Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching: A Book for Teachers

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Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching : A Book for Teachers Multilingual Matters (Series) ; 62 Byram, Michael.; Esarte-Sarries, Veronica. Multilingual Matters 185359086X 9781853590863 9780585259758 English Language and languages--Study and teaching, Language and culture--Study and teaching. 1991 P53.B945 1990eb 418.007 Language and languages--Study and teaching, Language and culture--Study and teaching.

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Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching A Book for Teachers

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Multilingual Matters Age in Second Language Acquisition BIRGIT HARLEY Bicultural and Trilingual Education MICHAEL BYRAM and JOHAN LEMAN (eds) Cultural Studies and Language Learning M. BYRAM, V. ESARTE-SARRIES and S. TAYLOR Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education MICHAEL BYRAM Current Trends in European Second Language Acquisition Research HANS W. DECHERT (ed.) Dialect and Education: Some European Perspectives J. CHESHIRE, V. EDWARDS, H. MUNSTERMANN and B. WELTENS (eds) Foreign/Second Language Pedagogy Research R. PHILLIPSON, E. KELLERMAN, L. SELINKER, M. SHARWOOD SMITH and M. SWAIN (eds) Introspection in Second Language Research C. FAERCH and G. KASPER (eds) Key Issues in Bilingualism and Bilingual Education COLIN BAKER Language Acquisition: The Age Factor D. M. SINGLETON Language Policy Across the Curriculum DAVID CORSON Learner Language and Language Learning C. FAERCH, K. HAASTRUP and R. PHILLIPSON Mediating Languages and Cultures D. BUTTJES and M. BYRAM (eds) Minority Education and Ethnic Survival MICHAEL BYRAM Modelling and Assessing Second Language Acquisition K. HYLTENSTAM and M. PIENEMANN (eds) Oral Language Across the Curriculum DAVID CORSON Raising Children Bilingually: The Pre-School Years LENORE ARNBERG The Role of the First Language in Second Language Learning HÅKAN RINGBOM Second Language Acquisition Foreign Language Learning B. VanPATTEN and J. F. LEE (eds) Story as Vehicle EDIE GARVIE Teaching and Learning English Worldwide J. BRITTON, R. E. SHAFER and K. WATSON (eds) Variation in Second Language Acquisition Vol. I and Vol. II S. GASS, C. MADDEN, D. PRESTON and L. SELINKER (eds) Please contact us for the latest book information: Multilingual Matters, Bank House, 8a Hill Road, Clevedon, Avon BS21 7HH, England.

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MULTILINGUAL MATTERS 62 Series Editor: Derrick Sharp

Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching A Book for Teachers Michael Byram and Veronica Esarte-Sarries MULTILINGUAL MATTERS LTD Clevedon Philadelphia

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Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Byram, Michael Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching: A Book for Teachers/Michael Byram and Veronica Esarte-Sarries. p. cm. (Multilingual Matters: 62). Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Language and languages Study and teaching. 2. Language and culture Study and teaching. I. Esarte-Sarries, Veronica. II. Title. III. Series: Multilingual Matters (Series): 62. P53.B945 1990 418.007 dc20 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Byram, Michael Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching: A Book for Teachers (Multilingual Matters: 62). 1. Foreign languages. Teaching. I. Title. II. Esarte-Sarries, Veronica. 418.007 ISBN 1-85359-087-8 ISBN 1-85359-086-X (pbk) Multilingual Matters Ltd Bank House, 8a Hill Road, Clevedon, Avon BS21 7HH, England.

1900 Frost Road, Suite 101, Bristol, PA 19007, &USA.

Copyright © 1991 M. Byram and V. Esarte-Sarries. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. Typeset by Proteus Micro-Applications, Worle. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Longdunn Press Ltd, Bristol.

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For pupils and teachers of 'Hillside' and 'Newfarm'

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For pupils and teachers of 'Hillside' and 'Newfarm'

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Page vii Contents Preface

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Acknowledgements

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1 Introducing 'Cultural Studies' in Foreign Language Teaching

1 1

Preamble 2 The Significance of 'Cultural Studies' 9 The Language Learner as Ethnographer 12 Elements of Language Teaching 16 Research and Teaching in 'Cultural Studies' 18 Further Reading 2 Empirical Investigations in Cultural Studies

20 20

Research and Teaching 22 Starting an Empirical Investigation 24 Deciding What and How to Observe 28 Analysing the Observations 29 Selected Findings 48 The Significance of Empirical Findings 3 'The People Might be a Bit Queer': Attitudes Towards French People

51 51

Introduction 51 Secondary Pupils 62 Primary Pupils 4 'You Sit Down and You Get Your Books Out': Views on 70 Learning French

70 What Will it be Like? 80 What is it Like? 5 What They Eat and Where They Live: Two Topics in 96 Cultural Studies 96 Introduction

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Page viii 97 'Food' 133 'Geography' 149 Conclusion 6 'Probably Learn a Lot from the Teacher'

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Introduction 155 Four Approaches to Cultural Studies 163 Characteristics of Cultural Studies Teaching 166 Conclusion 7 The Textbook

173 173

Introduction 174 Analysis of a Textbook 177 Criteria of Realism 183 Conclusion 8 Language Learners Abroad: Ethnographic Explorations

186 186

Introduction 187 Teachers and Learners as Ethnographers 192 Teacher Training 9 The Significance of Cultural Studies

196 196

Towards a Framework for Cultural Studies 200 The Socio-Political Significance of Cultural Studies Appendices

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1. Extract from the Questionnaire for Pupils

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2. Example from the Attitude Test

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3. Extract from the Interview Schedule

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4. Extract from an Annotated Transcript with Keywords

211

List of Contents of the Companion Volume

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Index

215

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Preface This present volume is one of four booksall published by Multilingual Matterswhich contribute independently to a general theme: the relationship between language and culture in foreign language teaching. Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education (by Michael Byram) comprises a series of essays on the philosophy of language teaching and suggests some theoretical avenues for exploration in the search for greater clarity on fundamental issues. It includes, too, a chapter which draws on the empirical research carried out at the University of Durham. Mediating Language and Cultures (edited by Dieter Buttjes and Michael Byram) is also related to the empirical research project in that it arose out of an international symposium held in Durham. It seeks to provide a European context for the development of language and culture teaching by including surveys of language and culture teaching in several European countries, theoretical articles, reports of empirical research, accounts of teacher training programmes, and discussions of the role of language and culture teaching in multicultural societies and across national frontiers. Investigating Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Teaching (by Michael Byram and Veronica Esarte-Sarries) and Cultural Studies and Language Learning (by Michael Byram, Veronica Esarte-Sarries and Susan Taylor) both report the Durham Project at greater length. The latter gives a full scientific account of the project's attempt to study 'the effect of language teaching on young people's perceptions of other cultures'to use the project's official Economic and Social Research Council title. The aim in fact was to investigate the widely-held assumption that language teaching has positive effects on learners' attitudes towards and understanding of foreign peoples and cultures. The first of the two books, this present volume, has a different purpose. It aims to bridge the gap between research and teaching, between research and curriculum development which is in the hands of teachers. It presents the findings in a quickly accessible form and describes a small-scale experiment in teacher training and curriculum development arising from them. It is intended above all for

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teachers and hopes to draw them into the re-consideration of the purposes and processes of foreign language teaching in general education, to which all four books contribute in their different ways. DURHAM APRIL 1989

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Acknowledgements Although only two authors' names appear on this book, many more people have been involved, and the first thing we would like to do is to acknowledge and express our thanks for that involvement: above all to the pupils, teachers and officials who gave permission or participated in the research; a project of this size is inevitably a demand on people's time and goodwill and we always received plenty of both; for obvious reasons, they cannot be named but in their anonymity we thank them, to those who worked with us, taking an interest beyond what their duty required: Mr George English and Mrs Mabel Williams, for help with data collection and analysis; Mrs Jean Robson for transcribing interviews with patience and care; above all, Mrs Doreen Wilson, project secretary, for her willingness to join in with whatever work was necessary, to Patricia Allatt, our co-researcher for one year and subsequently our consultant; without Pat the research would never have begun and her continuing advice after she left us was invaluable, and especially to Susan Taylor who worked on the project for two years; her focus was the observation of the teaching of culture in the classroom and her work is represented particularly in the companion volume, although in the final analysis we all contributed to each other's work throughout the three years. The Economic and Social Research Council funded the research, and the project was based at the School of Education, University of Durham. (ESRC reference no. C00232 177.) The award of a Social Science Research Fellowship for 1988-89 to one of the authorsMichael Byramby the Nuffield Foundation enabled us to complete this and the companion volume more quickly than would otherwise have been possible. That author would also like to express thanks to the Provost and Fellows of King's College, Cambridge for their hospitality during part of the period of the Fellowship.

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1 Introducing 'Cultural Studies' in Foreign Language Teaching Preamble This is a book about a research project in foreign language teaching. Books about research are usually written by researchers for other researchers in order to disseminate findings and demonstrate the validity and reliability of those findings. Such a book will be written as a companion to this volume. This volume, however, is intended to be different, because research in education is in some respects different from other research. Research in educationat least of the kind involved hereis different in the relationship between researchers and 'subjects' or 'informants'. Unlike much other social science research, in education the 'subjects' are both the source and focus of investigation, and the recipients of the findings just like other researchers. The 'subjects' in question are of course teachers in schools who are subsequently treated as fellow-researchers in so far as they are offered the findings. Yet it is evident to teachers themselves, and to the researchers who are also teachers in other parts of their professional lives, that teachers as recipients of research findings are not usually in a position to read the kind of research report which was mentioned above. They do not have the timeeither to read a lengthy research report or to acquire the capacity to evaluate its claims of validity and reliability. In most cases their education has provided them with insights into the tools of literary criticism but not those of the social sciences. None the less, this volume is accompanied by another in which those who wish to pursue these questions at greater length will find a full account of the research processes, techniques and analytical procedures. Indications will be given in later chapters of links between the two volumes.

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It is for these reasons that the present book has been written. It is not a simplified research report. It is rather like a descant sung to the underlying tune of the report. It relies on and takes up some of the themes of the research but also introduces others which are related but new. Its purpose is threefold. It will present representative findings from the research. It will discuss the significance of the topic and intend to provoke readers to develop their own thoughts and conclusions. And it will illustrate and suggest some implications for teaching which will, we hope, lead readers to their own, better ideas for practice. It is not, therefore, a textbook on theory, nor the kind of teachers' book which accompanies course books and tells teachers how to implement materials in the classroom. It is a book for teachers as recipients of research findings, who might be encouraged by reading it to develop further theory and practice in their own right. This in turn may lead to another opportunity for the researcher to investigate, and so on. 1 The Significance of 'Cultural Studies' Foreign language teachers often hear that language teaching should be 'relevant'. In this they are no exception; all teachers hear this implicit criticism as the world about them changes. The question is, however, 'relevant to what?' for the adjective is incomplete without its post-position. Of course the response will be that language teaching should be relevant to the present and anticipated experience of the pupils. And in recent years this notion of anticipated experience has been described in terms of an analysis of the 'needs' of pupils. Needs analysis has made more explicit the relationship between learning and other kinds of experience, usually in the future 'after school', but in more subtle and thoughtful analyses present experience inside and outside school has been taken into account. None the less, it is not needs analysis in itself which has raised the demand for 'relevance'. For, in a stable and unchanging world, needs analyses would be simply a useful tool for rendering the implicit explicit. The demand for relevance arises rather out of change. For the demand that language learning be relevant to other experience is more than a demand that it be related to other experience. The demand for relevance indicates that an established relationship is losing its meaning; behind the demand for relevance is a demand for new relationships to be forged between language learning and learners' other experience. In the modern age of language teachingsince the introduction of schooling for all in the late nineteenth centurythere has been one major

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change in the relationship, and therefore one major call for a review of its relevance. That change is the spread to many European (and North American) countries, and many layers of their societies, of the opportunity for travel: the spread of tourism. In his history of twentieth century Britain (English History 1914-1945) A. J. P. Taylor begins by pointing out that before 1914 frontiers were open and passports not needed. Paradoxically the increase in regimentation at frontiers and the requirement of a passport arose as travel became more accessible to more people, for in pre-1914 days the open frontiers were in fact closed to the vast majority of people, for lack of opportunity and inclination. Two European wars have taken generations to foreign countries who, later, travelled in more favourable circumstances, once the psychological barriers had been crossed and the practical and financial hindrances removed. In the pre-tourism age, the relationship of language learning to other experience was between different areas of educational experience. It was a relationship which in fact only pertained for a few pupilsin grammar and 'public' schoolsbut this is tangential to the issue. It was a relationship between learning to read and write a language and studying literature, philosophy, science produced by individuals in societies which spoke the language or at least used it for recording its achievements. This applied not only to Latin, Greek and other 'classical' languages, but also to French, German and other 'modern' languages. The need to use the language in direct verbal contact with members of the societies was much reduced either by the lack of opportunity and inclination for travel or by the disappearance of the usage of the language as the vernacular of a society. The teaching of languageswhether classical or modernon this pattern was therefore meaningfully related or 'relevant' to other experience. It served its purpose. After the changes in the world which allowed tourism to flourish, this relationship was no longer adequate. It was still meaningful but needed to be supplemented. Generations taught according to the pre-tourism pattern found, especially after the second war, that another relationship was possible: between language learning and experience of verbal contact with people of other societies. The first relationship was still necessary but not sufficient. The introduction of schooling for all in the late nineteenth century gradually became the introduction of a common education for all in the mid-twentieth century, epitomised in the notion of comprehensive schools at secondary as well as primary level. There are variations on this development from country to country but the idea that all pupils should have the opportunity to learn a foreign language became almost universal.

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This coincided of course with the spread of access to tourism, and the requirement that language learning should develop its relationship with other experiences was reinforced by the quantity of learners involved. The crucial question however is whether this new dimension of the relationship should become central or even the sole dimension: the relationship of language learning to reading literature and other works might be eliminated, at least for some pupils. The problem lies, however, in that last phrase. The notion that there should be different kinds of learning experience for different groups of pupils is incompatible with a definition of education for all which is dependent on the belief that it should be the same education for all. Such a definition can lead to two possibilities for language teachers. They can support a relationship between language learning, reading literature and being a tourist abroad or, more simply, between language learning and tourism only. The third possibility of supporting the complex relationship for some pupils and the simple one for others does not exist. This third possibility only comes into being if the definition of education for all is changed to allow different kinds of education for different groups. What we have described, then, are the demands for 'relevance' in foreign language teaching within a historical development context and within a philosophical debate about comprehensive education. Whatever the outcome, it is evident that demands for relevance arise from changes in international relations between societies and in social and educational philosophies within societies. In practice, in many 'comprehensive' schools, education for all is not interpreted as the same education for all with respect to language learning. None the less it is also evident that in order to blur the issues the relationship of language learning and tourism has become dominant during the period of compulsory schooling, even if the relationship with literature and other intellectual works has not been totally forgotten. In this sense, therefore, language teaching has become 'relevant': it has changed to embrace the new relationship brought about by change in societies, their economies and their schools. In the late twentieth century another major change is affecting language teaching and no doubt there will soon be new calls for greater relevance. It is the change brought about by a returnin Western Europe initiallyto open frontiers, but this time with greater access for most people. Furthermore the open frontiers are not merely an invitation to more tourism but an encouragement for more migration. Migration began before the opening of frontiers and only for specific groups within specific societies. Since those groups have low social status their migration has had only marginal effects on language teaching: effects on teaching methods as

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a consequence of analysis of their needs in their new environment. When, however, higher status groups begin to migrate in greater numbers, the effects will be more significant. There will be demands that language learning be related to the experience of migration, of living in and not merely touring another society speaking another language. Teaching pupils for tourism will be called irrelevant when new needs are perceived. The question will then arise as to whether the new relationship should oust the others or be combined with them. So far we have referred simply to 'language learning and teaching', but language is inseparable from other phenomena both inside and outside the classroom. Language is the main medium for expressing and embodying other phenomena. It expresses and embodies the values, beliefs and meanings which members of a given society, or part of it, share by virtue of their socialisation into it and their acceptance of and identification with it. The phrase 'capital punishment' for example has particular resonances and collocations in British society some of which are common to all, others only to some. When the phrase is further contextualised it evokes values and beliefs which are part of the network of understandings holding groups of people together. Language also refers to objects peculiar to a given culturemost obviously in proper namesand embodies those objects. The use of a phrase such as 'loaf of bread' evokes a specific cultural object in British usage unless a conscious effort is maple to empty it of that reference and introduce a new one. Language teaching has therefore always and inevitably meant, in fact, 'language and culture teaching'. In the British tradition this has largely been taken for granted and considered unproblematic. Elsewherein Germany in particularthere has existed a greater awareness. In Germany, the debate about the relationship between language and Landeskunde, has been long and intense and the fact that at various points in the modern history of language teaching Landeskunde has been called Kulturkunde and Wesenskunde is an indication that the: relationship is not unproblematic, in Germany or elsewhere. In the period when language learning was related to the study of literature and other intellectual artefacts in language, teaching had to include reference to those phenomena other than language which were necessary for understanding intellectual products. This was done above all by selection of a language corpus drawn from the products themselves. In the early stages of learning the nature of the selection remained implicit but as the learner advanced it became increasingly evident that the corpus was drawn directly from literary works in particular. Eventually the advanced learner used extracts from literature and philosophy as a means

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of language learning, concentrating first on the clarification of the meaning by techniques of translation and later on the significance of the meaning in literary and philosophical context. Where necessary the teacher would supply further information of a historical nature to enable the learner to appreciate the culturally specific values and collocations embodied in the language. Since the texts to be studied largely emanated from a restricted level of the foreign society and were written in a restricted vocabulary, learners needed to be taught only about a restricted aspect of the foreign society, whether contemporary or historical. The change which introduced the new relationship with tourism required a parallel change in the selection and contextualisation of the corpus of language to be learnt. Direct experience of another country involves not only the cognitive but also the affective dimension of the personality. The individual needs to be able to accept and cope with ways of thinking and also modes of behaviour which are new. Furthermore, his own mode of behaviour must be at least tolerated by people in the country being visited if a sense of being ill at ease is to be avoided. Language teaching becomes associated with the notion of encouraging tolerance of that which is alien and potentially threatening or unpleasant, and the instilling of behaviour which is acceptable in the foreign country. As the balance shifts towards the dominance of the relevance of language teaching to acquaintance with a foreign country, the introduction of more reference to everyday behaviour of a wider variety of social groupings in the foreign country becomes necessary. There was, therefore, a need to change the selection of language and the provision of knowledge appropriate to the contextualisation of the language. Whereas in the study of literary language it could be assumed that texts or parts of texts related directly to and indeed embodied the values, beliefs and meanings of a society, no such canonical texts exist for the teaching of language of everyday life as seen by a visitor. Selection had to be intuitive and texts created on that basis. Add to this the increasingly dominant idea that learners should acquire a minimal capacity to use their language for visits already in the beginner stage. This in turn meant that the previous tacit agreement, that the link of language learnt with cultural meanings could be left until an advanced stage of learning, had to be replaced. Learners had to be provided with the link between language and context already in the first stage. Chosen on intuitive grounds, the language of everyday life was contextualised by placing it in situations from everyday life, usually those

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experienced by a fictional family. On a similarly intuitive basis, then, further information was provided as 'background'. The introduction of 'background studies' was established. The fact that in many British schools this element was expanded into French or German Studies, at the expense of language learning, for those learners who proved to be reluctant or recalcitrant need not delay us here. Essentially background studies is still with us. The recognition, through the analysis of a visitor's or tourist's needs, that the intuitive selection of language used in everyday family situations, was inadequate has not changed substantially the kind of provision of 'background information'. The contextualisation and selection of language is focused on the situations probably faced by a tourist and the kind of information provided has changed accordingly. But the nature of the provision, the relationship between language and information, remains the same: learners are trained in the use of appropriate linguistic behaviour, given advice on appropriate non-verbal behaviour and warned about alien cultural objects and behaviours which may unsettle them by their deviance from the learners' expectations. In short they are helped to act appropriately and protected affectively against the effects of direct experience. The 'background studies' teaching is made relevant to their potential and putative needs as tourists. The next change in language teachingcaused by increased mobility and migrationwill require a change in both language and 'background studies'. It will, however, also require a change in the nature of the relationship between these two. Whereas the role of tourist can be described and defined with some degree of accuracy and reliability and the required linguistic and non-linguistic behaviours and affective threats predicted, this is much less possible with respect to migration. It is much less predictable which behaviours will be required or which threats sustained. It is correspondingly difficult to train for specific situations, and warn about specific deviations from the learners' expectations. Instead of this, it will be necessary to provide learners with the capacity to adapt to new situations. Learners will need a grasp of the relationship between language and the values and meanings it embodies, an understanding of the implicit connotations and collocations of vocabulary, and an understanding of the nature of the inter-relationship between the self and the society in which one lives. On this basis they will be able to adapt effectively to new situations and use their cognitive powers to develop appropriate behaviours, both linguistic and non-verbal. This does not exclude the selection of specific language, situations and cultural contexts for the teaching of foreign languages, but implies rather that it will

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be necessary to go beyond training for the predictable to preparation for the unpredictable. It will not be adequate to provide 'background information', first because the scope of its future usage will be limited and, more importantly, because learners will need not only to cope with alien behaviours and objects but also to interact with individuals who have a different set of values and meanings. The learners who acquire this capacity and the underlying understanding will almost certainly reflect not only on the language, culture and social identity of foreign people but also on their own. The comparative perspective on the self from the viewpoint of the other is a characteristic uniting the three stages of language teaching suggested here. It is often claimed that this is one of the benefits of language learning, made most explicit in the use of translation as a technique of teaching. Translation obliges the learner to reflect on the native language as well as the foreign language. This benefit may be outweighed by other disadvantages in the specific case of translation, but there are comparable benefits of comparison of native and foreign cultures and languages from a perspective which values each in its own right without a sense of fear of the alien and deviant. This notion of education about the native language and culture through learning a foreign language and culture has been given differing degrees of emphasis at different periods. When language learning was related to study of intellectual artefacts, there was an assumption that such artefacts had, beside their specific historical meaning, a universal value which would lead to a better understanding of the self and the native society. This meant that it was above all in the detail of language and meanings that the specificity of native language and culture was evident for reflection. Where language learning is dominated by its relevance to tourism, there is a considerable danger that reflection on self is subordinated to an assumption that the foreign language and culture is to be understood in relationship to the native, which in fact is taken for granted rather than held up for inspection. In language teaching which aims to provide learners with the capacity to analyse and cope with the unexpected, the opportunity for self-reflection is more clearly to hand. It may indeed be not only desirable as an outcome but useful as a teaching technique. In addition to the attention to the detail of linguistic meanings as expressions of values and beliefs, the need to cope affectively with new experience introduces another level of teaching and learning which previous emphasis on the search for universals in foreign intellectual artefacts tended to ignore. It is desirable that this reflection on the self irrespective of potential or putative future needs

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should be fully developed together with the instrumental purposes of preparing pupils for the removal of international frontiers in the late twentieth century. The Language Learner as Ethnographer The two views of language learning which, we have suggested, have dominated the modern period B let us Call them the 'language for reading' and the 'language for touring' viewshave had a common approach to the question of 'background knowledge'. Although the purposes differ, in both cases the learner is seen as someone for whom selection and provision of information must be made by the teacher. The grounds for selection are, as we have seen, different and, in the case of 'language for touring', information is potentially supplemented by training in appropriate behaviour. In both cases, however, the learner is taken to be more than sufficiently occupied with the study and acquisition of the structures and vocabulary of the language. This is where his learning activity should be concentrated, whereas for other matters he can be more receptive and passive in attitude. The teacher 'tells' the learner what supplementary information is needed in order to understand a work of literature or find the appropriate place to buy postage stamps. The teacher may choose to provide the minimum required and make his selection accordingly or he may attempt to anticipate a greater range of needs and interests. He may feel that the information is interesting in its own right or as a stimulus to reflection on self and others, perhaps with a subsequent attitudinal change. The teacher's decision may be influenced by his view of the learner's capacity for and interest in further information. It may also be influenced by his view of where the emphasis should lie within his subject, foreign language teaching. Some teachers believe that in principle they should concentrate on promoting learners' understanding of and ability to speak and write the language. They point to the constraints of time and place as factors which justify their emphasis. Others, when teaching 'language for reading', believe that as an issue of principle, the literary text should be approached as an independent, timeless artefact, the appreciation of whose universal value is the ultimate purpose of teaching and learning. In this case, the provision of supplementary information is a distraction from the text when a minimal explication of linguistic difficulties is quite adequate. The learner should then be directed to his own resources for further understanding of the text. Others again will make a case for

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provision of a rich context for all texts, whether literary or not. Texts, in this view, cannot be understood in isolation from products of their contemporary society; such products include other texts and intellectual artefacts but also other social actions and events, and their implicit shared values and meanings. Whatever degree of provision is considered appropriate, these different approaches put the teacher in the position of authority. The teacher tells the learner what he needs to know, or at least, indicates the sources to which the learner should turn. The source of the teacher's authority is twofold. He is, first, a substitute for the native: the teacher is required to have spent a minimal period in the foreign society in order to learn at first hand the appropriate information and behaviour. Since, however, the teacher is usually less well informed than the native, he can turn to his second source of authority: the writings of sociologists, historians, economists and others. He can provide learners with the information produced in other disciplines or, in the case of advanced learners especially, set them to read the writings for themselves. The non-native teacher may also use a comparative perspective to identify issues which may be of special interest: to train learners in a specifically different behaviour when teaching 'language for touring' or to call attention to specific information which is symptomatic of significant social structures or literary conventions, when teaching 'language for reading'. Whatever the approach, it is notable that learners and teachers are drawing on the products of other disciplinessociology, history and so onrather than the procedures and processes. This is possible as long as the principle of selection obtains and the teacher uses his position as an authority to carry out the selection. It is not possible under a conception of language and culture learning as a preparation for the unpredictable, as suggested earlier, where the essential view is that the learner shall be taught how to find out about a foreign language, culture and people, in whatever circumstances pertain, and cope cognitively and affectively with his new experience. In this new perspective, instead of being a student of 'language for reading' or 'language for touring', the learner should be encouraged to model himself on the ethnographer: someone who learns language and culture as a whole in order to describe and understand the people in question. Rather than drawing on the products of ethnography and social anthropology t as is currently the case with sociology and historyteacher and learner should become acquainted with the procedures and processes of this other discipline. In this perspective the learner and teacher turn to sources of knowledge such as the native speaker, and

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products of his culture, not as authorities from whom information is merely received and accepted. In this perspective, the learnerand the teacher as co-learnerseeks to question and elicit from the native an account of his culture which, together with other accounts, native and learner interpret jointly. The learner begins then to perceive the significance of specific accounts and their underlying structures and, in the advantageous position afforded by his comparative perspective from his own culture, he can begin to grasp the characteristics of the foreign culture in a way not available to the native. Moreover, the learner is then in a position to reflect on his own culture and perceive and understand it from the viewpoint of an outsider. This notion of language learner as ethnographer overcomes many of the problems of earlier views of language learning but is simultaneously very demanding on teacher and pupil. The advantages lie above all the unification of language learning and 'background' cultural information, and in the flexibility of approach which eliminates the necessity to make a selection on the uncertain basis of prediction of future needs. There will be selection of exemplary teaching materials and learning experiences but they will remain simply the means by which learners acquire the procedures and perspectives of the discipline. The difficulties will arise from problems of practice, from issues in implementation, from the introduction of an additional discipline for teachers who were themselves taught to be linguists and literary critics rather than sociologists or social anthropologists. In this perspective the learner is encouraged to learn 'language for cultural understanding' which embraces both 'language for reading' and 'language for touring'. The learner's ultimate goal is to achieve a capacity for cognitive analysis of a foreign culture, people and its artifactswhether intellectual or otherand for affective response to experience of another culture which neither hinders his perceptions of self and others nor prevents his adaptation to new environments. Clearly there are stages on the way to this goal and questions of progression may involve determination of simpler goals for early stages. None the less it needs to be evident in all stages that some element of the ultimate goal is included. This is not a proposal that 'language for touring' should be followed by 'language for reading' and only at a more advanced stage by 'language for cultural understanding'. That would simply reinforce the current position and in practice still leave most learners merely with 'language for touring'. The ultimate goal should be present at all stages of progress, even though this may introduce practical difficulties. These difficulties are, in any case, mitigated by the potential links between ethnographic analysis and text analysis.

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The analysis of literary texts which is carried out in the context of other contemporary texts has, for many teachers, been focused above all on literary characteristics of the textgenre conventions, above alland the universal values it expresses. It is however but a short step to the analysis of the relationships of literary text to the meanings of other texts. This process can throw light on both types of text in so far as literary texts often distill contemporary meanings and values from the complexity of societal activity in clearer ways than other texts. On the other hand the latter may clarify the literary text precisely where distillation has made the meanings obscure to a foreign and, in some instances, non-contemporary reader. Just as the literary critic and scholar seeks to clarify a reading and interpret a specific text, so the ethnographer seeks to isolate from the complexity of his observations the significant details whose interpretation leads him to a more general and wide-ranging understanding. The latter point also indicates how learners not yet linguistically ready for complex textswhether documentary or imaginativecan approach certain kinds of 'texts' created in the society in question. 'Texts' may be written or spoken, documentary or imaginative, committed to paper or other media. Learners can then be helped to understand such textsfor example television publicity or fictional cinema filmsusing the same procedures and from the same perspective as more advanced learners. The detail of such texts can be as revealing of underlying shared beliefs and values as those of linguistically more demanding and much longer texts often accorded higher status. Lest this be thought to imply merely receptive language usewith, therefore, insufficient opportunity for the learner's language developmentit must also be stressed that the language learner as ethnographer will produce his own account of the foreign culture. This account will serve both as an activity which aids his interpretation and understanding and as a means of developing his linguistic capacity, especially his grasp of the relationship between language and culture. Above all, however, the learner would acquire the perspective and procedures of the ethnographer: the attitude of someone who wishes to learn and understand others in their own terms, the techniques of asking questions of individuals and texts which establish the significance of objects and actions, the perspective which combines the viewpoint of the participant and the external observer in a critical interpretation. Elements of Language Teaching Our purpose so far has been to argue a view of foreign language

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learning which will take us beyond the dominant trends of the past. In order to do so, we have refrained from weighing the argument down with detail, either in historical perspective or with respect to the implementation of our proposed review. We are at the moment not concerned with methodological techniques or theories of learning, although these will have to be dealt with in the course of time. None the less it is appropriate at this point to illustrate in more detail how the model of the language learner as ethnographer affects the structure and balance of elements in language learning. To that end we will briefly review the main elements through which this model would be realised and their relationship to each other. The relationship which has been at the centre of our discussion is that between language and other aspects of a society's culture or way of life, and therefore the relationship between language learning and culture learning. Although we have drawn on the notion that language is both a part of and an expression of a culture and its beliefs and values, that the specific collocations and associations of a given word or expression are peculiar to a language and its relationship to the rest of culture, we have also suggested that, with conscious effort, language can be emptied of much of the burden of particular cultural meanings. In principle, therefore, it is possible to talk about a foreign culture in the native language of the learner, and in practice this has been attempted in some schools, under the title 'French/German/etc., Studies'. The weaknesses of such studies remain however those deplored in the discussion of language for reading or touring. It is in the learning of another language that the learner can be most effectively weaned away from an ethnocentric view of other peoples and cultures. A break with his own language produces a more clearly perceived alternative perspective. On the other hand language learning is a slow process and, given the fact that most language learners are in puberty or adolescence, it is evident that to restrict culture learning to the same rate as language learning would be inhibiting and frustrating. There are therefore two possible approaches. First, the use of learners' native language as the medium of study of a foreign culture, in which they are taught according to the principles and procedures of ethnography and anthropology. Second, the integration of language and culture learning by using the foreign language as a medium would be a contribution to the continuing socialisation of pupils. This is not a process which is intended to imitate and replicate the socialisation of native-speaker peers but rather to develop pupils' existing competence in their own culture by changing it into an intercultural competence, i.e. with the capacity for analysis and acceptance of others. It is in contrast with the

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practice of providing pupils with a tourist competence. What is at issue here is a modification of monocultural awareness. From being ethnocentric and orientated simply towards significant phenomena in their own culture, as seen from their existing viewpoint, learners are to acquire an intercultural awareness which recognises the existence of other centres of ethnic identity with different perspectives. In practice the two possibilities ought to be combined. The use of the learners' mother tongue for comparative analysis of own and foreign cultural meanings can be combined with the teaching of the foreign language as a subject and as the medium of the affective as well as cognitive experience of foreign cultural phenomena. This would involve, first, language learning in the current sense of skill-acquisition, enriched by the study of the nature of language as a social and cultural phenomenon (Language Awareness). Second, the study of language would in turn be combined with culture study emphasising the procedures and processes of ethnography and using the combinations of 'texts' mentioned above. This would be carried out in the learner's native language. Thirdly, the direct experience of aspects of the foreign culture from the viewpoint of the foreign peer group would be in the foreign language, and this would in turn contribute to the language learning process. The whole process can be represented as a circle of techniques and experience (see Figure 1.1). The mutual support of each quarter of the circle with the two adjacent quarters is represented by the double-headed arrows. Cultural Awareness develops out of and parallel with awareness of the sociolinguistic dimension of language study by comparative analysis of, for example, the semantic fields of the two languages, and their relationship to cultural meanings. Cultural Awareness is also mutually supportive with the direct experience, in textual analysis or in residence in the foreign country, of cultural phenomena. Thus foreign language mediated experience would be open to L1 medium analysis, including analysis of the relationship between the language and cultural values and meanings met in the experience. Language Awareness will also have beneficial effects on the acquisition of linguistic skills by allowing learners to reflect on their learning but in turn will be supported by the experience of learning. Finally the relationship between Language Learning and Cultural Experience is mutually supportive in that Language Learning may well be largely system-orientedemphasising the acquisition of skilled use of structures and vocabularywhereas using the language as a medium and for experiencing and talking about cultural phenomena shifts the emphasis to fuller integration of system-knowledge and culture-knowledge.

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Figure 1.1 A model of foreign language education The four sectors of the circle are represented for schematic purposes as being of equal size. When questions of progression and selection of illustrative texts and experiential learning are introduced, the balance of the different sectors will vary accordingly. The relationships between the different sectors will however remain essentially the same. Clearly this outline needs further detailed explication and support and some of this will be provided in later chapters. More theoretical underpinning is provided in the companion volume and our earlier publications. What remains to be done here is to give some indication of how the later chapters of this book contribute to the viewpoint introduced in this first chapter.

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Research and Teaching in 'Cultural Studies' Although the term 'cultural studies' is not an ideal substitute for 'background studies' it is certainly an improvement and should be taken as an abbreviation for a descriptive definition of language and culture learning which involves the various elements discussed above. The phrase 'cultural studies' serves to right the balance which has always been tipped in favour of language learning but we hope it will not tip it too far in the direction of 'French/German/European/etc., Studies' as practised in some schools in the past and even to some extent today. The following chapters will describe a number of research and teaching initiatives which attempt to clarify practice and the theoretical framework for cultural studies. None of the chapters is exhaustive, either in the accounts of the research or in the development of teaching proposals. The research can be followed up in other volumes and teaching proposals are best followed up in readers' own classrooms. Five of the following eight chapters are based on the findings of a research project entitled 'The effect of language teaching on young people's perceptions of other cultures' which was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council at the University of Durham from 1985 to 1988. The focus of the project was on children learning French in the third year of comprehensive school and a comparable group still in primary school and not yet learning French. The main purpose of the research was to investigate the process of French teaching and its effects on learners' knowledge of and attitudes towards French people and culture. The research is described in Chapter 2, where the aims, methods and general findings are outlined and an overview and illustrative selection of themes introduced. Children's attitudes towards French and other peoples were elicited, as were their perceptions and knowledge of specific topics in the French way of life. One of the aims of Chapter 2 is to describe how the investigation was conducted in a way which pre-supposes no specific research knowledge. This will hopefully be a small contribution to the process of bringing teachers and researchers together in the way described at the beginning of this chapter. Chapters 3 and 4 introduce the findings on attitudes. Although some statistical analysis of attitude measurements was also part of the research, these chapters draw above all on informal, conversational interviews with almost 200 children. Chapter 3 deals with attitudes towards foreign people among both the primary and secondary pupils. We consider that the illustrative quotations from interviews will interest readers not because the views are necessarily representative of pupils in other schools in other

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areas, but because they will provoke thought and response in readers' views of children's attitudes. The chapter then moves to the issue of what the nature of attitudes is and whether they can be influenced. Chapter 4 again quotes from pupils but this time on their views and expectations of foreign language learning, before they enter secondary school and after three years' experience. Here we hope that readers will find some stimulus for classroom applications of the material quoted. In the fifth chapter we select some of the topics discussed with pupils and illustrate and analyse their accounts in some depth. We then go on to suggest what implications this material might have for French teachers in particular and foreign language teachers in general. Finally, we argue that the material might also be of some use for immediate application in the classroom. In Chapter 6, we are concerned less with the pupils than with the teachers. Part of the research consisted of close observational study of several teachers and their classes with particular analysis of the processes by which images of the foreign culture were relayed. One clear finding was that each particular combination of teacher and class has to be considered unique. It is not the intention therefore to use the studies as the basis for generalisations. We hope, none the less, that a brief account of other people's practices will help readers to consider their own with greater clarity. We then describe the categorisations used as a basis for comparison of the individual case studies and offer these as a means of self-analysis of teaching practices and their potential effect on learners' perceptions and attitudes Chapters 7 and 8 consider two other important sources of pupil knowledge: the textbook and the visit by pupils to the foreign country. Chapter 8 analyses a particular textbook and in so doing discusses the principles according to which books might be evaluated and produced. The textbook, the teacher and the visit appear to be among the most powerful influences evident in interviews with pupils. In Chapter 9, therefore, we discuss how the notion of language learner as ethnographer might be particularly helpful in planning children's activities in one particular kind of visit. This chapter does not draw directly on the main research project, but on a small-scale experiment with pupils and teachers in training. Chapter 9 is not a conclusion in the sense that all problems have been resolved, all issues clarified. It is, none the less, an attempt to trace the principal points raised throughout the book in whatever form. It suggests first how we must begin to develop a conceptual framework for 'cultural studies' if we are to avoid the mistakes of the past and introduce into

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classrooms some of the ideas presented here in a reasonable and effective way. This final chapter also takes up the question of the significance of cultural studies raised in Chapter 1. It suggests that language teaching is and should be a more political activity than is usually acknowledged. Increasing awareness and understanding of other peoples and their societies leads to more reflection on one's own. When that reflection follows the traditions and purposes of education within a democratic society it cannot avoid becoming critical and thereby political, whether it be in considering familial roles, or teacher-pupil relationships in the early years of language learning, or in analysing attitudes to work, leisure and individual freedom. Teaching a foreign language in the context of general education necessarily involves teacher and learner in taking a view of and attitude towards cultures and societies, whether they are aware of it or not. When this is more fully recognised language teaching will take a more central place in young people's education and contribute more fully to preparing them for a future in an international and national life. Further Reading There are two purposes for the sections on further reading at the end of each chapter. First, they provide the connections between this book and the companion volume which reports the research in full, enabling the reader to make specific cross-references for each chapter. The second aim is to provide briefly annotated further references to the works used implicitly in each chapter and to others of interest. There is no intention of providing a complete bibliography; the references are deliberately selective. (a) Cross-references to 'Cultural Studies and Language Learning: A Research Report'. (b) Related works. Note to Chapter 1 1. Given the nature of this book, we do not consider it necessary to situate our descant within the existing theoretical literature; this is done in the research report. Footnotes and references simply hold up the flow of the writing and the reading. Our model is not so much the scientific article as the humanistic essay. May this be the last footnote!

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Further Reading (a) The notion of 'language for cultural understanding' is taken up again in Chapter 7 of the companion volume as part of the discussion of an 'ideal model' for cultural studies teaching. (b) KORDES, H. 1990, Intercultural learning at school: limits and possibilities. In D. BUTTJES & M. BYRAM (eds), Mediating Language and Culture. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (A discussion and demonstration of different levels of understanding of another culture attained by German learners of English, which serves as an interesting comparison with our account of 'language for cultural understanding'.)

