Imperial Cult and Honorary Terms in the New Testament (Paradosis: Contributions to the History of Early Christian Literature and Theology 23)

PARADOSIS Contributions to the History of Early Christian Literature and Theology XXIII Sr. D O M I N I Q U E CU...

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PARADOSIS Contributions

to the History

of Early

Christian Literature

and

Theology

XXIII

Sr. D O M I N I Q U E

CUSS, F.C.J.

IMPERIAL CULT AND HONORARY TERMS IN T H E NEW T E S T A M E N T

T H E UNIVERSITY PRESS FRIBOURG SWITZERLAND 1974

Publication subsidized by the Fribourg University Council Fribourg Switzerland © 1974 by the Fribourg University Press, Fribourg Switzerland Imprimerie St. Paul, Fribourg

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish t o express m y appreciation f o r t h e interest a n d h e l p o f M m e L i l l y K a h i l , P r o f e s s o r o f A n c i e n t H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f F r i b o u r g / Switzerland, d u r i n g m y

years o f study u n d e r

her

guidance. M y t h a n k s are also due t o R e v e r e n d P e r e C. S p i c q , O . P . f o r his helpful c r i t i c i s m a n d s u g g e s t i o n s . I t h a n k M r . P . D e v a m b e z , Conservateur-en-Chef du D 6 p a r t e m e n t des A n t i q u i t 6 s g r e c q u e s e t romaines au M u s e e du L o u v r e , D r . R . H i g g i n s a n d t h e m e m b e r s o f the D e p a r t m e n t

o f G r e e k a n d R o m a n A n t i q u i t i e s at t h e B r i t i s h

Museum, and Professor T . Zawadzki, o f F r i b o u r g University. I a m grateful t o all t h o s e w h o e n c o u r a g e d a n d h e l p e d m e , especially d u r i n g t h e m o n t h s o f r e s e a r c h at t h e B r i t i s h M u s e u m , a n d t o P . a n d K . G i l l and J . T . M c G r a t h , M . S. F . S. f o r r e a d i n g a n d c o r r e c t i n g m y work. T h e p h o t o s o f t h e c o i n s a n d t h e « A p o t h e o s i s D i p t y c h » are r e p r o duced w i t h t h e permission o f t h e T r u s t e e s o f t h e B r i t i s h M u s e u m .

5

PLAN

Acknowledgments

5

Bibliography

9

Abbreviations

17

Introduction

19

I . The Sources of the Imperial Cult and Its Early Development a) Divine Honours in the Hellenistic East b) Divine Honours in the Roman Republic c) Divine Honours in the Early Empire

23 24 27 30

II. New Testament Implications towards the Roman Empire and the Emperor. a) The Attitude of Christ towards the Roman Empire b) The Attitude of St. Paul towards the Emperor c) The Attitude of Pilate and the Significance of the Expression 'Friend of Caesar' III. References to the Imperial Cult in the Apocalypse 1. The 'Blasphemous Titles' of the First Beast a) The Title 'Ktipios' in Imperial and Christian Usage b) ' S C O T T J P ' - Its Hellenistic and Christian Meaning c) The Title of 'Divi Filius' 2. Acclamations - a Possible Interpretation of the Term 'Blasphemous Titles' as Used in the Apocalypse 3 . The Legend of'Nero Redivivus* c

36 36 39 44 50 50 53 63

71 74 88

9

IV. The Significance of the Second Beast of the Apocalypse and Its Implications in Imperial Worship a) The Priesthoods b) The Significance of the Term 'Image of the Beast' and the Importance of Statues in Imperial Cult Worship

96 96 104 7

V. Two Cult-Expressions Paralleled in Imperial and Christian Usage 1. The Notion of 'Ascension* as an Expression of Glorification 2. The Profane and Religious Implications of the Term 'ETtupdcveia' VI. Persecution in Relation to the Imperial Cult

