n.389. 3 7 2 . Pr.Ev. 13, I I , 4 ; see Vol. I, pp. i 6 5 f . There are already certain echoes in the L X X translation of Gen. i , cf. the rendering of tohH wdbohH by doparos W d / t a T O C T / f c i j a o T o j , and the formlessness of Platonic matter, Tim. 51a, j : dvopm-ov. . . . Kal dfiop etfu d div, one cannot follow Morton Smith, BJRL 40, 1 9 5 7 / 5 8 , 4 7 4 , in speaking of 'clear Platonism' (similarly M . Hadas, HCu, 5 0 ) ; see already the restrained judgment of J. Freudenthal, JQR 2, 1 8 8 9 / 9 0 , 2 2 0 , who conjectures Stoic influence. More important than this supposed philosophical borrowing by the translator of the Pentateuch before the middle of the third century BC - the legend of Aristeas probably has a historical backgroimd, as it already appears in Aristobulus (Pr.Ev.13, 1 2 , 2 ) , c f N . Walter, Aristobulus, 88ff., and E. Bickerman(n), PAAJR 2 8 , 1 9 5 9 , 2 f - were the later effects of these points of contact, for it could be argued from them that Plato had known the work of Moses. Galen provides a critical comparison between Plato's demiurge and Moses in the second century AD : R. Walzer, Galen on Jews and Christians, 1 9 4 9 . 3 7 3 . Clem.Alex., Strom, i, 7 2 , 4 ; TlepmaTiTiKos, cf. Eusebius, Chron., G C S , e d . H e l m , 7 , 1 3 9 , and Pr.Bw. 9, 6, 6 ; 1 3 . 1 1 , 3 , 1 2 ; cf. also 8.9, 3 8 ; critical remarks on this in N . Walter, op. cit., loff., lit. For II Mace, i . i o see op. cit., i6ff. More weight should probably be attached to this note, c f Ps.Hecataeus in Josephus, c.Ap.i, 1 8 7 - 9 on the Jewish high priest Hezekiah, see above, n.I, 389, and
Chapter
io6
III
Jerome, De viris illustribus i i , Migne PL 2 3 , 658f., on Philo. Cf. J. G . Bimge (see n. II, 296) eyff. 3 7 4 . A. Schlatter, GP, 82fiF., cf. 408 n.99. For Aristotle's acknowledgement of philosophical monotheism see e. g. Met. 1 0 7 6 a , 3f. with the quotation from Homer, Iliad 2 , 204, and his positive verdict on Xenophanes, Met.<)%6b, 2 1 - 2 4 . Theophrastus and Clearchus, pupils of Aristotle, showed special interest in the Jews, see Vol. I, pp. 256fF. 3 7 5 . T h e name did not necessarily mean membership of the Aristotelian school in Alexandria of the third to first cenmries BC, but also 'a hterary historian, a biographer or perhaps even a scientific writer . . . who presented an artistic popular accoimt', see K . O. Brink, PW Suppl 7 , 904. This would describe Aristobulus, with his eclectic exegetical work. T h e quotation from Anatohus in Eusebius, HE 7 , 3 2 , 1 7 - 1 8 , indicates interests in astronomy and the calendar. T h e designation need not therefore be a construction of Clem.Alex. on the basis of Pr.Ev. 1 3 , 1 2 , 1 0 = Strom. 5, 96, as N . Walter, loc. cit., thinks. Clement may already have found the designation in the tradition at his disposal, like that of Philo as a Pythagorean (Strom.2, 100, 3). 3 7 7 . A . Schlatter, GP, 407 n.96, c f B F C T i , 5 , 1 8 9 7 , i 6 3 f It does not seem to me so certain that Aristobulus' writing was included in Clement and Eusebius in an unabbreviated form, as N . Walter, op. cit., 2 7 n . i ; 34 n . 6 ; 97ff., etc. supposes. T h e indubitable diflSculties in translation and interpretation in Pr.Ev. 1 3 , 1 2 , 9 - 1 6 are perhaps connected with the abbreviations of an epitomator. T h e view of Schlatter, op. cit., that other quotations had been given a short allegorical commentary as well as Pr.Ev.13.12, 1 4 , I.4, is not completely erroneous. N . Walter, op. cit., even supposes that alterations were made to the work of Aristobulus in connection with the Jewish-Orphic poem (op. cit., 1 0 3 - 1 5 ) . However, his hypothesis of a complete substitution is not convincing. 3 7 6 . Here the investigation by N . Walter has brought clarity, after R. Keller, De Aristobulojudaeo, diss. Bonn 1 9 4 8 , 1 9 - 7 8 , had already shown his aflBnity with
the koine of Polybius, Diodore (who is himself in m m dependent on earUer HeUenistic sources) and the Ptolemaic papyri. N . Walter, op. cit., -jS., 264S., gives a survey of the fragments. T h e most important are: F . 2 = Pr.Ev.S, 1 0 , 1 - 1 7 ; F.3
=
1 3 , 1 2 , I f ; F.4
=
1 2 , 3 - 8 ; F.5
=
13,12,9-16 (12,10,11 =
7, 1 4 ,
i) = Eusebius G C S ed. Mras 8, i , 4 5 1 - 4 , and 8, 2 , 1 9 0 - 7 . Also a fragment from Anatolius in Eusebius, HE 7, 3 2 , I7f. 378. For the dating see E. Bickerman(n), PAAJR 2 8 , 1 9 5 9 , 3 n . 3 , with reference to Eusebius, Chron., G C S , ed. Helm 7 , 139. T h e writing is directed solely to king Ptolemy V I (Philometor); however, he was sole ruler only between 1 7 6 and 1 7 0 BC. Before that he had to share the mle with his mother, later with his brother and sister, or with his sister alone. He received the sumame Philo metor in 1 7 9 / 7 8 B C . T h e didactic, personal address to the king would best fit the young king, b o m 186 or 184/3 BC. For the form of a didactic writing from a wise man to a king see Festugiere, Revelation i , 324flf. T h e occasion for the writing, which presupposes questions from the king, will hardly have been the Samaritan-Jewish religious conversation according to Antt. 13, 7 4 - 9 (thus A . Schlatter, GP, 82), especially as the name Aristobulus does not appear here. Possibly the apology of Aristobulus was, however, caused by the events in
Notes
107
Jerusalem after 1 7 5 BC, as this made the question of the relationship between Hellenistic education and the Mosaic law a topical one. A t that time, too, there were still illusions about a possible reconquest of Judea. T h e characterization of Aristobulus as MaaKoXos of king Ptolemy in the fictitious letter H M a c c . i . i o would also fit a y o m g king. It is less probable, as N . Walter, op. cit., 1 6 - 2 6 , supposes, that the designation of Ptolemy as Philometor was only introduced by Clem. Alex. {Strom, i , 1 5 0 , i and 5 , 97, 7 ) on the basis of II Mace. i . i o . Rather, the forger of II Mace, i.ioflf. has introduced the well-known personaUty of Aristobulus as a prominent addressee of the letter, because it was known that he had written a didactic letter to the young PhUometor. N . Walter nevertheless arrives at a remarkably similar dating: op. cit., 2 4 and 123 n. 2 : the middle of the second century B C , c f also Schmid/StahUn, GGL^ I I , i , 6o3f. Aristobulus shares with his contemporary Polybius {Athen. 2, 35c) the first appearance of the name Philadelphus for Ptolemy I I {Pr.Ev. 1 3 , 1 1 , 2; Mras 2 , 1 9 1 ) , which is significant for dating. For Philadelphus and Philometor see H. Volkmann, PW 1 8 , 1 6 4 5 and i702flf. In view of this hostility to the Jews, a dating of the work tmder Ptolemy V I I I Lathyrus (Philometor II), 1 1 6 - 1 0 8 and 8 8 - 8 0 B C (see A . Gercke, PW 2 , 9 1 9 ) , is improbable. 3 7 9 . Pr.Ev.13, 1 2 , 8; c f Ps.Arist.31: the law is (j>iXoao4Myripov, 2oof.: the philosophers at the court of the king recognize the greater knowledge {awuvm TrXdov) of the seventy-two elders j cf. also 2 3 5 . 380. T h e term appears in this sense in Aristobulus, cf. in addition to Pr.Ev. 8, 1 0 , 2 also 1 3 , 1 2 , 9 and 8 , 1 0 , 3 : (fmaiKds SMBCOCK cf. also Ps. Aristeas 1 7 1 : ^u<7«ij Sidvoia rov
vofiov.
3 8 1 . For the rejection of the 'myth' see also a Uttle later Ps.Aristeas 1 6 8 : Koi ovSev etiaj KarareTaKrcu Sid rfjs ypatfnjs ovSe nvBaiSws', also the polemic against the Greek inventors of myths, 1 3 7 and 322. Cf. on this N . Walter, op. cit., l o o ; Philonic examples, op. cit., 1 3 5 n . 4 ; for the problems, G . Stahlin, TDNT 4 , 777-86.
382. For Aristobulus' method of exegesis and its models see N . Walter, op. cit., 1 2 4 - 4 9 ; also E . Stein, Die allegorische Exegese des Philo von Alexandrien, 1 9 2 9 , 6 - 1 2 , and R. P . C . Hanson, Allegory and Event, 1 9 5 9 , 4 i f l f . E. Stein akeady recognized that in Aristobulus we have the earUest form of Alexandrian allegorical exegesis; according to him 'it does not go beyond the framework of Palestinian, anti-anthropomorphic aUegory' (op. cit., 7 ) . Thus Aristobulus is more restrained in using allegorical methods even than Aristeas and Philo. N . Walter, op. cit., 1 3 8 , therefore foUows J. Freudenthal {Hellenistische Studien, i 8 7 4 f . , 6 7 ) in speaking of a 'HeUenistic midrash'. 3 8 3 . T h e omnipresence of the divine 'dynamis' (thus Pr.Ev. 1 3 , 1 2 , 7 ) is also said to be shown by the Orphic hymn and the quotation from Aratus: see 1 3 , 1 2 , 6 , 1 . 4 : navrq Sc Bcov Kcxp'^/icBa ndvrcs. W e find this thought taken further in the mission preaching of Judaism and early Christianity, e.g. in Acts ij.2jt., see J. C . Lebram, ZNW 5 5 , 1 9 6 4 , 2 2 1 - 4 3 , and E . Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, 1 9 7 1 , 5 1 6 (Ut.), 5 2 4 f However, the conception has an Old Testament, Palestinian component: J e r . 2 3 . 2 3 f ; Amos 9.2flf.; P s . 1 3 9 . 8 - 1 0 ; Isa.6.3, cf. Sir. 4 3 . 2 7 and V o l . 1 , p. 1 4 6 ; it also appears among the Rabbis, see V o l . 1 , p. 1 4 8 . Here there is a close contact with Stoic ideas. Because there already was this
io8
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backgroxindj similar quotations could be taken over from Greek poets; c f also Vol.Ij pp.idyf. T h e 'descent of G o d ' is also reinterpreted in Mek.Ex.ig, 20 (L. 2, 2 2 4 ) . 384. See Vol.Ij pp. i34flf. Judaism and Hellenism also come close to each other in the conception of the 'prophets' as men inspired by the spirit and the notion of 'inspired writings' which develops from this. A t the end of this move ment we have the theory of 'absolute inspiration' in Philo and the Rabbis, see Bousset/Gressmann, i 4 9 f O n this see H . Kleinknecht, TDNT 6, 339ff., esp. 3 4 3 : Plato as the foxmder of the 'secular Greek notion of inspiration'; F . Baimigartel, TDNT 6,362: the spirit as the cause of ecstasy and ecstatic speaking in the Old Testament, and W . Beider, TDNT 6, 3 7 4 f . : Philo with Moses as 'prototype'. Aristobulus seems to stand on a similar level in his conception of inspiration to the Palestinian sop'rim, which is essentially distinct from the later almost mechanical conceptions. A comparison between Philo and Ben Sira shows that there was no difference in principle between Alexandrian and Palestinian conceptions of inspiration, see P. Katz, ZNW 4 7 , 1 9 5 6 , 2 0 9 - 1 1 . Further see V o l . 1 , pp.202ff.: 'Wisdom through revelation', and p p . 2 i o f . 385. Pr.Ev. 13, 1 2 , 5 , 6. N . Walter, op. cit., 1 1 4 , etc., supposes that the Orphic poem was inserted later: see above, n . 3 7 7 . 386. A . Schlatter, GP, 8 i f , rightly supposes that the 'theological movement' which appeared with Aristobulus was already 'in full flood'. N . Walter, op. cit., 3 9 f , considers the possibiUty that Aristobulus 'was one of the learned men of the Museion'. 387. This group of ideas becomes the firm possession of Jewish and Christian apologetic, see K . Thraede, RAC 5 , 1242S. However, Aristobulus and his contemporaries, and indeed Jewish apologetic in general, do not know the later Christian polemical idea of the 'theft of the philosophers'; this first appears in Tatian, op. cit., 1 2 5 1 . 388. For the conception of the creation of the 'noetic' light in Philo see K . Schubert, Judaica 9, 1 9 5 3 , 72ff., c f Op.mtmdi 20 and 3 1 : the 'spiritual' Ught was the seventh thing to be created, it is an 'eikon' of the divine Logos; in detail, A . Wlosok, Laktanz, 85ff., 88ff.: the Logos is 'a pneumatic substance of light'. W. L . Knox, St Paul, 69 n.4, points to Isis as 'the light of men' according to C I G 3 7 2 4 . For Palestinian instances see below, nn. 404 and 4 2 4 . C f also n. 820 below. 389. Pr.Ev. 1 3 , 1 2 , 9 - 1 1 , Mras 2 , 1 9 5 ; cf. Clem.Alex., Strom.6,16,138: here we find the central significance of the concept of wisdom which can be replaced by the 'seven' or the 'Logos'. For the whole matter see N . Walter, op. cit., 65ff., who rightly stresses that in comparison with Philo, Aristobulus represents 'a much less developed stage in Jewish Alexandrian philosophy' ( 8 2 f . ) ; cf. also A . Schlatter, B F C T i , 5 , 1 8 9 7 , 174S. 390. For the pagan question why God did not keep the sabbath and what he did after the six days' work, see the reports in the early Rabbinic tradition given in W. Bacher, Agada der Tannaiten 1 , ^1903, 7 9 . 3 9 1 . See AnatoUus in Eusebius, HE 7 , 32, I 7 f , see also below, n. 8 1 3 . 392. N . Walter, op. cit., 7 3 , and on the verses about seven, 1 5 0 - 7 1 . Evidentiy there was already a Jewish Pythagoreanism in Alexandria before Aristobulus, see
Notes
109
also below, n . 8 7 7 . For the Greek sources of the speculation involving the number seven see op. dt., 1 5 6 n. i and 168 n. i , supplemented by K . Ziegler, PW 2 4 , 226ff., and on Philolaus 238ff., together with the controversy over the pseudo-Hippocratic writing about seven, vrcpi i^SofidSwv, ed. W. H . Roscher, Die hippokratische Schrift von der Siebenzahl, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums V I 3 , 4, 1 9 1 3 (lit. in Uberweg/Praechter, Philosophic des Altertums, 1 ^ 1 9 2 6 , 4 1 ! ) . Also more recently W . Burkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft, 1 9 6 2 , 4 4 5 f , 448ff., see also the index, 4 9 5 , under 7 . For the anthropological significance of the Hebdomas c f S V F 3 , 83, 7 6 4 . Thus for Aristobulus and Philo there were sufficient points of contact in Old Testament and Greek tradition for their speculation on the number 7 . In Philo this is then continued in abundance, cf. Op.mundi looff. ( M 2 4 ) : Quis rer. div. 1 7 0 ( M 4 8 7 ) ; 2 1 6 ( M 503), where the Hebdomas is in part personified. 393. Pr.Ev.13, 1 2 , 1 3 , cf. Clem. Alex., Strom. 5, 1 4 , 1 0 7 ; 6, 1 6 , I4if. 394. On this see N . Walter, op. cit., 6 8 - 8 1 ; c f also A . Schlatter, GP, Ssi.: the c^Sofws Xoyos is not to be understood as the Stoic power of seven, but as a cosmic principle; however, this does not exdude the possibiUty that this cosmic principle becomes effective also in human thought and action as a psychic force. The parallel to the Stoic definition of ao(j>ia shows that Stoic conceptions are involved here, see N . Walter, op. cit., 84f. n . 4 ( = von A m i m , S V F 2 , 3 5 f . and 1 0 1 7 ) ; but see the Pythagorean parallel, op. cit., 164
n.4.
395. For the interpretation of this difficult passage see A . Schlatter, B F C T i , 5 , 1 8 9 7 , i 6 4 f . , and N . Walter, op. cit., 7 5 - 7 8 , cf. the more developed speculation in Philo, Leg.all. I , 1 6 - 1 9 ( M 4 6 / 4 7 ) . T h e idea of the sevenfold Logos also appears in the gloss Sir. 1 7 . 5 . 396. In Aristobulus, along with the tragedian Ezekiel, who probably also belongs in the second century BC (see Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 9, 2 9 , 8a, G C S Mras i , 5 3 0 , 1 . 1 8 , we have the earUest evidence for the beginnings of a 'Logos theology' in Alexandria, see A . Schlatter, op. cit., 1 6 8 . However, the Logos is not yet tmderstood as a divine hypothesis, as in Wisdom i8.i4flf. and in Philo; it is rather an expression of the divine activity; Pr.Ev.13, 1 1 , 3 states that the world according to Gen. i was created through BeoG Xoyos, which should not, of course, be regarded as PTJTW Xoyov but as cpya)v KaraaKevds. A t best there is a beginning of hypostatization in the fact that the Logos was bound up with hypostatized wisdom in the 'regularity of seven'. N . Walter, op. cit., 8of., pays too little attention to the decisive role of 'wisdom'. 3 9 7 . T h e drdpaxoi is here to be tmderstood as an interpretation of the 'day of rest'. For the problem of the 'Peripatetic' concept of 'ataraxia' after Aristobulus see N . Walter, op. cit., 1 1 . n. 10. It need not unconditionally be understood along the lines of Stoic apathy, but simply as the 'rule of reason', see P. Wilpert, RAC I , 845, and Aristotle, Eth.Nic. 1 1 2 5 b , U. 3 3 - 3 5 : ^ouAeroi ydp 6 npaos drdpaxos etvai Kal p.T] dyeadat VTTO rov nddovSt aXX d)s dv 6 Xoyos rd^rjt ovroi . . . xaXeTTaiveiv. For the (noetic) 'primal Ught' and sabbath allegory see A . Wlosok, op. cit., i 7 4 f 398. For the ubiquity of G o d see Ben Sira, Vol. I, pp. i46ff. There are the beginnings of a concept of the supratemporaUty of God in Ps. 9 0 . 4 1 ; 1 0 2 . 2 7 and in the eschatological prospects of Amos 9 . 1 3 ; Isa.60.19f.; Zech. 1 4 . 7 and the
Chapter
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III
apocalyptic view of the end of the time determined by the stars, which is based on them, cf. Sib.3, 8 1 - 9 0 ; II Enoch 6 5 . 7 , and for Palestine I Enoch 7 2 . 1 and Jub. 50.5. Nevertheless, probably the greatest difference between Palestinian thought and Jewish Alexandrianism lay in the transformation of the view of time; on this cf. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology 2 , 99ff. and T . Roman, Hebrew Thought compared with Greek, i960, 129S. T h e predominantly cosmological and psychological thinking made xmderstanding of history retreat xmder the aspect of time experienced as salvation and judgment. 399. Against W . L . Knox, St Paul, 62 n . 2 . 400. Cf. E x o d . 3 1 . 1 2 - 1 7 ; on this see N . Walter, op. cit., i 7 o f , cf. R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 48off., and G . von Rad, op. cit., i , 1 4 8 . 4 0 1 . Jub. 1 . 1 0 , 1 4 ; 2.iff., i8ff., 3 i f f . ; c f 50.6ff. T h e reckoning of jubilees is a transference of the high estimation of the seven-day pattern to the chronology of world history in general, cf. 1 . 2 6 , 2 9 ; 5 0 . 1 - 5 . For the heavenly celebration of the rest of the feasts see 6.i8ff.; the feasts of weeks, tabernacles and passover were entered on tables in heaven, 1 6 . 2 9 ; 49.8. For the Essene solar year, see below, nn. 8 1 3 / 4 . A regular sympathy between cosmic order and human life was also known in Palestine, especially in Essenism. C f also S. Aalen, op. cit., 1528?. 402. I Enoch 9 3 . 9 f , c f 9 1 . 1 6 from the same apocalypse and Isa.30. 26b, and the explanatory gloss. 403. T h e number seven appears fourteen times in the fragment of nine lines; see J. Strugnell, SVT j , i960, 3 2 2 = 4 Q SI 39 1 , 1 . 1 7 - 2 6 : for further examples of the 'heavenly' significance of the number seven see op. cit., 328f.; cf. also H . Bietenhard, Die himmlische Welt im Urchristentum und Spdtjudentum, 1 9 5 1 , see index under 'Sieben'. 404. See above, n.388 and below n.424. For the Rabbinic conception of primal Ught see K . Schuheit, Judaica 9,1953,73f.; S. Aalen, Licht und Finstemis, 1 9 5 1 , 262S.; H . J. Schoeps, Urgemeinde, jfudenchristentum. Gnosis, 1 9 5 6 , 46ff., and Billerbeck 4 , 9 6 o f f . For the apocalyptic identification of Ught and wisdom see Syr.Bar. 5 4 . 1 3 and S. Aalen, op. cit., i 7 5 f f . T h e conception is probably dependent on the idea of the perfect light of the divine revelation which was widespread in Qxmuran, see O . Betz, Offenbarung und Schriftforschung, i960, 1 1 1 - 4 . Passages like Ps. 3 6 . 1 0 probably stand in the backgroimd. Cf. also the designation of David as 'wise man and Ught Uke the Ught of the sun', DJDJ I V , 92 = col. 2 7 . 2 ( I I QPs» DavComp). 405. For the limitation of the sabbath day, by which the whole earth is blessed, to Israel, see J u b . 2 . 3 i f ; c f later Sanh.58b = BiU.i, 3 6 2 ; Simeon b. LaqiS about AD 2 5 0 : ' I f a non-Jew celebrates the sabbath, he deserves death', and on it M . Hengel, op. cit., 204. 406. A . Schlatter, GP, 407. 407. O n this see R. Meyer, Tradition und Neuschopfung im antiken Judentum, BAL
n o , 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 44ff., cf. Antt. 1 3 , i 7 i f .
O n this see R. H . Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times, 4 i 7 f f . : for Sirach 2 4 and B a r . 3 . 9 - 4 . 4 see op. cit., 4 1 8 , and O. C . Whitehouse in Charles, Apocrypha I, 5 7 0 f 409. Bar.3.23, 3 8 ; see on this U . Wilckens, Weisheit und Torheit, 1 9 5 9 , i 6 7 f f . 4 1 0 . M . Hengel, op. cit., 2 1 0 , 204 n . 4 : Sanh.sga par. S.Deut.33, 4 § 345. 408.
180-100 B C ;
Notes
III
4 1 1 . R. Meyer, op. cit., 42, 44; for the ideal of purity see 22f. 412. Op. cit., 23ff.; cf. also 43ff. 413. Cf. also the Zealots, Bell. 5,458f., and on them M . Hengel, op. cit., 312, and Michel/Bauernfeind, Fl. Josephus, De Bello Judaico II, i , 269 n. 185; Bell.5, 2i2f., zijS.; Antt.3, i22fF., i79ff., and above all 8, 107. Also Philo, Plant. 126; Somn. I, 149J 2, 248 etc. I Kings 8.27 and Isa. 66. iff. probably Ue in the back ground. For Greek parallels, above aU from Stoicism, see E . Norden, Agnostos Theos, 1912,22 (Panaitios); H . Wenschkewitz, Angelos 4,1932,87f.; G . Schrenk, TDNT 3, 238 (Posidonius, Seneca); oriental paraUels are in G . Bostrom, Proverbiastudien, 1935, 8f. Jewish-Rabbinic examples in J. Weill, in T . Reinach, Flavius Josephus i , 184 n.3 on Antt.3, 180. Also Targ. Isa.40.22 and 66.iff., cf. Ber. 8a: the temple of G o d is where the halacha is learnt. This is a typical view, in which Orient and HeUenism meet. 414. R. Meyer, op. cit., 84: the suppression 'of mystic tendencies . . . in favoiu: of a nomistic rationahsm'. For what follows see also H. F. Weiss, op. cit., 283-300. 415. C f e.g. Ex.R. 15, 22: there were three primal elements before creation: water, fire and the rilah: 'the rilah became pregnant and bore hokmd'. Here we have an expUcit 'gnostic terminology'. According to Rab (begiiming of the third century AD), the world was created by ten spiritual principles, headed by hokmd. R. Abin (about AD 300) saw the Torah as the (incomplete) 'counterpart' of 'higher wisdom': Gen.R. 17, 3 and 44, 17, see H. F. Weiss, op. cit., 289f., and L . Baeck, Aus dreijahrtausenden, 1950, 153 n. i . There was probably fear of the invasion of gnostic thought through the expansion of such speculations, and therefore they were restrained by a prohibition, see BiU. i , 977f. and 2, 307; M. Hag. 2, I and T. Hag. 2, i, 7 (U.233f); duaUstic suggestions were above all strictly condenmed: see O. Betz, in Abraham unser Vater, Festschrift fiir O. Michel, 1963,4if., and H . F. Weiss, op. cit., 79-86; for polemic against duaUsm see 324flf. 416. See S.Deut.II, 10 § 37, BiU.3, 256: the Torah is loved by G o d more than aU things (Vsa na''an), for according to Prov. 8.22f it is created before aU; cf. also S.Deut.32, 6 § 309; 3 1 , 14 § 317 and Pe5.54a Bar.: the seven things created before the creation of the world, headed by the Torah; scriptural proof follows through Prov. 8.22; c f BiU. 2, 353f and 4, 435f, and G . F. Moore, op. cit., I , 266. 417. H . F. Weiss, op. cit., 289. 418. BiU.2, 355f.; Sanh.ioia Bar.; cf. further Ex.R.30, 5; 33, i ; Lev.R.20, 10; Deut.R.S, 7; Cant.R.S, 11 § 2. For wisdom as the daughter of G o d in Philo see De fug. et inv. 56 (M 533), further in Leisegang, PW, 2.R. 3,1033, and for the Logos as son of God, PW 13,1074f.; cf. also K . Schahen, Judaica 9,1953, 76. 419. 'Ab.3, 14, c f R. Eleazar b. Zadok, c. AD IOO, according to S.Deut. 11, 22 4 48. 420. Gen.R. I, i and on it BiU. 2, 356f., where there are wider paraUels. According to Tanch. B. B'resit § 5 fol. 2b (Bill. 3, 257), the tradition akeady comes from R. Jehuda b. 'Il'ai, about 150. Cf. Moore, op. cit., i , 266S.; K . Schubert, op. cit., 72, and O. Betz, op. cit., 37; L . Baeck, op. cit., i62fF., and H . F. Weiss, op. cit., 294-300. T h e same conjunction of Gen. i . i and Prov. 8.22
Chapter
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III
appears in Targ. Jer. I on Gen. i . i where 'in the beginning G o d created' is interpreted as 'through wisdom G o d created' C'' K"12 KOSINA). In the newly discovered Targum Neofiti I, Gen. i . i soxmds even more archaic, see A. Diez Macho, svT-j, 1 9 5 9 , 2 3 2 : M N N K i a a K - 1 2 XASINA P M P B A , cf. H . F . Weiss, op. cit., I97f. For the connection of Prov. 8.22 with the Torah see Moore, op. cit., 3 , 82 N . 32:'References . . . could be multiplied almost indefinitely'. Presum ably the conception of the mediation of wisdom (Torah) at creation ultimately hes behind statements like I Cor. 8.6; Heb. 1 . 2 , 10, where Christ takes the place of wisdom. 4 2 1 . Moore, op. cit., i , 2 6 7 : cf. Philo, Op. mundi 1 5 - 2 5 ( M 4), cf. Plato, rj>n.27dff.; cf. also W. L . K n o x , 'Pharisaism and Hellenism', in Judaism and Christianity 2 , 1 9 3 7 , 75ff., and H . F . Weiss, op. cit., 2 8 4 , who points to the Platonic 'original - image speculations' and to Tim.zSa 5ff. Cf. L . Wachter, ZRGG
14, 1962, 36-56.
K . Schubert, op. cit., 74ff., c f Die Religionen des nachbiblischenjudentums, iSflF. According to Op. mundi 20 and 2 4 / 5 , the spirimal original of this world has its place in the reason (XSyos) of God. 423. Seej.Hag jjd 11.35ff. on the foxmdation of a school in Alexandria by Jehuda b. Tabai, who had fled there, at the beginning of the first century BC, par. Sank. 1 0 7 b ; similar remarks are made of Joshua b. Perahya, Sota 4 7 a ; cf. also the colophon to Greek Esther and the Sirach prologue, see V o l . 1 , pp. loiff. Further indications in H . F. Weiss, Klio 4 3 - 4 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 2 2 f 424. On this see S. Aalen, Die Begriffe Licht und Finstemis, 1 9 5 1 , i83ff., and Bill. 2, 3 5 7 . T h e conception already occurs in Sir. 45.7 and Bar. 4 . 2 , and in the apocalyptic literature at I V Ezra i 4 . 2 o f ; Syr.Bar.59.2, etc., e.g. Test.Levi 1 4 . 4 ; 1 9 . 1 ; S.Num. 6, 2 5 § 4 1 on the basis of Prov. 6 . 2 3 : ' A Ught (ner) is the command ment and instructions (tora) is a Ught'. W e also find it in Alexandria, see Wisd. 1 8 . 4 : for Israel's sake, God has 'given the unfading Ught of the law to the world'. See also Mek.Ex. 1 9 , i (L. 2 , 220): ' T h e Torah is fire, was given out of the fire, and is comparable with fire'. Further in H . F . Weiss, Kosmologie, 87, on the conjunction of the Ught of creation and the Torah, Gen.R. 3, i and 3 , 5 and the speculations of Rabbi about the seven books of the Torah, S.Deut. 10, 3 5 § 87. All this recalls Aristobulus and Philo. 422.
i955j
4 2 5 . Thus already in the wisdom hymn Bar. 4.1 (see V o l . 1 , p. 1 7 0 ) ; cf. also I Enoch 9 9 . 2 ; I V Ezra 9 . 3 7 ; Syr.Bar.48.47; 7 7 . 1 5 ; Josephus, c.Ap.z, 2 7 7 : dBdvams Sia^itVei; Philo, Vit.Mos.2,14 ( M 2 , 1 3 6 ) . Numcrous Rabbinic instances in Bill., I , 245ff. and 4, iff. True, it was said that in the world to come the prophets and hagiographers and even certain commandments and prohibitions would become immaterial, but this would at most change the forms of expoxmding the Torah; that would itself remain vaUd as a pre-existent commimication of God's self In some places the view persisted that G o d himself (cf. Isa.51.4) or the Messiah would expoimd it in a new perfect way. On this see also H . J. Schoeps, Paul, 1 9 6 1 , I 7 2 f f . ; W. D . Davies, Torah in the Messianic Age, J B L Monograph Series 7, 1 9 5 2 , 5off., 856?. People could perhaps taUs of certain alterations in the form of the Torah, as the structure of this world would be changed in the new aeon. True, there were some beginnings towards the doctrine of a 'new Torah' in the messianic age, but this view was never clearly expressed,
Notes
113
still less generally recognized. See op. cit., Ssf. For the Torah as the 'ordinance of the created' in pre-rabbinic Judaism see M . Limbeck, Die Ordnung des Heils, 1971.
426. See Pea i , la, c f also Bill, i , 9 6 1 . 4 2 7 . With reference to Prov. 4.2, hinted at by R. Akiba in 'Ah. 3 , 1 4 . 'Ah. 6, 3 , 'But there is nothing good outside the Torah', cites the same passage. See also S. Deut. I I , 1 7 § 43. Further in Bill, i , 809 and 3 , 238. 428. Cf. Sanh.gga and the Alishnah Sanh. 10, i that goes with it; see also S.Deut. I , 65 and R. Akiba, S.Deut. 1 4 , 7 § 102, and the discussions in S.Num. 1 5 , 3 1 § 1 1 2 . Bill.4, 4 3 5 - 5 I 3 gives an abundance of instances; the Pentateuch comes directly from G o d and was either taught directly to Moses or dictated or given to him to copy. There is 'inspiration' in the strict sense only among the 'prophets' and 'writings', c f 3 , 238 on R o m . 7 . 1 4 . Ps.Arist. 1 7 7 , 3 1 3 also knows of a direct divine origin for the law; similarly Josephus, c.Ap.i, 3 7 ; on Essenism see O. Betz, Offeriharung und Schriftforschung, i 9 6 0 , 6ff., I4ff. 429. K . SchvAicn, Judaica 9, 1 9 5 3 , 7 8 . For the significance of the individual conunandments see D . Rossler, Gesetz und Geschichte, ^1962, i 6 f , and Bill, i , 9 0 o f ; 4 , 438f.; c f , however, the corrections by H. F. Weiss, op. cit., 2 8 7 f 430. E. Kasemann, New Testament Questions of Today, 1969, 5 6 . 4 3 1 . Eruh. 13a Bar. according to Bill.4, I30- C f 'Ah.6, 3 . 432. Shah. 88a par. A Z 3a, 5a, see H . F. Weiss, op. cit., 2 8 5 . 433. Gen.R. i, 4. For the whole question see H . F. Weiss, loc. cit., par., n . 2 , c f Ass.Mos.i, 1 2 and above, n . I I I , 248. 434. For the permanence of each individual letter and each word of the Torah see Bill, i , 244f., 247ff. For the hedge rotmd the Torah see already the 'men of the great synagogue', 'Ah.i, i and later Akiba, 'Ah. 3, 13b. Further in Bill.4, 439ff- and i , 69iff. C f Chrysippus, S V F 2 , 3 8 : logic as a wall rotmd the garden of ethics. 4 3 5 . Ps.Aristeas already requires that the text of the Torah shall be trans mitted as accurately as possible, see 3off., i 7 6 f f . , and on them A . Pelletier, Lettre d'Aristie, 1 9 6 2 , i I9f Similarly Josephus, c.Ap. i , 2 9 ; c f G . Maier, RAC 6, i i 9 9 f f . ; J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 75S., and R. P. C. Hanson, Allegory and Event, 1 9 5 9 , i iff. For the rules to be observed by the scribe see Bill. 4, I26ff. S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, 1 9 5 0 , 2 0 - 4 6 , above all points to parallels between the text-critical work of the sop'rim and the Alexandrian philologists. 436. See 'Ah.2, 8b; 2 , 1 6 ; 3 , 2b., 3f, 6 f and the whole of c h . 6 ; Pe'a i, i b etc.; see Moore, op. cit., 2 , 2 3 9 - 4 7 and 3 , i 9 2 f , and Bill.2, 1 8 5 , 2 7 3 ; 4, 488a, etc. T h e question of the relationship between studying the law and doing it is judged in different ways; however, there was a tendency to rate studying higher, as the presupposition for doing the law. 4 3 7 . C f Luke 1 1 . 5 2 ; M a t t . 2 3 . 1 3 and Bill, i , 9 2 3 , and the authority to bind and to loose, which apphes even for heaven itself; i , 736fF., 742fF. Even those learning to be scribes were held in high respect, see K . H . Rengstorf, TDNT 4, 435-
438. For the Rabbinic interpretation of scripture see E. L . Dietrich, RGG^ 5, I5i5ff. (lit.), and F. Maass, ZTK 5 2 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 2 9 - 6 1 . For Alexandrian influence see
114
Chapter
III
G. Alaier, RAC 6, 1 1 9 5 6 ? . ; J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 75S; and R. P. C . Hanson, Allegory and Event, 1 9 5 9 , 1 1 - 3 6 . For dependence on Alexandrian philology see above, n . 4 3 3 and n . H , 180. 439. Bill. I , 246f.; 4, 4 3 9 f . ; 443ff.; 4466?.; there were divergent views on the nature of the revelation of the prophetic and hagiographical writings. 440. Bill.4, 4o6ff., 4 1 iff. T . A Z i, 20 (I.461) is typical: the command to be constantly occupied with the Torah left no time for learning Greek. See also S. Lieberman, Greek injeviish Palestine, 1 9 4 2 , 1 6 , 2 4 , and Hellenism, 1 0 0 - 1 4 ; also R. Meyer, Hellenistisches in der rabbinischer Anthropologic, 1 9 3 7 , 1 3 6 f f . There was obviously also a liberal attitode among the nobiUty, as in the family of the patriarch, see op. cit., 140, and S. Lieberman, Greek, ijff., 20S., cf. above, n. H , 158. We must also distinguish between the widespread knowledge of Greek (see Vol. I, pp.59ff.) and concern with Greek literature. That the higher social strata protested against Rabbinic rigorism is clear, e.g., from the strongly Hellenistic influence on the tombs of prominent Jews in Beth-Shearim, see Goodenough, Jewish Symbols i, 8 9 - 1 0 2 , etc. On the other hand, a comparison of Jewish epitaphs from Leontopohs in Egypt from the turn of the century and Jewish catacomb inscriptions in Rome from the second to fourth centuries AD shows a degree of isolation: see Frey, CIJ 2 , nos. 1 4 5 1 - 6 4 , and i, nos. 1 - 5 2 9 . Still, it is significant that we have no Jewish Greek writings which have not been rescued by being taken over by the church. T h e Graeco-Jewish tradition was radically segregated within Judaism. 4 4 1 . Bill.4, 4 0 5 f and 4 o 8 f : J. Freudenthal, op. cit., 6 7 - 7 4 ; R. Meyer, op. cit., passim; c f also Tradition und Neuschopfung, B A L n o , 2 , 1965, 35f., where he ascribes the adoption of these Hellenistic oriental doctrines to the Pharisaic wise men. Perhaps their beginnings already go back to Hasidic apocalyptic circles; see Vol. I, p p . i 7 8 f . Further material in S. 'Lieheiman, Hellenism, 1 8 0 - 9 3 : ' T h e Natural Science of the Rabbis'. For Jewish magic see below, n . 8 5 1 . T h e elaborate demonology is typical of the abundance of syncretistic influences - in contrast to the restraint of the Old Testament, see Bill. 4, 5 0 1 - 3 5 , and Trachtenberg, op. cit., 2 5 - 7 7 . 442. R o m . 2 . i 4 f . is put from the standpoint of a Diaspora Jew standing in this mission situation: see O . Michel, Der Brief an die Romer, ^^1963, 78ff. For the Rabbis, on the other hand, the six Adamitic and the seven Noachic com mandments were firmly framed miswot, not inner norms, see Bill. 3 , 36ff. There is evidently Hellenistic influence in the view that God taught the Torah to the pre-existent souls on Sinai (Bill, i, 342ff.) or even to the embryo (op. cit., 3 , 90). There is reference here to a kind of anamnesis. For the pre-existence of souls see R. Meyer, Hell., 49ff., 62f.; according to Lev.R.34, 3 , this can already be demonstrated with Hillel. However, for a contrary view see E. Sjoberg, TDNT 6, 3 7 9 : second century AD. 4 4 3 . Pesiq.ioia, see Bill.i, 9 o i e , c f Makk.z^h, Bar. Eruh 5 3 b , Bill.2, 6 8 7 ; 3 , 4 4 8 and ' A R N 1 6 , Bill. 4 , 4 7 2 b . T h e Torah must therefore be treated primarily as a imity, see A. Nissen, NovTest 9 , 1 9 6 7 , 2 5 3 f f . and M . Limbeck (above n. 4 2 5 ) , passim. 444. C f also c.Ap.2, i68ff., where Josephus describes the dependence of Greek philosophy from Pythagoras to the Stoics on the teaching of Moses. T h e
Notes
115
only difference between Moses and the philosophers is, according to him, that they addressed themselves to very few people, whereas Moses was the law giver of a whole people, because in him word and action were completely in accord. Here the Pharisaic progranune of the reaUzation of the law in everyday hfe and the education of the people in the Law exerts its influence. For Pharisaism and the Stoa see also J. Bergmann, in Judaica, Festschrift H. Cohen, 1 9 1 2 , 1 4 5 - 6 6 , and A . Kaminka, REJ 82, 1 9 2 6 , 2 3 3 - 5 2 . Paul, too, hardly received the Stoic features in his teaching through direct contact with Stoic philosophers in Tarsus, thus M . Pohlenz, ZNW 6 2 , 1949, 6 9 , but from the teaching of the Greek-speaking synagogue. 4 4 5 . J. Baer, Zion 2 3 / 2 4 , 1 9 5 8 / 5 9 , 2 2 f . ; cf. also L . Baeck, Aus dreijahrtausen den, 1 9 5 8 , i52ff., see Gen.R. 17, 5 and 44, 1 7 , and eiVtuv in Talmudic hterature. 446. J. Baer, op. cit., 1 4 1 - 6 0 . English summary H / H L 447. See inter aha Lam.R., introduction H : Balaam and Oenomaus (of Gadara, see above, n . H , 187) are the greatest 'philosophers'. Controversies with 'philosophers' were reported particularly of R. Gamahel H , who was himself open towards Greek culture (see above, n . H , 1 5 8 ) : see A Z 3 . 4 ; b. A Z 5 4 b ; further in Bacher, op. cit., i , 76ff.; Gen.R.i, 9 ; c f also Gen.R.ii, 6i.; 2 0 , 4 f ; T . A Z 6.7 (I.469); T.Sebu 3.6 (11.449f.) and the survey in S. Krauss, Lehnwdrter i , 446f. T h e designation 'Epicurean' akeady appears in the Mishnah, Sanh. 1 0 , i b and 'Ab.z, 1 4 a , and probably means Jewish 'liberahsm'; on this see A . M a r m o r s t e i n , i ? £ J 5 4 , 1 9 0 7 , i 8 i - 9 3 ; c f S. Krauss,op, cit.,2, i 0 7 f ; W. L . Knox in Judaism and Christianity 2 , 7 4 , and E. Bi(c)kerman(n), RB 5 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 4 7 n.4. T h e term may stem from the controversy between Sadducees and Pharisees in the first century AD. C f also Josephus, Antt.10, 277^ and Acts 1 7 . 1 8 . 448. R. Meyer, Hell., 1 5 - 1 3 3 passim; W. L . Knox, op. cit., 76ff.; see also J. Baer, Zion 2 3 / 2 4 , 1 9 5 8 , 3 - 3 4 ; 1 4 1 - 6 5 . 4 4 9 . For the imiversaUty of the law as the future 'world law' see Sib. 3 , 7 5 7 f . , cf. 7 7 2 ; see also the Jews as bringers of salvation, R o m . 2 . i 7 f f . ; Sib. 3, I94f., 582ff. For the success of the Jewish mission see Philo, Vit.Mos.2, 1 7 - 3 1 ( M 2 , 1 3 ) and Josephus, c.Ap.2, 1 2 3 , 2 8 i f r . ; see also JAooie, Judaism i , 3 2 3 - 5 3 ; F. Hahn, Mission in the New Testament, 1 9 6 5 , 2 i f f . ; Bousset/Gressmann, 8 0 - 8 5 ; for the later period M . Simon, Verus Israel, 1 9 4 6 , 3 1 5 - 5 5 : the attitude of the Rabbis was not imiform (3i8fF.); cf. also the postscript, 1 9 6 4 , 482ff., ht. 450. C f e.g. Hillel, 'Ab. i , 1 2 b , and Sanh.^ia Bar.; his grandson Simeon b. Gamahel and Lev.R.2, 9 on i , 2 , or the conversion of the royal house of Adiabene to Judaism, Antt.20, 1 7 - 9 6 . After AD 7 0 , however, interest in the gaining of proselytes notably faded among the Palestinian teachers, according to Bill. I , 924fif. With Antoninus Pius' edict of toleration c. 1 3 9 / 4 0 A D , proselytism was forbidden in practice, as circumcision was allowed only to Jews, see J. Juster, Juifs i , 254flf. However, the Roman authorities were generous, see M . Simon, op. cit., 325ff. For the dispute whether proselytes would be accepted in the days of the Messiah see BiU. i , 9 2 7 b and 9 2 9 ; and K . G . Kuhn, TDNT 6, 737f
Ut.
See Mek.Ex.20, 2 (L. 2 , 234flf.). T h e Gentiles could not observe the seven Noachic commandments, much less the Torah (236). Further instances in BiU. 3, 38f. Even in the messianic period the subject Gentiles wiU not be taught 451.
Chapter
ii6
III
the Torah by the Messiah, but merely a selection of thirty commandments, see W. D . Davies, op. cit., ydf, following Gen.i?.98.9; however, this is a late special view. T h e Rabbis do not seem to have been specially concerned with the question of the nations and their relationship to the Torah in the messianic period. 452. D . Rossler, Gesetz und Geschichte, H962, 4 2 . True, the apocalyptic traditions were not excluded, but conserved and domesticated. 4 5 3 . C f I Mace. 7 . 1 3 and II Mace. i4.6f.,and later Ps.Sol. 1 6 : amayoryal oaioiv. T h e view of K . D . Schunck, Die Quellen deri.u. 2. Makk., 6 o f , that in I Mace. 2 . 4 2 , Sin. etc. should be followed in reading awaywyri '/ouSaiW is extremely improbable; the same is true of the hypothesis of L . Gulkowitsch, Die Entzoicklung des Begriffs Hasid im A.T., Acta et Comm. Univ. Tartuensis B 3 2 , 4, 1 9 3 4 , 2 9 , that this means the 'whole people fighting for rehgious freedom'. In under standing hasidim to mean only pious Jews in a general sense, M . Schlossinger, JE 6, 2 5 1 , M . Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 1 9 5 5 , 2 7 4 , and J. O. Dell, RQ 3 , 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 2 5 7 , overlook the clear statement in the text. T h e same is true of R. Meyer, TDNT7, 39 n . 2 7 (also in Tradition und Neuschopfung, B A L n o , 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 16), who conjectures 'quite disparate groups of Jews'. Against this rightly O. Ploger, Das Buch Daniel, 1 9 6 5 , 30: 'characterized as a fixed community'. Cf. also K. Schubert, Die Gemeinde vom Toten Meer, 1 9 5 8 , 33flF., and Abel/Starcky, 5 6 - 9 ; W. Grimdmann in UU i, 2 2 0 - 3 4 , and in detail O. H . Steck, Israel und das gewaltsame Geschick, W M A N T 2 3 , 1 9 6 7 , 205flF. 454. O. Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 1968, 7 f ; c f the testament of Mattathias, i Mace. 2.67, and Antt.12, 284. However, it is less probable that they were the authors of the armed rebelUon against the Hellenists, as Tcherikover, HC, i96ff., supposes. 4 5 5 . For the derivation see Schurer 2 , 6 5 5 ; c f R. Meyer, TDNT 7, 39 n. 2 7 , and Tradition, ijf. G. Vermes, RQ 2, 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 4276?., gives a survey of the various attempts at interpretation. However, his own derivation from K''DK, 'healer', is to be rejected. For Philo, Quod omnis 9 1 ( M 2 , 4 5 9 ) ; for the letter from the time of Bar Kochba see D J D I I , 1 9 6 1 , 163 no. 4 5 , 6. D r Riiger points out that the Peshitto often renders hasid with Micah
].l£Q*»; c f Deut. 3 3 . 8 ; I Sam.
2.9;
Ps. 1 6 . 1 0 ; 1 8 . 2 6 ; Prov.2.8. See already S. Wagner, Die Essener, i960, 8 5 - 8 8 , the derivations in the eighteenth century; further Jackson/Lake, The Beginnings of Christianity 1,1920, 87-9; Bousset/Gressmann, 4 5 7 , and Oesterley, Hist.2, 3 i 6 f . Cf. also K . Schubert, op. cit., 36ff. 4 5 7 . C D 1 . 5 - 1 2 (quot. V o l . 1 , pp. I79f.). For the planting see Isa.60.21 and I Enoch 9 3 . 5 , and directly for Qumran i Q S 8 . 5 ; 1 1 . 8 ; i Q H 6 . 1 5 ; 8.6ff. R. H . Charles, Apocrypha 2, 800, ad l o c , points to the Hasidim. For the appointment of the teacher see G. Jeremias, Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit, 1 9 6 3 , 7 i f f . , 7 6 . For the root of the 'planting' see below, n. 7 4 1 ; similarly J. T . Milik, Ten Years of Dis covery, 1 9 5 7 , 58f., and Abel/Starcky, 5 6 - 9 , who see the foxmdation of 'Antioch' in Jerusalem as the cause of the formation; c f also O . Ploger, Theocracy, 116. 7.2;
456.
4 5 8 . I Enoch 8 3 - 9 0 ; c f above all 9 0 . 6 - 1 9 : Michael helps Judas, then comes the end; on this see Charles, op. cit., 2 , i 7 o f , 2 5 7 , and The Book of Enoch, ^ 1 9 5 0 , 54, 59f.; S. B . Frost, Old Testament Apocalyptic, 1 9 5 2 , I73ff.; K . Schubert, BZ
Notes
11J
N F 6j 1 9 6 2 , 192 n.56. T h e visions certainly belong to the Maccabean period; in the time of Hyrcanus I the pious no longer glorified the Maccabees in this w^ay (90j 9fF.). A fragment of the vision was found in Qumran, see J. T . Milik, op. cit., 3 3 , and C . Burchard, Bibliographic 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 333f. Cf. J. T . Mihk, HTR 6 4 , 1 9 7 1 , 358f., 1 6 4 B C . 4 5 9 . I Enoch 9 3 . 1 - 1 0 and 9 1 . 1 2 - 1 7 ; cf. especially 9 3 . 1 0 ; on this R. H . Charles, Apocrypha 2 , 1 7 1 , and Enoch, L I I I , 228fF. A s all references to a persecution are lacking here, it could go back to a time immediately before the reUgious troubles. Rowley's objections, op. cit., 83, do not exclude this possibiUty. 460. For Daniel see O. Ploger, op. cit., lofF., 26, and Daniel, 30; H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion, 1 9 6 6 , 333fF.; M . Noth, History of Israel, 3 7 0 ; L . Finkelstein, The Pharisees, ^ 1 9 6 2 , 1 , i 5 4 f . ; 2, 5 9 2 ; A. Jaubert, La notion d'Alliance, 1 9 6 3 , 7 4 f . ; cf. also E. W . Heaton, Daniel, 1 9 5 6 , 2 4 - however, on pp.2ofF., 42fF., he puts Daniel too near Ben Sira; for criticism see N . W . Porteous, Daniel, 1 9 6 5 , I5f., and D . S. RusseU, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, 1964, 1 6 , 49. For the dating of Daniel see A . Bentzen, op. cit., 8, and E. Bickermann, GM, 1 4 4 : he knows neither the consecration of the temple nor Antiochus I V ' s expedition to the East. T h e terminus ad quem is therefore 165 Bc; the terminus a quo is the end of 1 6 7 , as he presupposes the 'Uttle help' of the Maccabean revolt. For the apocryphal fragments of Daniel from 4 Q see J. T . Mihk, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 411-5.
For I Enoch see R. H . Charles, Enoch, XLIIfF.; D . S. RusseU, op. cit., 5 i f F . ; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, Si-jS., and K . Schubert, B Z N F 6, 1 9 6 2 , 1 9 0 n. 5 3 . With the exception of chs. 8 3 - 9 0 and 9 3 . 1 - 1 0 + 9 1 . 1 2 - 1 7 (see below, nn. 4 6 3 - 4 ) , the following sections are probably pre-Essene and Hasidic: the angelo logical book 1 2 - 3 6 and perhaps parts of an earUer Noah book, cf. 6 - 1 1 ; 5 4 - 5 5 . 2 ; 6 5 - 6 9 . 2 5 ; i o 6 f . , which is presumably presupposed in Jub. 1 0 . 1 3 ; 2 1 . 1 0 and 7.25fF. For the admonitions 9 1 - 1 0 4 see below, n . 6 o o . T h e astronomical book, 7 2 - 8 2 , is certainly Essene, see below n. 806. T h e Similitudes - or the earher Noah interpolations - probably come only from the first half of the first century BC, as 56.5 presupposes the Parthian invasion. Apart from the Simihmdes, aU the parts of I Enoch are attested at Qumran in Cave i Q (Noah) and 4 Q , see C . Burchard, op. cit., 2 , 333f. According to P. Grelot, RSR 4 6 , 1 9 5 8 , i8f., J u b . 4 . 1 7 - 2 2 pre supposes all the parts of I Enoch except the SimiUmdes. As the Book of Jubilees is itself in turn named in the Damascus document, which was probably written in the first half of the first century BC ( i 6 . 3 f . ) , and appears nine times in the Qumran fragments (see Burchard, op. cit., 2 , 3 3 3 , and O . Eissfeldt, op. cit., 608), it is probably of Essene origin; we may foUow M Tesmz in putting it at the end of the second century B C , Les idees religieuses, i 9 6 0 , 3 3 , 3 9 . The pre-Essene dating of Jubilees by A . Jaubert, op. cit., 86fF., and O. H . Steck, op. cit., I58f., is unconvincing because of 2 3 . 1 6 - 2 6 , which indicates further development in the late Maccabean period (see V o l . 1 , p. 226). O n the other hand, the kindred Genesis Apocryphon seems older, perhaps even pre-Maccabean, because of its less rigorous and more generous attimde. For further similar fragments from Qumran see O . Eissfeldt, op. cit., 66iif. T h e borderline between Essene and Hasidic tradition is often difficult to determine, as one runs into the other. For a thorough s w d y of I Enoch, see now J. T . MiKk (above, n . 4 5 8 ) , 3 3 3 - 7 8 .
Chapter
ii8
III
4 6 1 . For the connection between Hasidim and Pharisees see above all R. Meyer, Tradition, i8ff.; cf. W . Grundmann, UU 1, 269. 462. O. Ploger, op. cit., 2 3 f , 26fr., 4 4 - 5 2 . However, the opposition to the cultic ideal of 'theocracy' is drawn too sharply, see the criticism of R. Tovunay, RB 68, 1 9 6 1 , 444f.; probably the conflict only became really acute with the Hellenization of the priestly aristocracy from the second half of the third century on. L . Finkelstein, op. cit., see Index 2 , 9 8 0 , takes the Hasidim well back into the post-exiUc period, c f also the preface to the third edition, LXVff. T h e term 'Hasidean' calls for a differentiation, as is shown by the distinction between 'early Hasideans', CXflf., and ' N e w Hasidim', 2, 5 9 3 , which is not explained further; in addition, too little notice is taken of the apocalyptic and Essene Uterature, and the sociological backgroimd is over-emphasized. Finally, there is hardly a difference between the pious of the early period and the later Pharisaic party, see already the reviews by R. Meyer, OLZ 4 4 , 1 9 4 1 , yoff., and P. Winter, •RQ 4 , 1 9 6 3 / 4 , 592ff. On the other hand, we must acknowledge that Finkelstein is right in arguing that the development of apocalyptic and the halacha must not be derived from any fundamental opposition (XLIXf.). T h e best example is provided by Jub. (and Test.Levi), which is closely related to the Enoch cycle; but Finkelstein, Cliff, and 2 , 6 4 i f f . , puts it too early. One could also point to the halacha in C D and the fragment of an Essene halacha pubhshed by J. M . Allegro, 6, 1 9 6 1 , 7 1 - 7 3 , whereas on the other hand a number of apocalyptic speculations can be seen among the Pharisees; see V o l . 1 , pp.353f. and the abundance of evidence in M . Zobel, Gottes Gesalbter, 1 9 3 8 ; for the problem see J. Klausner, The Messianic Idea, 1 9 5 5 , 3 9 i f f . , cf. W . G. Kiimmel, Heilsgeschehen und Geschichte, 1 9 6 5 , 4 5 0 . T h e fundamental opposition between the 'apocalyptic' and the Pharisaic conception of the law stressed by S. B. Frost, op. cit., I25f., does not exist in this way. T h e Hasidim and later the Essenes differed from the Pharisees precisely in their more rigorous halacha which could be achieved only by segregation, or in common Ufe. T h e form, and not the content of the so-called 'apocalypses', is the reason why they contain no halacha. Cf. now A . Nissen, NovTest 9, 1 9 6 7 , 26ofr.
O. Ploger, Theocracy, 44ff. (quotation 4 5 ) . 464. For the rejection of the possibiUty of 'Maccabean' psahns see P. R. Ackroyd, VT 3, 1 9 5 3 , I 3 i f ; H . J. Kraus, Psalmen 1, i 9 6 0 , X V I I , 5 5 o f , and 2, 966, and O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 447?. In Ps. 1 4 9 , where the 'pious' are mentioned several times, see w . i , 5, 9 ; as this psalm already appears to be late because of its position in the psalter, one might perhaps assume that it arose in 'pre-Hasidic' circles in the third century BC. 4 6 5 . DJDJ I V , 64ff., I I QPs« 1 5 4 . C f D . Luhrmann,Z^ir 80, 1 9 6 8 , 8 7 - 9 8 . 466. Here n"']"lt Tli should probably be read as a Hebrew equivalent to the Syriac text ].pQJ> )r*] ^ see M . Noth, ZAW 4 8 , 1 9 3 0 , 6 ; Ps. 2.34. Whereas in the new scroU it appears as a psalm of David, it is ascribed to Hezekiah in the Syriac version. 467. J. A . Sanders, DJDJ I V , 7 0 . 468. Op. cit., 7 7 col. 1 9 , 7 , 1 3 ; 86 col. 2 2 , 3 , 6 ; for the vision see 8 7 col. 2 2 , 1 3 f ; c f 22.5. 469. Op. cit., 86 col. 2 2 , 2 - 6 ; 7 7 col. 1 9 , 1 3 - 1 6 . 'Satan' is here to be under463.
Notes
119
stood not in a cosmic dualistic sense but as in I Chron. 21.1, see also below, n. 541. For the whole, cf. D . Flusser, lEJ 16, 1966, 194-205, who indicates the parallel in the Aramaic prayer of Levi, J. T . Milik, RB 6 2 , 1955, 400, col. I, 17, and later Jewish prayers. Ps. 119.133b could represent a preliminary stage. 4 7 0 . Cf. S i r . 4 6 . 1 , 1 3 ; 48.Iff.; 4 8 . 2 2 ; 4 9 . 7 f ; c f also the similar statements about the judges in 4 6 . 1 2 and the twelve minor prophets in 49.10b: see also V o l . 1 , pp. I36f. T h e formation of the prophetic canon could have been com pleted by conservative nationahst circles at the time of Simon the Just, cf. O . Ploger, op. cit., 24f., say about 200 BC. 4 7 1 . See already I Macc.7.i2ff.; for the breach between Maccabees and Essenes see V o l . 1 , pp. 2246?. T h e Pharisees were the last to break with the new dynasty, see V o l . 1 , pp.227f. 4 7 2 . C f I Mace. 2 . 4 2 : w a s o iKovaialojievos ria voiua. For the 'men of action' see Sukk. 5 . 4 ; c f S. Safrai, J J S 1 6 , 1 9 6 5 , 1 5 , and K . Schubert, op. cit., 3 3 . T h e term could significantiy also mean the 'miracle worker', see Sota 9, 1 5 m ; c f also n. 885 below. 4 7 3 . I Mace. 2 . 2 9 - 3 8 ; see on this O. Ploger, op. cit., 8, and L . Finkelstein, op. cit., I, 1 5 6 : for the Hasidim, self defence on the sabbath was 'a moral revolution'. Fiuther in M . Hengel, op. cit., 293f. 4 7 4 . I Macc.7.i2ff. T h e imderestimation of the Maccabean revolt in Dan. 1 1 . 3 4 a also goes in this direction, c f 2 . 3 4 , 4 5 ; 8.25c and on it A . Bentzen, op. cit., 87: the author 'builds on Isa.10.5ff.'. T h e efficacy of the wise man as a teacher of the people is more essential: 1 1 . 3 3 ; 1 2 . 3 . On this A . Bentzen, op. cit., 8 3 , and M . Noth, History of Israel, 3 7 0 ; cf. also the role of the awayar/i] ypaimwriiov, I Mace. 7 . 1 2 , which are to be distinguished from the 'Hasidim', see O. Ploger, op. cit., 8, though they stand very near to them. 4 7 5 . C f J u b . 5 0 . 1 2 f ; I Q M 2 . 8 f and the qualifications in C D 1 0 . I4ff. For the early Hasidim D''3E>N"in D''T'Dn in the Rabbinic tradition see S. Safrai, J J S 1 6 , 1 9 6 5 , 1 5 - 3 3 , though he puts their beginning too late (zof). According to the Rabbinic tradition, they had a halacha of their own which among other things prohibited the killing of scorpions and snakes on the sabbath and thinking of work on the sabbath (Shab. 121b and 150b). T h e y Umited marital intercourse to Wednesday, in order to avoid a birth on the sabbath if possible (Nidda 38a/b Bar.). According to Essene teaching, Wednesday was the day of the creation of the stars and thus of time. A further characteristic feature - corresponding to their tendencies - seems to have been their altruistic 'philanthropy', see S. Safrai, op. cit., 22ff. Hasidic rigorism continued to exercise its influence for a long time in Pharisaism, but it aroused the protests and mockery of the later Rabbis. 4 7 6 . C f Jud. 1 0 . 5 ; 12.Iff.; and T o b . i . i o .
4 7 7 . Dan. 6. i i f , and for the Rabbinic evidence about the extreme devotion of the Hasidim at prayer, Ber. 5, i and 32b, see S. Safrai, op. cit., 2 5 , and W . Grundmann, UU i , 220, 2 2 2 ; cf. also Bill. I, 405k; however, they come from a much later time. 478. By and large the unity of the work predominates, see O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 5 1 8 , a n d Z ^ I F 7 2 , i 9 6 0 , 1 4 3 ; also O. Ploger, Theocracy, 1 6 , and Daniel, 25S.
4 7 9 . C f O. Ploger, Theocracy, 26S., 49S. This relative openness to the world
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even among circles faithful to the law is typical for the pre-Maccabean situation. The same is also true for Ben Sira. T h e counterpart to this is the post-Maccabean, Essene book of Jubilees. D . S. Russell, op. cit., igS., derives these ahen influences from people who returned from the Diaspora and were actively involved in rehgion. 480. C f O. Ploger, op. cit., 8 f : the difference between the groupings among the pious which soon developed. T h e conventicles of Jewish 'pious' who were not estabhshed as parties are probably very significant for later Palestinian Judaism. Groups like this could have produced writings which have not been found in Qumran, like the Simihtudes of Enoch (chs. 3 7 - 7 1 ) , the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs apart from Levi and Naphtali (see Burchard, op. cit., I , 3 3 4 f ) , the Assumptio Mosis and perhaps even the Ascension of Isaiah. W e might consider whether they did not later produce men Uke John the Baptist and Bannus, Josephus, Vita 11; cf. W . Grundmann, UU i , 2 2 8 f 4 8 1 . C D 1 . 5 - 1 1 . For the Hasidim as a penitential movement see W . Grundmarm, UU i , 220. For the time of their foundation see H. Stegemaim, Die Enstehung der Qumrangemeinde, Diss. Borm 1 9 7 1 , 242S.: c. 1 7 2 / 1 BC. 4 8 1 . I Enoch 9 0 . 6 ; cf. also D a n . 9 . 2 4 ; 1 1 . 3 3 - 3 5 . Jub. i.22fF. and 2 3 . 2 6 speaks similarly of eschatological repentance in Israel; cf. also I I Mace. I2.42f.; 1 3 . 1 2 , which are also permeated by hasidic piety. 482. Ed. M . Baillet, RB 68, 1 9 6 1 , 1 9 5 - 2 5 0 ; c f esp. cols.5 and 6, pp.207fF. and 224f. Col. 5 has contacts above all with Dan. 9.7 and 1 6 . T h e editor sees in the limrgy 'une reUque de la piete assideerme' ( 2 5 0 ) ; he is followed by K . G . Kuhn, RQ 4, 1 9 6 3 / 6 4 , i 6 8 f On this c f O. H . Steck, Israel, i i 3 f F . ; 208 etc., who also counts Bar. i.i5fF. and the prayer of Azariah among the Hasidic penitential prayers. 484. For Enoch as a preacher of repentance see H . L . Jansen, Die Henochgestalt, 1 9 3 9 , 1 2 , 6ofF.; for Qumran see K . G . Kuhn, Konkordanz, 2i-]f.; espe cially the verb in the Qal as a participle; see also 2 3 7 n2Wn and the addenda, RQ
4,1963/64,
229.
G . Jeremias, op. cit., i58fF.; the 390 years come from Ezek. 4 . 5 ; they are to be understood as an apocalyptic number and should not be evaluated chrono logically. See H . H . Rowley, in Melanges Bibliques Andre Robert, 1 9 5 7 , 3 4 1 - 5 3 . 486. Dan. 9.24; i.e. the whole period from the begiiming of the exile is a time of judgment which now comes to an end with the time of persecution, c f O . Ploger, Daniel, 140. 4 8 7 . I Enoch 8 9 . 7 3 ; c f 90.28. Probably a generaUzation of Mai. 1 . 7 . 488. I Enoch 93.9. On this see R. H . Charles, Enoch, 2 3 1 : 'the period from the Captivity to the time of the author. It is an apostate period.' 489. Sir. 4 9 . 4 ; 5 0 . 1 - 2 1 . O. Ploger rightly points out that there is not even any eschatological interpretation of the present tribulation in I Mace. 9.27, see Theocracy, ijf. 490. Dan. 1 1 . 3 3 , 3 5 , 1 2 . 3 , 1 0 . In Daniel the maikilim is a fixed term for a group which proved itself as teachers and martyrs in the persecution. They will be identical with the Hasidic 'eUte', c f O. Ploger, Theocracy, 1 7 , and Daniel, 1 6 5 . The term Hved on in Qumran as a technical term for the 'instructors' in the community, see K . G . Kuhn, Konkordanz, 134. 485.
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491. It probably comes from the late Persian period or the time of Alexander; for it as the earhest apocalypse see S. B . Frost, op. cit., 143. T h e question of the unity and dating of the whole work and its individual parts are, however, disputed, see Fohrer, Introduction, 36gf.; Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 324S. T h e period of peace diuing Ptolemaic rule can hardly come into account; the time of the fourth and fifth Syrian wars imder Antiochus III is probably too late, as Sir.48.24f already presupposes Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah, i.e. the whole of the work bearing Isaiah's name. J. Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse Jes. 24-27, 1938, 63fr., with the agreement of W . Baumgarmer, TR 1 1 , 1939, 225, wants to see the resurrection (26.15-19) as an addition from about 145 BC, as the general resurrection is later than the quaUfied form of Dan. 1 2 . 1 . But the Isaiah scroll of I Q makes this improbable. T h e possibiUty of an earUer insertion, say about the beginning of the second century, is on the other hand not completely impossible (but see n. 5 7 1 below). In any case, the apocalypse is fully developed for the first time in Daniel and I Enoch, see H . Ringgren, RGG^ 1 , 464, and Israelite Religion, 3 3 2 f ; W . Baumgarmer, RGG^ 2, 29^; H. H. Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic, ^1947, 1 6 .
492. For the development of prophetic eschatology before the rise of apocalyptic see G . Fohrer, TLZ 85, i 9 6 0 , 4 0 1 - 2 0 . 4 9 3 . Especially on Daniel see A . Bentzen, Daniel, ^1959, 2 9 ; M . Noth, The Laws in the Old Testament, 1 9 6 6 , i94fF.; K . Koch, HZ 1 9 3 , 1 9 6 1 , 7 f f . ; for apocalyptic in general see D . Rossler, Gesetz und Geschichte, ^1962, 55ff., for 'salvation as the goal of history', 6off. There is criticism of Rossler in M . Limbeck (above, n . 4 2 5 ) , 63ff. etc. 494. K . Koch, op. cit., 7 : the 'multipUcity of modes of approximation'. 495. For the ambiguity of the term 'oriental' and the possibiUty of mis understanding it see C. Colpe, Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule, 1 9 6 1 , 28ff. 496. This appUes e.g. to A . von Gall, op. cit., 8 3 - 1 6 2 ; Bousset/Gressmann, 502flF., and above all E. Meyer, UAC 2, 5 i f f . , and 5 8 - 1 2 0 , who want to argue almost exclusively for Iranian influences and (55f.) in contrast to Bousset/ Gressmann - wrongly - reject any influence from Babylonian astrology and reUgion. T h e historical problem cannot be solved by one-sided derivations. See the critical remarks of Bo Reicke, RGG^ 3, SSiff.; T . F. Glasson, Greek Influence in Jewish Eschatology, 1 9 6 1 , passim, and the Iranist J. Duchesne-GuiUemin, Ormazd et Ahriman, 1 9 6 3 , 7 1 - 8 4 : 'En somme, dans revolution du judaisme postexiUque, I'influence iranienne surement etabUe parait moindre que celle de I'heUenisme.' (83) See also his critical comparison in The Western Response to Zoroaster, 1958, 56ff., and La Religion de I'Iran Ancien, 1962, 2 5 7 - 6 4 . C f H. D . Betz, ZTK 6 3 , 1 9 6 6 , 3 9 1 - 4 0 9 . 4 9 7 . W . W . Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, ^ 1 9 5 1 , and E. Meyer, Blilte und Niedergang des Hellenismus in Asien, 1 9 2 5 , passim. A . Falkenstein, Topographic von Uruk I, Uruk in der Seleukidenzeit, 1 9 4 1 , 2ff., 5f., 7f. Although the old forms were preserved, an 'extraordinary breakthrough' took place here, 'caused by a penetrating religious transformation'. For the mingling of themes in the Hellenistic period see F . Cumont, RHR 104, 1 9 3 1 , 9 3 , on the Iranian Magusians in Northern Syria and Asia Minor: ' C e systeme est ne de la combinaison de vieilles traditions mazdeennes avec I'astrologie babyloniennne, et
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quand rhell^nisme eut conquis I'orientj la doctrine chaldeo-persique s'adapta a la cosmologie stoicienne.' 498. A . Bentzen, op. cit., 2 7 , cf. W. Baumgartner, op. cit., 2 1 3 ; K . Koch, op. cit., 9. 499. J. Festugiere, Revelation I , 92fF., 1 4 1 ( = C C A G 6, 1 9 0 3 , 83). Plato aheady speaks in Tim.32c of TOV KOOHOV oujia composed of four parts. For Iranian examples see A . Goetz, Zeitschrift fUr Indologie und Iranistik 2, 1 9 2 3 , 6 0 - 9 8 , and 1 6 7 - 7 7 , who conjectures an Iranian influence on Orphism, and the Hippocratic writing Peri hebdomadon, see above n . 3 9 2 , as indeed on Jewish Adam speculation. Cf. e.g. Targ.Jer. I on Gen. 2.7, the creation of Adam from the 'dust of the sanctuary', the four winds and all the waters of the world: man is the image of the universe. 500. Hesiod, Erga 1 , 1 0 9 - 2 0 1 , 1 5 6 - 7 3 , who also inserts a 'heroic age'; cf. also I Enoch 5 2 ; see below, n . 5 5 9 . For the Iranian parallels see Dinkart 9.8 = 4 . 1 8 1 E. W . West, Pahlavi Texts; Brahman Ya§t 1.3 = 1.192 West and 2 . 1 4 = 1 . 1 9 8 West, and on it E. Meyer, UAC i , i9ofF., and A. von Gall, Basileia, 1 9 2 6 , i26flF. However, these reports come from very late sources, which are hardly older than the ninth century A D ; the age of the tradition lying behind them is hard to ascertain. Cf. also F. Cumont, RHR 104, 1 9 3 1 , 5ofF.; Reitzenstein/Schaeder, Studien zum antiken Synkretismus, ^ 1 9 6 5 , 4 5 f . , 5 7 , and 2 2 3 , 2 2 8 ; also A. Bentzen, op. cit., 29, and K . Koch, op. cit., 8f. According to Servius' schoUon on the fourth eclogue of Virgil, the Ciunean Sibyl also seems to have known the division of world empires according to ages of kinds of metal: 'saecula per metalla divisit, dixit etiam quis quo saeculo imperaret'; see E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes, 1924, 15 n . i . 5 0 1 . In argimient with O. Procksch and M . Noth, The Laws in the Old Testament, 1 9 6 6 , 2i5fF., C . R. W . Brekelmanns, OTS 1 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 0 5 - 2 9 , has convincingly demonstrated, using all the material from Qumran, that in Dan. 7 the 'people of the saints of the most high' means Israel, and not the angeUc 'host'. Therefore the eternal kingdom in Daniel is to be understood as the rule of the people of God - perhaps in conjunction with the angels (cf. 7 . 1 4 , 27). 502. J. T . Mihk, RB 6 3 , 1956, 4 1 1 n.2. 503. FGrHist 688 F 1 - 8 = predominantly Diodore 2 , 1 - 3 4 . 504. M . Noth, op. cit., 2 6 o f T h e replacement of the Assyrian kingdom by that of the Medes is likewise presupposed in the vaticinium ex eventu represented as a prophecy of the dying Tobit, see J. J. Lebram, ZAW 7 6 , 1 9 6 4 , 3 2 8 - 3 1 . 505. Appian, Punica 1 3 2 = Polybius 3 8 , 2 2 ; Polybius is said to have been an eyewitness of this scene as a teacher and companion of Scipio; cf. M . Noth, op. cit., 200. 506. J. W . Svrain, ClassPhil 3 5 , 1940, iff.; on this W . Baumgarmer, TZ i, 1 9 4 5 , 1 7 - 2 2 . For the gloss in Velleius Paterculus 1 , 6 , 6 on AemiUus Sura see T . Mommsen, RheinMus 1 6 , 1 8 6 1 , 2 8 2 f , who akeady stresses his dependence on the scheme of Ctesias. 507. This notion became a firm tradition, see Dionysus of HaUcamassus (second half of the first century BC), Antt.Rom. 1, 2 , 2 - 4 ; T a c i w s , Hist. 5, 8, 2 , in a sketch of Jewish history; for further Graeco-Roman writers see J. W . Swain, op. cit., i3fF., and by way of supplement H. Fuchs, Basler Zeitschrift fiir
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Geschichte und Altertumskunde 42, 1 9 4 3 , 4 9 , 50 n . 3 7 . In Sib. 4 . 4 9 - 1 9 2 a Jewish author takes over the scheme of the five monarchies including Rome, the fiery judgment and the Nero redivivus coming from the east to make an end (shortly before AD 80). 508. Dan. 2.43 presupposes both in marriages between the Seleucid and Ptolemaic dynasties mentioned in 1 1 . 6 , 1 7 . T h e latter, between Ptolemy V and Qeopatra I, the daughter of Antiochus III, took place in 1 9 4 / 3 . The answer to the much-discussed problem of the 'unity' of the work is therefore that the author went back to an old narrative collection of 'coiut stories' (see above, n. I, 2 1 1 ) , which probably included the framework of ch. 2 and chs. 4 - 6 , but worked it over thoroughly to give his work as much unity as possible, an aim in which he succeeded, see above, n . 4 7 8 . E. Bickerman, Pour Strange Books of the Bible, 1 9 6 7 , 6ifr., differs. 509. K . Koch, op. cit., 28. 510. Hesiod's myth was common property in the Greek-speaking world, see SeeUger, in Roscher, Lexikon 6, 3 7 5 - 4 2 9 ; T . F. Glasson, Greek Influence in Jewish Eschatology, 1 9 6 1 , 2f., and J. Duchesne-Guillemin, Ormazd et Ahriman, 1 9 5 3 , 7 8 . For its use in Plato, who varies it in a number of ways, see J. Kerschensteiner, Platon und die Orient, 1 9 4 5 , i 6 i f f . For the supposed Babylonian derivation see W. Bousset, Die Himmelsreise der Seek, A R W 4, 1 9 0 1 , 243ff. = reprint 52ff.; Bousset/Gressmann, 505, who conjecwre the influence of planet speculations; W . Baumgarmer, Zum AT und seiner Umwelt, 1 9 5 9 , 1 5 8 - 6 0 , and supplement, 1 7 7 (fit.), passes too positive a judgment on the investigations of R. Reitzenstein (Reitzenstein/Schaeder, op. cit., 57ff., see above, n.500). W e should rather suppose that this very late Iranian tradition was influenced by Hesiod or the popular Hellenistic tradition. There were Greek poUticians and men of letters at the Persian court from the fifth century onwards. T h e objections of M . P. Nilsson and Wilamowitz (see W . Baumgartner, op. cit., 159, nn.5, 6) were therefore justified. While there are 'still no direct pieces of evidence' for Babylon, we cannot postulate an origin from there. See also Kerschensteiner, op. cit., i66ff., on Dan. 2, and in general I78ff. For the anonymous Samaritan and the Sibyl see V o l . 1 , pp.SSff.
5 1 1 . Thus J. W . Swain, op. cit., 4 ; c f W . Baumgartaer, TZ 1, 1 9 4 5 , 1 8 ; M . Noth, op. cit., 201 n. 1 6 , is more restrained. The most bitter opponents of the Macedonian Diaspora were not the orientals - the Parthians, from the end of the third century east of the Caspian Sea, only penetrated further towards Media after 1 6 0 BC, see H. Bengtson, GG^ 4 0 i f , 484ff. - who in the third cenwry BC still did not have much military significance, but the smaller Greek states like Pergamon, Rhodes, Sparta, the Achaean alUance and the Aetolians, who at first welcomed the repulsion of the empires of the Diadochi in Greece and Asia Minor. However, the rule of Rome rapidly altered the siwation. It is still impossible to demonstrate that the theory of the four empires was developed 'from the oriental opposition against Greek rule', as W . Schottrof, RGG^ 6, i 6 3 3 f . conjectures. This indefinite oriental 'opposition' must be given further definition. True, there were anti-Greek oracles in Egypt and anti-Roman oracles in Asia Minor and Greece which were concerned with the question of world rule (see Vol. I, pp. 1 8 4 - 6 ) ; however, we cannot talk of a general 'oriental' scheme of
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world empires. For the whole question see H . E . Stier, Roms Atcfstieg zur Weltmacht und die griechische Welt, 1 9 5 7 , passim. 5 1 2 . Dan. i i . i - 3 o a gives a picture of history without any mistakes over the relationships between Ptolemies and Seleucids; it merely omits Antiochus I, 2 8 1 - 2 6 1 BC. Here it probably goes back to a non-Jewish source, c f Fohrer, op. cit., 4 7 7 n . 2 3 ; O . Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 5 l 9 f ; O. Ploger, Daniel, I58f. 5 1 3 . W . Baiungartner, op. cit., 2 1 4 - 2 2 ; A . Bentzen, op. cit., 5 7 - 6 7 . 5 1 4 . F . Boll, Sphaera, 1 9 0 3 , 2 9 7 and on this F. Cumont, Klio 9 , 1 9 0 9 , 2 6 3 - 7 3 . C f R. Eisler, IHSOYS BASIAEYS 2, 1 9 3 0 , 6 4 6 f , 6 6 i f , who also conjecWres astral elements in D a n . 7 ; also W . Baumgarmer, op. cit., 142S.; A . Bentzen, op. cit., 6 9 , and A . Caquot, Semitica 5 , 1 9 5 5 , loff., who wants to derive the beasts of Dan.7.ifF. from the beast symbols of the Egyptian Dodekaoros, the counterpart of the zodiac: cf. F . Boll, op. cit., 295f. According to Cumont this astral, geographical scheme goes back to the Persian period, but was well known about 200 BC in Egypt. T h e version in Dan. 8.2fF., in which Syria appears as conqueror of the Persians, could only have arisen after the firm estabUshment of the Seleucid empire. T h e reference in Ammianus Marcellinus 1 9 , 2 , 2 according to which Sapor I I , ruler of the Sassanides, wore the image of a golden ram as a headdress, probably goes back to this conception; the constellation of the ram was regarded in the Hermetic Uterature as Ke^aX-q . . .TOV KOOHOV, see Fesmgifere, Revelation I, 141 n . 3 = C C A G 6, 1903, 83. For the astral terminology see also Dan 1 2 . 3 . 5 1 5 . For the problem see E. Osswald, ZAW 7 5 , 1 9 6 3 , 2 7 - 4 4 , where there is a Ust of the numerous vaticinia in Jewish apocalyptic. Cf. also the Daniel apocryphon, J. T . MiUk, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 4 i 3 f 5 1 6 . C . C . M c C o w n , HTR 1 8 , 1 9 2 5 , 3 8 7 - 4 1 1 ; H . Gressmaim, Der Messias, 1 9 2 9 , 4 1 7 - 4 5 . G . Lanczkowski, Altdgyptischer Prophetismus, i 9 6 0 , 3 - 9 . These Egyptian predictions for the most part go back to earher Egyptian tradition. For the Demotic Chronicle, ed. by W . Spiegelberg, Die sogenannte demotische Chronik, Demotische Studien 7 , 1 9 1 4 , see E. Meyer, Agyptische Dokumente aus der Perserzeit, S A B 1 9 1 5 , 2 8 6 - 3 0 4 , and UAC 2, 1 8 7 ; A . von GaU, op. cit., 7 7 f F . ;
F. K . Kienitz, Die Politische Geschichte Agyptens, 1 9 5 3 , i36fF.; E. Osswald, op. cit., 4 2 f 5 1 7 . On this see W . Spiegelberg, op. cit., 5fF., 9. 5 1 8 . T h e most complete version is now to be found in P O x 2 2 , 2 3 3 2 , 1 9 5 4 , ed. C . Roberts, 8 9 - 9 9 ; the earUer P. Rainer is in G . Manteuflfel, De opusculis graecis, 1 9 3 0 , 99fF. no.7, on which see A . von GaU, op. cit., 69fF.; H . Gressmann, AOT^, 49fF. and Reitzenstein/Schaeder, op. cit., 38fF., the Iranian origin of which, asserted by F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens 2, 174S., is to be denied. T h e earlier Demotic prophecy of the lamb is akin to it, see H . Gressmaim, op. cit., 4 2 5 , and AOT^, 48f., and G . Lanczkowski, op. cit., 5. For the dating of the Potter's Oracle see R. Reitzenstein, op. cit., 5 1 ; the objections against it by C . Roberts, op. cit., 93, are not very convincing, c f his concession, 9 8 , on I.30; the basic material of the oracle may be much older and go back into the third or even the fourth cenmry BC. T h e characterization by the editor shows its affinity with Jewish apocalyptic: ' T h e prophecy is a medley of legend, history and apocalyptic fantasy . . .' It is controUed by 'its idea of a period of general disaster foUowed
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by a period of Utopian prosperity', and 'its strongly nationalist and xenophobic sentiment'. Cf. also H. Gressmann, j r 5 2 7 , 1 9 2 6 , 2 4 2 6 ? , and Der Messias, 422S. Further Uterawre in M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, i n . New editions by L . Koenen, ZPapEp 2, 1968, 1 7 8 - 2 0 9 . 519. CPJ 3, ii9fr. no.520 = P S I 982, and on it C . Roberts, op. cit., 89 n . 4 . For the 'wrath of Isis' (I.9) c f Chairemon in Josephus, c.Ap.i, 2 8 9 f T h e fragment certainly goes back to the Hellenistic period. C f also P S I 7 6 0 , a fiirther similar oracle of this geme = = G. Manteuffel, op. cit., I07ff., no. 8. For the sources and their influence see L . Koenen, Proceedings of the 12th Inter national Congress of Papyrologists, 249ff. 520. C C A G 7 , 1 9 0 8 , 1 2 9 - 5 1 J quot. 1 3 2 according to the Excerpta Monacensia. For this and similar 'calendars of disaster' see J. Freimdorfer, Die Apokalypse, BSt 2 3 , I , 1 9 2 9 , 8 7 - 1 2 3 , who indicates the parallel between Syr.Bar. 2 7 and C C A G 7 , 226ff. on p. 1 2 2 . According to Lactantius, Inst, div., Epit.6S, C S E L , ed. S. Brandt, 1 9 , 7 6 0 , c f H. Windisch, Die Orakel des Hystaspes, 1929, 4 4 , Hermes Trismegistos, the author of astrological wisdom, was mentioned along side the Sibyllines and Hystaspes as prophet of the end of the world; cf. also op. cit., 84: the renewal of the world in the Hermetic tractate Asclepius of Ps. Asclepius chs. 2 4 - 6 = C H 2 , 326ff. 521. W . Baumgarmer, op. cit., 140; O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, I50ff.; cf. also E . Osswald, op. cit., 28, 33. For the Iranian apocalypses see F. Cumont, RHR 1 0 3 , 1 9 3 1 , 2 9 - 9 6 , and esp. 64ff., on the 'apocalypse' of Hystaspes, and Bidez/Cumont, Les mages hellenises 1, 1 9 3 8 , 2 1 5 - 2 3 and 2, 3 5 9 - 7 7 ; F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens 2, 1 7 4 - 8 4 ; H. Windisch, op. cit., passim, c f 7 0 : between 100 BC and AD 100 and G . Widengren, Die Religionen Irons, 1 9 6 5 , 199-207, though he puts it too early. 5 2 2 . M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 1, 7 2 1 , 7 9 3 f ; 2, I09ff. A typical instance of Hellenistic Sibylline Uterawre is Lycophron's Alexandra, which after 1 9 7 BC in Alexandria foretold the rise of Rome and the decUne of Macedonia, see above aU 1 2 2 6 - 8 0 and 1 4 3 6 - 5 0 , ed. A . W . Mair, L C L 1 9 5 5 , the introduction, pp. 308-14, and S. Josifovic, PW Suppl 1 1 , 8 8 8 - 9 3 0 . For the Sibyls see Rzach, PW, 2 R . 2, 2073ff., 2 i o 3 f f . and M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, logf., 4 8 i f . ; for Varro see Lactantius, Div. Inst. 1, 6ff., 8ff., C S E L 1 9 , 2 1 , cf. Rzach, op. cit., 2 0 7 6 . K . Kerenyi, Klio 29, 1936, 1 - 3 5 , supposes very early influence of Persian chiUasm on the Greek Sibyls. In the time of Alexander the Great these were given a new impews, see J. Wolff, Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte 24, 1 9 3 4 , 3 1 2 - 2 5 , esp. 3 i 6 f f . T h e fourth eclogue of Virgil is also strongly influenced by SibyUine poetry: see 1.4 and on it E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes, 1 9 2 4 , I5f nn. I , 2, and K . Kerenyi, op. cit., iff. 5 2 3 . For Eimus see Posidonius, FGrHist 87, F i o 8 e = Diodore 2 , 5 - 7 , and on it Altheim-Stiehl, Araber 1, Soff.; R. Eisler, IHSOYS BASIAEYS 2, 723fr.; J. Vogt, Sklavenkriege, A A M z 1 9 5 7 , 1 , 27ff., 3iff., and Sklaverei und Humanitat, 37ff., who draws paraUels with the Maccabean revolt (43). For Andronicus see op. cit., 43ff., 6 1 - 6 8 .