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2 Empirical Investigations in Cultural Studies Research and Teaching The idea that foreign language teaching should and can 'broaden pupils' horizons' is widespread among teachers and lay people alike. The phrase occurs often in ordinary conversations about languagesa topic which always seems to interest others as much as those who are professionnally involvedand it makes a frequent appearance on those occasions, such as interviews, when teachers discuss the principles and philosophy of their work. Although it is not a very precise phrase, its general meaning is evident: the 'horizons' in question are both literal and mertaphorical and the notion that the learner's mind is as a consequence less narrow in experience and in opinions is clearly laudable, and a 'good thing'. Neither is there any doubt that the phrase can be given more precision in both psychological and philosophical terms. It is not difficult to marshal arguments for the view that learning another language and cultureleaving aside the issues described in Chapter 1will have both cognitive and affective psychological effects. Similarly, logical and rigorous arguments can be summoned to underpin the evident desirability of language and culture learning as an influential factor in creating harmony within and between individuals and societies. On the other hand, it is sometimes difficult for all concerned to see how the routine activities of the language teaching classroom do in fact fulfil these high expectations. Teachers have to act as if what they are doing is contributing to the 'broadening' process in a significant way, and this act of faith is doubtless justified with some evidence to that effect drawn from the various kinds of feedback teachers frequently but incidentally receive. We can all recall individual pupils or specific events which give us confidence. Yet we can all equally recall moments and individuals which have undermined our faith. It is one of the purposes of research work to clarify these professional intuitions and the significance of our individual

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experience. The knowledge acquired through empirical research can also serve as a more solid foundation for further consideration of the relationship between routine activity and the principles we hope pervade and guide it. The research to be described here thus had two general purposes: to investigate the assumption that language learning broadens pupils' horizons and to provide a description of current practice which might indicate whether improvements were necessary and how they might be introduced. The need to investigate the assumption is not simply a matter of interest to teachers involved, but also important in the wider context of the role of language teaching in schools. Although we have shown in Chapter 1 that language teaching has served useful purposes and, provided it changes as the world changes, can continue to do so, there is a viewpoint which holds that in a world where English is becoming an international language English-speaking children do not need to learn a foreign language. Furthermore this would make room for new kinds of learning necessary in the changing world and which the school curriculum finds difficult to accommodate. That argument is founded on the notion that communication between individuals and societies is simply a question of transferring messages along a suitably intelligible and neutral medium. It is a view which is to some extent .supported by the practices and implicit philosophy of teaching 'language for touring'. It is, however, a view which reduces the complexity of communicative interaction to a degree of simplicity which is misleading. Even if international English is used, its neutrality is a fiction and the cultural values and meanings of those who are speaking to each other cannot be ignored. Thus, even if we momentarily put aside the value of language learning in promoting self-awareness and understanding of the nature of culture, some kind of language and culture teaching would be necessary to enable people to communicate successfully with people from other societies. There is a need, therefore, to investigate the current situation to establish how successfully language teaching is filling its role as an agent of cultural and linguistic 'broadening'. This was the first purpose. The second purpose was to provide an account of the details and routines of current practices and to relate them to the effects on learners they might be supposed to have. It was assumed that in general there is always a potential improvement to be made in teaching and in particular that the dominance of 'language for touring' is not a sufficient basis for an enriched language and culture learning which would do justice to the principles and intentions of 'language for cultural understanding'. Since, however, change is most successfully introduced by taking account of existing practices, the description of these practices is a necessary first step

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to improvement. Furthermore although 'language for touring' is dominant, it is not exclusively so, and it was assumed that the investigation of current practices would also throw light on effective ways of going beyond the reductionism of 'language for touring'. Starting an Empirical Investigation The advantage of an empirical investigation over individual intuition based on personal experience lies, we said above, in the possibility of making statements which have some degree of general application because it collects data and experience in a systematic way. The starting point is often an intuition or personal experience but if the advantages are to be realised then the generalisability and systematicity need to be carefully prepared. The first step is a careful formulation of the issue to be investigated, followed by the development of a means of observing the people and events of the real world which relates that world to the issues under investigation in an unambiguous way. An empirical investigation of the way in which language teaching broadens pupils' horizons has to trace a clear and uninterrupted line between the activities of a teacher and class on one or more specific occasions and the claim that teachers and others make about the contribution of their work to pupils' psychological development. Essentially, the claim is that children's attitudes towards and perceptions of foreign people and cultures change as a consequence of language teaching in schools. More precisely, it is claimed that children's attitudes become more positive and their perceptions more subtle and differentiated and, secondly, that language teaching, though not the only factor, is the major influence on attitudes and perceptions in terms both of the time and energy spent by teachersas opposed to other people in children's environmentsand of the systematic nature of the experiences teachers prepare for children. It thus becomes evident that an empirical investigation has to observe pupils before, during and at the end of their period of the language learning process in the classroom andideally, though in fact impracticalthe other factors which influence children's development. In order that the observations be generalisable and systematic, specific entities have to be identified for observation and appropriate 'measurement', although the latter need not be measurement of quantities. Since the claim under investigation is about attitudes and perceptions these are clearly the entities in focus. Since, however, the claim does not specify particular factors in the teaching process, the observation has to be wideranging and

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open. A similar condition pertains in the observation or measurement of factors external to the teaching process. The pursuit of generalisability is normally carried out by statistical means and by the process of sampling. In order that statements made about a group of individuals studied might be generalised to others similar to them, the selection of those individuals has to be representative. From a carefully defined category of peopleabout whom it is hoped to make some general statementsindividuals are selected in such a way that any characteristics which might make them significantly different from others in the category are not allowed to influence the findings. Random B and other kinds of sampling and statistical analysis are the means to this end, but require very precise definitions of categories, of factors to be investigated and of the assumed relationships between those factors. Where, however, the investigation is dealing with factors and relationships which are not precisely definable in advance, and where the investigation is indeed seeking to clarify definitions, the above means to generalisability are not appropriate. This is the case in the present study. The alternative is to focus on one particular situation and to limit in advance the generalisability of the statements made. Such a case-study allows a more intense and flexible investigation appropriate to the need to clarify as well as observe and 'measure'. Finally, given the focus of our study on process rather than a state of being of people and events at a given time, it was necessary to include the investigation of change over a period of time. This can be done by studying a group of individuals over that period and observing change in them. It can also be done by comparing similar groups at the beginning and end of the process. The process itselfthe teaching in the classroomcan then be observed separately or in relation to the group at the end of their period of learning. The advantages of the first alternative are above all in avoiding doubts about comparability of groups, but there are also problems arising from the influence of constant observation during the process: the presence of the investigation may so change the situation that it becomes 'unreal' and unrepresentative even for the particular case-study. Furthermore longitudinal studies of this kind require more timeand hence moneythan comparisons of two groups. Since it had been decided that the process to be investigated should comprise the period of compulsory foreign language learning for all pupilsthe first three years of secondary education, at that timethe study of two separate groups was preferred. The problems of observing the teaching process were however thereby increased, but research is often a matter of finding the best rather than the

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ideal design, of weighing advantages and disadvantages, questions of methods and matters of finance. The consequence of these deliberations were as follows. We would study language teaching in two schools by observing the teaching process and by investigating pupils at the end of their third and final year of compulsory French and a comparable group of pupils still in the final year of the associated primary schools and who had therefore not yet begun French. Two schools were chosen rather than one in order to counter the possibility that the investigation might be dependent in process and finding on the specific characteristics of one school. This allows a small step in the direction of generalisability. Deciding What and How to Observe Having decided on the scope of the study, the next stage is to clarify as much as possible the factors to be observed and the details of the observation process. Given our concern with tolerance and insight, we have to find ways of observing and, where possible, measuring what are in essence mental attributes and therefore not accessible to direct observation. By introducing the notions of attitudes and perceptions we have already begun the development of observable entities from inaccessible concepts. We have assumed that positive attitudes are associated with and indicate tolerance, whilst increasingly differentiated perceptions are symptomatic of insight. Even attitudes and perceptions are however not easily available for observation. They have to be further developed. Attitudes towards foreign people can be defined in terms of feelings towards them and feelings can be measured indirectly by evoking peoples' reactions to foreign people as expressed in key words. By asking pupils to place a particular group of peoplesay 'my friends' or 'the French'on a continuum between 'warm' and 'cold', it is possible to elicit their feelings about those people, and by combining a number of such responses it is possible to establish different levels of response Within the group of pupils under study. These we then call levels of ethnocentricity. Perceptions, as a re-definition of insight, are studied in terms of pupils' accounts of their knowledge of a particular people and culture; in this case, pupils were asked by a number of techniques what account they could give of French people and culture. Changes in perceptions can then be analysed by comparing the accounts of pupils from the primary and secondary groups for the degree of differentiation and accuracy.

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The number of pupils in each group reflected the number of those in the third year of French. One advantage of a casestudy is that the number of people involved is small enough to eliminate the need for sampling, which is after all simply a means of coping with very large groups. Since approximately 200 pupils were in the third year in the two schools, this was the group or population taken for the study. A group of similar size was then established over the associated primary schools. All of those pupils whose parents did not object were then asked to complete the tests and questionnaires described below, and approximately half of them were asked to participate in the interviews also described below. The selection of pupils for interview depended on two factors. First, the observation of the teaching process had already revealed the significance of the group character of each individual class in combination with being taught by a particular teacher. The same teacher with a different group and the same group with a different teacher produced such differences in the teaching process that each combination had to be considered in its own right. This suggested that pupils should be selected from each class. Second, analysis of the attitude tests showed that pupils could be divided into three broad groupings in terms of high, medium and low level of ethnocentricity. It therefore appeared reasonable to take some pupils from each level from each class. Finally, the amount of time and money available determined that a maximum of 12 pupils from each of the eight secondary schooland therefore a corresponding number from eight primary schoolclasses could be interviewed. As for the observation of the teaching process, we have already indicated that the advantages of a study of two groups simultaneously rather than one group longitudinally had to be paid for by some inconveniences in the observation of process. It was originally intended to 'reconstruct' the teaching process to which third year pupils had been exposed by observation of first, second and third' year classes in the same period. The conclusion quickly reached that each combination of teacher and class is unique meant that little faith could be placed in observation of first and second year classes as 're-constructions' of earlier experience of third year classes. Furthermore, practical problems of time and resources would have made it difficult if not impossible to observe all necessary classes. On the other hand, preliminary observationconfirmed in the longer termalso indicated that the textbook is a dominant factor in the schools in question, at least with respect to the topics introduced into lessons. The analysis of the textbook would therefore give some indication of what third year pupils had experienced in first and second years. Figure 2.1 indicates in schematic summary form the general design outlined so far.

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Figure 2.1 Overview of the research design

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Having decided what can be observed, it is then necessary to find or invent the means of observation, the 'instruments'. This has to be done with one eye on what is to be observed and one eye on how the observation data are to be analysed and the different kinds of data and analyses combined. The instruments used can be divided into the two groups: first those used with pupils to establish attitudes, perceptions and non-school factors susceptible of contributing to their attitudes and perceptions. The second group consisted of the means of observing the in-school factors. The first group consists of a questionnaire, an attitudes test and an interview schedule. The questionnaire elicited information about pupils' families, free-time activities, holidays and other factors which might contribute to their attitudes. For example, the number of visits abroad or to France in particular or the interest shown by parents in language learning, or the presence of family relations with foreign nationality or speaking a language other than English might all be potential influences on pupils' attitudes (see Appendix 1 for an extract from the questionnaire). The attitudes test has been briefly introduced above. It requests pupils to place several concepts including 'myself' through 'my friends' and 'the English' to 'the French' on several different continua of the kind 'warm versus cold' or 'strong versus weak'. Each continuum is divided into seven spaces and pupils asked to place a mark in one space to indicate where they would place each concept (see Appendix 2). Their feelings about each concept can then be quantified by an analysis and combination of the different continua. In effect our concern was only with 'the French', 'the Americans' and 'the Germans'; others were introduced partly to practice the technique and partly to establish a gradual development from self to foreign peoples. Pupils' scores on this test with respect to their feelings about 'the French' were used, as explained above, to decide who should be interviewed. Interviews were then conducted individually and, as far as possible, in terms of an informal conversation in which pupils were asked to talk about foreign people and especially the French and their culture. Informality was considered important in order to be able to pursue pupils' perceptions at some length, but it was also necessary to keep some degree of similarity from interview to interview. For this purpose a schedule of topics and suggested approaches was written and, because the schedule was too long to cover with any one individual, a rolling system ensured that all the topics were covered in the course of several interviews but also that all interviews dealt with some topics considered to be particularly interesting (see Appendix 3 for an extract from the interview schedule).

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The second group of instruments consists of interviews with teachers, analysis of the textbook and observation of teaching. Given the lack of precision of the claims of language teaching as to what exactly might be the influential factors in the teaching process, this part of the investigation consisted of asking an experienced researcher to observe as widely and openly as possible until particular factors began to emerge. These were then used as the guidelines for further observation, interviews and textbook analysis. This open-ended approach to observation is taken from the traditions of ethnography which attempts to observe another culture without preconceptions determined by the observer's culture. The fact that the classroom was in respect of cultural studies still 'unknown ground' suggested that this ethnographic approach was appropriate. Analysing the Observations The different techniques used for collecting observations require different methods of analysis, but the analysis can be presented under the three key issues of attitudes, perceptions and factors influencing them. It will be evident that the different techniques contribute in varying degrees to each of these three issues. Attitudes were measured with the semantic differential test, and children's scores on the test were divided into three categories and designated as levels of ethnocentricity. Our purpose was to establish whether levels of ethnocentricity could be related statistically to other factors in their environment, inside and outside school. Such factors as visits abroad, links with foreign countries through family relations but also age, sex, or socio-economic status of the family could be related to the level of ethnocentricity to establish any significant associations. A second approach to attitudes was made through the transcripts of interviews with pupils. Having selected from all the interviewswith the help of a computerall expressions of attitude to foreign people and to the French in particular, it was possible to group them by level of ethnocentricity. We then could establish whether children categorised, for example, as highly ethnocentric expressed views which could be described as ethnocentric. This allowed us first to check whether the test appeared to be categorising children accurately and, second, to describe what being highly ethnocentric might mean in terms of views and opinions. The analysis of perceptions depended entirely on pupil interviews. All interviews12 from each of 16 classeswere transcribed and key words entered into the texts to categorise a section of any length between 5 and 50

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lines, with the possibility of categorising each section with several key words. 'Key words' included all the issues Which had been written into the interview schedule and others which described issues regularly appearing in the interviews but not originally foreseen. 'Key-words' also included references to age, sex, school-class and level of ethnocentricity (an example of part of an annotated transcript is given in Appendix 4). With the help of a computer program it was then possible to select sections from interviews under any combination' of key words: for example, all comments by primary, ethnocentric girls on French food. In this way children's perceptions of the topics introduced by interviewers or themselves could be analysed and related to age, sex and so on. Similarly the interviews could be analysed in terms of the third general issue: the factors which appear 'to influence pupils' attitudes and perceptions and the sources of their knowledge''. Thus, for example, all sections in which primary pupils talked about their visits to France or what their older siblings had told them about French lessons could be selected by computer and analysed. This, like the analysis of attitudes expressed, provided a complement to the statistical analysis of potentially significant associations between factors external to school and levels of ethnocentricity. The influence of factors within school was sought in the observations in class, the analysis of textbooks and interviews with teachers. In this case observations consist of notes made during lessons, transcriptions of interviews and descriptions of the content of textbooks. In each case the researcher looks for the kind of information offered to pupils about the foreign country and way of life and, second, the way in which it is treated. By searching for repeated characteristics and checking for them in the different kinds of observation material, a general picture emerges of what 'image' of the foreign country is being conveyed in the teaching process. Here again there exists the possibility of comparison with pupils views of the process elicited in interviews: all the statements by pupils in a given class can be selected and reviewed. Selected Findings Many of the findings of the research will appear in later chapters and any attempt to summarise them runs the risk of distortion. None the less this chapter, which has attempted to describe the research process, would be incomplete without a presentation of some findings. Again the three issues of attitudes, perceptions and influences will serve as the framework.

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Attitudes Attitudesor levels of ethnocentricitywere the subject of both statistical and interview-text analysis. The factors in the pupils' environment (the independent variables) found to be most strongly associated with attitudes (the dependent variable) were those measuring pupil background rather than experience of other languages and countries. Gender, membership of a particular school class, age and socio-economic status are more significantly related to attitudes, i.e. the occurrence of a particular level of ethnocentricity is more frequent than is likely to happen by chance. Experimental variables such as having foreign family relations, having parents or siblings with experience of learning a foreign language or having experience of visiting other countries are less significantly associated with attitudes, i.e. their cooccurrence could be a matter of chance. Whether significant co-occurrence implies a causal relationship is a matter of interpretation, but in the case of gender, which was found to be one of the variables most frequently associated with variance in attitude test scores, it is evident that the independent variable, genderand all the questions of up-bringing and social attitudes to gendercould well be a determining influence on attitudes. Whether in primary or secondary school, girls have a more positive attitude towards the French than boys. In view of the larger proportion of girls choosing to learn languages after the compulsory period, the fact that girls have more positive attitudes to foreign people before they start learning a foreign language, and still at the end of the first three years, is interesting and may partly explain the phenomenon. We must none the less remember, first, that the analysis is certainly valid for the group tested but to generalise to others requires us to assume that these girls were representative of all others. We must also remember that gender is a complex factor, as hinted above, which may involve many other influences. It is probable that it is not the sex of the children alone which influences their attitudes but the ways in which children of female sex are brought up and encouraged to act and think; the term 'gender' embraces some of this complexity. Thus statistical analysis has to be interpreted and statistically significant associations are not in themselves proof of causal relationships. Statements based on them should be treated with the same care as interpretations of other kinds of observation. The second approach to attitudes was made through the interviews with pupils. Most of the pupils interviewed were asked their attitudes to French people. For both primary and secondary age groups there was a reasonably clear correspondence between levels of ethnocentricity and

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attitudes expressed in interviews. The greatest correspondence was found amongst those categorised as nonethnocentric. In the groups defined as 'ethnocentric' and 'medium ethnocentric' there was greater variation with pupils expressing both positive and negative views about the French. Where, however, extremely negative and hostile views were expressed, these came exclusively from those in the ethnocentric groups. This general correspondence suggested therefore that the attitudes test was reasonably valid. An illustration of a hostile view in a most vehement form taken from an ethnocentric pupil is as follows: Interviewer: Have you met any French people over here or when you were in Spain? Pupil: I didn't meet any when I was in Spain but when I was in,when some of the French people came over here they all, like, walked around the school, lashing out with dirty looks and everything. I just don't like the way they look at you, as to say 'what are you looking at?'. I don't like them. This might be expected from an 'ethnocentric' pupil, but the advantage of linking interviews with tests is to be able to illustrate the range of views among the group categorised as 'ethnocentric': P: The people, they are not very polite, not very sociable. I: When you say 'they are not very polite' how do you mean? P: Like when I was in Boulogne, we went into a café and asked if we could go to the toilet, and they snapped at us and told us that we couldn't go in becausewith it being a café and that. It wouldn't have been so bad if they had told us politely we couldn't go, but they snapped at us and we had to go out. It may be that on this occasion the pupils were remembering some advice in their textbook which suggested that, since there are not many public toilets in France, one might go into a café. But they forgot that the advice indicates that one should buy a drink in the usual way, not simply Use the café as a public convenience. The incident contrasts with another from a school trip. In describing an encounter with a young French person, the pupil has a different interpretation of what others considered harassment: (. . . ) All he wanted to do was see who they were, 'cause they were English. They were different. And sort of, he started talking as we

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walked past, 'cause we were lost, and told us where the hostel was, and took us back to the hostel, all helpful. Just if you talk to them, not if you sort of shout at them in a loud voice and try to get over in English. They ignore you. But if you try to talk to them in French, they'll help you as much as they can. Perceptions Let us turn now to perceptions, where the findings came entirely from interview. The selection of topics for discussion was based partly on the question 'What aspects of the way of life are fundamental and, for example, might be included in an ethnographic description?' and partly on the emphasis given by the textbook to certain aspects of the French way of life. Thus main issues considered were 'family and daily life', 'food' and 'people'with each sub-dividedand secondary issues included 'the education system', 'growing up', 'leisure and the media' (for more detail see Appendix 3). To these were added questions eliciting pupils' views on the sources of their knowledgethe textbook, the teacher, other sources such as television or siblingsand the questions already referred to which elicited attitudes. The approach was simplified for primary pupils where it was justifiably anticipated that their knowledge would be more limited; it was important to establish a productive atmosphere, rather than a list of questions to which pupils would have to say 'I don't know'. The analysis of the hundreds of pages and thousands of lines of transcripts was approached from a number of directions: the 'topic approach' dealing with aspects of the way of life, the 'attitudes approach', the 'in-put approach' dealing with sources of knowledge and 'case-studies' of individuals or school classes. None the less the topic approach still required further refinement in order to relate it to other dimensions of the researchand to reduce the material to manageable proportions. One important angle was the relationship between attitudes and knowledge: to what extent might greater knowledge and positive attitudes interact, for example. Another was membership of a particular school class, which statistical analysis had shown to be significant for attitudes and classroom observation had shown to be important for teaching and learning style. A third dimension is the contrast between primary and secondary classes, since even if age was not significant for attitudes it could none the less be supposed that learning Frenchand other opportunities and experienceswould have effect on pupils' perceptions. Some topics will be analysed in more detail in later classes and we

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intend here to give some indication of the kind of data 'and analyses involved. On some topicsparticularly food and drinkpupils have a lot to say both before and after they have begun to learn French, although the accuracy and subtlety of their statements varies tremendously. In others their knowledge appears very limited before they begin French and, after three years, they have made little progress; textbooks and, as a consequence, teachers pay no noticeable attention and pupils seem to have little other help. One such topic is organised religion, which it can be argued is a fundamental aspect of any culture irrespective of its contemporary role in society. Compare, for example, the statements of a primary pupil and a secondary pupil: Primary: The religion, I should think that they were, yes, they would just be probably the same as us, except that there might be a few more pagans. No, I think they'd be more like us, yes. Secondary: Probably just the same as England, but they have, like,they don't have Church of England. Interviewer: No? Pupil: They probably have Christianity, unless it didn't spread over there. Interviewer: Well I wondered if you'd ever heard about it spreading over there? Pupil: No. We had a bit in History. Like, when people had to flee and they fled to different countries. Clearly these two pupils are not familiar with details and terminology of religious sectsthe second is probably referring to the Huguenotsand French lessons had not clarified matters with respect to the French. Generally secondary pupils said they did not know anything about religion in France because they 'hadn't done it' in lessons. Some said 'we haven't got up to that yet' and textbook and classroom 'observation indicated that they would not in fact do so. One interviewer was aware that the textbook none the less has photographs of Notre Dame in Paris: I: Have you seen any pictures of famous churches at all? P: No, not in France. I: No? Notre Dame? P: Oh, I have heard of it. I don't think we did anything about the church in it though. In contrast to this kind of topic, pupils of both primary and secondary

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age felt they knew a lot more about such things as food, family life or schools. Secondary pupils knew more and in topics such as food and schools could clearly attribute this to learning French, including visits to France, and we will illustrate this below. In other topics the question of sources was less clear cut; one such topic was dress and physical appearance. When asked how they would recognise French people many pupils referred to details of both physical appearance and dress. To take physical appearance first the following features were cited as indicators of French nationality, in descending order of frequency: facial features, skin colour and suntan, facial expression, hair styles, behaviour and movement, hair colour and occasionally, height. While the number of differences cited by individual pupils differed widely from one only to a list, it was found that over two-thirds of those interviewed perceived the French as different according to some physical criteria. As was found to be the case for perception of dress differences considered below, certain details of a stereotyped image of French men tended to be cited without qualification. A primary pupil stated that he would look for the following features: P: I'd look for their hair styles and the way their eyes formed. If it was a man, his eyes are always open. I: Wide open? P: Yes. And if itI don't knowif it's an Englishman his eyes are like half shut, not wide. I: Oh, that's interesting. Anything else you'd look for? P: No, French people usually have moustaches and if they have one it usually comes down to about here (indicating length). Another primary boy commented in an evaluative vein about airport policemen: 'Some of them had weird moustaches there.' Secondary pupils tended to cite similar features: . . . They don't go bald as much and they've got like different mouths, like they are more rounded, and they have bigger noses and the eyes are more distinctive. Though the features mentioned were the same, opinions might differ: 'The lips again, the mouth and the eyes look always half shut.' One primary girl made use of her knowledge of her French relations: . . . You can tell by the face (be)cause some of them are dark-skinned

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and you can tell by their eyes and things . . . I don't know, they're darker. Most of them all have brown eyes. Several pupils of both age groups referred to differences in facial expression. Whilst the following lengthy examples are fortunately not representative they are quoted in order to illustrate how intercultural perception can result in extremely negative images. In the first instance the primary girl quoted generally regarded the French favourably; in the second example the secondary girl was generally hostile towards the French and also towards learning French, despite a favourable beginning in her first year of secondary school: P: They looksome of themthey seem to look suspicious like, they seem to be talking nice to you but like as if they have the 'evil eye'. I: Yes? Is that from people you've seen or something your sister's said or . . . ? P: Yes, Jillshe was saying like when they went in this restaurant once they were talking nice and they seem to have that awful eye, a little suspicious as if to say 'What do you want?', something like that. I: What do you think they [the French] think of English people? P: I don't think they're all that keen on them. I: No? P: (Be)causelike the lasses I know they're dead bitchy with us, like, English people. I: Why do you think that is? P: Well, they're always lashing dirty looks and everything. I hate people, like, giving me 'the run around. I: I wondered if you'd ever heard some French people think that the English are unfriendly. You may think that they give you looks but sometimes they think that English people do that. P: Yes, because I know that a lot of English people don't like French people so we give them, like, dirty looks. I know whenever a French person, like when the French exchange was here, I always give the French 'meanies'apart from the boys of course. Other pupils referred to facial expressions also, but not in virulent terms. Sometimes they could be seen to be rationalising from their perception of their own local circumstances: P: How they look and that, their expressions.

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I: That's interesting. What sort of expressions do you think they would have? P: Just be happier. I: Do you think they would look happier? Why do you think they would look happier than the English people? P: Because they have jobs and that. I: On the whole you think they would look happier. Do English people look miserable? P: No, it's just French people, like, laugh a lot and that. I: How do you know about that? P: Just my Grandma has been. References to the putative effect of the sun were frequent. A typical response is quoted from an eleven year old: P: I think that the fact that they have more sun and they are a bit browner makes them look different. I: Just browner? Is there anything else that makes them look different? P: Their hair makes them look different because most people have black hair in France. Hair styles, as distinct from colour, were mentioned by several pupils, all girls. These were often given in conjunction with styles of dress thought to be outdated, as they were seen as 'hippy' which, at the time of interviewing, was a term indicative of anathema amongst fashion-conscious British youth. The following were two such examples: P: Their hair because they are always sort of scruffy. and P: I don't like the way they have their hair because nearly all of them look like hippies the way they have their hair. I: Yes? How do you mean? P: Like it's always long and they don't have any slides in or anything, they haven't got a fringe, it's just all hanging down over the face. More observations were made of differences in dress than in physical appearance. However, many of those made by primary pupils were stereotyped and derived from images presented in the media, for instance

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in current comedy series. The most common response of this type was that the French wear 'striped tee-shirts and carry strings of onions around their necks'. In giving this type of response few pupils restricted this apparel to any particular age group, region or occupation. Whilst many of the primary pupils relied upon stereotypes of the French most secondary pupils refuted this view having the benefit of more experience of France and of French lessons: I thought there'd be, like people riding bikes with onions and that but it was all different, like just like over here ... but like they talk different and that. A small proportion of primary pupils had visited France (15% of the 200 in the sample). Some recalled this experience when considering modes of dress but judged from an English perspective: ...Most people say they wear berets and go aroundmost of them do wear berets, but people think they go round in striped tee-shirts selling onions. But they don't really do that and they wear normal clothes. But they always wear a beret, always do, you can always tell a Frenchman. Many pupils reasoned from their knowledge of climactic differences as in the following primary pupil example, in which the evaluation of the English mode of dress as 'normal' is further refined: You would probably see the French and German not as fully dressed as the English. We live in a colder country than France and Germany because they are lower down, so you could probably tell by the dressing. An Englishman would be allyou could tell he was Englishdressed properly with pullovers and that on, while French you would probably see in a tee-shirt or something. Many observations of differences noted were based Upon quite detailed recall of clothes seen, particularly those worn by teenagers. More girls reported differences in dress and made evaluative comments upon them than did boys. Observations included many differences in style and colour. At the time of interviewing (summer-autumn 1986) fashion for young people in England emphasised a somewhat streamlined look, which accompanied the short haircuts favoured by both sexes; an oft-used epithet was, therefore,-'baggy'. Styles of trousers suffered the most opprobrious evaluation, for example from this secondary girl: I: What about the people and the way they dress? P: Dead old-fashioned.

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I: Sorry? P: Very old-fashioned, they still wear flares, most of them wear flares and dead big collars and that . . . Another secondary girl differentiated amongst the age-groups thus: I like the early twenties to the late twenties but as soon as they get past thirty-five they start going down and wearing flares and flower-power and all that stuff. Colours to which these pupils were not accustomed were similarly judged: P: They just wear weird clothes and that, I think, to England. I: What, they wear different sorts of clothes? P: Yes. I: What sort of clothes do you think they wear? P: Ones that I don't like. I: How do you mean? What sort ofcolours or styles? P: Mainly colours. They wear bright gaudy colours and that. Similarly another secondary pupil stated: P: But I noticed that some people dressed different, in different places. I: And what was different about those people then exactly? P: Well, just the colours that they wear that we wouldn't dream of. Something like gold. Sometimes it appeared that pupils were not acquainted with customs of dress, such as the wearing of dark clothes by widows in some sections of the population and concluded from this that old people were poorly looked after. Some pupils referred to a more 'chic' image. It was noticeable however that the following example came from a secondary pupil who had not visited France: You tend to be able to pick out, like, continental people, like French people by the way they dress, because those are more colourful and sort of more dressy than we are. I don't knowthe women have a scent about them like perfume and everything, that you can pick out. A similar example was given by a secondary pupil who had not visited France but based her observations upon seeing French pupils in England

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on an exchange visit: P: . . . they're dead fashionable and nicely dressed and clean and tidy and they wear nice fashionable clothes and they've got a lot of style. I: How does it compare with ours? P: Like Vogue (magazine) and that, (be)cause a lot of English people don't buy so many stylish clothes like the French, (be)cause most of them can't affordI suppose that in France, like, there's's lots of snazzy dressers. In general more pupils saw the French as 'old-fashioned' in their dress than modern, but this might have been a result of their selective perception or lack of experience of groups other than teenagers. Few had any knowledge of France as an important centre of high fashion. Influences From the beginning the design of the research was intended to take into account not just the effect of language teaching on young people's perceptions but also the content in which language teaching takes place. We assumed that children do not stop learning about France when they leave the French classroom, or indeed when they leave the school building. The analysis of influences can also be related, separately or together, to both attitudes and perceptions and, finally, can be focused on the different kinds of observation, tests, interviews, ethnography, questionnaires. In this overview we shall make a rough division between school and non-school influences in order to .give some general impressions rather than definitive conclusions. Taking first non-school influences, statistical analysis had revealed no significant associations between attitudes, or degree of ethnocentricity, and experiential factors. The advantage of interview analysis is that it can none the less reveal interesting trends and individual experiences where statistical analysis does not prove significant. Perhaps not surprisingly television was mentioned quite often. Pupils who had not yet begun French mentioned four categories of programme: news, comedy, holiday and cookery programmes, and advertisements. Here is one example which also illustrates some of the characteristics of interviews with young children: P: I like the French. I think the food might be OK I've never ever

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tasted it before but I think they're good cooks. They know how to cook better than what the Spanish do. I: You've heard that, have you, that they're good cooks? P: Yes, 'cause like if you turned on BBC2 sometimes on Sundays, you might watch them, and all that. On BBC1, there's all singing and that; like this woman with a red thing on her head and playing music, and that. I: Like (inaudible) Indian? P: Yes. I: But what about BBC2? What were you telling me about BBC2, then? P: Oh, like they tell you how to cook in French and different regions. I: Right. So whatthat's what you would say about the French then? P: Yes. I: Anything else? P: Nolike,I don't like onions but I think they like peeling onions, 'cause their eyes never start to water. Older pupils watch news programmes more frequently but their reactions and retention of information is varied. Some contrasted the impression given by television with their own experience. For example: I: Do you think you learn much about France from the television? P: It depends like, when there was a lot on the news about the French farmers and that, everybody took the English side, but it wasn't all the French people that were doing that, it was just some of them. I didn't really believe what they were doing because they are not like that when we go over. They all Welcome you and everything. It's nice. French films on television seem to have very little following, either among pupils or their parents. The use of sub-titles seems to be a major factor: I: What about French films. Have you ever seen any on the television? P: My mum always turns them off 'cause she can't understand them, 'cause they're all sub-titles. One boy had quite specific reasons for not watching French films:

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P: I don't really watch many films. I don't know but to me the French seem romantic and I'm not all that much into romance. I: What gives you that impression then? P: I don't know, just the way they talk; they are so smooth and going on about the women and everything. I: Yes, go on, where did you get that idea from then? P: Well, you can see them going around kissing anybody and you just think, oh, romantic. I don't know, you just pick bits up from here and there. I: Yes, well go on, that's what is interestingwhere you pick the bits up from. P: Well, when you see them on TV you see photos of them, yes, every now and then you will see a picture in a newspaper of a Frenchman doing something. I: You can't pin it down any more than that? P: ... Like I said before, the way they are always going on kissing each other. Don't know how but I just get the impression that they are a romantic race. Other sources of information shared by both primary and secondary pupils were: books and magazines, visits abroad with friends or parents, meeting French people in Britain, friends' and siblings' accounts and parents and other adults. As an illustration, take primary pupils' accounts of what they hear from parents. On the whole information from parents and other adults is fragmentary and disparate. It is both positive and negative, and often tangential. In some cases the adults' experience has been very limited, for example passing through France on a Coach journey to Spain, but there are a few who seem to have more substantial experience, although pupils are often confused and confusing about different countries: P: Well there's grape vines and things there. I: How have you heard about those? P: Saw it on postcards and things 'cause my Nana and Grandma have both been there and stayed in a French hotel. I: Yes. And they sent you postcards? P: Yes. I: What did it look like? P: Well it has like little towns and villages and things on and the houses and a lady and she brought us a doll from France back and it's got a long dress and 'a little apron. I: Yes.

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P: And a French hat on, it's like a long tube thing. I: Yes, that sounds interesting. What's it made of? I mean is it sort of lace or is it... P:Mm, it's lacy and the dress is made of different kinds of materials. I: Yes, what sort of colours? P: Bright colours, like red and blue and things. I: Do you know which bit of France that would be from? P: Belgium. I: Oh, right. So you Aunt brought that or your ... P: Nana. I: Nana, right. There is also one interesting effect of the schooltrip: I: OK. So can you think of anywhere else you might have learned about France, you know quite a lot about France don't you really when you think about it, can you think where you've learned most of it from? P: I've learned most of it off my Mum. I: Your Mum. P: And Dad. I: What's she said to you about? P: Well she went there for a school trip and a couple of weeks ago she got out the old photos and showed us. I: Did she? P: And like she was telling us about them. I: Did she like France? P: Yes, she likes it. I: Does she speak French? P: A little bit. I: Has she said anything to you about learning French when you go up to the comp? P: Yes and like that's how she got the little booklet. I: So she's encouraged you quite a lot? P: Yes. I: And she tells you about France does she? P: A little bit, yes. I: What does she tell you, what sort of thing? P: Er ... well she just tells us things I've told you like it's a nice place and that. Perhaps inevitably, parents also talk about French food. One pupil was impressed by a 'fish thing' which his mother had bought. 'It had garlic

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in and things like that' whereas another mother had tried snails and frogs' legs in an English restaurant: 'She liked the snails but she thought the frogs' legs were awful.' Other adults range from a chance conversation overheard in a shop to a mother's friend or neighbours who have been to France and tell snippets of information: I: Do you think of France as being an important country in the world? P: It is a nice country I like it. I think a lot of people like France and a lot of people have written nice things about it. I: What are you thinking of there when you say that? P: Like a lot of people like them and when they saysome people were here talking about Francethey would say 'People say it is a nice country' because they do. They say 'That's a nice country, I like it there'. I: Who are you thinking of now? Who says that kind of thing? P: The one that lives just round near the shop. I went up therelike I was going to the shop and I met this woman, who is called Barbara and near the shop she said she liked it there. I said had she been there and she said 'Well I have been there but my son-in-law has been there as well, that's what I was saying in the shop'. She was getting her groceries. I: Did she tell you about it? P: I wasn't really talking about it with her because we were just outside. She had all of her groceries so she couldn't stay long anyway. She just said she had been there before. And of course there is always what 'my Auntie says': P: Most of them all have brown eyes ... er ... I: Have you noticed that from pictures or from films? P: From pictures and my cousin and my auntie have as well. I: Yes. I don't think I've quite understood. I know they lived in France but were they originally French or not, 'cause I know you said your aunt went to France from here first. P: Well she was born over here but after she was born she went to France and she lived there for about fifteen years or something. I: She was born here but were both her parents English or were they French? P: French, well her Mum's French and her Dad's English. I: Yes, I see, so she's half French and she was born here and then they

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went back to France and then they came back here? P: Mm. Turning to influences and sources in school, we find no noticeable references to school among the interviews with primary pupils. Although it is quite clear and perhaps surprising how much they could tell us about France, little if anything came directly from school. This is of course in contrast with secondary pupils' accounts. Yet here again, although the influence of French lessons was evident, we must beware of omitting other sources, particularly history and geography lessons or visits abroad organised by other than French teachers. Thus part of the ethnographic study involves an account of History and Geography syllabuses and discussions with teachers of those subjects and there are some references to things learnt in these lessons during interviews with secondary pupils. In general, however, the major influence is inevitably French teaching and it is this we propose to illustrate, selectively. Given the significance of the 'teaching style' arising uniquely out of each combination of teacher and class, our illustration consists of the views of pupils from one particular class. The pupils of class 8 had the same teacher as class 7 and agreed that she is one of those who tells them a lot from her own experience; in this sense, then, there is an individual teacher's style. Yet it is in the interaction with pupils that the 'style' emerges. For example, some pupils in class 8 said their teacher only told them 'sometimes' about her experience, which may be rather an indication of their own attention and motivation. There is however evidence of the power of the teacher anecdote noticed in other classes too. One pupil, when asked generally about food and eating customs in France, recalled being told about the Fête des Rois, although this term was not used: I: What sort of food would they have for a special occasion, like Christmas or New Year or birthdays? P: I don't know. I: Do you think it would be different to the everyday food or not? P: ... They have things like a cake at Christmas and New Year and there's a little crown or something because the teacher told us about that. I: Yes, what did she say? P: It was in the second year, one of the teachers went to France and they got the crown and something like that, I can't remember what she said. I: What sort of crown was it, I can't really ...

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P: I think it's a little, just a little hat thing, sort of ornament, and if you get them you are treated as the main person and sit at the end of the table. I: Oh, I see you're kind of King or Queen for the day? P: Yes. I: I haven't heard of that one, which teacher told you that? P: Mrs X I: Was she staying with a French family then? P: It was her and Mr Y who got it. I: Oh, Mr Y. P: She was telling us about it. Pupils in this class also have some interesting points to make about the textbook. One argues that the emphasis on survival French, on coping as an outsider, leads to the lack of real information and contact with French people. Others have commented too that their impressions of people come from the teacher not from the book: I: Do you get information from the textbooks? P: Not as much as the teachers. A little bit. The textbooks mainly teach you how to speak and cope with situations so they only tell you a little bit about the life and what they do and things like that. The French teachers tell you ... I: What kind of things do they tell you about? P: Well talk about Christmas and that. What sort of things they do. Another pupil is aware of the effect of this particular teaching philosophy on their perceptions and the bias involved: I: What kind of topics do you get told about in the textbooks? P: Mainly it's the situations that you would find yourself in if you go into a hotel and things like that. I suppose what comes across all the time is that the French are always very concerned about you being alright and that you're comfortable and everything is to your satisfaction, you don't get that over here but it's usually just situations that are in the textbook. Finally a third pupil is critical of the bias in the kind of information they are given about the life of French people away from the interaction with tourists. Other pupils frequently mention that the French live in 'big houses' but are unfortunately less aware of the bias than this one: I: You mentioned your textbook so what is there in the textbook?

