John Kaminiates: The Capture of Thessaloniki

Fol 98v of Cod. Laur. plut. IX.28, containing the Christian Topography-of Cosmas

Indicopleustes, is reproduced on the cover with the kind permission of the Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence.

Ei SE xai lc£pi Twv avrtno&wv e7e4Epya6TtuwTCpov, 8cXT aElc paBiwS TO" U; ypac'08stS µv9oi S avti v 6Cvaxa2,vyret

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JOHN RAMIMIATes Tt1E CAPTURE OF TI1E89ALONIKI

Byzantina Australiensia 12

)011N KAHINIA'reS TnE CATDR6 OF Th89SALONl1
by

David Frendo and Athanasios Fotiou with Gertrud Bohlig's edition of the Greek text (de Gruyter 1973)

Perth 2000

© Published by the Australian Association for Byzantine Studies http://www.mcauley.acu.edu.au/AABS/

Distributed by the Centre for Early Christian Studies Australian Catholic University P.O. Box 247 Everton Park, QLD 4053

Australia Fax 61.(0)7.3855.7348

National Library of Australia card number and ISBN 1-876503-00-9 ISSN

0725-3079

Perth 2000

Cover design by Stephen Cole of the Graphic Design Unit,

The Australian National University

Printed by University Printing Service The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface

Abbreviations

vii

ix

Introduction - Part One

xxvii

Introduction - Part Two

xli

Plans of Thessaloniki and neighbourhood

li

Abbreviations in notes to Greek text

Text and Translation

1

Endnotes

135

Index of contents

187

PREFACE Thanks to the marvels of modern technology, collaboration between

individuals living at very great distances apart has become a relatively easy matter. Unfortunately, however, collaboration at a distance is no more exempt than any other such activity from human frailty or from the often painful and always unforeseen vicissitudes that habitually beset the human condition. And so it has come about that the present work has required for its completion a much longer period of time than either collaborator had envisaged.

Although we have regularly subjected our work to mutual scrutiny and discussion throughout, we have also been careful to observe a fairly clear-cut division of labour. For practical purposes, this has meant that David Frendo assumed responsibility chiefly for the translation, for questions involving the authenticity and literary background of Kaminiates' account and for matters pertaining to the Arabs and to Islam, whereas Athanasios Fotiou wrote the bulk of the commentary and dealt exhaustively with military matters and with the topography and population of Thessaloniki and its hinterland.

Needless to say, we have become variously indebted in the course of this unduly protracted undertaking: in the first place, to Professor Elizabeth Jeffreys for valuable criticism and for much forbearance; to the archaeologists Sappho Tambaki and George Velenis; to Professors Alkmene Stravridou-Zafraka and Evangelos

Chrysos; to the architect Ph. Oreopoulos for valuable and much

appreciated assistance; and to Ms Olive O'Flaherty of the Department of Ancient Classics, University College, Cork, for long hours spent at the computer transforming an untidy and none too

legible manuscript into the beauty and regularity of the printed page; and to John Melville-Jones, the editor appointed by the Australian Association for Byzantine Studies to prepare the text for publication in the series Byzantina Australiensia. We should like also to thank Messrs. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin and New York, for their kind permission to print the Greek text of Gertrud Bohlig's critical edition loannis Cameniatae de Expugnatione Thessalonicae alongside the present translation. All references to the text are to the paragraphs of this Edition.

Preface

For such inadequacies and imperfections as the attentive reader may discover we must, of course, take joint and several responsibility.

David Frendo University College Cork, Ireland

Athanasios Fotiou Carleton University

Ottawa, Canada

ABBREVIATIONS Aeneas Ahrweiler, 1966

Aeneas, Poliorcetica (ed. C. Wescher, Paris 1867)

H. Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer. La marine de

guerre, la politique et les institutions maritimes de Byzance aux viie-xve siecles (Paris) ------, From the ninth century to 1204, in Ahrweiler, 1983 Macedonia, ed. M.B. Sakellariou (Athens) 272-79 Ali, Maulana Muhammad, Maulana Muhammad Ali, A Manual of Hadith, 1978

Amantos,1953 and 1957 Anagnostes, John Antoniadis-Bibicou, 1966

3rd ed. (London) K. Amantos, 7O:Topla Tov Bv(avTLvoi) Kpa'TOus, vol. 1 (395-867) and 2 (867-1204) (Athens) see Tsaras, 1958

H. Antoniadis-Bibicou, Etudes d'histoire maritime de

Bakalakis, 1963

Byzance. A propos du 'theme des Cara-

visiens'(Paris) G. Bakalakis, Therme-Thessaloniki, Antike Kunst Beiheft 1, 30-34

Bakalakis, 1966

------, XWpOTaeLKTj

MEXeTTi

eEU6aXov1KTTS dp. 3,

'IcTOpia -'ApXaLOXoyta (Thessaloniki)

Bakirtzis, 1975

-----,'H 9aXdacLa (HapaTTjpTjQELS

6Xvpwvrj

Kal

T7 s Trpo(3XfjµaTa),

eE(7aaXOV1KTjS

Bv(avrtvd 7,

211-41

Bakirtzis, 1983

------, PWE.Ld KOS XOUTpW'V Kat

T

'AXELporroLTjTOS Ti s

eEaaaXoVLKTjs, in AOLEpwpa QTi' pv{lpq ZTvAtavov IIEAEaavl8r7 (Thessaloniki) 310-29

Bakirtzis, 1985

-----,

(3dp(3apov KXvSWVa pap(3d.pWv

cT6XWV...',

Bv(avrLvd 13, 1053-58

Besevliev, 1963

V. Besevliev, Die protobulgarische Inschriften (Berlin)

Besevliev, 1980 Besevliev, 1985

Die protobulgarische Periode der bulgarischen Geschichte (Amsterdam) ------, Zur Deutung der protobulgarischen Inschrift

von Vassilika, Chalkidike, Jahrbuch der osterBohlig, 1973 Bohlig, 1975

reichischen Byzantinistik 35, 143-52 loannis Caminiatae de Expugnatione Thessalonicae ed. Gertrud Bohlig, CFHB vol. 4, Berlin

Die Einnahme Thessalonikes durch die Araber im Jahre 904. Ubersetzt, eingeleitet and erklart von G. Bohlig, Graz-Wien-Koln (Byzantinische Gesichtsschreiber 12) ix

Abbreviations Bonis, 1969

K. G. Bonis, Die Slawenapostel Kyrillos and Methodios and die Basilika des heiligen Demetrios von Thessalonike (Athens)

Book of the Eparch

Ae'ovros Toil Zooou To 'ETrap,Yucov Bt/3A ov (ed. J. Nicole, Geneva 1893)

Bratianu, 1940

G. Bratianu, Le commerce bulgare dans 1'empire byzantin et le monopole de 1'empereur Leon VI a Thessalonique (Sofia)

Brehier, 1949

L. Brehier, Les institutions de l'empire byzantin (Paris, repr. 1970)

Browning, 1975

R. Browning, Byzantium and Bulgaria. A Comparative Study Across the Early Mediaeval Frontier (London)

Brunet, 1985

F. Brunet, Sur l'hellenisation des toponymes slaves en Macedoine byzantine, Travaux et memoires 9, 235-65

Bury, 1912

J. B. Bury, A History of the East Roman Empire from the Fall of Irene to the Accession of Basil I (A.D. 802 to A.D. 867) (London)

BZ Cantacuzenus Cedrenus CFHB

Byzantinische Zeitschrift

Charanis, 1946

P. Charanis, Nicephorus I, the Saviour of Greece from the Slavs (810 A.D.), Byzantina-Metabyzan-

see Kantakouzenos see Kedrenos Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae

tina 1, 75-92

Charanis, 1970

Charanis, 1970a

----, Observations on the History of Greece during the Early Middle Ages, Balkan Studies 11, 1-34 ------, Kouver, the Chronology of his Activities and their Ethnic Effects on Regions around Thessalonica, Balkan Studies 11, 229-47

Charanis, 1976

------, The Slavs, Byzantium, and the Historical Significance of the First Bulgarian Kingdom, Balkan Studies 17, 5-24

Chatzidakis, 1983

M. Chatzidakis, From the sixth to the ninth century: Art from the mid-seventh to the tenth century, in Macedonia. ed. M.B. Sakellariou

Chatzi Ioannou, 1880

(Athens) 266-71 M. Chatzi Ioannou,'Avrvypagta eeccraAovticis 77"rot rreptypao) rigs ecooaaov[Kgs (Thessaloniki, repr. Thessaloniki 1976 and Athens 1978)

x

Abbreviations Cheronis, 1937

N. D. Cheronis, Chemical Warfare in the Middle Ages. Kallinikos' Prepared Fire, Journal of Chemical Education 14, 306-65

Chionides, 1970

G. Chionides, 7QTOpta rrls Bepotas rfjs

Christides, 1981

Kai Ti s rreptoXfjs 2 vols. (Thessaloniki) V. Christides, The Raids of the Moslems of Crete in

rr6Acros

the Aegean Sea. Piracy and Conquest, Byzantion 51, 76-111

------ The Conquest of Crete by the Arabs (ca 824). A Turning Point in the Struggle Between Byzantium and Islam (Athens) Christophilopoulou, 1983 A. Christophilopoulou, BvCaVTLvr1 MaKE6ovLa.

Christides, 1984

EXEBLaaµa yLa ETrO)( dTrO Ta TEAT] TOU $ µEXPL Ta µhca TOD 9' aLwva, BvCavrLva 12, 9-63

Christophilopoulou, 1983a

------, From the Sixth to the Ninth Century;

Political history; from the sixth to the ninth century: Political, economic and social develop-

ments, in Macedonia, ed. M. B. Sakellariou (Athens) 250-58 and 258-63

Chron. Pasch.

Chronicon Paschale (ed. L. Dindorf, 2 vols., Bonn

Chrysos, 1997

E. Chrysos, Slavonian Settlements and Byzantine Sovereignty in the Balkans, Unpublished Paper Codex Justinianus, ed. P. Kruger, in Corpus Juris

1832)

CJ

Civilis, vol. 2 (Berlin 1928, repr. 1954) Comnena, see Komnene Comp. Kon.

Computer-Konkordanz zum Novum Testamentum

Graece von Nestle-Aland, 26. Auflage and zum Greek New Testament, 3rd Edition, Berlin 1980 Const. Porph, deadmImp.

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio (ed. G. Moravcsik, tr. R. J. H. Jenkins),

Const. Porph., de cer.

Washington D.C., 1967 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De ceremoniis (ed. J. Reiske, Bonn 1829-30)

Const. Porph., de them.

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus (ed.

Cormack,1969

A. Pertusi, Vatican City 1952) R. Cormack, The mosaic decoration of S. Demetrios,

Thessaloniki; a re-examination in the light of the drawings of W. S. George, Annual of the British Croke,1978

School at Athens 64, 17-52 B. Croke, Hormisdas and the Late Roman Walls of

Thessalonika, GRBS 19, 251-58 (repr. in Croke, 1992, XV) xi

Abbreviations

Davidson, 1973

------, Christian Chronicles and Byzantine History, 5th-6th Centuries (London) E. Davidson, The Secret Weapon of Byzantium, BZ

DChAE

66, 61-74 deATlov Tits XpLQTLavwK s 'ApXaLOAoyLIcis `ETaLp-

Croke,1992

Elas Dennis, 1985

Three Byzantine Military Treatises. Text, transation and notes by George T. Dennis (CFHB vol. 25, Washington)

Dolger, 1948

F. Dolger, Aus den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges (Munich)

Dolger, 1952

F. Dolger, Ein Fall slavischer Einsiedlung im Hinterland von Thessalonike im 10. Jahrhundert,

Sitzungsber. Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. Heft 1 (Munich) Duchesne and Bayet, 1877 L. Duchesne and J. Bayet, Mission au Mont Athos. Archives des missions scientificques, ser. 3, vol. III (Paris) I. Dujcev, Dragvista - Dragovitia, Revue des etudes Dujcev,1964 byzantines, 22, 215-21

Dvornik, 1926

Dvornik, 1926a Dvornik, 1928

EEBE

F. Dvornik, La vie de Saint Gregoire le Decapolite et les Slaves macedoniens au IXe s. (Paris) ------, Les Slaves, Byzance et Rome au IXe s. (Paris) ------, Deux inscriptions greco-Bulgares de Philippes, Bulletin de correspondance hellenique 52, 125-47 IErrergpls 'ETaLpElas Bv(auTLv 33v EpcvvOv

Eustathios

Eustathius, De expugnatione Thessalonicae (ed. I. Bekker, Bonn 1842); English tr. by John R. Melville Jones, Eustathios of Thessaloniki. The Capture of Thessaloniki, Byzantina Australiensia 8 (Canberra

Farag, 1989

W. A. Farag, Some Remarks on Leo of Tripoli's

Feissel and Spieser, 1979

Attack on Thessaloniki in 904 A.D., BZ 82, 133-9 D. Feissel and J.-M. Spieser, Inventaires en vue d'un

1988)

recueil des inscriptions historiques de Byzance, IL

Les inscriptions de Thessalonique, Supplement Travaux et memoires 7, 303-48

Feissel and Seve, 1979

D. Feissel and M. Seve, La Chalcidique vue par

Charles Avezou (avril-mai 1914), Bulletin de correspondence hellenique 103, 229-326

Feissel, 1987

D. Feissel, Bulletin epigraphique, Revue des etudes grecques 100, 360-61

xii

Abbreviations Finlay, 1877

G. Finlay, A History of Greece from its Conquest by the Romans to the Present Time, vol. 2 (Oxford)

Forbes,1959

R. J. Forbes, More Studies in Early Petroleum History (Leiden)

Forbes,1964

------, Studies in Ancient Technology, vol. 1 (Leiden)

Fountoukou, 1985

M. Fountoukou, IIapaTqprjaELS UTO dµvVTLKO UvUTTq[1.a

T(ilV

®EUUaxOVCKTls, in 'H eEO-

TELX(.JV

QaAoviKrl 1, 111-57

Frendo, 1997

Joseph D. C. Frendo, The 'Miracles

of St.

Demetrius' and the Capture of Thessaloniki. An Examination of the Purpose, Significance and Authenticity of John Kaminiates' De Expugnatione Thessalonicae, Byzantinoslavica

Gautier, 1964

58, 205-24

P. Gautier, Clement d'Ochrid, eveque de Dragvista, Revue des etudes byzantines 22, 199-214

Georg. Cont.

Georgius Monachus, Vitae imperatorum recentiorum in Theophanes Continuatus (ed. C. de Boor, Bonn 1838)

Gounaris 1971

TLVeS

ETfL

Tf s ®EVQaxo t"s, MaKf60VLKC 11, 311-23

Gounaris,1976

G. Gounaris, Td TEIXi7 rqs ®EuoaAovixTls (Thess-

Graebner, 1975

aloniki) M. D. Graebner, The Role of the Slavs within the Byzantine Empire, 500-1018, Ph.D. Thesis (New

GRBS

Brunswick, NJ) Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies

Gregoire,1952

H. Gregoire, Le communique arabe sur la prise de Thessalonique (904), Byzantion 22, 373-78

Grigoriou-Ioannidou, 1981 M. Grigoriou-Ioannidou, Tb ETTEL66SLO Tot QTd 'OaU LaTa Tot ` Aylou OTjµTITpLov', BUCaPTLaKd

1, 69-87

Grigoriou-Ioannidou,1982

------, - H EKUTpaTEta TOO 'I ODUTLVLQVOU B'

KQTQ

TLiIV BovXyapwv KQL EXd(3wv (688), Bv(avrcaKd 2, 113-24 Grigoriou-Ioannidou, 1989 ------, OL BUCaVTLVeS KXELaOUpES KaL KXELQOVpapXLEs, Bv(avrcaKd

Haldon, 1977

9, 181-202

J. Haldon and M. Byrne, A Possible Solution to the Problem of Greek Fire, BZ 70, 91-99

Herodian

Herodianus, Ab excessu divi Marci libri octo (ed. K. Stavenhagen, Leipzig 1922)

xiii

Abbreviations Herrin, 1973

Herrin, 1987 Heyd, 1885 Hime, 1915 Hunger, 1978

Irmscher, 1995

J. Herrin, Aspects of the Process of Hellenization in the Early Middle Ages, Annual of the British School at Athens 68, 113-26 ------, The Formation of Christendom (Princeton NJ)

W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen age (Leipzig) H. W. L. Hime, The Origin of Artillery (London)

H. Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, 2 vols. (= Hdb. d. Altertumswiss. 12.5. 1-2, Munich) J. Irmscher, 'H MaKESovia o-d1v ETron' TOO 'I ovvTLVLavov, BvCaVTLv?

MaKEBov(a (Thessaloniki),

137-42

Ivir. Jaffe, 1851

Actes de l'Iviron (ed. J. Lefort, 2 vols., Paris) Ph. Jaffe, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum ab

eccles-

ia condita ad annum post Christum natum 1198 Jenkins, 1948

(Berlin) R. J. H. Jenkins, The Flight of Samonas, Speculum 23, 217-35

Jirecek, 1877 John of Ephesus Jones, 1964

Julius Africanus

C. Jirecek, Die Heerstrasse von Belgrad nach Konstantinopel and die Balkanpasse (Prague) Johannis Ephesii Historiae Ecclesiasticae pars tertia (ed. E.W. Brooks, Louvain 1952) A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602 (Oxford) Sextus Julius Africanus, Kestoi inThe Oxyrhynchus Papyri, (ed. B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt, vol. 3 no. 142, 39ff. London 1903)

Kantakouzenos

1. Cantacuzenus, Historia (ed. L. Schopen, 3 vols., Bonn 1828-32)

Karayannopoulos and Weiss, 1982

Johannes Karayannopoulos and Giinter Weiss, Quellenkunde zur Geschichte von Byzanz (3241453) (Wiesbaden)

Karayannopoulos, 1983

------, From the Ninth Century to 1204: Political history, in Macedonia, ed. M. B. Sakellariou (Athens) 279-88

Karayannopoulos, 1984

Karayannopoulos, 1989

I. Karayannopoulos, H ETrLKOLvcov(a eEVaaXovcKTjsK4lVaTavTLVOUTr6XEWS KaTd TOUS 7.-9. at., ErrLur. ErrET. Pe lov. EX. ApLo-T. Tlavfrr. &eotraaovixrls 22, 213-29 ------, H TrpWT0(3ovayapLK1 ETrLypa4fj TOU Direkler, E7aina, Ema-r. Err. Tµ la-r. Km ApXaaLak

.aov. EX ApLCT.

Tfamm. ecaualovbajs 1, 219-57 and pls. 429-43 xiv

Abbreviations Karayannopoulos, 1989a

------, Les slaves en Macedoine. La pretendue interruption des communications entre Constantinople et Thessalonique du 7eme au 9eme siecle (Athens)

Karayannopoulos, 1991

------, OL BUCaVTLVO-BoukyapLKES UU'YKPODUELS

ETrL'

EuµE(Lv, Bv(avraaKhk 11, 25-46

Karayannopoulos, 1994

I. Karayannopoulos, To BVCavrcv6 &OLK77rLKO'

cvornµa ara BWcdvLa (4os

Karlin-Hayter, 1965

9os aL.) (Athens)

P. Karlin-Hayter, Clement d'Ochrid, la guerre bulgare de Leon et la prise de Thessalonique en 904, Byzantion 35, 606-11

Karlin-Hayter, 1967

------, When Military Affairs were in Leo's Hands, Traditio 23, 15-40

Kazhdan, 1978

A. Kazhdan, Some Questions Addressed to the Scholars who Believe in the Authenticity of Kaminiates' "Capture of Thessalonica", BZ 71, 301-14

Kedrenos Kissas, 1985 Komnene, Alex.

Georgius Cedrenus, Historiarum compendium (ed. I. Bekker, 2 vols., Bonn 1838-39) S. Kissas, 0 va6s Tris Ayias EocLas, in H eEQQaAoviKn KaL ra MvnpcLa rqs (Thessaloniki), 76-85 Anne Comnene, Alexiade 1-3 (ed. B. Leib, Paris 1937-45)

Konstantakopoulou, 1996

A. Konstantakopoulou, Bv(avrLvrf eEQQaAovtKn.

Korres, 1989, 1995

Xoipos Ka. ISEoAoyia (Ioannina) Th. Korres, 'Yypfv IIvp'. Eva 67rAo rqs ,QvCavrcv>js

raKrucr7's, 2nd ed. 1989, 3rd ed. 1995 (Thessaloniki) VaurLKrfs

Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, 0 vans TTgs AXELpo1985

TrOL11TOU, in H eEccTaAov(Kn Kat Ta pvn/eIa r77s

Kyriakides, 1939

(Thessaloniki), 59-67 S. Kyriakides, BV(avrcval T11V

LaTOpLaV

T(ilV

MEAETaL II-IV, 1.' ATro TELXWV Tf S eE aaxovL'KT1s

(Thessaloniki 1937, repr. 1939), 59-67

Kyriakides, 1939a

S. Kyriakides, ®EaaaXovLKLa MEXETTj LaTa (Thess-

Kyriakides, 1946

Td (ibpELa

aloniki) Laurent, 1971

EOvoXo7LKa'

avvopa Tou `EXXT)vLQµov

(Thessaloniki) V. Laurent, ed. Les "Memoires" du Grand Ecclesiarque de 1' eglise de Constantinople Sylvestre Syropoulos sur le Concile de Florence (1438-1439) (Paris)

xv

Abbreviations Lemerle, 1945

P. Lemerle, Philippes et la Macedoine orientale a 1'epoque chretienne et byzantine (Bibliotheque des Ecoles frangaises d'Athenes et de Rome 158) (Paris)

Lemerle, 1954

------, Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans depuis la fin de l'epoque romaine jusqu'au VIIIe siecle, Revue historique 211, 265-308

Lemerle, 1979 and 1981

------, Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de Saint Demetrius et la penetration des Slaves dans les Balkans, I (1979): Le texte; II (1981): Commen-

taire (Paris) Leo Choerosphactes

Leon Choerosphactes, ed. and tr. G. Kolias (Athens 1939)

Leo, Tact.

Leonis VI imperatoris tacticae constitutiones (PG 107, 669-1094)

Leo Gramm.

Leo Grammaticus, Chronographia, (ed. I. Bekker, Bonn 1842)

Le Quien,1740 Liakos, 1971

Life of St. Elias Life of St. Euthymius Life of St. Gregory Life of St. Theodora

M. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, vols.1-3 (Paris) S. Liakos, Ti rrpayyart ijvav of ErcAaf3i vot (Asseclae) E70txot Toy ®4µaros ®Eccalovlxrjs (dpovyoj3irat- `Pv)1Xivot -2ayovcarat) (Thessaloniki) Vita di Sant'Elia iI Giovane, ed. and tr. G. Rossi Taibbi (Palermo 1962)

Vita S. Euthymii, ed. and tr. P. Karlin-Hayter, Byzantion 25-27 (1955-57) 1-172 See Dvornik, 1926

Life of St. Theodora of Thessalonike in Holy Women of Byzantium (ed. A.-M. Talbot, Washington D.C. 1996), 164-237

LSJ

H.G. Liddell and R. Scott, A Greek-English Lex-

LXX

icon, 9th edn., rev. H. Stuart Jones and R. McKenzie (with Revised Supplement, Oxford 1996) Septuaginta (ed. Alfred Rahlfs) Deutsche Bibel-

gesellschaft, Stuttgart 1935, repr. 1982 (whereas all references to the Greek are to the text of this edition, the English translations offered are taken almost invariably from the Authorized Version. It should be noted, moreover, that similar use has been made throughout of The Greek New Testament

(3rd corrected edition), United Bible Societies, Stuttgart 1983) Magdalino, 1990

P. Magdalino, Saint Demetrios and Leo VI, Byzantinoslavica 51, 198-201

xvi

Abbreviations Makaronas, 1951

Ch. Makaronas, Via Egnatia and Thessalonike in Studies Presented to David M. Robinson ed. G. E. Mylonas, vol. 1 (Saint Louis) 380-88

Malingoudis, 1987

Malingoudis, 1991

Ph. Malingoudis, Friihe slawische Elemente im Namensgut Griechenlands, in Die Volker Siidosteuropas im 6. bis 8. Jahrhundert (Berlin) Ph. Malingoudis, H ecoaaAoviK?7 Kac o K6upos T[dv FAd/3c)v. ELOaywyLKd SOKiALa (Thessaloniki)

Mansi

Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (ed. G. D. Mansi, Florence and Venice 1759-98, repr. 1901-1927)

Marchus graecus

Liber ignium ad comburendos hostes (ed. F. Hoefer, vol. 1, Paris 1842)

Marki, 1982

E. Marki, Euµ-rrXBp(µaTLKa dpXaLOXOTLKa' 6TOLXE%a yLa To 4 povpLO Bap6apLou 8EacraxovLKns, in MaKESovLKd 22, 133-53

Mas'udi, Prairies Mercier, 1952 Metcalf, 1963

al-Mas'udi Les Prairies d'or (tr. B. Carra de Vaux, Paris 1861-77) M. Mercier, Le feu gregeois (Paris)

D. M. Metcalf, The Coinage of Thessaloniki, 8291204, and its Place in Balkan Monetary History,

Miracula

Balkan Studies 4, 277-88 See P. Lemerle, Les plus anciens..., vol. 1 (Paris 1979)

Miller, 1971

D. A. Miller, Byzantine Treaties and TreatyMaking: 500-1025 A.D., Byzantinoslavica, 32, 56-76

MMA

Moravcsik, 1958 Moschopoulos, 1940

Nasledova, 1956

Nasledova, 1956a

Maps and Map-Makers of the Aegean, ed. V. Sphyroeras et al. (Athens 1985) Gyula Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, 2 vols., Berlin N. Moschopoulos, ' E j3XLa TcEXEµmj. ' O8oLTropLKbv (Ta TrEPL ®Eaaaxov1KBs), EEBE 16, 321-63

RA. Nasledova, Remeslo i torgovlja Fessaloniki v konca IX nacala XV po dannim Ioanna Kameniat, Vizantijskij Vremennik 8, 61-84 ------, Makedonskje Slavjane konca IX nacala XV veka po dannim Ioanna Kameniatij, Vizantijskij Vremennik 11, 82-97

Nasledova, 1959

------, Dve vizantijskie chroniki X veka, ed. S.V. Poljakova (Moscow) 143-241

Naumachica Nicholas Mysticus

Naumachica (ed. A. Dain, Paris 1943)

Nicholas Mysticus, Letters ed. R. Jenkins and L. Westerin(Washington D.C. 1981)

Niederle, 1923

L. Niederle, Manuel des antiquites slaves vol. 1 (Paris)

xvii

Abbreviations

Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, M. Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou,' H av6pOwxq (8021979

945) in' I vTOp(a

TOO

EXX,1vLKOO 'EOvovs ed. G

Christopoulos and I Bastias vol. 8 (Athens)

Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, 1986

Les Slaves dans 1'empire byzantin, 17th International Byzantine Congress. Major Papers (New York) 345-67

Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, -----, Zlapwes EyKaTacrdcreLS o7 /EO'aLWVLK4 1993 E,UdSa (Athens) Obolensky, 1966 D. Obolensky, The Empire and its Northern

Neighbours, 565-1018, in Cambridge Medieval ODB

History, vol. 4.1 (Cambridge) 473-518 The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols. (Oxford 1991)

Oikonomides,1972

N. Oikonomides, Les listes de preseance byzantines des IXe et Xe siecles (Paris)

Oikonomides, 1979

------,' H

tvoTro(TjaTI TOO Ebpa6LaTLKOO XWpov 945-1071, in' I cTOpLa TOO ' EXXTIVLKOO "EOvovs ed. G.

Christopoulos and I. Bastias, vol. 8 (Athens) 98-151 Oikonomides, 1991

----, Le kommerkion d'Abydos. Thessalonique et le commerce bulgare au IXe siecle, in Hommes et richesses dans 1'empire byzantin VIIIe-XVe siecle, ed. V. Kravari et al., 2 vols. (Paris), I, 241-48

Oikonomides, 1995

-----,"Opus PWgaLwv Kai BovXydpwv, in BvCavTLVtj

MaKESovla (Thessaloniki) 239-43

Oreopoulos, 1995

Ostrogorsky, 1965

Papadopoulos, 1971

Ph. Oreopoulos, KaTQQKEUa6TLKES 4 dUELS TOU

Errrarrvpyiov, Unpublished Paper G. Ostrogorsky, The Byzantine Background to the Moravian Mission, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 19, 1-18 A. Papadopoulos, 'O "Aytos a17y4Tptos E1s TT)v Wr?vLKily Kai pov,1yaptKity rrapa'Sooty (Thessalo-

niki) Papageorgiou 1894

Papageorgiou, 1908

Papagianne, 1985

P. N. Papageorgiou, At EEppaL Kai Ta' TrpodaTELa Ta TTEpi Ta'S ZEppas Kat fi go' 'I WdVVOU TOO Ilpo8p6gov, BZ 3, 325-29 -----, r s Ev AEVaaXov(K13 XaTpELaS TOO geyaXogdpTVpos ' Ay(OV A11g'nTplov, BZ 17, 321-82 E. Papagianne, OEµaTa EKKX1o'LacTL1COV' 8LKaLOV a1T6 TO Ep7O TOU I wdvvTl KaglvLdTTl 'ELS TTIV a 'XWULV

T11S

OEVVaXovLKT1s' (IOUXLOS 904) in ET'

I7aveAA1 vto I aropLK6 Evve6pto. ITpaKTLKd (Thess-

Papazotos, 1985

aloniki) 35-46 Th. Papazotos, Ta TELXTI, in H e6oaaAovtKrl Ta Mvrlgcla Tr)s (Thessaloniki) 25-33

xviii

KaL

Abbreviations

R. Partington, A History of Greek Fire and

Partington, 1960

J.

Pelekanidis, 1960

Gunpowder (Cambridge) S. Pelekanidis, BvCavTtvd rcai METaf3vCavrcva Mvgpela rfs ITpeorras (Thessaloniki)

Petit, 1900-1901

L. Petit, Les eveques de Thessalonique, Echos

PG

d'Orient 4, 136-145 and 212-21 Patrologiae cursus completus, series graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne, 161 vols. (Paris 1857-66)

P.G.L.

A Patristic Greek Lexicon, ed. G. W. H. Lampe (Oxford 1961)

Philo

Philo, Paraskeuastica and Poliorcetica, (ed. H. Diels and E. Schramm, Berlin 1919) Abh. Berl. Akad., Phil.- Hist. Kl. Nr. 12

Photius

B. Laourdas, A new letter of Photius to Boris,'EAArlvLKd 13 (1954), 263-65

PLRE 2

The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire Vol. 2 (Cambridge 1980)

Popovic, 1980

V. Popovic, Aux origines de la slavisation des Balkans, in Comptes rendus des seances de l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (Paris) 23057

Primary Chronicle

The Russian Primary Chronicle, tr. S.H. Cross et al. (Cambridge, Mass. 1953)

Pritsak, 1983

0. Pritsak, The Slavs and the Avars, in Gli Slavi occidentali e meridionali nell'Alto Medioevo, 2 vols., Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sull' alto medioevo 30 (Spoleto) I, 397-416

Prokopios

Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia (ed. J. Haury and G. Wirth, Leipzig 1962-64)

Ps.-Sym.

Symeonis magistri annales, in Theophanes Con-tinuatus (ed. I. Bekker, Leipzig 1838)

The Holy Qur'an

The Holy Qur'an. Text, Translation and Commentary. A. Yusuf Ali. The Islamic Foundation, (London 1975)

Rajkovic, 1958

Rostovtzeff, 1960 Runciman, 1930

M. Rajkovic, Oblast Strimona i tema Strimon, ZRVI 5,1-7 M. Rostovtzeff, Rome (New York)

S. Runciman, A History of the First Bulgarian Empire, (London)

Sakellariou, 1983

M. B. Sakellariou (ed.), Macedonia. 4000 years of Greek History and Civilisation (Thessaloniki 1983, repr. 1988)

xix

Abbreviations

Skylitzes

Georgii Cedreni, loannis Scylitzae opera (ed. I. Bekker, 2 vols., Bonn 1838-39)

Spieser, 1973

J: M. Spieser, Inventaires en vue d' un recueil des in-

scriptions historiques de Byzance. I. Les inscriptions de Thessalonique, in Travaux et memoires 5, 145-80

Spieser, 1974

J.-M. Spieser, Note sur la chronologie des remparts de Thessalonique, Bulletin de correspondance hell-

Spieser, 1981

------, Note sur le rempart maritime de Thessalo-

enique 98, 507-19

nique, Travaux et memoires 8, 477-85

Thessalonique et ses monuments du We au

Spieser, 1984

We siecle (Paris)

Stavridou-Zafraka, 1992

A. Stavridou-Zafraka, Slav Invasions and the Theme Organization in the Balkan Peninsula, BvCavTLaKd 12, 167-79

Stavridou-Zafraka, 1995

Ta 9eµaTa TOV MaKE8ovLKoU Xwpov. To 9Eµa ETpvµovos, in Bv(avTCVrj MaKESovta (Thessaloniki), 307-19

Struck, 1905

A. Struck, Die Eroberung Thessalonikes durch die

Svoronos, 1979

Syropoulos

Sarazenen im J. 904, BZ 14, 535-62 N. Svoronos, KOLvwvla, oiKOVOµCa, in' I c ropta TOV ' EXXTIVLKOV "EOvous ed. G. Christopoulos and I. Bastias, vol. 8 (Athens) , 180-213 Syropoulos, Les "Memoires" du Grand Ecclesiarque

de 1'eglise de Constantinople Sylvestre Syropoulos sur le concile de Florence (1438-39) ed. V. Laurent (Paris 1971)

al-Tabari Tabula Peutingeriana Tafel, 1839 Tafrali, 1913 Tafrali, 1994

al-Tabari, Annales, ed. M.T. Goeje, 15 vols. (Leyden 1879-1901) Itineraria Romana , ed. K. Miller (Stuttgart 1916)

Th. Tafel, De Thessalonica eiusque agro dissertatio geographica(Berlin) O. Tafrali, Topographie de Thessalonique (Paris) ------, H e6aaaAov(,ci. A7r6 Tcs arrapXes Ea s TOP IA au iva, translation by A. Nikolopoulou (Athens) of Thessalonique des origines au XIVe siecle (Paris 1919)

Tapkova-Zaimova, 1962

Sur les rapports entre la population indigene des regions balkaniques et les "Barbares" au We - VIIe siecles, Byzantinobulgarica 1, 67-78

Tapkova-Zaimova, 1964

---, Sur quelques aspects de la colonisation slave en Macedoine et Grece, Etudes balkaniques 1, 111-23 'oc

Abbreviations

Tapkova-Zaimova, 1969

------, Les Slaves de Salonique et l'origine de

Tapkova-Zaimova, 1972

Cyrille et de Methode, in L'Oeuvre de ConstantineCyrille le Philosophe (Sofia), 61-69 -----, La ville de Salonique et son hinterland slave (jusq'au Xe siecle), in Actes du Congres international des etudes du sud-est europeen, vol. 2 (Athens), 355-65

Theocharides, 1954

G. Theocharides,'O vans TWV ' AUwµdTWV Kal fi Rotonda TOO ' Aytou I'Ewpytou OEaoaxOVIKrjS, 'EAArtvtKa' 13, 24-70

Theocharides, 1975

Theocharides, 1977

------, Review of Ch. Bakirtzis, 'H OaXdaaLa BXvpwarl Trjs OEcaaXov["s, BuCavTLVa' 7, 289-341 and 461-95, in MaKe6ovucc 15, 371-95 ------, KaXaµapta. (' ATro 7V LUTOptav Tjs BuCavTLVf S XaXKLSLKf S), MaKESovucI 17, 259-97

Theocharides, 1980

------,'Ivropta Tits Mace8ovtas Kard roes Mevovs Xp6vovs 285-1354 (Thessaloniki)

Theoph.

Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. C. de Boor, Leipzig 1883-85 (cited by annus mundi and line number)

Theoph. Simocatta

Theophylacti Simocattae Historiae (ed. C. de Boor, Leipzig 1887)

Thumb, 1901

Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des

HeIl-

nismus, Strassburg (1901 repr. 1974)

Timarion

Pseudo-Luciano, Timarione. Testo critico, intro-

Toynbee,1973

duzione, traduzione, commentario e lessico ed. and tr. R. Romano (Naples 1974) A. Toynbee, Constantine Porphyrogenitus and his World (London)

Tsaras, 1958

W. Treadgold, The Byzantine Revival, 780-842 (Stanford) Iwdvvov 'Avayvaicrov atityrtats rrepi rits mAcuratas dAaioews rits eecc-aAovtxrts (ed. Y. Tsaras, Thessaloniki)

Tsaras, 1982

°----,"EKROXOS-EKROX (TOTroypacLKd 9caaaXovcicgs

Treadgold, 1988

I), BvCavrtaKd 2, 31-35 Tsaras, 1985

Tsaras, 1987 Tsaras, 1988

------, 'KQI

b4.LcLItELKTOVS TLvaS KW4Las,' BvCavrtvd

13, 179-200 ----- IWdvvov Ka/evtdrov oT7 v dAw 7-77s ®EQQaAovtKrts (904 µ. Xp.) (Thessaloniki) -----, H TOU XpOVLKOU TOU I Wacvvou

Kap. vid,-q, Bv(avrtaxd 8, 43-58

xxi

Abbreviations Tsigaridas, 1973

E. Tsigaridas, (Report on repairs to walls of Thessaloniki), Archaiologikon Deltion 28, Chr 477-80

Vakalopoulos, 1980

A.E. Vakalopoulos, 11popXljµaTa ddva4Ep6pEva aT7lv LUTOpLa T1jS TrEpLOX1jS eECraaXov(KTIS - BepOLaS, 1TayKapvla MaKEBovuctts 1'is. MEAETEs 'ArroaT6Aou

E. BaKaAorro6lov (Thessaloniki), 637-45

Vasiliev, 1968

A. A. Vasiliev and M. Canard, Byzance et

les

Arabes, vol.11,1 (1968) and II,2 (1950) (Brussels) Vasmer, 1970

M. Vasmer, Die Slaven in Griechenland vol. 4 (Leipzig 1941, repr. 1970)

Vegetius

Vegetius, De re militari, ed. and tr. T.R. Philips (London 1940)

Velenis, 1994

G. Velenis, Ta TELn TTjs ®EQUaXOVL"s aiT Kdvvav8po ws Tov Hpa'KXELO (Thessaloniki)

Vickers, 1969

M. Vickers, The late Roman walls of Thessalonica,

TOV

Istanbul Arkeoloji Miizeleri Yilligi, vols. 15-16, 313-18

Towards Reconstruction of the Town Planning

Vickers, 1970

of Roman Thessaloniki, Ancient Macedonia 1, Papers read at the 1st International Symposium held in Thessaloniki 1968 (Thessaloniki), 239-51

The Byzantine Sea Walls of Thessaloniki,

Vickers, 1970a

Balkan Studies 11, 261-80 Vickers, 1972

------, Hellenistic Thessaloniki, Journal of Hellenic Studies 92, 156-70

Vickers, 1972a

------, Further observations on the Chronology of the Walls of Thessaloniki, MaKESOVLKCi 12, 228-233

Vryonis

S. Vryonis,'lo-Topia Twv B&KavLKty Aa6v- rrapa86QEts (Athens, n.d.)

The evolution of Slavic society and the

Vryonis, 1981

Slavic invasions in Greece. The first major Slavic attack on Thessaloniki, A.D. 597, Hesperia 50, 37890

Xyngopoulos, 1941-52

A. Xyngopoulos, T&Epl. T7)v ' AXELpo1roL1iTov eEa-

Xyngopoulos, 1954

aaXoviKT1s, MaKc8ovLKd 2, 472-87 ------,' H XaTpEUTLO EtK(W TOU vaoi TT s ' AXELpoTroL1Tov ®EQVaXov(KTis, 'EAA71VLKa 13, 256-62

Zakos and Veglery, 1972

Zakythinos, 1945 Zakythinos, 1972 Zenghelis, 1932

G. Zakos and A. Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol. I. 2 (Basel) D. Zakythinos, 01 E,ldf3ot Ev 'EAAd& (Athens)

---, Bv(avru'4 'Io-Topla 324-1071 (Athens) C. Zenghelis, Le feu gregeois et les armes a feu des byzantins, Byzantion 7, 265-86

xxii

Abbreviations Zlatarski,

V. Zlatarski, Istorija na bulgarskata darzava prez srednite vekove, vol. I.1 (Sofia 1918); 1.2 (Sofia 1927)

Zonaras

I. Zonaras, Epitome historiarum (ed. L. Dindorf, Leipzig 1868-75)

Zosimos

Zosimus, Nea Historia (ed. F. Paschoud, Paris 1971-76)

ZRVI

Zbornik Radova VizantinoIoskog Instituta

xxiii

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION - PART ONE

John Kaminiates and his correspondent

Until relatively recent times the only articulate form of long-distance communication available to human beings consisted of the passing of messages, whether oral or written, through the agency of a third party or messenger. When such messages are exchanged in written form, their content, in addition to being primarily though not always exclusively of

concern to the two parties performing the interchangeable role of addressor and addressee, may or may not be known to or knowable by the messenger. Moreover, the purpose of such messages may be the exchange of news or information and thus, in point of time, may refer equally to what is now either past or in the realm of a permanent present of indefinite duration. On the other hand, such messages may just as well be directed towards the making of plans, arrangements or transactions or even to the expression of fears, hopes or aspirations and thus relate, from

the point of view of the time of writing, to the future. Such correspondence may be abortive, i.e. one-sided, isolated, sporadic or regular. It is usual, though not essential, that addressor and addressee should have met at least once. The only essential prerequisite is in fact some external stimulus to the act of communication.