524. On this see Schurer 3 , 5 5 5 f ; Rzach, op. cit., 2i28f., and A . Kurfess, Sibyllinische Weissagungen, 1 9 5 1 , 289fr.; M . P. Nilsson, GGR'^ 2, I i 2 f T h e earUest Jewish Sibyl (3, 9 7 - 2 9 4 , 5 7 3 - 6 2 3 , 6 5 2 - 8 2 9 ) was composed a Uttle after
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Daniel, about 140 B C ; whether it follows an older 'Chaldean' Sibyl is question able : against A . Kurfess, in Hermecke-Schneemelcher-Wilson, New Testament Apocrypha 2, yosff. (ht.). 525. FGrHist 257 F 36 III, according to Phlegon of Tralles. For Antisthenes see E. Schwartz, PW I, 2537. C f also H . Windisch, op. cit., 52fF.; H. Fuchs, op. cit., 5fF., 29fF.; M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, iioff. For later anti-Roman prophecy see H . Windisch, op. cit., 55fF. and H . Fuchs, op. cit., 8fF., 3ofF.: here the third Sibylline stands in the first place, c f i79fF., 35ofF., 652fF. For the time of Vespasian see M . Hengel, op. cit., 234f 526. D . Rossler, op. cit., 68f T h e criticism of A . Nissen, NovTest 9, 1967, 27ofF. is irrelevant at this point. 527. For the seventy nations which probably emerged from the inter pretations of Gen. 10, see Targ.Jer.1 on Gen. ii.7f., and on Deut.32.8f, where the L X X shows the relationship of angels to nations without giving any number. It is questionable whether Sir. 17.17 alludes to the angels of the nations; sar there could still simply mean rulers, c f Judg. 8.23. T h e idea clearly occurs at Jub.15.30fF. and Heb. Test. Napht. 8fF., see Bill. 3, 48fF. For the seventy languages, see Sota 7,5c. Cf. D . S. Russell, op. cit., 244S., and MooicJudaism i, 226f 528. A . Bertholet in Oriental Studies . . . C. E. Pavry, 1933, 34-40 (quot. 35); A . Bentzen, op. cit., 78f, and T . F. Glasson, op. cit., 7 o f 529. FGrHist 790 F 2 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.i, 10, 32, 38, and on it H . Gressmann, Der Messias, ziji., c f also 246f, 326, 504. 530. For this theme of the holy eschatological vrar see M . Hengel, op. cit., 277fF. 531. Sir.49,16; see Vol.1, p. 149. For Qimiran see i Q S 4.23; i Q H 1 7 . 1 5 ; C D 3.20. 532. For Michael in the apocalypse of the beasts see 87.2; 88.3 (cf 9. i ; 10. i i f ; 20.5); 89.61,68fF., 76; 90.14,20,22; on this see R. H . Charles, Enoch, 1912,201. Here Michael is given the role of a heavenly scribe, like the Egyptian Thoth (Hermes), see H. Gressmaim, Der Messias, 405, or the Babylonian Nabu, which Enoch probably takes over in a rather later form; see I Enoch i2.3fF.; 1 5 . 1 ; 92.1; and still later is ascribed to Metatron (see above, n.307): Hag.i^a; Pesikt.R. 5 (ed. Friedmann 22b), see Bill.3, 701; Targ.Jer.I on Gen.5.24, see Bill. 3, 744f, etc. For the role of Michael in general see W . Lueken, Michael, 1898, passim; for Michael in Qumran above all i Q M 9 . i 5 f ; 17.6f.; and Y . Yadin, The Scroll of the War, 1962, 235fF.; c f O. Betz, Der Paraklet, 1963, 63fF., i03fF., I I 2 f , and the Melchizedek text, which is unfortunately very fragmentary, ed. A . S. van der Woude, OTS 14, 1965, 354-73, and M . de Jonge - van der Woude, NTS 12, 1966, 301-8. Michael (-Melchizedek) here comes close to the form of a heavenly redeemer. C f J. T . Milik, RB 7 9 , 1 9 7 2 , 85fF. (4 Q 'Amram). 533. A . Bentzen, op. cit. 79, who points to Graham/May, Culture and Conscience, 1936, 108. For Mikal, who was worshipped above all in ScythopoUsBeth-Shean, see S. A . Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, 1930, 99f, I28f He also seems to have been worshipped as Reseph-Mikal and Apollo Amyclos on Cyprus; see the biUngual inscription C I S I no.89, cf. 86 n. 13, B . 5, and 9 1 ; 93-5; 94-5- Further in W. Rollig, WM 1, zgSf. T h e name would then be
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127
approximated to one of the usual Jewish theophorous angel names by the introduction of an aleph. T h e possible derivation from the root ^T, 'be superior, conquer', would fit the character of Michael well. 534. For the historical view of P see K . EUiger, ZTK 49, 1952, 121-43. Composed in the Babylonian exile as a 'comforting and admonitory testimony' (143), it had a similar function to Daniel during the reUgious distress; see Vol. I, pp.i94f. See also Fohrer, op. cit., i83f, and J. Hempel, PW 22, I947f G . von Rad, Theologie des Alten Testaments 2, ^1965, 329, points to Num. 14.21 as a possible eschatological passage (this comment is not in the EngUsh translation): however, as in Ps. 72.19 and Isa. 6.3, what we have here will be an uneschatological cultic formula. V o n Gutschmid (in T . Noldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des AT, 1869, 40ff.) felt that on the basis of the chronology of P he could work out a total duration of 4000 years for the world and A . von Gall, op. cit., 208, 276, derived this from Iranian apocalyptic and put its end at 164 B C , but these are very uncertain hypotheses. 535. C f the fragment from the Bodleian, R. H . Charles, The Greek Versions, 1908, 246 U.7f. (v. 6) = Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha 2, 364, and further P. Grelot, RB 63, 1956, 391-406; D J D I, 87-91 = i Q T Levi, see also below, n.622. For a discussion of the dating, see O . H . Steck, Israel, I50ff., though he does not make sufficient distinction between Test. Levi and the other testaments, which (apart from Test. Naphtali) were not found in Qumran, see Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 634f 536. Jub.1.26, 29; 4.26; 5.12; 23.27-31; I Enoch 72.1; I Q S 4.25; i Q H 1 1 . 1 3 ; 13.12; c f Isa. 42.9; 43-I9J 48.6. T h e 'new creation' affects men and the world in the same way. 537. For details of the total duration of the world see Ass.Mos. 1.2 and 10.12: 5000 years; II Enoch 33.1: 6000 years; Ps.Philo 28.2: seven thousand years. Further in P. Volz, Eschatologie^, i 4 3 f ; BiU.4, 986ff.; M . Zobel, op. cit., 69ff., A. von Gall, op. cit., 275ff., whose derivation from the Iranian doctrine of the periods of the world (see Vol. I, p. 193) is questionable. 538. G . DaUnan, Words of Jesus, 1902, i47ff.; P. Volz, op. cit., 65; A . von Gall, op. cit., 272ff., though like Bousset/Gressmann, 243ff., he pays too little heed to the temporal differentiation. 539. See Dan.9.24; 11.32, 35; I Enoch 89.59f, 74fr.; 90.6ff., i8ff. On this see also P. Volz, op. cit., 87f. 540. Aeschylus, Prometheus 454-505, and I Enoch 7 and 8; 69.8ff., see V o l . 1 , pp.242f.; cf. T . F . Glasson, op. cit., 62ff. It should, of course, be noted that the doctrine of the fall of the Titans, based on Hesiod's theogony, is probably of ancient oriental origin: see above, n.2. 541. O n this see H . Ringgren, Israelite Religion, 3i3ff. O f course Job i.6fr.; 2. i f ; and Zech 3. iff. already knew Satan as accuser, but in both instances he is in the service of G o d and not yet thought of as the embodiment of evU. Even in I Chron. 21. i he is not yet an 'independent counterpart of God', see W. Rudolph, Die Chronikbucher, 1955, I42f. N o r is there likely to be any influence from Persian dualism here. Only the Essene writings develop a many-sided, hierarchi cally arranged doctrine of the powers hostile to God, see W. Foerster, TDNT 7, 152-6, though he makes too much of a distinction between the 'spirit of wicked-
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ness' (see Vol. I, pp.22of.) and the fallen angels according to Gen. 6. More recent fragments from Qumran show the connection quite clearly. A s with Michael, the names could change, see e.g. J. M . Allegro, ALUOS 4, 1962/63, 3-5. Here the Iranian influence is evident, see below, n.776. 542. M . Buber, Kampf um Israel, 1933, 6 1 ; he is followed by H . L . Jansen, Die Henochgestalt, j6i., and P . Vielhauer, in Hennecke-Schneemelcher-Wilson, New Testament Apocrypha 2, 594f. 543. Bousset/Gressmaim, 498; but cf. G . Dalman, Words ofJesus, 1902, 149, 'of course one can hardly get anywhere' with the term. 544. R. Bultmann, History and Eschatology, 26. 545. O n this see M . Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return, 1945, esp. 86ff., I34ff.; B . L . V. d. Waerden, Hermes 80, 1952, 129-55; B . Sdcker, Saeculum 4, 19535 241-9. Seeliger gives the Graeco-Roman material in Roscher, Lexikon 6, 426-30. 546. M . EUade, op. cit., 8 7 f ; B . L . v. d. Waerden, op. cit., I29ff.; for Heraclitus see op. cit., I32f. 547. B . Sticker, op. cit., 245. 548. For the Statesman myth see J. Kerschensteiner, op. dt., 101-4, who rejects Iranian duaUstic influence even here. 549. For the text of Censorinus, De dienatali 18.11, see B . L . v. d. Waerden, op. cit., I33f.; Seeliger, in: Roscher, Lexikon 6, 428f. 550. SeeUger, in: Roscher, Lexikon 6, 427f, and M . Pohlenz, Stoa i , 795., 96; 2, 45ff. Cf. e.g. the astronomical reckoning of the great year at I , 753, 005 years in Rhetorius, Quaest. astrol. ex Antiochi Thesauris excerptae, C C A G i , 1898, 163, see B . L . v. d. Waerden, op. cit., 137, which is dependent on the Babylonians, cf. P. Schnabel, Berossus, 1923, 176. 551. B . L . V. d. Waerden, op. cit., I38ff.; according to v. d. Waerden, the Indian conceptions of the world year, about which Megasthenes reported c. 300 BC, are of Babylonian origin, see O . Stein, PW 15, 31 if. 552. For (Ps.) Berossus, see Seneca, Nat.quaest.3, 39 and P. Schnabel, Berossus, 1923, 266f, no. 37 and 94S. = FGrHist 680 F 2 1 ; c f on this Bousset/ Gressmann, 502f.; F . Cumont, Die orientalische Religionen, ^1959, i6if., and H . L . Jansen, op. cit., 78f For Iranian influence on the theme of the burning of the world see the mythical representation of the doctrine of the burning of the world in the 'Mysteries of the magi' in D i o Chrysostom, 36, 39ff., text and commentary in Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., 2, I42ff. For interpretation see F . Cumont, RHR 104,1931, 42ff.; M . Pohlenz 2, 45ff., and B. L . van der Waerden, op. cit., I47f., who assumes strong Babylonian influence. For the Sibyl and the oracle of Hystaspes according to Justin, Apol. 20, I , see H . Windisch, op. cit., 26-33. Cf. also R. Mayer, Die biblischen Vorstelltmgen vom Weltenbrand, 1956, 1-79, and F. Lang, TDNT 6, 93 iff. In the Hellenistic period the notion of the burning of the world was held only in a strongly syncretistic form, and as R. Mayer, op. cit., 78, rightly stresses, aU themes of the burning of the world need not be derived from Iran. 553. Cf. A. Rusch, PW 20,4i4f., and G . Holscher, Das Buch Hiob, ^1952,73ff. 554. Sib. 3 , 1 - 9 2 is the conclusion of the lost second Sibylline and comes from the first century AD.
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555. For the 'great year' in I Enoch see H . L . Jansen, Die Henochsgestalt, though he stresses its significance too much. For catastrophes of fire and water see Josephus, Antt. 1 . 6 9 - 7 1 , and Vit.Ad. et Ev., 4 9 - 5 0 ; c f also the rejection of this doctrine in Eleazar of Modaim (second centiuT^ AD), Zeb.ii6z and par., see P. Volz, op. cit., 336. For the notion of the judgment of fire see below, n. 607. 556. For the distinction between the 'two ages' and the correspondence of the beginning and end of time see G. Fohrer, TLZ 86, i 9 6 0 , 4 0 2 f f . , 4 1 iff., 4 i 5 f f . ; it is already hinted at in Old Testament prophecy; cf. also P. Volz, op. cit., i i3f., 3 5 9 f , 3 7 0 , 383ff., 388ff. For the age of die earth see Syr.Bar. 8 5 . 1 0 ; I V Ezra 5 - 5 0 - 5 5 ; 1 4 . 1 0 , 1 6 ; c f e.g. P s . 1 0 2 . 2 7 f , or even the diminution of Ufespan according to the historical picture of P in the primal period. T h e idea appears in Lucretius, De rerum natura 2 , 1 1 4 4 - 7 4 , on a materiaUstic basis. For Posidonius 1 9 4 0 , 76ff.,
see V o l . I, pp. 259ff.
557. FGrHist 1 1 5 F 65 = Plutarch, Is.et.Osir.4T, c f also F 64 on the resurrection, see Vol. I, pp.i96flf.; on this Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., 2 , 7 2 , 78f.; A . von Gall, op. cit., I24ff.; B . L . v. d. Waerden, op. cit., 1 4 5 - 9 . For the later Maguseans and their astral eschatology see F. Cumont, RHR 1 0 4 , 1 9 3 1 , 2 6 - 9 6 , and for Iranian-type syncretistic apocalyptic in the Hellenistic Roman period, H . Windisch, op. cit., 1 4 , 26ff. G. Widengren, Iranisch-semitische Kulturbegegnung, i 9 6 0 , 53 n. 1 8 3 , already assumes Zervanite influence for the source of Theopompus, but there is no mention of this in the partiy obscure fragment. For the questionability of his hypothesis see R. C . Zaehner, Zurvan, 1 9 5 5 , 20ff. 5 5 8 . E. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes, ^ 1 9 5 8 , 8ff. For Iranian influences see K . Kerenyi, Hermes 2 9 , 1 9 3 6 , 1 - 3 5 ; H . Gressmann, Der Messias, 4 6 2 - 7 8 , conjectures Babylonian ones. H . Windisch, op. cit., 6 o f , gives an interesting indication of a possible acquaintance of Virgil with the Jewish doctrine of the Messiah, op. cit., 6of. For the inner contradiction see K . Bucher, PW, 2 R . 8 , 1 1 9 6 : 'According to the Sibylline conception, one finds oneself . . . in a final state; according to the Pythagorean . . . of the great year, in a beginning state.' Cf. also H . Hommel, Theologia viatorum 2 , 1950, zioff. 5 5 9 . F . Cumont, RHR 1 0 4 , 1 9 3 1 , 44ff., 58ff. A parallel to the astrologically coloured teachings of the Maguseans might be found in the later SimiUtudes (I Enoch 52), with the hills of the six metals; perhaps there were originally seven (cf. 52.8), each of which indicated a planet. O n this see the guide of Mithras, Origen, c.Cels 6.22, G C S 2 , 9 2 , ed. Koetschau, and on it W. Bousset, Die Himmelsreise der Seele, reprinted i 9 6 0 , 52f. However, all astrological significance has been removed from I Enoch 5 2 . 560. For a reference back to earher outlines of history see G . von Rad, Old Testament Theology 2 , 3 i 9 f , and D . S. Russell, op. cit., though for P he takes over the thesis of von Gutschmid and Noldeke (see above, n. 534). Against this, however, is the fact that a duration of four thousand years for the world is disproportionately short, and does not appear again with the later reckonings of 5 - 7 0 0 0 years. G . Fohrer, TLZ 8 5 , i 9 6 0 , 4 0 1 - 2 0 , shows how much the historical picture of apocalyptic is dependent on post-exihc prophecy. Apocalyptic is 'the modem form' of this prophetic eschatology (420). 5 6 1 . H . Ringgren, RGG^ 1 , 464.
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562. O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 528. 563. Dan. 11.30, 32a; I Enoch 90.7, 26; 93.9. C f already the polemic of Ben Sira V o l . 1 , pp. 15 i f , and the reports of the books of Maccabees about the 'lawless' and the apostates, see below, pp. 289ff. 564. P. Vielhauer, in Hennecke-Schneemelcher-Wilson, op. cit., 592f; c f against this G . F . Moore, Judaism i, 28, 'which from the days of Antiochus I V to those of Domitian had apparently revived in every crisis of the history'. 565. C f K . Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter, 1964, 184: 'the crisis in world view and the political crisis of the second century tears apart . . . the historical picture of the (second) Chronicler'. 566. A . Bentzen, op. cit., 10. For the calculation of the end see Dan. 7.25; 8.14; 12.7, i i f . 567. R. Bultmann, op. cit., 31. 568. C f Dan. 11.32b, 33, 35; I Enoch 90.6-19. 569. For 'world citizenship' in the Hellenistic period see the Palestinian Meleager of Gadara, Vol. I, pp. 85f. and n. II, 210. T h e first point in the reform programme in Jerusalem was the abolition of restrictions against the non-Jews, see V o l . 1 , pp.73ff., 277f T h e Hellenistic Jew Philo of Alexandria took up the notion of the 'world citizen' again, but considerably changed the emphasis by making the advocate of Jewish monotheism the 'world citizen' and thus demon strating the missionary claim of Jewish belief to represent the true 'world religion', see Opif.mund. 3 ( M 1 , 1 ) : the one who lives according to the 'law'; 142 ( M I , 34): Adam; Conf.ling. 106 ( M i , 420): Moses; c f dejos. 29 ( M 2.46), etc. For the conception of the 'oikHmene' see J. Kaerst, Die antike Idee der Oekumene, 1903, and Geschichte des Hellenismus 2^, 270ff.: 'There arose the idea of a cultural world which finds its basis in the generally reasonable character of this world' (272); c f also F . Gisinger, PW 17, 2i4of, and O . Michel, TDNT 5, isjfl. 570. H . G . Gadamer, RGG^ 2, 1490. 571. On this see above, n. 491. G. Widengren, SVT4,1957,228f., conjectures in Isa. 26.19 influence from the old Semitic conceptions of the life-giving power of dew; the context is also supposed to point to the Canaanite-Israelite N e w Year feast, c f H . Riesenfeld, U U A 1948, no. 1 1 , 6ff., 9ff. G . Fohrer, TR 28, 1962, 361, on the other hand, rejects any conception of the resurrection for Isa. 26.19. 572. For the various attempts at interpretation see B . J. Alfrink, Bibl 40, i959j 355-7I5 though his own interpretation, which supposes only the eternal death of the sinner, cannot be convincing. O . Ploger, Daniel, 171, is right. 573. For the disputed passage I Enoch 90.33, R. H . Charles, Enoch, 215, and K . Schubert, BZ N F 6, 1962, 192. For Jason see Vol. I, p. 96, and n. II, 309, 312. 574. For Theopompus see FGrHist 115 F 64, following Diogenes Laertius 1.9 and Aeneas of Gaza (fifth century AD); c f also F 65 conclusion and Bidez/ Cumont, op. cit., 2, 68,70. On this A . von Gall, op. cit., I49f.; on the other hand, Herodotus 3, 62 can hardly be produced as evidence. T h e Gathas do not know the resurrection, but only the later Avesta, see Yast 19, 11, 89, ed. H . Lommel, 1922, 177, 185, and Bundahishn 30, 7 = E. W . West, Pahlavi Texts i , 123, on which see A . von Gall, op. cit., I05ff., io8ff.; cf. also Bousset/Gressmann, 510
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n.3. Possibly the Jewish/Christian hope in the resurrection has for its part influenced the Iranian, see C. M . Edsman, RGG^ I , 691. 575. C f Hos. 6.2. and on it Robinson/Horst, Die Zwdlf kleinen Propheten, 1964, 25; Ezek. 37.1-14, and on the whole matter, W . Baumgartner, Zum A T und seiner Umwelt, 1959,124-46; H . Riesenfeld, op. cit., passim, and G . Widengren, op. cit., 226ff. But the notion of resurrection was not completely alien even to the Greeks. In addition to their acquaintance with dying and rising gods from the near East, there was knowledge of the resurrection of individual dead by a special miracle or for the purpose of revelation, see Vol. I, p. 186 and the myth of Er, Plato, Republic 10, 6i4bff., which served the later church fathers as proof for the resurrection, see Ganschinietz, PW 10, 2 4 i 3 f ; Philostratus, Vit.Apoll.4, 45 = P. Fiebig, Antike Wundergeschichten, 1 9 1 1 , 26, and the resurrections per formed by Asclepiades, PUny, Hist.nat. 7,124, and Apuleius, Flor. 19 = op. cit., i 8 f , c f A . Oepke, TDNT 1, 369. I. Levy, La Legende de Pythagore, 255f, and following him T . F. Glasson, op. cit., 26ff., point out that the PythagoreanOrphic metempsychosis could also be understood as an analogy to the notion of the resurrection. However, this idea of the 'infinite circle of the generations' (see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 1, 695) with its completely individuahstic form of a Ufe after death, could not be taken over by Jewish eschatology, which remained continually oriented on the continuation of the people; on the other hand, the Rabbis could later take up the idea of the pre-existence of souls, see Vol. I, p. 173, n. 440. This also explains the question raised by W . Bousset, Die Himmelsreise der Seeler, reprinted i960, 68, why there is no migration of souls in Jewish and Iranian eschatology. 576. For the Jewish resurrection hope in the early period see P. Volz, Eschatologie^, 230ff., 237ff.; Bousset/Gressmann, 269ff., who at 270f. rightly point to the 'great obscurity' in the earher parts of I Enoch. See also K . Schubert, BZ N F 6, 1962, 177-214, and especiaUy for the Essenes, WZKM 56, i960, 154-67; with special reference to I Enoch, P. Grelot, RQ i, 1958/59, 1 1 2 31577. T e x t foUows C . Bonner, The Last Chapters of Enoch in Greek, Studies and Documents, 8, 1937, 7I3 c f Syr.Bar. 5i.ioff. 578. P . Volz, op. cit., 400, c f 399-401, and A . Dupont-Sommer, REG 62, 1949, 80-87, on Wisdom 3.7. 579. F. Cumont, Lux perpetua, 1949, 142-288; see on the other hand M . P. Nilsson, opuscula selecta 3, 250-65, and GGR^ 2, 278ff., 49iff.; cf. already Plato, Tim.4id/e: the number of human souls corresponds to the number of stars; one is assigned to each star. For Koheleth 3.21 see above, n. 134; cf. Sir.40.11. For the Jewish inscription see CIJ 2, 43f, no. 788, c f also I Enoch 100.10: the angels observe men from the stars. Further in E. Bickerman(n), Syria 44, 1967, I45ff. 580. H . I. Marrou, Histoire de I'Education dans I'Antiquite, 1948, I46f., cf. 495 n.7. See also Virgil, Aen.6, 66iff., and in comparison with it the Orphic description of the underworld. M . Treu, Hermes 82, 1954, 3off. 581. W. KroU, PW 16, 2i64f T h e mausoleum of the priest itself comes from the middle of the fourth century, but already shows elements of Greek style. See M . Rostovtzeff, HW 1, 82, and pi. X I I . C f the epitaph of the priestess of Isis,
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III
Dionysia from Megalopolis, second to third century AD: Peek, Griechische Grabgedichte, no. 317 1.13 and the inscription from Smyrna, first to second century AD, with Hermes as spokesman and guide:
rnuddovs.
OIKGIV iv fiaKapeacn
Kar
ovpavov
dar^poanat
xp^aeloicn Opovoiai nap'quevov
is
^iXoTqra.
For
an analogous reward for the righteous statesman see Cicero, Republic 6, 13. 582. Cf. Odyss^ 4, 56if.; 10, 5i3ff.; 24, i i f . and on it already A . Dieterich, Nekyia, 1893, 218: further R. H . Charles, Erwch, 38, 'full of Greek elements', and T . F. Glasson, op. cit., 8-19. Though it is directed rather too one-sidedly towards the Babylonian hypothesis, the comparison in P. Grelot, RB 65, 1958, 33-69 is fundamental; cf. above all 68. A s he assumes a Phoenician or Syrian mediation, Greek influence could have been at work here. Above all, reward and punishment in the underworld is hardly of Babylonian origin. For the parallels between the Greek and Babylonian descriptions of the underworld see already Ganschinietz, PW 10, 238ff. 583. I Enoch 22; Greek text in R. H . Charles, Enoch, 298 (v. 3 quot.). Unfortunately the text is partially corrupt, see Bousset/Gressmaim, 270. A distinction between 'pneuma' and 'psyche' is impossible, see P. Grelot, RQ i , 1958/9,116. T h e interpretations of T . F. Glasson, op. cit., I4flf., and K . Schubert, WZKM 56, i960, 159, and BZ N F 6, 1962, 192, following H . H . Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic, ^1947, 83, are unconvincing. T h e school of Shammai knew the tripartite division of the underworld, T.Sanh. 13, 3 (I.434), see Bill.4, 1178, and J. Baer, Zion 25, i960, 5ff., who believes that this Pharisaic teaching was influenced by Orphism and conjecmres an origin in the Maccabean period. For its continued influence in Judaism, see R. Mach, Der Zaddik in Talmud und Midrash, 1957, 177^584. M . P . Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 237ff., 240; for the Orphic gold leaves as passes for the dead see O. Kern, Orphicorum fragmenta, ^1963, i04fF., fr. 32a; c f also S. Eitrem, PW 15, 226jL, and Ganschinietz, PW 10, 2402f. 585. T h e Greek conceptions are already very old; see E. Rohde, Psyche^ I , 289ff.: Eleusis; 2, 2o8ff.: 274flf., Pindar and Plato; 366ff.: popular behef and mysteries. Cf. also the collection of material in L . Ruhl, De mortuorum iudicio, R G W 1903, II 2, 34fr., passim, and M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ i , 672ff., 688ff.: Eleusis and Orphism; 815-26: the classical period and Plato; 2, 239ff.: in the Hellenistic period, c f e.g. Ps.Plato, Axiochus 371a ff. (see V o l . 1 , p . 2 i i , and n.654), and on it F. Cumont, CRAI 1920, 272-85. For the Stoa see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 59f, and F. Cumont, Lux perpetua, Ii3ff.; cf. Zeno, S V F I , 40, no. 147 = Lactantius, Inst.div. j.20: Esse inferos . . . et sedes piorum ab impiis discretas: et illos quidem quietas et delectabiles incolere regiones, hos vero lucre poenas in tenebrosis locis'; cf. Tertull., De anima, ch. 54. For the mysteries see M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 2, 350, 367, and F. Cumont, op. cit., 235-74. For popular belief see W . Peek, Griechische Grabgedichte, i960, index 371, see under ' Statte (Haus) der Frommen'; cf. also no. 209, third to second century B C : isles of the blessed and judgment of the dead, and 216, second century B C : request to the doorkeeper of Hades to show the way to the abode of the pious. 586. P. Grelot, RQ i, 1958/59, Ii9ff., and D . S. Russell, op. cit., I49ff. 587. See e.g. I Enoch 5.7-9: long Ufe in the time of salvation, cf. 25.6, and on it T . F. Glasson, 29ff.
Notes
133
588. On this see P. Grelot, RQ i , 1958/59, I22f., and K . Schubert, WZKM 56, i960, 159, and BZ 6, 1962, 193, though his interpretation is not grounded in the text. For Essene eschatology according to Josephus see Bell. 2, 154-9, and Antt.ii, 18, which has strongly Platonizing colouring. A s P. Grelot, op. cit., Ii3ff., izyff., demonstrated, Josephus could have based himself on the eschato logical conceptions of the older parts of I Enoch and Jubilees. For further Uterature on the problem of the resurrection among the Essenes, see K . Schubert, WKZM 56, i960, I54f., nn.3-5, and the supplement, BZ 6, 1962, 202 n.83; c f also P. Grelot, op. cit., 123 n.25. 589. T e x t following C . Bonner, op. cit., 63f. On p. 8, line 3, however, the Ethiopian should be followed in reading rwv dyiW or rrjv dyiw and not Cf. also I02.4ir. 590. I Enoch 91.10; 92.3; 100.5. 591. C f I Q H 6.29f, 34f; 11.10-14, and on diis K . Schubert, WKZM 56, i960, I55ff., and BZ N F 6, 1962, zozff. For the eschatological terminology of salvation see Vol. I, pp.223f.; cf. on it J. Becker, Das Heil Gottes, 1964, 69f, on i Q H 7.i4f. 592. P. Grelot, op, cit., 117. 593. P. Grelot, op. cit., 123: 'elle suppose rimmortalite de I'ame ou de I'esprit . . .; elle exclut la resurrection du corps.' 594. K . Schubert, BZ 6, 1962, 204, and WZKM 56, i960, I58f 595. M . Pohlenz, Stoa i, 86, 93; 2, 50 c f the definition S V F 2, 218 no.780 according to Galen i/ivx^j iariv—Kard Sc TOI)S STWIKOVS au>iia Xenroiiepes eavrov K i v o u f t c v o v and 2, 217 no. 773: irvevna . . . evOepnov Kal Sidnvpov, cf. alsO the Platonist Heracleides Ponticus in the fourth century B C , who named the soul an aWeptov ou>p,a; see Daebritz, PW 8,476, 26ff. According to Eratosthenes, the soul always possessed a body, but there were degrees of fineness, see Wilamowitz/MoUendorf, Der Glaube der Hellenen 2, 525f Cf. also L . Ginzberg, Legends 1, 140. In the transformation of Enoch to Metatron his body becomes 'a heavenly fire' = I I I Enoch 15 (ed. Odeberg). 596. K . Schubert, BZ 6, 1962, 208ff., and P. Volz., op. cit., 234ff., 250; BiU. 4, 8 i 5 f {Gen.R. 14, 5), 948 (Gew.iJ.95, i ) , I i 7 3 {Sanh.gib and Koh.R. i, 4): the resurrection with bodily faUings, cf. also R. Mach, op. cit., I95ff. 597. I Enoch 5 1 . 1 - 3 ; 61.5; 62.i4f; I V Ezra 7.32, 7 5 - 1 0 1 ; Syr. Bar. 50.2ff.; 51.iff. etc. 598. Sib. 4, i8of, translation follows A . Kurfess, Sibyllinische Weissagungen, 1951, 120. C f also Ps.PhocyUdes 102-8, ed. J. Bemays, 1856, the prohibition of the cutting of corpses, and the Apocryphon Ezekiel in Epiphanius, Panarion 64, 70, 5, G C S , ed. HoU, 31, 2, 515, U. 24ff., see P. Volz, op. cit., 244. Josephus, Bell. 2, 163, has a HeUenizing correction of the Pharisaic doctrine of the resurrection, c f also Antt. 18, 14 and c.Ap.2, 218. For the later Rabbinic conceptions of the ascent of the soul after death, which are similarly borrowed from the HeUenisticoriental environment, see R. Mach, op. cit., 18 iff. 599. Various features are common, others seem to be contradictory, see Dan. 7.11 and I Enoch 90.18, 25: the annihilation of the godless powers and the judgment of fire; Dan.7.9a and I Enoch 90.20a: setting up the thrones for the judgment court. In I Enoch 90.21 the seven archangels are mentioned as helpers
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at the judgment; they are perhaps related to the group presupposed in Dan. 7. i oc, 22. Daniel 7.10c = I Enoch 90.20b: opening of the books, c f Dan. 12.1 and I Enoch 89.6iff., 70f; 90.17; 97.6. D a n . 7 . 1 1 , 2 1 , on the other hand, reveals a significant difference: here the fourth kingdom is annihilated in a miraculous way without human intervention, and the 'power' and the 'kingdom' are given to Israel, whereas in I Enoch 90.19; 91.12, Israel receives the sword for the eschatological war of annihilation; cf. also Dan.9.27 and 11.45. This opposition was to remain effective in Jewish apocalyptic down to the time of the great rebeUions against Rome. It also remains obscure who is to take part in the 'resurrection to judgment', or whether this in fact takes place: cf. Dan. 12.2; I Enoch 90.26, 32, cf. 22. I I , 13; 27.2. In general on the conception of judgment see Bousset/Gressmann, 257ff. 600. For dating see R. H . Charles, Enoch, L l l l f (probably too late), rightly against this O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 619, and O. H . Steck, Israel, 154 n.4: pre-Essene, i.e. before about 150 B C ; cf. also K . Schubert, BZ 6,1962,196f. T w o fragments were found in Qumran, see C . Burchard, op. cit., 2 , 3 3 f ; chs. 105 and 108 are secondary, see C. Bonner, op. cit., 4. Cf. now J. T . Milik (above n. 458), 36off. 601. Death at the hands of the faithful: 95.3; 96.1; 98.10, I 2 ; 9 9 . i 6 ; loo.iff. Punishment in the underworld: 97.10; 99.14; ioo.4ff.; 102.11. Final judgment: 96.8; 97.1, 5ff.; 98.9; 104.5. 103.8 suggests permanent punishment in hell, cf. 22.11; 27.2. T h e formula which probably derives from Isa.48.22; 57.21, that the godless 'have no peace' 'en sdldm = OVK ianv xalpav is also typical; cf. I Enoch 94.6; 98.11, 16; 99.13; 102.3; 103.8 and on the fallen angels {OVK ianv etpijvTj), I 2 . 5 f ; 13.1; 16.4; see P. Volz, op. cit., 320f 602. On this, including the Old Testament parallels, see Bousset/Gressmann, 258 and P. Volz, op. cit., 303f. T h e y are inscribed either with the names of those marked out for Ufe or death or with the deeds of men. However, the two things can be associated in the judgment scenes, see above, n. 599. T h e theme is espe cially frequent in the apocalypse of the symboUc animals, where Michael brings the book, and in the admonitions; see 89.6iff., 7of, 7 6 f ; 90.17, 20; 97.6; 98.7, 8; 104.7; 108.10. T h e tables of the law and the tables of fate, which appear above all in the strongly deterministic Essene writings, are a special conception. See Jub. passim, but also I Enoch 8 1 . i f ; 93.1-3, and on it R. H . Charles, Enoch, gif. on 47.3; P. Volz, op. cit., 290ff. and F. Notscher, Vom Alten zum Neuen Testament, 72-9. In Qumran, I Q S 10.6, 8, 1 1 ; i Q H 1.24; i Q M 12.3 and C D 20.19 presuppose this idea, c f also M . Testuz, Semitica 5, 1955, 38 U.3 and 5, and J. Starcky, RB 63,1956,66. T h e strong emphasis on predetermination points back to Babylonian astral religion, see H . L . Jansen, op. cit., 46f., 68, 75; F. Notscher, 180 n.48. However, the tables now serve as an expression of the unmovable wiU of God and no longer have any direct astral significance. C f now M . Limbeck (n.425 above), 58ff. 603. C f e.g. Euripides, fr. 506, Nauck^, and also the coUection in L . Ruhl, De mortuorum iudicio, R G W 1 0 3 , 1 1 , 2, loiff., and M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2,i96f, and there n. 5 : supplements to L . Ruhl; see also G . H . Maccurdy, J B L 61,1942, 2i8ff., with reference to the later Testament of Abraham. 604. Plautus, Rudens, prol. 9ff., and on it E. Fraenkel, ClassQ 36,1942,10-14;
Notes
135
H . Windisch, op. cit., 8 6 : 'one of the finest testimonies to pagan piety', and M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 276. 605. Diodore 2 , 3 0 f , see M . P. Nilsson, loc. cit. 606. C f I Enoch 9 8 . 6 - 8 ; 1 0 4 . 7 ; Jub.4.6 and II Enoch 1 9 . 5 . 607. Forthe judgment offire see D a n . 7 . 1 1 ; I Enoch 1 0 . 6 ; 1 8 . 1 5 ; 2 1 . 7 ; 9 0 . 2 4 , 2 6 ; 9 1 . 9 ; 1 0 0 . 7 , 9 J 102.1. Further examples in P. Volz, op. cit., 3 i 4 f . , 3 i 8 f , 3 2 3 f , 33 5 f ; F . Lang, TDNT 6, 9 3 7 . Behind this stand Old Testament pictures, c f Z e p h . 1 . 1 8 ; 3 . 8 ; Deut.32.22, etc., see F . Lang, op. cit., 6, 935ff. W e should therefore assume no general dependence on old Persian conceptions but at best a certain general influence, see R. Mayer, Die hiblischen Vorstellungen vom Weltenbrand, 1 9 5 6 , I9ff., 99ff., Ii4ff., and esp. I25f and 1 3 5 . C f also the criticism of M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 557f. I Enoch i.5ff., and in Essenism i Q H 3 . 2 9 - 3 6 ; 6 . i 7 l f . ; Jub.9.15, and Hippolytus, Philos.g, 2 7 , G C S Wendland 3 , 2 6 o f , come near to the conception of ekpyrosis. For the annihilation of evil by fire in Qumran see I Q S 4 . 1 3 ; i QpHab 10.5, izf. T h e ekpyrosis theme is even stronger in the later Sibyls, see 2 , I96ff., 252ff.: the Iranian ordeal by fire; 286ff.; 3 , 8off.; 4, I72ff., etc., see P. Volz, op. cit., 3 3 5 ; Bousset/Gressmann, 28 if. See also above, n . 5 5 2 . 608. A . Dieterich, Nekyia, 2 i 9 f , cf. Ii7ff.; cf. also E. Rohde, Psyche ^2, 1 7 9 n . 3 ; T . F . Glasson, op. cit., 2 7 ; and Bousset/Gressmann, 2 4 4 ; c f e. g. Virgil 6, 58off.: the Titans go to the deepest abyss of Tartarus. 609. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 5 5 8 , c f 550ff., 234f., 2 4 2 with reference to the description of the tortures in Lucretius, 3 , loizff.; Virgil, Aen.6, 66iff., cf. A . Dieterich, op. cit., I95ff., I99ff., and M . Treu, Hermes 82, 1 9 5 4 , 42ff. 6 1 0 . DJDJ I V , 54ff., 6iff., and especially 62ff., c f also already ZAW 7 5 , 1 9 6 3 , 7 3 - 8 5 ; see below, n . I V , 4 0 , and M . Hengel (above I, n . 8 6 ) , 165.
6 1 1 . For the influence of the mystery religions see the polemical translation Deut.23.18 and Num. 2 5 . 3 L X X , c f also Ps. 105.28 L X X and Wisd. I2.3f.; 1 4 . 1 5 , 22ff.; I l l Macc.2.30 and on it N . A . Dahl, Das Volk Gottes, ^1963, 1 0 5 and G. Bornkamm, TDNT4, 8 1 4 ; also O. S. Rankin, Israel's Wisdom Literature, reprinted 1 9 5 4 , 209ff., and in detail, though rather one-sided, L . Cerfaux, Le Museon 3 7 , 1 9 2 4 , 2 8 - 8 8 . Philo above all takes up the terminology of the mysteries to a considerable degree at a later stage, see Wolfson, Philo 1, 1 9 4 8 , 43ff., and A . Wlosok, Laktanz, A A H i 9 6 0 , 2, 74if., 97ff., who presupposes these views in the Alexandrian Jewish community. A closer acquaintance with the mystery cults can be noted in Palestinian Judaism in the Rabbinic period, see S. Lieberman, Hellenism injezoish Palestine, 1 9 5 0 , i i 9 f f . J. Lebram, VT 1 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 2 i i f , points to the 'language bordering on that of the mystery cults' in Marqah. 6 1 2 . Bousset/Gressmann, 2 9 1 , c f 298. 6 1 3 . G . von Rad, Theologie des Alten Testaments 2, ^1965, 3 1 9 : apocalyptic goes 'far beyond the claims of older wisdom', it is based on 'charismatic author ization' (passage not in the EngUsh translation), c f H . P. MxiUer, 'Mantische Weisheit und Apokalyptik', Congress Volume, SVT 22, 1 9 7 2 , 2 6 8 - 9 3 . 614. A . Bentzen, op. cit., 4 3 . 6 1 5 . Sir. 8 . 1 8 ; according to V . Hamp, the L X X version is to be preferred in 1 2 . 1 1 c ; c f also H . P. Riiger, Text und Textform, 1 9 7 0 , 5 1 n.28. T h e foreign
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word rdz ( = iivirrijpu>v), deriving from the Iranian, appears outside Daniel and the Qumran Uterature only in the Apocrypha and in the Greek parts of I Enoch 8.3; 16.3; 103.2; 104.12 and Tobit 12.7, 1 1 ; Judith 2.2; Wisdom 2.22; 6.22; 14.15, 23. Its emergence is an indication of the changed intellectual situation of the HeUenistic period. For Qumran see below, n.725, cf. also G . Bornkanun, TDNT 4, 8i3ff. 616. In Daniel we stiU find the old idea that the king receives divine revela tions by virtue of his office, cf. Gen.41.1ff.; Dan.4.2ff.; 5.5; Herodotus i , 34, 38f, 108, 209; 3, 30, 64; 7, 1 2 - 1 9 ; Josephus, Antt. 17, 345ff.; Cicero, De div. i, 23, 46, cf. also the Hytaspes oracle, V o l . 1 , pp. i85f. For the interpretation of dreams in Judaism, especially in Qumran, see Vol. I, p. 240. 617. O. Ploger, RGG^ 3, 22; c f P. Grelot, RSR 46, 1958, 15; D . S. Russell, op. cit., 112. 618. H . L . Jansen, op. cit., 22-81; c f also B. Wachholder, HUCA 34, 1963, 95-99) and P. Grelot, op. cit., 5-26; 181-210. 619. P. Grelot, op. cit., i8of. 620. Cf. E. Sjoberg, Der Menschensohn im dthiopischen Henochbuch, 1946, I04ff. 621. For Noah see the fragments of a Noah apocryphon in I Enoch 6 - 1 1 ; 65-69.25; io6f C f Jub. 10.13 and the fragment of a Noah book i Q 19, D J D i , 84ff., 152; on Abraham see Jub. 21 and 22 and the Testament of Abraham, in its Christian revision, ed. M . R. James, Anecdota apocrypha. Texts and Studies II, 2,1892, and G . H . Maccurdy, J B L 61,1942, 213-26. For the Testament of Levi see n. 623, cf. the fragment of a Testament of NaphthaU with apocalyptic content, C. Burchard, Bibliographic 2, 334. Even fragments of a 'vision of Amram', the father of Moses, have been preserved. It is almost impossible to distinguish between the gemes of apocaljrpses, testaments and midrash-like works such as Jubilees. T h e apocalypses contain paraenetic and midrash-like narrative passages, and as a 'prophetic' genre (see below, n. 667), the testament literature clearly as its eschatological parts. In the midrash works, on the other hand, smaller 'testaments' and 'apocalypses' have been incorporated. T h e extent and variety of this kind of Uterature can hardly be put high enough in view of the fragments from Qumran and the reports of the church fathers, see C . Burchard, op. cit., 333-6, the simunary report RB 63, 1956, 6of., 65f, and below n.895; it must have had a wide readership. 622. J. T . MiUk, RB 62,1955,400, cols. I and II, and on them R. H . Charles, The Greek Versions, 246 col. a 1.10 (v. 7), and T . Levi 2ff.; further apocalyptic examples of journeys to heaven in D . S. RusseU, op. cit., 166, cf. W . Bousset, Die Himmelsreise der Seele, reprinted i960, 7ff., and G . Bertram, RAC 6, 28-34 (see Vol. I, p p . 2 i 4 f ) . 623. O n this see D . S. RusseU, op. cit., 127-39. However, pseudepigraphy appUes to a large part of Jewish literature with a religious content, see Vol. I, p. 112, and occurs also in the astrological and prophetic revelation literature of the HeUenistic environment, see V o l . 1 , p. 206. 624. Cf. Dan. 8.26; 12.4,9; c f I Enoch 104.10-13. In I Enoch, handing on to the firstborn predominates, see Vol. I, p. 204, cf. below, n. 679. See also I V Ezra 14.38 and 14.42-47.
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137
6 2 5 . Cf. D . S. Russell, op. cit., 4 i 8 f . ; against P. Vielhauer, in HenneckeSchneemelcher-Wilson, op. cit., 595. 626. C f K . Elliger, Studien zum Habakkukkommentar, 1 9 5 3 , I56f; O. Betz, Offenbarung und Schriftforschung, i 9 6 0 , 8 o f F . , 1 3 7 ; D . S. Russell, op. cit., 1 8 7 - 9 4 , and R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 8 2 o f 627. A similar tendency appears in Hellenistic philosophy: the Platonist Antiochus of Ashkelon took 'veteres sequi' as his motto at the beginning of the first century BC, and thus laid the foundation for traditionaUst eclecticism (see V o l . 1 , p. 87 and n.II, 2 2 4 - 6 ) . 628. A similar distinction, merely 'of degree', existed between the prophets and the 'wise men' in Rabbinic views, see R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 8i6ff. 629. G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology 2 , 30ofF., critical observations on the term apocalyptic. For 'wisdom' see H . Gese, RGG^ 6, 1 5 7 7 : '. . . as there was no unitary term wisdom in the ancient East'; see also 1 5 7 8 : 'the boundary between wisdom poetry and scientific literature cannot be marked out clearly'. 630. See V o l . 1 , pp. I53f and nn.293, 3 0 1 : hidden wisdom in Ahikar. In I Enoch, 84.3 and ch.42, which is not original in its present place, point to this wisdom hidden with G o d ; cf. also the praise of wisdom in Aramaic Test. Levi, see R. H . Charles^ The Greek Versions, 256, col. c. = Apocrypha and Pseudepi grapha I I , 366. It becomes an eschatological gift for the elect, c f I Enoch 5 . 8 ; 9 0 . 1 0 ; 1 0 4 . 1 2 ; c f 3 7 . 4 ; 4 9 . 1 ; 5 1 . 3 ; 9 9 . 1 0 . For the apocalyptic concept of wis dom see U . Wilckens, Weisheit und Torheit, 1 9 5 9 , 6 5 f , i6oflF., and TDNT 7 , 5 0 3 f See also details in A. Theocharis, La sagesse dans lejfudaisme Palestinien de I'insurrection maccabeenne, Strasbourg 1963, typescript dissertation, and H.-P. MuUer (above n . 6 1 3 ) , 28ofF. 6 3 1 . Cf. the contrast in the derivation of apocalyptic between G. von Rad, op. cit., 2 , 30oflF., who bases it on 'wisdom', and H . H . Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic, ^1950, 1 1 - 5 0 , who sees it as the continuation of prophecy. T h e historical connection with the latter has been shown by O. Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, zjS., and passim, and G . Fohrer, TLZ 85, i 9 6 0 , 4 0 1 - 2 0 ; c f also D . S. Russell, op. cit., 7 5 - 1 0 3 . However, with the historical development there is an unmistakable difference between apocalyptic thought and the great prophets of the pre-exiUc period and the exile. T h e temporal interval of at least three to four hundred years and the changed historical and cultural situation in the Persian and Hellenistic period must be noted here, not the least of whose determinative influences was the growing significance of the wisdom Uterature. 632. Dan. 9.3; 10.3, at the same time an expression of penitence. For the widespread 'ecstatic fasts' see P. R. Arbesmann, Das Fasten, R G W 2 1 , 1929, 97flf., and J. Behm, TDNT 4 , 9 2 7 f , 9 3 0 ; c f I V Ezra 5 . 1 3 , I9f, etc.; Syr.Bar. 9 . 2 ; 21.iff., etc. Cf. also the drink of prophecy in I V Ezra I4.39ff., which might hint at drugs. 633. D . S. RusseU, op. cit., 1 6 4 - 7 3 ; c f also G. Widengren, Literal and Psychological Aspects, U U A 1 9 4 8 , 1 0 , io8ff., on the 'heavenly journey' of Enoch in comparison to Ezekiel. For the influence of 'mantic wisdom' see H . P. Miiller, op. cit., 275ff. 634. See W. Bousset, Himmelsreise, I4flf.; Bousset/Gressmann, 356f., 398f.; Mooie. Judaism i, 4 1 3 ; R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 820. For the Essene 'prophets' see
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III
Vol. Ij pp.239fF. For 'mystical' experiences of doctrines of the first and second centuries AD in connection with 'secret doctrine' see Bill, i , 6o3f. For the early Rabbinic miracle-workers, see A . Guttmann, HUCA 20, 1 9 4 9 , 3 6 3 - 4 0 6 , and R. Phinehas b. Jair: jDemai 2 i d / 2 2 a . 6 3 5 . Cf. I Enoch 1 7 - 3 6 ; J u b . 8 . 1 1 - 9 . 1 5 ; 1 0 . 2 6 - 3 6 ; G e n . A p o c . 2 1 ; on this see G. Holscher, Drei Erdkarten, S A H phil. hist. K l . 3 4 , 1 9 4 4 / 4 8 , 2 9 , 33 and 5 7 - 7 3 , where above all the Greek influences in Jub. are pointed out. For the earher Babylonian wisdom tradition see P. Grelot, RQ i , 1 9 5 8 / 5 9 , i24fF., and RB 6 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 33fF.; for 'geographical instruction' in the Jewish wisdom schools in Jerusalem see also K . Galling, Die Krisis der Aufklarung in Israel, 1950, 1 0 . According to the fragments of I Enoch 3 0 - 3 2 from Cave 4 Q , pubhshed by J. T . Milik, RB 6 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 70fF., Enoch travels into the spice-producing lands of the south and east (Arabia Felix and India ?) and over the Erythrean sea (cf. Gen. Apoc.21.17fF.) to paradise in the East. T h e report shows some famiharity with the spice trade and the origin of individual ingredients, and makes use of themes from the Hellenistic U t o p i a n travel romance (lambulus, Euhemerus); cf. K . Kertoyi, Die griechisch-orientalische Romanliteratur, H962, 45fF. 6 3 6 . For astrology see Vol. I, p p . 236fF. For the rejection of astral religion see Jub. I2.i6f.; I Enoch 80.7; Dan.2.2ofF., on which see A . Bentzen, op. cit., 2 5 . 6 3 7 . Meteorology, I Enoch 3 4 . 3 6 ; Jub.2.2fF.; for medicine see V o l . 1 , p p . 24of
638. E. Sjoberg, Der Menschensohn im dthoipischen Henochbuch, 1 9 4 6 , n o . 639. For later 'research in the Torah' among the Essenes see O. Betz, OJfenbarung, 1 9 - 3 5 . H . W. Kuhn, Enderwartung und gegenwdrtiges Heil, 1 9 6 6 , 1 4 5 - 5 2 , argues that these forms of knowledge are completely unconnected in apocalj^ptic. 640. See his Theologie des Alten Testaments 2, ^1965, 3 2 1 . 6 4 1 . A . Schlatter, GP, logf. 642. M . J. Lagrange, Le Judaisme, 1 9 3 1 , 7 9 , and F. M . Abel, HP I , 2 8 4 ; Bousset/Gressmann, 1 8 4 . 643. J. T . Milik, RB 6 3 , 1956, 60; c f also RB 6 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 7 5 f : detailed systematic work in describing the journeys of Enoch and the better comprehensibility and ordering in the extant fragments of the astronomical book, which comes to hght on the basis of the fragment of 7 7 . 3 and other fragments. C f HTR 64,
1 9 7 1 , 338flF., 343ff-
644. F. C. Buikitt, Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, 1 9 1 4 , 7 : 'in Daniel there is a philosophy of universal history', cf. also K . Koch, HZ 1 9 3 , 1 9 6 1 , 3 1 , 'a sketch of a universal history - the first in the history of the world'. 645. T h e term is not to be understood in W. Bousset's pejorative sense as a non-scribal 'Uterature of a strongly lay character', see Diejudische Apokalyptik, 19033 9 ; c f Bousset/Gressmann, 184, 2 n f , and still more abruptly ARW 1 8 , 1 9 1 5 3 1 5 1 : 'literature which often displays the character of a minority sect.' T h e alhance of 'piety with learning' did not take place only in the Herodian period but even before the Maccabean revolt, as a defence against HeUenistic influence. The apocalypses were written by the Hasidic 'sop^rim' for a wider audience. Daniel is the best example of this. With their archaizing style, their historical and geographical knowledge and their knowledge of Greek mythology, the Sibyllines
Notes
139
also presuppose a considerable degree of learning. P. Vielhauer ought to accept as true of apocalyptic, 594f., what he rightly says about the SibyUines in Hennecke-Schneemelcher-Wilson, op. dt., 6oof. T h e T e n Weeks' Apocalypse, for instance (see n.459 above), has the character of a pamphlet. 646. G . von Rad, Old Testament Theology 2 , 3 0 3 f 647 For Asclepius see W. Fauth, KP I , 644fr., and M . P. Nilsson, GGR.^ 2 , 1 8 6 , 188 n . 6 , 223ff., 336f. E.g. Aehus Aristides had such a complete personal relationship to Asclepius in the second century AD (op. cit., 5 6 i f . ) . For Serapis (and Isis) see op. cit., 2 , I 2 i f f . , 1246?., i28ff., 2 2 4 : healings and aretalogies. C f also H . Bell, JEA 3 4 , 1 9 4 8 , 8 7 - 9 4 , and A . D . Nock, Conversion, 36flF., 496?. E.g. the Zoilus letter from the Zeno correspondence is typical, P C Z 5 9 0 3 4 = A Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 1 9 2 7 , 1 5 2 - 6 1 . For Isis and Serapis as lords of destiny see S. Morenz/D. Miiller, A A L 5 2 , I , i 9 6 0 , 3 o f Further instances of a quite personal relationship with a god - albeit from Roman times are provided by the inscriptions on the temple of the god Mandulis-Aion in Talmis in Nubia, see A . D . Nock, HTR 2 7 , 1 9 3 4 , 5 3 - 7 8 , and Fesmgiere, Revelation I , 46ff. T h e vision of Maximus is typical, A. D . Nock, op. cit., 63 1.9: hiSeaaafievos a.v((TTat]v): ' I had a vision and found rest for my soul.' For the problem see in detail A . J. Festugiere, Personal Religion among the Greeks, 1 9 5 4 , 53flf., 6%S., 856?., I22ff., and for the Ptolemaic empire, M . T . Lenger, Proceedings of the Twelfth International Congress of Papyrologists, 2556?. 648. H . Gese, RGG^ 6, 1 5 7 5 : 'special revelations' are exceptions in ancient oriental wisdom. In the Hellenistic period 'these exceptions become the rule'. A good example of this is offered by the diary-like accounts of dreams of the katochos Ptolemy in the Serapeion in Memphis. On 2 June 1 5 9 BC the god Ammon appeared to him, at his request, with two other deities. Another time he turned to Isis and Serapis for a manifestation and a Uttle later had the epiphany of the (good) daimon Knephis, who announced to him his imminent release, see U . Wilcken, UPZ i , 3 5 3 f , n o . 7 7 , col.2, 2 2 - 3 1 and i , 3 6 0 , no.78, n . 2 2 - 4 5 ; on this see Festugiere, Revilation I , 5 1 . For the great significance of epiphanies for the revivification of the cult in the HeUenistic period see F. Pfister, PW Suppl 4, 295ff., 298ff.; for the question of the authenticity of experiences see 3 1 6 . T h e liberation of the Jewish slave Moschus son of Moschion in Oropus in Attica on the ground of a command of the healing gods Amphiaraus and Hygieia com municated by an incubation dream also belongs in this context (first half of the third century BC), see V o l . 1 , p . 4 2 , and n . I , 326. T h e incubation dream was already regarded highly in classical Greece in individual sanctuaries like Epidaurus, see E. Roos, Opuscula atheniensia 3 , i 9 6 0 , 5 5 - 9 7 , and E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, 1 9 5 1 , iioff. Ganschinietz, PW 1 0 , 2 3 9 5 - 2 4 3 0 ; cf. also E. Rohde, op. cit., 2 , 9off. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ i , 452flf., 688flf., 8 1 5 - 2 6 ; 2 , also - with qualifications - W . Bousset, Die Himmelsreise der Seele, reprinted i 9 6 0 , 59flf. See also E. R. Dodds, op. cit., i4oflf.: the original forms come from shamanist culture. 6 5 1 . A . Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie, ed. O. Weinreich, ^ 1 9 2 3 , 1 9 7 . 6 5 2 . O p . cit., 1 9 7 - 2 0 0 ; W . Jaeger, Die Theologie der friihen griechischen Denker, 1 9 5 3 , iioff. C f G. Bertram, RAC 6, 3 o f 653. F . Pfister, i?ylC 4, 9 7 1 . 649.
650.
Chapter
140
III
654. Wilamowitz-Moellendorfj Der Glaube der Hellenen 2, ^ 1 9 5 9 , 524fF.; E. Rohde, op. cit., 2 , 94 n. i ; on his influence: 2 , 320 n. i and Clem.Alex., Strom, r, 1 3 3 , 2 , G C S 2 , 82, Stahhn-Friichtel. Cf. also M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 24of., and H . Lewy, HTR 3 1 , 1 9 3 9 , 2 i 4 f . For parallel phenomena see Rohde, op. cit., 2,9ofF., and Nilsson, op. cit., i, 6i5fF. 655- 3 7 1 a , see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 4 i f . 6 5 6 . R. Hehn, PW 1 5 , 8 8 8 - 9 4 . 6 5 7 . Fesmgiere, op. cit., i, 2 2 4 , 228f., and Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i, i98fF.,
2iof.; 2 , 3 1 1 - 2 1 , esp. 3 1 7 n.6.
658. Ps.Clem., Hom. i , 5, G C S I , 24, ed. Rehm, cf. on this F. Boll, ZNW 1 7 , who points to the parallels to Lucian and the Thessalus letter (see below, n . 6 8 i ) . Lucian, Philopseudes 33flf., L C L 3 , 370flf., offers a satire on the Egyptian secret sciences. 659. Text in M . Forster, Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen 1 0 8 , 1 9 0 2 , 1 5 - 2 8 , German in Riessler, Altjudische Schrifttum, 496. For necromancy, which especially flourished in the Hellenistic period, see T . Hopfner, PW 1 6 , 1916,139-48,
2218-33.
660. Festugiere, op. cit., i , 6 - 1 8 : ' L e declin du rationahsme', though this does not begin with the empire but from the second century BC, cf. Tarn/ Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 35iff.: the problem of fate drove men to astrology, and to escape the compulsion of the stars 'there were three main fines . . . Gnosis, magic and the eastern mystery-religions'. 6 6 1 . C H 1 6 , 2 , cf. Festugiere, op. cit., i.26f. Cf. also Philo Bybl., FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2 , 1 0 , 8 on the erroneous Greek divine names based on wrong translations. Cf. C. Preaux, ChrEg 4 2 , 1 9 6 7 , 3 6 9 - 8 3 . 662. P O x I I , 1 3 8 1 : the aretalogy on Asclepius-Imuthes: the text is also in G. Manteuffel, op. cit., 86fF., cf. Festugiere, op. cit., I , 52fF., and A . D . Nock, Conversion, 86ff.; see further SB 7 4 7 0 and on the Hermetica, lamblichus, De myst. 8,4. 663. Meg.sa, cf. also Tractate Soperim i, 7 ; on the other hand Meg.ga Bar., see Bill. 4, 4 1 4 V - X , is positive. For Jonathan b. Uzziel and Theodotion see above, n. I I , 349. Among other things, the Prophet Targum was ascribed to him. Cf. the punishment for an illegitimate translation, Ps.Arist. 3 i 4 f 664. Fesmgiere, op. cit., i, 1 7 - 4 4 : (ch.2) 'Les prophetes de I'Orient'. C f M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 5273. 665.
Op. cit.,
I , 28flF.
666. FGrHist 618 F 6 = Porphyry, De abst. 4 , 6 . C f on this Festugiere, REG 5 0 , 1 9 3 7 , 476fF., and A . Wlosok, Laktanz, A A H i 9 6 0 , 2 , 55f. 667. E. Fascher, nPO^HTHS, 1 9 2 7 , 94f. 668. Lactantius, Divin. Inst. 6, 1 5 , 1 9 , C S E L 1 9 , I , 634, ed. Brandt; on this see H . Windisch, op. cit., 46fF., and F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens, 2, i 8 o f . T h e gift of sight was often ascribed to youths, see P. Courcelle, RAC 3 , 1 2 3 7 , I24lf. 669. See the fragments in E. Riess, PhilSuppl. 6, 1 8 9 1 - 9 3 , 3 2 2 fr. i = Vettius Valens 6, i , and the text reconstruction in R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 1 9 0 4 , 4 f , c f Mysterienreligionen, iSgt, and W. Kroll, PW 1 6 , 2i6oflF. For the type of these 'heavenly journeys' see A . Wlosok, Laktanz, A A H i 9 6 0 , 2 , 34fF.,
Notes
141
who points out the influence of these conceptions on Philo. C f also G. Bertram, RAC 6, 3 1 . 6 7 0 . E. RieSS, op. cit., 380 fr. 3 3 : dvrjp wan-oiais Tavern Beuiv Kal dyyeXmv awaXiaeeis, and less emphatically Vettius Valens 6 . 1 , ed. Kroll 2 4 2 , 1 7 : rd Beta fioi TrpoaopLiXetv,
6 7 1 . Op. cit., I , 7 7 . T h e earhest Hermetic-astrological evidence is the fragment of the Salmeshiniaka preserved in POx 3 , i26flF., no. 4 6 5 , which still has similarities with Babylonian texts, see W. Kroll, PWSuppl 5, 8436?., and W. Gundel, PW, 2.R 3 , 2 4 2 4 . T h e Latin translation of an extensive astrological work of Hermes coming from the time of the Ptolemies (second century BC) was edited by W. Gundel: Neue astrologische Texte des Hermes Trismegistos, A A M N F 1 2 , 1936. Its original version is probably only a Uttle earUer than the work of Nechepso, see also O. Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, ^ 1 9 5 7 , 6 8 f , and Festugiere, op. cit., i, i i 2 f F . 672. Knaack, PW 6, 388, see E. Hiller, Erastosthenis carminum reliquiae, 1 8 7 2 , 3 8 - 6 5 , fr. 1 5 - 1 9 , and J. U . PoweU, Collectanea Alexandrina, 1 9 2 5 , 6 i f F . ; c f A . Wlosok, op. cit., 36 n . i i i , and ManiUus 2, 1 1 5 : revelation through exaltation. 6 7 3 . Astronomica, ed. Wageningen, i, 30, cf. 4, 4 3 6 - 4 0 : 'sed mihiper carmen fatalia iura ferenti / et sacros caeli motus ad iussa loquendum est; / nec fingenda datur, tantum monstranda figura; ostendisse deum nimis est, dabit ipse sibimet / pondera.' 674. C H I , I , c f R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 1904, I2ff., and Festugiere, op. cit., I , 3 1 4 , who points to I Enoch 1 2 . i and Rev. i . i o ; 4.2, etc., as paraUels. 6 7 5 . See on tiiis R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 8 i 7 f , and n . 2 4 2 ; BiU. i, 1256?. It appears as the most extreme abbreviation of a divine epiphany reduced to an audition, the starting point of which is the heavenly sanctuary. It is meant to replace the lack of prophetic inspiration: T. Sofa 1 3 , 2 (I.318), cf. on this A . Guttmann, HUCA 20, 1 9 4 7 , 3676?. 6 7 6 . P G M 4, 6 2 5 , cf. I Enoch 1 4 . 1 5 ; 1 0 4 . 2 ; T . Levi 5 . 1 ; Acts 7 . 5 6 ; R e v . 4 . 1 ; III Mace. 6 . 1 8 ; on this W. C. van Unnik, Festschrift E. Haenchen, B Z N W 30, 1 9 6 4 , 2 6 9 - 8 0 ; F. Lentzen-Deis, Bibl 50, 1 9 6 9 , 3 0 1 - 2 7 . 6 7 7 . P G M I , 8 8 - 9 8 no. 4 , 4 7 5 - 7 5 0 , cf. Dieterich/Weinreichj op. cit., passim, and Festugiere, op. cit., I , 3 1 5 . For Apuleius see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 6336?., and M . Dibelius, Botschaft und Geschichte 2 , 1 9 5 6 , 48flf. Gen.R.44, 1 2 (on 1 5 . 5 ) reports a 'heavenly journey' of Abraham related to Plato, Phaedrus 2 4 7 b / c , as a tradition of R. Johanan (third century AD), to give a basis for the rejection of astrology (see above, n. II, 254), see L . Baeck, op. cit., I49f. 678. Festugiere, op. cit., i, 3 3 4 n . 7 , c f 1 3 7 n . 8 : the tractate ascribed simultaneously to Enoch and Hermes, De XV herbis lapidibus etfiguris, and on it F. Pfister, PW 1 9 , 1 4 5 and L . Thorndike, A History of Magic i , 1 9 2 3 , 3 4 o f C f Hermes as an intercessor and guide on the heavenly journey, above, n. 5 8 1 . 679. On this Festugiere, op. cit., i, 332S., and RB 48, 1939, 5 2 : it is a matter of a secret 'paradosis'. This is the very earliest form of the wisdom tradition and at the same time has an esoteric character; c f e.g. the Ahikar romance ed. A . Cowley, Aramaic Papyri, 1 9 2 3 , 2 1 2 , cols. I and I I : Ahikar and his ungrateful adopted son Nadin. C f D . Langen, Archdische Ekstase, 1 9 6 3 , i6f..
Chapter
142
III
for prehistoric shamanism. Jub.y.sSf.; Test.Benj. 1 0 . 2 - 6 are typical. On this see L . Diirr, in Heilige Oberlieferung, Festschrift I. Herwegen, 1 9 3 8 , 1 - 2 0 . 680. FGrHist 7 2 6 F 3 , 6 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev., cf. Hecataeus, FGrHist 2 6 4 F 25 = Diodore I , 1 6 , I . 6 8 1 . C C A G 8, 3 , 1 9 1 2 , 1 3 4 f f . , cf. Festugiere, RB 4 8 , 1 9 3 9 , 4 5 - 7 7 ; Revelation, I , 56ff. T h e authenticity of the letter is doubted. Against R. Reitzenstein, Mysterienreligionen, 2 1 9 2 7 , i27fF., and with H . Diller, PW, 2.R 6, i 8 i f . , and M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 532 n. 5, we should probably assume a pseudepigraphon. 682. G. Manteuffel, op. cit., 100, and FGrHist 2 5 7 F 3 6 I I I , 6; see above, n . 5 2 5 . C f also F. Pfister, RAC 4, 97f. This form caimot by any means be described as typically Greek. For a related phenomenon in the Old Testament see G. Widengren, U U A , 1 9 4 8 , no. 1 0 , 96, ii3flF., c f e.g. I I Kings 3 . 1 5 ; 9 . 1 1 ; Hos.9.7; Jer.29.26; see also above, n.384. Ps.Longinus, De sublim. 1 3 , 2; 1 6 , 2 , transfers it to the orator. 683. In the hour of death (and in sleep), when the soul is parted from the body, a man receives special gifts of insight, see Cicero, De div. i , 30, 6 3 f , with reference to Posidonius; c f P. Courcelle, RAC 3 , 1 2 3 7 . This is the historical background to the 'prophetic' testament hterature, see also E . Stauflfer, RAC I , 30f 684. J. A . Sint, Pseudonymitdt im Altertum, i 9 6 0 ; K . Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte, i 9 6 0 , 269fF.; W. Speyer, Die literarische Fdlschung im Altertum, 1 9 7 1 . 6 8 5 . Die Himmelsreise der Seele, reprinted i 9 6 0 , 6 7 ; c f on the other hand the justified criticism of Dietrich/Weimeich, op. cit., i86fF., i 9 i f F . R. Reitzenstein, Mysterienreligionen, 223ff., also supposes Iranian derivation. O . Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 620, favours Egypt. However, the phenomenon is too widespread for a one-sided geographical conclusion to be reached, see n. 686. 686. T h e apocalyptists beheved that they were dependent on Old Testament models like E z e k . 3 . 1 4 ; 8.3; 1 1 . 1 and II Kings 2 . i i f . , as I Enoch 14.8 and 7 0 . 2 show; see G. Widengren, op. cit., i02fF. It is less probable that they were aware how different they were from the prophecy of the Old Testament in the theme of the heavenly journey, their description of the kingdom of the dead and of paradise, and even in their view of history.' Inspired exegesis' offered a possibihty of reading a new meaning into the old texts. Of course the phenomenon of the heavenly journey and the visit to the underworld is very old, like that of prophetic ecstasy, and presumably goes back to prehistoric times. See D . Langen, Archdische Ekstase, 1 9 6 3 , i5fF., 2 3 f , 6 5 ; c f also E. R. Dodds, op. cit., i4ofF., see above, n. 650. T h e one thing typical of the Hellenistic period is that interest in such experiences was aroused on a broad basis, even in Judaism. 687. op. cit.,
P. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-romische Kultur,
1 9 1 2 , i59fF.;
A . Wlosok,
53fF.
688. New Testament Questions of Today, 1 0 2 , c f 1 3 7 , 'apocalyptic as the mother of Christian theology'. 689. See the fine formulation by P. Stuhlmacher, Gerechtigkeit Gottes bei Paulus, 1 9 6 5 , 1 4 7 (cf K . Koch, HZ 1 9 3 , 1 9 6 1 , 3 1 ) : ' I f G o d is the basis and author of history, then man resting on the faithfulness of G o d is its goal.' 690. We begin from an assumption, almost universally accepted, that the
Notes
143
community of Qumran is identical with the Essenes; on this see P. WembergMoller, The Manual of Discipline, 1 9 5 7 , 1 9 n.2 lit.; A . Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings from Qumran, 1 9 6 1 , 3 9 - 6 7 , and K . G. Kuhn, RGG^ 5, 7 4 5 . 6 9 1 . T h e 'central writings' are i Q S , i Q H and i Q M , xh&p'sarim and a series of fragments with typical terminology like i Q 2 7 (see n . 7 1 1 ) . Their basic ideas probably go back to the founder himself, the Teacher of Righteousness, even if some of them, like the p'sdrtm, in fact arose later. Their frequency in the hbrary is also striking, see C . Burchard, op. cit., 2, 337flf., 3 4 1 . I Q M could be the Essene revision of a Hasidic-apocalyptic writing from the Maccabean period; see above, n . I , l o i . For the problem see n . 7 3 9 below. 692. For the text see E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran, 1964, I i f Enghsh version follows G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, 1 9 6 2 , 7 5 f . , with some alterations. 693. J. Becker, Das Heil Gottes, 1964, 84. 694. See V o l . 1 , p p . i 4 o f , and 2 2 1 . For the relationship of the Rule to the language of wisdom Uterature see P. Wemberg-Moller, The Manual of Discipline, I 9 5 7 J i 6 f ; for Ben Sira see M . R. Lehmann, RQ 3 , 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 1 0 3 - 1 6 , and J. Carmignac, RQ 3 , 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 2 0 9 - 1 8 . So far two Koheleth fragments and a fragment of Sirach have been found in Qumran itself, see A . Muilenberg, BASOR 1 3 5 , 1 9 5 4 , 2 0 - 8 , and C. Burchard, op. cit., 2 , 3 2 8 f . ; c f also J. Strugnell, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 5 7 f , and DJDJ III 756?. (2 Q 18). 695. For the expression see Wemberg-MoUer, op. cit., 68 n . 4 8 ; c f i Q S 1 1 . 4 , 1 1 ; I Q M 1 7 . 5 , and similarly also C D 2 . 1 0 . (n)NTin appears only in i Q S 1 1 . 5 and i Q H 1 2 . 9 ; n('')''n3 (niph. H'-H, c f n m i = events, S i r . 4 2 . 1 8 ; 4 8 . 2 5 ) : I QS
10.5; 1 1 . 9 ; I Q M
1 7 . 5 ; I QH
I I . 1 4 ; 13.12,
etc.
696. E. Kamlah, Die Form der katalogischen Pardnese im NT, 1964, 44 n. i . 697. Fragments of 12 ( 1 1 ?) copies of the Rule are known, see C . Burchard, op. cit., 2, 3 3 7 f . ; see on this J. T . Mihk, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 6of.; 6 7 , i 9 6 0 , 4 1 0 - 1 6 , and K . G. Kuhn, TLZ 85, 1960, 652. T h e attempt of Wemberg-Moller, op. cit., 1 8 , 2 o f , to put it in the first half of the second century BC is on the other hand too early. Apart from C o l . V (see J. T . Milik, op. cit., 4 1 2 ) , no essential variants in tradition have so far been found. Thus - against J. Becker, op. cit., 59, 84 - the dualism of the catechesis cannot be regarded as a teaching which only found its way in after the founder of the community: see also below, n. 739. T h e dating by J. Recker, op. cit., 4 2 , already makes this questionable. 698. This feminine hypostasis of God probably seemed to be too mytho logical; it did not correspond to the strict outline of Essene theology. T h e hypothesis of C. Colpe, KP 2, 832, that i n i Q S 3 . i 5 ; i i . i i n S T i s 'mediatrix of creation', is unjustified. 'God's knowledge' has no independent function that can be detached from God. Together with the call into the community of salvation it has, however, become a decisive concept for salvation as a gift of G o d : i Q S 11.5-8. 699. C f I Q H 1 . 2 6 ; 1 2 . 1 0 ; fr. 4 . 1 5 ; c f 4 QSl 4 0 . 2 4 , 2, ed. J. Strugnell, SVT J, i 9 6 0 , 336. See on this J. Becker, op. cit., 85 n.2. Sir.42.40 already says that God possesses all TWI, but does so without drawing the ultimate predestinarian consequence. 700. (nairns) n a w a in the L X X is usually rendered SiaAoyior/xos (cf also
Chapter
144
III
Sir. 1 3 . 2 6 ) or XoyiajMs; Isa. 5 5 . 9 : hiavorjiia; 5 5 . 7 (SouArJ. In the sense of God's plan before creation see i Q S 1 1 . i i , 1 9 ; I Q H 4 . 1 3 ; 1 1 . 7 ; 1 8 . 2 2 , cf. fr. 2 0 ; on this F. Notscher, Zur Terminologie der Qumrantexte, 1 9 5 6 , 5 3 . In Sir. 4 3 . 2 3 it means the plan of creation. For the obvious HeUenistic influence in Rabbinic terminology which stands near to that of Qumran - see L . Wachter, ZRGG 1 4 , 1 9 6 2 , 37flf. 7 0 1 . I Q H i . 7 f . , cf. 1 3 . 8 - 1 0 ; I 5 . i 3 f . , 1 7 - 1 9 ; I Q S i i . i o f . , I 7 f . Cf. further i Q M I 3 . i 4 f . ; C D 2.7f. and i Q H 9.29f. (cf. Gal. 1 . 1 5 ) . T h e formula DnN13 01133 or Dnvri "t33 is typical of predestinarian thought, see i Q H i . i o , 1 9 , 28 and J. M . AUegro, ALUOS 4, 1 9 6 2 / 6 3 , 3 D o c . I , 2 = 4 Q 180 i , 2 (DJDJ V , 7 7 ) ; also J. StrugneU, RQ 7 , 1 9 6 9 , 1 7 1 , 2 5 2 . These statements should not in any event be weakened down to a mere prescience, as happens with F. Notscher, Vom Alten zum Neuen Testament, 1 9 6 2 , 46f., 5ifF., and Terminologie, i73fF. God's onmipotence and righteousness are fundamentaUy identical as 'the demonstration of the creative power of God who has made all the world only for his glory', see P. Stuhlmacher, Gerechtigkeit Gottes bei Paulus, 1 9 6 5 , 1 6 6 ; on this see V o l . 1 , pp.223fF. 702.
Cf. I Q S 2 . 2 , 5 ; 3 . 2 4 ; 4 . 2 4 , 2 6 etc. I Q H 3 . 2 2 , 2 7 ; 7 . 3 4 ; i Q 3 4 ^ 5 3 . 1 , 2
= D J D I , 1 5 3 ; I Q S b 4.26 = op. cit., I, 1 2 6 ; on this see also F. Notscher, op. cit., i69fF., who also weakens the predestinarian meaning here. 703. Cf. K o h . 3 . 1 4 , to which again Sir. 18.6 refers, though in a weaker sense; see also 4 2 . 2 1 . T h e stress on the freedom of the will is essentiaUy stronger in Ben Sira and can be explained from his cultural simation, see V o l . 1 , pp. I40f.; as Pharisaic instances see P s . S o l . 9 . 7 - 9 (4.5) and R. Akiba in 'Ab.3, I 5 - Further in BUI. I , 5 8 3 ; 4, 7 ; Bousset/Gressmaim, 405, and R. Mach, Der Zaddik in Talmud und Midrasch,
i957,4ifF.
Bell.2, i 6 2 f . ; Antt.13, ijif. (probably dependent on Nicolaus of Damascus); 1 8 , i2fF., 1 8 . See also G . F. Moore, HTR 2 2 , 1 9 2 9 , 3 7 1 - 8 9 ; G . Maier, Mensch undfreier Wille, 1 9 7 1 . 705. T h e term is related to msVa, see J. Becker, op. cit., 7 9 , 98f. 7 0 6 . See I Q S 3 . 2 1 - 2 4 , and the duties of the novices, I . i 7 f . , 2 3 . Cf. 2 . 1 9 . 7 0 7 . See I Q S 4 . 2 4 - 2 6 ; this conception also underlies the horoscopes at Qumran, see Vol I, pp.236fF. 708. T h e phrase 'mystery(ies) of God' relates above aU to the predestinarian plan of God which he reaUzes in history: see e.g. i Q S 1 1 . 1 9 . It comprises both the 'mystery' of the annihilation of evil at the end of time (i Q S 4 . 1 8 ; I Q M 3.9, etc.) and also the 'mystery' of the effectiveness of evil in history, which is equaUy laid down by G o d : i Q S 3 . 2 3 ; i Q M 1 6 . 1 1 - 1 6 ; 1 7 . 9 ; cf. 1 4 . 9 and above aU I Q H 5 . 3 6 ; the interpretation of the passage by F. Notscher, op. cit., 4 7 , distorts its meaning. In his predestinarian 'mystery' G o d has determined that sinners alter 'God's work' (presumably the ordering of feast times, cf. Dan. 7.25) through their transgressions. For the concept of the mystery see also E. Vogt, Bibl 3 7 , 1 9 5 6 , 2 4 7 - 5 7 , and J. Hempel, Die Texte von Qumran, N G G 1 9 6 1 , no. 1 0 , 363f.; cf. also above n . 6 1 5 and below n . 7 2 5 . 704.
7 0 9 . For the two spirits see I Q S 3.i8fF.; 4.9, 2 1 - 2 9 ; they are identical with the spirits of Ught and darkness, 3.25 cf. 3.20; cf. also i Q M 1 3 . 1 0 - 1 4 ; i7.5fF. (Michael) and C D 5 . 1 8 ; for Belial see i Q S i . i 7 f . , 2 4 ; 2 . 5 , 1 9 ; the War ScroU and C D passim. T h e developed angelology is closely connected with the
Notes
145
doctrine of the two spirits, see Y . Yadin, The Scroll of the War, 1 9 6 2 , 2 2 9 - 4 2 , and M . Mansoor, The Thanksgiving Hymns, 1 9 6 1 , 7 7 - 8 4 , cf. also V o l . 1 , p. 2 3 1 , n. 786. For Behal see also K . Galling, RGG^ I , I025f For the final overcoming of evil see i Q S 3 . 1 8 ; 4.i8fF.; I Q H 3 . 1 9 - 3 6 ; i Q M passim and M . Mansoor, op. cit., 9 o f 7 1 0 . P. Wemberg-Moller, RQ 3 , 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 4 1 3 - 4 1 , put forward a piurely anthropological interpretation without a cosmic background; see on the other hand the justified objections of H. G. May, J B L 82, 1963, 1 - 1 4 ; c f already O. Betz, Offenbarung, 1436?. 7 1 1 . I Q 2 7 , see D J D 1 , 1 0 3 , col. i; c f A . Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., 3 2 7 , and J. Hempel, op. cit., 3 0 5 ; the translation follows J. Becker, op. cit., 9 4 , with alterations. T h e apocalyptic text published by J. M . Allegro, op. cit. (above, n . 7 0 1 ) , and the fragment from D J D I, 1 5 4 , i Q 34^^ 3 , 2 , where the historical failiure of man is also described, are related. 7 1 2 . For imprisonment in the underworld see also i Q H 3 . i 7 f . ; r Q S 4 . 1 3 ; 2 . 7 f ; cf. I Enoch 2 2 and Vol. I, pp. I98f. 7 1 3 . For the mystery of history see O. Betz, Offenbarung, 8 2 - 7 . For see F. Notscher, Temdnologie, i6jS.; and ISTID also appear alongside it. 7 1 4 . For creatureliness see i Q H 1 . 2 1 ; 3 . 2 3 f ; 1 0 . 3 - 5 ; 1 1 . 3 ; I 2 . 3 i f ; i Q S i i . z i f This group of ideas comes from wisdom, see Wemberg-Moller, Manual, I 5 5 j c f Job 4 . 1 9 ; 1 0 . 9 ; K o h . 3 . 2 0 ; Sir. 1 7 . i ; W i s d . 7 . 1 ; 9 . 1 5 ; 'Ab.3, i- However, inextricably bound up with man's creatureUness is his complete fallenness in sin, see the abundance of instances in Mansoor, op. cit., 5 9 - 6 2 ; c f also K . G. Kuhn, ZTK 4 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 2 0 0 - 2 2 ; O. Betz, Offenbarung, 120-6; J. Becker, op. cit., 1 0 9 - 1 4 and 1 3 7 - 4 8 . A s in Paul, the association of creatureliness and sinfulness is expressed in the term bdsar, see op. cit., 1 1 2 : ' A l l men are sinners, because they are bdsar', cf. also J. Hempel, op. cit., 3576?. 7 1 5 . For the Damascus document see K . G. Kuhn, TLZ 8 5 , i 9 6 0 , 6 5 2 ; RGG^ 5 , 7 4 9 : 'the rule for the "worldly" lay brotherhoods . . . who form individual communities scattered through the country.' For the book of Jubilees see its mention in C D i 6 . 3 f . : it is similarly of Essene origin, see above, n.460. 7 1 6 . F. Notscher, Terminologie, 3 8 - 7 9 , gives a survey of the terms. For the hymns see especially M . Mansoor, op. cit., 6 5 - 7 4 . nS?l/nS?T appears most frequently with 62 times; there follow with 2 7 ; nr3 with 2 5 ; on the other hand nSDn is used only 13 times; see K . G. Kuhn, Konkordanz, and the supplement, RQ 4 , 1 9 6 3 / 6 4 , 1 7 5 - 2 3 4 , on the individual terms. T h e stratification in terminology is probably connected with a greater emergence of noeticreflective knowledge. T h e old term 'wisdom' no longer did justice to the stronger differentiation of revealed 'knowledge'. For 'knowledge' in the com munity hymns see H . W. Kuhn, Enderwartung, I54flf. 7 1 7 . C f e.g. I Q S 9 . 1 7 : 'true knowledge' and i Q H 9 . 1 0 ; 1 0 . 2 0 , 2 9 . With nnX (the term appears 133 times in the Concordance and the supplement), the ethical practical significance of the reference to God predominates; c f F. Notscher, Vom Alten zum Neuen Testament.. 1 1 2 - 2 5 ; O. Betz, Offenbarung, 5 3 - 5 9 , and especially for the community hymns, J. Becker, op. cit., 1 5 5 - 6 0 . This word, which is central to Essene theology, encompasses the whole range of divine revelation: what God does, communicates and demands is DttN.
Chapter
146 7 1 8 . I Q S 1 0 . 1 2 ; 1 1 . 3 ; I Q H 2 . 1 8 ; cf. I Q H Teacher the source of knowledge in his heart. 719.
5 . 2 6 ; 8.6;
III
God has given the
I Q S i i . s f . j 5 f . ; cf. I Q H 1 . 2 1 - 2 3 , 2 6 - 2 8 ; 3 . 2 0 - 2 3 ; 4 . 2 7 f . , 3 0 etc.
Q S 5 . 2 0 - 2 4 : alongside this the 'perfection of conduct' is also tested, cf. I QSa 1 . 1 7 . 7 2 1 . Cf. I Q S 4 . 1 0 , 2 4 ; 10.22; I Q H 1 . 3 7 ; also i Q 34"^ 3 , 2 in D J D 1 , 1 5 4 : the failure of man to understand, on which see F . Notscher, Terminologie, 720.
I
5if. 7 2 2 . O. Betz, Offenbarung, 6S., 16S., 5 4 , 73fF., 1 5 5 - 8 2 . E.g. the hymn I Q M 10.1 off. shows the cormection between teaching the law and direct revelation. 7 2 3 . C. Burchard, KP 2 , 3 7 8 ; cf. also P. Seidensticker, Studii bibliciPrancisci, Liber annuus 9 , 1 9 5 8 - 5 9 , i58fF., i67fF. 7 2 4 . O. Betz, Offenbarung, 1 1 0 - 4 9 ; cf. above all i Q H I 2 . i i b - I 3 and on this op. cit., Ii9f. 7 2 5 . For reveal (ilVj) see op. cit., 6fF.; the past participle niphal or mVjl appears above all in the Conununity Rule; in the hymns, on the other hand, we find mostiy the finite verb. I Q H 1 . 2 1 ; 6 . 4 ; 1 1 . 1 7 , etc.; also S?mn i Q H 4 . 2 7 ; 7 . 2 7 ; I QpHab 7 . 4 , etc.; for enhghten (TXn) see I Q S 2.3; 4.2; I Q H 3 . 3 ; 4 . 5 , 2 7 etc.; light up, appear ( V S i n ) I Q H 4.6, 2 3 ; 9.31 etc. t 1 is of central importance, as it already is in Daniel (see above, n . 6 1 5 ) : it appears 55 times, while 110 appears 43 times, 28 of them in the hymns; see F. Notscher, Terminologie, 7 1 - 7 , andabove,n.7o8. Alongside this we find the verbs N3n: 1 Q S 4 . 6 ; i Q H 5 . 1 1 - 2 5 ; 9.24, and i n o : partly as a finite verb, i Q S 1 1 . 6 ; i Q H 5.26, etc., partiy as a past participle niphal miDDl i Q S 5 . 1 1 ; i Q H fr. 5 5 . 1 ; C D 3 . 1 4 . For the affinity of this 'understanding of iUiunination' with that of Philo see A . Wlosok, Laktanz, AAH
i 9 6 0 , 2, I i o f . and n . 1 1 3 .
7 2 6 . For membership of the conununity see i Q S 1 . 1 - 2 . 1 8 , the great hmrgy for new members; also 5.7fF., 6 . 2 0 - 2 4 . 'WilUngness' to enter is expressed above all in the group of terms n i S""!! and conversion by the frequently used (see above, n . 4 8 4 ) . For the conununity as a renmant see I Q H 6 . 8 ; I Q M 1 3 . 8 ; I4.8f., see J. Becker, op. cit., 62f. For separation from the 'massa perditionis' see i Q S 1 . 2 6 - 3 . 6 and 5 . 1 1 - 2 0 . 7 3 7 . For the forgiveness of sins in the conununity see i Q S 3 . 7 - 9 ; I i . i 4 f . ; i Q H 4 . 3 7 ; 7.29fF.; i i . i o f . , cf. especially 1 6 . 1 2 and fr. 2 . 1 3 : through the holy spirit. T h e verbs 1 9 3 and IHS are essential. 728. I Q S 1 . 1 2 ; on this see O. Betz, Offenbarung, 5 8 , I33f. 729. Op. cit., 5 4 : ' T h e members of the sect call themselves "men of truth", because they are "doers of the Torah" ', on i QpHab 7 . 1 0 - 1 2 . For the rigorous fulfilment of the law see i Q S 1 . 5 , 8, 1 5 ; cf. also the entry oath 5.8ff. Any transgression is strictly dealt with, even by complete exclusion. T h e struggle for perfection can be seen in formulas Uke " ] n DID or WIST) ']bTI, or similar ones, see I Q S 1.8, 1 3 ; 2.2; 5.24; 8.10, 1 8 , 2 1 ; 1 1 . 2 , 1 1 etc. This corresponds to the Greek rcAeios, see already Sir. 4 4 . 1 7 M and G . 730.
I Q S 3-22f., cf. i i . i 2 f f . ; I Q H 1 . 3 2 ; 4.3of.
I Q S 4 . 2 0 - 2 3 ; on this see O. Betz, Offenbarung, i 3 i f F . In this way man receives back the DIN T133, see the 'glory of Adam' in Sir. 4 9 . 1 6 and n. 531 and Vol. I, p. 2 2 3 . For the annihilation of the sons of darkness see the term n'73, cf. 731.
Notes
147
1 Q S 2 . 1 5 ; 5 . 1 3 ; I Q H 6 . 1 9 ; I Q M 1 . 5 , 1 0 etc.; the ideas of imprisonment in the underworld and of the judgment of fire appear often, see above, n. 607. 7 3 2 . For the constant praise of God and for accord with the orbits of the stars see I Q S 1 0 . 1 - 1 7 , 2 3 ; cf. also i Q H 1 2 . 1 - 1 2 with reference to the sun. T h i s is probably the particular background for the difficult passage Bell. 2, 1 2 8 , see V o l . 1 , p . 2 3 6 . For I Q H 1 . 2 7 - 3 1 , Bergmeier/Pabst, RQ 5 , 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 , 4 3 5 - 9 , have pointed to part of a hymn on the creation of language for the praise of God by the community in connection with the creation hymn of col. i ; see also i Q H 1 1 . 4 , 3 3 , and c f already O. Betz, Offenbarung, 83 n . 5 . 7 3 3 . For commimity with the angels of God see i Q S i i . 7 f . ; i Q H 3 . 1 9 - 2 3 ; 6 . 1 2 - 1 4 ; I I . 1 0 - 1 4 ; fr- 2 , 1 0 ; I Q S b
4.26 and
i Q 36.1, 3 =
DJD
I, 1 2 6 , 1 3 8 .