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P: It was about the prices of houses, people moving house, and it just showed different houses and flats with the prices and there was some really nice flats and some not so nice houses and flats. I: So the information about the housing did you find that interesting and adequate? P: Interesting but I don't think adequate, there was only about three houses I mean there could be a lot different, there could be a lot worse houses than that, it only showed what seemed to be the nicest ones. I: Would you want to change the textbook then? P: I wish they'd put a bit more of the not so nice ones in so that we could get a comparison. The second important means of observation of the influence in the classroom was the ethnographic study. It can be viewed at two general levels: the report and analysis of observations, textbook analysis and interviews at the level of the specific schools and teachers and, second, a level of analysis which involves an extraction of characteristics from specific teaching processes in order to compare the different 'teaching styles' of four selected teachers and their classes. These characteristics arise out of the observations rather than being imposed upon them, and since the observations were carried out by a sociologist with no teaching experience, we hope that the characteristics are as little influenced as possible by preconceptions of what is or ought to be happening in the foreign language classroom. It is impossible to do justice to the detailed accounts of individual studies here. Each teacher is different not only in personality and experience but also in questions of professional qualifications and responsibilities. None the less four features relevant to cultural teaching were identified as common to the four teachers. The first takes us back to the question of teachers' aims and intentions in their teaching, irrespective of whether and how these are realised in classroom practices. The views expressed generally refer to two aspects of cultural studies: its role in the personal development of children and its purpose in the conduct of the lesson. When asked if and why cultural learning is important the teachers generally talked about how it is important for children to know about other ways of living which may or may not be better than their own. Through such knowledge they may become more tolerant of other peoples and less restricted in their own lifestyle. One teacher said: You have got to be adding something to the kids' lives other than the ability to say Je suis anglais . . . They have got to be able to say at the

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end of it, yes well I have learnt this and that or that about French people or about France so that you have actually changed their concepts, especially around here... Another said: . . . I always tell them straight away that there is more to life than Newfarm because they honestly can't see more and that one way out is to travel and see what other possibilities there are and that they will improve as people if they can see how other people are and they needn't be wasting their time, say, not knowing what to do in Newfarm. This helps me of course because I sayhave a language, do something with it and off you go. Obviously plugging my subject. But I feel the quality of life differences should be stressed because children like them miss out and don't realise it. In addition, cultural information is seen as a pedagogic device for capturing the interest of pupils, contextualising their language learning, giving light relief or filling in lessons where language learning ability is believed to be limited. This second function is briefly expressed in the second teacher's description above, 'plugging my subject'. Other teachers talked about how important it is for the country to be made real to the learner rather than 'a nondescript place' or 'Never Never Land'. The third common factor was the extent and nature of teachers' experience of France. It consisted almost exclusively of visits to, or work in, schools in France and, secondly, brief holidays. Their personal experience of France as a source of stock of knowledge on which to draw is therefore quite limited in range, despite the large number of visits made by some teachers. The significance of the fourth factorthe textbookis therefore all the more marked. Even the most independent of the teachers charts a course through the textbook topic by topic. At the very least it provides a strong core around which they build lessons, for very few lessons observed were conducted without opening the textbook and many lessons consisted of a series of exercises from the book. The textbook provides an overall structure to the information children receive about the language and culture in terms of topics, as we saw from children's own accounts. The textbook itself was therefore analysed in terms of its cultural content against criteria of realism developed from literary criticism. On the one hand the textbook aims to prepare pupils for a tourist-consumer visit to France and on this basis it is largely successful. The result is what we have called the 'royal visit' image, in which everyone smiles, greets, and is

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attendant to the visitor's needs. The less attractive or more mundane features of life do not appear. On the other hand, judged by criteria of balance and realism, the textbook image is superficial and biased, and hardly provides an adequate basis for developing subtle perceptions and positive attitudes. The second level of analysis is an attempt to generalise within the case studies. Eight factors were identified as being significant with respect to the amount of cultural information introduced into lessons and-the ways in which the information was presented. By grading each teacher's style with the particular class on each of the eight characteristics it is possible to establish a basis for comparison which is abstracted from notes taken in lessons over several months. These characteristics remain tied to the particular cases observed and no claim is made that they can be generalised to other teachers. They may be a useful starting point for other teachers to analyse their own teaching practices, and this and other aspects of the ethnography will be discussed in a later chapter. The Significance of Empirical Findings Contrary to what might be expected, this chapter does not end with a summary of the research project's 'conclusions and recommendations'; this is not merely because the chapter attempts to give only an overview and some selected findings. Empirical research and its findings cannot in fact provide 'conclusions', even less 'recommendations'. For empirical observation of the kind presented here areor should be as far as possiblean account of phenomena as they currently exist. Of course the analysis betrays in places the viewpoint of the writer but in principle we have attempted so far simply to describe. The significance of the writer's viewpoint or philosophy of language teaching first becomes evident in the step beyond description to 'conclusions and recommendations'. In other words, the descriptions provided by the research are susceptible of various interpretations and recommendations, depending on one's philosophical starting point. In the present volume an indication of one philosophy has been given in Chapter 1, and it would be possible to combine Chapters 1 and 2 to produce a list of recommendations as to how teaching largely dominated by 'language for touring' might be changed towards 'language for cultural understanding'. This would, for example, include suggestions for the improvement of textbooks, for the integration of the different elements of

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language teaching described in Chapter 1, for a fuller appreciation of pupils' sources of knowledge and attitude outside school, even before beginning a foreign language, and for a different approach to children's direct and personal experience of the foreign country. Indeed some of these views will appear in later chapters but together with another kind of treatment of the research findings. For we would argue that research findings can serve other purposes than leading immediately to recommendations. If those to whom such recommendations are made do not share the philosophical starting point, they will in any case justifiably reject the recommendations. The findings are significant in the more fundamental sense of allowing readers to consider their own philosophy first. It is, for example, the privilege of researchers to have time and opportunity to spend long periods in informal conversation with many pupilsan opportunity few teachers have. This allows them to make available pupils' views and experiences in a way not otherwise possible for teachers. No doubt this in itself stimulates readers into reviewing their own position and philosophy. This may be supported by researchers' opportunity to provide a general critique of established philosophies and current trends, as was offered in Chapter 1. Finally the material available in the form of interview transcripts may be an interesting basis for teaching pupils of the same ages in primary and secondary school this will be explored in later chapters too. In short, this chapter ends on the note with which Chapter 1 began: the special relationship between researchers and teachers in matters of educational research. Subsequent chapters will continue that note by developing some aspects of the research and its findings as well as material from elsewherewith the hope that readers will find them stimulating but not authoritarian. Further Reading (a) The research design is explained in detail throughout the companion volume, but overviews are provided in Chapters 1 and 6. Similarly, findings are reported in detail throughout and summarised in Chapter 6 in the form of several models of teaching and learning. (b) COHEN, L. and MANION, L. 1985, Research Methods in Education. London: Croom Helm. (A standard introduction which will help the reader place our methods in context.)

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BURGESS, R. G. 1985, Strategies of Educational Research. Qualitative Methods. London: Falmer Press. (A collection of articles on qualitative methods, including interviews and classroom observation.)

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3 'The People Might be a Bit Queer': Attitudes Towards French People Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to illustrate the kinds of attitudes to French people expressed in interviews by both age groups. It will be recalled from Chapter 2 that for the total sample of pupils in both primary and secondary sectors some association was found between gender and attitudes regarding other nationalities. In this chapter extracts are drawn from the interviews of the large subsample, not in order to illustrate the whole range of attitudes expressed in a representative manner, but for two other reasons. The first is to provide some insights into the kinds of attitudes which pupils were found to hold. Secondly, teachers might like to use these extracts, or ones similar to them which they encounter when teaching, to provide points for further discussion, either with pupils or with other teachers. When reading some of the following examples it is important to remember that for the whole sample attitudes towards the French occupied a medium position, between those expressed about the Germans, and those expressed about the Americans. In choosing points for general discussion, inevitably some of those included are of a rather vehement nature. Thus the overall picture needs to be borne in mind. The first section deals with examples taken from the secondary group, which could be used with pupils who, like them, have experienced a few years of being taught French. Secondary Pupils The extracts are organised under a number of headings, in the form of questions which could be posed, or statements which could be used to

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initiate or promote discussion. Some of the questions are phrased in quite controversial terms in order to focus attention on some assumptions. Did I Understand the Situation? Might There Have been Other Reasons Why People Reacted to Me in This Way? Going to France was not found necessarily to improve attitudes. To find out why this was so would need intensive research which was beyond the scope of the present project. However, it is possible that the quality of the experiences and preparedness for going abroad could militate against optimal impressions. Misunderstandings of social interaction can clearly be exacerbated by lack of understanding of the language. The school weekend visit to Boulogne was a frequently cited scenario for the following kind of incident: I: And what did you think of it [France]? P: Thought the place was all right but I didn't like the people. I: No? Why was that? P: They didn't have any patience. I: And what sort of people did you meet? Was it people running the hostel or people in the town? P: People in the town and running the hostel. I: When were they impatient? How were they impatient? P: Like looking round the shops and not buying anything they would just throw you out. From the second school a boy had formed a similar impression: I: What would put you off living in France? (In response to a statement to this effect.) P: Don't like the food that much and sometimes people can be a bit nastythey are not friendly really. I: What gives you these impressions then? P: Like, if you go into a shop there they say to you 'What do you want?' instead of 'Can I help you?' and stuff like that. I: Where have you come across that? P: When I was passing through France on the school trip, I went in the shop there, just having a look round, postcards and stuff like that, and the shopkeeperlike going roundand I asked himI asked him in French if we could but, if we wanted anything to but we were just really looking. A girl made a generalisation, the basis of which was revealed as a result of the interviewer's probing:

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P: The peoplethey are not very polite, not very sociable. I: When you say 'They are not very polite', how do you mean? P: Like when I was in Boulogne we went into a café and asked if we could go to the toilet and they snapped at us and told us that we couldn't go in because with it being a café and that. It wouldn't have been so bad if they had told us politely we couldn't go but they snapped at us and we had to go out. In all these instances the pupils quoted came from the group most prejudiced against the French. In these cases it was of course possible that other factors were involved of which the interviewees did not seem to be aware and which could have prejudiced initial reactions towards them. Firstly, if obviously, the size and frequency of school parties could have adversely affected reception in shops. Secondly, whilst the pupils perceived the French as unfriendly they were perhaps unaware of the possibility that they might have been expected to greet the shop and café owners on entering any establishment; thus their lack of overtures could have aggravated reactions to them. Thirdly, through café life is often described as a feature of French life in textbooks, teenagers under the age of sixteen are not necessarily allowed to enter them unaccompanied, and so they could have been infringing a by-law. In addition to giving pupils more preparation before going on school visits, teachers and pupils could make use of such material on their return in order to interpret pupil experiences and counterbalance them by other pupils' impressions. More positive conclusions can also be found, as for instance in the next section. Does Everybody See the Situation in the Same Way? In the following example a pupil, who was perhaps less reserved, had reached a different conclusion about an incident interpreted by others in his group as harassment: P: All he [a French boy] wanted to do was see who they were 'cause they were English, they were different andsort ofhe started talking as we walked past 'cause we were lost and [he] told us where the hostel was and took us back to the hostel, all helpful. Just if you talk to them, not if you sort of shout at them in a loud voice and try to get over in English they ignore you, but if you try to talk to them in French, they'll help you as much as they can. Another boy had received a very favourable impression:

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I: Say you could choose to be any other nationality, not English, what would you choose to be? P: French. I: Why's that? P: They get on with everybody. A lot friendlier. I: You mean amongst themselves or with other countries? P: Just like amongst themselves, when we went over they were always going in and out next door and a few doors down and saying hello to everybody . . . They always talk to everybody. If there was somebody down the other end of the yard when we went to school there and they would run down the other end just to say hello. Later he returned to the theme: The main thing is that they are a lot more friendly. No matter what anybody says about them, I would still go on holiday there because it is a good country. Why Might I be Hostile to Foreigners? Encounters with French pupils visiting England on exchanges may arouse some reactions which may be defensive. Accurate perceptions of the others' behaviour may therefore be unattainable: P: . . . They seemed to be, like snobby towards us when they came here, they never spoke to you much and if you tried to speak to them they just sort of ignored you. I: Why do you think they did that? P: They might not have understood or just didn't want to speak to you 'cause, like, you were strange. Sometimes such encounters can result in seriously hostile reactions: I: What do you think they think of English people? P: I don't think they're all that keen on them. I: No? P: 'Cause, like, the lassesI know they're dead bitchy with us, like, English people. I: Why do you think that is? P: Well, they're always lashing dirty looks and everything. I hate people, like giving me the run around.

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I: I wondered if you'd ever heard some French people think that the English are unfriendly. You may think that they give you looks but sometimes they think that English people do that. P: Yes, because I know a lot of English people don't like French people so we give them, like, dirty looks. I know whenever a French person like, when the French exchange was here, I always give the French 'meanies'apart from the boys of course. Why is 'Being Different' an Issue? For some pupils in the ethnocentric group just being 'different' may be given as a sufficient reason to dislike others. The following extract from a secondary pupil shows that this kind of reasoning is sometimes encountered: I: Why do you think people might not be friendly to French people? P: Just because they're different, they're a different nationality and they don't know them. I: Yes. Do you think many people feel like that? P: . . . Not really, some are different and try to get to know them. I: So you think that it's not specially because they're French but because they're a different nationality? P: Yes. I: What do you think most English people would think of, say, the Germans then? P: Don't know really, . . . English people? I: Yes. P: Don't suppose they like them really either because they're a different nationality. Why do I React to Hearing that Someone is Being More Successful than Me? Another area which pupils might benefit from discussing is their reaction to discovering that another country might be more advanced than their own in some respects: P: We see things on television every now and then, about different countries. I like watching the documentaries and things like that. One thingI watch Horizon. It told you about French technology, it seemed to be better than ours. I was only composing a letter to the Prime Minister about that. I didn't like it because they had done things better than us . . .

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Am I Fitting What I Hear to What I Think Already? It may sometimes be difficult for teachers to estimate the effect of some off-the-cuff remark about another culture; it is not impossible for teachers actually to hold largely positive views about a culture and yet for pupils to use minute extracts from all that they have been told to substantiate their own attitudes. For example, the pupil quoted in the following extract made it clear elsewhere in his interview that he had received information about French television from his teacher, who could be described as enthusiastic about France: I: You said that you'd heard about the Revolution, is there anything else you've heard about the history of France? P: Well, the Battle of Hastings. I: Yes? P: That was'cause I was, like on the French side then, do you know what I mean? I: Yes? P: I wanted William to win, but I wouldn't want them to win now if they came over. I: Why's that? P: Because they're not so nice now, they were, like, more important than Britain then, more civilised. I: So they were more civilised then? But when you say that they're not so nice now how do you mean? P: They don't really keep up with the times and they're not like, you know, propernothing good 'cause they've got like a few television channels and they're not, like, good, they're just like a few hours a day sort of thing, can't just have four big ones or something got to have about eight little ones. I: So you feel they're a bit more old-fashioned, is that it? P: Yes, they try to be modern and it always goes wrong. I: It always goes wrong? P: Yes. P: Well, you hear on Tomorrow's World about them but nothing's likeeverything's been discovered and that, and they're on about space things now but we know all those things so nothing's new. It should be noted that this pupil was a member of one of the top sets, not a pupil who had experienced failure in the language class.

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Do I Use Stereotypes? Pupils who did not exhibit great antipathy towards the French when completing attitude tests, might be found to make use of stereotypes such as the following: P: I don't reckon they'd have much patience with it. Like with England like nearly every house has a garden so they're much more like patient so they're always like plodding over it but the French would like get sick after a couple of minutes, hard digging and things like that. I: Why do you think they're impatient? P: . . . It's like when they do have a traffic jam over in France like, all these people blast their horns where we just take it, like 'cause we're used to it but over there they get impatient. I: Do you think most people are impatient? P: No not really. Like if you're used to traffic jams you can take it like. Say, like, when they have, like, traffic jams over there they're not used to it see so they, like, just miss each other but when they do have one they get impatient and that and drive around like maniacs and the police are trying to undo the traffic jams and that. Teachers might like to use an extract of this kind to discuss the nature of stereotypes held of other peoples. The above pupil's conclusion that 'they're not used to it' appears to result from an earlier statement of his that as France is large there would be few traffic jams; the English, by contrast, are used to traffic jams because of the smaller size of the country. Whilst this example might seem convoluted and idiosyncratic, it could be argued that the pupil had absorbed unwittingly from one knows not where the stereotype of the French as impatient, and he was attempting to explain it by whatever means were available to him. Another pupil concluded briefly that though she saw the French as 'quite nice, quite friendly' she thought 'they keep themselves to themselves, though, a bit as well.' This kind of statement seems not dissimilar to stereotypes of the English as reserved, held by other peoples. Statements of this nature could be used as starting points in discussion of how peoples see each other (or their heterostereotypes), and how these compare with those they hold of themselves (their autostereotypes). Are the English Always Right? Another topic for discussion could be unexplored assumptions that the

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English are always in the right. In the following example the pupil reported an incident that had occurred when travelling through France on a coach holiday. The coach had broken down and needed a spare part. The coach driver did not appear to have been provided with funds, though this type of excursion was frequently made. The unfortunate holidaymakers had to provide the cash. The French, the pupil considered, were 'nasty': Like on the bus they knew we couldn't go without that piece, they knew that the piece cost £120, they had no consideration. One obvious exercise might be to get pupils to discuss incidents like these by considering them in other contexts. In this case one might try a simple, if obvious, expedient of asking pupils whether an English mechanic would be likely to provide a foreign coach company with an expensive spare part, without payment. Whilst this might appear a trivial incident amongst many, there was no indication that the pupil had attempted to understand the perspective of others. That encouraging pupils to understand the perspectives of others is a proper and feasible concern of the classroom might be doubted by some; using incidents of misunderstandings has a well researched foundation in general social and moral education literature (for example, Selman, 1980). It would seem to be appropriate to use pupils' own experiences for the furthering of intercultural understanding. Can Anyone Who is Not English be Regarded as Normal? Whilst not being extremely prejudiced against the French, there is an assumption in the following extract that other peoples are somehow strange. P: The people might be a bit queer. Some can be very friendly. Less violent than here I would think. The television programmes would be funny. It is going to be funny to work where it is a different language. The musicthe way they talk, shops and that. It would be quite fun. I: You say some of the people might be queerwhat do you mean by that? P: The way they go on, like, according to the televisionthe tennis player. I like himhe is queer so it gives the impression that people . . . I have seen Bonjour on the television, the programme. The dancing and that, it's funny. This pupil had no personal experience of France.

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Is Language the Main Problem? Some pupils came to the following kinds of conclusions: Don't think they like us . . . 'cause we are not used to them . . . we don't understand them talking and they don't understand us. This pupil, and many others, felt that it would be 'all right' if linguistic barriers were removed. For some, even after three years of learning the language, it still seemed to be an insuperable barrier, unless the French learnt English: I: After all the time you have learnt French, what do you think of French people generally? P: I don't know them maybe if I met one I might. I: What sort of things have you been told about French people in schools? P: I don't think many people like them. Some people get on with them. I: Whatthe people who have been don't like them? Some get on with them, 'cause some of them talk in English. It is, of course, frequently said of the English that they are not confident about learning and using languages. There was little to counteract this conclusion in the reactions of many of the pupils. Some pupils, when talking about their school visits, reported occasions when they had gone out of their way not to speak French, by either avoiding people who wanted to speak to them, or by using the age-old device of pointing, when in shops. The solution to this problem is, of course, not easy. More than linguistic proficiency may be required. Pupils could perhaps be encouraged to discuss their own approaches to coping in another country. One pupil, who was in the non-ethnocentric group advocated the following: P: . . . Well just expect friendliness from people and advice like don't be afraid to ask people where to go things like that. and then: I: What about being in a family, a French family? P: In a French family? . . . Join in a little bit like some people are sort of shy, aren't they, sort of get like in there and be friendly with them. and later:

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P: Yes. I got along when I was there like. There was lots of French people that spoke English. That was like helpful but even when the people didn't speak English it was good. I didn't feel left out or odd. I felt well I will have a go and I can only try my best. I: Yes. They were friendly when you did that? P: Yes. Are Other Factors Involved? Sometimes pupils made comments which appeared to echo hostile reactions to many other peoples, who might wish to come to England. In the following extract the pupil spontaneously referred to his perception of the effect of the Channel Tunnel. The interviewer decided that an objective stance was untenable and tried to see if there might be alternative perspectives: I: What kinds of jobs do people do in France? P: Same as us, office jobs and stuff like that. Most of them will be coming over and doing the Channel Tunnel taking our jobs over. I: You think there will be competition for jobs with the Channel Tunnel? P: Yes. I: You don't think they can be shared evenly? P: Especially round London I think they would be about the same. But more people will be complaining with all the unemployment, with them coming over and getting jobs. I: Surely the French are going to build their section of the Channel Tunnel from France tohalfway I presume and the English are going to build their section. Is that not fair enough? P: Yes but I think the French coming over and using the tunnel, getting jobs in London and places like that. I: Oh so you think England will be flooded with Frenchmen looking for jobs? P: Yes. If they couldn't get them over there. It is often stated that fear of unemployment can aggravate hostility. To some extent these kinds of comments could vary in their frequency according to the prosperity of the region. Perhaps some teachers will feel they can do little more in cases like these than make pupils aware of some of the mechanics of prejudice. Use of other, less defensive pupils' perceptions might provide some material. Understanding Others Many of the above extracts may perhaps have served to convince

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teachers of the opposite of what is intended. Some of the extracts may appear so negative that their use might be thought undesirable. It should be reiterated that they are being used as illustrations of the kinds of comments which could be used in the classroom, either as part of a planned programme of heightening pupils' awareness of others, or incidentally, as such comments arise from teachers' own classes. As was stated above, attitudes to the French of the whole sample, were not particularly hostile, when compared with those towards the Germans, but less enthusiastic than attitudes to the Americans. Many pupils regarded the French as 'just the same' as the English. The causes of this kind of conclusion might be varied, for instance a reflection of the influence of some teachers, who clearly made efforts to encourage pupils to have a more positive outlook. For others, it might be the result of being at a particular stage; it is thought by some that pupils in the primary years spend much time in discrimination of differences, and that this gives way to attempts to detect similarities amongst peoples, for example. Perhaps more interesting than the kind of quickclosure conclusion of 'just the same' were those responses in which pupils appeared to be trying to articulate their perceptions of what might be termed 'similarity in being diverse'. In other words pupils wished to indicate that differences might be found amongst many peoples, and that therefore they did not wish to generalise: P: They can only be human. I might get to meet a few some I might not like, some I might like, can't tell. They have all got different personalities. I: Would there be a nationality which you prefer from what you know of them? Obviously you have to generalise. The French or the Germans or Americans? P: Like as I said before I think all nationalities as I said are only human so they are all going to be roughly the same. Occasionally being questioned about how the French might perceive the English resulted in pupils adopting a reciprocal stance: . . . I haven't thought about that. I suppose they think just the same as we think about them. Maybe some think we're violent and some think we're good, like they all have different thoughts about us. Another pupil drew attention to diversity within cultures, though ended on a slightly more critical note: I: What do you think they [the French] think of English people?

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P: Oh, same as I thought of French people. You can get some people who are civil and some people who won't cooperate with anybody, some people want entertaining sort of thing, I thinkI don't know maybe we're a lot happier, they might find us more helpful. Conversely another pupil concluded that the French might act towards the English as the English do to the French, but then ended on a more favourable note: P: I wouldn't really know what they really thought but I would have thought they would be friendly towards us and hospitable and I suppose they would maybe feel the same towards us as we to them, but I think they would probably be more, you know, friendly towards us than we would be to them. How Possible is it to Discuss Prejudice and Stereotypes? Teachers may wish to debate how far it is possible to promote discussion of this nature. Clearly, where prejudice is thought to exist, teachers may aim for encouraging pupils to regard all peoples as similar. However, if true tolerance is to be fostered, it is possible that getting pupils to accept differences may be necessary. It has been argued that one way of breaking down prejudice might be to draw attention to diversity within a society. Pupils may have to consider not only the diversity of French society and culture, but as a point of comparison and as a possible outcome, may be made aware of diversity within their own society. Primary Pupils The next section gives a few illustrations of primary pupils' attitudes. These statements were all gathered in the year prior to the pupils' starting French at secondary school. They are also organised under headings, some of which are offered as possible explanations. Some might be used to promote discussion with pupils starting French, but the prime intention is to illustrate for teachers the nature of reasoning about other peoples found in this age group. One Piece of Information Can Colour Attitudes Reading the primary interviews shows that what might appear trivial, individual incidents or items of information assume salience for this age

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group, as with some of the secondary sample. However, whilst the tendency to focus upon one issue can be similar, the kinds of reasons given can seem to adult eyes somewhat superficial: P: I don't really like France and that. I: Why don't you like the French people very much? P: The way they dress and the way they are, I just don't really like them. I: How do French people dress then? P: Well in short trousers. Influence of Stereotypes Only about 15% of the primary sample had visited France. There was thus perhaps a greater reliance on stereotypes, or single pieces of information derived from, for example, stereotyped images gained from other sources. The following pupil had not visited France: P: Because I don't like the language they speak and I don't like the sound of the place either. I don't like onions. I: How have you heard about the language? Have you heard people speaking it? P: Not reallyon the telly a bit on John Craven's Newsround. The following pupil did not have any experience of France either: P: Just that they are fussy and I don't think they are very nice people to live with. I: Do you think of them as being different from us then? P: Yes. I: How? P: I don't knowlike we sometimes take our time but they like never take their time and are like rushing around a lot and like saying they want this and want that and putting them back. They don't know what they want because they are rushing around. Onions featured strongly in primary pupils' interviews: . . . Horrible and dirty. The food is quite nice and I think they always wear onions around their necks. Defensiveness Amongst some of the older pupils were found a few who feared that

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the French might talk about them, and that they would not be able to understand what was being said. There were few such reactions amongst the younger group, but there was the occasional fear of reactions to the English language: P: . . . like when you go in the shops and you don't know what they are talking about and they might be cruel to you then. I: Have you ever heard anyone say that that could happen? P: No, don't think so. I: Why do you think they pick on people? P: Because they talk different to us. They think we talk stupid and all that. I: Why do you think they think we talk stupid? P: Don't know. Because they think their language is better probably. I: Do you think they always think that about other people or just about the English people? P: I think everyone, all different people. Fear of Strangers Amongst this age group there could sometimes be indications of fear of people whom they did not know. This point was made more than once by one pupil, who was candid about expressing his feelings: The French ferry driversI'm scared of them for'cause they look so big and they were telling some people off for being stupid, clinging on the rails and stuff, and they seem very fierce. He also reasoned: You'll try more foods with them [the French] 'cause we're too frightened to say no or they'll get in tempers. . . Identification with England Pupils in this age group had probably only acquired an understanding of nationality relatively recently. Thus it was perhaps not surprising that some pupils would identify closely with their own country. I: You don't like French people, why don't you like the French people? P: 'Cause I can't understand the language and I think they're rude. I: They're rude, why do you think they're rude?

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P: Because, like, I've seen films and things about when they're, likethey've got onions around their necks and they're drinking beer and they're drunk and that. I: And they're rude? P: Yes. I: Who are they rude to? P: The English people. I: English people? P: Yes, 'cause once a man made a song about Margaret Thatcher and all the English people and I thought that was rude 'cause it told you all the words in English. Instrumental Reasoning Some primary pupils shared the secondary pupils' views of the use of being able to speak French, though their reasons might be expressed in more ingenuously instrumental terms: I think they have a different accent to us English people and they might always be unpleasant to English people 'cause if an English person spoke French they'd be kind to them and that 'cause they might have thought that he was French too. The following reason advanced for learning about French culture was even more obvious: I: Do you think it is important to learn how people live as well as their language? P: Yes because you will know the traditions and all the things you need to know. When you go there you will know the traditions and you will be able to please people. He then added: Well, if you don't please people they will go round saying he is awful. This kind of reasoning is not uncommon amongst children of this age. However, it is perhaps rather disturbing to meet it in the context of cultural studies. Visits to France When pupils had visited France their perceptions could differ quite markedly from those with no experience of the country:

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Like they say . . . Au revoir a lot and 'Hello' and 'Good morning' . . . they've like got good manners and things. Sometimes memories of visits were quite lengthy and detailed: I: You mentioned the house, what houses are like. Can you paint me a picture in words of a French house? P: A French house is rather big. It has vines and things in the garden because they grow their own wine and things like that. They would have quite a few plants and if it was like the villa we went to they would have like a sort of farm at the back because they would need all the food mainly. I: So you lived in a villa? P: Well we had a holiday in a villa with nearly the whole family. It was huge the villa. Even food could be popular: I: Do you think their food is . . . P: It is very nice. . . It is better than the English food. I: Have you ever tried any? P: Yes. Once. We were travelling and stopped at this big restaurant on the bus and I don't know what you call it but we had these sort of chips, fish in a sort of sauce thing and some French bread and it was nice. Can't remember the name of it. Similarity and Diversity A number of pupils suggested that they viewed the French in a similar way to many of the older sample, as 'more or less the same as us'. In some cases it appeared that pupils were attempting to draw attention to differences within French society. In the following examples it is noticeable that, as is often found with this age group, physical details are included with the personalistic, and, as they are being questioned about people of a different culture, differences in cultural artefacts are also mentioned: . . . Kind, most of them . . . helpful and . . . more or less the same as what we are. Not rich, not poor, just enough, just what we wear, the same clothes I would think the same food, I don't know but I would think it is, the same sort of houses really in the way that they have inside, just like ours except we might be a bit more modern than them, just really the same. Not much difference, the language and things like that.

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The next pupil similarly includes different types of attributes: Er . . . they're kind, they've got good manners and mostly have like a tan, like 'cause they've been sun bathing and that . . . they wear hats and that for the festival and things and they mostly go to church . . . and they're Jews and . . . can't remember anything else. Salience of Cultural Artefacts As was mentioned regarding the last example, pupils of this age may be particularly influenced by the differences found in cultural artefacts: I: OK. If I asked you to say in just a few words about what French people are like what would you say? P: They're probably different to us. I: They're different to us, what sort of ways are they different? P: Like they eat different food and sell different things to us and . . . I: So if you were a French girl instead of an English girl how do you think you might be different, do you think you would be a different person? P: Mm. I: How would you be different? P: 'Cause I'd be talking French and I'd have to get a joba different job. Friendliness Of all the construals of others by both the secondary and the primary pupils, those referring to friendliness and helpfulness of others, or its absence, were the most frequent. This was found to be true both of responses to questions and of spontaneous comments about people other than the French. Of paramount importance to the pupils was how people behaved towards themselves. In this they are not necessarily any different from adults. Whilst understandable, it would be interesting to note whether this concern with how people act towards oneself assumes prime importance in other nationalities' construals of peoples. As it is an issue likely to be of importance to pupils who know that they may visit France during their secondary school careers, the following examples are offered to illustrate the more positive conclusions at which some pupils had arrived: P: Like, if you go into the shop and, like, you don't know what to say 'cause you can't pronounce the word or something and, like, you

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can't talk to them very much they'll help you pick things up and try to show you, like, that's what you want and you go through all the things till they find out what you want. I: Who's told you this? P: Well my Mam when she went in this shop when we stopped at this service station, like, we were trying to tell them what we wanted 'cause it was French people in. Older siblings could influence views: P: He [her older brother] said it was a nice place because he went with the school and the places he stayed, they were nice people he stayed with, and they were always friendly to you and it was sometimes hard to understand but it was good. And later: P: In a few words I think they're clean and tidy and they're nice people to visit and I think they respect themselves, yes. Pupils entering the secondary school may still be more likely to be attempting to detect differences rather than similarities amongst peoples. The content of many of the above extracts should be read in this light. Teachers will obviously be concerned at this stage with equipping pupils with other perspectives. Whilst the above examples have been given to illustrate some of the concerns which may have informed pupils' views, it should also be borne in mind what a variety of motives, anxieties, dislikes and idiosyncratic judgements pupils in any one year may display. Some of these may become obvious in the classroom; one cannot tell to what extent they modify attitudes towards language learning. In the next chapter we shall take up the question of what attitudes towards language learning are held by primary pupils before they begin secondary school. Further Reading (a) Further information on how pupils make use of sources of information can be found in Chapter 4 of the companion volume. (b) SELMAN, R. L. 1980, The Growth of Understanding. New York: Academic Press.

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KATZ, P. A. 1983, Developmental foundations of gender and racial attitudes. In R. L. LEAHY (ed., The Child's Construction of Inequality. New York: Academic Press.

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4 'You Sit Down and You Get Your Books Out': Views on Learning French The aim of this chapter is to describe pupils' views of learning French before they enter secondary school and after three years of French lessons. The extracts included are given not for discussion purposes, for example in class, as was suggested in the preceding chapter, but rather to illustrate the nature of pupils' attitudes to and understanding of language learning. We begin with the primary group. What Will it be Like? Hearing a Foreign Language . . . When I was about four, when I was there [France] I thought they must learn quick 'cause I used to think that everybody was born speaking English. This boy's comment indicates how strange other languages may sound to island dwelling pupils. However, by their eleventh year most children interviewed had experienced hearing other languages, from going on holiday abroad, from parents and older siblings, and sometimes from television. Whilst in general children presented themselves as enthusiastic about learning French, they had already formed definite ideas about the sound of the language: P: Well it just sounded like a load of pidgin talk, you try to make out some of the names, like, that you've heard before, and some of the words. I: What do you mean 'pidgin talk'?

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P: Well, it just sounds all jabbered 'cause we don't know it, like all jumbled together. I: What did you feel like when you heard French being spoken? P: Just thought it was funny. I: Funny? P: Yes, 'cause we speak different and they'll think we're funny talkers as well. I: What does funny mean? P: Well, just sounds all daft, all these words jabbled together. Similarly: I: What was it like, what did you feel like when you heard French being spoken? P: Just weird 'cause I didn't understand them and they say long words and I couldn't understand them and some of the words my Dad had never heard of and we just had to give up eventually and just go home 'cause we couldn't do anything. We went to a windmill and it was a really nice windmill and they had a guide and it would have been nice if you could hear him but he was saying all weird words and I couldn't understand him. I: What did you feel like then when you heard this? P: Just I felt out of place 'causemy Mam was talking to him and I just couldn't talk to him. Slightly more positive was the following: I: What did it feel like when you heard them speak French, what did you feel like? P: I laughed, I like the way they speak 'cause they use expressions. I: Go on, why did you laugh? P: 'Cause it was the first time that I heard them and I didn't know French people spoke like that and they use their hands and everything. Looking Forward to Learning Of the sample of primary pupils who completed the questionnaire, about 80% stated that they were looking forward to learning French. Many also stated that they would like to learn other languages, German being a popular choice, despite the somewhat ambivalent attitudes towards the people, evident in the attitudes test and in interviews. Most pupils

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interviewed substantiated what they had said in their questionnaire. They indicated also in several cases that they had made some attempts to start learning French: P: Er . . . I've heard people speaking French but not much, like I've got this tape, French tape. I: Have you? Where did you get that from? P: Down at W. H. Smith's and it was 'Learn to speak French' and like it was showing youtelling you how to speak French. I: So have you tried it out? P: Yes. I: What's it like? P: It helps you and it has, like, a little book so that you can follow and I managed to say them but you have to get your tongue round the words. Some wished to make a start in the primary school: I: What do you think about learning French next year? P: Oh, I can't wait. I: You can't wait? P: I think they should learn French in this school. Then maybe when you go to that school you would know a bit of French. The easier words here and the hard words up in Newfarm or the other comprehensive. Some were convinced that the process would not be too taxing: P: I can't speak any but I can say a few numbers. Can't say it in the French accent, like. I: So would you like to learn it? P: Yes. I: Are there any other languages you would like to learn? P: I would like to learn German and Spanish. I: So you think you are going to enjoy learning languages? P: Well, they are pretty easy as I have good memory. Others were beginning to show some anxiety about learning French, though they reported wishing to do so: I: Have you learnt anything of foreign languages, any words?

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P: No, but before I start at the comprehensive I'm going to learn some so it will help me. I: Where are you going to learn that? How will you learn that? P: Well, my brother has a lot of books which are fourth year senior books, but I'd just try and take the easy bits out of there and it will help my confidence at first and then when I go to school I might not be so bad at foreign languages. She continued later: I just feel that sometimes if I don't know too much of the language I might just make a mess if I go there and so that's what I think I'm a bit frightened of. She then made an interesting distinction: P: I feel very strange and when I hear it, it puts me out to think it's going to be harder to learn when you hear it, instead of seeing it and it's very hard to pronounce it when you see it on a piece of paper I think. I: But that won't put you off having a go will it? P: No, I'd like very much to learn French and I'm going to try my hardest. Some pupils were worried that learning French might cause them to forget English. When asked if he would like to learn a language one boy indicated that he had decided upon a minimalist strategy: P: Well, German something like that, the easy words that other countries have. That's about all. I: Have you ever heard any German? P: No. I: Which words do you think would be easy? P: . . . Some of the long letter words and some of the short ones. I: Why do you think the longer ones would be easy? P: They might have, like, easy letters, like sort of 'W, K', things like that. Words like that and it would be easy to pronounce them. The Content of French Lessons Older siblings were an obvious source of information about French lessons, as well as about the language itself. However, those aspects of

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French lessons thought to be most interesting by secondary pupils, such as learning about France and taking an active role in dialogues, did not appear to have been appreciated by the younger age group. Their conception of French lessons tended to be characterised by notions of more passive work, with little conception of the cultural dimension: Just like reading out of books and things, out of French phrase books or something like that, and getting the pads and drawing a picture or something like that. Similarly: I: What would you expect there to be in a French lesson, what would you expect to do in a French lesson? P: Well, if we've been given a dictionary, look up the words and then close the book and repeat them in your mind, and when you've done that say them to the teacher. This pupil, however, when prompted, suggested what would make the lesson more interesting, but it is noticeable that he did not assume that such activities might form part of the course: I: If you were advising me as to what to do next year in your French lessons to make it more interesting for you P: Show some pictures about it. I: Can you be a bit more precise? Pictures of what? P: Show the countries and the houses . . . and all the animals and pets. Whilst some pupils realised that speaking French formed part of the content of lessons the general impression was of a solitary activity, rather than of communicative endeavours: P: Mainly language and my brother has this notebook about words written down in French and he tells us to test him and I say the French word and he says the meaning. So I am really interested in the meaning of the words, the French words. I: So what do you imagine you will do in the lessons then? What kind of exercises, what kind of work will you do? P: I reckon, like, it will be, like, you get down, you sit down and you get your books out. It is not mainly writing I don't think. It is reading I think because if you can read a language you can write it, whereas if you can write it you might not be able to read it.

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I: What about speaking? P: Speaking? Yes, that's it. That's what I mean, getting to speak fluently. Some siblings could be heard practising their spoken French: P: My brother learns it at school and I like the language. I: Have you heard some? P: Yes, 'cause when he comes home he alwayshe used to tape some of his voices and I used to go and listen to the tape and I like that. I: Listen to him on the tape? P: Yes, he used tothey used to do homework on tape, they used to have to speak what they'd learnt. I liked that. Influences in the Family Other siblings not only pass on impressions of what French lessons consist of but also transmit their own attitudes and feelings about the subject. Some are positive and encouraging: P: Er . . . he likes them [French lessons], he says it's not really hard because the teachers are helping you all the time you're learning it and once . . . once you've started it and you start learning more about the country instead of just the language, more about the country itself, and that's why I'm looking forward to going there next year, 'cause we're going to know more about it when we go up to the secondary school, so I'm looking forward to that. I: What exactly would you like to know about the country? P: About the people and about how they live, what their houses are like and things like that and . . . shops and how much things are compared to what they are in Britain, things like that, that will help us when I go to the next school. Negative aspects of lessons could of course also be transmitted: P: . . . My brother said at school that they just race through a tape fast and you have to get it right, I'm not looking forward to that bit. Older siblings were more often cited as sources of information about

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languages than were parents. Some even attempted to teach their younger siblings: I: How does he tell you these things, just when you are chatting or does he sit down and say 'Right, now I'm going to teach you some French?' P: Yes. I: That's what he does, does he? P: Yes. I: How often does he do that? P: Oh, quite a lot of times, when we have nothing to do he just tells us to sit down and things. He elaborated later: Strange, it sounds a bit strange, some of them, like when they say my brother says thingsI know what he's saying a bit, it sounds like English. Another pupil had similar experiences: There's, you see at home on a weekend, maybe on a Sunday 'cause there's hardly anything to do and my Mam's making the dinner, she'll just tell us, like, we'd go upstairswe have to learn our spellings for Monday or the Friday, so I learn my spellings then we just play around for a bit and she just tells us and we learn a bit of French. One highly motivated boy, stated that he made notes about France from television programmes, and also that he made use of an older relation's contacts: Now his penfriend normally writes to him and he writes back. His penfriend sends him quite a lot of information about France, what is going on, what is happening, and I sometimes note this down in my diary because my cousin told me if you want to be a high standard pupil you will have to learn French. You have to have a particular language to learn. This pupil was the only one in the primary sample to give this kind of reason for learning French; it should be noted also that he gave it spontaneously. Some older siblings used tactics which would undermine all except the most determined: When I am trying to practiseI have a French bookmy sister will

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come in and start speaking in German to put me off. French could also be used in a rather negative way: I: What about the language, have you ever heard anybody speak French? P: No, well I have when our Susan's been teasing us. I: Whywhat does she say? She speaks French does she? P: Yes, she keeps calling me 'Rouge' 'cause I have ginger hair. I: Oh, so that's the only time you ever heard anybody speak French? P: Well, she's told us her name in French and where she lives in French but nothing else. I: Do you like how French sounds, do you like the French language? P: No. A number of parents, usually mothers, had taught their children a little French, such as the numbers from one to ten. Sometimes the whole family could be involved: P: . . . and my Dad wants to learn French, he's going to French classes but now he's stopping now because they said he could bring a video and just video this French lesson onhe took three videos and they've all got French on now, so he can teach himselfoff the telly. I: Your Dad's keen on French then? P: Yes. I: And your brother? P: He's pretty keen on it as well, my Mam knows a little bit of it, more than my Dad and brother, but she was the one who got us around, telling the people where we were going and everything. Parents were usually thought to be supportive of the schools' teaching of French. There were, however, some detractors: I: Would you like to speak French? P: No. I: What would you like to learn at the comprehensive? P: My Mam says it would be a good idea to learn Spanish and I would like to learn it as well because we might be going therenot next year but the year after. I would like to be able to understand them and speak to them in the language. I: Not in French? Why not? P: I don't know, just that there are not many French people around,

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my Mam says she's been to France but she doesn't really like it so we won't be going there any more. Reasons for Learning Many of the reasons given for learning languages related to tourism P: Yes, I want to learn French for next year so I can be a bit better, so I'll feel more at home. I: You mean you want to do some French now, in advance? P:Yes. I: For next year? What makes you want to do that? P: So I can talk to them, 'cause when I go for a holiday next year B we've already booked and I want to learn French for next year, so that I can talk to them. This kind of reasoning was similar to that advanced by the secondary pupils. Secondary pupils tended also to give instrumental reasons such as: If the jobs are getting scarce over here . . . you could try France. Amongst primary pupils this type of rationale was only given by one highly motivated pupil already quoted above. He expanded upon this later in the interview: Well, I like to speak the language because you need another language to get you a good business or something. Later: Like my cousin told me that somebody got 'A' in every subject but he still didn't go to university because he never took a language. Integrative reasons were given by about 10% of the whole sample, thus including primary pupils, for example this boy's response to being asked what it was like to hear French spoken: It sounds strange but I would like to learn it because you can talk to French people more often and you can make friends and you can get their address and write to them. A small number of other types of reasons were also given, mainly by primary pupils. For some there appeared to be some kind of intrinsic linguistic reason. For example some pupils liked the sound of French, saw

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it as 'interesting' or 'different', a 'good' language, or that learning it might be 'fun'. Gender and Language Learning It was indicated above that the majority of primary pupils stated that they were looking forward to learning French. It was found amongst the secondary pupils interviewed that girls reported more enjoyment of French than did boys, and that pupils in the least ethnocentric groups reported more enjoyment than those in the most ethnocentric groups. In one class of primary pupils were found some instances of similar trends regarding gender and attitudes to language learning. Whilst what was stated could not be corroborated at the time, it was interesting to note that more than one pupil had observed the following reactions to a proposed school visit to France: It's mostly the boys who don't like speaking the French language. Another pupil responded to a question upon whether most people in her class wanted to learn French: P: Mostly the girls really, the girls, every girl in our class just about, about five aren't, but every girl is going to France, and no boys are. They would like toI think the girls would like to learn; the boys would just want to go to enjoy themselves instead of learning. I: Why's that? P: I don't know, some of them would learn but some of them would just have a good time, that's why they'd want to go. I: Why are the girls more interested than the boys? P: I just get that idea 'cause more of the girls have taken to the idea of going to France and learning. We are doing studies while we are there and no boy is going and that's why I think the girls are more interested in it. It is of course possible that some of the girls in the sample wished to appear to give answers indicating their enthusiasm for French. Some pupils appeared to have had their interest in France promoted by the visits from 'the University', that is the research team! From the questionnaires also collected there was, as stated above, at least a substantial interest shown in commencing the language at secondary school, even if there was little grasp of the scope of language lessons. Moreover, interest was also shown in studying other languages. Most pupils therefore wished to start learning

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French. It is interesting to turn to the views of the secondary pupils in our sample to see how their attitudes compare after three years. What is it Like? Boys and Girls and Languages There has been much discussion in recent years among teachers and others about the relationship between gender and language learninga relationship which, as we saw above, primary pupils themselves are aware of. Most of the attitudes expressed in interviews could be classified as clearly positive or negative with a minority in a somewhat neutral position, where the interviewee saw it as merely 'all right', or likeable in some respects but not others. Some interesting relationships appear to obtain between gender and attitudes, and also between ethnocentricity and attitudes, with some possible interaction between the two factors. Bearing in mind that an equal number of boys and girls were interviewed, with equal numbers from each of three levels of ethnocentricity, as far as the composition of each class allowed, a greater proportion of girls expressed enjoyment of French than did boys at approximately 73%:49%. Conversely, for disliking French the proportions were reversed at approximately 27%: 16%. Similarly 24% of the boys gave a neutral or ambivalent response, compared with 11% of the girls. These findings are similar to many studies carried out into gender and language learning. Interviews were also analysed according to the teaching group to which pupils belonged for French. Positive attitudes towards learning French were more frequently expressed amongst the higher sets, but those stating that they enjoyed French was greater in all classes except one, where opinion was equally divided. It cannot be known from this study how experience in other years of being taught French might have influenced attitudes towards learning French. From some of the responses it was clear that pupils evaluated their three years of experience differently, some preferring the early years and some enjoying current experience. It would appear likely intuitively that class teaching experience would make a difference to attitudes towards learning languages and a few pupils gave appraisals of their teachers over three years of experience. However, it cannot be known to what extent success in the subject may have reinforced pre-existing attitudes towards it, taken in conjunction with levels of ethnocentricity and the issue of gender. Let us consider then what pupils had to say.