The foregoing observations have been offered in an attempt to produce a reasonably comprehensive definition of what constitutes a real letter. The need for such a definition arises from the fact that Kaminiates' account of the capture of Thessaloniki and its aftermath is contained in what purports to be a real letter. Consequently, we must now turn our attention to the question of precisely what kind of real letter Kaminiates has written, to whom he has written it and for what purpose. In order to answer that question it will be necessary to reconstruct

from the internal evidence of Kaminiates' text (no other evidence is available to us) what, though it reflects the circumstances of a more general catastrophe, is a highly personal sequence of events, which begins approximately two months after the capture of the city of Thessaloniki. Some time after but not a great deal later than the arrival in Tripoli, on the 14th of September 904, of those captives from Thessaloniki who xxvii

Introduction

had survived the sack of the city and had endured the rigours of a long voyage in appalling conditions of over-crowding, malnourishment and disease, Kaminiates and his family had a chance encounter with a certain Gregory of Kappadokia. This man belonged to a group of Kappadokian prisoners who happened at the time to be passing through Tripoli on their way to Antioch. Gregory, for whose existence and identity Kaminiates is

our only informant, was moved to compassion by the traumatized appearance of Kaminiates and his family, and in order to commiserate with them and, perhaps, to console them, told them a little about his own plight but was apparently too discreet to question them about theirs (for which last point cf. §2.1-2).

Perhaps about two weeks later, Kaminiates received a letter from Gregory. Such a date for the receipt of Gregory's letter is suggested by the fact that Kaminiates says in his reply to Gregory (§3.2) that since a time

not long after their meeting he had been collecting information about Thessaloniki. Now, given the one-sided nature of the brief exchange that took place on that occasion, it seems not unreasonable to conclude that the event that prompted such activity on Kaminiates' part must have been the receipt of Gregory's letter with its explicit request for just such information (cf. §2.1; §3.7; §7.2). One might perhaps wonder how, with any hope of its ever reaching its destined recipient, Gregory could contrive to send a letter to a prisoner in Tripoli of whose personal details he had no knowledge. It is clear, however, that Kaminiates belonged to a small and select category of mature adults (his age has been estimated at between thirty and thirty-five, cf. Bohlig 1973, IX) who were of some social importance, and must have stood out among the vast, amorphous

crowd of youngsters, of whom the writer reports much later in his account that `there was not a single boy who had grown his first beard, nor, in all those thousands, was there even one woman of mature years' (§47.2-3 and cf. §61.4).

Gregory of Kappadokia's request for information about Kaminiates and his family, as summarized by Kaminiates in his reply, ranges from the most basic to the most detailed and comprehensive: 'You sought to learn through your letter the way in which it had come about that we dwell in captivity, having been delivered into the hands of barbarians, how we exchanged a foreign land for our own country, where we hail from and what sort of place it is. For you said that you guessed from our brief association during the short time that we spent together when you were passing through Tripoli that we had a long tale to tell, that dire

Introduction

calamities beyond the level of any tragedy had overtaken us and that others no less dire probably lay ahead' (§2.1-2). Despite initial protestations of a formal and conventional character to the effect that the task which Gregory wishes to impose upon him is beyond his limited intellectual powers, Kaminiates was easily prevailed upon, and resolved to fulfil Gregory's request as comprehensively as he could (cf. §1.4-6 and §2.5-6). The result is a very remarkable letter, which reflects faithfully the distribution of interest and subject-matter suggested by Gregory's request. Soon after the receipt of Gregory's letter (878.7), Kaminiates and his fellow detainees were put on ship and despatched to Tarsos to await the eventual outcome of an exchange of prisoners. Since the exchange began on the 27th September 905, and continued for only four days owing to a breakdown in negotiations (Vasiliev 1968, II, 1, especially 182-83), the letter must have left Tarsos - in all probability without Kaminiates (cf.

§78.8) - by the end of September 905. Thus we have a period of time stretching from mid-October 904 to the end of September 905, during which Kaminiates must have composed his 'letter'. Most of that time was spent in confinement at Tarsos, in the company of a number of prominent individuals, among whom were the generals Leo Chitzilakes and Niketas (cf. §62.1).

It might prove helpful at this point to set out in tabular form the sequence of events relating to Kaminiates and Gregory of Kappadokia as they have been reconstructed so far. All but the last have been dated on the basis of information extracted from Kaminiates' text: 14 September 904

Arrival of Kaminiates at Tripoli (cf. §77.2).

Late September 904

Chance encounter between Kaminiates and Gregory of Kappadokia.

Probably before end of September 904 Mid to late October 904

Arrival in Antioch of Gregory of Kappadokia. Receipt of Gregory's letter. Terminus

post quem for start of Kaminiates' Late October - early November 904 27-30 September 905

work. Arrival of Kaminiates in Tarsos (before the end of the sailing season). Terminus ante quem for completion of Kaminiates' work.

xxix

Introduction

But to return to Kaminiates in Tarsos, where most of his writing must have been done, a number of important details having a direct bearing on

the physical and spiritual conditions with which he had to cope at the

time of writing are recoverable from his text; they should not be overlooked in any serious study of his work. Kaminiates began writing very shortly after the death of his father.

His sense of grief at his loss, and his desolation at the prospect confronting him is rendered almost palpable by the dignity and restraint with which, towards the end of his letter, he communicates in retrospect the news of this unhappy event (§78.7): 'Yet, even after our long ordeal, we fared no better in Tripoli during the time we spent there; indeed, from my own point of view, we fared considerably worse since it was there that I lost my dear father (and finding myself without him was like the start of a fresh round of disasters)'. How he felt at the time can only be surmised, but we would do well to remind ourselves that he had already by this time learned of the death at sea of one of his three children, and had witnessed the selling into slavery of his brother's wife on the island of Crete. He had also been separated from the start from his mother, a brother and sister and his own wife and children, though he had at least the consolation of knowing that they had so far escaped slavery and were, with one exception, still alive (§73.9-11). Finally there was the anything but distant memory of the massacre and appalling acts of cruelty, both random and calculated, that had attended the capture of Thessaloniki.

This remarkable circumstantial picture is completed by the concluding remarks of the narrative proper, just before the letter itself is

brought to a close: 'And now we are at the crossroads between two expected outcomes: either we obtain our long-discussed release through the arrangement for the safe exchange of prisoners or we succumb to death, which stalks us daily in the form of frequent illnesses and is in various other ways a constant companion of those who are in prison. Only, we have no way of telling which of these we shall encounter first' (§78.8-9).

As for Gregory of Kappadokia, although Kaminiates repeatedly stresses that he is writing as a result of their chance encounter in Tripoli and in response to Gregory's insistent request for information which was contained in the letter that followed that encounter, we learn little else

about the man. Even when due allowance has been made for the rhetorical convention of professed inadequacy and a feigned reluctance to

take up a specific literary task, it is plain from the general tone of the xxx

Introduction

socially deferential Kaminiates' opening remarks that he is conscious of

addressing a person of superior culture and status. The general impression is also conveyed (though it is never explicitly stated that such is the case) that Gregory too is a member of the clergy. This impression is

partly confirmed by Kaminiates' reference to the sin of disobedience (§1.5), which is made in the context of a contemplated refusal to comply with Gregory's request for information and by the request for prayers in return for having fulfilled his correspondent's demands both honestly and

to the best of his ability, which he makes at the end of his letter to Gregory (§78.4). It is perhaps worth our noting that Kaminiates' father, when he was mistaken for the bishop of Thessaloniki, answered that he was not the bishop, but one who stood in need of the bishop's prayers (§55.4). For Kaminiates' use of the plural here, cf. Lemerle, 1979, 40, n. 32 bis. Of course, there is no theological reason why a priest should not ask a layman to pray for him, but in practice the pattern of social behaviour in traditional Christian societies tends to operate in the reverse direction. Moreover, the phrase TWV irapa Trs o fs dpET,js alTgOE'vru v is used by Kaminiates with reference to Gregory (§10.5) and r1 rnj dcpETrj, 'your worship/reverence' is also a form of address which is commonly applied to clerics.

The Literary Composition of Kaminiates' Work

What little can be gathered of the social background of the otherwise unknown Kaminiates must be deduced from a few brief references contained in his work. This background (to the extent that it can be

reconstructed from this limited information) provides us with an important individual constant, which needs to be considered along with the many variables that converged to make a writer of Kaminiates and to dictate the peculiar conditions under which he was obliged to write. That John Kaminiates belonged to a relatively well-to-do clerical family is clear from what is related in chapter 55 concerning his own and his father's occupation and from the fact that they must have been in a

position to collect and conceal sufficient wealth to enable them to purchase their own lives and secure exemption from the general massacre

that followed the capture of the city (§54.1-2). Kaminiates himself, though belonging to the relatively low-ranking clerical grade of anagnostes,

appears to have held the special position of Chamberlain in the bishop's household, a post which must have been both financially rewarding and status-enhancing. xxxi

Introduction

Given such a background it is perhaps not surprising that Kaminiates

should display a thorough grasp of the rudiments of rhetorical composition. Moreover, that he personally laid great store by such accomplishments is evidenced by the obvious pride with which he claims that his father was 'much practised in the art of eloquence' (TroXXfv irEpL TO X YELV ETriQTTj tr ' E -nQKQtEvos, §32.11). He even backs up this

assertion, which he makes at what is an extremely tense and dramatic moment in the narrative, by quoting what purports to be an impromptu speech uttered at just this precise moment in time by his father. The latter begins by lamenting the prospect of his own and his sons' untimely death, which he envisages as occurring in a rapid succession from the youngest

to the eldest in a way that in its order of occurrence, as well as in its

brutality, will subvert both the course of nature and the laws of humanity. The speech, which is over a page in length (§43.5-§44.9), is replete with antitheses and with the usual topoi associated with such occasions. Yet it is perhaps not without significance that towards the end

of the speech a transition is effected from mundane preoccupations

clothed in the language of secular rhetoric to an impassioned consideration of the wholely beneficent nature of God's providence, the

infallibility of His justice and of the need to endure with fortitude whatever is sent by way of punishment for sin and to persevere in the way of suffering for the sake of one's faith in order to reach out beyond death to the hope of final beatitude. Appropriately enough, this part of

the speech is allusively replete with echoes of New Testament phraseology culled from the Gospels and the Pauline Epistles. Elsewhere and no less importantly, when Kaminiates lists the natural advantages and achievements of his native city, he specifically mentions

its proud reputation for eloquence, emphasising the zealous pursuit by the young of the arts of eloquence and of polite letters (§10.1-3).

Kaminiates' extended description of Thessaloniki and its environs (§3.2-§11.5) is of especial interest. It illustrates the interaction of his cultural formation with the peculiar historical circumstances in which he wrote. It is true that this description contains rhetorical elements which occur in their most highly developed and specialized form in the genres of ekphrasis and panegyric. It is true also, as has been pointed out (Hunger 1978, 171) that topographical ekphrasis was very closely associated with

panegyric throughout the Byzantine period. What Kaminiates wrote, however, was neither formal ekphrasis, nor panegyric; it was something which was a great deal simpler but at the same time a great deal more complicated: stylistically simpler, but conceptually more complex. xxxii

Introduction

Very early in his letter to Gregory, Kaminiates informs him that he has been collecting material about Thessaloniki since not long after their meeting (§3.2). Such material can only have been gathered orally through conversations with his fellow prisoners. The detailed, composite picture thus pieced together would have added variety and vigour and perhaps greater naturalness to the process of solitary recollection which must have taken place before the whole was subjected to the writer's powers of organization and skill in rhetorical exposition. By and large, the result is remarkably fresh, detailed and vivid. On closer inspection, however, the extended description of Thessaloniki turns out to be much more than the

mere supplying of information in answer to the enquiries of a sympathetically involved correspondent. It effects a transition (first in summary form in §3, then on a much larger scale in §§4-11) from the material to the spiritual. This transition is followed immediately by four paragraphs (§§12-15) of collective self-condemnation, which serve to

introduce and reveal that edifying and didactic perspective which, although barely hinted at in his opening words to Gregory (§1.3), will inform the entire narrative account that follows. It also introduces a

problem which is to haunt the writer throughout: that of the abandonment of the city by its patron and protector St. Demetrios. His solution is to imagine that St. Demetrios received from God in answer to his entreaties on behalf of the citizens of Thessaloniki the same reply as had the prophet Jeremiah when interceding on behalf of the people of Israel: offer no prayer for this people; for I will not listen to you (§22.12). Yet

such a solution fails to satisfy the writer, who just one chapter earlier had

conceded that the abandonment of the city by the majority of its population through a recourse to flight into the interior of the country before the arrival of the enemy fleet might have been preferable to what actually happened (§21.3-5). Elsewhere (§38.5-7), he has great difficulty

in reconciling himself to the spectacle of undeserved suffering. This problem continues to haunt him and he continues to hold up himself and his fellow victims as an object lesson for posterity.

Finally, if the narrative portions of Kaminiates' text strike us as remarkably vivid and realistic, that too may have its explanation and remote origin in the conversational exchanges of prisoners recounting their individual experiences, one of whose number was, of course, Kaminiates

himself. But Kaminiates turned also to recording these experiences in a

more private and a more disciplined and, as it so happened, a more permanent form.

xxxiii

Introduction

The Problem of the Literary Metamorphosis of Kaminiates' Work. There are five basic assumptions which underlie the approach which so

far has been consistently applied throughout the present discussion. These assumptions may conveniently be subsumed into the three categories of authorship, subject-matter and intention, and may be expressed as follows. In the first place, it should be accepted that Kaminiates' work is authentic. Secondly, it should also be accepted that it deals with real events, real places and real persons. Finally, it may be

agreed that it was originally conceived as a private communication between two named individuals playing the roles of addressor and addressee. Now, it is precisely the need to maintain consistency which generates the problem of the literary metamorphosis of Kaminiates' work.

Different approaches, if consistently applied, will generate different problems and require correspondingly different solutions. The problem that concerns us here, however, is how best to answer the following question: how and in what circumstances did a private letter form one obscure individual to another come into the public domain?

That question can only be answered by combining historically informed conjecture with reasonable inference based on known facts, to

the extent, of course, that these can be ascertained. As far as the exchange of prisoners is concerned, all the indications are that Kaminiates did not leave Tarsos together with those prisoners who were released before negotiations were suspended at the end of September 905. Although completed close in time to when the exchange of prisoners actually took place, his letter ends, in fact, with an appeal to Gregory to

'be so kind as to repay our endeavour with your prayers and prevail upon our Common Master either to avert disaster from us or, or provided

that we bear it all with fortitude, to reward our patience on the day of His righteous judgement'. That Kaminiates' letter left Tarsos, however, is certain. It is also the

case that the generals Leo Chitzilakes and Niketas were both fellow prisoners with him in Tarsos. Moreover, given the importance of both men, the chances are that they were among the first wave of prisoners released before the suspension of negotiations. In the case of Leo Chitzilakes the evidence of an inscription which was found on a stone that formed the lintel of a gate at Constantine's Harbour, (cf. note 51) and refers to repairs made during the office of Leo Chitzilakes, the 'royal

protospatharios and strategos of Thessaloniki', makes a very strong probability into a virtual certainty, if we accept Vasiliev's suggestion that xxxiv

Introduction

the reference is to later and more thorough-going repairs made to the city's defences by a successfully ransomed and officially reinstated Leo Chitzilakes. The alternative explanation, that the inscription refers to the hopelessly incomplete building operations conducted by Leo before the arrival of the enemy fleet and before his own crippling accident (when he

was thrown from his horse at his first meeting with his newly-arrived assistant Niketas, for which cf. §18.5-11), is preposterous. Why, after the capture of Thessaloniki, should anyone wish to commemorate what had

turned out to be a disastrous failure? It is scarcely conceivable, on the other hand, that in the short time before the arrival of the enemy Leo Chitzilakes, confined to bed and racked with pain, or indeed anyone who was in his right mind, could have issued orders to commemorate an

enterprise not yet even half-completed, in a city threatened with imminent destruction (§18.6).

But to return to Kaminiates' letter, might not Leo Chitzilakes have undertaken to see to its safe dispatch? If so, he would have found in that very same letter a glowing account of the conduct of the defence of Thessaloniki by himself, and by his assistant Leo and the imperial envoy

Petronas. This account, in fact, exonerates all three men of any responsibility for the fall of the city. But just how eulogistic Kaminiates' treatment of the subject is has never been remarked. Petronas, if we are to believe Kaminiates, was nothing less than a military genius (§17.2-8). His successor, Leo Chitzilakes, did not obstruct or put an end to the brilliant strategy bequeathed him; he merely called 'a temporary halt to the work on the fence' (§18.3) in order to set about another very urgent task. Then, of course, he suffered that dreadful accident, after which he displayed the most heroic fortitude imaginable (§27.8). As for Niketas, 'he held the rank of strategos and possessed the resolute and disciplined character

appropriate to his rank' (§19.2) and subsequently 'when, after the strategos' injury, all responsibility for our welfare devolved upon Niketas, he too played his part to the best of his ability (§20.1).' In the circumstances, then, Leo Chitzilakes and his associates can hardly have failed to appreciate the value of divulging the contents of

Kaminiates' letter. But although its political usefulness to the parties concerned may well have been what first brought this letter into the public domain, the writer's pious resignation, his deep devotion to St. Demetrios through thick and thin, and his constant drawing of moral lessons from his own plight and that of his fellow victims, must have done much to recommend his work to future generations, and to facilitate its survival. xxxv

Introduction

Since the aim of the present discussion has been to maintain consistency at all costs, it might prove useful at this point to consider briefly to what conclusions the abandonment of consistency and the pursuit of procedures that are methodologically unsound can lead us. Presenting his conclusion first, and then sketching in very erratically

the arguments on which these are based, Giannis Tsaras claims that Gregory of Kappadokia was not a real person, but a conscious and transparent literary device intended to signify the general reader (Tsaras,

1987, 27-28 and especially note 17). He even terms this device a 'Byzantine figure of speech'. Tsaras also stresses that Kaminiates was concerned that 'future generations - whether natives of Thessaloniki or strangers - should never forget the tragedy of his native city' But it is hard to see why, even in tenth-century Byzantium, casting a true account

in pseudo-epistolary form should ensure its survival for posterity. Moreover, since the purely literary figure of the Kappadokian (as opposed to the real live Kappadokians, who were not only numerous in the tenth century but inhabited an area which was the scene of frequent and intense border fighting, cf. e.g. Dennis 1985, 148, lines 31-37) insofar as it is attested in the extant literature from classical times onwards, is synonymous with credulity, boorish ignorance and stupidity, it is even harder to imagine a more inappropriate way of seeking to establish a rapport with the reader. That would indeed be a novel form of captatio benevolentiae! Tsaras' argument, on the other hand, seems to run as follows: he begins by objecting to Bohlig's description of Kaminiates' account as 'a work made to order' (cf. Bohlig 1975, 8, 'Der Bericht des Johannes Kaminiates ist eine bestellte Arbeit'). Without suggesting an alternative definition, however, he concludes that the degree of spontaneity, emotional involvement and sheer agitation shown on occasion by Kaminiates is incompatible with writing to order. In other words, he has accepted Bohlig's definition and indeed tacitly redefined it in order to establish an incompatibility on the strength of which he feels empowered to reject the existence of a real correspondent called Gregory of Kappadokia and to reduce his role to that of a literary device. But this rejection has been achieved on the basis of an artificially

induced contradiction set up at two removes from the reality of Kaminiates' text. There we read a very different story. Gregory's letter contained a request not an order. The only recompense that Kaminiates sought from Gregory when he had completed his account was to be remembered in his prayers. The initial suggestion did indeed come from Gregory but the forces that inclined Kaminiates to comply were of an xxxvi

Introduction

inner and private nature. Such glimpses as Kaminiates' account affords us into the writer's state of mind suggest the possibility that he was torn between the painful nature of his memories and the need to divest himself of them. After his father's death, immersion in his self-imposed task may have given a sense of purpose to an increasingly bleak and meaningless existence. Many other scenarios might, of course, be conjectured on the basis of what Kaminiates has to say, but not one of them could possibly include the stultifying client-patron relationship presupposed by a work written solely to curry favour or for financial gain and no other situation could generate the contradiction which Tsaras believes to have detected. But if Tsaras, for reasons of his own that are not entirely clear, attempted to fictionalize an important aspect of Kaminiates' writing, the attempt had already been made some years earlier to effect a much more radical transformation of Kaminiates, his correspondent and his work.

The Hypothesis of Fifteenth-Century Authorship In 1978 the distinguished Byzantinist A.P. Kazhdan published an article (Kazhdan 1978, 301-314) which directly challenged the authenticity of Kaminiates' work and in consequence undermined the historical value of its contents. He listed no fewer than twenty-two reasons which disposed him to adopt a position which was generally sceptical although it was far from clearly defined. Kazhdan's objections impress more by their number than by their

weight. They fall roughly into two broad categories, literary and historical, and will be considered briefly and selectively in that order. Since Kaminiates is the otherwise unknown writer of a single work and since Byzantine prose literature, though it embraces different levels of style, displays no continuous line of stylistic development or linguistic evolution, stylistic criteria are unlikely to throw much light on the present question. What, therefore is one to make of the following statement: '... it

is necessary to underline that apTOS is a rare word in Byzantine prose, which goes back to the Anthology' (Kazhdan 1978, 309)? In the first place, Kazhdan's reference ought to be not simply to the word dpTos but more specifically to the phrase Tpu$os apTov in Kaminiates (p. 58, line 19), which does not 'go back to the Anthology' but appears, according to the entry in LS-J S.V. Tp4os, to be attested elsewhere only in a poem by Apollinides, an epigrammatist of the first century A.D. (Anthology, Vl, 105). In the present state of our knowledge it would be rash to see any particular significance in the lack of any further examples of this phrase. xxxvii

Introduction

We do know, however, that at least two other equivalent phrases were

both in existence at the very latest by the fifth century A.D. (and therefore available to Kaminiates), because in LXX, Judges 19.5, the Codex Alexandrinus has the expression KXdaµa dpTOV, whereas the Codex Vaticanus reads XwµoS apTOV. Now the second expression would

have been ruled out for Kaminates because of the semantic change undergone by the word 4wµos in vulgar Greek, where it had displaced dpTOS (cf. Thumb 1901, 95. The suggestion made there that the liturgical

use of the classical word gave a further impetus to the spread of the popular word may well be true, but it does not appear to have produced any distinction reflected in the literary language as it has come down to us). The choice between the two remaining phrases (and perhaps such others as were also available, for which cf. The Revised Supplement to LS -J s. v. Apuµµa, which quotes Hesychios' Op*iptaTa KXdaµaTa apTOV) would

doubtless have been made on individual stylistic grounds, though it would be safer not even to hazard a guess at what these actually were. As for dpTos being 'a rare word' in that somewhat chimerical entity 'Byzantine prose', it is attested in Theophanes (p. 234, lines 23 and 24) and in an anonymous tenth-century military treatise (cf. Dennis 1985, 164, line 13). Moreover, the word is extremely common in the Septuagint

and there are ninety-seven different occurrences of it in the New Testament (cf. Comp. Kon. p. 224), including the Lord's Prayer, where it certainly has everyday as well as liturgical and possible other-worldly connotations. Kazhdan's more general literary objections arise from his insistence

on viewing Kaminiates' work prescriptively in terms of a continuous history of Byzantine literature based principally on distinctions of genre (cf. Kazhdan 1978, 304-309 passim). Consequently, he is greatly disturbed

by the fact that 'the <
Introduction

historical implications of Kazhdan's hypothesis. That subject has now been dealt with in an article in Byzantinoslavica (cf. Frendo 1997).

Finally, Kazhdan's hypothesis of fifteenth-century authorship is not

strengthened by his failure to find a convincing explanation of why anyone writing in that century should wish to resort to the fiction of attributing his work to the otherwise unknown John Kaminiates and of placing it in the historical context of the Arab capture of Thessaloniki. All

he has to offer by way of explanation are two rather far-fetched suggestions. The first is that we should read into a short autobiographical

passage in Kaminiates (§43.2) some kind of punning reference to the fifteenth-century work of John Anagnostes, who wrote an account of the capture of Thessaloniki by the Turks in 1430 (Kazhdan, 1978, 312). His second suggestion is that Kaminiates' work 'was written as an antithesis

to Anagnostes' History, which was marked by a latent pro-Turkish tendency' (ibid., 314). That would make it into a sort of coded message whose purpose was to remind the reader just how badly the. Turks had been behaving themselves in recent times by telling the story of just how beastly the Arabs had been five centuries earlier! Apart from the inherent improbability of such a notion, there seems

to be no evidence of any such understanding of the text by the contemporary (i.e. according to Kazhdan's hypothesis, fifteenth-century) reader. We have occasional marginal notes in the two most important

extant manuscripts, belonging to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries respectively (cf. Bohlig 1973, XX-XX11). Apart from short indications of content, the burden of these comments is to say what a thoroughly edifying work this is, a sentiment admirably echoed by the subscriptio at the end of the text, which tells us what a power of good whoever reads it will do his soul, especially if he happens to be a native of Thessaloniki (ibid., XVI-XX and p. 68, lines 20 sqq.).

A modified version of Kazhdan's hypothesis has recently been proposed by A. Konstantakopoulou, who is also inclined to treat the extended description of Thessaloniki as a later addition, but appears to regard the rest of the work as authentic (Konstantakopoulou 1996, 7094). She adds little of substance to Kazhdan's objections. Conclusion

Differing views have been taken of the historical value of Kaminiates' work. I. Karayannopoulos and G. Weiss consider it to be, despite its edifying tendencies, the principal historical source for the capture of xxxix

Introduction

Thessaloniki, containing a useful assortment of facts and figures which relate to military matters, to special topics, such as the nature of Slav settlement in the neighbourhood of Thessaloniki, commercial relations with Bulgaria, and various bits of information of economic and socio-

historical interest and special information on the topography of Thessaloniki (Karayannopoulos and Weiss 1982, 372-73). Kazhdan, on

the other hand, complains of a paucity of historical facts and credits Kaminiates with the reporting of only three 'events, lacking in the short entry of the chronicles' (Kazhdan 1978, 306-307). Astonishing though it

may seem, Kazhdan does not include in his list of events the mass deportation which Kaminiates relates in some detail and which the chronicles, the Byzantine ones at any rate, ignore. As the present century

draws to a close, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that it in particular has been punctuated or tormented (depending on one's point of view) by a whole series of such 'historical non-events', and that only the persistence of an age-old prejudice can justify excluding them from the purview of history. Kaminiates' work does not belong to the mainstream of Byzantine literature. Perhaps it is only by accident that it belongs to literature at all. That, I believe, is what makes it especially valuable. And if Kaminiates' text has suffered so far from too many scholars reading too much into it

and too few people reading it through, it is hoped that the present English translation will go some way towards redressing the balance. David Frendo

xl

INTRODUCTION - PART TWO

Thessaloniki in its Geographical and Historical Context

The city was founded by king Kassandros ca 315 B.C. in honour of his wife Thessalonike, half-sister of Alexander the Great. It is located at the tip of the Thermaic Gulf and near the mouth of the navigable Axios (Vardar) river, the water route linking the western part of the Balkans

with the Aegean. The Via Egnatia, a major Roman road of the 2nd century B.C., remained the principal communication line that began in Dyrrachion (the modern Durazzo or Durres) on the Adriatic coast, and after passing through Thessaloniki ended in Constantinople (see note 23). Holding such a privileged position at the crossroads leading from North

to South and from East to West, the city quickly developed into a populous and prosperous centre (Strabo, II, 61; Theodoret, PG 82, 1232A); in the Miracula it is called a megalopolis (Lemerle, I, 106, 17; cf.

Kaminiates §3.2). All through the middle and late Byzantine period Thessaloniki remained an important administrative, military, commercial and cultural centre second only to Constantinople. Galerius (emperor 305-311) made Thessaloniki his residence, and built a complex consisting of a palace, a triumphal arch, a hippodrome and a mausoleum (Rotunda). Later, with the transfer to it of the Eparch's headquarters ca 441, Thessaloniki was elevated to become the capital of the Prefecture of Illyricum (Croke 1978, 256). At this time the city was strengthened with new walls along the line of the Hellenistic fortifications and thus henceforth became one of the most defensible strongholds in the north of Greece against numerous barbarian invaders. Thessaloniki came under frequent attacks by land and sea especially in the late 6th and 7th

centuries by the Avaro-Slavs (see note 57). The city successfully

defended itself, claiming to have been saved each time by the supernatural intervention of its patron St. Demetrios. With the formation of the theme of Thessaloniki, which probably occurred in the early part of

the 9th century, the city became the seat of its strategos, his administration and his troops. Quite early, it seems, Thessaloniki became the see of a bishop, whose rank by 325 had been elevated to that of an archbishop; he maintained a xli

Introduction

superiority among the archbishops of the Prefecture of Illyricum and he was the Pope's representative for the prefecture until ca 732, when the jurisdiction of the see was transferred from Rome to the Patriarchate of Constantinople (see note 9). Splendid churches like those of St. George, St. Demetrios, the Acheiropoietos and St. Sophia, to mention only the

major ones (Kaminiates §11), as well as a number of monastic establishments both within and outside the city walls (Kaminiates §5 and §38), are evidence of the major ecclesiastical and spiritual role the city played in the life of the inhabitants of the area from the very early times of its history in the Christian period. The information which survives about Thessaloniki's economy before the 9th century is sketchy: we know that there was a state arms factory

(fabrica) operating in the city from the 4th century onwards, and all skilled workers and professions were organized in guilds or corpora (Irmscher 1995, 138); it is not known when the factory ceased production. During the Dark Age a salt-pan was in function but the mint was closed to resume production in the 9th century (Metcalf 1963, 277 ff.). Following the 'byzantinization' of the Slavs and the establishment of peace with Bulgaria in the second half of the 9th century, Thessaloniki

reached 'new heights of power and prosperity' (Ahrweiler, 1988). In addition to the generally prevailing peaceful conditions (see note 24) and its favourable geographical position, the annual trade fair, which was so widely known in the Balkans and in Western Europe, must surely have

contributed to the city's economic growth, as is attested by the appointment of new customs officials, the abydikoi (see note 23). Perhaps

further evidence of the city's growing commercial importance was the transfer of the Bulgarian market from the imperial capital to Thessaloniki toward the end of the 9th century (see note 22), but the hostilities that ensued did not, it seems, affect its commercial relations until the Arab siege of 904.

The Walls and Fortifications of Thessaloniki The term used by Kaminiates to describe the structures projecting in the

direction of the countryside from the wall for defensive purposes is 'probolos'; in the case of Thessaloniki's defenses these are mostly redans, and few of them are actual towers (Tafrali 1913, 86; Spieser, 1984, 74). The shape of the existing proboloi varied; most of them are rectangular and triangular but there are also some polygonal, round and semicircular;

the triangular towers and redans have a form not commonly used in xlii

Introduction

many city fortifications (Philo, Poliorcetica A3, p. 339 ed. Garland; Spieser 1984, 74, note 294; Gounaris 1976, 36-39). The size of the towers

and the redans varied according to the engineers' plans; some of the eastern proboloi, for instance, measure 10.5m along the front, and 3m to 6m on the sides protruding from the curtain. There is no standard height for the towers either: they can range from 8.5m up to 15m in height from

ground level to the top of the parapet (Tafrali 1913, 87; Fountoukou 1985, 138-142). The thirteen towers in the wall between the city and the

Acropolis are all rectangular, and are set quite close to each other to provide a more effective defence. Depending on the nature of the terrain, the distance between towers can vary from 8m to 60m. It is difficult to determine either the position or the total number of the proboloi and the varying distances between towers and redans because of the destruction

of the fortifications in the plain areas where there was the largest concentration of towers. Spieser's estimate that there was a total of around 120 towers and redans, including those of the Heptapyrgion but excluding the maritime towers, seems a reasonable approximation (see the city plan included in this publication). The extant fortifications of Thessaloniki give the impression of being a unified construction, but in fact they have undergone a series of major

and minor reconstructions and additions in the course of their long history. There are many substantial differences of opinion among scholars

concerning the identification and dating of the reconstructions. These differences are concerned with questions of masonry styles, reusable materials, brick stamps and epigraphical evidence. The Hellenistic walls: In accordance with the general practice of the time, the Hellenistic city walls must have been contemporaneous with the

foundation of the city ca. 315 (Strabo Vll, frag. 21; Spieser 1974, 516 n.12; Vickers 1972, 166f.); the walls are first attested in 169 B.C. when the Romans besieged Thessaloniki by land and sea (Livy XL1V, 10, 6). However, archaeologists have not been able to determine either the extent or the course of the original circuit. In fact, the core and the size of the Hellenistic town still elude all modern researchers. Since no Hellenistic monuments or streets have as yet been excavated in the city any attempt

to identify the original plan of the city can only be tentative and debatable. Vickers (1972, 158-63) holds the view that the rectangular grid with its ratio 1:2, which was common in other Hellenistic cities, had not

been modified by the Roman plan; the core of the Hellenistic city was bounded to the south by a street later known as Egnatia and to the north by the modern Kassandrou street. (Vickers, 1972, figs. 3 and 4; see also

Introduction

buildings (Velenis, 1994, 35-37; Papazotos 1989, 27; Spieser 1984, 63f.).

Concerning the course and the extent of the 3rd century fortifications scholarly opinions are divided: some maintain that the Roman walls were built on the line of the Hellenistic ramparts (Tafrali 1913, 71f.; Vickers 1972, 169; Spieser 1984, 64), while others argue that the new ramparts

extended in the low-lying areas as far as the sea and thus substantially increased the urban territory to as much as 350 hectares (Marki 1982, 3352; Papazotos 1985, 27; Velenis 1994, 40-42); the new perimeter became the basis for all fortification work carried out in later times.

The Later Roman or Early Byzantine Walls: The very substantial archaeological work which has been carried out in recent years has shed much light on the complex issues surrounding the fortifications of this period. The question of chronology is the most vexing and it will be addressed below. Scholars agree, however, that the ramparts underwent a major reconstruction as a result of which Thessaloniki became an impregnable city comparable only to Constantinople.

To reinforce the weak Roman fortification wall a new wall was constructed attached to it on the outer side. It was a wall of a different conception and of greater width than the earlier one; in certain areas the new wall doubled the width of the existing ramparts. Moreover, new triangular towers and redans were added to the curtain in the low lying

areas, both east and west, and rectangular towers were built to wall sections on the steeper regions (Spieser 1979, 511f.; 1984, 67-70; Velenis 1994, 63-86).

The basis for dating the Later Roman ramparts is generally the method of building which was used to construct them, combined with such epigraphical evidence as exists. Concerning the interpretation of the construction techniques there is no unanimity among scholars. Detailed descriptions of the constructional methods and building materials used for the walls of the early Byzantine period may be found in Tafrali (1913, 73-95), Spieser (1984, 67-77) and Velenis (1994, 63-86). Although the

various construction features may indicate chronologically different phases of wall construction, they still remain a highly disputed and unreliable body of evidence for dating the Late Roman circuit. Concerning the epigraphical evidence, the focus of scholarly debate

since the end of the 19th century has been essentially the Hormisdas inscription which was found in a tower of the eastern wall (no. 22 in

Spieser 1984, 66, pl. V,1). The inscription tells us that a certain Hormisdas 'fortified this city with impregnable walls ...... having clean hands.' Hormisdas has been generally identified with the commander of xlv

Introduction

the Egyptian forces of Theodosius I in Thessaloniki in 380 (Zosimos 4.30; Tafrali 1913, 33-40; Gounaris 1971, 311-23; Bakirtzis 1976, 17). He is

praised in the inscription as a fair-minded official, and free from corruption, if we assume that the generally accepted restoration of the less legible phrase 'having clean hands' is right. For some scholars the restored inscription is more appropriate for a governor than for a military commander. But the historical record makes no reference to a Hormisdas as praefectus praetorio per Illyricum. Vickers (1969, 313-18; 1972, 228-33)

argued that the Hormisdas who was addressed as praefectus praetorio Orientis (IG X, ii, 1, 43; CJ 11. 22. 1) in late 449 or 450, or simply as prefect in early 448 (CJ 1. 1. 3) could have been prefect of Illyricum before

448, and could therefore have been responsible for the reconstruction of the wall. Croke, however (1978, 255-58; cf. also Spieser 1973, 145f and

1984,6f.), has suggested the year 442/3, shortly after Thessaloniki became the seat of the prefecture of Illyricum, when the Hun menace was

most serious. As the prefect of Illyricum Hormisdas would then have ensured that Thessaloniki, the newly established capital, was secured from the Hunnish raids with an 'impregnable' defensive circuit. By 448 the Byzantine government had concluded a peace treaty with the Huns, which took away the pressure of impending attacks.

Repairs to the walls in later times are mainly known from the inscriptions found on the city walls. Some repairs, the extent of which cannot be determined, were done to a section of the west fortifications during Anastasios' reign (491-518); evidence for this is provided by an inscription (Papageorgiou 1894, 238), now lost, which referred to a certain Paul, son of Vivianus, who was consul in 512 (PLRE II, 1971, 854-

55; Vickers 1973, 243; Feissel-Spieser 1979, 314). Further repairs are recorded in an inscription, also lost, dated to the end of the 6th century during the episcopate of Eusebios (Spieser 1978, 154); the inscription found among the remains of the maritime wall referred probably to localized repairs carried out under the pressure of the Avaro-Slav attacks during Maurice's rule (582-602). Velenis (1994, 77-80) dates to Heraclius' reign a section of the dividing north wall with large brick crosses and the

Pyrrhus inscription. The walls were damaged (Miracula I, 194. 19f.) during the earthquakes which occurred in the 620s (Lemerle II, 1981, 173), but since no inscriptions have been found in the existing walls from this

period, it is difficult to know the extent of the damage and the repair work. A recently discovered inscription (Papazotos, 1985, 30) mentions a certain Marinos, who bore the title of imperial protospatharios, and Kakikis, an imperial strator, and tells us that they were responsible for the xlvi

Introduction

renovations which were made in 862 to the tower at the south end of the west wall. This short sketch would be incomplete without a rapid glance at the seaward side of the city's defences. An artificial port at the northwestern

corner of the city was constructed in 322 by Constantine the Great according to Zosimos (2. 22). It is estimated that it must have covered an area of one square kilometre in the 7th century (Bakirtzis 1975, 317). It extended northwards as far as the vicinity of Frangon street, and on the west it was bounded by the western city wall; its eastern limits cannot be determined with any degree of certainty owing to the fact that no traces of the eastern wall survived (Tafrali 1913, 17-18). Slight remains only of the northern wall were seen by Tafrali to the west of the church of St. Menas (Tafrali 1913, 18); the remains helped determine the route of the northern wall with some certainty although there is some disagreement as to where exactly it joined the western land wall (see Bakirtzis, 1975, 316-317 for details). A rather difficult reference in the Miracula (I, 177. 19-20) to 'an unwalled part' in the maritime area, which the Slavs attacked ca 615, has been interpreted as meaning that Constantine's harbour was not fortified at this time (Bakirtzis 1975, 320, 333; Spieser 1981, 484 and 1984, 34); Theocharides (1975, 394) takes a more cautious position on this matter, maintaining that the harbour was probably fortified at the beginning of the 7th century. There is a general

consensus that the harbour was protected by a wall, most probably constructed after an earthquake dated in the 620s (Lemerle II, 1981, 173), at a time when a coalition of Slavic tribes under Perboundos blockaded

the city by land and sea from 676 to 678 (Miracula I, 214.30, 215.20; Lemerle II, 1981, 116ff.). Constant silting had considerably reduced the size of the harbour by the time of Demetrios Kydones (PG 109, 64). After 1430 it had ceased to be a port any longer and was replaced by a wharf; Evliya celebi, who visited Thessaloniki in 1668, refers to a single port which is that formed by the Thermaic Gulf (Moschopoulos 1940, 337).

The problems concerning the course, the structure and the date of the maritime fortifications of Thessaloniki are more complex than those of the land ramparts. Since the sea wall had begun to be torn down in 1866 and by 1874 had been completely demolished, many questions about it are being hotly debated with no satisfactory answers in sight.

Kaminiates' information that the sea wall was low and useless for defence because a Roman emperor, according to tradition, constructed it hastily out of fear of Xerxes' use of naval power in 480 B.C., is most xlvii

Introduction

puzzling and muddled. Further, he states that for a long time the city was

unwalled on the sea side, implying perhaps that the land fortifications had been in place before the maritime ones; is there any historical veracity in Kaminiates' reference to this tradition that he had either read or heard from his contemporaries?

It is recorded that Xerxes, when on his way to southern Greece, stopped at the site of the future Thessaloniki, which was then called Therme (Herodotos VII, 124, 128 and 183), without engaging in any violence; he may, however, have destroyed a temple on his retreat (Bakalakis 1963, 30-34). Kaminiates refers anachronistically to a Roman

emperor, but he or the account he had in mind probably meant an emperor of the 3rd century, at a time when Sassanian Persia had become

a formidable foe, though not as a naval power, to the east Roman territories (Rostovtzeff 1960, 269f.).

A very detailed study of the maritime defences was written in 1975 by Bakirtzis, taking into account the reports of recent archaeological work. His conclusions have been questioned, and modifications have

been proposed concerning the date, course and relation of the sea ramparts. This complex and controversial issue may be summarised as follows. Bakirtzis identifies two (or more precisely, three) different sea walls, which he calls Roman, early Christian and Byzantine.

Roman sea wall: the first wall, remains of which were uncovered along Metropoleos street (Bakirtzis 1975, 297; Bakalakis 1966, 10) had a width of 3m; it is possible that it was a double wall, each part being 1.5m wide as the east and west land ramparts were at certain points (Spieser, 1981, 483), but the relation between the Roman sea and land walls is not

known. As in the land walls, an abundance of reused architectural

material was found in the extant parts as well as a number of inscriptions (Duchesne-Bayet 1876, 222; Tsigaridas 1973, 478-80). The mid-3rd century wall probably followed the course of the Hellenistic sea wall. Its existence cannot be questioned, since Thessaloniki was often threatened by sea, for instance in 169 B.C. by the Romans (Livy XLIV, 10,6; Spieser 191, 483). Velenis, however, as discussed elsewhere (1994, 97; see the relevant note to §4), relying on Kaminiates' statement that 'the

city was for long years completely unwalled' (§8) thinks that the Metropoleos Roman wall was built when the east and west ramparts were extended southwards from Filippou Street south to Metropoleos Street.