The presence of the angel in the War Scroll is brought out, see above all i Q M 10 1 0 ; 1 2 . 1 - 4 , and on this Y . Yadin, op. cit., 24oflf. It is typical of the anticipation of salvation that in the hymnic texts it is often impossible to say whether the statements refer to the present or the future: on this see A . Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., 102 n . 2 : ' T h e earthly Community is in communion with the whole angehc and celestial world'. Cf. H. W. Kuhn, Enderwartung, 6 6 - 7 3 . 734. T h e statements about the 1 1 3 3 of God are many and varied: (a) in connection with God's plan and creation, see i Q S 3 . 1 6 ; i Q M 1 4 . 1 4 ; i Q H i . 9 f ; 7 . 2 4 ; 9 . 2 6 ; 1 0 . 1 2 ; 1 8 . 2 2 ; f r . 2 . 4 f . ; c f . 2 . i 6 ( s e e a l r e a d y l s a . 4 3 . 7 a n d latex'Ab. 6 . 1 1 ) ;
God's judgment: I Q H 2 . 2 4 f . , c f i Q S 4 . 1 8 ; i Q M 4 . 6 , 8; 1 2 . 7 , 1 0 ; (c) God's saving revelation happens for the sake of his 'honour': i Q H 6 . 1 4 ; 7 . 1 5 ; 4 QDibHam 3.4, see M . Baillet, RB 6 9 , 1 9 6 1 , 202, a doxology which probably goes back to the Hasidim (see above, n. 483); i Q 3 4 ^ 5 3.1, 6 f = D J D 1 , 1 5 3 : 'for we praise thy name in eternity . . . for to that end thou hast created us.' Cf. also i QS io.9ff.; I Q H 3 . 2 3 ; l o . i o f ; 1 1 . 4 - 6 : the constant praise of God. For the whole matter see also J. Becker, op. cit., 1 2 6 - 3 7 : 'praise brought about by God'. For his thesis that the hymns formed the daily liturgy of the community c f , however, the critical objection of E. Cothenet, RQ5, 1 9 6 4 / 6 5 , 2 7 2 , on the basis of C. H . Hunzinger's reference in TLZ 8 5 , i 9 6 0 , 1 5 2 . We cannot overestimate the abundance of the liturgical material and the hturgy of the community; cf. also J. Hempel, op. cit., 3 1 5 , and P. Stuhlmacher, op. cit., i6off. (6)
7 3 5 . E.g. the angeUc liturgies pubUshed by J. Strugnell in SVT 7, i 9 6 0 , 3 2 2 f , 3 3 6 f , or the descriptions of the heavenly Jerusalem in i Q 32 = D J D I, I34f.; 2 Q 24 = DJDJ III, 8 4 - 8 9 , and 5 Q 1 5 , op. cit., 1 8 4 - 9 3 ; on this G . Jeremias, Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit, 1 9 6 3 , 245ff., and J. Hempel, op. cit., 3 2 4 f C f also the Hasidic/pre-Essene (?) book of Noah, I Enoch 6 9 . 2 4 : the 'food' of all namral forces consists in the praise of God. See now H . W . Kuhn, Enderwartung, passim. 7 3 6 . On this F. Notscher, Terminologie, 1 4 9 - 6 7 ; M . Mansoor, op. cit., 8 4 - 9 2 . 7 3 7 . J. Hempel, op. cit., 3 6 i f 738. This already follows from the doctrine of predestination, see J. Becker, op. cit., 7of., on the personal hymns of the Teacher; izzf. on the closing hymn of the Rule, c f i Q S 1 1 . 2 , 1 1 - 1 3 ; I49ff. on the community hymns, c f also P. Stuhlmacher, Gerechtigkeit Gottes, 162. Significantly terms for reward are almost completely absent in respect of God. For 'election' the verb ina and the noun I T r a are essential; i Q S 4 . 2 2 ; 8.6; 9 . 1 4 ; 1 1 . 7 , 1 6 ; i Q H 2 . 1 3 ; 1 4 . 1 5 ; 1 5 . 2 3 , etc.
148
Chapter
III
H. Braun, Spdtjudisch-haretischer Radikalismus i, 1957, 4 1 - 7 , reaches a false conclusion because he does not use the Hodayoth. It is not the case that 'man himself offers obedience' (47). Everything that man does is God's work and gift. T h e early Essene writings - as Josephus stresses in contrast to Pharisaism - knew no synergism. 7 3 9 . Even if we are deaUng here with texts which display a certain 'history of tradition', we can still regard them as typical of basic Essene teaching of the early period. T h e strict discipUne and closed nature of the community makes the juxtaposition of different deUberately contradictory 'theologies' very improbable; the attempts of J. Becker (and similarly H. W. Kuhn) to argue this on the basis of analyses in i Q S , i Q M and i Q H , op. cit., 3 9 - 5 9 , are unconvincing. Obviously the Rule or even the War ScroU show a certain Uterary development, and they are composed of different units, hymns, catechetical instruction, liturgical formulas or legal statements; it is, however, misleading to assxmie from the different stress laid on certain subjects, Uke predestination or duaUsm, that these views only found their way into the community later and that the Teacher of Righteousness had not shared in them (op. cit., 59ff., 7 4 , 8 4 , 1 8 9 , and see below, n.756). Predestination and duaUsm are then again (!) weakened in the Damascus document, which arose in the first half of the first century (op. cit., i 8 i f ) . The supposed theological differences are predominantly caused by the different forms of the individual literary units. One caimot expect any statements about the theology of history in halachic legal definitions, nor any fundamental state ments about the creation and consummation of the world in individual hymns of an almost 'biographical' character. It is misleading if these differences are made oppositions and are played off against each other. It is true that the Damascus docxmient, the additions to the Rule i QSa and Sb and the p'sdrim, which come from the first half of the first century, indicate a certain development of the doctrines of the community. They are therefore noted less. On the other hand, the remembrance of the Teacher of Righteousness plays a special role there. 740. P. Stuhhnacher, op. cit., 1 4 8 : ' T h e heart of late Jewish apocalyptic theology'. 7 4 1 . On this G. Jeremias, op. cit., 63ff., 6 8 - 7 1 , 74fr., i 6 i f f . Jonathan was the only high priest to be kiUed by Gentiles; see above all 4 QpPs 3 7 . 4 , 1 0 (in H . Stegemann, RQ 4, 1 9 6 3 , 2 4 5 , and E . Lohse, op. cit., 2 7 4 ) ; cf. also i QpHab 9. iff., loff. T h e Teacher is at the same time the founder, op. cit., 6 5 f , I4iff., i 6 5 f , see above all 4 QpPs. 3 7 . 2 , 1 6 ; C D i . i o f and also J. Hempel, op. cit., 338f. and above, n . 6 9 1 . For dating see also J. T . Milik, Ten Years of Discovery, 1 9 5 7 , 67fF., and in agreement K . G. Kuhn, RGG^ 5 , 7 4 5 f , and W. Grundmann, UU i , 234fF., 248f. Archaeological and palaeographical evidence also aUows this dating; see R. de Vaux, L'archeologie et les manuscrits de la mer morte, 1 9 6 1 , 4, 90, cf. also H. Bardtke, Die Sekte von Qumran, 1 8 4 - 9 8 , and TR 29, 1 9 6 3 , 269ff.: in aU, five Seleucid copper coins from the reigns of Antiochus III, I V and V I I have been found. For the chronology of this period, R. Hanhart, Zur Zeitrechnung, B Z A W 88, 1 9 6 4 , 59ff., 94f.: the Maccabean Judas was kiUed in April/May 1 6 0 B C , the high priest Alcimus, who was akeady appointed by Antiochus V Eupator in 1 6 3 BC (see below n.IV, 142) died in May 1 5 9 ; in 1 5 7 Bacehides launched a new attack which was followed by a truce. Jerusalem remained in the hands of the enemy, and
Notes
149
Jonathan Uved in Michmash as a 'judge': I Mace. 9 . 7 0 - 7 3 . He functioned for the first time as high priest at the Feast of Tabernacles in October 1 5 2 . Cf. H . Stegemann (n.481 above), 242ff.; J. Starcky, RB 7 0 , 1 9 6 3 , 4 8 i f f . ; and I Mace. 10.1-21.
7 4 2 . For the prophetic charisma of the Teacher see G . Jeremias, op. cit., 8 1 , etc.; c f O. Betz, Offenbarung, 8 8 - 9 2 , 98f. 7 4 3 . C f I Q S 5 . 2 , 9 ; I QSa 1 . 2 , 2 4 ; 2 . 3 ; Sb 3 . 2 2 ; 4 Qflor 1 . 1 7 ; J. M . Allegro, JBL 7 7 , 1 9 5 7 , 3 5 4 , and E. Lohse, Die Schriften, 2 5 8 ; c f also R. Meyer, TDNT7, 3 9 f For the Teacher as priest see 4 QpPs 3 7 ed. H . Stegemann, RQ 4 , 1 9 6 3 , 2 5 0 , 2 5 2 = 2 . 1 9 and 3 . 1 5 ; E. Lohse, op. cit., 2 7 0 , 2 7 2 ; on this see G . Jeremias, op. cit., i 4 7 f For the HeUenistic leanings of the Zadokite priestly nobiUty see G . MoUn, Saeculum 6, 1 9 5 5 , 2 7 3 . 744. In 5.5 supplement OS with ''IDi, the lower part of which can still clearly be recognized on the photograph; c f Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., 2 1 4 , and G . Jeremias, op. cit., 2 1 8 n.2; see further 1.8: 'In the dwelUng place of the stranger ( l l j a ) with many fishers . . . and with hunters for the sons of wickedness': this could be a reference to the Jewish-Seleucid opponents of the Maccabees, e.g. the garrison of the Acra; c f the description of them in I Mace. 1.36. i Q H 5 . 1 7 is also important: ' T h e godless of the nations (D''as? •'SlT'l) made haste against me with their tribulations.' For the Teacher's knowledge of revelation in this period see 5.9, I I : the oppressors (Gentile or apostates from Judaism) did not recognize the significance of his teaching. For the Jewish prisoners see I Mace. 1 . 3 2 ; I I Mace. 5.24, and above aU the taking hostage of Jewish sons of eminent families by the garrison of the Acra, 1 5 7 BC, who were only returned in 1 5 2 BC: I Mace. 9.53 and 10.6, 9. For banishment cf. also J. T . Milik, op. cit., 5 3 , and J. Carmignac, 141,
RQ
2, 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 209.
I Q H 4 . 3 4 - 3 6 . For the terminology of 'covenant' see Dan. 1 1 . 3 0 , 32 and I Mace. 1 . 1 5 , 6 3 ; 2.20, 2 7 , 5 0 ; Jub.23.19, see V o l . 1 , p . 3 0 5 and n . I V , 292. T h e term 'plague' (nega') appears in the Essene literature as a particular pimishment from G o d : i Q S 3 . 1 4 , 2 2 ; 4 . 1 2 ; i Q H 1 . 1 8 , 3 2 f ; 9 . 1 0 , 1 2 ; 1 1 . 8 , etc. Many members of the Jerusalem aristocracy had compromised themselves in the time of persecution after 1 7 3 : thus the Zadokite Alcimus, II Mace. 1 4 . 3 ; unobjection able conduct was therefore a particular merit: 1 4 . 3 8 ; see also V o l . 1 , p . 2 8 9 . 746. C D i . i - i o ; for the time of wrath see I . 5 ; for the expression see G . Jeremias, op. cit., i 5 9 f ; cf. I Mace. 1 . 6 4 ; 3.8 and I I Mace.8.5; also i Q H 3.28 and fr. 1 . 5 ; it is the beginning of the end time. C f further 4 QpNah r.5b. E. Lohse, op. cit., 2 6 2 ; T . Levi 1 4 - 1 6 and J u b . 3 . 3 1 ; 1 5 . 3 3 ; 2 3 . i 9 f . ; 3o.7ff. T h e Bilga affair is also an example of this, see Vol. I, pp 2 7 9 f , 2 8 3 f Further instances 745.
in H . H . Rowley, Jewish Apocalyptic and the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1 9 5 7 , 30 n . 4 9 .
7 4 7 . I QpHab 8 . I I , c f 16. T h e conjecture of G . Jeremias, op. cit., 4 o f , that it could possibly be Gentiles, is unjustified; there is separate mention later of the 'riches of the nations', which the godless priest likewise takes to himself For the term 'rebel' ( T I H ) c f Josephus 2 2 . 1 6 , i 8 f , 2 9 and D a n . 9 . 5 , 9. These are the Jewish apostates who above aU came from the rich property-owning upper class and who are mostly termed dvoiwi or dae^eis in I M a c e ; cf. e.g. 2 . 4 4 ; 3 . 5 f ; 7 . 5 ; etc., see V o l . 1 , pp.288ff.; for the question see also 1 0 . 7 - 1 4 , 6 1 . 748. M . Smith in Der Hellenismus, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 6, ed. P. Grimal,
I50
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1965, 266. He rightly bore his title at the beginning of his rule - presxunably as 'judge' in Michmash, 1 5 7 - 1 5 2 BC (see I Mace. 9 . 7 3 ) : 'but when he had gained rule over Israel' (i QpHab 8 . 8 - 1 0 ) - i.e. after he had become high priest in autxmin 1 5 2 (I Mace. 1 0 . 1 5 - 2 1 ) , 'he lifted up his heart and forsook God'. Alexander Balas made him 'friend of the king' and later 'meridiarch and strategos' ( 1 0 . 5 9 - 6 5 ) , i.e. a Seleucid official and dignitary, and honoured him in other ways also ( 1 0 . 2 0 , 64, 88). T h e embassies to Rome and Sparta (I Mace. 1 2 . 1 - 2 4 ) also lie on the same Une; here significantly the 'blood aflBnity' with the Spartans through Abraham was stressed ( 1 2 . 1 0 , 2 1 ) ; this probably goes back to an invention of the friends of the Greeks in Jerusalem (see V o l . 1 , pp.72f.). Cf. the apt brief characterization in E. Bickermann, GM, Sji. 7 4 9 . I QpHab S.ioff.; 1 2 . 9 . In 9.4fF. the Hasmoneans generally are attacked; cf. also Jub. 2 3 . 2 1 . For the alleged self-indulgence of the godless priest see i QpHab. I I . i 3 f . C. Schneider, in Qumran-Probleme, ed. H. Bardtke, 1 9 6 3 , 303, sees here - probably wrongly - a 'Hellenistic tyrant pattern'. For the godless priest generaUy see G. Jeremias, op. cit., 3 6 - 7 7 . 750. This remains a hypothesis, though a Ukely one. For parallel situations in the later period see M . Hengel, op. cit., 1 2 7 - 3 2 . 7 5 1 . 2 3 . 1 6 corresponds to the apostasy in the post-exihc period: I Enoch 9 1 . 9 . Jub.23.19f. refers to the Maccabean revolt, see M . Tesmz, Jubilds, 1 6 7 ; 2 3 . 2 i f f . then alludes to the faiUng of the Maccabees. 7 5 2 . Antt. 1 3 , 2 3 6 - 4 8 ; Bell, i , 6iff. and Posidonius according to Diodore 34 fr. I = FGrHist 87 F 1 0 9 (Reinach 56ff.), see also Schiirer i , 259ff. According to Antt. 1 3 , 249f., Antiochus V I I compelled the Jews to miUtary service against the Parthians. 7 5 3 . For the HeUenization of the Hasmonean ruUng house see V o l . 1 , p. 7 6 and M . Smith, op. cit., 265f. T h e tombstones and monuments erected by Simon for his brothers and parents in Modein were completely influenced by Hellenistic style (I Mace. 1 3 . 2 5 - 3 0 and Antt. 1 3 , 2 i i f . ) ; see Watzinger, DP 2 , 2 2 f . , and F. M . Abel, Mace, 239S. 7 5 4 . For the Sadducees see R. Meyer, TDNT 7, 43fF., though he puts too much emphasis on the conservative side and too little on the social-cultural side. In Antt. 1 3 , 1 7 1 - 3 , Josephus puts the origin of the three Jewish parties in the time of Jonathan. A typical example of the aristocratic, HeUenized miheu of early Sadduceeism is the tomb of Jason from the time of Alexander Jannaeus, see above, n . I I , 1 7 . 755. Among the opponents of the Teacher were those who came from his own Hasidic camp (i Q H 2 . 3 i f f . ; 4.6fF.; 5.22fF.; 6 . 1 9 , 2 i f . ; i QpHab 5 . 9 - 1 2 : the house of Absalom), but who did not want to follow him in secession. T h e Pharisaic movement began from them, see F. M . Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, 1 9 5 8 , 1 0 7 n.66, cf. also J. Carmignac, RQ 2, 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 22of., and W. Grundmann, UU 1,244f. For the apostasy of the Pharisees from John Hyrcanus and the later Essene criticism of the Pharisees in C D and the p'sdrim see R. Meyer, Tradition und Neuschopfung, B A L n o , 2, 1 9 6 5 , 44f., 6ifF., against G. Jeremias, op. cit., 7 9 - 1 2 6 . 7 5 6 . T h e teaching of the Teacher should certainly not be restricted to the personal confessional hymns in i Q H (see G. Jeremias, op. cit., 1 6 8 - 2 4 4 , and
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J. Becker, op. cit., soff., 58ff.) and their predestination and duaUsm. Becker in effect involves his assertion in a circular argument, as he has already based it on his principle of selection and his interpretation of the hymns. Behal does not just mean 'evil' and not a personal figure ( 4 . 1 0 , i 2 f ; 5.38f.; 6 . 2 1 ; 7 . 3 etc.), nor can one refuse the Teacher authorship of the personal hymns 3 . 1 9 - 3 6 and above all the portion 4 . 2 9 - 5 . 4 (pp. 5 2 , 5 4 ) . T h e 'mysteries of God' or 'sin' in 4 . 2 7 and 5 . 3 6 are as predestinarian as God's counsel and 'plan' ( 4 . 1 3 ) or 'lot' ( 6 . i 3 f , c f also 4.38). It is impossible to see why the Teacher - with a change of style - could not have also composed the creation and community hymns. For the whole matter see also above, n. 739. 7 5 7 . Possibly the abrupt breach with Jerusalem (see i QpHab ii.4ff.) was later moderated, see Antt.iS, i 8 f ; Bells, 1455 ^ita 1 0 . 7 5 8 . C f I Q H 2.6ff.; 3.3ff., I9ff.; 4-34ff-; 5-8ff. (see V o l . 1 , p. 2 2 5 . 7 5 9 . I M a c e . I . I I ; see V o l . 1 , pp.72f. and below, pp.2776?.
760. T h e Teacher is God's instrument for separation: i Q H 7 . 1 2 . This concerned all 'men of wickedness', Jews and still more Gentiles, see above all the verb Via: i Q S 5 . 1 , 1 0 , 1 8 ; 8 . 1 3 ; 9 . 1 4 , 2 0 ; i Q 34"^ 3 , 2 , 6, D J D i, 1 5 4 ; C D 6 . 1 4 etc. T h e abrupt rejection of everything non-Jewish can be seen above all in the War Scroll and the book of Jubilees, which was presumably intended for a wider circle. 7 6 1 . Cf. e.g. the interpretation of Isa.40.3 in i Q S 8 . i 3 f ; 9 . 2 0 ; cf. also 4 QpPs 3 7 . 3 , 1 (ed. E. Lohse, op. ch., 2 7 2 ) ; i Q M 1.2 a n d M . Hengel, op. cit., 2556?. 762. R. de Vaux, Uarcheologie et les manuscrits, 1 9 6 1 , cf. also P. W . Lapp, Palestinian Ceramic Chronology, 1 9 6 1 , 2 2 9 : the absence of foreign pottery in Qumran. O n the other hand, see the Hellenistic tomb of the Maccabees at Modein, n.753 above. 7 6 3 . Jub. 1 2 . 2 5 , c f 3.28 and the Hebrew Test.Napht. 8 . 4 - 6 , ed. Charles, Greek Versions, 2 4 2 f , and the old Bar. Hag. i6a. C f S. Segert, 'Die Sprachenfrage in der Qumrangemeinschaft', in Qumranprobleme, ed. H . Bardtke, 1 9 6 3 , 3 i 6 f f . , 3 2 8 f : according to this a biblical Hebrew was used in liturgy, doctrine and all the oflBcial writings of the community, which had no Greek and very few Aramaic loanswords. T h e few Greek L X X manuscripts (see Vol. I, pp. 6 o f ) were probably used for the private education of novices from the Greek-speaking Diaspora. T h e Aramaic writings are to a considerable degree of non-Essene origin ( 3 2 2 f ) . T h e unavoidable Aramaic influence was limited to syntax and pronunciation, and attempts were made to counter even this by the use of vowel pointing. In contrast to the view expressed by Segert, 329, the Essenes were probably interested in preserving classical biblical Hebrew; however, we should not imagine that they used any modem philological methods. 7 6 4 . F . M . Cross, op. cit., 3 2 f , and J B L 7 4 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 4 7 - 7 2 , esp. 1636?.; c f also R. de Vaux, op. cit., 7 5 f f . ; P. W . Skehan, BA 2 8 , 1 9 6 5 , 8 7 - 1 0 0 , and H . Bardtke, TR 3 0 , 1 9 6 4 , 3036?. For tiie plan of the hbrary see K . G . Pedley, RQ 2 , 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 2 1 - 4 1 , c f also M . Smith, op. cit. (above, note 7 4 8 ) 2 6 9 , for the whole period: 'classicism is characteristic of this whole Uterature.' 7 6 5 . J. Hempel, op. cit., 349. This process, which begins from wisdom, continues with the Rabbis, see K . H . Rengstorf, TDNT 4, 402ff.; he sees Greek influence at work here.
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K . G. Kuhn, ZTK 4 7 , 1 9 5 0 , 2 0 3 - 5 ; K . Schubert, TLZ 7 8 , 1 9 5 3 , 5 0 2 , Die Gemeinde vom Toten Meer, 1 9 5 8 , 65fF.; H . Bardtke, Die Handschriftenfunde, 1 9 5 3 , 1 1 4 , 1 6 6 ; H . J. Schoeps, Z i ? G G 6 , 1 9 5 4 , 2 7 6 - 9 ; H. Grasser, TR 30, 1964, 1 7 6 , see also the survey in n. 3. Against such an overhasty use of the terms 'gnostic' or 'gnosis' for Essene theology see the rightly critical Bo Reicke, NTS i , 1 9 5 4 / 5 5 ) 1 3 7 - 4 1 ; F. Notscher, Terminologie, 39fF.; M . Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 1 9 5 6 , 2 5 2 - 6 0 ; M . Mansoor, op. cit., 6 6 f , and J. Hempel, op. cit., 3 1 5 . T h e designation '(pre)gnostic' applies mostly to the concept of knowledge, see below, im. 7 6 9 / 7 0 , not to dualism. 7 6 7 . However, it is impermissible to set apocalyptic and anthropology over against each other in an irreconcilable opposition and reduce apocalyptic to the 'demonstration of an apocalyptic plan of history, astronomy, e t c ' (see H . Conzelmann, NTS 1 2 , 1 9 6 6 , 2 3 3 ) . This close connection between anthropological and apocalyptic thought also appears again in I V Ezra, a work which similarly arose from a deep crisis in Judaism. For the term 'apocalyptic', see E. Kasemann, New Testament Questions of Today, 1 0 9 n. I . For the term 'gnosis' see K . Wegenast, KP 2, 8 3 1 , and C . Colpe, RGG^ 2 , i648fF. 768. T h e conception of inspiration which we have already encountered in Ben-Sira, the Hasidim and Aristobulus (see V o l . 1 , pp i34fF.) is also developed among the Essenes in an apocalyptic context. Like those endowed with the spirit in ancient Israel (i Q S 8 . 1 6 ; C D 2 . 1 2 ; 6 . 1 ; 7 . 1 7 ; Jub. 1 5 . 1 4 , etc.), the Teacher and his commimity have also received the spirit, see i Q H 1 2 . 1 1 - 1 3 ; I 3 . i 8 f . ; 1 4 . 1 3 , and see H . W. Kuhn, Enderwartung, i36fF. 769. K . G . Kuhn, ZTK 4 7 , 1950, 2 0 4 ; cf. 2 0 3 : 'the gnostic "concept of knowledge" is present here'. See also above, n . 7 2 5 and H . W. Kuhn, op. cit., 766.
506;
i42fF.
7 7 0 . R. Bultmaim, TDNT 1, 694. C f R. Reitzenstein, Hellenistische Mysteri enreligionen^, 6 8 f , and H . Gressmaim, ZKG 4 1 , 1 9 2 2 , 1 7 9 ; 'Gnosticism is the innermost essence of apocalyptic' 7 7 1 . For the time and place of Wisdom see Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 6 o i f . For Platonic influence see I. Heinemann, Poseidonios' metaphysische Schriften i , 1 9 2 1 , i39fF.; for the Jewish background to early gnosis see below, n. IV, 3 1 3 . 7 7 2 . C f e.g. I Sam. 1 9 . 9 ; I Kings 22.2ofF.; Amos 3 . 3 - 8 ; Isa.45.7. 7 7 3 . I Q S 4 . 1 ; cf I Q H 1 4 . 2 5 ; 1 5 . 1 9 ; 1 7 . 2 4 . From this arises the command to hate 'all sons of darkness': i Q S i . 1 0 ; c f i o . 2 o f T h e tendency to reUeve God of direct responsibility for evil through two 'servants' can be seen in the duahstic text in Philo, Quaest. in Ex., i, 23, translated by R. Marcus, L C L , Philo Suppl. 2, 32S., which is related to i Q S 3 . 1 3 - 4 . 2 6 . 7 7 4 . K . G. Kuhn, ZTK 4 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 2 9 6 - 3 1 3 ; Dupont-Sommer, Nouveaux aperfus, 1 9 5 3 , 1 5 7 - 7 2 ; J. Becker, op. cit., 96fF. P. v. d. Osten-Sacken (I, n. l o i above), i 3 o f , differs. 7 7 5 . Philo, loc. cit. (above, n. 7 7 3 ) ; Plutarch, Is. et Os. X] ( 3 6 9 f - 3 7 0 c ) . On this H . Michaud, VT 5, 1 9 5 5 , 1 3 7 - 4 7 ; E. Kamlah, Die Form der katalogischen Pardnese, 1 9 6 4 , 39fF., 5ofF., 57fF., i63fF.; c f J. Duchesne-Guillemin, IndoIranian Journal i, 1 9 5 7 , 9 6 - 9 9 , and RAC 4, 3 4 4 - 6 , and A . Wlosok, A A H i 9 6 0 , 2 , 1 0 7 - 1 1 . For Plutarch see Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., 2 , 7 - 8 , and T . Hopfner,
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iJber Isis und Osiris 2, i94of., 2 0 1 - 1 1 ; further Uterature in E. Kamlah, op. cit., 5 7 n. I and 59 n.4. For Philo it is important that he knew the Persian magi and compares them with the Essenes, Quod omnis 7 4 ( M 2,456). J. Schoeps, ZRGG 6, 1 9 5 4 , 2 7 7 , caUs attention to a further duaUstic text in Ps.Clem., Horn. 1 5 , 7 , 4 , ed. Rehm, G C S , 2 1 5 . However, it is different from i Q S 3.i6ff. in the fact that, foUowing an Iranian pattern, it leaves man a free choice between the two 'kingdoms'. 7 7 6 . Plutarch's closing section on the Iranian system of world ages, the overcoming of evil ( = Hades) and the time of salvation comes from Theopompus, who is himself possibly dependent on Eudoxus of Cnidus, the friend of Plato (see R. Laqueur, PW, 2 R . 3 , 2 2 1 3 ) . See also FGrHist F 6 5 and 6 4 ; c f above, n. 574. For the interest of the early Hellenistic writers of the fourth century BC in Iranian teaching see E. Meyer, UAC 2, 696?., who conjectiures Eudemus of Rhodes as Plutarch's second soiurce (second half of the fourth century BC), see also 2, 7 3 , 83, 9 1 , the prologue to Diogenes Laertius, chs. 8, 9, and Damascius, De prim, princ. 1 2 5 , text in Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., 2, 69, and on it, op. cit., i , i8ff., 62ff. For the early academy and Aristotle cf. also W . Jaeger, Aristoteles, ^19553 1 3 3 - 3 8 , 4 3 8 , and Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i , iiff. T h e following reasons would support a Jewish-Alexandrian source for the doctrine of the two spirits of I Q S : (a) That - as E. Kamlah, op. cit., 5 8 f , observes - in i Q S 3.19 and in Plutarch the two powers arise from Ught and darkness respectively, whereas according to Bundahishn 1, 2if. (trans. E. W. West, Pahlavi Texts, 1, 8) they are without beginning, (fc) That neither in Plutarch nor in i Q S can a syncretizing Babylonian or Asia Minor intermediary stage be demonstrated, as is elsewhere the case in the mediation of Iranian conceptions, cf. Michaud, op. cit., 1 4 3 , see also Bousset/Gressmarm, 481. Zervanite influences are also absent, as E. Kamlah, op. cit., 55 n. 3 and 7 0 , stresses against Michaud, op. cit., I44f., and DuchesneGuiUemin, op. cit., 96ff.; Zervanism can only be demonstrated with any certainty in the third century AD, as the Eudemus quotation in Damascius is not un ambiguous, see R. C. Zaehner, Zurvan, 1955, zoff. (c) According to Kamlah, op. cit., 167, we have 'an early stage of the adoption of the cosmological myth in anthropology' in the doctrine of the two spirits, which is to be put between the later form in Philo and the report of Plutarch, which stands near to the original Iranian form and goes back to Greek, well-informed sources of the fourth century BC. Philo and i Q S - in contrast to Iranian teaching, which stresses the freedom of decision - combine the complete independence of man with his acquiescence in his own decision, {d) It is striking that the clear abstract form of I Q S 3 . 1 3 - 4 . 2 4 makes it relatively easy to translate into Greek; see C. Schneider, op. cit., 3 0 1 , and cf. E . Kamlah, op. cit., 44 n. i . Perhaps Philo, Quaest. in Ex. 1, 23, contains a more developed anthropological or cosmological form of the Jewish-Alexandrian source of i Q S 3.13ff., which for its part is in turn dependent on the fourth-century Greek reports on Iranian religion, (e) FinaUy, the form of the doctrine of the two ways in Bam. 1 8 , which according to Kamlah, op. cit., 21 i f , stands nearer (by contrast with i QS) to the original Iranian duaUsm, points back to an earUer version which is best located, as Barnabas itself, in Alexandria. A s the designation of the devil as 'the black one' shows, Barnabas has an independent, HeUenistic-Jewish version of salvation-historical, ethical duaUsm (cf Bam. 4.9; 20.1).
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'jTj. E.g. the identification of Zarathustra-Zaratos with Ezekiel according to Clem.Alex., Strom, i, 15, 7 0 , i , and on this Bidez/Cumont, 2 , 3 6 , a report which possibly goes back to Alexander Polyhistor (first half of the first century BC), see op. cit., I, 4 2 ; F. Jacoby, FGrHist I l i a , Comm. on 2 7 3 F 94, pp. 2 9 4 - 8 , who assumes an addition by Clement, is, however, sceptical. Jewish interest in Zarathustra is combined with interest in Pythagoras, who was regarded as his pupil and, according to Aristobulus (see Vol. I, pp. i 6 5 f ) , even went to be taught by the Jews; c f also n. 877 below. Other identifications are Zarathustra-Nimrod, Ps.Clem, Hom.g, 4f., G C S , Rehm 1 3 3 , and on this H . J. Schoeps, Aus friihchristlicher Zeit, 1950, 1 9 - 2 4 , 3 2 , 1 3 2 ; and in the treasure cave that goes back to Jewish tradition, see Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i , 43fF.; 2 , 5ofF., 1 2 1 ; and Zarathustra-Balaam, -Baruch or -Daniel, op. cit., i , 47fF.; 2 , 129-35, though these are only in late Syrian sources. C f J. Neusner, Numen 1 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 6 6 - 9 . 7 7 8 . Bidez-Cumont, op. cit., i , 85fF. ( 8 7 ) ; 2 , 9 fr. B 2. 7 7 9 . K . Schubert, Die Religion des nachbiblischen Judentums, 1955, I 7 f ; in addition he also presupposes Stoic themes. 780. C. Schneider, op. cit., 3 i o f , who sees a 'Stoic supplementation of the Old Testament idea' in the commimity's picture of God as it is expressed, e.g., in I Q H i o . 8 f There are a mmiber of analogies to the Cleanthes hymn, see von Arnim, S V F i , i 2 i f . no. 5 3 7 : the estabhshed order of creation in respect of the stars and natural forces: 11.8-14, c f i Q H i.9fF.; i 2 . 5 f f . ; nothing happens without G o d : 11. i 6 f , c f i Q H 1.20; i 2 . i o f ; i Q S i i . i i , 1 8 ; God gave language: 1.5, c f I Q H i.2jff.; negative verdict on mankind: 11.23fF., c f i Q H i.26f.; hberation of man from his weakness, 11.33fF. and i Q H i.3ifF. However, it is significant that, in contrast to Essenism, 'what the wicked have shattered in their vanity' is exempted from the divine causation. On the whole, however, it is clear how closely the philosophical monotheism of the Greeks and the Jewish behef in creation approached each other despite their fimdamental differences - even if one may not speak of a dependence; see also above, n. 260. For Stoic determinism, see M . Pohlenz, Stoa i , ^ 1 9 6 4 , 103-6, and 2 , For the Homer quotation see Chrysippus, S V F 2 , 2 6 9 , n o . 9 3 7 . C f also Manihus, Astron.4, 1 4 : 'Fata regunt orbem certa stant omnia lege', the later astrological version. 782. I Q S 9 . 2 3 b - 2 6 : 'Find pleasure in all that is done through him (i.e. God)' (24); c f i o . i 2 f , I5f.; Josephus, Antt.13, 1 7 2 and 1 8 , 1 8 ; further Philo, Quod omnis 84 ( M 2 , 4 5 8 ) : God causes only good, evil does not come from him. This is probably to be understood as complete surrender to God's will. T h e Stoics similarly recognized the piuTJoseful divine pronoia in unswerving fate and affirmed it, see M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , loof., 1 0 6 ; 2 , 5 6 f , 6 i f , and the fine Cleanthes verse handed down through Epictetus, S V F i , 118 no. 527. 783. M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , l o i f ; 2 , 58, and the definition of heimarmene hy Chrysippus, S V F 2 , 293 no. 1000; also the etymological interpretation S V F 2 , 265 no.918. 784. Bell.2, 1 4 2 , and on it see Michel/Bauernfeind, op. cit., i , 4 3 6 n.66. Outside I Enoch names of angels appear above all in i Q M 9 . 1 5 f . ; i 7 . 6 f ; c f also the angel hmrgy, ed. J. StrugneU, SVTj, 1 9 6 0 , 3 3 6 , which,however,significantly does not give the names of the seven archangels mentioned. Perhaps, as with the 781.
58fF.
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divine name, there were hesitations about speaking the holy names of the angels, as they could be misused in magic. A glimpse at the abimdance of names of angels is afforded by the conclusion of the book of astronomy, I Enoch 8 2 . 1 0 - 2 0 , which is siurely Essene (see above, n . 4 6 0 and below n . 8 o 6 ) . 7 8 5 . For Daniel and I Enoch see Vol.1, pp. i87ff. For Rabbinic angelology see Bill.3, 4 1 2 - 6 , 437ff., 5 8 1 - 3 , 8 1 8 - 2 0 , and - including apocalyptic - H . Bietenhard, Die himmlische Welt im Urchristentum und Spdtjudentum, 1 9 5 1 , 1 0 1 - 4 2 ; J. Michl, RAC 5, 6 0 - 9 7 , c f 2 o i f f . , and 2 4 3 - 5 8 ; for matters in common between the Rabbis and the Essenes, see Y . Yadin, op. cit., 2 2 9 - 4 2 , and espe cially 237ff. For Essene angelology see O. Betz, Der Paraklet, 1 9 6 3 , 5 iff., 6off., 66ff., i i 3 f f . , and M . Mansoor, op. cit., 7 7 - 8 4 . For its rich vocabulary see J. Strugnell, SVT j , i 9 6 0 , 33iff. 786. For the role of Michael in Daniel and the early parts of I Enoch see V o l . 1 , p p . i 8 8 f In Qumran (above, n.709) this 'soteriological' role of Michael appears at i Q M I 7 . 6 f . ; cf. Y . Yadin, op. cit., 2 3 5 f , and O. Betz, op. cit., 6 0 - 9 ; see also A. S. van der Woude, OTS 1 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 5 4 - 7 3 . T h e names 'spirit of truth' ( I Q S 3 . 1 9 ) , 'Prince of hght' (i Q S 3 . 2 0 ; c f C D 5 . 1 8 ) , 'angel of his trutii' (I Q S 3.24) and Michael were probably interchangeable. T h e same is also true of the 'spirit of wickedness' ( 3 . 1 9 ; 4-9),' angel of darkness' ( 3 . 2 o f ) , Behal (see K . G. Kuhn, Konkordanz, and Jub. 1 . 2 0 ; 1 5 . 3 3 ) and Mastema (Jub.io.8; 1 1 . 5 , i i ; 1 7 . 1 6 , etc.; c f I Q S 3.24). Here too there is a 'multiphdty of intermediate beings', see above, n . 4 9 3 . C f now J. T . Mihk, RB 7 9 , 1 9 7 2 , 77ff. 7 8 7 . This doctrine runs through I Enoch and Jubilees like a scarlet thread; c f the Hasidic (see above n. 4 6 5 ) , angelological book I Enoch 6 - 3 6 ; 5 4 f , 6 4 , 6 8 f , 8 6 - 8 8 etc.; Jub.4.22; 5.iff.; 7 . 2 i f f . ; 8.3ff.; lo.iff.; i i . 5 f f . ; i 6 . 3 f f . ; i8.9ff.; etc.; Gen. Apoc.2.4ff.; i Q M 1 4 . 1 5 ; C D 2.iff., and the text published by J. M . Allegro, ALUOS 4, 1 9 6 2 / 6 3 , 3 f D o c . I = 4 Q 180 (DJDJ I V , 7 7 f f . ) ; c f also J. Michl, op. cit., 8 o f 7 8 8 . Bill.3, 8 1 8 ; Midr.Teh. on Ps. 1 0 4 § 3 , 2 2 0 b , ed. Buber; c f also II Enoch I 9 . 4 f . , especially version B, R. H . Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha 2, 4 4 1 .
789. Jub.2.2; I E n o c h 6 0 . 1 2 - 2 1 (Noahfragment); 7 5 ; 80 (astronomical book). 7 9 0 . I Enoch i 8 . i 3 f f . ; 2 i . 6 f f . ; 8 6 - 8 8 ; 9 0 . 2 1 . T h e fallen angels are stars. For the end time see I Enoch 102.2 and above all 8 0 . 4 - 6 ; however, the text here is partially corrupt, see R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha 2 , 2 4 5 , ad l o c ; on this see also O. Betz, op. cit., 47f. For the demons see I Enoch i 5 . 8 f f . ; 1 6 . 1 ; Jub. lo.iff., 5. For the stars as heavenly beings see already Judg. 5.20; Job 3 8 . 7 ; for the danger of star worship see D e u t . 4 . 1 9 ; 1 7 . 3 ; Jer.8.2; 1 9 . 1 3 , etc. For the anthropological interpretation of angelology and demonology see the early Baraita Hag. i 6 a , which probably goes back to Hasidic tradition. 7 9 1 . I Enoch 7 5 and 82.4ff., from the Essene astronomical work. For the continuing influence of these views see H . J. Schoeps, Aus friihchristlicher Zeit, 1 9 5 0 , 3 8 - 8 1 , c f 56ff. on demonology. Here the close connection between Jewish apocalyptic and Hellenistic syncretistic views in the Pseudo-Clementines becomes particularly clear. For the mihtary order of angels among the rabbis see R. (Simeon b.) LaqiS, Ber. 32b (third century AD). 7 9 2 . For the Old Testament court of Yahweh see C . Cooke, ZAW 7 6 , 1 9 6 4 ,
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2 2 - 4 7 ; for its supposed Iranian origin see Bousset/Gressmann, 32ofF., c f D . S. Russell, op. cit., 258fF. Individual Babylonian and early Persian influences like T o b . 3 . 8 , 1 7 are possible, but hardly of decisive significance, see J. Michl, RAC 5 , 64, 77f. T h e late tradition of R. Simeon b. LaqiS (third century AD), jRH 5 6 d , 56fF., that the Israelites brought the names of the angels with them from Babylon, does not have any historical value. According to F . Cumont, RHR 7 2 , 1 9 1 5 , i 6 3 f , angelology is a phenomenon which belongs as much to 'paganisme s&nitique' as to Judaism, though the strongest influence was exercised by Jewish angelology. 7 9 3 . I Q M i . i o f ; 1 4 . 1 5 (for the fallen angels); 1 5 . 1 4 ; 1 7 . 7 ; 4 Q M a 1 3 (see C. H . Hunzinger, ZAW69, 1 9 5 7 , 1 3 5 ) ; i Q H 7 . 2 8 ; 10.8; 1 9 . 3 ; fr. 1.3, 1 0 ; i Q 2 2 . 4 1 = D J D I , 9 5 ; 5 Q 1 3 . 1 , 6 = DJDJ I I I , 1 8 2 ; and the two angelological texts 4 Q SI 39 1 , 1 , 1 8 , 2 1 , 2 6 (J. Strugnell, SVT7, i 9 6 0 , 3 2 2 ) and 4 Q SI 4 0 , 2 (op. cit., 336); there and in van der Woude, OTS 14, 1 9 6 5 , 358 1.10: aTJlVx as a plural = angels, cf. also 1.14. In 4 Q p H o s 2.6 = J. M . Allegro, J B L 7 8 , 1 9 5 9 , 146, on the other hand, wbn probably means 'gods'. T h e term is relatively rare in the O T , see the comparison with the gods in Exod. 1 5 . 1 1 ; P s . 2 9 . 1 ; 8 9 . 7 ; and Ps. 8 2 . 1 b , quoted in the text mentioned above together with Dan. 1 1 . 3 6 , which is used in the Qumran texts. C f also J. Strugnell, op. cit., 33if. According to Philo Bybl., FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2 , 1 0 , 20, the aviifiaxot 'HXov (i.e. of El Kronos) in Phoenicia were called 'EXiadn. T h e inferiority of the angels was expressed by their creation on the first day; see Jub. 2 . 2 1 ; c f already Job 38.7. T h e later apocalyptic (SI. Enoch 3 9 , see Charles, 2 , 4 4 7 ) and Rabbinic tradition (Targ. Jer. on Gen. 1.26 and elsewhere, see BiU.4, 1 0 8 5 c , i i 2 8 p ) transfers the creation of the angels to the second day. In addition, a creatio continua of angels appears in Bill. I , 9 7 7 = Gen.R. 7 8 , i . Behind this there is probably a certain depotentia tion of the angels.
C f I Q S 3 . 2 4 f ; I Q M 1 0 . 1 2 ; 1 3 . 2 , 4, l o f ; 1 4 . 1 0 ; 1 5 . 1 4 ; i Q H i . i o f ; nST m m i ; 8 . 1 2 ; 1 3 . 8 ; 1 4 . 1 1 . Cf. J. Stmgnell, op. cit., 3 3 2 f Further in stances in Bousset/Gressmann, 321 n.3. 7 9 5 - J- Michl, RAC 5 , 7 i f . ; see V o l . 1 , pp. i 5 4 f 7 9 6 . O p . cit., 5 , io2fF., and on Philo 8 2 f , ; c f also F. Cumont, RHR 7 2 , 1 9 1 5 , i 6 7 f ; for the magical texts see also M . O. Nilsson, opuscula selecta 3 , i36fF. 7 9 7 . J. Michl, RAC 5 , 57fF.; F. Cumont, op. cit., i7ofF. C f the 'nocentes angeW, Asclep. 2 5 . 798. For the watchers see D a n . 4 . 1 0 , 1 4 , 2 0 CCTS): I Enoch 1 . 5 ; 12.2, 3 ; 20.1 (cypiyyopoi). T h e fallen angels were also given this description, I Enoch 10.9, 1 5 , etc.; Jub.4.22, etc.; see Bousset/Gressmann, 322 n . 2 , c f also C D 2 . 1 8 ; Gen. Apoc. 2 . 1 , 1 6 . C f J. T . 2^1ik, RB 7 9 , 1 9 7 2 , 7 7 f F . 7 9 9 . Hesiod, Erga 2 5 2 f . ; see T . F . Glasson, op. cit., 69f. 800. Philo Byblius, FGrHist 790 F 2.2 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. i , 10, 2 ; Bousset/ Gressmann, loc. cit., point to Ezek. 1 0 . 1 2 . 801. Hesiod, Erga I 2 2 f ; c f T . F . Glasson, op. cit., 59. 802. O p . cit., 58fF. Glasson also points to the fall of the angels and the analogy of the fall of the Titans, op. cit., 62fF. See on this above, n. 540. 803. U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorf, Platon, ^1959, 5 7 9 . C f also R. Heinze, Xenokrates, 1 8 9 2 , 7 8 - 1 2 3 ; on this see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 2 5 4 f , 2 5 9 f , and 794.
3.22f.
Notes
157
Andreas, PW Suppl 3 , 296. Especially on Posidonius see op. cit., 2 9 8 ; K . Reinhardt, PW 22,647ff. (the system of forces) and on the demonology boimd up with the problem of the post-existence of the soul, 7796?.; also M . Pohlenz, op. ch., I , 9 6 , 2 3 o f ; 2 , 5 4 , i i 6 f F. Cumont, op. cit., i 6 7 f , aheady supposed a strong influence of Posidonius on the angelology of later Hellenistic syncretism. 804. M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 230. 805.
Cf. Ps. 1 9 . 1 - 7 ; Sir. i 6 . 2 6 f f . ; 4 2 . i 5 f f . ; 4 3 . 1 - 1 0 ; Bar.3.34f. j etc.
806. I Q S 10.iff. (though individual details are different to interpret); i Q H 1 . 9 - 1 2 : an'T")'? n n w a ( n ) and on it see F. Notscher, Terminologie, 7 3 ; i Q H 1 2 . 4 - 1 1 , and above all the astronomical book I Enoch 7 2 - 8 2 , of which four extensive Aramaic fragments have been discovered in Cave 4, see J. T . Milik, Ten Years of Discovery, 3 3 ; one has been pubhshed in RB 6 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 7 6 . For a dating of hardly later than 1 5 0 BC see O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 620. According to this, the stars are subordinated in strict miUtary division to the archangel Uriel: 7 2 . 1 ; 7 4 . 2 ; 7 5 . 1 , 3 ; 82.4, 7 , l o f etc., c f also Y . Yadin, op. cit., 239f. See also H. Bietenhard, op. cit., 2 5 : 'These chapters of I Enoch probably provide the most scholarly and accurate astronomical teaching from late Judaism that we have.' 807. I Q S 1 0 . 3 - 8 ; I Q H 1 . 2 4 ; 1 2 . 5 ; I Q M 1 0 . 1 5 ; Jub.2.9; I Enoch 8 2 . i 5 f f . ; cf. also Jub., Introduction; 1 . 2 6 , 2 9 ; 4.30, see also n . 5 3 6 above. 808. See I Enoch 9 . 4 - 1 1 and the 'peser on aU times that God made', ed. J. M . AUegro, ALUOS 4, 1 9 6 2 / 6 3 , 3 f , which begins: 'Before he created them he estabhshed their works', and then narrates the faU of the angels. C f Jub. 1 . 2 9 ; 6.35 etc. 809.
I Q32"= 3 , 2 , 2 ( D J D I , i54);IEnoch4i.5ff.;43.2andTest.Napht.3.2;
c f already Ps. 1 4 8 . 6 ; Sir. 1 6 . 2 8 ; 4 3 . 9 f ; Ps.Sol. 1 8 . 1 0 . For as 'natural law' see I Q S 1 0 . 1 , 6 ; I Q H i . i o ; 1 2 . 5 ; i Q M 1 0 . 1 2 , etc.; c f I Enoch 7 2 . 3 ; 7 3 . 1 ; 82.9. p a n , ordering, has a similar significance: i Q S 10.5, 6 f (DJISD pin); i Q H 1 2 . 5 , 8 f ; I QpHab 7 . 1 3 ; i Q 2 7 . 1 , i , 6 (DJD I, 103). Here, too, wisdom con ceptions of creation stand in the background, see J e r . 3 1 . 3 6 ; Job 38.33 (huqqot sdmayim). T h e difference from earUer wisdom consists above all in the fact that the Essenes beUeved that they could see 'law' and 'order' in the movement of the stars on the basis of divine revelation - as e.g. their astronomical book shows. 810. H. Bietenhard, op. cit., 270. C f M . Limbeck (see n . 4 2 5 above), passim. 8 1 1 . I Q S lo.iff.; I Q H 8.22; I Q H i 2 . 4 f f . ; in a transferred sense also i Q S i i . 3 f ; I QSb
4 . 2 7 f ; i Q H 4 . 5 , 2 3 ; i Q 2 7 . i , i , 6 f (DJD
1 , 1 0 3 ) ; c f Jub.2.9;
4 . 2 1 ; I Enoch 7 2 ; 7 3 . 3 - 8 ; see espec. 7 2 . 3 5 : ' T h e great Ught which from eternity to eternity is called sun'; 3 7 : 'As it rises, so it sets, and does not cease and does not rest, but runs day and night in its chariot, and its Ught is seven times brighter than the moon'; translation follows G. Beer in Kautzsch, Apoc.2, 280. F. M . Cross, The Ancient Library, jj n. 1 2 3 , points to an unpubUshed prayer at sunrise. For alleged sun worship according to Bell. 2, 128 see below, n . 8 2 1 . For the depreciation of the moon c f Jub. 6.36 and I Enoch 7 4 . i 2 f f . 8 1 2 . MooK, Judaism 2, jSf. 8 1 3 . C f I Q S 1 0 . 3 - 8 ; i . i 4 f f . ; C D 6.i8ff.; Jub.6.32ff.; I Enoch 7 8 - 8 0 and DJDJ I V , 9 2 , col. 2 7 (see below). T h e discussion and literature is almost boundless; see the brief survey in H. Cazelles, Bibl 43,1962,202-12. A . Jaubert,
Chapter
158
III
Le Date de la Cine, 1 9 5 7 , i 3 - 7 5 j 1 4 2 - 4 9 , and as a corrective NTS 7, 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 , 1 - 2 2 , and following her, J. T . Milik, Ten Years of Discovery, 1 0 7 - 1 3 (see also
the reconstruction of the calendar there), trace it back to the exile. It is said to have been abohshed for the temple first by the Hellenistic party, and to have been replaced by the secular lunisolar calendar. However, this is extremely improbable, see E. Kutsch, VT 1 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 3 9 - 4 7 . K . G . Kuhn, TLZ 85, i 9 6 0 , 6 5 4 - 8 , and ZNW 5 2 , 1 9 6 1 , 6 5 - 7 3 , argues that it was incapable of functioning and was later done away with. On the other hand, E. Kutsch, op. cit., and A . Strobel have convincingly argued that it could function, and have argued for a HellenisticEgyptian derivation, see ZNW 5 1 , i 9 6 0 , 8 7 - 9 5 ; TLZ 86, 1 9 6 1 , 1 7 9 - 8 4 ; RQ 3 , 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 3 9 5 - 4 1 2 and 5 3 9 - 4 3 . ' T h e sim calendar developed by the Essenes is in the last resort merely the special expression of an older and more widespread Hellenistic-Egyptian calendar tradition' (405), c f G. Mohn, TLZ 7 8 , 1 9 5 3 , 6 5 4 . T h e Alexandrian Aristobulus knew this calendar tradition: A . Strobel, ZNW 51, i 9 6 0 , 9 2 , and RQ 3, 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 4 1 0 (see above, n . 3 9 1 ) . The fragment of the mismdrdt of 4 Q with a concordance between the Essene and the traditional calendar, pubhshed by J. T . Mihk, SVT 4, 1 9 5 7 , 24fF., and E. Vogt, Bihl 3 9 , 1958, 7 2 - 7 , likewise presupposes that it functioned. This fact is confirmed by the new discovery of an Essene hymn scroll for the sabbath sacrifice from Masada, which is similarly arranged on the Essene calendar, see Y . Yadin, lEJ 1 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 1 0 5 - 8 . For the problem see also A. R. C. Leaney, op. cit., 8 0 - 1 0 7 . Eor the rational character of the calendar reckoning in Jubilees (i.e. of the Essene calendar) see already E. Bickermann, From Ezra, 62f.: its author 'succumbs to the seduction of the Greek penchant for rationalism.' 1 1 Q DavComp = DJDJ IV, 9 2 , col. 2 7 . 6 , also presupposes this calendar and may therefore be an Essene addition to the older Hasidic psalm scroll. Cf. now M . Limbeck (above n . 4 2 5 ) , i34fF.
814. According to I Enoch 7 5 . 1 , the four intercalary days, one at the beginning of each season, were not included in the reckoning of twelve thirty-day months. Cf. Jub. 6 . 2 9 f , see also J. T . MiUk, Ten Years of Discovery, 107S., and A . Strobel, RQ 3, 1 9 6 1 / 6 2 , 4o6fF. I Enoch 7 2 . i 2 f F . differs: at the end of the quarter there is a month of 31 days. Like the Egyptian year, the Essene year began with the spring equinox on a Wednesday, on which, according to Essene doctrine, the stars and thus also time itself were created. In the Egyptian year of 365 days, too, the intercalary days, the epagomeni, were not counted as part of the year. Whereas according to I Enoch 7 5 , special 'chiUarchs' were set over the four intercalary days, in HeUenistic Egypt the five intercalary days were regarded as the birthdays of the five chief Egyptian gods, see A . Strobel, op. cit., 408 n . 4 7 , and Dittenberger, PW s, 2 6 7 1 . For the reckoning of the year see also A. DupontSommer, RHPR 35; 1 9 5 5 , 8 9 . T h e charge that opponents celebrated the 'festivals of the Gentiles' on the basis of their lunisolar calendar, 4 Q p H o s 2 . 1 5 , see J. M . AUegro, J B L 7 8 , 1 9 5 9 , 1 4 6 , c f Jub. 6.35, was in essence also true of the Essenes themselves. 815. op. cit.,
M . Testuz, Les idees religieuses, 88f,
and
i 9 6 0 , I34ff.,
c f also A . R. C . Leaney,
Vol. I, pp. 245fF.
8 1 6 . M . P. NUsson, GGR^ i, 8 3 9 - 4 3 1 2, 268fF.; for the Stoa see M . Pohlenz, op. cit., I , 8 2 f , 9 6 ; 2 , 4 8 . For the astronomy of the classical Greek period and its
Notes
159
religious evaluation see W. Biurkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft, 1 9 6 2 , 278ff.; see 328ff. for the music of the spheres and 335ff. for astral immortality; on this, Vol. I, pp. I96f. 8 1 7 . Ps.-Aristotle, Demunrfo 3 9 1 b , loff.; 392a, 5ff.; 3 9 7 a , 56?.; 399a, i8ff.;for the writing see below, n . I V , 36. C f the quite Jewish-sounding C H 5 . 3 - 7 . 8 1 8 . Boll/Gundel, Stemglaube und Stemdeutung, ^ 1 9 3 1 , 8 9 f , c f I9ff. 819. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 5 1 0 , c f 2 7 3 , following F. Cmnont, Die orientalische Religionen, ^1959, I22ff., whose Chaldean-Syrian hypothesis as to their origin he does, however, reject. 820. Qeanthes, S V F i , 112 no.499; i , 1 1 4 no.510. For Posidonius, K . Reinhardt, PW 22, 6 9 2 - 6 , 7 7 9 f ; c f also M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 1 6 2 , 2 2 3 f , 2 2 9 . For the origin and development of the sim religion see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 2 7 3 , 507ff., and opuscula selecta 2, 1 9 5 2 , 4 6 2 - 5 0 4 ; however, the sim calendar is earher than he supposes. Its centres were Egypt and Syria, and its expansion was favoured by the solar calendar. Philo, too, accorded the sun great significance as an image of the Logos and a symbol of God, see A. Wlosok, Laktanz, 8 9 - 9 3 j see above nn.388 and 4 2 4 on hght symbolism. 821. Cf. Bell. 2, 1 4 8 ; Lucian, Salt. 1 3 ( L C L 5, 23) on the Indians and Phny, Hist. nat. 2 8 , 69, on the Magi. For the Therapeutai see Philo, Vit.cont. 89 ( M 2 , 530) and 2 7 (M. 2 , 4 7 5 ) . Directing prayers to the rising sim was felt by the Rabbis to be offensive, according to the early Mishnah Sukk.s.^d (cf. Ezek.8.16), see A. R. C. Leaney, op. cit., 75ff. Greeting the sun by a gesture was a widespread custom, see M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 4 6 5 , cf. already Plato, Apol. 26A; Symp. 22od; Laws 10, 8876. For the historical problem see also Michel/Bauemfeind, op. cit., I , 4 3 2 n . 4 4 , and A. R. C. Leaney, 77ff. T h e interpretation by Dupont-Sommer, RHPR 3 5 , 1 9 5 5 , 8 7 f , which argues for an Essene sun cult, is to be rejected; see against this P. Seidensticker, Studii biblici Francisci Liber annuus 9 , 1 9 5 8 / 5 9 , 1 5 5 , cf. Ber. 9 b Bar. T h e Essene direction of prayer eastwards, and not westwards, towards the temple, remains striking, but see D a n . 6 . 1 1 . 822. A . Sachs, JOS 2, 1 9 4 8 , 2 7 1 - 9 0 , and above all 6, 1 9 5 2 , 4 9 - 7 5 : nineteen horoscopes from the period mentioned. For the dating of aU horoscopes found down to the Arabian period see O. Neugebauer/H. B . van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes,, 1 9 5 6 , i 6 i f f . ; see also 205ff., Ut. Cf. further W. and H. G . Gundel, Astrologoumena, Sudhoffs Archiv, Bh. 6, 1 9 6 6 , 366, index s.v. Horoskop. 823. O. Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, ^ 1 9 5 7 , i 7 o f 824. For the whole matter, see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 268ff. (ht.), and opuscula selecta 3 , 5 5 2 - 6 2 . For the significance of Hellenistic Egyptian astrology see Boll/Gundel, op. cit., 23ff.; Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 3 4 6 , and F. Cumont, L'Egypte des astrologues, 1937,13ff. and passim. In Greece itself the earhest evidence goes back to the sixth/fifth centuries B C , see W. CapeUe, Hermes 60, 1 9 2 5 , 3 7 3 - 9 5 , and B. L . v. d. Waerden, AfO 1 6 , 1 9 5 2 / 5 3 , 225ff. C f W. and H . G. Gundel, op. cit., 9ff., 75ff. 825. For the earliest evidence of Egyptian astrology see above, n . 6 7 1 . For Italy and Rome see K . Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte, i960, 2 7 5 . 826. J. M . A l l e g r o , J 5 5 9 , 1 9 6 4 , 2 9 1 - 4 ; see also J. Carmignac, RQ 5 , 1 9 6 4 / 6 5 , 1 9 9 - 2 0 6 , and J. Licht, Tarbiz 3 5 , 1 9 6 5 , 1 8 - 2 6 . For the unpubhshed texts see also J. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, H964, I26f
i6o
Chapter
III
827. J. Starcky, in Memorial du Cinquantenaire, 1 9 6 4 , 5 1 - 6 6 ; see also Carmignac, op. cit., 2 0 6 - 1 7 , and J. Licht, op. cit. For the dating see J. Starcky, op. cit., 5 4 n. I , following F. M . Cross. J. A. Fitzmyer, CBQ 2 7 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 4 8 - 7 2 , conjecmres a Noah text. 828. J. Starcky, op. cit., 5 1 , 6 o f , 64fF.; J. Carmignac, op. cit., 2 1 7 . 829. J. Licht, op. cit., 2 i f F . ; see T . Hopfner, PW 1 4 , i 2 8 7 f , and J. Schmidt, PW 20, io64fF. T h e Greeks occupied themselves with physiognomical character studies after the Sophists, and these were furthered especially in the Stoa, op. cit., i070fF.; see also M . Pohlenz, i , 2 2 6 f . ; 2 , i i 3 f . Thus there was a hnk between astrology and manticism on the popular level: J. Schmidt, PW 20, 1 0 6 6 . Physiognomical omens were already known in Babylonia, see F. R. Kraus, Die physiognomischen Omina der Babylonier, M V A G 40, 1 9 3 5 , H . 2 , but these were concerned less with character than with predicting the future. On the other hand, the short, pregnant type of text we have here is relatively closely related to them, see the instances in op. cit., 6ifF. The frequent mention of body marks (iXaia), see J. Starcky, op. cit., 5 2 ; i , i , 2 , in the positive sense and i , 2 , 2 in the negative, on the other hand, points to a mantic interpretation as was offered in the Ptolemaic period e.g. by the mantic Melampus in a writing -ncpl iXaUiv roO aoinaros, see Raeder, PW 1 5 , 399. 830. J. M . Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 21964, 1 2 7 . 8 3 1 . J. Carmignac, op. cit., 2 i 4 f . ; the Hebrew iVian in col. 2 , 8 of the first text is to be understood in a similar way, cf. J. Starcky, op. cit., 6off., who points to the astrological significance of the Greek equivalent yevems, op. cit., 62 n . 2 . 832. W. Gundel, Neue astrologische Texte, A A M N F 1 2 , 1936, 84 I . 3 1 : 'et ipsos reges ostendit cosmocratores'; 11.33f.: 'et ipse sapiens fit in sermone et sapientia et gloria mirahilis'; c f 73 11.22fFand 7511.19ff., 4 1 : the future God-king: 'ostendunt et ipsum regem deum existentem hominem humanitatis particem', according to a Hermetic work from Ptolemaic Alexandria, cf. also op. cit., 353 (lit.). It was strictly forbidden in imperial Rome on political grounds to make horoscopes on members of the imperial family, see A. Bouche-Leclercq, L'Astrologie Grecque, 1 8 9 9 , 5 6 o f , and T . Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht, 1 8 9 9 , 584f. Matthew 2 is also to be understood against this backgroimd. 833. J. Starcky, op. cit., 6 5 , cf. C C A G 1 2 , 1 9 3 6 , i73fF., or Hippolytus, Philos.4, 6,15-26 G C S , ed. Wendland 3 , 3 9 , 4 8 f F . : the definition of the physical form of those born under different constellations. 834. For the zodiac see B. L . v. d. Waerden, AfO 1 6 , 1 9 5 3 , 2 1 6 - 3 0 , and as a corrective, O. Neugebauer, op. cit., i 4 o f . Its Babylonian origin is now definitely established; it dates from about 400 BC. Its early introduction into Greece in the 5 8 t h Olympiad, 5 4 8 - 5 4 5 BC, by Anaximander is legendary; Eudoxus of Cnidus, in the middle of the fourth century BC, knew it well, albeit in a rather different form. It was introduced in Egypt in the early Hellenistic period. T h e famous representation in Dendera is a mixture of Babylonian and Greek elements, op. cit., 228fF. Knowledge of it is generally presupposed in Hermetic astrology from the beginning of the second century BC. 835. For the constellation of Taurus see Bouche-Leclerq, op. cit., i32fF.; W . Gundel, A A M N F 1 2 , 1 9 3 6 , 53 I.20, i82fF. and PW, 2.R., 5, S3fF. For Erasto thenes (third century BC) see Catasterismorum reliquiae, ed. C. Robert, 1 9 1 3 , 1 1 2 ;
Notes
i6i
cf. also Aratus, Phain.515, and Virgil, Georg. i , 2 1 7 . It was originally the sign of the spring equinox, but had to surrender its place to the ram, B . L . v. d. Waerden, op. cit., 2 2 1 . For the characterization of one born under the sign of Taurus see e.g. C C A G 1 2 , 1 9 3 6 , i 7 5 f 836. J. T . Milik, Ten Years of Discovery, 4 2 , and J. M . Allegro, op. cit., 1 2 6 ; c f on this C C A G 7 , 1 9 0 8 , 226ff., and the fragments from Nechepso-Petosiris, op. cit., i32ff., see above, n . 5 2 0 . 837. According to I I Kings 2 3 . 5 , Manasseh is already said to have worshipped the mazzalot, i.e. particular constellations (according to Ber. 32b and Shab. 7 5 a , Taurus) or planets; Jewish wisdom of a later period also knew of an abundance of consteUations, as is shown by Job 9.9 (presumably a later gloss, see G . Holscher, Das Bitch Hiob, H952, 2 8 ) and the speeches of EUhu, Job 3 8 . 3 i f f . In 3 8 . 3 2 the Targ interprets mazzdrdt as if^TS "'"iBtP = sign of the zodiac; Holscher, op. cit., 95, on the other hand conjectures 'Hyades' (in the constellation of Taurus). For a later knowledge of the zodiac see Josephus, Bell. 5 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 7 , and Philo, Spec.Leg. 1, 8 7 ( M 2 , 8 7 ) ; Vit.Mos.2, 1 2 3 ( M 2 , 153) etc.; for the Rabbis see Bill. 4,1046, i o 4 8 f ; for the synagogues and Judaism in general see Goodenough, Symbols, index i , 2 9 8 , and in the wider historical context 8, i 6 7 f f . , i95ff., 207ff., though the conclusions that he draws are misleading. For the constellations in the Old Testament see M . A . Beek, BHHWB 3 , 1 8 6 7 , ht. 838. J. T . Mihk, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 6 1 ; c f Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings, 338. 839. //wr.war.30,1, I I (Reinach 282); Trogus Pompeius = Justin, B ^ u . 3 6 , 2 (Reinach 2 5 3 ) and Numenius (Reinach 1 7 5 ) = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.9, 8. Further below, n . 8 5 1 . 840. 'Its once compelling power on men's dispositions rested on its scientific namre', M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 2 7 6 - 8 1 ( 2 7 8 ) ; see also F. Cumont, Die oriental ische Religionen, i53ff., i 5 7 f f . For its significance in the Stoa, see A . BoucheLeclerq, op. cit., 2 8 - 3 4 ; with the inclusion of manticism also M . Pohlenz, op. cit., I , io6ff., i 7 i f . A t first it was the only school of philosophy to take a positive attitude. Chrysippus considered the still relatively primitive art of the Chaldeans as a support for his teaching, op. cit., 2 , 6 2 , S V F 2 , 2 7 7 no. 9 5 4 , 1 5 - 2 0 . Rejection by Panaitios, who was influenced by Carneades, was an exception. Its vahdity was strengthened by Posidonius, see K . Reinhardt, PW 2 2 , 653ff., 6 9 1 , 792ff., and Kosmos und Sympathie, 1926, see index under Astrologie and Mantik; also W . and H . G . Gundel (n.822 above), i 0 2 f 8 4 1 . I Enoch 8.3: aorpoXoylas; TO, (rqnetaiTiKa; oaTepoaKoiriav; ae\-qvay(oyias. 842. C f already Isa.47.13; D a n . 2 . 1 9 - 2 3 and 5 * . 3 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 7 f f . ; c f also Vol. I, pp. i93ff., and 3 0 2 f For Jewish astrological pseudepigrapha see Gundel (n.822 above), 5iff. 843. T e x t in J. T . Milik, RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 4 0 8 ; for the term 'gazer' see R. Meyer, Das Gebet des Ndbonid, B A L 1 0 7 , 3 , 1 9 6 2 , 24f.; it has the sense 'determiner of fate', i.e. astrologer or haruspex: D a n . 2 . 2 7 ; 4 . 4 ; 5 . 7 , 1 1 . 844. Michel/Bauemfeind, op. cit., i , 4 3 9 n . 8 3 , and in detail O. Betz, Offenbarung, 9 9 - 1 0 8 . 845. Judas: Bell, i , 7 8 - 8 0 = Antt. 1 3 , 3 1 1 - 1 3 , and on it O. Betz, op. cit., 99ff. T h e prediction of the death on the same day and the exact detail of the place.
i62
Chapter
III
though wrongly interpretedj are without Old Testament parallel; the nearest paraUels would perhaps be Jer.28.16f.and Ezek. 1 1 . 1 3 (on which see G . Fohrer, ZAW 7 8 , 1 9 6 6 5 36f.J who points to the magic background); Menahem: Antt. 1 5 , 3 7 2 - 9 , and on it, op. cit., i o 2 f f . ; see the reference to I Sam. 16.iff. and II Sam. 7 . 1 4 . That Herod later asked Menahem about the length of his rule shows that he saw him as a kind of soothsayer. Cf, also the prediction of a German prisoner about Agrippa I, Antt. 1 8 , 1 9 5 - 2 0 2 , and the prophetic gift in Josephus himself, Bell.3, 3 5 i f f - j 3 9 9 - 4 0 8 and Vita, 2o8ff.; it rests on knowledge of scripture and his priestly descent. 846. Bell.2, 1 1 i f = Antt. I J, 3 4 5 - 8 , and on it see op. cit., i o 4 f f . ; here the Joseph narrative of Gen. 4 1 . 1 7 - 2 4 is a clear model, but the interpretation of the dream also takes up the themes of ancient interpretative practice, see the inter pretation of the ox in Artemidorus, Oneirocrit., ed. R. A . Pack, 1 9 6 3 , i , 3 9 (p. 46); 2 , 1 2 (p. 1 2 1 ) , and the torn-off ears of corn indicating disaster, 5 , 81 (p. 322). T h e interpretation of dreams had already developed in.;o an almost stereotyped technique in Ptolemaic Egypt in the third century, foUowing ancient Egyptian tradition, see A. Volten, Demotische Traumdeutung, 1942, 43ff.: 'In the Demotic book of wisdom, magic, healing and the interpretation of dreams go in parallel. All three arts are of divine origin' (43). Above aU in the Serapis cult the interpretation of dreams was developed into a fixed technique, see above, nn. 6 4 7 - 8 j c f H. BAXyJEA 3 4 , 1 9 4 8 , 9 5 f W e find it aheady in the Zeno papyri, P C Z 59034, 5 9 4 2 6 ; P S I 4 3 5 . It was particularly beloved in Hasidic circles in Palestine, see D a n . 1 . 1 7 ; 2 ; 3 . 3 1 - 4 . 3 4 ; II Mace. 1 5 . 1 1 - 1 6 ; additions to Esther i.iaff.; io.3aff., L X X ; here the border with visions was fluid. For criticism of dreams see Sir. 34. iff., and among the Rabbis (R. Me'ir) sec A . Oepke, TDNT 5 , 2 3 3 f , but even with the latter - as elsewhere in the ancient world - it played a great role, see E. EhrUch, ZNW 4 7 , 1 9 5 6 , 1 3 3 - 4 5 , on the assumption of a common (Hellenistic-Egyptian ?) source, i43ff. 847. For magical interpretation see E. Zeller, PhGr^ I I I , 2 , 3 3 3 f ; A . Die terich, Abraxas, 1 8 9 1 , 1 4 5 ; A. Dupont-Sommer, SVT 7 , i 9 6 0 , 2 4 6 - 6 1 ; 'cette medecine essenienne etait tout impregn6e de magie . . .' (246), cf. also Tarn/ Grifiith, Hellenistic Civilization, 3 5 3 , on Bell.2,142; G . Vermes, RQ 2,1959/60, 44off., and D . Flusser, lEJ 7 , 1 9 5 7 , i o 7 f f . See the apotropaic psalms in J. P. M . V. d. Ploeg, Festgahe K. G. Kuhn, 1 9 7 1 , I28ff. 848. Ancient superstition about plants and stones with a medical and astrological trend is a hmitless field: T . Hopfner, 'Lithika', PW 1 3 , 7 4 7 - 6 8 ; W . KroU, 'Kyraniden', PW 12, 1 2 7 - 3 4 ; E. Pfister, 'Pflanzenaberglaube', PW 1 9 , 1 4 4 6 - 5 6 . In addition there is the heahng art of'latromathematikg', influenced by astrology, which already plays a great role in Nechepso-Petosiris (see above, n n . 6 6 9 - 8 1 ) , c f E. Riess, op. cit., 3 7 8 - 8 0 , frs. 2 7 - 3 2 , and W . KroU, PW 9 , 8 0 2 - 4 ; see also Bouche-Leclerq, op. cit., 5 1 8 - 3 4 , and Boll/Gundel, i39ff. For the whole matter see Festugiere, op. cit., 1 2 3 - 8 5 , and Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i , 1 8 8 - 9 8 . Writings of this kind were current partly under the names of Hermes, Democrims, the Persian Ostanes, and even Solomon (cf. Wisdom 7 . 2 0 ; Antt.%, 44ff., and Ganschinietz, PW Suppl 8, 664, see above, nn. 1 7 5 / 6 ) . Chief author of this magical-medicinal literature on the basis of 'sympatheia' was the neoPythagorean Bolus (Democrims) of Mendes, c. 2 5 0 - 1 5 0 B C in Alexandria, see
Notes
163
J. M . Wellmann, PW 3 , 676f., and Die €>Y2IKA des Bolos Demokritos, A A B 1 9 2 8 , n o . 7 ; Festugiere, op. cit., i , 2 2 4 - 3 8 , with critical quaUfications by J. H . Waszink, RAC 2 , 5 0 2 - 8 , cf. also F. Jacoby, FGrHist I l i a , 2 6 3 , comm. 24ff., and W. Kroll, Hermes 6 9 , 1 9 3 4 , 2 2 8 - 3 2 . In particular, the attempt of Wellmann, op. cit., 6, 9f., to demonstrate a direct dependence of the Essenes on Bolus and stamp them neo-Pythagoreans, is very unconvincing, see Vol. I, pp. 2 4 5 f 849. C C A G V I I I , 3, 1 9 1 2 , 1 3 5 1-13, see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 i 5 f C f also A . J. Festugiere, RB 48, 1939, 6gS., for the prayers to the 'Lord of the world' to be spoken at the gathering of plants, some of which show Jewish influence. For the Rabbis see n . 4 4 1 above. 850. Josephus, Amt. 8, 4 6 - 9 . For the 'Book of Heahngs', see A . Wiinsche, Aus Israels Lehrhallen 3 , 2 0 1 - 1 2 ; Schurer 3 , 4 i 9 f ; c f Ganschinietz, PW Suppl 8, 665f 8 5 1 . C f Acts 8 . 9 , 1 1 ; 1 3 . 6 , 8; I 9 . i 3 f f . ; c f Trogus Pompeius (first century B C ) = Justin, Epit. 36,2 (Reinach 2 5 3 ) ; Pliny, Hist. nat. 30, lof, (Reinach 282), who derives it from Egyptian magic, see M . WeUmann, A A B 1928, no.7, 64; Juvenal 6, 542 (Reinach 2 9 i f ) ; Apuleius, Apol. 90 (Reinach 3 3 5 f ) ; Lucian, Tragopodagra 1 7 3 (Reinach 159), cf. also Philopseudes 16; Celsus, in Origen, c.Cels. i, 2 6 , cf. 5, 6; G C S 1 , 7 7 ; 2 , 5 f ed. Koetschau; Justin, Dial.c.Tr.^s, 3, and Iren., Haer.2, 6, 2 ; on this see Schurer, 3, 4 0 7 - 2 0 ; and O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften i , 1 5 0 - 7 1 ; cf. S. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, H960, 1 5 - 2 3 ; L . Thorndike, A History of Magic 1 , 3 4 8 - 5 8 ; Goodenough, Symbols 2 , 1 5 5 - 9 5 , and M . Simon, Verus Israel, 1 9 4 8 , 3 9 4 - 4 2 9 . Further see above, n . 4 4 1 and below, n. W , 22. For magic in Palestine see also Vol. I, pp. 83f.; cf. the amulets II Mace. 1 2 . 4 0 , and on them K . GaUing, BRL 2 9 . For Jewish exorcisms, see Bill. 4 , 5 3 3 f f . h , c f e.g. Shab. 67a. For the magical gems with Jewish influence see C. Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets, 1950, 26ff. 852. Thorndike, op. cit., i , 3 6 0 - 8 4 , and M . Wellmann, op. cit., 5 4 - 6 2 ; cf. also J. H. Waszink, RAC 2, soji. Cf. e.g. the portrait of the Simonian, Hippolyms, Philos. 6.20, G C S 3 , 148, ed. Wendland, and the fictional report about Simon Magus, Ps.Clem., Hom.2, 3 2 f ; 5 , 4 ; G C S , ed. Rehm 49, 94, and on it H. J. Schoeps, Aus friihchristlicher Zeit, 1 9 5 0 , 2 4 9 - 5 4 ; further Irenaeus, Haer.i, 13, on the gnostic Marcus. 853. Fesmgiere i , 3 3 9 f ; Ganschinietz, PW Suppl 8, 663ff. 854. Josephus, c.Ap.i, 1 7 6 - 8 3 , and on it H. Lewy, HTR 31, 1 9 3 8 , 2o9ff., 222ff. and V o l . 1 , p p . 2 5 7 f . 8 5 5 . M . Wellmann, op. cit., 9, i2ff. Bolus is said to have appealed to the Jewish magician Dardanus (see III K i n g d . 5 . 1 1 L X X and above aU Josephus, Antt.%, 4 3 , cf. PUny, Hist.Nat. 30, 9 ; Apuleius, Apol.90); cf. R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 163 n.4; Festugiere, op. cit., i , 3 1 7 n . 3 , and with more restraint W . KroU, PW Suppl 6,25f; A. Herrmann, RAC 3,593f; Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., 2 , 13
n.2o.
G. Fohrer, ZAWji, 1 9 6 6 , 2 5 - 4 7 , points to certain magical and mantic features in the Old Testament prophets. Despite Deut. 18. 9ff.; Lev.20.6, the magical element emerges much more strongly in the Judaism of the HeUenistic period. For the Rabbinic exorcists see Bill. 4 , 5 3 4 f.; for the miracle workers of the early Rabbinic period see A . Guttmann, HUCA 20, 1 9 4 7 , 3 7 4 - 8 8 . E.g. the 856.
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III
miracle worker R. Phinehas b. Jair made use of magical practices: Demai 22a, about AD 200. For Moses as a magician among the non-Jews see J. G . Gager (below n . I V , 2), 1 3 4 - 6 1 . 8 5 7 . Fesmgiere, i , 3 1 9 - 2 4 , c f 2 i i f and 230 n.6, and RB 68, 1 9 3 9 , 4 6 ; also Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i , 285, see index under 'Stales'. For Axiochus see above n . 6 5 5 . With respect to Phoenicia see S. A . Cook, The ReUgion of Ancient Palestine, 1 9 2 5 , 1 6 iff., and Philo Bybhus, FGrHist 7 9 0 F 1 . 2 6 , and E. Am^lineau, RHR 21, 1 8 9 0 , 2 8 5 . 858. FGrHist 680 F 4 . i 4 f . , c f Abydenos, FGrHist 685 F 3 ; on this, H . L . Jansen, Die Henochgestalt, 28ff., c f also W . Bousset, ZJVIT 3 , 1 9 0 2 , 4 4 ; Bousset/ Gressmann, 4 9 2 f ; S. A . Cook, op. cit., 163. For the theme, W. Speyer, Bucherfunde, 1 1 iff. 859. Ps.Manetho, FGrHist 609 F 2 5 , cf. also Zosimus in Syncellus i , 23, ed. Dindorf, and on it Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 1904, 139. There is a connection between the Hermetic Egyptian and Babylonian tradition in the Hermetic Cyranides, see M . Wellmann, 'Marcellus v. Side', Phil. Suppl 2 7 , 2 , 1934, 1 4 , where the origin of this dpxaiKri §i§Xos is derived from a 'Syrian' stele on the Euphrates; for a further parallel see in the Kore Kosmu, C H 2 3 , 67 (end): for protection from the demons in the sky. For Jewish haggadic parallels see M . J. bin Gorion, Die Sagen der Juden, Von der Urzeit, 1 9 1 3 , I55ff., 3 5 6 . 860. On this Fesmgiere, op. cit., i , 2 2 3 ; the mention of 'metal' and the mvTolovs XlBovs Kai TO ^aifiKa in I Enoch 8 correspond to similar hsts in old alchemical hteramre. However, the influence of the ^a^iKd of Bolus of Mendes on I Enoch, as conjecmred by Fesmgiere, is improbable. Still, conversely the ancient alchemists and Hermetists seem to have known some of the Enoch hteramre, and here again the doctrine of the fall of the angels, see Fesmgiere, i , 255ff. T h e magical character of angelic wisdom can again be seen in the inter pretation of Ps.Clem., //ow. 8 , 1 4 , 2 , Rehm G C S 127/naytufleW Aifloi?, which depends on I Enoch. For the Egyptian origin of alchemy see Bidez/Cumont, op. cit.,
I , i98ff.
I Enoch 7; 8; 6 9 . 8 - 1 2 . C f Ps.Philo 25.ioff. ( p p . i 8 2 f Kisch). 862. C f J u b . 4 . i 7 f f . , 2 i f f . ; 1 0 . 1 2 ; i 2 . 2 2 f f . , 27ff.; 2 1 . 1 0 , cf. on this P. Grelot, RSR 4 6 , 1 9 5 8 , i 5 f Ps.Clem., Hom. 8 , 1 4 , Rehm G C S 1 2 7 , is directly dependent on I Enoch and Jubilees, see H . J. Schoeps, op. cit., i 3 f (Ut.). T h e view that astrology and magic came from the fallen angels had an influence in the early church, see Boll/Gundel, i 0 4 f . ; c f e.g. TenuUian, De idol. 9. Here the reaction in contrast to the Essenes - was predominantiy negative. Cf. Bouche-Leclerq, op. cit., 6i4ff., and W. Gundel, RAC i, 8 2 8 f ; id. and H . G. Gundel (n.822 above), 3i8ff., 332ff. 863. Cf. also the portrayal by Johanan b. Zakkai of this all-embracing wisdom, which itself contained 'the conversation of serving angels and demons': Sukka 28a Bar., BiU. 4, 535. W e find the same thing already in Hillel, Tractate Soperim 861.
16,
9.
864. T h e Damascus document is probably directed against them, see above, n . 7 1 5 , cf. also Bell.2, i 6 o f . : the ir^pov 'Ea
Notes
165
the numerical details in Antt. 1 8 , 20 and Philo, Quod omnis 7 5 ( M 2 , 4 5 7 ) : 4000 or more than 4000 members. They probably go back to the same source. 865. For the 'gold' see M . Smith, NTS 7 , 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 , 3 4 7 - 6 0 ; for the groups of prophets and priestly clans see L . Rost, TLZ 80, 1 9 5 5 , 1 - 8 ; for the Rechabites see akeady Nilus of Ancyra and the Suidas Lexicon in A . Adam, Antike Berichte iiber die Essener, Kleine Texte 1 8 2 , 1 9 6 1 , 5 7 , 59 and H . J. Schoeps, Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums, 1949, 2 3 5 f , 247ff. 866. H. Bardtke, TLZ 8 6 , 1 9 6 1 , 9 3 - 1 0 4 , and C. Schneider, Qumranprobleme, ed. H . Bardtke, 1 9 6 3 , 3 0 5 - 9 . E. Koffmann, Bibl 4 2 , 1 9 6 1 , 4 3 3 - 4 2 ; 4 4 , 1 9 6 3 , 4 6 - 6 1 , has to concede this simation - against his will - see 434ff. on the term in"", which the Old Testament does not know in this sense. T h e term probably appears for the first time with this meaning in 1 1 QPs* 1 5 4 = DJDJ I V , 64, col. 1 8 , I, see Vol.1, pp. i 7 6 f . C f M , Delcor, RQ 6, 1 9 6 7 / 6 9 , 4 0 1 - 2 5 . 867. HTR 5 9 , 1 9 6 6 , 2 9 3 - 3 0 7 ; K A I 6 0 ; Roberts/Skeat/Nock, HTR 2 9 , 1 9 3 6 , 3 9 - 8 8 , and the mivov of Mareatos, P. M . Fraser, JEA 1 5 , 1 9 6 4 , 85 no. 1 4 , 6, named after the person of the founder. Further instances in Tcherikover, CPJ i, 6f 868. CIJ 2 , 3 6 6 f no. 1 4 4 0 , the synagogue inscription of Schedia near Alexandria from the time of Ptolemy I I I ; from the same period CPJ 3 , 164 no. 1 5 3 2 a from Arsinoe, and CPJ i, 248 no. 1 3 4 ; CPJ i, 239ff. no. 1 2 9 : the earliest mention of a Jewish synagogue in the Fayum, in 2 1 9 B C , cf. also Schiirer 3.97ff., and Tcherikover, HC, 2 9 6 - 3 3 2 ; CPJ i, 6 - 1 0 . See on this Ps.Aristeas 3 1 0 : the Jewish politeuma in Alexandria: C I G 3 , 5 3 6 1 == S E G 1 6 , 9 3 1 : the Jewish politeuma in Berenice; the designation 'synhodos' for a Jewish community in Carian Nysa: L . Robert, Hellenica 1 1 / 1 2 , i 9 6 0 , 2 6 i f . : the politeuma of the Idumeans in Memphis, O G I S 7 3 7 . 869. H . Bardtke, op. cit., 95 n. 1 2 . E. Ziebarth, Das griechische Vereinswesen, 1896, 130, sees the Essenes as a Greek association, with reference to Philo. 870. Cf. II Macc.4.9ff.; I Mace. 1 . 1 4 ; H. Bardtke, op. cit., 9 6 ; E. Ziebarth, op. cit., I i o f , 1 1 2 , see V o l . 1 , pp.72ff., pp.277f. 8 7 1 . H . Bardtke, op. cit., 102, 104. 8 7 2 . I Q S 5 . 5 f i c f 1.8, 1 6 ; 2 . 1 0 , 1 2 ; 3 . i i f ; 5 . 7 f , i8ff. and often, see A . Jaubert, La notion d'alliance, 2 1 iff., and W. Grundmann, in UU i, 254f. 8 7 3 . K . von Fritz, PW 2 4 , 2 i 8 f . , 2 6 7 f , 2 6 9 : the Pythagorean movement hardly had any great significance in the Hellenistic period between 2 5 0 and 50 B C ; it existed above all in Uteramre and perhaps in smaU conventicles. For its influence on Judaism, see below, n. 877. C f H. Thesleff, An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings, 1 9 6 1 . 874. S. Wagner, Die Essener in der wissenschaftliche Diskussion, i 9 6 0 , I56ff., i62ff., i65ff. For E. ZeUer see PhGr^ III, 2 , 3 0 8 - 7 7 . 875. S. Wagner, op. cit., 2 2 6 , and the survey by A . Dupont-Sommer, RHPR 3 5 , 1 9 5 5 , 7 6 f For details see Schiirer 2 , 6 7 0 , 6 7 8 ; F. Cumont, CRAI 1 9 3 0 , 9 9 - 1 1 2 ; M . J. Lagrange, Le Judaisme, 1 9 3 1 , 3 2 6 ; I. L6vy, La Ligende de Pythagore, 1 9 2 7 , 2 6 4 - 9 3 ; id., Recherches esseniennes et pythagoriciennes, 1 9 6 5 , 57ff.; M . Wellmann, op. cit., 5ff., following Bolus Democritus, see above, n. 848. 876. A . Dupont-Sommer, Nouveaux Aperpus, 1 9 5 3 , I54ff., and RHR 3 5 , 19553 7 5 - 9 2 ; T . F. Glasson, Greek Influence, 49ff., c f also M . Hadas, HCu, I94f.