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'You do Everything in French . . .'Positive Views Obviously there are many different aspects of learning French to which pupils can respond. For a number the format of French lessons was contrasted with that of others: P: Yes, 'cause in French it's mainly oral work and in maths all you've got to do is turn to a page and do various things there, you do everything in French you write, speak and translate and everything like that we get a good fair deal of it. I: What is it that you enjoy about it, about French? P: Just the fact that it's a different language and it's a change from English and just have the ability to speak another language, it's a good attraction. This was a 'non-ethnocentric' girl in a top French set. Similarly a 'non-ethnocentric' boy in a middle set was enthusiastic about his experience: I: What is it about learning French language now? Do you enjoy learning French? P: Good fun. I: What's good fun about it then? P: Learning the language so you can speak their language when you go out there. I: Have you enjoyed it all the way through? P: Yes. I: How does it compare with other lessons? P: Different. In the other lessons you just sit down and work. In French we learn to speak French, say dialogues and things like that. Write things down. Some drew attention to the diversity of content: Yes, 'cause we don't just like learn French like we learn like about bits about France and what would happen when we went there. Some appeared to enjoy the linguistic skill aspect of learning French. One boy from a top set who expressed clear negative attitudes towards the French, was nevertheless keen to try out his French, even in an unusual scenario: I: What do you like about it do you think? P: I think the best thing is like when I was in London I always wanted towell my Dad said 'Well ask somebody the way to some-

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where', and I always looked for somebody who looked French so I could ask them in French. I: Yes, you enjoyed doing that did you? P: Yes, I like talking in French. Whilst a number of pupils felt that the cultural studies aspect of French was important the following response, possibly echoing some teachers' aims, was unusual: Well it's a different language and it could help you in the future and it's getting more general knowledge into (you) so that you canif you come across a French person in England youyou don't just say there's a frog and then leave them alone you go up to them and say 'hello' in French and ask them what they would like that sort of thing and instead of having a bad personality in your eyes they would have a better personality. 'Before, I Used to Enjoy it . . .'Negative Views For those who did not enjoy learning French the most frequently used epithet was 'boring'. Some found it hard to analyse their reasons and concluded 'I just don't like it', others found a variety of aspects to dislike but the emphasis may have varied somewhat with different teaching content. Few pupils in the upper French sets reported disliking French but where they did the types of reasons given were similar: P: Yes, I just don't really enjoy all the tests and that. I: What is itcan you pin down what you find difficult? P: Don't really find anthing difficult I just find it uninteresting really like I've got my second grade in French and my third grade in German like I'm not bad at the subject, I just don't really like it, it's boring all the vocabulary and all that, verbs and that, never ending changes. From another top set there was a similar response: P: It's pretty boring we just do the same words over and over again. Just sitting thereit goes in one ear and out the next . .. I: . . . Have you always thought in the same way about French? P: No before I used to enjoy it. First and second year I used to really enjoy it. When you like learned different things all the time. Now we just do the same things. Doing like weathercan't think what we are doing now.

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I: Well when you say you do different things what do you mean? P: Like we were going off, now we're doing food, like before we did our family and like pets. Then the history, things like that that we did. Then we did the weather now we are doing food, weights of food, what you eat like for dinners, teas. Dragging it all out. For some having to speak French in class was problematic: I: Do you enjoy learning French? P: Not that much. I: Not terribly. What puts you off? P: Can't do it much, it's not easy. I: What part of it isn't easy then? P: Like speaking it. I: Is it the language, speaking it, pronouncing it or what do you mean when you say speaking it? P: Like, when you're reading and you can't speak it very well. Individual perception of lesson content did, however, like everything else, vary, for from the same class another boy concluded that it was 'boring' because: All you do is read the books and that and you don't talk. Of those who said they disliked learning French in the third year many appeared to have enjoyed it in the first year. The development of the thematic approach did not appear to suit this boy: P: In the first year I thought it was all right but from there just thought it was boring . . . Because we were doing different bits every week and like now we just stick to one thing for about four weeks. I: What sort of different bits were you doing each week? P: Like we were doing about a restaurant and then go to like the garden and that. Now like we stick with the restaurant for about three weeks. For some pupils learning French was merely 'all right' with no particular positive or negative attributes. Others responded to certain parts of the curriculum but not to others, for example this 'ethnocentric' boy in a top group: Well, the language and verbs are a bit dry, you don't like doing that, but when you're learning about what French people do, like how they

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speak and things like that I enjoy it. The only thing is I'm a bad speller in English and I can't spell well in French and the teacher doesn't like that but otherwise I like French that's why I'm taking it, it's useful as well. For some the aural aspects were not popular, for instance one 'ethnocentric' girl from a middle set found 'when we have to listen to tapes . . . about restaurants and hotels' 'boring'. From the same class one boy found French hard but enjoyed parts of the lessons: P: It can be hard at times and I don't like it very much but sometimes I enjoy it. I: Which parts do you like most then, which parts of French classes do you like most? P: When you have to try and say the word that you have just learnt. Like when you are trying to learn the words and saying them, and you have to ask your partner questions and they have to answer them in French. Just things like that. Later he returned to the subject: I: What are the bits that you like most then? P: Just talking about different places in France. I: What is it you don't like about it or that your mates don't like about it? P: . . . When we are talking to the teacher because we are frightened we might get wrong. I: You find it difficult then sometimes? P: Yes. Of course it is not possible to please all the pupils all the time, but one message which might be taken from these quotations is the simple reminder that classes are made up of individuals with quite definite and often mature opinions on what they are doing or might be doing. Learning Other Languages One of the issues which often exercise teachers and policy-makers is whether the dominance of French as a foreign language in British education has an influence on attitudes. Whilst the main focus of this part of our study was upon attitudes towards learning French some information upon

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pupils' attitudes towards other languages was also gathered both intentionally and incidentally. When completing the questionnaires many pupils indicated that they would like to learn or have learnt another language, the most popular of which were German and Spanish. The pupils in the first language set in each secondary school had experience of learning German also. German then was a popular choice amongst some of those who had not been able to take it in these schools, though to some extent the wish to learn another language diminished with age and possibly with lack of success in French. When secondary pupils were asked which languages they perceived as most important French was almost universally given, for the reason that it was thought to be spoken in a larger number of countries than is any other language. There was very little questioning of this justification, which was made explicit in the early part of the course used. Though many pupils had visited Spain and Ibiza and a few thought it might be useful for travel reasons to learn Spanish, this was not thought to be a serious challenge to the central position of French in the curriculum. Though German and Spanish were the most popular choices of other languages which pupils wished to learn, there was some difference in choice between the two age groups. For the secondary pupils choice of Spanish and German was about equal, whereas for the primary pupils German was given as a desired language much more frequently than Spanish (approximately twice as often). Reasons given for learning other languages tended to be of the same kind as those advanced for learning French. Travel reasons predominated and the following was a typical response from a secondary pupil: I: Are there any other languages you'd like to learn? P: . . . Spanish. I: Why would you like to learn that? P: . . . I don't know I just think it would be good 'cause if I'cause there's a lot of people, tourists and that go to France and that for holidays and I'd like to go'cause I think we might be going sometime. Some pupils gave more than one choice and seemed to have an interest in languages themselves: I: Would you like to learn other languages as well? P: Yes, Spanish and German and Chinese and Japanese . . . it's just good the languages what they talk, it's interesting.

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The reasons for choice amongst the primary pupils were similar. Awareness and enjoyment of the distinguishing sounds of different languages were sometimes present: P: I'd like to learn Italian and French and German. I: Which would be the first preference? P: Oh, and Spanish. Spanish. I: Spanish would be what you'd like first? P: Yes. I: Why would you pick that one first? P: I don't, 'cause I like the sound of all of the words. The majority of primary pupils stated that they wished to learn French. For those who did not, this did not necessarily mean that they had no interest in languages. One girl had heard her older sister speaking French and had decided it sounded 'stupid'. She had however an interest in Italy: P: I like the way they talk. I: Why do you like the way they talk? P: They talk like funny. I: But you don't like the way French people talk? You prefer the way Italians talk? P: Yes. There was thus ample evidence of a general interest in languages, though the breadth of choice was perhaps somewhat circumscribed by touristic and chance factors. Few pupils commented upon the lack of provision of a broad choice of languages in schools, though some in the lower sets would have liked to have had the opportunity to learn German. Pupils accepted the primacy of French in the curriculum and repeated the reason given in their course: P: Well I thought French would be great to take because it's a second language and there's a lot of countries which do speak French if not English so it would be helpful, maybe to me in later life. I: Yes, where do you think they do speak it apart from France? P: Belgium. I: Yes. P: And I've heard they do a bit in Jersey, places like Guernsey but I think it's better to have two languages rather than just one because you can fall back on one any time.

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Pupils seemed convinced by the reason given in the course, despite only partial recall: I: Which do you think is the most important language to learn? P: French. I: Why do you think that is important? P: Because there are more countries what speak French than any other languages. I: Which sort of countries? P: Switzerland, France and there are some other countries speak it but I can't remember them. We learned those in first year. The attitudes to learning languages, and French in particular, were generally positive amongst both age groups. However, of those stating they liked French, a substantial proportion either were not able or did not wish to continue studying it after the third year. Their opportunities for studying other languages and cultures would be even more severely reduced. The primary pupils expressed an enthusiasm for future language learning which could not, in our estimation, be attributed wholly to factors such as the 'pleasing-the-interviewer' phenomenon. They were able to substantiate their interest by many references to linguistic experiences abroad and at home and to materials to which they already had access. The principal focus of their interest appeared to be linguistic rather than cultural; this was possibly partly a function of their limited knowledge of the content of the French curriculum. It would appear that with a few exceptions pupils enjoyed their first year of being taught French, and though the increase in the cultural studies aspect was appreciated in the subsequent years, the enthusiasm of the earlier years was not uniformly sustained. 'It Wasn't Anything Like What We do in Class . . .'French in France So far our account of attitudes has implicitly defined 'French' as being the activities which take place during lessons in school. It is becoming increasingly common for French courses to include the opportunity for pupils to visit France on a school trip and for family holidays to include France. For this reason we talked to pupils about the differences and relationships between learning French in the classroom and experiencing the language in its natural environment. Those who had been to France on family and school visits were able to differentiate between classroom linguistic experience and having to use French both to understand and be understood in France. It was noticeable when discussing other issues, such as the desirability of going on French

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exchanges, that anxiety about being understood dominated many of the responses. Two pupils described at some length the differences they encountered between classroom French and French in France. The first noted unfamiliar accents: P: It was hard to understand. From what I have found out there was some dialects or some accent or something but you could pick up words and put together some of it but some you couldn't understand at all. I: What did it feel like? What was your reaction when you hear real people speaking real French? P: I felt it wasn't anything like what we do in class. It didn't sound like that at all, it sounded a lot different. He elaborated: P: . . . Because we had French teaching and had a tape and listened to the tape it sounded a lot different a lot quicker. I: So what elseI would be interested in what else you noticed. P: Some of the words, like, the words you get to know easily in France like c'est or il y a sounded different, more slurred as thoughso they became harder to understand. I: Was this a surprise to you then? P: A little but I mean I though they might have some type of accent or something like that because . . . it made it a lot harder to understand. I: Yes, but you expected people to have accents in different areas? P: I thought so because we did, so I thought they might have but it still came as a bit of a shock. One girl illustrated her first encounter with hearing French spoken and contrasted it with her classroom experience: P: When I was in the first year a French girl came over and she was in our school and she came into our French class and she spoke a bitI can vaguely remember French people speaking but at the time I didn't understand it so it was just gibberish that's all. I never really took much notice and that's all I really heard. I: Can you remember what it felt like when you heard people speak a foreign language?

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P: . . . It felt strange to know the fact that they're talking but they're not talking Englishat the time I thought everybody spoke in English and I thought it was weird that they had their own language and it was just a bit peculiar really knowing that people have different languages. I: And when you hear French in the classroom and when you speak French in the classroom what does it feel like? P: . . . Well it feels a bit different then 'cause everyone in the class is in the same boat and it's all a new language to them. Whatever I learn at the time everyone else is learning so it's not too bad 'cause really there's only one person who can really speak French and that's the teacher and we're all learners so it's not too bad. Many pupils recalled clearly their perceptions of people's reactions to them and frequently anxiety was apparent: P: I felt as if I was saying all the words wrong. Felt as if I wasn't pronouncing them right but when I said them to myself again I knew they were right. I: What did you feel were people's reactions? P: I just felt as if they thought I was crackers talking the way I did. I: So what did they do then to get that feeling? P: They just sort of looked at me and either spoke in English back to me or got me what I wanted. I: Did that encourage you to continue or not? P: When the lady answered me back in English I didn't do any more French for a while or anywhere I went. Some felt that they needed the psychological support of knowing that at least one person was present who could speak English: P: I was scared, I thought I was lost, reallywhen I said to my friends if a person came over on the beach I would be lost because I was just playing football with them and when we went for ice-cream or something like that I was scared, they were saying all these things and I didn't know what to tojust leave it to me or something like pass the ball or something like that I just ignored them but we got on well, no trouble or nothing like that. I: So it didn't bother you then really?

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P: No, it didn't, it didn't bother us. I: Scared at first. P: Scared at first but once my friends were there, my friends, even if one person was there who could speak English I wouldn't be scared, but with them all speaking French like that I was a bit scared. It was a feature of the short school visits from one school to Boulogne that pupils were expected to explore Boulogne, ask for directions and go shopping in order to practise their oral skills. For some it was hard to maximise upon the opportunities available but, despite reservations, situations arose where practice was necessary: I: So when you went into shops and things did you meet French people? P: No not really because we were just wandering around and keeping ourselves to ourselves. We just went in just to find out how different they were. I: Did you have to practise your French to ask for things at all? P: Now and again for different places. If we found ourselves lost. I: How did that seem to you? P: It was all right. There was one lady she was very helpful because we were worried we were lost and she gave us directions and we followed quite easily. I: So you had to ask in French how to get somewhere? P: Yes. I: What did it feel like the first time you did it? P: Felt quite nervous because I'd spoken French in the classroom to the teacher and my friend but when you have to put it into practice it seemed a lot different. The speed of spoken French was an ever present factor. A typical reaction to hearing French for the first time was: . . . funny I suppose, I couldn't understand what they were saying, they were talking so fast. For some it was hard to begin to split up what was said into its component parts: Couldn't understand what they were saying, just like it was all one line of words. Pupils on school visits clearly developed co-operative strategies to assist each other in a fashion which might differ radically from much

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classroom experience: P: There was a few times you had to when you went in the big shops and that because most people didn't speak English in the shops so there were a few times when you had to speak French. I: Yes, how did you get on when you did that? P: All right, some of my friends were helping us because I wasn't very good. I'm better now than I was like last year. Generally pupils reported feeling somewhat anxious but happily surprised when they were able to make themselves understood. A small number found the experience of being understood quite stimulating: It felt good like 'cause you knew what they were talking about a bit, like in the shops I mainly talked to them. Also: It felt good. Like when you talk to them and you actually thought to yourself'Eh I talked to a French person' and you get back home'Mam I talked to some French people'. It was good fun talking to them. Dead friendly. They always give you advice if you want it. You can go up to someone in the street'Have you got the time please.?''Oh yes, yes'. Give you the time. The benefits of longer visits were clearly illustrated by one boy who had had both extended school visit experience and family visits to France. His assessment of what it would be like to stay with a French family commenced thus: I don't think they would mind because say if you went next door with them it would only take about five minutes and then you would be clarting on like the rest of them. Like they had the computer next door and I couldn't understand what he was saying the first time I went over but in about five or ten minutes he was talking and I was sort of talking French just by picking bits up from him. Didn't take long. A small number of pupils had, like the above interviewee, made long-lasting friendships from their visits which had resulted in correspondence. This was not confined by any means to pupils from the upper French sets, but was arguably related more to the pupils' capacities for overcoming anxieties and the tendency to 'keep to themselves'. Some pupils, however, not only feared not being able to understand or make themselves understood but appeared to experience some strongly defensive, almost paranoid reactions about hearing French spoken. Fears

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that they might be being spoken about were not uncommon. This type of response came usually, though not invariably, from those in the most ethnocentric group. The fear of being spoken about was mentioned by both boys and girls. This boy was in a top set for French: It was a bit confusing because they were speaking fast and you can't keep up with them. Every now and then you can grasp a word or two but when they're talking between themselves you wouldn't know if they were talking about you or what they're talking about. The following was stated by a girl from a middle set: I think they would be friendly with them but like after you've been with them about two days they start like talking in the French way and saying things and then like if you say to them like what are you saying they say 'Oh, we're not telling you', like that because they're probably talking about them. Amongst the most ethnocentric this kind of response was most vividly expressed. Even an interest in language learning itself did not help this boy to overcome a defensive construal of social interaction: Like different, like as if everybody's trying to be nice to you and you know that they're just being false. Only rarely was this kind of reaction founded upon experience: P: It's really confusing because I mean even if you do know a few words of French the speed that they talk isyou cannot really understand them, they go that fast. Like all the actions and that, they seem to use their hands a lot and they were really fast it was just amazing. I: What was your reaction then to that, what did you feel like? P: Confused, couldn't really understand them at all. I: Did it bother you? P: A little bit yes 'cause you don't know what they're talking about. I mean they could be talking about you as far as you know. I mean I hate that if like you don't know what somebody's talking about, so it's a bit unnerving I think as well, especially if you don't know any French at all. I mean you can imagine going into a police station and sort of they're all babbling away in French and you don't know what they're talking about, 'cause we were stopped by some French police and that was the time when I didn't know any French at all and none of them spoke English and it turned out that because we had the caravette the headquarters were after

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somebody in a caravette and they stopped us and they thought it was us for a time, but it wasn't, so it was all right and they apologised but we were stopped by the motorway for about half an hour or so and they were just glaring at us. Like me and my brother were sitting inside and my Mam and Dad were outside saying we don't know any French and the police were saying no English and me and our Chris, were sitting there near to tears because we didn't know what was going on. In the absence of experience of travelling in France some employed their vivid imaginations or experiences in their own cultures in such a way as to prejudice future possible encounters; for example one girl summed up France succinctly and then added spontaneously: P: . . . Well, get nice weather, seems a pretty tidy place and like . . . I don't think if I wanted to ask a question I'd stop anybody in the street. I: No, why's that? P: Well I don't know I just think they'd get a bit nasty about it like if you kept going on about things like 'cause you couldn't really speak that good and they'd be a bit sick and tired of people coming over who can't really talk to them that good and asking questions and directions, probably get sick of it. I: Do you think that happens a lot? P: Yes, of course 'cause there's a lot of people go over like people who've taken French and that probably go over on trips and that so they probably get asked a lot of questions about things and like probably get annoyed when people carry on with them and that. Even though the purpose of school visits included enabling pupils to speak French and pupils complied with instructions to go shopping, some were careful to preserve social boundaries where it was possible that their French counterparts were quite keen to make their acquaintances: I: Did you meet any French people apart from in the shops? P: No, like, no I didn't really. I spoke to some like but these lasses followed us about a bit and we were talking to them a bit, but not like making friends. Except for a few confident pupils it appeared that use of French on visits to France was limited largely to shopping and asking for directions; opportunities for extended contact with French people were few. Many

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pupils appeared to feel that their school experience of learning French was not extensive enough to equip them for an exchange visit. Pupils who had not been to France obviously had experience of hearing French speakers from a variety of other sources such as school material in the form of tapes, from exchange pupils and on the television. There were few comments upon the content of the tapes beyond their existence but one extended comment is worth noting for how a view of spoken French has been affected by school material: I: How do you imagine it being in France if you were to go to France and hear people speak in French all the time? P: . . . Certainly confused . . . I'm not really keen on the way, like I know they cannot help it but I'm not keen on the way the French talk and just the general way that the French talk, their accents and everything like that. I don't like it, it's just a funny feeling. I: Can you say a bit more, when you say the way they talk? P: Well . . . like I understand some of the French that they talk but they have this certain accent and it just doesn't mix in with French, it's hard to explain it. I: You mean they have an accent when they speak French or when they speak in English? P: When they speak in French, like all the tapes we have at school, the women are always high-pitched and the men are always low pitched and grumpy and they always sound like that, I don't know whether the real French people are like that but it's got a picture in my mind that they are so. I: Yes, that's the sort of picture you get from the tape? P: Yes. I: Do you discuss this kind of thing with your teachers at all? P: No. I: Or with other people? P: No. Perhaps this chapter will have revealed to readers something of the views and expectations pupils have of this activity called 'French'. The interviewer in the final quotation appears to imply that it would be desirable for teachers to talk more with their pupils about their attitudes and perceptions. For the moment we leave that question in the hands of our readers and move on.

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Further Reading (a) Pupils' views of French lessons are discussed in Chapter 4 of the companion volume. Differences in attitudes towards other peoples between boys and girls are analysed particularly in Chapter 3. (b) There have been several studies of attitudes towards language learning in general and the issue of gender difference in particular, including the following: ASSESSMENT OF PERFORMANCE UNIT 1985, Foreign Language Performance in Schools. London: HMSO. BUCKBY, M. 1981, Graded Objectives and Tests for Modern Languages. London: Schools Council. CANAVAN, S. et al. no date, Graded Objectives in French: Attitudes in N. Ireland Schools. Belfast: Queen's University School of Education. GARDNER, R. C. and LAMBERT, W. E. 1972, Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Rowley, Mass: Newbury House. HMI 1985, A Survey of Boys and Modern Languages. London: HMSO. POWELL, B. 1986, Boys, Girls and Languages in Schools. London: CILT.

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5 What They Eat and Where They Live: Two Topics in Cultural Studies Introduction What do children know about French people? What kind of knowledge do they have? What interpretation do they put on their knowledge? In short, what are their perceptions of the French way of life? These are all the questions which we tried to answer above all by talking to pupils individually. In this chapter we shall present extracts from those talks'informal interviews', technically speakingon two topics: 'food' and 'geography'. These two terms are abbreviations for the wealth of material pupils provided about their perceptions of what people eat, when and where they eat, what significance food and eating have in people's lives and, second, what the topography, climate and geographic distribution of industry appear to be. These two topics are chosen to illustrate the kind of interview material obtained on a subject 'food' which features often in the textbook used and is explicitly taught in French lessons and a subject 'geography' which, though appearing incidentally and implicitly, is not a main focus of the textbook or teaching. Furthermore, these two topics are likely to appear on most people's lists of important aspects of the French way of life and also to figure high on a list of priorities of what learners should be taught. The last point immediately raises issues of principle and the philosophy of language teaching which any individual may hold. It is not the intention in this chapter to suggest that these topics must be included at any specific point in teaching French but rather to provide food for thought for whichever philosophical viewpoint is taken and to offer-material from which readers may draw their own conclusions and uses. We have discussed questions of generalisability in Chapter 2 and the limitations of case studies in that direction; the value of the material presented here is in the responses it might provoke in other cases and other situations.

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There are other methodological considerations which must also be borne in mind. Informal interviews have advantages and weaknesses. On the one hand it is possible to talk in considerable depth with individuals, to ask for clarification of what they say, to press for more detail, to follow an unexpected line of thought, to allow for productiveand sometimes unproductivedeviations from pre-considered topics. On the other hand, interviewer and interviewee are at the mercy of powers of recall, of associations of ideas at a specific moment, of the pressures of any interview situationsometimes aggravated by the school setting and the adult-child relationshipand of the ability of the interviewer to maintain a productive and relaxed atmosphere even when talking to a pupil who is, say, an unwilling learner of French. The consequence is that there is no guarantee that what a pupil says on one occasion would be repeated on another, perhaps with a different interviewer, when he/she might recall something else forgotten on the first occasion. None the less, on many occasions, in practice, the willingness of pupils to talk freely to an outsider not identified as a teacher and the lack of inhibition in giving a personal view are very evident in interview transcripts. Secondly, the amalgamation of a number of extracts from a group of pupils counteracts some of the problems; one pupil may recall something which another in the same class forgets to mention but which he/she has also heard or experienced in class. Moreover, our questions about pupil perceptions are concerned With establishing a view of what pupils know in generalwithin the groups investigatedrather than the effect of teaching and other experience on an individual. Finally, it is noteworthy that most of the pupils interviewedboth primary and secondarycoped very well with the pressures of being interviewed for between 30 minutes and an hour, a situation many adults would find daunting. 'Food' Given the explicit attention to food and eating in the textbookanalysed in more detail in Chapter 7and therefore in French lessons, it is not surprising that secondary pupils have in general more to say about this topic than primary pupils. This is, therefore, one obvious dimension of comparison. It might also be expected that children with more positive attitudes towards French people might know more than others, without having to infer a causal relationship or any particular direction of causality. Thirdly, it might be expected that, given the generally evident influence of teaching on their knowledge of this topic, differences could arise from class to class as a consequence of the emphasis of individual teachers, the

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selection of teaching material used and the combination of a specific class and a specific teacher noticed in classroom observation. For these reasons, this topic was analysed in terms of school class and, since attitude scores were available for each class, it was also possible to investigate the relationship between attitude and knowledge. We consider first, then, primary classes, numbered for convenience as 9-16, each class being in one of the primary schools transferring their pupils to the two secondary schools in the study. Primary Pupil Group It was decided to take classes 9 and 12 together, as a first step, since they represent, with the exception of Class 16, the greatest contrast in scores for attitudes towards the French. It will be seen in fact that no significant difference in knowledge could be discovered in parallel with the difference in attitudes. Class 16 was not considered at this stage because it consisted of only six pupils who also had an unusually high proportion of visits to and experience of living in foreign countries. In Class 9, only one of the twelve pupils interviewed could give an account of food and eating habits which was at all detailed and accurate, although still very limited. He had been to France with his family but the only other pupil to have done so had no clear or accurate information to offer. The difference is apparent in the two following quotations: P: They don't eat frogs' legs and things like that but when they do eat they eat separate. They eat one thing. They have it in different bowls. If they were having Sunday lunch they would have the potato in a bowl and things like that. I: Do you think they would eat the same things or would they eat something different? P: Eat something different. I: What would they eat? P: Frogs' legs . . . I don't know what else. The reference to frogs' legs is representative of the response of the rest of the class, which relies heavily upon stereotypes and hearsay. The most explicit formulation is as follows: I: Why would you not like to live in France? P: Because I have had relations who go abroad to France and they usually eat frogs' legs for their dinner.

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In addition to the 'snails and frogs' legs' stereotype also found among secondary pupils, several in this class mention onions and the stereotype seller, for example: I: So if I was going to stay with a French family, what would it be like do you think? What would be the same and what would be different if I was living with a French family? P: Well you would sleep in a bed and you would go out for walks and things like that, the same but it would be different because youwhen you go into the town and things you would always have the smell of onions and would probably ride a bicycle. Class 12, which has the highest ranking among the primary classes apart from Class 16, is not noticeably different from Class 9 in what they have to say. Furthermore neither of the pupils who had been to France were different from the rest of the class. One said she had been to France but not tasted French food; the other had only travelled through France and was more impressed by what her sister had said and her experience of foreign food: I: What do you imagine the French food to be like then? P: Well sort of yucky and things like snails and that and . . . I: How do you know about this, where have you heard that? P: Well my sister she told me about it because she talks French. My sister told me what they eat and that. I seen some of the Spanish food that they eat and it is horrible. As we shall see with secondary pupils, there are several instances of food being mentioned first in general accounts of France: I: Fair enough. OK. Let's talk a bit about France then. Just suppose I was going on holiday to stay with a French family for a few weeks and you and I are talking about it and I know that you have been abroad and you have met a French person, so we are talking. This is going to be the first time for me. What would I expect it to be like to live with a French family in France? P: I think it would be rather difficult to understand them if they didn't know English. Maybe you might not like the food that they do. It might not be English food there. I: What would be different about the food then? P: Well they eat frogs' legs and things like that. We don't. I: What would you think about going abroad yourself and staying with

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a French family for a few weeks? P: I wouldn't like the food. I prefer English food. I would think it would be rather difficult to get on with them. To speak that way. Otherwise in both classes, pupils produce stereotype-dependent accounts, irrespective of whether they say they are favourable or unfavourable in their attitudes. They also guess in order to please the interviewer. They do so on the assumption that France is like England or, in the case of those who have been 'abroad', they generalise from their experience or simply confuse France with other countries. I: What about what they have to drink, have you heard of anything that France is famous for? P: Well they have these funny little glass things and they go like that and pour it down their mouths. I: What do they pour in their mouths? P: Wine or something. The reference appears to be to Spanish wine-drinking. I: What do you think the French people eat for breakfast? P: . . . I think they would just eat the same things as we would eat like bacon and Weetabix and Corn Flakes. There are individuals who respond with imagination and an ability to see the French viewpoint, but they are rare: I: Well do you think they might like our food, the French people? P: Well I think some of them would like our food and we might like some of their food but we won't like all of their food 'cause there is so many different things they eat and what we eat and it would be nice to try it for the first time though but after a while you could get sick and tired of having French food you just go back to your own and make your own. One boy had also been much impressed by one exotic dish: I: Let's talk a bit about things like food. The French are famous for their food aren't they? P: Yes. I: Can you tell me why? What is so famous about French food? P: The way they prepare it and if we got a fish in the supermarket we

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would just get it, cook it and eat it but if they went and got a fish in the supermarket they would have all garlics in it and all that. I: So could you describe to me a typical French meal, what that would be like? What would you start with? P: Fish and I don't know about the main part of the meal and for sweet they would just have a coffee or something like that. I: Have you seen any French food? P: Yes. My Mum, she bought some and we had it. It was a fish thing. It had garlic in and things like that. I: Where did she buy this then? Did she buy this in a shop here? P: I don't know. I: Would you like to try other kinds of French food? P: Yes. I: What do you imagine it to be like, the things they eat? P: They would be different tastes to our food and they would have different smells and things like that. It is also a salutary reminder of the viewpoint of these pupilsparticularly those who have not been abroadto see how 'distant' foreign countries are: P: Yes. The way they buy food and everything it seems dearer in places like that doesn't it? It seems a lot dearer than places like this area. Like when I went to London it was really dear. It is not really dear but it is dearer than here. It was noticed that, although the difference in attitude ranking did not appear to find a parallel in patterns of knowledge, the one pupil to have been to France and have the kind of experience which brought him in contact with the French way of life was able to give some detailed, albeit unstructured account: I: What sort of meals do you think people have everyday, what is a normal French meal? P: Well most people used to sort of like sit on the corners and everyone just sat on the doorstep with a bottle of wine or something and a stick of bread. I: What do you think they would have? Do you think they would have a main meal like a dinner or not.'? P: Yes they have a main meal. What someone donecan't remember where this was I think it was in the hotel and we were watching the man cook something and he was chopping garlic and he cut it

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in half, then he rinsed it in a bowl and then he just choped it like that and turned it round the other way and chopped it. It was in little bits and he got carrot and he went like that with the carrot and he made it long thin strips and he wet them and then he got cucumber and he got a little metal cup and he laid them out round the base of the cup and he put one orange carrot and one green cucumber. I: That you think was for a dinner? P: All the way round yes and then he put mince and things in. The leftovers of the carrot he diced it and put it in and the cucumber and he put like mince in like casserole and then he put that in the fridge to cool. We decided therefore to consider next those classes with a high proportion of foreign experience, including Class 16 which had been omitted from the first stage. The ratio of interviewed pupils to those without experience of France is approximately 1:2 (24 with, 57 without) and the ratio with respect to experience of other foreign countries approximately 1:1 (43 with, 38 without). The figures for the whole primary group are similar for experience of other countries (45.1% with, 54.9% without) and approximately 1:6 for experience of France (15% with and 85% without). Given the high proportion of those without experience of France, it was decided to take the pattern of responses in Classes 9 and 12where there are few with experienceas the background and, in the next three classes chosen, to note above all the patterns of response standing out against the background. In Class 10, there are four kinds of pupil: those with no foreign experience at all those who have been abroad but not to France those who have been to France but still only have stereotype knowledge, because they had no personal experience of French food those who have been and had French food. The first two groups are similar and their accounts fade into the general background of stereotype and lack of knowledge established from Classes 9 and 12. Thus experience of another country does not seem to shake their stereotype images of France; as evident from this pupil who had been to Spain: I: What do you think they'd have for a typical French meal, say dinner, not when you're out at the restaurant but at home?

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P:. . . Like French bread, French loaf . . . um . . . I can't remember, I don't know. On the other hand a similar pupil can be impressed by other people's accounts. I: OK. So if I asked you to describe a typical French meal what would you say it was like, a typical French dinner for example? P: A typical one. Well they don't have all this stuff that they put in our foods, it's all clean food. I: What sort of stuff do you mean? P: The flavourings and colourings. So they would eat all proper clean food that had no . . . that's probably why they have a nice lifestyle. I: A nice life-style, what do you mean by that? P: Well you know . . . well they don't, the air's cleaner than over here. I: Is this everything that your Mum's friend has told you? P: Mm. Those who have been to France but still not experienced French food themselves also fall into the general background. This pupil was asked to imagine a stay with a French family: I: Do you think it would be the same as living with an English family apart from the language? P: Yes I: Would there be anything that would be different? P: The food. I: What would that be like? P: Frogs' legs and snails. I: Do you think they eat those often? P: Quite often. I: How have you heard about frogs' legs? P: When I went to France they had menus. I: They were on there were they? Did you have any? P: No. When asked about what people 'eat normally . . . at home' she did not know, and thought it was probably the same as in England. Those who have been to France, had personal experience and been encouraged by their parents, notice differences and generalise from their

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appearance. The following pupil had eaten in restaurants, but not had breakfast there; none the less she extrapolates from her observations. I: Can you describe to me then what I would have for a typical French breakfast if I was over there? P: You would probably have a baguettte or croissant with jam. I don't really know what else. I: What would I drink? P: . . . Probably have some coffee or something like that but in the afternoon you would probably have some wine with it. The parental influence need not always be favourable to French food: I: What's a typical French meal then? What would you start with? P:. . . I think they have soup and then depends what people you're eating with. You'd probably have snails or something and seaweed which I can't eat, I just hate it, and they have meat; they have probably meat sometime in the course but even my Dad doesn't like the meat, it looks so horrible. There's blood all over it, not very nice. I tried a few different kinds of food some of it I like and . . . I: Of fruit? P: Yes, different food. I: Did you say different kinds of food? P: Yes. I: Sorry. P: And . . . I: Some of it you liked? P:. . . and some of it I didn't, most of it I didn't, 'cause it's just not very nice. This last remark points to one of the particular difficulties of dealing with 'food' with younger pupils. At this age, many children are very fastidious about food even in their own culture. The reaction to foreign food is therefore likely to be all the more cautious. It is none the less possible for personal experience not to have any significant effect on the notion that French food is 'the same', even if this pupil did not mention frogs' legs, snails or onions: I: So if I was going over to France, can you describe what sort of meal do you think I would get if I went over to stay with a family there? What sort of food would they give me? P: Probably the fish like I said. You would probably get peas and

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dead skinny chips. I: Skinny chips? What about for afters, what would you get? P: Ice-cream and wafers. You might get roast chicken with your dinner as well. You can have banana splits and peach melbas. They are very famous for them. Can't think of any others. I: What about to drink. What sort of things would I drink? P: Probably white or red wine mostly. I: What if I was your age, what would I drink? P: They are good for lemonade, Cola and orange. I: So do you generally like eating over there or is it about the same as over here? P: It's just the same as over here except I don't like French chips. In this class, the hypothesis that foreign travel will have an effect on pupils' stereotype images and lack of knowledge is only partially sustained. The experience needs to be in Francepupils do not extrapolate from experience of other countriesand needs to be focused on the issue in question, preferably, it would seem, with the help of parents. We shall see a similar phenomenon among secondary pupils who go on school trips, eat 'chicken and chips' and need to be helped to reflect on their experience. It is evident then that an important source of information, of counter-influence to stereotypeand, possibly, through the effect on stereotypes an influence on attitudesis a particular kind of visit to France. In Class 11 there are six pupils With some experience of France and eight with experience of other countries. Closer analysis shows however that most of them fall into categories where they have not had direct personal experience of French food. As a consequence the image which the class as a whole has of French food and eating is stereotypical. One pupil mentions all the characteristics in an interview which also reveals one of the techniques used with a timid interviewee: I: Have you read about France or seen things on the television about France? What is it that you have heard, seen, where you have heard people speak French? P: Can't remember. I: Suppose I say to youFrance and French peoplewhat do you think of? Just tell me anything that comes into your mind? P: Frogs' legs. I: Go on, what else? P: . . . I: Anything else. Say anything that comes into your mind.

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P: Onions . . . I: What else? P: They are always riding around on bikes. I: Anything else? P: No. I: Anything about France the place, not just the people? P: No. I: If I say France to you or Paris or anything like that, what do you think of? P: Eiffel Tower. Others give some insight into how pupils avoid direct experience unless encouraged to try: I: Can you remember any of the other meals you had over there? Any lunches you had or anything? P: I can remember one where there was nothing on the menu I liked and I just wanted frites and the waiter disappeared and he came back with a great big plate of frites and went'for you'. I: Very good. But what sort of things do they drink with their food over there? P: Just the same as us. P: Well we just stayed on like normal things but Mum and Dad tried like different things and everything. I: Yes, what did they try do you think? P: Don't know, it was like, can't remember now but it was different from what me and my sister had 'cause we don't like what they like. As a consequence the latter pupil does not know any more than someone who has not been to France: I: What do you think they'd have for a sort of main meal, the usual meal, or dinner? P: Something like spaghetti or something or . . . maybe just the same as us . . . um . . . a few might have, like, frogs' legs. We turn now to Class 16, which, despite the small number of pupils, contains a spread of pupils in different categories. There is one who has been abroad to Spain, and is willing to talk about that'if it were a Spanish meal . . .'but has no knowledge of France: 'French meal might

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be nice, but I don't know, I haven't had any French food before'. There are those with no experience and stereotype views, for example: I: Yes. What about the food then, let's talk about the food. P: I don't like mentioning frogs' legs and snails 'cause I think it's cruel to eat them. I think the frogs and snails should have a right to life. Of the two who have been to France, one has had very little personal experience but is at least aware of the problems of stereotypes: I: Good. So you've given me some advice about what it's going to be like in France now what about . . . about food, let's say, what's a typical meal going to be like? P: Well when people think of French meals, like, they think of frogs' legs. I: Yes, and? P: And that's about all like, 'cause, like, there's nowhere else you eat frogs' legs. I: And do they, is that true then or not, or what? P: They do but, like, not as common as they make it out to be. He has however no better idea of the actual state of affairs: I: What then would be a typical French meal, what would they start with? P: Soup. I: And then? P: Frogs' legs . . . I: And then? P: And then you would have the dessert. I: And to drink? P: Cocktail. I: So apart from frogs' legs that sounds very similar? P: Yes. I: Is there anything that's different? P: No, not really. The one pupil who has been in France and met French peopleand also had a wide experience of other countrieshas noted differences and asked questions: I: What would a French meal be like then, I mean a typical French

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meal, what would you start with? P: Onions and then I'd go on to the meat and the vegetables 'cause I like vegetables and if they had the fruit then I'd go on to the fruit 'cause I don't really like going for the sweet things. I haven't got a sweet tooth. I: Yes. I was wondering not just about what you like but also what people in general have for a meal. P: Well I think they'll have lots of spaghetti bolognese and they'd eat more of meat than anything else. I: And vegetables? P: Well they'd eat quite a few vegetables, like, I noticed when they had meals, in some meals they have them, all the vegetables mixed together and some meals they have them separate and I asked Sebastian why and he said it spoils the meats. As a consequence, he has a clear opinion on the question of what French people think about food, even if he is unsure about why French food had a good reputation: I: Yes. Do you think they have a different way of thinking about food to us? P: Yes, I think they do, I think they seem to think more about food than anything else. They make more of their food. The limited amount of experience of France in the final group of primary classes (one pupil in Class 13, two in Class 14 and two in Class 15) leads to the expectation that knowledge will be limited and stereotype-dependent. The expectation is fulfilled and there is very little which stands out against this background. Where pupils have slightly unusual views, it is because of some other source of information, whether television or older siblings or a foreign visitor or what 'my Auntie says'. Although these views remain individualistic, they are none the less part of the whole picture and may also be taken to represent an even greater number of divergent and individual views in the whole corpus of primary pupil interviews which it would be tedious and unnecessary to list in their entirety. In all cases however, the lack of context and structure for these views, as for those dependent on stereotypes, is a common feature. Pupils hold views which consist of fragments of information, accurate and inaccurate, and only a small minority consisting of some of those who have been to France have an awareness of there being not just autres pays, autres moeurs but autres pays, autres systèmes de moeurs. To illustrate this part of the argument, we propose to list and comment briefly on some examples.