The early Christian sea wall: remains of this wall have been discovered slightly south of Metropoleos Street and at the intersection of xlviii

Introduction

Pavlou Mela and Gounari Streets (Bakirtzis, 1975, 297, 320f.); it is made of stones and bricks and its foundations rest on beams (p. 335). Nothing

is said either about the approximate date or the relation of this wall to the Roman wall mentioned earlier (Bakirtzis 1975, 472 pl. 10). Spieser (1984, 71) thinks that there was no reconstruction of the Roman maritime

wall in the mid 5th century in the same way as there was one for the remaining land fortifications; in his view, the absence of a general overhaul of the sea fortifications clearly explains Kaminiates' description of them as low and weak compared to the lofty and strong land circuit

(§8)

The Byzantine sea wall: Remains of the wall curtain, as described by Bakirtzis (1975, 325-30, 393-95), were uncovered by archaeologists at certain points along Koromila street. The distance between the Koromila wall and that of Metropoleos is approximately 50m. The construction of this new wall is placed soon after the earthquakes that occurred ca 620630 during which 'the entire city fortifications were destroyed' (Miracula I, 187, 30f.; Lemerle II, 1981, 173). Bakirtzis' thesis has been questioned and found lacking in cogency.

Some scholars have proposed a date as late as the 10th century for the construction of the new Koromila street wall (Vickers 1970, 273; Velenis

1994, 82, 101); others, however, such as Theocharides (1975, 371-74) supported by Spieser (1981, 483) argue that it is most unlikely that a wall of the kind that Bakirtzis claims was erected along Koromila street in the early 7th century could have been reconstructed on a new line, after the Roman/Early Christian defences at Metropoleos Street had been damaged or even destroyed by the earthquakes. There is no record of a new wall construction, either on the seaward or the landward sides, in the early 7th and subsequent centuries; scholars assume that only limited and localised repairs were made to the maritime defences in the period following the earth-quakes, rather than a total reconstruction (Lemerle II, 1981, 173; Christophilopoulou 1983, 59; Spieser 1981, 483). Athanasios Fotiou

xlix

Anna Gatet Falaiologina'sTower Triangular Tower

G a t e,

mgomo 9Vlattadon Monastery Hosios David

Latomos Monastery oToxiarches

M

Saint Katherine's

®

Saint Elias

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Area of the Byzantine Palace Romah

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H o ly A pos tl es ®Monastery Theotokos

Area of the Serapeion

Agora ?

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Katophyge

Acieiropoietos Ayios Yearyeos

Roman Golden Gate

O

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Plan of Thessaloniki

li

Plan of the neighbourhood of Thessaloniki

Abbreviations in Notes to Greek Text

TABULA NOTARUM IN APPARATU CRITICO ADHIBITARUM

CODICES

alt.

= alterum

V

V aticanus gr. 172,f. 1-90',

c. cf.

B

F-i Barberinianus gr. 241, f.

= capitulum = confer = codices

a. circiter 1439 scriptus 31r

L

106x, s. XVI

= Athous ex Laura A 55, f. 147r-2050, a. 1511 scriptus

P

= Parisinus gr.

1031,

f.

15r--62v, s. XVI (solam

partem priorem textus continens)

All. Bekk.

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BO.

= BOhlig = Combefis

CETERA

a. ac.

= anno = ante correcturam (post codicis siglum)

= addidit, addiderunt adnot. mg. = adnotatio marginalis add.

coniect.

= coniectura

corr. del.

= correxit, correctum

= delevit

it.

= id est = in margin = in textu

iter.

= iteravit

1. c.

litt.

= loco citato = litterae

om.

= omisit, omiserunt, omis-

i. e. img.

sum

EDITORES

Comb.

codd.

P PC.

pa gina post correcturam (post codicis siglum)

pr.

= primum

s.

= saeculum

sc.

= scilicet

sq.

sqq.

= sequens = sequentes

v.

= vide

vs.

= versus

[...]

= vocabula delenda = vocabula addenda

<...>

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JOHN KAMINIATES

THE CAPTURE OF THESSALONIKI

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JOHN KAMINIATES, CLERIC AND CHAMBERLAIN, ON THE CAPTURE OF THESSALONIKI §1.

How much superior to all other attributes is diligence, and how

eloquently does it testify to the possession of every virtue! And you, Gregory,1 o best and most learned of men, have displayed along with all your other admirable qualities particular diligence both in what you write to me about and in what you require me to write about to you. For the desire to gain knowledge of many things is a clear indication of virtue and of diligence, especially if it is knowledge of those things whereby the soul

conceives the fear of God2 and thereby provides the mind with the necessary food for thought, so that it learns to turn away from sin3 as from the artificer of death,4 and to hold fast to virtue, whose aim is life eternal for those who choose her.5 Yet I decided for the time being to put off the fulfilment of your demand for two reasons: on the one hand there

was what I considered to be the invidiousness of writing about such matters to a man of your calibre, whose words guide his deeds and whose deeds are an accurate and harmonious reflection of his words (for

already fame proclaims your perfection in all things, and though you yourself say nothing, has filled our ears with the sound of your name), and on the other hand, there was my total inability to furnish a wellwritten account of the subject of your request. So I held out the plausible pretext of my own ignorance, and declined to demean with the triviality

of my style the magnitude of the events you had asked me to relate, events the report of which had all but filled the entire globe. But since along with the considerations just mentioned the thought also occurred to me that in addition to my other transgressions I might be forced to pay

the penalty for disobedience, which is of its nature a dreadful and destructive affliction, especially since it was disobedience that from of old persuaded our forefathers to flout the very law of God, I am resolved to carry out what has been requested of me, and I am encouraged to do so by the confidence that your kind and sympathetic friendship inspires. Indeed I know full well, that the inelegance and ineptitude of the present

work and the intention of its contents are not rejected either by the technical investigations or by the scientific evaluations characteristic of your great and undiluted store of wisdom,

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

and that since the account of what will be said proceeds truthfully, and in a manner alien to all falsehood and fiction, it is absolved of any blame. §2. You sought through your letter to learn the way in which it had come about that we dwell in captivity,6 having been delivered into the

hands of barbarians, how we exchanged a foreign land for our own country, where we hail from and what sort of place it is. You said that you guessed from our brief association during the short time we spent together when you were passing through Tripoli that we had a long tale to

tell, that dire calamities beyond the level of any tragedy had already overtaken us and that others no less dire probably lay ahead. And in fact

you too were yourself at that time destitute and enduring the same misfortune as us, and were led off in that direction together with certain captives, whom you said to be fellow Kappadokians of yours, in whose company also you were being sent to Antioch.7 You explained that in no place had you been allowed any respite from pain. That was when you saw us, as you yourself can confirm, bearing the scars of recent grief and

with the marks of past fear imprinted on our faces, so that our pallor proclaimed what our lips would not tell. But if I wished to give a full account of these events, my story would be inordinately and needlessly long, I would be overstepping the bounds of moderation, and perhaps exhausting even your unflagging powers of concentration, even though you desire so ardently and so expressly to pay heed to all that is said. But since you promised me your undivided attention from the outset, let me begin our tale as follows:

P. We, dear friend, are natives of Thessaloniki. So I shall acquaint you with her through whom first I came to know many things which I did not yet know. Quite recently, since I made your acquaintance, I have been collecting information about her. She is a great city and the foremost city of the Macedonians.8 Though famed for all the other things on which a city prides herself and not admitting of any comparison with her nearest neighbours, she is nevertheless more famous for the true piety which she received from earliest times, and having once received, has preserved right up to the present day. Thessaloniki boasts as her instructor in true piety Paul himself, 'the chosen vessel', who having travelled around the world from Jerusalem to Illyricum preaching the gospel sowed the seed of the knowledge of God especially in her, and laboured zealously to produce in abundance the harvest of faith.

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

After Paul, she had to instruct her that great Martyr and amazing champion of the faith Demetrios, whose relics exude fragrant oil in great abundance.* He too toiled unceasingly on behalf of true piety. He was

indeed, in addition to the other virtues of which he could boast, a distinguished theologian, and was endowed with an exact understanding

of dogma, whence it came about that even the more so was his fame spread to the ends of the earth. Then she had a succession of bishops9 who all clung steadfastly to the word of salvation. Constantly prepared and instructed by them in religious knowledge, she relegated devilish and abominable errors and opinions and idolatrous mumbo-jumbo to those who honour demons. And protecting the faith with the seal of orthodox teaching, she never ever mixed any tare-like plant, either heretical or heathen with the seed the Lord had sown and preserved pure and unadulterated her piety. And though she had many other marks of distinction which fame also took as a pretext for enhancing her reputation, this one in particular was singled out for special attention, namely, that she was orthodox both in name and in fact,10 and that it was on this more than on anything else that she prided herself.

But since you asked for detailed information about the physical layout of the city, and that is in my view both a difficult enterprise and one that comes close to conflicting with the present tenor of my discourse,

I shall preface my narrative with a few remarks intended to help you picture the objective reality behind my words, before turning to the saga of our misfortunes. §4.

The city is, as has been mentioned, of ample proportions, with

extensive walls and fortifications affording the inhabitants the full security associated with such defensive structures. It has its slanting coastline washed by the waters of the gulf which extends southwards to meet it, so that it offers easy access to shipping sailing in from every quarter of the * The translation renders the Greek 'Myrobletes', a title which was applied to Demetrios and to some other saints.

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

globe. A magnificent deep-water harbour11 adjoins the city, allowing mariners to bring in their ships in safety and berth them in an anchorage undisturbed by wind or wave, which its designer cut off from the rest of the sea. For whilst holding in by means of a wall the volume of sea that had been let in, he contrived to hold off at the same time the stormy waters heaving in from the seaward side. Whenever, in fact, the sea swells up from its depths and spews out a mass of water in the direction of the shore, it is held in check by the wall at this point,12 and finding nothing at which to direct its threatened onslaught, advances towards the opposite ends of the wall until its heaving mass of water unaccountably subsides, leaving any anchorage thus situated well out of the reach of every storm. At the same time the gulf itself is cut off from the open sea by a sort of isthmus thrust forward like an elbow and reaching very far out to sea, which the locals call the Jetty' on account of its jutting out so far into the water. Narrowing, therefore, because of the intrusion of this neck of land, so as to form a strait with its opposite shore, the gulf then becomes a second harbour. From this elbow of land, right up to the city wall, the water sweeps in a magnificent curving shape, which is bounded longitudinally by a long stretch of facing shores and contracts slightly in width as it approaches the city. And the gulf looks out due south upon the high seas, the harbour looks out upon the gulf and the city on the harbour. But whereas the harbour is enclosed by four corners, the gulf is rounded, with a very deep sea bed, and with outer ends restricting and

confining the flow of its waters even at a great distance from the mainland. §5.

So much for the south side of the city. The terrain on the

northern side is rugged and inaccessible in the extreme. A mountain range stoops over it with overhanging ridges and causes a considerable part of the city itself to be situated on high ground, so that whereas one part of it is level and suited to the needs of its inhabitants, the other stretches right up into the hill country and the mountain peaks. But the mountain range does not extend in such a way as to impair the city's defences: it does not

allow an enemy to come down from its heights in safety and attack the walls of the city. The structure of the mountain, in fact, makes effective surveillance a relatively easy matter at that point, owing to the virtually

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

formation of ridges and ravines. Yet the more it races on due east the more it removes itself from the low-lying areas forming its flanking slopes on each side. On two sides of the mountain, in fact, namely the southern

and the northern, there stretches an expanse of low-lying plain land which is both easily reached and easily exploited and provides the citizens with all the necessary means of subsistence.

The plain which is situated to the south of the mountain and to the east of the city is extraordinarily beautiful and attractive. It is singularly blessed with huge shady trees, multicoloured gardens and an abundant supply of water from both springs and rivers which the mountain thickets bountifully bestow upon the plain and which extend a hand in welcome to the sea herself. Vines planted side by side wreathe the fields in dense array and urge the beauty-loving eye to gladness with the multifarious

clusters of their fruit. Large numbers of monasteries, perched on tablelands, nestling in valleys or ensconced in especially delightful locations, add a novel touch for wayfarer and citizen alike. On the lefthand side of the mountain13 lies another plain. It too runs to a very great length and stretches back as far as another group of mountains. In the middle stand two wide lakes,14 which take up most of the plain, but also contribute greatly to the necessaries of life, by supporting huge numbers of

fish both large and small and of many different species. These keep the tables of the neighbouring villages and indeed of the city itself abundantly supplied. It is almost as though the lakes were competing with the sea in this kind of benefaction and were vying also with each other to see which would produce the greater quantity. But it is a competition from which no clear winner emerges to taunt the loser with defeat. The rest of the plain is given up to agriculture and to animal husbandry, providing a habitat both for the obedient animals of the field and for the freely-roaming creatures of the mountain. Deer, in fact, come down from the mountains, rejoicing at the sight of water in the lakes, where they drink their fill and mingle with the herds of cattle for a common meal.

§6. We have given an adequate description of the eastern and northern parts of the city and also of the southern part. Now let us try to depict as best we can the general layout of the western part. There is another plain which starts at the Jetty Wall, follows the contour of the mountain on the right, borders the sea on the left15 and presents the

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

beholder with a spectacle of untold beauty. For that part which can claim

some proximity to both the city and the sea is plentifully irrigated, decked out with vineyards, copses and gardens and adorned with innumerable dwellings and chapels, most of which have been divided up and held in common by companies of monks, who practise every kind of virtue and live for God alone, towards whom they strive and on account of whom they left the turmoil of civic life and undertook to follow the path that leads to Him alone. After that, the plain extends inland for a great distance with mostly treeless vegetation, but with good agricultural land. It continues to stretch in a westerly direction until it reaches another range of lofty mountains, at which point is situated a city called Beroea.16 It is a famous city in its own right both with regard to its inhabitants and to all the other qualities on which a city pins its faith. In its central portion this plain also contains a mixture of villages,17 some of whose inhabitants, the Drougoubitai and the Sagoudatoi18 as they are called, pay their taxes to the city,19 while others pay tribute to the Scythians20 who live not far from the border.21 Yet the villages and their inhabitants live very close to one another, and the close commercial

relations22 that are maintained with the Scythians are a considerable asset to the citizens of Thessaloniki as well, especially when both parties

stay on friendly terms with each other and refrain from any violent measures that lead to confrontation and armed conflict. They share a common lifestyle and exchange commodities23 in perfect peace24 and harmony, and this has been their policy for some not inconsiderable time past. Mighty rivers,25 rising from the land of the Scythians,26 divide among themselves the aforesaid plain, and they lavish much abundance on the city through supplying it with fish and through being navigable upstream by seagoing vessels, as a result of which a cunningly contrived assortment of profits from commodities flows down those waters. §7. But without realizing it, I have overrun the length I had set myself initially for the account of these matters which I promised to give.

Nostalgia for my native land is responsible for what has happened, because I was drawn on by happy memories, and I fondly imagined that I

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

the places I described. Also to blame was the eagerness and insistence of

your request for information when you promised me your full and undivided attention from the outset. That, indeed, is how matters stand: a common urge tends inevitably to hold in a common bond of compulsion

both listener and narrator. And in fact, neither sight nor hearing will easily be parted from what they most enjoy, nor will the speaker abate his ardour until he has told his tale. But if you think that we should, let us return directly to the subject of the city. To what lengths should we go in endeavouring to give shape to a

pale reflection or in attempting through the superficial application of different colours to produce a pictorial likeness of the original, when it is

in our power to get right to the heart of the matter by employing a narrative technique that seizes upon essential detail and puts the dimly apprehended into sharper focus? And all the more so in view of the fact that, although we promised initially to convey as clear a picture as we could of Thessaloniki, of what she was and of what she has subsequently been reduced to, we have been led astray in our description and have so far been engaged in painting a broad and leisurely narrative canvas full of irrelevancies and have created the distinct impression that we are in no hurry to give an account of the things that really matter. And so we must return once more to her in our narrative account, learn first the full extent of her beauty and then give voice to the magnitude of the disaster which has overtaken her, in order that all other cities may think fit to join in lamenting and bewailing her fate as loudly as her evident and incomparable superiority demands. §8. I pointed out that she is a city of considerable dimensions and encompasses an ample territory. The parts of the wall that face land are

extremely well fortified and of massively thick construction, with a complete system of outworks maintaining an additional safe area, and are everywhere reinforced by a series of wall towers and battlements, so as to leave the inhabitants no occasion for fear. But the part that faces

south is low, and totally unequipped to deal with a military threat. I think that through his not even remotely suspecting the possibility of a serious seaborne assault, the designer of the fortifications long ago neglected to do his job here. There is, moreover an old tradition which has

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91

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

only when the Persian king Xerxes had caused panic, by making the land

navigable,27 and by campaigning against Greece with a multitude of

ships, that the then ruler of the Romans had a hastily improvised fortification erected there. From that time to the present day this fortification has remained the same, on the ground, as was erroneously supposed, that it would never even enter into anyone's head to inflict damage from that quarter. Admittedly, the city did sustain the clash of much fierce fighting on numerous occasions both from the barbarians and from the Scythians whose territory adjoins theirs. These peoples used

every kind of armament against her as their armies poured in, as numberless as sand, and grimly determined that nothing should endure the shock of their arms. And in truth the fury of their onslaught knew no bounds, and they were clad in every kind of defensive armour. Yet the fighting was land-based, so to speak, and she repeatedly foiled their treacherous designs and kept them at bay with the strength of her walls and by entrusting her safety to the champion who ever and ardently fought on her behalf: I refer of course to the all-glorious martyr Demetrios.

For this saviour of our homeland rescued her from many dangers and in his loving kindness often bestowed victory upon her when she had not yet even been put to the test of battle. But let us leave the explanation of

these matters to the books in which his miracles are related 28 and proceed with the continuation of our narrative. §9.

The city was proof against any danger for the reasons stated.

And in fact, ever since the sacrament of baptism had brought the Scythian people into the Christian fold and had made them share in the milk of true piety, the tumult of war died down,29 the murderous blade abandoned its work of butchery and the predictions of that mightiest voice of prophecy, Isaiah, were in our own times clearly fulfilled: for our

'swords were transformed into pruning hooks, and our spears into ploughshares' 30 and war was in no place, and peace governed31 all the neighbouring territory and there was no material resource of which we did not enjoy a superfluity - on the one hand

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

the abundance of agriculture, on the other the affluence of commerce.

Land and sea were appointed to serve us from of old and rendered sterling service in every particular and at no cost. Whatever the land was deficient in or was not suited to the production of, the sea contrived to procure and convey in merchant ships, making good the deficiency and

supplying what was lacking to those who needed it. What particular thing associated with those who flocked from every land to reside amongst us shall I mention first, which in particular of the benefits which they conferred upon us citizens by giving to us what they had to offer of

their own and by taking from us what we had of ours to offer them in exchange? Thanks to the fact that a public highway running eastwards from the west passes straight through this city,32 and provides travellers with a very strong inducement for stopping off with us and supplying themselves with everything they need, we made incalculable profits. In consequence, a motley crowd of foreigners and townspeople thronged the

streets, so that it was easier to count the sands on the seashore than to count the numbers of those passing through the marketplace and carrying

out their various transactions. From this trade a great many private fortunes were made in gold, silver and precious stones, and silk garments were as common an item of manufacture as were woollens elsewhere. Not to mention, of course, the other materials, such as bronze, iron, tin, lead and glass, whereby the crafts that use fire make their livelihood, all of

which were in such plentiful supply that another city could have been built and furnished with them.

X10. And so, enjoying prosperity and abundance on every side, priding herself on the skills of her artisans, glorying in the splendour of her buildings, did she by any chance convey the impression of falling

below the standard of other cities in her respect for the law or in the upholding of public order or in cultural attainments? Far from it! Learning

was as important to her as sight is to the eyes, and orderly conduct was as vital a concern as the conduct of life. And young children could be seen devoting themselves exclusively to the pursuit of letters from which all sciences and crafts derive their strength. But how can I convey in language

the effect of setting words to music or the heartwarming melodies the singers sing and the zeal of those who are entirely devoted to the service of God? But how could I set down in writing a meaningful account of

these matters? Up to the present point in my narrative I have been somehow carried along by the

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

force of my words, and forgetting my own, as it were, unqualified status, I have made a fair attempt (perhaps a better one than some other boor or ignoramus might have made) at setting forth in writing an intelligible report of the matters requested by your virtuous self. But from this point onwards, especially when I recall the sweet sound of tuneful airs, I do not know what is to become of me, what direction I am to take in my narrative or which to omit of those sweetest and best ordered of melodies, by means of which human beings would join with the heavenly powers in singing songs of celebration. If one were to liken that music which during the celebration of divine service wells up of one accord from every lip in hymns of praise to God, if one were to liken such music to the sound of the angels 'keeping holyday' in the place where

stands 'the abode of all those who rejoice', he would be drawing a perfectly legitimate comparison-33

§11. Large and exquisitely decorated churches occupy prominent positions in the centre of the city and constitute a sort of public place of intercession with God, by far the most important of them being: the house of the all-fashioning and divine Wisdom34 of the supersubstantial Word,

that of the holy and ever-virgin Mother of God35 and that of the previously mentioned all-glorious and splendidly victorious martyr Demetrios, built over the spot where he accomplished his heroic feats in

the contest for heaven and received the prize of victory. All these churches would gather unto themselves the entire people throughout the annually recurring succession of holy days and feasts and would bestow upon their congregations ineffable joy and spiritual delight. Each church had its allotted share of priestly offices for the performance of divine service and of the grades of lector to look after the singing of hymns, these latter chanting the responses, using the rhythmic movement of the hand to keep in tune, forming a huge and most impressive choir, dazzling the eye of the beholder with the brilliance of their apparel and entrancing the listener with the vocal music of the psalms. How worthless in comparison with these hymns were the mythical Orpheus, the muse of Homer or the foolish babbling of the Sirens, all of them mere figments of the literary

imagination, recorded fantasies and falsehoods with nothing to recommend them, calculated simply to beguile mankind and enslave it to deception! Much vain ranting

21

[B. 503/505] 35

Ell THN AA2IIN THE OEIZAAONIKHI 10,5-12,7

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22

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

did the Hellenes expend upon these matters, being wholly bereft of the

true knowledge of ultimate reality and arming themselves against themselves with the sound and fury of their own superstition. But the object of our worship was real, as was the subject of our hymns.

§12. I am amazed, horrified and astounded when I consider how hymns of such uniqueness and of a grandeur so far unrivalled by any other form of thank offering have suddenly fallen silent, come to nothing and receded like a dream. But it is my opinion that in the words of the psalmist we 'declared the statutes of God'36 when we were in a state of sin and the wickedness of our ways rendered unacceptable this noble and venerable activity, since God deemed it unworthy that He should receive honour and praise from profane and polluted lips. For how much longer shall we fail to state openly the real reason why every kind of peril has assailed us, so that future generations may learn through our example how one must worship the living and true God and keep oneself beyond the reach of every form of perdition, lest they slide imperceptibly into the

same vices as we did and draw down upon their heads the wrath of God? Yes, it was for no other reason that we came to experience the reality of that outrageous threat, the mere recollection of which unhinges

my mind, save that of our own wicked and evil choosing. It was a situation brought about in part by the alteration in lifestyle and morals effected as the result of an influx of people from every nation and every region, as different people brought in with them different vices and

transmitted them to their neighbours (and, in fact, because of the abundant supply of all needful commodities, which I referred to, people belonging to the neighbouring regions and cities moved to Thessaloniki; and especially those from the islands already captured before,37 who had survived the incursion of the accursed Hagarenes38,fled to this city with the idea, as they imagined, that they would have no need there in future to worry about the enemy); in part it was also brought about by the ease and heedlessness of luxurious living and by pandering to every whim and refinement of a pleasure-seeking existence, as though we had forgotten all about God. And we wandered down a long road which offers no outlet,

and as the apostle says, 'we walked each one after his own lusts',39 proceeding boldly along every course of sinfulness and having no regard for the path that leads to virtue.

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§13. And to tell the truth, what kind of vice was not practised among us? Fornication, adultery, impurity, hatred, lying, stealing, strife, contentiousness, abuse, anger, covetousness, injustice. And the originator of all mischief, envy, was daily the common preoccupation and vulgar

pursuit. People were eager to know, not which of us would do his neighbour a good turn, but who was senselessly contriving to inflict upon him something spiteful; not who was prepared to do his charitable duty

and share his wealth with the needy, but who was striving to rival his relatives in enriching himself at someone else's expense, engaging all the while in mutual deception, violence, calumny, devising every kind of mischief amongst themselves, strangling orphans, encroaching on the property of widows, stirring up enmity and hatching plots. And what was the outcome of all this? I shrink from giving voice to such momentous

events and I could not bear to go over the details of those painful experiences which we have already endured. But since it is not possible to avoid the recital of such events which have left us as a novel and solemn

warning to the world, I shall recount the magnitude of the peril which overtook us, in order that you too may learn for yourself what are the wages of sin 40 In fact it was just when we were wallowing in luxury and

self-indulgence and devoting our lives to the practice of every kind of wrongdoing, when in the words of the psalm, 'all had swerved aside, all alike had become debased' and there was 'no one who seeks God,'41 that we experienced that fearful threat or rather catastrophe or, more properly speaking, our just deserts.

§14. And consider even at this point the loving kindness of God who

does not wish for the death of the sinner but that he should mend his ways and live-42 For though He knew our wicked and ungovernable temper and that our minds were set on wrongdoing, what did He contrive in order to check our evil impulse and give us cause for turning back? First of all He caused the neighbouring city which I have already mentioned, I refer to Beroea, to fall down upon its inhabitants, our neighbours, so as to

destroy many of those who were gathered there.43 With what end in view? It was in order

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

that we, realizing fully the threats that hung over others, might call a halt,

albeit belatedly, to our own wickedness and direct our activities to the pursuit of virtue. Then, when in spite of this event we still showed no signs of relenting or inclination to turn over a new leaf, He turned to another expedient and gave us a prior demonstration in the case of others of what to expect in our own, should we fail to mend our ways. In fact, another city in Greece, named Demetrias, situated at no great distance from us and superior to its neighbours in size of population and in all the other features on which cities greatly pride themselves, fell victim to the barbarian not long before44 the date of our own capture. And the fact that the siege had ended in the massacre of practically all those who had taken refuge there was, moreover, a clear signal to us to reflect that a similar experience awaited us if we persisted in our evil

ways and to read as though written up in letters of blood the proclamation of our just deserts. § 15. But let no one suppose that in stating these facts I am suggesting

that it was because of us that these cities suffered their terrible ordeal. They too were doomed by their own wickedness, I think, just as we in

turn were by ours, for God meets out just punishment to each man according to his sins. Yet, in these events it was an easy matter for us to discover a powerful incentive for turning back to God and seeing the light and making their downfall the means to our own security. Nevertheless, when 'He that searcheth the saw that our minds were set on following the path that leads to destruction46 and that He had omitted no saving command or act of correction whereby the sober and perceptive soul at last learns virtuous conduct and eschews the deeds of scoundrels 'of which cometh the wrath of God upon the children of disobedience,' as hearts-,45

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§16. But why waste words? The time is ripe for telling a timely tale and describing how we endured the anguish of that siege, so as to provide

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

a clear and unmistakable warning for the advice and enlightenment of future generations. It was precisely at this juncture that a messenger from the ruler of the

Roman world, the most pious emperor Leo,48 arrived post haste with

news of the approach of the barbarians, I mean of the accursed Hagarenes, and advised us to arm and put ourselves on a war footing with all possible speed. He said that fugitives from the hands of those barbarians had arrived and had given the emperor prior information concerning their strategy,49 to the effect that they were now concentrating

all their energies for a projected attack on the city, since they had been assured by many of those whom they had previously defeated that it was practically unwalled on the seaward side and would be an easy target for

a seaborne attack. Once these dreadful tidings had been received, confused and panic-stricken rumours were rife throughout the city. But though, at first, the unaccustomed and terrifying character of the event filled our ears with consternation, we nevertheless resolved to ensure our own safety, to take defensive measures against the enemy and to be on the alert for a possible confrontation. And each man's mind was weighed down by all the usual anxieties aroused by military inexperience, since he

had as yet no experience of actual combat or even of the rules of engagement. But most of all it was the inadequacy of the wall just at the point where we contemplated an attack that caused all our hearts to sink. That indeed was the source of considerable unease, not just for men like ourselves with no experience of weapons or of warfare, but even for those

with military training and firsthand knowledge of the principles that govern such matters.

§17. We decided, therefore, to concentrate on the wall, and to make its security and reinforcement our first priority. But in the meantime the man who had delivered the message from the emperor advised us not to do so. His name was Petronas, and he held the rank of protospatharios.50 He had been instructed to spend a short time in the city and give it such assistance and cooperation as circumstances required. He said, however, that he had devised a particularly ingenious alternative strategy (and it would have been extremely effective and proved our salvation, had not

our sins prepared our destruction in advance and frustrated its accomplishment). Being a man of note with an extensive experience of

practical matters, he could see for himself that if he decided to superintend the building of the wall, he would

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both wear out the citizens and achieve nothing more than those before him who had concerned themselves with this matter, and so he turned his mind to a different kind of security measure - one that was both simple and appropriate. Realizing that the whole of the south side of the city is washed by the sea and that, if an attack were mounted from that quarter, the barbarians would easily work their will there, since there would be nothing to prevent them from positioning themselves at a greater height than that of the wall,

which was so low that the sterns of their ships would overtop it, and from being able to shoot down from high up at the soldiers manning the battlements, he decided to build a secret underwater fence and artificially contrived ambush to serve at the same time as a safety-net for the city and an obstacle to the enemy. Now, there were large numbers of tombs carved out of single stone blocks on the east and west sides of the city, in which in olden times the pagans who dwelt there buried their dead. He had these collected and by a remarkable method, which was his own

special invention, he had them lowered into the sea and hidden underwater at short intervals so as to form a row. Thus, he constructed at sea a novel kind of bulwark, one that in truth was both stronger and safer

than the wall which rose up on land. And indeed it would have been accomplished and would have guaranteed the city complete security, so that ships would not have been able to get anywhere near in order to do

their damage, except that owing to our wickedness this too was prevented and came to nothing.

§18. But just when the fence designed to cross the seabed had reached a point somewhere around the middle of the threatened area and our fears were beginning to evaporate, along came another envoy from the emperor to take over all responsibility for the welfare of the city and to

expedite the recall of Petronas, the man who had been appointed expressly for that purpose. This man was called Leo.51 He had been appointed strategos of the whole region and put in charge of the entire conduct of operations. He decided to call a temporary halt to the work on the fence and to have the building up of the wall completed. As soon as he arrived, in fact, he detailed the entire workforce assigned to this duty to the task of fetching the necessary materials for the builders, in the

hope that he might perhaps attain his objective through sheer force of numbers and abundance of material

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resources. And so the building work was once again in full swing. But though the raising of the wall seemed to offer some prospect of protection from an enemy bent on our destruction, a strong sense of impending disaster was clearly conveyed to us citizens by the incompleteness of the work of our construction. For the length of the wall was so great that the repairs to it could not be completed in such a way as to guarantee our immediate security, and though an enemy attack could be expected at any moment, the building work had not yet even got half way. And yet it was the central portion which we suspected was most liable to attack. Reports more fearsome and more frequent than the earlier ones filled our

ears with the news that the barbarians were approaching and had completed most of their voyage. And there was no place left where they might be held up for even a short time, since most of the islands, had already been captured and pillaged and the inhabitants of the coastal cities had fled in terror at the mere sound of their name. There was in fact nothing capable of standing in their way or of sustaining the shock of their arms. It was surmised that there were some fifty-four barbarian

ships, each as big and as well equipped as a city, and manned by a motley crowd of cut-throats and desperadoes, Ishmaelites that dwell in Syria,52 and Ethiopians 53 whose country borders on Egypt, a bestial and bloodthirsty band of men, well-versed in the arts of murder and piracy. Mere talk of resistance was more than anyone could bear to listen to, as each man hastened to leave the land of his birth, choosing rather to dwell on the mountains in the company of wild beasts than to fall into the hands of these men and suffer a cruel death.

§19. But just at this juncture a messenger arrived with even more horrific news: he intimated that a barbarian attack was imminent. This man was called Niketas.54 He held the rank of strategos and possessed the resolute and disciplined character appropriate to his rank. On his arrival he promised his assistance in the conduct of the city's defence (that, he claimed, was the purpose for which he had come) and stressed his readiness to offer his services whenever these should be required. But while we were

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

awaiting in an atmosphere of suspense the arrival of the enemy, there

occurred through the malevolent contrivance of the foul fiend the following event. The strategos55 who was mentioned earlier was on horseback when he first met the newly-arrived Niketas at a spot near to where the building of

the wall was in progress. Deciding to greet his friend (who was also on horseback) in the customary manner by embracing him, he let go of the

reins with terrible and tragic consequences. The horses took fright, particularly the one on which the strategos was seated. In accordance with the nature of the beast, the animal was seized with a fit of madness, tossed its head in the air with the hairs of its mane standing up on end, reared and flung its rider from the saddle. Tumbling headfirst over its crupper he was thrown to the ground. He lay there pitifully, in a critical

condition, with a fracture of the right femur and the pelvic bones. Members of his bodyguard lifted him up immediately and carried him back to his quarters. Unlikely for the foreseeable future to concern himself

with the conduct of affairs, he lay helplessly, racked with unbearable pain and not knowing to what object he should first apply his mind. On the one hand, he was troubled by the thought of impending danger and by the question of how to save the city from barbarian attack; on the other, he was driven to consider his own plight, since the intensity of his pain and the mortal affliction with which his injuries threatened him made it

imperative that he should concentrate exclusively on his own survival. And so, torn between two difficult objectives and defeated by both, he was in no position to take any kind of effective action. In response to the urgency of the situation, however, we ourselves constructed some wooden

towers and brought them up to the broken down part of the wall. This action had the effect of raising our spirits a little, since we imagined that we might from our superior elevation hold off an attacker coming from the

sea and thus prevent him from getting near enough to accomplish his wicked designs. But these were mere expedients bred of haste, far-fetched devices inspired by the terror of necessity, however much it may be the

case that, as a sage has put it 56 'necessity is the mother of invention'. There was, in fact, not one of us who could provide with any certainty against the future and the expected outcome of events.

§20. Nevertheless, when, after the strategos' injury, all responsibility for our welfare devolved upon Niketas, he too played his part to the best

of his ability. He said that a great number of Sklavenes57 from the adjoining

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

territories, both those who paid us tribute and those who were under the jurisdiction of the strategos58 of Strymon, had been instructed to come up to the city, so that thanks to their skill in archery we might perhaps not be found inferior even in weaponry to our enemies, but have at our disposal

the means of repelling their first onslaught. And he eagerly set about accomplishing this plan. He wrote letters which he dispatched throughout

the whole adjoining region. In these he urged the Sclavenes and their retainers to come to us with all speed, each man arming himself as heavily

as he could. But only a few peasants responded to his appeal, a wholly inadequate force, few in number and totally unprepared for battle. This

state of affairs had been brought about by the incompetence and dishonesty of the commanders who had been put in charge of them. These

men were more concerned with their own advantage than with the common good, habitually intriguing against their associates, madly intent

on taking bribes and well-versed in the art of preferring this type of acquisition to all others. On two, three, indeed on several different occasions the aforesaid Niketas tried by means of a letter to frighten the strategos of Strymon59 into action, accusing him of procrastination and

intimating that, if the city were to suffer any harm as a result of the present peril, he would denounce him to the emperor as solely responsible for what had happened. But the fellow clung just as obstinately as before to his habitual folly. Without fear or respect for God or man and thinking nothing of the destruction of so great a city, he resolved that neither he for

his part, nor any of his subordinates, should come to our aid when we were in such dire straits. Instead, he misled us right up to the last day of the war into believing that he would appear at any moment, playing, unknown to us, the accomplice in a plot to bring about our downfall, and laughing up his sleeve at the disaster which engulfed us.

§21. Thus we were deceived in the hopes which we entertained of our Sklavene allies 60 Yet we were no mere handful of men but were easily up to the required numerical strength and far exceeded that of the barbarian

army. Nevertheless, our complete inexperience of warfare and lack of previous training made an enemy attack the object of limitless fear and trepidation. And in particular it seemed to us a bad sign that we had not managed to contrive any means of defence against this contingency.

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Meanwhile, recourse to flight would have been an ignoble act, since it would inevitably have resulted in the capture of the city and the theft of.

all the ornaments made of gold, silver and other valuable materials

belonging to the places of worship already referred to, or in the destruction by fire of the holy churches themselves. At the same time,

even if we contrived to avoid suffering harm at the hands of the barbarians, we would not know how to assuage the emperor's displeasure. Yet, such a policy would have been bearable and would have

guaranteed our safety, however much the bare mention of such things might have sounded like a fate worse than death to those individuals who had never really known the meaning of adversity. For a people used only to a soft and luxurious life style, and with no previous military training to have to take such momentous decisions, that was a thought that filled us with horror and fairly drove us to distraction. §22. And so, in spite of everything, we spent the next few days in a state of permanent indecision, with the result that we fell back on the one recourse left open to the helpless and invoked the limitless mercy of God's loving kindness and the intercession of the saints. Making our way, therefore, to the magnificent abode of the all-glorious martyr Demetrios, citizens and foreigners alike, people of every age and of every station, we set up a chorus of lamentation and in the following words called upon the martyr to be our protector against the barbarian attack that threatened to engulf us: '0 noble martyr, in many dangers which on many occasions befell your city you vouchsafed your assistance, confounding every plot of the enemy and preserving her unscathed from destruction of every kind. Display on this occasion too, oh most merciful one, your boundless solicitude towards us, lest heathen and barbarian nations which know not God should boast against us.61 Do not allow this your house, which the whole world possesses jointly as its place of healing and of refuge, to be profaned by unholy and godless men, who scorn our faith and who set at nought our worship, whose only charge against us is our fear of God and who threaten us with untimely destruction. For even though we deserve countless punishments for the sins we have committed in this world and have indeed become liable to the catastrophe which is poised

to descend on us, yet we recognize no other god than the God who bestowed on you the crown of martyrdom, for whose greater glory and in imitation of whose

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

sufferings you suffered a martyr's death, and from whom you also received the grace of your many miracles, and have given us a firm rampart and an unshakeable bulwark, interceding with Him each time on our behalf and in pursuit of our best interests. Look, therefore, now too upon the helplessness and perplexity of this people, listen to our petition, stand up with bold intercession on behalf of us your servants and rescue us from impending disaster, lest the children of the maidservant Hagar boast against us and say, 'Where is their protector?' For you see, most gracious one, that we do not put our trust in spears and shields, but have entrusted everything to your powerful intercession, pinning our hopes on engaging once again your provident concern.' With anguish of heart we all kept addressing day and night these words of supplication to the martyr

and washed the floor of the church with our tears as we awaited the onset of the enemy. Yet all the while our sins stood in the way and

interposed a formidable barrier, which prevented the martyr's

intercessions from inclining God's favour towards us. He was told, as was right, the same thing as Jeremiah of old had been told when he prayed on behalf of Israel, though it was unworthy of receiving God's compassion: `Offer no prayer for this people; for I will not listen to you.'62 We were doomed, doomed to destruction, which once permitted must needs be accomplished, so that all those who live in sin might learn that nothing inclines the ear of God so effectively to requests brought forward through the agency of the saints as an upright life and diligence in the performance of good deeds.

§23. While we were thus exerting ourselves in vain, someone arrived with the news that the ships of the barbarians were already nearing the

neck of land described as the 'Jetty.' This occurred at daybreak on Sunday the 29th of July in the six thousand four hundred and twelfth year of the Creation63 of the World. The report spread like wildfire through the city and there was turmoil, din and confusion on all sides, as people shouted out now one thing now another, trying to decide what to do about the immediate situation, and everybody armed himself as best he could and hastened to man the walls. And they were not yet properly deployed along the

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

battlements, when the barbarian fleet appeared in view from the previously mentioned promontory, in full sail. And it so happened at the time that the ships were driven by a tailwind in such a way as to create the impression that they were not gliding over the surface of the water but floating through the air. It was, as has been remarked, the month of July, a time of year when the wind that blows across the Gulf (of Thessaloniki) is

at its most sustained, blowing from the foothills of Mt. Olympus in Greece, and each summer day from daybreak to the ninth hour falling upon the city and causing a breeze.64 And so, with the wind abetting them in the first moments of daylight, the enemy swooped down from close by. First of all, they lowered the sails, having positioned themselves

alongside the wall, and began to take careful note of the layout of the city. They did not, in fact, offer battle as soon as they had dropped anchor but left some time in order to probe our strength and the extent of our preparedness and to equip themselves for combat. They stood for a while filled with apprehension, unable to compare the spectacle that now confronted them with anything they had seen before: what they saw was a city of considerable dimensions with the entire course of its wall manned by great numbers of people. Consequently, they were even more dismayed and held back for a short time from giving battle. We, for our part, began to pluck up courage and in the short ensuing respite to restore our morale.

§24. While we were in this situation, the leader of the barbarian forces decided to patrol the entire section of the wall that is washed by the sea. He was a sinister and thoroughly evil person, who flaunted a style of behaviour singularly appropriate to the wild animal after which he was named and for whose ferocious ways and ungovernable temper he was more than a match.65 Assuredly, you yourself also know the man by reputation, a reputation which celebrates his wickedness with the claim that he has outshone all previous paragons of impiety by descending to such depths of madness as to gaze insatiably upon the spilling of human blood and to love nothing better than the slaughter of Christians. He too was once a Christian, was reborn in the saving grace of baptism and taught the precepts of our religion. But when he was taken prisoner by the barbarians, he embraced their impiety in exchange for the true piety of the faith and there is no way in which he more eagerly seeks to ingratiate himself with them than by making his deeds conform to his name and by taking a particular pride in flaunting

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

the actions of a felon and a brigand. And so Leo, this untamable beast, this felon, sailed around the wall gazing intently and searching out with studied malice a possible point from which to launch his attack. The other ships dropped anchor at a single point on the eastern shoreline and began to make their preparations. Our citizens also donned their armour, manned the battlements and braced themselves for the ensuing contest. And truly it was a contest - the great contest which had been so loudly proclaimed, not the mere trial of strength of a wrestler competing against his opponent for the applause of the spectators, not a contest that offers a material reward and holds out a fleeting moment of enjoyment for the winner or the simple stigma of defeat for the loser; what was at stake was whether so great a city would win the unparalleled distinction of surviving so great a danger or suffer the inconsolable grief of in some way succumbing to the fate that menaced her.