166
Chapter
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%Tl. According to Josephus, c.Ap. i , i 6 3 f f . ; cf. Origen, c.Ceh. i , 1 5 (Reinach 39 and 40 n. 2), and on this Schiirer 3 , 625. As the views borrowed by Jews and Thracians according to c.Ap. are very strange, these may be allusions from comedy, see R. Rohde, RheinMus 2 6 , 1 8 7 1 , 562. However, the whole tradition seems to be older, and could go back to Hecataeus of Abdera. Isocrates, Busiris I I , already reports that Pythagoras brought the basis of his philosophy from Egypt; this corresponds to a theme which became increasingly popular from the time of Herodotus: see T . Hopfner, Orientalische und Griechische Philosophic, B h A O 4 , 1 9 2 5 , I I n . 2 and I 2 f ; J. Kerschensteiner, Platon und die Orient, 1 9 4 5 , iff., and for the historical background K . von Fritz, PW 2 4 , 1 8 6 , i 9 8 f T h e romancer Antonius Diogenes (Reinach 1 5 9 ) , writing even before Lucian (second century AD), has Pythagoras learning the interpretation of dreams and magic among Egyptians, Arabs, Chaldeans and Hebrews. It is interesting that from the time of Aristotie's pupil Aristoxenus, Pythagoras and Zoroaster were connected, see Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i , 33ff., c f i 0 3 f f . ; 2 , 3 5 f f . fr. B 2 5 - 2 7 ; W. Burkert, op. cit., i 2 7 f n . i 8 . This could be one of those places where Iranian duaUstic conceptions found their way into the HeUenistic West. 878. For Bell.2, 1 2 8 , see V o l . 1 , p. 236. For evening and morning prayer see I Q S 1 0 . 1 0 , and for the Therapeutae, Philo, Vit.cont. 3 7 ( M 2 , 4 7 5 ) . 879. Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., 8 9 ; c f on the other hand E. Lohse, op. cit., 36 n. e and the variants 4 Q S b + D in J. T . Milik, RB 6 7 , i 9 6 0 , 4 1 5 . 880. E. ZeUer, op. cit., 365ff.: the Essene concern presented here 'to gain a higher holiness through an ascetic Ufe' is connected with the priestly and Levitical ideal of purity and the desire for community with the heavenly world, c f e.g. i Q M 7 . 6 f T h e arcane discipline is part of the character of oriental wisdom, cf. e.g. O. Neugebauer, Astronomical Cuneiform Texts i, 1 9 5 5 , 1 2 , no. 1 3 5 (N) and 180 (S) with the stereotyped formula: ' T h e informed may show it to the informed; the uninformed shaU not see it. (It belongs) to the forbidden things of Anu, EnlU . . . ' o r Ahikar, col. 7 , 9 6 - 9 9 , etc., ed. Cowley, .^rowajcPapj'n, 2 1 5 . For the whole problem see also the critical remarks of G. Molin, Saeculum 6, 1 9 5 3 , 2 8 0 ; R. de Vaux, VT 9, 1 9 5 9 , 4 0 4 f 5 P- Grelot, RQ i, I 9 5 8 / 5 9 J 1 2 7 , and in detaU P. Seidensticker, op. cit., 1 5 0 - 7 5 . 881. For Essene communism in property see Josephus, Bell.2, 1 2 2 , 1 2 7 ; Antt.1%, 20, 2 2 ; Philo, Quod omnis 7 6 f ( M 2 , 4 5 7 ) ; Pliny, Hist.nat. 5 , 7 3 (Reinach 2 7 2 ) ; i Q S 1 . 1 1 - 1 3 ; 6 . 1 9 . For the self-designation 0"'3T'3N see K . G . Kuhn, Konkordanz, 1. It was this sharing of property that aroused the attention of the ancient world, because echoes were found here of certain philosophical doctrines of the ideal state or the golden age, see W. Bauer, PW Suppl 4, 4 i o f f . Michel/Bauernfeind, op. cit., i , 4 3 2 n . 3 8 , point to Ezek.44.28 and Test.Levi 2 . 1 2 , according to which the priests may have neither 'possession' nor 'heritage', as G o d himself represents their 'heritage' and 'possession'. 882. For Egypt see G. Mohn, TLZ 7 8 , 1 9 5 3 , 6 5 3 - 6 . 883. C . Schneider, op. cit., 3 0 5 ; c f also M . Smith, ^RL 40, 1 9 5 7 / 5 8 , 483. For aUegory see O. Betz, Offenbarung, 176S., c f E. ZeUer, op. cit., 327ff. For ancient Egyptian aUegory see H. Gressmann, Die Umwandlung der orientalischen Religionen, VortrSge d. Bibl. Warburg, 1 9 2 4 / 2 5 , 1 9 3 , and F. Daumas, Memorial Gilin, 1 9 6 1 , 2 0 3 - 1 1 . A simple kind of aUegory can already have been practised
Notes
167
in pre-Essene priestly exegesis, as is stressed by G. Mayer, RAC 6, 1 2 0 9 , following K . Elliger, Studien zum Habbakkukkomentar, 1 9 5 3 , 126. 884. This tension arose above all because the Essenes on the one hand took over the whole Hasidic view of history and the doctrine of the fall of the angels, etc., while they maintained the theological views of their founder without reconciUng them with the new teaching. In any case, we cannot apply modem systematic standards. 885.
RQ
I , 1958/59, 127-
T h e texts are collected in A. Adam, op. cit.; Philo iff.; Josephus 26ff.; Pliny and Dio 3 8 f ; Hippolyms 4 i f f . ; c f also Suidas 5 9 ; for Solinus and Porphyry see Reinach 205, 3 4 1 . 887. Their name could arise from a 'translation' of the Aramaic 'ds(s)ayyd = Bepairevrai, 'skilled in heaUug, miracle worker', arising on the basis of a false etymological explanation oi'Eaaatoi; cf. G. Vermes, RQ 2 , 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 4 3 5 - 4 3 , and Jastrow, Dictionary, 93. 888. C f e.g. Festugiere, REG 5 0 , 1 9 3 7 , 4 7 6 f f . , where attention is drawn to the parallels between the Pythagorean-type report of Chairemon (see above,n. 666) on the Egyptian priests, the description of the Brahmans in Philostrams, Vit. Apoll. 3 , 1 0 - 8 0 , the Persian magi and the Essenes. For the 'theios aner' see R. Reitzenstein, Mysterienreligionen, ^ 1 9 2 7 , 25ff., 237ff., 298, and L . Bieler, 0EIO2 ANHP, two vols., i 9 3 5 f , who discusses the Old Testament phenomena in 2 , 1 - 3 6 . T h e is-''ldhim of I Kings 1 7 . 1 8 , 2 4 ; 2 0 . 2 8 ; II Kings i.9ff.; 4 . 7 , etc., is the Old Testament counterpart, see op. cit., 2 , 24f. R. Bultmann, The Gospel of John, 1 9 7 1 , 1 0 2 n. I , seeks to distinguish the Essene prophetic gift from the type of the 'theios anthropos'. However, among the Essenes there were not only prophets but interpreters of dreams, healers and astrologers; they were at the same time ascetics and illuminati and were in contact with the angels and the heavenly world. Their superhuman behaviour under Roman tortiure. Bell.2, i 5 2 f , also belongs in this context; c f Mart.Isa.5, 1 4 , and M . Hengel, op. cit., 274. T h e difference lay not in the outward manifestation but in the theological interpretation. Judaism knew no direct apotheosis of the charismatic, see M . Hengel, Nachfolge und Charisma, 30. 886.
889. R. Meyer, Tradition und Neuschopfung, B A L n o , 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 6off., on the Essene criticism of the Pharisees, as the latter 'tone down and dissolve' the law. For the differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees on the vahdity of oral paradosis for law and eschatology see Josephus, Antt. 1 3 , 2 9 4 5 . ; 1 8 , 1 6 , and R. Meyer, TDNT 7 , 49ff.; 8, 28ff. 890. In the old contrast which emerges between the presentation of ancient Judaism in Bousset/Gressmann (pp.4off.) and G. F. Moore, Judaism, the Qumran texts seem to strengthen the case for Bousset/Gressmann. This is not meant to behttle the significance of the Rabbinic tradition, but it should be reahzed that it was subjected to a good deal of 'censorship', see M . Smith, BJRL 40, 1 9 5 7 / 5 8 , 4 8 7 . For the division of the Pharisees into HilleUtes and Shammaites see M . Hengel, Zeloten, 2o6ff., cf. 89ff. 891. C f E. Crasser, TR 30, 1 9 6 4 , 1 7 6 : the alternative 'Hellenistic' or 'Palestinian' has finally proved to be completely misleading, see also n.4. For the whole see Vol. I, pp. io3ff.
i68
Chapter
III
892. H . Gese, RGG^ 6, 1 5 7 5 : this does not exclude individual 'special revelations' like Job 4 . 1 2 - 2 1 , 'though there are also exceptions here'. 893. .(4wff. 1 3 , 2 8 8 - 9 9 , 3 7 2 - 8 3 , 4ooff. For Simeon b. Setah see Schiirer i , 2 7 9 f . , 289f., and the Rabbinic legends collected in K . Schlesinger, Die Gesetzeslehrer, 1 9 3 6 , 3 9 - 6 2 . For him as the possible 'lying prophet' of the Damascus document (cf C D i . i 4 f ; 8 . 1 3 ; 1 9 . 2 6 ; 2 0 . 1 5 ) , see R. Meyer, Tradition, 6 3 f 894. Jewish prayers: see P. Volz, op. cit., 5 i f f . For the Palestinian Targum see r a r ^ . J e r . I o n G e n . 2 9 . 1 1 = B i l l . 4 , 8 7 7 ; on E x . 4 . 1 3 ; 6 . i 8 ; 4 o . 9 - i i and N u m . 2 5 . 1 2 = Bill.4, 4 6 3 ; on N 1 u n . 2 4 . 1 7 = Bill.3, 3 8 3 c ; c f also M . Hengel,Ze/orew, 167. 895. M . Hengel, op. cit., 89ff., 2 0 4 - 1 1 , 2 9 3 , 3 4 o f K . Schubert wrongly doubts the significance of the apocalyptic expectation of the end for the Pharisees in his review, WZKM 5 8 , 1 9 5 2 , 2 5 9 f ; R. Meyer, op. cit., 55ff., 6 9 , is correct. Cf. also M . Hengel, Nachfolge und Charisma, 2 7 , 62f. 896. Schiirer 3 , 3 5 7 - 6 9 ; P. Volz, op. cit., 5 o f ; D . S. Russell, op. cit., 6 6 . 897. Schiirer i , 6 6 2 - 6 ; V . Tcherikover, CPJ i , 8 6 - 9 2 , and the papyrus texts, 2, 225-60.
898. Philo, De virt.-n ( M 2 , 388); Praem. et poen., passim, and especiaUy ( M 2 , 4 2 3 f , 4 3 5 f ) ; Vit.Mos.2, 288 ( M 2 , 1 7 9 ) . For Josephus, M . Hengel, Zeloten, 2 4 5 . A . Wlosok, Laktanz 2, A A H i 9 6 0 , i n , points out that 'duaUstic, specificaUy Jewish traditions emerge more strongly in Philo, where he goes back to the community understanding'. 899. From the abundance of literature c f e.g. K . G . Kuhn, ZTK 4 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 2 0 0 - 2 2 ; P. Stuhlmacher, Gerechtigkeit Gottes, 1 9 6 5 , I45ff., 2 i 7 f f . , 228ff.; J. Becker, Das Heil Gottes, 1 9 6 4 , passim, esp. 2 3 8 - 7 9 . R. Bultmann, in discussing Albert Schweitzer's The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, 1 9 3 1 , judges his term 'eschatological gnosis' (op. cit., 7 4 ) appropriate ( D L Z , 3 . F . 2 , 1 9 3 1 , 1 5 5 ) ; with equal justification this term could already be transferred to 'Essene theology', indeed to Hasidic apocalyptic from the time of Daniel. T h e maikiltm of Dan. 1 1 were already concerned with saving knowledge, with respect to the woes of the last time. 95ff., i64ff.
C H A P T E R IV
1. On this see I. Heinemann, PW Suppl 5, 3 - 4 3 . T h e earhest account that is hostile to the Jews has nationahstic Egyptian colouring and comes from Manetho, see FGrHist 609 F 1 0 = c.Ap. i , 2 2 3 - 5 3 , still from the beginning of the third cenmry B C ; later writers Uke Chairemon and ApoUonius Molon, at the beginning of the first cenmry BC, are dependent on him. In the Seleucid sphere an antisemitic tendency can first be noted after Posidonius (see op. cit., 26f. and 3off.). For the later period see M . Simon, Verus Israel, 1 9 4 8 , 2 3 9 - 4 5 , and Post-Scriptum, 1 9 6 4 , 489ff., ht. 2. A . Schlatter, GP, 2 8 , and W. Jaeger, JR 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , 1 2 7 - 4 3 = Scripta minora 2 , i 9 6 0 , 1 6 9 - 8 3 , and Diokles v. Karystos, 1 9 3 8 , 1 3 4 - 5 3 ; Y . Gutman, The Beginnings of Jewish-Hellenistic Literature i, 1958, passim; J. G . Gager, Moses in Greco-Roman Paganism, 1 9 7 2 . 3. FGrHist 2 6 4 F 6 = Diodore 40,3 (Reinach 14S.), on his person see F . Jacoby, PW 7 , 275off. He probably received his information through Jews who had emigrated from Palestine to Egypt. For his Utopian description of the Jewish state see W. Jaeger, Ji? 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , 1 3 6 - 4 3 , and Diokles, 1 4 4 - 5 2 ; F. Jacoby, PW 7 , 2 7 6 5 f Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , 3 9 - 7 3 , also stresses the utopian-ideaUstic character of his work; F. Jacoby wrongly attacks him, op. cit., and FGrHist I l i a , Comm. on no. 264, pp.46flF. For the rehgio-pohtical characterization see M . P. NUsson, GGR^ 2 , 2 8 5 f ; perhaps leaning to some degree on S p a m , which Plato estimated so highly: for the Spartans and the Jews see V o l . 1 , pp.72f. 4. Cf. Republic 4 1 4 b ; for the piety of the guardians, 3 8 3 b ; 4 2 1 a : ( ^ u A o k k Se v6fx.aiv, cf. Laws 7 5 4 d . 5. Seec.Ap. i , 1 8 6 - 1 8 9 :thesagacity andabiUty of thehigh priest'Hezekiah' (see Vol.1, p. 4 9 ) ; I , 2 0 0 - 2 0 5 : the Jewish archer MeshuUam free of any superstition. For the authenticity see F. Jacoby, op. cit., 66f.; B. SchB&er,ZNW 5 4 , 1 9 5 3 , 2 o f f . 6. FGrHist 7 3 7 F 6 = Reinach 8 ; on this see W . Jaeger, Ji? 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , i 3 i f f . , and Diokles, I34ff. J. Bernays, Theophrasts Schrift iiber die Prommigkeit, 1 8 6 6 , io9ff., the real discoverer of this 'source', regarded it as the earhest known Greek account of the Jews; however, W . Jaeger has shown the probabihty that it is dependent on Hecataeus' Aegyptiaca. He is also foUowed by O. Regenbogen, PW Suppl 1,1515, and Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , 74ff. Against this see A . D . Nock, Essays on Religion 2 , 1 9 7 2 , 6 o i f . , and M . Stem, Kirjath Sepher 46, 1 9 7 0 / 7 1 , 99. 7. W. Jaeger, Diokles, 147; JR 1 8 , 1938, 1 3 3 , who points out the connection of these conceptions vdth the natural philosophical thought of the Greeks, of Anaximander, Xenophanes, Democrims and Aristotle. Cf. also Nilsson, GGR^ i, 839ff.; 2 , 2 5 3 f f . , and HTR 3 3 , 1 9 4 0 , i i f = opuscula selecta 3 , i960,36flF. For the
lyo
Chapter
IV
' G o d of heaven' see below nn. 2 6 2 - 6 . For the worship of'heaven' by the Jews see Strabo (and n. 15) from Posidonius; Petronius, fr. 3 7 (Reinach 266), and Juvenal, Sat. 6, 545 and 1 4 , 96 (Reinach 292); see below nn.64, 260. 8. Bidez/Cumont, op. cit., i , 2 4 0 - 2 ; the report of Hecataeus and Theophrasms on the Jews is too positive to be brought into conjunction with the derivation of rehgion from human fear in Democrims; the nearest feature would be the positive judgment of fr. 30, Diels 2, 1 5 , on the worship of God by the first wise men. C f the judgment of Philo of Byblos on Hecataeus and the Jews, FGrHist 7 9 0 F 9 = Origen, c.Cels. i , 1 5 . Bidez/Cumont overlook the political background of the writing activity of Hecataeus. 9. FGrHist 7 3 7 F 8 = Clem. Alex., Strom, i , 7 2 , 5 (Reinach 1 3 ) ; on this see W. Jaeger, Ji? 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , 1 3 2 n . 1 4 , and Diokles, i 4 i f ; Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , 89ff. For his person see O. Stein, PW 1 5 , 23iff.; for his Stoic interpretation of Indian 'philosophy', 259ff. and esp. 2 6 2 . C f fxirther Diog.Laert. i , 9 on the common derivation of Jews and Brahmans from the 'Magi'. 1 0 . In Josephus, c.Ap. i , 1 7 6 - 8 2 (quot. 1 7 9 - 8 1 ) from a writing of Clearchus in dialogue form, wtpi imvov. On this see W. Jaeger, JR 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , i3off., and Diokles, I38ff.; in detail H. Lewy, HTR 3 1 , 1 9 3 8 , 2 0 5 - 3 5 . Presumably Peripatetic circles held the view that the Jews were a kind of learned priestly caste among the Syrians, hke the Brahmans in India. Clearchus is probably dependent on the Indica of Megasthenes, which was written towards 290 BC, in the same way as Theophrasms is dependent on the Aegyptiaca of Hecataeus, though his picture of the Jews will also have been shaped by his own experience with them; on this see also Y . Gutman, op. cit., i , 9iff. Clearchus was still a personal pupil of Aristotle, but he had strong Platonizing tendencies: see W . KroU, PW 1 1 , 58off. L . Robert, CRAI 1 9 6 8 , 4 4 7 - 5 4 , differs. 1 1 . H . Lewy, op. cit., 209ff., 222ff.; cf. already A . v. Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften 4, 1 8 9 3 , 587f. 1 2 . H . Lewy, op. cit., 2 i 8 f f . : Eusebius, Pr.Ev. 1 1 , 3 , 8, G C S V I I I , 2 , 9 , Mras. 13. On this see above n.III, 877. T h e view of Hermippus already seems to have been influenced by some old Palestinian halachoth: see S. Safrai, 16, 1965, 31 n . 7 3 , with reference to S. Lieberman. 14. See already Reinach's conjecture, 8 9 ; R. Reitzenstein, Zwei religions geschichtliche Fragen, 1 9 0 1 , 7 7 n . 2 ; J. Geffcken, Zwei griechische Apologeten, 1 9 0 7 , X I n. 5 ; in more detail I. Heinemann, MGWJ 6 3 , 1 9 1 9 , 1 1 3 - 2 1 ; E. Norden, Festgabe f.A.v. Harnack, 1 9 2 1 , 2 9 2 - 8 , and K . Reinhardt, 'Posidonius fiber Ursprung und Entartung', Orient und Antike 6,1928,5-34: 'Moses as prehistoric founder', c f also PW 2 2 , 6 3 8 f Further c f F. Jacoby, FGrHist I I C 87, Comm. I96ff.; I. Heinemann, Poseidonios' metaphysische Schriften 2, 1 9 2 8 , 72ff. A. D . Nock (n.6 above), 86off., takes the via media in controversy with W . Aly, Strabonis Geographica 4, 19iff.; criticism in J. G. Gager (n.2 above), 44ff. 1 5 . Strabo 1 6 , 2, 3 5 - 3 7 (C 7 6 0 / 6 1 ) = FGrHist 87 F 7 0 (Reinach 9 9 f ) . Translation, with smaU alterations, follows E. Norden, op. cit., 292f. 16. Strabo 1 6 , 2, 3 8 : for the whole see E. Bickermann, GM, 1 3 0 . T h e objection by I. Heinemann, MGWJ 82, 1938, 1 5 6 , that the theory of a retro gression only arose after the Maccabean revolt, with Posidonius, is untenable; the theory is probably older and goes back to Stoic conceptions, see M . Pohlenz,
Notes
i-ji
op. cit.j i j 42, or tiie notion of the golden age in the Peripatetics Theophrastus and Dicaearchusj see O . Regenbogen, PWSuppl.7, 1514 (ht.). Its basis can already be found in Hesiod. Cf. also Vol. I, p. 300. 17. Strabo 16, 2, 37* ° ' J^^*' Y^P dtfuardficvot rr}v xa)pav CKaKovv Kal avTy^v Kal TTJV yeiTvi&aav.. In my view, the 'apostates' are the Jewish reform party, and the whole passage is a reference to the Jewish 'civil war' from 167 BC to the capture of the Acra in 141, which was carried on by the 'reformers' with considerable help from the Seleucids. However, Posidonius shows that even from the Seleucid side a negative judgment was passed on it at a later stage; cf. Vol. I, p. 288f. T h e abrupt rejection of the Maccabean pohcy of expansion by Posidonius can be seen in Diodore 44 fr. i = FGrHist 87 F 109 = Reinach 56fr. 18. Strabo 16, 2, 38, on which see G . Rudberg, Forschungen zu Posidonius, 1918, 5ifF., and above all K . Reinhardt, Poseidonius iiber Ursprung . . ., i6fF., 56f. For the concept of God in Posidonius see also I. Heinemann, Poseidonius, 2.43fF. A similar concept of God appears in the romance of lambulus, see Vol. I, p. I I I , and n. I l l , 26, among the inhabitants of the wonder island in the Indian ocean: Diodore 2, 59, 2: ae^ovrai Se &€ovs TO nepiexov iravra Kal rjXiov Kal KodoXov iravra rd ovpdvia,
19. K . Reinhardt, op. cit., 14. 20. For his influence on Wisdom and Philo see I. Heinemann, op. cit., i , i36fF. (Wisdom) and I , 70, 73 n.3, 133; 2, 286f., 433f., 47if.; see also Philons griechische undjiidische Bildung, ^1962, index 592. For the Areopagus speech, see E. Norden, Agnostos Theos, ^1956, 2ofF.j M . Pohlenz, ZNW 42, 1949, 7off., and, Stoa 1,403f.; see also the newest survey of the hterature by J. Lebram, ZNW 55, 1964, 221 n . I . 21. Augustine, De consens.evang. I, 22, 30 and 23,31, PL 34, io55f. = Varro, fr. I, 58b, ed. Agahd, JbPhilSuppl. 24, 1898, 163; on this see E. Norden, Festgabe Harnack, 298fF.; Agnostos Theos, 1912, 61. Cf. V o l . 1 , p. 262. 22. J. Lydus, De mens. 4,53 (ed. Wiinsch I09f.), on which see E. Norden, op. cit., 58ff. According to Diodore i , 94 (Reinach 70), too, Moses received his laws from the god lao. Even here K . Reinhardt, op. cit., 58f., and E. Norden, Festgabe Harnack, 300, presume a dependence on Posidonius, who for his part perhaps in tum goes back to Hecataeus. For knowledge of the divine name lao in the Hellenistic sphere and above all in the magical papyri, see Ganschinietz, PW 9, 698-721; A . Vincent, La Religion des Judeo-Arameens, 1937, 37-45; O . Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften i , 1962, 150-71, and Goodenough, Symbols 2, I92f. Septuagint fragments from a Leviticus manuscript presumably of the first century BC were found in Cave 4 Q bearing the divine name lAQ, see O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 707. This easily explains how it could also be known in nonJewish circles. 23. Augustine, Civ.Dei 4, 31 = Varro, fr. 59, ed.Agahd, op. cit., 164; cf. E. Norden, Festgabe Harnack, 298. 24. Ps.Longinus, De sublim. 9 , 9 ; on this cf. Schiirer 3, 631, who supposes that the quotation comes from the viriting of the rhetorician and alleged Jew Caecihus of Calacte, which is attacked by the unknown author. But this hypothesis is very improbable. For the dependence of the author on Theodore of Gadara, in whom some Jewish background is supposed, see Aulitzky, PW 13, i4i5fF. E. Norden,
172
Chapter IV
A A B K l . f. Spr., 1954, no.i, presupposes knowledge of Philo. Cf. W. Biihler, Beitrdge zur Erkldrung der Schrift von Erhabenen, 1964, 34f., who stresses that the designation of Moses as eeafioBerris refers to the divine reception of the law. 25. C . H. Dodd, The Bible and the Greeks, 99-242 j The Fourth Gospel, 321,38. 26. For Hecataeus see FGrHist 264 F 6, 4 = Diodore 40,3 (Reinach 17), see Vol. I, pp. i 8 f and pp. 255f; c f also Manetho (first half of the third century BC), following c.Ap. 1,239; also the anti-Jewish councillor of Antiochus V H Sidetes in Posidonius, FGrHist 87 F 109, following Diodore 34 fr. i (Reinach 56); Apollonius Molon (first half of the first century BC), according to c.Ap. 2, 148: dBeovs Kal inaavBpJ)-iTovs, cf. 258; Lysimachus of Alexandria (first century BC), according to c.Ap. i, 309; Apion (first half of the first centtiry AD), according to c.Ap.2, 1 2 1 ; Tacitus, Hist. 5, 5: adversus omnes alios hostile odium. Fiuther instances in I. Heinemann, PWSuppl 5, 20, c f MGWJ 82, 1938, 166, and F. M . T . de Liagre Bohl, Opera minora, 1953, ii7flf. T h e otherness and xeno phobia of the Jews also appears in Esther 3.8 and in the Greek expansions (see Vol. I, pp. l o i f . ) : 3.13d, e (B 4 f ) , c f I H Mace. 3.24, and on it E. Bi(c)kerman(n), PAAJR 20, 1951, 127. For the whole thing see also V o l . ! , pp. I52f and below, pp.300, 3o6f 27. This is already true for the time before Alexander, see Herodotus I , 105, the Astarte of Ashkelon as Aphrodite Urania, and also the interesting inscription of an Ashkelonite on Delos as thanksgiving for being saved from pirates, ed. by Clermont-Ganneau, CRAI 1909, 308 = ZDPV 36, 1913, 233: 'Aardpnii. IlaXaH T T i n j i 'ApoBlTTji Ovpavlai. T h e Baal of Carmel already appears in Ps.Skylax before 345 BC as Zeus: (Ka.pp,eXos) Spos Up6v Ai6s, see C. MiiUer, GGM 1 , 79, and K . Galhng, Studien zur Geschichte Israels, 1964,197, 203. He was later identified with the Zeus of Hehopohs-Baalbek: see below, n.244. T h e Baal of Tabor was worshipped as 'Zeus Atabyrios' long before Alexander in Rhodes, on Sicily and in the Crimea, see O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2, 1963, 29-54 (32f.). After Alexander this idea became common property. T h e Idumean Cos and the Phoenician ReSeph were transformed into Apollo, and for that reason the Apollo cult was probably so strongly represented in Marisa, Adora (see V o l . 1 , pp.6if.) and in many places on the coastal plain, see Schiirer 2, 5flF., 31, 35f., 133; S. A . Cook, Religion, i i 3 f , 129, 203R. Even the Idumean mercenaries in Egypt wor shipped their Kos there as Apollo, see O G I S 737 and F. Zucker, A A B 1937, 1938, n o . 6 , 1 5 . T h e cult of Heracles was also a favourite in Palestine, helped on by the old identification with the Tyrian Melkart, see Schiirer 2, 31, 35, 39flf.; S. A . Cook, op. cit., 69, i35flF., i 6 8 f ; c f C . N . Johns, QDAP 2, 1933, 45. His cult was significant in Gaza and Acco-Ptolemais (see Schiirer 2, 56f: foundation legends) and in Rabbath-Ammon-Philadelphia, where there was perhaps a Tyrian colony (see above, n. I, 340), see F. M . Abel, RB N S 5,1908, 56S-77, and HP 1 , 58; c f Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 8, 1924, 121-5, and S. A . Cook, op. cit. 165. Dionysus also achieved great significance; possibly his cult was helped on by the Ptolemies, as they traced their descent from him; see Schiirer 2, 35, 38, 44f, 55, 56; S. A . Cook, op. cit., i94flf. Scythopohs-Nysa and Damascus were specially associated with Dionysus by their foundation legends. Among other things, the Nabatean Dusares was identified with Dionysus, see below, n.269. On the whole question see Schiurer 2, 27-47; S. A . Cook, op. cit., passkn, and esp. 153-225;
Notes
173
T . Klausner, etc., RAC i, 1 0 6 6 - 1 1 0 1 , on the Hellenization of the various local Palestinian-Syrian Baals. For the problem see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Jowma/ of the Warburg Institute i , 1 9 3 7 / 3 8 , i89fr.; GM, gsf.; D . van Berchem, Syria 4 4 , 1 9 6 7 , 73fr., 307fr.
28. Cf. e.g. the dedicatory inscription to Hadad and Atargatis in Acco Ptolemais from the second century Bc made by Diodotus son of Neophthalmus, presumably a Greek with his family, see M . Avi-Yonah, lEJ 9, 1 9 5 9 , 1 - 1 2 . In AD 1 0 5 / 6 , two slaves in Beryms could still dedicate an altar to Atargatis, who was called at the same time Artemis, Venus HeUopoUtana and Dea Syria, see S E G 1 4 , 824. For the extension of the cult of Atargatis-Astarte (and of Hadad) in the Greek world see P. Lambrechts/P. Noyen, NCIio 6, 1 9 5 4 , 2 5 8 - 7 7 ; cf. also W . Fauth, KP I , I40ifr. 29. For ApoUonius Molon see W. Schmid, PW 2 , i4ifF. In contrast to his contemporary Posidonius he was hostile to philosophy. He had no compre hension of the 'philosophical' components of Jewish thought. 30. Agatharcides of Cnidos (second cenmry BC), according to c.Ap. i, 2o8fF.; Ciceio,pro Place. 6 7 (Reinach 238): barbara superstitio; similarly Quintihan, Inst, orat. 2, 7 , 2 1 (Reinach 284); see also the judgment on the later development of Jewish reUgion untU it became SeimSaifiovia in Posidonius, Vol. I, p. 2 5 9 . 3 1 . Tacims, Hist. 5, 2 - 5 , cf. I. Heinemann, PW Suppl 5, 36fr., and generally on the treatment of bibhcal history in Graeco-Roman writers, Liagre-Bohl, op. cit., io5fF. T h e starting point of this anti-Jewish Graeco-Roman history writing is Manetho, see c.Ap. i , 2 2 7 - 8 7 , and also ApoUonius Molon, FGrHist 728 F i = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 1 9 (Reinach 6of.), according to Alexander Polyhistor. 32. On this M . P. NUsson, GGR^ 2,294fif., 573fF., and HTR 5 6 , 1 9 6 3 , 1 0 1 - 2 0 ; cf. also Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 339f., and J. Kaerst, Geschichte des Hellenismus 2 , ^1926, i98fF., 233fr. 33. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 2g6S., 56gfl.; M . Pohlenz, Die Stoa 1, g6£.; for the first beginnings in Xenophanes, Anaxagoras, etc., see W. Jaeger, Die Theologie derfrilhen griechischen Denker, 1 9 5 3 , 5ofr., I97f., 209f. For the whole matter see E. Zeller, Die Entwicklung des Monotheismus bei den Griechen, Vortr. u. Abhandlungen i , ^ 1 8 7 5 , 1 - 2 9 . This development found a climax in the first cenmry a d in the pseudo-Aristotelian writing De mundo, which in individual points comes very near to the Jewish behef in creation, see M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 2, 297fr. n . I , ht., and HTR 5 6 , 1 9 6 3 , I 0 2 f r . Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Der Glaube der Hellenen 2, ^ 1 9 5 9 , 45of., supposes that the influence of Posidonius hes behind this 'decisive monotheism'. J. Bernays even thought of Tiberius Julius Alexander, nephew of Philo and apostate, as author, whereas Bergk ascribed the writing of Nicolaus of Damascus, friend of Herod; on this see E. ZeUer, Kleine Schriften 1, 1 9 1 0 , 332f., 345f. and H . Strohm, MusHelv 9 , 1 9 5 2 , 1 3 7 - 7 5 . Cf. also above n . I I I , 8 1 7 . 34. Origen, c.Cels.i, 24 and 5, 4 1 (45), ed. H . Chadwick, 1 9 5 3 , 23f., 2 9 7 cf. also 5, 34. For what follows see above all M . P. NUsson, HTR 5 6 ,
(299); 1963,
101-20.
35. Macrobius, Sat. I , 18, I9f., see also Reinach 7 0 n. I and R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistische Mysterienreligionen, ^1927,148fr.; cf. Ganschinietz, PW g, 7 0 8 ; A. D . Nock, Conversion, 1 9 3 3 , i n f . ; M . P. Nilsson, GGR^, 4 7 7 f . ; Goodenough,
174
Chapter
IV
Symbols 2, 207, and H . Kusch, RAC 3, 432ff. Cf. also Julian the Apostate, Ep. 89a (i54f. Bidez). 36. See above n. 2 1 ; cf. also Augustine, De civ. Dei 4, 9 = Varro fr. I 58a, ed. Agahd, op. cit., 163; see on this E. Norden, Festgabe A. von Harnack, 1921, 299. T h e Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum were probably composed between 60 and 50 BC, see H . Dahlmann, PW Suppl 6, 1178, 1230. 37. Augustine, De civ. Dei 4, 11 = Varro, fr. I 15a, Agahd; c f also 7.13 = Varro, fr. I 15c, Agahd, op. cit., 149: '(Ad lovem) ceteri referendi sunt . . . cum hie ipse sint omnes, sive quando partes eius vel potestates existimantur . . .', on which see M . P. Nilsson, HTR 56, 1963, io7f. Antiochus of Ashkelon was the direct teacher of Varro; he probably knew Posidonius indirectly, as he was very indebted to the Stoa generaUy, see H. Dahhnann, PW Suppl 6, ii74f. 38. Servius, ad Aen.4, 638 ( i , 574, ed. Thilo), c f ad Georgica 1, 5; see M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., io8f.; similarly also Cicero, De nat. dear.2, 28, 7 1 : 'deus pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei, per terras Ceres, per maria Neptunus, alii per alia, poterunt intellegi qui qualesque sint.' T h e common soiurce also seems to be Posidonius here, but the basic idea is even older; see M . Pohlenz, op. cit., i , 96f. and 2, 97, and I. Heinemann, Poseidonius 2, 135-43. 39. Zeno, S V F i , 28 no. 102, according to Diog.Laert.7, 135; c f also Chrysippus S V F 2, 269, lines I3flf. no.937; 305 no. 1021; 315 no. 1076 according to Philodemus of Gadara, see also M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2,258. 40. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 427S., and HTR 56, 1963, io3flF. C f above aU O. Kern, Orphicorum Fragmenta, ^1963, 90-93 frs. 21 and 21a = Plato, Laws 7I6SLI-JI6&, and on this see K . Ziegler, PW 18, 1359flf. For Aristobulus see Vol. I, pp. i65flf.; for Artapanus, who makes Moses-Musaeus the teacher of Orpheus and thus transposes the usual relationship, see above n. H , 262. Furthermore see the 'Testament' of Orpheus in its various recensions in O. Kern, op. cit., 255-65 = nos. 245-7. N o . 248 = Clem.Alex., Strom. $, 125, i , should not now be included among them, but it is equaUy of Jewish origin. For the 'Testament' see N . Walter, Aristobulos, T U 86,1964,103-15, i84fF., 202-61, who does not accept that it derives from the original Aristobulus, and K . Ziegler, PW 18, i398flF. P. Gurob, n o . i = O. Kern, op. cit., loiflf., no.313 which comes from the third century BC, shows the early emergence of Orphic and Dionysiac mysteries in Ptolemaic Egypt, c f M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 2, 244f For the encounter with Jewish see M . Hengel in Festgabe K. G. Kuhn, 1971, 165. 41. Valerius Maximus, epit. of Juhus Paris I , 3, 3, ed. Kempf 16/17 = Reinach 258f; c f the shorter epitome of Nepotianus: 'ludaeos quoque, qui Romanis tradere sacra sua conati erant, idem Hispalus exterminavit arasque privatas epublicis locis abiecit.' This too could refer to a mixed Jewish-syncretistic cult, cf. I Mace. 1.55 andR. RdtTemtcin^Mysterienreligionen, 105: 'Both exoduses complemented one another.' In detail, E. Bickerman(n), RID A 5,1958,144-53. 42. Schiirer 3 , 5 8 f ; E. Meyer, UAC 2,264 n. 3; 3,460; Ganschienietz, PW 9, 714. H . Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, i960, 3f., conjectures a confusion of Sabbath-Sabazius; cf. further H . Vogelstein, History of the Jews in Rome, 1940, 10, 14. T h e view of J. B . Frey, RSR 20, 1930, 273f, c f Leon, op. cit., 4, that it was nothing to do with Jews, is quite improbable. K . Latte, Romische Religions geschichte, i960, 275, remains undecided.
Notes
175
43. F. Cumont, CRAI 1906, 63-79; cL Musee Beige 14, 1910, 55-60, and Die orientalische Religionen, 231 n.6o, 316 n.25; R. Reitzenstein, op. cit., io4fF.; see also H. Gressmann, ZAW 43,1925, i6ff., and 'Jewish Life in Ancient Rome', in Jewish Studies in Memory ofj. Abrahams, 1927, I7if.; H . Lietzmann, The Beginnings of the Early Church, 1937, i 6 i f . j O. S. Ranldn, The Origins of the Festival of Hanukkah, 1930, I26fr., I42fr.; R. McL.Wilson, The Gnostic Problem, ^1964, I if. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 661-7, also gives a good survey. 44. I Mace. 15.15-24, esp. v. 16. Doubt about the authenticity of the letter is hardly justified, as K . D . Schimck, Die Quellen, 32-6, shows. For dating see Schiirer i , 25ofr.; E. Meyer, UAC2,264; F. M . Abel, Mace, 267: L . Calpurnius Piso, 139 B c ; E. Bickermann, GM, 175, and Abel/Starcky, 207, differ: L . Caecihus Metellus, 142 b c . T h e senate decision of Antt. 14, 145-8, falsely dated by Josephus, belongs in this context. For Reitzenstein, see op. cit., io6f. n. i , cf. Bickerman(n), RIDA 5, 1958, 146. 45. Antt. 12, 147-53: the letter to Zeuxis. On its authenticity see A . Schaht, JQR 50, i960, 298-318, see also Schiirer 3, i2f., and G. Kittel, TLZ 69, i944j I I . For the furthering of the cult of Sabazius in the Pergamene kingdom see Schaefer, PW, 2 R . i , 1544, and F. Cumont, Orient.Rel, 193, 314 n.4; cf. O G I S 331 11.34, 4g- In 132 BC, Attains III made over his kingdom to the Romans by testament. About eighty years after the first appearance of Jews in Rome, Cicero again attests the great influence of Jews from Asia Minor in the metropohs, see pro Flacco 66-69 (Reinach 237-42), cf. also the Sabazius inscription of Ehan(os) Eisr(aehtes), J. Keil/A v. Premerstein, 'Bericht iiber eine 2. Reise in Lydien', DAW 54, 1911, no.218, and on it G. Kittel, op. cit., 16. For the question see also E. Bickerman(n), RIDA 5,1958, i48ff., though he interprets these 'Jews' in too orthodox a sense. 46. Cf. I l l Mace. 2.29f. Even if III M a c e , which arose about the turn of the first century b c , is legendary, see V . A . Tcherikover, ScrHieros 7, 1961, 1-21, it coiitains good historical material, as is shown by its report on the battle of Raphia (see V o l . 1 , pp.8f.). T h e great interest of Philopator in the Dionysus cult is indisputable, see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, i6if., and especially on the important Berhn papyrus ( B G U V I , 1211 verso = S B 7266), op. cit., 162 n.2, ht. T h e earlier material has an extensive account but is too one-sided, see P. Perdrizet, RevEtudAnc 12, 1910, 216-47; cf. also F. J. Dolger, Antike und Christentum 2, 1930, I03f., and J. Tondriau, Aeg 26/27, 1946/47, 84-95, and 30, 1950, 57, 66. Also Tarn/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 2i2f.; T . A . Brady, The Reception of the Egyptian Cults by the Greeks, 1935,25, and Volkmaim, PW23, i689f. Further details above, n.III, 611. 47. Tacitus, Hist. 5, 5, rejects the identification; similarly J. Lydus, De mens. 4j 53 (Wiinsch 109, i n ) ; Plutarch, Quaest.conv.4, 6 (Reinach 142-7), on the other hand, is positive. On this F. Cumont, op. cit., 314 n.7. Possibly this identification is closely connected with the mixed cult of Sabaoth-Sabazius, see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2,662f., and R. Reitzenstein, op. dt., io5fr., i46fF., though his conclusions go much too far, whereas Liagre-Bohl, op. cit., i2of., makes too httle of the connections; cf. also IIMacc. 14.33 and Vol. I, p. 299. T h e alleged connections between the Jewish God and Adonis, see H . Gressmann, ZAW 43, 1925, 1 7 ; cf. N . A . Dahl, Das Volk Gottes, H963, 105, and O. Rankin, op. cit..
176
Chapter
IV
1 Sjfi., Attis, see R. Reitzenstein, op. cit., i45f., and F. Cmnont, op. cit., 231 n. 60, and Osiris, see Reitzenstein, Poimandres, 1904, i82ff., hardly have any real foimdation. T h e idea that the Jews worshipped Kronos-Saturn, see Tacitus, Hist. 5, 4, and L y d u s , De mens.4, 53 (Wiinsch n o ) , may have been caused above all by their haUowing of the Sabbath, the day of Saturn (see TibuUus, Eleg. i , 3, I 7 f = Reinach 247); of course, it may also be connected with the identification of the God of the Jews with the supreme Semitic god of heaven: H . Gressmann, op. cit., 19, 2 1 , c f also Philo Bybhus, FGrHist 790 F 2 = Pr.Ev.1, 10, 1 6 : Kronos = 'El, son of 'Uranus' and grandson of 'Hypsistos', see Vol. I, pp. 297f. See also 1. Heinemann, PW Suppl 5, 31. 48. O G I S 73, 74 = CIJ 2, 445 nos. 1537-8; c f Schiirer 3, 50, and Tcherikover, HC, 352. 49. O G I S 70-72 and 37; on this see the survey on the inscriptions in the temple by W. Schwarz, JbPhil 153, 1896, 145-70. For Pan as the imiversal deity, especially m Egypt, see F. Brommer, PWSuppl 8,1005. C f also C H 5 , 1 1 and 12, 22f. 50. For the general attimde of the Letter of Aristeas see V. A . Tcherikover, HTR 51, 1958, 59-85; c f CPJ I , 37, 42f and HC, 351, though he stresses too one-sidedly that the letter is only directed to Jews. W e may include aU Greeks interested in Judaism. 51. Chrysippus, S V F 2, 305 no. 1021 = Diog.Laert.7, 142; 312 no.io62f.; 315 no. 1076, according to Philodemus of Gadara. 52. Ps.Arist. 135-138. Similarly Wisdom 13.iff. finds the (Greek) worship of stars and elements preferable to the Egyptian worship of animals in i5.i4fF. 53. V. A . Tcherikover, HTR 51, 1958, 7 1 , c f Ps.Arist.235, 256; see also Vol.1, pp.90, 164. 54. Tcherikover, op. cit., 70. Possibly the Jewish self-awareness at this point takes up the early Greek judgment of, say, a Hecataeus, see F. Jacoby, PWT, 2765f. 55. T h e probably original recension contained in Ps.Justin, De monarch. 2 = 0 . Kern, op. cit., 256flF. no. 245, shows that the name Zeus appeared in the Jewish Testament of Orpheus (see 1.16). T h e criticism made by E. Norden, Agnostos Theos, 122, of Aristobulus because of this alteration of the name is unfounded. He does not follow the methods of other Jewish 'forgers'. N . Walter, op. cit., l o i , rightly rejects any claim that Aristobulus is 'dependent' on Ps.Aristeas, cf. also iioflf. 56. c.Ap.2,168, c f 160-163, i88f,221,237,following the translation ofExod. 22.27 L X X , which dehberately diverges from the Hebrew wording, similarly ^ntt. 4.207. Cf. c.Ap.2, 255S.: Plato's knowledge of God corresponds to that of the Jews. For Josephus' universalist view of God, with relatively few nationahstic hmitations, which is probably also conditioned by his pohtical fate, see A . Schlatter, Wie sprach Josephus von Gott, B F C T 14, 1910, 49-55, 68, and G . DeUmg, Klio 43-45,1965,263-9. For Philo see Deprov. II, 91, the cry 'By Zeus!'. 57. For Euhemerism generaUy see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 283flF.; for Judaism see A . Schlatter, GP, 199, 424 n. 185; Bousset/Gressmann, 305; K . Thraede, RAC 6, 882flF.; see also Vol.1, pp.89f For the Rabbis see the identification Eve = Isis and Joseph = Serapis (Osiris), A Z 43a Bar.; perhaps this is dependent on the designation of Joseph as Osarsiph and leader of the
Notes
177
Hyksos by Manetiio, c.Ap. i, 23S, 250, 265, 2 8 6 , see Liagre-Bohl, op. cit., n o ; cf. also G . Kittel, Die Probleme des paldstinischen Spdtjudentums, 1 9 2 6 , 1 6 8 - 9 4 , and S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, 1 3 7 n. 87. Firm. Mat., Err. prof. rel. 1 3 , 2, interprets Serapis as Sdppas nais = Joseph. 58. Bousset/Gressmann, 305f.: it appears in early apocalyptic: I Enoch 1 9 . 1 ; 9 9 . 7 ; in Essenism: Jub. i i . 3 f . ; 1 9 . 2 8 ; 22.i6f.; and also in the Diaspora, Deut. 3 2 . i 7 ; P s . 9 5 . 5 ; 105.37 L X X ; S i b . 3 , 5 4 7 , 5 5 4 ; f r . i , 2 2 , e d . K i u : f e s s 6 8 , and I Cor. 1 0 . 2 0 . Cf. also H . J. Schoeps, Aus fruhchristlicherZeit, 73S. For the Greek parallels see above, n. I l l , 803. 5 9 . Cf. Preisendanz, P G M 1 , 3 0 0 : ayyeXe TTpu>T€ [dejov Zrjvos ixeydXoio 'Ida>, cf. S, 471S.; 3, j6fi.: lao Mixhia: 3,211: TTvptvov Aids dyyiXov Oeiov 'law, 4, 1000, l o i o : Tao, Bal, Bal', etc.; see also Goodenough, Symbols 2,191,194f., 2oof., 205f., etc., and L . H . Feldman, JewSocStud. 22, i 9 6 0 , 233f. 60. Jewish syncretistic mixed cults seem to have come into being more intensively in the Judaism of Asia Minor and the Bosphorus, see above n . 4 5 , 4 7 and below, n.265. 6 1 . W . Foerster, TDNT 3, 1049: before the first century BC there is hardly any evidence for the address 'Kyrios' or 'Kyria' for a god or goddess. It appears relatively early in the Isis cult as an expression of personal association with the deity, see n . I I I , 647. Cf. already the hymn to Demetrius Pohorcetes, Duris, FGrHist 7 6 F 1 3 , p. 142, 1 2 . 62. Wilamowitz-Mollendorf, Der Glaube der Hellenen I, 1 7 , cf. M . P. Nilsson, GGR i, 812 ff. 6 3 . On this seeE. Bickermann, GM, 92-6; RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 2 1 iff.; JowrnaZo/ the Warburg Institute 1 , 1 9 3 7 / 3 8 , 1 8 7 - 9 6 . C f already E. Norden, Agnostos Theos, 2 5 - 6 2 , cf. 83fF. and 1 1 5 - 2 4 ; see also below, n . 2 3 4 . 64. For Hecataeus, Theophrasms and Strabo/Posidonius see V o l . 1 , pp. 255ff.; c f also Petronius, fr. 3 7 (Reinach 266); Celsus in Origen, c.Cels.5, 6, G C S , Koetschau 2 , 5 f ; on the Clouds see Juvenal, Sat. 14, 9 7 (Reinach 292). For Socrates see Aristophanes, Clouds 22SS., 253f, 2 6 4 f etc. For the alleged 'godlessness' of the Jews see Manetho, c.Ap. i , 2 3 9 ; ApoUonius Molon, c.Ap.2, 7 9 , 148, 258 (seen.26 above); Posidonius, FGrHist 8 7 , F 109, 2 = Diodore
34 fr. (Reinach 5 7 ) - aaepets Kal iuaovp,evovs mrd rmv Bemv', LysimachuS, 309ff.;
Phny, Hist.nat. 13, 4,
46:
C.Ap.i,
'gens contumelia numinum insignis'. Cf. also the
dvoaioi 'lovSatot in Egypt, CPJ 2 , 84 no. 157, U . 4 3 , 4 9 f G . 7 8 dae^eis); 2,93
no. 1 5 8 a
col.6, 1 4 ; and from the time of the revolt in AD 1 1 6 - 7 : 2 , 238 no.438 I.4; 2 ,
248 no. 443 col. 2, 4 f In the charge of deedr-ris made against Fl. Clemens and Fl. DomitiUa at the time of Domitian (Dio Cassius 6 7 , 1 4 , Reinach I95f), it remains open whether the rd T&V 'lovSaUav WT] is a conversion to Judaism or to Christianity. O n the other hand see the defence made by Josephus against the charge of asebia which comes from about the same time, see G . DeUing, Klio 43-45, 1965, 2 6 5 f
65. A summary of the earher literature is given by R. Marcus, Josephus 7 , L C L , 1943, 7 6 7 f ; see further J. Regner, PW, 2 R, 6, i629fr.; J. E. Bruns, Scripture 7 , 1955, 2 - 5 ; B . Mazar, lEJ 7 , 1 9 5 7 , 1 3 7 - 4 5 ; S. ZeitUn, The Rise and Fall, 1 9 6 4 , 6 0 - 7 ; M . Stem, Tarbiz 3 2 , 1 9 6 2 , 3 5 - 4 7 ; V . Tcherikover, HC 70S., 1 2 6 - 4 2 , 458fr.
lyS
Chapter
IV
66. CPJ ij iisff., ii8ff. no. i ; see above, n. I, 306. T h e citadel is certainly to be sought in the environs of 'Araq el Emir (Wadi e?-Sir) in Transjordania, where the inscription rfSltJ in Aramaic has been preserved over two caves: CIJ 2,105 no. 868 (ht.). It is no longer possible to decide from which 'Tobiyya' the inscription comes, see G . Dalman, FJB 16, 1920, 34f. Possibly it is an epitaph, see K . Galling, Die Welt des Orients 2, i , 1954, 4. For the position of the birta see B. Mazar, op. cit., 141 n . 2 1 . 67. Neh.2.io, 1 9 ; 4 . 1 ; 6.iflf. etc.; see above aU 6.i7flF. and 13.4S. Possibly he was a Persian governor in the Ammonite region, see H . Gressmann, S A B 1921, 665, and A . Alt, Kleine Schriften 2, 341. 68. B . Maisler ( = Mazar), Tarbiz 12, 1940/41, 109-23, and lEJ 7, 1957, I42flf., 227ff., and V. Tcherikover, HC, 430 n. 7 1 , conjectiure that the Tobiads were entirely of Jewish descent and that their family goes well back into the preexihc period. On the other hand, the chaUenging of the purity of Israehte descent in the family of Tobiah, Ezra 2.60 = Neh. 7.62, speaks against this, and cf. W . Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, 1949, 24. H . Gressmann regards the Tobiads as 'rich semi-Jews living in Ammon', op. cit., 666; similarly E. R. Bevan, A History of Egypt, 1927, 7 2 f , and L . Finkelstein, HTR 36, 1943, 31. Priestly descent is conjectmed by B . Maisler-Mazar, Tarbiz 12, 1940-41, 116, and lEJ 7, 1957, 23of, 234f; S. Zeitlin, op. cit., 62f, and PAAJR 4, 1932-33, 2 1 5 - 9 ; c f also V . Tcherikover, GC, 126, 156. 69. CPJ 1,119flf.no. I . N i c a n o r of Cnidos is describedinl.i4asT(Sr7rcpiTot);8i'ai'
just as in I.4 Zeno belongs to TU>V mpl 'ATTOXXOIVIOV; that is, Tobias had not only Macedonian (cf 11.7 and 18) and Jewish soldiers in his cleruchy - the 'Persians', on the other hand, are not to be understood in an ethnic sense (ll.i7f., c f CPJ i , i 3 f , 5 1 ; 2, 187 no. 417, 5flf., etc.) - but also Greeks in his personal service. Possibly Nicanor was also at the same time an agent of Apollonius, see Rostovtzeff, HW 3, 1403 n. 149. 70. CPJ I , I25flf. no.4 (PCZ 59076), see V o l . 1 , p. 59; on this c f H . Gress mann, op. cit., 664: the greeting says 'that Tobias moves on the same foot as Apollonius'. 71. See the collection in A . Vincent, La Religion des Judeo-Aramiens, 1937, 92f., cf. also P. Cowley 21, 2, which was written from Jerusalem, and on it E. G . Kraehng, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, 1953, 84, and P. Grelot, VT 4, I954J 352flf. A s in the Tobias letter this is a 'formule de politesse', though it indicates a degree of generosity. T h e Book of Ahikar, in which the God 'Sama$' appears, did not cause any oflfence. For the letter of Tobias see Tcherikover, CPJ I , 127 n. 4 and HC, 7 1 ; c f also J. Klausner, Hist. 2, 130, and W. Schubart, AO 35, 2, 1937, 9. 72. R. Meyer, TDNT 6, 77. In the post-exihc period the commandment about circumcision was intensified, see Gen. I7.i2flf. (P); Exod. i2.43flf. and Jub. I 5 . i 3 f ; on this J. Jeremias, Jert«a/em in the Time of Jesus, 348f. Tobias particularly stresses the fact that two slaves are not circimicised, as these were more valuable in the eyes of the Greeks, because the Greeks regarded ciromicision as being reprehensible, see R. Meyer, op. cit., 6, 78 11. i3flf. Possibly they were intended for use in Egypt as prostimtes, see Tcherikover, Miz., 18, cf. Joel 4.3. 73. For the prohibition of the sale of Jewish slaves to non-Jews see C D
Notes
179
i 2 . i o f . ; cf. tiie bitterness of the people against Herod in Antt. 16, 2flF. because he had Jewish criminals sold abroad as slaves. See also Jeremias, op. cit., 3 5 0 n . 7 , with reference to Git.4.6 and S.Deut.23, 1 6 , § 259. 7 4 . On this see M . Hengel, op. cit., 325fF. j c f e.g. his sacrifice in the Capitol, Antt. 14, 388 = Bell. I , 285. 7 5 . Joseph: Antt.12, 1 5 7 - 8 5 , 2 2 4 ; Hyrcanus and his brothers: A n t t . 1 2 , 186-222; 228-36.
7 6 . T h e source of Josephus itself seems to contradict this arrangement: in 1 2 , it mentions Ptolemy H I Euergetes ( 2 4 6 - 2 1 B C ) ; despite Niese (app. ad.loc), the name is hardly a gloss, but reproduces the original historical situation. For dates see Tcherikover, HC, i 3 o f ; S. Zeidin, PAAJR 4, 1 9 3 2 - 3 3 , 1 7 9 , and The Rise and Pall, 6 0 ; above all, M . Stem, Tarbiz 3 2 , 1 9 6 2 , 3 5 - 4 7 . R. Marcus, Josephus 7 , L C L , 82c arrives at a later dating imder Euergetes. For the third Syrian war see F. M . Abel, HP 1 , 48fF., and Vol. I, p. 7. T h e impossibiUty of the dates in Josephus is not noted sufficiently by E. Cuq, Syria 8, 1 9 2 7 , 1 4 3 - 6 2 ; J. Regner, PW, 2 R. 6, 1 9 2 9 5 . , and Bo Reicke, The New Testament Period, 1 9 6 9 , 48. Josephus' note in Antt. 1 2 , 224 that the tax farmer Joseph died at the time of Seleucus I V ( 1 8 7 - 7 5 ^c) is valueless, as immediately after that Josephus speaks of the death of Onias II, the father of Simon the Just, who at that time had already been dead for thirty or forty years. Joseph probably died before the change of rule in Palestine. 7 7 . Antt. 1 2 , i96flF., 2 2 i f . , 228ff. T h e estabhshment of Hyrcanus in 'Araq el Emir in the sphere of the old Ptolemaic cleruchy of his grandfather in the Ammanitis was possible only with the support of Ptolemaic authority, because of the superior power of his brothers. 7 8 . Tcherikover, HC, I 4 i f ; H . WiUrich, Die Juden und Griechen, 1895, 99, rightly seeks for the author in Egypt and contrasts him with those Jewish writers who, like Ps.Aristeas, 'could not discourse enough on the intimate friendship of the legitimate high-priestly family with the royal house'. Of course, both he and A . Biicher, Die Tobiaden und Oniaden, 1899, 88, 9 5 , are wrong in assuming a Samaritan source (100). 7 9 . Cf. Dan. I and the prayer of Esther, L X X 4 . 1 7 , and on it A . Biichler, op. cit., 85 and Tcherikover, HC, 460 n. 44. C f on the other hand the compromise in Ps.Aristeas 1 8 2 - 1 8 6 , 293f. 80. Antt. 12, iSjfl., 2 0 6 : here Hyrcanus compares God and the king. 8 1 . Antt. 12, 2 2 4 ; cf. already the characterization in 1 2 , 1 6 0 . 82. Tcherikover, HC, 134, 140. 83. In many respects the Joseph narrative imitates the 'court histories', see above, n . I , 2 1 8 . 84. See the description of the Tobiad Joseph in Antt. 1 2 , 1 6 1 , 1 6 7 , and on the other hand the negative picture of Onias I I : 1 5 8 , i 6 i f . , 1 7 1 . It is less probable that Onias gave away the 'prostasia' of his own free will. See also above, n. I, 158
185.
c f also Josephus, Antt. 1 1 , 3 0 6 - 1 2 ; c f J. D . Purvis, J N i ? 5 see also Vol. I, p. 4 9 , and n. 1 , 1 8 3 . However, Antt. 12,156 reports boundary struggles between Samaritans and Jews in the third century BC. Cf. also the hate of Ben Sira in 5 0 . 2 6 b and Test.Levi 6.4ff.; 7 . 2 . On the other hand. 85.
Antt.
1 2 , 168,
2 4 , 1 9 6 5 , 88-94,
Chapter
i8o
IV
the good relations of Herod with the Samaritans should be noted, M . Hengel, op. cit., 331 n.4. T h e primitive Christian mission in Samaria in Acts 8.iff. must also have been felt to be an affront. 86. A . Schlatter, Die Theologie des Judentums nach dem Bericht des Josephus, 1932,
270.
I99f, 2 0 3 , 208. For the presents see 1 2 , i 8 5 f . , 2 0 8 ; cf. already the letter of Tobias to Ptolemy H and the dispatch of valuable animals which is connected with it, CPJ I , I78f. no. 5 = P C Z 5 9 0 7 5 . 88. Antt. 1 2 , 2 2 i f . , 2 2 9 : after the death of Joseph the majority of the Jewish population followed the older sons of Joseph and the high priest Simon II, see Tcherikover, HC 8 o f , 1 5 4 ; see also V o l . 1 , p . 9 , on the party struggles in Jerusalem according to Dan. 1 1 . 1 4 . 89. For the identification of Simon II and 'the Just' of 'Ab. i , i , against Josephus, Antt.12, 4 3 , 1 5 7 , see G. F. Moore, Judaism 1, 34ff., and 'Simeon the Righteous', in: Israel Abrahams Memorial Vol., 1 9 2 7 , 3 4 8 - 6 4 . He is followed by R. Marais, Josephus 7 , L C L , 7 3 2 - 6 (ht.); the conjectiure already appears in L . Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel 2, 1 8 5 5 , 3 7 7 . C f also L . Finkelstein, The Pharisees^ 2, SJSS., 5 8 1 , 583, though his picture is too romantic. He makes Simon 'the leading exponent of Hasidean doctrine'; similarly Tcherikover, HC 1 2 5 . In view of the scanty accounts about him, such conclusions are misguided. He probably strengthened Jewish self-awareness against HeUenistic influences by a nationaUst pohcy, see Sir. 5 0 . 1 - 2 4 , and V o l . 1 , pp.i33flf. T h e general Hasidic criticism of the leading priests is also directed against him. 90. Antt.12, 1 3 8 - 4 4 and see on this V o l . 1 , p p . 9 f , and n . I , 3 2 and 33 lit; V o l . 1 , p p . 2 8 f , and n . I , 192. For the priestly edict ( 1 2 , I45f) see E. Bi(c)kermann, Syria 2 5 , 1 4 9 6 - 4 8 , 6 7 - 8 5 , and in criticism Tcherikover, HC, 8 4 f For the matter see M.Kelim I, 8. Neh. 1 3 . 1 5 - 2 2 would be a parallel case. 9 1 . He was the brother of Menelaus who later became high priest, see Vol. I, p p . 2 7 9 f ; cf. also above, n.I, 43 and n.I, 1 6 7 / 8 . 92. II Mace. 4 . 1 - 6 ; the account has strongly apologetic features. See Tcherikover, HC, 156S., and above all O. Ploger, Theocracy, 5. For the external political situation see Vol. I, pp. l o f 93. Almost directly on the hne between Jericho and Amman, 2 9 km east of Jericho and 1 7 km west of Amman: see P. W. Lapp, BASOR 1 6 5 , 1 9 6 2 , 1 6 . T h e ruins were discovered in 1 8 1 8 by two EngUsh naval officers: C. L . Irby and J. Mangles, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and the Holy Land, reprinted 1 8 5 2 (I had no access to the first edition of 1844). 94. Syria, Princeton University Archaeology Expedition 1 9 0 4 / 5 , Div. II, Sect. A, 1 9 1 9 , 1 - 2 5 . For the dating see i 6 f EarUer Uteramre is also cited there; cf. also the survey of Uterature in M . Weippert, ZDPV 7 9 , 1 9 6 3 , 1 6 5 - 9 . 95. Butler, op. cit., 1 7 : however, only extensive excavations could produce complete certainty. 96. Op. cit., Div. I l l , sect. A . , 5flf. 97. RB 2 9 , 1920, I98flf. 98. S A B 1 9 2 1 , 665flf., see below, n . I V , 1 2 4 . 99. E. Meyer, Ursprung 2, 1 3 4 n . i ; H . Wilhrich, APP 7 , 1 9 2 4 , 6 4 ; G . Ricciotti, History of Israel 2, ^1958, 2 1 0 ; Bo Reicke, The New Testament Era, 87. A n t t . 1 2 , 1 8 4 ,
Notes
i8i
4 7 , 5 1 , and above all Jewish scholarship: Tcherikover, CPJ I , 1 1 6 , and HC, 4 3 0 n . 6 9 ; J. Klausner, Hist.2, I4if.; B . Mazar, lEJ 1957, 141. 100. A . Momighano, op. cit., 1 7 4 ! . ; Watzinger, DP 2, 14!. 101. Archaeology of Palestine, ' 1 9 5 4 , 1 4 9 . 102. ZDPV 7 1 , 1 9 5 5 , 75f. Here Ploger points to the Ma'bed of 'Amrit and Lucian, Dea Syria 46. 1 0 3 . BASOR 1 6 5 , 1 9 6 2 , 1 6 - 3 4 , and I 7 I J 1 9 6 3 , 5 - 3 9 . 104. BASOR 1 6 5 , 1 9 6 2 , 3 4 , and 1 7 1 , 1 9 6 3 , 2 4 : 'Any attempt to alter Josephus' date for the Qasr was misguided'; see also 37ff. 105. See already Butier, Syria, 1 1 and 1 9 , and on this P. W. Lapp, BASOR 1 7 1 , 1963, 24f.: ' T h e extent to which the Qasr was left unfinished, presumably at the death of Hyrcanus, is difficult to determine.' 106. BASOR 171, 1963, 2 9 f , and on this R. Amy, 'Temples a escaliers', Syria 2 7 , 1 9 5 0 , 8 2 - 1 3 6 ; c f A . Alt, Kleine Schriften III, H959, 1 0 0 - 1 5 . F. M . Cross, HTR 5 9 , 1966, also assents. 107. Lapp, op. cit., points especially to the temple of Dmeir near Damascus (Amy, op. cit., 83ff.), Slem (op. cit., 87ff = Butler, Syria, 356) and Es-Senamen (op. cit., 9if. = Buder, Syria 3 1 6 ) ; one could also add the temple of Mousmieh (op. cit., 94) and the temple of Del at Palmyra (op. cit., 99), together with the front of the temple of Ba'al-Samem in Si which A m y does not mention (Butler, Syria, 3 7 5 ) ; cf. also the siurvey in Amy, op. cit., 122. He also mentions the parallel of Qasr ( 1 2 3 ) , but although it is in fact the only 'civil monument', cannot decide for the temple hypothesis. For the reconstruction of Qasr see also M . J. B . Brett, BASOR 1 7 1 , 1 9 6 3 , 3 9 - 4 5 . 108. BASOR 1 7 1 , 1963, 30. 109. See Butler, Syria, 5, 1 1 , 1 4 , 1 6 ; Butler discovered one of the eagle figures on the second gate. Cf. also P. W. Lapp, BASOR 1 7 1 , 1963, 2 9 f For contacts with the ancient 'basiUca' see E. Langlotz, RAC I , I232f, c f I234f. on the Syrian temples. n o . D . K . Hill, BASOR 1 7 1 , 1 9 6 3 , 4 5 - 5 5 . I I . Cf. on this the eagle episode at the temple of Herod or the destruction of the palace in Tiberias in AD 66 because of its representation of animals; see M . Hengel, op. cit., I05ff., I95ff. 112. Antt. 12, 2 3 1 , 2 3 3 : the caves were used to hve and sleep in as well as for banquets; at the same time they were places of refuge. 'Tyrus' is probably to be derived from the Hebrew swr ( = Aram, birta), fortress, citadel, and is contained in the place name Wadi es-Sir: see CPJ I , 1 1 6 . One of the halls was discovered by P. W . Lapp right next to the village of 'Araq, and a further one is probably identical with the 'square building' already investigated by Butler and excavated by L a p p : see Syria, 22S., and BASOR 1 7 1 , 1 9 6 3 , 33ff. For the caves with their two Tobias inscriptions see above, n. 66. 1 1 3 . Thus already E. Littmann, Syria, Div. H I n.5ff. A . Spiro, 'Samaritans, Tobiads and Judahites', PAAJR 20,1951, conjectures on the basis of indications in Ps.Philo 22.iff.; 3 8 . 1 - 4 that schismatic services were held earher by the Tobiads in Transjordania, as in the temple on Gerizim ( 3 i 4 f . ) , although other wise he can adduce no evidence. That the Tobiad family had already split into a Trans Jordanian branch and a Jerusalem branch in the middle of the third
182
Chapter
IV
century or even in the fourth, the former maintaining good relations with the Samaritans, contradicts Josephus' report ( 3 1 5 n . 7 2 ) j similarly adventurous hypotheses can be found on pp.336f. Spiro overlooks the late date of the writing, see M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 169 n. I , and O. H . Steck, Israel, 173S. 114. Josephus, Bell.7, 4 4 f ; c f E.Bickerman(n),Byzantion2i, 1 9 5 1 , 7 3 f f . , 8 2 . 1 1 5 . This development is to be traced inter alia back to the institution of the synagogue and its worship. T h e Theudas affair in Rome shows how zealously the Rabbis in Palestine took care to see that no cultic temple functions were trans ferred to the Diaspora: BiU.3, 23. On the other hand, pagans could worship 'the supreme God' in altars, see E. Bickermann, RIDA 5 , 1 9 5 8 , 1 3 7 - 6 4 . Cf. M . Hengel in Festgabe fiir K. G. Kuhn, 1 9 7 1 , I56flf. 1 1 6 . Op. cit., 2 . i 4 f . C f also A . Bentzen, Daniel, H952, 6 8 , on 9.27b. See below, n. 2 4 1 . 1 1 7 . O n this see A . Vincent, La Religion des Judeo-Aramiens d'Mliphantine, 1 9 3 7 , 562flf. passim; for the Jehud coins see the excellent iUustration in S. A . Cook, Religion, pl.xxxii; the reading Yahu (47f.) is false, see above, n. I, 2 4 1 ; the correct interpretation is ITi'', by E . L . Sukenik, JPOS 1 4 , 1934, I78flf. Cf. also H . Gressmann, AOB^, nos. 362f., 3 6 5 . Any overinterpretation is, however, to be rejected. 1 1 8 . For the haUs and caves see n. 1 1 2 above; the terraces of the gardens and the dam of the reservoir can stiU be seen. 1 1 9 . H Macc.4.26f., see A . Momigliano, op. cit., 1 9 3 ; G . Ricciotti, op. cit., 2, 2 i 2 f , 2 2 0 ; c f also Abel, Mace, 3 3 9 . 120. n Macc.5.9f.; c f 1.7. See V o l . 1 , p p . 7 2 f For the suicide of Hyrcanus see Antt. 1 2 , 236, though this has been given the wrong date by Josephus or his source - the Tobiad narrative - see Momigliano, op. cit., 1 8 5 , and Ricciotti, op. cit., 2 2 3 ; Tcherikover, HC, 468 n. 37, on the other hand presupposes the death of Hyrcanus and simply conjectures a continuance of a pro-Ptolemaic attimde in the Ammanitis. 1 2 1 . T h e interpretation of these passages was disputed. Jews from the land of T o b have frequently been conjectured here, see Judg. 1 1 . 3 and H Sam. 10.6 (see here, however, L X X as a proper name), thus Wellhausen, Israelitische und jiidische Geschichte, ' 1 9 2 1 , 240 n. i ; H . Gressmann, S A B 1 9 2 1 , 6 6 9 ; E. Meyer, UAC 2, 1 3 4 n . I , and Abel, Mace, 9 3 , and Geographic 2, 1938, 1 0 : the present et-Taiyibeh between Bostra and Der'a. D . Baly, The Geography of the Bible, 1 9 5 7 , 288, suggests T o b in northern Gilead 20 km east of Scythopohs, where there is a second et-Taiyibeh. According to Jehoshua b. Lewi (third centiury AD), it is identical with Susitha Hippos: jSheb.36c, s i f l f . , see S. Zeithn/S. Tedesche, The First Book of Maccabees, 1950, 1 1 2 . T h e location thus remains completely uncertain. Only the information in the Zeno papyri takes us further, see nn. 1 2 2 - 3 . 122. A weU attested and presumably original reading, see R. Hanhard, Macc.liber 11, Sepmaginta I X , 2 , 1 9 5 9 , l o i , on 1 2 . 3 5 ; see appendix and F. Abel, Mace, 44oflf., and Abel/Starcky: AaaWios Se ny roiv Tov^imim ei.TnTos, cf. the cavalry in the cleruchy of Tobias, CPJ i , 1 1 9 no. i , 6 f , 1 3 , 1 9 TWV Tov^iov cttteW KX-QPOOXOS; also the later Jewish 'cavalry', which Herod settled in the Trachonitis: Antt. 1 5 , 34flf.; 1 6 , 28iflf. etc., and on this M . Hengel, op. cit., 3 0 n. i and 3 6 8 . For the text of II Mace. 1 2 . 3 5 see also P. Katz, ZNW 5 1 , i 9 6 0 , 1 6 .
Notes
183
1 2 3 . See above all H . Willrich, APF 7 , 1924, 63f. B . Niese, GGMS 3, 226 n. I already put forward the same view; similarly L . H . Vincent, RB 2 9 , 1920, 188 n. 5, and especially A . Deissmann, Byzantinisch-Neugriechischejahrbucher 2 , 1 9 2 1 , 2 7 6 f He stresses that the endings in I M a c e . 5 . 1 3 and H Mace. 1 2 . 1 7 indicate 'belonging to a person'; c f further S. Klein, BJPES 3 , 1936, 1 1 5 ; J. Klausner, Hist.i, I 2 6 f ; B . Mazar, op. cit., 1 3 9 and Abel/Starcky, 5 3 , 1 2 1 , 296. For I Mace. 5 . 1 3 , cf. above all CPJ I , 1 2 2 , n o s . 2 b - 2 d . 1 2 4 . S A B 1 9 2 1 , 668, 67off.; see on the other hand J. Klausner, The Messianic Idea, 489. 1 2 5 . Hist. 2 , 1 4 1 n. 58 and 2 3 o f 126. Theocracy, 5. 1 2 7 . HC, 4 6 1 n . 5 0 . 1 2 8 . E. Biekermaim, GM, passim, and V . Tcherikover, HC, 1 5 2 - 2 0 3 . For Bickermann see the reviews of K . GaUing, OLZ 4 2 , 1 9 3 9 , 2 2 5 - 8 ; F. M . Abel, RB 4 7 , 1 9 3 8 , 4 4 1 - 6 ; J. A. Montgomery,JJSL 5 9 , 1 9 4 0 , 3 0 8 f ; M . Burrows,Ji? 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , 2 1 9 - 2 1 , and J. Bonsirven, RSR 2 8 , 1 9 3 8 , 6 1 2 - 4 . Apart from a few individual critical comments, these are on the whole positive. I. Heinemann, MGWJ 82, 1 9 3 8 , 1 4 5 - 7 2 , is more critical. T h e wild polemic of S. ZeMm, JQR 3 1 , 1 9 4 0 , 1 9 9 - 2 0 4 , is quite beside the point. 129. Tcherikover, HC, 466 n . 1 7 ; c f H Macc.4.29; also Antt.11, 306. 1 3 0 . I I Mace. 4 . 7 - 9 ; cf. Dan. i i . 2 i f . ; cf. V o l . 1 , p p . 2 7 9 f 1 3 1 . FGrHist 260 F 49, according to Jerome, in Dan. 1 1 , 2if. Antiochus was in Athens on the way back from Rome when he was surprised by the news of the death of his brother and was only able to drive out the usurper Heliodorus with the help of Eumenes II of Pergamon, see Appian, Syr.45 and O G I S 2 4 8 ; also M . ZambelU, Riv di Filol. e di Istruzione classica 3 8 , i 9 6 0 , 3 6 3 - 8 9 . For the date of the accession see Sachs/Wiseman, Iraq 1 6 , 1 9 5 4 , 204, 2 o 8 f ; R. Hanhart, op. cit., 5 5 f ; between 3 and 22.9. 1 7 5 BC. E . R . Bevan, CAH 8, 498, following the note of Porphyry, suggests that the negative judgment in Dan. 1 1 . 2 1 was shared by wide circles in Coele Syria. Cf. O. M0rkholm, Antiochus I V of Syria, 1 9 6 6 , 38ff. 1 3 2 . II M a c c . 4 . 3 3 . T h e description of Onias I I I in I I M a c c . 3 . i 6 f f . , 3 3 f . ;
4. i f ; 1 5 . 1 2 is 'hagiography', see V o l . 1 , p . 9 7 , and n.II, 3 1 8 . For the question of historicity see Tcherikover, HC, 469 n . 4 0 and M . Stem, Zion 2 5 , 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 , 1 - 1 5 Ut. In his 'hagiographic' account of Onias III, Jason of Cyrene would never have invented the high priest's stay in the pagan sancmary of Daphne. However, the Oniads were not orthodox in the strict sense, see already H . A . Redpath, AJT 9, 1905, 4 3 ; Tam/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 2 1 4 , and L . Finkelstein, The Pharisees, H962, 585. T h e argument of I. L . SeeUgmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah, 1948, 94, which R. Hanhart, op. cit., 87, follows, basicaUy contradicts the author's own view. S. Krauss, REJ 4 5 , 1 9 0 2 , 30f., draws attention to a Rabbinic tradition about Daphne in Antioch as one of the three places of the IsraeUte exile (jSanh.zgc, 6 3 f , R. Semuel b. Nahaman, c. AD 300). 1 3 3 . Tcherikover, HC, 1 7 9 , 4 7 1 n . 5 , and Hellenistische StddtegrUndungen, PhilSuppl 1 9 , 1 , 1 9 2 7 , 1 7 6 f f . , and A. H . M . Jones, The Cities of the Eastern . . ., 25off., 4 5 2 n. 3 1 . Thus after a long pause, as only two foundations of his father in Asia Minor are know, Antiochus I V again took up the policy of the first Seleucids, see H. H . Schmitt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochus d. Gr., 1964, 104.
184
Chapter
IV
A n inscription from Babylon, O G I S 2 5 3 , names Antiochus I V Krialrov] rrjs wdAew? and oaiTTjpos rfjs 'Aa-ias, see W. W. Tarn, The Jews in Bactria and India, 1 9 3 8 , 1 9 4 f . , who conjectures that Antiochus had selected Babylon as a future capital, 1876?. Cf. also Rostovtzeff, HW 2, 1049, and 3 , 1586 n. 1 7 , who associates the inscrip tion with the building of the Greek theatre in the city, and the elaborations by M . Zambelh, op. cit., 374fif. T h e gymnasium there probably also belongs in this context, see above, n . I I , 109. In contrast to the first Seleucids, this is mostly a matter of transferring the city rights to HeUenized cities, e.g. in Cihcia, and not of new settlements. It was mostly bound up with the granting of rights for coinage (see below, n. 135). T h e 'autonomy' of these cities also released centri fugal forces which weakened the unity of the empire. Cf. O. Morkholm, op. cit., iiSflf., 1 3 8 .
134. The contrast between Bickermann, GM, sgS-, and Tcherikover, HC, 159S., 404ff., should probably be resolved as follows: the disputed phrase Tore iv 'lepornXv/iois 'Avrioxets dvaypdupai, in I I Macc.4.9c should probably be translated as Bickermann translates it, 'make a hst of the Antiochenes in Jerusalem'. T h e hsting thus also represented the selection of Jerusalemites who would be hkely to be citizens of the projected ^ o & . In HC, 1 6 1 , Tcherikover also stresses that not all 'hewers of wood and drawers of water' were entered on the city hsts. Bickermann, however, takes too httie notice of the fact that this 'koinon' or 'politeuma' (cf. also H . Bengtson, Die Strategic 2, 1 9 4 4 , 1 7 5 and 483), or the 'symbiosis' between it and the old Jerusalem only had a transitory character, in the sense of preparing the demos for the polis that was to be founded. T h e parallels given by Bickermann from inscriptions on coins about the 'Seleucids in Gaza' and the 'Antiochenes in Ptolemais' (op. cit., 62 nn. I , 2) do not relate to politeumata, but to the demoi of real poleis, see Tcherikover, HC, 443 n. 1 2 , and 4 4 7 n . 5 1 ; c f Bi(c)kermann himself, Inst., 2 3 1 , 2 3 4 ; also L . Kadman, The Coins of Akko Ptolemais, 1 9 6 1 , 1 8 , 4 3 f ; see S E G 1 2 , 5 1 1 , the reverencing of the Antiochenes ad Cydnum (Tarsus) by the Antiochenes ad Pyramum (Magarsus) c. 1 4 0 BC and Schiirer, i , 1 5 7 : the 'Antiochenes' of Hippos. Tcherikover, HC, 407, also points out that the terms politeuma, koinon, etc., were used above aU for ethnic groups, as for the Caunians in Sidon,OGIS 592, the Jews in Berenice, see S E G 16, 931 j c f also the koinon of the Sidonians in the Piraeus, K A I 6 0 ; the Sidonians in Marisa, O G I S 593 (see Vol. I, pp. 43 and 62); the Hellenes in the iron mines of Nicipohs. L . Robert, Hellenica 1 1 / 1 2 , i 9 6 0 , 288f., etc. Note also the sequence in I I Mace. 4 . 9 : I . gymnasium; 2. ephebate; 3. hst of citizens. Thus the gymnasium and the ephebate formed the basis for the constimtion of the city. Josephus, Antt. 12, 240, also indicates the goal: Kai TTjv 'EXX-qviKTiv TToXneiav exav. For the formation of rehgious groups, like associations, in contemporary Judea, see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 4 3 f , and nn.III, 8 6 6 - 8 . 135. Antiochus I V granted a whole series of cities the right to coin their own copper, see E. Bickermann, Inst., 23 iff., who hsts 1 4 places. 1 3 6 . HC, i 6 4 f . ; for the dating, 468 n . 2 6 ; c f also Abel/Starcky, op. cit., 2 4 4 f W. Otto, Zeit des 6. Ptolemaers, A A M N F 1 1 , 1 9 3 4 , isflf., and H. Volkmann, PW 2 3 , 1 7 0 4 , conjecture 1 7 5 / 7 4 . In principle we must reckon with the possibihty that the polis was not fully constituted before the erection of the Acra. W e have no indication of new magistrates or of the 'demos'. It remains doubtful whether the
Notes
185
gerousia in II Mace. 4.44 formed the senate of the new polis. It is very improbable that the bodyguard of Lysimachus, ntimbering about 3000 men (4.40), re presented the demos (Tcherikover, HC, 162). Cf. O. Morkholm, op. cit., I38f 1 3 7 . Thus F . M . Abel, HP i, 1 1 6 . 138. For the sale of Greek priestly offices to the highest bidders in the Hellenistic period see M . P. Nilsson, GGR I , 7 3 2 n . 5 , and F. Sokolowski, JJurPap 3 , 1 9 4 9 , 1 3 9 ; cf. also the threat of Lysias, II Mace. 1 1 . 2 f , and on this Tcherikover, HC, ijof. For the dating see R. Hanhart, op. cit., 63 rm. 14, 88. 139. On this see de Bruyne, Les anciennes traductions latines, Anecdota Maredsolana 4, 1 9 3 2 , X , i i 8 f . His conjecture was accepted by R. Hanhart, Maccahaeorum liber H, Septuaginta I X , 2 , I 9 5 9 J 2 6 , 3 4 and 5 5 on 3 . 4 : Zifuav Se T i ? eK TTjs BaXyea (fivXrjs. For the priestly order of Bilga see Neh. 1 0 . 9 ; 1 2 . 5 , 1 8 ; I Chron. 2 4 . 1 4 . T h e term (jyvXrj, which is imusual for L X X , may be connected with the fact that the Egyptian priesthood was divided into
Itf
Chapter
IV
conjccmres the extremely improbable kiUing of two nephews. N o argument •gainst the historicity of sanctuary at Daphne can be derived from this. Perhaps Jason of Cyrene reported both murders, which lay about a year apart, and the epitomator effectively abbreviated them. As is shown by Antt. 1 2 , 387, correcting Bell. I , 33 and 7 , 423, the temple in Leontopohs was founded by Onias IV, the son of the murdered man, after the nomination of Alcimus as high priest (probably already under Eupator in 163 BC, see II Mace. 1 4 . 3 , 7 : Antt. 1 2 , 385f., and W . Molleken, ZAW 6 5 , 1 9 5 3 , 2136?.). T h e conjectures of I. L . Seeligmann are not very convincing, op. cit., 9iff. Jason never would have glorified the founder of a schismatic temple. 1 4 3 . E. Bickermann, GM, 6 7 ; c f II M a c c . 4 . 2 4 , 3 2 , 39ff., 50: Menelaus remained in power because of the wAcoi/ef la rav KpaTowraiv and Sulpicius Severus, 2, 1 9 , 6, C S E L I , 7 5 , ed. Halm, on Antt.lV: cogebatur pecunias rapto quaerere neque ullam praedandi causam omittere. C f O. Morldiolm, op. cit., I39f. 144. II M a c e . 5 . 2 1 . Josephus, c.Ap.z, 83, demonstrates that this first plundering took place during peacetime: egestate pecuniarum ad hoc accessit, cum non esset hostis et super nos auxiliatores suos et amicos adgressus est. Cf. D a n . 1 1 . 2 8 and Antt. 12, 2 4 6 , though the Seleucid source combines the plundering of the temple and the repression of the revolt which took place a year later, see Bicker mann, GM, i 6 o f 145. For the plundering of sanctuaries after Antiochus III see B . Niese, GGMS 3 , 89, 2 1 5 , 2 1 8 ; W . Otto, A A M N F 1 1 , 1934, 7 8 nn. i , 2; F. Altheim, Weltgeschichte Asiens 2 , 4 9 f ; E. Bickermann, GM, 6 6 f . ; Inst., I2if.; H . H. Schmitt, op. cit., 1 0 2 , 107 n. i . Obviously the contradictory reports about the proceedings of Antiochus I V against the sancmary of 'Artemis' or Nanea in the Elymais (II Mace, i . 1 3 , cf. 9.2ff. and I Mace. 6. i) are of httie historical value, see W. W . Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 2 1 4 , 4 6 3 6 ? . , and the supplement in the second edition, 530. But as the paraUel accounts in Polybius 3 1 , 9 ( 1 1 ) and Appian, Syr.66, show, they have a real background, which can only be re constructed with difficulty, see Rostovtzeff, HW 2 , 695f. and 3 , 1 4 8 9 n. 1 1 5 . T h e temple of Diana in Hierapolis (see Granus Licinianus, ed. M . Flemisch, 1 9 1 4 , 5) and the Egyptian sanctuaries were also plundered, see W . Otto, op. cit., 7 9 n. 2 , and H . Volkmann, PW 2 3 , 1 7 1 0 . T h e view of H. L . Jansen, Die Politik Antiochos' IV, 1943, 33, that Antiochus merely wanted to destroy the financial basis of the anti-Seleucid party, however, seems less probable. Measures of this kind served to break up the empire, not to consohdate it. 1 4 6 . For dating see above, n.I, 4 7 . Tcherikover, HC, 1 8 6 , 4 7 3 n.20, has demonstrated with reference to Dan. 1 1 . 2 8 , 30 that the king carried out the capture and punishment of Jerusalem in person in the late summer of 168 BC, cf. II Mace. 5 . 1 1 - 2 3 and Antt.12, 246^., and that this punitive expedition is not identical with the action of Apollonius (see I Mace. 1.29S.); c f already B. Niese, GGMS 3 , 2 3 i f , and also Abel/Starcky, 6 3 , 2526?. T h e dating for Apollonius' undertaking in I Mace. 1.29, two years after the plundering of the temple in 1 6 9 BC = spring 1 6 7 BC, supports this result. T h e detail would match II Mace. 5.24ff. A t the end of 168 BC the king probably terminated the semi-independent rule of Hyrcanus in the Ammanitis. Cf. O . Morkholm, op. cit., I4if, I92f and above n.I, 48.
Notes
187
1 4 7 . HC, i%Tf., 1 9 2 , 1 9 6 f . T h e Hasidim were not a social class but a rehgious movement. H . Stegeman (above n . H I , 481) connects their formation with the murder of Onias III. 148. II Mace. 5.24ff.; cf. I Mace. i.29ff. For the old theme of the capture of Jerusalem on the sabbath see M . Hengel, op. cit., 293. J. Wellhausen, N G G 1 9 0 5 , 1 2 9 , aheady conjectured that the Jews rebeUed again after the departure of the king and made the second punitive expedition of ApoUonius necessary. 1 4 9 . I Mace. 1.33ff., cf. Dan. 1 1 . 2 9 L X X and on this E. Biekermaim, GM, joff., and Inst., 8 5 ; Tcherikover, HC, iSgf., 194. For the dispute over the site of the Acra see L . H. Vincent, RB 4 3 , 1 9 3 4 , 2 0 5 - 3 6 , and Jerusalem de I'Ancien Testament I, 1 7 6 - 9 2 , and against him, rightly, W . A . ShotweU, BASOR 1 7 6 , 1964, 1 0 - 1 9 : on the south-east and not on the west hill, the extent cannot be determined further without new discoveries. 1 5 0 . Cf.
Dan.