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The effect of sibling influence is evident in this account of 'dunking': I: We'll talk about something everybody knows about, food. Do you know what food France is famous for? P: Frogs' legs. I: Anything else? P: Snails and like they have toast and they dip it in their tea. That's what they seen all the others doing the last time they were there and one of the boys there that goes to my sister's school he dipped it in and my sister goes 'yuck'! I: So is this what your sister's told you that the French eat? P: Yes. In the following, the account remains confused but the effect is obvious enough. I: Have you any idea what the food would be like? P: I have heard on telly from children that visit France that glass had been found in the potato and like beans whatever. I: Where did you hear that from? From telly? P: From telly. Sometimes they have food poison. Sometimes they don't make you, like, at home. Say you ask for the waiteryou ordered something. They leave you out and serve the posh people and come back to you last. If you are not very rich. In one case where a pupil has not been to France but, in a very rare occurrence, has met a French person in England, it is interesting to see the Frenchman fulfilling the stereotype expectations. He perhaps needs the support of the stereotype in his presentation of self: I: What do you think of when you say French food, what do you think of then? P: Pasta and things like that and a lot of onions. I: Onions? P: And garlic. I: What makes you think of those things then? P: Because seeing people going round with onions round their necks and garlic and things like that. I: Where have you seen that? P: The man from France brought my Nana a string of garlic and a string of onions. I: Is that the man that visited your Nana?

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P: Yes. The influence of the experience of parents is not less significant and in the following quotation it is clear that the first statement is general and quickly modified by particular reported details: I: What have you heard about the food? P: It's nice and everything but my Mum doesn't like most of the food but she likes some of it. But my Mum says they took our food over and just had a few. I: What sort of things did she have do you know? It's a bit hard to remember the details of someone else's holiday, but what sort of food is France famous for do you think? P: I don't know, when my Mum tasted some of the French things she was sick at night so she just ate our things so she didn't tell me what she did. The pupil then reveals that she has no detailed knowledge, for example, 'My mum never had a French breakfast so she never told me anything about it'. A similar but more positive vicarious experience was recounted by another girl: I: Now, I know you've never been there, what do you think French food's like? Have you ever had any? P: Well, my sister's told me and she'd had frog, or something like that anyway, she says it tastes all right but it's a bit dryyou wouldn't think, but she said at first it looked awful and she didn't really feel like eating it but when she tasted it she said it tastes nice, it's OK. I: Do you think people eat frogs' legs often? I'm always hearing about them, or do you think just sometimes? P: Well I just think it's sometimes. Of course, this last remark has to be treated with caution as the pupil is probably simply acquiescing to the interviewer's remark, without necessarily committing herself to it. Finally, one pupil gives an excellent illustration of this 'my-Auntie-says' version of French culture when talking of her aunt who had lived in France: I: What about the people, what do you think they're like, in France? P: . . . Friendly.

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I: Yes. P: Because my Auntie used to live in France. I: Oh, that's interesting, how was she living there? P: She was bornwell she wasn't born over there but she can speak French as well. I: Did she move there with her parents, did she? P: Yes. I: What has she told you about France? P: Er . . . about the food and things, frogs' legs. I: Yes. P: And she makes French food when we go. I: Oh, that's nice, what does she make? P: I don't know. I: Something French? P: Mm. I: Is it good? P: Yes. I: Do you know whereabouts she lived in France? P: Belgium. I: Oh, she lived in Belgium as well as France or just Belgium. P: Yes, just Belgium but she went in France as well. I: Oh, I see, so she went to France quite often? P: Yes. I: Do you know whereabouts in Belgium? P: No. I: Was it just when she was a girl or ...? P: Yes. I: What sorts of things has she said about the people then, that they're friendly? P: She hasn't really mentioned them. I: No, but you got some idea that they're friendly? P: Mm. In fact, from another remark made, it appeared that the Auntie in question was partly Belgian and had visited France extensively! I: So what about the food, you said that's different? P: Mm. Er . . . 'cause my Auntie was saying when she was over in France she made some Yorkshire puddings for her family for dinner and they put jam on 'cause they sometimes have different tastes than us. Here too the quotation demonstrates the difficulty of clarifying infor-

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mation from pupils and the problems there would be in trying to elicit this kind of material in the form of questionnaires. Some general characteristics begin to emerge from this analysis of what might be usefully thought of as 'falsebeginners' in learning French. For although they have not yet been exposed to the school subject 'French', they have as a group a range of experience and have already learnt something of French culture. In many cases this knowledge is stereotypedand its origins difficult to tracebut in other cases it is more differentiated, though not necessarily accurate, and its origins lie with specific people or events. It is clear then, that teachers receiving these children into the 'first' lessons of French are not dealing with true beginners and need to take this into account. Four general points can be made: children's perceptions are often dependent on stereotypes, and even where more differentiated, they are still disjointed and lacking in structure sources cited vary from personal visits to the almost proverbial 'Auntie'; there is also some spin-off influence from other siblings, especially when they have been on school visits visits made by children themselves are not always productive in terms of greater differentiation of perceptions; they need perhaps to be helped to observe and reflect on their observationsas is probably the case for their older siblings on school trips the topic 'food' is particularly apt, to bring out problems of likes and dislikes but such fastidiousness is not simply a nutritional matter; 'food' is part of fundamental cultural symbolism and responses to it are symptomatic of reaction to other cultural phenomena. Secondary Pupil Group Let us turn now, therefore, to secondary pupils at the end of their third year of learning French and about the French way of life, while bearing in mind that they had already begun to learn before they began 'French'. Here again the analysis is made by class on the assumption that this will reveal some of the characteristics of learning French at school. It would, however, be too tedious to deal with all eight secondary classes at the length which the increased amount of material, compared with primary classes, would require. We shall consider therefore four classes, the ones

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which will also reappear in Chapter 7 when classroom observations are presented. Before the class-based analysis, however, some individuals from other classes are worthy of consideration. For example, in view of the suggestion that a visit to France needs to be exploited if children are to gain from it, the following pupil is interesting: P: When I first knew about France I thought it was all frogs' legs and snails and that. Well it's really just like going in our café you could just like get sausages and chips and stuff like that, it Wasn't really much different, the sameyou could get frogs' legs and that in some but it was very expensive because they have some expensive meals I think from what we got told off Mrs X. I: So this business about eating frogs' legs isn't quite what it's said. P: No, more like just sausage and chips, I like my chips. I: Yes, but the French eating frogs' legs it's not the same thing then as people say? P: No, I don't think it is really but I've never been in a French house. On the one hand he has dropped his stereotype images and seen that there are similar foods and eating institutions. On the other hand he has begun to acquire a more differentiated view from his teacher but remains uncertain because of his lack of personal experienceor perhaps because his teacher has not carried her explanation through. In contrast the next pupil has a more detailed and structured general account of a 'typical meal'used as a means of eliciting this kind of structured knowledgeand has begun to perceive the customs from the viewpoint of the other culture: I: Yes. What would a real typical meal be then, an ordinary everyday, say dinner, what would you start with and what would you have? P: Well, I think you'd start with soup with bread and then vegetables . . . and salad . . . then a sweet . . . then just something to drink. I: What to drink? P: Just coffee that's what they seem to drink most. I: Yes, and what would, when you said the meat would be rare and so on, whathow else would it be different in taste? Would it be different in taste? P: Yes, it would be differentas I said like they cook theirs in a different way, different ways to us, like the thought of us putting sauce on our meals, bread sauce to them, would be disgusting but

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it's just a normal thing everyday. A little later in the interview the question of the reputation of French food internationally and of attitudes on the part of French people has been raised. The issue of taste and likes and dislikes appears again and reveals again the ability to understand the other viewpoint. I: How do you account for the fact that it is so, that it has such a good reputation, French food? P: Because they cook it better, better than us. They take more time over it, in the stuff and it's prepared better and they make it taste better, in their way. But see if we like that then we'll eat it but if we don't like that, we won't, so it all depends. So when I go over Francethat's how I knew because I ate some beefburger and I said it wasn't done right, to friends, I didn't say nothing to the French, you know what I mean, but I still ate itjust to keep them happy and that's like what I've been saying all the time, because my Mum's never done that, cook like that, but to tell you the truth I think it was quite tasteful, like I looked at it but when I seen it I didn't like it but when I tasted it it was all right. Contrast the following pupil who represents a greater number of those who have been to France and need some help in attaining the same kind of self-analysis. P: We had chicken and chips. I: Did you have that both days? P: You could have steak, beefburger I think, something like that and chips but the beefburger was like, in the middle it was like, rare, raw like, if you cut into it the blood ran out of it 'cause that's what they're used to like, cook it like that, so I just had chicken and that. We turn now to the accounts given by the four classes, where the combined perceptions begin to give some indication of how learning Frenchincluding organised visits to Francecreates a general image. Class 1 was the highest set in the year group of the school disguised as 'Newfarm' and was ranked first in terms of the mean score on attitudes towards the French. Eleven pupils were asked about food in this class. In several cases they introduced the topic when asked to describe what it would be like to stay with a French family. They immediately mentioned food, e.g. 'they have more different kinds of food and eat snails and frogs'

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legs'. The comment about frogs' legs and snails is to be found in many places throughout the whole corpus. One pupil was asked if this is really what people eat: 'Don't know. They do eat them but not as much as people say', and another is more definite: 'the food isn't what everybody says, like snails and frogs' legs and that'. Another spontaneous comment came from two pupils. I: So could you describe to me a typical meal that I might have? P: Probably have croissants and probably the same as English, like meat and then veg. French style yoghurts and they have gateaux as well and then tea or coffee and they have wine a lot with meals. I: Do you see this kind of thing in your textbook? P: Yes. I: Can you tell me a bit more about what's in that textbook, both with respect to food and other things? P: It has like a list of foods and then what they are in English and it has like menus and we had to make our own menu up like written out in French but what we have in England. I: Yes, using French words. P: Yes, and they have toast as well. Like croissants with chocolate in the middle and things like this. I: What else do you have in this textbook? P: Youth hostels and travelling and . . . dress. I: Dress? P: Yes about that. I: You mean how people dress or what do you mean? P: Like clothes, French, but we have like how they travel and what you do if you go to a youth hostel there. I: How they travel you mean on the buses? P: Trains, yes. I: I mean is that different or . . .? P: Not really they travel a lot more on trains and buses than they do in cars, it's cheaper I think. I: If we went back to the food for a second do you think that the French people have a different kind of attitude to food to English people? P: Don't really know, about the same I think. I: I mean French food has quite a good reputation hasn't it? P: Yes, they eat a lot. I: They eat a lot? P: Yes I think they like to be full up. and

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I: Say I was going to stay with this French family, what do you think that would be like? P: They are quite kind but they eat more than the average person over in England. I: Yes. P: They have dessert as well after. I: Yes. P: And a lot of people just have a bigger meal. Six of the pupils said they knew little if anything about food at all; they would guess vaguely that it is the same and, if pressed, would drag up a few ideas from memory but with no coherence and little accuracy. Those who were more helpful or better informed can be quoted to give their account of food in France. For a typical 'main' meal, the time of which was treated separately, the following quotes are significant: P: Well they normally have cheese firstly and then like the main meal just normally about the same as us, except a bit more healthy and for afters they just have coffee, stuff like that. P: Probably an omelette or something or like delicacies like frogs' legs and snails. That kind of food. I: What would you start with? What would a meal start with? P: Probably a starter they like raw vegetables or sometimes cheese. They like a lot don't they? Probably start on them. They eat cooked vegetables and then the meat without vegetables after that and then probably coffee or something. P: Probably have croissants and probably the same as English, like meat and then veg. French style yoghurts and they have gateaux as well and then tea or coffee and they have wine a lot with meals. P: . . . A salad and then a fish or some meat and vegetables. A drink, probably wine and then they may have ice-cream or pancakes for sweet. Breakfast is described as: P: Normally just like coffee and toast at about eight o'clock, toast and light stuff, nothing like fried breakfast or anything like that.

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I: What do people have for breakfast in France? P: Coffee, croissants. Chocolate. I: Do you think they have croissants every day? P: . . . Probably, just about. A 'special meal' for an anniversary or Christmas or similar occasion evoked little response and only guesses: I: What would be a special meal then, whatan anniversary of some kind? P: Don't know really, we haven't done anything like that. P: Something like frogs' legs or something, or . . . something like expensive, steak or something with different veg., and nice dressing or salad. I: What about a meal say for a special occasion, like Christmas or a birthday. What do you think they might have then? P: They might start off with . . . don't know what they start off with, don't know that much about food. They might have frogs' legs or turkey or duck. Vegetables, potatoes. Wine. Pancakes or gateaux. Coffee. The general pattern of eating throughout the normal day was not clear to anyone, even the best informed:. I: You mentioned times, what about them? P: Well you wouldn't have tea at 5 or 6 o'clock, you would have high tea or something like 3 o'clock, and then you would have a supper about 8 or 9 o'clock and lunch you would have about the same time, and I think breakfast would be about the same time. Pupils were also asked about the reputation of French food, French people's attitudes to eating and to English food. The following comments are relevant: P: Well they normally have cheese firstly and then like the main meal just normally about the same as us, except a bit more healthy and for afters they just have coffee, stuff like that. I: When you say healthy, have you got something special in mind there? P: Like, say we have fried stuff and all that, they probably have

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something like vegetables and that, and we'd have chips. I: Whathow do you account for that reputation, what's so special about it? P: 'Cause all the chefs they're good and all the restaurants and that are supposed to be the best in the world and everything's prepared well. I: Prepared well. Is it prepared differently? P: Don't know really. It, like, normally looks better, dressings and that, it alllike, they don'tthey take more care about how it looks than we do. I: And what about the taste? P: Don't know really. P: Well there are things in England you would expect to be a luxury like lasagne or something like that but I think you wouldit wouldn't be a luxury it would be eaten every day. P: Well it takes most things into consideration like if you've got a sweet tooth, it's got a lot of sweet things or if you don't like sweet things you can have different savoury things. There's a wide range of things. I: So a wider range is one thing. Is there anything else? Say, in the preparation of it, taste or whatever? P: They take a long time over preparing it and they takethey love their work as a cook and take pride in decent things. P: No. Well I have heard it is the best and like supposed to be the best in the world. I: Why do you think it is the best, why do you think everyone thinks it's the best? P: Just because like there's a lot of restaurants and they spend a lot of time on cooking it and like they take pride in their food. Class 2 was the third set at Newfarm, roughly comparable with Class 3 at 'Hillside' and considered by the teacher to be of 'average or below' ability. The class was ranked third in terms of attitudes towards the French, after the first set at Newfarm and the first set at Hillside. This class was 'doing' food at the time of the interviews and it may be for that reason that their knowledge was still vague and limited, although an analysis of the textbook shows that food is introduced in many places. None the less the general impression is that this class knows much less than Class 1 about food and eating habits; 9 of the 12 interviewed had nothing of substance to

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say about a 'typical meal'. There is however the same tendency to mention food first when invited to talk generally about life in France: I: Would there be anything I would notice if I was staying with a family, of the way of life, daily life? P: They'd have . . . they have their meals differentdifferent kind of meals . . . Similarly this pupil mentioned food and housing as the main topics in the textbook although this may again reflect current teaching at the time of interviewing. The pupil with the most detailed account of food is one who is favourably disposed to the way of life in general: I: Yes. What about thinking about living abroad. Have you ever thought of living abroad? P: No, not really, I like England. I suppose the weather's not very nice but it's a good old place. I: Yes. If you were to have a choice, again, where would it be? P: . . . France maybe . . . it's good there . . . I don't know really, there's lots of places I wouldn't mind going to. I: But France comes to mind first, what is it that brings it to mind? P: Like, the food and things like that, you know, their way of life's good, the way they sort of organise it sort of thing. It's good. It's better than England, in some aspects anyway. I: Well tell me which. P: Besides, well one thing, the food's better in France I think, people are more friendly, I suppose. Nice atmosphere, go to the markets, try things before you buy them, things like that, on the market. Good shops . . . nice houses. He had been with his family to France, and like some pupils in Class 1and one of his classmates in Class 2thinks the French eat a lot. I: Can you describe a typical French meal? P: It's big, very. They have the, like, if they have cheese and crackers they have it before the dessert and we have it sort of after. And they have the big course and they just help themselves to what they want and things like that. I: What would they start with then? P: . . . Vegetables . . . like raw vegetables, soup maybe . . . maybe bread with some butter on or something . . . I: And then?

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P: Then for the main course beef, lamb or meats and vegetables with them maybe . . . potatoes. I: Would that be similar to us then? P: Yes, I would say so. I: What about to drink? P: They have wine, coffee, tea, the same as us. Some of the children have hot chocolate . . . cider, beer, anything, they drink anything, I think, after dinner. It is noticeable, however, that though he thinks there are certain differences, he gives a general impression that the food is very similar. That this is an indication that he has little knowledge and simply makes assumptions which assimilate to his own experience, is evident from his reply to the question about special meals: I: How would you imagine then a special meal, anniversary of some kind or whatever? P:. . . Well for starters, soup again, some bread to dip in and that, and they could have a choice of the meat what they wanted, like, in a sort of carvery in a restaurant or something like that, just say what they want and put it on the plate you know, and all the more or less normal stuff, vegetables, have what you like. I: But would it be just a question of more choice then, the difference between that special meal and an ordinary meal? P: I think so. I: What about Christmas and things like that? P: Well I'd think it was more or less the same as ours, turkey and Christmas pudding and things like that. All the vegetables. This is an illustration of a pupil wanting to be helpful to the interviewer-probably because of a favourable attitude towards the French lessons. His visit to France had not added much to his knowledge, since a single meal in a restaurant has not been placed in any context or structure of knowledge: I: What'sthis information that you get about food and things, other things as well, is that from your textbook? P: Yes, we learn all that from the Action books. I: Yes. But what about your trip to France, did that give you some information as well? P: . . . Well when we went for a meal in a restaurant the woman came along with all these different kinds of meat on a like big plate thing and she put it down and we just got what we wanted, all the

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vegetables we wanted, drink . . . I think they're like different, they eat the stuff that we don't eat very often, like from what I hear they don't have chips very much I don't think. Here too there is a reference to French food being 'healthy', mentioned also by pupils in Class 1. Other accounts of a 'typical meal', apart from those who simply did not know, are: I: Can you tell me a bit more detail then about the food? I mean if I am going to live with a family what kind of typical meal would I expect? P: Well they normally get a big full meal, like five-course meal something like that. I: Well what would I start with? P: Probably soup or something. I: And then? P: Just the main meal and then a dessert and cup of coffee or something. I: What would the main meal consist of? P: Vegetables, meat sometimes you get salad. That's all. I: Would there be anything special about the vegetables and meat compared with English food? P: I don't think so. I: So a fairly big meal then? P: Yes. I: You said that you liked the French food so I wonder if you could tell me what a typical French meal is like, what people would have for a usual sort of meal, for dinner. P: Sausages, you know them big long sausages. I don't know what you call them, and I don't know really. I: What sort of things do you think they would start with? P: Soup and they'd have a like a main course like, just like what we have as a Sunday dinner, that would be a meal they'd have for an everyday meal with all the money they've got and they'd have like a sweet afterwards. I: Yes, do you think they'd have that every day for dinner? P: Yes. In this second interview we find one of the most explicit references to a comparison between the French life-style as projected in lessons and the

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pupils' own. There are many indications and hints in the interviews that pupils have the impression that life is good in France, compared to the North East of England, and one might speculate on the kind of meals which such pupils have 'typically' at home. As for the reputation of French food and people's attitudes, the interviewers put the question much less frequently than in Class 1, probably sensing that the lack of knowledge in general would be reflected here too and would simply lead to further answers of 'I don't know' which would be detrimental to the atmosphere of the interview. There are two interesting answers: I: And you think the French take a little bit more care. Did you know that French food is supposed to be among the best in the world? P: I've heard of that. I: Why do you think that'swhy do you think it's like that? P: 'Cause they take pride in their food and that and the way they present it and that. I: French food has got a good reputation hasn't it? How do you account for that, what is so special about it? P: People think mostly French food is like frogs' legs and all that but the food is just like ours. I: Have you had French food yourself? P: We had them like pancakes things and like cream or chocolate. I had one of them before, didn't like them. I: When you were in France? P: Yes like a main course as well. Like soup as well. A big posh meal over there, it was nice. Meat and everything was the same as we have here. Here again the assimilation effect is evident even after a visit, and it is possible to see why several people talk about the size of the French appetite! The notion of la religion de la table has clearly passed, albeit vaguely, to some pupils and one unwitting comment cannot be omitted at this point, illustrating as it does the delights of interviewing. I: What do you think French people think about their food, you said that they had more sort of meat and things, do you think they think differently about their food to English people? P: Yes, because I tend to think that a lot of the French people are, like, religious type of people. I don't know why, I've just got this thing about religious people at the moment. I: Yes, go on.

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P: Not religious myself though. I: No. tell us what you think. The French are religious you mean? P: Yes. I: What sort of? P: Like, 'cause they're always having like meat and like when you hear of Jesus here when he had his like Passover or something they had wine and all that stuff and that's another thing they're always drinking wine. I: Yes, do you think that's because they're religious or because they like wine? P: I think they like wine and I think it's because they're religious as well. Finally, it happened that shortly before some of the pupils were interviewed their teacher had brought some bread and chocolate to school, to show what children in a French school are given for the goûter at four o'clock. Although evidence from other classes indicates that this kind of lesson sticks in pupils' memories, the danger of pupils misunderstanding is evident from this account: I: Well let's take the food first then. P: I just love French bread. I: You've had some French bread? P: Yes, and I like the meals like you know the evening meal, we had that at school the other afternoon, we had that at school with the dry bread and chocolate, we had that at school, it's nice. Class 3 was the fourth of six French sets at Hillside, considered of 'average and below' ability. It ranked seventh in attitudes towards the French, after Classes 1, 4, 2 (all secondary) and 16, 12, and 14 (all primary). It is immediately evident that pupils in this class can draw on their own experience of French food, largely from visits organised by the school. On the other hand the two who were asked about what they had done in class said that they had done only a little. In fact the one more detailed account makes it evident that the topic is treated above all from the tourist viewpoint, that 'food' means 'restaurant food', which is scarcely representative: I: Right, right. So you've not talked about this in class, done a bit about food in class? P: A bit about food but not very much. I: Can you tell me a bit about what you have done then, what you

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have done, I mean what you have done exactly? P: . . . About different sweets and about the menus . . . I: And what particularly did you do about the sweets and the menus? P: Well we just learnt what they were, like what all the different things were and prices and just like had to say what we would have for like dinner in French. I: So you could choose from the menu? P: Yes. I: Yes. Can you remember anything that was on the menu? P: . . . Lamb, beef, pork, mushrooms, carrots, cauliflower and all different vegetables and they had some desserts like ice-cream and strawberry flan and yoghurt. I: This was a French menu was it? P: Yes . . . P: . . . and that's really all, it was wrote in French. I: What sort of things have you heard about the food? P: About the restaurants and that and about telelphones. I: What sort of things have you learnt about the restaurants? P: The money and things and the menu, have to pay tips, things like that. I: Do you always have to do that? P: Not always. Like do different things. I: I mean do you always have to leave tips in the restaurants? P: No, not alwaysit says at the bottom. The danger with a school visit is that of generalisation from the particular, and one meal may be unrepresentative: I: What did you have when you were there yourself? P: For dinner? I: Yes, what did you have to eat, yes? P: Chips . . . chicken . . . and ice-cream for dessert. I: Was that different fromI mean did it taste different, was it prepared differently? P: Not really. It was just the same. I: Did youwhere did you eat. In a restaurant? P: Yes. In this case the menu may have been carefully chosen by teachers to appeal to pupils' tastes. In one case this did not prevent the pupil from making some shrewd observations:

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P: Some of the food can be horrible because when you go into it there are lots of noodles and shells and that put in it and I didn't like that. It seemed to be sweet soups because I had some I didn't know what it was. Like shells and spaghetti in the bottom with bits of meat dropped in. Seemed to be very sweet and I couldn't eat that. I: What would a typical meal be like? P: Well instead of havingusually they don't have all the meal on together. They have the vegetables first and meat or something and they have a sweet. They have wine and cup of coffee and there would be ice-cream at the end for the children. But they always have the meal set out like you have the vegetables first. Don't have all the meal shoved down together. That's what we found out. The quality of observation and interpretation here is very high, but the fact that she is exceptionally observant suggests that teachers need to help pupils in general to look about them while in France. Similarly the excellent opportunity offered pupils on a visit to spend an evening with a French family needs careful preparation and debriefing if an experience like the following is to be valuable: I: And then you went back to your meal. What was the meal like? P: . . . It wasn't like what I was used to. It was mussels and paté and I didn't like either. I: That waswas that your first course? Mussels and paté? What was your main course. P: Can't remember. I: Did you have a sweet/pudding for afters? P: Yes. I: What was the pudding? P: A yoghurty type of thing. I: And what was that like? P: It was bitter, quite bitter, like natural yoghurt. I: What did you think of your meal? P: It was all right. I: But you didn't eat much of it? P: No. If it had been chips it would have been all right. Apart from the effect of personal experience, the class also expresses certain characteristics already found in Classes 1 and 2. There is a tendency to mention food first in general descriptions and a general lack of awareness of the reputation of French food and attitudes towards it but there are

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interesting exceptions: I: I was going to ask you a bit more about food because that is something that people hear a lot about isn't it? What sorts of foods do you think France is especially famous for? P: Cheese, frogs' legs, horse. I: How have you heard about those? P: At school. That they like horse. It is quite different to how it is here. I think they prefer a lot of spicy things like stronger foods like garlic. Very strong food. I: Have you had any French cheeses? P: No. I: Who was it who told you about the horse meat? Was it your teacher? P: I have read that but I have also been told by the teacher. There is also a lack of knowledge of 'special meals'. The two pupils who speculated a little are an interesting contrast; the first extract also reveals one of the difficulties of recorded interviews: I: So when you go into this expensive restaurant, what will you get? P: The best, like frogs' legs and things like that, all top things like that . . . frogs' legs (inaudible) snails in France. They eat snails and frogs' legs and peas on a plate. You know, dress it up. If it's extra special they have trout and things like that and they put lettuce and stuff round it so it looks canny good and, like, you think, well that's nice but you pay more for it (inaudible). I: When you say big mealwhat would be a special meal for an anniversary of some kind? P: They would have all like decorated up. They would have vegetables done right and different meats on different plates. They would have the meat. They set out on different plates so you could put it out onto your own, would carve it for you or something and they would have several different courses of meat and vegetables and have sweets and desserts and things like that and wine. The tall glasses of wine and coffee next to them. They have courses of things like that. In general one mealbreakfastseems well known, and in this class, too, most pupils who were asked could give an accurate description of breakfast, often from their own visits, for example: I: Right, now imagine I'm going to stay in this French familywhat's the family life going to be like?

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P: Different to ours because you have different breakfastswe usually have cornflakes or something like that and mainly in France they have French bread with a bowl with coffee's poured into a bowl I: With what poured into a bowl? P: Coffee. I: Coffee, yes. P: You just help yourself and you drink from the bowl, and then you have marmalade and bread and that, and other jams that are on the table. The meals is different 'cause sometimes they get posh like snails or something. I: Snails, yes. P: And frogs' legs. The reference to snails and frogs' legs is one of the many. The last quotation from this class embodies the tendency to mention them first, as part of the stereotype. It also illustrates the tendency to mention food as an important difference and thirdly shows how the school trip need not necessarily 'broaden pupils' horizons': I: Say I was going to stay with a French family, what do you think that would be like? You haven't stayed with a family? P: I don't know really. I: Do you think it would be like staying with an English family? P: . . . No, not really, it would be different. I: Yes. What sort of things would be different do you think? P: Well their language . . . and the meals, some of the meals would be different. I: What sort of different meals do they have? P: Frogs and snails. I: Do they often have them do you think? P: Some of them do I would think . . . but we got like chips and chicken and things like that, that was all I wanted 'cause I like them. This particular pupil might, therefore, be easily confused with many of the primary pupils quoted earlier, but he also contrasts with other secondary pupils and highlights how they have in fact benefited. He is a useful reminder of how differently individuals respond, and how important it is to keep the group response in mind even though interview extracts cannot be 'averaged' to provide a single, simple result. Class 4 was the first set at Hillside, and ranked second in attitudes

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towards the French, after the first set at Newfarm. The significance of the group experience of the school class is evident in the contrast of Class 3 with Class 4. For despite a large amount of experience of France in this class, the amount of information they could offer between them was very limited. The most perceptive remark was from one classed as ethnocentric: I: You mentioned you had a meal with the family. What's a typical meal like? P: I'm not sure whether it's a typical one but we had tuna fish and egg, some sort of egg, and then there was sort of chips and bacon, must have known that I liked it, I think, and tomato and things like that. Probably just an English person coming, sort of English things they gave me. I: Yes. What would you think of then as a typical French meal? P: Well I think of the French breakfast with the croissants and things like that, the best things about France I think, the breakfasts. I: You wouldn't, would you, be able to give me some idea about other kinds of meals? P: Well, they eat chips I know that, and I've had some of their pancakes, a crêpe sort of thing, they're nice. I don't know whether they eat them a lot but they're nice. They don't seem to have any wholemeal thingsI don't know much about the French meals. The final remark is applicable to all those interviewed and the interviewer's less than hopeful last question is an indication that this impression was affecting him/her. If we simply consider the information they can give under a number of headings, omitting repetition, we have the following account. General comments: P: Oh yes, well you'd expect a big table and expect wine and in the morning expect croissants and things and sometimes the French have about twelve-course meals I think. I: And what time of the day would we have these meals? P: . . . About half past seven in the morning . . . one o'clock and just have a snack about four then a big meal at night about eight. I: Which is the main meal then? P: Eight o'clock meal. I: What kind of thing am I going to get at this big meal? P: . . . Don't know. I: What about the midday meal, is it a big affair again?

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P: Yes, pretty big. I: What would they have there? P: Slightly less than they have later on. Sometimes have wine I think. I: What about the evening meal. Do they eat at the same time as we do normally? P: No, we usually have a meal about four o'clock, five. There they have a snack and a big meal about eight o'clock. I: The other thing you mentioned was meals. P: Well, like they always, like, when we cook our meat, they always have the blood coming out of theirs. I: Yes. What do you think of that? P: Awful, 'cause I like well-done meat. I: Yes. That's one thing. Anything else? P: . . . Not really. A typical meal: I: Right, now can we talk about something else? I believe you learnt quite a bit about food in France. Can you describe a typical French meal? P: They have something to start with like soup or something like that, then meat and vegetables and different things. They have this sausage, like salami thing, and they have sometimes some sweet and they have wine and mineral water instead of normal water. I: Why do they drink mineral water? P: The water is not that good. I: Is this the kind of meal you would expect them to have every day? P: It would differ but usually about the same. I: Right, now I believe you learn quite a bit in your course about food in France. Could you describe a typical French mealsay their evening mealdinner. What would they start with? What do you think they would drink? P: Wine. I: What would they start with, their first course? P: They would have like a starter with prawns or something like that. I: What about their main course? P: It would be more cold meats and like salady-type foods. I: What about puddings or sweets? P: . . . They would have like a hot pudding I think with custard and all that. But I don't know what.

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Breakfast is, as noticed in other classes, the best known meal: P: . . . Well in the morning you'll have croissants with coffee in a bowl which is unusual and in, like, dinner you'll havesometimes you'll have chips and wine of course and . . . P: I think they have a cup of coffee or something like that and jam and butter. I: What time do they have breakfast? P: About seven I think. The 'special meal' is unknown or vague, but there are some interesting comments: I: What do you think ofwhat would you think of as a special meal in France then? P: Snails. I: Snails? P: I wouldn't think of frogs' legs because they're expensive. I: What about a meal for a special occasion, like a birthday. What do you think they'd have then? P: SnailsI don't know because three-quarters of them don't have them often. I: No, not very often. What about say at Christmas or New Year? P: Maybe duck, don't they have? I: Do you think it's different from English special meals or not? P: Yes. I: Is there anything else? P: I don't know, turkey maybe. The question of reputation and people's attitudes is also little known, and there is only a little speculation to go on: I: And the reputation. French cooking's got a good reputation hasn't it, for being something special. How would you explain thatwhat's so special about it? P: I suppose really it's just like the way they make it, they don't overcook it so it has that bit more flavour and the time that they spend on it, seems to improve it. I: Do you think they feel the same way we do about food? P: I think they take more care over it. How they prepare it and what

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they eat and the presentation. I: Did you know that French food is supposed to be among the best in the world? P: Yes. I: Why do you think that is? P: There is a chef where my Mum works. He used to live in Italy and he is always saying the French food is better. They take more care over it. I: Do you think that French people think the same about food to English people or not? P: No, they're much more like involved with it and we have like things that you can just prepare quickly but they spend a lot of time on with it. Finally, there is evidence of the common tendencies to mention food first in general accounts of France, to assimilate to English experience and for experience of France to leave pupils as ignorant as they were before. Close analysis of the transcripts suggests that much of what is said is speculative, as shown here in the use of 'certainly' and 'maybe' and the tailing off into silence: I: What would a typical meal be like then? P: They'd certainly have wine and French bread maybe like vegetables to start or something like that then the meat . . . In some cases there is evidence of basic information but not much knowledge of detail or content: I: Can you tell me about the food for a start? I mean, can you describe whatagain thinking of me being in France, what I would expect to eat, what would the meals be like? P: Salads . . . I: Can you sort of describe a typical French meal? P: Meat that's not cooked as we would cook it . . . I: What would you start with? P: . . . I: When you say meat that's not cooked as we would cook it, what do you mean? P: Still red and got the blood in. I: Oh, I see, yes. And for breakfast? P: Coffee in a bowl and croissants. I: And what time of the day would we have these meals?

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P: . . . About half past seven in the morning . . . one o'clock and just have a snack about four then a big meal at night about eight. I: Which is the main meal then? P: Eight o'clock meal. I: What kind of thing am I going to get at this big meal? P: . . . Don't know. I: You've not done that . . . P: No. What general impressions can be drawn from these studies? Again there is no clear relationship between attitudes and knowledge. The four classes' knowledge of what might constitute a typical main meal of the day in France showed that this question was the most comprehensively answered. Classes 1, 2 and 3 however answered best in that half or over half of the pupils interviewed gave reasonably detailed accounts of possible meals, even though often lacking in structure. Class 4ranked second in attitudeshad the fewest reasonably detailed responses. The fact that they had progressed furthest through the textbook may have interfered with their recall of details but is also indicative of teaching style, described in Chapter 7. In all classes, pupils who could not give detailed accounts tended to remember details of French food thought to be unusual or stereotypical, but with little coherent presentation of what might constitute a typical meal. In all but Class 1, there were one or two pupils who claimed not to know what might be eaten. It was also evident that personal experience of France does not inevitably mean greater differentiation of views. Although both Classes 3 and 4both in the same schoolhad more experience than Classes 1 and 2 in the other school, there was a difference in accounts given. Class 3 referred more to their own experience and seemed to consider they had done little in class, although this may well be a matter of perception rather than fact. There are many indications under other topics that there was much talk between teacher and pupils about the French way of life, seen from the tourist viewpointand this is also mentioned by one pupil with reference to food. Again the question of teaching style, with reference to school visits to France, is clearly a factor to be considered. Class 4 pupils, for example, frequently mentioned the fact that French meat is 'under-cooked' and attributed this somewhat ethnocentric view directly to the teacher, although this does not of course necessarily reflect how the view was contextualised. It may be another indication of how incidental remarks or structured presentationssuch as the lesson on pain au chocolat for the goûtercan be misconstrued, and is a salutary reminder.

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'Geography' Unlike 'food', this topic was not included in all interviews. In order not to make interviews too long and tiring some issues were included for some pupils and omitted for others: the first part of the interview was common to all and the 'sub-issues' were then distributed across the whole sample. None the less geographical information would sometimes appear in discussion of other issues, such as leisure, in that interviewees might indicate which regions of France they considered worth visiting. Thus 64 (or two-thirds) of the secondary school sample were either questioned directly upon the geography of France or made spontaneous comments upon it in the course of the interview. Though geography was regarded as a sub-issue for the primary sample a majority of the pupils were asked a few brief questions, principally to establish if they could locate France upon a map of Western Europe and to collect information upon any knowledge of places and regions which they might have heard of. For both groups outline maps were used as an aid to questioning. For the secondary sample an outline map of France, rather than Western Europe, was used and interviewees were asked to indicate where they thought places with which they were familiar lay; in some cases interviewers asked pupils to locate places known to be featured in their textbooks such as Boulogne and Paris, and to locate regions often visited by school parties and tourists, such as Brittany, Normandy and the South of France. The geographical knowledge, elicited both directly and indirectly, covered principally places and regions, topographical knowledge, the climate and industrial regions. As the approaches used with the two age groups differed slightly, and as our aim is to assess the contribution of language teaching to perceptions, there is separate analysis of the data from the two age groups. Secondary Pupil Group The places and regions most frequently referred to by the secondary school sample were in order of descending frequency: Paris (34 occasions), the South of France, including references to Nice and the Mediterranean (21), Boulogne (15), Calais (11), the Alps (11) the Pyrenees (6), Normandy and Brittany (4 occasions each) and Marseilles (3). A small

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number of other places were either suggested as suitable places for tourists to visit or were located on the map. Two pupils located the Seine, and one referred to the Rhône and Garonne rivers. Two referred to the Massif Central, three recalled the names of places to which long school visits had been made (Montdidier and Quiberon) and one recalled an account of where a friend made a holiday in France vivid. Knowing in which region some of these places are was more problematic; neither of the two who had visited Quiberon for a school camping trip of a week's duration knew in which region it is, one of them being adamant that it was in the South of France and that he had never been to Brittany. One pupil could only recall erroneously some information digested from a 'library studies' period in his junior school: I: Yes. Have you ever read any books about France either in English or in French? P: I've read one about like France, about like buildings and stuff like that, like Country of France it's called like it just tells you about like the sights like Leaning Tower of Pisa and stuff like that. On the whole, however, if pupils mentioned a place or region they were usually able to locate it on the map. One interviewer took a more structured aproach in using the map and attempted to ask some of the sample if they could locate places not volunteered by the pupils and not included in the above list such as Alsace and Corsica; pupils were not able to locate these and many had difficulty with more familiar areas: Normandy, it's Holland isn't it . . . no, ah, in France . . . Normandy is in France, no . . . (Class 2, no experience of France.) Paris and Boulogne were usually approximately correctly located on the map. More valuable perhaps than assessing pupils' accuracy in locating places is noting their impressions of which regions of France are most interesting to visit. Though the learning of languages is justified by the 'survival' rationale which implies that pupils will travel, it was found that pupils' knowledge of the different places and regions which it might be interesting to visit was not extensive, apart from Paris and the South of France. Boulogne was often suggested as a suitable place to visit, which may be largely attributable to the emphasis upon it in the course being used by both schools, and to the short school visits made to Boulogne by Hillside school. Knowledge of areas which might be considered more interesting than Boulogne, such as the Alps, was limited, and references to regions such as the Dordogne were non-existent.