§25. But when that wild beast had surveyed the entire extent of the wall and had noticed that the entrance to the harbour was barred by an iron chain and obstructed by the sunken hulks of a number of ships, he decided to launch his attack just at those points which he perceived to be free of those blocks of stone which, lurking on the seabed where they had earlier been placed, impeded the access of his ships and where his fleet would not be under heavier fire from that part of the wall which had already been built up to some considerable height. He chose a location, in fact, where a great depth of sea water beat against a particularly low stretch of wall, made a careful note of his position, and then, returning to his men, gave the signal for battle. They swooped down with their ships towards those points which had been described to them, letting out harsh and savage cries and rowing furiously in the direction of the wall. And banging on rawhide drums, they raised a fearful din, and they tried with many other kinds of bluff to frighten the defenders on the battlements. But those who were manning the wall shouted back even louder and invoked the aid of the saving weapon of the cross against the enemy forces. And they did this to such an effect that the barbarians, at the sound of so many people uttering a cry more fearsome than any they had previously heard, were dazed for a while and did not expect to achieve anything. Estimating the numbers of the citizens from the loudness of their shouts, they concluded that it would be no easy matter to enter the fray against such odds and to sack so great a city, the like of which

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they had never seen. Nevertheless, in order not to create the impression of

having lost their nerve at the start of their offensive, they advanced neither fearlessly, nor with the rage which they later displayed, but with a

certain blend of frenzy and fear, protecting themselves against their opponents by means of a barrage of missiles. Then their approach became

more reckless and they strove to bring the fighting nearer, rousing themselves to fury like barking dogs and thoroughly enraged by the weapons that were hurled down at them from the wall. The citizens, in fact, were anything but remiss in their use of archery, and used it to great and conspicuous effect by stationing all the Sklavenes gathered from the neighbouring regions at those points from which it was easiest to shoot accurately and where there was nothing to deflect the momentum of their missiles.

§26. But while both parties were shooting and being shot at, and neither side was gaining the upper hand, a detachment of barbarians, consisting no doubt of individuals bolder and more daring than the rest, leaped overboard. They took with them a wooden ladder, which they propelled through the water and with which they attempted to scale the wall, paying no heed to the weapons discharged against them from that quarter. In fact, they kept their bodies underwater until they got close up and swam in holding their shields over their heads. Once they got near, however, left without the protection afforded by the water and using their

shields to cover their heads, they struggled manfully against a rain of missiles. Then, rapidly drawing up the ladder against the rampart, they tried to scale the wall. But death forestalled their plan and before they could form a clear idea of how to carry out their scheme they lost their lives. No sooner, in fact, had their feet touched the rungs of the ladder than a volley of stones as thick as hail was unleashed against them,

toppling them off and sending them headlong to a watery grave. Whereupon the ships all drew back quickly, not daring for the time being

to venture anything further of the kind. They resorted, instead, to discharging from a distance a hail of missiles that darkened the air, but

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

had been sent by the emperor, was hurrying up and down the entire length of the wall, encouraging the people in the following words: 'Men of

Thessaloniki, I held a different opinion of you before this moment and would not have considered you to be so gallant and daring in action, since you had neither been put to the test nor had you proved yourselves in this sphere in the past. But now the present crisis has afforded an occasion for entertaining high hopes of you. I see that you all have strong bodies and stout hearts, that you are wholly committed to the present action, that you scorn the enemy and that you gallantly brush aside their

ruses. You are quite right to do so. For the struggle concerns you yourselves, men of substance and of principle, and it concerns the rest of

the city, whose title to fame has no serious contender. If you prove superior to the present peril you will become a fitting object of praise in

the estimation of all men. But should you suffer some reverse and succumb to the threats of the barbarians, there will be nothing to which one can liken the extent of your misfortune and the depth of your shame. Therefore, stand your ground courageously and endeavour to secure victory for your native city and for yourselves and do not turn and flee

from the enemy, lest, having for the sake of one small moment of weakness placed yourselves in such terrible danger, you leave behind you a novel tale for posterity to tell.' With these fighting words he encouraged the people and went the rounds, instilling no small degree of confidence into the hearts of all. And the strategos,66 as though oblivious of his own affliction, though it was grievous (resulting as it did from the fall that we related earlier)67 and unbearably painful, also went around, mounted on a mule, not sitting astride it but sidesaddle, to the extent that the pains in his shattered limbs permitted. He posted the more stalwart members of the imperial guard at certain vital points along the wall, so that for their part they might also spur on those near them to imitate their actions, and thus dispose them to battle.

§28. The barbarians attacked not once but several times in the course of that day, but they suffered more casualties than before and withdrew. At a preconcerted signal they suspended operations at sea, retired with

their ships and dropped anchor beside a stretch of coast to the east of the city. Then they disembarked and began to shoot at those who were positioned on the high section of wall where the so called 'Rome Gate'68 stands, close to

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

the sea. They fought there until late into the night and then, apparently fatigued by their exertions, rested on board their ships; though perhaps they were exercising their minds how best to attack us on the following day and were intent on preparing a further series of treacherous and deceitful moves. No sooner, therefore, had we paused a moment from the heat of battle than we were thrown into a further state of anxiety over the level of vigilance maintained by the troops manning the fortifications that

ringed the city and the suspicious movements of the barbarians, movements which might be the prelude to a successful ambush carried out under cover of darkness that would allow them to penetrate our defences

undetected and thus encompass our destruction. They are in fact extremely clever in this area, and once they have decided to act, they act decisively. Moreover, they are ready to brave any danger as long as they can make a start of putting their plans into action. And even if their plans miscarry, they consider it a glorious achievement to struggle boldly to

accomplish what for the time being proves incapable of fulfilment. Accordingly, we stayed awake all that night, even though we had every reason to be proud of our exploits to date. In fact we had displayed a

degree of raw courage that had astonished even the leader of the barbarians, who subsequently made a point of learning the reason why we had resisted each attack so valiantly and of ascertaining how things had turned out to be the reverse of what he had heard about us, so that his own expectations had been completely overturned.

§29. But when daybreak came and announced the second day of fighting, the strategoi69 once more went to great lengths to put us on our mettle and prepare us for action. As the sun's rays spread daylight over the air, the barbarians disembarked and launched a further attack against the wall. They deployed, distributing themselves along certain points in

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

In front of these they brought up wooden ladders, which they placed against the wall and tried to climb up, providing themselves with cover by means of a barrage of stones from the stone-throwing engines, whose

relentless fire made it impossible for anyone to venture forth with impunity on to the wall. And already they had attached a ladder to the battlements of the outwork and their plan would have been realized, had not a heavenly power given certain daring men the strength to leap down on to the spot. They wounded the barbarians with their spears and sent them pitching backwards together with the ladder. When they saw that this strategem too had failed, they fled and even left the ladder behind. We were so far emboldened as to mock them and to hurl missiles at them and stones from the stone-throwing engines even more eagerly than on the day before. And we no longer allowed them to get anywhere near the wall for even a short time, even though they were kindled to greater fury and

sharpened their tusks like wild boars and would have torn us up alive with them, had it been possible. How terrifying it was to hear them raving like maniacs against us! What towering fits of anger they displayed, when they gnashed their teeth furiously and their demonic nature was revealed by the way they continually foamed at the mouth! Nor would they take any food throughout the entire course of that day but were insatiable for battle in spite of the tremendous heat. Indeed they were not even vaguely

aware of the fact that their own bodies were broken with fatigue and scorched by the sun which was beating down on their heads. Their one preoccupation was either to sack the city and vent their rage upon us or, in the event of failure, to despair of life and to dispatch themselves with their own weapons. For once the wrath of the barbarians has been kindled, it is borne along by an unreasoning impulse, and will not desist until it witnesses the shedding of its own or its opponent's blood. §30. But since it was highly dangerous for them to approach the wall,

they relied exclusively on missiles and on stone-throwing engines. Drawing themselves up in rows, they took their stand some distance

away yet near enough for their shots to fall upon the city with undiminished force. Protecting themselves with their shields and throwing their entire being into the struggle, they stood like statues with bodies of

bronze or some other hard material and displayed limitless qualities of endurance and a fighting spirit that defied description. And in fact, when the sun was in its noonday course, when more than any other time of day it heats the air up like a furnace, they kindled their inborn fury with that last extreme of heat and goading their irrational frenzy still further with the stimulus of despair, they

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

threw all their energies into a different (and particularly deadly) kind of siege. There were four gates72 in the wall on the east side of the city. Two.

of these, the previously mentioned Rome Gate, and the so-called Kassandreiotic Gate,73 they planned to burn down. The idea was that, if they could penetrate the outwork when the outer gates were burnt down and creep up to the high wall, they could wreck the inner gates without having anything to fear and pen everyone up in the city by posting expert archers opposite the wall to shoot their arrows continually and prevent anyone inside from venturing out.

X31. They set about their cunning plan in the following way: They found carts on which they placed upside down very small boats of the kind our fishermen use to fish with, adding a great quantity of firewood

and a pile of brushwood. Then they sprinkled it all with pitch and sulphur, put their shoulders to the carts, set their wheels in motion and guided them with their hands until they reached the gates. Then they lit the wood from underneath and covering themselves with their shields, went back to the archers, having carried out their plan unnoticed. The fire took hold of the wood, feeding its flame until it flared up and caused the outer surface of the gates, which were iron-plated, to turn white-hot. Then the white heat, spreading inwards, reduced the gates to a sheet of flame, so that in a short time they collapsed, which threw everyone into a state of abject fear. No sooner was the news reported throughout the city that the gates had been burnt down than the effect was as though everyone had been stabbed through the heart; such was the state of terror and dejection to which people were reduced, as the colour drained from their cheeks, and as they abandoned abruptly every confident expectation. And those who a short while ago had been leaping down from the walls and keeping the enemy at bay and exhorting others to join in the fray were showing themselves in actual fact to be feebler than hares. The mere fact that that cunning expedient had succeeded gave more than a hint to everyone of what might be the end. Nevertheless, now that the outer gates had been destroyed by fire, we quickly protected the inner ones with a new wall. And we put water in containers on the battlements and kept a close watch in case the enemy should by any chance launch an attack against these gates too, so that when they tried to cause further damage, we might have some means of contending with the flames and preserving the gates from their treacherous

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

designs. When they realized this, however, they no longer resorted to these particular evil tactics. Yet by resorting to other tactics still more

cunning and more violent, they were destined to bring about our destruction by a means so effective and so far surpassing all contrivance that it was henceforth in no wise possible to stave it off. They employed this pause in their incendiarism by shooting at us with stone-throwers

and with bows during the rest of the day until darkness succeeded daylight and put an obligatory stop to their exertions.

§32. Then, when they had stopped fighting, they went aboard their ships and after a brief spell of inaction, they began to carry out the plan of attack they had cunningly contrived beforehand. The plan involved a peculiar kind of gamble. If, thanks to it, they should be able to sack the city, they would have an easy success since there is no more effective siege tactic in existence, especially when the offensive is conducted from the water with no intervening dry land to cramp one's style. But if, along

with their previous ventures, this too were to fail, they would first dispatch with their weapons those who had put the idea into their heads

and had made them sail so far to no purpose, and then would return home. Having agreed, therefore, upon this plan, they began early in the

night to put into effect their complicated scheme. Lighting lamps everywhere, they coupled the ships together in adjacent pairs and lashed their sides together with stout cables and iron chains so that they would not easily drift apart. Then they hoisted by means of the rigging at the fore the pieces of wood that stand up in the middle, which sailors call

masts, and attaching by their handles to these the steering-paddles of each ship, they slung them high up in the air across the ropes leading to the prow so that their blades projected beyond the side of the ship. The result was a remarkable and novel contraption. For when the steering

paddles had been suspended aloft by their handles in the manner described, they placed long strips of wood over them in rows, one next to the other, flooring in by this ingenious method the intervening space. They then fenced in the edges on all sides with boards, and secured the ends of the steering-paddle handles by making them fast to very strong cables at the stern end of the ships. In this manner they devised towers that were more effective than those surmounting walls on dry land. In them they posted armed barbarians, an elite force mounted aloft on account of their physical

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

strength and natural daring and destined to deal us the coup de grace. They ordered some to shoot arrows, others to fling large stones (big enough to fill a man's hand) at those manning the inner circuit of the fortification. Others were equipped with fire (it too artificially contrived) which had been prepared in advance in earthenware vessels and which

they were instructed to hurl at those advancing to confront them. All these expedients were effective and appropriate because they no longer had to operate on land but, thanks to the devilish invention already described, had been placed on a higher level than the structure of the fortification and they were thus provided with a useful vantage point for the accomplishment of their evil designs. §33. But when on that same night these impious men had brought all

their preparations into effect and no detail of what was being done escaped our notice because, as has been pointed out, they had plentiful illumination and the beach on which they had forged ahead with their plans was nearby, all of us were overcome by fear and consternation, not knowing how to preserve our safety for the future. One could see that the

entire population was in a state of utter confusion and helplessness, unable to make up their minds from one moment to the next, and that their very lives were in jeopardy. There was indeed no concern to ward off impending disaster, only a morbid obsession with the question of how

soon and how painfully death would occur. Flight was no longer an available or a safe option with the barbarians occupying positions all around the wall and keeping a close watch on the gates. Yet the danger that met the eye made waiting out of the question. Abandoning all hope

of safety, they walked as though dazed up and down the wall, completely overwhelmed by the magnitude of their misfortune. But some, in whose hearts the flame of courage had not been entirely extinguished,

decided while waiting for the enemy to make some preparations to defend the wall and repel their advance. These consisted of pitch, firebrands, quicklime and other flammable substances74 got ready in earthenware vessels75 for possible use against ships riding at anchor, the idea being to hurl these objects in their midst and put them out of action. §34. Nevertheless, these were the actions and decisions of bewildered men. Already the light of day was dissolving the darkness of night, when lo and behold! The ships, distributed at several points according to their equipment, crashed against the wall, presenting to the eyes of all a novel

and extraordinary spectacle. Each pair of ships brought along its own ingeniously constructed wooden turret, which hugely overtopped the

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

structure of the fortification and held aloft its freight of barbarians leaping up like frenzied bulls and threatening everybody with destruction..

Whereupon, all that part of the population of the city that had come to think nothing of death, since it was both inevitable and staring them, so to speak, in the face, threw themselves unreservedly into the struggle. Making of the moment of maximum danger an occasion for displaying their courage, they stood their ground and fought like heroes; every man did his utmost. In fact, they did not allow the ships to get anywhere near, but by showering them with missiles and firebrands, they prevented them from approaching the wall and putting their plans into effect. But those who were smitten with cowardice and in their utter helplessness lacked the strength to even consider the experience of misfortune let themselves down gradually from the wall and fled to the mountainous part of the city, giving further encouragement thereby to the enemy. When, in fact, the

latter saw that the structure of the wall was in a more serious state of disrepair in one place than anywhere else (it was the spot where we had earlier erected wooden breastworks), and noticed also that the sea was deeper just at that point, they propelled in that direction one of the pairs of ships that had been lashed together, rowing gently until they got near and had brought the bows of the ships right up to the battlement. Then, when the men on the wooden fortifications tried to hurl stones at them, the barbarians who were standing on top of the contraptions previously described uttered a loud and raucous cry, let fly with huge stones (which were not just big enough to fill a man's hand this time but were absolutely enormous) whose impact none could withstand, blew fire by means of air

through tubes,76 hurled other receptacles also filled with fire into the fortifications and struck such terror into the hearts of the defenders that they leaped down swiftly and took to their heels, leaving the entire stretch of wall deserted. When the enemy saw that they had achieved their end (the defenders had all fallen to earth like leaves in the wind, not

alighting by means of ladders but crashing down in terror) they sent

against the fortifications a particularly daring barbarian with the complexion of an Ethiopian, who was apparently more frenzied than the others. He had a sword in his hand, which he brandished as he leaped

down from the wall. Then he waited for the crowd to surge forward, trying to discover whether they had made off in feigned or in genuine flight. For they suspected that the inhabitants might have laid some hidden ambush for them in the streets, in order to waylay them once they had split up into separate groups. Consequently, they were reluctant to

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

enter the city, and set about their task without first taking precautions. But then (it was the third hour of the day) the glint of swords brandished by barbarian hands flashed like lightning through the air and revealed at every point the entry of the enemy. Beholding that disaster had well and truly struck, people all began to mill about in different directions, herded together by death, which loomed over them and left no further loophole for escape.

§35. Then, when the barbarians saw that the entire wall had been cleared and that the mass desertion of its defenders now guaranteed their safety, they sallied forth eagerly from the ships, leaped down on to the battlements and set fire to the gates, thus signalling to the other ships that their mission had been accomplished. These too hove swiftly into sight and dispatched against the city their contingents of barbarians, naked

except for a small loincloth, and armed with swords. Once these barbarians were inside, they slew all those whom they found writhing about on the ground in the vicinity of the wall, regardless of whether they found them prostrated and paralysed with fear and so unable to move or

languishing without any hope of flight owing to the injuries they had sustained during their earlier falls.77 After that they split up, and moved down the main thoroughfares.

The population of the city broke up into numerous groups which huddled together in stunned bewilderment and confusion, not knowing how to save themselves or how to fend off disaster. One could see people drifting about aimlessly like ships without a rudder, a pitiful sight; men, women and children throwing themselves on each other, clinging to one another and exchanging that last and most piteous parting embrace. If somewhere in their midst there was an elderly father he would throw his arms around his son's neck and set up a dreadful wailing, and would be unable to bear the separation. Instead, he would hold fast to his beloved son and feeling the pangs of natural affection before he felt the pain of the sword, would break into an improvised lament and say: `Woe is me, my son! Amongst whom am I numbered and what things are these, which my

eyes behold? Was it for this that I reared you diligently, for this that I entrusted you to the care of teachers and struggled to make it possible for you to distinguish yourself among your contemporaries? So that when I expected to be considered fortunate in having been blest with children

and to be envied for the pride which I took in you, when I considered myself to be more fortunate than many other fathers because I had such an outstanding son, charming in the youthful grace of his body, more charming in the handsomeness of his face and even more so in the beauty of his soul, is it 63

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V9

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

just at such a moment that I must gaze upon this disaster and this most

unhappy separation? And have I been kept alive till now with this unhappy head of grey hair simply in order that I may behold your body

disfigured by barbarians, and the beloved limbs I long to embrace pitilessly hacked asunder by the executioner's sword? Alas, what is to become of me? With what eyes shall I look upon these happenings? What

funeral dirge shall I utter on your account? Would that I might find an executioner who would first slay me with his sword, so that I should not live on to feel on your account pains sharper than the sword inflicts! On

this score alone I shall acknowledge a debt of gratitude to the foul murderer, if he but begin his work of execution with my aged neck. Thus may he first sprinkle with my blood the sacrifice of your blood! By such a deed he would cut short the surfeit of my grief.'

§36. That was the form his words would take. Elsewhere some other man who happened to be standing near his wife would groan loud and deep, shake his head, change expression, run up to her, embrace her and give tragic utterance to his grief: 'Save yourself, wife, and do not forget your husband! Today is the powerful bond of mutual affection, which we forged in the intimacy of our shared existence, put asunder. The sword subverts the basis of our union. Untimely death dissolves our marriage. We can no longer share our lives until we end our days. No question henceforth of begetting children. Would that we had never set eyes on these children who now stand round us, would that our own hands had laid them in the grave and that they had not been preserved to serve as hapless slaves to these wild beasts.' Then they would mingle with their children, set up a chorus of lamentation and steel themselves against the moment of separation. Brother met brother, friend friend, the one category bewailing their kinship, the other their close association. And simply by

virtue of the immense number of individual laments, the air was filled with a meaningless babel of voices, as though sheep had been penned up for slaughter and were crying out in wild confusion. Some began to run off

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3

99

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

§37. But how from this point on shall I describe to you, o most cultured of men, our misfortune or outline the sequence of so many painful events? Which shall I select for first mention, thereby relegating the rest to second place? To what shall I direct my tongue or apply my

hand to the task of writing? The recollection of events drives me to distraction. I seem to see actually happening all over again the things that

I am about to relate and am, in consequence, not insensible to the difficulty of embarking on such a narrative. For the representation of events as if they were actually occurring portrays danger to the mind's eye through the immediacy of recollection, and reshaping reality by means of

the imagination, forcibly arrests the flow of one's narrative. And what things they were, the things that came to pass on that occasion! Some, who were more afraid of the destruction of the soul than of that of the body, found it hard to bear the prospect of death, since they viewed

separation from the body as the beginning of punishments in the hereafter. Others knelt on the ground, shed floods of tears and begged God to accept them as worthy of the call78 on account of the manner of their death. Others, remembering their sins, felt the pangs of conscience more keenly than the blade of a sword and repented as they recalled the time that had been wasted on idle pursuits. Yet others, incapable of such decisive action and surrendering the power of reason to the force of anguish, stood quaking, and like lifeless trees, waited for the blow to fall. Others again, as though goaded by the gadfly of fear were unable to restrain their frenzy. Most of these threw themselves off the wall without stopping to think. They either died from the fall or delivered themselves into the hands of the barbarians who were prowling about in that area. §38. What shall I say first about the women, who forced the very air to join them in their lamentation? They insisted on crying out, on wailing, on embracing their children. Overwhelmed by grief, they no longer cared to observe the proprieties or to withdraw themselves from the sight of the men. On the contrary, they were completely unabashed. With their hair let down and with scant regard for modesty they performed dirges, crying out in unison, and groaned at the calamity. Wherever there was in their midst a maiden who had not yet left the protection of her home and was safely preserved for marriage and properly schooled in decorum, she

would put aside all shyness at being seen, and in her fear not even considering that she was a woman, she would walk about in the middle of the marketplace, join the other women in their lamentation and shriek at the top of her voice. Monks and nuns, who at a very early age had for

love of virtue renounced all worldly attachments, living only for themselves and for God, came out of their cells, scattered about the streets of the city and sorrowfully bewailed 67

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

the general calamity. When I consider the many virtuous acts of those Nazirites79 which, each on his own account, they zealously pursued their all-night singing of the psalms, their consecrated virginity, their constant prayers and their incessant tears - I am filled with amazement at how they failed to incline God's mercy towards us, how they failed to become pledges for the city's safety, how they failed to find their virtue rewarded with escape from danger. Instead, they were seized like sheep without a shepherd, each one of them fell victim to the sword and all were led to the slaughter to share the common lot of sinners.

Yet, I think that, as the psalmist says, 'Their death was precious in the sight of the Lord,'80 since in this regard too His wisdom honoured His

servants in order that they might crown a life of virtue with a martyr's

death, that He might freely bestow on them the rewards of patient endurance and that recompense consisting of good things beyond all description. But the multitude of our transgressions rendered ineffective not only their petitions but even the intercession of martyrs and so we

suffered what we did in order that those who scorn God's commandments might learn that no saving power shall be able to rescue them in their excessive depravity from the threat of the Lord's wrath.

§39. As soon as the barbarians had penetrated the city, spreading themselves throughout it in all directions, there was wholesale and indiscriminate slaughter in which neither age nor sex was spared. They showed no mercy, having long ago worked themselves up into a state of fury and insensate rage in which they thirsted for our destruction. The aged, those who were still in their prime, the young, the chance passer-by, all alike fell victim to their lust for blood. Nor did they dispatch them decently with mortal blows, but in order to prolong their agony they cut off their arms and legs and forced them to endure a lingering death. But even that was not enough to satisfy the fury which possessed them and they raged like maniacs at their inability to inflict death more than once. And in order to sate their bestial and uncontrollable appetite they did not at the outset of the disaster spare either women or even children, whose tender age often moves to pity the very stare of savage beasts. The blade fell equally on all, like a sickle on a grassy plain mowing down all that

comes into its path, so that in one short moment what had been a crowded and populous city was reduced to a wilderness. As we pointed out previously,81 some of the population

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

had swarmed on to the high ground around the so-called Acropolis,82 or

the district called Tou Hosiou David83 (these places are situated at a greater elevation than the rest of the city and large numbers of monks dwell there, all of them perfect practitioners of virtue and considered worthy of their heavenly calling), whilst others had flocked to the two gates of the city that faced west. A single leading thought possessed them

all: how to escape being cut to pieces by the sword. But they were no more successful than the rest, since the barbarians were lying in wait outside the gates; besides which they had a far from easy passage owing to the fact that they were jostling and crushing one another and blocking off their own escape.

§40. What a dreadful calamity occurred at the so-called Golden Gate!84 How badly those people who had flocked to the spot and who

wished to open it a little failed in their attempt! Scarcely had they managed to ease the wings of the gate apart when they forced them to slam shut again through the sheer weight of their own congested numbers. Finding them in this condition, the enemy no longer slew them one at a

time with their swords but when they saw them crowded and clinging together and unable to get out of the way they came down with their swords on their heads. Each blow resulted in the severing of someone's head and mutilated bodies jostled with their fellows and even after death were not allowed to fall to the ground but were held up in the general throng of bodies, until all were slain, the life ebbed from them, and their corpses tumbled down, having shared the mutual prop of lifeblood and a common end.

§41. Exactly the same thing happened at the other gate, known as the Litaia Gate-85 Of the other gates, as we pointed out, those leading to the

sea86 had been occupied in advance by the barbarians, whereas we ourselves had previously blocked up those facing east,87 fearing in their case also the enemy's strategem of setting fire to them, something which

we had already experienced to our cost with the outer gates of the fortification. Consequently, people sensed helplessly that their escape was barred from all sides and floundered hopelessly about the streets, encountering death at every turn. Only a few, a mere handful, threw themselves from the walls at the western end of the harbour and leaped to safety. Certain others had

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

saved their lives by surreptitiously slipping away through the gate near the Acropolis88 before disaster struck. These men were the leaders of the Sklavenes,89 who had long been rehearsing this move, having previously gone so far as to steal the keys to the gates in question. But they should, in view of the critical nature of the situation, have allowed everyone who happened to be around at the time to avail himself of the opportunity to escape.90 Had they done so, many of those who happened to be in the area before the barbarians attacked would have avoided death. But they had no time for such a notion. They were far too busy looking after their own welfare, and in a move aimed exclusively at warding off danger from themselves, they pushed the wings of the gate ajar and made a speedy exit, leaving one of their number on the spot to shut the gate behind them. In this way they treacherously undermined the safety of everybody on that occasion too,91 under the specious and lying pretext that they were

not fleeing but were going to collect allies from the Strymon area, pretending that this was at the express command of the strategos.92

§42. Not much time had elapsed before the barbarians were at the gates, sword in hand, and it was no longer possible for anyone to so much as cast a glance outside without being endangered, let alone make good his escape. Along with my father and my brothers (I have two younger brothers who up to now have been my companions in captivity and distress) I myself also happened to be in that place at that time, as were a not inconsiderable number of other people from the city. And after

becoming the victims of that wicked piece of deception (for once the pretence was carried out we realized what had happened) we all rushed back as fast as our legs would carry us helter-skelter in the direction of the city. And we split up into different groups, one going by one route, one by another, whichever way misfortune beckoned or fear dictated. My father then decided, and so did we, that since the barbarians had not yet reached us, we should go up for the time being on to one of the towers surmounting the inner wall and not mingle with the crowd. The idea was that, when the enemy arrived, we might, through detaching ourselves from the rest and encountering them alone on the battlements, be in a position to negotiate with them and save our lives. And that was what, through the agency of Divine Providence, actually came about. And how it came about and with what manifestation of miraculous power I shall proceed to say.

§43. We climbed up the wall and ran with alacrity on to a rampart directly opposite the revered shrine of Andrew the 'first called'93 of the

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

Apostles. There were five of us in all: my father and I together with the two brothers already mentioned and another person also related to us, all five clerics and holding the position of Lector. We rested there a while, and as we reflected on the imminent prospect of death by the sword, we began to weep, each one bemoaning both his individual fate and our mutual separation. The first to give voice to lamentation was my father, a

man already advanced in years and much practised in the art of eloquence. 'Woe is me, o children of much tribulation!' he exclaimed. 'What horrors am I now caught up in and what savage twist has been reserved for this wretched and unhappy life of mine that I should see struck down at one fell swoop those whom on different occasions I brought into the world and provided for and do so without even the solace normally conceded to misfortune, a decent interval in which to express one's grief? Otherwise, I should have called even on inanimate nature to share the common burden of this inconsolable grief and made her my companion in distress. Not that any of my fellow citizens are faring any differently from myself: each one attends anxiously the fate of a relative, all are in need of a shoulder to cry on. Nevertheless, two catastrophes have simultaneously befallen me: the spiritual peril which confronts me as the result of a life wasted on sinful pursuits and this unexpected separation from you, which I could never have envisaged. Indeed, it was my constant prayer that you should close these careworn eyes of mine, that resting on your arms I should be consigned to the grave of my fathers and that I might safely leave you to look after your mother

in her old age and to provide for the maintainance of your two young brothers, both of them still small children. But now all such hopes have been dashed, and unshielded from disaster I await your untimely deaths.

And so the abundance of my transgressions has preserved me and reserved me for such a day, in order that I might live to see the dearest of my children become a casual object of destruction for barbarian swords, and the beloved limbs I long to embrace pitilessly wrenched asunder by the hands of their executioners, oh the anguish of it! Nor do I even have the assurance that the foul murderer will first rid wretched me of my life: on a comparative scale of misfortune my own might thus be bearable. But your young lives fill me with foreboding and the youthful bloom on your cheeks causes me to predict that the enemy will first glut his blade on you and that my slaughter will be mingled with your blood when and only when I have suffered the multiple ordeal of your individual deaths.

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§44. But, dear children, I have, without realizing it, strayed far from what I ought to have said and in giving vent to my grief have allowed

myself to say what I ought not have said. I have been defeated by misfortune, and the general calamity has forced me against my will to cry out against the current situation. For who, even if he had a heart of stone, would not be carried away by his present suffering into bewailing his own involvement and that of his family in so overwhelming a catastrophe? But there is nothing that God wills and brings to pass among men which is not

designed to serve some useful purpose. Perhaps it is on account of our

wickedness that such a death has been reserved for us. Behold, retribution for the way we lived stands visibly before us, demanding that

our lives be forfeit to the violence of the sword! But He who has permitted that we should suffer these things and endure this violent separation from the body and that we shall be made to pay in the judgement to come the full reckoning for our sins, He is not unjust. Therefore, stand your ground courageously and place all your hopes on Him alone who has the power to forgive sins on earth.94 And should we have to suffer some painful ordeal for the sake of our faith in Him, let us bear it without flinching and not be afraid of this bodily death, which if not in this way then at all events in some other way one must endure and pay one's debt to human nature. Let being deprived of our lives, therefore, be in our eyes a cause for gratitude, so that we may not simply die but may do so on the grounds of our hope in the bliss of the life to come.' With these words he sought to train us to endure death by the sword and inspired us to hope for martyrdom.95 §45. While he was speaking to us in this way, and we were embracing

one another and saying our last farewells, some barbarians, a considerable number in fact, suddenly appeared on the scene. They had the complexions of Ethiopians, their bodies were naked and their swords drawn. They leaped about in a terrifying fashion and displayed their fury by baring their teeth like wild boars. Once on the spot they pounced on those who had turned back with us after the criminal incident involving the locking of the gates,96 and who now stood there huddled up along the wall, only to be dispatched by their swords. Their one contribution to the action was to hold out their necks to the hand of the executioner and to

assume a suitable position for decapitation. The whole business constituted an utterly horrendous spectacle. If the murderer felt some compunction at the obedient manner in which the victim surrendered himself and bowed down to receive the death blow, he would aim a mortal stroke and put him quickly out of his misery.

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

But if he did not soften in his heart of stone and wished instead to revel in his madness, rousing himself to greater fury at his hapless captives' helpless plight, then he would mutilate the victim's body limb by limb and cause the unfortunate wretch to suffer many deaths in one disaster. And in so huge a crowd of people nothing could be heard save the swish of swords and the sound of blood spurting out in torrents. §46. In a short time they all lay dead, a fitting spectacle for abundant wailing and lamentation. When the slaughter reached us (they had seen us

crouching down together on the wall), they rushed with one accord as though to pounce on an easy prey. But when they got near, they checked their furious onslaught. Between us and them stood the tower already referred to. To reach us they would have to pass through it. In the past the whole area had been floored in with wooden planks, but these had

rotted and crumbled away in the course of time and afforded a precarious passage. Only two planks lay suspended across the middle and those who passed over them must do so in fear and trembling. Observing how steep and perilous a place it was, the barbarians became suspicious lest, once they were halfway over the planks, it might transpire

that unknown to them, we had set a trap for them inside the tower and were about to send them crashing down from the it; which, given its great height, threatened to be a nasty fall. God, who performs His wonders, put this thought into their minds. For had they dared to make a quick dash over to the other side as soon as they had come up to us, we too would have suffered death no less than those who already lay dead. In the time it took them to make up their minds we recovered from our fear

and considered frantically how best to deal with our immediate predicament. With no concern for death and completely oblivious of the fate that confronted me, I sprang to my feet as fast as I could, reached the entrance to the tower and proceeded to make my way over the planks towards the barbarians. When they saw me setting out boldly of my own free will towards them, with neither armour nor defensive weapons but with something important to say they too approached, walking in single file and dose formation, holding up their right hands and making as if to come down with their swords on my head. But when even this did not so far have the effect of frightening me (my mind was completely absorbed in what I wanted to say) one of the Ethiopians, the most courageous and daring of them and the biggest, made for me and tried to fetch me a blow on the forehead with his sword. I held up my hands and cried: 'Do not do this! You will make yourself and your companions lose a great deal of money'.

79

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[B. 5521,5541

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80

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

§7.

Those were my actual words, and by the air of independence

with which I uttered them I managed for the moment to check the fury of the Ethiopian and to induce him to stay his hand. Then I thrust my left

hand into the bosom of my cloak and quickly brought out some gold ornaments, which I put into his hand and said, 'Let these stand surety to you for my life. And if you want to get hold of a great deal more than this, then guarantee the safety of my father, my brothers and my father's

brother' (I turned and pointed to them and to where they were) 'and I shall give you valuable gifts, which were stored away in secret hiding places in advance of your expected arrival. Only we know where they are and we shall be happy to show you where that is, if we are granted our lives. But if we die, then that is the end of them: they will to all intents and purposes simply slip out of your hands and cease to be, along with

ourselves.' With these words I restrained the barbarian's fury, and by presenting him with the jewellery I gave him some indication of the meaning of what I had just said. Also I accompanied my words with a variety of suppliant gestures. Being a barbarian, he did not understand a word I was saying, but he did seem to be surprised at the confidence and determination with which I was making my point.

§48. In the meantime another person came up and said 'Why do you detain the Ethiopian with your entreaties when you are in a position to speak directly to me? And if need be, I shall come to your assistance.' Reassured and encouraged by the man's presence, I called out: 'God has sent you to us in our hour of need, whoever you are, save us and rescue us from our present affliction! In return for this favour you will receive from us a ransom worthy of our lives, a ransom the like of which will not be found amongst any other of the inhabitants in the whole of this city which you have captured.' 'Take heart,' he said, 'dismiss all thoughts of death and put yourselves into a more cheerful frame of mind. And I,' he said, 'will bring the Ethiopians over to my way of thinking and I shall even take you to the commander-in-chief of the entire expeditionary force so that

you may receive from his hands also an assurance of your personal safety. Only make sure that you find between you the means of fulfilling your promises. For if any of the things you have said is not accomplished, judgment will be delivered by these swords.' While he was saying this my father and the two brothers who have already been mentioned came up to us and threw themselves at his feet, begging to receive the same assurance as I had received and guaranteeing to fulfil readily everything that I had promised in advance. He quickly told the others everything that we had said to him,

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Z8

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

giving particularly detailed explanations to the man whom I had first encountered, got them to give us a sworn undertaking [not to harm us] and advised us not to be afraid any longer.

§49. They took hold of us and made us come down from the wall. Then they placed us in their midst and led us off along the road to the

sea, stepping over the corpses of those who had already been slaughtered. We passed through the gate to the inner city but did not continue straight ahead: instead, we turned towards that part of the hill there that slopes backwards, and we began to make our way down. Thereupon some other Ethiopians came into sight. They were coming up the slope and they too had swords in their hands. When they saw us in

the midst of our recent captors they were seized with their native madness and made a shameless rush, showing clearly from a long way off the intensity of the rage that was driving them on. But when they reached

us and saw that those who had taken us prisoner were anxious that we should come to no harm, they dispersed and withdrew. But one of them, evidently more shameless and bolder than the rest, followed us with the persistent fury of a barking dog, looking for a chance to deal someone a stealthy blow with his sword. He pretended, in fact, to be one of our captors, managed somehow to drag me away from the others without being noticed, and once he was a little distance away, tried to kill me. I cried out immediately. My father turned round in dismay (I happened to have been walking at his side) and when he saw that I was face to face with death, that the killer was licking his lips, on the point of plunging his sword into my neck, and holding me by the hair, he nudged the man who had already rescued us from recent danger and who was nearby, and quickly showing him what was going on, said, `Why and on what grounds

have you condemned my son to death, in complete disregard of your promises to us? If he dies, then our life is no use to us either. So make the man let go of him, if you have any concern for us. Otherwise, shed our blood too along with his! For we cannot bear to die a separate death.' In

some alarm at these words, the man rushed off, reached the spot and stayed the barbarian's hand just as it was stretched out and poised to deal the death blow. Being checked and prevented from getting his own way, however, had the effect of goading him to even greater fury. With his jaws quivering, rolling his eyes, gnashing his teeth (the barbarians behave in this way) and casting murderous and fearsome glances, he strove to

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i'8

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

break loose from the man who was restraining him and to attack me once again. But that providential agent who had been sent to our rescue in the nick of time did not allow him to do so and in fact tried by every kind of cajolery to make him change his mind. But when these efforts of his were

all to no avail and the creature became more enraged and was fairly spitting murder so that he even managed once without being noticed to come down suddenly on my back with his sword and deal me a frenzied

blow (and to this day my back displays the violence of the hand that dealt it), that wonderful man suddenly lost his temper and shoved the Ethiopian out of the way. Then he pulled me up as I lay at his feet, drenched with blood from my wound, and rushed off with me in the direction of his companions.

§50. When I was back among the crowd once more, having come through this ordeal too, and was thanking God and pausing to consider the blow I had received on my back, I suddenly felt a second thrust and

was stabbed more painfully than before. That thug had somehow managed to get to me and had driven his sword from behind into my side. And just to demonstrate the utter savagery of his nature, he let out a blood-curdling cry. Whereupon I said to the man who had been protecting

me and was with me, 'Why are you careless of my life only, and have consigned me to death at the hands of the barbarian?' And turning and pointing to the Ethiopian, I continued, 'Know this: if we, all of us without exception, to whom you gave a sworn undertaking, escape with our lives, what we promised shall be carried out. But if anyone among us is killed through carelessness, we shall all bring our lives to an end together with his life, and you will not obtain any of the things that you are hoping for. So, if the oath that you swore in public was a true one and not designed merely to trick us, use every possible means to ensure our safety and rest assured that we, for our part, will keep our side of the bargain.' When he heard this he explained what it meant to his companions and persuaded them all to make a dash at my enemy and drive him far away. Then they closed ranks around us and marched more slowly thereafter.

§51. We came to a place where there is a nunnery, which has long been known by the name Tou Akrouliou.97 Once again,98 the barbarians who were escorting us met another barbarian patrol. They met them in the forecourt, conferred with them for a while and decided to go in with an

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98

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

them, staring blankly at those present and still reeling from the previous shock. When we had entered the porch of the church which is named after Saint George,99 we saw a barbarian seated on a chair with a frown on his face and a drawn sword in his hand. His minions stood watching him intently as though to signify that, should he want anything done, they were ready to spring into action. As we came up to him he asked those

who were escorting us on what pretext we had escaped death. They quickly told him everything, seized us by the shoulders and threw us down prostrate at his feet. Turning his sword round, he struck each of us once with the blunt edge on the back of the head. Then he told us to get

up and to take heart. `Now that you have received this token of your safety,' he said, 'you have nothing, I assure you, about which you should be apprehensive in the future.' And he ordered the barbarians who were standing nearby to throw open the doors of the church, which had up to then been closed, rose from his seat, and taking my father with his left hand and one of my two brothers with the other hand, he went inside the holy church. It was packed with pitiful creatures who had earlier been incarcerated there, about three hundred souls, as we discovered later.

X52. Our foe was accompanied by a large retinue of murderous fiends. He leaped straightaway on to the consecrated altar, on which the priests perform the mystic rites of divine service. He sat there, his legs crossed in barbarian fashion, filled with demented rage and scrutinizing the crowd of men and actively contemplating his malevolent designs. Seizing my father and my brother and instructing our captors that we were to be held at the entrance, he signalled to the barbarians to start a massacre. With the speed of savage wolves falling upon their prey they butchered their unhappy victims without mercy. Then, still boiling with rage, they looked to that terrible judge to discover what he would have

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88

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

had no means of clarifying the situation and putting a stop to the anxiety which we felt on one another's behalf. When, in fact the slaughter of those unhappy wretches was concluded, and the entire floor was littered with corpses which swam in pools of blood, the foul murderer was unable to get out. So he gave orders to have the dead bodies stacked on top of one another along the alleyways on either side of the church. As soon as that

was done, he leaped down from the altar, and taking my father and brother once more by the arm, he came over to us. So black was the darkness that engulfed our souls at those harrowing and horrific sights (at what we had seen happening to them and had imagined would happen also to us) that even though we were the sole survivors of such massive and indiscriminate slaughter our expressions showed no signs of visible

relief. We simply kept staring into one another's faces, as though the experience had driven us out of our wits and deprived us of the gift of speech. Then that appalling fiend dismissed most of the barbarians, mounted a horse that was held in readiness for him and galloped through our midst, having given instructions that we be taken and marched off at the double to the harbour. He would, he said, make haste for the same spot himself.