11.39b (and
on
this below, n n . 2 1 5 - 7 ) ;
I
Macc.3.36,
the
commission of the king to Lysias and the threat of Ptolemy III, Antt. 1 2 , 1 5 9 . For the Ptolemaic miUtary colonies in Palestine see V o l . 1 , pp. I4ff., cf. the settling of two thousand Jewish miUtary colonists from Babylonia in disturbed Phrygia by Antiochus III, Antt. 1 2 , 1 4 7 f f . , and by Herod in the Trachonitis, see above, n . 1 2 2 ; cf. E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 85f. 1 5 1 . I Mace. 1.38; II Mace. 5.27 and the invitation to return, ii.29ff.; on this Tcherikover, HC, 1 9 2 , 4 7 5 n. 2 7 ; cf. also Antt. 1 2 , 2 6 1 , and on this I. Heinemann, op. cit., 168, and Preisigke/KiessUng, Worterbuch, I , 1 1 3 and 4, 149. 1 5 2 . E. Bickermann, GM, 7 3 , cf. 80: 'Jewish-pagan polls'. Cf. Josephus, Antt. 1 2 , 252. 1 5 3 . See the fast roll, H . Lichtenstein, HUCA 8 / 9 , 1 9 3 1 / 3 2 , 286f., 3 2 7 , and I M a c c . 4 . 2 , cf. 4 . 4 1 ; 6 . 1 8 ; 1 0 . 7 ; I I . 4 I ; 1 3 . 2 1 , 4 9 : oi Se eK rijs dKpas ev'hpovuaX-qfi,. For their miUtary role see E. Bickermann, GM, 7 1 n. 3. 154. Op. cit., 1 9 1 , similarly 201. However, Tcherikover puts too much stress on the Jewish preparedness to fight before the beginning of the religious distress. There can be no question of a generaUy organized rebelUon of the Hasidim. 1 5 5 . II Mace. 5 . 2 2 ; cf. 6 . 1 1 and 8.8. For the title see F. M . Abel, Mace, 3 5 5 , and E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., i 6 2 f . , 163 n. 5. 156. E. Bickermann, GM, jsf. O. Morkholm, op. cit., 1 4 5 , 156. 1 5 7 . I Mace. 1 5 . 2 8 , 3 3 , cf. F. M . Abel, RB 3 5 , 1 9 2 6 , 5 i 8 f f . ; Afocc, 2 7 1 ; HP i , 1 2 3 , and M . Smith, Der Hellenismus, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 6, 1965, 259. 158. E. Bickermann, GM, 7 3 , 7 9 . For Samaria see Vol. I, p. 1 4 , n. I, 69. For Tiberias see Antt.i&, 36S.; Vita 32S., and G. Holscher, PW, 2. R.6, 7 7 9 f . In contrast to Sepphoris, Tiberias had from the beginning a Greek constitution and the right to make its own coinage, see G. F. HiU, Catalogue of Greek Coins of Palestine, xiff., xiiiff. For Sepphoris see Antt. 1 8 , 2 7 , cf. Schiirer 2, 2 i o f f . T h e city did not take part in the Jewish revolt of AD 66, imhke its hinterland Galilee, and thus aroused the hate of the GaUleans, Vita 38f. 1 5 9 . Dan. 1 1 . 3 1 . For the expression z'ro'im = mihtary forces, cf. 1 1 . 1 5 , 2 2 . 160. T.Sukk.4, 28; Text foUowing S. Lieberman, Tosephta KiPshutah, 1962, IV, 2 7 7 f . par.bab. 56b; J55d. For the transference to Tims see ' A R N i , ed. Schechter, 4. 1 6 1 . See Vol. I, p. 158, and n. I l l , 338 on the Isis cult; cf. already I Kings 1 1 . 4 .
i88
Chapter
IV
In the post-Maccabean period the Jews were extremely sensitive on this point, see M . Hengel, op. cit., 222. There may be a certain pagan influence among the Jewish mihtary settlers in Phrygia, see above, n . 4 5 . 162. Tcherikover, HC, 1 9 4 , naturally assumes that these were 'local Syrian troops', but cf. 188. O f course, there also seem to have been Cypriots (II Mace. 4.29) and men from Asia Minor (cf 5.24, mysarch; 5 . 2 2 , Phrygian) among the occupation forces in Jerusalem. According to Polyb. 3 1 , 3 , 3f., the army in Daphne displayed a varied mixture of people, c f I Mace. 6.29 and Antt. 12, 3 6 6 ; on this see F . Altheim, op. cit., 2 , 96. For reasons of security it was a favourite practice to use mihtary settlers from remote areas, and in addition Syrian soldiers had a reputation for being unrchable, see above n. 1,87. Of course the assumption that 'Greek colonists' or a 'Macedonian garrison' were settled there (U. Wilcken, PW i, 2 4 7 2 ) , is still more improbable. T h e derivation of the military settiers remains an open question. 1 6 3 . I Mace. 1 . 4 4 - 6 4 , c f II M a c c . 6 . i - i i ; Dan. 1 1 . 3 1 - 3 5 . 164. E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus 2, 1902, 1 5 5 ; CAH 8, so/f, 6 2 2 ; W. Otto, A A M N F I I , 1934, 85, who wants to explain the edict psychologically through the immoderation of the king; W . W . Tarn, on the other hand, depicts him positively, op. cit., 1836?.; similarly F . Hampl, Gnomon 1 5 , 1 9 3 9 , 6 2 2 . E . Meyer, UAC 2, i 4 3 f , supposes that I M a c c . i . 4 i f reproduces the intention of the king rightly, but that no decrees were needed outside Jerusalem because the rest of the empire foUowed his efforts at HeUenization voluntarily. Further earUer literature is given by I. Heinemann, MGWJ 8 2 , 1 9 3 8 , 1 6 1 . H . Herter also foUows his negative judgment on E. Bickermann in E. Kiesshng, Der Hellenismus in der deutschen Forschung 1938-48, 1956, 6 3 f But cf. O . Morkholm, op. cit., 132 n . 5 3 ; 146 n.36.
165. E. Bickermann, GM 1 2 7 ; cf. already B . Niese, GGMS 3, 233 n . 2 : 'An improbable exaggeration without any evidence from elsewhere.' 1 6 6 . I. Heinemann, op. cit., i 6 2 f . Here he stresses the difference between the decree in I Mace. i.4if. to the 'whole empire' and 1.44 'by messengers to Jerusalem and the cities of Judea', though he overlooks the fact that according to 1.51 this too was regarded as being 'for his whole empire'. 1 6 7 . Dan. 1 1 . 3 7 - 3 9 3 . In the last half-verse we should read 'am ''loah nekar inste3d of 'im . . . with most of the commentators, Bickerm3nn, GM, 1 7 3 ; Tcherikover, HC, 4 7 4 n . 2 4 . W . B3umgartner, TR 1 1 , 1 9 3 9 , 206f., criticizes E. Bickermann for 'dismissing' Dan. i i . 3 7 f , 3nd tre3ting I M3cc. i . 4 i f 'r3ther too Ughtiy'. He is followed by A . Bentzen, op. cit., 82. T h e question is whether the 3pocalyptist C3n re3Uy dr3w 3 n objective picture of the supposed 'rehgious poUcy' of the king. 168. R. H . Ch3rles, Daniel, 1929, 3 1 6 , referring to Livy 4 1 , 20, 9 ; c f 3lso I. Heinemsnn, op. cit., 163 n . 3 8 , 3 n d F . M . Abel, HP i, 125. T h e building of the temple is connected with his pro-Romsn tendencies, see F . Renter, Beitrage zur Beurteilung des Konigs Antiochus Epiphanes, 1938, 38f. According to Gr3nus Lici3nus, ed. M . Flemisch, 1 9 1 4 , 5 , he erected coloss3l st3tues to Jupiter C3pitoUnus 3 n d Zeus Olympius; see d s o n. 185 below. 169. E. Bickermsnn, GM, ii^L E. Meyer, UAC 2,159 n. i, already described 'Hoah md'uzzlm' as 3 n 'unsolved riddle'. For the inscription see B . Lifshitz,
Notes
189
ZDPVjj, 1 9 6 1 , i86ff., and H. Seyrig, Syria 3 9 , 1 9 6 2 , 20jf.; cf. also A. B. Cook, Zeus II, 2, 871 n. 3 and index. Whereas there is also evidence for Zeus Olympius in Scythopohs, at Seleucia in Pieria Zeus Olympius and Zeus Coryphaeus were associated, see below, n. 190. 170. See now O. Morkholm, Studies in the Coinage of Antiochus IV of Syria, 1 9 6 3 , iifif. T h e real change began with the second series of mints estabhshed by Antiochus in 1 7 3 / 1 7 2 B C . T h e traditional representations of ApoUo on the omphalos and other themes did, however, continue, even if the Zeus motif predominated. A t first the royal portrait was always on the obverse, and it grew more strongly styUzed with time: 56ff. As the form of the seated Zeus was very similar to that of ApoUo, the change was not very striking. 1 7 1 . Op. cit., 24S., 3 iff., 34. For the Zeus portrait see 58ff. T h e false supposition of an approximate portraiture was very widespread, and great importance was attached to it, see E. R. Bevan, CAH 8, 5 0 8 ; H . Thiersch, N G G 1932, H . I , 6 9 f ; M . Rostovtzeff, Melanges Dussaud I , 1939, 2 9 4 ; F. M . Abel, HP I , 1 2 8 ; A . Bentzen, op. cit., 8 3 ; E. Pax, RAC 5 , 846, and L . Cerfaux/J. Tondriau, Le Culte des Souverains, 1 9 5 7 , 2 4 3 f 1 7 2 . O. Morkholm, op. cit., 44fF. These particular mintings were more widespread in Palestine. See also E. Bickermann, GM, 1 1 6 n . 2 . Morkholm investigated only the mintings of Antioch and Ptolemais. For conservative minting in the East see G . le Rider, Suse sous les Seleucides, 1 9 6 5 , 62ff., 37ff., and O. Morkholm, Museum Notes 16, 1970, 3 iff. 1 7 3 . E. T . Newell, The First Seleucid Coinage of Tyre, 1 9 2 1 , 2 1 , 25ff., and The Seleucid Coinage of Tyre, 1936, I2ff. 1 7 4 . E. Bickerman(n), Inst., 228ff., 23 iff. T h e biUngual coinage begins in 1 6 9 / 6 8 , at a time when the 'HeUenization attempt' in Jerusalem was moving towards its climax. Under Antiochus V I I Sidetes in 139 B C , the Seleucids did not grant the right of coinage to the 'polis Antioch in Jerusalem', but to the Jewish 'ethnos' under Simon the Maccabee, though use was first made of this right by his son John Hyrcanus, c f I Mace. 15.6 and B . Kanael, BHHWB 2, 1 2 5 1 . 1 7 5 . D a n . 7 . 8 , 2 0 ; 8.10, 2 4 ; 1 1 . 3 6 . T h e 'he speaks great things' could refer to the divine epithets which distinguish his coins completely from those of his predecessors. 1 7 6 . O. Morkholm, Coinage, 68ff. Possibly Antiochus was influenced by the model of his father-in-law Ptolemy V Epiphanes ( 2 0 4 - 1 8 0 B C ) in adopting the title Epiphanes. Together with Cleopatra I, Antiochus' sister, he had this titie on inscriptions: O G I S 9 5 , 9 7 - 1 0 0 : see Cerfaux-Tondriau, op. cit., 240. Cf. also F. Taeger, Charisma i , 1 9 5 7 , 3 1 8 : 'There can be . . . no doubt that Epiphanes prodaimed to the world without concealment his claim to be God and thus no longer recognized the limitation wlrch hitherto had been respected by all the kings of his house from the time of Soter.' For the significance of the designation 'Epiphanes', which was adopted at about the same time by the kings of the Bactrian kingdom in the East, see F. Pfister, PW Suppl 4,306ff. This simultaneous emergence is perhaps also a sign of the general reUgious change which begins in HeUenistic world with the second century B C ; see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 i 7 f . C f O. Morkholm, Antiochus, 1 1 3 , 13 i f 1 7 7 . O. Morkholm, Coinage, 68f.; E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 2 4 0 f ; F. Taeger,
I90
Chapter
IV
op. cit.j ij 3 i 8 f . T h e sumame 'Nikephoros' appears by itself with a whole series of gods and goddesses, among them Zeus, see F. Miinzer, PW7,310S. Antiochus IV probably adopted it following the designation of the first Seleucid as Nicator, see on this H . Seyrig, Syria 2 0 , 1 9 3 9 , 2 9 8 f . T h e title never appears in inscriptions, but only on the later coins. His successors maintained these and similar divine epithets, despite their vanishing force. 1 7 8 . E. Bickerman(n), Inst., 2 3 1 , 2 3 3 . 1 7 9 . Dan.3.iflf.; 4 . 1 7 , 1 9 ; 6.8; Judith 3.8, cf. 6.2, and the change of mind of the dying Epiphanes, II M a c e . 9 . 1 2 ; on this see F. Taeger, op. cit., i , 434flf. For Egypt, see Cerfaux/Tondriau, op. cit., 2i8flf. In this respect, too, the attitude of post-Maccabean Judaism was increasingly sharpened; see M . Hengel, op. cit., 1 0 3 - 1 1 . Presumably Sir. 36 ( G 33). 1 2 already contains a reference, see V o l . 1 , p.152.
180. O. Morkholm, Coinage, 7 4 ; Antiochus, ijof. T h e aUeged identification of Antiochus I V with Zeus was stressed above aU by W . W . T a m , op. cit., 1 9 1 ; see on the other hand already A . D . Nock, HTR 4 5 , 1 9 4 2 , 209 n. 82 = Essays 2, 7 5 5 . Later Herod modeUed the statue of the emperor in the temple of Augusms in Caesarea on the Zeus Olympius of Phidias, Bell, i , 4 1 4 . 1 8 1 . Polyb.26, I , 1 1 ; Livy 4 1 , 20, 8: Granus Licinianus, ed. M . Flemisch, 1 9 1 4 , 6 ; Velleius Paterculus 1 , 1 0 , i . This happened in connection with rich gifts to all the Greek cities, c f Livy 4 1 , 20, 5S.; on this see F. Renter, op. cit., 4 i f ; a certain 'mler's vanity' also hes behind it. Cf. O. Morkholm, Antiochus, 58f. 182. Pausanias 5 , 1 2 , 4, c f also A . PeUetier, Lettre d'Aristee, 1962, 145 n . 3 . 1 8 3 . O G I S 2 4 9 - 5 1 , c f Polybius 2 6 , i , 1 1 ; O. Morkholm, op. cit. 184. M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 165. 185. Ammianus MarcelUnus 2 2 , 1 3 , i , and on this A . B . Cook, Zeus II, 2 , 1 9 4 0 , ii88fiF. However, it is improbable that this statue was meant to represent Antiochus. 186. For Scythopohs see the inscription in A . Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shean i , 1930, 44 = S E G 8, 33, with a mention of the priests of Zeus Olympius and the emperor cult, and its expansion by R. Mouterde, MUSJ I 7 J 1 9 3 3 , i 8 o f . , who compares it with the even more damaged inscription from Samaria, see G. A . Reisner etc.. Harvard Excavations at Samaria, 1908-10 i , 1 9 2 4 , 2 5 0 = S E G 8.96. He expands the latter as a testimony to the worship of Zeus Olympius and the raler cult in Samaria. As the name of the raler has been carved out and put in again later, at least in Samaria, Mouterde supposes that the inscriptions arose at the time of Demetrius II Nicator, 1 4 5 - 1 4 0 and 1 2 9 - 2 5 B C . It is not so completely certain that this cult was founded by Antiochus I V ; as in Seleucia, it could be much older, see M . Rostovtzeff, 5 5 , 1 9 3 5 , 6 o f There is still evidence of Zeus Olympius in Scythopohs under Caracalla, see Watzinger, DP 2, 2 o f H. Thiersch, 'Ein hellenistischer Kolossalkopf aus Beisan', N G G , 1 9 3 2 , 5 2 - 7 6 , presumes the head found there as part of a colossal statue from the HeUenistic period to be a youthful statue of Zeus approximated to Alexander the Great in the style of Dionysus, who is particularly closely associated with ScythopoUs-Nyssa; however, it is meant to represent Antiochus I V himself. For these hypotheses see, however, the criticism by Watzinger, DP 2, 2 1 , and O. Morkhohn, op. cit., 6 3 f B . Lifshitz, ZDPV 7 7 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 8 6 - 9 0 , pubhshed an
Notes
191
inscription from the year A D 156 in honour of Zeus Akraios, perhaps a variant of Zeus Olympius, and a further one for Zeus Bacchus, a contamination of Zeus and Dionysus, see of course the criticism of his reading in H . Seyrig, Syria 3 9 , 1 9 6 2 , 2 0 7 - 1 1 , and L . Robert, REG 7 5 , 1 9 6 2 , 207. 1 8 7 . M . RostovtzefF, Melanges Dussaud i , 2 9 4 f , and Dura Europos and its Art, 1938, 59f.; also the short note by F. E. Brown, AJA 4 5 , 1 9 4 1 , 94. C f also O. Eissfeldt, AO 40, 1 9 4 1 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 4 , i 2 o f , I26f., and Kleine Schriften 2, i8of. T h e city itself was a foimdation of Seleucus I. There were a whole series of deities here who could be identified with Ba'al Samem/Zeus Olympius. However, the later 'Zeus Megistos' is most hkely to be the one in question: a Zeus Olympius temple probably stood under his temple alongside the citadel of the city. 188. C . H . Kraeling, Gerasa, 1 9 3 8 , 3 7 3 - 8 2 : Zeus Olympius is by far the most frequently mentioned god there, see nos. 2 - 7 , 10, 1 3 , 14. T h e earhest inscription comes from A D 2 2 / 2 3 . For the Antiochenes on the Chrysoroas see 4 6 i f . , no. 2 5 1 , and on the foundation by Antiochus IV, 3of. This does not exclude a first foundation by Perdiccas, see Vol. I, p. 14, and n. I, 69. C f also O. Eissfeldt, 'Tempel und Kulte', A O 40, 1 9 4 1 , 1 6 - 2 0 , who supposes that an earher Semitic god like Hadad or Ba'al Samem stood behind Zeus as in Baalbek, Palmyra and Dura. According to Kleine Schriften 2 , 1 9 6 3 , 3iofF., the dedication to Helios from about 200 BC, made by a Gerasene on Cos, is also to be referred to Ba'al Samem. 189. Josephus, c.Ap.i, 1 1 3 , 1 1 8 and Antt.S, 1 4 7 ; Philo Byblius, FGrHist 790 F 2 , 7 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. i, 10, 7; on this see O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2, 1 9 6 3 , 1 7 4 . 190. O G I S 245 = I G L S 3, 1 1 8 4 , c f also 1 1 8 5 . 1 9 1 . I. Malalas, ch.8, pp. i99fF., ed. Dindorf, c f Strabo 1 6 , 2, 5 ( 7 5 0 ) , and Appian, Syr. 5 8 ; see Adler, PW 1 0 , 2 2 6 5 . T h e narrative has features akin to the legend of the founding of Antioch which was conneced with Zeus Bottiaeus. A n Iranian sanctuary on mount Silpion in Antioch, where Antiochus I V later erected a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, was regarded as a sancmary of 'Zeus Keraunios', see A . B . Cook, Zeus 3 , 1940, i i 8 7 f E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 2 5 o f , and Abel/Starcky, 69f. Presumably this and similar sanctuaries took up the old cults of the local baals. Further see below, n.244. For the divine epithets of the early Seleucids see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Imt., 24JS.; M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, i 6 6 f . , and the inscription mentioned in n. 190 above. 192. For the ruler cult of the Seleucids in general see E. Bi(c)kerman(n), Inst., 2 3 6 - 5 7 ; Cerfaux/Tondriau, op. cit., 2 2 9 - 4 0 ; F. Taeger, op. cit., i , 309fF., and M . P. Nilsson, op. cit.^ 1 6 7 - 7 1 ; cf. JHS 5 5 , 1 9 3 5 , 5 6 - 6 6 . Antiochus III had already made particular efforts to organize the emperor cult in a circular communication of which one copy was found in Phrygia and another in Susa, see M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., 168 n . 7 ; F. Taeger, op. cit., i , 3i4fF. Presumably since his time the polis and the mihtary colony had had at least one priest for the gods of the dynasty and one or two for the progotun and the reigning ruler, see M . RostovtzefF, J i / S 55, 1 9 3 5 , 6 1 . For the ruler cult of the later Seleucids see the inscription in honour of Antiochus V I I Sidetes and his consort Qeopatra Thea c . 1 3 0 / 1 2 9 BC in Ptolemais, ed. Y . H . Landau, lEJ 1 1 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 1 8 - 2 6 , and B . Lifshitz, RB 7 0 , 1 9 6 3 , 7 5 - 8 1 . 1 9 3 . M . P. Nilsson, op. cit., i 6 7 f
Chapter
192 194.
For the ruler cult among the Ptolemies see op. cit.,
154-65;
IV
F . Taeger,
I, 2 8 7 - 3 0 8 ; Cerfaxrs/Tondriau, op. cit., 1 8 9 - 2 1 8 and H . Volkmaim, Historia 5 , 1 9 5 6 , 4 4 8 - 5 5 , who shows how the increasing HeUenization of the Phoenidan cities in Cyprus was expressed in it. For Palestine see the inscriptions in Joppa and Marisa after the victory of Ptolemy I V at Raphia in 2 1 7 B C ; B . Lifshitz, ZDPV 7 8 , 1962, 82-4, with a priest of the ruler cult and M . L . Strack, APF 2 , 1 9 0 2 , 5 4 4 = Clermont-Ganneau, CRAI 1 9 0 0 , 5 3 6 - 4 1 , and on this F. M . Abel, HP I , 82f. T h e ruler cult was a fixed institution in Palestine long before Antiochus I V . 1 9 5 . E. R. Bevan, CAH 8, 4 9 8 f , c f above, n . I I , 2 1 8 . 196. T h e comparison with the Serapis cult and Ptolemy I is therefore im justified; against Rostovtzeff, Dura Europos, 36f.; HW 2, 704, and A . Bentzen, op. cit., 82. O. Morkholm, Antiochus, 131S., is rightly restrained. 197. K . GaUing, OLZ 42, 1939, 228. 198. E. Meyer, UAC 2, 1 5 8 ; he is followed by A . D . Nock, HTR 4 5 , 1 9 5 2 , 209f
199. F . M . Abel, Mace., 1 9 , cf. Abel/Starcky, op. cit., 9 1 . See also Esther and III Mace.3.12-30. 2 . i 8 f . shows that I Mace. i . 4 i f . follows the style of the author. J. G . Bunge, Untersuchungen zum zweiten Makkabaerhuch, 1 9 7 1 , conjectures an invitation to the pompe in Daphne. 200. E. Bickermann, GM, i2off., and the unconvincing objections of I. Heinemann, op. dt., 1 6 9 . In any case, II Mace. 6.8 is to be regarded as an exception, regardless of whether iTroAejuaicov = nToXeiiaj.€wv means the inhabitants of Ptolemais, with the Lucianic recension, Vulg., Arm. and Syr., or Ptolemy the strategos of Coele Syria with Alex. IlroXefialov (cf. 8.8). This edict, too, had local character and concerned only the 'neighbouring Greek cities'. T h e Jews in Syria, Antioch and Babylon remained unaffected, cf. J. Neusner^ .^4 History of the Jews in Babylonia 1, 1965, 1 3 . 201. T h e much-disputed assessment of the king and his pohcy (see F . Renter, op. dt., passim; F. Hampl, Gnomon 1 5 , 1 9 3 9 , 6 1 9 - 2 3 , and H . E. Stier, Roms Aufstieg zur Weltmacht, 1 9 3 7 , i6f.) thus contributes httie to an assessment of events in Judea. Worth noting is C . A . Kincaid's remark in Oriental Studies for C. E. Pavry, 1 9 3 3 , 2 0 9 f , that by descent Epiphanes was as much a Persian as a Macedonian. T h e most recent assessment of the king by F. Kiechle, Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 1 4 , 1 9 6 3 , 1 5 9 - 7 0 , is too one-sidedly positive. 202. Tcherikover, HC, I96ff. 203. O. Ploger, Theocracy, 2 - 9 , comes near to Bickermann's view; cf. also T . H . Gaster, Evidence 4, 1 9 5 2 , H . 2 9 , 2 7 - 3 3 ; W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity, 1 9 4 0 , 3 5 3 ; John Bright, A History of Israel, ^ 1 9 7 2 , 42off.; M . Smith, Hellenismus, Fischer-Weltgeschichte 6, 1 9 6 5 , 257ff., and K . Galling, RGG^ 3 , 982. See now O. Morkholm, Antiochus, I45ff. 204. This was already true for the pre-exiUc period and in part even in the Northern Kingdom; see K . Galhng on I Kings 18.40 in Geschichte und Altes Testament, A. Alt zum 7 0 Geburtstag, 1 9 5 3 , i 2 2 f f . ; c f also I Mace. 2.58. 205. I Mace.2.24-28, 50, 5 4 , 5 8 ; see also M . Hengel, Zeloten, I52ff. 206. E . Bickermann, GM, 7 3 , 80. 207. Cf. O. Ploger, Daniel, 135 ad l o c , though he conjecmres 'covenant' as 3.8-15
Notes
193
subject, which makes an interpretation difficuh. Cf. also Theodotion ad l o c : Svvafuuaet SiadT]Kr]v woAAoij. For the many, cf. I Mace. 1.43 and V o l . ! , p .
Kal
289.
208. Dan. 11.30b and on it R. H . Charles, op. cit., 3 0 7 : ' O n his remrn to Antioch, Antiochus kept up communication with the apostate Jews. It was not Antiochus that took the initiative in the attempt to hellenize the nation.' For what follows see E. Bickermann, GM, 26S. 209. Jerome, in Dan. 11, 30, PL 2 5 , 568. Cf. the Greek source of Josephus, Bell. I , 32, where the 'sons of the Tobiads' ask Antiochus 'to use them as guides on his attack against Judea'. Antt. 1 2 , 2 4 1 connects this report with I Mace, i . i iff., according to which the Tobiads teU the king that 'they want to abandon their ancestral laws and the way of hfe prescribed in them, and to follow the royal laws and adopt the Greek way of life'. 2 1 0 . Josephus did not know II Mace, (see above, n. 1 4 1 ) ; Jason of Cyrene and the Greek soxirce of Josephus, or better of Nicolaus of Damascus, thus go back independently to a historical circtimstance which cannot simply be explained away as 'fiction', as is attempted by I. Heinemaim. T h e dehberately gruesome execution of Menelaus, see II Mace. I 3 . 4 f f . , and on it F. M . Abel, Mace., 4 5 1 , shows that he was reaUy regarded as the chief author of the hopeless simation in Judea. Cf. also Dan. 3 . 3 2 L X X and Eth. En. 9 0 . 1 6 , 2 6 . 2 1 1 . For the hostility of Menelaus and his supporters to the Jewish people, see II Mace.4.39fF., 5 0 : mXiTwv eVijSouAoy; 5 . 1 5 : as a 'traitor to the law and the nation' he led Antiochus I V into the temple and handed its treasures over to him; cf. also 1 3 . 3 . A s I Mace, and Dan. mention neither Menelaus nor the Tobiads, but speak only in general terms of apostates, it is only possible to obtain from them limited illumination on the true background of the reform. 2 1 2 . II Mace.6.1, cf. I Mace. 1.44: the king sent 'letters by messenger'. N o conclusion can be drawn from the person of the messengers to the origin of the edict and its real author. For the name see J. G . Bunge (n. 199 above), 4 7 3 , and M . Stem, Kirjath Sepher 4 6 , 1 9 7 0 / 1 , 9 9 . 2 1 3 . Tcherikover, i / C , 478 n.38. 2 1 4 . II M a c e 14.3. Cf. on the other hand I Macc.7.i2fF. Those who lapsed as a result of direct threats seem to have been so many that they were no longer regarded as incriminated. For Alcimus as high priest see also n. 142 (end). 2 1 5 . On this see R. H . Charles, op. cit., 3o8f.: for h"'laqqdt, 'flatteries', cf. 1 1 . 2 1 , 34. T h e apostates and the king had very many interests in common, cf. I M a c c . 2 . i 8 . Perhaps Ass. Mos. 5 is also a reference to these circumstances in Jemsalem. 2 1 6 . This indicates express social components, which Tcherikover, HC, i68fF., i92fF., i 9 7 f F . , etc., rightly stresses; it was prepared for by tension at the time of Ben Sira, V o l . 1 , pp. i 3 7 f . , c f pp.49fF., and for the 'Syrian' population see Vol. I, pp. 2ifF., 4 i f H . Kreissig, Studii Clasice 4 , 1 9 6 2 , 1 4 3 - 7 5 , puts forward this side in an extremist way, interpreting the Maccabean revolt in a dogmatic Marxist fashion. 2 1 7 . I QpHab 8 . 1 1 : this certainly means Jews. 'Revolt against G o d ' only makes sense if they are in question (see above, n. I l l , 7 4 7 ) . O n the other hand, 9.4f. points to the successfiil Maccabean wars of conquest. C f akeady I M a c e
Chapter
194
6.24, where the turning point is already indicated, and
IV
9 . 7 3 : xal ^ij>dvi.aev rovs
dae^eis ef *IapaT]X. 2 1 8 . Tcherikover, HC, 2 i 2 f . ; O . Morkholm, Antiochus, i49fF.; O . Ploger, Aus der Spdtzeit des Alten Testaments, I34ff.; cf. I Macc.2.44, 4 6 f ; 3.5, 8, 1 5 ; 4.2; 6.2iff.; 7 . 5 ; c f
Jub.23.20ff.
2 1 9 . E. Bickermann, GM, 83, and F . M . Abel, HP 1,140L Tcherikover, HC, 4%2i. n . 2 3 , on the other hand, supposes that the writing comes from the king's son, the later Antiochus V Eupator, as Antiochus I V would have been out of touch in the East, cf. also E. Meyer, UAC 2 , 2i6ff. In that case Lysias would be the author here. T h e view of Tcherikover, HC, 2 i 5 f f . , 483 n . 2 4 , diat Lysias would have dealt only with the HeUenists, is, however, hardly tenable. Presimi ably the report of the fast roll for the 28 Adar, see H . Lichtenstein, op. cit., 2 7 9 and 350, means the offer of peace. 220. T h e letter II Mace. 1 1 . 2 2 - 2 6 , which of course also comes from the imperial administrator Lysias. T h e reference to the death of the king stresses that here a concluding line is intended to be drawn under a mistaken poUcy. T h e execution of Menelaus also corresponds with this, see above, n . 2 1 0 ; cf. also II Mace. 1 3 . 1 9 - 2 6 and I Mace. 6 . 4 8 - 6 3 . Tcherikover, HC, 236S., supposes that with the return of the temple the Acra came to an end as a polis and the miUtary colony was dissolved, but this is contradicted by I Mace. 1 5 . 2 8 , cf. above, n. 1 5 7 ; c f also I Mace. 1 0 . 1 2 . Bacchides even strengthened the settUng of foreigners at a later date, see I Macc.9.23ff. and io.i3f., and thus gave new support to the apostates. 2 2 1 . I Mace. 6 . 1 8 , 2 1 - 2 7 . This complaint to Lysias and Antiochus V shows that the Seleucids began to get tired of the Jewish HeUenists. According to 9 - 5 7 - 7 1 they later asked Bacchides to help, but after setbacks he made peace. 2 2 2 . Cf. also I Mace. 1 1 . 4 1 ; 1 3 . 2 1 and the fast roll for the 23 Tyyar, H . Lichtenstein, op. cit., 286f. and 3 2 7 . 2 2 3 . For the term see E. Meyer, UAC 2, 1 2 0 - 6 6 , esp. I 4 4 f , and W. Kolbe, Beitrage zur syrischen und judischen Geschichte, 1926, 150. 224. I Mace. 1 . 5 7 , 6 i f f . ; c f 2 . 2 9 - 3 8 ; II M a c c . 6 . 9 - 1 1 , i8ff.; c f Dan. 1 1 . 3 3 , 35. Later accounts probably tended to exaggerate, cf. e.g. Ass. Mos. 8. 225. Cf. II Mace. 6.4 and the fast roll for 23 Marheswan, H . Lichtenstein, op. cit., 2 7 3 , 337. It is, however, questionable whether sacral prostimtion was introduced into the temple (against Bickermann, G M , 1 1 4 ) . II 6.4 could be simply a reference to some omission in the sanctuary. Cf. Josephus, Bell. 4, 560S.; Test.Levi 1 4 . 6 , see below, n . 2 7 5 . 226. E. Bickermann, GM, 1 1 9 . 227. Op. cit., 1 1 8 . There seems to have been an aversion to circumcision for a long time among the 'enlightened' Jews, see above, n.68 and n . I I , 1 3 8 . For pursuit and omission of circumcision see I Mace. 1 . 1 5 , 6 0 ; 2.46; I I Mace. 6.10. For the sacrifice of pigs see I Mace. 1 . 4 7 ; c f I I Mace. 6.5 and Josephus, Antt. 1 2 , 2 5 3 , the martyrdom of Eleazar, II Macc.6.i8ff.; 7 . 1 , c f also Posidonius, FGrHist 109,4 (Reinach 58), and on it Abel/Starcky 75f. For the prohibition of pork see L e v . 1 1 . 7 ; Deut. 1 4 . 8 ; c f Isa. 65.4. In Greece, sacrifices of pigs were made almost exclusively to the chthonic deities, see Orth, PW, 2 R . 2 , 81 iff.; in Ptolemaic Egypt, according to the Zeno papyri, they appear in offerings on the
Notes
195
feasts of Arsinoe and in the Demeter cult, see C . Prdaux, L'£conomie royale des Lagides, 222, cf. Rostovtzeff, HW i, 2 9 2 , 3 5 8 ; details from de Vaux in Von Ugarit nach Qumran, Pestchrift O. Eissfeldt, 1 9 5 8 , 2 5 0 - 6 5 , and P. R. Arbesmaim, Das Fasten, R G W 2 1 , 1929, 4 1 - 5 . T h e Phoenicians above all rejected the sacrifice of pigs; use of them was rare throughout the orient. C f D . v. Berchem, Syria 4 4 , 1 9 6 7 , 86fF., 9 9 f , and Sil. Ital., Pun. 3 , 2ifF. 228. E. Bickermann, GM, 1 1 9 , c f R. de Vaux, op. cit., 2 6 1 . 229. F . Kiechle, Geschichte in Wissenschaft urui Unterricht 1 4 , 1 9 6 3 , 1 6 8 , speaks of an 'anti-Mosaic zealotism'. M . Avi-Yonah, IpJ 2 1 , 1 9 7 1 , 169, con jectures the building of a temple of Zeus on the west hill. 230. For the request of the Samaritans and the king's answer see Antt. 1 2 , 2 5 7 - 6 4 and E. Bi(c)kerman(n), RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 1 8 8 - 2 2 1 ; GM, 1 2 3 - 6 , who has shovm its authenticity, akeady argued by B. Niese, Hermes 3 5 , 1 9 0 0 , 520. For the earher literature see R. Marcus, Josephus 7 , L C L , 7 7 4 . 2 3 1 . According to I Mace. 1 1 . 3 4 , the three toparchies belonging to Samaria were oriented on Jerusalem and were annexed to Judea by Demetrius I I ; c f also the unhistorical report of Ps.Hecataeus, c.Ap.2, 4 3 ; A . Alt, Kleine Schriften 2, 3 4 6 - 6 2 ; H . G . Kipperberg, Garizim urui Synagoge, 1 9 7 1 , 85fr. 232. H . Bengtson, Die Strategic 2, 1 9 4 4 , i 7 o f . ; cf. E . Biekermaim, GM, 123 n.4. 2 3 3 . E. Bickermann, RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 204flf., interprets the term 'Sidonian' as being a better expression for 'Phoenician' and this in tum for 'Canaanite'; c f e.g. Gen. 1 0 . 1 5 : Canaan as the father of Sidon, and the Tyrian coins from the time of Antiochus I V with the inscription 'Tyre, metropohs of the Sidonians' ( D n S DN 12J*7), see B. V . Head, Historia numorum, ^ 1 9 1 1 , 800, and Bickermann's further instances. T h e L X X often translates 'Canaan' or 'Canaanite' b y 'Phoenician' or 'Phoenicia', see E x o d . 6 . 1 5 ; J o s h . 5 . 1 , 1 2 ; J o b 4 0 . 3 0 . On the other
hand,
renders sidon as ^omiai; D e u t . 3 . 9 sidonim as ^oivmes; Susanna 6: SiSwms (ed. J. Ziegler). In Antt. 1 1 , 344, the Samaritans present themselves to Alexander as 'Sidonians in Shechem': in Strabo 16, 2, 34 (760) the inhabitants of Samaria and Galilee, Jericho and Philadelphia are regarded as a mixture of Egyptian, Phoenician and Arabian tribes, whereas the Jews descend from the Egyptians. Over against this M . RostovtzefF, CAH 7 , i 9 i f , and HW 3 , 1 4 0 1 n. 1 3 7 , and M . Delcor, ZDPV 7 8 , 1 9 6 2 , 36fF. point to the 'Sidonians in Marisa', (see above n.I, 339 and n.II, 32). However, the two are not mutuaUy exclusive. From the Persian period Sidonians and Tyrians were the dominant pohtical and cultural forces in Palestine; presumably the Sidonians had a trading colony in Shechem as they did in Idumean Marisa. When the Sidonians ran into trouble, the Samaritans fell in behind them, especiaUy as they could constmct a relationship with them on the basis of being 'Canaanites', and as Sidonians could have a better standing with the Greeks. The remarks about the temple do of course show - against Delcor - that not only the smaU Sidonian politeuma but the whole 'ethnos' of Samaritans stood behind the hypomnema. The close connection between Samaritans and Phoenicians is already demonstrated by the Abraham tradition in the anonymous Samaritan (see V o l . 1 , pp.88fF.). C f H . G . Kippenberg ( n . 2 3 1 above), 7 4 - 8 5 . Isa.23.2
56 B: anepiiaXavadv;
234. For the naming of the 'anonymous' sanctuary see above, n . 6 3 and
196
Chapter
IV
below, n . 2 6 7 ; also E. Bi(c)kerman(n), RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 2 i 2 f . , and M . Delcor, ZDPV 7 8 , 1 9 6 2 , 3 9 , who both stress that the majority of the Semitic gods were in effect 'anonymous' to the Greeks and were therefore particularly suitable for an 'interpretatio Graeca'. 'Zeus HeUenios' (on this see Jessen, PW 8, I76f.) is probably secondary to 'Zeus Xenios'. J. A . Montgomery, The Samaritans, 1907, 7 7 n. 1 1 , wanted to derive the name from "W, the first two radicals oig'rizzim (cf the equally incorrect etymology in the anonymous Samaritan, see above, n. II, 239). S. A . Cook, Religion, 188, and O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2, 196, n . 2 , connect it with the ba'al b'rit of Judg. 9.4; M . Delcor, op. cit., 4 o f , points to the rejection of strange gods in Gen. 3 5 . 4 and Josh. 2 4 . 2 3 ; on the other hand the Sidonians invoked 'a god of hospitality'. However, the whole Samaritan 'ethnos' is involved here. Evidently the distinction is from the Zeus Olympius of Zion, and furthermore a reference to the hospitality offered to Abraham on his visit to Gerizim could also be present ( f c v i u ^ a i , see the anonymous Samaritan, FGrHist 7 2 4 F I , 5 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.g, 1 7 , 5). Furthermore, as a rule 'Zeus Xenios' is associated with 'Zeus Hikesios' or 'Philios', and appears as the merciful god of the weak, the ahen and those who look for protection, see A. B . Cook, Zeus II, 2 , 1097 n . I , i i o i f , 1 1 7 7 n . 2 , and M . P . Nilsson, GGR^ 1, 4 1 9 ; c f Homer, Odyssey 6, 20'ji. wpds yap Ai6s elatv awavres feivoi re TrTOJXOi re, cf. g, 26gf. Thus biblical reminiscences could imderlie it; cf. Deut. 1 0 . 1 7 - 1 9 and E x . 2 2 . 2 0 - 2 3 . 235. T h e god worshipped and his cult remained the same, see E . Bi(c)kerman(n), RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 2 i 4 f , c f GM, goS., c f aheady J. A . Montgomery, op. cit., 7 8 : the Samaritans did not have any radical HeUenist party Uke the Jews. T h e interpretation of the offering in I. Heinemann, op. cit., i 6 7 f , overlooks the decisive point of the continuing vahdity of the law in Samaria. Readiness 'to live according to Greek custom' is noticeably lacking from the Samaritan message and appears only in the royal letter to Nicanor, which rests merely on a personal impression of the king on the basis of his conversation with the Samaritan deputation in the 'circle of his friends'. T h e king thought tranquillity and the regular payment of tax in Samaria (Antt. 12, 2 6 1 ) more important than a real 'reform'. In Judea it was not the 'cultural concern' of the king (I. Heinemann, op. cit., 169) but the Jewish renegades who hindered a compromise of this kind. 236. E . Bickermann, GM, 126. 2 3 7 . Op. cit., 9 0 - 1 1 6 ; c f also O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2, 1 7 1 - 9 8 , and Tcherikover, HC, 195. 238. Jerome, in Daw. 8.5, PL 2 5 , 5 3 6 : 'in templo dei simulacrum statuit' and 1 1 . 3 1 , PL 2 5 , 5 6 9 , where the 'Antiochi statuas' are added. Cf. E. Bickermann, GM, i02f., 1 0 5 n. I . H . H . Rowley defends the exhibition of a divine image with inadequate reasons in Studia Orientalia J. Pedersen, 1 9 5 3 , 3iofif. (lit.). T h e obscure note in Taan.4, 7 and 28b (Gemara), which cites Dan. 1 2 . 1 1 , have no value as sources. O n the other hand, we must assume that statues of the king were displayed in the sanctuary, see E. Bickermann, GM, 104 n. i . 2 3 9 . I Mace. 1 . 5 4 , cf. D a n . 8 . 1 3 ; 9 . 1 7 ; 1 1 . 3 1 ; 1 2 . 1 1 . For the term see F. M . Abel, Mace, 38f. For the date see R. Hanhart, op. cit., 64. T h e various details about the half week of years up to the outbreak of the imminent end (see Vol. I, pp. i 9 4 f . ) should not, however, be used to 'correct' the exact dating of I Mace.
Notes
i^-j
Hanhartj op. cit., 83f., puts Daniel about a year too late and overlooks the fact that it does not know anything about the departxire of the king for the East at the end of i 6 6 BC (see above, n . I I I , 460). 240. I Mace. 1.543 59 '• T6V PwfiAv, os Tjv em TOO dvmaaTrjpiov, cf. Antt. 1 2 , 2 5 3 and I M a c e . 4 . 4 3 , the purification of the sanctuary: KOI ^pav rois XlSovs rov p,i.aap.ov ets Tonov aKaSaprov and on this E. Bickermann, GM, 105S. (quot. 1 0 9 ) ; c f F . M . Abel, Mace, 2 9 : O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2 , 195 n . i o ; O . Ploger, Daniel, 1 2 6 , and Abel/Starcky, 66fr. C f also K . GalUng, RGG^ i, 2 5 4 : 'an additional altar, perhaps after the fashion of the stone hammanim', i.e. the altars of incense in the old cult, cf. II Chron. 1 4 . 4 ; 34.4, 7 ; Lev.26.30 and BRL, 20. For the 'sacred stones' c f also i6f. and RGG^ 6,348fF., together with S. A . Cook, op. cit., i 6 o f . : a royal betyl on an altar, sxirrounded by a precinct sealed off by a haU of pillars. For instances of the massebah altars see K . Galhng, Der Altar, 1924, 6 7 f and pU. 1 3 , 3 7 - 4 2 ; for the basic original connection of masseboth and altars see 58f. T h e most widespread form of altar, the homed altar, is a further develop ment of the massebah altar, 6 5 - 7 . 2 4 1 . One might imagine here the representation of an eagle, the symbohc creature of Zeus and Ba'al Samem, or the winged sun; see on this A . Bentzen, op. cit., on Dan. 9.27b, foUowing O. Eissfeldt, FF 1 8 , 1 9 4 2 , 298f. = Kleine Schriften 2, 4 3 i f F . ; cf. also op. cit., 2 . i 7 9 f , and the eagle representations of the Tobiad Hyrcanus at Qasr el-'Abd, see above, n. 109. For a betyl with a pictorial representation see e. g. H . Seyrig, Syria 40, 1 9 6 3 , 1 7 - 1 9 , with HeUos, the zodiac and the four winds. A n altar of Ba'al Samem, with pictorial representations, was fotmd in Philadelphia, see below, n. 255. 242. E . Biekermaim, GM, 109S. For the destmction of the gates and the plantings in the temple precinct see I Mace. 4.38. T h e gates seem to have been destroyed by Jewish apostates, see their pimishment by burning in II Mace. 8.33, cf. also 1 . 1 8 . Possibly the 'temenos' was separated off by a partition, see H . Lichtenstein, op. cit., 2 7 3 f and 3 3 7 . For the plantings see the plantings in honour of 'Kronos Kyrios' in Abila at the time of Lysanias, R. Savignac, RB N S 9, 1 9 1 2 , 536, and for 'Zeus Kronos' in Phoenician Arados see R. Savignac, RB 2 5 , 1 9 1 6 , 5 7 9 , and additionaUy L . Robert, Melanges Dussaudz, 1 9 3 9 , 7 2 9 - 3 1 , at the behest of the 'supreme god': d iravruiv evapyiaralros deos . . . 243. E. Bickermann, GM, 1 1 1 . Cf. Ps.Hecataeus, c.Ap. i , 199, but without the hedge! 244. Loc. cit.; see also above, nn.27, 1 9 1 . For the old hiU sanctuaries of Canaanite and Phoenician origin, cf. O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2,43-51, with reference to Philo Bybhus, FGrHist 790 F 2 , 9 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev.i, 1 0 , 9 : Kasion, Lebanon, Antilebanon and 'Brathy', presumably 'Atabyrion Tabor'. For Mount Kasion see O. Eissfeldt, BaalZaphon, Zeus Kasios, Beitrage zur Rehgionsgeschichte des Altertums i , 1 9 3 2 , 3ofF., and M . H . Pope, WM i , 256fF. For his cult in the HeUenistic period see A . B . Cook, Zeus I I , 2 , 98ifF., see there figs. 8 8 0 - 4 , the coins of Seleucia which presumably depict the betyl sacred to Zeus Kasios. According to O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 3 2 , it had the significance of an omphalos in the sense of the 'navel of the world', c f the same significance of Zion according to Jub. 8.19. Significantiy there seems to have been no temple on the summit itself, but probably only an altar. A n epigram ascribed to the emperor
Chapter
198
IV
Hadrian, Anth.Gr.6, 332, ed. Beckby i , 620, names Zeus Kasios in the universal sense 'Lord of the immortals', whom the 'Lord of men', Trajan, reverenced. For Carmel see O. Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2 , 1 3 5 - 4 9 , and K . Galling in Geschichte und Altes Testament, A. Alt zum 70 Geburtstag, 1 9 5 3 , 1 0 5 - 2 5 , who point out that the independent Baal of the moimtain shoxild not be immediately identified with Melkart or with Ba'al Samem, the gods of Tyre. He was identified with the Zeus of HeliopoUs-Baalbek only in Roman times, probably because the area belonged politicaUy to the territory of Ptolemais, see M . Avi-Yonah, lEJ 2 , 1 9 5 2 , 1 1 8 - 2 4 ; c f W . RoUig, WM I , 2 7 0 , 2 7 2 . 245. A . B . Cook, Zeus I, i o 2 f , i i 7 f , 1 2 4 . E.g. the cult of Zeus Atabyrios on Rhodes, Sicily and in the Crimea shows that Zeus and Baal were already identified at a very early stage, see above n. 2 7 . C f further, op. cit., H , 2 , 8908?., the multipUcity of moimtain cxilts of Zeus in Greece and Asia Minor, and 98off. for the HeUenistic period in CiUcia, Cyprus, Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine; see also D . V. Berchem (n.227), 97f. 2 4 6 . M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ i , 2 0 1 - 7 , and W . Fauth, KP i , 806: betylolatry was particularly widespread in the West-Semitic, Arabian area. Cf. also the verdict of Dio Chrysostom, 1 2 , 6 1 (cf 5 3 ) , on the moimtain, tree and stone worship of the barbarians. 2 4 7 . 1 , 1 3 1 , and on this see G. Widengren, Die Religionen Irons, 1 9 6 5 , 1 2 4 f . 248. TertulUan, Apol.2s; see E. Bickermaim, GM, 1 3 2 n . 2 . See also K . Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte, i 9 6 0 , 1 5 0 n. i . For Zeno see S V F i , nos. 264-7.
249. E. Bickermann, GM, I32f.; see above all 133 n.3 (lit.). 250. J. Malalas, ed. Dindorf, 1 8 3 1 , 207, and on this E. Bickermann, op. cit., i i 2 f , and Byzantion 2 1 , 1 9 5 1 , 6 3 - 8 3 . T h e Athene note could even be 'rimaguiation d'lm sacristain'. 2 5 1 . For this triad see H . Seyrig, Syria 1 0 , 1 9 2 9 , 3 1 4 - 5 6 . 252. So Tcherikover, HC, 187. 2 5 3 . This connection was discovered by E. Nestle, ZAW 4 , 1 8 8 4 , 284, on the basis of the translation of 'Zeus' Olympius in II Mace. 6. 2 by the Peshitto with %SD
Q*2»io
^ A i Q a . ! ^ i ^
and of'Zeus Xenios' with tjo Q i i m o
^ i O A ^ i ^
see Libri Veteris Testamenti apocryphi Syriace, ed. P. de Lagarde, 1 8 6 1 , 2 2 7 . Details in O . Eissfeldt, Kleine Schriften 2 , 1 7 1 - 9 8 , especiaUy I9if. 2 5 4 . Op. cit., 2 , 1 8 0 , c f 1 8 3 . 2 5 5 . FGrHist 790 F 2.7 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. i, 1 0 , 7 . For the dissemination of Ba'al Samem see O. Eissfeldt, op. cit., 2 , 1 6 9 - 8 3 ; c f also 'Tempel und Kulte', AO 40, 1 9 4 1 , 79f., 9off.; R. Dussaud, La Pinetration des Arabes en Syrie, ^ 1 9 5 5 , 4 6 , 57S.: Nabateans; 9 8 - 1 0 1 : Palmyra; on this especiaUy also J. Fevrier, La Religion des Palmyreniens, 1 9 3 1 , 1036?., i 2 o f f . ; for Hauran see D . Sourdel, Les Cultes du Hauran, 1 9 5 2 , 1 9 - 3 1 . Also W . RoUig, WM i , 2 7 3 ; M . Hofer, WM i , 4 2 5 , 4 2 7 f , 4 2 9 f , and W . Fauth, KP i , 793f. T h e most important epigraphic evidence is printed in K A I . Phoenician inscriptions are no. 4, 3 , the Jehimilk inscription, middle of the tenth century B C , and Vol. 2, 6f.; 26 n. II. 18, Karatepe, 720 B C ; 7 8 , 2 Carthage, third century B C ? ; 64, i Sardinia, c. third centvuTr B C ; for the West, cf. 'balsameni' Plautus, Poen. 1027. Aiamean inscriptions are no. 202
Notes
199
B 2 3 c. 800 B C , inscription of king Z K R of Hamath; 2 6 6 , 2 , c. 700 B C , letter of a Palestinian vassal king to Pharaoh Necho I I ; 259, 3, Cihcia, fifth to fourth century B C ; 2 4 1 and 2 4 4 - 8 , all from Hatra in the north-west of Assyria, first and second centmry A D . A Ba'al-Samem temple was also discovered there, op. cit., 2 , 2 9 4 . See also the altar dedicated to Ba'al-Samem, the sun and the moon from Amman, the old Rabbath-Ammon-Philadelphia, between the first and the third cenmries A D with eagle, bxiU and bosom with garland of rays, RB 6 9 , 1 9 6 2 , 8 5 f , and c f on this the Phoenician altar discussed by F. Cimiont, Syria 8, 1 9 2 7 , 1 6 3 - 8 . For Palmyra see P. Collart, Melanges K. Michalowski, 1 9 6 6 , 3 2 5 - 3 7 , also J. Texidor, Syria 4 5 , 1 9 6 8 , 3 5 8 f 256. Menander, FGrHist 783 F i = Josephus, c.Ap. i , 1 1 8 (only Zeus), and Dio 7 8 5 F 2 = Josephus, c.Ap.i, 1 1 3 , and Antt.%, 147. 2 5 7 . On this see M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 5 i 3 f f . , 7 0 7 f In the time of the empire Ba'al-Samem finally became Jupiter summus exsuperantissimus, see F. Cimiont, Orientalische Religionen, iijf., ij4f.;ARW9,1906,236-336; and Syria 8, 1 9 2 7 , i64ff. C f also J. Kaerst, op. cit., 2^, 2 i 6 f 258. A . Falkenstein, Topographic von Uruk, I, Uruk zur Seleukidenzeit 2, 1 9 4 1 , c f 8 f ; see also S. Morenz, RGG^ 3, 3 3 1 . 259. For Marisa, see V o l . 1 , pp.34, 4 3 , 62f.; for Shechem, above, n . 2 3 3 ; for the influence of Phoenician culture see V o l . 1 , pp.32ff., 7 i f . ; for the anonymous Samaritan pp.88f. and for Eupolemus 93f. 260. ' G o d of heaven', see Ezra 1 . 2 ; 5 . i i f . ; 6 . 9 ; Neh. 1 . 4 , 5 ; 2 . 4 , 2 0 . Only Gen. 24.7 is pre-exiUc. T h e term is stiU widely used into the Hellenistic period, see D a n . 2 . i 8 f , 3 7 , 4 4 ; I Enoch 1 0 6 . 5 ; Tobit l o . i i ; Judith 5 . 8 ; 6 . 1 9 ; and on this A. Bentzen, op. cit., 22, and in detail, A. Vincent, La Religion desJudeo-Arameens, 1 9 3 7 , 1 0 0 - 4 2 . From the evidence from Elephantine see esp. P. Cowley 3 0 . 1 5 A 3 , Iiff.
H'^W Nitt in"', see also T o b i t 1 0 . 1 1 sin. d Kvpws t o C ovpavov. For the identification
of the designation of God with Ahura Mazda see i i 6 f f . , on Ba'al-Samem, i i 9 f f . A tendency to theocrasy among the various gods of heaven was already to be found among the Achaemenides, on this see also G . Lanczkowski, Saeculum 6, 1 9 3 5 , 2 2 7 - 4 3 , esp. 2 3 i f f . According to E . G . Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, 1 9 5 3 , 84, the ' G o d of heaven' in Elephantine became above all an 'official divine designation'. T h e word 'heaven' by itself could also become a periphrasis of the divine name, see D a n . 4 . 2 3 ; M a t t . 2 1 . 2 5 ; Luke 1 5 . 1 8 , 2 1 ; Bousset/Gressmann, 3 1 4 ; BiU. i , 862ff. 2 6 1 . T h e term appears in the Old Testament above aU in the Psalms, but apart from that it is not very frequent. It is therefore all the more striking that it is often used in Ben Sira, see R. Smend, Griechisch-syrisch-hehrdischer Index, 1907, 236, and still more often in G than in M ; it also occurs in Dan.3.26, 3 2 ; 4 . 1 4 , 2 i f , 2 9 ; 5.18, 2 1 ; 7 . 2 5 ; c f the plural 7 . 1 8 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 2 7 ; Gen.Apoc. 1 2 . 7 ; 2 0 . 1 2 , 1 6 ; 2 1 . 2 , 2 0 ; 2 2 . 1 5 , 1 6 , 2 1 ; J u b . 7 . 1 3 ; 1 3 . 1 6 , 1 9 ; 1 6 . 2 7 ; 2 0 . 9 ; 2 1 . 2 0 , 22ff.
etc.; I Enoch 9 . 3 ; l o . i ; 7 7 . 1 ; 9 4 . 8 ; 9 8 . 7 ; 9 9 . 3 , 1 0 ; 1 0 0 . 4 ; l o i . i , 6 ; Judith 1 3 . 1 8 ; T o b h 1 . 4 , 1 3 and the psahn scroU from 1 1 Q, DJDJ IV, 6 4 col. 1 8 , i , 6 f , 1 2 ; 87 col. 2 2 , 1 5 ; 9 1 col. 2 7 , 1 1 . On the other hand the term retreats in the main Essene writings, see K . G . Kuhn, Konkordanz, 164. In the title of the high priest see R H i 8 b and Antt.i6, 163, cf. E. Bickerman(n), RIDA 5 , 1958, 147 n . 2 9 . See now G . Bertram, TDNT 8, 6 i 3 f f .
200
Chapter IV
262. See the anonymous Samaritan, FGrHist 7 2 4 F 1,5 = Eusebius, Pr.Ev. Abraham is received by Melchizedelc as a guest in the d t y of Up6v c f Gen. 1 4 . 1 9 . On this E.Bi(c)lcerman(n), RHR 1 1 5 , 1 9 3 7 , 21 i f and GM, 9 i f This tradition persisted after the transformation of Shechem into the Roman colony Flavia Neapohs. Marines of Neapolis stiU speaks in the fifth century of Ai6s vijiloTov ayuurarov Upov w KaBUptoro 'Appdp,os on Gerizim. Damascius, Vit. hid., in Photius, Bibl. 345b Bekker; c f also F. Cumont, PW 9, 445. 2 6 3 . Philo Byblios, FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2 . 1 5 = Pr.Ev. i, 10, 1 5 : 'EXioSv KaXov/ievos u ^ t o T o y , c f A . B . Cook, Zeus II, 2 , 8 8 6 f ; M . H . Pope, WM i , 2 8 3 f , and Mesnil du Buisson, MUSJ 4 1 , 1 9 6 5 , 6 - 9 , 2 4 - 2 7 . T h e relationships between the 'Lord of heaven' and the 'supreme God' are old: in a bilingual Phoenician-Hittite inscription from Karatepe c . 7 2 0 BC, K A I 2 6 A III, i 8 f , f I N ]p Vxi appear side by side, whereas in Gen. 1 4 . 1 9 (TIKI D''atS fWp ^T'VS? Vx), the god of heaven Elyon and the creator of the earth El are linked in a union, see R. O'Callaghan, Archiv. Orientdlni 1 8 , 1/2, 1 9 5 0 , 36ifF. T h e Eighteen Benedictions show in the first petition that this formula also remained ahve in Judaism, see W. Staerk, Altjudische Gebete, K I T 5 8 , 1930^, 1 1 , 1 4 . In the inscription of Hatra from the second century A D , K A I 244, 3, on which see A. Caqot, Syria 4 0 , 1963, i 5 f , NS?1 n nip "CW (V)S?3, on die odier hand B e ' d Semin as die supreme God of heaven is at the same time the omnipotent creator or 'possessor' of the earth. Further i n F . C u m o n t , P W 9 , 4 4 5 f . , and Orientalische Religionen, 1 1 7 , 2 2 5 . The Palmyrene bilingual inscription (JAd vJxjiiaTw Kal iirriKoui ]''atS'7S?3'7 Nffin(lh) is illuminating J. Cantineau, Revue d'Assyrologie z-j, 1930, 3 5 ; on this see J. G. Fevrier, La Religion des Palmyriniens, I26f., and the dedications to the anonymous god 'Zeus Hypsistos'. See also the Phoenidan inscription on Arados, S E G 1 4 , 823, A D 208 following the reading of R. Mouterde, MUSJ 3 1 , 1 9 5 4 , 334'-[Se]w vijiiarw oipaviw i[ai]dpa 6 PW/MOS dKriadfi]] and the inscriptions from Byblos in E . Schiirer, S A B 1 8 9 7 , 1 , 210. T h e original close connections of "el 'elyon' with the Phoenician 'ba'aJ' are stressed by R. Lack, CBQ 2 4 , 1 9 6 2 , 4 4 - 6 4 , cf. p . 4 7 , the evidence from Ugarit where the epithet "ly' is apphed to '67'. On p.53 there, two further Phoenician inscriptions appear in Greek from the Roman period. T h e inscription in n. 91 is of coxirse to be altered foUovring R. Mouterde (see above); 'Mithra' is not mentioned here. R. Rendtorflf, ZAW 7 8 , 1966, 282, 2 9 1 , agrees. 264. A . B . Cook, Zeus 11^ 2 , 8 7 5 - 9 0 . T h e evidence motmts especially in the Aegean, Asia Minor and Syria, see the detdls in Nock/Skeat/Roberts, HTR 2 9 , 1 9 3 6 , 3 9 - 8 8 ; c f M . P. Nilsson, 5 6 , 1 9 6 3 , loiff. Newer instances in S E G 1 6 , 1 8 5 ; 1 9 , 2 2 5 , 2 2 6 , 7 4 8 , 847, 8 5 2 ; 2 0 , 1 0 , 7 2 4 . T h e inscriptions are predominantly postChristian and it is often difficult to distinguish between the purely pagan, those with Jewish influence and those which are Jewish. T h e Jewish instances are often the earher ones, and in part come from the time immediately before the Christian era. C f also E. Bickerman(n), RIDA 5, 1958,153fr., and L . Robert, Anatolia 3 , 1958, 112-20; CRAI 1968, 594. 265. See the coUection of Uterary evidence (outside Josephus and Philo) in R. Marcus, PAAJR, 1 9 3 1 / 3 2 , 1 9 3 2 , 1 1 5 , and the pre-Christian Jewish inscrip tions from Egypt, C I J 2 , nos. 1 4 3 3 , 1 4 4 3 , 1532; Acmonia in Phrygia no. 7 6 9 ; 9, 1 7 , 5 :
Notes
201
Delosj CIJ I, nos. 7 2 7 - 3 0 , and the prayer for vengeance from Rheneia c. 100 BC, no. 7 2 5 . Even in the Roman period, 'Hypsistos' does not seem to have been the official designation of God in dealings with non-Jewish rulers, see Philo, Leg. ad C. 1 5 7 ( M 2 , 569), 2 7 8 (586), 3 1 7 ( 5 9 2 ) ; Antt.i6, 1 6 3 ; Tacitus, Hist.5, 5> unumque numen . . . summum illud et aetemum, Juhan the Apostate to the Jews, Epist. et leges, ed. Bidez-Cumont, 1 3 4 = Lydus, De mens. 4, 5 3 : T6V vaov TOV vijiiaroo. In synagogue usage, on the other hand, the phrase feU into the background because of the danger of a syncretistic misunderstanding, so the term does not appear at ah in the inscriptions in Rome. Even in the N T it is relatively rare; Mark 5.7 and Acts 1 6 . 1 7 are perhaps typical - in the mouth of demon-possessed pagans! Cf. also M . Hengel, in Festgabe K. G. Kuhn, 1 9 7 1 , 167 n. 4 3 : 1 7 5 n. 46. 266. E. Schiirer, Die Juden im bosporanischen Reich, S A B 1 8 9 7 , I , 2 0 0 - 2 5 ; A. B. Cook, Zeus II, 2 , 884f.; M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2 , 662fif., and E. R. Goodenough, JQR 4 7 , 1 9 5 6 , 221-44, who conjectures that the Bosporus inscriptions come from true Jewish communities. For the syncretistic charaaer of the term see also H . Gressmaim, ZAW 4 3 , 1 9 2 5 , i6fiF., and in Jewish Studies in Memory ofj. Abrahams, 1 7 2 , and R. M c L . Wilson, The Gnostic Problem, 1964, I2f, 24. T h e later 'Caelicolae' in North Africa point in a similar direction, see A . Torhoudt, RAC 2, 817S., and M . Simon, RHPR 26, 1946, loSfif. 2 6 7 . E. Bickermann, GM, 92ff.; see above, n.63 and n . 2 3 4 . 268. G M , 1 1 3 ; c f Herodotus 3,8 and Arrian, Anab.j, 20. For Dusares see T . Klauser, RAC i , 1 0 8 7 ; C. Colpe, KP 2, i 8 4 f . ; D . Sourdel, op. cit., 5 9 - 6 8 . It is, however, questionable whether the Nabateans were the models for the Jewish Hellenists in 1 6 7 B C ; moreover, he could be conneaed with Ba'al-Samgm, see op. cit., 2 8 f , 64. 269. ZDPV 7 7 , 1 9 6 1 , 1 8 6 - 9 0 ; however, the reading is not completely certain, see above, n. 186, and M . Stem (see n. 212 above), 99. 2 7 0 . Schafer, PW, 2 R . i , 1 5 4 2 ; M . P. Nilsson, GGR^ 2, 66ofiF. 2 7 1 . C f also II Mace. 10.7: thyrsos staffs (lulab ?) at the consecration of the temple, and II Mace. 1 . 9 : the designation 'feast of tabemacles in Chisleu'. For the whole see J. WeUhausen, N G G 1905, I 3 i f ; c f E. Meyer, UAC 2, 209 n . 5 ; W. O. E. Oesterley, History of Israel 2, 3 0 7 ; in detail O. S. Rankin, The Origins of the Festival of Hanukkah, 1930, passim; c f also T . Gaster, Evidence, 4 Jg, H . 28, 1 9 5 2 , 3 iff. T h e objection that the celebration of a solstice would have been impossible for the Jews with their luni-solar calendar (see S. Aalen, Die Begriffe Licht und Finstemis, 1 9 5 1 , 1 3 0 - 5 0 ) , is refuted by the existence of the Essene solar calendar. This too probably goes back to an original form of 3 6 5 days, perhaps used by the HeUenists, c f Dan. 7 . 2 5 : the king altered 'times and law'. T h e Jewish festal calendar was of course most effectively superseded by a new reckoning of the year from the angels, see V o l . 1 , p. 2 3 5 , and below, n.289. 2 7 2 . J. WeUhausen, N G G 1 9 0 5 , 1 3 1 . C f M . Avi-Yonah (n.229 above), 169.
2 7 3 . For the identification of lao and Dionysus see above, nn.46f. For the historical problem see Tam/Griffith, Hellenistic Civilization, 338ff.: 'Far the most important Greek god of the age outside Greece was Dionysus.' He was identified with many gods, not only with Sabazius but also with Serapis, who similarly stood near to Zeus. Typical of the philosophically-based theocrasy is
Chapter
202
IV
the definition ascribed to Pythagoras and reminiscent of the Stoic etymology of Zeus, of Dionysus as Aim vovs or 17 TOV Koafwv t/wxTJ, in Lydus, De mens. 4 , 5 1 , Wiinsch 108, c f already Qeanthes, S V F i , no. 546, and 'the Stoics', S V F 2 , no. 1093. C f also E. Bickerman(n), RIDA 5 , 1 9 5 8 , I49f 2 7 4 . II Mace. 6.7f.: anXayxviafwv. For the Bacchanalia see K . Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte, i 9 6 0 , 2 7 o f f . Cf. the Bacchantes in Antipater of Sidon (middle of the second century B C ) , Anth.Gr. 9 , 6 0 3 , and the musicians in Marisa, Peters/ Thiersch, Painted Tombs, p.xvi = Goodenough, Symbols 2 , no. 1 4 . 2 7 5 . See the superscription in E. Bickermann, GM, 1 3 4 - 6 , and ah the fifth chapter, 1 1 7 - 3 9 . 276. I. Heinemann, op. cit., 1 5 9 , cf. V . Tcherikover, HC, 185. 2 7 7 . E . Bickermann, GM, i28fiF. T h e stylization of the passage is perhaps dependent on Jer.44.17; c f I. L6vy, Semitica 5 , 1 9 5 5 , 1 6 . 278. Hecataeus of Abdera, FGrHist 264 F 6.4 = Diodore 40, fr. 3 , who, however, excuses it through the expulsion QevrjXaala) experienced by the Egyptians. 2 7 9 . According to Strabo, 1 7 , i , 1 9 (802). Cf. above, n . 2 6 . 280. M . Miihl, Die antike Menschheitsidee, 1928, 4 6 f , and passim; H . C . Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, 1 9 6 6 ; Tam/Grifiith, Hellenistic Civilization, jgt; and M . Hadas, HCu, 1 1 - 1 9 . For the ideal of the world state in Zeno see S V F i , no. 2 6 2 ; T r a v r a y dvdpomovs ryyoifxeda BrjixoTas Kai noXiTas. 2 8 1 . Ps.Aris. 1 4 1 , c f 1 3 9 - 6 9 . C f Vol.1, p p . 2 9 f 282. C f Antt. 1 2 , 2 4 4 and on it V o l . 1 , p p . 5 2 , 27ifiF. 283.
O p . cit., i46fiF., i56fiF.
284. With this comprehensive thinker it is hardly credible that the teaching of Posidonius on the Jews 'simply rests on ignorance', as I. Heinemann, op. cit., 1 5 7 assumes. Behind his account there is a bias, especially as he also attacks aUeged Jewish 'superstition' elsewhere, see Vol. I p p . 2 5 9 f , nn. 1 4 - 2 0 , and Seneca, Epist. 95, 4 7 (Reinach 2 6 3 f ) , on which see I. Heinemann, Poseidonios i , 1920, 1 1 9 , who derives the polemic against the Jewish use of sabbath lights from this. Rhodes, the place of his activity, had a Jewish colony in the first half of the first century, see above, n . I , 3 3 7 ; at the same time the anti-Semitic rhetorician ApoUonius Molon worked with him there, though he did not imitate the latter's hostUe presentation (see above, nn.29, 64). 285. Conf. ling. ii. ( M i , 404); for the whole matter see I. Heinemann, Philons griechische undjiidische Bildung, 1 9 6 2 , 454ff., and H . A . Wolfson, Philo 1, 1 9 4 8 , 82fiF.; see also below, n . 3 1 1 . 286. Josephus, Antt.i, 1 5 8 - 6 1 , c f 1 6 5 - 9 ; 1 5 9 - 6 0 , comes from Nicolaus of Damascus and seems to be taken from earlier sources. His contemporary Trogus Pompeius, see Justin, Epit. 3 6 , 2 (Reinach 2 5 1 ) , also knew it. For the Pergamenes see above, n. 128. For the whole, A . Buchler, Die Tobiaden und Oniaden, 1899, 1 3 1 . Of course his general assignment of these Abraham traditions to Samaritan sources has apologetic motivations. Cf. also L . H . Feldman, TAPA 5 9 , 1968, 145-56. 287. Damascius, Vit. Isidor, following Photius, Bibl. 3 4 5 b , ed. Bekker, c f e.g. Eusebius, Demonstr.Ev. i , 5, G C S , ed. I. A . Heikel, 6, 20: Christianity is the renewal of the old pre-Mosaic reUgion which was Uved by Abraham, the friend of G o d ; in Marinus this would then be neo-Platonism.
Notes
203
288. F . Cumont, Die orientalischen Religionen, 1 1 8 , cf. ii6fiF. For the rise of astrology from the second century BC see Vol. I, pp. 2366?. 289. H . Gressmann, Die hellenistische Gestimreligion, B A O 5 , 1 9 2 5 , 1 9 , cf. also'm. Jewish Studies in Memory of I. Abrahams, 1 9 2 7 , 1 7 2 . 290. S V F 3 , 2 6 5 n o . 3 , c f 2 : BoTfios TOV alBepa Beov dne^vaTo, On this see F . Cumont, Syria 8, 1 9 2 7 , 1 6 3 - 5 , the evidence adduced in connection with two Phoenician altars, from the Somnium Scipionis, Cicero, De re pub., 6 . 1 7 , and Agartharcides of Cnidos, also ARW 9 , 1906, 33 iff., e.g. the definition of 'Sabaoth' as a demiurge over the planets in Lydus, De mens.4, 5 3 , i n Wiinsch, and Sib.fr. 3 , 3 mvtm4pTaros, c f 1 2 , 1 3 2 . For Boethus, see above, n . I L 2 2 1 . 2 9 1 . In Daniel the term is relatively rare, 6.3 and 7 . 2 5 , with the exception of the originally mdependent penitential prayer, 9 . 4 f , l o f , 1 3 . C f also I Mace. 1-495
5 2 , 575 2 . 2 6 f , 4 2 , 48, 50, 58, 64, 6 7 f ,
292.
etc.
Dan. 1 1 . 2 8 , 3 0 , c f 9 . 4 ; 1 1 . 3 2 . In 9 . 2 7 (see V o l . 1 , p . 2 8 8 , and n . I V ,
207)
the 'holy covenant' probably refers to the 'covenant' of the king with the apostates. See also I Mace. 1 . 1 5 , 6 3 ; cf. 1 . 5 7 , the law as the 'books of the covenant', 2.20, 2 7 , 5 0 ; 4 . 1 0 ; I I M a c e . 7 . 3 6 ; 8 . 1 5 . On the whole matter see A . Jaubert, La notion d'alliance dans le Judaisme, 1 9 6 3 , 73ff., 77ff. T h e idea of the covenant founded on the divine election Uved on above all among the Essenes (i Q S 4 . 2 2 ) , see op. cit., I82ff. 2 9 3 . Op. cit., 8 o f H . J. Schoeps, Paul, 1 9 6 1 , 2 i 3 f f . , stresses the original conneaion between law and covenant, but overlooks the fact that the idea of the covenant was suppressed by the ontology of the Torah not only in the Greekspeaking Diaspora but also among the Rabbis. 294. Josephus, Antt. 1 3 , 1 7 i f f . , 288ff.; see also M . Hengel, Die Zeloten, 154S., i 8 i f f . , i9off., 2 i i f f . , 229ff. This zeal is given its final point by its eschatological character, 233f. 2 9 5 . Josephus, Antt.13, 2 8 8 - 9 8 ; cf.Kidd.66a. For the Essenes, see V o l . 1 , pp. 2 2 4 - ^ . 296. For Alexander Jannaeus see Antt.13, 372-6, Archelaus and the procurators see M . Hengel, op. cit.,
379-83;
for Herod,
1 0 7 - 1 1 0 , 1 9 6 , 326ff.,
332ff., 3 4 8 f 297.
Op. cit.,
204ff., 229ff.
190 n . 3 , 4 , and 2 1 iff.,
For Antichrist see op. cit., 309S.; for the temple
2i5ff.
2 9 8 . Antt. 1 3 , 254ff., 2 7 4 - 8 1 , 324ff., 356ff., 393ff. For the position of the Jews in Egypt see Antt. 1 2 , 3S7S.; 13, 284ff., 3 4 9 , 354ff.; 1 4 , 9 9 and c.Ap.2, 6 4 , see also V o l . 1 , pp. I5ff., and Tcherikover, CPJ i , 1 9 - 2 5 . 299. For Posidonius, see above, n. 1 7 ; for Apion see c.Ap. 2, 8of.; for the fragments from Porphyry's work 'Against the Christians' preserved in Jerome's commentary on Daniel see FGrHist F 4 9 - 5 8 . For the Hellenistic-antisemitic assessment of Antiochus IV see also E. Bickermann, GM, 2 i f f . 300. Schiirer i , 674ff.; N . N . Glatzer, Geschichte der talmudischer Zeit, 1 9 3 7 , 38ff. See already Sidetes, the counseUor of Antiochus V I I , foUowing Posidonius (Reinach 56). 301. Antt.13,299 = B e / / . i , 6 8 f . , c f on this E. Bammel, TLZ79,1954,352-6. 302. T h e degree to which the victory of the Maccabees hved on among the people is shown by the relatively numerous memorial days from this period in
Chapter IV
204
the fast scroU, see H . Lichtenstein, HUCA 8/9, 1 9 3 1 / 3 2 , 2 7 3 - 9 0 , cf. also M . Hengel, op. cit., I76ff, 303. T h e best instance of this is the conversion to Judaism of the ruling house in Adiabene, the members of which fought against the Romans in the defence of Jerusalem, see Antt.20, 1 7 - 9 6 (cf also Gen.R.46, 10); Bell.2, 388, 5 2 0 ; 6, 3 5 6 . Seneca's judgment on the Jewish mission is typical (according to Augustine, Civ.Dei 6 . 1 0 , Reinach 2 6 2 f ) : 'victi victoribus leges dederunt', c f Juvenal 1 4 , 100 (Reinach 292). For the whole matter see also K . G. Kuhn, TDNT 6, 7 3 0 - 4 5 . T h e complete proselyte was 'in every respea an Israelite', y e 6 . 4 7 b : m a n VsV Min '7N12?"'a. After A D 7 0 theyiia«jMrfatct« was levied from every circumcised Jew, even the proselytes. IntrinsicaUy a punitive tax for the rebelUous 'ethnos' of the Jews (see Suetonius, Domitian 1 2 , 2 : posita genti tributa), it also affected the Jews as a 'reUgious association', see J. Juster, 2, 2S2S., and Tcherikover, CPJ i , 8ofif. T h e two could not be separated. For the Jewish mission in general and for the later period see M . Simon, Verus Israel, 1 9 4 9 , 3 1 5 - 5 5 , who stresses that in contrast to the fuU proselytes the metuentes were never completely recognized: 'ils restent sur le parvis comme des cat6chumenes permanents' (323, 3 3 1 ) . Cf. also 3 2 7 : 'Se convertir au judaisme, c'est rompre avec le monde.' 304. This is one of the backgroimd reasons for the frequent expulsion of the Jews from Rome, see Valerius Maximus, above n . 4 1 , and H. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, i 9 6 0 , I7fif., together with Domitian's sharp measures against the Jews, op. cit., 33fif. For the indirect prohibition of proselytism through the maintaining of the prohibition against circumcision by Antoninus Pius see J. Juster, I , 266fif.; Moots, Judaism i , 3 5 i f , and K . G . Kuhn, TDNT 6,73M. For the poUtical power of Diaspora Judaism see H . Hegermann, UU i , 3 0 2 f 305. He defends himself against this charge in Romans 9.iff., see on this O . Michel, Der Brief an die Romer, ^21963, 2 2 3 : ' T h e synagogue regards him as "apostate" and 'heretic" ' ; i.e. for them he was comparable with the apostates in Jerusalem under Antiochus IV. 306. C f however, also for Judea Sanh. 10, i; T.Sanh. 13, 5 or Sanh.iiih Bar.: 'those who want to cast off the yoke of heaven', and the detailed discussion of apostasy in the Talmudic tradition: K . Kohler and R. Gottheil, J B i , i2f. 307. For Samaria see figures like Dositheus (possibly two of this name), Simon Magus and Menander, who exercised a notable influence on the develop ment of gnosticism, see aheady A . HUgenfeld, Die Ketzergeschichte des Urchristentums, 1 8 8 4 , i 5 5 f f . , i63ff., i 8 7 f f . ; for the more recent discussion see R. M c L . WUson, ZRGG 9, 1 9 5 7 , 2 1 - 3 0 ; T . Caldwell, Kairos 3, 1 9 6 2 , 1 0 5 - 1 7 ; K . Beyschlag, ZTK 6 8 , 1 9 7 1 , 3 9 5 - 4 2 6 . For Transjordania see e.g. the origins of the Mandeans, C . Colpe, RGG^ 4, 7 i i f ; K . Rudolph, Die Mandder i , i 9 6 0 , 52fF.; 2 4 6 - 5 5 , and the summary by S. Schulz, TR 26, i960, 314S., 3 i 8 f , 3 2 3 , 3 2 5 f . , 3 3 4 ; also the sect of the Elkesaites, who presumably stem directiy from the Jewish baptist movement and were only 'Christianized' superficiaUy when they penetrated into the West, see J. Thomas, Le mouvement baptiste, 1 9 3 5 , i40fF. Syncretistic-gnostic groups could also be contained in the catalogues of Jewish sects in Justin, Dial. c. Tryph. 80, 2, and Hegesippus in Eusebius, HE 4,22,7. 308.
TcherUsover/Fuks, CPJ
3 , 45fif.,
cf. also R. M c L . WUson, The Gnostic
Notes
205
Problem, ^1964, 9 - 1 7 . T h e survey by H. Gressmann, ZAW43,1925,1-32, is stiU fundamental. For Asia Minor see G. Kittel, TLZ 6 9 , 1944, 1 6 . 309. Whereas Tcherikover, loc. cit., suggests purely pagan groups, who imitated Jewish customs, Goodenough beheved the Hypsistos worshippers in the kingdom of the Bosporus to be Jews, see above n.266. Cf. M . Hengel, Festgabe K. G. Kuhn, 1 9 7 1 , 1736?., 1 7 9 . 3 1 0 . See on this G . Bornkamm, Das Ende des Gesetzes, 1 9 5 2 , 1 3 9 - 5 6 . 3 1 1 . For Philo see above, n . 2 8 5 ; for the 'allegorists' see Migr.Ab. 896?. ( M i , 450), c f also his polemic against apostasy to the mystery religions, Spec.leg. i , 3 1 9 - 2 5 ( M 2 , 2 6 o f on Deut. 2 3 . 1 7 L X X ) . 3 1 2 . H I Mace. 1 . 3 ; 2 . 3 o f ; 7 . i o f , 1 5 , c f also CIJ 2 , n o s . 7 4 2 , 7 4 9 and CPJ 3 , no. 4 7 5 , and Schurer 3, 4 9 . On the whole these remain exceptions, see Tcheri kover, HC 352fiF. 3 1 3 . R. M c L . Wilson, The Gnostic Problem, ^1964, passim, see esp. 1 7 2 - 2 5 5 . Cf. G . Quispel, Eranos Jahrbuch 2 2 , 1 9 5 3 , 1 9 5 - 2 3 4 in connection with Codex Jung, p. 1 1 2 ; EvTh 1 4 , 1 9 5 4 , 4 7 4 - 8 4 ; O. Betz, in Abraham unser Voter, Festschrift fiir O. Michel, 1 9 6 3 , 2 4 - 4 3 , and the articles by A. Bohhg, 'Mysterion und Wahrheit', AGSU 6 , 1 9 6 8 , 8 0 - 1 1 1 , 1 4 9 - 6 1 , on the texts from Nag Hammadi; K . Rudolph,iCajro5 9, 1 9 6 7 , 1 0 5 - 2 2 . For Jewish magic see V o l . 1 , p p . 2 4 i f 3 1 4 . H . Braun, Spdtjiidisch-haretischer undfriihchristlicher Radkalismus, 1 9 5 7 , 1 , 1 7 , 32f., 7 3 , 9 9 ; 2 , 3 etc.; c f also M . Hengel, Zeloten, 229S. 3 1 5 . E.g. J. Klausner, From Jesus to Paul, 1 9 4 4 , 4506?., 4966?., 5286?., 6ooff. L . Baeck, Aus drei Jahrtausenden, 1 9 5 8 , 47ff.; L . Baeck, Paulus, die Pharisder, 1 9 6 1 , i9fiF., i3ifiF., and H . J. Schoeps, Paul, 1 9 6 1 , 1 4 9 f f . , 2 i 3 f f . , 259ff. C f on the other hand W . G. Kiimmel, Heilsgeschehen und Geschichte, 1 9 6 5 , 1 6 9 - 9 1 and 441 f,
450, 4 5 3 f
3 1 6 . H . J. Schoeps, op. cit., 2 6 1 .
TABLE I Palestinian and Phoenician Places and Regions according to the Zeno Papyri, see J. Herz, PJB 24,1928, gSff.
Gaza/5
PCZ
PSI
(59001
322-616
PColZen
Others
2,6
PLond 1930,
Gazaios) 59009/93 59537
Gazaion linien/4 (Strabo 7 5 9 )
59006/59813
863g (602)
Sk6nai/2
34
Ashkelon/2 Iope/3 Pegai/i Stratonos Pyrgos/i Ptolemais/i2
Tyre/3
590i2( ?) 59010 59011/93
406 406
59004
PLond inv.
59004/8
366/403
59689(?)
406/495
2358b,2
lines
612/616
PLond 1 9 3 1
11,25
59011/59093 59558
Hendylus, son of Dio, Tyrian) (59666
Sidon/6
TripoUs/i Heraclea in Phoenicia
59010/59093
PZenMich 3
59672/59281
(PRyU 5 5 4 Abdemoun of Sidon) 495
59088
see L . H . Vincent, KB
29,1920,178
Plains of Masyas/i
59093
Idumaeaji
59015
Marisa/3
59006/15 59537
PCZ Adoreos/i (Adora)
59006
Hierosolyma/2
59004/5
Ericho/i
59004
PSI
PColZen
Others
Galilaji Bait(i)anata/4
59004/11
Cydisus/i
59004
(Nabataioi) (Moabites)
P L o n d 1948
406
Vol. 4 , 2 8 5 on
Ammanitisji
594(554)
59009
59003
4o6( ?): «! 'Amuivoiv
Rabbatanimana/2
616
Birta/2 (of Tobias)
59003
AbeUa/2 (Abila)
59004
PLond 1930, 171
PLond 1930, I75f
Svurabit/2 (Sorabitt)
59004
Lakasa
59004
Noe
59004
Eitoui
59004
Hauran
59008
Damascus
59006 Dionysus from D .
Syria
59672
406
648 slaves gram
324/5
PZenMich 2 PCom I EPColZen 66, 2,
I I
TABLE I I Early Hellenistic Coins from Palestinian Excavations: see notes 1,341 1
2
3
Samaria Samaria 1908/10
i93i/3£
4
Beth Zur
5
6
7
8
9
10
Scythe- Shechem TeU ed TeU en Engedi Ramath poUs Duweir Nasbe Rahel
TeU el-Ful
Total
1931 + 57 1921/23
Before Alexander Alexander the Great
I I
—
Total
2
—
Ptol.
1305-285(3) 31 n HI
285(3)-246 246-221
IV 2 2 1 - 2 0 4 V 204-200(181) VI
\} I
4 48 6
5
I
4
I
—
2
9
I
—
— — —
— —
—
6
I
12
I
—
— —
35
20
30
6
4
2
I
3
2
I
I
I
I
22
—
—
—
—
—
14
7
—
—
—
—
51
10
5 I
—
I
—
I
I
3
2
—
II
10
—
—
24 41 180
181-145
Ptolemaic coins to which no e x a a date can be assigned (mostly Ptol. II)
12
22
1
2
3
Samaria Samaria 1908/10
Total
65
Seleucids before 200 Ant.
Ill
Sel. IV Ant.