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The following is a typical example of the reasons pupils gave for favouring Paris: I: Why would you like to live in Paris? P: There seems more places to go like the Eiffel Tower, Notre Dame and all them. I: Which bits do you think would be nicest to live in? P: The outskirts. I: The outskirts of Paris? P: Yes. I: Are there any other bits of France that are nice? P: Round the border of Paris. (No experience of France, Class 7.) Apart from the experience of visiting France the sources of information about the geography of France were principally French lessons, geography lessons to a limited extent, books and non-school influences such as television programmes of many kinds. Of course not only did the amount of information made available in French lessons vary considerably, along with its recall, but the geography courses followed by different classes also varied widely. Thus, whilst some pupils recalled studying France as part of a geography course, some had never studied it. As has been seen above, going to France did not guarantee having extensive or accurate knowledge of France. Apart from knowledge of individual towns, regions and features, a number of comments were elicited about impressions of the country as a whole, the extent of mountainous regions, urbanisation and so forth, the content of which might be broadly defined as topographical knowledge. Though several pupils were aware of the names of mountainous regions it was not at all clear whether they had appreciated the size of these regions: I: So you were saying about France and its landscape? P: Apart from the Massif Central and the Pyrenees they haven't got much mountains at all and a bit of the Alps but apart from that it's mostly flat land I think. I: Yes. Have you learnt much about the geography? P: A bit like about the rivers and the mountains but apart from that not really much. (Class onefirst language set, Newfarmno experience of France.) Experience of visiting France did not ensure perception of regional

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variations. The following pupil had much experience of France, and was able to name several places. I: Let's talk a bit about the country. You have been to different parts of France. P: Yes. I: Do you know much about the geography of France? P: Well the capital of France is Paris and there is a holiday place somewhere in the South of France called Nice or something. That's about all I know. I: If I had a map herean outline map. Are the places that you know on there? Would you be able to fill them in on that (indicating map)? P: Paris is about there. The place called Nice is there. The Alps is there and Bonn (sic) somewhere there I think and that is about all I know. I: What about the regions of France. The different areas. Do you know anything about them? P: Not really. I: From your visits perhaps? P: It all looks the same to me. (Third French set, Hillside.) Reference to the size of the country was rare, though occasionally elicited in questions upon the other issues, such as on growing up and living in France. Some interviewees exhibited rather unusual perceptions upon the ratio of towns to countryside, for instance a Class 5 (fifth French set, Hillside) pupil who had been only once on a school visit to Boulogne: I: I wonder what you thought French people think about England as a country, not just the food, what do you think they'd think of here? P: I think they like it 'cause over France there's mainly towns and there's more countryside over here and I noticed when we went to Boulogne we never got out once. One boy in Hillside's top French set revealed, when questioned about family life, that he viewed France as large and with towns, but had an unusual view of the size of the population: I: Are there any other things about family life, do you think children have a different kind of family life to yours or not? P: Yes, I think so. They'd be more strict and like not to travel to

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school a long way 'cause there's no schools hardly. I: When you say there's no school, how do you mean? P: Well 'cause how the towns space out they have to have like one for about every three. I: Oh, for every three towns? P: Yes. I: So there's not very many towns in France do you think? P: I think it's about the same but they're more spread out. I: Oh, because . . .? P: It's bigger. That the climate of France is generally warmer than that of England was well known amongst both secondary and primary pupils. There were many references to it also in response to other questions such as where pupils would like to visit, and dress and physical appearance; most pupils were aware that it becomes warmer the further south one travels. The following example, from a conversation about leisure, is typical: I: What about the summer holidays? P: Go to a leisure centre. I: Yes, have they got a lot of leisure centres? P: Well, where we went there was like a swimming pool. I: Whatthat was the leisure centre in Boulogne? P: Yes. I: So they could do that in the summer holidays. What about in the winter holidays? Is there anywhere they could go away to? P: . . . Skiing. I: Yes. Which bits of France could they ski in? P: . . . I think it's the side nearest Switzerland. I: What about the South of France. Do you know anything about thatwhat happens there? P: No. I: Do you think it's different in the north from the south, or do you think it's all the same? P: I've heard that it's always warmer in the south. I: Yes. Do you think it looks the same? P: I don't know. (Fourth French set, Hillside school, school visit experience only.) At the end of this extract the interviewer was attempting to find out if the pupil had any idea of the effect of the climate upon the vegetation. In no part of the interviews was it apparent that pupils had any concept of the

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special characteristics of the Midi, beyond its being warmer. Occasionally, pupils perceived France as perhaps even warmer than is justifiable. Talking about housing one Hillside pupil fifth French set, with no experience of France, reasoned: I: What about the differences amongst houses from one region to another say? Do you think they're the same all over France or not? P: No. In the top end of France it would be like a bit wet so they'd have like ones with pointed roofs and like thin houses and like small bungalowsdown the bottom like where it's near the equator like it would be red hot so they'd be long white buildings and things like that so it would be different like in a different country. I: So because of the climate it would be different in the south? P: Yes. I: Have you ever seen any pictures of different houses in France? In textbooks and things? P: Not really. Whilst not a representative response, the following example is given to illustrate the tenuous recall of geographical information provided by French lessons that was sometimes foundand the difficulty of creating a productive informal interview in such circumstances: I: Say somebody was going to France on holiday which bits would you tell them to visit there do you think? P: Round here. I: Yes, in the north sort of part. Why would you tell them to go to that bit do you think? P: I don't know. I just think it would be there and down in the south . . . I: Yes, what do you think it's like down in the south? P: . . . Cold. I: Yes . . . Why do you think it's cold down there? P: I don't know 'cause I just do. I: Have you ever heard of any of the mountainous districts? P: No. I: Or any of the other main towns? P: . . . Calais. I: Yes. P: That's about it, Calais and Quebec.

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I: Yes, where's Quebec? P: I don't know. (Sixth French set, Hillside, school experience of France.) The reference to Quebec probably derives from first year lessons about places in which French is spoken. One of the issues introduced into all interviews was 'work' and employment. In general there was little knowledge of how French people earn a livingprobably because it is not treated in the textbookbut the location of industrial areas was sometimes mentioned in talking about the geography of France. Some pupils were aware of the agricultural industry though did not differentiate amongst the regional variations. Some pupils referred to heavy industry: I: Have you ever heard anything about the industrieswhat they might be? North or south? P: I think mainly farming. I'm not sure but I think there is iron or steel. I think I have heard that. I: Have you any idea in which area they might be in? P: I think they are in the northern areas. I: How have you heard about that? Is that at school or on television? P: No I have just read books, little articles every now and again about it. Bits in the paper mainly. (Fourth French set, Hillside, school experience of France.) One of the two Hillside pupils who were unaware of where Quiberon is situated, had a great deal of information to impart upon other topics and volunteered at the end of the interview that there was a subject which had not been discussed: P: Yes. Just like the industries and that. The things, the sort of things they make. Like the cars. I: What sort of cars? P: I don't think they make that many cars, the Citroen, Peugeot. Knowledge of the wine industry was quite commonly indicated in response to questions on work and a few pupils tried to locate where the wine-growing regions are, with varying success. Various sources of knowledge of French geography were given, though the principal one was the French textbook. One of the best

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informed Newfarm pupils (first language set), indicated clearly several sources of information: I: What would you be able to point out on there? (referring to the map). P: Paris there, Marseilles up there somewhere, this region, that's the Mediterranean, South of France, and I think that's where they go for their holidays down there, that's the Pyrenees, there's the river Rhône comes up there I think and there's the Garonne I think that's down there. I think that's really all. I: Yes, so you'd certainly know sort of a few basic features of it. Is this something you've done in class? P: Yes, we've done like the names of all the different rivers and . . . I: Yes, have you done anything about the regions geographicallyeconomics of the regions and so on, and the industries? P: . . . No. I: Would you see France as being an industrial country? P: Yes, I think so 'cause there's a lot of portsit's got a lot of coastlinethere's a lot of ports like Marseilles, Calais and places like that, for exports. I: Yes, so you've done some of this in French lessons. In the textbook or is it just during lessons? P: About the ports? I: Well about the geography in general. P: Just about the rivers we've done in the textbook and the mountain ranges but we haven'twe know where all the towns and places like that from on the news and geography as well. I: Oh, you've done some in geography as well, have you? P: Yes. I: In geography lessons? P: Yes, about most countries, yes. One other pupil in this class recalled learning about Marseilles, the Alps and other mountainous regions, but their recollection was in marked contrast to other pupils in this school, and far exceeded that of pupils in Hillside school. Thus most recalled only a small number of towns, for example: I: And Paris is one of the places they describe is it? P: Yes, and they describe Boulogne as well. I: Yes. Do they give you any idea about other regions of France?

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P: Well actuallythey describe the roads and everything in the north and the Arc de Triomphe and things. I: And the geography? P: Well not too much geography. (Hillside, first set, school visit experience only.) From the same Hillside class: I: I think you said you don't get much impression of different parts of France? P: I've got a slight bit like about the counties and how it's divided up but . . . there was a bit about different areas like industry but that was about all. I: Industry in a particular area? P: . . . I think we were looking at Boulogne at the time, it says like mainly concentrated on fishing and things like that and it just discusses one particular place and might show where it's situated and the general thing that the people do but it doesn't go into great depth. I: So what's yourdo you have the impression of France as a whole being an industrialised country? P: Yes, it has quite a bit of industry I should think and agricultural stuff, just mainly like here. (Family holiday experience of France.) Some pupils thought that the same textbook showed very little about the geography of France. Apart from indicating the fishing areas, there appeared to be an unusual angle taken: It just seems to be thatwhen you go in the middle it just seems to be all statues there but I guess that's itjust statues and sea. She elaborated: Called Louis something and they seem to have statues everywhere of anybody who has done anything good and they are all round really. Big houses and that so that is all you seem to see. They show you statues and places to go but they don't tell you much about the area and the people but they tell you like what's on and where to go to see things, like that. (Fourth French set, Hillside, school visit experience.) Pupils had also received impressions of areas such as the South of France from other sources, such as teachers, acquaintances, holiday

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brochures and television programmes seen out of school. One pupil at Hillside (first language set, with much experience of France) illustrated vividly the power of visual information: P: We see things on television every now and then, about different countries. I like watching the documentaries and things like that. One thing I watchHorizonit told you about French technology, I didn't like thatit seemed to be better than ours. I was only composing a letter to the Prime Minister about that, I didn't like it because they had done things better than us but there's other things, sort of the geography programmes. I: The what programmes? P: The geography programmes. I can't think of the name of the programme but they have different things telling you about different areas. Like on Sunday morning when there's like nothing to watch and you get this action telly or something like this where it tells you, and news programmes I sometimes watch. I: And you watch that? P: Yes, it's quite interesting because they tell you what they're going to say in English then the speaker says it in French and you get to know what that is. I think they're interesting those programmes on a morning 'cause they tell you a lot about France and things like that. They say a picture's worth hundreds ofinstead of looking at still photos in a book, black and white and things like that. You see people reacting and things like that not just faces staying still. Sometimes have video programmes as well at school but that's onlywe've had two I think since the first year. That's when you realise you've got some grasp of French when you know what they're saying on the television. It's quite good. He has evidently not realised that 'action telly' is the programme designed to accompany the textbook he is using at school. Not all pupils, however, were as receptive to geographical information. Only a few pupils volunteered comments upon their attitudes to learning about the geography of France, but opinions were about equally divided into the positive and the negative. They ranged from: I don't take much notice [of geography] because I'm not keen on French. (Third language set, Newfarm). One Hillside, fourth French set pupil (with no experience of France) was able to name a number of places in France but when asked a related

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question upon whether the history of France should form part of their course stated: It's supposed to be the French language what we're learning. Two pupils felt that they did not have enough in the way of geography teaching. One explained what he would like to learn: P: Land forms. How it differed from England and that. See where the mountains were and things like that. Maybe have a look at a map of France and learn about where things are and all the cities and that. I would like that more than what we are doing. We don't do any of that really. I: Well about the different regions of France, would you know north, south, east, west, south-west, what each region is like separately? P: No. I would like to. I: You would like to? P: It would be better. If it was in school it would be better really for the pupils to know what it would be like, so they know where they are going and what it would be like there. Because they go to different parts of France. I think that would be better. I: Do you do any of this kind of thing in geography? Anything about France in geography? P: Nothing. We haven't done France. We do Asia and that and Australia, Africa but I can't remember doing France. (Second French set, Hillside, no experience of France.) Another Hillside pupil, with only school visit experience of France (sixth French set) agreed that more information upon geography should be provided: P: Yes, I think France, to me I think it should be all in not just little places, should be every bit of it. I: Yes, not just Boulogne and things? P: Not just Boulogne, no, because if you were going for a holiday you might not want to go there, which some people don't, I don't think. I: Yes. P: So it would be helpful if you did know about that and then when you were going away it would be helpful to learn, you know what I mean. This pupil seems to have perceived something of the paradox of teaching

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'language for touring' without much knowledge of the country to be toured. Primary Pupil Group It was not expected that primary pupils would have extensive knowledge of the geography of France, so the initial approach was to establish if they knew of France's position in relation to England and other countries in Western Europe. Thereafter they were asked if they knew of any places in France. When the outline map of Western Europe was introduced the majority of pupils were asked first to point to England. Ninety per cent of those asked were able to do this. Two pupils were unsure and two identified England incorrectly as, respectively, Wales and Luxembourg. When asked to identify France the proportion able to do this was much smaller (42.5%). Of the remaining 31 children, 19 chose incorrectly, 4 were partially correct in that they pointed to two countries, one of which was France, and thought that it might be one of them, and 8 did not hazard any guess. Having visited France did not ensure being able to identify it correctly; of the ten who had been to France and who were asked to identify it, five were unable to, four were able to, and one indicated two possible countries. The incorrect responses included the choice of Wales as a candidate. Information upon the geography of France covered the same kinds of topics as did the secondary pupils' responses. Most of the content focused upon individual places or regions, with references to the climate being next in order of frequency. A few comments were also made on industry and topography, and incidentally upon other countries. Paris was the place most frequently mentioned by nearly half (27) of the primary pupils questioned on geography. Only a small number of other places and regions were given: the South of France (three times), Calais (four times), Boulogne (four times), the Alps (once), Normandy (once) and one holiday resort only vaguely recollected. There were also attempts to locate features of other countries, such as the Andes and the Danube. The Eiffel Tower was referred to frequently by those naming Paris, as occasionally were other sights such as the Arc de Triomphe and the Leaning Tower of Pisa. It was rare for primary classes to have studied France, though children

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from two schools recalled having done projects upon a variety of countries at various times. Two children from a third recollected studying features such as rivers and mountains of various countries including France, but tended to confuse the diverse items of information (as in the Andes example). Details of which classes children were in are given below with the examples where appropriate, but class is not included as a separate dimension as the amount of teaching on France was very small. It is possible that experience of visiting France could be a more significant factor than school curricula for this age group. However, it appeared that roughly equal proportions of children were not able to name any places in France, 47% of those without experience and 45% of those with experience. More interesting than a summing of places named, are the comments elicited upon why pupils wished to visit particular places and how they had heard of them in the absence of any structured teaching about France. Television clearly played an important role for this age group and thanks to modern technology the erstwhile transient images can now be seen more than once: I: Which parts of France do you think it would be most interesting to visit? P: Paris. I: What have you heard about Paris? P: It is quite good because we had a film of it with Doris Day and they went there and it looks good. I: What did it look like? P: Exciting. It looks good to, like, visit and stay a couple of nights. I: What were the buildings like? P: Tall and quite nice. I: Where did you see the film? P: I don't know exactly where but I know it was Paris. I: Did you see the film at home? On the television? P: We watched it on television then we had it on tape, on video, so we watched it. We still have it on. From discussion of other issues, such as the physical appearance of French people, it was apparent that primary children were well aware that the weather in France is generally warmer than in England, and that there are regional variations. One boy with no experience of France but an extensive, if selective, recall of information upon a number of topics was able to pinpoint the source of some of his images: I: Do you think it's the same up here (pointing to the north of the

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map) as down here (pointing to the South of France on the map)? P: No that's a bit like England, it's wet and rainy, but when you get further down it's sunnier. I: Yes, you're quite right, how have you heard about that? P: Well it was on a film about like it was just a comedy and it showed you and he says we're in France, why is it raining; he says well we have to get to southern France before like it gets sunny 'cause it's just like Englandin the north. I: Yes, because it's raining more like England? P: Yes. I: Can you remember which comedy that was? P: Um . . . Abbott and Costello. The experience of parents and older siblings were occasional, if not extensive, sources of information. P: She went for a week with the school, writing down, jotting down like the places they went to. I: Can you remember where they went? P: Boulogne. I: She stayed the whole week in Boulogne? P: The week in Boulogne, I think, yes. I: And do you remember, did she stay in a hotel or in a youth hostel or with a family, can you remember that? P: Hotel I think. I: And what did she tell you about it then, what did she say to you? P: She didn't tell us nothing. (No experience of France.) Pupils in one school had had some experience in the first year of studying various countries: P: When I was in the first class, when I first came, we used to go every week and we used to do about different countries. First we done about Spain and Portugal the island (sic) and then we done about France. I: You did about France, so what did you find out about France from that programme? P: I found out that . . . um . . . it was likethe Eiffel Tower was historical and there was once a war in er . . . poppy fields and that it just went round showing you the streets and showing you the attitudes of people.

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I: Yes, and it showed you the attitude of the French people? P: Yes. I: Is this where you saw that people were rude [reference to earlier comment] and . . . ? P: Yes. I: Yes, and what were the streets like? P: Streetsloud and battered. I: They were battered, when was this, nowadays or was it when the war was on? P: Nowadays. I: Nowadays. So they all looked battered, did they? P: Yes. I: Were they battered in Paris or were they streets in other parts of France? P: I think it was streets in Boulogne. I: In Boulogne. Did it show you any other parts of France? P: Mm . . . Boulogne and where else . . . it showed us one part but I can't remember where it was. A few comments were made upon the topography, the climate and the industry of France by this age group, also. Five pupils referred to the size of France. Of these one thought it about the same as England, one smaller and three were aware that it is larger: P: Well apart from the questionnaire that we've done, we've done something about France . . . um . . . that it's a big country and that it's bigger than what our country is and we've talked about how we think the people live and things like that and we thought it was very interesting because people put their hand up and some people have been to France and they talked a bit about what happened there, we thought it was very interesting. Another pupil agreed that he might like to visit the South of France: First of all it wouldn't be raining all that much. It would be hotter. I think it's got more country than England. Experience of France was one possible obvious source of information but the number of children involved, eleven, was quite small. Some had travelled through France to other countries: It was nicer than, it was nice but, like, it was the same as ours but, like, it had, like, what they made on the thing, like, it said a wine factory or

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. . and, like, there were grape trees growing in the fields and, like, there was corn and things . . . or, like . . . it was nice, it was nicer than ours, it was different fields like grape fields and things. The climate has already been referred to in above examples and generally pupils were well aware of the attractions of areas such as the South of France. On the rare occasions that interviewees stated that it was colder in the south, or some such variation, it was likely that they were guessing, usually being willing to co-operate in the interview situation. Industry was occasionally mentioned; again there was a tendency to confuse details of other countries with those of France. Some were partly accurate; one pupil knew of Paris and saw it as the centre of the perfume industry. Another pupil referred to the fishing industry, and the pupil who saw the French as 'rude' and 'drunk' explained why: P: Well 'cause through France they make beer and wine and stuff like that . . . I: . . . Have you seen pictures of them drinking too much? P: Yes. I: Where did you see these pictures? P: Once there was a picture in the paper and he'd likehe'd been drinking too much over the limit and then he went and took some drugs and he died. Taking, now, a more general view, it is notable that secondary pupils' knowledge of French geography is increased by French lessons to some extent. The textbook is the main source: one used in the two secondary schools is focused on Boulogne and Paris and makes only passing references to other areas. This is a familiar pattern; other textbooks are set in Dieppe or Rouen, for example. Whilst it is clear that there are other sources of information, such as experience, the media and so forth, it appeared to be the case that detailed geographical knowledge of France was rare amongst the secondary pupils. Teaching about European countries in the early stages of the secondary school appeared to be rarer in geography lessons than teaching about other continents; thus it was only in one class (Class 1, highest language set, Newfarm), that slightly more than rudimentary knowledge of France was apparent. It may of course be argued, analogously to debates upon the usefulness of dates in history, that being able to recall a list of place names and features is not particularly useful. However, it could also be maintained

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that if one of the aims in both language and cultural studies teaching is the enhancement of greater understanding, of other cultures, then the environment in which that culture is situated needs to form part of the course. Apart from the complex questions of the relationship of a culture to the environment in its broadest sense, with which younger children might not wish to be concerned, there is an argument for presenting not only similarities to the learner's own environment, but for demonstrating the diversity of other lands and cultures. One of the arguments for choosing an area such as Normandy or Picardy for study is the somewhat spurious one that they are near to England. Whilst of course this makes it also the more likely that it will be visited, it is unfortunate if, by the stage at which many pupils give up learning languages, some can give only Boulogne as a suitable place to visit. It was after all clear that before even arriving at secondary school, junior pupils were familiar with the existence of Paris and the South of France. Thus what has been added in the first years of secondary school is not extensive. For the primary pupils the selection of geographical subjects varies from school to school, and within each school. It was clear that at least three of the schools had at some time studied various countries either as 'projects' or in a more structured way, by for instance concentrating on features such as mountain ranges and rivers of the world; as was seen, this did not seem to facilitate accurate recall. However it appeared that the pupils were interested in what they had studied. Further, in two classes it was noted that though France had not been studied extensively, a few children had been sufficiently interested in the idea of France to note various items about it from the television in the period between completing the questionnaires (or 'when the University came' as two of them put it), and being interviewed. None of the children knew that anyone was going to be interviewed during this time and were therefore unlikely to have been encouraged to collect information from television for this purpose. Conclusion Although the topics 'food' and 'geography' are only illustrations from a wide range of material, they re-introduce some general reflections on teaching methods which were begun in Chapter 1. It is evident from the section on 'geography' that this had not been selected as a topic for focused treatment in the textbook or in lessons. Pupils acquire what they know in largely incidental ways. 'Food' on the other hand is one of the deliberately selected topics, appearing at several points in the textbook and frequently

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in lessons. In order to decide what shall be included, textbook writers and teachers need some criteria, and generally these seem to be based on common sense and intuitive notions of learners' 'needs'. In language teaching for tourist purposes, such needs are evidently thought to include knowing about 'food' and 'transport', and Boulogne and Paris m and consequently pupils had been exposed to a lot of information on these topics. It is rather curious that this implicit analysis of tourists' needs does not include 'geography' as a main focus. Thus the issue of selection of topics arises from the contrast between 'geography' and 'food'. The second general problem arises from consideration of what pupils say about 'food' when encouraged to talk in more detail about their perceptions. It is striking that secondary pupils still use stereotypes similar to those introduced by primary pupils; they still frequently mention 'frogs' legs and snails'although they do not refer to the image of the onionseller which primary pupils mention frequently. It is evident that learning French has not removed these stereotypes from their minds, despite the emphasis on 'food'. Closer examination of individuals' accounts does however reveal an awareness among some pupils that these images are stereotyped, that although they may be the first images to come to mind, their status is somewhat doubtful. To that extent there is a suggestion that learning Frenchand other kinds of experiencehas affected their perceptions. Stereotypes however remain strong irrespective of their accuracy. Perhaps one of the reasons for this is that stereotypes represent a deviation from 'the norm' of pupils' native culture. Other information about French food which similarly deviatessuch as the fact that meat is 'undercooked'is also retained easily, particularly where it is one piece of information standing out against a background which is otherwise assumed by pupils to be 'the same' as their own cultural behaviours and values. When, however, the information begins to suggest structural differencesfor example, the number and timing of meals and the attitudes to food and eating which in turn reveal a different function for meals in family lifepupils seem to have greater difficulty in perceiving and retaining the 'deviation'. This may be due to the fact that they have not been told about these structural differences or, if they have, that to perceive these underlying structures and attitudes requires them to view the information from a French viewpoint and to abandon momentarily their own culture's structural norms. Some pupils begin to do this in the interviews but it is unclear whether this is as a consequence of teaching or of other factors in the individual's experience. In general, pupils are able to recall, individually or as a group, a considerable amount of information

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from lessons or from visits to France but it is unstructured perceptions, which does not amount to structured knowledge or understanding. It might be argued that the lack of structure or coherence in pupils' accounts is created by the pressures of being interviewed. This inevitably remains an unquantifiable element, but it also raises the question whether pupils have had previous opportunities to formulate their perceptions in discussion. There is little or no evidence from classroom observations that this is the case. The practice in teaching cultural studies is for the pupils to be told either by the textbook in a few pages of information or by the teacher. The teacher's 'telling' may be in the form of narrating a personal experience or viewpointas we shall see in Chapter 6but in both cases pupils are expected to receive information rather than discover it or work it out for themselves. Despite changes to more active and involved learning with respect to language, the dominant practice where culture is in focus is to transmit information to a receptive and passive learner. The problems we have raisedselection, stereotypes, unstructured information and transmission teachingcannot of course be attributed to teachers as individuals or indeed to textbook writers. For they have not as a profession been trained to teach culture. It is thus hardly surprising that common sense and intuition are the basis for selection of information which is presented in terms of ethnocentric contrasts and comparisons. In Chapter 1 we suggested that the language learner should be modelled on the ethnographer. This conception suggests how the problems raised here might be at least partially resolved. Two characteristics of the ethnographer may be emphasised here: the requirement that he/she observe a foreign culture without preconceptions, and the emphasis on participation and 'active learning'. Of course the initial stage is for teachers themselves to experience and be trained in ethnographic principles, but that is another issue. In the meantime one of the most pressing questions is that of the durability of stereotypesparticularly those which are exaggerated and inaccurate. One practical way to deal with theseand to encourage an active role for learnersmight be to use the views expressed in interviews quoted earlier as teaching material. These have the advantage of coming from individuals of the peer group who express views likely to be held by many pupils who might not be willing or able to talk in the same way in front of a whole class. Teachers would need to avoid 'telling' pupils and stress, rather, the necessity of becoming aware of native culture norms and of perceiving the structures of the foreign culture from the foreign viewpoint. Ultimately the foreign viewpoint can then be used to consider

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native cultural phenomena as they appear to others. The main purpose is to create an awareness in pupils of their own conceptions and their power to distort observation of and participation in a foreign culture. The best opportunity for such participation and observation is the visit to the foreign country, however brief it may be. It is evident from pupil interviews that visits usually have a significant influence, although the precise nature of the influence is unpredictable. It is clear that pupils need to be trained in ethnographic techniques, of which we shall say more in Chapter 8, but part of the preparationand the equally important post-visit evaluationmay again be stimulated by quoting from the interviews cited above. Pupils' expectations of what they will experience and the origin of those expectations might be best revealed by confronting them with the views of peers. Again the teacher's role would be to clarify the expectations, encourage open-minded observation and, afterwards, help pupils to structure their observations, to put them in context, and to compare them with their pre-visit expectations. This may then also suggest clearer criteria for selection of further topics to be treated in class. Clearly these suggestions do not resolve all the problems nor amount to a programme of work or a thorough methodology. This was not the purpose of the research, which concentrated on describing pupils' perceptions, but if the research material can become teaching material or stimulate ideas for new techniques, then we feel that the lack of proper training for culture teaching is partially filled. The fundamental problem of teacher training remains, however, unresolved and we shall return to the discussion in the next chapter where the role of the teacher is the focus. Further Reading (a) In Chapter 2 of the companion volume there is an explanation of how and why topics were selected for analysis. This is followed by detailed analysis of two topics'dress and physical appearance' and 'religion and growing up'and an overview of the knowledge demonstrated in four secondary classes of the whole range of topics discussed in interviews.

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6 'Probably Learn a Lot from the Teacher' Introduction One way to discover what effect the teaching process has on pupils' perceptions of France is to ask them. The title of this chapter is a quotation from one third year pupil, who goes on to say that he feels he learns more from the teacher than from the textbook. In fact it might be more accurate to say that it is the teacher's way of using the textbook which is significant. This is certainly the impression gained from classroom observation since the same textbook was used in both schools. This chapter is therefore about teaching, and is based on classroom observations. Before turning to what can be observed, however, let us remember that pupils respond to teachers and teaching in many different ways which are not easily accessible to observation. In one third year class, six of the nine pupils asked about lessons were enthusiastic, for example: P: ( . . . ) and she brings us, teacher brings a lot of, like, things to show us and maps and other things so we can understand. She doesn't, like, just say that's a stamp there and show it round the class holding it in her hand. She passes it round so we can have a look at that and she explains everything. The three others were rather indifferent, and in one case sceptical: P: Yes, she talks a lot about places she's been to and tries to get us interested but, like I said, sometimes not a lot of people are interested. In another third year class one pupil expressed a mixed view. On the one hand he seems to recognise the same distinction between 'serious' language work and the non-work associations of 'background studies' which are widespread in language teaching in general:

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P: Yes I find it interesting because he knows from first hand experience. Sometimes in the book, you think 'well that could be wrong 'cause'; and sometimes he tells us it is wrong because things have changed now. Like 'phone numbers, I think they've changed the dialling system or something like that. But it's interesting, not talking, we don't have to do anything, sort of speaking, when he's doing it. We get away with it. On the other hand he also recognises the limitations of pure language-related work: P: ( . . . ) there's one teacherI don't think I should mention any namesbut she wasn't, she didn't sort of teach very well. She sort of just gave you things like verbs and sort of 'learn that', and then she just tested you. She didn't tell you as much about, like the other teachers do. I: So you think that bit extra, that teachers tell you, valuable, do you? P: Yes, I like listening to things like that because, I mean, France seems quite an interesting place. It's totally different in some respects, isn't it? Finally, it is clear from the following that there is a yet more fundamental issue, known to all teachers, which runs through whatever approach is used: what is usually and somewhat vaguely called teacher-pupil relationships. In the following quotation it should be noted that 'canny' means 'nice': I: What about the teacher? What has she told you about France? P: She doesn't tell us nothing. Just read the book. Copy things down. Have tests. She's a good laugh. I like her but she starts shouting and everything at us. She's dead canny. My mam knows her. I: So she hasn't told you much about France itself? Did she ever at any time? P: Yes, she has done but I can't remember really. She's talked about the sports they do, and the fashion. The purpose of this chapter, then, is not to produce a methodology for cultural studies teaching, nor to describe and evaluate cases of 'good' or 'bad' practice. The purpose is to present an account of classroom observations in order to help readers to consider their own teaching. The research project had two overall purposes: to establish and describe what cultural content is introduced into lessons and how, and second to relate these findings to the analysis of pupil attitudes and knowledge. In this chapter we shall concentrate on the first of these by describing several

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different approaches or styles of teaching. We do not wish to suggest that these are 'typical' for we believe rather that each is probably a unique combination of teacher and class. They are, however, descriptions based on long-term observations and as such are rare. We hope that they will be a first step in a discussion of methodology which readers will take further. 'A first step' because most language teachers will have had little formal training in cultural studies teaching, even though some books on methods are now available. Four Approaches to Cultural Studies Methods of classroom observation vary from the use of pre-conceived checklists for noting pupil or teacher behaviour in all aspects of the lesson, through close analysis of specific dimensions such as verbal exchange, to open-ended ethnographies by observers with as few pre-conceptions as possible. Given the exploratory nature of this researchwith no previous analyses of the cultural content and methods of language teachingand the complexity of the relationship between language and culture, it was decided to use an ethnographic approach. This meant that concepts and definitions were initially kept as broad as possible and that the characteristics considered eventually worth particular emphasis developed out of observations, rather than from previous theoretical discussion (see Chapter 2). The first outcome of observations of teachers and their classes was the conclusion that each particular combinationof teacher A with class X, or teacher A with class Y, or teacher B with class Zis unique and has to be described in its own right. Four of these combinations will be described here. The second stage was to look for characteristics in these separate approaches which might be shared to some extent. Such characteristics would then provide a means of comparison and analysis of the approaches in order to understand what made them unique as well as what makes them, none the less, all recognisable as approaches to the same activity, i.e. teaching French language and culture. First of all, then, let us consider briefly what the four cases had in common, even though much of this might appear mundane or banal. They were all third year classes learning 'French'; their learning was given the same name whatever their position in the banding or setting of the classes. They were all using the same textbook (see Chapter 7 for separate analysis). All the pupils had studied French compulsorily since entering comprehensive school, although the allocation of time in the past had

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varied and one of the classes had, in the third year, less time allocated than the other three. All the classes were in principle preparing for the same examination (the General Certificate of Secondary Education) to be taken in the fifth year, although it was known that some pupils would choose not to continue in the fourth year. The four teachers all stated a belief in the importance of learning about French culture as a fundamental part of their subject. They expressed variously the notion that cultural knowledge or information should have a beneficial effect on attitudes and understanding in the longer term and, in the short term, also helps to make lessons more attractive and interesting. Finally, as we shall see, the four teachers were differently qualified, but they had in common experience of visiting France on a number of occasions and in similar circumstances. They had all been involved in school visits and exchanges which had taken them into French families and French schools. Some had wider and more experience than this but this was a common minimum. Against this background of common characteristics, we turn now to the different approaches. The first approach was eventually called 'academic'; 'eventually' because this was the term used to summarise the combination of characteristics observed. The dominant ethos was of a subject to be taught under some pressure of timethis class had a lower allocation than othersto a group considered to be the highest achievers in their year. Time was spent on exercises on language structures; there was rapid progression through the textbook; homework was given regularly and pupils expected to take responsibility for handing it in. The activity of language learning is carried out in serious ways, with little role-play and no games or drawing. Despite the emphasis on language, a considerable amount of cultural information is provided, apparently spontaneously as the opportunity arises from the textbook. However, the information is often anecdotal, referring to the teacher's own experience, and goes beyond the scope of the textbook. For example the teacher was observed to talk about military service and the police force in France, the system of car registration numbers and the regions they refer to, and the system of discipline in French schools, none of which are necessary to the tourist purposes of language learning. When information from the textbook is used pupils are asked to read a section for homework and then asked factual questions about it later. One example of a contrast in teaching techniques helps to clarify the difference between this approach and the next. In introducing the topic of Paris as a place to visit, this class was asked to read a section of the textbook entitled 'Paris Touristique', and were then asked questions in

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class. Another class coming to this topic were shown a video-recording of a section from the accompanying television programmes, in which people are shown booking into a hotel. They were then shown Michelin guides and hotel brochures, as well as being told about the teacher's own experiences and problems of booking a hotel room. The examinations set by teachers are a further indication of what they consider important for a given class. In the case of the 'academic' approach the examination consisted of reading and answering comprehension questions on a number of letters supposedly to and from a hotel in Paris. Secondly pupils were asked to compose in French part of a written dialogue in a café and a post office. Both of these types of exercises are similar to some of the requirements of the fifth year public examination. Thirdly, pupils were required to translate a number of sentences and write down correct forms of a number of verbs. In all this, therefore, any cultural content was implicit and the ability to answer questions depended above all on the mastery of grammar and vocabulary. This observer's view of lessons can be compared to the teacher's own general views expressed in an informal interview at the end of the period of observation. The impression that cultural information is introduced spontaneously is supported. When asked if he talks about topics 'as they come up rather than going to the lesson with an idea of teaching them something about France', he agrees but points to the significance of the textbook as a framework: Yes, except when the course book happens to have some aspect of French life. It invites you to do it. If you have got a course book which is specifically dealing on that page with school life then obviously you would build round that into comparison with French and English school life or with family life or with town life or whatever, but I think the content of the syllabus schemes of work and so forth of school life is linguistically based, largely. I think most language teachers are conscious of this need to deal with prejudice. I don't think that we would say that we ought to have specific things included before we start other than if they are obviously there. If I read a book and it is dealing with an aspect of French life which I feel the kids wouldn't know and I feel we ought to talk about, then we obviously do it but I think that two-thirds or more of the things we say about French life are things that arise on the spur of the moment because of a child reacting to something that he sees. He also suggests that there are no specific topics which must be included but rather that there is a general duty to reduce prejudice, a point

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elaborated elsewhere in the interview: I don't know whether there is a specific list of things I would say I hope I would have taught over X years. I think it is more of a case whenever you get any signs coming through of these irrational prejudices you try to suggest tolerance, to discuss the differences from a Frenchman's point of view if you like ( . . . ) I don't think there is anything specific that I want to get across because I would rather get them to the stage where they think 'I would like to go to France' and form their own impressions. The observed emphasis in this class of high achievers on language work is also consistent with the teacher's own view of what takes place in class, contrasted with the different needs of pupils considered to be of lower ability: You are chiefly teaching a language and hoping that as you go along you make it sound interesting and one day, maybe in a situation where they have to use it . . . The less able child, you are really doing something which is to do with their cultural awareness and possibly will achieve nothing in relation to France. This last remark is clarified elsewhere where the teacher says that such children are not realistically going to require much French in their future. The justification in their case for having French on the timetable is that it expands their cultural awareness. The second approach to be described, called the 'survival approach', arose with a group of lower ability, although only about halfway down the ability range of their year group; they were the fourth of six sets. Unlike the previous teacher who was a graduate in French, this one has a formal qualification at the school leaving certificate level (Advanced General Certificate of Education) and continued her studies and teaching qualification in art. She now teaches French as a consequence of her own enthusiasm for France and ability in French. She prefers to teach 'less able' classes partly because this means she can spend more time on teaching about the country, for she finds 'pure' language teaching uninteresting. This suggests, incidentally, an unusual view of the purposes of 'background studies' which is often seen as a way of making language learning more interesting for pupils. Teachers are assumed to be interested in teaching the language; perhaps this teacher's unusual course of entry into French teaching explains the different viewpoint. In this approach lessons were characterised by a relatively large

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amount of information presented in the spirit of the textbook which stresses preparing pupils for a visit to France as tourists, advising and warning them of possible difficulties. A variety of teaching materials was used, including video recordings, documents and the like brought from France and narration of the teacher's own experience as a tourist. These are sometimes illustrative but are often central to the lesson. Although the ethos of lessons did not emphasise the learning of language as such, none the less French was frequently used by the teacher in the classroom, including the giving of instructions and other aspects of lesson management. In essence the approach can be described as 'practical' and 'instrumental' with continuous stress on the notion that pupils will need the linguistic and cultural knowledge in order to 'survive' a visit to France. The examination written for this class also reflected the value placed by the teacher on artefacts of French culture. After a listening comprehension, the second part consisted of reproductions of artefacts and documents about which pupils had to answer questions in English. Finally pupils had to write, in French, phrases or short sentences about themselves, write the opposite of a phrase in French and write in English the meaning of a number of phrases. The emphasis was on recall of language memorised and on remembering cultural information. In contrast to the previous teacher, this one suggests these pupils will have some need for French at some point: . . . there are not very many of the children in school who will take a language as an academic subject when you think about it. They will all probably need it for when they are going on holiday and I think that is the sort of thing that you should aim for really. Being able to go into a shop, being able to book into a youth hostel or hotel or camp site. Things like that. It is consistent with this view that she also contrasts with the previous teacher in attempting to 'give every class the same sort of information', and implies thereby that there is a list of topics which should be covered. She also thinks that visits to France organised by the school are very important. For what another teacher called a 'Never Never Land' for pupils becomes real: 'They are actually seeing it. It is actually France that is in the textbook.' The third approach, dubbed 'language enjoyment', takes us back to a style with a high achieving class. Its ethos contrasts with the seriousness of the 'academic approach' also with a high achieving class. Where the latter

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is future-oriented, concerned with preparation for examinations, and humour is rather part of the teacher-pupil relationship than a teaching technique, in the 'language enjoyment approach' the orientation is more towards the here and now, to appreciating and understanding language and having fun in the lessons. This class also had more time allocated to it for French than the 'academic approach' class. Lessons were characterised by variety and flexibility in techniques, which involved games, drawing and role play, as well as grammar explanations and exercises. Pupils' work was displayed on the classroom walls, lessons always being in the same room in contrast to the two earlier cases, perhaps indicating that a significant influence on style and approach is the physical setting for lessons. Pupils were encouraged to enjoy themselves, for example in introducing humour into scenes played out and recorded on video. Lessons might be changed on the spot to suit the humour of the class and the teacher despite plans for other activities. In short, the subject was presented as interesting in itself in a class which was keen to learn and willing to work. Cultural information was not a major part of the lessons. The teacher would spontaneously add some of her own information to what occurred in the textbook, but briefly. This may be accounted for by the teacher's view of the purpose of this information: that children should be taught to accept differences but that there is no specific body of knowledge which must be conveyed. A second reason for this approach is mentioned by the teacher herself who was in fact qualified in German rather than French and, though she had been to France on school visits and exchangesas pupil and teachershe had less experience than the other three cases: Children are very quick to say 'that is stupid' but you have to try to explain to them that a French person may find what we do 'stupid' and it is just a difference and not necessarily an inferiority. I think the more you go to France the more you are in a position to explain that to them. I wish I had been to France more. ( . . . ) No, I wouldn't say there is a core of information. I think the most important information is that which appears naturally in the course of what you are doing. I don't think you should really or can really say suddenly 'right we are now going to have a lesson on what the French do at Christmas', say, or what the French family life is like. I think it emerges as you teach. She suggests, further, that such topics cannot be 'separated out', implying perhaps a unity between language and culture. The impression from observation remains however that language-related work is dominant. The

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examination set for this class was also language-oriented, although it reflected the teaching style in including a variety of exercises and illustrations. For example, pupils were asked to write 'information for visitors' describing their own town, as well as grammatical tests; there were 11 different sections in all although the writing of a letter to an imaginary penfriend was a major component. The fourth approach is also language-dominated and there are some common characteristics in the style, called 'the language skills approach'. This teacher too was qualified in German rather than French and had far more and wider experience in Germany than France: Although I have been a lot [to France] and actually been in families and not just a visit or in a hotel, there are loads of cultural things that I just don't know. Indeed in Germany she had experience of 'school, work and family' and had wider experience in this respect than any of the others, whose experience, despite length and frequency, was limited to school and family life. The potential problem for the non-specialist was clearly formulated by this teacher: 'I don't have the same emotional commitment to French culture that I have for German'. On the other hand we saw in the 'survival approach' that the non-specialist of a different kinda person without formal qualifications as a language teacher t does have that commitment which is in a sense her main qualification. The two views are mutually supportive and the differences in teaching style can be partially attributed to the different degrees of 'cultural commitment', rather than any significant lack of experience of France on the part of the fourth teacher, who shares the view of all the teachers that cultural information is important. The class involved in the 'language skills approach' is also comparable to that in the 'survival approach': they are both considered to contain pupils of average or below average ability. None the less the uniqueness of each class and teacherand therefore of each styleremains the significant fact. Lessons were characterized by stress on language learning or skill in using language and recall of vocabulary, which were often tested. The dominant techniques were those suggested by the textbook, which include many games and role-plays. The textbook was dominant also with respect to what cultural information was supplied and the teacher did not offer personal interpretations and anecdotes in the way that was done in the 'survival' or 'academic' approaches. On the other hand cultural