§53. So they took us and escorted us with all speed and afforded us full and adequate protection from every side. At several points on the

way we met with huge numbers of barbarians streaming in and all breathing murder. And it was no easy task to give them the slip, even though our Ethiopian captors were men of great physical strength and there was nothing that could make them flinch or cause them to abate the fury of their onslaught. And yet it was with considerable effort and a great struggle that we reached the already mentioned harbour of the city. In fact the commander-in-chief of the enemy forces was there. The barbarians escorting us told him about our particular circumstances and

informed him of the reason why out of all those whom they had encountered we were the only ones whose lives they had spared. He made one of his associates get up from his seat and join those who were standing and he gave him the following ruling with regard to us: if the promises which we had made earlier to the barbarians on the wall were shown to be genuine and our pledges were redeemed by our deeds, then our lives were to be spared and we were to return to him. But if they were

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

midst once more and ordered us to lead them 'to the spot where you (they said) indicated earlier that the valuables had been stored,' and communicated the verdict that had been pronounced against us, namely that if by chance any of our undertakings was not fulfilled 'these swords' would execute the sentence. Whereupon we were overcome by fear, and to a greater degree than before, at the thought that perhaps one of the servants or someone with previous experience of the spot,100 finding himself in a similar predicament and wishing to escape destruction, had already indicated the extent of the treasure, and that in consequence we might prove in vain to have gone to such great lengths to preserve our own lives.

§54. We were still in a state of uncertainty and suspense on that score when we reached the spot and found it to be exactly as we had described it at the moment of our capture. Those of us who were close relations had, in fact, taken the fortunate and almost prophetic decision of storing away in advance in a secret place of deposit all our personal

possessions and valuables. We showed the barbarians the opening leading to it, which was shut fast by a stone slab, and stood waiting with a sense of relief. For we knew that we need fear no further on account of our promise, and that we might, if anything, receive more sympathetic treatment in view of the scale of our contribution. And in fact, as soon as

they laid hands on the treasure their mood changed from anger to pleasure and they told us not to worry. 'With these things,' they said, 'you have guaranteed your safety, and it is thanks to them that we have granted you your lives today. But let us go to the commander of the army so that you may receive from him too a full guarantee of safety.' So they took us back to him. On the way we met with fearful and unexpected sights. The bodies of the slain lay still dripping with blood, a gruesome spectacle, persons of every age all condemned alike to a single sentence of death by the sword and all alike bereft of burial. Wine ran in rivulets down every street, mingled with the blood of the fallen and intoxicated the ground on which the city stood.101 We gazed intently as we passed, and whenever we recognized a late acquaintance or friend, we confined ourselves to pointing him out to one another with a whispered sigh. There was no time to mourn him or to bestow some token of grief appropriate to the circumstances of our past friendship. Faced, therefore, with the impossibility of giving the dead man a funeral, we could only turn back sorrowfully to our own concerns.

§55. We reached the harbour and stood near to the tyrant. He had gathered together the captains of the ships and was performing the impiety of their so-called prayer.102 After the completion of that ritual, 91

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Z6

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

he gave orders to his attendants to have us brought before him. When we

had been brought there, he began to question my father. 'Are you,' he said, 'the bishop of this city?' For he concluded from the style of his dress that such must indeed be his rank. 'I am not the bishop,' he said, 'but a

priest, and one who stands in need of his prayers.' Another man, who was standing nearby and was the leader of the land army,103 said to him, 'This man is not a bishop, but he is not one whit inferior in status to one. We know for a fact that he is exarch of the whole of Greece,104 and has

status equivalent to that of a bishop.' 'Who is that?' [asked the other] pointing to me. 'That is his son,' replied the bystander. 'He too is a priest

and holds an official position in the household of the [bishop's] palace.105 These are his brothers' [he continued], pointing past me towards the two of them. 'Both are sons of the man standing before you here, but there is quite a difference of age between them."A-nd who, pray, is the old man who is with them?' queried once more that exacting and fastidious judge. 'He is my brother,' said my father, answering first and intimating to his brother that he should corroborate this statement with some gesture of assent. When he had heard this, he told everyone to be seated, left the company of the others and said quietly to us, 'I want you to rid yourselves completely of your worst suspicions. The fact that you were unarmed when you encountered your captors and the vast amount of treasure that has been displayed to my view have granted you your life, a rare boon that most men may not hope for, and you have no further grounds for fearing death by treachery or any other form of molestation at the hands of my subjects. So, think of what is best for you and entertain good hopes. We are bound for Syria, and when we get there I shall send you immediately to the city of Tarsos in Kilikia, to be held along with the others who are in detention there until the currently awaited exchange of prisoners106 takes place. You have as hostages for your safety those fellow Hagarenes of ours who have on numerous occasions been captured by the Romans. When they come home, you too will be set free and will regain, each one of you, his homeland.' Those were his words, and he

returned to his subordinates and gave them detailed instructions concerning us, conveying most of what he said in a barbarous language.

But no detail escaped us because the man who had first come to our rescue was still escorting us and we learned everything from him.

§56. The commander ordered that we should be kept under strict surveillance in a certain place surrounded by the sea. Once that had happened, we finally banished from our hearts all expectation of death and entrusted our future to Divine Providence. Then, as we were casting our minds back to the start of our misfortune, concern for our relatives assailed our thoughts, and stabbed 93

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

us to the heart with pangs much sharper than the sword blades that surrounded us, and caused us to wonder how and by what manner of means they had met their end, or which of them had escaped danger and been selected for some similar form of transportation. Nevertheless we were unable, even so, to ascertain anything concerning their fate owing to the fact that the enemy had just recently marched in and everything was in a state of chaos and uproar with the ubiquitous din of unintelligible shouting and a great crowd milling about inside the harbour: citizens taken prisoner together with their barbarian captors, some of these latter celebrating the spoils of victory, others dragging off women and babies from every locality and from every type of family. The babies wailed pitifully at being deprived of their mothers while yet other barbarians

were dragging mercilessly after them certain prominent and wealthy individuals who had evaded death for more or less the same reasons as we had. Indeed, even the emperor's emissary Niketas, together with the strategos of the region,107 had been captured and were being held prisoner on board some of the barbarians' ships. And so, we remained just as concerned and distressed about our relatives as we had been all along and as powerless as ever to help them.

§57. In addition to these events it was possible to observe something

else that was strange and startling: there had been an unnatural concentration of the sun's rays and the season's intense heat had been further intensified by the fever of bodily torment, with the result that in a very short space of time people's faces had become discoloured, haggard and drawn. All were equally consumed by the same unfulfilled craving for a single drop of water, mature adults and young children: all they wanted was some short respite from the nagging pangs of thirst, yet they were denied even this. It was on this note that that day drew to its close. On the orders of the beast of evil name,108 the barbarians divided the people into groups and bundled them all into different locations, posting guards over them to keep a strict watch on their movements, and to preclude all

possibility of escape. And about fifty prisoners, most of whom were

wounded, bore the footprints of death on their bodies and had no grounds for confidence in the future, were, on the orders of the same, made to join us in our place of confinement. The barbarians seized about ten of their number and slew them there and then. The remainder, left without even the temporary reassurance of some slender prospect of survival, were condemned to await in anguish and dejection some similar sealing of their own death warrant. But when, in the manner described, night came and granted them a stay of execution, some of the barbarians began to strut about and went the rounds, banging cymbals and shouting, till morning came again and brought with it a painful prospect to 95

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

those who were living in the presence of death. But the presence of thirst consumed us no less than the proximity of the sword. Indeed, we were so violently tormented by it that we begged our guards to let us at least take some of the water that was flowing through the place and thereby gain some temporary relief. They agreed to this, not because they entertained any kindly feelings towards us (how could men who dealt in death and

revelled in slaughter?) but because that water was made up of the outflow of the entire city's sewers and was capable, without any further contrivance, of proving lethal to whoever drank it. Yet each one of us joyfully put that disgusting filth to his lips as though it were a sweet, pure draught of newly-melted snow and in his imagination took the cup of stinking liquid for a cup filled with honey.

§58. Meanwhile a further decision was issued by the tyrant, to this effect, that `If any of those who had been apprehended has valuables stored away somewhere, he must come forward and purchase his life with them. But whoever is found to have no means of paying for his life shall have his head chopped off and be separated from the ranks of the

living.' He issued this instruction because he had heard from the barbarians that when they first broke into the city they had seen fit to spare nobody except for those from whom they received assurances that they had valuables deposited in secret hiding places and capable of eluding all attempts at detection. All those captives, therefore, who had accurate knowledge of the whereabouts of what they had previously concealed immediately made themselves known in their eagerness to part with their treasure and save their lives. But those who knew full well that

they had no such possessions, but had struck a bargain on the basis of wishful thinking and false pretences, awaited the slaughter that had been unambiguously decreed for the indigent. Accordingly, some barbarians were assigned the task of taking back to their homes those who were willing to hand over their possessions, and were instruced that should these be of sufficient value to satisfy a covetous eye, these persons were

to be considered worthy of having their lives spared, and of being numbered once more amongst the prisoners. But if their possessions were cheap and paltry and not such as they considered that the man who sent them would approve of, then it was a matter for the sword to deal with. The result of this was the return to a situation of extreme peril for those

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86

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

fabrics rivalled those of silk, so that these objects were piled up on top of one another till they lay in heaps as big as mountains and covered all the ground beneath them. On the other hand they set no store by bronze and iron utensils or woollen garments, and thought it pointless to own such things. In fact, if anyone had managed so far to bring some such object unnoticed they invariably threw it into the sea. Even in this respect they punished those who had escaped with their lives, in order to ensure that

they too should continue to have at least some share in the general misfortune and be made to feel the full extent and variety of their material losses.

§59. Along with the remaining crowd of prisoners a certain eunuch of the emperor; had been captured. He was an important personage by the

name of Rhodophyles,109 who had been sent to the west on official business shortly before the catastrophe, and had been obliged through some compelling necessity to stay in the city, with the result that he was caught up with us in the siege and its attendant misfortunes. He brought a great quantity of gold with him, which he said that he was taking to help the army in Sicily, which was engaged in a constant struggle against the barbarians in Africa and was in need of substantial practical support. On the night before we had our first taste of disaster, he managed somehow with the help of some of his servants to smuggle the gold out of the city

and to send it to the strategos of Strymon together with a letter instructing him to keep it safe until the end of the war. Now he was seized and brought before the tyrant. The latter assumed an altered countenance and questioned him with an air of greater severity than before. 'Where is the emperor's gold?' he said, 'the two talents which you were ordered to take to Sicily?' Rhodopyles replied, 'Fearing that I might be caught up in what in fact took place, namely the siege of the city, and

since I could not, once I was here, retire in the face of a peril of such magnitude and fail to show my hand when everyone was looking to me as the one who could help them in their hour of need, I had the gold secretly removed from the city. After all, I had no way of telling how things would turn out. Today I stand before you as a prisoner, a source of many other valuable things, should you keep me alive and unharmed' But the villain

flew into a rage at these words, and revealing his fury through his eyes

and his voice, he let out a deep bellow. 'Since this inhabitant of the women's quarters,' he said, 'has not learned from what has been clearly stated, namely, that there can be no escape from the sentence of death for those who fail to provide their own valuables as ransom money, but is instead putting on some kind of theatrical performance and producing an amazing tissue of lies in order to protect his 99

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

own life, let him be beaten on the thighs and the back so that he may now learn in whose presence he stands and what he is talking about, and not try to secure his own survival by laying claim to somebody else's money.' As soon as the bloodthirsty minions of indiscriminate slaughter divined from his spluttered expressions of rage the nature of the verdict issued against the standing figure, they dashed their hapless victim to the ground in less time that it takes to say a single word and beat him with such fury that his body did not long remain in one piece but was torn asunder in

many places and flooded the ground with streams of blood. Such refinements of torture were more than flesh and blood could endure and he gave up the ghost. When he was completely lifeless and was seen to be so by those brutal underlings, even though they kept on lashing him after he was dead, the disgusting beast, barely curbing at last the savage fury that possessed him, said, 'Let him go to hell along with that famous gold! Much good it would do him now, even if it were found!'

§60. He ordered the captains of the ships to make preparations for the departure. They were to embark first the young people of both sexes, not keeping those who were related together but splitting them up so that in this matter too they should suffer, in terms of physical separation, no ordinary punishment. After that, they were to put on board the valuables and any other objects they had collected that appeared to be useful and to fill the ships with an adequate amount of cargo. So all the young were led away, their only crime being the bloom of youth and the beauty of their faces. For even though sadness and confusion could be read on every

face, their features equally displayed their innate nobility and good breeding; indeed for many it was their beauty that had provided the pretext which delivered them to disaster. But which of these things shall I relate first? Which incident shall I single out as having a better claim on one's sympathy, when one confused and universal cry of lamentation rose to such a climax as all natural ties were severed and close relatives called

out to one another and voiced their indignation at being parted? One could see the frenzied victims of misfortune, men, women, youths, children letting out terrible screams and tearing at themselves, no longer able to put on a brave face at the hopeless anguish that enveloped them but giving vent at last with cries of pain to the burning grief that seared their souls. Thus were they forcibly separated and herded on to the ships,

which were large enough to hold great numbers of people. But they embarked in no proper order, with the result that individuals did not come to occupy sufficient space for the size of their

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

bodies, but each person had allotted him whatever bit of space he had first staggered into and during all the following days was unable to find, if only for a moment, an inch of room to rest his body.

§61. In this way all the ships (fifty-four of them in all as I pointed out)110 were loaded up. But there was still a large number of people left over who had also been designated for transportation. Accordingly, the

barbarians got together the ships belonging to the city, which our merchants occasionally used for importing grain in, and also those which we had sunk at the entrance to the harbour,111 hauling these latter up with the aid of an ingenious contrivance worked by windlasses which were fitted to the ramparts and made to revolve and draw up by means of suspended cables the sunken hull. In this way, therefore, they created a considerable number of additional ships112 and embarked everybody, so that no one for whom transportation had been intended was in fact left out. And out of all this crowd I doubt there was even one boy who had grown his first beard or one girl who was really a woman. They were all of tender age whatever their sex, and the youngest of them were mere

babes. It was impossible for anyone who paused to consider them individually not to break down at the sight of their misfortune.

§62. With regard to those of us who had, for various reasons, escaped the sword a further decree was issued by the tyrant to the effect that some of us, especially those who seemed strong enough to endure the

rigours of the voyage, should go along with the generals113 to be distributed and embarked at the rate of five for each barbarian ship and then held prisoner with a view to being sent to Tarsos under the terms for the exchange of prisoners already mentioned. The others, whose forced removal would serve the barbarians no useful purpose but would be tantamount to dragging around a useless burden, would, it was decided,

be set at liberty and sent back to the city. This was not some philanthropic measure or some such act of devotion as certain people quite unjustifiably maintain that the barbarians perform, but a base and calculating move aimed at ensuring that in no transaction should he be seen to have failed to extract some personal advantage! He knew in fact that there would shortly be a general release and exchange of prisoners and so applied his mind to preventing them from gaining their freedom casually and without further ado. But just consider the vileness and dishonesty of his action! After the capture of the city, certain inhabitants, who had managed somehow to escape, came to ransom their

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

relatives. With them was a man called Symeon, a person of sound judgment and vast experience, who had been sent shortly before by the emperor on urgent business, the nature of which need not detain us here. To these people, who kept coming every day right up to the time of our departure, this fearsome man Leo communicated in no uncertain terms what he had in mind concerning the fate of the aforesaid persons:

§63. 'Since I felt nothing but hatred towards you from the start,' he said, 'I decided not to leave any of those taken prisoner alive. What reward is there from God for failing to inflict on one's enemies in time of victory the death which they themselves were planning to inflict on us? But since it is now a matter of urgency that these men be allowed to live, provided that such a course elicits a positive response, you should give

this proposition careful consideration, for I am pressed for time and should already be setting sail for home. Are you empowered to claim the lives of these two hundred people by means of a written guarantee to the effect that when the exchange of prisoners takes place we shall receive in

exchange for them the same number of Hagarenes and that you will persuade the ruler of the Roman world not to have second thoughts on this matter but to abide by the agreement entered into by you? Or are you afraid that it might not lie in your power to make such an undertaking, on the grounds that it is uncertain whether or not the emperor will accede to such an arrangement and are you thus prepared to turn a blind eye to so

great a disaster, and through your own faintheartedness procure the wholesale destruction of your own kith and kin? Say, therefore, which of

these propositions you assent to, so that we can deliver a verdict one way or the other, either to let them live or to make them die!' Then Symeon, who has already been mentioned, took it upon himself in virtue of his pre-eminent status to say in reply to him: 'I am prepared to take sole responsibility for making this guarantee. I am well acquainted with our emperor's benevolence and humanity in all matters and I know that he will have no hesitation in matching their numbers and in handing over on

their account exactly the same number of Hagarenes from among his prisoners. I shall bring them to Tarsos personally, in order to ensure that my side of the undertaking is strictly adhered to, and that you have nothing to reproach me with once I have discharged my obligations in full. Only let these people here be afforded some degree of safety, so that they may collect and give a decent burial to the bodies of their dead, which lie

scattered all over the city and move the very air to tears.' Hearing these words, the malicious creature persuaded Symeon to draw up a sworn undertaking regarding the terms of this agreement and gave orders for all those of us who were not needed to be freed. 105

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§64. Once this matter too had been arranged to his satisfaction, and his unscrupulous scheme had been safely accomplished, he devised another plan no less cunning and no less unscrupulous. He gave orders for the entire city to be set on fire, hoping that this move also might redound to his own not inconsiderable financial gain. He knew full well that those who had tried to ransom the prisoners would not simply acquiesce in this action either, but would sooner be burned themselves than even hear of such a thing. And in fact the barbarians had not yet set fire to the centre of the city but were still burning down those houses that were close to the sea, when those who were on the spot arranged among themselves to pay

the money demanded for the city's protection. Whereupon instructions were issued everywhere to prevent the fire from spreading any further, in view of the fact that this scheme too had produced the desired effect.

The citizens, together with Symeon, who has been mentioned previously, having there and then no other means of coming up with the required sum of money, promised to pay the two gold talents which the eunuch who had been clubbed to death had sent to Strymon.114 With the aid of couriers they speedily recovered the two talents from their place of concealment, paid the full amount to the barbarians and thus saved the city from destruction by fire.

§65. Then, when this matter too had been concluded and no object capable of being converted into money remained for his insatiable eyes to

covet and there was no point in staying on much longer and a definite need to take into account the weather conditions which at this time of year are particularly conducive to navigation, we set out from the harbour

towards midday on the tenth day after the capture of the city115 and made our way to the so-called Rome Gate, where we spent the rest of the day. The five of us were together, just as we had been taken prisoner, and were now on board a ship belonging to the commander of the Egyptian fleet.116 My father had asked him by means of an interpreter, since he

could not even speak our language, to tell his soldiers to bring our relatives from the various locations to which they had been dispersed. This request was very nearly fulfilled and would have been, had not the multitude of our transgressions proved an obstacle even in this matter and caused those who had been sent to hesitate. In fact they brought back quickly, from wherever they happened to be, my mother and one of my other brothers, who had not been captured at the outset together with us, and also my brother's wife. But my wife, along with my three small children and our youngest sister,

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together with a large number of other relatives, they either did not find or, if they did find them, they were unwilling to bring them to us. Instead of this they languished, some in one place some in another, struck down by the shafts of common misfortune and buffeted by the chill wind of their

separation from us. Nevertheless, we bore with patience, as being part and parcel of a disastrous situation, even our mutual separation, despite the fact that our plight was painful beyond all past experience of pain. §66. When we were about to set sail, the barbarians put leg irons on all of us and stuffed and crammed each and every one into the ships for all the world like some piece of inanimate matter, not even allowing us to breath the air freely but curtailing its circulation through sheer congestion and over crowding. They packed us in together so close to one another, so tightly pressed and so relentlessly squeezed that the entire multitude presented the single aspect of one continuous body. But when the sun had set and the light of day ceased at the approach of night's darkness they struck up a song of victory on drums and cymbals, caused the air above their heads to flash with the whirling lightning of their brandished swords and continued in this vein until late evening had passed, when they let out a harsh and unintelligible cry, weighed anchor and put out to sea. One could hear how most of us were quietly bemoaning our native city and sense vaguely how in the privacy of his soul each one of us was crying out to God and imploring Him that, after we had undergone whatever trials and tribulation He wished to chastise us with, we might once more be

restored to the city that had nurtured us and not be left finally abandoned without any hope of release from our afflictions.

§67. The night was already advancing towards daybreak when we

set sail.117 We were afflicted by many other unpleasant forms of constraint such as hunger and thirst and were black and blue from the overcrowding (on the one ship alone on which we were aboard there were eight hundred prisoners quite apart from the barbarians, who numbered

another two hundred) on top of which there were the pitiful cries of infants unable to bear the full rigour of hardships whose intensity served merely to hasten their untimely death. But the most painful constraint of all was that of the belly, which it was impossible to devise any means of dealing with, since the business of nature must needs take its course and swiftly find an outlet. Many people, preferring modesty to motion, tried to hold it in, and in their unavailing efforts to do so frequently put their

lives at risk. But at daybreak we rounded the bend of what has previously been referred to as 'the jetty', and

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

put in around late afternoon at a place called Bolbos,118 where some horsemen were sighted riding from the land towards us. They were the same men who had shown up recently in the city, wishing to buy certain particular women, whom the barbarians quickly took off their ships and sold, receiving much gold for them. Then we put out to sea again, and put

in for a short stop at the tip of the island called Pallene, where a favourable wind began to blow, and we set off once more, towards evening, under full sail and at full speed, until at the beginning of the following day we came to a place which sailors call Diadromoi.119 It consists of two longitudinally parallel islands with the sea running between them like a river and keeping them as little as only about one stade120 apart from each other. When we got there we chanced upon an unfortunate ship with a cargo of grain and such was the suddenness of the encounter and the unexpectedness of the occurrence that its crew were not even in a position to take evasive action. For though they decided to run their ship aground on the neighbouring island and to make a bolt for

it, this decision did them no good, since the barbarians, disembarking with greater speed, intercepted and killed all but one of them. After that we set sail again, coasted the large island of Euboia for two days and two nights, and heading for the open sea north of Euboia, arrived with all speed at a point somewhere in the vicinity of Andros.121 We did not in fact follow a direct route or head for some particular spot. Instead, the ship's captains kept veering and tacking now this way now that, more or less as the spirit moved them, because they were afraid that the Roman fleet might appear out of the blue, catch them off their guard and thus

contrive to carry out some deadly manoeuvre against them. For this reason we kept sailing, like tramps, one time around the coast of one island another time around the coast of another.

§68. In this way we came to an island called Patmos,122 where we spent six days and endured and experienced every kind of hardship. The place was waterless and the prisoners were in consequence subjected to the ravages of thirst. We were not, in fact, given enough water to keep us alive, but just enough to cause the ever-present threat of death to linger. And anyone who tried to drink the water without first holding his nose, so as to prevent himself from getting a whiff of the foul-smelling liquid as soon as he put it to his lips, was unable to touch the stuff, since nature rebelled at

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

the mere sight of it, even before one attempted to drink it down. Our food

consisted of a single piece of bread, which, moreover, was rotten. It destroyed rather than sustained those who ate it. What, in fact, the enemy had taken with them from home many days earlier for their own needs and was left over and had gone completely rotten and was such that an animal would not have been able to bear the sight of, was what

they brought for us to eat. It made a meal that was filled with unspeakable stench and nausea, replete with maggots and a liberal admixture of decaying matter and quite incapable of sustaining one's bodily strength. So, it was a fair guess that it was as a direct consequence

of this state of affairs, itself a secondary consequence of hunger and thirst,123 that untold numbers of people were dying in droves every day. Indeed this went some way towards accounting for a situation in which the bodies of the dying were flung overboard into the sea, where they lay a long time writhing on the surface of the waves, a situation in which

luckless babes were marked out by their tender years for the fullest measure of suffering and pain and in which the plight of the living was not far removed that of the dead, whilst their expectations were identical. Those of us who had our legs in irons constituted the category for whom

the greatest amount of torture had been reserved to contend with. Stacked together on benches like sacks of lifeless objects, cut and bruised

by the wooden planks to which we were fastened, we endured unspeakable and indescribable torment. We could not even give ourselves a bit of relief by hunching ourselves up and changing position slightly. The most we could do was to raise our heads a small amount in the hope that we might actually manage to get a breath of fresh air124 and not, to crown it all, be obliged to keep on breathing out other people's foul air.

§69. Another indescribable evil was the huge number of lice, which battened like a creeping death upon the lives of all, and so drastically altered our looks as to suggest the possibility but deny the reality of our existence. And what account will be able to portray the many blows with which they savaged us, the endless abuse and vituperation which they heaped upon our heads at every hour of the day and the various devices by which they demonstrably maintained their anger at its wartime level? And what ear will be able to entertain the recital of such a tragedy? It drives me to distraction just to think of the limitless ordeals we endured

throughout the entire course of the voyage and I am filled with amazement at how we had the fortitude to bear so abundant and so varied an array of misfortunes, we who had the physical constitution of men with a dainty and luxurious lifestyle and one quite unaccustomed to

the rigours and brutalities inflicted by pirates. How did we bear the unendurable double scorching from the fires of thirst and 113

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from the summer's heat, which dried up all the moisture in our bodies,

and how, most wretched of all these things, did our souls remain steadfast when at night they spread leather screens over all the ships and shut up the whole unhappy lot of us in the hold, as though begrudging us

light as well as everything else, so that in heat and darkness, two inescapable ills, we should be forced to spend our lives? But it is my opinion that God's providence, which takes care of all things in a manner

beyond all human comprehension, fortified us to endure all these tribulations in order that, later on, we might discover from what ills we had, at that time and against all odds, been delivered and that we might by our own example teach both ourselves and others a salutary lesson. §70. But when the time for homecoming summoned the barbarians, we set sail again, leaving Patmos, and put in at an island calledNaxos,125 from which the inhabitants of Crete receive tribute. While we were on the island its inhabitants brought gifts to the captains of the ships, supplying them for the needs of the voyage with what they thought they were most in want of. But we left that island too, after a stay of just two days, and set off in the direction of Crete (a favourable wind beckoned us on) until we landed at a place called 'Zontarion'126 by the local population but which in truth came to be known to us as 'the Reverse'.127 Many people

in fact did that 'Living Place' deprive of life and consign to death. Because those who moor their ships there are not liable to attack from the south or the southwest the barbarians preferred to ride at anchor in this place rather than in the roadstead in front of the city. As we were sailing

in the Cretans spotted us (they had in fact already caught sight of us when we were still far out at sea) and suspected at first that it was the fleet of the Romans that was heading for their island. Consequently, they were greatly alarmed owing to the fact that they were unprepared for an attack. But as we drew nearer and they recognized certain emblems128 on the ships they came up to the place and welcomed their co-religionists

with open arms, thereby demonstrating as it were through their community of manners the true strength of their mutual affection. Which in fact goes to show that, as the proverb puts it, birds of a feather flock

together. Then for the first time all the barbarians disembarked and thought fit to grant us an immediate respite from the cramped quarters we had been sharing. They also let us have some of the local water, of which there was a plentiful supply and which flowed out abundantly to

meet the waves of the sea. And so, having enjoyed relief from our continual

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sufferings for one whole night we thought we might experience some improvement in our conditions on the following day since the island was extremely affluent and had a great abundance of all the necessaries of life. Little did we know that the hardships which we would encounter there would be similar to if not actually greater than those which had recently confronted us and that we had been enduring the latter for the sake of the former, so that through the agency of past suffering we might yet be preserved for the experience of future affliction.

§71. The shades of night had already been scattered and daylight was beginning to usher in the dawn (the day that was dawning was a Sunday),129 when a loud cry was heard on every ship as the barbarians joined in some kind of shouted chorus of rejoicing and clashed cymbals together so violently that the whole place shook and reverberated to their cries. Then, after that unintelligible and fearful din, they began to unload their cargo ashore, dividing up the adjacent land according to the number

of their ships into sections, to which they brought each ship's cargo, whatever it was, all in separate batches the one from the other. Their purpose was to keep the wealth of each individual ship completely unmixed and unblended with the contents of its fellows. They spent the whole of that day unloading. On the following day the captains of the ships landed in order to divide up again into other lots the great crowd of prisoners and the very considerable amount of booty13o at the sheer bulk of which the Cretans were dumbfounded, since what they witnessed was on a scale for which they could find neither precedent nor parallel. Then, when the barbarians decided for the first time to allow the hapless crowd to mingle freely so that those who were related might be able to recognize each other, a dreadful and confused sound of lamentation could be heard as everybody burst into floods of tears, as though from a single source, and began to babble incoherently, hoping that they might have the good fortune to encounter one of their loved ones and fearing that the time allowed for such discovery might run out on them before they realized it and leave them with no firm basis for the reassurance they had hoped to receive. Hapless women were wandering about with dishevelled hair and tear-stained eyes, looking around in every direction to see which of their children they would come across first. The children, on the other hand, those that had survived the ordeal at sea, were weeping in a piteous and heartrending fashion, like tender young calves that bellow piteously when they are being weaned. All had ended up in different places as a result of that infamous dispersion and all were crying out for their mothers. Often,

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plastering them with kisses and wetting them with tears, thinking this their only consolation in an otherwise dreadful situation, namely that their loved ones had, against all odds, been kept safe and returned once more to them alive. So much, then, for those women who were holding their children in their arms at last and who knew from actual experience that they were safe and sound. But what of the others whose babies had perished at sea and who had no idea what had happened? How shall I describe their state of physical agitation? How, unable to restrain the tide of their emotions, they tore their clothes? How they would not keep still for a moment but wandered aimlessly around completely at the mercy of their own irrational impulses and casting glances in all directions in the hope that they might somewhere catch sight of one of their loved ones or contrive to hear from someone with first-hand knowledge of their fate and thus bring some relief to the anxiety that was preying on their minds? And they put themselves through this routine many times over for two or three days until, when they were thoroughly exhausted, certain others of

their acquaintance told them at last what had happened to those whom they were seeking, that their nearest and dearest had fallen victim often to hunger or thirst. At this news they made it plain that they felt their sorrow even more keenly, and saluted the dead with louder cries of lamentation and with other expressions of grief. But why do I try to furnish an account of these things, when I am incapable of conveying a proper idea of even a tiny fraction of the events that took place on that occasion? The famous Jeremiah who wrote the Lamentations over the fate

of Jerusalem should have been present in person in order to shed an inconsolable tear at the plight of so many people ground down by such numerous afflictions. No louder was the cry that Rachel uttered in Ramah131 when, as Scripture tells us, she mourned the loss of her children, than was the the cry that was sent up by the valley which was the scene of these vicissitudes, when it caused the prisoners' woes to echo over its entire length.

§72. What a wicked crime was once again committed by these enemies of God! As I have already stated, they had calculated initially that if they let the individuals that composed the crowd of prisoners mingle with their relatives and experience an interruption of their many afflictions, they would be disposed, when sold into slavery, to bear such outrage with resignation as part and parcel of their common lot. But when they saw that they were linking arms to form a human chain and clinging so tight to one another that it would be hard to separate them, when they came to divide them up into batches and assign them to individual ships, they took once more an evil 119

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and unnatural decision. They gave orders that those who had once been united should again be separated. Moreover, those impious wretches made it a rule of conduct when dealing with us that, if, say, a mother had an infant that was still being breast-fed, then only that child was to stay with his mother, since he would not in fact be able to fend for himself. Everybody else, on the other hand, was to be separated from his family

all over again, so that people were simply herded together and then callously sorted out into convenient batches. But what account could do

justice to the scale of this disaster? What orator could summon up sufficient eloquence to enumerate the many kinds and qualities of pain

inflicted when nature herself was dismembered by this novel and outrageous order, her only crime being the common bond of blood and the

inborn solidarity of kinship? Son was dragged away from father, daughter from mother, brother from brother. What must they all have felt in such a situation, when they were being led off to slavery in a foreign land, where the worship of our faith is treated as an abomination and the

most senseless passions are revered, where whoredom is held in high repute, where madness is honoured and shamelessness prized, where males are made to play the part of females and creation is violated, and everything is topsy-turvey, confused, distorted and directed towards evil? At which first out of all these ills did they beat their breasts? At

which choice of evils would they not rather have chosen to hang themselves and do away with life itself? Yet they bore everything, for God provided the nobility of soul to cope with each eventuality and regulated every detail according to His will.

§73. When they were once more separated from their relatives as a result of this order, they were made to sit under surveillance in various

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distribution and unvarying proportion of prisoners to barbarians on board the ships. Accordingly, they first counted the entire crowd of people. It totalled twenty-two thousand,132 out of all of whom, with the exception of those of us who were being detained pending the exchange of prisoners, there was not a single boy who had grown his first beard, nor, in all those thousands, was there even one woman of mature years. It was in truth a hand-picked crowd of youngsters, each of whom vied with his fellow in respect of youthful vigour and physical beauty, even though the constant succession of hardships and privations had clearly taken its toll of their bodily 121

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condition. But when all of them were split up into groups, and were stowed in the ships once more together with the booty (for this, together with the people, was also divided up), the barbarians who inhabit Crete bought a considerable number of them and were not unwilling to pay a lot

of money for them in what was no random or casual purchase but a shrewd and extremely lucrative transaction. They knew in fact that they would get back many times what they had paid as soon as the time came for the exchange of prisoners and they awaited the return of their fellow countrymen who had been taken prisoner by the Romans. In fact the ransoming of prisoners is not conducted by them in the same way as it is in Syria; but a long-standing custom has in the course of time established itself amongst them whereby they rescue their barbarian, regardless of who he was, in exchange for the man whom they are holding, whilst demanding back twice the price which they paid for that man. For this reason the Cretans bought many prisoners, since they had discovered a means of turning our misfortune to their account. This went on for ten

whole days, as the usual ships kept taking on board their human merchandise and conveying it to the city. My brother's wife was among those sold, an occurrence which caused us considerable anguish. But my

mother and my wife together with two children (the third child had perished at sea) and also my poor unhappy brother and our youngest sister happened by some dispensation of Providence to be in a ship from Sidon and consequently destined for transportation to Syria. All those of us who were still being held in connection with the exchange, and were still dispersed, the barbarians collected and confined together in one of the warships that had been fished up out of the harbour.133 And they embarked with us as guards some of their men also who had experience of ships. §74. And so they made preparation for sailing in one day's time. The season was already urging them on, and it did not allow them to loiter,

since the weather was becoming unsettled and might turn stormy. Accordingly the captains of the ships, together with the tyrant himself,134

mounted horses that stood to hand and went to the city in order to display the glory of their exploits to the Cretans and to celebrate the rites of their abominable religion and also with the idea of being feted by the local population and enjoying a rest from their previous exertions. So they

spent another day there, then returned quickly and made rapid preparations for the departure, since the wind was already inviting them to do so. We set sail at daybreak on the twelfth day, the twelfth, that is, since our arrival in Crete.135 We headed for the island of Dia,136 which lies opposite Crete, then we changed course in

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

a seaward direction and eventually anchored off the furthest tip of the island. They stopped there for a while to take on a supply of water, and when they saw that the wind was favourable, made straight for the open sea. We were, as has been pointed out, all on board a single Roman warship. The ship had two banks of oars, and the barbarians who had

been detailed to escort us took the upper deck for themselves and consigned us to the murky and evil-smelling depths of the lower deck, which was little better than a floating grave. If I wished to furnish a detailed narrative of the hardships and overcrowding to which we were continually subjected during that voyage, most people would think that I was romancing and departing from that strict adherence to truth that I promised at the outset of my account would be the guiding principle of my writing.137 Accordingly, having deliberately omitted most of what took place and confined myself so far to that which it lies within my mental capacity to convey, and having done so with a view to providing you, Gregory, o wisest and most learned of men, with an account that is reliable in every particular, let me now observe the same procedure in dealing with the remaining part of my narrative. It is a tale of such a kind as to move even a heart of stone, let alone your heart which is especially tender and compassionate. Indeed it was this compassion of yours that moved you to encourage me to undertake this piece of writing, and drove me to the audacity of assuming a responsibility to which I am so greatly unequal.

§75. But while we thus wrestled with misfortune in many shapes, a mighty wave towered over us and sent a surge of sea that placed our lives in mortal jeopardy. It scattered all the ships, which were dragged and driven far apart from each other and blown off course by the fury of the wind. Now it came about by the machinations of some foul fiend that Leo of evil name was sailing alongside us at close quarters on our left, seated at the stern of his own ship and instructing the helmsmen how to handle their craft. Another ship, smaller than the rest, was bringing up the rear. It

had been split down the middle by the force of the storm and its condition was such as to threaten those on board it with a watery grave. The barbarians on board called out from the ship: 'Come to our rescue, o

commander of the fleet, and do not allow so great a multitude of Hagarenes, whom you have so far preserved unscathed from many dangers, to perish!' Their shouted message told him briefly what had happened, and having given immediate instructions to his crew to 'steer the ship towards them, he questioned them more closely. They once more cried out of one accord, pointed to what had happened to their ship and implored him to throw all of us prisoners into the sea and take them on board our ship. It would be an outrage, they said, if 125

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On the Capture of Thessaloniki

in so dire an emergency we were saved, whereas they were exposed to the perils of the deep and their lives were not preferred to ours. He immediately acceded to their request and gave orders for the ship to stop, for us to be thrown into the sea and for them to be taken on board. But while all

this was happening, we had moved away for a considerable distance without anyone realizing it. We had in fact been sent scudding over the waves by a violent gust of wind with such impetuous rapidity that we were incapable of hearing not just the sound of shouting from the spot where we had left them but even the noise of a thunderclap. When they saw that we were a great distance away they signalled to the barbarians who were with us to wait. But because they did not understand the meaning of their signal or because they deliberately misled them by pretending not to notice what they were doing or, as is perhaps more likely the case, because they were instructed to do so by Divine Providence in His ineffable concern for us, they sailed on, paying no heed to those who followed and striving to secure their own safety and ours in the face of so overwhelmingly violent a storm.

§76. When they saw that we were far away and that their plea was falling on deaf ears, and their ship began to founder and they continued to be in deadly peril, they addressed another request to the tyrant: to take them on board his own ship and jettison the people that were with them and the booty that they had brought with them. Once again he was

inclined to accede to this request, even though there simply was not enough time for such an operation. Moreover, the fact that time was running out was itself intensifying the mood of universal despair and his recent cargo merely constituted what was needed to maintain his ship's self-sufficiency in the necessities of life-138 However, he decided that it

would not be to his advantage to save the barbarians and send the prisoners to the bottom of the sea, and opted instead for what, on the face of it, was a merciful expedient but was probably dictated by his insane passion for money. He certainly was not deterred by any humanitarian concern over the loss of prisoners' lives (that was unthinkable in a man who a short while ago had openly indulged in an orgy of wicked and senseless slaughter). At all events, he ordered both the prisoners and the barbarians to be taken on board, so that even in these matters he might find a way to swell his purse, pander to his own greed and satisfy his lust for gold even though it involved a reckless piece of overloading. Then, when they had all been quickly transferred to his

ship, their ship went down in the sight of the barbarians and of the generals139 who were being held in custody on board the tyrant's ship; who later told us these things, and expressed their utter amazement at the loving kindness and all-embracing vision of Divine Providence. There 127

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were, they said, considerably more than one thousand people on board that ship (what with the barbarians and the prisoners embarked at Crete and the additional persons taken on board for the reason given), with the result that the ship, though a merchantman, was within a hand's breadth of sinking below the water. But the Lord, who knows what is invisible and who searches out what is hidden,140 did not allow it to happen, and when he saw that the hearts of all had abandoned all hope and were manifesting their helplessness to Him who by His will alone can do all things, He turned His face towards them. And He made the storm a gentle breeze,141 smoothed the harshness of the waves and saved them

from so great a danger, making it clear to all and virtually causing inanimate nature to proclaim how the God of wonders can rescue those who call upon Him in truth and in fear. §77. After our fifth consecutive day at sea we put in at Paphos on the island of Cyprus, where we had a short break while the barbarians disembarked and performed their ablutions in a stretch of water nearby. Then we put out to sea again and reached Tripoli142 after one whole day and one whole night, on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. It

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and to gape at us. All the city's ships had, in fact, converged simultaneously on the roadstead. Then the valuables and the rest of the

booty were unloaded from each ship on a scale appropriate to the contents of several cities and transferred to storehouses that had been got ready in advance, so that in a short time the city was filled to capacity with these goods. They brought us out too, as a sort of victory trophy, and paraded us in front of everybody and made a public display of our

misfortune. How they shouted and jumped up and down when we reached the entrance to the city, openly gloating at our humiliation! It hurt us more than anything else and we felt it unbearable that, so soon after all that we had been put through, we should find ourselves subjected to such gross indignity. But when, after this triumphal procession, a house was designated to which we were consigned to be held in detention until our departure for Tarsos, we were at last granted some respite from our many

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AIIL ACr1LmririDdk

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

hear of them was in a sense to experience them. For they far surpassed the measure of ordinary pain. So much, then, for those of us who were being held in connection with the exchange of prisoners and for all those other prisoners who had made it to Tripoli with us. §78. Those who were separated from us on Crete and were put on to other ships which came from various other places were scattered all over the coast of Syria. They have been bought and sold by a whole series of slave-dealers doing business in different places and they are still changing hands, with the result that some of them have even reached Ethiopia and the barbarians that dwell in the extreme south. And if anyone wished to

record their misfortunes he would be like a man trying to arrive by guesswork at the precise number of grains of sand on the seashore. You yourself, who have always been especially anxious to inform yourself about everything, if you have met any of them in Damascus or in the neighbouring cities (and you must, I know, have met many of them there, owing to the fact that the ships from Tyre have scattered their prisoners

over the whole of that region), you will, no doubt, have acquainted yourself with a few of our many tragedies. That is, of course, not to mention the fact that our brief acquaintance in Tripoli, when we met you briefly for the first time as you were passing that way, gave you a fairly accurate picture of how these matters stood and conveyed to you the true situation behind our silence, betraying on our features the pain that was

in our souls-143 And indeed, ever since that occasion on which you showed sympathy and shared in our suffering by manifesting your concern to hear the full story of these events, it is clear that you have been deeply moved by our fate and uncommonly sensitive to our misfortunes. Yet, even after our long ordeal, we fared no better in Tripoli during the

time we spent there; indeed, from my own point of view, we fared considerably worse since it was there that I lost my dear father (and finding myself without him was like the start of a fresh round of disasters). Nevertheless, not long after your departure, we were, on the instructions of the tyrant, all bundled once more into the ship on which we had previously sailed and taken under the escort of certain barbarians to our present place of confinement in Tarsos. And now we are at the crossroads between two expected outcomes: either we obtain our long-

discussed release through the arrangement for the safe exchange of prisoners or we succumb to death, which stalks us daily in the form of frequent illnesses and is in various other ways a close and constant companion of those who are in prison. Only we have no way of telling which of these we shall encounter first.