IV
(221) 2 0 0 - 1 8 7 187-175
1931/33
46
6
7
8
59
21
57
— 10
7
14
4
I I
Sel. I — Ant. I
6
I
9
10
Engedi Ramath Rahel
I
TeU el-Ful
—
34
2
—
65
3 197
68
Others Aradus 208 BC Total
308
3
no
Ant. I l l or IV3 no exact assignation Total
Total
3
2
I
175-164
1921/23
80
18
5
Scytho- Shechem T e h ed T e h en pohs Duweir Nasbe
1931+57
I (Ant. I. gold) 20
4
Beth Zur
52
136
-
10
n 2 I Side — 300 EC
I
—
2
—
2 Sophene Armenia 2
—
14 282 4
ABBREVIATIONS
T o save space, tides of books cited in the notes are often referred to in abbre viated form after the first mention of them; such abbreviations are not listed here, but can easily be clarified with the use of the bibliography. AAB AAH AAM AAL AAMz (A)ASOR ADAJ Aeg AfO AGG AGSU AHR AIPHOS AJA AJP AJSL AJT ALUOS ANET^ AnthGr AO AOB^ AOT^ APF ARW
Abhandlungen der konighch Preussischen (after 1945/46 Deutschen) Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berhn Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaft:en Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissen schaften, Miinchen Abhandlungen der Sachsischen Akademie der Wissen schaften, Leipzig Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften . . ., Mainz (Annual of the) American Schools of Oriental Research Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan Aegyptus, Rivista Italiana di Egittologia e di Papirologia Archiv fiir Orientforschung Abhandlungen der GeseUschaft der Wissenschaften, Gottingen Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Spadudentiuns und U r christentiuns American Historical Revue Annuaire de I'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientates et Slaves American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Philology American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures American Journal of Theology Annual of the Leeds University Oriental Society Ancient Near Eastern Texts, ed. J. B . Pritchard Anthologia Graeca Der Alte Orient Altorientalische Bilder, ed. H . Gressmann Altorientalische Texte, ed. H . Gressmann Archiv fiXr Papyrusforschung Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft
212
ASTI ATD ATR BA BAL BASOR BBB BFCT BGU BhAO BHHWB BHT Bib1 BIES Bill BJPES BJRL BKAT BMB BRL BSt BWA(N)T BZ BZAW BZNW CAF CAH CBQ CCAG CH ChrEg ChrW CIJ CIS ClassPhil CIassQ CPJ CRAI CSEL
Abbreviations Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute in Jerusalem Das Alte Testament Deutsch Anglican Theological Review The Biblical Archaeologist Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der Sachsichen Akademie . . . zu Leipzig Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research &mner Biblische Beitrage Beitrage zur Forderung Christlicher Theologie Agyptische Urkunden aus den koniglichen Museen zu Berlin : Griechische Urkunden I-VIII, I895-1933 Beiheft zu Der Alte Orient Biblisch-Historisches Handworterbuch, ed. B. Reicke and L. Rost Beitrage zur historischen Theologie Biblica Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, ed. H. L. Strack and P. Billerbeck Bulletin of the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society Bulletin of the John Rylands Library Biblisches Kommentar, Altes Testament Bulletin du Music de Beyrouth Biblisches Reallexikon, ed. K. Galling Biblische Studien Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten (und Neuen) Testament Biblische Zeitschrift Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Comicorum Atticonun Fragments The Cambrike Ancient History Catholic Biblical Quarterly Catalogus codicum Astrologonun Graecorum Corpus Hermeticum Chronique d'ggypte Christliche Welt Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarurn Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum Classical Philology Classical Quarterly Corpus Papyronun J u d a i m Comptes Rendus de I'Academie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
Abbreviations DAW DJDQ) DP EJ ET ETL EvTh ExpT FF FGrHist FHG FRLANT G GCS GG3 GGL8 GGM GGMS GGR GP GM HAT HAW HC HCu HNT HP HTR HUCA HW HZ lEJ IG IGLS Inst JAOS JBL JbPhil JCS JE
213 Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien Discoveries in the Judaean Desert (of Jordan) C. Watzinger, Denhmaler Palastinas Encyclopaedia Judaica Enghsh translation Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses Evangelische Theologie Expository Times Forschungen und Fortschritte Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker, ed. F. Jacoby Fragmenta Historicormn Graecormn, ed. C . MiiUer Forschnngen zur Rehgion mid Literatmr des Alten mid Neuen Testaments Greek text Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten 3 Jahrhunderte H . Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte W. Schmid and O. Stahhn, Geschichte der Griechischen Literatur Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C . Miiller B. Niese, Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten M . P. Nilsson, Geschichte der Griechischen Religion A. Schlatter, Geschichte Israels E. Bickermann, Der Gott der Makkabder Handbuch zum Alten Testament Handbuch der Altertumswfissenschaft V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews M . Hadas, Hellenistic Culture Handbuch zum Neuen Testament F. M . Abel, Histoire de la Palestine Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual M . RostovtzefiF, The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World Historische Zeitschrift Israel Exploration Journal Inscriptiones Graecae Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie, ed. L . Jalabert and E. Mouterde E. Bickerman(n), Institutions des Seleucides Journal of the American Oriental Society Jourrud of Biblical Literature Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie Journal of Cuneiform Studies The Jewish Encyclopedia
214 JEA JezoSocSt JHS JjfS JJurPap JPOS JQR JR JSS JTS KAI
Abbreviations
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Jewish Social Studies Journal of Hellenic Studies Journal of Jewish Studies Journal of Juristic Papyrology Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of Religion Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of Theological Studies H . Donner and W . Rollig, Kanaanitische und aramaische Inschriften KAT Kommentar jxaa Alten Testament KEKNT Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar iiber das Neue Testa ment Der Kleine Pauly KP Loeb Classical Library LCL Lunds Universitets Arsskrift LUA Hebrew text M Miinchener Beitrage zur Papymsforschung imd antiken MBPAR Rechtsgeschichte Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums MGWJ Milanges de (la Faculte Orientale de) I'Universite SaintMUB = MUSJ Joseph, Beyrouth Museum Helveticum MusHelv MVAG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch(-Agyptisch)en GeseU schaft NBGAW Neue Beitrage zur Geschichte der Alten Welt NClio La Nouvelle Clio NF(NS) Neue Folge (new series) NGG Nachrichten von der GeseUschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Neue Jahrbiicher fiir Wissenschaft undjugendbildung NJWJ Nodes Romanae NoctRom Novum Testamentum NovTest New Testament Studies NTS Oriens Antiquus OA OGIS W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Seleaae OLZ Orientalische Literaturzeitung OTL Old Testament Library OTS Oudtestamentische Studien P ( C Z ; C o m ; O x ; See bibliography on papyms coUections Si; etc.) PAAJR Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research ParPass La Parola del Passato PEFA Palestine Exploration Fund Annual PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
Abbreviations
PG PGM PhGr^ Phil PJB PL PW PIT, 2R P I T Suppl QDAP QFAGG RAC RAO RB RBPH RE REG REJ RES RevArch RevPhil RGG^ RGW RheinMus RHPR RHR RIDA RivBibl RQ RSR SAB SAH SAW SB SBT SC ScrHieros SEG StTh SUNT
215 J. P. Migne, Patrologia, Series Graeca Papyri Graecae Magicae E. Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen Philologus Paldstinajahrbuch Migne, Patrologia, Series Latina Paulys Realencyclopddie der classischen Altertumsviissenschaft Second row, beginning with letter R Supplementary volumes Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine Quellen und Forschungen zur Alten Geschichte und Geographic Reallexikon fiir Antike und Christentum Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archdologie Orientate Revue Biblique Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire Realencyklopddie fiir protestantische Theologie und Kirche Revue des £tudes Grecques Revue des £tudesjuives Repertoire d'6pigraphie semitique Revue Archdologique Revue Philologique Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart Rehgionsgeschichthche Versuche und Vorarbeiten Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie Revue d'Historie et de Philosophie Religieuses Revue de VHistoire des Religions Revue Internationale des Droits de I'Antiquitd Rivista Biblica Revue de Qumran Recherches de Science Religieuse Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen (Preussischen) Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berhn Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissen schaften Sitzimgsberichte der Osterreichischer Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien Sanmielbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Agypten, ed. F. Preisigke, F. Bilabel and E. Kiessling Studies in Bibhcal Theology Sovurces Chretieimes Scripta Hierosolymitana Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum Studia Theologica cvira ordinum theologorum Scandinavicorum edita Smdien zvir Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
2l6
SVF SVT Syr T TAPA TDNT TLZ TR ThStKr TU TZ UAC UUA UU UPZ VT WM WMANT WONT WZKM YCS ZAW ZAS ZDMG ZDPV ZNW ZPapEp ZRGG ZTK
Abbreviations Stoicorum veterum fragmenta Supplements to Vetus Testamentum Syriac text Tosephta, ed. M . S. Zuckermandel Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Theological Dictionary of the Netv Testament Theologische Literaturzeitung Theologische Rurulschau Theologische Studien und Kritiken Texte imd Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristhchen Literatur Theologische Zeitschrift E. Meyer, Ursprung und Anfange des Christentums Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift J. Leipoldt and W . Grundmann, Umwelt des Urchristentums U . Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemaerzeit Vetus Testamentum Worterhuch der Mythologie, ed. H . W . Haussig Wissenschafthche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament Wissenschafdiche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes Yale Classical Studies Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift fiir Agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen GeseUschaft Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstirui-Vereins Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik Zeitschrift fiir Religions- und Geistesgeschichte Zeitschrift fiir Theologie und Kirche
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Titles of works cited in abbreviated form in the notes are given in full here, but articles from encyclopedias and dictionaries, etc. (PW, RAC, RGG, TDNT, KP), are not hsted in detail. I
SOURCES
I . Old Testament and Jewish Sources (a) Pseudepigrapha and Jewish-Hellenistic literature Adam, A., Antike Berichte iiber die Essener, Kleine Texte 182, Berhn 1 9 6 1 . Aristeas, Letter of: A . Pelletier, Lettre d'Aristee d Philocrate, S C 89, Paris 1962. Asatir: M . Gaster, The Samaritan Book of Moses, London 1927. Assumptio Mosis: C. Clemen (ed.). Die Himmelfahrt des Mose, Kleine Texte 1 0 , Berhn 1904. Baruch Apocalypse (Syr.): M . Kmosko (ed).. Liber Apokalypseos Baruch filii Neriae, Patrologia Syriaca I, 2, Paris 1907. Charles, R. H., The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, Vols. I and II, Oxford 1 9 1 3 , reprinted 1963. Daniel: J. Ziegler (ed.), Susanna, Daniel, Bel et Draco, Septuaginta, Soc.Litt.Gott. X V I , 2, Gottingen 1954. Erwch, Ethiopian (= / Enoch): R. H. Charles, The Book of Erwch, Oxford Ezra Apocalypse: ed. B . Violet, Vols. I and II, G C S 1 8 / 3 2 , Leipzig 1 9 1 0 / 2 4 . — C. Bonner, The Last Chapters of Enoch in Greek, Studies and Docvunents 8, London 1937. Josephus, Flavius: B . Niese (ed.). Opera, Vols. I - V , Berhn ^ 1 9 5 5 . — H . St J. Thackeray, R. Marcus and L . H . Feldman (eds.), L C L I - I X , London 1 9 2 6 - 6 5 . — T . Reinach (ed.). Vols. I - I V , Antiquites, French translation by J. Weill and J. Chamonard, Paris i900fF. — O. Michel and O. Bauemfeind (eds.), De bello Judaico, Vols. I and II, i , edited and with a German translation, Darmstadt 1 9 5 9 , 1963. Kautzsch, E., Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des Alten Testaments, Vol. II, Die Pseudepigraphen des Alten Testaments, Tiibingen 1900. Maccabees: W . Kappler (ed.), Maccabaeorum liber i, Septuaginta, Soc.Litt.Gott., Vol. I X , I , Gottingen 1936. — W. Kappler and R. Hanhart (eds.), Maccabaeorum libri 2 - 3 , Sepmaginta, Soc.Litt.Gott., Vol. I X , 2, Gottingen 1965.
Bibliography
2i8
— Bruyne, D . de, Les anciennes traductions latines des Machabees, Anecdota Maredsolana 4, 1932. Philo of Alexandria: L . Cohn and P. Wendland, Opera quae supersunt. Vols. I - V I I , Berlin 1 8 9 6 - 1 9 3 0 . — Philo Supplement, Questions atui AnsiversonGenesislExodus,EThyR..tAarcns, Vols. I and II, L C L , 1 9 5 3 . Pseudo-Philo: G. Kisch (ed.). Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, Notre Dame, Indiana 1949. Pseudo-Phocylides: J. Bernays (ed.), Ueber das Phokylideische Gedicht, Berlin 1853.
Riessler, P., Altjudisches Schrifttum ausserhalb der Bibel, Augsburg 1928. Schermann, T . , Propheten- UTid Apostellegenden, T U 3 1 , 3 , Leipzig 1 9 0 7 . Sibyllines: A . Kmrfess, Sibyllinische Weissagungen, text and German translation, Berlin 1 9 5 1 . — J. Geffcken (ed.). Die Oracula Sibyllina, G C S 8, Leipzig 1902. Sirach: J. Ziegler (ed.), Sapientiajesu Filii Sirach, Septuaginta, Soc.Litt.Gott., Vol. X I I , 2, Gottingen 1965. — Segal, M . S., Sefer Ben-Sira, Jerusalem ^1958 (in Hebrew). — Smend, R., Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach, Berhn 1906 (Hebrew and German). — L6vi, I(srael), ' U n nouveau fragment de Ben Sira', REJ 9 2 , 1 9 3 2 , 1 3 6 - 4 5 . — Schirrmann, J., ' A New Leaf from the Hebrew Ecclesiasticus', Tarbiz 2 7 , 1958-59, 440-3.
— Yadin, Y . , The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada, Jerusalem 1965. — Syriac translation: P. A . de Lagarde (ed.), Libri Veteris Testamenti apocryphi Syriace, 1 8 6 1 . Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: R. H . Charles, The Greek Versions of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Oxford 1908. Wisdom of Solomon: J. Ziegler (ed.), Sapientia Salomonis, Sepmaginta, Soc.Litt. Gott., Vol. X I I , I , Gottingen 1965. (6) Qumran texts AUegro, J. M . , 'Messianic References in Qumran Literatmre', JBL 7 5 , 1956, 174-87.
— 'Fragments of a Qmnran ScroU of Eschatological MidraSim', JJ3L 7 7 , 1 9 5 8 , 350-4-
— ' A Recentiy Discovered Fragment of a Commentary on Hosea from Qumran's Fovirth Cave', J B L 7 8 , 1 9 5 9 , 1 4 4 - 7 . — ' A n UnpubUshed Fragment of Essene Halakhah', J S S 6, 1 9 6 1 , 7 1 - 3 . — 'Some UnpubUshed Fragments of Pseudepigraphical Literature from Qimiran's Fomrth Cave', ALUOS 4, 1 9 6 2 - 3 , 3 - 5 . — ' T h e Wiles of the Wicked Woman, a Sapiental Work from Qumran's Fovirth Cave', PEQ 96, 1964, 5 3 - 5 — ' A n Astrological Cryptic Document from Qimiran', J S S 9, 1 9 6 4 , 291-4.
The Dead Sea Scrolls from St Mark's Monastery, Vol. i : The Isaiah Manuscript and the Habakkuk Commentary, ed. M . Burrows, N e w Haven 1950. — Vol. I I : The Manual of Discipline, New Haven 1952.
Bibliography
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The Dead Sea Scrolls of the Hebrew University, ed. E. L . Sukenik, Jerusalem 1 9 5 5 (i Q M and i QH). D J D I, Qumran Cave I, ed. D . Barthelemy, J. T . Milik, et al., Oxford 1 9 5 5 . D J D n , Les Grottes de Murabha'dt, ed. P. Benoit, J. T . MiUk and R. de Vaux, Oxford 1 9 6 1 . DJDJ H I , Les 'petites Grottes' de Qumran, ed. M . Baillet, J. T . MiUk and R. de Vaux, Oxford 1962. DJDJ I V , The Psalms Scroll cf Qumran Cave 1 1 , ed. J. A. Sanders, Oxford 1965. DJDJ V , Qumran Cave 4, I (4Q 158-186), ed. J. M . AUegro with the colla boration of A. A . Anderson, Oxford 1968. A Genesis Apocryphon, ed. N . Avigad and Y . Yadin, Jerusalem 1956. Lohse, E., Die Texte aus Qumran, Darmstadt 1964 (Hebrew and German). Milik, J. T . , ' L e Testament de Levi en Aram^en', RB 6 2 , 1 9 5 5 , 3 9 8 - 4 0 6 . — ' "Priere de Nabonide" et autres ecrits d'vin cycle de Daniel', RB 6 3 , 1 9 5 6 , 407-15.
— 'Henoch au pays des aromates', RB 6 5 , 1958, 7 0 - 7 . Sanders, J. A . , 'Ps. 1 5 1 in i i Q P s s ' , ZAW js, 1 9 6 3 , 7 5 - 8 5 — ' T h e Non-canonical Psahns in 1 1 QPs"', ^ ^ 1 ^ 7 6 , 1 9 6 4 , 5 7 - 7 5 . Starcky, J., ' U n texte messianique arameen de la grotte 4 de Qumran', in: Mimorial du Cinquantenaire de l'£cole des langues orientales anciennes de I'Institut Catholique de Paris, 1 9 6 4 , 5 1 - 6 6 . Stegemann, H . , 'Der PeSer Psahn 3 7 aus Hohle 4 von Qumran', RQ 1 4 , 1963, 235-70-
Strugnell, J., ' T h e Angelic Liturgy at Qumran', Congress Volume Oxford 1 9 5 9 , S V T 7, i960, 318-46.
Tesmz, M . , 'Deux fragments des manuscrits de la Mer Morte', Semitica
5,1955,
37-8-
Vermes, G., The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, Harmondsworth ^1965. Woude, A . S. van der, 'Melchisedek als himmlische Erlosergestalt in den neugefundenen eschatologischen Midraschim aus Qumran Hohle X I ' , OTS
14, 1965, 354-73-
( c ) Rabbinic texts Aboth de Rabbi Nathan, ed. S. Schechter, Wien 1887 (AbRN). Lichtenstein, H., 'Die FastemoUe', H U C A 8/9, 1 9 3 1 / 3 2 , 2 5 7 - 3 5 1 . Mekilta de Rabbi Jischmael, ed. J. Z . Lauterbach, Vols. I - I I I , Philadelphia 1949 (,Mek.Ex.). Midrasch Rabbah iiber die 5 Biicher der Tora und die 5 Megillot, Vols. I and I I , ed. R. J. Grassman and M . S. Weisberg, reprinted New York 1952. Midrash Rabbah, E T ed. H . Freedman and M . Simon, Vols. I - X , London 1 9 5 1 . Midrasch Tehillim, ed. S. Buber, Wilna 1892. The Mishnah, ed. H . Danby, Oxford 1933. Siphre on Num. and Deut.: Sifre d'be Rabh, ed. M . Friedmann, 1866, reprinted New York 1948. Talmud Babli, Vols. I - X I I , WUna 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 0 8 . The Babylonian Talmud, E T ed. I. Epstein, London 1 9 3 5 - 4 8 . Talmud jeruschalmi, reprint of the Krotoschiner Ausgabe, New York 1949.
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WORKS
Ancient Near Eastern Texts, ed. J. B . Pritchard, Princeton ^1955 (ANET). A m d t , W . F. - Gingrich, F. W . - Bauer, W., A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, Cambridge 1 9 5 7 . Biblisch-Historisches Handwdrterbuch, ed. Bo Reicke and L . Rost, Gottingen 1962 (BHHWB). Encyclopedia Judaica, Vols. I - X , Berlin 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 3 4 (EJ). Gressmann, H., Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament, Berlin-Leipzig 2 1 9 2 6 (AOT^). — Altorientalische Bilder zum Alten Testament, Berlin-Leipzig ^1927 (AOB^). Hatch, E. and Redpath, H., A Corwordance to the Septuagint, Vols. I and II, 1897, reprinted Graz 1954. The Jewish Encyclopedia, ed. I. Singer, Vols. I - X I I , New-York - London 1901-07 (J£).
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Ill
SECONDARY
LITERATURE
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Vols. I and I I {DP), Leipzig
Palastinas,
Weber, M . , Gesammelte
T U 86, 1 9 6 4 .
43/45, 1965, 282-90.
zur Religionssoziologie,
antike
Tiibingen 1 9 2 1 .
Weinberg, S. S., ' T e l Anafa', lEJ 1 9 , 1 9 6 9 , 2 5 0 - 2 . — ' T e l Anafa: T h e Hellenistic Town', lEJ 2 1 , 1 9 7 1 , Weippert, M . , 'Archaologischer Jahresbericht', ZDPV 1964,
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V o l . I I : Das
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Weiser, A . , Das Buch der zwdlf
Kleinen
Propheten,
I, A T D 2 4 , 1 9 6 3 .
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Untersuchungen
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New
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Israelitische
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0YZIKA
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266
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S E L E C T I N D E X OF P A S S A G E S F R O M ANCIENT WRITERS All passages discussed in detail are included, but only the New Testament references are complete / Old Testament Judges
Genesis I.I
L 157 I, 156, 196 II, 105 II, 105
/
5.24
I, i 6 7 f I, 204
6.9 16.14
6.1-4
I, 231
20.26
I, 89
/
1.1-2.4 1.2 1.31 2.i-4a
Isaiah
1.27
(LXX)
II, 10
Samuel
II, 81 I. 233 II, 81
19.19
I, 16
23.11
11,28
24-27 26.19
I, i 8 o f
38 45-9 58.6
(LXX)
6.4
(LXX) 10.9
(LXX) 10.15 14.19
5.11
L89 II, 195 II, 200
5.1 iff.
25.1-4 34.2 47.2off.
lO.I 22.19ff.
II, 100
5.14 5.15-23 5.18
1,72
88
Exodus 3-14 19.17-20
II, 105
20.11
I, 165 I, 168
33-ir
L72
//
Kings 2.11 5.15-19
20. I - I I 21.1-18
63.7 65.17 66.11
I, 129 II, 88 I, n o II, 81 I, 129; I I ,
(LXX)
I, 91 I, 89 I, 29
I, 129 I, 129
5.12
17-5
(LXX)
6o.i9f
Kings
I, I, I, I,
66.22
121 112
I, S r f II, 109 11, 175 I, 189 I, 127 I, 189
Jeremiah 10.16
I I , 94
18.4-6
I, 146
23.24
I, 147
27.16 29
112
I, 196 I, 112 I, 146
(LXX) 1 , 1 7 I, n o
33.25 44.i5ff. 44.30
1,172 II, I I 1,93
296
Deuteronomy 4.6 16.2 I f
I, 161 1,295
26.5
(LXX)
11,8
Ezekiel
Isaiah 6.3 9.iof.
(LXX)
II, 127
16.29 17.4
L 32
I, 34; II, 28 I, 34; II, 28
27.11-253 I, 32
268
Select
Hosea 6.2 12.8
Index
of Passages
Psalms I I , 131
I39-I3ff-
I , 3 4 5 1 1 , 28
149 149.1
3-4-8
Ancient
Job 28.28
I I , 98
11,39
38-40.14
I I , 74
38.3 i f f .
I I , 161
40.30
1 , 3 4 ; I I , 28
I, 176
Proverbs
42
1-9 Amos
I, 153, 155, 1 5 7 , 248
Song of
I , 6 0 ; I I , 43 1,45 1,45 1,45
IJ 2 1 1
1-7
I, 155, 157
9-7 9.13
I , 295
2.5
I, 155
5-13 6.2
I, 189
2.16-18
I, 155
8.14
2.l6ff.
I, 155
3.19
I,
Zephaniah
11,28
157; II, lOI
Zechariah
5
I, 155
Songs
3.9
7-15
r.ii
Writers
I I , 81
Joel
I,
from
Ruth 2.3
I I , 81
I , 232
5-3 6.24ff.
I, 155
I.II
I, 155
I.I
I, 129
1.13
I , 232
7
I, 155
1.2
3.ifF.
I,
7.16
I , II9J I I ,
I I , 43
8.22-31
I , i53ff-. l62ff.,
1-3
I, 118
232; I I , 127
9.1-8 9.13 10.3-5
11,9 1 , 1 7 ; I I , 12 I,
i7f-; 12
II,
14.7
I I , 109
14.21
1,34511,28
166, 1 7 1 8.22
I, 162, 1 7 1
8.25
I , 162
8.30
I, 153, 159, 162; I I ,
8.3of.
Psalms I
1,161
2.34
II, 118
1 4 (53) 36.10
I I , 93 II,
49
1,143
72.10
I I , 88
72.19
II, 127
no
97 I, 162; II, 104
8.32-36
I, 154
Koheleth
81
1 . 1 2 - 2 . 1 2 I, 130 1.12
I,
129; II, 80
1.13
I, 118
1.16
I , 130
2.1-11
I I , 82
2.3
11,78
2.4ff.
I I , 78
2.6
I , 46
2.9
I , 130
9. Iff.
I, 154
2.10
11,40
9.10
I, 155
2.12-17
I I , 81
9.13-18
I I , 197
2.14
I,
25.1
II, 76
30.1
11,76
31.1
II, 76
31.24
I , 3 4 ; I I , 28
119; II, 81
2.15
I,
ii9i
II,
81
73
I , 143
82.1
I I , 156
2.24f
11,40
90.4
I I , 109
2.25f
I, 121
102.27
I I , 109
2 .2 6
I I , 80
102.27!.
I I , 129
i.6ff.
I I , 127
3.I-I5
I , 120
104
I, 157
2. I f .
II, 127
3-14
I, 120, 1 2 1 ,
104.4
I , 232
I I , 161
126, 2 1 9 ;
119
I , 1 6 1 , 248
9-9 10.9-13
11,81
II,
I,
28
I , i53ff-
144
28.17
I , 52
28.27
I , 159
119.133b
1775 I I , 119
I, 147 139-7-12
Job
3.19
I,
82,
II9J 81
II,
Select
Index
of Passages from
3.21
1,119 1,150 r, 1 2 4
3.22
I, 1 2 1 ; I I , 82
4.1
1,51,119
4.2ff.
II, II, II, I,
4-4 4.13-16 5-1
84 40
5.3f. 5.7f. 5.8 5.9f. 5.ri 5.14
8of 9-3
5-17
5-19
6.rof. 7.12 7-13 7-15
203 203
I, 1 2 1 ; I I ,
9.11
I, 1 2 6
2.l8f
9 . 1 if.
I, Ii9f
2.19
I I , 98 I, 203 I, 202
2.20-23
I, 203
2.20ff.
11,98 I, 1 8 4 I, 203
82
2.11
1,203
120; II,
10.10 io.i6f
II, 5, 78
2.2lflf.
10.19 ii.if
1,54 I, 1 2 6
2.43
11.5
I, 1 2 6 ; I I ,
2.44
I, 183 I, 1 8 7 , 1 9 0
81
2.47
I, 203
11.9
2.48
L240
12.1
I, 128 II, 82
3-5
12.7
I, 1 2 4 ; I I ,
3-7 3.10
I I , 43 11,43 I I , 43 I I , 43 11,74
I, 1 2 6 I I , 80 I, 5 1 ; I I , 40 II, 78 I, 50 I, 1 3 0 I, 1 2 1 ; I I , I, 1 3 0 I, 1 2 1 ; I I , I, 1 2 1 I, 1 2 6 ; I I , I, 1 2 4 I, 1 2 0 1 , 5 1 ; I I , 82 1,146 I, 1 1 9 ; I I , 80
7.16
2.5 2.10
202 84, 1 8 1
II, 78 I I , 80
82 6.ro
2.1-13
I, I, I, I,
io.4fF.
82 5.18
I, i i 9 f ; II, 8if
1.17 2
9-9
84
82 5.16
Daniel
I, 1 1 9 ; I I ,
78
86 S.iff.
9.2
269
Writers
Koheleth
Koheleth 3.i9ff. 3.20f.
Ancient
I, 1 2 1 ; I I , 86
7.r6f.
1,126
7.17
I, 1 2 4 ; I I , 84
7.18
I I , 82
7.23f.
I, 1 1 8
7-25
I, 1 1 8
7.26
I I , 80
8.2fr.
II, 5, 78
8.9
I I , 80
8.11
I I , 80
8.12 91
12.8
I, 1 1 9 ; n . 81
12.9 12.9-11 12.12 12.12-14 12.13
1,130 1,127
I, " 4 1,128 I I , 82
I, n o
8.12
8.17 9.20-32
I, n o I, 3 0 7 I, n o
9.24
(LXX)
3.3iff. 3.31-4.341, 3-33 4.3f 4.4 4.5 4.23
5-7
3-13
(LXX)
3-15
4.31
Esther
(LXX)
2.27-30
I, l o i ; I I , 70
II, 45 II, 199 I, 90 I, 203
5.7f 5.11
I, 203
5.12
203
5.24f.
I, I, I, I, I,
6.11
II, 159
6.1 i f
I, 1 7 8 ; I I ,
6.26f
I, 1 9 0
6.26ff.
11,74
7
I,
5.16 5.21
203 203 190 202
119
10.31
(LXX)
no
I, 1 9 0 I, 203 I, 203
1,64; I I , 4 6
Daniel 1-6
I, 2 9
I I , 82
r-7 1.8
I, 1 2 0 , 1 2 6
i.8ff.
II, 45 1,44; I I , 35 I, 1 7 8
31,
84,
183 7.iff.
I, 203
7-7
I, 1 7 , 1 8 7 ;
II, 12
270
Select
Daniel
Index
of Passages from
Daniel
Ancient
Writers
Daniel
7.8
I,
182
I0.20f.
I J 188
7.9-14
IJ
200
II
1,12,18,99
7.11
11.1-30
IIJ 124
11.1-39
1,184
210;
11.5-9
1 , 7
120
II.12
1 1 , 5
12.4
I,
7.21
II, 1 3 4 IIj 1 2 2 I, 203 I, 1 9 0 II, 1 3 4
II.14
1,9
12.10
I , 180,
7.22
IJ 190
11.20
7.23
IJ 187
11.22
I, 1 0 ; I I , II, 1 8 5
7.24
IJ
182
11.28
IIJ 8
7-14 7-15 7.18
7-25 7.27
IIj I,
201 187,
I9OJ
IIJ
(LXX) 11.30
122 8.1 8.2-8
I, I,
11.31
203 184; 124
II,
11,27
Nehemiah
IJ 2O6J
9-3 9.21
1,203
11-33-35
I J 203
11.34
9.24
I, 1 7 9 , 183,
11.35
I , 180, 194,
194 11.33
203
187;
215
208;
II,
II,
120
185
9.24S.
IJ 2 1 5
11.36
II,
9.26
II,
11.37-39
I, 284, 2 8 6 j
9.27
185 I J 2 7 5 , 288j 296;
11.39
I,
1 0 . Iff.
I J 203
10.2
I J 203
ii.4off.
10.3
II,
I I . 4 O - I 2 . 3 IJ
10.13 io.i3f.
I,
10.20
12.1
12. If.
1,187
II, 14.6-10
I, I,
184
i4f; 10 39
1,307
n.II
II,
13.10-14
1,49;
13-15-22
II,
13.16
I, 3 4 i I I , 2 8
5-1-5 5-7 5.10 7-2
1,49 II, 1 0
7.62
II,
7-69ff
11,27
/
178 20
II,
II, II,
II,
II
53 127
Chronicles
2.2-15 24.11
194
26.15
187, 194
34-13
1,93,
II, 2 0 II, 1 2 I, 7 8
Old Testament Apocrypha
16.14
Wisdom
II, l o i
Wisdom 1.15
II,
66
7.17
38
180
Chronicles
2-55 21.1
180, 188,
Judith
I,
II,
I , 194
187
Judith
II.I3
290;
II, 1 0 I, 4 9 I, 4 9
2.8
187
//
3.10
II,
188
203
137 I J 188
1 5 6 , 189
298;
II,
178
II,
9.2
8.17
Ezra
II,
9. Iff.
"•31-35 11.32
296
2.69
187
203
II,
296
2.60
296;
296
I, I,
194, 283,
I, I, I, I,
8.15
1 7 9 , 208
208
I,
II,
120 12.11
194,
180, 196,
207f;
7
II, 188 I, 1 9 4 , 2 9 6 ; II, 1 3 0 I, 1 8 0 , 2 0 8 ; II, 1 2 0 I, 1 9 6 I, I78f
8.13
I,
12.13
II, 1 8 7 I, 1 8 3 ,
188, 196, 198
12.3
11.29
203;
I,
12.2
7-i7ff-
I, I,
7.21
1,243
7.22-26
I, 167
130 243
no
Select
Index
of Passages from Jesus
Wisdom 13.Iff. I5.i4ff18.4 I8.i4ff.
Ancient
II, II, II, II,
176 176
7-15 7.17
112
8.1
109
8.9
Jesus
Sirach
8.18
I, 1 3 7 II, 9 6 I, 1 3 4 II, 93 I, 2 0 3 ; I I ,
Tobit
1.1-9
I, I,
160
11.4
I.l-IO
I, i57ff-
11.9
1.1-20
I, I,
131, 159
II.10
1.4
159
II.14
I, 1 5 0 I, 1 5 1 II, 9 6 I, 1 5 1 I, 1 5 1 I, 1 5 1 II, 89 II, 9 4 II, 9 6 I, 1 3 7 I, 1 4 7
1-9
I, i59f-
11.29
11,90
i.9f.
I,
I.IO
I, I 5 9 f .
11.34 12.6
I, 1 5 2 II, 93
12.14
11,96 11,96
1.6-8
II,
1 , 3 0 ; II, 24
10.6-18
I, 2 3 2 II, 1 2 2
10.8
12.15 14.4-7
39
io.6f.
10.12-14 10.18
Jesus
Sirach
I.I
I . I iff. 1.14 i.i8f. 1.19 1.26 2.12 3.i7f3.20-26
10.19-24 138
10.22
159
II, 93 I, 1 3 8 II, 93 I, 1 5 9 I, 1 3 9 I, 1 4 0 I, 1 3 9 I, 1 5 0 ; II, 95
3.2lf. 3.21-24 3.26-30 4.1 4-7
II, 9 1 I, 1 3 9 I, 1 3 9 I, 1 3 8 I, 1 3 3 ; II, 89 138
4-9f4.11-19
I, I,
4.21
11,96
4.26f.
I, I, I, I, I,
4.28 5.1-4 5.6 5.9f.
13.1 13-2-5 13.6 13-15-20 14.11 14.12 I4.i6f. 14.18
17-5 17-6 17.7
17.31
II, I,
93 141;
18.1
11,94
18.2
I,
18.4-7
11,94
18.6
II, 1 4 4 I, 1 4 9 I, 1 3 9 I, 1 3 7 I, 1 5 1 ; I I ,
18.11-14 19.20-24 20.28 21.4
146
96 21-5 21.II 2I.l8f.
I, I, I,
138 140 140;
24
I,
24. i f .
24-5f 24.6-8
II, l O I I, 1 3 1 I, 1 5 9 I, 1 6 0 I, 1 5 8 I, 1 5 9 I, 1 6 1
24.1-34 24.3 24-3-6 24-3-7
139, I57ff.,i70
11,91
15-5
I,
24.8
11,94
15-7 15.8
11,91
24.8f
II, I,
24.10f
I, I, I,
II,
89
i5.9f.
95 144;
II,
24-33
153
15-14
I, 1 4 0 , 303 II, 93 I, 1 4 0 ; I I , 92
142 15-15 16.4
1,46
24.32f
I,
II,
134;
II,
89 2 6 . 2 9 - 2 7 . 3 I,
52, 138;
II,
151 I, i 4 i f . , 3 0 2
27.6
7.4f.
1,31
7-4-7
I, 1 3 3 II, 2 1
i6.26ff.
1,45^11,93
27.8
17-1-23
II,
28.35ff.
95
159 160;
24.3of
11,91
I,
159
103
93 15-II-17 15.12
II,
92
15.1
133;
II,
92
16.17-23
7.14
I, 1 4 5 I, 1 4 9 II, 1 0 9 I, 1 4 1 I, 1 4 9 , 1 5 9 I, 1 4 9 ; II, 126
1 4 . 2 0 - 1 5 . 8 I, 1 3 1
134
142
17-3
17.23
I, 1 3 7 II, 93 I, 1 3 7 II, 93 I, 1 9 7 I, 1 9 7 I, 1 4 1
131
142
Sirach
17.2
17.17
135
1.10-22
271
Writers
I,
40
140;
II,
92
11,91 1 , 8 0 ; II, 5 4
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
272 Jesus Sirach 3o.i4ff. I I , 93
I, 150; I I ,
30.17
95
Jesus Sirach 36.13 36.2of 37-3
I, I I I I, 142 I, 140; II, 92
3i(G34)-5
I, 137 35).i3 1,150; 11,95 3 i ( G 34)-25-33(G
37-8 37.13-18 37.19-26 38.1-15
35). 13 I I , 40 33(G35)-i4f. II, 90 33(G36).2
11,93 I, 141 I, 132 I, 132; II, 89
38.4 38.7f 38.2of
I, 145 I, 145 I, 150; II,
I, 139 33(G 36). 10-13 I, 141
38.21 38.22
I, 153
3i(G
34)-i2-32(G
95
33(G 36). 13-15 I, 146 33(G 36).i6
38.24-
1,135511,90 33(G 3o).25-27
38.34 39-1 39-4 39-6
33(G
I,i35J 11,90 3o).27 11,21
39-11
34(G 34(G
3i)-9-i3 I, 132 3i)-24-27
I, 137 35(G 32). 13 35(G
1,143; 1 1 , 9 3 32).22-26
I, 134 35(G
32).24 11,91
36(G33).i
II, 94 36(G 33). If.
I, 152 36(G 33)-1-22
I, 3 1 , 134; II, 25 36(G
33).6-i2
I, 152 36(G 33). 12
II, 190
I, 79, 132; II, 54, 89 I, 135 I, 135 1 , 3 1 ; II .25 I, i34f-,
91 43-28-32
I, 147; I I ,
94 4 4 . 1 - 4 9 . 1 6 I , 131 44.1-50.241, 99 I, 206 44-3-5 44-3-9 44-16
45-13 45-17 45-18 45.23-26 45.26f 46.1 46.12
I, 136 I, 204 I, 136 11,63
I, 152, 302 II, 63 II, 89 I, 78f II, 89 II, 89 I, 133 I, i 3 5 f
I, 135 I, 144; I I ,
47-14
I, 136 I, 136 I, 129; I I ,
47-16
I, 129; I I ,
39.21 39.24-34
93 I, 144 II, 93f I, 144
47.17
I, 129; I I ,
39.30
I, 1475 II,
39.33 39-34 40.1-41.4 40.10 40.11 40.i8flF.
II, 93 II, 94 I, 145 I, 145 I, 150
47-22 48.8 48.11
I, 134 I, 136 II, 96 I, 136 I, 180; I I ,
149 i 90
34(G 31). 1-8
I, 240
Jesus Sirach 42.23 II, 93, 144 I, i46f 43-27 43.27b I, 264 43-28 I, 149; I I ,
44-17 44-19 44.20 44-21
11,94
Writers
39.7f 39.16 39.20f
II,
93
41-13 42. if.
11,95 II, 94 I, 151 11,94 I, 152
42.15 42.20 42.22-25
I, 145 II, 143 I, 1455 II,
41-4 4i.8f
93
47-12
88 88 88
48.12 49-4
120 49-4ff49.14 49-16 50.1-21 50.1-24 50.4 5o.23f 50.25
II, 96 I, 204 I, 149, 188; II, 126 I, 76, 180; II, 120 I, 131, 133 I, 271 I, 133 II, 18
Select Index of Passc^es from Ancient Jesus Sirach 50.25f.
1,
/ Maccabees 153
J
n.
i.4if.
I,
/ Maccabees 9.23ff.
I,
II, 192
79, 131 j I I , 88
51.13-20
273
I, 284, 289;
179 50.27
Writers
I, 1 5 6
290;
1-43
I, 289
9-27
I , 180
1-44
II, 193
9-35
1 , 3 7 ; I I , 30
I-44-51
I, 292
9-53 9.70-73
II, 149
188
II, 149
51.13-21
I, 1 3 1
51-13-29 51.13-30
II, 54
1.44-64
I,
II,
1-45 1.46
I, 2 9 2
10.6
I, 2 9 2
10.9
51-23
I, 7 9 , 1 3 2 ;
1-47
I, 2 9 3 I, 292
io.i3f.
II, 149 II, 194
10.14
I, 2 9 1
5i-23ff-
11,54
51-29
I, 7 9 , 1 3 2 ;
I,
132; 89
II, 54
1-49 1.51
11,54
I,
I, 1 7 0 I,
170;
11,
n o 3-24
I, 1 7 0
3-28
I,
170;
II,
no 4-2f.
287;
II,
II,
1.52
I, 289
1-54
I,
293;
II,
197
3-23
4-1
284;
188
Baruch 3-9-4-4
I Maccabees
10.1-21
II, 149 II, 149
10.15-21
II, 150
10.20
11,78
I0.29f.
I , 28
10.30 10.36
II, 14 I, 16
1-55 i.56f
I, 293
10.59-65
II, 150
I, 2 9 2
10.61
I, 291
1-59 2.16
II, 197
II.20ff.
I, 2 9 1
I, 2 8 9
II, 195
2.18
II, 193
11-34 ii.43ff.
2.24-28
I,
12.1-24
II, 150
12.6
I, 2 6 ; 1 1 , 2 1
287;
II,
192
I, 1 7 0 I, 1 7 0
I, 16
2.42
I, 1 7 5
12.6-23
I, 7 2 5 1 1 , 5 0
2.49-68
I, 1 3 6
12.10
II, 150
3-36
II, 187
12.19-23
I I , 63
I.I-IO
I, 1 8
4-38
II, 197
12.21
II, 150
1.9
1,31 I, 228, 270,
4-43
II, 1 9 7
13.31-42
I, 305
5-13
I, 2 7 6
13-49
II, 187
277,
5.20ff.
I, 24
13-49-51
I, 2 9 1
I , 3 7 ; I I , 30
II, 1 5 1
5-25 6.1
13-49-53 14.7
I, 291
I, 7 2 f ;
6.1-13
II, 66
15.15-24
11, 175
6.18
I,
I.II
288f,
293, 299; I.Iiff.
II, 193 i.i4f
I, 7 0 ; I I , 4 9
1.15
I, 7 4 ,
289;
II, 186
291;
6.21-27
I,
291;
II,
1.22
I , 280
6.24
I I , I93f
II, 187 I, 2 8 1 ;
7.12
I,
7.12ff.
II,
15.16-24
II, 34
1 5 . 2 Iff.
I, 2 9 1
15.28
I,
80;
282;
II,
187 15-33
I,
II,
2821
II,
187
119
1-34
I, 2 8 1
7.12-18
II, " 9 , 1 9 3 II, 66
1-37
I, 283
7.20-24
II, 66
1-38
I, 2 8 1
8
I, 1 8 3
1-39 1.41
1,283
8.17
I,
I, 2 8 4 , 286
I, 2 2 6
194
I.29ff.
187
II,
194
II, 5 1 , 96
i-33ff-
II,
194
64,
92,
98511,46
//
Maccabees 1.1-9
1-9 I.IO
I,
100;
II,
69 II, 201 I,
164; 107
II,
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
274 //
Maccabees
II
1 . 1 0 - 2 . 1 8 I , IOO, n o ;
Maccabees
II
4.36-38
1.13 i.i9fr.
II, 107 II, 1 9 6 11,69
4.40
I I , 183 II, 185 II, 193 I, 2 8 0 ; II,
2. Iff.
11,69
2.13 2.13ff.
I, 1 1 3 I, IOO I, 2 ; II, I ,
4.44
185 II, 2 1 , 185
2.21
67
3 3-4 3-4ff.
4-33 4.39ff.
I I , 193 I, 2 8 1 I, 2 7 6 I, 3 7 ; I I , 30 I, 7 2 ; II, 50 I, 2 7 6 ; I I ,
4.50 5-5-7 5-5-9
I, i n ; I I , 5 I, 2 7 2 , 2 7 9
5-8
IJ
5-9f-
10,
25;
5-9
182
11,7 3.5f-
1,272
3.iof.
1,272
3-11 4. Iff.
1,275 I, 1 0 ;
4.1-6
4-3 4-7-9
II, 180 I, 2 7 2 I, 2 7 7 ; I I ,
4-9
I,
4.9-14
1,70;
4.10
I, 74 I, 1 0 ,
64,
6.2
97, 2 7 1 ;
II,
5.22
183
4.11
4.12 4.13 4.14 4.18-20 4.21 4.22 4.23-32 4.27-38
I, 7 3 ; II, 5 1 I, 2 , 7 5 I, 7 3 ; I I , 5 1 1 , 7 3 ; II, 5 1 I, I I I, 2 7 9 II, 185 I, 2 8 0 ; II,
12 12-14
I, 6 8 ; I I , 48 1 , 1 6 ; II, I I I, 2 3 ; I I , 17,33
ii.29fF.
II, 194 I, 2 8 2 ; I I ,
12.17
187 1,276
I, 2 8 2 , 288 I, 2 9 0 ; I I ,
14-3 14.6
II, 149, 193 I, 9 7 ; I I , 6 7
14.19
1,64
14.26
I, 6 7 I, 2 2 9 I, 290
6.4
II, 188 I, 294 I, 2 9 9 ; I I ,
6.7
194 II, 2 9 6
193
II, 2 7 4 I, 293
12.19 12.24
120
14-33
i4-37f14-37-46
11,65
14-38 14.46
I I , 68, 1 4 9
15-36
II, 6 5 , 67
11,66
6-9 6.10-11
11,65
6.18-31
II, 65
7
11,65
4-17
U-Y
7.28
I, 1 5 7 I, 2 1 ; II, I ,
8.12
I, l O I K (E 10)
8.1
Additions to Esther
68
///
3
11.22-26
1,96 I, 290
13-12
6. I - I I
185
Letter of Aristeas
ii.i4ff-
II, 6 7 II, 201
187 96, 1 7 8 ;
I, 2 8 9 ; I I ,
6.7f.
10.7 II
1,97511,66
6.1
6,46
11,90
10.1-8
i3-3f-
II, 6 6 , 1 8 7
I I , 49
11,69
9.12
12.44
I,
5-27
7 1 ; II, 50, 184
9.8-28
I, 2 8 2 , 289 I, 2 8 1 ; I I ,
187 5-23
9.2fr.
I, 42 I, 1 6 II, 186
8.16-18
12-35 I2.42f.
II, 7 5-24ff-
Maccabees 8.11
I, 2 7 6 I, 2 7 6 I, 2 7 6 II, 1 2 0
I I , 193 II, 196 I, 2 8 8 ; I I ,
5-15 5.21
Writers
1 , 1 0 1 ; 11,70
Pseudepigrapha
Letter of Aristeas 15-16
Letter of Aristeas
1,264
II, 17
19-27
1,23;
23 31
II, 3 3 II, 1 0 7
II, I I
35f.
1,16;
47-50
I, 6 4 ; II, 4 6
121
I, 6 0 ; I I , 4 3 I, 102
1 2 iff.
Select Index of Passages from Ancient Letter of Aristeas 135-138
IV
I, 2 6 5 ; 176
I, II, II, II, I, II, 1,68; I I, I, II, n,
141
I4.5f
/ Enoch
168 171 176 177
285
II,
I, 1 9 2
3.97
1,89;
48
113
II,
331
1,74; h
4.21 8. I f . 8.19 9.15 10. i f f . I0.I2ff. 11.23 12.16-18 12.25
i5.3off. i5-33f 23.16 23.i9ff. 23.2lff. 23.3off. 32-15 46.6f 46.11 46.i3f
3.296ff.
II,
72-82 60
3.810
72.35
1,216
3 . 4 1 4 - 4 3 0 II,
4.i8of
n o
II,
72.37
52
75
1,216
I,
75-1
183;
II,
200;
I,
10.21
II, II, I, I, I, I,
12.36
I,
i.5ff.
242
5-7-9
197
5-8
135
8-3
240
II,
10.4-12
47 239
II,
126
289 150
54
14.1 14.8 i5f i5.8ff.
226 198
16.3 i7-5f i7-7f
11,39
18.10
II, II, 11,8 II,
18.11
8
18.11-19 18.16 21.6
116
2I.7ff. 22
Maccabees 27
I-1-7
11,
i.ioff.
I, 8
2.29f
II, 1 7 5
2.30f
I, 6 8 ; II, 48
5
188
90.5 90.6
117
13-8
151
90.2-6
II,
32-3-6 36-4 42 52
I, I, I, 1,190 I, I, I, I, I, I, -31, I, I, I, I, I, I, I, II,
117,157 157 157 155 158 155 155 155 137
I,
180;
1.188 1.187
I,
179;
9o.6f
204
90.6-19
204
90.8
1.188
90.9ff.
II, II,
190
90.9-13
243
90.15
197
90.18-26
197
90.19
197
90.19-42
192
90.21 90.24f.
201
90.33
201
90.35
192
90-37f
198
90.41
198
91-104
208
207
103,137 129
91.1 9i.6fF. 91.10
II,
120
204
190
II,
II,
176, 192;
1,187
190
197;
199
204
89-73
89.65-71
241;
117 190
89.72-77
89-65
132 208
201
1,204 1,187 1.187
135
161
240
228;
82.10-20 84-3
I Enoch
60
80.4-6 82.4flF.
133
51
233
II, I, II, 11, I, I, I, I, I, II, I, II, IJ I, I,
8 Psalms of Solomon 17.16
71.1
123
I.IO
4.6
198
3 . 1 1 0 - 1 5 8 I, 2 6 6
4 . 4 9 - 1 9 2 I, Jubilees
1,99,187
69.11
3.9if
68;
313
67 Sibyllines 3.1-92
48
85-1
56.5
107
113
272
85-90
53f
II, 6 7
107
102
I, II, I, I, I, I, 11, II, II, II, II, n, n, II,
I, 1 6 7
300;
202
///
275
Maccabees
i.i6f
II,
Writers
II,
120
116 185
1,179 1,188 1,200 1,200
II,
134
1,188 II,
i33f
I, I, I, I, I I, ,
192 196 208 190 189 179
1,216
I, I, II,
192
199, 208; 133
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
276
I Enoch
I Enoch 91.12
II,
91.12-17
I,
9i.i4f.
I,
92
208 I , 200 I , 168, 190 I , 1 7 6 , 188, 193; I I , 117 I, 180; I I , 120 I, 1685 I I ,
100.10
134
Ascension of Isaiah I , 201; I I ,
168, 188,
190511,117 200
131 io3.2ff.
I , 199
104.2
I,
93 93-1-10 93-9 93-9f93.10
I,
94-104 98.4-8 98.15
I,
99.10
I,
I, I,
no 180 208 140, 190 114 208
Rule
(I QS) 1.1-2.18 I.IO 1.12 2.2f.
I I , 146 I I , 152 I , 223; I I , 146 I,
222
3 . 1 3 - 4 . 2 4 I , 153 3 . 1 5 - 4 . 2 6 I , 2l8fr. 3.i6fr. 3.i8fr.
I I , 153 I I , IOO
3.19 3.22f.
I I ,
4.1
153 I , 223; I I , 146 230;
I,
5 8
4.i5f1,238 4.20-23 I , 2 2 3 J I I , 146 4.22 4.23
II,
4.24-26
I , 220; I I ,
5.5f.
I,
I,
203 2 2 3 , 238
144 244; I I , 165
II, II,
///
193 194
Ezra
3.1-5.6
I I , 68
2ff.
I I ,
136
7-2
I,
153
13.2
I,
82
14.6
II,
Aramaic 1,30 I,
4-47
I I ,
4-49
II,
4.53
I,
IV
15 15
30;
185
Fragment
205
Testament of Naphtali II,
24
5.8
182
I,
Ezra
8.44 i4.39fr.
1,146511,94
Life of Adam and Eve
I I , 137
49f.
1,242
Qumran Writings
Community Rule ( i Q S ) 5.8fr. I , 223; I I , 146 5.20-24
I , 2225 I I , 146
5.23f. 1,246 9.23-26 I I , 154 10.1-17 I , 234; I I , 10.4 10.23 ii.3f.
1 4 7 , 157 1,246 I I , 147 I , 222; I I , 146
11.5-8
II,
152
I I , 66
5.2-14
Assumption of Moses
IV Community
2.8-11
Testament of Levi
196
I,
92-104
Writers
ii.iof. II.19
I , 222; I I , 143, 146 1,231 II,
144
Associated Community Rule ( I Q S a ) 1.6-8 I , 8 2 ; I I , 55 Psalms of Thanks giving ( i Q H ) i.7f.
I,
219; 144
I I ,
Psalms of Thanksgiving ( i Q H ) i.9fr. I.26f.
II, 154,157 I I , 154
3-19-36
II,
3-29-36 4.13
II,
4.16 4-27 4-29-5-4 4-34-36
151 135 I I , 151 11,43 151 151 225;
II, II, I,
4-38
I,
5-5-19
I,
5-9
II,
5.11
II,
149
5-17 5-36 6.i3f. 6.i7fr. 7.12 8.6
II,
149
8.21-26 10.8 12.1-12
II,
149 219 224 149
II,
144, 151
II,
151 135 151 146
N , N ,
II,
37 1,232 II,
II,
147
Select Index of Passages from Ancient Writers Psalms
of
giving
Thanks
(i
i2.5ff.
Genesis
QH) H, 154
12.9
1,234
12.11-13
II, 146
18.15
I J 223
Apocryphon
(Gen.
4 Q Astrological
Apoc.)
ments
20.25-30
I, 2 4 0
21.8-19
II, 64
9, 1 9 6 4 )
Document
(CD) I.I-IO 1.5-11
I,
225;
II,
I,
149 179;
II,
Commen
I,
3.20
1,223
io.i4ff. 12.10 12.16 i4.9f. i6.3f. War
i75f-;iij 116
II, 1 1 9 I, 5 3 I, 5 3 II, 5 1 1,61; II, II, 1 4 5
I2.8f.
Scroll
(i
QM)
lo.iofF.
II, 146
Genesis
Apocryphon
(Gen. 2.2of.
Apoc.) 1,204
8.8-10
II, 150
8.ioff.
I,
12.27 21.25 2313
cy
225;
II, 1 6 0 I, 2 4 1 II, 1 9 9 II, 1 1 3
II,
9.4ff.
II,
150,193
ii.i3f.
II,
150
12.9
I, 2 2 5 f . ; I I ,
Fragments
from
Mirrwrial
51-66
3-18
DJDJ
I)
5-7 io.5ff. 15.21
11,67
145 3 4 bis
II,
Enoch
Fragments
2.46ff.
55
IV)
Plea
I,
177
Sirach
I,
156
Zion
I,
177
DavComp
I, 1 3 6 , 2 0 6 ;
65, 1958) 30-32 4
II, 138
QPs.
37
II,
4.10
II.19 11.52 15.18 15.21
12.21
New
II, n o ,
148
4.36
158
Testament Acts
I, 2 4 1 II, 1 1 3 II, 1 9 9 II, 1 9 9
5.24 5.26 6 6.1
7.48
I,
190
8. Iff. 8.4ff. 8.9 8.11
Acts
4.1
II,
II,
155
145,147
(4 QHen; Milik, RB
1.6 Luke
237;
I, 80, 1 7 6 ; II, 1 1 8 , 1 6 5 I, 1 7 8
154
I, 2 2 0 f . j I I ,
John
I, 1 0 5 II, 2 0 1 I, 309
I,
Cin1964)
160
7-35-53 Mark
du
quantenaire...,
Cave
I (I Q; DJD 27
Prophe
(J. Starcky, in
I I QPs» (Sanders,
Luke
Matthew
4 Q Messianic
149,193
V
2
225f.;II,
I,
1,237
2-6
150
44
Col. I l l
150 8.11
120 1.5-12
1,237
509 Habakkuk
Frag
(Allegro, J S S
Col. I I
tary (1 QpHab) Damascus
277
1,313 1,25 I, 1 0 5
ii.i9ff. 11.28 12.12
I, 2 5 I, 2 5 I, 105 1,2 I, 309 I, 2 9 6 II, 180 I, 3 1 3
n, 1 6 3 II,
163
1,105,313 1,240
1,105
278
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
Acts
12.25 13-1 13-5 13.6 13.8 13.13 15.22 15.27 15.32 15.37 16.17 I7.27f. I9.I2ff.
21.10
Philippians
/ Corinthians
I, 105 I, 105 I, 105 II, 163 II, 163 1,105
I, 105 I, 105; II, 71 I, 105 I, 105 II, l O I II, 107 I, 308; II, 163 I, 240
5.11 8.6 9.16 10.20 15.32 15.44 15.50
3-4 3.21
11,96
I I , 112 1,216
Colossicms
I I , 177 I I , 84
4.10
2.14f. 2.i7fr. 9. I f f .
//
I, 200
Timothy
I, 105 i 71
Corinthians
1.19 4.4
I I , 71 I, 190
I Peter
II, 75
2.9 Galatians i.i3f
3.i9fF.
II Peter 1,105511,71
2.3
1,309
II, 75
Hebrews
2.2 II, 114 II, 115 II, 204
I, 105
1,200
Ephesians Romans
11,71
I, 200
3.15 II
Writers
I.IO
Revelation
Philippians
2.15
II, 112 II, 112
1.2 I, 190
I, 308
2.9
I, 197
VI Rabbinic Writings I . Mishnah
Sanhedrin
Aboth I.I
I,
26, 7 9 , 308;
II,
54,
113
i.if 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.6
i.iob I.I3
2.14a 3.14 4-1 6.2a 6.3
I, 1 3 6 I, 1 3 1 , 1 6 1 I, 6 4 , 1 2 8 I, 8 o f , 1 4 3 i I I , 5 4 , I, 8 o f ; I I , 5 4 I, 30 I, 82 II, 1 1 5 I, 1 7 1 ; I I , I I I II, 92 I, 1 7 2 II, 1 1 3
4.5
I,
10.1
I, 3 0 1 ;
Shebiith io.3ff.
I,
174
61;
11,215
II,
44
Sukkah 93
5.4d 5.8c
II, 1 5 9 I, 2 7 9
Taanith 4-7
II,
196
Yadayim 4.6
I,
75
Yoma 3.11
II,
54
Berakoth 5-1
II,
119
Abodah
Pesahim 4.9a
2. Babylonian Talmud
I,
241
43a
Zarah
II,
176
Select Index of Passages from Bdba
j. Ketuboth
Bathra
II, 6 2 I, 8 2 ; I I , 5 5
i6b 2ia
I,
j.
I,
I I , 55
I,
821
II, 55
Megillah
172;
II,
113
Abodah Zarah 1.20 (I.461) Makshirin
15b
I, 207 II, 5 6
16a
11, 155
Sukkah
3.4
Kiddushin 30b
81;
4. Tosephta (Zuckermandel)
Hagigah 14b
I,
148
Erubin 13a
32c
73d
Berakoth
loa
279
Ancient Writers
II, 1 1 4
(I.675)
1,53
4.28(1.200)
II,
1,279,283;
II,
92
185, 187
Megillah 3a
I,
213;
I,
172
II,
140
Nedarim 32a
Genesis Rabba 1.4
II,
10.7
119
44-12
Shabbath
I,
88a
172;
II,
113
Sanhedrin 58b 59a 67b
iiib
I, 1 7 1 ; I I , I I I I, 1 7 2 ; I I , 1 1 3 I, 1 4 5 II, 62, 141 II, 1 1 5 I, 1 4 8 II, 1 5 6 II, 1 1 6
I.I
Niddah 38a/b
5. Midrashim
44-17 68.9 78.1
II, n o II, n o I, 1 7 1 II, 2 0 4
98.9
Exodus Rabba
II,
15.22
III
Leviticus Rabba
Sofa/i
I, 1 4 8 II, 1 1 4
4.8
I,
49b
76;
II,
53
Taanith
34.3
Deuteronomium Rabba
27a
11,36
28b
II,
I,
2.26, 2 7
148
196
Ruth Rabba
II,
47b
204
II,
129
.^6of/z rfe i?. Natan (Schechter)
ch.
5
I,
II, II, II,
19.1 19.20 20.2
3. Jerusalem Talmud (Krotoschin edition) Hagigah
-j-jd.
112 108 115
128
Sifre
Numeri
6.25 § 4 1
j.
56
Mekilta Exodus (Lauterbach)
Zebahim ii6a
II,
2.13
112
Sifre Deuteronomium I I . 1 0 §37
Midrash
II, 112
II,
1 0 4 §3
II, I I I
Tehillim (Buber)
I, 2 3 2 ; I I ,
155
28o
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
Pesikta (Buber)
loia
Jerusalem I
I, 1 7 3 ; I I , 1 1 4
on Gen. on Gen.
6. Targumim
I, 1 4 6 II, 122
1.29 2.7
Targum on the Prophets
Jerusalem I
on Gen.
Writers
I, 1 7 3
1.27
VII
Jewish Hellenistic
on Isa. 4 0 . 2 2
II, I I I
on Isa. 66.iff.
II, i n
Writings
For fragments not mentioned here (Demetrius the Chronographer, Ezekiel the Tragedian, Cleodemus Malchus, the historian Aristeas and Philo the Elder), see Index of Names and Subjects Aristobulus (Eusebius, Prep. Ev.)
Anonymous Samaritan FGrHist 7 2 4 F i II, 65 FGrHist 7 2 4 F 1.2 I, 89 j I I , 60 FGrHist 7 2 4 F 1.3 I, 8 9 f ; I I ,
6 1 , 200
FGrHist 7 2 4 F 1.8 I, 9 0 ; I I , 6 1 FGrHist 7 2 4 F 1.9 I, 89; I I , 60 FGrHist 7 2 4 F 2 I I , 60 Aristobulus (Eusebius, Prep. Ev.)
13.12.9-16
I, 1 6 4 I, 1 6 4 I, 1 6 5 , 1 6 8 I, 1 6 4 I, 1 6 5 I, 1 6 5 I, 1 6 5 II, 1 0 7 II, 1 0 9 I, 1 6 5 I, 1 6 5 ; I I , 1 0 8 II, 1 0 7 I, 1 6 5 , 2 6 5 I, 1 6 4 ; I I , 1 0 7 I, 1 6 4 ; I I , 1 0 7 I, 1 6 6 ; I I , 1 0 8 II, 1 0 6
13.12.10f
I, 1 6 7
13.12.11
I, I, I,
8.10.2 8.10.3 8.10.4 8.10.5 8.10.7-11 8.10.15 8.10.17 13.11.2 13.11.3 I3-II.4 13.12.5f 13.12.7 13.12.7f 13.12.8 13.12.9 13.12.9-11
13.12.11a 13.12.11f.
163; 130; 166
13.12.12
I, 1 6 7
13.12.13
I, 1 6 6 ; I I , 1 0 9
13.12.13-16
I, 1 6 7
13.12.15
I, 1 6 7
Artapanus FGrHist FGrHist FGrHist FGrHist FGrHist
7 2 6 F 3.3 I I , 6 1 726 F 3.4,7 1 , 1 7 ; II, 12 7 2 6 F 3-6 I I , 6 i f 7 2 6 F 3.2 i f I I , 62 7 2 6 F 3 . 3 2 I I , 62
Eupolemus FGrHist 7 2 3 F i
6 3 , 65
FGrHist 7 2 3 F 2b FGrHist 7 2 3 F 4
1 , 9 3 ; I I , 64 1 , 9 3 ; I I , 64
Josephus Contra Apionem 1.6-14
11,58
i.iif
11,58
1.14
1,108
1.41
1,136
1.113
I, 9 4 ; I I , 1 9 1 , 1 9 9 II, 1 9 1 , 1 9 9 II, 1 6 6 I, 5 9 ; I I , 4 3 I, 2 5 7 ; I I , 1 7 0 II, 1 6 3 II, 1 6 9 II, 3 9
1.118 I.i63ff. 1.176-181 1.176-182
I I , 105 I I , 88
I, 941.; I I ,
1.176-183 1.180-189 1.187
Select Index of Passages from Ancient Writers Josephus
Antiquitates
Contra Apionem
I.I92f.
II, 7 6 , 1 0 5 I, 3 1 ; I I , 2 5 II, 7 6
1.197
11,40
i.iSyff. 1.192
1.200-205
II,
169
1.20 Iff.
I, 3 1 ; 1 1 , 2 5 , 7 6
II, 1 6 9 I, 1 8 5 II, I I II, I I II, 18 I, 8, 2 7 , 2 6 9 ; I I , 5 ,
2-43 2.48
22
2.168
I, 6 8 ; I I , 48 II, I I II, 1 8 6 II, 1 7 2 I, 2 6 6 ; I I , 1 7 6
2.i68ff.
II,
2.183
I, 3 1 3 I, 8 2 ; I I , II, 1 3 3 II, 1 7 6 I, 2 6 1 II, 1 1 2
2.65 2.7 If. 2.83 2.148
2.204 2.218 2.255ff. 2.258 2.277
12.138
I, 9 ; I I , 6 I, 5 3 ; I I , 6 II, 2 1
12.138-144
I, 1 0 , 2 7 i f ; I I , 6,
12.139
I,
12.142
I, 2 6 , 7 8 , 1 3 3 , 2 7 1 ;
12.135 12.136
180
1.223-253 I.232ff. 2.35 2.42
I, 2 6 9 ; I I ,
12.224
I,
I2.i58ff. 12.159 12.160 12.161 12.162 12.168 12.169
12.175-185 12.186 I2.i86f 12.186-222 I2.i87ff.
1.144 1.158-161 1.166-168 2.39-59 4.211 7.67 8.44 8.46-49 8.147 10.278 11.184-296 11.344 I2.7f 12.22 12.125
I2.I29f.
I2.i96f.
I, 2 4 2 I, 1 9 2 I, 2 4 2 I, 3 0 2 ; I I , 2 0 2 II, 6 1 I, I I I I, 8 2 ; I I , 5 5 II, 5 2 I, 1 3 0 ; I I , 88 I, 2 4 1 ; I I , 1 6 3 II, 1 9 1
I2.i96ff. 12.200
i79f
131, 268f;
179
12.233
I, 7 2 ; I I , 5 0 , 63 II, 1 7 9 I, 1 3 1 ; I I , 1 8 0 I, 2 7 3 I, 2 7 5 II, 1 8 1 II, 1 8 1
II
12.234 12.236
1,275 II, 1 8 2
I2.237ff. 48
12.238
6
12.239
II, 1 8 5 I, 1 3 1 I, 2 8 1
11,92 11,70
II, 1 9 5 I, 1 6 ; I I , I, 2 6 6 I, 6 8 ; I I , I, 1 0 ; I I ,
6
I2.22lf.
12.158
12.191
1.69-71
II,
12.206
12.155 12.157-185
I2.i75ff. 55
10;
II, 2 1 II, 1 7 5 , 1 8 7 I, 2 2 ; I I , 1 6 I, 2 6 8 ; I I , 1 7 9 II, 1 7 9 I, 2 7 ; I I , 2 1 II, 1 8 7 I, 2 6 7 I, 2 7 0 ; I I , 2 2 II, 6 1 I, 2 7 0 ; I I , 6 1 , 1 7 9 I, 2 2 ; I I , 1 6 I, 28 I, 2 2 ; I I , 1 6 I, 2 6 9 I, 2 6 9 I, 7 6 ; I I , 5 3 II, 1 7 9 I, 2 6 9 ; I I , 1 7 9 I, 5 9 ; I I , 4 3 I, 5 9 i I I , 4 3 I, 2 6 9 ; I I , 1 7 9 I, 2 7 0 II, 1 7 9
I2.i47ff.
12.175
ii4f.
Antiquitates 1.106
281
I2.226f. 12.228-236 12.229 12.229-236 12.230-233 12.231
II,
282
Select Index of Passages from Ancient Writers
Josephus Antiquitates 12.240 12.241 12.246 12.257 12.258 12.259 12.261 12.262 12.263 12.325 12.384 12.385 12.387 13-74-79 13.166 i3-i7iff13.236-248 i3.249fr. i3.288fr. 13-299 13-311-313 13-318 14.25-28 14.54 14.255 i4.26of. 15.160 15-371 15-373 i6.2fr. 17-345-348 I8.II
18.14 18.18 i9-297f19.298 20.17-96
De bello Judaico II, 184
n,
193
II, 186 II, 55 II, 285
1,294 1,267,294; II, 196 1,285,294
1,294 I, 298f. I, 288 I, 288 II, 186 I, 64J I I , 106 I, 26; I I , 121 I, 306; I I , 144, 150, 203 I, 266; I I , 150 I, 16 I, 306; I I , 203 I, 307 j I I , 203 II, 161 II, 53 II, 53 II, 36 II, 5 1 , 62
I, 68 II, 22 I, 245
1.32 1-33 i.68f. 1.78-80
7-44f7.423
1,231,241511,154 II, 167 II, 133 I, 240 I, 243; I I , 164 I, 2i9f.; I I , 144
II, 133 II, I I
11,40 1,216 I, 274; I I , 182 II, 186
Vita 4-7 II
359
II, 120 I, 775 I I , 53 I, 77
Philo 3 142
I, 81; I I , 55 II, 218 II, 133 II, 53 I, 131 115,204
De bello Judaico I-3I
5-159 6.300-309
11,2 2 II, 190 I, 70; I I , 49 I, 240; I I , 162 I, 81; I I , 55 I, 745 I I , 51 I, 236; I I , 147 I, 240
De opificio mundi
I, 7 7 5 I I , 53 II, 179 I, 240; I I , 162
1,307; I I ,
1-395 1.414 1.422 2.11 i f . 2.119 2.123 2.128 2.136 2.142 2.152f. 2.154-159 2.159 2.i6of. 2.162 2.163 2.487ff.
I, 281J I I , 185 I, 281; I I , 193 II, 186 I, 307; I I , 203 II, 161
II, 130 II, 130
De gigantibus 6ff. I, 234 8 I, 235 De confusione linguarum 2f. I, 301; I I , 202 106 II, 130 De vita Mosis I-31
I, 301
Quod omnis probus liber sit 84
I I , 154
Quaestiones in Exodum I I , 153
on Ex. 1.23
Select Index of Passages from Ancient Writers Ps.-Philo (Kisch) 60.2 II,
283
Theodotus FGrHist 7 3 2 F i ( = Eusebius, Prep.
Ev.
9.22)
I, VIII Aeschylus,
Chrysippus (SVF)
I, 1 9 0 ; I I , 1 2 7
II, 124
22.13.1
II,
2 . 2 6 5 Fr. 9 1 8
II, 1 5 4
2 . 2 7 7 Fr. 9 5 4 . 1 5 - 2 0 I I , 1 6 1
Ammianus Marcellinus 19.1.2
6if.
Graeco-Roman Secular Writing
Prometheus
454-505
II,
89;
190
2 . 2 9 3 Fr. 1000
II, 1 5 4
2.305 Fr. 1 0 2 1
II, 94, 1 7 6
2 . 3 3 5 Fr. 1 1 6 9
I I , 95
Appian, Punica
I,
132
182;
ApoUonius Molon FGrHist 7 2 8 F i F3 =
c. Ap.
Apuleius,
2. 1 4 8
II,
122
De
II, 173 II,
172,177
Aristophanes, Peace
I, 1 9 7
Aristotle, Nicomachean
Ethics
(By-
1 1 2 5 b U.33-35
I,
11,109
3.6.1.
87;
II,
I, 2 3 6
2.56
II,
174
II,
57
II, II,
132
In
Pisonem
De re 3.33
II, 51
6.13
publica 103
Claudius lolaus FGrHist 788 F 4
Deipnosophistae
II, 50
4.157b
I, 8 5 i I I , 5 7
5.201a
II, 29
i2.527e/f
I, 5 5 ; I I , 4 1
1 . 1 1 1 Fr. 4 9 5
II,
i2.536e
I, 1 3 0 ; I I , 88
1.112
Fr. 4 9 9
I,
15.692c
II, 41
Berossus FGrHist
Cleanthes (SVF)
F 4.14!. I, 2 4 2 ; I I , I,
191;
II,
510
164 1.125
128
Fr.
II,
i94.8FR.
I, i 2 2 f . ; I I , 83
237.ioofr.
I I , 84
II,
159
I,
i48i
(Quinms) Curtius Rufus, Hist.
(Photius,
BiW.; Bekker) I, 2 1 3 ; I I , 140
Alex.
II, I I
Damascius, Vita Isidori 345b
II,
94, 1 5 4 I I , 60
549
4.6.31
Cercidas (Knox, L C L )
Chairemon FGrHist 6 1 8 F 6
Fr.
i.i2ifr. Fr. 5 3 7
Censorinus, De die natali 18.II
i04f. 236;
159 1.114
680
58
deorum
2.28.71
Alex.
Arrian, Anabasis
142
Definibus
70
water)
Athenaeus,
II,
De natura
1,215
S32S.
divinatione
1.30, 6 3 ! .
4.56
Metamorphoses
11.23.8
Cicero
II,
202
Democrims (Diels-Kranz) Fr. 30 II, 170
284
Select
Index
of Passages
from
Ancient
Herachtus (Diels-Kranz)
Demosthenes, Orationes 52.20 I, 32; 11, 26
Fr. 1 0 ( l l . i 5 2 f . )
I,
67.14
11, 1 7 7
Fr. 94 (I.172)
Dio Chrysostom
n,
11,75
1.29-45 1.65.2
1.27.4
II, 102
1.96
I, I92f.
2.1-34
I, 1 8 2 ; II, 122 I, 201; I I , 1 3 5
1.86-91 1-95 1.105
2.59.2
II, 1 7 1 13.108 II, 6 7 II, 1 5 19.95-2 19.98 I, 44; I I , 3 5 I9.98.I II, 1 5 Fragmenta (see Hecataeus) 40.3 I, 1 7 , 5 0 , 7 2 ; I I , 40-3-6
2.44 2.81
11,64
II,
61
2.Ill
1 1 ,
75
2.121
1 1 ,
75
3-36
12, 3 9 , 50
3.91
n, 2 2
4-205
11,69
9.108-113
II,
1-3
11,58
1-9
II,
6.101
1,84;
3.62
II,
1.26-32
56
2.16
1,72
II,
1.18
30
156-173
II,
122
252ff.
II,
85
Theogony
I,
233;
I,
211
II,
156
22S. 115
Homer
Medea
Iliad
I,
150;
Hecataeus FGrHist 264 F 6
II, I,
95
256;
II,
169
FGrHist 264 F 6.2 I,
256;
II,
169
FGrHist FGrHist FGrHist FGrHist
I, 3 7 f . ; I I , II, 2 6 , 3 2
Works and Days I, i 8 2 ; j l l , 1 2 2 109-201
36
Euripides Belleroph. (Nauck^) Fr. 2 9 2 I, 2 2 ; I I , 843
75
Hesiod
Medica
Diphilus 83
23
Herondas
170
Dioscorides, Materia (Reinach)
Fr.
1-131 2.3.1
75
1 1 ,
I, 7 2 ; II, 50 II, 7 5 I, 1 8 2 II, 1 7 2 I, 2 9 5 ; II, 198 I, 9 0 ; II, 6 1
II, 7 5 II, 130 I, 28f.; II,
Diogenes Laertius
7.30
I, 201
Herodotus, History 1.8-13
198
Diodore
2.30f.
148;
95
Dio Cassius
12.61
Writers
264 F 6.4 1 , 7 2 ; II, 50 264 F 6.5f. II, 2 2 264 F 6.6 1 , 1 7 ; I I , 1 2 264 F 6.8 I, 50
6.208
I, 6 7 ; ' I I , ' 4 7
11.784
I, 6 7 ; : i l , * 4 7
Odyssey 6.207 10.508-515 10.515 24.11
II, 1 9 6 I, 198 I, 198 I, 198
Horace, Epistulae 2.184 I,
45;
II,
36
II,
Select
Index
of Passages from
Ancient
Isocrates
Fragments
Fr. Fr. Fr. Fr. Fr. Fr. Fr. Fr.
Busiris
II,
II
166
Panegyricus
I,
4.50
65;
II,
46
Justin, Epitome
I,
36.3
II,
44f.;
35f.
Livy 41.20.5ff.
II, 190
9.9
I, 26of.; I I , 1 7 1
Lucian ( L C L ) 6 (4.82ff.)
425 481 538 593 759
83
I, 2 1 2
Pausanias
Philopseudes 33ff. (3.370ff.)
II, 140
Lucretius, De rerum 2.1144-1174
Macrobius,
II, 129
II,
Ps. Manetho FGrHist 609 F 2 5
I, 1 4 2 ; I I ,
4.14 4.436-440
II, 1 4 1
126
Apology
141
2jd
1,233
Leges
Indica 8
Phlegon of Tralles FGrHist 2 5 7 F 3 6 I I I I, 1 8 6 ; I I , Plato
I, 2 1 4 ; I I , II, 154
F
156 198
Astronomica
737
Philo Byblius FGrHist 7 9 0 F 1.23 I I , 62 FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2.2 I, 2 3 3 ; I I ,
FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2 . 1 5 I I , 200 FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2.20 II, 1 5 6
164
Megasthenes,
1,295
173
Manetho FGrHist 609 F 1 0 I I , 169
1.30
I, 2 8 5 i I I , 1 9 0
FGrHist 7 9 0 F 2 . 7 I, 2 9 7 ; I I ,
Saturnalia
I9f.
5.12.4 7.22.4
natura
J. Lydus, De mens. (Wiinsch) 4 . 5 3 (I09f.) 1 , 2 6 0 ; II, 1 7 1 , 1 7 6
FGrHist
410
I, 1 2 4 I I , 85 I I , 83 I, 1 2 2 ; I I , II, 83 I I , 85 I I , 85 I I , 83
Parmenides (Diels-Kranz) Fr. I I, 2 1 1
Nekyomanteia
Manihus,
187 291
Nechepso-Petosiris (Riess) Fr. I (322) I, 2 1 4 ; I I , I40f. Fr. 33 (380) I , 2 1 4 ; I I , 1 4 1
Ps. Longinus, De sublim.
1.18,
285
Writers
I,
2575
170
II,
676S.
1,291
896e-897d
I, 1 6 3
Phaedrus
Menander of Ephesus FGrHist 7 8 3 F i II, 199
248e/249a
1,201
Philebus
Menander
(comicus)
Epitrepontes
30b-d
(LCL)
I, 1 5 4 ; I I , 98
875ff. ( i i 6 f f . ) I, 1 2 2 J I I , 83
Politicus
Kolax
269C/274
I,
269d
II,
273b
I I , 105
26f. 4 2
(LCL)
I,
122
J II,
83
191
104
286
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
Plato
Polybius
Republic 414b
Writers
16.18 I, 2 5 6 ; IIj 1 6 9
26.1.10
I, 9; 11, 6 I, 286 I, 2 8 5 5 1 1 , 1 9 0
421a
II, 169
26.1.II
435e/436a
1,38
30.25.13
I, 2 8 6
614b
I, r 8 6
30.26.9
I, 280
6i4bfr.
II, 1 3 1
3i.3-3f-
I I , 188
617a
I, 1 9 1
3I-4-9
I, 280
38.22
I, 1 8 2 ; I I , 1 2 2
Timaeus 22b/23c
1,291
Porphyry
30a.5
II, 105
32c
II, 122
34b.3f.
I, 1 6 3 ; I I , 1 0 4
34b.8f.
I, 1 6 3 J I I , 1 0 4
Fragments
34c.4f.
I, 1 6 3 ; II, 104
F G r H i s t 2 6 0 F 45f. I, 9 ; I I , 6
36e/37a
I, 1 6 3 ; II, 104
FGrHist 260 F 49
I, 2 7 7 ; II,
37C.7
I,
39c/ci
I, 1 9 1
FGrHist 260 F 5 6
183 I, 1 1 ; II, 8
1 6 3 ; II,
De ahstinentia
I, 1 6 3 ; I I , 1 0 4
41b. I
I, 1 6 3 ; I I , 1 0 4
5ia.7
II, 105
92C.7
II,
105
Ps. Plato, Axiochus I, 2 1 1 ; II, 1 4 0
Plautus, Rudens prol. 9fF.
Posidonius F G r H i s t 87 F 7 0
I, 2 5 8 f . ; I I , 170
FGrHist 87 F 109.2 II, 1 7 7 Servius, Schol. ad Aen. 4.638
I, 2 6 2 ; I I , 1 7 4
Solin (Reinach) I, 2 0 1 ; II, 1 3 4
Pliny the Elder 12.115
I, 2 1 3 ; I I , 1 4 0
104
4oa.5
371a
4.6
35-5
11,36
Strabo II, 36
I, 6 5 ; I I , 4 6
1.4.9 16.1.6
I, 2 3 6
De Iside et Osiride
16.2.2
I, 2 4 ; I I , 1 8
47
16.2.24
I, 8 6 ; I I , 58
16.2.29
I, 83f.; I I , 5 6
16.2.34
II, 195 I, 2 5 8 f . ; I I , 1 7 0
Plutarch
I , 1 9 3 ; IIj 1 2 9
Quaestiones conviviales 4.6
II, 175
Polybius
16.2.35-37 16.2.37 16.2.38
II, 1 7 1 I, 2 5 9 ; II, 1 7 0
5.45.io-46.5f.I, 7 ; II, 4
16.2.41
I, 4 4 ; II, 3 5
5.61-66
I, 8 ; I I , 4
17.1.15
I, 4 5 ; II, 3 6
5.68-71
I, 8; II, 4
17.1.19
I, 3 0 0 ; I I , 202
5.70
II, 10
5.40.1
5.70.10 5.70f.
II, 14
1,21 I, 8; 1 1 , 4
Suetonius, Divm 31.1
Augustus 1,185
Tacitus, Histories
5.71.I-IO
II, 32
5.71.11
I , 8; I I , 5
2.78
5.86.10
II, 4
5-2-5
I, 2 9 5 I, 2 6 1 ; II, 1 7 3
Select
Index
of Passages
Ancient
De re rustica
176
1,301
5-6
II, II,
5.8.2
I, 3065 II, 1 2 2
5.5
1 7 2 , 1 7 5 , 201 36
Theocritus I4.58fr.
I, 3 7 ; II, 30
1.1.8 II, 30 Ant. rer. hum. et. div. (Agahd) Fr. I 1 5 a I, 2 6 2 J II, 1 7 4 Fr. I 1 5 c II, 174 Fr. I 58b I, 2 6 0 ; I I , 1 7 1 Fr. I 5 9 I, 2 6 0 ; I I , 1 7 1
Virgil, Eclogue 4
Theophilus FGrHist 7 3 3 II, 1 6 4
I, I 9 3 ; H , 1 2 5
Vettius Valens 6.1
Theophrastus Hist, plant.
I, 2 1 4 ; II,
i4of.
Xenophon
2.6.8 9.6.1 9-7-I
II, 3 5 I, 4 4 ; II, II, 3 5
35
F
2565
Memorahilia
Fragments
FGrHist
287
Writers
Varro
Tacitus, Histories 5.4 II, 5.4f.
from
737
I,
6
II,
169
Theopompus FGrHist 1 1 5 F 64
1.4
II,
2.1.13
II, 5 7
2.1.21-34
I, 1 4 0 , 1 5 6 ; II, 9 1
92
Zeno (SVF) Fr. 102 (I.28)
I, 2 6 2 ; II, 1 7 4
Fr. 147 (I.40)
II, 1 3 7
I, 196^ II,
Fr. 162(11.42!.) 1 , 1 6 0 ; II,
130
Fr.
Valerius Maximus, Epitome 1.3.3 I, 263 J I I , 1 7 4
264-267
103
(11.6if.) II, 198
Fr. 5 5 2 (I.125)
1 , 1 6 0 ; II,
103
Collections of Manuscripts, Papyri, Inscriptions, etc.
IX
Corpus Inscriptionum
Anthologia Graeca (Beekby)
Judaicarum
I I , 85
(Frey)
7.417.1-6
I, 8 5 ; II, 5 7
2.15 No. 749
7.419.55.
I, 8 5 ; II, 5 7
2.105 N o . 808
11,178
7.727
I, 1 2 3 ; II,
2.332f. N o . 1404
I, 8 2 ; I I , 5 5
7.748
I, 1 9 7
2.445 N o . 1 5 3 7 / 3 8
I,
12.256
II, 57
7.245
16.296.5-7 Catalogus
83
1,68111,48
264;
II,
176
I, 8 5 ; II, 5 7
Codicum
Astrologorum
Corpus Papyrorton
Judaicarum
(Tcherikover-Fuks)
Graecorum 7.129-151
I, 1855 II, 1 2 5
8.3.i34ff.
I, 2 1 5 ; II, 1 4 2
8.3.135
I, 2 4 1 ; I I , 1 6 3
Corpus Hermeticum
i.ii8fF. No. I 1.125N0. 3 i . i 2 5 f F . N o . 4.5
(Noek-
1,22, 267!.;
II,
Fesmgifere)
16, 178
1 , 6 2 ; II, 44 I, 5 9 ,
2681
II, 4 3 , 1 7 8
I.I
I,
1.4
1,215
215;
II,
16.2
I, 2 i 2 f . ; I I ,
23.5
1,215
23.44
1,215
141
1.129
No. 6
i.i78f. No. 5 140
1,21; II,
II,
180
i.239fF. N o . 1 2 9
II, 1 6 5
2.36fr. N o . 1 5 3 3.117 No. 519
II, 48 II, 5 1
15
Select Index of Passages from Ancient
288 Corpus Papyrorum
Judaicarum
(Tcherikover-Fuks) 3.ii9fr. N o . 520 I, 1 8 5 ; I I , 125 3.164 No. 1532a
II, 54
Writers
Oxyrhynchus Papyri (GrenfeU, etc.) 11.1381
I, 2 1 3 ; I I , 1 4 0
22.2332
I, i 8 4 f . ; I I , 1 2 4
Spicilegium Syriacum (Ciureton 1885)
Demotic Chronicle (Spiegelberg)
Col. 3 . 1 6
I, 1 8 4
Greek epitaphs (Peek)
N o . 15 No. 139 No. 1 5 1 . 9
I I , 85 I, 123; I I , 83 I, 123; I I , 83
No. 162.13
I 5 123; I I , 83
No. 164
I I , 85
N o . 288.5
1= 123; IIj 83
N o . 308.7f.
I, 123; I I , 83
N o . 371
I, i23f.; I I , 83
Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae
(Dittenberger) 264; II, 1 7 6
37
I5
70-72
I, 2 6 4 ; I I , 1 7 6
73
I, 2 6 4 ; I I , 1 7 6 264; II, 1 7 6
74
IJ
95
II, 189
97-100
II, 189
249-251
II, 190
593
II3
34
P. Cowley (Cowley, Aramaic Papyri) 30.15 81
II, 199 I, 1 6 , 34, 3 6 , 6 3 ; II, I I
Papyri Graecae Magicae
(Preisendanz) 1.300 3.211
II, 177 I I , 177
P. Insiger (Volten) 165(5.11) 174 (7.19)
1,125511,85 I J 125; I I , 85
P. Rainer (Liebesny, Aeg 1 6 )
II, 4, 10 Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Grenfell, etc.)
48 (76)
I I , 85
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum I, 7 2 ; I I , 5 1 2.330 8.33 8.96 8.548-551
II, 1 9 0 II, 190 II, 102
Zeno papyri (P. L o n d . ;
impubhshed) 1930 1931 1948 inv. 2358 B
II, 31 I, 4 0 i I I , 32f. L 3 9 ; IIj 3 1 I I , 3iff.
( P C Z ; Edgar) 59003
I, 2 2 ; I I , 1 6
59009
II, 29
59015
1,21,415,11,15,32
59018
I, 2 1 ; I I , 1 5
59075
II, 180
59076 59093
1,268511,178 I, 2 2 5 I I , 1 5
59145
IIj 3 3
59304
I, 2 2 5 I I , 1 5
59329
L 385II, 30
59537
1,41511,32
(PSI5 ViteUi, etc.) 324
I, 3 9 5 I I , 3 1
325
I, 3 9 5 I I , 3 1
406
1,41511,32
421
I, 3 8 ; I I , 3 0
514
I, 3 8 5 I I , 3 0
554
I, 2 2 , 5 2 5 I I , 1 6
594 616 628
I, 3 9 ; I I , 3 1 I, 435 I I , 3 4 II, 29 II, 103
844
(PColZen; Westermann, etc.)
3.i26fr.
I I , 141
Col. 3 . 2 2
1,48511,38
II.1380
I, 1 5 8 ; I I , 102
I . I I , No. 3
I, 2 2 5 I I , 1 5
Select
Index
of Passages from Ancient
289
Writers
X Early Christian Writings Augustine
Jerome, in Danielem (PL
De civitate Dei
4.11 4.31 6.10 7.13
I, 262; II, 174 I, 260; II, 171 II, 204 II, 174
De consensu evang.
i.22.3ifF. 1.23.31 I Qement 20
I, 260; II, 171 I, 260; II, 171 I, 234
Ps. Clem. Homilies ( G C S ; Rehm)
1.5 8.14.2 15.7.4
I, 2 1 2 ; II, 140 II, 164 II, 153
Clement of Alexandria, Stromata ( G C S ; Friichtel) 1.70.1 II, 154 1.72.4 I, 264; II, 105 1.72.5 I, 257; II, 170 5.125.1 II, 174 Eusebius, Hist. eccl.
4.22.7 7.32.17-18
II, 204 II, 106
Dem. ev. (Heikel) 1.5 II, 202
8.5 11.5 II.14
11.20
25)
II, 196 I, 28; II, 23 I, 9; II, 5 f I, 10; II, 7
Justin Apology
1.64.5
II, 98
Dialogue
80.2
II, 204
Ps. Justin, Cohortatio
17 Lactantius,
Brandt) 7.15.19
I, 7 5 ; II, 52 Divin.
inst.