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information was often compared to pupils' own experience, and talk about culture was sometimes introduced by pupils' questions. On occasion it appeared that such questions were attempts to distract the teacher from what was the recognised agenda for French lessons but pupils did often appear interested in the brief cultural asides. The particular combination of pupils in this class made them difficult to teach, even for this experienced and able teacher. Constant changes and new activities had to be introduced to keep their attention. Contrary to much professional received wisdom, the concentration on cultural information was not perceived as more interesting and motivating. This was particularly evident on one occasion when, contrary to her usual practice of introducing cultural knowledge as the opportunity arose, the teacher had prepared a lesson on the weather and different climates in France. The class showed little interest and one pupil remarked that this was more like a geography lesson than French, which may be an indication of pupils' perceptions of compartmentalised knowledge consequent on teaching by subjects. The examination used for this class was not written by the teacher but taken from the tests provided with the textbook. This meant that the emphasis was very much on recall of language in tourist situations, travel and shopping for example and an exercise on translating French currency and weights into English equivalents. In the interview after the period of observation this teacher none the less said she thought there are certain topics of cultural information which she always tries to include although not in a pre-planned way. She implies that the choice is influenced by what pupils find interesting: school life, food, television, shopping and the prices of goods. She includes this because 'they are interestedthey are always curious about other people', but she does so on an opportunist basis: They love that. They'll listen to that but that is enough. Just tell them about that and then go on with the rest of the lesson, and if something else crops . . . It's bitty but they build up their own picture. It may well be, however, that this final remark is not justified, as we have seen from pupil interviews elsewhere. Finally this teacher talked at greater length than others about the importance of carefully organised visits to the foreign country. This is an important reminder that the analysis of the four styles presented here draws only on observation of work in the classroom. It does not include the visits and exchanges organised in both schools by the French teachers. This

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was above all a pragmatic decision and the consequent description does not, in a sense, reflect the totality of the different approaches. On the other hand, in neither school were all pupils able to participate in this part of the teaching and the descriptions of the four approaches therefore represent the experience common to the whole class in each case. Characteristics of Cultural Studies Teaching The brief individualised descriptions of the four approaches or styles presented above will no doubt strike chords of recognition in specific details or combinations of details. They remain individual however as the particular combination of teacher personality, qualification, experience and philosophy with the particular personalities, interests, abilities and experiences of a class of pupils determines. Yet, as pointed out earlier, there are recognisable common factors too. In order therefore to clarify what makes a style different from others, we looked for characteristics which might differentiate by acting as the focus for the many particular observations made over a long period. This had the advantage of making some rough quantification possible in comparing the four styles and thereby providing a basis for linking the styles to the analysis of pupil interviews. Here, however, we propose to discuss the characteristics from another perspective. They will serve as a second level of description and analysis of the four cases and perhaps help readers to clarify further the grounds for recognising certain aspects of the styles in their own work. Second, they will serve as an initial checklist for reflection on and rough quantification of other styles of cultural studies teaching which are doubtless just as individual and unique as those described above. Since these characteristics arise from observation of particular cases they are unlikely to exhaust the possibilities and only further observation of other cases could verify their utility and supplement them with other observed features. Cultural Emphasis The first characteristic is broad in import but precise in application. 'Cultural emphasis' reflects the balance of cultural information to language study and practice. This need not be an exact balance in time in class and allocation of significance by the teacher but in the four cases studied one

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stood out from the othersthe 'survival approach'because time was deliberately allocated to cultural information and the orientation of the approach to preparation for a visit was frequently made plain to pupils. In other approaches language and culture teaching was in different proportions, not deliberately planned, and there was emphasis on the value of the activity, of whatever kind, in and for itself. Of course this is not to deny the three teachers' views on the significance of culture teaching nor is it an evaluation of the different approaches. It is the first characteristic which differentiates one from others. Personal Experience/Current Information The second'personal experience/current information'describes the way in which some teachers draw heavily and frequently on their own experience of the foreign culture, often by narrating incidents or anecdotes. Sometimes this experience is presented in a less personalised way, as a matter of fact not presented in the textbook or needing correction and up-dating. In our four cases, this appeared to be symptomatic of differences in teachers' formal qualifications, actual experience of the foreign culture and perceptions of their experience and commitment to it. There is no simple relationship between this characteristic and the amount of experience or particular qualifications and training. Another feature of these case-studies was the tailoring of personal experience to the framework of information provided by the textbook. Other cases may well reveal different uses of personal experience and teaching materials. Use of Genuine Cultural Artefacts The third characteristic'use of genuine cultural artefacts'is related to the previous one but not dependent on it. The introduction of artefacts, from postage stamps to sound-recordings, to bus and rail tickets, etc., is particularly for those pupils who do not visit the foreign country, the only hard evidence of its existence brought into the classroom. Textbooks provide photographs which, though an improvement on artists' drawings, do not introduce reality itself into the experience of pupils; the photographs in the textbook in use are in fact de-contextualised and almost surreal in effect. Again in our particular cases, there was a clear distinction between one approach and the other three both in the quantity of artefacts introduced and in their use as focus for a lesson, rather than marginal illustrations. Other cases would no doubt present varying degrees and kinds of use. Classroom Decor and Use of Classroom French The fourth and fifth differentiating characteristics embody more

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evidently the inseparability of language and culture teaching. They are also attempts to grasp the ethos of an approach, the atmosphere of lessons. Both 'classroom decor' and 'use of classroom French' create an image of what French lessons are about. Posters and other pictures of France sometimes including pupils' own worknot only remind pupils that the language has a natural context or habitat, but are also potentially informative, as are for example magazines or books left for pupils' perusal. The presence of this characteristic is not always under teachers' control, particularly if they share a classroom or use several classrooms. In the four case-studies this characteristic was most evident in one approach 'language enjoyment'where pupils' work was displayed and frequently changed. The use of French in the classroom by the teacher is another contextualising factor, which is usually recommended as a means of providing as much appropriate linguistic input as possible to stimulate pupils' mastery of language structures. Language which relates to the 'here and now', to events and activities in the classroom may serve this purpose as well as giving pupils evidence of the feasibility of using a foreign language to get things done. When language refers to objects or activities which are specific to the foreign culture, then by implication they bring the culture into the here and now of the classroom. We can only speculate to what extent classroom decor and use of French contribute to positive attitudes in pupils with respect to French lessons and, by extension, French culture but an agreeable environment is doubtless of some effect. Again in the four case-studies one approach, 'survival', included a noticeably larger amount of French while two others also involved some French. Flexibility The sixth characteristic is also integrative, reflecting the link not only between language and culture teaching but also the relationship between teacher and class. 'Flexibility' reflects the range of techniques and materials introduced into lessons and the willingness or ability of the teacher to respond to the mood of the class and the situation rather than stick closely to planned work. It also gives some indication of how the textbook is used, to what extent it is used to structure lessons and to what extent other materials are used. 'Flexibility' is thus a summarising characteristic which describes the process of the teaching just as the four labels of 'survival', 'enjoyment', 'skills' and 'academic' summarise the implicit aims and philosophy of the approaches. In the case of the four approaches described here, it was decided that three gradations best represented the range of teaching observed on the different characteristics. This was a result of internal comparison which, in

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another situation with other approaches, might have led to two or four or even more gradations. A summarising chart can then be constructed to highlight the differential characteristics of the four approaches, whilst it must be remembered that the common ground between them is not recorded in this level of analysis. The strength of shading in Figure 6.1 thus represents the strength of each characteristic in the overall character of each approach. The purpose of Figure 6.1 is then to summarise the descriptions of the four approaches. There is no implication of a necessary relationship between any characteristic and the overall character or among the different characteristics. A 'survival' approach need not necessarily include a strong rating on flexibility although intuitively strong ratings on 'experience' and 'cultural emphasis' would seem likely. By the same token, other combinations of ratings may be found in other approaches not found here. One other summary is presented in Figure 6.2, which indicates the different kinds of information available to pupils and its provenance. A central core is potentially available in the textbook but the realisation of the potential is dependent on the emphasis given to cultural teaching which in turn is a function of factors such as time allocation, teacher philosophy, and so on. Classroom French and decor are similarly dependent on the approach or style but also, in the case of decor, on constraints outside teachers' control. The sources categorised as dependent on teachers' experience are subdivided into 'artefacts', 'teachers' narration of their own experience in anecdotal form' and 'teachers' contribution of factual additional or up-dating information'. The nature of these different kinds of information is described as 'focused' or 'background' presentation by analogy with a photographic image. Conclusion As was remarked at the beginning, the purpose of this chapter was, by describing some approaches, to help readers consider their own approach to cultural studies teaching. At this point however we shall introduce some evaluative remarks of a general nature in order to move to a discussion of an underlying problem which has appeared from time to time in the descriptions: the problem of teacher qualification, training and experience of the foreign culture. The teacher with the 'language skills' approach was quoted above describing her method of conveying information as 'bitty, but they build up their own picture'. This description is appropriate with minor modifications to all four approaches, even the 'survival' approach where more

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Figure 6.1 Approaches/styles of cultural teaching

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Figure 6.2 Cultural information provided in the classroom

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emphasis is put on cultural information. It is perhaps inevitable in the circumstances and beyond the control of teachers. The effect however is to rely on pupils' ability to structure the information they receive so that it becomes knowledge about and understanding of the foreign culture. It relies on pupils to see links and relationships between items of information about, for example, school life and family life, or food and drink and climate, or housing and population distribution between town and country. There is little evidence in interviews with pupils that they do this and it is likely that any structure they impose on their information will be ethnocentric as they attempt to fit new information into their existing framework of expectations and norms. Three factors influence this mode of presentation: the 'classroom management' factor, the examination factor and the lack of adequate training and experience. By 'classroom management' factor, we refer in part to the widely held view that cultural information is a means of interesting pupils in the subject which is somewhat at odds with the view that cultural information or, better, knowledge is fundamental to the purpose of making pupils more aware, tolerant and understanding of other cultures. The pill-sweetening function of cultural information is often most effective when administered in short dosesas some of the case-study teachers implyand in the form of personalised anecdotes. Classroom observation and teachers' own accounts indicate that this function works and plays an important part in the management of classes. There is also some evidence from pupil interviews that this technique also leaves memorable information in some pupils' minds: P: ( . . . ) and if he does something you can't understand, like, you remember that Mrs J. told you that that happened to her and she said something that got her out of it and you say thank God Mrs J. takes us for French at school. So you know what to look for: learn by other people's mistakes. So I think that's very good. Yet the fact remains that the entertainment value inherent in the notion of structuring information in terms of stories or anecdotes runs counter to the need for other kinds of structure in the bits of information given. The examination factor is captured by the 'survival approach' teacher in her interview. Examinations have an influence on expectations of what the subject is, for both pupils and teachers: You will get an academic class that want to learn the language but I

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still think an academic class should know something about the ordinary everyday life of France. Even if you just mention it. I don't think a language should just be taken on its own (. . .) It's a shame actually that they haven't got this as part of the new GCSE. It isn't in it at all; it's only a language subject. I think if you wanted to do a course which brought in background work, you would have to make your own up. Other teachers utter similar sentiments and views. This quotation is particularly interesting both because it reveals the influence of the examination and because it implies a separation between language and 'background' which is representative of the way in which cultural knowledge has been taught and thought about. It is the same position as that which suggests cultural information can sweeten the pill of language learning. Thus it might be objected that the examination does in fact have cultural knowledge inherently in the testing of linguistic skills, as 'authentic' language in context means language in culture. None the less it is evident from this kind of quotationand others could be addedthat the perception of the examination by both pupils and teachers is dominated still by a naive view of the language and culture relationship. This is linked with the third factor discussed below. It could also be argued that examinations do not attempt to assess the fundamental function of cultural knowledge even if they do assess language skills in cultural context. Examinations do not assessor indeed claim to assessthe effect of language teaching on attitudes and understanding. The General Certificate of Secondary Education mentioned above does recognise the encouragement of tolerance and understanding as part of the aims of language teaching in secondary education but then implies that these cannot be assessed. As long as this view is propagated, teachers and pupils are unlikely to change their opinion. The third factor is the lack of adequate training and experience for teaching language and culture as an integral whole. One element of this is, as we have seen, teachers' personal experience of the foreign country. Teachers qualified and trained to teach German feel a lack of experience or commitment to French culture whereas the one teacher qualified in French described himself as a 'manic Francophile'. He had lived in France for a year as a student and often visited since. But this kind of experience is not enough. Mere exposure to the foreign country and way of life does not necessarily lead to understanding any more for teachers in training than for their pupils. The most important factor in acquiring an understanding of another culture is to perceive its values, meanings and behaviours from the

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standpoint of a member of that culture. This involves an ability to give up or, better, suspend the native culture viewpoint and develop another framework of concepts with which to comprehend new experience in the other culture. At the same time it is neither realistic nor desirable to require the learner to abandon the native culture viewpoint; we are not suggesting the learner must 'go native'. It is a complex process which we shall not explore further here, but it is a process familiar to anthropologists investigating other cultures who both participate in the way of life and maintain a standpoint for observation. One avenue for exploration therefore would be the preparation of future teachers in the techniques and purposes of participant observation so that they gain more from their own sojourns in foreign cultures and can also introduce some of the techniques to their pupils; we shall take this further in Chapter 8. For it is evident from our case-studies and elsewhere that one reason for the 'bitty' nature of information given to pupils and the reliance on the anecdote is the lack of a methodology for cultural studies teaching. We need a methodology which reflects in the classroom the integrated relationship between language and culture, which offers pupils structured knowledge rather than items of information and which gives them insight into the language and culture from an insider's viewpoint. Such a methodology would pre-suppose an understanding of the relationship between language and culture and of the aims of the participant-observer anthropologist, as well as familiarity with a particular culture. Knowledge of a particular culture would be acquired both in sojourns in the foreign countrythe equivalent of the anthropologist's fieldworkas well as in study of its cultural artefacts, including notably literature as a repository of the values and meanings of the culture at particular points in time. It would also be necessary to acquire some knowledge of the macro-structures of the society in question from sociological sources. The integration of this kind of preparation for teachers which would draw on several disciplinesanthropology, literary criticism, sociology and historycannot be dealt with here. The question it raises are none the less pertinent to the purpose of this chapter: to stimulate re-consideration of present practices by the description of the four case-studies. Further Reading (a) The full analysis of 'teaching style' is to be found in Chapter 5 of the companion volume. In Chapter 4, pupils' views on their sources and

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influences inside school are examined in more detail and include their accounts of teaching. (b) SEELYE, H. NED 1987, Teaching Culture (2nd edn. Lincolnwood, Ill.: National Textbook Co. ZARATE, GENEVIEVE 1986, Enseigner une culture étrangère. Paris: Hachette. (Two recent books on method of culture teaching.) BYRAM, MICHAEL 1989, Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (Chapter 6 for a discussion of ways of structuring knowledge and Chapter 7 for further discussion of the distinction between 'information' and 'knowledge'.)

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7 The Textbook Introduction One of the most important influences on pupils' views of France is their French textbook. Pupils refer to it explicitly or implicitly when talking in interviews about French life; some compare the expectations it raises with the reality they have experienced. Teachers use the textbook as their syllabus guidelines in the day-to-day planning of lessons, most evidently with respect to which language to introduce but also by extension with respect to what information to give pupils. They may rely entirely on the textbook or they may extend and elaborate, using their own materials or recounting their own experience. In principle they would decide independently what language and culture to introduceprovided that by the end of the course they had prepared pupils adequately for examinations. In practice, however, the order of introduction of topics in classes observed was determined by following the textbook, a system which ensures that parallel classes cover the same ground. This is normal practice in most schools. It was necessary therefore in our research to analyse the textbook in some detail, and the use of the textbook becomes one of the dimensions for comparison of different 'teaching styles'. In this chapter we shall take up that analysis with a slightly different purpose. The chapter will provide insight into a further element of the research, into a major source of information for the secondary pupils quoted in Chapter 5, for example. More importantly, it will demonstrate how a textbook purveys an image of the foreign country and, secondly, how that image can be analysed and on what criteria. Before turning to the analysis proper, however, some preliminary remarks are necessary to account for the focus on one particular textbook. The first, pragmatic reason is that the same book was used in the two secondary schools studied. This is however not entirely fortuitous because this particular book is widely used and that in turn justifies the focus. It is a book which embodies many of the ideas current in language teaching under

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the label of 'communicative language teaching' and the purposes of 'language for touring' discussed in Chapter 1. The book is in this sense representative. It is also representative in that it conforms with the national criteria for the examining of language learning imposed in the mid-1980s; although the criteria regulate examinations, these in turn determine course and textbook content. A second preliminary remark is necessary with respect to the critique of the book which will follow. Because of the national criteria just mentioned, every textbook writer must follow certain constraints. The criticisms are therefore not directed at one textbook and its writer, for it will also be shown that the textbook is successful within those constraints and, furthermore, the analysis is concerned only with one aspect of the book. Finally it will be noted that although the textbook consists of five volumesto cover five years of teaching for public examinationsthe analysis deals only with the first three. This is partly because the first three years were at the time of research the minimal compulsory period, after which most pupils abandoned French and took away with them whatever image of France and French life had been developed until that point. It is also because the overriding purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate a mode of analysis and raise general questions about textbooks, rather than concentrate simply on one. Analysis of a Textbook What kind of knowledge of France is purveyed by the textbook Action Graded French by Michael Buckby? Let us take as a starting point a well known distinction between knowing how, 'people's competences', and knowing that, 'their cognitive repertoire', or put in another way the distinction between 'operations' and 'truths that (people) learn'. The usual emphasis in communicative language teaching on competence and performance is reflected in Action! in the stress on learning linguistic usage in situational context. Learners are encouraged to learn by rote a large number of expressions for given situations. Such situations are almost exclusively those which might be encountered by a tourist and therefore by definition are seen from the foreigner's viewpoint. None the less at least with respect to the language to be learnt the implication is that the learner should attempt to use language which would be appropriate to a native speaker, without being required to pass as a native speaker. With respect to performance of non-linguistic behaviour, the learner is also given advice

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from the viewpoint of the tourist who has to learn to survive in this alien environment: Cafés are also useful as they nearly all have a public 'phone and lavatories. There are not many of either of these in the streets in France, but as you are never far from a café you can always find one in an emergency! It may have been this advice which led to an incident recounted by one pupil: 'Like, when I was in Boulogne, we went into a café and asked if we could go to the toilet, and they snapped at us and told us that we couldn't go in because B with it being a café and that.' They seem to have forgotten the rest of the advice: 'Remember, though, that it is usual to buy something at the café if you use its services.' Essentially, then, the cultural 'know-how' provided by the book is linked to linguistic performance and is largely implicit. This kind of knowledge is however quite extensive because the main focus of the book is on encouraging adequate sociolinguistic performance in given, pre-specified settings. For example, the pupil acquires the linguistic 'know-how' for ordering and paying for a meal, for taking the bus and other forms of public transport, for saying what he/she likes or dislikes especially with respect to food. There is also a much less deliberately emphasised presentation of 'know-that', of the truths that people learn about the world around them, in this case the francophone world. What 'truths' does the book present in the course of the first year? A list of the statements, implicit or explicit, about the francophone world is given in Table 7.1 in some detail, without being exhaustive. The list of statements is taken from the book in the order of presentation. Some statements are part of the explicit information offered, others are incidentally presented when learners' attention is mainly focused on the language. A similar listing from books two and three would be unnecessarily tedious. In short, in book 2 pupils learn a lot about the public transport system, a little about housing (for example that many French people live in flats), a lot about food and what they would be offered if they visited a French family, and a little about the French postal system. In book 3, they learn a lot about the sights of Paris, a little about French schools and a little about the breakdown service if one is involved in a road accident. It will be evident that the 'know-that' is without any discernible structure in itself. It is equally clear that the linguistic 'know-how' presented, and the accompanying information, is determined by the probable needs of learners in tourist situations. The first kind of knowledge is therefore largely presented as subsidiary to the linguistic know-howfor

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TABLE 7.1 tatements about the francophone world French is spoken in many countries of the world French children are baptised with the names of saints and have both a birthday and a nameday Boulogne is an important port and tourist centre with an old town (with more detail on each of these aspects) French people carry an identity card French people drive on the right, and very fast French policemen carry a gun but are very kind there are many differences between English and French streets; for example shopkeepers in France wash the pavement in front of their shop the Parc des Princes is a rugby stadium French people read cartoons such as Asterix, Lucky Luke and Tintin the French have their leisure time above all on Sundays as this is the only free day of the week there are many sports in France (tennis was invented by a Frenchman; everyone has to take a test in sport as part of the Baccalaureate examination) the following people are famous: Gérard Lenorman, Brigitte Bardot, Jerome Gallion, Marius Tresor and others (with some further detail about each) Cape Gris Nez is the nearest point to England (two men, de Rozier and Romain, were the first to try to cross the Channel from here and died in the attempt) the French spend a lot of time at the café (people often have breakfast there; there are toilets which can be used since there are not many public toilets) bakers bake their bread twice a day and it quickly dries so it must be eaten soon details about what can be bought in a patisserie, a charcuterie, a boucherie, a pharmacie, a tabac shops shut from midday until two o'clock and remain open until 7 o'clock in the evening or even later French bread is sent daily by air as far as Tokyo and other places Napoleon introduced the metric system in France in 1795 nice souvenir presents in porcelain can be bought at Desvres, 15 kilometres from Boulogne. example information about the transport systemor sometimes as interesting and valuable in itself. The value involved however is that of

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satisfying curiosity, for example about the nearest point to England, or of introducing a curious factas seen from the English viewpointfor example about the transport of French bread to Tokyo. These curious facts may also raise further curiosity and interest but they remain unconnected and unstructured. That part of the information which is dependent on the linguistic know-how has a thematic structure partially explicit in the book's own chapter headings. Each of these themes also presents a particular image or interpretation of French people and their way of life. For example one theme might be called 'geographical and historical information', for this is one which is largely implicit in the text and distributed throughout the book. Because it is partial and incidental, with the geography limited to references to Boulogne, Paris, weather maps of France and a world map indicating francophone countries, the image purveyed is urban, touristic and northern. In the first three volumes of the book five major themes can be identified and their attendant images described, in Table 7.2. In addition the themes of housing and schools are introduced comparatively briefly and in the form of factual accounts. In general the image of France and French people is very positive: people are friendly and the country is full of interesting things to see and enjoyable things to do. The image is thus rather like that presented to a royal visitor: everything is fine and we see the appealing and interesting side of life, not the monotonous and the routine. This is indeed the image which the author of the book strives to realise. For in the introduction to the teachers' book he quotes the aims of the public examinations: to develop understanding of and encourage positive attitudes towards Frenchspeaking countries and peoples, as well as to develop a capacity for practical communication. It remains, however, questionable whether simply extolling the virtues of the people and country through an image which is lacking in realism will in fact change or develop attitudes in learners. The learner acquires a certain linguistic know-how, some accompanying appropriate information, some curious but unstructured facts and an impression of an agreeable country and friendly people. In the philosophy of 'language for touring' these are sufficient but in the philosophy of 'language for intercultural understanding' other criteria need to be introduced. Criteria of Realism For one significant difference in emphasis introduced by the view that language teaching should promote intercultural understanding is precisely

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TABLE 7.2 Major themes and images of French life Theme Image France is urban, northern and 1. Geographical and touristic with many historical historical information monuments to see. France: Boulogne, Paris, weather maps world map of francophone countries sights of Paris and Boulogne and their history. People are friendly and polite 2. People and human (they always say Monsieur, relationships Madame) always shaking hands major characters (Jean and and helpful. Their relationships Catherineteenagers) are always harmonious, minor characters (their successful and without emotion friends and, briefly, their (with one exception when two parents) boys in a drawingand therefore officials (railway, bus less realisticargue over a pencil). drivers, etc., and, often, The people are colourless and policemen) contradict stereotypes, but also passers-by and extras contradict our knowledge of (waiters, people in the human beings in general. street, school children) famous people (historical: de Gaulle, Napoleon . . . media: Sacha Distel, Sheila . . . scientists: Marie Curie, Pasteur . . . writers: Victor Hugo, Jules Verne) (Most people are presented through photographs and are thereby realistic, but at the same time immediately out of date, giving an impression of an oldfashioned country and people.) People eat frequently and the 3. Food and meals French spend a lot of money on this theme dominates, taking food. The food is famous but up a third of the units of frogs' legs and snails are eaten work rarely because they are different kinds of food: expensive. The French in general snacks, family meals, café, like the English. pique-nique. (table continued on next page)

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(table continued from previous page) French people use public 4. Communications and public transport a lot. There are services good services for tourists. public transport: trains, buses It is easy to use the the post office, telephones, sending services and get out of a telegram trouble. the roads and breakdown services hotels, youth hostels and camping sites. France is a place where 5. Leisure the French enjoy television, sports themselves and where going to the café foreigners, in particular going camping, etc., for holidays young people, will have a (The only inclusion of the world of good time. work is through the deputation of public and tourist services, and through a brief mention of possilbe careers in the section on schools.) that understanding is more important than mere tolerance. This involves a change in ways of thinking rather than just attitudes. It can be compared to the process of socialisation in which the child acquires the framework which allows him/her to communicate with other people of the same social grouping. The child acquires the taken-for-granted knowledge and the values attached to that knowledge which underpin talk and other modes of communication but which are only made explicit if there is a misunderstanding or breakdown in communication. In the early years of most children's lives the framework is determined by and is a function of their expanding experience and increasing variety of social contacts. It may stop expanding at a point when the child or young person's experience of his/her society ceases to grow. In some cases this may correspond to a specific social group or class, or to a region, but in many cases it will certainly stop at national boundaries. The young person will have acquired a social identity which is, at its broadest, a national identity. The notion of language for intercultural understanding implies that foreign language teaching is a major factor in maintaining the expansion of young people's range of experience and helping them to acquire new ways

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of thinking and new ways of valuing their new knowledge and experience. Ultimately this new framework involves a change in their social identity, a modification of their national identity to include identification with people from other countries and cultures. The essence of the change in the framework of thinking is not simply to expose young people to experience of a way of life beyond national frontiers. It is, rather, to expose them to the meanings and values which are the framework of the social identity of people who live that other way of life. It is not enough to offer them new experience which they assimilate to their established framework as a tolerable variation on the 'normal' way of doing things. It is necessary for them to make sense of that experience through the framework of meanings and values which underpin the ways in which people in that other culture talk about the experience themselves. Thus learning the language and experiencing the culture are ultimately identical. Given this view of language teaching a textbook needs to do more than encourage positive attitudes through presentation of a harmonious image of the other culture. It needs to present that culture as it is lived and talked about by people who are credible and recognisable as real human beings. The textbook needs to be realistic. In order to assess whether a textbook is realistic, we turn to the traditions of literary realism and criteria developed for textbook analysis on that basis. Three dimensions of analysis are applicable to any account of a culture or part of it: analysis at the micro-social level of the social identity of individuals, of their social environment, of their personality. analysis at the macro-social level of socio-economic, geographic and historical representations analysis of the viewpoint taken by the author, either explicitly or implicitly. The fourth dimension is particular to the problem of cross-cultural representations of all kinds but particularly of the language teaching textbook: analysis at the inter-cultural level of mutual representations and recognition by the nature and foreign cultures. Let us explain these dimensions of analysis by taking another look at the same textbook. Beginning at the micro-social level, we need to ask what social and geographic identities are presented and whether the individuals are a representative sample from the culture and society in question. This notion of a representative sample involves some degree of

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quantification. If the society is dominated by a rural population or by a working-class population then these should appear in some approximate relationship to reality. It must alsoand previouslybe decided which society or societies and which part or parts of them are to be presented. In Action! that decision appears to be that northern, urban French society will be the focus but the two principal characters represent only the young, middle-class section. Other characters are marginal and represent particular social functions, with no individuality or personality. These characters cannot be regarded as a sample of French people, or even of French people living in a northern, urban environment. The material environment is presented in photographs and drawings. The latter are non-realist, verging on caricature. The former suffer the problem of becoming almost immediately dated and, more importantly, present only fragments of reality whose relationship to each other remains incoherent. This is largely because they are chosen to illustrate the meanings of specific language items or to brighten up the lay-out of the book and break up the density of printed text. The social contexts in which characters in the textbook act or the situations in which they are involved in social acts are limited to those in which people are consumers or tourists, or both. Furthermore, the social acts almost exclusively involve only two people, where one is providing a service for the other. In terms of representing the whole way of life as experienced by natives of the culture, this selection is clearly problematic. Finally, at the micro-social level, an analysis of the personalities and interactions of the characters reveals them to be emotionless, without individual problems or beliefs, whether political or religious, and displaying no specific values or interpretations of the culture in which they live. They simply give the impression that they approve of the life around them, with the one exception of criticising the way French drivers act on the roads. Here, again, the realism of the representation is in doubt. Turning to the macro-social level, we need first to ask what broad social facts about the society are given and on what basis they are selected. Aspects to be taken into consideration include geographical, economic, political dimensions of societal life. In Action! the amount of information is limited and the selection is arbitrary if viewed from a cultural standpoint although it is also evident that as in other aspects the choice is determined by the dominance of linguistic know-how for tourist purposes. Thus readers are given information on which countries are francophone, on specialities of regional cooking, on patterns of weather and on the statistics for road accidentsthe only statistical information of any kind given.

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On the question of socio-political problems (for example, unemployment, immigration, conservation) and of historical background, Action! has little information. The 'royal visit' image of social harmony is not interrupted by reference to social problems, and although some historical figures are presented for recognition they are not put in an appropriate context. It cannot be justifiably assumed that the historical context will be provided in the subject 'History', since there is no guarantee that French or European history will be treated. The third analytic dimension is that which establishes the viewpoint of the author. This is closely linked, as we shall see, with the question of intercultural representation. In Action! an authorial view of the French way of life is present in two ways. The characters serve as intermediaries presenting the foreign culture to the English reader. Because the principal characters are from Quebec they are foreign to French society but also more familiar with it than anglophone pupils. Secondly, pupils are given advice about how to cope with the abnormalities of a foreign environment, being told what differs and how to behave. In general both forms of presentation give an impression that France is interesting and curiousalmost bizarre in some respects. No specific evaluative statements are included, although as suggested earlier the overall impression is positive and harmonious. In the sections giving advicefor example on how to behave when invited to someone's house for a mealpupils are encouraged simply to enjoy France, whereas they might be helped more explicitly to observe and think for themselves. It is clear that the author believes pupils should be adventurous and try whatever experience is offered, a view which presupposes an extrovert character and self-confidence. A more observer-oriented and reflective approach might be appropriate for many pupils. The final dimension, the inter-cultural level, requires us to consider what efforts are made to deal with mutual representations of foreign and native culturethrough, for example, stereotypeswith comparisons between the two cultures, with issues of relationships of a socio-political nature between the two countries. The significance of this dimension is evident from the persistence of stereotypes found in pupil interviews but also from the argument that understanding the foreign culture requires an expansion of the existing culture-specific frame of reference. One important means of producing such an expansion is by contrasting new experience and the foreign way of making sense of it with learners' own experience and way of thinking. In Action! for example, there are specific references to stereotypes of French food, which are criticised for their exaggerations. On the other hand the stereotype view of French motorists is reinforced by

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introduction of accident statistics and comments by the main characters on the speed at which motorists drive. There is however no treatment of French stereotypes of England and the English, an awareness of which is necessary for proper understanding. Nor is there any mention of historical and contemporary bi-lateral relationships, of which 'pupils are in fact aware, as is evident from interviews. The tourist view of France precludes this aspect because the emphasis is on leisure and enjoyment. The criteria illustrated here through analysis of one textbook would produce a similar analysis in most contemporary textbooks, and not only within the limits of French teaching in England. There are some exceptions which are beginning to indicate an awareness of the weaknesses inherent in tourism-dominated courses. In general 'communicative' textbooks have introduced a measure of realism by situating the texts used for linguistic purposes in real places illustrated by photographs rather than drawings. The realism remains however superficial and fragmented; it is a world which coheres only by virtue of the tourist's view of it, a world inhabited by incomplete individuals with little personality or subjectivity and limited scope for social interaction. The opinion of one pupil reveals his dissatisfaction with the lack of realism or 'truth': I expected it [France] to be sunny, like it is in the textbook but it isn't always that. They seem to make it more exciting than it is but they could put, like, a bit more truth in it. Conclusion The significance of the impact of the textbook is indisputable and the main thrust of this chapter has been critical of the kind of textbook which lacks truth because it embodies a particular philosophy. The principal points of the argument can be put in a more constructive fashion by considering what characteristics would be present in a textbook written to promote intercultural understanding in pupils. They can be formulated in terms of recommendations or proposals. 1. The representation of the foreign culture must be considered of equal importance with the provision of means to teach structures and vocabulary of the language. 2. The tourist-consumer viewpoint must be replaced by the notion of extension of the process of socialisation and the production of an intercultural competence which embraces sociolinguistic communicative competence.

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3. The representation of the foreign culture must be realistic and structured, including for example credible and rounded characters, portrayed in situations representative of a range of social interactions, and providing an adequate knowledge of the history and geography of the society and country chosen. 4. The realistic account of the culture must include interpersonal and intrapersonal relationships and some representation of the sociopolitical issues current in the society and between it and the learners' society. 5. The textbook must take into account the mutual representations of the two societies and the influences learners are exposed to outside the language-teaching classroom. 6. The textbook must encourage learners to observe and reflect on, as well as participate in, the foreign culture, and provide for the possibility of an educational visit to the foreign country with the necessary preparation and later reflection on the experience. All this suggests that textbooks should in fact be written by an interdisciplinary team comprising, for example, a linguist and language teacher, an anthropologist, a sociologist and teachers of history and geography. One function of such a textbook would be to act as a handbook for observation and analysis of a foreign culture as well as a means of learning the foreign language in the classroom. Further Reading (a) The full analysis of the textbook is to be found in Chapter 5 of the companion volume where it is put in the context of classroom observations and analysis of 'teaching styles'. (b) RYLE, G. 1949, The Concept of Mind. London: Hutchinson. (The original discussion of the distinction between 'knowing-how' and 'knowing-that'.) BYRAM, M. 1989, Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (Chapter 6 for further discussion of psychological changes in learning about another culture.) RISAGER, K. in press, Cultural references in European textbooks: an evaluation of recent tendencies. In D. BUTTJES & M. BYRAM (eds)

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Mediating Language and Culture. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (The basis of the second part of this chapter in which realist criteria are adopted for textbook evaluation.)

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8 Language Learners Abroad: Ethnographic Explorations Introduction We have on several occasions in previous chapters mentioned the fact that our research did not take into full account the visits to France organised by the schools. In some respects these visits are part of the French course: in one school the visit is to Boulogne which is the setting for some textbook work, and in both schools teachers draw to some extent on pupils' experience during lessons. The fact that not all pupils participate in these visits means however that they are not fully integrated into the teaching. For those pupils who do go, however, the experience is invariably memorable and was a major source of their attitudes and perceptions expressed in interviews, although the consequences were varied particularly with respect to attitudes. Although we do not propose a full analysis of the effects of visits whether with school or otherwiseit is evident that many pupils draw conclusions from brief encounters. The following pupil had been to France on holiday: Well, I think just from people I've met, when I've been there, they're quite nice, quite friendly; and they keep themselves to themselves a bit though, as well. Going shopping frequently appears to cause difficulties, misunderstanding leading to hostility: P: Don't like the food that much and sometimes people can be a bit nasty. They're not friendly really. I: What gives you these impressions then? P: Like, if you go into a shop there, they say 'What do you want?' instead of 'Can I help you?' and stuff like that. I: Where have you come across that?

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P: When I was passing through France on the school trip. I went in the shop there, just having a look round, postcards and stuff like that, and the shopkeeper, like, going around. And I asked him, in French, could buy, if we could buy, if we wanted anything to buy, but we were just really looking. Similarly perceptions varied. Compare the following two pupils who were asked how people dress and what differences they had noticed. They wear all just things like skirts and that, just like what we wear. The second had noticed that young people's jeans were similar but was surprised by other aspects of dress: P: But I noticed that some other people dressed different, in different places. I: And what was different about those people then exactly? P: Well, just the colours that they wear, that we wouldn't dream of. Something like gold. Well some people wear gold, I mean not like them. I think I've seen a woman in a shop wearing a gold suit. I don't mean gold, I mean gold . . . The final remark may indicate that one incident dominates this pupil's impressions, that she has generalised from the particular, although it remains unclear. Nevertheless the power of the personal experience over perceptions and attitudes is quite evident. It is desirable therefore that visits be carefully organised and pedagogically planned. The question of pedagogy re-introduces a second issue which we have raised in earlier chapters: the inadequacy of teacher education and training. We suggested in Chapter 6 that one source of better training would be anthropology and the methodology of fieldwork study of other cultures. This should influence both teachers' own experience of the foreign country and the techniques they use to structure their pupils' experience. It was to develop some of these proposals in practice that a small-scale experiment was introduced into a teacher-training course, described below. Teachers and Learners as Ethnographers The scene is a small town in the north of France, unknown to tourists but the site for a residential education centre used by some English schools. In the streets of the town there are several groups of English

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school pupils aged 12 to 15 and each group is investigating an aspect of life in the town, for example shops and food, or housing, or leisure facilities. The groups are broken into twos or threes and on one occasion they are conducting surveys. The 'shoppers' are plotting the position of different kinds of shopsparticularly food shopson a map of the town. They then go on to work out the prices of goods in the 'shopping basket' of articles required in a household for one week. The 'leisure-seekers' are also constructing a map of facilities both for outsiders and for townspeople and then considering, in the newsagents and bookshops, what reading material is available for different age groups and at what price. The 'architects' are sitting at various points in the town on the pavements sketching the street scenes in terms of the buildings they can see. On a later occasion they will produce accurate drawings of some selected buildings and specific parts of buildings such as windows. They also go on to survey the facilities of different, contrasting streets in different parts of town. On a later occasion the groups have moved from observation, mapmaking, drawing and surveying to interviewing people chosen at random in the streets of the town. In preparation they have produced questionnaires about their topic. The 'shoppers' ask where people buy different items of food and household goods: whether in the supermarkets, shops or at the weekly market. They ask which members of the family do the shopping and how often. The 'leisure-seekers' survey people's holidays: where they go, how, for how long and so on. They also ask questions about leisure time activities and reading habits. The 'architects' ask about the type of residence people inhabit: whether house or flat, large or small, with or without a garden and so on. The responses are marked on the questionnaires and also recorded on audio-cassette for later analysis, plotting on charts and summarising. The groups have been helped to prepare their work by trainee teachers. One of them describes part of her group's work as follows: Later in the morning and after lunch they turned to houses. They began by using the 'street scene' worksheet, with its transition from observation to response, as children are asked how they would feel about moving to a street; then each pupil chose a house to examine in detail with worksheets, sketches and notes. The town centre possessed a good variety of older houses and a few newer ones, and the quiet streets behind the main shopping street offered an ideal environment for this type of work. Later in the afternoon the group divided to survey two residential areas towards the edge of towna new housing estate and an area of small apartment blocks ( . . . ) when we discussed our findings I was heartened by the amount they had

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noticed. Craig's expertise, learned from his builder father, provided both terminology (render, pointing and much more) and an eye for quality ( . . . ) All pupils were conscious of the cleanliness of the streets and the well-kept houses and gardens, and discussed the siting of garages and the length of grass with more interest than I would have expected! On Thursday, when we turned to public buildings, I was able to leave them to work out what features they would examine and how they might proceed, and they devised a checklist of points and features relating to appearance and use. Worksheets were available if necessary, but were clearly no longer required ( . . . ) Another account describes the interview procedures, dealing with both content and the organisation of a novel experience: pupils were to acquire the skills of survey interviewing and, moreover, in a foreign language. After drawing up questions and questionnaires and practising on each other they went into town with clipboards and cassetterecorders. The interviews took place on Thursday morning, market day. We had purposely mixed the pupils into mainly pairs with older pupils helping a younger, less able pupil, usually from a different school ( . . . ) It was extremely difficult to get the two sub-groups (i.e. from two different schools) to mix so we were Obliged to choose their partners. This worked well, with surprisingly few arguments ( . . . ) After practising asking the questions to each other and going through various hobbies and sports which we thought were feasible answers, the pairs were allowed to wander freely in the town centre and approach people to question. We got a strong pair to do this for all the group first to show how to go about it, then let them go with several questionnaires each on two themes, (a) leisure interests, (b) holidays, as we also wished to find out if people went on holiday and where,' as a subtheme of the leisure topic. The pupils, though initially wary, soon began to enjoy the interviews and spoke to a wide range of people, including a policeman, a postman and shopkeepers ( . . . ) The overall feedback was that pupils enjoyed talking with the people, found them helpful and co-operative and that they could understand what pupils were asking and also that pupils could understand and record the replies given. The replies reinforced the impression of the range of leisure activities which the group had formed by their own observation and research. The questionnaire on holidays produced only a small range of answers. Many older people questioned never went on holiday and the majority of others remained in France for their yearly trip away.