§79. And so at last I have carried out your request. I am filled with admiration for your virtue, how you wished so ardently to learn of these 131

68

IQANNOY TOY KAMINIATOY

(B. 599/6001

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wpAE1av &pfo riiv TE Kai AvatT£AEo-rfrmv.

132

On the Capture of Thessaloniki

events that you actually wrote a letter1` 4 urging me to make clear to you

everything that took place in regard to the capture of our city. But the only reason I considered it right to carry out your request was simply so that you might look upon our personal tragedy as a memento of our friendship, which, spurring you on with its painful reminiscences, would incite you to the emulation of good deeds. For the recollection of painful experiences tends, unaccountably, to point the well-intentioned in the

direction of virtue and the narrative of dire calamities to make for steadfastness of soul. But do not allow yourself to be influenced by the clumsy and inadequate style of the writing so that you reject the moral utility of its content, and bearing in mind rather that its plain words and artless manner are attended by the utmost reliability, be so kind as to repay our endeavour with your prayers and prevail upon our Common Master either to avert disaster from us or, provided that we bear it all

with fortitude, to reward our patience on the day of His righteous judgement.145

Here ends the memorable account of John Kaminiates, a Kouboukleis-

ios of the most holy metropolis of Thessaloniki. Everyone, especially every native of Thessaloniki, ought to read it through carefully and attentively, since it is most excellent and most profitable to the good of one's soul.146

133

ENDNOTES 1

2 3

For Gregory of Kappadokia see Part I of the Introduction. Cf. Psalms 110.10: 'The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom.'

Cf. Psalms 33.15; 36.27: 'Depart from evil and do good' and I Peter

3.11: 'Let him eschew evil, and do good'. 4

Cf. Romans 5.12: 'Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the

world, and death by sin'; also James 1.15: 'Then when lust hath conceived it bringeth forth sin, and sin, when it is finished, bringeth forth death.' Cf. Proverbs 3.18: 'She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her.' 5

Kaminiates and his fellow prisoners were held at Tarsos in Kilikia, awaiting the outcome of negotiations for an exchange of prisoners. Since the last dated previous event is their arrival in the Syrian city of Tripoli on the 14th of September 904, they must have reached Tarsos by early November at the latest (cf. Introduction). Kaminiates gives us no clear indication of how long they were detained in Tripoli. Tarsos was in his day largely Muslim and Arabic-speaking. It was a frontier town close to 6

Byzantine territory, so its choice as a holding point is not surprising. 7 Antioch on-the-Orontes in Syria. Founded in 300 B.C. by Seleukos I Nikator, a former general of Alexander the Great, as a centre for military control and for the diffusion of Hellenism in Syria, it became one of the

earliest centres of Christianity. Throughout the Late Antique and Early Byzantine periods its prosperity, administrative status and Patriarchal See combined to ensure its importance as a major cultural and religious centre. It was also often a focal point for theological controversy and political unrest. In 904, however, Antioch had experienced nearly three

centuries of Arab rule and had sunk to the level of a small town, important chiefly as a strategically located strong point in an area of frequent border warfare. We are not told why Gregory and his fellow Kappadokians were sent on to Antioch and what fate befell them there, but they appear to have formed a different category of prisoner. It is a not

implausible inference from the general tenor of Kaminiates' text that Gregory had already regained his freedom at the time of writing. 8 Byzantine Macedonia was an ethnically mixed area at this time. Slavs predominated in the rural areas, while the cities served as centres for the

preservation and transmission of the dominant culture which emanated from Constantinople and from the centres of provincial administration. 135

Endnotes

From the time of the bishopric of Alexander at Thessaloniki we are on reasonably firm historical ground, since his name is attested in a list of the bishops who attended the Council of Nicaea in 325 (Mansi II, 881). Pope Siricius (384-399) first formally appointed the bishop of Thessaloniki as his vicar of Illyricum, empowering him thereby to consecrate other bishops for all the cities of Illyricum. This vicariate was renewed by successive 9

Popes and became a well-established institution (Mansi, VIII, 749-72, reference in Jones, 1964, II, 888-9 and n. 38). This situation continued until 732 or 733, when the Greek emperor Leo III transferred jurisdiction over

the see of Thessaloniki to the increasingly powerful patriarchate of Constantinople (ODB 3, 2071).

The list of bishops and archbishops from Alexander to John, who occupied the see of Thessaloniki at the time of the Arab attack in 904, contains a total of thirty-five names (Le Quien II, 1740; Petit 1900-1901,

IV, 136-145; Tafrali 1994, 190-208). John is mentioned in the 'Leo Chitzilakes' sea wall inscription of 904 as 'archbishop of Thessaloniki and a native' (Chatzi Ioannou 1881, 18; Spieser 1973, 162-3). John is also

previously referred to as bishop of Thessaloniki in 892, the date of St. Theodora's death (Life of St. Theodora, 25-26).

10 Scholarly opinion has been divided over the precise theological context in which Thessaloniki first gained the reputation for being a bastion of orthodoxy which Kaminiates claims that it enjoyed. Rejecting

an earlier view that it was the city's opposition to Arianism that had originally earned it this reputation, Tafel (1839, 51-55) saw the struggle against Iconoclasm as the starting point in the establishment of such a claim. More recently Bonis (1969, 54-56; 111-127) has sought to enlist inscriptional and iconographic evidence in support of Tafel's hypothesis. He contends that it was the droungarios Leo, the father of the missionaries Cyril and Methodius, who as governor of Thessaloniki during the reign of Theophilos and Theodora (829-842) was instrumental in the rebuilding of the Basilica of St. Demetrios and the commissioning of the three portraits that may be seen above the inscription (for which see Spieser, 1973, 155 f.) commemorating the event. Bonis regards the act of decorating the basilica with likenesses of the saints as a manifestation of the triumph of orthodoxy in Thessaloniki. He is alone, however, in proposing so late a date for the restoration and decoration of the church. This is an event which a majority of art historians (Cormack 1969, 44; Bakirtzis 1985, 1053; Chatzidakis 1983, 271) would date to the 7th century. It is, however, a matter of historical record that Leo the Philosopher or Mathematician, who was archbishop of Thessaloniki from 840 until 843, 136

Endnotes

was an iconoclast, though a moderate one; he was 'loved and admired' by the citizens (Theoph. Cont. 191; Ps.-Sym. 640). Even before Iconoclasm, there is evidence that shows that bishops of Thessaloniki might hold or espouse heretical views. During the reign of the monophysite emperor Anastasius (491-518), the archbishop Dorotheos had accepted the views of the heretical patriarch Akakios; as a result, relations between the Pope and the Archbishop became extremely strained (Mansi X, 552, Jaffe 1851, 838-61). Around the middle of the 7th century, papal letters reveal that a certain Paul, archbishop of Thessaloniki, when accused by Pope Martin of monothelitism, refused to relinquish his office (Mansi, X, 833, 849; Jaffe,

1851, 2071); the Pope then requested the faithful to discontinue all communion with the heretical archbishop. Kaminiates' words, however, should be understood in the context in

which they occur, where he appears to be animated by a powerful combination of local patriotism and nostalgia for his native city and to be expressing himself loosely for the benefit of his addressee, Gregory of Kappadokia. In the circumstances it would be unreasonable to fault him for having been somewhat economical with the truth. In any case, he must in his childhood have heard from people of his grandparents' generation tales of the last wave of Iconoclast persecution, of the heroic resistance and piety of the good citizens of Thessaloniki and of the eventual triumph

of orthodoxy. The popular recollection is both selective and prone to amnesia according to the needs of the moment. And it is perhaps worth pointing out that the ordinary citizen of early-tenth-century Thessaloniki who prided himself on his and his city's orthodoxy, and for whom the struggle against heresy must have been epitomized by the final overthrow within living memory of Iconoclasm, was wholly innocent of the modem academic disciplines of Ecclesiastical History, Art History, and Historical Theology. Categories of thought so inherently alien to the present context can do little to elucidate it. Moreover, the cult of St. Demetrios must have been particularly hard hit during the Iconoclast Period since, untypically, there was as yet no cult of the saint's relics in existence at the time. 11 See map in Bohlig 1975, p.141. 12 Bohlig 1975, ibid. 13 The north side. The writer at this point in his description is imagining himself as facing east. 14 Now lakes Koronia and Volvi. 15 This plain is depicted by the author as extending westwards, so for 'right' and 'left' in this text one must now understand: 'north' and 'south' (cf. note 13). 137

Endnotes

16 Beroia, the Beroea of Acts chapter 17 verses 10 and 13 (the modern Veria) is situated 75 km to the east of Thessaloniki on the Via Egnatia. The town is built on a plateau near the east foot of Mt. Vermion. Evidence from the early 10th century makes it clear that Beroia was protected by walls, and that it was administratively subject to Thessaloniki (Life of St. Theodora, 227). In 900 the city was severely damaged by an earthquake (see §14). There is sufficient literary and archaeological evidence to prove that by Kaminiates' time Beroia was an urban centre, and that it had both a flourishing economy and a strong cultural tradition (Christophilopoulou 1983a, 261). 17 The phrase itself and the context in which it is found have caused

problems of interpretation among scholars. Their views as to what Kaminiates meant by the expression 'mixed villages' may be divided into four groups. a) Kyriakides (1939a, 10 and 1946, 30) maintains that the meaning of Kaminiates' phrase is clear: the Slavic tribes Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi together with Greeks made up the mixed population of a few villages that were scattered among a larger number of purely Greek villages located in the plain between Thessaloniki and Beroia. He takes the word Kd ('and') in the expression Kai dEµ4gµ KTOUs T1vas Kc)µas to mean that there were other villages which were not mixed but entirely Greek. The conjunction

KdL here will make better sense if it is not taken as emphatic to the adjective 'mixed' but as introducing a new idea or item in addition to those already enumerated earlier in the same chapter. Moreover, the word TLvas in the same phrase does not mean 'a few', as Kyriakides thinks, but an indefinite number of villages, i.e. they can be many, several, or only a few; the word TWES, frequently employed by Kaminiates throughout his narrative is used as a marker of plurality combined with indefiniteness,

and it is often untranslatable. Zakythinos (1945, 31 and 1972, 132) expresses some reservation as to whether any Greeks also inhabited these

villages, in addition to the Drougoubitai and the Sagoudatoi. But Vakalopoulos (1980, 637) and Karayannopulos (1983, 279) maintain that the Greeks and the Slavs inhabited ethnically mixed communities. b) Theocharides (1980, 185) believes that Kaminiates is not speaking of villages which contained a purely Slavic population, but only of those villages in which the population was mixed in one way or another, with Drougoubitai and Greeks in some, and Sagoudatoi and Greeks in others. He agrees with Kyriakides that the force of Kai is to denote the existence of purely Greek villages in the plain. Moreover, the adjective d gµ LILKTOUs,

which is a hapax used by Kaminiates only, would not make sense if it 138

Endnotes

described just the two Slavic tribes and did not include Greeks as an ethnically different group.

c) For Charanis (1976, 17) the Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi lived together in the same villages. Tsaras (1985, 1990), who believes the Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi were not Slavs but Latin-speaking Celts, argues that their population was reduced in number and forced to mix in small villages by Justinian II during his expedition of 688/9; he also suggests that these tribes may have been christianized at that time (cf. also Dvornik, 1926a, 235). Spieser (1984, 15 f.) argues that Kaminiates mentions only Slavic villages whose inhabitants are either Drougoubitai or

Sagoudatoi; as tributaries to the imperial authorities these villages, according to Spieser, show no sign of integration but retain a status they had two centuries earlier. d) In the opinion of a number of other scholars, Kaminiates' use of

'mixed' does not refer to a mixed population within each village but rather to distinct Slavic villages which were interspersed among Greek villages throughout the plain. According to Svoronos (1979, 342), the Sagoudatoi villages were situated to the west and the Drougoubitai villages to the north-west of Thessaloniki; the native Greek population dwelt in their own villages within a close distance from the Slavic settlements and cultivated peaceful relations with them. Ahrweiler (1983, 275 f.) considers the 'mixed villages' a typical example of organization whereby the Byzantine and Slavic elements coexisted; the archontiae into which the Slavs were organized from the time of their settling on Balkan lands constituted a similar vehicle. Christophilopoulou (1983, 33 f.; cf.

Lemerle II, 1981, 187) traces the phenomenon of Byzantino-Sklavene coexistence back to the late 7th century and cites the example of the Hellenized Perboundos, King of the Rynchinoi, as indicative of the process of Slavic assimilation (Miracula I, 209, 29).

Kaminiates does not provide any further informative details about the geographic distribution or the size of these 'mixed villages'. There is every reason to assume, however, that the Sagoudatoi and Drougoubitai whom he mentions in this passage basically kept their settlements in the form in which these are known from the 7th-century sources, the former lying to

the west and the latter to the north-west of Thessaloniki (Christophilopoulou 1983, 33). The existence of a Drougoubitia which was located to the north of Beroia and the north-west of Thessaloniki (see note 18) is also sufficient evidence that the Drougoubitai villages lay more

in the northern and the Sagoudatoi villages in the southern part of the Thessaloniki-Beroia plain. 139

Endnotes

Moreover, there is some agreement among scholars as to the general pattern of the Slavic settlements in the Balkans. It is generally accepted

that Slavic colonies were neither compact nor contiguous, but were planted like islets in the midst of a more or less dense indigenous population (Zakythinos 1945, 33; Charanis 1976, 12 f.; Lemerle II, 1981, 236). If that was the case, then individual villages or clusters of villages

belonging to the Sagoudatoi and Drougoubitai would be interspersed among Greek villages lying within a short distance from each other (Tapkova-Zaimova, 1962, 76; Ahrweiler, 1983, 272). If the above is an accurate description of the situation, a more likely meaning of Kaminiates' elusive expression 'mixed villages' would be separate villages of different

population located close to each other rather than villages with a mixed population in each village, as the scholars in the first three groups have suggested.

If, however, the 'mixed population' interpretation is accepted, then obviously it should be assumed that the Slavic tribes, the Drougoubitai and the Sagoudatoi, at some time before 904 must have moved and mingled in communities which had become spread throughout the plain, either on their own initiative or perhaps because they were forced by the imperial policy which certain Byzantine emperors implemented in the Macedonian Sklavinias. Unfortunately, however, there is no concrete evidence, whether historical or archaeological, which might support such an interpretation. [Translator's Note:

Kaminiates' phrase refers not to 'mixed villagers' but to 'mixed villages', i.e. 'a mixture of villages'. That is the simple, literal and obvious sense of ?µ4L1LKTOUS TLVas Kw'gas and it should not be lost sight of. The conjunction Kal merely adds a further detail in Kaminiates' enumeration of

the various features both physical and human which constitute his description of the plain. The strong adversative force of the word TrXfv with which the next sentence begins, is important. The ethnic discreteness of the tribal villages is an obstacle to communication, but (rrXr v) their close physical proximity

encourages it. This interpretation is close to but not identical with the view expressed in d) above. That Greek villages formed a further element in this patchwork is not inherently impossible, since it is neither affirmed nor denied by what Kaminiates tells us here.] 18 These Slavic tribes are first mentioned in the Miracula of St. Demetrios (Lemerle 1979, I, 175.1 and 5) in connection with the siege of Thessaloniki 140

Endnotes

by a coalition of Slavic groups which took place either in 614 (Lemerle II, 1981, 91f.) or in 615 (Christophilopoulou, 1983, 252) or perhaps even in

616 (Popovic 1980, 248). Following their lack of success some of the Slavic tribes, among them the Drougoubitai and the Sagoudatoi, settled in the hinterland of Thessaloniki (Lemerle II, 1981, 89f., 185). It is difficult to determine their precise and definitive location in any period but especially in the early 7th century. As Lemerle suggests (II, 1981, 89, n.111) it is also

possible that these tribes were forced to draw back from the vicinity of Thessaloniki as a result of later Byzantine campaigns against them.

Some modern historians place the Drougoubitai to the west of Thessaloniki in the plain between that city and Beroia (modern Veria) as

Kaminiates attests (Niederle 1923, 160; Vasmer 1941, 177; Charanis 1970, 21; Svoronos 1979, 334 f.; ODB, I. 622). To several scholars the location of the Drougoubitai colony depends on the location of the campus Keramesius in which Kouver was allowed to settle his followers, probably in the early 680's (Miracula I, 228.28-229.2; Lemerle II, 1981, 147-62).

When Kouver's people came in contact with the Drougoubitai, who as dose neighbours (TrapaKE'LLEVOL) had received an imperial order to supply

provisions to them, they soon discovered that Thessaloniki was situated not far away (Miracula I, 229.12-15; Chr. Pasch. I, 712-3). The localization of the Keramesios plain has been an issue of debate. Several modern scholars place it to the north-west of Thessaloniki and identify it with the Pelagonian plain between Herakleia, the modern Bitolja, and Stoboi, the modern Prilep (Tafel 1839, XCVIII, n. 76 referring to the T a b u l a Peutingeriana); Tapkova-Zaimova 1962, 76; Dujcev 1964, 216; GrigoriouIoannidou 1981, 70, n.4; Lemerle II, 1981, 122; Ahrweiler 1983, 274). Thus

the Drougoubitai settlement, in the opinion of these scholars, should be placed to the northwest of Thessaloniki and to the north of Beroia in the direction of the Keramesios plain (Lemerle II, 1981, 148). According to certain Greek scholars the Keramesios plain could not have been the Pelagonian plain which is 180 km away from Thessaloniki, but a less distant plain in the vicinity of Thessaloniki and Beroia, such as the plain of Yannitsa (Theocharides 1980, 183; Tsaras 1985, 195 n.42). Another group of Drougoubitai settled in Thrace near Philippopolis (ODB I, 662). There is little evidence concerning the location of the Sagoudatoi other than the brief comment by Kaminiates. Most scholars maintain that these lived very close and somewhat to the south of the Drougoubitai (Vasmer 1941, 177; Lemerle II, 1981, 90). Vasmer (1941, 197-214) has identified 94 Slavonic toponyms in the Pella district and another 152 place names in the Thessaloniki district from the lower Vardar to eastern Chalkidiki. 141

Endnotes

The name Drougoubitai appears in Byzantine sources spelled also as Drogoubitai and Dragoubitai and bears a close affinity to the Dregovichi of the Primary Chronicle of Kiev, the author of which lived in the 10th century north of the Pripet river (Const. Porph. de adm. imp. 62, 105-109,

commentary, 60). The origin of the name has been traced to dregva meaning 'marsh' (Vasmer 1941, 177; Dujcev 1964, 215-21); a Turkic derivation has also been suggested (Pritsak 1983, 404). The name and origin of the Sagoudatoi have received much scrutiny. Certainly their name is not Slavic. It has been linked to an eastern group of Turkic or Tataric origin (Vasmer 1941, Lemerle II, 1981, 116 and 233); they may have been descendants of earlier non-Slavic invaders who were

absorbed by the more numerous Slavs as in the case of the Bulgarians. Anna Komnena (Alex. 1.2.4.) mentions a town called 'Sagoudaous' in Asia Minor. Some Greek historians reject the Slavic lineage of the Sagoudatoi and propose various origins: Neo-Latins or Vlachs (Kyriakides 1939, 38-

39, n.9; Theocharides 1980, 181-2), Celto-Illyrians (Liakos 1971, 21), Latin-speaking Celts (Tsaras 1985, 190-200). References to the Macedonian Drougoubitai are found in 9th-century

and later documents. Among the signatories who participated in the Council of 879 a bishop, Peter of Drougoubitia, is listed and is ranked between the bishops of Beroia and Servia (Oikonomides 1972, 357f.). The bishopric of Drougoubitia was under the jurisdiction of the Thessaloniki

Metropolis (Dvornik 1926, 236; Tapkova-Zaimova 1972, 359). It is located by some scholars in the Rhodope mountains (Jirecek 1877, 72; Lemerle 1945, 116; Karayannopulos 1988, 320); others place it in the territory of the Drougoubitai situated to the north-west of Thessaloniki (Dujcev 1964, 215-21; Oikonomides 1974, 291, n.35; Tapkova-Zaimova

1975, 118; Ahrweiler 1983, 275 f.). The modern village of Episkope

between Naousa and Skydra has also been identified as its seat (Chionides II, 1970, 159; Liakos 1971, 80). In 894 the diocese of Dragvista (Dragbiste) was confirmed to St. Clement of Ochrid by the khan Symeon.

It has been suggested that the Dragvistoi should be identified with the Drougoubitai who lived north of Beroia, and that some of them were tributaries to Bulgaria (Kaminiates §6; Gauthier 1964, 199-214; KarlinHayter 1965, 610). The Drougoubitai, probably located to the north-west of Thessaloniki, are mentioned as a district under a strategos in the 10th century Taktikon Escorial together with those of Beroia, Edessa and New Strymon (Oikonomides 1974, 291, n. 3). In an Athonite document of 996 a certain Nicholas is named as 'protospatharios and judge of Strymon,

142

Endnotes

Thessaloniki and Drougoubitia' (Ivir. no. 10.2). A village of Dragobountoi is mentioned in a monastic charter of 897 (Lavra I no. 1. 15-18). 19 This is the earliest and the only specific reference to the Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi as tributaries to the Byzantine authorities. Their tributary

status is dated back to the late 7th century (Miracula, 209.1-211.16;

229.11-12) and is linked to the expedition of Constans II against Sklavinia in 658 during which he 'subjugated' (iME' Tat;E) a large number of Slavs (Theoph. 347.6); Tapkova-Zaimova (1964, 118-120; 1972, 357-59)

draws the inference that Sklavinia must have included the Drougoubitai

and Sagoudatoi whose submission was to the imperial fisc (see also Charanis 1970a, 238 and 1970, 11-13; Theocharides 1980, 170). On the

other hand Lemerle (II, 1981, 130 and 148-49) thinks that Constans' Sklavinia did not include Macedonia but only Thrace, and that perhaps

the submission of the Macedonian Slavs should be attributed to Constantine IV's Balkan policy. According to another view these tribes began to pay tribute after Justinian H's expedition against Sklavinia in 688/9 (Theoph. 364; Tsaras 1985, 191). As tributaries these Slavonic tribes were allowed to keep their own leaders (archontes, rheges) and their

military obligations were either non-existent or merely theoretical (Tapkova-Zaimova, 1964, 120; Nasledova 1959, 230).

Staurakios' campaign of 782/3 (Theoph., 456.25f.) was the most decisive event which reduced the Slavonic tribes in the environs of Thessaloniki to tributary status (nTro4opoL). It is not certain, however, if the Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi were among these subjugated tribes; if they were, then they must have revolted and reverted to an autonomous state before 782/3, and the event must have remained unrecorded in the extant sources (Lemerle II, 1981, 188). 20 Kaminiates consistently refers to the Bulgarians as Scythians (cf §8), and to the Slavs as Sklavenes. Archaizing Byzantine writers often use the Herodotean name 'Scythians' to describe the tribes that once lived in the region beyond the Danube river, as the Bulgaro-Slavs did (Moravcsik II, 1958, 280).

Opinions differ widely concerning the identity of those who paid tribute to the Bulgarians. According to some scholars, the tax payers were

the Drougoubitai and the Sagoudatoi, whom Kaminiates described as dwelling in mixed village communities; some of them also paid taxes to Thessaloniki (Tapkova-Zaimova 1969, 64; Theocharides 1980, 185;

Spieser 1984, 15). Others suggest that it was only a section of the Drougoubitai who paid tribute to the Bulgarians (Karlin-Hayter 1965, 609, n.2; Tapkova-Zaimova 1972, 360, who in this article revised her 143

Endnotes

earlier views). Runciman (1930, 151; but cf. also Browning 1975, 115)

wrongly believes that Kaminiates meant that all the Greek cities of Macedonia were tributaries to Bulgaria. Dvornik (1926a, 235) thinks that Kaminiates meant only Byzantine villages as tributaries to the Strymon

Slavs. Both Zlatarski (I.2, 1927, 229-30) and Svoronos (1979, 342) maintain that other Slavic groups are here considered to be paying tribute

to Bulgaria. Svoronos does not specify exactly which groups are to be understood, but Zlatarski identifies them with the Smoleanoi, Rhynchinoi and Strymonitai. Kaminiates specifies the Slavic tribes, Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi, who lived in mixed villages in Thessaloniki's western plain and paid tribute to the Byzantine authorities; the same author does not, however, identify any of the inhabitants of the 'other mixed villages' which were tributary to the Bulgarians. Obviously these latter villages must have been

situated to the northern regions of the plain since they were near the Bulgarian borderline. The Bulgarian frontier at this time could not have

been as far south as Beroia but farther to the north (see note 21). Moreover, the Drougoubitai in the 7th century were most likely located to the north-west of Thessaloniki in the plain between Yannitsa and Edessa (see note 18). The Sagoudatoi, on the other hand, were generally placed to the south of the Drougoubitai settlement and in the vicinity of Beroia. So they, the Sagoudatoi, could not have been living in mixed villages close to the Bulgarian border. That leaves the Drougoubitai and some other ethnic group, Slavic or perhaps Greek, as the other component of Kaminiates' 'other mixed villages'. It is not known when and how these communities near the Bulgarian

frontier came to be tributary to a neighbouring state. These Slavic communities have been regarded as a sort of a dependency distinct from the area inhabited by the tributaries to Thessaloniki (Karlin-Hayter 1965, 609; Tapkova-Zaimova 1964, 122, n.50). Lemerle (1945, 140) conjectures that the Macedonian communities (he calls them 'villes') were forced to

pay tribute to the Bulgarians by the khan Symeon, who had raided Macedonia during the 894/96 Byzantino-Bulgarian trade war. 21 The only time that the Bulgarian borderline was clearly defined was in the thirty year peace treaty concluded in 815/6 between Byzantium and Bulgaria following the long wars with Krum (Besevliev 1963, no. 41, 190206; Treadgold 1988, 217 n. 296). During this peace period, Bulgaria was

able, it seems, to extend its borders to the south at the expense of Byzantine territory and to the west at the expense of the Sklavinias established there. Ostrogorsky holds that that dates it between 831 and 144

Endnotes

842 (CMH IV, 2nd ed. Part I, 1966, 498; see Treadgold 1988, 336: map showing the Byzantine borders running north of but not far from Serres and Beroia). There was a further expansion, it seems, southwards and

westwards under the khan Boris I (852/889) who overran parts of Macedonia and then reached the 'northernmost peaks of Pindus' according to Browning (1975, 54-5; see map preceding the Preface). The

lack of any specificity that characterizes the available sources with respect to Symeon's raids into Macedonia as far as Dyrrachion following his victory at Boulgarophygon in 896 would only allow us to speculate as

to the exact time, position and the ruler responsible for the actuality described by Kaminiates. 22 Like some other phrases in this chapter, this also has caused problems to modem historians who disagree as to which parties traded with each other. A substantial number of scholars maintain that the trading partners were Thessaloniki and Bulgaria (Nasledova 1959, 221 f.; Karlin-Hayter 1965, 608f.; Tsaras 1985, 183; Ahrweiler 1983, 276). Some historians, however, wish to add the Slavic villages as participants or intermediaries in the trade between Thessalonians and Bulgarians (Zlatarski 1.1. 1918, 329; Tapkova-Zaimova 1972, 36). In fact, Svoronos thinks that it was the

Slavic villages, as tributaries to the Bulgarians, that facilitated the commercial transactions of Thessaloniki with the latter (1979, 342). Vakalopoulos suggests that the Slavic villages, because of their proximity

to the Greek villages, developed close commercial relations with each other (1980, 638); Struck, moreover, understands that commercial activity had been carried out between the Slavic villages and Thessaloniki (1905, 540, 548, n.2; also Charanis 1976, 17).

When Kaminiates talks about trade between Thessaloniki and the 'Scythians' he uses the verb avvavaµtyvvaOaL, which conveys the idea that

there were other groups who participated in the trade conducted by the main partners, Thessaloniki and Bulgaria: these groups apparently were the 'mixed villages' of Slavs and Greeks occupying the western plain. Kaminiates wishes to emphasize the fact that due to the harmonious coexistence between the Slavic and Greek populations and as a result of a long and stable peace in the region, all the parties involved, Greeks, Slavs and Bulgarians, were reaping the benefits of their commercial relations. It has, however, been pointed out that Kaminiates says nothing about

the Bulgaro-Byzantine War (894-96) which, according to Spieser (1984 23, n.123) was a war fought over the commerce of Thessaloniki. Scholars

who have dealt with the war generally interpret the relevant text in Theophanes Continuatus (357.14.f.) to mean that the transfer of Bulgarian 145

Endnotes

trade from Constantinople to Thessaloniki by the Byzantine government

provided the khan Symeon with the reason for declaring war on Byzantium (Zlatarski 1.2, 1927, 286; Runciman 1930, 144; Bratianu 1940,

31; Antoniadis-Bibicou 1966, 140 f.). For Ahrweiler the decision to transfer the Bulgarian trade was aimed at creating 'suitable conditions for the growth of international trade in Thessaloniki' (1988, 277). According

to Oikonomides (1991, 246f.) the transfer of the Bulgarian market to Thessaloniki in 893 was part of the emperor Leo's decentralization policy; Symeon protested mainly against the unfair treatment of the Bulgarian merchants by the kommerkiarioi among whom probably were Staurakios and Kosmas, both of them merchants from Hellas. Magdalino

(1990, 201) interprets the transfer of trading facilities for Bulgarian merchants as an act of piety and benefaction by Leo to the city of his patron St. Demetrios. Karayannopulos (1991, 25-46), in a full re-examination of the issue, argues against the interpretation of a geographic transfer of the Bulgarian

trade and instead puts forth a new interpretation based on version A of the text in Theophanes Continuatus (853.4 f.; see Hunger I, 1978, 349) in which the verb is 6LEQT1Wav, 'set apart', 'singled out', in place of the IETEUTnaaV, 'transferred', of version B. Accordingly, the Byzantines in Thessaloniki singled out the Bulgarian goods and set them at a higher duty rate (KaKCJS

Kop4EpKEV'ELV; see also Skylitzes 173.83 and Zonaras

III, 442.16), a measure which offered Symeon an excuse for engaging in military action and expansion. It is difficult to believe that Symeon stayed away from Thessaloniki and its region during the entire war which, according to certain scholars (Bratianu 1940, 32; Nasledova 1959, 221; Bohling 1975, 114, n. 29), did not officially end until 904, shortly after Thessaloniki fell to the Arabs. The evidence for the war, such as it is, confirms Kaminiates' claim, and clearly shows that Symeon limited most of his military activities to

Thrace and to the northeastern Balkans; in his advance west as far as Dyrrachion in 989 the khan did not stay in Macedonia. In the opinion of Karayannopulos, neither in 989 nor in 904 did Symeon harbour any plans to take Thessaloniki, although the circumstances for doing so were quite

favourable, especially in 904; his ovverriding ambition was to capture Constantinople and wear the imperial crown (1991, 44, n. 87 and 45). According to Ahrweiler (1983, 277), it was the shrewd Patriarch Nicholas

Mystikos who succeeded in dissuading Symeon from fulfilling his ambition of capturing Thessaloniki and its hinterland (see Letters no. 27) in the course of the trade war. 146

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Whatever Symeon's intentions for Thessaloniki might have been, the war obviously did not affect either the peaceful conditions which existed

in the Thessaloniki area or the trade between the various partners, as Kaminiates' account and the recorded events of the war indicate. The merchants, Bulgarians, Slavs, Greeks and others, had no difficulty in using

the Thessaloniki-Axios-Morava-Danube and the Amphipolis-SerdicaDanube routes to conduct their local or transit trade with Thessaloniki. In addition to these trade routes, commercial exchanges were facilitated by the creation of the Strymon theme in the 9th century and by the existence of a well organized customs depot under the jurisdiction of customs officials who were called kommerkiarioi and abydikoi (Antoniadis-Bibicou

1966, 225 f.; Christophilopoulou 1983, 51-55; Karayannopoulos 1988, 327-28; Oikonomides 1991, 244-47). 23 A reference to two parties (EKaTEpWV) involved in an exchange of

goods, namely, Thessaloniki as a commercial and industrial centre supported by the producers of the western plain, on the one hand, and the 'Scythians', the Bulgarians, on the other.

The market of Thessaloniki with its widely known fair held on the feast of St. Demetrios on October 26th attracted the largest crowd of merchants and merchandise from other parts of Byzantium and countries far beyond its borders (Timarion, 53-55). Important trade routes linked

Thessaloniki with the Balkans, the West and the East: the VardarMorava-Danube (Belgrade) and the Amphipolis-Sofia-Danube routes were the city's links with the Slavic populations in the north Balkans and beyond; the Via Egnatia began in Dyrrachion (modern Durazzo or Durres), passed through Thessaloniki and ended in Constantinople (Runciman 1930, 143).

Thessaloniki, as an international market centre, had been provided by the Imperial government with a customs depot and with general or royal kommerkiarioi, state officials who regulated the economic life of the city. The lead seals with the names and high titles of these customs officials which survive are dated from the 7th to the 12th century (AntoniadisBibicou 1963, 225 ff.; Zacos-Veglery I,2, 1972, lists 15 seals from the 8th and 14 seals from the 9th century). A kommerkion or customs duty of 10% was collected on imports and exports. In addition abydikoi, special port officials, and vardarioi, officers in charge of the river commerce in the Thessaloniki area, are attested on 9th-century lead seals (Oikonomides 1991, 244-47).

Kaminiates is a valuable source for information concerning the circulation and likely production of certain handicrafts in Thessaloniki: 147

Endnotes

gold, silver, precious stones, silk and woollen fabrics, copper, tin, iron, lead and glass were available in the market in large quantities (§9); a huge amount of silk and linen fabrics was loaded on the Arab ships as ransom (§58). On the basis of Kaminiates' evidence it has been suggested that in Thessaloniki there was a flourishing silk industry (Heyd I, 1885, 53, n.3;

Browning 1975, 105), as well as a thriving metal-working industry (Karayannopulos 1988, 328). Thessaloniki provided a great variety of luxury goods which were either produced in the city itself or brought from other production centres.

In the time of Kaminiates Bulgaria was a natural economy, with no industry or markets worthy of any note (Browning 1975, 111). Trade which took place between Thessaloniki and Bulgaria was based on barter, as indicated by Kaminiates' use of the verb 6pE4PovaL, 'exchange', and confirmed by sources that are almost contemporary: the Arab historian, al-Masudi, writing in the first half of the 10th century, points out that

Bulgarians paid in oxen and sheep for the goods that they bought (Browning 1975, 111); the Book of the Eparch (IX, 6) states that the trade

between Byzantines and Bulgarians was based on barter. Bulgarian producers preferred to exchange their surplus goods, mostly raw materials, for luxury items which they could easily procure in Byzantine markets like that of Thessaloniki.

Bulgarian merchants brought to the Thessaloniki market raw materials: hides, honey, flax and linen, and also slaves as cheap labour for homes, industry and farming. (Nasledova 1959, 223; Browning 1975, 109; Svoronos 1979, 339). In exchange the Bulgarians bought, it seems, textiles of various kinds, of wool, flax and silk; also gold and silver plate and other luxury items such as jewellery (Nasledova 1959, 223; Browning 1975, 109).

Commercial relations between Byzantium and Bulgaria were first regulated in the treaty of 715/6: the final clause of this treaty specifies that merchants of either state, when they enter each other's territory, are required to carry a sort of 'passport' (Theoph. 497.26). The requirement

of certification was repeated later in 813 by the khan Krum in his proposals for peace to the emperor Michael I (Theoph. 497.18; see also Miller, 1971, 66-7).

24 The identification of the parties that lived in stable peace has been a matter of debate among scholars. Nasledova (1959 221-22; see also

Karlin-Hayter 1965, 608 and Tsaras 1985, 183) maintains that here Kaminiates is referring to the long and stable peace which was enjoyed by Thessaloniki and Bulgaria after the 815 peace treaty concluded between 148

Endnotes

Bulgaria and Byzantium, and especially after the christianization of the Bulgarians in 864 (see Kaminiates §6). The events of the trade war (89496) between the khan Symeon and Byzantium did not affect, according to Nasledova, the good relations between Thessaloniki and Bulgaria. In the opinion of certain other scholars, however, the reference is to the Slav-speaking population of the western plain and the Thessalonians who

had been on good terms for a long time (Struck 1905, 540; TapkovaZaimova 1972, 360; Ahrweiler 1983, 276). A third interpretation has been offered by scholars who maintain that Kaminiates means the peaceful symbiosis between the Slavic groups, the

Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi, and the Greek population who were all living in the same region (Kyriakides 1939, 10; Svoronos 1979, 342; Vakalopoulos 1980, 638; Christophilopoulou 1983, 34; Karayannopoulos 1988, 279). It is possible that all three interpretations of Kaminiates' text may be

acceptable. The language describing the peaceful relations and stable economic relationship between the various groups involved, the 'mixed villages' (Slavs and Greeks), on the one hand, and Thessaloniki and Bulgaria, on the other, is expressed in a way that allows the inclusion of all the above parties. But the historical record shows how precarious peace was in this region when normal relations between any of the parties became strained or broke down. In the Life of Gregory the Decapolite, 61-62, there is a reference to an uprising by the leader, exarchon, of a Sklavinia in the neighbourhood of

Thessaloniki during which there was wide devastation and much bloodshed. The Life does not specify either the location of the Sklavinia or the date and the reason for the insurrection. Both Dvornik (1926, 35-36) and Lemerle (1945, 132-37; also Malingoudis 1987, 53-68) maintain that the Sklavinia in revolt was situated in the Vardar region (cf. Amantos I,

1953, 471-472 for a different view), but they differ as to the date of the uprising, the former putting it in 831 and the latter in 836/7. Interestingly, the revolt of the Sklavinia's exarchon is linked to the activities of the general Isbul sent by the khan Persian-Malamir (831-852) to foment, it has been argued, uprisings of Slavs living in the vicinity of Thessaloniki (Treadgold 1988, 291, n. 397; Lemerle 1945, 133-36). The operations of this general are recorded on the Protobulgarian inscriptions from Philippi (Besevliev 1963, no. 14, 164-65) and Vasilika (Feissel and Seve 1979, no.

8, 287-88; for a different interpretation of the inscriptions, but see 1985, 143-48). It has also been suggested that Isbul's expedition

was aimed at the Smoleanoi, a Slavic tribe situated between the upper 149

Endnotes

Nestos (Mesta) and Ardas rivers, and should be dated between 845 and 847 (Bury 1912, 370f.; Karayannopoulos 1989, 250-54).

Moreover, Constantine Porphyrogennetos reports uprisings of the Slavs in the Thessaloniki area under the emperor Michael II (820-829): the revolt of Soubdelitia (de cer. 634.2) suggests Sagouditia to some scholars

(Dvornik 1926, 61-2; Karayannopoulos 1989a, 26 proposes a region northwest of Pangaeum) while the revolt of the Thessaloniki archontia (de cer. 635.3) is perhaps to be identified with that of the Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi (Karayannopoulos 1989a, 26). In general, it is safe to say that peaceful conditions among neighbouring Slavs and the Greek-speaking

population in the villages and the city of Thessaloniki depended very much on Bulgarian-Byzantine relations; and 'perfect peace' could not have existed in the region before the reign of the khan Boris (852-889) and the christianization of the Bulgarians in 864. Upon Basil I's death in 886 Photios informed Boris that Leo and Alexander had the good intention of preserving the 'common and saving peace... unbroken and lasting forever' (Letter, 263 f.).

There is no agreement among scholars as to the date and extent of the

christianization and hellenization of the Slavs in the hinterland of Thessaloniki. For some (Karayannopoulos 1988, 279) the christianization and hellenization of the Slavs in Macedonia did not occur until soon after the conversion of the Bulgarians. For Ahrweiler also (1983, 275-76) the

growth of ecclesiastical organization in the region and the work of assimilation of Michael III (see Leo's Taktika, PG CVII, 969A; Const. Porph. de cer. 697) clearly indicate that the Macedonian Slavs were fully christianized by the first decades of the 9th century. Certain scholars, however, date the process of christianization and assimilation of the Slavs settled in the vicinity of Thessaloniki to the late 7th century, and in part attribute it to the Byzantine policy of enforced resettlement (Dvornik 1926a, 235 f.; Herrin 1973, 117; Charanis 1976, 14; Lemerle II, 1981, 187; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou 1993, 61-68).

25 For examples of this, we may point to the Vardar, the Aliakmon and the Vistritsa. 26 The kingdom of Bulgaria, as it was constituted at that time.

27 This is a hackneyed allusion to the canal which, according to the accounts of ancient Greek historians, was dug on Xerxes' orders through the neck of the promontory of Mt. Athos (483-481 B.C.) in preparation for the Persian invasion of Greece which followed in 480. The event was recorded by Herodotus (VII, 22-24) and thereafter endlessly repeated by the rhetorical tradition. 150

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28 The reference is to the texts commonly known as the Miracula Sancti Demetrii in which the miraculous interventions of the patron saint on behalf of his city in its struggles against the invasions of the Avars (for

whom Kaminiates uses the blanket term 'Scythians') and the Slavs (Kaminiates' 'barbarians') are related. These writings enjoyed a wide circulation in Thessaloniki at the time and afterwards. 29 Boris of Bulgaria ('Scythian' returns here to meaning 'Bulgarian') was baptized in 864 with the Byzantine emperor, Michael III, acting as his godfather. 30 Cf. Isaiah 2.4 which, however, reads: 'and they shall beat their swords

into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks'. Kaminiates' garbled quotation, in which the terms of reference have been somewhat

grotesquely reversed, has all the appearance of an unrevised lapsus memoriae.

31 Kaminiates glosses over the fact that under the Bulgarian khan, Symeon (893-927), Bulgaria and Byzantium were once again engaged in hostilities, especially during the years 894-896. 32 The Via Egnatia. 33 The phrases printed in quotation marks echo expressions which occur

in Psalms 41, 5 and 86, 7. Perhaps Kaminiates- is referring here to the

singing of the Trisagion, which is linked explicitly in the PseudoDionysian tradition with the Triad of the First Hierarchy, viz, Seraphim, Cherubim and Thrones.