(CSEL;
I, 214; II, 140
Origen, Contra Celsum (Chadwick)
1.24 5.41 5.45
I, 262; II, 173 I, 262; II, 173 I, 262; II, 173
Sulpicius Severus ( C S E L ; Halm) 11.17.4f (I.73) II, 3 11.19.6 (I.75) II, 196 Termllian, Apology
25
I, 295; II, 198
INDEX OF NAMES A N D SUBJECTS Aaron, I, ySf., 1 7 9 ; I I , 89, 90 Abaris, Greek wonder-worker, I, 211
R. Abba b. Kahana (beginning fourth century A D ) , I I , l o i Abbaeus, father of Zenodorus, 1 , 6 1 Abdaeus from Gerasa, I I , 3 4 Abdalonymus, king of Sidon (332 BC), II, 27 'Abd'aStart-Aphrodisius, of Ash kelon, I, 6 1 'Abd'osir-Dionysius, Tyrian on Malta, I, 6 1 'AbdSemei-Hehodorus, Phoenician name, I, 6 1 'Abdtanit-Artemidorus, Phoenician name, I, 6 1 'Abihai, Jewish wholesaler, I, 3 4 Abila (Abella = 'dhel hassitttm),
I,
8, 1 5 , 4 0 ; I I , 1 9 7 R. Abin (c. A D 300), I I , 1 1 1 Abraham affinity to Spartans (and others) through, I, 7 2 , 3 0 2 ; I I , 1 5 0 bearer of revelation, I, 205, 243 G o d of, I, l o i , 3 0 2 f
in anonymous Samaritan, I, 88f., 9if,
104, 2 3 9 f , 302; II, 1 4 1 ,
1 9 6 , 200
in Ben Sira, I, 1 5 2 , 302 in Genesis Apocryphon, I, 240 inventor of plough, I, 4 7 inventor of sciences, 1 , 1 2 9 , 3 0 2 ; 11, 63 joiuneys of, I, 9 2 , 3 0 2 ; I I , 64 king in Damascus, I, 3 0 2 ; I I , 62 sons by Keturah, I, 7 2 , 7 4 teacher of astrology, I, 86, 8 9 , 9 1 , 9 5 , 289
Absalom, house of, I I , 1 5 0 Abtahon (Pharisaic teacher first centmy A D ) , I, 81 Academy, see Platonism, Scepticism Acco-Ptolemais (Ake), I, 7 , 14, 20, 2 3 , 4 0 , 4 3 , 5 9 , 7 1 ; 11, 1 4 , 3 3 , 35, 184, 1 9 1 , 192
chief administrative centre, I, 2 0 f , I I , 33 cult of Heracles, I I , 1 7 2 Greeks there in Persian period, I, 1 3 , 32
gymnasiiun, I, 7 0 minting of coins, I, 3 7 , 285 philosophers from, I, 87, 299 polis, I, 23
religious inscriptions, I, 59; I I , 173, 192
renaming of, I, 14, 2 0 worship of Isis in, I, 1 5 8 Achaean league, I I , 1 2 3 Achior, an Ammonite, I, 307 Acra of Jerusalem, I, 2 2 5 f . , 28 I f f . ,
288f,
290-2,
264, 296f,
3 0 5 f ; II, 1 7 1
garrison of, I , 2 8 1 , 2 8 3 , 305 j I I , 149
Actium, I, 3 Adam, I, 1 8 7 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 9 , 2 0 5 f , 2 4 2 ; II, 6 1 , 6 2 , 1 2 2 glory of in Ben Sira, I, 1 4 9 ; I I , 146
in Qumran, I, 223 speculation about, I, 1 4 9 , 1 8 8 , 199
testament of, I, 2 5 4 Adiabene, palace of, I, 3 0 7 ; I I , "5
Administration, I,
18-27, 55f
291
Index of Names and Subjects
Administrative units eparchy, I I , 1 5 hyparchy, I , 2 1 nome, I , 1 9 ! . , 29 satrapy, I I , 1 5 toparchy, I , 1 9 Adonai, I , 262 Adonis, I I , 1 7 5 Adora, I , 4 0 ; I I , 1 7 2 Adullam, I , 46 Aegean, I , 3 2 , 6 0 ; I I , 30, 88, 200 clay jars from, I , 44 cultural centres of, I , 88 economic and cultural exchange with Phoenicia and Palestine, IJ 43J 5 6 ;
I I , 72
mercenaries from, I , 1 2 wine from, I , 3 9 , 44 Aelia Capitohna, I , 307 Aemihus Siua, Roman annalist, I , 182
Aeneas of Gaza (fifth cenmry A D ) , I I , 130
Aeon, I , 1 2 1 , 1 2 5 , 1 9 0 Aeschylus, I , 69, 1 0 9 , 19OJ I I , 83, 91, 95, 127
Africa, I , 7 4 ; I I , 63 Agabus, prophet, I , 240 Agamemnon (of Aeschylus), I I , 9 1
Agatharcides of Cnidus (second century B C ) , I , 2 9 ; I I , 1 7 3 , 203 Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse (361-289 B C ) , I I , 67
Agathos Daunon (Knephis), I , 1 8 5 Agenor I , king of Sidon, father of Cadmus, I , 7 2 Agriculture, see Domains, Grain, Wine, I , 1 9 , 3 6 , 5 1 Agrippa I , I , 2 9 , 2 7 6 ; I I , 4 0 , 1 6 2 Agrippa I I , I , 7 7 ; I I , 68 Ahab, I , 295 Aher (Ehsha b. Abuya), I , 2 0 7 ; I I , 25
Ahriman Hades, I , 1 9 3 Ahura Mazda, I , 2 9 8 , c f 1 9 3 R. Akiba, I , 1 7 1 , 207, 2 7 6 ; I I , 1 1 3 , 144
Alcaeus, Lesbian poet (seventh/ sixth century B C ) , I , 1 3 Alchemy, I , 2 4 1 , 243 Alcimus, high priest (died 1 5 9 B C ) , I , 6 4 , 80, 1 0 5 , 2 8 9 f ; I I , 6 9 , 149,186
Alexander the Great
(356-323
BC),
I , 2, 3, i 3 f , 1 5 , 36, 38, 107, 1 8 5 ; I I , 190
conquest of Tyre, I I , 67 defence of by Erastosthenes, 1 , 6 5 festivals in Tyre, I , 7 3 Jewish mercenaries, I , 1 5 ktistes of the Aiacedonian colony of Gerasa, I I , 9 ktistes of the Macedonian colony of Samaria, 1 , 1 3 , 282 total income of, I I , 23 Alexander, son of Andronicus, Jewish soldier in Egypt (c. 200 BC),
I, 63; I I , I I
Alexander, son of Dorotheus, Jewish ambassador, I , 64 Alexander Balas (died 1 4 5 B C ) , I , 225, 290, 291
Alexander Jannaeus
(103-76
BC),
I,
60, 6 4 , 7 6 , 8 5 , 1 0 5 , 2 5 3 , 2 7 6 , 306
Alexander Polyhistor (beginning of first cenmry B C ) , I , 7 0 , 88, 89, 92, 9 3 ; I I , 49, 5 2 , 7 6 , 1 7 8
Alexandria, I , 1 1 , 2 2 , 36, 4 2 f , 4 9 , 52f,
5 9 , 6 6 , 68flF., 83, 1 8 5 , 2 4 4
A. Relations with Judaism, 1 , 1 7 , 52, 6 8 f , 70, 7 6 , 9 1 , 9 5 f , l o i , 1 1 4 , 1 3 6 , 1 6 2 , i65flF., 1 7 1 , 2 4 1 , 244,
2 5 0 , 2 5 2 , 2 6 9 f , 3 0 1 , 304
B. Education and culture, I , 3 8 , 4 2 , 6 6 , 6 9 , 88, 1 7 3 , 1 8 1 , 2 1 5 , 2 3 0 , 2 4 1 , 246, 2 7 3 ; I I , 1 1 3
C. Philosophy and rehgion, 1 , 9 9 , 103, 164, 169, 236, 3 1 0
Allat, I , 2 9 6 Allegory, see Exegesis, I , i 6 4 f . , Al-Mina, I I , 26 Ahns, I I , 38 Altar, I , 2 9 4 f , 2 9 8 , 3 0 3 , 3 0 5
246
292
Index of Names and Subjects
Amman, II, 199 Ammanitis, 1 , 1 1 , 1 5 , 53,
20, 2 2 , 4 1 , 4 7 ,
280
flight of Jason to, I, 2 7 5 , 281 military colony under Tobias, I, 15, 4 1 , 47,
268
possessions of the Tobiads in, I, I I , 1 5 3 , 2 6 8 , 2 7 3 f , 3 0 4 ; II,
186
as
province of Solomon in Eupolemus, I, 93 Ammon, Egyptian god, I, 62, 2 6 2 ; II, 1 3 9 Ammonites, I, 9 3 , 307 Ammonius, son of Zabbaeus, I, 62 Ammo(n)ius, brother of Apollo phanes in Marisa, I, 62 Amoreans, I, 148 Amos, II, 68 Amphiarius, II, 1 3 9 Amram, father of Moses, II, 1 3 6 'Amrit, Ma'bed of, II, 1 8 1 Ananias, son of Jewish soldier, I, 59,
268
Ananus, hipparch in Marisa, II, 34 Ananus, son of Ananus, Jewish high priest (died 67 B C ) , II, 55 'Anatbethel, goddess in Elephantme, II, 99 'Anatyahu, goddess in Elephantine, I, 1 5 4 Anaxagoras, I, 2 6 6 ; II, 1 7 3 Anaximander, II, 7 2 , 160, 1 6 9 Andreas Lukuas, pseudo-messiah in Cyrenaica (AD 1 1 4 - 1 1 7 ) , I, 2 5 4 Andromachus, royal tutor under Herod, II, 53 Andromachus, strategos of Ptolemy I V , II, 1 4 Andromeda, mythical figure from Joppa, I, 7 2 Andronicus, commissar in Samaria ( 1 6 7 B C ) , I, 293 Andronicus, leader of slave rebelhon in Pergamon (after 1 3 3 B c ) , I, 186 Andronicus, minister of Antiochus IV, II, 1 8 5
Angels, see Essenes, Enoch tradi tion. Watchmen, I, 8 9 , 9 1 , 9 7 f . , 1 5 5 , I97f, 200, 202, 204, 2 1 3 , 2 2 3 , 228f., 2 3 1 , 240, 2 4 3 ,
II, 1 1 4 , 1 4 4 fall of (Gen. 6), 1 , 1 8 8 ,
251,
312;
i 9 o f , 201,
209
of the nations, I, i 8 7 f . , 1 9 0 , 200 Anointing, I, 7 4 Anonymous Samaritan, I, 8 8 - 9 2 , 94f,
98,
1 8 3 , 204,
102,
104,
114,
2 3 9 , 266, 2 9 7 ,
165, 302f,
3 1 0 ; II, 1 9 6 Antaeus, fight with Heracles, I, 7 4 Anthedon, II, 10 Anthropology apocalyptic, II, 1 5 2 Essene, I, 2i8fiF., 2 2 4 , 2 3 1 , 2 4 6 f , 25lf
in Ben Sira, I, i39fiF., 1 4 6 , i 4 8 f in Hasidim, I, i98f., 202 in Koheleth, I, ii7fiF. Rabbinic, I, i73fiF. Anthropomorphisms, I, i 6 4 f . Antibius, Stoic of Ashkelon, I, 86 Antichrist, I, 3 0 6 ; II, 203 Antigone, Jewish slave in Delphi, I, 42,63
Antigonus, Hasmonean, I, 240 Antigonus Monophthalmus (died 301 B C ) , I, 6, 1 4 , 3 7 ; II, 23 Antigonus, son of Ptolemaeus, 1 , 6 4 Antigonus of Socho and chain of tradition, I, 81 criticism of doctrine of retribu tion, I, 1 4 3 maxim of, I, 128 and Torah from Simon the Just, 1,64
Antimenidas, brother of Alcaeus, I, 13
'Antioch on the Chrysoroas' = Gerasa, I, 286 Antioch on the Orontes, 1 , 1 8 1 , 2 8 4 , 293
early Christian community in, I, 105,
313
293
Index of Names and Subjects
gymnasia in, I, 68, 7 0 Onias III in, I, 1 0 , 1 3 3 , 2 7 2 , 2 7 7 philosophical schools, I, 86 synagogue and Jewish com mimity in, I, 2 7 4 ; II, 1 9 2 Antiochenes in Cydnus, II, 1 8 4 of Hippos, II, 1 8 4 in Jerasalem, I, 73f.; II, 1 8 4 in Ptolemais, II, 1 8 4 at Pyramum, II, 1 8 4 Antiochia, polis in Jerasalem, I, 2 6 , 2 7 7 f . , 2 8 o f ; II,
50,116,189
Antiochus I ( 2 8 0 - 2 6 1 Bc), I, 1 6 , 2 8 6 ; II, 1 2 4 Antiochus II ( 2 6 1 - 2 4 7 B C ) , II, 1 2 Antiochus III ( 2 4 2 - 1 8 7 B C ) , I, 7 1 0 , 1 6 , 2 6 , 2 8 , 3 7 , 4 4 , 4 7 , 5 2 , 58, 6 4 , 9 4 , 2 6 8 , 2 7 3 ; II,
16,20,148
alhance with Phihp V of Macedon, I, 9 coinage, I, 44 conquest of Jerasalem, I, 9 f , 1 3 1 defeat at Raphia ( 2 1 7 B C ) , I, 8 defeat by Rome, I, 1 0 , 1 8 2 , 2 7 2 edict in favour of the Jews, I, i , 2 6 , 28, 64, 7 8 , 9 7 , 1 3 3 , 278,
27lf,
288
plundering of temples, I, 1 0 , 280 ruler cult, I, 1 5 3 ; II, 1 9 1 settles Jewish clerachs in Phrygia, I, 1 6 , 2 6 3 ; II, 1 8 7 victory at Paneion, I, 9, 2 7 1 Antiochus I V Epiphanes ( 1 7 5 - 1 6 4 B C ) , I, 2, l o f , 28, 4 4 , 5 3 , 6 3 , 76,
7 7 , 225,
255,
267,
275f,
II, 1 4 8 , 1 9 1 accession ( 1 7 5 B C ) , I, 1 0 3 , 1 3 4 , 279;
272f, 275, 277
alleged policy of Hellenization, I, 277,
287
coinage, I, 4 4 , 2 8 5 ; II, 1 8 4 death, I, 96, 1 7 6 ; II, 69 descent, II, 1 9 2 in Egypt, I, 1 1 , 184, 288 embodiment of ancient anti semitism, I, 306
Epicurean, I, 86 foundation of cities, 1 , 7 1 , 7 3 , 2 7 8 and Jerasalem, I, 2 7 9 , 28of. persecution in Judea, I, 2, 90, 114,
176, 227,
268,
279,
2 9 1 , 2 9 4 , 300, 3 0 5 , 3 0 6 ; II,
284, 187
plunder of temple in Jerasalem, I, I I , 2 7 4 , 280, 304 in the Potter's Oracle, I, 1 8 4 predilection for Zeus Olympius, 1,285-8
rehgious pohcy, I,
284!.,
292ff., 296, 304, II,
ruler cult, I, 2 8 5 f ; II, 1 9 6 title, I, 285 Antiochus V Eupator ( 1 6 4 - 1 6 2 I, 288, 2 9 0 f ; II,
286,
191
BC),
148
Antiochus V I I Sidetes B C ) , I, 2 8 2 ; II, 64,
(159-129 148,
172,
203
grants right of coinage to Jewish ethnos, II, 189 raler cult, II, 1 9 1 siege of Jerasalem ( 1 3 5 / 4 B C ) , I, 226
Antiochus, son of Seleucus I V (died 1 7 0 B C ) , II, 1 8 5 Antiochus the Swan, philosopher from Ashkelon (c. 1 3 0 - 6 8 B C ) , I, 8 6 f , 2 1 7 , 2 6 2 ; II, 1 3 7 Antipater, father of Herod, I, 2 7 6 Antipater of Sidon, writer of epigrams (c. 1 7 0 - 1 0 0 B C ) , I, 8 4 - 8 6 , 1 9 7 ; II,
202
Antipater of Tyre, Stoic, I, 87 Antipater, son of Jason, Jewish ambassador, I, 64 Antipatris, II, 1 7 Antisemitism, 1 , 2 5 5 , 258, 300, 306; II, 202 Antisthenes, Peripatetic (first third of second century B C ) , I, 1 8 6 , 216
Antoninus Pius, II, 1 1 5 , 204 Antonius Diogenes (romance writer before second century A D ) , II, 166
Index of Names and Subjects
294 Asm, Babylonian god of heaven, I, 297
Apamea, I, 87, 185 peace of Antiochus H I with Rome, I , 10, 263, 272; I I , 51 ApeUes, Ptolemaic official, I, 40 Aphrodite Urania, I I , 172 Apion of Gadara, epitaph, I, 83 Apion, antisemite (first half of first cenmry A D ) , 1,68,306; I I , 172 Apocalypse(s), I, 1 1 2 , i 7 6 f , 2 i 8 f , 311
of symbohc beasts, I , 176, 180, 187,190
T e n Weeks', I, 168, 176, 180, i88fiF., 192; I I , 139 Apocalyptic, I, i 7 f , 31, 50, 56,184, 186, i89f, 192, i93f, 205,212, 2 i 6 f , 229, 239, 245, 250, 252, 255, 305f
anonymous Samaritan and, I, 91, 95
Ben Sira and, I, 142, 152 Christian, I, 205 concept of, I, 206, 209 Daniel, I, 284 Essenes, I, 228 Hasidim and, I, 53f, 55, 176 Koheleth and, I, 127 parallels, I, 84, 181, 185, 250 ApoUo, I, 32, 72, 186, 277, 285f;
II, 45, 67, 172 among the Seleucids, I, 285f. contests in Sidon in honour of, I, 71
on coins, I, 285 ApoUo-Amyclus (on Cyprus) = Mikal, I I , 126 Apollo Citharoides, I, 285 ApoU(odorus ?), Jewish double name (238/7 B C ) , I, 63
ApoUodorus, son of Zabbaeus, I, 62 ApoUonia ('Arsuf'), I, 10 Apollonius, dioiketes of Ptolemy I I , I, 7, 19, 22, 24, 27, 36, 39-41, 42, 44, 5 1 , 59, 6 1 ; I I , 13, 178
deposition, I, 27 domains, I, 7, 36 office, I, 19 rewarded with royal land, I, 22 temple control, I, 24 vineyard in Gahlee, I, 39f., 44 ApoUonius, historian from Ash kelon, I, 86 ApoUonius, 'mysarch' (I Mace. i.29ff.), 1,280, 283,289,292
ApoUonius of Ptolemais, Stoic, I, 87
ApoUonopolis Magna, Edfu, I, 264 ApoUonius son of Thraseas, strategos, I, 272
ApoUonius of Tyre, Stoic, I, 87 Apollophanes, son of Abdyzomunus, Sidonian (200 B C ) , I, 71 Apollophanes, son of Sesmaius, archon of the Sidonian politeuma in Marisa, I, 62; I I , 34
Apologists Christian, I, 266 Jewish, I, 70, 136, 165 Apostasy, apostates, I, 31, 75, 152, 196, 200, 259, 276, 284, 288, 289f, 299f, 308; I I , 193, 197, 204
Apuleius, I, 215, 238 Aquila, translator, I , 102; I I , 70 Arab(s) ( = Nabateans), I, 3, i 4 f , 20, 24, 45, 48, 58, 170, 194, 273; 34, 172
n,
asphalt, got from Dead Sea, 1,45 circmncision, I, 293 Pythagoras among, I I , 166 support from Antiochus I I I , I, 8 Arabia, I, 93, 297 j I I , 62 Arabia felix, I, 6, 34, 37, 42, 43, 45; II, 138 (TeU) 'Arad, I, 12, 14 Aradus, I, 1 1 , 70J I I , 44, 197, 200 'Araq el Emir, I, 88, 268, 273, 275; II, 178 Arams, Stoic (315-240 B C ) , I, 165, 260, 265; I I , 107
Index of Names and Subjects
Archelaus, son of Herod, I,
295
29,240,
306
Architecture, architectural tech niques, I, 1 4 , 4 7 , 6 1 , 88, 9 4 , 228, 2 7 3 f ; II,
150
Archytas of Tarentum (c. 390 B C ) , II, 3 7 Areopagus speech, II, 1 7 1 Aretalogy, I, 30, i i i f , I 5 8 f Aretas I, Nabatean king (c. 1 7 0 B C ) , II, 30 Aretas III PhilheUene, Nabatean king (c. 8 7 - 6 2 B C ) , II, 30, 53 Arethusa, II, 10 Areus I, king of Sparta (died 2 6 5 B C ) , II, 50 Argos, I, 7 i f Arioch of Kptwk, king (Genesis Apocryphon), II, 6 1 Aristeas, Jewish historian, I, 69 (Ps.) Aristeas, Letter of, I, 2 9 , 4 1 , 60,64, 68,69,93,98, no, 169,
264,
265,
294,
164,
300;
II,
107, 1 1 3 , 179
Aristeas, legend of, I, 1 0 2 ; II, 1 0 5 Aristeia, name from Marisa, 1 , 6 2 Aristobulus I (Jehuda-) ( 1 0 4 - 1 0 3 B c ) , I, 64, 7 6 , 105 Aristobulus I I (died 4 9 Bc), I, 7 6 Aristobulus, Jewish philospher (c. 1 7 0 B C ) , I, 6 9 f , 7 5 , 90, 1 3 0 , 1 4 9 , i63ff., 230, 2 4 5 , 2 4 9 ,
265,
3 1 1 ; II, 8 1 , 90, 9 9 , 1 5 8 apology of, I, 9 8 ; II, 106 designation 'Peripatetic', I, 1 6 4 doctrine of inspiration, 1 , 1 6 5 ; II, 152
doctrines of wisdom and creation, I, i 6 5 f , 1 7 0 , 2 2 4 , 2 5 2 ; II,
112
exegetical method, I, 1 6 4 ! . , 1 7 4 Orpheus in, I, 245, 263 Aristocracy Greek, I, 8, 6 7 , 1 2 2 Jewish, I, 2 3 , 2 6 , 3 1 , 3 4 , 4 8 f . , 5 1 , 54, 7 3 , 7 6 , 9 1 , i i 2 f , 1 2 3 , 1 2 7 , i37ff.,
i5if,
297, 299, 301,
256, 304
267,
277f.,
Ariston, brother of Zeno, I, 40 Aristophanes, 1 , 1 9 6 , 2 6 7 ; II, 9 5 , 9 8 Aristotle, I, 5 9 , 6 5 , 1 0 8 , 1 6 4 , 1 9 1 , 235,257511,85,95,153,169
(Ps.) Aristotle (De Mundo), I, 2 3 5 ; II, 1 7 3 Aristoxenus of Tarentum (fourth century B C ) , I, 2 5 8 ; II, 1 6 6 Armenia, Armenian, I, 90, 297 'Aroer, H , 3 5 Aromatic trade and state monopoly, see Balsam, I, 36f., 4 1 , 4 5 , 6 1 ; II, 3 5 Arpachsad, grandson of Noah, 1,242 Arsaces V I I PhilheUene, Parthian king, II, 53 Arsinoe, sister of Ptolemy I V PhUopator, I, 8f Arsinoe (in the Fayum), synagogue inscription, II, 1 6 5 Arsinoe (in Palestine), I, 1 4 Art, HeUenistic, see 'Araq el Emir, T o m b paintings, I, 88 traffic in, see Glassware, Techno logy, Terra-cottas, I, 33 Artapanus, Jewish romance writer, (second century B C ) , I, 1 7 , 2 9 , 69,90f,92f,94,1", 239,
258,
263,
266,
165,215, 302f.;
II,
5 2 , 61
Artaxerxes I I Mnemon ( 4 0 4 - 3 5 8 B C ) , I, 1 8 2 ; II, 44 Artaxerxes I I I Ochus ( 3 5 8 - 3 3 8 B C ) , I, 1 3 , 18 Artemidorus of Ashkelon, historian, 1,86
Artemidorus, dream book of, 1 , 2 4 0 Artemis, I, 2 7 7 ; II, 1 7 3 , 1 8 6 Asasel, angel, I, 190, 201 Ascension of Isaiah, II, 120 Ashdod (Azoms), I, 2 4 , 4 6 ; II, 35 Asceticism, I, 2 1 3 , 2 4 7 Asclepiades, raising of the dead by, II, 1 3 1 Asclepius, I, 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 5 Ashkelon, 1 , 1 3 , 2 3 , 2 7 , 3 4 , 8 6 , 1 0 2 , 1 5 8 ; II, 34, 1 7 2
296
Index of Names and Subjects
Asia Minor, I, 9, I5f., 2 1 , 3 2 , 7 7 , 1 8 3 , 2 6 3 , 298, 3 0 8 ; i r , 1 6 , 9 6 , 188,200
Augustine, I, 260, 262 Augustus, emperor, I, 1 8 5 ; I I , 20, 48, 1 9 0
Diaspora in, 1 , 1 6 , 2 9 8 ; I I , 1 7 7
Asphalt (from Dead Sea), I, 45f. Assembly mihtary, I, 1 3 popular, I, 4 9 Assimilation (to Hellenistic en vironment), see Apostasy, 1 , 6 6 , 74, 7 7 , 1 1 4 , 176
Associations, namre of, I, 66, 2 4 4 , 311
Assumption, I, 204 of Moses, I, 9 9 ; I I , 120 Assyria, I, 1 3 , 182, 1 8 7 ; II, 63 = Syria, I, 85, 93 Astarte, I, 1 5 8 ; I I , 99, 100 of Ashkelon, I I , 1 7 2 -Isis, I, 1 5 8 Asteria-Ashtoreth, I, 4 3 , 89 Astibares of Media, king, I, 93 Astral rehgion, see Astrology, Sun, 86, 89fF.,
182,
184, 189, 1 9 1 , 193, 196,
201,
207,
214, 215f,
216
Azariah, Prayer of, II, 120
Baal of Carmel, I I , 1 7 2 , 198 of Kasion, I, 286 of Tabor, I I , 1 7 2 of Tyre, I, 2 9 5 , 302 Baalbek, I, 7 ; I I , 1 9 1 Ba'al Samem, I, 259, 297, 299, 3 0 3 ; II, 1 8 1 , 1 9 7 Ahura Mazda and, I, 298 connection with Dusares, II, 201 god of Zion, I, 2 9 8 - 3 0 5 and Hehos, I, 2 9 7 and Jupiter
summus
exsuperantis
simus, I I , 1 9 9
I, 86, 2 0 7 , 2 3 2 f ; I I , 1 3 4
Astrology (astronomy), I,
Autonomy, I, 1 0 Avesta, I I , 1 3 0 (Pseudo-Platonic) Axiochus, 1 , 2 1 1 ,
236f,
2 4 2 f ; II, 140
Atabyrion-Tabor, I, 8 ; I I , 1 7 2 , 1 9 7 Atargatis = Isis, I, 1 5 8 ; I I , 1 7 3 Atheism, I, 1 4 4 Athene, I, 1 8 7 , 2 9 6 ; II, 98 Athens, Athenian, I, 32f., 4 0 , 5 4 , 6 5 , 7 1 , 8 7 , 88, 2 5 8 , 2 8 9 ; I I , 3 0 , 34, 4 2 , 4 7 , 6 7 , 84, 1 8 3
'Assyrian' = Gadara, I, 34f. Athenians in Dor in Palestine, I, 3 2 ; II, 7 3 exports of pottery, I, 3 2 , 3 5 temple of Zeus, I, 285 Atlas, brother of Prometheus, Titan, I, 89 'Atlit, I, 1 3 , 3 4 ; I I , 26, 3 5 Atomic theories, I, 86 Attains I I I ( 1 3 8 - 1 3 3 B C ) , I I , 1 7 5 Attica, I, 1 8 7 ; I I , 85 Attic alliance, I, 3 2
and Zeus Olympius, I, 9 4 , 1 2 8 , 286, 2 9 7 f ; I I , 1 9 8
Babas and Babatas, sons of Kosnatanus, name in Marisa, I, 6 2 Babylon, I, 7 1 , 8 9 , 9 6 , i 7 9 , 1 8 2 , 212, 277
Babylonia, see Chaldeans, I, 4 7 , 1 1 5 , 1 8 1 , 2 0 1 , 242
astral religion, astrology, I, 1 9 1 , 193,
201,
207,
212,
II, 59, 7 2 , 160 doctrine of world cycles, I,
235-7,
242;
i9if.,
232
exile in, I I , 1 2 7 and Greek mythology, I, 88, 198 influence on apocalyptic, I, 1 8 1 , 201; II, 156 influence on Essenism, I, 2 3 6 f , 246
influence on wisdom, II, 9 7 and Jewish Diaspora, I, 1 6 , 2 6 3 ; II, 1 9 2 Bacchanaha, I, 299
Index
of Names
and
Bacchides, Seleucid commander, I, 80, 2 9 0 ; II, 1 4 7 , 1 9 4 Bactria, I, 5 8 ; I I , 189 Balaam as philosopher, I I , 1 1 5 identification with Zarathustra, 1,230
Balsam, supply of, I, 2 2 , 4 4 f Bambyce, Isis cult, I, 1 5 8 R. Bannaya (c. A D 200), I, 1 7 2 Bannus (Josephus, Vita 1 1 ) , II, 1 2 0 Baptist movement, I, 2 4 7 'Barbarians', I, 1 3 , 1 5 , 3 8 , 6 5 , 98, 2 5 9 , 300,
304
Bar-Kochba, I, 5 6 , 1 1 2 , 1 9 4 , 209,
II5
1 5 1 , 155
(Simon) Ben Azzai (c. A D 1 1 0 ) , 1,207 BenhodeS-Noumenius, name, I, 6 1 Ben Sira (Jesus Snach), I, 4 7 f , 7 6 , 78f., 9 9 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 ,
lljf;
1 3 1 - 5 3 , 1 5 7 - 6 2 , 2 4 9 , 304, 3 1 0 ;
II, 7 6 , 99 angels in, I, 2 3 2 and apostasy from law, 1 , 7 5 , 2 4 9 , 270, 301, 3 o 8 f ; II,
130
concept of universe, I, 1 4 7 doctrine of creation, I, I44f., 234, 3 0 3 ; II, l O I doctrine of retribution, I, 1 2 8 , 138, i 4 2 f , 1 4 5 , 1 9 6 , 2 2 0 f , 249, 303
eschatology, 1 , 1 5 3 , i 7 7 , 1 8 8 , 2 4 9 grandson of (Greek translator), I, 1 0 2 , 1 0 5 , 1 3 1 , 2 6 4 ; II, 9 1 'house of teaching' in, I, 1 3 2 ; II, 54
hymn of love to wisdom in, 1 , 1 5 6 jomrneys, I, 1 3 2 in library of Qumran, I, 2 2 1 ; II, 143
name, I, 1 3 1 picture of God, I, i 4 6 f , 1 4 9 ; II,
i4if,
i44f,
199
picture of man, I, 2 2 1 ; II, 95 pohtical interest, I, 1 3 4 , 180 'Praise of the fathers', I, 9 9 , 1 3 1 , 136,
276,307
(Joseph) Barnabas, Levite, I, 105 Baruch identification with Zarathustra, II, 154 hterature, I, n o , 1 7 0 , 205, 2 5 4 Batanea, see Haiuran, I, 7 Bat-qdl, see Voice from heaven Bat-Yam, II, 2 6 Bel, I, 1 0 , 8 9 f ; II, 2 5 Kronos, I, 242 temple in Elymais, I, 280 temple of Palmyra, I I , 1 8 1 Bel, giant in the Anonymous Samaritan, I, 89 Behal, spirit of wickedness, I, 220, 233;
297
Subjects
194
predestination in, I, 2 1 9 prophetic features, I, 1 3 4 , 1 7 8 , 202,
249
relative openness to the world, I, 2 3 0 ; II,
ii9f
'scribe' in the gerousia, 1 , 2 6 , 1 3 3 , 271
and social questions, I, 5 1 , 1 3 6 , 249
and the Stoa, I,
i47f., 160, 162,
310
and theodicy, I,
145, i 4 6 f ,
249,
303
title soper, I, 7 9 f , 1 3 2 , 249
treatment of slaves in, I, 4 1 and the two ways, I, 140, 220 and ubiquity of God, I, 1 4 6 , I 4 7 f ; II, 109 understanding of the Torah, I, 1 7 1 , 2 3 1 , 249, 253,
wisdom in, I,
155,
3n
I57f,
i6of,
165, i 6 7 f , 1 7 7 , 2 0 7 f , 2 1 7 , 219, 2 4 6 , 248, 2 5 3 ,
3n
Ben Zoma (about A D n o ) , I, 207 Berenice, name from Marisa, I, 6 2 Berenice (Cyrenaica), 1 , 1 6 ; II, 1 6 5 , 184
Berossus, chronographer (third cenmry B C ) , I, 6 9 , 8 8 f , 2 4 2 , 2 6 6 , 3 0 2 ; II, 6 1 (Ps.) Berossus, I, 191
298
Index
Berytus, I, 1 4 0 , 1 5 8 ; II, 1 7 3 Beth Anath (Gahlee), I, 22, 39, 52; I I , 6, 29 tax farming, I, 2 1 vineyard of ApoUonius, I, 40, 42 Bethel, I, 47 Beth Shearim, 1 , 1 0 5 ; I I , 3 5 , 1 1 4 Beth Zur, I, 14, 44, 46f, 226; II, 28, 35 citadel, I, 14, 44 conquest by Simon, I, 291 find of coins, I, 44 refuge for Hellenists, I, 291 Betyl, I, 158, 295; II, 197 Bilga, priestly family of, I, 75, 279, 283, 291 Bion of Borysthenes, I, 84 Biqa', I, 7, 14 Boethus, Alexandrian appointed high priest in Jerusa lem by Herod, I, 128 family of, I, 105 Boethus of Sidon, Aristotehan (middle of first cenmry B C ) , I, 86, 87 Boethus of Sidon, Stoic (c. 180 B C ) , I, 86, 149, 303 Bolus of Mendes (Ps. Democrims, c . 200 B C ) , I, 216, 241; II, 30, 163, 164, 1 6 5 Books and tablets, heavenly, 1 , 1 9 9 , 200f,
204
Boreion, Jewish temple, I, 16 Bosphorus, I, 14, 308 Brahmans, I I , 170 Buplagus, cavalry leader Magnesia, I, 186 Bureaucracy, I, I 9 f , 2 1 Byblos, I I , 19, 200
at
Cadmus ancestor of Spartans, I, 256 founder of Thebes, I, 7 2 ; II, 50 Caecihus of Calacte, rhetorician (end first cenmry B C ) , II, 171 Caesar, I, 313
of Names
and
Subjects
Caesarea, see Strato's Tower, I, 1 7 1 ; II, 190 Calani, I, 257!. Calendar, I, 189, 192, 232, 235; I I , 201 Caligula, I, 307 CaUicrates, admiral of Ptolemy II, 1,40 CaUicrates, son of Kosbanus, name in Marisa, I, 62 CaUiope, I, 85 Calynda, Ptolemaic administration, II, 1 5 , 1 8 Canaan, son of Ham, 'Father of the Phoenicians', I, 89 Canaanites, I, 90, 170, 232 = merchants, I, 34 Candaules, in Herodotus, I I , 75 CaracaUa, I I , 190 Caravan trade, I, 34, 37, 40, 47 Caria, I, 15, 43; H , i 4 Carmel, I, 295 Cameades, Sceptic (c. 213-128 B C ) , I I , 161 Carthage, Carthaginians, I, 182, 297; I I , 67 Cassandra, I, 216 Castor of Rhodes (first century B C ) , II, 60 Cato the Younger, I, 87 Caunus, in Caria, I, 1 5 , 4 3 ; II, 184 Celsus, I, 238, 262; I I , 177 Censorinus (third century A D ) , I, 191 Cercidas of MegalopoUs, poUtician and poet (c. 290-220 B C ) , I, i 2 2 f ; II, 84 Ceres (Demeter), II, 174 Chabrias, Attic strategos (died 357 B C ) , I I , 28 Chairemon, Egyptian priest and Stoic (first cenmry A D ) , I, 2 1 3 ; II, 167, 169 Chaldaei, I, 236, 263 Chaldean(s), see Babylonians, I, 90, 108, 212, 242, 260; II, 161 Sibyl, I I , 126
Index of Names and Subjects
Chios, I, 39 Chorazin, II, 5 4 Christianity, I, i , 2, 168, 2 6 1 , 2 6 7 , 306, 309, 3 1 3 ;
n,
202
Christology, I, 1 6 2 , 3 1 3 ; II, 1 1 2 Chronicles (Old Testament), I, 9 9 , 180, 1 9 4 ; II, 38 Chronology Demetrius, I, 69 Eupolemus, I, 93 Josephus, I, 268, 2 7 3 , 2 7 5 Maccabees, I, 96 'Chronos', I, 1 2 5 ; II, 85 Chrysippus of Soh in Cilicia (third century B C ) , I, 8 7 , 1 4 7 , 1 4 9 , 2 3 1 , 2 3 3 ; II, 9 2 , 1 6 1 Chrysorrhoas, near Damascus, 1 , 4 6 Chum, 'tribal ancestor of the Ethiopians', I, 89 Church, Essene community as, I, 223
Chiurch fathers, I, 166, 266 Cicero, I, 6 5 , 8 7 , 2 3 6 ; II, 58, 1 0 3 , 173, 175
Cihcia, Cihcians, I, 1 9 7 , 308; II, 1 2 , 198
Circumcision among Egyptians, Arabs Syrians, I, 262, 293 in Jewish mission, I, 3 0 7
and
in Paul, 1,307f. prohibition of, 1 , 2 9 3 , 3 0 7 ; II, 204
removing marks of (epispasm), I, 7 4 , 2 7 8 , 2 8 9 ; II, 96 'superstition' (Posidonius), I, 2 5 9 Citium, I, 87 City, cities building of, I, 4 7 foundations of, see Civil law, Jerusalem, ktistes, 1 , 1 4 , 2 3 , 3 0 ; II, 3 , i 8 3 f
names of, I, I4f. Phoenician, I, 20, 2 3 , 285, 299, 3 0 3 ; II, 1 8 7 Civihzation, Hellenistic, see Gireeks, 1,55fiF., 2 5 5 , 2 7 5 , 2 7 8 , 2 9 7 , 3 0 3 , 310
299 Civil law Diaspora, I, 6jf. Jerusalem, I, 7 4 , 2 7 8 , 2 8 1 , 304 Civil War, Jewish, see Rebelhon, I, 290, 300; II, 1 7 1 Claros, oracle of, I, 2 6 2 , 264 Claudius, emperor, I, 68, 2 1 5 Claudius lolaus, note on the name of Judea, II, 50 Cleanthes, doctrine of sun, I, 236 hymn to Zeus, I, 1 4 8 , 2 3 0 ; II, 103
Clearchus of Soh (first half of third century B C ) , I, 5 9 , 2 4 1 , 2 5 7 f . ; II, 106 Clemens, Tims Flavins, II, 1 7 7 Clement of Alexandria, I, 155, 2 1 1 ; II, 106 Clement of Rome, I, 212, 234 Cleodemus Malchus, Jewish mythographer (second century B C ) , 1 , 6 9 , 7 4 , 3 0 2 ; II, 50, 5 2 Qeomenes, governor appointed by Alexander the Great in Egypt, II, 13 Qeopatra, daughter of Antiochus I I I (died 1 7 6 B C ) , I, l o f i II, 123,
189
Cleopatra V I I , I, 45 Cleopatra Thea, consort of Antiochus V I I , II, 1 9 1 Cleruchs, see Mihtary colonies Cocytus, subterranean river, I, 1 9 7 Coele Syria, I, 6 - 1 2 , 2 3 , 2 5 7 , 2 7 2 ; II, 1 8 3 , 1 9 2 Coins, see Table 2, I, 20, 3 3 , 5 9 , 2 7 5 , 2 8 5 ; II, 1 9 7 debasement of, I, 2 7 finds of, I, 2 7 , 43fiF. monopoly of, I, 3 6 f rights in, I, 2 7 9 ; II, 1 8 4 , 1 8 7 , 1 8 9 Colophon, I, 40 Colossae, I, 308 Comedy, Greek, I, 5 1 , 54, 1 2 2 , 1 5 0 Commagene, I, 3 , 93 Commandments, see Law Communism of property, 1 , 5 2 , 2 4 6
300
Index of Names and Subjects
Copper scroll, Qumran, I, 6 i Cornelius Labeo, I, 2 6 2 Corone, Messenia, I I , 48 Cos, 1 , 4 4 , 5 4 , 84, 8 8 ; I I , 2 6 , 3 2 , 3 4 , 191
Cosmos, see Creation, Torah on tology, 1 , 1 6 6 , i68f., i 7 2 f . , 2 6 2 , 304, 3 1 1
Covenant, see Remnant, holy. Apocalyptic, I, 305 in Ben Sira, I, 1 3 3 breach of, I, 5 4 , 288 Essenes, I, 2 4 4 ; I I , 203 Rabbis, II, 203 Creation in Aristobulus, I, 1 6 5 ! ! . behef in, 1 , 7 0 , 1 5 3 - 7 5 , 1 8 9 , i 9 4 f , 2 1 8 , 2 2 3 ; I I , 68, 1 5 4 , 1 7 3 in Ben Sira, I, I44ff., I48f., 249 in Brahmans, I, 2 5 7 creatio ex nihilo, I, 1 5 7 ; I I , 68
in Greek monotheism, I I , 1 5 4
Jewish syncretistic, I, 263, 2 8 3 , 298, 3 0 8 ; I I , 1 7 7 mountain, I, 295 private, I, 283 reform of, I, 2 8 3 - 9 0 , 2 9 3 , 2 9 4 - 9 9 Sabazios, I I , 1 7 4 Serapis, I, 286 Syrian, I, 2 7 5 Zeus Coryphaeus, I, 286 Zeus Olympius, 1 , 2 8 6 , 2 9 6 f , 298 Cultiure, bringer of, see Inventor, first, I, 90, 204 Cumean Sibyl, I I , 1 2 2 Cynics, I, 128 Cypriots, I I , 188 Cypris, I I , 98 Cyprus, I, i i f , 28, 3 2 , 3 6 , 40, 2 5 4 ; II, 1 5 , 3 3 , 4 2 , 1 2 6 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 8 Cyranides, hermit, I I , 1 6 4 Cyrenaica, I, 1 6 , 5 6 , 9 5 , 2 5 4 unrest in, I, 2 5 4 Cyrene, I, 1 6 ; I I , 3, 48, 50
mediator in, 1 , 1 5 3 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 2 , 1 7 1 , 2 1 9 , 249
ontology, I, 224 in Plato, Timaeus, I, 1 6 3 , 1 6 6 in wisdom, I, 1 5 3 , i 5 6 f , i 6 3 f , 1 7 1 , 234
Crete, I, 2 9 5 ; I I , 1 5 Crimea, I I , 1 7 2 , 198 Croesus, in Herodotus, I I , 7 5 Crown goods, see Royal land Ctesias, physician of Artaxerxes I I , I, 88, 93 scheme of world kingdoms, I, 182; II, 122 Cult, see Ruler cult ApoUo, I, 2 8 6 ; I I , 1 7 2 Atargatis-Astarte, I I , 1 7 3 Demeter, I I , 1 9 5 Dionysus, I, 6 8 , 298, 3 0 3 ; I I , 172, 175
divine triad, I, 296 Greek interpretation in Palestine, I, 2 6 1 , 2 9 4 , 2 9 7 Heracles, I I , 1 7 2 Isis, I, 1 5 8 ; I I , 1 7 7
Damascius, I I , 1 5 3 Damascus, I, 7 , 1 4 , 4 6 , 2 2 7 ; I I , 3 4 , 38
Abraham king in, I I , 6 2 in first and third Syrian wars (frontier hue), I, 7 , 269 foundation legend according to Dionysus, I I , 1 7 2 gymnasium, I, 70 Hippodamic street plan, I I , 37f. Danaus, ancestor of the Spartans, I, 256
Daneans, exodus from Egypt, I I , 50 Daniel apocrypha, I, 1 8 4 , 1 8 7 stories, I, 29f. in Susanna story, I I , 7 5 as wise man in Babylon, I, 240 and Zarathustra, I I , 1 5 4 Daruel, Book of, I, 2 9 , 6 3 , 9 7 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 5 3 , 1 7 6 , i78f., 1 8 0 , 1 8 1 - 5 , 189, 205, 208, 2 i 3 f , 2 3 1 , 2 3 2 ! . , 2 5 8 , 2 6 9 , 2 8 3 f , 2 9 6 , 305
301
Index of Names and Subjects
apocalyptic, I, iSo, 250,
187,191,221,
254
forms of revelation, I, 202f. and Hasidim, I, 1 7 6 , i 7 8 f . ,
202,
204
and resurrection, I, 1 9 6 vaticinia
ex eventu, I,
184
Daphne, 1 , 2 7 7 , 2 8 6 ; H , 1 8 6 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 2 Dardanus, Jewish magician, II, 163 Darics, I, 33 Darius I, I, 2 8 ; II, 83 Date palms, I, 45f. David, king, I, 9 3 , 1 5 6 , 2 3 7 ; II, 54 in Ben Sira, I, 180; II, 90, 96 city of (in Jerusalem), I, 281 composition of psalms, II, 87 as 'wise man', 'scribe', 1 , 7 9 , 1 3 6 , 206
Dead Sea, I, 4 5 5 I I , 3 5 Death, in Koheleth and Ben Sira, see Behef in fate, I, 1 1 9 , 1 2 3 , penalty, I, 287, 292 Debts remission of, I, 4 9 , 6 1 slavery for, I, 4 8 f , 5 7 Delegations, Jewish, I, 5 9 , 6 4 , 7 3 , 9 2 , 9 7 , 263, 2 7 1 , 292
Delos, I, 3 2 , 4 3 , 7 1 , 2 1 1 ; II, 5 4 , 1 7 2 , 201
Delphi, I, 4 2 , 6 3 , 7 2 , 186 Demeter, II, 1 9 5 Demetria, daughter of Philo, name in Marisa, I, 62 Demetria, granddaughter of ApoUophanes, archon in Marisa, 1 , 6 2 Demetrius I Soter ( 1 6 2 - 1 5 0 B C ) , I, 28, 86, 2 7 4 , 2 9 1 ; II, 20 Demetrius II Nicator ( 1 4 5 - 1 4 0 and B C ) , I,
291, 305;
II,
190, 195
Demetrius, Jewish chronographer in Alexandria (220 B C ) , I, 6 9 ; II, 4 5 , 6 3 , 7 6 Demetrius Pohorcetes, son of Antigonus ( 3 3 7 - 2 8 3 B C ) , I, 6, 37, 6 1 , 276
in to
of II,
162
Demons, see Angels Demotic book of dreams, II, 1 6 2 book of wisdom, II, 85 chronicle, I, 184, 246 epitaph, I, 1 2 4 language, I, 58 Dendera, zodiac, II, 160 Determinism, I, 1 8 1 , 1 8 4 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 4 , 2 1 9 , 230, 2 3 4 ,
126, 147, 153
129-125
Demetrius son of Meerbaal, Marisa, I, 62 Demetrius of Phaleron (fourth third century B C ) , II, 4 9 Demiurge, I, 1 6 3 , 1 9 1 Democrims, I, 2 5 6 ; II, 1 6 9 on Athene, II, 98 doctrine of atoms, I, 86 journey to Egypt, I, 2 1 2 (Ps.) Democritus, see Bolus Mendes, I, 108, 2 1 2 , 2 1 6 ;
i87f, 239
Deutero-Isaiah, I, 180 Deuteronomic work centralization of cult, I, 2 7 4 , 293 tradition of Solomon, I, 1 2 9 Diadochi, I, 3 , 1 3 , 1 8 , 3 1 , 3 5 , 4 2 , 55 Diana, II, 186 Diaspora, Jewish, see Alexandria, Egypt, Jews, 1 , 1 6 , 5 6 f , 6 0 , 6 3 , 77f-, 9 1 , 9 9 , loofiF., 1 3 1 , 168, i 7 3 f , 1 7 9 , 1 8 1 , 186,
188,
202, 2 4 7 , 260, 263, 2 6 6 f ,
287,
2 9 8 , 3 0 7 f , 3iifiF.; I I ,
177,182,
203
Aegean, II, 34 Asia Minor, I, 1 6 Babylon, I, 1 6 Cyprus, I, 2 5 4 Cyrenaica, I, 5 6 , 9 5 , 2 5 4 Egypt, I, 1 6 , 254, 3 0 8 ; II, 34 Diatribe, I, 84, 1 1 5 Dicaearchus, Peripatetic (fourth/ third century Bc), II, 1 7 1 Dike, I, 2 0 1 , 2 1 1 Dio, Phoem'cian historian (second cenmry B C ) , I, 286, 2 9 7
302
Index
Dio Chrysostom, I, 2 4 7 Diocletian, administrative reform, I, 2 0 Diodorus Siculus, I, 4 6 , 2 0 1 Diodoms, son of Neopthalmus, dedication in Ake, I I , 1 7 3 Diodoms of Sidon, philosopher, I, 87
Diogenes Laertius, I, 84 Diogenes of Ptolemais, Stoic, I, 87 Dion (in Transjordania), I, 1 4 Dionysia, priestess of Isis from Megalopolis, epitaph, I I , 1 3 2 Dionysius of Halicarnassus (second half of first century B C ) , I I , 1 2 2 Dionysius of Sidon, victor in the pankration ( 1 4 2 B C ) , I I , 4 9 Dionysodorus, inspector of accoimts office of dioiketes ApoUonius, 1,40 Dionysus, cult, I, 8, 2 9 6 , 298f., 304 mysteries, I, 6 8 ; I I , 6 1 theocrasy: lao-Dionysus, I, 2 6 2 , 2 6 3 , 2 9 8 f , 304
Dioscorides of Tyre, boxer ( 1 8 0 B C ) , I, 7 1 Diotimus, son of Abdybastius, wrestler (c. 200 B C ) , I, 7 1 Diphilus, new comedy, I, 2 0 1 ; I I , 85
Dis, see Zeus, I, 264f. Distribution of land, I, 2 9 Division of work, I I , 30 Domains, trading in, 1 , 1 9 , 2 2 f . , 3 6 , 44f.
Domitian, I I , 204 DomitiUa, Flavia, I I , 1 7 7 Dor(a), I, 7 , 2 3 , 3 2 , 4 6 , 1 5 8 ; I I , 7 3 Dorothea, Jewish slave in Delphi, I, 42, 63
Dorotheus, grammarian from Ashkelon, I, 86 Dositheus Jewish name in Egypt, I, 63 in letter of Aristeas, I, 64 Maccabean cavalry officer, I, 6 4 , 276
of Names
priest from
and
Subjects
Jerusalem,
I, 6 4 ,
lOI
Dositheus son of Drimylus, Jewish apostate, high official under Ptolemies I I I and I V , I, 7 1 ; II, 2 5 Dositheus Samaritanus, I I , 204 Dothan, I, 4 7 Drachmae, I, 33 Dreams, interpretation of, see Visions, 1 , 1 8 1 , 1 8 6 , 2 0 2 f , 210, 240
Dualism, see BeUal, Essenes, Spirits, 1,190,193,218,221,223,
227,
229f, 238, 243, 2 4 5 f , 2 5 1 ; II, 151, 152
Dura Europos, I, 286, 2 9 7 ; I I , 2 1 0 Dusares, Nabatean god, I, 2 9 8 ; I I , 172
Dyeing, see Alchemy, I, 4 6 , 243
Eagle, as symbol, I, 274f. Ecclesiology, I, 223f., 2 4 7 Eclecticism, I, 87, 1 6 4 , 1 6 7 Economic policy, Ptolemaic, I, 3 5 39
Economic structure of Palestine, I, 2 8 f , 3 7 f , 48, 5 5 f
Ecstasy, see Oracles, Visions, 1 , 1 8 5 , 207, 2 1 0 , 2 1 5
Edict, see Antiochus I I I , Antiochus IV, Demetrius II Edomites, I I , 1 8 Education, Greek, I, 5 8 , 6 5 - 7 8 , 103; 11,94
and Hasmoneans, I, 7 6 and HeUerusts in Jerusalem, I, 7 5 , 299
, and letter of Aristeas, I, 60 in Palestine and Phoenicia, I , 83-88, 103
prohibition of, I, 7 6 and Tobiads, I, 59 Egypt, see Alexandria, I, 3 , 6, 8, i 2 f , 1 6 , 1 7 , i8flf., 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 5 f , 37ff., 4 1 , 8 9 , 90
Index
of Names
and
303
Subjects
A . Relationship with Judaism (see D j Philosophy and rehgion. Diaspora) Abraham, I, 90, 302 antisemitism, I I , 177 Ben Sira, I, 131 circumcision, I, 262, 293 culmre, I, 95 Essenes, I, 246 exodus of Jews, 1,93,255; II, 50 Jason, high priest, I, 276, 281 Koheleth, I, 115 Maccabees, I, 97 military colonies, I, i 6 f , 63, 283; II, 9 synagogue inscriptions, I, 3 1 ; II, 54 temple, I, 78 B. History, I, 8f, i 2 f , 39, i84f., 254, 288 C . Education and culmre, I, 3, 58, 65f, 123, 165, 235f, 242 D . Philosophy and rehgion alchemy, I I , 164 apocalyptic, I, iSsf; I I , 124 astrology, II, 124, 160 behef hi fate, I, 125 creation stories, I, 156 cult in Palestine, I, 158 Greek philosophers, I, 108, 245 hypostases, I, 154 interpretation of dreams, I I , 162 journeys to heaven, II, 142 Maat, I, 154 magic, I, 2 1 2 ; II, 163 Moses, I, 268 Orphism, I, 262f priests, I, 2i2f., 2 1 5 ; I I , 185 'prophets', I, 213 temple, I, 2 4 , 2 1 3 ; H , I 9 4 wisdom, I, 2 i 2 f , 243 worship of animals, I, 9 1 ; I I , 176
E. Politics, economics, society development of population, I, 47 exports, I, 42 Greek poleis, I, 244
Ptolemaic state, I, 29, 35f slavery, I, 41 trade, I, 36, 42f., 44f. 'Ein Feshka, Essene settlement, I, 46f Ekpyrosis, 1 , 1 9 1 , 20of, 214,236 'El, II, 176 Elana, harbour, I, 93 Eldad and Modad, apocalypse of, I, 254 R. Eleazar b. Zadok (c. A D 100), II, III
R. Eleazar of Modaim (c. A D 80135), II, 129 Eleazar, martyrdom of (II Mace. 6.i8fif.), II, 194 Eleazar, son of Boethus, I I , 53 'El-elyon-hypsistos, I, 295 Elephantine, Jewish mihtary colony, I, 26, 154, 268, 274; I I , I I , 199 Eleusis, in Alexandria, I, 11 Eleusis, Greece, II, 85 Eleutherus, river, frontier between Ptolemies and Seleucids, I, 7 Ehakim-Alcimus, high priest, see Alcimus Elianos Israehtes, inscription, II, 517 Eliashib, priest in the time of Nehemiah, I, 267 R. Ehezer ben Hyrcanus (c. A D 100), I, 172 Ehhu, II, 74 Ehjah, I, 243, 254, 295; I I , 60 in Ben Sira, II, 90, 97 legendary letter (II Q u o n . 21), I I , 75 Ehphaz, king ofthe Temanites, 11,62 Ehsha, I, 112, 243; II, 90 Elkesaites, I I , 204 El-Kronos, I I , 156
Index of Names and Subjects
304 Elymais, I, 280 Empedoclesj I, 2 1 0 Empedotimus (in Heraclides Ponticus), I, 211 Encyclopedic thought apocalyptic, I, 184, 207!. Essene, I, 2 4 3 , 2 4 7 wisdom, I, 1 5 7 Engedi ('Ein-Gedi), I, 1 4 , 2 2 , 44!.; II, 20, 2 6 , 3 5 , 365 3 7 balsam plantations of, I, 2 2 , 4 4 ! . ; II, 20 Enjoyment of hfe, see Libertinism, I, 5 4 f , 1 2 1 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 6 , 1 2 8 Enlightermient, I, 300, 305, 3 1 0 Ben Sira, I, I38f, 1 6 2 Greece, I, i2if, i 2 4 f . Koheleth, I, 1 2 1 and priesthood, I, 1 8 9 Enmediuranki, primal king of Babylon, I, 204 Ennius, Roman annalist, I, 1 8 2 Enoch in Ben Sira, I, 2 0 4 ; II, 90 heavenly books, I, 2 0 o f , 2 0 4 Hermes-Thoth, I, 2 1 5 inventor of astrology and bringer of culture, I, igS., 104, 2 3 9 journeys to heaven and to the underworld, I, I97f, 204, 2 1 4 ; II, 1 3 7 , 138 Metatron, II, 1 3 3 preacher of repentance, I Enoch 9 1 - 1 0 4 , 1 , 1 7 9 , 204
prophet, I, 206, 2 1 6 , 243 prototype of the pious wise man, I, 204 I Enoch, see Index of Ancient Writers, I, 1 7 6 , 1 8 1 , 1 9 9 apocalypse of symbohc beasts, I, 187
astrological book, I, 238 simihmdes, I, 1 7 6 , 1 8 1 , 2 0 4 ; II, 120 I I Enoch, I, 238 Enoch tradition, I, 1 8 9 , 1 9 2 , 204, 2 0 7 , 2 1 6 , 239
Ephebate (in Jemsalem), I, 731., 103, 2 7 8 , 2 8 9 ; II, 184 Ephesus, II, 84, 98 Epiciurus, Epicureans, I, 86, 8 7 , 1 1 5 , 143, 1 7 4 ; II, 5 9 , 92 Epiphanius of Salamis, I, 89 Epispasm, see Circumcision Epistles, I, 9 3 , IOO, n o Er, Pamphyhan in Plato's Republic, I, 1 8 6 ; II, 1 3 1 Erastosthenes ( 2 7 5 - 1 9 4 B C ) , I, 6 5 , 209, 2 1 4 , 2 3 8 , 3 0 0 ; I I , 1 3 3 Epismla Jeremiae, I, n o Erithrean sea, I, 9 3 ; I I , 1 3 8 , 202 Esau, I, 82, 1 8 7 ; II, 62 Esbonitis, administrative tmit, I, 20 Eschatology, see Ekpyrosis, Immi nent Expectation, Judgment, Retribution, Soul Ben Sira, I, 1 4 2 , I52f Christianity, I, 309, 3 i 3 Iran, I, 1 9 3 Judaism, I, 1 9 0 , 3 o 6 f , 3 i 2 f ; I I , 131
Rabbis, I, 1 7 5 Essenes A . General, I, 60, 7 4 , 80, 9 8 , 112,
135, 141,
145,
169,
1 7 9 , 3 1 1 ; II, 2 4 , 9 6 , 1 1 3
B . History, organization comtmmism of goods, I, 2 4 6 form of commimity, I, 2 4 3 f origin, I, I75f, 224, 2 5 1 separation, I, 1 9 5 , 223, 2 2 8 settlement ('Ein Feshka), 1,46 Teacher of Righteousness, see s.v. 'tertiaries', I, 243 C. Relationship to other groups Gnostics, I, 2 2 9 ; II, 168 Hasidim, I, 1 7 6 , 2 2 7 , 2 2 9 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 3 f , 305, 3 1 1
Maccabeans, I, 1 7 8 Pharisees, I, 2 i 9 f , 2 2 7 , 2 5 2 Philosophers, Greek, I, 2 3 0 , 247
priests, I, 1 8 9
Index of Names and Subjects
305
Pythagoreans, 1 , 2 4 5 f . ; I I , 1 6 3 Sadducees, I , 2 2 7 Stoics, I , 2 3 1 D . Theology Adam, 344 angels, I , 1 5 5 , 1 9 7 , 2 2 3 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 i f . , 2 5 1 ; I I , I44f. anthropology, I , 2 0 2 , 2 i 9 f . , 224, 2 4 7 ;
II5
95
apocalyptic, I , 1 8 4 , 2 2 7 f . astrology (astronomy), i 8 4 f . , 2 3 4 , 236f., 2 4 3 ,
I, 247,
'being and happening', I , 2 1 9 calendar, I , 1 8 9 , 1 9 2 , 2 3 2 , 2 3 5 ; I I , 201
229, 245, 2 5 1 ; I I ,
151, 152
Damascus Document, I, 1 7 5 , 179, 221, 2 2 5 5 1 1 , 1 1 7 , 1 4 8 , 164, 168
Daniel fragments,
1,176,182,
187
ecclesiology, I , 2 2 3 , 2 4 7 ekpyrosis, I I , 1 3 5 , 1 4 7 election, I I , 203 encyclopedia, I , 243, 2 4 7 eschatology, I , I99f-, 2445
Enoch fragments, I33f 144 HJ
133
222, 228, 243, 2 5 1 law, 1 , 1 7 6 , 2 2 3 , 2 2 7 , 2 5 1 ; I I ,
manticism,
II, 1 1 7 ,
horoscopes, I, 2 3 7 , 2 5 1 ; I I ,
forgiveness of sins, I , 2 2 3 ideal of holiness, I , 1 7 0 , 2 2 3 inspiration, 1 , 2 2 9 , 2 5 1 , 2 5 3 knowledge, wisdom, I , 2 1 0 ,
and
143
Community Rule, I, 82, 2 1 8 , 2 2 1 , 224, 238
covenant, I , 2 2 5 , 2 4 4 ; I I , 203 creation, I , 2 3 6 duahsm, I , 1 4 8 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 0 ,
138 magic
239
Ben Sira fragment, I, 2 2 1 ; I I ,
2 5 1 , 303
223f.,
sun, I, 2 3 6 , 2 4 5 ; I I , 1 5 7 'truth', I, 2 2 2 two spirits, I, 1 9 0 , 220, 2 3 2 , 2 5 1 ; II, 99 wilderness ideal, I, 228 'wise man', I I , 1 2 0 E. Writings, see Genesis A p o cryphon, I Enoch, Jubilees, Testaments of X I I Patri archs, 1 , 1 0 8 , 2 i 8 f ; I I , 1 5 1 astrological fragments, I, 2 3 7 ,
I,
239f., 242f., 2 5 1 ; I I , 88
Michael, I , 188, 2 2 0 , 2 3 1 'mystery', I , 203, 2 2 3 , 228 picmre of history, I , 2 2 0 rationahsm, I , 228, 239, 2 5 3 redemption, I , 1 7 7 , 2 2 4 , 2 5 1 remnant, holy, I , 2 2 3 , 2 2 6 , 244, 2 5 1 ; I I , 1 4 6
repentance, I , 1 7 9 , 2 2 3 , 2 5 1 resurrection, I , I98f; I I , 1 3 1 revelation, I I , n o sabbath, I , 168, 1 7 8
hymns, I, 2 2 1 , 224, 230, 2 3 6 ; II, 147, 1 5 1 , 158 Isaiah scroll, I I , 1 2 1 key writings, I, 2 1 8 Koheleth fragments, I, 2 2 1 5 II, 1 4 3 language, I, 228 hbrary, I, 228 hmrgies, I, 1 7 9 Melchizedek fragment, 1 , 1 8 8 psahn scroU, I, 1 7 6 , 206 pseudepigraphy, I, 205 Septuagint fragment, I I , 1 7 1 Testament of Levi, I, 1 8 9 , 205,
209
War Scroll, I, 1 8 , 1 8 8 , 2 2 0 , 224, 2 3 3 ; I I , 1 4 7 , 1 5 1 Esther, I, 30, 6 4 , l o i , n o , 307 'Et, I, 1 2 0 , 1 2 6 , 1 9 4 ; I I , 8 1 , 1 4 5 Ethics, see Law Ben Sira, I, 1 4 8 Koheleth, I, 1 2 1
Index of Names and Subjects
306
Ethiopia, I, 1 7 , 89, 9 2 Ethnos of Jews, 1 , 2 4 , 7 4 , 2 7 7 ! . , 282, 292, 294, 307; I I , 189 Eubius, Stoic from Ashkelon, I, 86
Eudemus of Rhodes (second half of fourth century B C ) , I, 1 9 1 , 2 3 0 Eudoxus of Cnidus (fourth century B C ) , I, 2 3 5 ; I I , 1 5 3 , 1 6 0 Euhemerus, Euhemerism, I, 89, 266; II, 138 Eulaeus, spokesman of Ptolemy V I , I, I I Emnenes, secretary of Alexander the Great, I, 2 7 6 Eiunenes I I of Pergamum (died
136, 1 6 5 , 227, 297, 302;
II, 4 9 , 6 9 , 205 Euripides, I, 6 7 , 1 0 9 , i n , 1 2 2 , i24f., 1 4 3 , 1 4 9 ; II, 83, 9 5 , 98, 134
Europa, I, 7 2 Eusebius of Caesarea, I, 88, 89 Eve, I I , 1 7 6 Evil, see Belial, Duahsm, Theodicy, 1 , 1 5 5 , 1 9 0 , 1 9 3 , 218, 221, 227, 2 3 i f ; II, 1 5 1 , 1 5 4
Exegesis, see Allegory Aristobulus, I, 1 6 5 Ben Sira, I, 1 3 6 Essene, I, 2 2 7 , 240, 246 inspiration, I, 206, 2 5 3 pesher method, I, 9 9
Rabbinic, I, i 7 3 f . scribal, I, 8 1 Exitus
clarorum virorum,
46
Ezekiel apocalyptic, I, 1 8 0 ; I I , 1 3 7 in Ben Sira, I I , 90 = Zarathustra, I, 230 Ezekiel apocryphon, I I , 1 3 3 Ezekiel the Tragedian, I, 69, 1 0 9 ; II, 5 2 , 7 1 , 1 0 9 Ezra apocalypse, I, 2 5 4
Famine, I, 5 3 Fate, behef in, see Astrology, Death, Tyche, I, 2 3 6 f , 2 3 9 in HeUenistic enlightenment, I , 51, 125, 2 3 7 f
160/159 B C ) , II, 183
Eunus, slave king on Sicily (c. 1 3 6 B C ) , I, 1 8 5 ; I I , 33 Eupolemus, son of John, Jewish historian, I, 64, 7 3 , 7 6 , 88, 90, 9 2 - 5 , 97, 98f, 102, 104, n o , 112,
Exports, from Palestine, I, 4 2 , 4 4 ,
I, 98
in P. Insiger, I, 1 2 5 in Koheleth, I, 5 1 , i i 9 f f . 3 1 2 6 at Qumran, I, 2 3 1 among Stoics, I, 2 3 1 Fayum, I, 7 , 2 9 ; I I , 1 1 , 3 3 , 1 6 5 Fear of God, 1 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 6 , i 3 8 f , 1 5 5 Feasts abolition of (Antiochus I V ) , I, 292
consecration of temple, I, 303 Dionysus, I, 2 9 6 , 2 9 8 f festal calendar, I, 234f.; I I , 2 0 1 Hanukkah, I, 2 3 5 , 298, 303 Fellahin, I, 3 9 , 290 FeudaUsm, see Land, I, 2 6 7 ; I I , 3 4 Financial administration, I, 1 9 ! . Fiscus Judaicus, I I , 204 Fishing, I, 4 6 ; II, 3 7 Flavia Neapolis, Roman colony = Shechem, I I , 200 'Flesh and blood', I, 1 4 0 Flood story, I, 89 FoUy, I, i 5 3 i f . Food regulations, I, 9 6 , 1 7 8 , 269 Fortification in Palestine, I, 7 , I3f.
Exorcisms, I I , 1 6 3 Expansionist policy, Jewish, I, 5 5 f , 93f
Exploitation of indigenous popula tion, I, 20, 2 8 f , 48, 5 6
Gabinius, Roman governor in Syria ( 5 7 - 5 5 B C ) , I, 2 3
Gabriel, angel, I, 203, 2 3 1
Index of Names and Subjects
Gadara, I, 8, 15, 42 cultural centre, I, 83f., 102, 299 Galaaditis (Galadene), I, 20, 93 Galatians, I, 16 Galen, I I , 133 Galilee, Galileans, I, 8,2if., 24, 39, 42, 93, 105; II, 187, 195 R. Gamaliel I I , I I , 115 Gardens, I I , 37 Gaulanitis, I, 20 Gaza, I, 8, 9, 13, 15, 22, 23, 37, 40, 42f., 59, 6 1 , 158; I I , 172, 184 epitaph of two Ptolemaic officers in, I, 15, 38, 59, 83, 123 GemeUus, tutor for Herod, I I , 53 Genesis Apocryphon, I, 99; II, 117 Gennesaret, Lake, 1 , 1 4 , 45, 46; I I , 35 Gentiles, see Nations, foreign (G)ephron, I, 8 Gerasa, I, 14, 45, 46; I I , 35 Gerizim, I, 13, 9of, 95, 1 1 3 , 274, 294, 307; I I , 200 Gerrha, Gerrheans, I, 37; I I , 34 Gerousia, in Jerusalem, I, 10, 25f., 129,133,135,278,280; I I , 185 Gezer, 1,46,47,83,282; II, 35,37,42 Gilgamesh epic, I, 123, 198 G h l s , dealing in, see Slave trade, I, 4if Glassware, I, 42, 52 Glaucias, inspector for dioiketes ApoUonius, I, 39 Gnomic thought, Greek, 1,129,150; H,77 Gnosis, I, 163, 195, 229, 241, 247, 253, 308 Gobryes, magician, I, 211 God in Aristobulus, I, i64f., i 6 7 f in Ben Sha, I, I43f, I47f, 264 Greek interpretation of, I, 261 in Hecataeus, I, 256 in HeUenistic enUghtenment, I, 125 Jewish concept of, see Theocrasy, I, 256, 259f., 261, 266f.
307 in Koheleth, I, 118, 120, 126 lordship of, I, 190, 3 i 2 f name of, I, 155, 241, 26of, 262, 264f., 266f, 294, 296f, 298 in Posidonius, I, 259 presence of, I, 176, I93f. in Redesieh inscriptions, I, 264 among reformers in Jerusalem, I, 129, 141, 267, 294f., 304 among Stoics, I, I47f. in Strabo, I I , 170 in Varro, I, 260 Graecisms, see Loanwords, 1,107 in Koheleth, I, 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 , 1 1 9 ; I I , 79 Graeculi, I, 54, 299 Grain, cultivation, export and im port, I, 28, 32, 37, 40,42, 53 Granus Licinianus (second centmry AD), I I , 188, 190 Greece, 1,2,6,32,37,42,129; II, 83 Greek A. ReUgion, thought, under standing of the world, I, 213,219,236,253,266,309 anthropology, I, 198 circmncision, I I , 178 creation, I, 148 enhghtenment, I, I 2 i f . , 143, 249, 300f, 305, 310; I I , 92 hypostases, I, 154 idea of God, I, 2 1 0 , 264; I I , 140 knowledge, I, 208 miracle workers, I, 211 monotheism, I, 261; I I , 154 mythology, I, 67, 74, 8 8 , 1 0 2 , 197, 2 0 1 ; I I , 107, 139 physiognomy, I I , 160 popular belief, I, 233 popular philosophy, I, 1 4 1 , 162, 248, 311 rationalism, I, 217, 250 wisdom, 1,136,173,206,208, 243, 246 world year, I, 191, 193 zodiac, I I , 160
3o8
Index of Names and Subjects
Greek - contd. B . Culture and education associations, I, 244, 3 1 1 collections o f oracles, I, 1 8 5 epitaphs, I, 1 2 3 , 1 9 7 gnomic thought, I, 1 2 9 , 1 5 0 gymnasium, I, 65f. ideal of education, I, 2 4 6 language, I, 3 5 , io3ff., 1 1 4 , 2 1 2 , 248, 299 i I I J 1 1 4 metre, I I , 104 philosophical school, I, 8 1 , 174
SibyUine literature, II, 1 2 5 star sagas, I, 2 1 4 theatre, I I , 1 8 4 translations, I, 1 6 2 , 2 1 3 C . InteUectual influence and contacts AristobiUus, I, i 6 3 f , 1 6 9 , 245, 2 4 9 f
Babylon, II, 1 8 4 Egypt, see s.v., I, 1 6 5 , 2 1 3 Essenes, I, 2 2 2 Jubilees, II, 1 3 8 Koheleth, I, iisff. Phoenicia, see s.v., I, 1 6 5 Rabbis, I, 1 7 4 , 2 3 o f wisdom, I, 1 5 4 D . Society and economy, I, 1 6 , 4 i f , 2 4 4 , 3 1 0 ; II, 7 2 , 83 Gyges, king of Lydia, I I , 7 5 Gymnasium, I, 38, 5 5 , 65f., 1 3 1 Babylon, I, 7 1 ; I I , 1 8 4 Jerusalem, I, 7 o f , 7 3 f , 1 0 3 , 2 7 8 f , 30if.
Syria and Palestine, I, 7 0 Habdala prayer, I I , 94 Hadad, I I , 1 7 3 , 1 9 1 Hades, see Underworld, I, 1 2 3 , 2 6 2 Hadrian, emperor, I, 3 0 7 ; I I , 198 Haggadah, Palestinian 1 , 9 0 , 9 5 , 1 6 2 Haggai, son of Diaphoras, I I , 4 5 Hagiography, I I , 1 8 3 Halakah, I, 100, 1 7 3 ; II, 1 1 8 Halicarnassus, I, 4 3
Ham, son of Noah, I, 89 Haman, I, l o i , n o Hammath near Tiberias, I I , 5 4 R. Hanina b. Dosa, miracle healer (c. AD too), I, 2 0 7 Hanna, slave with ApoUonius, I, 4 1 Hanukkah, feast of, I, 2 3 5 , 2 9 8 , 303 Haran, I, 2 9 7 Harayeb, Phoenician manufacturing centre, I, 34 Harboiurs, Palestinian, I, 3 9 f Hasidim, 1 , 7 9 f , 96f., 1 2 8 , 1 5 3 , 1 6 9 , I 7 5 f , 1 7 9 , 188, 205, 2 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 4 f , 2 4 8 , 2 5 0 , 2 8 1 , 290, 3 0 4 ;
II, 6, 1 4 7 , 1 8 0 A. History further development (Essenes and Pharisees), 1 , 1 7 6 , 2 2 7 , 229, 2 5 1 , 2 5 3 f , 305, 3 1 1
organization, I, 2 4 4 rebeUion, I I , 1 8 7 B. Theology apocalyptic, I, 1 7 4 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 3 , 1 9 6 , 200, 2 0 6 f , 2 0 8 f , 218,
2 2 1 , 229, 232,
238,
2 4 8 , 2 5 0 , 2 5 2 , 3 1 1 ; II, 1 1 4 , 168
doctrine of angels, I, 2 3 1 , 2 5 1 ; II, 1 6 7 doctrine of souls, I, 198 eschatology, I, 2 2 6 , 2 5 3 f 'gnosis', I, 243 ideal of poverty, I, 246 interpretation of dreams, I I , 162
repentance
movement,
I,
I78f, 1 9 5 , 225, 250
revelations, I, 2 0 2 ; I I , 1 5 2 view of history, I, 1 7 9 , 2 5 0 ; II, 1 6 7 wisdom, 1 , 1 9 6 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 4 , 2 0 9 , 2 1 7 , 228, 239
Hasmoneans, see Maccabees, I, 2 3 , 3 0 , 4 5 , 4 7 , 60, 6 4 , 7 6 , 9 4 , 9 7 , IOO, I 0 3 f , 1 5 3 , 2 2 6 , 2 5 2 , 2 5 9 , 263, 2 7 6 , 3 0 5 f , 3 1 1 , 3 1 3 ; II, 22, 150
309
Index of Names and Subjects
Hathor, identification with Isis, I, 158
Hatra, N W of Assur, 1 , 2 9 7 ; II, 200 Hauran, I, 4 o f , 2 9 7 ; II, 3 7 , 1 0 2 , 198
Heaven among Essenes, I, 2 2 3 as designation for God, I, 2 5 6 , 2 6 7 ; II, 8 7 , 1 9 9 God of, see 'Highest', I, 86, 256, 2 5 9 , 2 6 7 , 2 8 3 , 286, 297f.,
303,
305
journey of soul to, see Soul, I, 84, 204, 2 i o f , 2 1 4
Heavenly voice, I, 2 1 4 Hebrews, I, 2 5 3 Hebron, I, 2 9 5 Hecataeus of Abdera (c. 300 B C ) account of Egypt, I, 90, 92 on Moses and the Jews, 1 , 1 7 , 50, 7 2 , 2 5 5 f , 260, 300; II,
50,166
partisan of Ptolemy I, I, 1 8 on religious belief of Jews, 1 , 1 4 7 , 2 5 9 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 7 , 2 9 8 , 3 0 4 ; II,
176
Ps. Hecataeus, Jewish historian, I, 69, 2 5 6 ; II, 7 6 , 105 Hecataeus of Milems, II, 69 Hecate, 1 , 2 1 6 Hegesippus, II, 204 Heleq,
I, 1 2 1 , I 2 5 f , 1 4 6 ; II,
81
Hehodorus, minister of Seleucus TV, 1 , 1 0 , I I I , 1 3 3 , 2 7 2 ; II,
183
Hehodorus, Ethiopiaca (third cenmry A D ) , II, 5 7 HehopoUs (Egypt), I, 90, 9 1 HeUopohs Baalbek, I, 2 9 6 ; II, 1 7 2 , 198
Helios, I, 201, 2 1 5 ; II, 34, 1 9 7 Baal Samem, I, 2 9 7 ; II, 1 9 1 lao, I, 262 Syrian god of heaven, I, 2 3 6 Hellanicus, historian (fifth century B C ) , II, 50 Hellenism, see Spirit of age concept of, I, 2f. temporal setting of, I, 3 Hephaestus, I, 2 1 5
Hephzibah (by Scythopohs), in scription of, I, 58 Heraclea, Jewess in Egypt, I, 63 Heracleia, epitaph, I, 1 9 7 Heracleides, ship's captain, Zeno papyri, II, 33 Heracleides Ponticus, Platonist ( 3 9 0 - 3 1 0 E C ) , I, 2 1 1 ; II,
133
Heracleitus of T y r e , Sceptic, I, 87 Heracles, I, 67f., 7 0 ; II, 6 3 , 64 at crossroads, I, 140, 1 5 6 'father of Melchizedek', I, 89 fight against Antaeus, I, 7 4 guardian deity of gymnasimn, I, 73
Jewish sacrificial delegation to Tyre, I, 7 3 , 2 7 8 , 283 = Melkart, God of Tyre, I, 4 3 , 7 3 ; H, 172 HeracUdes, II, 50 Herachms, I, 6 9 , 1 1 5 , 1 4 8 , 1 9 1 , 2 0 1 Hermas, apocalyptic, I, 206 Hermes, see Thoth, I, 67f., 7 0 , 89, 2 1 4 ; II, 1 3 2 , 1 6 2 guardian deity of gymnasium, I, 73
journeys to heaven, I, 2 1 4 = Moses, I, 92 Thoth, I, 9 1 , 9 2 , 130, 2 1 4 , 2 3 6 , 2 4 2 ; II, 1 2 6 Trismegisms, inventor of astro logical wisdom, 1,238; II, 1 2 5 , 141
Hermetica, I ,
154, 182, 212, 2i4f.,
261
Hermippus, Peripatetic and bio grapher (second half of third cenmry B C ) , I, 230, 2 4 5 , 2 5 8 ; II, 90 Herod I, I, 2 9 , 4 5 , 6 0 , 6 2 , 9 9 f , 1 0 5 , 240, 2 5 2 , 2 7 6 ,
306
education, I, 7 7 family, I, 62 institution of gymnasium I, 7 0 mihtary settlement of Jewish cavalry in Trachonitis, II, 1 8 2 , 187
310
Index
Herod I -
contd.
and Nicolaus of Damascus, 1 , 9 9 ;
n, 1 7 3
of Names
and
Ben Sira, I, I36f Essenes, I, 2 2 4 , 2 2 8 ,
Subjects
2 3 o f , 234,
247
observance of the law, I, 268 temple of Augustas in Caesarea, II, 1 9 0 Herod Antipas, I, 105, 282 Herodoms, I, 7 2 , 90, i n , 182, 230, 2 9 5 ; II, 6 9 , 9 5 , 1 6 6 Hesiod, I, 8 8 f , 108, 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 6 7 , 2ii,233f.,266,30i;II, 127,171
Heti son of Duauf, scribe, I I , 5 4 Hezekiah, high priest of Ptolemy I, I, 4 9 ; I I , 1 9 , 1 0 5 , 1 6 9 Hezekiah, king in Ben Sira, I, 1 8 0 ; I I , 9 6 healed by Isaiah, I, 1 1 2 Hierapohs, I I , 1 8 6 Hieron from Laodicea, Phoenician ( 1 8 4 BC), I, 7 1 Hieronymus of Cardia (c. 3 6 4 - 2 6 0 BC), I, 3 7 , 4 4 , 4 5 school of, I I , 87 High priest, I, 24f., 5 5 , 60, 97, 105,
Jewish HeUenists, I, 2 9 9 f , 302 Rabbis, I, 1 7 3 , 1 7 5 History writing anonymous Samaritan, I, 9 1 anti-Jewish, I, 2 6 1 , 3 0 4 f coiurt histories, I, 2 9 f , 50, l o i , 269; II, 123 end of Jewish history writing, I, IOO, 1 7 5
Eupolemus, I, 9 2 f Jewish writing in Greek, I, 6 9 , 7 3 f , 94f., 9 7 , 1 0 2 ; I I , 5 1 in Palestine, I , 8 8 f , 9 9 f Priestiy, I, 9 9 Hokma,
see Wisdom, I, 7 8 , 1 3 6 ,
i53ff-, 1 5 7 , 1 7 1 ; I I , I I I
Holofemes, I, 307 Homer, I, 6 6 f , 69, 7 4 , 7 5 , 8 1 , 1 0 3 , 118, I22f, 125, 167, 197, 210,
Hillelites, I I , 1 6 7 Hinnom, valley of, place of judg ment, I, 198 Hipparchus of Samos, astronomer (second centiUTr BC), I, 209 Hippodamic state plan, I, 4 7 Hippolochus, Ptolemaic officer at time of Antiochus I I I , I I , 4
II, 106 homeland of, I, 85 and Jews, I, 7 5 Honi the Circle Drawer (first half of first cenmry BC), I, 2 0 7 Horace, I, 4 5 R. HoSa'ya of Caesarea, con temporary of Origen, I, 1 7 1 Hygieia, I I , 1 3 9 Hyksos, I I , 1 7 7 Hymns Ben Sira, I, 1 3 1 , 1 4 4 Cleanthes, I, 148, 230 Essenes, I, 223, 230 wisdom, I , I53f. Hyperboreans, I, 2 1 1
Hippolytus,
Hyparchos,
1 3 3 , 2 5 5 , 2 7 0 f ,279,304; II, 169
'Highest' as designation for God, I, 2 6 2 f , 295, 298; II, 1 7 6 , 205
Hillel the elder and house of HiUel, I, 6 1 , 7 7 , 8 i f , 2 3 5 , 2 7 6 ; I I , 4 8 , 70, 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 , 164
see Euripides, I,
i n
Hippos (Susitha), I I , 1 0 , 182, 1 8 4 Hiram, king, I , 9 3 , n o , 1 2 9 , 2 9 7 , 3 0 2 ; II, 5 2 , 6 4 Hirbet al-Muqamma = Ekron, I I , 26
History, interpretation of apocalyptic, 1 , 1 8 1 - 9 6 , 2 0 8 f , 2 1 9 , 2 5 0 , 302
231, 260;
I, 2 o f ; II, 4
Hypostases, see Law, Mediator of Creation, Torah ontology. Wisdom, I, i 5 4 f . , 1 5 7 , 3 1 2 Hypsistarians, see 'Highest', I, 308 Hyrcanus I I , high priest (c. 30 BC), 1,76
217,
Hyrcanus, Tobiad, son of Joseph, I , I If, 29, 59, 64, 104, 268, 2 7 1
Index
of Names
and
Subjects
command of cleruchy in Trans jordania, I, 2 6 9 , 2 7 2 f , 2 7 5 death, I, 2 7 3 , 2 7 6 destruction of his rule, 1 , 1 1 , 2 7 6 ; ir, 1 8 6
Greek education, I, 5 9 , 2 7 5 messianic claims ( ?), 1, 2 7 3 , 2 7 6 mission to Egypt, I, 269 and Onias III, I, 1 3 3 , 2 7 2 , 2 7 5 personality, I, 2 7 6 and temple in Transjordania, I, 1 2 , 2 7 4 , 304
Hystaspes, oracles of, I, 1 8 5 , 1 9 3 , 214, 2 1 6 ; II, 1 2 5 , 128
lambulus, travel romance of (third cenmry B C ) , I, i n ; I I , 1 3 8 , 171 lao, I, 2 6 0 , 262f., 2 6 6 ; I I , 2 0 1
and Dionysus, I, 263 Sabaoth, I, 263 Ida, Mount, I, 2 9 5 Idolatry, see Apostasy, Polytheism, I, 2 6 5 , 3 0 0 ; I I , 40 Idumea, Idumeans, I, 6, 1 6 , 20ff., 2 4 , 6 2 , 98, 1 5 3 ; I I , 1 7 2 Images, prohibition of, 1 , 2 5 6 , 2 5 9 f , 261,
273f,
2 8 5 , 294f.,
303f,
3o6f Imago dei, I, 1 4 9 , 1 7 4 ; I I , 1 0 5 , 108
Imminent expectation, see Eschato logy, I, 194S., 2 0 5 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 1 , 223, 226, 228, 244, 253
Immortality, see Soul, I, 1 2 4 , 1 9 6 202, 2 1 2 , 246, 3 1 2
Impurity, ritual, I, 44, 52f. Imuthes Asclepius, I, 2 1 3 Incense, see Aromatics India, I, 3 5 , 1 9 1 , 2 5 7 ; I I , 1 3 8 apocalyptic themes, I, 1 8 1 Brahmans, I, 2 i 2 f , 2 5 7 world year, I I , 128 Indian Ocean, see Erithrean sea, I I , 171
Individualism, see Universalism, I, 79, i i 6 f , 126, 1 9 5 , 202, 2 1 0
311 Inscriptions 'Araq el Emir, I I , 1 7 8 , 1 8 1 Asia Minor, I, 3 0 8 ; II, 1 7 5 Bosporus, II, 2 0 1 Byblos, II, 200 Cilicia, I, 1 9 7 Delos, I I , 1 7 2 Egypt, I, 2 6 4 ; I I , 200 Gaza, I, 83 Hatra, I, 2 9 7 ; I I , 200 Jerusalem, I, 60, 82, 104 Joppa, I I , 1 9 2 Lydia, I I , 1 7 5 Marisa, I, 62; I I , 1 9 2 Palestine, I, 58 Phoenicia, I I , 198, 200 Ptolemais, I I , 1 7 3 , 1 9 1 Redesieh, I, 2 6 4 Rome, I I , 1 1 4 , 2 0 1 Samaria, II, 1 9 0 Scythopohs, I, 284, 2 9 8 ; I I , 1 9 0 Sidon, I, 1 5 2 Inspiration, I, 206, 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 , 2 2 2 , 246
apocalyptic, I, 206, 2 1 2 Aristobulus, I, 1 6 5 Ben Sira, I, 1 3 6 Essenes, I I , 1 5 2 Rabbis, I, 1 7 2 ; I I , 1 4 1 Inventor, first Abraham, I, 90, 1 2 9 Isis, I, i 5 8 f Joseph, I, 2 9 Moses, 1 , 1 7 , 2 9 , 9 1 , 9 2 , 9 5 , 1 2 9 , 165
Phoenicia, I, 86, 1 2 9 Solomon, I, 1 2 9 Ionia, I, 3 2 , 4 4 Ionian cities, I, 68 Ionian nataral philosophers, I, 1 5 6 Iphicrates, leader from Athens in Acco, I, 1 3 Ipsus, battle of, I, 6 Iran, Iranian, see Persian anthropology, I, 1 8 2 apocalyptic, I, i 8 r , 1 8 5 , 1 9 3 ; I I , 127
312
Index of Names and Subjects
Iran, Iranian - contd. doctrine of world ages, I, i 8 2 f . , 192; II, 127, 153 dualism, 1 , 1 9 0 , 2 3 0 ; II, 1 2 8 , 1 6 6 eschatology, I, 190, 1 9 3 ; I I , 1 3 1 journey into heaven, I I , 1 4 2 nationaUsm, I, 1 2 resurrection, I, 1 9 6 revelation, I, 2 1 4 wisdom, I, 2 1 2 world's bmming, I, 1 9 2 , 2 0 1 Irene, name from Marisa, I, 6 2 Irrigation, artificial, 1 , 2 9 , 4 5 , 4 6 f , 53 wheel, I, 4 7 , 53 Isaac, I, i 8 7 f . Isaeus, teacher of Demosthenes, I, 32
Isaiah, I I , 68 in Ben Sira, I I , 90 heals Hezekiah, I, 1 1 2 R, Ishmael (died A D 135), I, 1 7 2 Ishtar, II, 9 9 Isidorus, hymns to Isis (first century B C ) , I I , 102 Isis, I, I58f, 2 1 0 , 2 1 5 ; I I , 6 2 , 9 9 , 131
aretalogies, I, I58f; II, 103 Astarte, I, 1 5 8 cult, I I , 1 7 7 , 1 8 7 in Demotic Chronicle, I, 1 8 4 expulsion of Jews, I, 1 8 5 identification of Eve with, I I , 1 7 6 in Jerusalem, I , 1 5 8 hght of men, I I , 108 mistress of destiny, I I , 86 in Potter's Oracle, I, 1 8 5 as world soul (Plutarch), 1 , 1 6 3 Isocrates, I, 65 Israel, theological, see Covenant, Law, Remnant, Wisdom disobedience, I, 1 9 0 election, I, 1 4 9 , 1 5 8 , 1 8 7 , 208, 217
glorification, I, 1 5 2 , 161 history, I, 160, 302 hmnanity, II, 94 hberation, I, 1 8 1
wisdom, I, 1 6 1 , 1 7 0 Itureans, I, 9 3 , 307
Jabesh, I I , 53 Jabneh = Jamnia, I, 2 6 , 1 7 5 , 2 5 2 ; 11,34
Jacob, I, 82, i 6 o f , 1 8 7 Jarmes and Jambres, I, 2 5 4 Jason (Jeshua), high priest, son of Simon the Just, I, 1 1 , 28, 64, 105, 225, 227, 244, 270, 2 7 7
actions and fate, I, 2 7 5 , 280 attack on Jerusalem, I, 1 1 , 2 7 5 , 280
death in Sparta, I, 7 2 deposition of, I, 2 7 9 , 304 gymnasium and ephebate in Jerusalem, I, 7 1 HeUenistic reform programme, I, 26,
72flf., 9 7 , 1 0 3 , 2 2 4 , 2 7 8 f ,
299
leader of HeUenistic party, I, 6 4 quarrel with his brother Onias III, I, 2 7 2 , 2 7 5 Jason (c. 80 Bc), grave in Jerusalem, I, 6 0 , 1 2 4 ; I I , 1 5 0 Jason of Cyrene, Jewish historian, I, 2, 6 9 , 9 5 - 9 9 , I O O , 1 0 4 , 1 0 5 , 143, 1 7 8 , 1 9 6 , 2 7 7 ; II, 46, 193
Jason, son of Eleazar, ambassador to Rome, I, 98 Jason, in Letter of Aristeas, I, 6 4 Jeddiis, Judean viUage elder in Zeno papyri, I, 2 1 , 48 Jehimilk inscription, I I , 1 9 8 Jehud, name of province, I, 2 4 , 335 11,19
coins, I, 3 3 , 2 7 5 ; I I , 1 9 R. Jehuda b . Tl'ai (c. A D 150), I I , I I I
Jehuda b . Tabai, school in Alexandria (beginning first cenmry B C ) , I I , 1 1 2 Jeremiah, I, 93, n o ; I I , 6 7 , 68 Jericho, I, 2 2 , 40, 4 4 f , 4 6 ; I I , 1 8 , 20, 195
Index of Names and Subjects
Jerasalem, I, 2, %, loff., i4f.j 20, 24iF., 30,34f., 40,42,49f-> 52ff., 56, 59, 62, 64, 2$Tf.; II, 1 2 A . History and statesmen Antiochus III, I, 8, 52,131 Antiochus I V , I, n , 279, 281 Antiochus V I I , I, 226 ApoUonius, I, 281 Babylonians, I, 93 citadel, I, 1 5 , 2 8 1 ; II, 5 1 constitution, II, 2 1 destruction, I, 183, 190, 200 fifth Syrian war, I, 8f, 2 7 1 Jason, I, I I , 275 polis, I, 26, 59, 74, 103, 224,
278f, 304 Pompey, I, 100, 301 Ptolemeans, I, 1 5 , 270 Ptolemy I, I, 42; II, 1 2 Ptolemy III, I, 269 Ptolemy IV, I, 8 Romans, II, 204 Scopas, I, 9, 271 Seleucus IV, I, l o f , 138, 2 7 1 ; II, 96 B . Religion and cult Athene, I, 296 friends of Greece, I, 91, 94, 225, 235, 239; II, 150 HeUenism, I, 2, 12, 59, 62, 72,
77flf.,
104,
176,
195,
204, 225, 227, 259, 267, 275, 277, 280, 304; Hj 78, 189 house cults, I, 283 Isis-Astarte, I, 158 Jewish Christians, I, 314 Koheleth, I, 127 Paul, II, 71 reform of cult, I, 293 sanctuary, I, 25, 78, 95, 97, 104; II, 39 synagogues, I, 82 theocrasy, I, 267 C. Culture Attic pottery, I, 35 bilingual inscriptions, I, 104
313 elementary school, II, 55 gymnasium, I, 7of, 73-7, 103, 131, 198, 208, 244, 278, 304 inscriptions, Greek, 1,60,124 wisdom schools, I, 132, 301; II, 53, 138 D . Society, population aristocracy, I, 56, 103, 249, 277, 299, 301, 304; II, 149 Diaspora, I, i , 12, 60, 100, 252f; II, 12 dispute over supervision of trading, I, 24f., 52, 272 trade, Phoenician, I, 34 Jerusalem in the history of reUgion antipodes of Rome, I, 307 eschatological, I, 198 founded by Moses, I, 259 heavenly, I, 223 place of wisdom, I, 158 Jesebiah, Jewish ofiBcer, II, 11 Jesus of Nazareth, I, 309, 313 Jesus, son of Ananus, I, 216 Jesus, son of GamaUel, high priest (c. A D 63-65), I, 82 Jews, as ethnos, I, 24, 26, 74, 278, 282,292,294,300,307; II, 204 as philosophers, I, 164, 256, 265, 300, 304, 311 Jews, distribution of, see Egypt, Diaspora Antioch, II, 192 Babylonia, II, 192 Berenice, I, 16; II, 165, 184 cleruchy of Tobias, I, 276 Elephantine, I, 154 Rome, I, 263 Syria, II, 192 Joazar, son of Boethus, II, 53 Job, I, 107, 109, i i 3 f , 120, 124, 143, 153, 157, 221, 232, 248; II, 62, 87 R. Johanan (third centxuTr A D ) , II, 141 R, Johanan ben Zakkai (c. A D 1-80), I, 276; II, 52, 164
Index of Names and Subjects
314 Johanna, slave with ApoUonius, I, 41
Johannes Lydus, I , 260, 2 6 4 ; I I , 203
John from the priestly family of Haqqos, I, 64, 9 7 John the Baptist, I, 179; I I , 120 John of Ephesus, I, 206 John Hyrcanus, high priest ( 1 3 4 104 B C ) , I, 6 2 , 8 2 , 2 2 7 , 3 o 6 f ;
II, 2 2 , 1 8 9 and destruction of Samaria (108 B C ) , I, 1 5 8 Jewish auxiliaries for Antiochus VII, I, 16 name, I, 6 4 Pharisaic movement after, 1 , 1 7 0 ; II, 1 5 0 John Mark, Acts, I, 105 Jonah, book of, I, 107, i n , 1 1 3 Jonathan, Jewish merchant (before 3 1 0 B C ) , I, 34 Jonathan b . Uzziel, pupil of Hillel, 11,70
translation of prophets, I, 2 1 3 Jonathan, high priest ( 1 5 1 - 1 4 3 B C ) , I, 1 6 , 9 7 , 2 2 4 , 2 2 5 , 2 2 8 , 2 5 1 , 2 9 1 , 3 0 6 ; II, 6 5 ambassador to Sparta, I, 2 6 , 64 judge in Micmash, I I , 1 4 9 , 1 5 0 murdered by Trypho, 143 B C , I, 226
takes office, I, 9 7 , 1 7 6 , 225, 2 9 0 ; II, 149 Joppa (Jaffa), I, 8 , 2 3 , 3 7 , 4 1 , 4 6 , 5 8 , 2 8 2 ; I I , 1 6 , 1 9 , 38 inscription in honour of Ptolemy IV Philopator, I, 8, 58, 1 9 2 legend of Andromeda, I, 7 2 ; II, 150
Jordan vaUey, I, 46 royal land in, I, 2 2 , 46 Jose b. Jo'ezer, teacher in Maccabean period, I, 5 2 , 8 0 ; II, 68 Jose b . Johanan, teacher in Macca bean period, I, 5 2
Joseph narrative, I, 2 9 f ; II, 1 6 2 , 176
in Artapanus, I, i n Joseph and Asenath, I, i n Joseph, Tobiad, I, 2 5 , 27f., 2 9 , 4 9 , 5 1 , 53> 5 6 , 59> 2 7 6 , 300,- I I , 5 , 14
in Alexandria, I, 269 description in Tobiad romance, I, 29, 269
education, I, 59 living in Jerusalem, I, 5 3 loss of office, I, 2 7 1 against Onias I I , I, 2 5 , 2 7 , 2 7 0 tax farmer for Coele Syria, I, 2 7 , 28, 5 3 , 5 6 , 1 0 4 , 2 6 8 , 3 0 4 ; I I , 5 , 14
type of HeUenistic businessman, I, 5 1 , 2 7 0 Josephus, I, 7 0 , 7 5 , 7 7 , Soflf., 9 0 , 9 4 f , 9 9 , I05f, I I I , 1 2 0 , 1 3 6 , 141,
198, 2 1 9 , 2 3 1 , 2 4 o f , 245,
247,
254, 256, 266f,
275f, 114,
27if,
2 7 9 , 288, 3 0 9 ; I I ,
92,
148, 150, 1 7 7 , 182
as Pharisee, I, 1 7 3 and Priestly history writing, 1 , 9 9 Tobiad, romance in, I, 88, 268f. Joshua in Ben Sira, 1 , 1 3 5 ; I I , 90 R. Joshua b. Gamla, I, 82 R. Joshua b. Lewi (beginning of third cenmry A D ) , I, 1 7 2 Joshua b. Perahya (c. 130 Bc), I, 5 2 , 80, 8 2 ; I I , 1 1 2 Josiah, I, 1 2 , 180; I I , 96 Jubilees, see Essenes, I, 9 1 , 9 9 , 1 8 9 , 199, 209, 2 2 1 , 2 2 5 f , 235, 302;
II, 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 , 1 2 0 , 1 5 1 Judah, see Jehud, I, 1 1 , 1 3 , 1 7 , 2 1 , 24iF„ 2 8 , 3 3 , 3 5 , 4 0 , 46flf., 7 0 , 258, 270, 2 7 5 , 2 9 o f , 306
administrative unit with Samaria, L 293 and Antiochus IV, I, 287, 304 derivation of name, I I , 5 0 language in, I, 59 relationship to Jerusalem, I, 53
Index
of Names
and
Subjects
royal land in, I, 2 8 ; I I , 20 tax in, I, 28 'temple state', 1 , 2 4 , 2 6 , 5 5 , 1 1 3 Judaism, Hellenistic, I, I04f., 3 1 1 Judas, Essene, I, 240 Judas Barsabbas, I, 105 Judas Maccabaeus, 1 , 2 8 , 6 0 , 6 4 , 9 6 , 104, 1 7 9 , 1 8 3 , 2 7 6
Knephis-Chnum, see Agathos Daimon Knowledge, see Essenes, Gnosis, Wisdom, I, 1 4 9 , 1 5 9 , i 6 7 f , 228f
Koheleth, 113,
1 , 3 1 , 5 1 , 7 8 f , 107, i o 9 f , 115-29,
1 3 1 , 133, 136,
I40f, 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 , 1 4 9 , 2 0 8 , 2 4 8 f ,
in apocalypse of symbolic beasts, I, 188 death ( 1 6 0 B C ) , I, 9 6 , 9 7 , 1 7 6 , 187, 196, 290; II, 148 leader of Hasidim, I, 9 7 , 1 7 8 military success of, I, 290 priesthood of, I, 9 7 temple archive, I, l o i Judgment of God, see Eschatology, Righteousness, Retribution, I, 1 9 2 , 1 9 6 - 2 0 2 , 204, 209
2 7 6 ; II, 92, 94, 9 7 fatahsm, I, 2 2 1 fragments in Qmnran, I, 2 0 1 ; I I , 143
predestmation in, I, 2 1 9 and Solomon, I, i 2 9 f , wisdom in, 1 , 1 5 5 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 9 , 2 5 3 , 301
Koine,
Attic, I, 5 7 , 6 0 ; I I , 1 0 6
Komarches,
I, 2 if.