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Two points are particularly noteworthy in these reports. Interviews with pupils quoted earlier indicated that contact with shopkeepers on school trips were not always positive. In this case the impression that pupils had a real purpose in their visitand perhaps the fact that the town does not receive many touristsmay explain the more co-operative reception given to pupils. It was also noticed in the research interviews that although pupils on school visits might notice the built environment and the differences in houses and buildings, they often had difficulty articulating perceived architectural styles: They had more bedrooms than some houses do in England and that, the houses were much bigger and . . . kind of a funny shape, like, they are all, went in different . . . like, the houses went up and down and stuff like that. The account of the 'architects' group draws attention to the need to develop terminology and to the efficacy of sketching and drawing as a means of observing and noting what might be difficult to put into words. Clearly there are many purposes to a visit of this kind, many of them not specific to language and culture teaching. Some of them are hinted at in the accounts quoted: pupils learning to co-operate, to plan their own work, to gain selfconfidence and so on. The major purpose in focus here however, is the difference between the view of French life developed in this visit and the image usually portrayed in textbooks and classrooms. Instead of seeing France as a place for tourism and acquiring the items of information necessary for coping with an alien environment, the pupils were helped to acquire structured knowledge of French life as seen from a French viewpoint. For example, the survey of shopping and goods bought for the household each week introduced pupils to items they would not otherwise need: washing-up liquid, mineral water in large quantities, and the frequency and types of shops used. The house-survey was structured to help them observe different kinds and sitings for residential areas and asked them to consider whether they would like to live there. In the short time available and with the emphasis on observation and quantification, it is doubtful if pupils make much progress in shifting their viewpoint to that of the inhabitants rather than that of the visitor. Furthermore the lack of participation and personal engagement with French life means that cognitive changes are more likely than affective. Full participation is much more likely in exchange-visits where pupils live with a family, but in this case too they would still need to be trained in observation as well as participation. It is remarkable how little preparation pupils often have for this experience of participation in a foreign way of life when compared to the care taken in

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the training of anthropologists before they go into their fieldwork. None the less, the principles of the work they are doing are important. They are acquiring not just items of information determined by their anticipated needs as tourists. They are learning to discover the French environment and way of life as it is experienced by French people; they are acquiring knowledge structured as far as possible from the French viewpoint. The topics chosen for study are ones usually dealt with in textbooks (cf. Chapter 7) and deliberately so. First, this choice meant that some familiarity could be assumed on the part of pupils and second the contrast in treatment would be all the more evident. One group, however, decided to study the history of the town, particularly its involvement in the two World Wars. By visiting cemeteries and doing research in the town hall they gained a different perspective on the effects of the wars on the civilian population of an invaded country. This topic is not usually treated in textbooks, and suggested potential links with other subjects in school. The major purpose of the visit was summarised by one of the trainee teachers: We wanted to devise a sequence of activities which would help children to acquire greater insight into and understanding of French culture. This implied careful observation and an attempt to perceive patterns, not just collecting information, but learning how to find out about another culture. While a week's activities clearly would not enable children to structure information in the way a French person experiences it, we did hope to build up some picture of French norms and to avoid comparison or immediate description of French phenomena in terms of British culture. Before starting work on the programme, we thought about observation from the ethnographer's viewpoint and tried a little of our own, discovering the difficulty of impartiality and the temptation to structure information according to preconceived expectations. The preparation referred to in the last sentence was an earlier stage of the experiment. Trainee teachers educated in literary criticism have a good understanding of the need to read texts in context, to understand the language of a literature in the cultural context of its time. By extending the notion of 'text' to include non-literary writing but also the spoken text of everyday life and the non-verbal systems of meaning in dress, architecture and so on, the step to 'reading' a way of life can be made still within the same conceptual framework. Part of the preparation was therefore to ask the teachers to carry out some small-scale observation within their native culture and to seek to be as open as possible to the patterns of behaviour

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and their significance in a situation they have usually taken for granted. Teachers observed in supermarkets, in pubs, in university refectories, at bus stops and so on. They were asked to note everything they saw before beginning to interpret it, and thereby were introduced to the idea of ethnographic observation which was to inform their work with pupils. More preparation would have been desirable but at least a way of thinking about the visit to France was introduced, as is evident from the quotation above. Another aspect of the preparation was the introduction and discussion of the view of language and culture teaching taken throughout this book: that 'language for touring' is an inadequate approach and that the visit to France should be part of the whole process of giving pupils a different viewpoint on the foreign culture and, ultimately, on their own. Consequently pupils should not be offered items of information from a tourist's viewpoint. They should be helped to acquire structured knowledge about one aspect of French life. The choice of that aspect was ultimately less important than the approach taken. Neither in one week nor in a whole course of French can pupils be given knowledge of all aspects of the French way of life. A judicious selection can be made, but the more important purpose is for them to learn how to view another culture and find out about it from the inside. This is the advantage of taking an ethnographic approach, even though it has to be adapted to circumstances as we have seen. Teacher Training The experiment described above had a dual purpose: to attempt new methods of teaching during a visit to the foreign country and, second, to extend the content of teacher training. It will be evident that there is a difference between this experiment and one in which teachers and pupils are introduced to new techniques for language learning, for example the use of 'communicative language teaching' techniques. For in the latter case teachers are still working within their normal frame of referenceof being teachers of languageeven though they are asked to take a different view of the nature of language and the purpose of language learning. In the former case they are asked to reconsider the frame of reference: instead of linguistic and literary disciplines, they are asked to accept the tenets of the discipline of anthropology. What is at issue is not the significance of what they are doing, for they share the language teaching profession's belief in the humanising influence of experiencing

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another culture, but the angle from which they approach the object and the process of teaching. Clearly our experiment is not sufficient in itself to change teachers' views of their professional identity and the emphasis they will give in their daily practice to ethnographic techniques. It is also evident that the powerful forces of examinations, syllabuses and textbooks would also need to be modified if there is to be any lasting change, but we shall set these aside for the moment to concentrate on the question of teacher training and identity. The making of a language teacher is a long process. It begins in the first foreign language lesson or perhaps even before, in the first visit with parents to a foreign country. It becomes more rapid and concentrated when learners begin to specialise and perceive themselves as linguists, whose subject of study is called by the name of a languageeven though they may in fact be studying a literature. It culminates in some sort of professional training for being a teacher of languages, rather than a linguist. The process differs from country to country and not all language teachers have been simply 'linguists' in the sense we have described, but in general the creation of a professional identity is much influenced by the emphasis first on language and then on literature, and perhaps philology. There are thus two significant metamorphoses in the linguist's career: first from language learner to linguist and literary critic and later to teacher of languages and literature. Sometimes the metamorphosis is from language learner to linguist and contemporary historian or to linguist and business manager but this is seldom followed by the change to teacher. It is, however, highly unlikely that the first metamorphosis creates a linguist and anthropologist, followed by a teacher of languages and ethnography. Yet it is precisely the latter combination which would serve our purposes of teaching pupils to understand a foreign culture from within its own perspective, rather than as a tourist. We are not suggesting that this must be an alternative route, instead of becoming a student of literature, for there are in fact many links and the possibility of becoming linguist, anthropologist and literary critic is feasible if not yet realised. An approach to the study of literature in its social contextthe 'sociology of literature'has much in common with the study of social institutions, oral history, individual histories or récits de vie and accounts of modern complex societies by urban ethnographers. All are attempting to understand people and the way they live from within their own frame of reference, and then to gain a critical distance and a richer understanding of them and their society, as examples of the human condition.

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This is not the place to speculate on how university study of languages might be modified to encompass all these different ways of approaching another culture. One aspect can however be discussed at greater length since it might be developed from our experiment. Most teachers of languagesin Britain almost all of themspend a period of time in a foreign culture as part of their study, during or after their university course. The sojourn often lasts several months or even a full year. Students live in the foreign community as students, as assistant teachers or in some other kind of employment. The degree to which they participate in the foreign community is often a function of their personality, of the circumstances in which they find themselves, of the people in their environment. It is however also a consequence of their understanding of the culture and of their powers of observation. Yet their preparation for the sojourn normally consists of their linguistic training, including 'tourist' information and in some cases some study of contemporary social institutions, and immediately prior to their departure some ad hoc advice on how to 'survive'. The kind of procedures outlined in our experiment, though inadequate in number and depth, would be a better preparation. Students who had gained some ethnographic skills in observing their own society and some understanding of their society through the critical distance imposed by ethnographic observation, would be able to transfer those skills to the foreign culture. In doing so they would be helped to participate more fully in the society in so far as they would notice and be able to adopt cultural norms. They would also be encouraged to develop a critical understanding which previous reading of literary and non-literary texts had begun and which might be further refined on their return to the native culture. These skills and understanding would serve a purpose in themselves, as part of students' education through foreign language and culture learning. For those who undertake the second metamorphosis into the state of teacher, the experience would be the basis for a new approach to culture teaching, in which residence in the foreign culture would be an integral part. Pupils too would learn to participate and observe, to see the foreign culture from inside and as outsiders and to gain a comparative perspective on other cultures and their own which would be a valuable contribution to their educational experience. Acknowledgement I am grateful to all my trainee teachers of 1987-88 for their enthusiasm and hard work in taking part in the experiment described here and

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the German equivalent, and particularly to Ms Janet Mayes and Ms Janet Nunn for the accounts from which I have quoted. (MSB) Further Reading (a) The training of teachers was not central to our research but the significance of different kinds of training and experience of the foreign country is discussed in the companion volume in the case-studies of four classes and their teachers, in Chapter 5. (b) ZARATE, GENEVIEVE 1989, The Observation Diary: an ethnographic approach to teacher education. In D. BUTTJES & M. BYRAM (eds) Mediating Language and Culture. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (For an account of a more rigorous approach to teacher education on ethnographic grounds.) HICKEY, L. 1980, Ethnography for language learners, Foreign Language Annals 13, 6, 475-81. (A rare discussion of how ethnographic skills might help language learners to a better understanding of foreign cultures.) BYRAM, M. 1989, Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (In the final chapter we discuss the integration of residence abroad into language learning courses for school pupils.) EVANS, C. 1988, Language People. Milton Keynes: Open Univeristy Press. (A description of how pupils become 'language people' through university study, giving an insightful account of different kinds of university course, of the students and the teachers involved in them and the characters they develop.) GEERTZ, C. 1975, The Interpretation of Cultures. London: Hutchinson. (An anthropologist who compares anthropological understanding with the .interpretation of literary texts.)

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9 The Significance of Cultural Studies Towards a Framework for Cultural Studies The purpose of this book has been to present research in such a way that it might stimulate curriculum development. We suggested in Chapter 1 that the peculiarity in educational research and development of a sharing of the functions between teachers and researchers might in this way be overcome. Since the research has been concerned with one aspect of language teaching, the book has not dealt evenly with all the various elements which constitute language teaching as it is known to teachers. This is however a consequence not just of the self-imposed limitations of the researchers, trying to establish a feasible area of work, but also of the way in which cultural information is largely separated out from the teaching process by teachers and learners themselves. Investigating pupils' perceptions of French life in isolation from their linguistic abilities is thus not only a means of defining a researchable element of language teaching but also reflects the practices of language teaching itself. It should, however, also be remembered that the classroom observation dimension of the research did not and could not isolate culture teaching from language teaching, suggesting that the broad division recognised by teachers, pupils and researchers is not in fact tenable in the detail of the teaching process. The teaching styles or approaches described in Chapter 6, though characterised mainly in terms of culture teaching, are accounts of the integral relationship between the many aspects of language teaching, including teacher-pupil relationships, lesson allocation and so on. It is therefore not an entirely new departure if in this final chapter we take a broader view of the research topic and findings in order to put them back into the overall context from which we have taken them for investigation. It is with the purpose of making ever firmer connections between research and development, between researchers and teachers, that we pay

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particular attention to the question of the relationship of culture teaching to language teaching in this final chapter. We shall leave aside on this occasion discussion of the balance and allocation of time between different elements of foreign language teaching and concentrate on the junctures between them. The allocation of time, for example, will vary at different stages of learning, but the question of the relationship between cultural knowledge and knowledge and use of the language is of a more general import. There are three elements to be considered: the teaching of cultural knowledge in class, the role of the visit to the foreign country and the acquisition of linguistic abilities. The broad separation of language and culture in the classroom is evident in a number of ways. The textbook contains separate sections of advice for the tourist, in English, on the oddities of French life. Some pupils suggest that to encourage the teacher to talk about France is one way of avoiding the difficulties or tedium of learning the language. Teachers see cultural information as an extra which is 'slipped in' during lessons in an unplanned way. On the other hand teachers' tendency to develop a cultural topic as it seems appropriate to a given linguistic topic does indicate a pragmatic integration of a kind. All this is at a conscious level, of lesson planning, of pupil perception of the lesson, of the textbook writer's arrangement of the book and its individual chapters. People are conscious of the cultural information which is made explicit, either verbally by the teacher's accounts and anecdotes and the textbook writer's hints and factual descriptions of people and places, or non-verbally when teacher or writer draws attention to pictures, films, objects or documents for their culture-specific import. There is however also an unconscious, implicit exposure to the foreign culture. Pictures, and other non-verbal means, may be used for language-focused activities and exercises which none the less convey cultural information. Similarly languageparticularly items of vocabularymay be used repeatedly to practice a linguistic skill but thereby reinforce the culture-specific associations. For example, some pupils remarked that the French seem very polite and said they had this impression from the frequent use of s'il vous plait and Monsieur or Madame. The frequent use of these is at least in part a consequence of the constant practice of transactional language in service situations common to the touristoriented textbook and course. A yet more subtle, almost insidious implicit rendering of the foreign culture arises from the teaching technique which puts emphasis on comparison and contrast. Since contrasts are made explicit, for example, in the

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discussion of food or schooling, and some similarities are mentioned in order to make the differences acceptable or tolerable, the implication is that what is not pointed out as different is probably the same. This applies both at a general informational level and with respect to the particulars of language; ultimately the two are inseparable. If a word is introduced with no attention drawn to its contrasting meaningsfor example voiture or maison or universitéthen pupils will probably assume that the cultural connotations are the same as 'car', 'house' or 'university', where in fact they are not. Thus it is not surprising if some pupils in interviews had little to say about housing in French life and some had not noticed any differences for themselves on visits, although the problem is made more complex by their difficulties in articulating what they had noticed. The implicit message of equating the word voiture with 'car'which as cultural objects have different values and roles in France and England and the tendency for some teachers to stress the common ground to encourage tolerance of differences, are mutually supportive. Pupils are encouraged to look for a shared humanity and to assume that what is not explicitly different is 'the same, really'. Consider next the visit to the foreign country and its exploitation in the classroom, which remains problematic as long as it is not an integral and necessary part of the course. Otherwise not all pupils can or will participate and the consequences for classroom work create practical difficulties. Although there is potential in the use of non-participants to encourage those who did take part to talk about and structure their experiential knowledge in retrospect, this is not satisfactory. The lack of integration of the visit is not just a question of the financial problem, which seems to be the immediate explanation, but rather a consequence of historical and contemporary conceptualisation of foreign language learning as a school subject. As long as 'culture' was equated with written artefacts, usually literature, the culture could be transported into the classroom. Hence the visit was not absolutely necessary. In more recent times, language learningand much else in educationis seen as 'preparation' for later life and organised on the basis of an analysis of anticipated future needs. The visit will be in the future and any visits in the present are a bonus rather than a requirement. Thirdly, learning language and culture is seen essentially as cognitive rather than affective and the power of experiential learning is thereby undermined and ignored. The experience of a visit is not fully valued. In short language learning is seen as classroom-based and the function of the visit is merely to reinforce what has been learnt in the classroom and hence give learners an appetite for more classroom learning. Such is the common, implicit perception of the subject.

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We take a different view. It is nowadays readily recognised that a culture is far more complex than the written texts which could previously be imported. It is widely accepted that culture cannot be taught in all its complexity in the classroom. It is less widely accepted that language is equally complex and impossible to teach in the classroom, because 'language' is often equated with the finite body of grammar which can indeed be taught in class. Language is far more complex than that, and once the relationship between language and culturebetween the teaching of the vocabulary items voiture, maison, and université and their cultural meaningsis accepted, the need for experiential learning taking place in the foreign country becomes much more evident. The full import of voiture, maison and université have to be experienced in context, reflected on in retrospect and become part of the learner's conceptualisation of the French cultural world. This is not to say that the only way to learn a foreign language and culture is to live in the country and that there is nothing valuable to be done in the classroom. There are millions of immigrants in many countries who are living counter-arguments to that position in that they have not acquired language or culture to any satisfactory degree. Nor do we suggest that the problem of complexity of language and culture and the issue of selection from the whole phenomenon are overcome by sending learners to the foreign country. We are suggesting simply that a visit to the 'country must be a focal point in the language teaching course. It must be prepared for, it must be analysed and exploited afterwards. It provides experiential and affective learning which complement the cognitive emphasis more appropriate to the classroom, where the affective has to play a supporting role. What kind of preparation and exploitation are required at the intersection between classroom teaching and the visit? Preparation clearly involves language-focused teaching with a greater awareness of the implicit as well as explicit connections with culture. Exploitation afterwards would also involve raising to consciousness some of the implicit connotations of language which can be observed during a visit. Preparation includes training in observation and some of the ethnographic techniques mentioned in Chapter 8. It also involves developing the ethnographic attitude in general, i.e. the suspension of the native culture norms and expectations in order to grasp the foreign culture on its own terms. Exploitation includes reflection on the experiential learning of the visit, on the nature of the experience 'in the field', on the sense of culture shock and how it is managed in order to expand the learner's experience, rather over throwing him/her into retreat back into the native culture and rejection of the foreign culture. The affective dimension of the experience needs to be

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accepted and made the focus of teaching just as much as the cognitive with which language teachers are more familiar. Clearly the nature of preparation and exploitation will depend on the type of visit made. A relatively short visit of the kind described in Chapter 8 differs from an exchange where pupils live more completely in the foreign culture and probably need more help with the affective dimension of the experience. Similarly younger pupils do not have the linguistic abilities to work as independent ethnographers in the way possible for university students spending a full year in the foreign environment. The details and techniques of such teaching are best developed in practice, by the kind of experiment outlined in Chapter 8, rather than by speculation. We do not intend in this book to propose teaching methods but we are concerned that any methodology should be based on clearly articulated principles and aims, on the view of language teaching described in Chapter 1 as 'language for intercultural understanding', and it is to the question of principles and aims that we return in the final section. The Socio-Political Significance of Cultural Studies We argued in Chapter 1 that language teaching should have as one of its major aims the development of 'intercultural understanding', which includes but goes further than communicative competence. We are not simply extending 'communicative' to 'cultural' and have avoided the term 'competence'. We are not simply suggesting that language teaching has to help learners to acquire the ability to grasp the full cultural implications and connotations of the language they are using. We are not merely advocating an extension of the range of 'skills' learners should acquire. For we wish to suggest that something more than mere 'skills' is required, even though what is required will no doubt also result in an extension of or change in learners' behaviour too. The introduction of the terminology of behavioural objectives, skills, analysis of needs and competence has been without doubt beneficial in language teaching. Combined with a corresponding analysis of language in terms of behaviour or actions it embodies as well as describes, and in terms of carefully determined means of fulfilling learners' most frequently needed behaviour, the clarity offered by specification of learning objectives in terms of skills has been a liberation. It has liberated learners and teachers from the obligation to cope with the vast complexity of a language and culture from the earliest stages. It has simplified the task of learning by clarifying priorities, and offered both teacher and learner objectives which

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can be more easily described and hence assessed, at least in the early stages, in terms of behaviour. None the less, despite the enthusiasm brought into learning and teaching by the emphasis on behavioural objectives and skills, there are a number of problems, which make us advocate 'intercultural understanding' rather than 'cultural competence'. First, there is a pragmatic problem of defining objectives, particularly after the earliest stages of learning. Although assessment should ideally consist of judging learners' performance against pre-defined criteria, it needs to be against very specific criteria if it is going to be of any pragmatic significance. The more specific the criteria, the less agreement can be established among those who need to use them for assessment purposes. The more advanced the learners, the more intractable the problem. And this applies to both language-focused criteria and those which describe culture-specific behaviour. Let us suppose, however, that this pragmatic problem were overcome. The criteria then become a norm of linguistic and cultural behaviour to which all learners must strive to conform. The norm is that of the natives of the language and culture in question. Clearly this is reasonable: there must be shared norms of behaviour, shared references of language to the world it describes and embodies, if mutual understanding is to take place. Such norms and references are shared by the natives of the language and culture too, for otherwise they would not be able to understand each other. There is however a significant difference between natives and learners. The norms of behaviour and the shared references of the natives are an expression of shared values and meanings of the culture. Learners assessed in terms of behavioural skills are required to conform to the surface norms of the foreign culture without necessarily understanding the underlying values and meanings. It is of course possible for them to be taught in one way and assessed in another. It is possible for them to be taught some understanding of values and meanings and assessed only in terms of the superficial realisations of them, the behavioural skills which manifest them. Indeed we have seen in earlier chapters how teachers attempt to do this, but we have also seen that without a thoroughly worked out methodology t and without appropriate changes in assessmentthe attempt remains unsatisfactory. It remains largely an approach which encourages tolerance rather than true understanding, which aims to envelope the 'abnormal' skill norms with a willingness on the part of the learner to modify his/her linguistic and cultural behaviour. The terminology of skills and competence is thus an encouragement to accept and conform to existing norms and even where teachers attempt to

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go beyond behavioural objectives, the consequence is at best acceptance of the 'abnormal'. The hidden message of language teaching is thus con-formism and acceptance in order to develop the required skills, and the power of this emphasis on skills is essentially conservative. Learners are required to acquire communicative and, to some extent, a wider cultural competence but they are not encouraged to be critical. Indeed they are encouraged not to be critical, to be tolerant, since they are all too willing to be critical of behavioural phenomena from their ethnocentric viewpoint. It is this lack of a critical standpoint which makes the teaching of 'language for touring' essentially traditionalist and politically conservative. The aims of teaching language for intercultural understanding are different, because the principles which must underpin any methodology involve a critical approach. The main difference, we have argued, is that pupils should be encouraged to suspend their native-culture framework of concepts in order to see the foreign culture from within its own framework. This does not involve abandoning the native culture and social identity but rather establishing the precondition for reflecting on that native culture as well as on the foreign culture. For the perspective on the native culture available from the standpoint of the foreigner is paralleled by the already existing and accepted-as-normal native perspective on the foreign culture. The temporary suspension of the native norms leads to the relativisation of both foreign and native culturesand the consequent opportunity for meaningful comparison, rather than ethnocentric comparison. The technique of relativisation is not new. Many teachers, including those described in this book, attempt to make pupils consider their own cultural norms from the viewpoint of the foreigner. This technique is however most often used to influence attitudes towards foreign norms rather than to create an understanding of the foreign framework of ideas, much less to encourage learners to reflect on and criticise their own framework. When the technique is developed into a methodology based on these principles of a critical perspective and when the critical perspective is turned not just on the phenomena of everyday life but also on the social power structures within which everyday life is confined, then the political significance becomes clear. This is the force of our emphasis on intercultural understanding. We are advocating not simply a critical understanding of the foreign cultureby comparing and contrasting its own view of itself with that of an outsiderwe are also suggesting that such a critical understanding can be and perhaps ought to be turned on the native culture. 'Ought to be' both in order to deepen the view of the other culture and because foreign language teaching can thereby contribute to learners'

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understanding of themselves and their own culture; a contribution which is part of the justification for foreign language teaching in schools irrespective of its instrumental purposes. Our argument has apparently taken us a long way from the empirical investigation of the early years of French in two comprehensive schools. The link is none the less still strong. The purposes of the empirical research were to describe existing practices and their effects, and to recommend how they might be 'improved'. Any recommendation for development based on research cannot, however, come directly from the research findings. The recommendations inevitably have an underlying philosophy and we have been concerned throughout to be as open and explicit as possible about the philosophy we present. We hope that the research findings will lead to curriculum development. It is possible to use our findings, outlined here and reported in more detail in the companion volume, from a different philosophical viewpoint, from a different conception of the nature and purposes of foreign language teaching in schools. We would welcome that too, for there is no worse fate for research findings than that they be simply ignored, and there is no better fate for teaching than that those who teach should develop their own critical understanding of their work and the work of the researcher. Further Reading (a) Chapter 7 of the companion volume takes up the issue of the place of culture teaching within foreign languages and relates the findings of our research to issues of curriculum development. (b) BYRAM, M. 1989, Cultural Studies in Foreign Language Education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. (A full discussion of the balance between culture teaching, language awareness and language skills teaching, in Chapters 1 and 8.) BUTFJES, D. and BYRAM, M. in press, Mediating Language and Culture. (A wide-ranging collection of articles dealing with cultural studies in several countries, reporting on empirical research and discussing current and potential developments in materials, teacher and training and multicultural education.) ROBINSON, G. L. N. 1985, Crosscultural Understanding. Oxford: Pergamon. (An overview of various approaches to teaching culture.)

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Appendix 1 Extract from the Questionnaire for Pupils

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Appendix 2 Example from the Attitude Test The Ethnocentricity Measure The ethnocentricity measure consisted of eight booklets and one practice booklet. The booklets are identical except for the concept in question: Practice booklet: 'James Bond' Booklet 1 : 'myself' 2 : 'my friends' 3 : 'people who live near me' 4 : 'people who live in Newcastle' 5 : 'English people' 6 : 'French people' 7 : 'Germans' 8 : 'Americans' Each booklet contains twelve polarities with a seven part continuum on which pupils were asked to mark their response to the concept in question. One page from one booklet is illustrated here. How to Use this Booklet This booklet is like the one you practised with. First you are given the name of something (like James Bond). Then, on each page there is a pair of words, one at each end of a line. There are spaces on the line in which you can put a cross to show how closely one of the words describes how you feel about the thing named. Is it very, fairly, just a bit or neither one nor the other? For example, if you thought James Bond was just a bit bad you might put your cross like this:

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There are no right or wrong answers, so don't worry. We are interested in what you think, not anyone else. Remember some of the words won't seem to fit, but think of the feeling the word gives you. We will work through the booklet as quickly as possible. Don't look back at your earlier answers.

Appendix 3 Extract from the Interview Schedule Interview Schedule I Introductory Section As you know from filling in the questionnaires for us, we are just interested in your views and opinions about other countries and languages. There are no right or wrong answerswe really want to know what you think. Like your answers to the questionnaire everything you say will be confidential, privatewe will be the only ones to listen to what you say. We are tape-recording the interviews as it takes too long to write anything down. If at the end of the interview you want to change anything that you have said, we can do that. First I wanted to ask you(can you remind me?) have you ever been abroad? Which countries? How often? Is there any country/any other country which you would like to visit if you had plenty of money? Which and why? Have you ever imagined living abroad? If you imagine living abroad as an English person, where would you most like it to be? Least like it to be? If you weren't English which nationality would you most like to be?

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Which nationality would you least like to be? Would you really like to be another nationality? (If France not mentioned) What would you think of being French? Would you be as happy to be French as English, or not? II Core Questions Family and Daily Life If you were asked by somebody what is the same, what is different, what would you say? (Interviewer plays role of potential visitor, e.g. after initial open response) I'm going to stay with a French family, what will it be like? (similarities and differencesI don't want to interrupt their daily life and daily routine, what will that be like? (similarities, differences) The family live in Paris, what kind of house or flat will they have? There are two children (one 12 years old, one 17) what will their school day be like? Are there any other things about family lifedo the children have a different kind of family life to yours/ours? Have you ever lived/would you like to live for a few weeks in a French family? Food Can we talk about something else now? I believe you learn quite a lot about food in France. Can you describe a typical French meal, say dinner. What would they start with, what next ... What would they drink? Is this the kind of meal people have every day? (If Yes) What about a meal for a special occasion, e.g. a birthday? What about special meals at Christmas or New Year? (If No) When would they eat the kind of meal you have described? Can you now describe an ordinary meal? What do people have for breakfast? What time do people have breakfast? the meal in the middle of the day? the evening meal? Do you think French people think the same or differently about food to English people?

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Do you know that French food is supposed to be among the best in the world, that posh English restaurants usually serve French food? (Yes)Why do you think this is so? Do you know what the French think about English food? Do you think French people like food from other countries?

Appendix 4 Extract from an Annotated Transcript with Keywords (K 132/5) 132; C; M; X; 2; 24 (I 132/5) So I would have to learn French obviously? Would you be able to tell me anything about what daily life is going to be like there when I arrive? I think it would be just like the English, like get up in the morning, have breakfast, go on through the day having all your different meals. Go to school, do this, that and the other. So the daily routine would be similar then would it? I think so. (K 132/6) 132; C; M; X; 2; 37; 82 (I 132/6) So that wouldn't be any great problem. What about the food that you mention. Food? I suppose that is different. You hear about frogs' legs and that but I suppose you can get hamburgers over there as well. Do they have frogs' legs? I should think they do. But you would also be able to get hamburgers? I should thinklike we can get French food over here so why can't they get English food over there? What kind of French food are you thinking of when you say French food over here? Things likewell you can get things like baguettescroissants. You can get quite a few things from France.

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(K 132/7) 132; C; M; X; 2; 37 (I 132/7) What then would be a typical French meal that I would expect to get? I haven't got the foggiest. Have you not done something about this kind of thing? Oh we've done bits about it but we only started last week and now that we are in a different class for this week we haven't really done much about it. So you wouldn't be able to give me much information about that? I wouldn't be able to give you much help. What have you done so far? In French? About French food. About French food? Well things like . . . can't think . . . Can't think of anything.

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Page 213 Contents of Companion Volume Preface

vii

Acknowledgements

ix

Introduction

xi xi

Purposes and Contexts xiv Empirical Researchand Development xv Composition of this Book 1 The Context of Research: Defining the Topic and Developing the Design

1 1

Introduction 2 'Culture' in Foreign Language Teaching: An Overview 7 Planning the Research Design 2 Pupils' Perceptions of Other Cultures

16 16

Operationalisation of 'Perceptions'. 19 Selection of Approaches to Interview Analysis 22 Perceptions of Life in France: Two Illustrations 83 Class Case Studies 3 Pupils' Attitudes Towards Foreign People

145 145

Introduction 145 Operationalisation of 'Attitudes' and Other Variables 150 Levels of Ethnocentricity: Selection of Dependent Variables 151 Relating Levels of Ethnocentricity to Independent Variables 162 Results 186 Discussion 189

Exploring Attitudes in Interviews 217 Discussion 4 Sources of and Influences on Pupils' Perceptions and AttitudesThe Pupils' Views 223 223 Introduction

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Page 214 223 Sources and Influences from Outside School 277 Sources and Influences Inside the School 5 The Effect of French TeachingObservations in the Classroom

295 295

Introduction 297 Data Collection 302 Data Analysis 304 Language Teaching in Two Secondary Schools 313 Analysis of the Textbook 325 The Case Studies 352 Teaching Styles 6 Models of Cultural Studies Teaching and Learning

365 365

Purpose and Status of the Models 367 The Framework Model 370 Four Models of Culture Teaching and Learning 373 A Critique of the Four Models 378 Drawing Conclusions 7 From 'Pure' Research to Curriculum Development

382 382

An 'Ideal Model' of Culture Teaching 388 Perspectives and Applications Appendices

391

References

401

Index

405

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Index Note: page references in italics indicate tables and figures A Academic approach 154-6, 157-8 Accent 84, 90 Acquisition, language 10, 11, 195 Action Graded French 172-81 Age: and attitudes 24-5, 26 and perceptions 28 Americans, attitudes to 23, 47, 57 Anxiety, pupil 68-9, 84-7 Appearance, physical, perceptions of 30-2, 39, 141 Artefacts, intellectual 1-2, 4, 5-7 Artefacts, French 62-3, 157, 162, 164, 169 Assessment 199 Assimilation 118 Attitudes: changes in 5, 18, 177 cultural 14 primary pupils 58-64 secondary pupils 47-58 effect of visits on 184-5 effects of language learning on 12-13, 18, 168, 175 to language learning, primary pupils 66-76, 82-3 secondary pupils 76-90, 116 to languages 66-7 measurement 20, 23, 24, 26-8 test 20, 21, 23, 24, 27, 206-7 see also siblings Author, viewpoint 180 Awareness: cultural 9-10, 11, 14, 148, 156 language 10, 11 B Background studies 3, 7, 12, 150-1, 156, 168 Behaviour, and culture 2-3, 5, 6, 198-9 Bias, pupil awareness 41-2 Britain, language and culture teaching 1 Buckby, Michael 172-81 C

Characters, in textbooks 179, 181, 182 Class, school: and attitudes 26, 28 group character 21, 40-4, 76, 124, 152-61 Class, socio-economic, and attitudes 24, 26 Classroom: decor 158, 163-4 management 167 Climate, perceptions of 33, 133-4, 141-2, 143-4 Cognitive analysis 7 Commitment, cultural 159, 162, 168 Communication, in language learning 70 Communicative approach 172-5, 181, 190 Comparitive approach 4, 6-7, 10, 186-96, 200 Competence: -communicative 198, 200 cultural 9, 198-200 intercultural 9-10, 181 and performance 172-5, 181 tourist 10 Content, lesson 76-9 Contextualisation of language 2-3, 43, 163, 168 Cultural studies: framework 194-8 research and teaching 12-14, 16-18, 194 role 42-3 socio-political significance 198-201 teaching, haracteristics 161-9 methods 150-60, see also methods, teaching Culture, native 169, 200

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Culture, and language 1-3, 7-8, 9-12, 17-18, 154-60, 163, 168-9, 175-8 emphases 161-2, 164-7 primary pupils' perceptions 70, 71, 83 secondary pupils' perceptions 78-80 Culture shock 197 Culture, teaching, and language teaching 1, 194-201 D Debriefing, need for 121, 148, 197 Defensiveness: primary pupils 60 secondary pupils 50, 87-8 Difference, cultural 51, 57, 59-60, 62-4, 123, 158, 196 Differentiation of perceptions 20, 108, 109, 128 Discussion, classroom 147 Diversity 57-8, 145 Dress, perceptions of 30, 32-5, 59, 111, 185 Durham research project 12-14 E Education: comprehensive 3-4 general, and foreign language 14 Employment, perceptions of 135 English: autostereotypes 53-4 as international language 17 Environment: and attitudes 26, 163 and culture 145 of textbook 179 Ethnocentricity: avoiding 9-10 and language learning 75, 76, 167, 200 levels 20, 21, 24-5, 26-7, 51, 87-8, 114, 119, 123-4, 128, 206 Ethnographic approach 6-8, 9-11, 13, 24 and pupil perceptions 40, 42, 147-8, 186-9, 192, 197-8 in research 152 and role of teacher 147-8, 169, 185-6, 189-90, 191-2 Examinations 154-5, 157, 159, 160, 167-8, 171, 172, 175, 191 Exchange visits, see visits, school Expectations: of culture 3 of language learning 13, 16-17, 90, 148, 167-8, 171 Experience 2-1, 3, 4-5, 10

and attitudes 35, 49, 54, 83, 98-104, 184-5 of culture 2, 45, 108, 109, 123-4, 127-8, 131-2, 142-3, 160, 169 previous, of language learning 76-9 teacher 40-1, 43, 150-1, 154-5, 157-9, 162, 164, 168-9, 185 Expression, facial, perceptions of 30, 31-2 F Family: exchange visits 188 and foreign relations 23, 24, 26, 30-1 perceptions of family life 28, 132-3, 208 Flexibility, of teacher 163, 164 Food, perceptions of 29, 30, 38-9, 40, 60, 62, 93-5, 145-6, 208-15 primary pupils 95-108, 146 secondary pupils 108-28, 146 French: as dominant foreign language 80-3 spoken 66-7, 84-8, 90 French Studies 3, 9, 12 Friendliness 49-50, 63-4, 106 G Gender: and attitudes 24-5, 26, 47 and language learning 75, 76-80 General Certificate of Secondary Education 154, 168 Generalisability 18-19, 20, 26, 44, 93 Generalisations: primary pupils 96, 99-100 secondary pupils 48-9, 57, 120, 185 Geography: lessons 40, 131, 136, 139 perceptions of 93, 129-45, 146 primary pupils 140-5 secondary pupils 129-4, 144 German language, attitudes to 67, 81-2 German Studies 3, 9, 12 Germans, attitudes to 23, 47, 51, 57

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Germany, language and culture teaching 1 Girls: and language learning 26, 75, 76 and positive attitude 26 H Hair style, perceptions of 30, 32 History: in ethnographic approach 189 lessons 40, 139 in textbooks 180 Housing, perceptions of 41-2, 134, 188, 196 I Identity: cultural 4, 200 ethnic 10 national 59, 177-8 professional 191 social 4, 177-9 Industry, pupils' perceptions of 135-6, 140, 143 Influences: external 24-5, 26, 35-40, 71-4, 181, see also parents; siblings; television school 25, 40-4, see also teacher, influence Information: and attitudes 59 background 3-4, 5-7, 44, 101 cultural 166, 167, 168, 169, 195 Input, linguistic 163 Insight into other cultures 20, 169, 189 Interview: advantages/disadvantages 94, 107-8 by pupil 186-8 key words 24-5, 213-14 pupil 21, 23, 24-5, 207-13 and attitudes 26-7, 47-64 and perceptions 28-35, 36-42 teacher 24, 25 Italian, attitudes to 82 K Knowledge: and attitudes 28, 128 cultural 154, 167, 168, 169 teaching 195

extent 29, 34-5, 93-5, 97, 101-4, 106, 108, 116, 127-40 of geography 129-40 L Landeskunde 1 Language: as barrier 55 choice in school 81-2 as learning medium 9-10, 11 native, and foreign culture 9-10 and foreign language 4 Language enjoyment approach 157-9, 163 Language learning: changes in 3, 17 nd culture learning 9-11, 12 ffects 16-17, 18, 40, 129, 168 experiential 196-7 motivation 61-2, 72, 74-5, 81-2 primary pupils' views 66-76, 82-3 secondary pupils' views 76-90 Language skills approach 159-61, 164 Language teaching: aims 4-5, 7, 16, 17, 42, 145, 168, 198-201 ethnographic approach 8-11 observations 24, 25 philosophy 93, 164, 197 Learner, as ethnographer 6-8, 9, 13, 147-8, 186-9, 192, 197-8 Literary criticism 1, 7, 8, 189 Literature: in language learning 1-2, 3-4, 5-6, 8, 169, 196 sociology of 191 M Meaning: and context 2, 3-4 cultural 1, 8, 9-10, 17, 178, 196, 197 Media 37, see also television Methods, teaching 151-2, 169, 190, 198-200 active 147 see also translation Migration, increased 3, 4-1 Mobility, increase in 3, 4-1 N Needs analysis 1, 2, 3, 7, 198 O

Observation: by pupils 8, 121, 148, 186-9 by teacher 169, 189-90, 192 instruments 23-4

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scope 18-20, 42 subjects 20-1, 22, 25 of teacher 150-69 P Parents: attitudes 23 experience of language learning 26, 73 experience of visits 37-9, 74, 99-101, 106, 142 Perceptions: changes in 18, 146-7 effect of visits on 184-5 of English 57-8 influences on 41, 62, 108, 129, 131-2 measurement 20, 23, 24-5, 28-35, 93 Performance, and competence 172-5 Politeness, pupils' perceptions of 27, 49, 195 Politics, and cultural studies 14, 200 Prejudice: discussion 58 secondary pupils 49, 54, 56, 89 teacher's view 155-6 Q Questionnaire 23, 75, 81, 202-5 R Reading, language for 5, 6, 7 Realism, in textbooks 43-4, 175-81, 182 Reasoning, instrumental 61-2 Relationships, teacher-pupil 151, 157, 194 Relativisation 200 Relevance 2-3, 2-4, 4 Religion, as neglected topic 29 Representation, intercultural 180 Research, cultural studies 12-14, 16-17 analysis 24-5 observation 20-4, 22, 194 scope and methods 18-20 significance 44-5 see also attitudes; influences; perceptions S Schools, perceptions of 30 Selection: of language corpus 1-3, 5-7, 11 of teaching topics 147-8, 158-9

Self, reflection on 4-5, 14, 17 Semantic differential test 24 Siblings: attitudes 71 experience of language learning 25, 26, 28, 69-73, 82 experience of visits 37, 64, 100, 104-5, 108, 142 Skills, language 10, 195, 198, 199-200 Socialisation, and culture 1, 9-10, 177, 181 Spanish, attitudes to 81-2 Stereotypes 30, 32-3, 53, 59-60, 105, 108 about food 95-6, 98, 101-4, 109, 123, 128, 180 durability 146, 147, 180-1 Strangers, fear of 60 Style, teaching 13, 40, 42, 44, 128, 151-2, 154-69, 171, 194 Survival approach 41, 130, 156-7, 159, 162, 163-7 T Taylor, A.J.P. 3 Teacher: as ethnographer 147-8, 169, 185-6, 189-90, 191-2 influence 52, 57, 109, 119, 150-1 role 5-6, 28, 147, 148 Teacher training 148, 164-6, 168-9, 185, 190-2 Television, as influence 28, 32-3, 35-7, 51, 104-5, 138, 141, 145 Text 2, 5-6, 8, 10-11, 189 Textbook: cultural content 43-4, 111, 114-16, 135-7, 154-5, 195 effects 21 evaluation 13, 24, 25, 171-82 illustrations 162, 179, 181 pupil evaluation 41-2 role 159-60, 163-4 topics 28, 29, 144, 145-7, 171, 173-5, 174, 176, 179-80 Thematic approach 79 Time, allocation 5, 152-4, 158, 161-2, 195 Tolerance 2, 20, 42, 58, 156, 168, 177, 199-200

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Topics, in ethnographic approach 186-90 Tourism: and methodology 3, 4, 5-6, 10, 17-18, 119-20, 160, 190 as reason for language learning 74, 81-2, 139-4, 200 and textbook content 43-4, 128, 146, 156-7, 172-5, 179-81, 195 Translation in language teaching 2, 4 Transport, as textbook topic 146 U Understanding, intercultural, language for 7, 17, 44, 145, 198-201, 200-1 Unemployment, effect on attitudes 56 Use of French 55-6, 85-9, 163-4 V Values: cultural 1-2, 3-4, 8, 17, 168-9, 178 universal 4, 5-6, 8 Visits: effects 184-5, 186-90, 195 family 23, 32, 37, 83-4, 87, 95-101, 115 French pupils in England 50 pupil 13, 23, 24, 25, 26, 38, 184 evaluation 49, 121, 148, 182, 196-8 preparation for 49, 182, 197-8 primary 33, 59, 62, 95-101, 108, 141 secondary 48-9, 83-9, 109-10, 115, 119-23, 128, 131-2, 139, 157, 160-1 teacher 43 W Work, perceptions of 135

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