34 The church of St. Sophia is located in the centre of the city to the

south of the Via Egnatia and a short distance from the church of Acheiropoietos. It is dedicated to Christ who was recognized at the council of Nicaea in 325 as 'the true Logos and Sophia (wisdom) of God'. As a cathedral it was called the 'Great Church' when in 797 Theodore of Stoudios visited it and provided the earliest reference to it. The church remained a cathedral, except for the period (1204-1224) when the city

came under Latin rule, until 1523 when the Turks converted it into a mosque. The fire of 1890 seriously damaged the building. It was restored during 1907-1909 under the supervision of Charles Diehl. The church is an example of a domed cruciform building at its early stage of development. It may be considered a transitional form between

the domed basilica and the domed cruciform church; with the latter it shares many features: its plan is square, the dome is supported by barrel vaults, and a barrel vault was built above the sanctuary; however, as in basilicas, St. Sophia is divided into three well-defined aisles, separated from each other by columns and piers. Perhaps the most distinctive 151

Endnotes

architectural characteristics or 'imperfections' of this church are its pendentives, which are almost flat instead of spherical, and its dome, which is almost a square with curved corners. Because of these structural peculiarities the monument has been variously dated from the 6th to the 8th centuries. It is generally agreed today, however, that the church was erected at some time during the Iconoclast controversy, and more specifically within

the 8th century. The evidence for dating the monument is indirect and comes from the mosaic decoration of the interior of the church. First, the mosaic of the Virgin seated on a throne with the infant Christ on her lap replaced a huge cross in the apse, traces of which are still discernible. The

original cross mosaic obviously points to a period when the iconoclast emperors were in power; secondly, on the sanctuary vault monograms of the emperor Constantine VI and the empress Irene, as well as of the bishop Theophilos who signed the acts of the Council at Nicaea in 787, provide a date of 780-797 for the execution of the mosaics. Thus the church itself must have been built before 797, probably during the reign of iconoclast emperors, either Leo III (714-741) or Constantine V (741-755).

Other dates ranging from the 6th to the 7th century have also been suggested. In particular, since archaeologists have determined that it was built on the site of a large 5th-century basilica, which was presumably

destroyed during the 618-620 earthquake (Miracula I, 194.19f.), the construction of the existing monument has been dated by some scholars to a period around the middle of the 7th century (Kissas 1985, 78). From a very early period the church of St. Sophia was used as a burial

place of prominent church figures, especially the city's archbishops; Gregory Palamas, the celebrated hesychast, was buried there in 1359. It was the cathedral church of Thessaloniki. 35 The Church of the Theotokos, perhaps the earliest of the churches still extant in the city, is known today as the church of the Acheiropoietos; it was so named in the 13th century because of a miraculous icon of the Virgin Hodegetria 'not made by hands' which was kept in the church (Xyngopoulos 1954, 256-62).

It is a wooden-roofed, three aisled basilica of the 'Hellenistic' style, with a nave approximately 37 m. long and 15.5 m wide. The side aisles are two storeys high; the northern one extends into a chapel at its east end, and a second chapel or baptistry is attached to the south wall on the right side of the entrance to the aisle. Only the inner narthex is extant, whereas the outer narthex and the atrium - remains of a wall on the north side of the church may have been part of these structures - have not 152

Endnotes

survived. It has been pointed out, however, that the modern Aghia Sofia Street, which passes in front of the Acheiropoietos church, had been a road as early as the Hellenistic period, and that this would not have left any room for an atrium (see Vickers 1972, 156-70). This view finds some support in the fact that the large opening in the middle of the south wall was probably the original main entrance and must have had direct access to the large leophoros of the city, the Via Egnatia.

Only the approximate time of the basilica's construction can be determined. It is thought to be one of the churches erected in honour of the Virgin after the ecumenical council of Ephesus in 431 at which Mary was

formally recognized as Theotokos (God-bearer). But 'internal' evidence points to a period between 450-460 for the completion of the church and the mosaics. An inscription on the middle arch of the tribelon, the entrance from the narthex to the nave, mentions a certain Andreas who has been identified with the priest Andreas, a representative of the archbishop of Thessaloniki at the Council of Chalcedon in 451 and signatory to the council's acta. It has also been suggested that the Andreas referred to in the inscription could have been the city's archbishop of the same name active towards the end of the 5th century. But bricks used in the building have been dated to ca. 450 (Vickers 1973, 285-94) and the capitals of the lower columns have been compared to those of the Stoudios monastery in Constantinople dated ca 453/4 (Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou 1985, 64). Moreover, the mosaics in the soffits of the central arcade are dated to the period 450-60 (Bakirtzis 1983, 310-19). The church was built on the site of earlier buildings, probably a Roman villa or baths, since the floor mosaics from these structures can still be seen near the east end of the northern aisle. The frescoes on the south aisle were executed in the first half of the 13th century and are thought to be precursors of the new Palaeologan painting (Xyngopoulos 1941-52, 47287).

In 1430 the church was converted into a mosque and later called by the Turks Eski Cuma, but to the Christians of the city, it was known as Aghia Paraskevi; it was restored to Christian worship in 1912. 36 Cf. Psalm 49(50).16. 'But unto the wicked God saith, what hast thou to do to declare my statutes ...?' 37 Lemnos is known to have fallen in 903 shortly before the capture of Thessaloniki (Vasiliev 1968, II 1, 161-62 and n. 1 on p. 162, listing the sources).

38 'Hagarenes' i.e. descendants of Hagar, mother of Ishmael the son of Abraham and Hagar, for which cf. the story told in Genesis, Chapter 16. 153

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Kaminiates refers to the Arabs almost exclusively by this name throughout his text (but see §18, where they are called 'Ishmaelites', and note 52).

39 Cf. 2 Peter.3.3, 'knowing this first, that there shall come in the last days scoffers, walking after their own lusts.' 40 Cf. Romans 6.23 41

Cf. Romans 3.11

42 Cf. Ezekiel 18.24 and 33.11. 43 Beroia suffered an earthquake ca. 900.

44 Demetrias, situated to the south of present day Volo, was captured and sacked by the Arabs in 902. 45 Cf. Romans 8.27.

46 Kaminiates' phrase is a reminiscence and an adaptation of Matthew 7.13.

47 Cf. Ephesians 5.6. 48 Leo VI (886-912).

49 The information that Kaminiates provides here concerning Leo's designs and manoeuvres in the north Aegean sea shortly before his attack on Thessaloniki can be better appreciated if it is related to other evidence which the Byzantine chroniclers preserve relating to his naval activities in the Hellespont and Propontis during June/July of 904. Kaminiates offers two valuable pieces of information: 1) Byzantine fugitives informed the emperor Leo VI that Leo of Tripoli was planning an attack on Thessaloniki soon, and ii) Byzantine captives informed Leo of Tripoli that Thessaloniki was easily assailable by sea as having virtually no maritime walls. Although the author quite explicitly states that these Byzantines became fugitives and captives as a result of Leo's recent raids, he is silent, however, about the towns that they came from. The Byzantine chroniclers leave us in no doubt that Leo of Tripoli,

taking advantage of Bulgarian raids against Byzantine territory, had originally planned to attack Constantinople (Kedrenos II, 261; Theoph. Cont. 366); thus in the latter part of June 904 he led a naval force of 54 large galleys in the direction of the Hellespont. The Byzantine fleet under

the command of Eustathios went to meet the Arab navy off the Hellespont, but soon withdrew back to the capital, offering no resistance.

The Arabs then entered the Hellespont, and captured the key town of Abydos. After this, they advanced into the Propontis as far as Parion, which they also took. Then, while in Parion, instead of continuing in the direction of Constantinople, Leo then suddenly changed his mind, 'turned round' (divTE6Tpa4 i) and headed for Thessaloniki after making a brief 154

Endnotes

stop at Thasos (George. Cont. 862-63; Leo Gramm. 276-77; Ps.-Sym. 705-

6; Life of Saint Elias 108; Nicholas Myst. ep. 23. 141-43, 164; Mas'udi Prairies, II, 318-19; cf. Vasiliev 1968, II, 2, 165-66; Jenkins 1948, 228-30; Farag 1989, 137-38).

What made Leo change his mind and the target of his attack still remains a mystery. The chroniclers attributed Leo's retreat to 'God's decision' to protect Constantinople, and emphasized the fact that Leo 'himself' (avOopp.qTOS) was responsible for the turnabout (Theoph. Cont. 368, 1-2). Jenkins (1948, 228-30) relates Leo's expedition against the capital to an aristocratic plot which, in his view, was being hatched at this time by

Andronikos Doukas, a strategos, and Eustathios, the commander of the

imperial fleet, assisted by the Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos. After Eustathios was dismissed by Leo VI, Himerios, the new droungarios, put up a 'resolute front' and forced Leo of Tripoli to withdraw. Leo whose

support the conspirators sought, now realized that his advance on the capital would be ineffective (Vasiliev 1968, 181-90 dates the revolt in 906/7; cf. also Karlin-Hayter 1967, 23-25) and withdrew. Christides (1981, 78; 1984, 161) sees Leo's attack on Thessaloniki not

as an impromptu decision following his aborted attempt to capture Constantinople but as part of the overall plan of the Abbasids to weaken the Byzantine state by striking at its second largest city; consequently, he

argues, the Arab expedition into Propontis was simply a 'distracting gimmick' since the decision to attack Thessaloniki had been taken earlier following a Byzantine raid on northern Syria (cf. Vasiliev 1968, 163 n.1). It is possible to fit Kaminiates' information concerning fugitives and captives within the context of the preceding narrative. Both fugitives and

captives must have come from the town of Parion which Leo had captured (and from which he unexpectedly decided to fall back to the Hellespont and head for Thessaloniki); they could, of course, have been Abydians but a brief piece of information preserved by a single chronicler makes it unlikely. The chronicler (Ps.-Sym. 707, 14-18) tells us that the

Arabs on their way through the Hellespont, while still at Abydus, inquired of their guides if there was another exit that they could take to return 'home' (EILs Ta' OLKELa) since the 'narrow passages of the route' frightened them. On receiving a negative reply, the Arabs hurried to return to the Aegean and then set sail for Thessaloniki. Modem scholars put little credence in the chronicler's information (Jenkins 1948, 220 n.75; Vasiliev 1968, 165, n.5; cf. also Karayannopoulos 1988, 280). But if it is properly related to the movements of the imperial fleet under Himerios, 155

Endnotes

the chronicler's report could be valuable. Certain chronicles (Theoph. Cont. 367, 4-18; Kedrenos II, 262, 11-15) point out that Himerios in pursuit of Leo of Tripoli passed by a number

of places, probably trying to gather intelligence concerning Leo's whereabouts. At Abydus, his first stop, Himerios must have been told that Leo, afraid of the straits, was speeding back home (to Syria). The admiral, the chronicles state, pushed south as far as Strobilus, a port north of Cos, where he must have realized that he had been deceived by the Abydians' reports and pushed north checking at all the major points he passed by, Imbros, Samothrace and Thasos. At Thasos, on discovering for the first time, it seems, the superiority of the Saracen fleet and its high morale, he kept his ships at a distance and soon retired (Theoph. Cont. 368, 1; Kedrenos II, 15-16).

It is now clear that Leo of Tripoli must have obtained valuable information about the poor state of Thessaloniki's maritime defences from

prisoners at Parion. He therefore changed his plans, and pushed ahead

for Thessaloniki. To gain precious time during which the imperial government could have tried to reinforce the city's weak defences, Leo spread the rumour at Abydus that his crews were afraid of the narrows and that they were rushing back home. The new admiral Himerios, who actually had not had a chance to assess the strength of the Arab fleet before Thasos, was duped, made an unnecessary trip south to Strobilos,

and finally showed how weak his naval forces were since 'they (the Byzantines) did not dare to come even close to their fleet' (Theoph. Cont. 368, 1).

50 Petronas is not called strategos, but only protospatharios, a high honorary title just below the patriciate, granted by the emperor to high

ranking officials. When it is first attested in the 7th century the protospatharios was not only an honorary title, but an actual government office (Brehier 1949, 101, 109, 113). It is true that Petronas had been singled out by Kaminiates as the best defence strategist of all those who were appointed by Leo VI to look after the defence of the city. The underwater barrier which Petronas began constructing out of tomb stones is praised by Kaminiates as 'ingenious',

'clever' and 'appropriate', and the only strategy capable of affording 'total security to the city'. This system is well known in Italian defence language as a porporella (cf. Vitruvius X, xvi, 9).

Kaminiates, who in hindsight thought Petronas' project was the best,

gives no explanation why it was abandoned by LeoChitzilakes, the strategos who replaced Petronas. Did those in charge of the construction 156

Endnotes

of the barrier discover that they were running out of the material needed to complete it (i.e. tombstones), or that it could not be completed on time to provide the needed protection? Kaminiates characteristically writes that the project was prevented from being completed on account of the 'wickedness' of the inhabitants of Thessaloniki (see §17, the concluding remark of the last sentence). The modern interpreter, however, must turn to more rational explanations: perhaps there were many in high office

who strongly disagreed with Petronas' approach and thought the necessary repairs to the sea walls would have been more speedily completed and provided better security. It is possible that Leo, the strategos, either because, in his view, time was running out or because of pressure from this group of citizens, or both, decided to proceed with the repairs to the maritime fortifications. 51 According to Kaminiates, Leo [Chitzilakes] was appointed in July 904 by the emperor Leo VI as 'strategos of the whole region', a phrase which

may be interpreted to mean that he was strategos of the Thessaloniki theme (Karayannopoulos 1988, 280, 282). Since Kaminiates mentions no theme, nor does he say whom the strategos Leo was supposed to replace in that capacity, some scholars maintain that his position was temporary, i.e. for the defence of the city before and during the siege of Thessaloniki (Lemerle 1945, 153; Nasledova 1959, 229); they find confirmation of their

view in the Byzantine chronicles and the Harbour Gate inscription in which Leo is mentioned simply as a strategos of the city of Thessaloniki Theoph. Cont. 368, 3: Katzilakios; Georg. Cont. 863, 7-8: Chatzilakios; Leo Gramm. 277, 8: Chatzilikios; Kedrenos II, 262, 19: Chatzilakios).

There are sufficient reasons to believe that Leo Chitzilakes was not only strategos of the city which was the seat of the theme, but also of the theme itself. First, Kaminiates, who avoids technical terms in general, never uses the word 'theme' when he talks about strategoi but instead, in the case of Thessaloniki, employs the word 'region' (rrEpLXwpou, cf. §56.5);

second, if there had been a separate strategos of the theme, Kaminiates

would have certainly referred to him in the course of the defence preparations; third, it can be safely inferred from Kaminiates' narrative that this post of the Thessaloniki theme was vacant when Leo of Tripoli decided to attack the city; the protospatharios Petronas had been only temporarily assigned to look after its defences (see §17) until a permanent strategos was appointed; fourth, it would have been an unprecedented policy for an emperor to appoint two strategoi in the same city and assign

to them the same responsibilities for its defence; a possible rivalry between them could have placed the defences in danger (see note 54). 157

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The inscription which was found in 1879 on a large stone that formed the lintel of a gate at Constantine's Harbour (Chatzi Ioannou 1881, 17-18;

Spieser 1973, 162-3) refers to 'repairs made during the office of Leo Chitzilakes, royal protospatharios and strategos of Thessaloniki'. The restorations to the gate which are recorded in the inscription have been identified by most scholars with those referred to by Kaminiates in

connection with Leo's defence activities shortly before the fall of Thessaloniki (Vickers 1970a, 267-68; Spieser 1984, 58). Vasiliev (II, 1, 1968, 180), however, believes that in fact the inscription commemorates

restorations to the sea wall after Thessaloniki's capture, when Leo Chitzilakes, who was also taken prisoner by the Arabs, was ransomed by the Byzantine government and returned to Thessaloniki together with others. Nothing, however, is known from other sources about Leo's fate: whether he survived to be ransomed, or, if he was ever ransomed, whether he returned to Thessaloniki to resume his duties as a strategos. 52 'Ishmaelites' is another name for the Arabs of Syria, an alternative for 'Hagarenes', based on the same biblical episode, for which cf. note 38. 53 All Africans living to the south of Egypt were called Ethiopians in Antiquity (Herodotus II, 146; VII, 69; Aeschylus Prom. 807-812). The

name ('burnt-face') was generic and was applied to the inhabitants of Africa, including the Nubians who were the closest southern neighbours to Egypt (Bohlig 1975, 127). It is believed that Kaminiates' 'Ethiopians' were actually either Sudanese from Nubia, who were sent to serve in the Arab Egyptian forces according to a treaty, or were Muslim Sudanese who were permanent residents of Egypt (Christides 1981, 84). 54 Niketas' appointment by the emperor Leo VI as a second strategos in

charge of the city's defence has puzzled some scholars (Lemerle 1945, 153; Nasledova 1959, 229). In the view of Karayannopoulos (1988, 280) Niketas was sent to Thessaloniki to take command of the city's garrison; no position of this kind, however, was attested until the 11th century. It has also been suggested that Niketas may have been appointed praefectus urbi at Thessaloniki as a replacement of the former praefectus per Illyricum,

a post which had been abolished in the 8th century (Konstantakopoulou 1996, 87f.).

There is no reason to question Kaminiates' statement that Niketas was sent to Thessaloniki simply to assist in organizing its defences more

effectively as the approach of the Arab fleet became imminent. The conditions that were rapidly developing necessitated the presence of another high ranking officer for a city with which the emperor himself felt

a special relationship (see note 22 for some measures taken by him). 158

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Moreover, Niketas seems to have been familiar with the military and ethnic conditions prevailing in the region, since he tried to solicit help from Slavic groups and the Slavs of the Strymon (see note 57). Leo Chitzilakes,

being new to the post, would have welcomed a fellow officer who, it seems, had better knowledge of the area and its people than he had. 55 Leo Chitzilakes. 56 The anthologist Stobaeus has preserved a hexameter verse quoted in

an extract from a lost work of Plutarch on the Art of Prophecy (cf. Plutarch's Moralia, vol. 15 p. 272-3 Loeb Classical Library 1969), which may be translated: 'Need teaches all, what could not Need invent?' The not-easily-identifiable poet (the names of Archytas of Amphissa, Philetas of Kos and Eratosthenes of Kyrene have all been suggested) of this single-

line quotation seems to have been the sage whose verse Kaminiates adapts here in words that may literally be rendered 'everything put under severe pressure is resourceful'. 57 The Sklavenes, a branch of the south Slavs, formed an important and numerous group who originally settled north of the Danube. As Sklavenoi or Sklavoi they begin to appear in our Byzantine sources from the middle of the 6th century onwards (Prokopios, Menander Protector, Theophylact Simocatta, Maurice's Strategikon, Miracles of St. Demetrius). Beginning with the final years of Justinian's reign (Prokopios Anecd. 8.5), various Sklavene

groups, sometimes together with the Antae and other times under the leadership of the Avars, frequently crossed the Danubian frontier and raided the north Balkan provinces as far as Thessaloniki (Prokopios de bellis VII, 40).

Lands occupied and settled by the Sklavenes can be found throughout the Balkans including Macedonia. There is no agreement among modern scholars as to the chronology of their first permanent establishment in Macedonia, and especially in the neighbouring territory of Thessaloniki.

Given the lack of information about the character of the Slavonic settlements in general and the chronology of their establishment in particular, it is understandable that scholarly opinions are diverse. Some date the first settlements in the area of Thessaloniki towards the end of the 6th century (Niederle I, 1923, 63-65; Lemerle 1945, 114f.; Herrin 1988, 135; Barasic in Vryonis 1981, 139-49); this dating is generally based on John of Ephesus (3.25; 6.30-32, 45-8) and Theophylact Simocatta (1.3-8). Others, relying on the Miracula of St. Demetrios, place the Slav settlements in Macedonia in the early part of Heraklios' reign: a coalition of Slavic tribes, among which the Drougoubitai and Sagoudatoi (Miracula I, 175.1-

18), attempted to capture Thessaloniki around 615, settle in it with 159

Endnotes

their families and turn it into 'le centre d'une confederation sklavene' (Lemerle II, 89-91 and 184). It is not clear if the aforementioned tribes settled to the west and north-west of Thessaloniki after their failure to take the city. Lemerle (II, 1981, 185) maintains that it was between 618 and 620 that these Sklavene groups first settled in the proximity of

Thessaloniki at the conclusion of a peace agreement between the Thessalonians and the Avaro-Slavs following a long siege of the city (Miracula I, 184.1-189; cf. Theocharides, 1980, 179). By the second half of

the 7th-century some Sklavene tribes are recorded as having already 'established themselves near' Thessaloniki (rrpoarrapaKELRE'VWV, Miracula I,

208.8).

Data concerning the distribution, number, size and location of the Macedonian Sklavene settlements are extremely inadequate, due to the poor quality of the archaeological record and of the literary sources. The picture painted by the Miracles of St. Demetrius and the chronicler Theophanes indicates several settlements dispersed throughout the prefecture of Illyricum in the late 7th century, from Nestos to Pindus and from Haliakmon to Stoboi (see maps no. 3 and 4 in Karayannopoulos 1994). Thessaloniki was practically surrounded by Slavic tribes, some of whose names are attested, as is the case with the Drougoubitai and the Sagoudatoi, the Rynchinoi, the Strymonitai and the Smoleanoi farther to the east and north-east of the city (see relevant remarks in notes 17, 18 and 58); another Slavic group (unnamed; Miracula, I, 220.29) occupied the region around Lite about 12 km north of Thessaloniki. The prevailing opinio communis among scholars is that by the 7th

century the Slavonic settlements, the Sklaviniai, acquired a technical meaning as geographic and administrative units, organized under their own kings, rheges, or leaders, archontes or exarchontes (Ahrweiler 1983, 274). The initial status of independence (a1TOVOµoL, a)T08EQiroTOL) was gradually transformed to one of submission (b roKEiµEVOL) as a result of

Byzantine imperial policy adopted from the second half of the 7th to the early 9th centuries. Some Macedonian Sklavenes were forced to submit to

the fisc (vrr60opoL) and as tributaries they kept their own leaders (Tapkova-Zaimova 1972, 357; see also note 19) and others acquired the status of allies (aV' µµaXoL) with leaders appointed by the Byzantine authorities, and were required to provide military assistance when called upon (Tapkova-Zaimova 1969, 64; see also note 60). Contrary to the opinio communis, E. Chrysos, in a re-examination of

the sources, both Greek and Latin, in which the word Sklavinia is employed, has cogently argued that it was only from the late 8th century 160

Endnotes

onwards - a period which he calls the third stage in the evolution of the Slavonic societies - that the term was applied to Slavonic lands as politically and administratively organized units; some of these Sklaviniae were under Byzantine imperial control. Prior to the late 8th century, Chrysos maintains, Sklavinia was not used as a technical term but simply meant those Slavonic tribes which settled on imperial territories according to the terms of peace agreements concluded with the imperial government (1997, 2 ff.)

The majority of scholars maintain the view that the Sklavenes of

Macedonia underwent a gradual process of christianization and hellenization - in some cases there may have been two distinct processes in the reverse order - which lasted from the time of their settling in the

area in the 7th century until the 9th century (Dvornik 1926a, 235; Charanis 1976, 18; Lemerle II, 1981, 187; Ahrweiler 1983, 275 f.); these scholars argue that the Byzantine imperial policies of subjugation and enforced resettlement which were assumed by the emperors Constans II in 658 (Theoph. 347, 6), Justinian II in 688 (Theoph. 364, 11), Constantine V in 759 (Theoph. 430, 21: Tds icaTd T1v MaKE8ovfav EKXa(3-nv(ac),

Staurakios in 782/3 (Theoph. 456, 26), together with Nicephorus I's repopulation programme of 809 / 10 (Theoph. 486, 10-13) must all have forwarded this gradual process of hellenization. The three-point policy which has been attributed to Basil I (Leo, Taktika, PG LVIII, 969A), but was in fact the work of Michael III (Constantine Porph., de cer. 697) was most decisive in byzantinizing the various Slavic groups, although certain exceptions persisted (Charanis 1946, 75-92; Graebner 1975, 142). The conversion of the Bulgarians to Christianity in 864 and the long peace that ensued facilitated the christianization and byzantinization of the Slavs in Macedonia (Karayannopoulos 1988, 279).

When the themes of Thessaloniki and Strymon were created, the Slavonic settlements were already an integral part of the imperial administration which now assumed a military character as well. The dates for the formation of these themes are in dispute (on the Strymon see note 58). The Thessaloniki theme is first implied in a letter of Michael II to King Louis the Pious in 824 (Mansi XIV, 418); its strategos is referred to in 836 (Life of Gregory the Decapolite 1926, 36, 62 f.) and clearly recorded in the Taktikon Uspenskij (Oikonomides 1972, 353), which is dated 842-3; nevertheless, some scholars suggest an earlier date, holding that the theme must have been created between 796 and 811 (Karayannopoulos 1994, 31, n. 121) or 796 and 828 (Kyriakides 1946, 142, 405f.; Theocharides 1980, 221 f.). In the Kletorologion of Philotheos, the strategos of Strymon is 161

Endnotes

ranked 24th on the hierarchical ladder, while the strategos of Thessaloniki

is ranked 26th; both strategoi received no salary from the imperial treasury, but were expected to collect a special levy from the taxpayers of the theme as their annual stipend (Christophilopoulou 1983, 49). It has been calculated that in 842 the strategos of Thessaloniki did not command more than 2,000 troops (Treadgold 1988, 353).

The theme itself occupied an area that extended from Thessaly to

Ioannina and as far as the Strymon river in the west; its northern borderline cannot be determined with any degree of certainty since it changed constantly during the Byzantine-Bulgarian conflicts of the 8th and 9th centuries. On the basis of Kaminiates' reference to the 'mixed villages' that paid tribute to the Bulgarians, whose borders were very close, it would not be unreasonable to place the Byzantino-Bulgarian boundaries in 904 south of Stoboi and perhaps in the vicinity of the modern borderline (Theocharides 1980, 222 f.; Treadgold 1988, map on p.336; Karayannopoulos 1994, map no. 7).

58 The Strymonian Slavs were already fully cognizant of the military importance of the kleisourai and of the other strategic points of the area in the second half of the 7th century (Miracula I, 220.17-18; Lemerle II, 1981, 126 n. 193). As an administrative unit, however, the Strymon kleisoura must be connected to Justinian U's expedition of 688/9 'against Sklavinia and Bulgaria' (Theoph. 364, 11 f.; Lemerle II, 1981, 190; Theocharides 1980, 183; Karayannopulos 1984, 211 f.; Stavridou-Zafraka 1995, 312).

A couple of rather vague references to a kleisoura are linked by a number of scholars to the Strymon: Theophanes' allusion to 'the narrows

of the kleisoura' (364, 15 f.) where Justinian II was ambushed by the Bulgarians on his way back to Constantinople has been interpreted as a reference to i) the modern Roupel passes (Kyriakides 1939, 399f; Lemerle 1945, 124 f. and 1954, 306, n.4 expressing some reservation; Ahrweiler

1983, 274) and ii) the mountain passes of Philippopolis (GrigoriouIoannidou 1982, 113-24; Karayannopulos 1989a, 15; Stavridou-Zafraka

1995, 313), the same passes that Justinian II had used en route to Thessaloniki. The second reference is preserved for us by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, who writes that Justinian II established Scythians 'on the mountains of Strymon and the passes of the kleisourai '(de them. 3, 1-5,

p. 88 f). The majority of scholars identify the 'Scythians' with the Slavs

and link Justinian's settlement of them in the passes to his 688/9 expedition (Lemerle 1945, 124 f.; see also Lemerle II, 1981, 190, n. 291

where he takes a more cautious position). Justinian's action has been interpreted as a defensive measure to stem further Bulgarian and Slav 162

Endnotes

invasions into the region and to secure the communication routes from north to south (Karayannopulos 1989a, 15-17), and according to another view, (Toynbee 1973, 268), it was part of the emperor's repopulation policy. During his campaign (Theoph. 364, 15 f.), Justinian transferred many Slavs from unidentified Slavonian settlements to the Opsikion theme. The policy of resettling Byzantine population in the Strymon valley and elsewhere had been vigorously pursued by the emperor Nicephorus I in 809 / 10; in 812, however, the new settlers of the Strymon district fled, fearing Bulgarian attacks by Krum (Theoph. 496, 2; Besevliev 1963, no. 16, pp. 177 f.). When the Strymon kleisoura changed to a theme is a matter of ongoing

debate among scholars. Even Constantine VII (de them. 3, 1-5, p. 87 f.) was not certain if Strymon was a kleisoura or a theme. On the chronology of the Strymon theme scholarly opinions may be divided into two groups. To the first group belong those scholars who maintain that Theophanes' phraseology 'the Bulgars fell on an army at the Strymon ... killed a great number of soldiers, including the strategos, his archontes and the archontes of other themes' (484, 29 - 485,3) is indicative of the existence of the Strymon theme already by 809, the terminus ante quem (Kyriakides 1946, 397-400; Karayannopulos 1994, 20-23; Stavridou-Zafraka 1995, 317-19). The year 789 (Theoph. 463, 20 f.) is considered as the terminus post quem for the creation of the theme. The Strymon theme, it must be admitted, is missing in the Taktikon of Uspenskij dated 842/3. But the absence of the theme may attributed to the imperfections of the single manuscript in which the Taktikon has been preserved. The majority of scholars, however, belong to the second group. They

hold the view that the strategos who was killed by the Bulgarians must have belonged to the theme of Macedonia, and that therefore the Strymon theme must have undoubtedly been established between 842/3 and 899. The latter is the year in which Philotheos' Kletorologion was written, and in this Strymon is included among the western themes (Lemerle 1945, 124-

28, dates it closer to the mid-9th century; but see Karayannopulos' criticism of Lemerle's position, 1994, 21-27; cf. also Rajkovic 1958, 3 and Charanis 1976, 17). The evidence of the surviving lead seals which bear the names, and/or titles of Strymon archontes and strategoi cannot be used to date the theme securely in the first half of the 9th century until they can be made to yield a more precise chronology (Zacos-Veglery I, 2,1972 nos. 1753, 2652, 2659). Serres is attested as the capital of the theme in the 9th century and the seat of a bishop (Theocharides 1980, 227). Other theme

towns were Philippi, Christopolis which was founded in the second 163

Endnotes

half of the 8th century at the Strymon delta (Svoronos 1979, 184) and Chrysopolis.

59 Kaminiates does not offer any reason to show why the Strymon strategos did not help in spite of Niketas' repeated appeals through letters

and intimidation tactics. The author resorts to a kind of character assassination of the unnamed strategos by charging him with malevolence,

inhumanity, deception and even plotting, but he fails to provide the reader with enough background information to support this negative judgement on the strategos' conduct. What is even more perplexing is the

strategos' unexplained prohibition of any one else from responding to Niketas` pleas. Modern historians have offered various suggestions in an attempt to

explain the behaviour of the strategos of Strymon: Amantos maintains that theme generals were quite independent and had no jurisdiction over a neighbouring theme; it was up to them to help another theme if they were asked (II, 1957, 58); Charanis feels that the Strymonitae Slavs served as reluctant auxiliaries in the theme army (1976, 18); Nasledova maintains that the Strymon strategos was a Slav whose obligations to military service

were more theoretical than real (1959, 230); Tapkova-Zaimova (1964,

119), rejecting Nasledova's assumptions, stresses that the Strymon strategos could not have been a Slav and that he was expected to assist the besieged city of Thessaloniki.

On this issue Kaminiates' narrative allows one to make certain observations: first, Niketas was placed by the emperor Leo VI in charge of Thessaloniki's defence but in fact he did not hold the powers of a theme

strategos; those were held by the injured Leo Chatzilakes about whom practically nothing is said during the entire period of events; second, Niketas evidently became desperate when he observed the poor showing of the neighbouring Sklavenes; their leaders, according to Kaminiates, were so greedy and corrupt that money alone could have persuaded them to contribute militarily; and money to pay the Slav mercenaries was not, it seems, readily available; third, it was then that Niketas concentrated all his energies on bringing in the Strymon strategos who apparently never

refused the request as his intervention was expected 'right up to the last day of the war'. A reasonable explanation of the reason why the Strymon strategos did not keep his promise of assistance to the Thessalonians has been provided by N. Oikonomides; relying on the evidence of the Naresh boundary inscription (Begevliev 1963, no. 46, 215f.) which, he argues, was

unilaterally inscribed and placed by the Bulgarians before the fall of Thessaloniki to the Arabs, Oikonomides makes the suggestion that, before 164

Endnotes

and during the siege of the city by Leo of Tripoli, the Bulgarian armies had been mounting pressure along the Byzantine-Bulgarian border; this must

have created a situation which was serious enough to deter the Strymon strategos from sending the assistance which had been promised to the beleaguered Thessalonians (1995, 241f.). 60 This is a reference to the Slavs of the Strymon theme. It is the only time in Byzantine sources that the Strymon Slavs are described as `allies', whereas the Slavs in the environs of Thessaloniki - those at least who lived in the western plain - are characterized as 'tributaries' to the city of Thessaloniki (see note 19). There is no evidence in the sources which shows when the Strymonian Slavs changed from having the status of 'tributaries' to that of allies', and the matter is open to speculation. In an earlier article (1964, 119) Tapkova-Zaimova argued that the change could not have occurred before 820, when the Strymon Slavs, in her view, still enjoyed a status of independence. But between 820 and some time in the second half of the 9th century when the Strymon kleisoura became a theme,

the Strymon Slavs, she maintains, were reduced to the position of allies; thus the definitive submission of the Strymonians should be linked to the creation of the Strymon theme. In a later article (1972, 359), however, she takes the position that the 'allied' status undoubtedly came as a result of Justinian II's expedition of 688; they were then, she claims, assigned to guard the frontiers of their territory from enemy incursions. Theophanes records three relevant incidents: in 789 Philetos, the strategos of the Thrace theme, was killed by raiding Bulgarians in his camp at the Strymon river (464ff.); likewise, in 809 a company of Bulgars fell on the Byzantine army

on the river Strymon, killed many soldiers among whom were their strategos and officers and plundered the troops' payroll (484, 29 f.). In 812 the settlers who had been recently established in the Strymon area by Nicephorus I fled from fear of impending Bulgarian attacks (496, 2ff.). As allies the Strymonitae..Slavs were under the command of the theme

strategos, from whom they received their orders. Their commanders (archontes) were appointed by the strategos and were responsible for contributing troops for local defence and expeditions (Oikonomides 1979,

168). There is no evidence in support of Nasledova's thesis that the Strymonian Slavs held in 904 a semi-autonomous status nor that their relations with the Byzantine empire were governed by a treaty of cooperation (1959, 232).

61 Phraseology and turns of thought in Kaminiates' version of this special prayer for intercession are heavily reminiscent of the Septuagint.

The last eleven words of the original are for the most part words and 165

Endnotes

phrases taken verbatim or adapted syntactically from the following: III Maccabees 2.17; II Maccabees, 10.4; ibid. 10.2; Psalms 78.6. 62 Cf. Jeremiah 7.16; 11.14; 14.11. 63 A.D. 904 in our system of chronology, since the Creation of the World took place in 5508 B.C. according to the era of Constantinople.

64 This statement of Kaminiates is very hard to reconcile with our contemporary knowledge of existing weather conditions. There is a wind (it is more of a breeze or a gentle wind) that blows from the west, i.e. from Olympus; the locals (at Katerini, Litohoro etc.) call this the apogeio (= off-

shore wind) and pounentes which, on the wind rose, corresponds to the ancient Zephyros, which was always a west wind. This wind, however,

blows during the hot summer months only in the late afternoon/ early evening hours, not in the morning and afternoon, as Kaminiates would have us believe. Secondly, because it is a west wind, or more precisely a breeze, it would not have helped the Arab ships to sail at high speed towards the harbour; rather, it would have pushed them in the direction of Chalkidiki. In conclusion, it could not have been this wind for the three reasons mentioned: time, direction and strength.

Another wind, quite strong at times, that prevails at this time of the year (July-August) in the Gulf of Thessaloniki, with a direction from the south-west, is the so-called boukadoura. This starts blowing in the early afternoon hours - the time when the Arab ships appeared around the jetty (Ekbolos) - and subsides just before the pounentes begins. It can surely help

a ship 'fly' in the direction of Thessaloniki. However, the nature of this wind, as it is described by those who have current knowledge of weather patterns in the area, contradicts Kaminiates' general statement that it blows from the west all day. As a third possibility, though unlikely, one

can mention a summer storm known as the bourini which appears suddenly from any direction, accompanied usually by much rain, and is the cause of much fear to fishermen and other sailors. It can occur at any time of the day and usually does not last for long. 65 A pun on the name Leo, as soon becomes apparent. In Byzantine sources he is called 'Leo Tripolitis' or simply 'Tripolitis, a former citizen of Attaleia' (Theoph. Cont. 366.14; Kedrenos II, 261.22; Skyl. 182). In Arabic sources Leo is commonly referred to as Ghulam Zurafa, meaning the 'page of Zurafa'. Zurafa held high positions under several Abbasid

caliphs at Baghdad (Tabari IX, 225 f.) including that of governor of Tripoli, probably in 863. Leo, taken prisoner in his early youth in a raid

against Attaleia by the Syrian fleet was brought up by Zurafa in the Muslim faith, and was trained in naval tactics which led to his command 166

Endnotes

of the Syrian fleet by 903 (Gregoire 1952, 373-78; Farag 1989, 134). Leo is

mentioned by Byzantine chroniclers in connection with his victory over Himerios off Chios in 912 (Theoph. Cont. 376 f.) and his raid on Lemnos

ca. 922/3, when the Byzantine fleet, commanded by John Radinus, destroyed almost the whole of his fleet and crew, while Leo barely escaped (Theoph. Cont. 405. 11-16; Ps.-Sym. 735.10-13). 66 Leo Chitzilakes, strategos of the theme of Thessaloniki. 67 Cf. §19.

68 Kaminiates is the first author to refer to this gate by name; its exact position is unknown, but it was located near the sea and it was one of the four gates that facilitated the city's communications with the eastern side. Later Byzantine sources make no reference to it, and after 1430, it seems, its name was changed and its position confused. Evliya celebi, who visited Thessaloniki in 1668, calls it the 'Gate of the Records Office' (Vickers 1979a, 264) but surprisingly by 1685, when Gravier d'Otieres drew a detailed plan of the city, it was missing (Spieser 1984, 50 and 215). The gate was probably temporarily closed between Evliya's and d'Otieres' visit. In the 19th century it was known as Kanli Kule (Tafrali 1913, 95) and it was first identified with the 'Rome Gate' by Chatzi Ioannou (1881, 29). There is no agreement as to the origin of the name 'Rome' in this context. Tafel (1839, 100) assumed that it was probably named after a statue of Rome standing nearby but others (Tsaras, 1987, 66, note 45) think that the adjacent Roman palace complex -built by Galerius ca. 300 was the source of its name. 69 Leo Chitzilakes and Niketas. 70 Before deciding on a precise meaning for this puzzling phrase, it might be helpful to reduce it to its broadest and least specific terms of reference

and understand it as denoting an effect that is artificially produced, which involves the use of stones as projectiles and sounds like 'thunder'. The expression is first attested in The Miracles of St. Demetrius (Lemerle 1979, 151, lines 26-27), where it is associated with the hail of stones shot from a stone-throwing engine. In the present passage three different types of weapon are mentioned: there is the bow, there is something else, and there is the petrobolos or stone-throwing engine. A clue to what that 'something else' might have been is provided by the following observation, found in an anonymous

sixth-century treatise on strategy (cf. Dennis 1985, 40, lines 84-88): 'Enemy detachments, covering themselves with their shields, often try to approach the walls by following behind the siege engines, and with slings or arrows, try to drive off the men posted on the walls to keep them from 167

Endnotes

damaging the machines from above.' The three types of weapon referred to, then, are the bow and the sling (both hand-held) and the stone-throwing engine. Such an interpretation, of

course, entails understanding the expression under discussion in a different sense from that which it has in the Miracula, but the fact that it occurs immediately after the mention of men using bows and arrows does much to facilitate such an understanding. Nor does it seem unreasonable to suppose that the tenth-century reader would have had little difficulty in choosing the meaning appropriate to the present context. A.P. Kazhdan, on the other hand (Kazhdan 1978, 303-304), has tried, unconvincingly, to prove that the phrase is used here to refer to Turkish cannon, thus seeking to impart to it a precise but anachronistic meaning

whose acquired sense is then invoked as further support for the hypothesis of fifteenth-century authorship. He does this by drawing a parallel between the present passage and the use of the same phrase in John Anagnostes' account of the capture of Thessaloniki by the Turks in 1430. Indeed he even wonders with reference to the Miracula (Kazhdan 1978, 304) whether 'the opposition of the hail of stones and the made-byhand thunder of stones could not have originated under the influence of the later experience with the Turkish or Italian artillery.' When it comes to

Anagnostes, however, Kazhdan moves from tentative speculation to confident assertion: 'This supposition seems all the more plausible, as Anagnostes uses the wording 'the made-by-hand thunder of stones' in his story of the siege of Thessalonica by Murad. He relates that the Turks had been bringing every day to the beleaguered city, on camels and on carts, siege engines, helepoleis, and afterwards Murad had ordered to destroy the

walls with the made-by-hand thunder of stones and to drive away the defenders from the walls, using arrows and various other weapons, which

are usually applied for taking strong points. Well, these stone shots, discharged with thunder and destined to destroy walls, - what were they, if not cannon-shots?'