Kdmogrammateus,
on angels, I, 188, 1 9 0 on Jews, I, 188 on nations, I, 1 7 7 , 1 8 1 Judith, I, I i o f , 1 1 2 , 307 Julian Apostate, I I , 201 Jupiter, I, 201, 2 1 4 , 262 Capitohnus, I, 284, 3 0 7 ; I I , 1 9 1 summus exsuperantissimus,
315
II, 1 9 9
Jusms of Tiberias, Jewish historian, I, 98, 1 0 5 Juvenal, satirist, I, 267
Kainam, grandson of Noah, I, 242 Kamoun, I, 8 Karatepe, I I , 198, 200 Kasion, mountain in Seleucia, I, 2 8 6 , 295
Keraias, hyparch of Gahlee (?), I, 21; 1 1 , 4
Keturah, sons of Abraham by, 1 , 7 2 , 74,92
King, see Royal divine, see Ruler cult pattern for, I I , 3 1 as recipient of revelation, I I , 1 3 6 testament of, I, 1 1 5 , 1 2 9 tities of, I, 94
Komdmisthotes,
II, 1 5 I, 2 2
Kos, Idmnean god, I, 6 2 ; I I , 4 5 , 172
Kosbanus, name of grandfather and grandson from Marisa, I, 6 2 Kosnatanus, son of Ammonius, name from Marisa, I, 6 2 Kronos (Samm), 1 , 8 9 , 1 8 7 , 2 6 4 ; I I , 197
Yahweh, I I , 1 7 5 Ktistes,
I, 1 4 , 7 1 , 2 6 4 , 2 7 9 ; I I , 1 8 4
Kurdistan, Greek treaties century B C ) , I I , 4 2 Kyrios, I, 266
(first
Lacedaemonians, see Spartans Lachish, I, 4 7 Laitus, Phoenician historian (c. 200 B C ) , I I , 52 Laity, I, 78fif., 1 1 3 Land, distribution of, I, 29 leasmg of, I, 5 7 Language Aramaic, I, 5 9 , 96, 1 1 5 creation of, I I , 1 4 7 Demotic, I, 58 Greek, I, 5 8 - 6 1 , i o 3 f F . ; I I , 1 1 4
3i6
Index
Language -
contd.
Hebrew, I , 2 1 3 , 228 revelation on, I, 243 Laodicea on the Sea, I, 86, 2 9 9 ; I I , 2 1 , 49, 102
Law, Jewish, see Apostasy, Circum cision, Sabbath, Torah onto logy, I, 7 9 f o 8 2 , 9 5 , 9 9 , I03f., "3,
1 7 5 , 260, 301
A. History abolition of prohibition of law, I, 2 9 0 edict of Antiochus III, 1 , 2 7 1 , 278,288
'faithful to the law' and 'apostates', I, 50, 1 7 8 , 2 5 2 , 2 8 8 , 2 9 o f , 3 0 o f , 308, 3 i 2 f
final redaction, I, 1 1 2 f . prohibition of Antiochus I V , I , 2 7 8 , 288f., 2 9 1 , 2 9 2 f , 294, 296, 305, 3 1 2 , 3 1 4
prohibition by Hadrian, 1,307 B. Understanding of the law apocalyptic, II, 1 1 8 Aristobulus, I, i64f. Ben Sira, I, 1 3 6 , i 6 o f , 3 0 i f . , 312
Essenes, I, z z z f , 2 3 5 ; II, 1 1 8 Greek philosophers, I, 1 6 5 , 261
Hellenists, Jewish, I, 2 5 9 , 30of,302
Jonathan (the Wicked Priest), I , 225fif.
Jubilees, I, 9 1 , 302 Paul, I, 3 0 7 f Pharisees, I, 3 0 5 ; I I , 1 1 8 Priests, I , 7 8 , 2 5 5 f Prophetism, I, 309 Samaritans, I, 294 Tobiad romance, I , 269 Tobias, Jewish feudal lord, I, 268
C. Theological dimensions covenant, I, 305 daughter of God, I , 1 7 1 eschatology, I, 3 1 2
of Names
and
Subjects
eternity, I, 1 7 1 God's knowledge of, I, 2 3 1 light, I , 1 7 1 mediator at creation, I, 1 7 1 nation, I , 307, 3 1 2 namre of, 3 7 wisdom, 1 , 9 9 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 9 , i 6 o f . , i 6 9 f , 301, 3 i o f
world, I I , 1 1 5 Lay nobility, see Aristocracy, I, 2 6 , 49, 54, " 3 , 176
Lebanon, I, 1 4 , 3 9 ; I I , 1 9 7 Lenaeus, representative of Ptolemy V I , I, I I Leontopolis Jewish inscriptions, I I , 1 1 4 Jewish military colony, 1 , 2 2 4 ; II, 1 3 , 69
Jewish sanctuaiy in, I , 1 2 , 1 6 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 5 , 2 2 4 , 2 7 4 , 2 7 7 ; II, 186
Levites, I, 4 9 f , 7 8 f , 1 1 3 , 1 7 0 Libanius, rhetorician in Antioch (fourth century A D ) , I, 7 7 Liberation of slaves, 1 , 1 0 , 42, 5 1 Libertinism, see Enjoyment of life, I, 54f., I39f, 1 5 2 Libraries, 1 , 1 1 3 , 2 3 0 ; I I , 20 Libya, see Cyrenaica, I, 1 6 Light, I , i 6 6 f , 1 6 9 , 1 7 1 , 2 4 5 f Linus, I, 1 6 7 Literature Greek, I , 8 3 - 8 8 JevMsh, I, 6 0 , 6 9 f , 8 8 - 1 0 2 , i o 3 f , I07f, 260, 287, 299
Loanwords, Greek, 1 , 3 3 , 4 7 , 6 o f . Logic, Greek, see Rationahsm, 1 , 1 9 Logos, see Word of God, I , i 6 7 f ; II, 9 8 , 1 0 3 , 1 1 2 Love poems, I, 8 3 f , 109, 1 5 6 Lucian of Samosata, I, 8 4 , 2 1 2 ; I I , 140, 181
Lucretius, I I , 1 2 9 Luxury goods, I, 3 7 , 4 2 , 52 Lycophron, I, 2 1 6 ; I I , 1 2 5 Lycurgus, lawgiver of Sparta, I, 7 2 Lysanias, son of Theodore, Sidonian (184 B C ) , I, 7 1
Index of Names and Subjects
Lysiasj Seleucid administrator (died 1 6 3 B C ) , I, 288, 2 9 0 ; I I , 1 8 5 , 187, 194
Lysimachus, brother of Menelaus, I, 6 4 , 7 5 , 1 0 5 , 2 8 0 ; I I , 1 8 5 Lysimachus, son of Ptolemy, trans lator of book of Esther, I, 6 4 , lOI
Lysimachus of Alexandria, antisemidc writer (first century AD), II, 172
317 Malachi, I, 206 (Johannes) Malalas, Byzantine chro nographer (sixth century A D ) , I, 2 9 6 Malichus, Moabite in the Zeno papyri, I, 37, 4 1 Malta, I I , 4 2 Mamre, I, 295 Manasseh, king of Judah, 1 , 2 9 6 ; I I , 161
Manasseh, son of Jewish high priest, son-in-law of Sanballat, I, 6 1 ; 76 Mandeans, I I , 204 Mandulis aeon, I I , 1 3 9 Manetho, Egyptian priest and chronographer (third centmy B C ) , I, 6 9 , 1 8 5 , 2 6 1 ; I I , 1 6 9 ,
n,
Ma, temple city in Cappadocia, I I , 51
Maat, Egyptian, I, 154, 1 5 8 Maccabeans, see Hasmoneans, 1 , 2 6 , 9 4 , 97f., 1 0 0 , I 0 2 f , 1 4 3 , 2 2 7 ,
282, 289, 2 9 1 , 2 9 9 , 307, 3I2f and Egypt, I, 9 7 and Essenes, I, 1 7 8 , 226 and Hasidim, I, I75f. and Jason of Cyrene, I, 95flf. and Nabateans, I, 3 7 revolt, I, 1 8 , 4 7 , so, 54f-, 60, 6 3 , 76, 9 1 , 95, 104, 1 1 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 5 3 , 169,
i75f,
226,
25if,
254,
2 5 8 f , 2 6 9 , 2 7 7 , 2 8 1 , 290, 3 0 5 , 307;
II,
1 2 5 , 138, 193
Macedonia, I, 1 0 , i 8 7 f ; II, 2 3 , 1 2 5
Macedonians, I, I3ff., 1 8 , 20, l o i , 1 2 2 , 1 8 4 ; II, 1 2 , 188 civic rights, I I , 1 1 Jews in Alexandria as, I, i6f., l o i military colonies in Palestine, I,
centiUT? A D ) , I, 3 0 2 ; I I , 200
Marisa, I, 8, 2 1 , 2 4 , 3 4 , 40, 4 3 , 48, 55, 57, 62, 297; II, 32, 35, 38, 45, 56, 192
administrative seat of Idumea, I,
14, 7 1
Macmish, I I , 2 7 Madeba, I I , 1 5 Magic, 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 7 3 ,
173, 177
Ps. Manetho, I, 242 Manihus, astronomer (first centiuT^ A D ) , I, 2 1 4 Manticism, I, 9 1 , 237fif., 3 1 2 Mara bar Serapion, letter of (first/ second century A D ?), I I , 85 Marathon, I, 1 3 Marcus Agrippa, I, 6 7 Marcus Aurehus, I, 1 1 6 , 1 1 7 Marcus, Gnostic, I I , 1 6 3 Mareatus, koinon of, I I , 1 6 5 Marinus from Neapolis (fifth
2 1 , 23
2 1 2 , 2 3 3 , 238ff.,
2 5 7 , 3 0 8 , 3 1 2 ; II, 1 5 5 , 2 0 5
texts, I, 83, 2 4 1 , 260, 266 Magnesia, defeat of Antiochus I I I ( 1 9 0 B C ) , I, 1 0 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 6 , 2 7 2 ; 11,96
Maguseans, I, 1 9 3 , 1 9 7 ; I I , 1 2 1 Maimonides, I, 2 4 1 Main,inscriptionofhierodules,I,42
ApoUo cult, II, 1 7 2 inscriptions, I, 8, 5 8 , 6 2 , 8 3 ; I I , 192
Sidonian colony in, I, 3 4 , 4 3 , 6 2 , 9 1 , 297
tomb paintings and graflBti, I, 5 5 , 6 2 , 8 3 , 8 8 ; II, 202 Mark Antony, I, 4 5 Marqah, Samaritan writer (third/ fourth century A D ) , I I , 7 6 , 1 3 5
318
Index of Names and Subjects
Marriage, I, 54, 56 mixed, I, l o i rigoristic attimde to, I, 243; II, 119 Martha from the house of Boethus, II, 53 Martyrdoms, I, 98, 292 Masistes, wife of, in Herodotus, II, 75 Masseboth, I, 295 Mathematics, I, 86 Mattathias, priest and ancestor of Maccabeans, I, 54, 97, 177, 179, 287 alliance with Hasidim, I, 175 testament of, I, 136 Mattathias, ambassador of Nicanor, 1,64 Matthew, gospel of, I, 105 Matthias, son of Boethus, II, 53 Media, Medes, I, 182; II, 123 Mediator figures, see Law, Creation, Torah ontology, Wisdom, I, 155, I 7 i f ,
233
Medicine, I, 207, 24of; II, i62f. Mediterranean, eastern, I, 7, 108, 236 Meerbaal, Phoenician in Marisa, I, 62 Megalopolis, Arcadia, I, 122; II, 132 Megasthenes, Seleucid ambassador in India (c. 300 B C ) , I, 257; II, 128, 170 Megiddo, plain of, royal land in, I, 22 R. Meir (about A D 130), I, 1 7 2 ; II, 56 Melampus, manticist, II, 160 Melantheus, name from Shechem (third cenmry B C ) , I, 62 Melchizedek, II, 59f = Michael, I, 188; II, 100 in Shechem, I, 89; II, 200 Meleager of Gadara (140 B C ) , I, 55, 83, 84iF., 88, 109, 300; II, 130 Melkart, god of Tyre, II, 198
Melk-Astart, II, 43 Memphis, 1 , 3 6 , 3 9 , 1 8 5 ; II, 34,139 Menahem (Acts 13.1), I, 105 Menahem, Essene and prophet, I, 240 Menahem, son of Shallum, see Elephantine, I I , 99 Menander, Gnostic, II, 204 Menander of Ephesus, Phoenician historian (c. 200 B C ) , 1,297; I I , 52 Menander, new comedy (fourth century B C ) , 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 ; II, 85 Menelaus, king of Sparta, I, 129; I I , 52, 65 Menelaus, high priest (163 B C ) , I, 26,27,64,75,96,105,225,227, 279,28of, 282f., 284,288,290, 304; II, 180 Menippus, Cynic from Gadara (fourth/third century B C ) , 1,42, 83f, 88, 2 1 1 ; II, 83 Mercenaries, I, 6, I2f., 15-18, 32, 56, 113 Mercury-Hermes, I, 214 Meridiarch, I, 293; II, 15, 150 Meshullam, Jewish archer in Alexander's army, II, 169 Mesopotamia, I, 6, 297 Messiah, see Eschatology, I, 188, 190, 223, 237, 254, 273, 276, 307, 3 i 2 f ; II, 129 Metatron, I, 1 5 5 ; II, 126, 133 Meteorology, I, 207 Methusalem, son of Enoch, I, 205 Metorcles, Cynic, teacher of Menippus, I, 84 Metzraeim, ancestor of the Egyptians, I, 89 Micah, prophet, I I , 68 Michael, angel, I, 188, 190, 200, 220, 2 3 1 ; I I , IOO Micmash, II, 149!. Midas, Phrygian king, I I , 84 Middoth, HiUel's seven, I, 81 Mikal, Canaanite-Phoenician god, I, 188
Index
of Names
and
319
Subjects
Miletus, I, 40, 43, 273 MiUtary colonies, I, i 4 f f o 20, 22f., 41, 71 Jewish, I, 16, 59, 63f., 225, 263, 268; I I , 182, i87f., 199 Ptolemaic, I, 267, 269, 271, 273, 27sf., 283, 304 Seleucid, I, 28iff., 284, 288, 29off., 297, 305 Mhieans, I, 3 7 ; I I , 34, 62 Minos, I, 1 2 3 Miqre, I, ii9ff., I25f. Aliracle stories, I, 98 Miracle workers, I, 211, 239, 24if., 258 Miriam, from the priestly order of Bilga, I, 279, 283 Mishnah, see Index of Ancient Writers, I, 206 Mission Christian, I, 169, 3 1 3 ; I I , 180 Jewish, I, i68f, 1 7 4 , 209, 250, 307, 309, 3 i 2 f ; II, 1 1 5 Mithras, I I , 200 Mizpah, I I , 28 Moabites, I, 4 1 , 93 Mochus, Phoenician mythographer, I, 86, 129 Modein, I, 54; I I , 1 5 0 Moira, I I , 85 Money, see Coins, I, 38, 48, 52, 57 Monism, Stoic, see Ubiquity, I, 86, i47f. Monopoly in Ptolemaic kingdom, I, 1 9 , 36f, 42, 44fMonotheism, I, 164, 256, 26iflf., 296f,3i2f Mordecai, I, n o Moschus, son of Moshion, Jewish slave in Oropus, I, 42; I I , 139 Moses, I, 1 7 , 29, 72, 8 1 , 82, 9 o f , 148, 1 6 4 , 205, 238, 258-60, 302; I I , 65, 6 8 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 6 , 1 7 4
in Aristobulus, I, i64f., 169,249f in Ben Sira, I, 135 biography of in Artapanus, I , I I I , 215, 302
cathedra of, I I , 54 first teacher of philosophy, I, 249f; I I , ii4f. founder of a temple state (Hecataeus of Abdera), I, 255 influence on Greek philosophy, I, 249f; I I , ii4f. introduction to animal cult, I, 91 inventor of writing, I, 95; II, 62 known to Plato, I, 163 as magician, I, 238 as thesmothetes
in De
Sublimitate,
I, 260 Torah of, I, 139, 160, 163, 170, 278, 288, 292, 294, 300 Mother goddess, I, 154, 156, 158, 163 Musaeus, aUeged teacher of Orpheus ( = Moses), I, 9 1 ; I I , 174 Muses, I, 67, 211 Musical instruments, I, 60 Mysteries, I, 202,210, 253; II, 174, 205 'Mystery', I, 2 2 i f , 234, 239 Mysticism HeUem'stic, I, i 7 2 f Jewish, I, 174 Myth Aristobulus, I, i65fif. demythologizing, 1,89,157, i 7 0 f doctrine of creation, I, 156 mythography, I, 72ff., 89 remythologizing, I, 157, 163 wisdom, I, 154
Naaman, I, 112 Nabateans, see Arabs Nabonidus, prayer of, I, 29, i n , 113, 239, 358; I I , 75 Nabu, Babylonian deity, I I , 126 Nadin, adoptive son of Ahikar, I I , 141 Nag Hammadi, I I , 205 Names, Greek, I, 61-65, 75,103 Nanaea, I I , 186
320
Index of Names and Subjects
National consciousness, I, 8 , 1 2 , 85, 9 2 , 94f.,
102, 1 2 6 , 1 3 4 ,
149,
I52f.
Nations, foreign, see Separation, World powers, I, i 5 2 f , i 6 o f . , 170, i87f.
Natural science, I, 157 Naucratis, in Egypt, I, 308 Nebuchadnezzar, I, 1 3 , 2 9 , n o , 1 7 9 , 1 8 1 , 202, 2 0 3 ; II, 98 Nechepso,kingandastro]oger, 1,185 journey to heaven, I, 2 1 4 work, I, 2 1 5 f , 237, 2 4 1 Necho II, Pharaoh (seventh cen tury B C ) , II, 1 9 9 Nehemiah, see Reforms, I, 12, 3 1 , 4 9 , 5 3 , IOO, 1 1 3 , 2 6 7
Nepotianus, II, 1 7 4 Neptune, II, 1 7 4 Neo-Platonism, I, 1 5 4 , 233, 302 Neo-Pythagoreans, I, 2 1 0 Nero redivivus,
II, 1 2 3
Nicanor, I, 64, 96, 2 9 9 ; II, 1 5 , 1 9 6 celebration of victory against, II, 67
Nicanor of Cnidus, Tobias' admini strator, I, 268 Nicetas, son of Jason from Jer usalem, I, 68 Nicias, Ptolemaic ofiScer from the time of Antiochus III, II, 4 Nicolaus of Damascus, I, 245, 2 4 7 ; II, 5 3 , 1 4 4 , 1 7 3 , 1 8 5 , 1 9 3 , 202 teacher of Herod, I, 7 7 , 99 Nikaso, daughter of Sanballat, 1 , 6 1 Nile, I, 5 3 ; II, 33 Nilus of Ancyra, II, 1 6 5 Nimrod, identification with Zara thustra, I, 8 9 ; II, 1 5 4 Ninus, son of Bel, II, 60 Ninus romance, I, i n Nisibis, I, 2 9 7 Noah, I, 89, 2 0 5 , 240, 2 4 2 f book of, II, 1 1 7 Nomads, I, 1 5 Nomos, I, 50, 160, 2 7 1 , 289; II, 6, 107
North Africa, II, 201 Nubia, II, 1 3 9 Numa Popilius, second primal king of Rome, I, 2 1 6 , 2 9 5 Numenius, son of Antiochus, Jewish ambassador, I, 64
Oenomaus of Gadara, Cynic philo sopher (second century A D ) , I, 8 3 ; II, 115 OflBcials, I, 15, 19, 21, 23, 31, 56 Oikonomos,
I, 19, 21, 27; II,
18
Oil production and trade, I, 36, 42, 44,46 'olam
course of time in Koheleth, I, 120, 126
world, I, 148, 1 7 4 ; II, 103 Olympia, I, 285 Olympus, I, 295 Omnipotence (of God), see Ubiquity Oniads, I, 270fr., 2 8 1 , 304 Onias II, Jewish high priest (c. 250 B C ) , I, 25, 2 7 , 4 7 , 2 6 7 , 269; II, 50, 1 7 9
conservative attitude, I, 2 7 0 refusal to pay tax, I, 27, 269 Onias III, Zadokite high priest (died 1 7 0 BC), 1 , 1 0 , 25, 52, 64, 96, 9 7 , 104
and brother Jason, I, 2 7 2 , 2 7 7 deposition in Antioch, I, 1 0 , 1 3 1 , 133, 272, 2 7 7 , 304
murder, I, 280; II, 1 8 7 pohtics, I, 133 and Simon, overseer of the temple, I, 25, 133, 2 7 2 Onias IV, son of Onias III, I, 2 7 0 fight to Alexandria, II, 69 foundation of sanctuary of Leontopohs, I, 12, 16, 105, 224, 2 7 7 ; II, 69 Ontology, see Creation, Torah ontology Ophelias, tyrant of Cyrene (died 309 B C ) , II, 6 7
321
Index of Names and Subjects
Oracle of Hystaspes, 1,185,193,214 Oracles, see Prophecy, Ecstasy, I, i84f., 209, 262, 264 Origen, I, 171 Oropus, I, 42; I I , 139 Orpheus, I, 69, 92, 165, 245, 265 and Jewish Diaspora in Egypt, I, 202, 262f. Moses, Musaeus, teacher of, I, 9 1 ; I I , 174 testament of, I, 165, 263, 265 Orphics, I, 182, 198, 201, 216, 262f.; I I , 61, 131 Ortas, son of Demetrius, name in Marisa, I, 62 Orthosia, I, 269 Oryas, Ptolemaic ofl&cial in Palestine, I, 21 Osarsiph, Egyptian designation of Joseph, I I , 176 Osuris, I I , 176 'OsirSamar = Sarapion, Tyrian on Malta, I, 61 Ostanes, Iranian magician, I, 130, 212; I I , 162 Ostia, synagogue inscriptions, II, 25
Paideia, I, Ssff., 77, 132, 135, 156 Pahnyra, I, 297; I I , 181, 191, 198 Pan, I, 264 Panabelus, travelling companion of Zeno, I, 62 Panaitius, Stoic (c. 185-109 B C ) , I, 86; I I , I I , 161 Panaitolus, I I , 4 Paneion, I, 9, 271 Papaeus, I, 262 Papyrus, manufacture and trade, I, 42, 46 Parables, I, 56 Parmenides, I, 211 Parthians, I, 32; I I , 117, 123 Parties, in Jerusalem, I, 9, i i f , 53, 133,2joS., 275R., 2 8 i f , 300 Patriarchs, I, 77 Patrobala, name from Marisa, I, 62
Patrons, I, 25 Paul, I, 92, 105, 207, 253f, 307, 309; II, 115, 145 Pella, I, 8, 14 Pelusium, I, 40, 43 Perdiccas, founder of the new Samaria and Gerasa (died 321 B C ) , I, 14, 282 Pergamenes, I, 92; I I , 51, 202 Pergamon, I, 83; I I , 123 acropohs, I, 295 slave rebeUion (133 B C ) , I, 186 Peripatetics Aristobulus, I, 130, 164, i66f. Hermippus, I, 258 Nicolaus of Damascus, I, 99 Theophrastus, I I , 171 Persephone, I, 211 Persia, Persian, I, 15, 66, 2 i 2 f , 295; II> 97,125,127f., 153,167 gulf, I, 6, 34, 37, 43 rule, I, 5, 10, 13, 15, 18, 20, 25, 30, 176, 182, 184, 230JII, 19 Pessimism, I, 1 1 7 , I23f
Petosiris, Egyptian wise man and priest astrology, I, 185, 214, 216, 237; II, 161 grave of, I, 197 latromathematike, I I , 162
Petra, I, 70; I I , 35 Petronius, poet, I I , 56 Phaedra legend, I, i n Pharisees, I, 75, 78f, 97, " 4 , ^79, 207, 221, 227, 252, 254, 309, 3 i 3 ; I I , 6,96, ii4f., 118 A. Theology eschatology, I, 253f. exorcism, I, 241 halakah, I, 234f. resurrection, I, 200 sabbath, I, 178 B. Relationship with other groups Essenes, I, 200, 2 i 9 f ; I I , 148 Hasidim, I, 169, 176, 189, 227, 253, 305
Index of Names and Subjects
322 Pharisees, B . - contd. Maccabees, II, 1 1 9 Sadducees, I, 2 2 7 ; II, 1 6 7 scribes, I, 1 7 4 Pherecydes of Syrus (after 600 B C ) , I, 108 Pheros, the Wind man, in Herodotus, II, 7 5 Phidias, I, 286; II, 1 9 0 Philadelphia, in the Fayum, I, 3 6 , 38, 3 9 f , 7 0 ; II, 4 6 Philadelphia, in Transjordania, see Rabbath Ammon Philetairos, middle comedy, I, 1 2 4 Philip II of Macedon ( 3 8 2 - 3 3 6 B C ) , II, I Philip V of Macedon (died 1 7 9 B C ) , I, 9, 1 0 , 1 8 2 Philip, disciple of Jesus, I, 105 Philip, Seleucid officer, I, 2 8 i f Philo the elder, Jewish poet, I, 6 9 ; II, 5 2 , 7 1 Philo of Alexandria, I, 68, 7 0 , 9 4 , 1 1 4 , 149,
154,
245,
276, 3o8f, 3 1 3 ;
247,
58, 99f,
107,
163, 166,
229, II,
i7if
conceptions of eikon and typos, I, 174
dualistic influence, 1 , 2 3 0 ; II, 168 eschatological element, I, 2 5 4 heavenly journeys, II, i 4 o f . Logos doctrine, I, 1 7 1 ; II, 1 0 9 , 159
mystery terminology, II, 1 3 5 mythological features of wisdom, I, 1 6 8 , 1 7 1 noetic hght, II, 108 number seven, II, 109 Platonizing doctrine of creation, I, 1 7 1 Pythagorean, II, 106 stars as divine beings, I, 235 theory of inspiration, II, 1 0 8 , 1 4 6 imderstanding of law, 1 , 1 7 4 , 3 0 1 , 308,
311
(Herennius) Philo of Byblos ( A D 6 4 - 1 4 1 ) , I, 1 8 7 , 2 3 3 , 286,
295,
2 9 7 ; II, 58, 60, 85 Philo of Larissa, Sceptic, I, 87 Philocles, son of ApoUodorus, I, 6 1 Philocrates, from Sidon, I, 86 Philodemus, Epicurean from Gad ara
(c.
1 0 0 - 4 0 / 3 5 B C ) , I,
83, 86, 8 8 , 1 0 9 ; II,
55,
174,176
Philonides, Epicurean from Lao dicea (c. 2 0 0 - 1 3 0 B C ) , I, 86 Philosophers Aristeas, I, 1 6 4 Clearchus of Soli, I, 2 5 7 f as designation of Jews, I, i64fF. Greek in Palestine, I, 8 3 f , 86flf., io3f
Hecataeus, I, 2551. Hermippus, I, 258 Megasthenes, I, 2 5 7 Posidonius, I, 258flf. Theophrasms, I, 2 5 6 Philosophy, I, 1 8 , 69, i i 5 f . , I47ff., 1 6 0 ,
99,
io9f,
162,
169,
1 7 3 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 9 f , 2 5 7 , 260,
263,
311
Philotheria, I, 8, 1 4 ; II, 1 7 , 3 5 , 38 Phinehas, I, 2 8 7 ; II, 60, 9 7 covenent with, I, 1 3 3 ; II, 89 R. Phinehas b. Jair (c. A D 200), II, 138,
164
Phlegon of TraUes (second century A D ) II, 1 2 6 (Ps.) Phocyhdes, I, 1 6 9 Phoenicia, Phoenicians, see Canaan ites, Sidon, Trading colonies. Tyre, I, 24, 2 8 , 3 4 , 3 6 , 4 0 , 5 4 , 7 3 f , n o , 2 7 2 ; II, 1 9 5 A . Trade and industry purple, I, 46 slave trade, I, 42!. terra cottas, I, 33 B. Hellenization, I, 2 3 , 3 2 f , 54, 5 6 , 5 9 , 6 i f ; II, I , 1 9 2 first inventor, I, 7 i f . , 86, 9 2 , 166
gymnasium contests, I, 7 if. philosophers, I, 8 6 f , 299 school of poetry, I, 84ff.
Index of Names and Subjects
323
C. Jews, I, 34f., 4 2 , 4 9 , 7 Iff., 9 5 Anonymous Samaritan, I, 9of. apocalyptic, I, i82f., 1 8 8 , 2 3 3 cult reform in Jerusalem, I, 296ff., 305
Eupolemus, I, 92ff., n o Koheleth, I, 1 2 7 D . Cultural mtermediary, 1 , 3 2 f , 7 i f , 90f, 1 0 8 , 1 2 7 , 1 8 1 ;
II,
E. Pohtical significance, I, 6f., I I , 2 0 , 2 3 , 3 9 f , 93
national consciousness, I, 5 9 , 285
F. Rehgion, I, 2956?.; I I , i94fF. angel speculation, I, 2 3 3 ; I I , 156
Baal Samem (Zeus), I, 9 4 , 2 6 0 , 2 9 5 , 2 9 7 f f . , 3 0 5 ; I I , 200
Heracles-Melkart, I, 4 3 , 7 3 Isis-Astarte, I, 1 5 8 Reseph-Mikal, I I , I26f Phoronis, king of Argos, father of Agenor, I, 7 2 P h r y g i a , 1 , 1 6 , 2 6 3 5 1 1 , 5 1 , i87f-, 1 9 1
Phthonos, I I , 83 Phylarchus, historian (third cenmry B C ) , I, 1 3 0 Piraeus, I, 3 2 , 244; II, 84, 1 8 4 Pisistrams, I, 3 3 , 285 Plato, I, 38, 7 5 , 87, 90, 9 2 , 108, 109, 1 2 5 , 1 5 4 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 9 ,
II,
68,
105,108, I22f
astral immortality, I, 1 9 7 doctrine of souls, I, 198, 2 1 0 Er m the Republic, 1 , 1 8 6 ; I I , 1 3 1
great world year, Tim. 39c/d, I, 191
number speculation, I, i66f. and origin of Gnosis, I, 1 9 5 regularity of heavenly order, 1 , 2 3 5 Timaeus, I, 1 5 6 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 5 Utopia, I, 2 5 6
world soul, I, 249 Plaums, I, 2 0 1
Plutarch, 1 , 1 5 4 , 1 6 3 , 2 3 0 , 2 6 4 , 2 7 6 , "
II, 1 5 3 Pluto, I, 2 1 1 ; I I , 6 Poimandres, I, 2 1 5 Politeuma, I, 38, 6 2 ; I I , 1 7 , 1 6 5 Polybius, I, i 8 2 f , 2 8 6 ; I I , 84 Polytiieism, I, 89, 1 5 0 , 2 5 6 , 2 6 1 , 2 9 6 , 2 9 8 , 303
Pompey, conquest of Jerusalem, I,
72
1 7 4 , 192, 2 0 1 , 230, 266;
Phny tile Elder, 1 , 4 5 , 238, 245, 2 4 7 Plough, I, 4 7
23, 100, 227, 301, 3 1 3
Poor, poverty, I, 5 i f , 1 3 7 , 246 (C.) Popilius Laenas, ambassador to Antiochus I V ( 1 6 8 B C ) , I, 1 1 , 280
Porphyry, I, 9 , 2 4 7 , 2 7 7 , 288, 2 9 4 , 366; II, 8 Posidonius of Apamea (c. 1 3 5 - 5 1 BC), 1,55,86,87,108,147,149, 2 1 1 , 233, 236, 255, 258, 2 5 9 f , 2 6 i f , 2 9 8 , 300, 3 0 2 , 304, 3 0 6 ; II, 98, i n ,
1 6 1 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 7 , 194
Posidonius son of Polemarchus, Sidonian (191 B C ) , I, 7 1 Potter's oracle, I, i84f., 2 1 6 Pottery Greek in Palestine, I, 33 jars from Rhodes and Cos, I, 4 4 ; II, 3 5 stamps, I , 2 5 ; I I , 1 9 Prayer, see Hymns Ben Sira, I, 1 5 2 Daniel, I, 1 7 9 , 203, 305 Eighteen Benedictions, I I , 200 Essenes, I, 236, 245 Esther, I I , 1 7 9 Hasidim, 1 , 1 7 8 inspiration, I, 2 1 6 of Joseph, I, 2 5 4 Koheleth, I, 120, 2 4 8 ; I I , 86 of Nabonidus, see Nabonidus prophets, I, 2 i 3 f . for vengeance from Rheneia, I I , 34, 201
Predestination,
I,
2 2 9 f ; II, 1 5 1
2i9f,
223f,
324
Index of Names and Subjects
1 8 9 , 2 2 4 ! . , 2 5 5 ! . , 258f., 266f.,
conquest of Jerusalem, 1 , 1 4 , 4 2 ; II, 1 2 cult of Serapis, I, 286 Jevifish mercenaries, I, 1 5 Jevifish prisoners to Egypt, I, 4 1 state organization, I, 1 8 , 35 Ptolemy I I Philadelphus (285, 2 8 2 246 B C ) , I, 7 , i 8 f , 2 0 , 2 2 , 2 3 ,
278ff., 2 8 3 , 2 9 i f . , 300, 3 1 0 ; I I ,
24, 28, 3 5 f , 4 3 f , 46, 56, 6 1 ,
Pre-existence, I,
1 5 3 , 1 5 9 , i66fif.,
171
of the soul, I I , 1 1 4 Priene, I I , 98 Priestly Writing, I, 1 1 3 , 189, 3 0 1 ; II, 1 2 9 Priests, I, 25f., 49f., 9 9 , 1 3 3 , 1 7 6 ,
69 i I I , 4 7 coinage policy, I, 20, 3 7 , 43 decree on valuation of slaves and livestock, I, 2 2 , 4 2 economic development imder, I,
190, 1 9 2
Primeval times, 45 Proclus, I, 2 1 4 Procurators, I, 306 Prodicus fable, I, 140, 1 5 6 Prometheus, I, 1 0 9 , 1 9 0 Prophecy, I, 1 8 , 5 0 , 5 2 , 1 8 1 ,
3 6 - 3 9 , 56 i85f.,
202, 2 0 5 ! . , 2 4 0 , 309
Prophet(s), see Oracles, Ben Sira and, I, i34ff-j 1 5 2 canon of, I, 9 9 , 1 1 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 7 8 of East, I, 2 i 3 f f . , 2 4 7 Enoch as, I, 1 6 5 Moses as, I, 1 6 5 Prosbol regulation, Hillel, I, 6 1 Proselytes, see Mission, I, 307, 3 1 3 Prostasia, 1 , 2 5 , 2 7 , 2 5 5 , 2 7 0 ; II, 2 0 Prostitution, I I , 1 9 4 Proverbs, I, 5 4 Providence, I, 4 6 , 1 4 i f . , 1 5 8 , 3 1 2 Provinces, names of, I, 7 , 20f. Psammeticus I, Pharaoh ( 6 6 3 - 6 0 9 B C ) , I, 1 5 ; I I , 8 Pseudepigraphy, I, 1 1 2 , 1 2 9 , 205f., 216
Pseudomorphosis, I, 3 Pseudonymity, I, 7 9 , i 2 9 f . Ptah, I, 2 1 3 Ptolemais, see Acco-Ptolemais Ptolemais, Upper Egypt, I, 2 4 4 Ptolemies, Ptolemaic, I, 6 - 1 2 , 1 8 23, 35, 39, 93, " 5 , 130, 158, 264, 268f., 2 7 7 , 2 8 1
Ptolemy I Soter
(323, 304-282
BC),
1,6,14,15,18,29,35,41,107;
II, I I , 1 9 Coele Syria and Palestine to, I, 6 coinage pohcy, I, 3 5 , 43f.
income from Egypt, I, 28 Jevifish slaves freed in Egypt, 1 , 2 3 in letter of Aristeas, I, 2 9 , 2 6 4 Phylarchus anecdote, I, 1 3 0 state organization, I, 18 subjection of Nabateans, I, 3 7 surname, II, 1 0 7 Syria and Phoenicia as province, 1,7 Ptolemy I I I Euergetes ( 2 4 6 - 2 2 2 B C ) , I, 8 , 1 9 , 27, 56, 6 3 ; II, 16, 54, 64, 187
administrative reform, I, 1 9 , 2 7 in temple of Jerusalem, I, 8, 2 7 , 269
Ptolemy I V Philopator
(222-205
B C ) , I, 7 - 9 , 5 8 , 6 7 , 6 9 ; I I , 96
change of administration in Palestine, I, 269 exploitation, 1 2 rehgious policy, I, 264 victory at Raphia ( 2 1 8 B C ) , I, 8, 264, 2 6 9 ; I I , 1 9 2 Ptolemy V Epiphanes ( 2 0 4 - 1 8 0 B C ) , I, 9, 1 0 , 2 6 9 ; I I , 1 6 , 1 2 3 , 1 8 9 Ptolemy V I Philometor ( 1 8 0 - 1 4 5 B C ) , I, 9 1 , 1 6 4 Aristobulus' treatise to, I, 7 5 , 164; II, 107 favours Jews, I, 258 spokesman of, sixth Syrian war, II, I
325
Index of Names and Subjects
Ptolemy V I I (VIII) Euergetes I I Physcon ( 1 7 0 - 1 6 4 , 1 4 5 - 1 1 7 B C ) , I, 131 Ptolemy V I I I (IX) Lathyros Philo metor Soter I I ( 1 1 6 - 1 0 8 , 8 8 80 B C ) , II, 1 0 7 Ptolemy, katochos in Serapeion in Memphis, I , 3 9 ; I I , 1 3 9 Ptolemy, son of Abub, brother-inlaw of John Hyrcanus, I , 64 Ptolemy, pupil (?) of Aristarchus, grammarian from Ashkelon, I, 86
Ptolemy, son of Dionysius, inscrip tion in Redesieh, I , 2 6 4 Ptolemy son of Dositheus, priest, I, 64, l O I
Ptolemy, son of Traseas, strategos of Coele Syria about 200 B C , I , 9, 2 2 ; II, I4f, 3 1 , 1 9 2 Pubhus, Roman consul, 1 , 1 8 6 , 2 1 6 Purim, I , l o i Purism, linguistic, I , 60 Purity, prescriptions for, I , 52f., 170, 240, 269, 2 7 1 , 292f
Purple, I , 46 Purposefulness (of world), I , i44fF. Pyrrho of Ehs, Sceptic, I, 2 5 6 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, I, 2 7 6 Pythagoreans, 1 , 1 6 6 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 7 , 1 9 8 , 2 0 1 , 2 3 5 , 243flf.; I I , 1 6 3
Pythagoras, I , 1 0 8 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 9 , 2 1 1 , 2 3 5 , 2 4 5 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 6 ; II, 5 7 , 6 4 , 114, 154, 202
Qasr el-'Abd, I, 2 7 3 f f . ; II, 1 9 7 Qumran, see Essenes, I , 4 7 , 5 2 , 9 1 , 99, l o i f , 108, i i 2 f , 1 1 5 , 128, 1 4 5 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 6 , 2 2 8 ; II, 3 7 , 6 8 ,
Rabbis, see Pharisees belief in fate, I, 2 3 9 doctrine of angels, I ,
4i3f.
doctrine of law, 1 , 1 7 1 - 5 , 2 5 2 ; I I , 203
Euhemerism, I, 266 origin, I , 82 view of history, 1 , 9 9 f , 1 7 3 , 2 0 i f
zodiac, I , 238 Ramat Rahel, II, 20, 2 6 , 2 8 , 35 Rampsinit, treasury of, II, 7 5 Raphael, angel, I, 1 9 0 Raphia, I, 8 , 3 7 , 1 5 8 , 2 6 4 , 2 6 9 , 2 7 1 ; II, 1 4 , 4 5 , 1 9 2 Rationahsm, rationahty, I , 38, 2 0 9 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 7 , 248, 2 5 0 ,
253
Anonymous Samaritan, I , 9 1 Aristobulus, I, i64ff. calendar, I, 235 doctrine of angels, I, 1 8 7 doctrine of creation, I , 1 5 7 , 1 5 8 , 163, 230
doctrine of law, I , 1 6 0 Essenes, I, 238, 247 pictme of God, I, 2 3 1 Rabbis, I, i 7 o f view of history, I , 1 8 1 , i 9 5 f . Razis, member of council in Jerusalem, I , 290 Rebelhons Egypt, I , 8, 39 Judea, I, 9 , 5 0 , 2 8 i f , 3 0 6 slave rebellions, I, 1 8 6 ; II, 33 Rechabites, I , 243 Redeemer, heavenly, I , i 8 5 f , 2 3 1 Redemption, I , 1 7 7 , 224 Redesieh, Upper Egypt, I , 2 6 4 Reform attempt, HeUenistic, I, 72-7,
ii4f,
i75f,
259, 2 6 7 -
309, 3 1 1 , 3 1 3
Reforms, Ezra and Nehemiah, I,
92, i i 6 f , 149
49,
267
Rehgion, criticism of, 1 , 1 1 8 , iziflF., Rab (died AD 247), I , 82 Rabbath-Ammon-Philadelphia, 8, i 4 f . , 3 4 , 4 1 , 4 3 , 9 1 ; II, 197
128, i4of.
I, 172,
Religion, Jewish, I,
241, 255, 2 6 i f ,
265, 284, 287, 289, 292, 303f, 307,
3i3f
326
Index of Names and Subjects
Religious edicts, see Antiochus III, Antiochus I V Remnant, holy, I, 2 2 3 , 226f. Renegades, Jewish, see Assimila tion, I, 2 9 1 , 305, 3 1 4 ; I I , 1 9 6 Repentance, 1 , 1 7 9 ! . , 1 9 5 , 2 0 3 , 2 1 7 ,
questioning of, 1 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 i f . , 1 2 6 , i43f
Rigorism, legal, see Law, Zeal, I,
2 2 3 , 226f., 2 5 1
Reseph Apollo, Phoenician god, II, 10, 1 7 2
Reseph Mikal, Cyprus, II, 1 2 6 Resurrection, I, 1 9 6 , 2 0 9 , 2 5 0 Apocalypse of Isaiah, I I , 1 2 1 Ben Sira, I, 1 5 3 Hasidim, I, 1 9 6 - 2 0 2 I I Maccabees, I, 9 7 Paul, I, 200 post-Maccabean Judaism, I, 3 1 2 Retribution, idea of, see Apoca lyptic, Theodicy, I, 202 Ben Sira, 1 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 2 f . , i 4 7 f . I Enoch, I, 200 Essenes, I, 2 2 1 Greek thought, I, i 2 i f . ; I I , 6 7 Hasidim, I, 1 9 8 , 2 5 0 Jason of Cyrene, I, 9 7 , 1 0 0 , 1 4 3 Koheleth, I, 1 1 9 , 1 2 6 ; II, 84 repudiation of, I, 1 1 9 , 1 2 2 , 1 4 2 ,
loi,
194, 2 2 6 f ; II, 1 1 9
Romances, I, 30, 6 9 , i n Rome, I, loff., 3 2 , 3 5 , 5 4 , 6 0 , 6 4 , 7 7 , 86, 8 8 , 1 5 3 , 1 8 2 , 2 6 1 , 2 7 2 , 2 7 9 , 2 8 8 , 2 9 5 , 3 0 9 ; II, 4 1 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 5
annihilation, I, 186, 2 1 4 astrology, I, 2 3 6 ; I I , 1 6 0 Bacchanalia, I, 2 9 9 Chaldeans in, I, 2 3 6 Jewish delegations to, I, 5 4 , 60, 98, 183, 263, 2 9 1 ; II, 150 Jews in, I, 2 6 3 , 3 0 7 ; I I , 1 1 4 , 2 0 1 law schools, I, 81 satirists, I, 2 5 6 Theudas affair, II, 1 8 2 Royal land, 1 , 1 9 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 3 5 f , 44f., 46
Rudens (Plautus), I, 2 0 1 Ruler cult, 1 , 1 9 , 30, 6 7 , 1 5 3 , 296,
285ff.,
303
Ruth, I, I I I , 1 1 3
303
Stoics, I, 1 4 7 , 2 4 9 Revelation, I, i 5 4 f , 2 0 2 - 1 8 , 261,
Righteousness of God, see Theodicy demonstrability of, I, I46f. 'fundamental ordinance of world', I, 2 2 1
222f,
3iif.
Revifard, idea of, see Retribution, Righteousness of God, I, 1 2 8 , 172
Rheneia, near Delos, II, 3 4 , 2 0 1 Rhetoric, I, 6 9 f , 9 5 , 98, 1 0 5 , 1 3 0 ; 11, 68, 1 4 2 Rhetoricus (c. AD 500), I I , 1 2 8 Rhinocolura, I, 1 5 8 Rhodes, 1 , 3 2 , 4 3 , 4 4 , 8 3 ; I I , 2 1 , 4 2 , 123
constitution, I I , 2 1 cultiu:al centre, I, 88 Jewish colony, I I , 202 trade, I, 3 2 , 43 Zeus Atabyrios, I I , 1 7 2 , 1 9 8 Riches, I, 5off., 5 6 , 1 2 3 , i36ff.
Sabaeans, I, 4 2 , 1 2 9 Sabaoth, lao, I, 2621. Sabazius, I, 263, 298, 304 Jupiter, I, 263 Sabbath, see Seven, number, I, 4 1 , 96, i66ff., 1 7 8 , 1 8 9 , 2 3 5 , 2 8 1 , 2 8 9 , 2 9 2 , 2 9 4 ; II,
119,176,202
Sabbatistes, I, 308 Sabo, name in Marisa, I, 6 2 Sacrifice, I, 2 7 1 , 2 7 8 f , 2 8 3 ,
29iff.;
II, 179 Sadducees, I, 7 5 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 9 4 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 8 , 1 4 3 , 1 5 3 , 3 0 1 ; II, 1 1 5 , 150,
167
Safa, I, 2 9 7 Sama'ba'al-Diopeithes, Phoenician name, I, 6 1
327
Index of Names and Subjects
Samareitis, I, 93 Samaria, I, 6, 1 3 , 2 1 , 4 9 , 5 9 , 1 5 8 , 270, 286; II, 18 administration, I, 2of., 293 city plan, I I , 38 economy, I, 35 history, I, 6, 8, I3f., 9 3 , 2 8 2 , 294f-, 307
Isis cult, I I , 1 0 2 Samaria, village in the Fayum, I I , iif., 47fSamaritans, I, 1 3 , 1 6 , 20, 82, 9of., 113,
2 6 7 , 2 8 5 , 294f., 3 0 3 ;
II,
1 8 , 2 8 , 3 9 , l o i , 18 if. Ben Sira and, I, i 5 2 f commimity of, I, 2 6 7 ethnos of, I I , 1 9 6 Eupolemus and, I, 94 as mercenaries, I I , 1 1 the nameless God of, I, 267, 2 9 4 syncretism, I, 308 SamaS, I I , 1 7 8 Samothrace, I, 2 7 3 Samuel, in Ben Sira, II, 90 Sanballat, last Persian governor of Samaria, I, 49, 6 1 Sanchuniaton, old Phoenician mytiiographer, I, 1 2 9 , 2 3 3 ; I I ,
130
Scipio Africanus Minor ( 1 8 5 / 4 - 1 2 9 B C ) , I, 1 8 2 Scopas, Ptolemaic commander (about 200 B C ) , I, 9, 1 5 Scribe (soper), I, 1 9 , 78ff., 9 8 , 1 1 3 , 1 3 2 - 6 , 1 6 1 , 206, 2 4 9 , 2 7 1 , 2 7 8 ;
II, 1 3 8 Scythians, I, i , 2 6 2 ; I I , 68 Scythopohs, Beth Shean, Beisan, Nysa, I, 8, 1 4 , 2 7 , 3 7 , 4 5 , 5 8 ; II, 1 7 , 3 5 legend of foundation (Dionysus), II, 1 7 2 , 1 9 0 worship of Mikal, I I , 1 2 6 worship of Zeus, inscriptions, I, 5 8 f , 2 8 4 , 2 8 6 , 298
Sects, Jewish, 1 , 1 4 1 , 2 7 6 ; I I , 204 Seleucia on the Eulaius, I, 7 1 Seleuc(e)ia in Palestine, I, 23 Seleucia in Pieria, I, 286, 2 9 5 ; II, i89f
Seleucids, I, 6 - 1 2 , 1 4 , 1 6 , 1 8 , 3 2 , 9 8 , 1 5 3 , 1 8 8 , 2 2 5 , 270ff., 2 7 7 -
58
Sanctuary, see Temple, I , 5 3 , 1 7 0 , 295
Sanhedrin, see Gerousia Sapor I I , ruler of Sassanids, I I , 1 2 4 Sarah, wife of Abraham, I, 90 Sarcophagus, I I , 2 7 Sardanapalus, epitaph, I I , 84 Sardes, I, 6 8 ; 1 1 , 4 8 Sardinia, I, 2 9 7 Sarya, name from Marisa, I, 6 2 Satan, 1 , 1 7 7 ; I I , 1 2 7 Satire, I, 8 3 f , 256, 2 6 7 Saturn, I I , 1 7 6 Satyrus, Greek biographer, I I , 90 Scaurus, M . Aemilius, I, 7 6 Scepticism, I, 8 7 f , 1 1 9 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 7 , 239,
Schism, Samaritan, I, 9 1 , 1 1 3 School Greek, I, 6 5 f , 7 6 f Jewish, I, 7 8 - 8 3 Science, see Wisdom, I, 86, 9 2 , 9 5 ,
248f
Schedia, near Alexandria, I I , 165
92, 297
era, I, 96 in Gaza, I I , 184 Seleucus I Nicator ( 3 5 8 - 2 8 0 B C ) , I, 6, 2 5 7 ; I I , 1 0 , 1 9 0 Jewish mercenaries under, I, 1 6 ; II, 1 2 model for Antiochus I V , I, 286 taxation of Jews, I I , 3 , 2 2 Seleucus II CalUnicus ( 2 4 7 - 2 2 6 B C ) , I, 2 7 , 2 6 9 Seleucus I V Philopator ( 1 8 7 - 1 7 5 BC),
1 , 1 0 , 2 7 , 5 8 , 86, 2 7 3 , 2 7 5 ,
I I , 3 , 20 accession, I, 2 7 2 murder of, I, 10, 2 7 2 Omas I I I before, I, 1 3 4 tax in Palestine, 1 , 2 8 ; I I , 3 , 2 2 286;
328
Index of Names and Subjects
Semiramis, wife of Ninus, II, 60 Seneca, II, 5 6 , i n , 204 Sepphoris Auctocratoris, I, 282 Septimius Severus, I I , 2 5 Sepmagint, I, 3 2 , 3 9 , 7 0 , 89, 9 1 , loif., 1 5 5 , i 6 2 f . , 2 6 1 Serapis, 1 , 2 1 0 ; II, 4 2 , 1 0 2 , 1 7 7 , 2 0 1 cult, I, 1 5 8 , 286 Sesmaius, Phoenician in Marisa, I, 62
191
Seth, I, 243 Seven, nmnber, see Sabbath, I, 7 0 , i66ff.
Silvanus/Silas, I, 1 0 5 Simeon b. Gamaliel (died A D 7 0 ) , II3
Shammai (end of first century B C ) , I, 8 1 , 2 7 6 school of, II, 87 Shammaites, I, 2 5 3 ; I I , 1 6 7 Sheep farming, I, 4 6 Shem, I, 89, 2 4 1 Shechem, Balata, I, 1 3 , 3 3 , 3 4 , 4 7 ,
2943 2 9 7 ; II3 183 6 1
Shekinah, I, 1 5 5 Shemaiah, head of Pharisaic school, I, 30, 81 Shephelah, I, 33 Shiloh, I, 4 7 Sibylhnes, Sibyls, I, 69, 7 5 , 89, 209,
216,
2 5 4 , 2 6 6 ; II, 5 2 , 1 2 2 , i 2 5 f . , 1 2 8
Sicily, I I , 6 7 , 1 7 2 , 198 first slave war ( 1 3 6 - 1 3 2
BC),
I,
i85f.
Sidon, I, 6, 8, 9, 1 3 , 1 5 , 2 3 , 3 3 , 3 7 , 4 2 , 5 2 , 6 i ; I I , 34, 43, 195
coins from, I, 3 7 contest, I, 7 1 history, I, 6ff., 1 3 , 2 3 , 6 1 inscriptions, I, 7 0 , 83 Isis cult, I, 1 5 8 king Suron of Tyre and, I, 93 philosophy in, I, 86f., 102, 299 tombs, I, 1 5
115
R. Simeon b. Johai (c. A D 130), II, 87
R. Simeon b. Laqi§ (middle of third century A D ) , I, 1 7 2 ; I I , n o , 155
Simeon b. Setah (c. 1 0 0 B C ) , I, 5 2 , 8 If., 253, 276
593 6 1 , 94, 2 9 7 f . ; II, 1 8 , 34f.
foimdation, I, 89, 2 8 2 Hellenization, I, 62, 204, 294 Roman colony, II, 200 Sidonians in, I, 3 4 , 6 2 , 9 1 , 2 6 7 ,
1 8 3 , 1 8 5 , 1 9 3 , 200,
Sidonians in Marisa, I, 4 3 , 6 2 ; I I , 184, 1 9 5 in Piraeus, I, 3 2 , 2 4 4 ; II, 184 in Shechem, see Shechem Sikimios, son of Hamor (Hermes), I, 89; I I , 6 2 Silenus, II, 84 Sillis, Sidonian boxer (270 B C ) , I, 7 1 Silpion, mountain in Antioch, I I ,
Simon, from the priestiy family of Bilga, brother of Menelaus, I, 253
52,
753
105, 272, 279
Simon, son of Boethus, high priest, I377
Simon the Essene, I, 2 4 0 Simon II the Just, high priest (c. 2 0 0 B C ) , I, 2 5 , 2 6 , 5 2 , 64, 7 3 , 76,
793
81,
993
13I3
1 6 1 , 2 7 1 , 278, 304;
1343
II,
15I3
39, 7 6 ,
179
in Ben Sira, I, 2 5 , 1 3 1 , 2 4 9 , 2 7 1 hynrn to, I, 1 3 3 , 180 Simon bar Giora, I, 2 7 6 Simon, leader of caravan in the time of Ptolemy I I , I, 4 8 , 4 9 Simon Cephas, Peter, I, 105 Simon the Maccabee, 1 , 6 4 , 9 7 , 1 7 0 , 2 2 6 , 2 6 3 , 2 8 2 , 2 9 1 ; II, 4 2 , 6 5 , 189
Simon Magus, I I , 1 6 3 , 204 Simon, Jewish tax farmer in Upper Egypt (second century B C ) , I, 116
Simonians, II, 1 6 3 Simonides, name from Shechem, I, 62
329
Index of Names and Subjects
Simonides, poet (sixth/fifth cenmry B C ) , I, I l 6 Sinai, I, 7 2 , 160, 165, 1 7 0 , 1 8 9 ; I I , 114
Sinope on Black Sea, I, 4 2 , 84 Sirach, see Ben Sira Ps. Skylax, I I , 50, 1 7 2 Slaves, slave trade, see Liberation, RebeUions, I, 1 4 , 1 6 , 21, 2 3 , 4 i f . , 4 8 , 5 6 , 6 3 , 84, i 8 5 f . , 2 6 8 ,
II, I I , 1 4 9 Smyrna, II, 1 3 2 Social conditions, see Poor, Poverty, I, 38f., 48f., 5 4 , 5 6 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 3 , 270, 281;
i 2 6 f . , I36flf., 2 9 0
Social criticism, I,
i36ff.
Social Utopia, I, 1 8 6
Socrates, philosopher, I, 8 1 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 9 , 2 1 1 , 2 3 3 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 7 ; I L 64, 68, 9 2
Solinus, I, 247 Soloi, in Cihcia, I, 8 7 ; II, 49 Solomon, king, I, 7 3 , 7 9 , 166, 1 6 7 , 2 4 1 , 2 9 7 , 3 0 2 ; II, 52f. Koheleth and, I, I29f.
letters in Eupolemus, I, 9 3 , no magician, I, 1 3 0 Solstice festival, see Hanukkah, I, 2 9 8 f , 303 Somata
Icdka eleuthera, semi-free
population of Palestine, I, 2 4 , 4 2 , 4 8 ; II, 1 7 Sophacians, Cyrenaica, I, 92 Sophocles, II, 95 Sosibius, minister of Ptolemy I V , I , 8
Sosipater, Maccabean cavalry oflScer, I, 64, 2 7 6 Sosus of Ashkelon, Stoic, pupil of Panaitios, I, 86 Soteriology, see Redemption Sotion, Greek biographer, II, 90 Soul, see Anthropology, Journey to heaven, 1 , 1 2 4 , 1 4 9 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 S S . , 204, 2 i i f , 2 1 6 , 2 3 3 f , 2 4 6 ; I I , 1 3 1 , 142
Sources of Jason of Cyrene, I, 98 of Josephus, see Nicolaus of Damascus, I, 2S9S.; I I , 1 7 9 , 182, 193, 202
of Tacims, I, 301 of Tobiad romance, I, 269 Spartans (and Jews), I, 2 6 , 60, 64, 7 2 , 92, 98, 256, 276, 3 0 2 ; II, 52, 123, 150
Sphragis, slave of Zeno, I, 2 6 8 ; I I , 33
Star symbol, II, 20 State capitalism, I, 20 Stephen, I, 2 9 6 , 309 Stoa A. Views aUegory, I, 1 6 5 , 246 determinism, I, i 9 i , 2 3 o f , 2 3 9 etymology, I, 2 6 5 ; II, 202 freedom of wiU, 1 , 1 4 1 , 2 3 1
idea of God, I,
i47flf., 2 6 0 ,
2 6 2 f , 266
physiognomy, I I , 1 6 0 soul, I, 198 sun, I, 2 3 6 world law, I, i 6 o f . , i 7 3 f . , world soul, I, 1 6 3 B . Relationships Ben Sira,
231
1,141,147-50,160,
310
Koheleth, I, 1 1 5 Late Judaism, I, 248 Palestine, Phoenicia, I, 8 6 f Rabbis, I, I73f Semitic thought, I, 87, 1 4 9 Wisdom, I, 1 6 7 , 3 1 0 Stones, sacred, see Betyl, I, 295 Strabo, I, 44f., 8 3 , 8 7 , 2 5 8 f ; I I , 170, 177
Strato, agent of Zeno, I, 2 1 Strato, king of Sidon (died 400 B C ) , I, 3 2 , 6 1 Strato, king of Tyre (died 340 B C ) , 11,44
Strato, prince of Arados (died 340 B C ) , II, 4 4
Index of Names and Subjects
330 Strato, son of Strato, Sidonian lyre player, I, 7 1 Strato's Tower, see Caesarea, I, 3 2 , 40, 1 5 8 ; II, 2 6 , 3 5 Styx, I, 1 9 7 Succession, idea of, I, 1 3 6 Suetonius, I, 1 8 5 Suidas, I, 2 4 1 ; II, 1 6 5 Suron, king of Tyre, I, 7 3 , 93 Susa, I I , 1 9 1 Susiana, I, 1 0 Sympadiy, I, 232, 2 3 9 ; II, 1 6 2 Syncretism, Jewish, see Theocrasy, I, 6 1 , 9 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 5 4 , 2 6 0 , 263fif., 268,
2 7 5 , 286,
298,
304f.,
308ff.; I I , 1 9 9
Synagogue, I, 38, 68, 7 9 , 8 2 f , 2 4 4 , 274, 306; II, 34, 182, 201 great, I, 7 6 , 7 9 inscriptions, I, 3 1 , 3 9 , 6 3 , 82 Synoikism in Jerusalem, I, 53 Syria, Syrians, 1 , 3 , 7 , 1 0 , 1 6 , 2 0 , 2 7 , 9 3 , 1 8 5 , 2 5 7 , 2 8 6 , 2 9 0 ; II, 3 3 , 198
circumcision, I, 293 coinage, I, 3 3 cult, I, 275 Jews, I I , 1 9 2 slaves, II, 32f. soldiers, II, 188 temple, I, 2 7 4 wheat, I , 4 2 ; I I , 33 worship of Zeus, I, 286; I I , 1 9 8 , 200
Syria
and Phoenicia,
Tachus, Egyptian king (about 360 B C ) , I, 1 8 4 ; II, 28 Tacims on the Jews, I, 2 6 1 , 2 9 5 , 3 0 1 , 306 scheme of world kingdoms, I I , 122
theocrasy, I, 2 6 4 Taimhotep, epitaph, II, 83 Tahnis, Nubia, II, 1 3 9 Talmud, see Index of Ancient Writers, I, 1 1 4 ; H , 204 Tanagra, I, 33 Tannaites, 1 , 1 4 8 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 1
Taricheae, Lake Gennesaret, I, 46 Tarsus, I, 1 0 5 ; I I , 58 Tartarus, I, 2 1 1 ; I I , 1 3 5 Tartessus, I, 3 2 Tat, son of Hermes Thoth, 1 , 2 1 5 Tatian, II, 108 Taxes, 1 , 7 , 1 0 , 1 9 , 2 7 f l f . , 47fif., 2 6 8 f , 2 7 1 , 2 7 7 , 2 7 9 f , 282, 307
collection of, I, 23flf., 4 9 f income from Judea, I, 27ff., 4 7 remission of, I, 1 0 , 28 Tax farming, 1 , 1 9 , 2 i f , 2 5 , 4 9 , 5 3 , 56, 59, 2 6 9 f , 304
Technology, Hellenistic, see Inven tor, Irrigation, I, 1 3 , 3 6 , 3 8 , 4 6 f , 53
Tell Tell Tell Tell Tell
Ptolemaic
province, 1 , 7 , 1 5 , 2 o f , 2 7 f , 5 6 ,
I I , 1 4 , 33 administration, I, 2off. economic significance, I, 39flf. first-third Syrian war, 1 , 7 , 2 7 , 2 6 9 fourth Syrian war, I, 7f., 269 fifth Syrian war, I, 9, 2 7 1 prohibition of slavery, I, 2 3 59, 259, 268;
Tabae, Media, II, 66 Tabor, Atabyrion, I , 8 ; I I , 1 7 2
Abu-Hawam, I I , 2 6 f Abu-Zeitun, I I , 2 6 Anafa, II, 1 0 , 4 2 Dothan, II, 3 5 ed-Duweir, Lachish, I, 47 j II, 27
TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU TeU
el-Fare', I, 3 3 el-Ful, I, 46 en-Nasbeh, Mizpah, I, 2 6 , 35 es-Safi, II, 2 7 et Tiyur, I I , 27 Gat, I I , 2 7 Mor, harbour of Ashdod, I, 4 6 ; II, 3 5 QasUe, II, 2 6 Sandahannah, Marisa, II, 2 7 Sippor, II, 2 7 T a 'annek, II, 2 6
331
Index of Names and Subjects
Telmessus, in Lycia, II, i 6 , 2 2 Temple, Jerusalem, see Cult A. History, I, 8 , 1 0 , 24 Antiochus III, I, 2 7 1 Antiochus I V , I, 1 9 4 , 2 7 9 , 2 8 7 , 294ffo 298, 305f.
Antiochus V , I, 290, 306 Caligula, I, 307 Maccabees, I, 299, 303 T i m s , I, 307 B. Attimde towards Essenes, I, 1 7 6 Eupolemus, I, 93f. Hecataeus of Abdera, I, 2 5 5 Koheledi, I, 120, 133 I I Maccabees, I, 97 Temple, Jewish at Antioch ( ?), I, 2 7 4 at Elephantine, I, 2 7 4 at Gerizim, I, 2 7 5 , 2 9 4 at Leontopohs, I, 1 0 0 , 274, 2 7 7 ; II, 186 at Qasr e l ' Abd, Transjordania, I, 273fif.
at Thmuis ( ?), I, 1 6 Temples, other Athens, I, 285 Caesarea, II, 1 9 0 Daphne, I, 2 7 7 , 286 Dmeir, II, 1 8 1 Egypt, I, 2 6 4 ; II, 186 Elymais, II, 186 Gerasa, I, 286 Hierapohs, II, 186 Mousmieh, I I , 1 8 1 Olympia, I, 286 Pahnyra, II, 1 8 1 Redesieh, I, 264 Si, II, 1 8 1 Slem, II, 1 8 1 Syria, I, 2 7 4 Tyre, I, 9 4 , 2 9 7 Temple archives, I, 96, 98, 100 Temple land, I, 1 9 , 2 9 ; II, 20 Temple, plundering of, I, 1 0 , 2 7 4 , 2 8 0 , 2 9 3 , 3 0 0 , 3 0 4 ; II,
Temple prostitutes, I, 4 1
186,193
Temple scribes, I, 26 Temple state, I, 20, 24, 2 6 , 5 6 , 7 4 , 113, 255f
Temple treasiUTr, I, 1 1 , 2 5 , 4 9
Terra cottas, I, 3 3 f Testamental literature, I, 1 1 2 , 2 0 5 , 211, 215,
254
Testaments of X I I Patriarchs, see Index of Ancient Writers, I, 1 8 9 , 205, 2 0 9 ; II, 1 2 0 Teucheira, Cyrenaica, I, 1 6 Thales of Milems, 1 , 1 0 8 ; II, 5 7 , 7 2 Thalius, writer and chronographer (first century A D ) , I, 89 Thebais, II, n , 3 1 Thebans, I, 7 1 Thebes, Egypt, I, 2 1 5 Thebes, Greece, I, 7 2 , 84 Theocracy, Jewish, I, 50, 5 6 , 1 8 9 , 2 7 8 ; II, 1 1 8 Theocrasy, see Syncretism, I, 94, 2 6 1 - 7 , 2 9 8 , 3 0 4 ; IL
199,201
Theocrims, bucoUc poet (fourth century B C ) , I, 3 7 , 109 Theodicy, see Judgment, Righteous ness, I, i45ff., 1 9 6 , 2 0 1 , 2 1 8 , 220, 2 2 9 , 2 4 9 f ,
303
Theodora, Jewish slave in Delphi, I, 4 2 , 63 Theodore of Gadara (c. 30 B C ) , I, 260
Theodore of Mopsuestia, I, 109 Theodorus, rhetorician, I, 1 8 4 Theodosius, in letter of Aristeas, I, 64
Theodotion, redactor of L X X , I,
102, 2i3(?);n, 193 (?) Theodotus, ambassador for Nicanor, I, 64 Theodotus, archon of Sidon, I, 6 1 Theodotus, in letter of Aristeas, I, 64
Theodoms, Samaritan poet (second century B C ) , I, 6 9 , 89, 2 6 6 j II, 5 2 , 5 7 , 62
Theodotus, strategos of Coele Syria (about 220 B C ) , 1 , 7 ; II, 4 , 1 4
Index of Names and Subjects
332 Theodotus inscription, Jerusalem, I, 82 Theognis, Greek gnomic writer (sixth century B C ) , 1 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 124, 1 4 9 ; II, 95 Theogony, I, 89, 266 Theophilus, in letter of Aristeas, I, 64 Theophrastus (c. 3 7 0 - 2 8 5 B C ) I 44, 108, 2 5 6 , 2 9 8 ; I I , 62, 106, 171, 177
Theopompus, historian (fourth century B C ) , I, 1 9 3 , 196, 2 3 0 ; II, 1 5 3 Thera, I I , 1 5 Therapeutai, I, 2 1 3 Thersites, I, 1 2 3 Thespiae, Boeotia, I, 7 1 Thessalus, doctor, I, 2 1 5 , 2 4 1 Theudas, leader of Jewish com munity in Rome, I I , 1 8 2 Thmuis, Jewish temple (?), 1 , 1 6 Thoth, I, 9 2 , 1 8 7 , 1 9 7 ; I I , 62 Thracians, I, 1 5 , 1 6 , 2 5 8 ; I I , 1 6 6 Thrasymachus, rhetorician (end of fifth century B C ) , 1 , 1 2 1 Thyatira, I, 308 Tiberias, I, 2 8 2 ; I I , 1 8 1 Tiberius Julius Alexander, nephew of Philo, I, 2 7 6 ; n, 2 5 , 1 7 3 Timaeus of Taiuromenium, histo riographer (c. 3 5 6 - 2 6 0 B C ) , 1,97
Time, I, i i 9 f . , 1 2 6 , 1 6 6 ; II, n o Time, ordering of, Aristobulus, I, 1 6 6 Daniel, I, 288 Jubilees, I, 168 Koheleth, I, 1 2 0 Timochares, biographer at time of Antiochus I V , I, 53 Timocrates, boxer from Byblos, I, 71 Tirat Yehuda, I I , 35 Titans, faU of, I, 89, 190, 232 T i m s , emperor, I, 283, 307 Tob, II, 182
Tobiad romance, I, 88, 2 6 9 f , 3 1 0 ; II, 182 Tobiads, I, 1 1 , 2 7 , 4 9 , 5 i f , 56 Tobias, Jewish sheikh (c. 2 5 0 BC), I, 1 5 , 2 2 , 4 1 , 4 7 f , 4 9 , 5 3 , 59
business relationships with Zeno, I, 4 1 , 4 7 , 5 3 kinship with Onias I I , I, 4 7 , 4 9 , 267
lax view of the law, I, 268 letters to ApoUonius, I, 4 1 , 5 9 , 268; II, 180 miUtary colony in Ammanitis, I, 1 5 , 22, 4 1 , 53, 268, 2 7 3 , 283, 304
Tobiyya (time of Nehemiah), I, 267, 270
Tombs, I, 60, 6 2 , 1 2 4 Greco-Palestiiuan, Jewish,
I,
i04f
inscriptions, II, 3 0 paintings, I, 4 3 , 5 5 , 6 2 , 88 Toparches, I I , 1 9
Torah, see Law Torah ontology, I,
114, i 7 i f , 173,
224, 250
Trachonitis, I, 7 ; I I , 1 8 2 Trade relations of Palestine, I, 3 6 , 4 1 , 46, 52, 56
Aegean, I, 3 2 f , 4 3 Arabia, I, 9 ; I I , 2 9 Egypt, I, 3 7 prohibitions, I, 5 2 , 2 7 i f Rhodes, I I , 3 5 routes, I, 6, 3 9 , 4 2 f transit, I, 4 3 , 5 2 Trading colonies, see Marisa, Rabbath Ammon, Shechem, I, 34, 44, 56, 6 i f , 91
Tradition, cham of, I, 8 1 , 136, 1 7 4 Tragedy, Greek, I, 69, 1 0 9 Trajan, emperor, I, 3 ; I I , 198 Transjordania, I, 7 f , 1 2 , 4 4 , 272flF., 3 0 7 f ; II, 1 7 8 , 1 8 1
Translations into Greek, see Language, Septuagint, I, looflf. Ben Sira, I, 102, 1 3 1
Index of Names and Subjects
legend of Aristeas, I, 102 Rabbis, I, 213 Treaties, Greek, I, 5i> 58f Tribute, see Taxes Tripolis, r, 7, 15, 70; n, 44 Trogus Pompeius, 1,44f.; II, 202 Troy, I I , 65 Trypho, Seleucid commander, I, 226
Tyche, see Fate, Moira, 1 , 1 2 5 , 1 9 5 , 209
333 Meleager of Gadara, I, 85, 300; II, 130 Prunitive Christianity, I, 217 Wisdom, I, 102, 159, 169 Uphre, golden island in Erithrean sea, I, 93 Uranus, I, 295; I I , 176 Uriel, archangel, II, 157 Uruk, I, 297 Utopia, social, I, 186, 256; II, 138 Uzziah, king of Judah, II, 12
Typhon-Seth, I, 185 T y r e , Tyrians, I, 6f, 13, 22f, 32, 37, 40flF., 52, 7 i f , 84, 102; II,
5, 34, 43, 44, 67,
I 9 5
coins, I, 37 festivals, I, 73, 297 history, I, 6f, 23, 93; II, 67 Menelaus in, I, 129; II, 52, 65 philosophers, I, 87, 299 Phoenician school, I, 84, 88 taxation, I, 22, 41 worship of Zeus, I, 73, 94, 286, 297
Tyropoeon vaUey, I I , 35 'Tyrus', residence of Hyrcanus, I,
Valerius Maximus, Roman com piler (first cenmry A D ) , I, 263; II, 204 Varro, M . Terentius, I, 65, 185, 2 1 1 , 260, 262, 298, 304JII, 56 Vaticinia ex eventu, I, 99, i84f.
Vegetation deities, I, 196 Venus Heliopolitana, II, 173 Virgil, I, 193, 260; II, 122, 125 Visions, see Dreams, Ecstasy, 1 , 1 7 7 , 203, 207, 210
274
Uaphres, Pharaoh in Eupolemus, I, 93
Ubiquity Aristobulus, I, 165; II, 109 Ben Sira, I, i46f j H , 109 Rabbis, I, 148 Wisdom, I, 148 Ugarit, I I , 200 Underworld, I, 84, 197, 201, 2 i o f Universahsm, miiversality, I, x6of.,
188;n,115 Anonymous Samaritan, I, 91, 95 Apocalypse of symbohc beasts, I, 187
Apocalyptic, I, 302 Ben Sira, I, 157 Hasidic wisdom, I, 2o8f Koheleth, I, 117
Wadi es-Sir, I, 273; II, 178, 181 War HeUenistic, I, 1 2 - 1 8 holy, I, i 7 f , 55, 97, 198, 200 Scroll (Qumran), see Essene writings techniques, HeUenistic, I, i2fF., 17, 55
Watchmen (angels), 1,201,233,242 Ways, two, I, 140, 156 Weaving, I, 46 Wheat, see Gram Wilderness ideal, I, 228 Will, freedom of, I, 120, 126, 140, 148
Wine, produce, export and import, see Aegean, Pottery jars, I, 39, 42, 44, 53
Wisdom, of Near East, 1 , 1 1 7 , 134, I59f, i69f., 212
Index of Names and Subjects
334 Wisdom, of Near East - contd. Ben Sira, I, I 3 i f , 1 5 0 Greek, I, 7 6 , 107, 1 7 0 , 1 7 3 Koheleth, I, 1 1 5 'Wisdom', as hypostasis, I, 1 1 4 ,
relationship to Zeus, I, 265 reticence over name, I, 1 1 7 , 1 5 5 righteousness, I, 1 4 3 Yahwist, I, 301
1 5 3 - 6 2 , 166, 2 1 9 , 249
character as revelation, I, 1 5 4 hiddenness, I, I53f, 1 7 0 homelessness, I, 1 6 1 Israel and, I, i 6 o f , i 6 9 f Torah and, I, 9 9 , 128, 1 6 0 , 1 6 9 , 311
Wisdom schools, Jewish, 1 , 7 8 , n o , 156, 158, 164, 169, 1 7 7 , 196, 2 4 8 f , 3 1 0 ; I I , IOO, 1 3 8
Woman, strange, I, 5 4 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 6 Wool, production and working of, I, 4 3 , 46 Word of God, see Logos, I, 1 5 5 , 159, 167, 1 7 1 , 174
World, see Cosmos, Creation citizenship, see Universalism, I, 8 5 , 1 4 9 , 300,
30if
kingdom, pattern of,
I, 34f.,
i82f., 195
powers, 1 , 1 8 2 , i87flF., 1 9 0 , 1 9 4 reason, I, 148, 1 5 9 , 168 soul, I, 1 6 3 , 1 6 8 ; II, 102, 202 year, I, i9iflf., 2 3 1 Worship, I, 2 5 9 , 2 6 2 f , 2 9 5 j II, 182
Xenocrates, disciple of Plato, I, 163, 2 3 3 f
Xenophanes, I, 2 5 6 ; II, 106, 1 7 3 Xenophobia, see Separatism Xerxes, II, 7 5 Xisuthros, I, 2 4 2
Yahweh, I, 80, 1 5 7 , i 7 7 f o 1 8 1 , 2 9 5 and Anatyahu in Elephantine, I, 154
in Ben Sira, I, 1 5 3 ; I I , 96 court of, I, 2 3 2 fear of as beginning of wisdom, I, 1553
157
Zabbaeus, Idumean in Marisa, 1 , 6 2 Zadokite, I, 80, 9 7 , 1 6 8 , 224?. Zarathustra, see Zoroaster, I, 2 1 4 , 2 3 0 ; II, 1 5 4 Zeal against the law, I, 293, 300, 305 for the law, 1 , 1 1 4 , 2 8 7 ,
300,305,
312, 314
Zealots, I, 1 3 5 , 1 6 9 , 188, 2 5 2 , 2 5 3 ; II, I I I Zechariah, I, 2 3 2 Zeno of Sidon, Epicurean (160 B C ) , I, 86 Zeno, agent of dioiketes ApoUonius, h 7, 47f
3
153
2 1 , 3 6 , 3 8 , 39f.,
5I3 533
1133
42,
127
correspondence, see Index of Ancient Writers, I, 7 , 2 0 , 2 i f , 37, 38, 4 1 ,
433
"6,
267,
268,
II, 1 4 , I94f. travels to Palestine ( 2 6 0 - 2 5 8 B C ) , 2733
276, 310;
I, 3 9 - 4 I 3 4 7 f 3 2 6 7 f
Zenodorus, son of Abbaeus, 1 , 6 1 Zenodoms, Phoenician, I, 62 Zephat, II, 2 6 Zerubbabel, I, 30 Zervanism, I, 1 9 3 ; II, 1 5 3 Zeus Akraios, I, 284, 2 9 8 ; II, 1 9 1 Atabyrios, I I , 1 7 2 , 1 9 8 Baal of Carmel as, II, 1 7 2 Bacchus, I, 2 9 8 ; II, 1 9 1 Bottiaeus, II, 1 9 1 in Celsus, I, 2 6 2 Coryphaeus, I, 286 j II, 1 8 9 eagle as symbohc bird, I I , 1 9 7 father of Athene, II, 98 HeUopolitanus, II, 1 7 2 , 198 Hellenios, I, 2 9 4 Hikesios, II, 1 9 6 Hypsistos, I, 244, 298
Index of Names and Subjects lao, I, 2 6 2 identification with the svin, I, 236 Kasios, I, 286 Keraunios, I I , 1 9 1 Kronos, I I , 1 9 7 and Lyciurgus, I, 7 2 Megistos, I I , 1 9 1 in Menander, I, 1 2 2 mountain cult, I, 295 Nicator, I, 286 Nikephoros, I I , 1 9 0 Olympius, see s.v. Oromazes, see Ahura Mazda, I, 193
Philios, I I , 1 9 6 in Plato, I, 1 5 4 record book of, I, 201 and Seleucids, I, 286 in Stoa, I, 1 6 0 , 2 3 1 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 4 f in Syria, I, 286 temple in Olympia, I, 285 ten thousand watchers of (Hesiod), I, 2 3 6 vengeance on Rome, I, 186 and world soul in Xenocrates, I, 163
Xenios, I, 2 9 4 ; H , 198 and Yahweh or God of Jews, I, 2 6 3 - 6 , 294, 304
335 Zeus Olympius, I, 2 8 7 ; II, 189 Ba'al Samem, 1 , 9 4 , 1 2 8 , 2 8 6 , 2 9 7 on coins, I, 285 cult in Scythopohs, I, 298 HeUenists in Jerusalem, I, 1 2 8 , 265
in Jerusalem, I, 2 8 7 , 294, 2 9 6 , 298, 3 0 5 ; I I , 196 supposed identification of Antiochus I V with, I, 285 temple in Athens, I, 285 temple in Dura Europos, I I , 1 9 1 temple in Tyre, I, 7 3 , 94, 286, 2 9 7 ; I I , 64 Zeuxis, letter to, I I , 1 7 5 Zion, I, 1 7 7 , 2 6 7 , 2 8 3 , 2 9 4 f , 2 9 6 f , 299, 304f, 307
Zipporah, wife of Moses, I I , 62 Z K R , king of Hamath, I I , 1 9 9 Zoar, balsam plantation, I, 4 5 Zodiac, see Astral religion. Astrology, I, 2 3 8 f Zoilus, letter in Zeno correspon dence, I I , 1 3 9 Zophar, king of Mineans, I I , 6 2 Zoroaster, magician, see Zara thustra, I, 1 3 0 , 2 1 1 , 2 5 8 ; I I , 166