Unfortunately, Kazhdan's presentation of Anagnostes' account is inaccurate and misleading in a number of important respects: i) Murad's

orders 'in his rage to carry out a frantic attack forthwith against the fortification', were (cf. Tsaras 1958, 20.17-20) 'to strike it (zraLELv does not

mean to destroy, pace Kazhdan) with the hand-made thunder of stone (singular in Anagnostes) and by means of the missiles discharged to prevent those up above (i.e. the defenders) from standing their ground on the walls and to use every device conducive to conquering the city.' Since siege engines had been mentioned three lines earlier by Anagnostes but no 168

Endnotes

specific weapon named, it is at least a fair guess that these siege engines included petroboloi. In which case the phrase that concerns us here would appear to have been used in much the same way by Anagnostes as it had been used in the Miracula. Incidentally, the first explicit mention of the use

of archery to clear the walls of defenders occurs twelve pages later (Tsaras 1958, 32.4-6). ii) Both Turkish and Italian cannon (the latter used by the defenders) are mentioned by Anagnostes. In both cases (Tsaras, 1958, 26.5; 32.21) a special term, 9KEVr1, is used to denote the small cannon used by both sides. iii) It should perhaps be noted that it is not

until twelve pages after the one and only mention of 'the hand-made thunder of stone' that a Turkish cannon is referred to, when it is used in an unsuccessful attempt to 'smash' (Tsaras 1958, 32.22 rrpos vvvTpL(31jv;

and contrast rra(ELv at 20.17) the defensive screen (made of wood) surmounting the battlements. iv) When the city finally fell, its capture was

preceded by the successful scaling of an unguarded section of the walls (Tsaras 1958, 36.11-25). Some of the defensive screen built over the battlements was knocked down with the aid not of cannon but of stones, and the weaker sections of the wall were brought down by the exertions and audacity of relatively unprotected shock troops acting as sappers (Tsaras 1958, 36.5-8 and 9-10). So to judge from what Anagnostes tells us, the role of cannon in the capture of Thessaloniki by the Turks in 1430 was marginal. 71 The Rome Gate, cf. note 68. 72 Tafrali (1913, 97-99) argued that one of the two other eastern gates

which Kaminiates left unidentified must be the Gate of the 'Asomatoi', also known as the 'Archangels' referred to by Eustathios (p. 451) and by John Kantakouzenos (I, 268.22-25) within the context of events of the year 1328 (on the sources see Spieser 1984, 51-52). Both Byzantine authors place the gate in the eastern wall, but do not specify its location. Tafrali (1913, 97) proposed a position of the gate at the east end of the modern St. Demetrios Street and identified it with Telli Kapi, as it was known to the Turks, or New Golden Gate, as the Greeks called it. It was Theocharides (1954, 36) who first identified the Rotunda of St. George with the attested Church of the Asomatoi and consequently placed the Gate of the Asomatoi or Archangels in the vicinity of the Rotunda. He made the assumption, however, that the 9th-century street, which he identified with the modern St. Demetrios Street, swerved in a southerly direction towards the Gate of the Archangels/Asomatoi. In fact, this gate was located slightly north-east of the Rotunda at the end of the modern Philippou Street which has been constructed on a late Roman route that 169

Endnotes

crossed the city from east to west and was parallel to Egnatia and Aghiou Demetriou Streets, as recent excavations have shown (Bakirtzis 1975, 305-307). The gate was later known by its Turkish name as Porta Kapi (Gounaris 1976, 32 f.). Paradoxically, Spieser (1984, 54) rejects the existence of the Gate of Archangels during Kaminiates' time, on account

of the confused (in his opinion) tradition of the Byzantine sources; alternatively, he thinks that the Gate of Anna Palaiologina, located in the wall joining the Acropolis to the Triangular Tower and dated through its inscription to 1355, must have been operational much earlier since it was 'an indispensable exit for the inhabitants of the upper city' (p.55). 73

It was named after Kassandreia, a city situated at the head of the

most westerly prong of Chalcidike. This eastern gate, located to the north of the Rome Gate, is first attested in the Miracula (p. 146) and a second time in the 9th century Life of Saint Theodora (1996, 170; see also Spieser

1984, 50, note 125). After Kaminiates it is not mentioned in any Byzantine sources. It appears again in the 17th century under the name of the Kalamaria Gate (Moschopoulos 1940, 330; Theocharides 1977, 259-

297), perhaps because a road led from it to the district of Kalamaria (Spieser 1984, 50, note 128; Gounaris 1976, 32). In 1874 both gates, the Kassandreotic and Rome, were demolished. The exact location of the gate has been debated. A reference in the Life of Saint Theodora (supra) to a XEw40'poc, a large road that 'led to the Kassandreotic gate', as well as the plans of the city drawn by 19th-century visitors, clearly indicate that the Kassandreotic Gate lay at the eastern end of the Via Egnatia - the modern Syndrivani area - but that it was not directly east of the Arch of Galerius (Spieser 1984, 61 ff; Tafrali 1913, 96 f.). 74 Kaminiates is the first Byzantine author (after Prokopios) to provide

some details about the composition of the mixture which came to be known as Greek fire. Earlier, Prokopios told how the besieged Persians, ca. 550-51 in Lazica, hurled against the Byzantine siege artillery fire-pots filled with sulphur, asphalt and naphtha (BG VIII, 11, 35). Kaminiates mentions only pitch and quicklime. Pitch in liquid form mixed with naphtha or crude oil was mentioned by Anna Komnena (XIV, 2, 10) as the mixture that made up the contents of clay amphorae hurled by the Arabs of Tyre against the wooden siege engines of the Crusaders. Pitch mixed most commonly with some form of crude oil and other ingredients had been known as an incendiary agent already in antiquity (Thuc. 11, 53; Aeneas, Pol. 33-35) and late antiquity (Vegetius IV 1-8, 18). Herodian (VIII.9) refers to a mixture of pitch, asphalt and oil in 'hollow pots' thrown against the Roman army and their 170

Endnotes

weapons at the siege of Aquileia in 238. Pitch by itself, unless it is mixed with oil or naphtha, is not flammable (Marchus graecus, 491-97). Quicklime, the second ingredient of Kaminiates' destructive mixture, is a substance rarely mentioned as part of an incendiary missile. The only other source, the third-century Greek chronicler Julius Africanus, names

quicklime as one of the constituents of a compound in which liquid asphalt (= naphtha), among other ingredients, was present. The chronicler

writes that crushed quicklime poured on the mixture causes it to ignite

suddenly under the impact of solar heat; for this reason, he calls it 'automatic fire'. Some modern researchers were led to believe that quicklime was an ingredient in the incendiary substances which the Byzantines commonly called 'liquid' fire and the Westerners, Greek fire (Hime 1915, 39; Mercier 1952, 14; Forbes 1959, 86; cf. Korres 1989, 87). Quicklime in powder form, in their view, increased the temperature of the mixture and caused it to ignite automatically when it was projected on the sea; for others (Davidson 1973, 70) a small quantity of quicklime in the mixture simply prevented it from being extinguished by the sea water. The view that quicklime upon coming in contact with sea water ignited the mixture has come under serious scrutiny and questioning (Zenghelis 1932, 270; Cheronis 1937, 363); Partington (1960, 30) went so far as to exclude quicklime from any incendiary composition because it is an unsuitable substance. Mercier (1952, 30, 124) holds that the basic ingredients of

'Greek fire' with which the pots were filled were naphtha, sulphur, quicklime and saltpetre. It is difficult to determine whether the mixture which is described by Kaminiates was a flammable substance used only in fire-pots as missiles (Partington 1960, 15, 29; Christides 1984, 65; Haldon 1977, 98), or if it was what the Byzantine authors (Theoph. 396, 15; Theoph. Cont. 298, 19; Leo Tact. 53, 8; Const. Porph. De adm. imp., 13, 73) commonly refer to it as 'liquid' fire which was projected both in fire-pots or through siphons under pressure (cf. Korres, 1989, 118-22, n.84). Regardless of what one wishes to call Kaminiates' combustible substance, its full composition

remains a matter of speculation; since these incendiary substances of missile type came in various forms, it is difficult to infer what the other constituents were. Certainly, naphtha or crude petroleum was an essential component; in addition, sulphur seems to have been a common ingredient in most mixtures. Although quicklime and saltpetre are not essential, they were still often added as ancillaries (Davidson 1973, 70; Partington 1960, 30-32; Haldon 1977, 92). The resinous torches that the author mentions were obviously used to ignite the liquid mixture in the clay fire-pots. 171

Endnotes 75

It is clear from the narrative that the earthenware pots containing the

flammable substances that Kaminiates mentions were prepared only when the Thessalonians were alarmed by the Arab contrivance of wooden

towers mounted on their ships' masts. The defendants' intention was, it seems, to attempt to burn or disable these wooden structures which were perceived as having the potential to seal the fate of the city. There is no doubt that the clay pots were to be hurled either by hand

or by means of an engine, usually a catapult (Mercier, 1952, 92 f.). In surviving Byzantine sources these incendiary containers are variously called 'vases' (Prokopios BG VIII, 11, 35), 'pots' and "hand-siphons' (Leo Tact, 1X 57; Naumachica, 1, 64-65) and they contained a mixture in liquid

form, the thickness of which could have varied greatly. The clay pots (more rarely made of metal or glass) were either dropped on wooden structures during sieges or hurled on to the decks of ships (Prokopios, supra; Naumachica 1, 64; Leo Tact. 53, 8). The combustible contents of the pots were ignited, usually with a resinous torch, at the time that they were

being flung by the soldier or shot by the catapult; some fire-pots were equipped with wicks drenched in sulphur which were lit just before they were thrown; in fewer cases the projectiles were ignited by a shower of fire arrows as they were flung (Mercier 1952, 24 ff.; Forbes, 1959, 87). Mercier thought he had found such fire-pots in the museums of Near Eastern countries and believed the residual traces in them represented the original incendiary mixture (1952, 30); it cannot, however, be certainly

ascertained whether these museum pots were indeed used to contain incendiaries (Partington 1960, 14). 76 The reference here must again be to the use of Greek fire, for which cf. the discussion in note 74.

77 Some of those who had leaped down from the wall in a disorderly and panic-stricken rout without even using the help of a ladder (the incident is referred to briefly in the previous chapter) must have hurt themselves badly and been unable to move as a result. 78 I.e. the Divine call to salvation. For the expression cf. in particular II Thessalonians I.11.

79 The term is used loosely here as a eulogistic synonym for 'monks', 'ascetics'. For its original use cf. Judges 13. 1-8.

80 Cf. Psalms 115.6 (116.15): 'Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints'. 81 Cf. §34.

82 The earliest references to the Acropolis of Thessaloniki are found in Cicero's speeches de provinciis consularibus 2, 4 and in Pisonem 34, 84, 172

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dated ca. 56 and 55 B.C. respectively; the Thessalonians, Cicero writes, fearing the invading Thracians, abandoned the city and felt compelled 'to fortify their citadel', arcem munire. Cicero lived in exile in Thessaloniki between 58 and 57 B.C. Tafrali (1913, 30) thinks that Cicero is describing repairs made to the Hellenistic citadel. Spieser (1984, 62 and 76) maintains that arx, as Cicero uses the word in the above speeches, should be given a broader meaning, denoting either the elevated parts of the city, or more probably the fort variously known today as Heptapyrgion or Yedi Kule, which was built in Hellenistic times to safeguard the north access and the city's water supply

from Chortiates. Spieser believes that what was later known as the Acropolis was not constructed during the Hellenistic era at the same time as the rest of the city's fortifications but as late as the mid-5th century A.D. when a major reconstruction of the ramparts was undertaken. He bases his thesis on two facts: i) the towers in the wall separating the city from the Acropolis are built so that they project into the Acropolis and not into the city, as would have been the common and logical practice when a city and its acropolis ramparts were built at the same time. This peculiarity may be explained if the Acropolis was constructed later than

the separating wall with its towers; ii) the chronological discrepancy between the separating wall and the acropolis ramparts is confirmed by their construction technique: traces of two stages of construction of the separating wall (mid-3rd century B.C. and mid-5th century A.D.) have been identified, but only a single stage, a mid-5th century one, has been observed in the acropolis fortification wall (Spieser, ibid., 62, note 226). Vickers (1972, 167 f.), however, maintains that both the Heptapyrgion fort and the acropolis walls were erected in Hellenistic times as was the practice with many Hellenistic cities in Seleucid Syria and in Macedonia. Oreopoulos, in a recent study (1995, 12-17) of the Heptapyrgion in its

relationship to the Acropolis and the city ramparts, argues that the acropolis ramparts were constructed in two stages: during the first stage, which he dates to a period prior to the reign of Justinian, the walls with their triangular towers and the large cistern were built; in the second stage, which, in his view, coincided most likely with the reign of Heraclius (610641), rectangular towers were added in most of the intervals formed by the triangular towers; he dates the construction of the Heptapyrgion to the 12th century. There is also the view held by some (Velenis 1994, 87 and 97) that the

existing Acropolis was constructed at some time after the early 10th century and that both Cicero and Kaminiates, when speaking of the 173

Endnotes

Acropolis, mean the most elevated and rocky area near the northeast end

of the upper city which was fortified during the Hellenistic era and repaired (munire) in the 1st century B.C. This view, however, which is based only on ambiguous literary evidence, needs archaeological support to gain credibility.

83 A district situated south-west of the Acropolis and named after the Church of St. David (Hosios David), which once stood on high ground close to the wall at its intersection with an imaginary line produced from Sophia Street (see map in Bohlig 1975, 139), and which was later to become the church of the Latomou monastery.

84 The more important of the two gates mentioned by Kaminiates in connection with the western ramparts. It remained the main gate of communication with western lands mentioned by travellers to the city down to the 19th century. Through it passed the Via Egnatia, that large route which joined West-East, Dyrrachion with Constantinople. It was Chatzi Ioannou who first identified the Vardar Gate, as it was widely known under the Turks, with the Golden Gate (1881, 32). By the time Tafrali visited Thessaloniki, the gate was completely torn down (1913, 102). In Byzantine sources, references to the gate are found in the Acta of Saint Demetrius (Migne, PG 116, col. 1180) in connection with the murder

of Nestor, Demetrios' companion, by the Roman soldiers and in the Miracula I, 155.27 where it is cited with its Latin name inauratae, meaning

'golden'. It is mentioned for the last time in a prostagma of Manuel Palaeologus of 1429 (Dolger 1948, no. 124, 1.5; Spieser 1984, 55 f.). It

should be noted that Constantinople also had a Golden Gate, the principal entrance to the city, at which the Via Egnatia terminated. 85 It seems this western gate was not as widely used in later times as the Golden Gate, so it is rarely mentioned by travellers who know it only by its Turkish name Yeni Kapi meaning 'New Gate' (Spieser 1984, 56 note 182). Chatzi Ioannou first identified this gate with the Byzantine Litaea

Gate (1881, 32-34). It was situated at the western end of the modern Aghiou Demetriou Street, the eastern end being occupied by the New Golden Gate or Telli Kapi (see note 84). Apparently it was named after Lite (or Lete), a town to the north-west of Thessaloniki to which the route

from the gate led. Tafrali (1913, 107-110), who saw the gate relatively well preserved, was able to sketch and measure it. It was protected by double doors, an exterior one in the outer wall and an interior one in the main wall; they blocked entrances as wide as 3.20 metres, which were separated from each other by an octagonal court, the length of which was approximately 12-13 metres (Tafrali 1913, 108, fig. 11). 174

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86 Kaminiates must be referring here to maritime gates which led to Constantine's Harbour rather than to the Thermaic gulf since, strictly speaking, no such gates are attested in our surviving sources before Kaminiates. Spieser (1984, 58) thinks that the absence of proper gates does not exclude the possible existence of 'smaller gates' (cf. naparr1XLov in

Lemerle I, 177.22). Certainly at the beginning of the 10th century there were two gates open to the city's harbour: one, the so-called 'Leo's Gate', was in all likelihood situated at the juncture of the modern Leontos Sofou and Frangon streets (Bakirtzis 1975, 323); here in 1874 an inscribed lintel was discovered on which the strategos Leo Chitzilakes is mentioned (Spieser 1973, 162-163; Tafrali 1913, 111). The three metre long lintel suggests a rather wide gate. The second entrance to the Harbour is known as the 'Sea Gate' (rrvaii Tov yLaXov) and should have been located at the eastern end of the Harbour's north wall (Bakirtzis 1975, 323, note 173) rather than at the north end of the Harbour's eastern wall (Vickers 1970a, 262). 87 By the building of a wall across them, for which cf. §31.

88 A reference to an acropolis gate that led to the countryside. It is difficult to believe that a single exterior gate served the Acropolis, but there is no reason to question Kaminiates' evidence which is confirmed in the 14th century by John Kantakouzenos (III, 94, 579). The gate, often referred to in the narrative as 'gates', consisting of a double door through which the leaders of the Sklavenes made their escape, has been identified with the gate presently located in the eastern wall of the Acropolis at a

point where a path leads towards the neighbouring hills (Tafrali 1913, 113 f.; Spieser 1984, 58).

89 These commanders had apparently come to help in the defence of the city at the head of a force of Sklavene archers (see §20). Their 'escape' through the gate of the Acropolis at a critical moment of the siege raises, in the opinion of Nasledova, serious questions concerning the credibility of Kaminiates' report of the incident. She points out that he employs the same stereotyped expressions that he applied earlier (§20) to the Slav leaders: malicious, greedy, scheming and deceitful. Kam mates is therefore

criticized by Nasledova for allowing his personal feelings of 'hatred against the Slavs' to colour his narrative of the episode. She holds the view that the exit of the Slav leaders from the city could not have been an escape, since they left behind the soldiers whom they had previously led into the city to fight; above all, that they were acting on the orders of the

strategos of Thessaloniki when they went out to meet the approaching Strymonian allies (1959, 234). 175

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The commanders' argument, however, that they were acting 'at the express command of the strategos' (the reference must be either to Leo or to Niketas and not to the Strymon strategos as Bohlig 1975, 132 believes) seems to have been sufficiently convincing for the crowd, among whom were Kaminiates and his relatives, to allow the 'someone' left behind by the Slav commanders to lock the gates without any opposition from the Thessalonians gathered there. The 'someone' could not have been one of the Slav leaders; he must have been either a Slav archer, or more likely a Thessalonian who knew the city and its fortifications well and probably

was in possession of the keys to the gate. In the context of the circumstances prevailing in the city, it is difficult to explain the conduct of

the person in possession of the keys and the passivity of the frightened

crowd. Can we assume then that the reason - the 'specious pretext' according to Kaminiates - offered by the Slav commanders, that they were going out to meet the Strymonitae Slavs on the orders of the strategos of

Thessaloniki, had such an effect on the people that they passively accepted it? If indeed the Thessalonians who were assembled before the gates accepted the commanders' argument, as the author implies, they must have thought that the Strymonian troops could still help them in spite of the fact that their city was already in the hands of the Arabs. 90 As it appears from Kaminiates' narrative in §§39-42, following the capture of the city by the Arabs, the Acropolis was used by a significant number of people, among whom were the author himself and four other members of his family, as a place of escape to safety and not as a last refuge for security. There was no emergency plan to turn the Acropolis into a last resort stronghold, nor was there an attempt to defend it after the collapse of the sea-wall defences. Nowhere in the narrative is there any indication that either the single gateway to the Acropolis or the wall separating the city from the citadel had been even minimally guarded by

the Byzantine forces. Understandably, within its limited space the Acropolis could not possibly accommodate the population of a city as large as Thessaloniki. The question concerning the function of the city's citadel, therefore, needs to be addressed. The Miracles of St. Demetrios shed no light on the Acropolis and its possible uses. Admittedly, the city in spite of the numerous sieges and attacks in the late 6th and 7th centuries had never fallen to the enemy, and thus its Acropolis, assuming that it was in existence then, does not come into the picture. In the 12th century, when Thessaloniki was being besieged by the Normans (1185), Eustathios, in describing the plight of the bewildered inhabitants wrote: 'people in the lower town lost hope of 176

Endnotes

surviving but most of them raised their eyes towards the Acropolis, as if to a mountain, where they expected to find safety for themselves' EvOa EKapa8oKOVV avrots EvEV6aL, p. 371). In fact, a large number of

Thessalonians found refuge in the Acropolis but only for a short time; their hopes for security were dashed when it was discovered that the recently constructed reservoir could not hold the water supply (ibid., 436).

In 1430, shortly before the city was captured by the Turks, the Thessalonians had not sought the Acropolis as a place of refuge or escape, apparently because its eastern wall which Sultan Murad thought to have been vulnerable was vigorously besieged and breached (John Anagnostes, ed. Tsaras 1958, 30.23-26 and 34.8-9). The events themselves speak clearly of the inherent weakness of the Acropolis as a last place of refuge: there was no outer wall or moat and on the east side the wall was easily accessible on account of the gentle slope (Tafrali 1913, 69; Gounaris 1976, 39; Spieser 1984, 43). It may

safely be said that the independently fortified Acropolis could not provide the security badly needed in times of great danger. In view of its

questionable usefulness to the citizens in emergencies, it has been suggested that its real function was to secure the adjoining plateau from enemy domination and protect the water supply, which was so vital to the city, especially during the dry summer months when sieges normally took place (Tafrali 1913, 115; Spieser 1984, 12 and 14; Vickers 1972, 167 attributes an important administrative role to Hellenistic citadels). 91 Cf. §§20-21 for the first occasion. 92 If this is taken to refer to the strategos of Strymon, then Kaminiates' earlier accusation regarding this individual (cf. §20) that 'he misled us right up to the last day of the war into believing that he would appear at any moment' now becomes fully intelligible; but cf. note 89. 93 According to the account given in John 1, 35-42. 94 Cf. Matthew 9,6; Mark 2,10; Luke 5,24.

95 Vocabulary, imagery and thought are largely drawn at this point from patristic sources, as a glance at the entries in the P.G.L. s.vv. drrEVSOKEGJ, 'YEVEQL$, Eivrrp6TToµaL, Eli6UVa, µaKapLOTgc, TEXEtcaaLs and XmpLQµos will

make dear, all of these being words which occur in the present passage. 96 Cf. §41.

97 This nunnery is otherwise unknown. The few details supplied here are the only pointers to its location that the written record has left us. 98 Cf. §49.

99 This church has not been successfully identified. The most that can be inferred from Kaminiates' narrative is that it was situated on high ground 177

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in one of those parts of the city that sloped upwards in the direction of the Acropolis. 100 I.e. some member of the family circle (for which cf. §54) who, although not one of the five persons mentioned in §42, had knowledge of and access to the whereabouts of the valuables. 101 The general ban on wine goes back to the very beginnings of Islam (cf.

The Holy Qur'an, Sura 2, verse 219 and Sura 5, verse 93), but the significance of this detail, the action it presupposes and the motivation

behind that action become fully intelligible only in the light of the following Hadith preserved by al-Bukhari (d. A.H. 256/A.D. 870): 'Anas said, I was giving drink to people in the abode of Abu Talhah, and their wine at that time was made of dates. Then the Messenger of Allah (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) ordered a crier to make it known that

wine was forbidden. He said, "So Abu Talhah said to me, go out and pour it out." I poured it out, and it flowed in the streets of Madinah.' For the original text (with facing English translation) cf. Maulana Muhammad Ali 1978, 350. Kaminiates preserves here a precious and authentic detail

which would accord both with the spirit of the time and with Leo of Tripoli's desire to display the behaviour of a zealous neophyte. 102

The salat or formal Prayer, one of the 'five pillars' of Islam, is observed five times a day, namely, at dawn, mid-day, mid-afternoon, sunset and nightfall. The final assault was delivered at dawn (cf. chap. 34) on the 31st of July, 904 and since so many different events are made

to follow this in Kaminiates' account, it seems not unreasonable to suppose that the present reference is to the mid-afternoon prayer. 103 This must be the intended meaning of the at first sight completely unintelligible remark by the 'leader of the other army', Tov ETEPOU UTpaTOt'.

Just six lines earlier Kaminiates had referred to Leo of Tripoli as having gathered together the captains of the fleet, TOvs T 6V v-06v dp)y6Tas. In the present context, therefore, 'the other army' means the foot soldiers, 6 TrECos as opposed to 6 VaUTLKOs QTpaTOs.

104 Although the precise significance of this ecclesiastical title still eludes us, its existence is now firmly attested for the 10th century, thanks to the

publication in 1963 by V. Laurent of a series of seals belonging to the exarchs and patriarchs of the 9th to 11th centuries, which includes the seal of a certain Cosmas, hegoumenos and exarch of Hellas (details in Kazhdan 1978, 303 and notes 9 and 10; his discussion of this particular

point is on the whole a model of impartiality and accuracy). The apparent anomaly of Kaminiates' father being based in Thessaloniki while holding such a title is not unparalleled (cf. Bohlig 1975, 109-110, n.2) and 178

Endnotes

is more an indication of present day ignorance of the finer points of 10thcentury ecclesiastical organization than a serious reason for doubting the authenticity of Kaminiates' account. It is true, however, as Kazdan points

out, that the assertion made here that Kaminiates' father had a status equivalent to that of a bishop is at variance with Kaminiates' earlier statement in §43 that he held only the (relatively low-ranking) clerical grade of anagnostes. But whereas in §43, Kaminiates was imparting autobiographical information in his own person to his addressee, Gregory of Kappadokia, this assertion is put into the mouth of an unnamed Arab commander who is described as 'the leader of the land army'. If we follow Kaminiates' narrative attentively, it is possible to reconstruct a chain of communication. The first link in this chain is the unnamed soldier who had acted as interpreter for Kaminiates. He had, as will be recalled (§48), secured the agreement of the Ethiopians, in whose company he was, to the initial arrangement whereby Kaminiates and his family were to have

their lives spared in return for a promise to hand over a considerable amount of buried treasure. The second link is the equally unnamed commander responsible for the massacre in the Church of St. George (§51). This man, having been informed of the bargain which had been struck, had exempted Kaminiates and his family from the general slaughter. After this he had galloped off

on his horse to the harbour, having given directions that the prisoners should be led there. Given the vicissitudes which Kaminiates then relates (their journey to the harbour, from there to where the treasure was hidden

and then back again to the harbour in §§53-55), there must have been plenty of time for the perpetrator of the massacre in the church to pass on to his superior, the leader of the land army, the details originally supplied by Kaminiates. Whatever these were, they must have been calculated to

emphasize the value of the treasure and the social importance of the family. To inflate that importance by equating Kaminiates' father's status with that of a bishop was doubtless part of the strategy of survival. The abuse of terminology is unlikely to be a serious consideration when one's life is at stake. Leo of Tripoli's interest in finding the bishop is clearly mercenary: a live bishop would be a great deal more valuable than a dead one. If Kaminiates' father was dressed in such a way as to suggest the

status of a bishop, that too should come as no surprise. The same foresight that had gone into hiding the treasure would have ensured that he was found wearing his very finest robes. 105 Le that of 'chamberlain' (koubikleisios) ascribed to him (in both the title and the colophon) by the manuscript tradition. 179

Endnotes 106

The exchange of prisoners occurred a year later on 27th September, and continued for four days. The exchange took place at a customary site by the Lamus river in Kilikia, slightly east of Tarsos, and 12,000 prisoners

were ransomed; the Byzantines, however, unexpectedly broke off the proceedings and as a result both sides withdrew taking with them the remaining prisoners. The interrupted exchange was known in Arabic sources as 'the perfidious exchange' or 'Fida al-ghadr' (Tabari III, 2254; Vasiliev 1968, II, 1, 182-84). Nothing is known about the fate of John Kaminiates, whether he was released or whether he even lived to see the exchange of prisoners. 107 Leo Chitzilakes. 108 Leo of Tripoli. 109 The eunuch Rhodophyles held the important office of koubikoularios

or 'chamberlain' in the imperial palace. The sparse information supplied by the chroniclers (cf. Theoph. Cont. 368, 6-9) supplements Kaminiates' much fuller account here by furnishing us with the additional detail that

the unfortunate Rhodophyles had put in at Thessaloniki in order to receive treatment for, and to recuperate from, an illness. For the gradual transformation of the cubiculum and the development, during the course of the 7th-11th centuries, of a parallel palace hierarchy staffed for the most part by eunuchs cf. Brehier 1949, 109-112. 110 111

Cf. §18. Cf. §25.

112

According to Arab chroniclers the number of Byzantine merchant

ships that Leo of Tripoli seized was sixty (Sibt al-Jawzi mentions seventy). These sources do not distinguish, as Kaminiates does, between

sunken ships and ships moored on the beach, nor do they specify the number of ships in each category (Gregoire 1952, 375; Vasiliev II, 2, 1950, 18-19, 56 and 143). 113 The reference is to Leo Chitzilakes and Niketas. 114 Some chroniclers agree with Kaminiates in reporting that Symeon the

asekretis handed over to Leo of Tripoli the gold left behind by Rhodophyles (Theoph. Cont. 368.11-12; Ps.-Sym. 707-22; Kedrenos II,

263.3-4); others, however, who report the event in exactly the same words, mention that Rhodophyles carried with him both 'gold and gifts' but that Symeon handed over to Leo the gold only (Georg. Cont. 863.3-4; Leo Gramm. 277.15). A further point of divergence from Kaminiates is raised by the Life of St. Euthymius (1955/56, 106) where it is written that Symeon gave the Arabs Tily E's Bovkyapovs Trap' afTOO &TrocrTaXEL6av 4LXLK'IV 8c. 't o LV µETd Kal TS

TOO Xpvvt ou ,

180

'the friendly gifts sent

Endnotes

by him [the emperor] for the Bulgars, along with the quantity of gold'. Stylistically the phrase in the Life cited above seems to distinguish 'gifts' destined for the Bulgarians, from 'gold' for which the biographer does not identify the original recipient. Karlin-Hayter (1965, 610) argues that the biographer wrongly interpreted Kaminiates' reference to the Strymon strategos to whom Rhodophyles entrusted the gold as meaning Bulgarians. Runciman (1930, 151), who says that Symeon the asekretis travelled with

Rhodophyles and was caught by the Arabs in the city, suggests that Symeon carried gold which represented the tribute of the Macedonian 'cities' to the Bulgarians (see note 20). Theocharides (1980, 244f.) thinks that Rhodophyles' gold was originally destined for the Bulgarians but was surrendered to the Arabs to save lives and the city. For NystazopoulouPelekidou (1979, 70) Symeon's 'friendly gifts' were proof of the cordial relations between Byzantium and Bulgaria. Kaminiates' testimony, confirmed by the chroniclers, is unassailable.

The question, however, of Symeon's 'gifts' of friendship is puzzling. Perhaps they were tied to the activities of the Bulgarian army all along the

south-eastern frontier with Byzantium and the Naresh boundary stone which the Bulgarians unilaterally set up as it has been argued recently (Oikonomides 1995, 241f.). The Bulgarian actions make Symeon's threat to capture the fallen city sound more real and explain his mission to the Bulgarians in the environs of Thessaloniki at a most critical moment in its history (Kaminiates tells us that Symeon was sent 'on an urgent matter'). Moreover, Kaminiates' evidence concerning Rhodophyles' intention to send the gold to the Strymon strategos has been questioned by Nasledova (1956a, 88-92 and 1959, 238), who believes that the gold was offered as

a strong incentive to the strategos, to speed up the despatch of Slavic archers. But it would make better sense (contra Kaminiates, and in agreement with the Life) if Rhodophyles' gold were to have been used to pay the Bulgarians to lift their pressure on the Strymon. This would have allowed the Strymon strategos to rush a force of Slavic archers for the defence of Thessaloniki. 115 On 9th August. 116 This is important evidence which shows that there was Egyptian participation in the expedition of Leo of Tripoli. 117

It was past midnight. Earlier (cf. §66) Kaminiates had given the

vague indication 'after late evening' preceded by a reference to sunset and apparently presupposing an interval between the two. 118 Bolbos as a toponym is not known from any other source, and therefore it cannot be identified with any degree of assurance. Attempts 181

Endnotes

to identify it with Embolon (Gregoire, 1952, 375) or to place it at the tip

of the Pallene peninsula (Nasledova 1959, 239) are not acceptable. Bolbos was probably situated in the area between the modern ports of Nea Moudania and Nea Potidaea, since it was in the late afternoon when the Arab ships arrived there. In this particular area the 17th-century map makers mention a certain Scolus (Visscher 1682 and Coronelli 1696 in MMA, 1985, 136-37 and 166-67). If the Arab fleet put out to sea at dawn of August 9th, after sailing for a distance of approximately 55 miles, it probably reached the port of Bolbos in the early afternoon; then, following a brief delay for the ransoming of certain women, the ships set out for the tip of Pallene, which they would have been able to reach in the evening of the same day. 119

The crossing, from the tip of Pallene to the Diadromoi at the

Sporades Islands, must have been rough, because it was made in the open sea and at a time when the north wind or meltemi can be quite strong, as Kaminiates attests. The arrival at the Diadromoi (the modern Alonnisos and Peristera) was in the early morning of August 10th. 120 Approximately 184.87 metres. 121 Andros, one of the larger islands of the Cyclades, is separated from the southernmost tip of Euboea by a strait of 15km width. The Arab fleet

must have arrived near Andros in the morning of August 12th. The manoeuvres of the fleet which Kaminiates describes in order to avoid any

encounter with the Byzantine navy lasted four days until August 16th when it touched the island of Patmos. 122

The island where St. John the Theologian, identified with the

Apostle John, is said to have been exiled during the reign of Domitian (AD 81-96). A monastery in honour of St. John, who wrote the Apocalypse

(Rev. I, 9-10) and, according to one tradition, the Fourth Gospel on this island, was founded in the late 11th century. A sojourn of six days from August 16th to 21st in a waterless island, as Kaminiates says, must have served some purpose for the Arab pirates, especially since Patmos lay quite far from their course. 123 Le. people were driven by hunger to eat rotting food and by thirst to drink contaminated water, so that they died not of hunger and thirst but from contaminated food and drink. 124 Otherwise, as Kaminiates implies, the air, which they must first inhale before they can exhale, will already have been breathed in and out by an indefinite number of persons before them. The suggestion seems to be that the individual could raise his head just long enough to inhale before lowering it again and exhaling into the common pool of foul air. 182

Endnotes 125

The largest island of the Cyclades. Naxos, like los, Paros, Cythera and Carpathos, was under the control of the Muslims of Crete and paid tribute to them (Christides 1981, 95-97). The islands were used as bases for Muslim raids on other islands and cities of the Aegean Sea. The Syrian fleet of Leo stayed in Naxos for two days and must have departed on August 23rd or 24th, since by August 26th it had reached Crete. 126 Le. 'Living Place', perhaps a calque on the Latin word vivarium, which means, among other things, `fishpond'. The site is not attested in other sources and cannot be identified with any degree of accuracy. From the information that Kaminiates provides in §74, Zontarion seems to have been situated near the city of Chandax, and more likely to the west of it at a nearby bay; the small rivers that flow through the adjacent plain offer a good supply of water. Moreover, it lay across the channel separating the islet of Dia from the Chandax Bay (Bohlig 1975, 137). 127 I follow here, though with some hesitation Bohlig's emended text and punctuation, which, if correct, would suggest a certain grim ironic humour

on the part not only of Kaminiates but also of his fellow sufferers. Otherwise, one might perhaps leave the text as it stands and read, 'but which in truth came to have an opposite meaning for us.' 128 Cf. Christides 1984, 71 for an illustration of a Muslim ship with an animal's head on the prow. Perhaps Kaminiates has some such figurehead in mind here. 129 I.e. Sunday the 26th of August, since it is clear from the information

already supplied by Kaminiates that Sunday the 19th must have been spent off Patmos. 130 One fifth of the booty, material and human, had to be surrendered to the state according to Muslim law (cf. The Holy Qur'an sura 8, verse

41/42); the remainder was divided among the victors. According to Arabic sources, Leo of Tripoli had fixed the share of the booty for each

participant in the raid on Thessaloniki at the amount of 1,000 dinars (Tabari III, 2250; Gregoire 1952, 375; Farag 1989, 134 and n. 7).

131 A reminiscence of Matth. 2.18, itself an adaptation of Jeremiah 38.15. Clearly, Kaminiates has both passages in mind. 132

According to Kaminiates, the prisoners from Thessaloniki were made up - with the exception of a small number of adults packed in one ship - of a single age group, i.e. young people (see also §61). On the basis

of this information, Finlay attempted to make a rough estimate of the total population of Thessaloniki in 904; he concluded that it amounted to 220,000 assuming that the 22,000 young prisoners comprised one-tenth of the entire urban population (II, 1877, 267 n.1). 183

Endnotes

Some scholars have accepted Finlay's figure as reasonable (Vasiliev II, 1, 1968, 168) but others have thought it too high (e.g. Struck 1905, 54243). Theocharides (1980, 245) puts it at 100,000, which in our opinion is a more credible figure.

A number of unknown factors contribute to make any estimate of Thessaloniki's population controversial. First, the number of those killed by the Arab forces in the city must have been quite high on the basis of

Kaminiates' narrative (see §§39-41, 45, 51-52, 54); as far as Arabic sources are concerned the actual number of those slaughtered by the enemy ranges from 5,000 (Tabari, Tarikh, X, 117) to 15,000 (Sibt al-Jawzi in Gregoire, 1952, 375). The 12th-century historian al-Jawzi, who reports

the prisoners to have been 30,000, seems to be closer to Kaminiates' figures than the 10th-century Tabari whose figure for those killed and taken prisoners is 5,000 respectively. Second, a significant number of people must have escaped (see §37) and others must have gone into hiding. Third, many of the prisoners were ransomed by their relatives who

had escaped from the city (§§62 and 63); the number of the ransomed should have been in the thousands since the transactions lasted ten days. Also, a number of women were bought at Bolbos (§67) and some people succumbed to death during the long voyage to Crete (§§68 and 69). It has been observed, however, that Thessaloniki soon after its capture

developed into a significant economic, political and military centre rivalling Constantinople itself (Ahrweiler 1983, 278). It appears then that the Arab raid did not have a fatal impact on the city, and did not deprive it of such a large number of its population that it fell into a decline. 133

Cf. §61.

134 135 136

Leo of Tripoli. The 6th of September.

Dia, from 'Dia', 'the divine island', instead of Kaminiates' ALOS, 'Zeus's island' (Pauly-Wissowa,V, 298) is an islet lying 12 miles or 19 km north of Chandax (modern Iraklion). The Arab fleet did not stop at Dia, but passing by to the south of the island it headed towards the eastern part of Crete, where it made its final stop for water before it sailed on the open sea towards Cyprus. The most suitable place for purposes of beaching and water supply is the Sitia area, the last accessible part of the eastern tip of Crete. The voyage from Zontarion to Sitia should have taken, depending on weather

conditions, between a day and a day and a half, i.e. on the 7th of September the ships must have reached Sitia. 137 Cf. the remark with which Kaminiates concludes §1. 184

Endnotes 138

It would appear from what Kaminiates says here that Leo of Tripoli had no booty on board his ship, only food and water,together with his own men and a number of (presumably) valuable prisoners. 139 Leo Chitzilakes and Niketas. 140 Cf. Hebrews 4.13. 141 A reminiscence of Psalm 106 (107), 29, but the close verbal parallel

in Kaminiates is with the Septuagint and cannot be brought out in translation, since all well-known translations reflect the language of the Hebrew at this point and there is, precisely, at this point, a divergence of language and imagery between the two versions. 142 After a five day trip from their last stop in Crete (Sitia) to Paphos in Cyprus, the fleet should have arrived on 12th September. After a short sojourn in Paphos it set out, probably on 13th September, and reached Tripoli in Syria on 14th September, the feast of the Elevation of the Holy Cross. So it took the Arab fleet with its human cargo thirty-seven days after sailing from Thessaloniki on August 9th to reach its final port of call. 143

C f. §2.

144

Cf. §l.

145 146

Cf. Romans 2.5

This tailpiece, added at some time by an unknown scribe, is found,

according to Bohlig, in all the manuscripts. Cf. Bohlig, 1975, 138.

185

INDEX

Numbers in bold type refer to paragraphs of the text. Roman numerals refer to pages of the Introduction. Arabic numerals refer to numbers of the Endnotes.

Abydikoi Acheiropoietos (church) Akrouliou (nunnery) Alexander (archbishop) Anagnostes (title) Andros Antioch-on-the-Orontes Ayia/Ayios Beroia Bolbos Boris I (Bulgarian ruler)

Bulgaria

xlii, 23 xlii 97 9

xxxi, 104 121 7

see St.

6, 16, 14, 43 67, 118 21, 29 22-3, 49

Chitzilakes, see Leo

Demetrias

14, 44

Dorotheos (archbishop) Dia (island) Drougobitae Droungarios Doukas, Andronikos (strategos) Ekphrasis (of Thessaloniki)

10

Ethiopians Eustathios (admiral) Galerius, Mausoleum of Gates, see Thessaloniki `Greek Fire' Gregory of Kappadokia Gunpowder Hagia/Hagios, see St. Hegoumenos Heptapyrgion Himerios (admiral)

Hormisdas

74 17-21, 57 10

49 xxxii, 4-8

52 49 xli

33-34, 74-6

xxviii ff., xxxvi if., 1, 74, 79

29, 70 104 82 49 x1v f. 187

Index

Isbul (general) `Ishmaelites' Kakikis (strator) Kaminiates, authenticity of work Kassandreiotic Gate Kommerkiarioi Kouboukleisios (chamberlain) Leo III (emperor) Leo VI (emperor) Leo (droungarios) Leo Chitzilakes Leo of Tripoli (name) Macedonia, Byzantine Marinos (protospatharios) Myrobletes (title) Naxos Niketas Orthodoxy at Thessaloniki Paphos Parium

Patmos Paul (consul 512) Perboundas (king) Petronas Rhodophyles Rome Gate Rinchinoi Sagoudatoi `Scythians' Siricius (Pope) Sklavinia, meaning of Slavs Smoleanoi St Andrew (church) St. David (church and district) St. Demetrios St. George

St Paul St. Sophia Staurakios (Emperor)

34 18 xlvi xxxvii ff.

30 23 xxxi, 1, 79 16, 9 16, 49 10

xxxiv if., 63, 50, 51 65 8 xlvi

3 70, 125 19, 20, 54, 59, 27 10

77 49 68, 70, 122 xlvi 17

xxxv, 17, 50 59, 114 30 57 17-21, 57 9 9

57 20, 57, 89 57 93 39, 83

xxxiii, xli, 3; (church) xlii, 11, 22 (church) xlii, 51 3

(church) xlii, 11, 34

19, 57 188

Index

Strymon (river and theme) Strymonitai Symeon (Bulgarian ruler) Symeon (asekretis)

Tarsos Thasos Thessaloniki

20, 57-59, 41, 64 57

20, 22, 31, 114 62-64 55, 62, 77, 78 29

(description) xxxii,3-11; (history) xli f.;

(fortifications) xlii if., 49; (gates) 2830, 68, 72-73, 40, 84-86, 88; (`Jetty') 4, 23, 67; (population) 132; (harbour) xlvii f., 4; (supports Orthodoxy) 10; Acropolis 82 Tripoli

77

Via Egnatia Winds, at Thessaloniki Wine (Islamic prohibition)

xli, xliii 12

Xerxes Zontarion

xlviii, 8, 27

101

70

189