113 113 134 145

a) Direct Persecution and Its Causes

146

b) Indirect Persecution

154

Conclusion

159

Scriptural Index

162

Indices Modern Scholars

163 166

8

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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L E W I S , M. W., The Official Priests of Rome under the fulio-Claudians. MAAR Papers and Monographs X V I (1955). H U L S E N , C , The Burning of Rome under Nero. A J A XIII (1909) 45-48. I D R I S - B E L L , H., Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Liverpool, 1954. I M M I S C H , O., Zum antiken Herrscherkult: (Aus Roms Zeitwende): Das Erbe der Alten. 2. Reihe, 20, Leipzig, 1931, pp. 1-36. J A C Q U I E R , E . , Les Actes des Apotres. Paris, 1926. J E A N M A I R E , H., Le messianisme de Virgile. Paris, 1930. K A M P E R S , F . , Die Gehurtsurkunde der abendlandischen Kaiseridee. H J X X X V I (1915) 233-270. K E N N E D Y , H. A. A., Apostolic Preaching and Emperor Worship. The Expositor. April (1909) 289-307. St. Paul and the Mystery-Religions. London, 1913. K I D D L E , M., The Revelation of St.fohn. London, 1940. K I T T E L , G., Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (Theologisches Wo'rterbuch %um Neuen Testament, trans. G. W. Bromiley). Michigan, 1967. K L A U S E R , T., Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum. Stuttgart, 1950 ff. K O E H L E R , L . , Christus im Alten und im Neuen Testament. ThZ I X (1953) 241-259. K O R N E M A N N , E . , Zur Geschichte der antiken Kaiserkulte. Klio I (1901) 51-146. K R A U S , Th., Das romische Weltreich. Berlin, 1967. L A S T , H., The Study of the Persecutions. JRS X X V I I (1937) 80-92. L A T T I M O R E , R., Portents and Prophecies in Connection with the Emperor Vespasian. CLJ X X I X (1934) 441-449. L E P P E R , F . A., Some Reflections on the Quinquennium Neronis. JRS X L V I I (1957) 95-103. L I N S S E N , H., Theos Soter. Diss. Bonn, 1929. J L W VIII (1928) 1-75. L O E S C H , S., Deltas fesu und antike Apotheose. Rottenburg. 1933. L O E W E , H., Render unto Caesar. Cambridge, 1940. L O H S E , E . , Die Offenbarung des fohannes. Gottingen, 1960. M A R S H , F . B., The Reign of Tiberius. London, 1931. M A R A N O N , G., Tiberius. London, 1956. M A G I E , D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century after Christ. 2 vols. Princeton, 1950. M A C M U L L E N , R., Enemies of the Roman Order. Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1967. M A T T I N G L Y , H., Christianity in the Roman Empire. Otago, 1955. M I L L A R , F . G. B . , A Study of Cassius Dio. Oxford, 1964. M O H R M A N N , C , Epiphania. RSPhT X X X V I I (1953) 644-670. M O R E A U , J . , La persecution du christianisme dans Vempire romain. Paris, 1956. M O R R I S O N , C D . , The Powers that Be. London, 1960. M O U L E , C. F . D., The Birth of the New Testament. New York, 1963. M O U L T O N , J . H. & M I L L I G A N , G., The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament. London, 1930. N I L S S O N , M. P., The Dionysiac Mysteries of the Hellenistic and Roman Age. Lund, 1957. N O C K , A.D., Notes on the Ruler-Cult. JHS XLVIII (1928) 21-43. H O F F M A N

14

B. M., The Parousia and New Testament Theology. Irish Theological Quar terly X X X V I (1969) 283-314. N O R D S T R O E M , C. O., Ravennastudien. Figura 4. Stockholm, 1953. O W E N , E . C. E . , Some Authentic Acts of the Early Martyrs. Oxford, 1927, London, 1933. P E R L E R , O., Die Mosaiken der fullergruft im Vatikan. Freiburg i. Ue. 1953. Die Darstellung der Eucharistie auf dem Theodor-Mosaik in Aquileia. Rivista di Archeologia Christiana. (Roma) X L I I I (1967) 233-249. P E T E R S O N , E . , EI? @s6<;. Gottingen, 1926. - - Gottliche Monarchie. ThQ CXII (1931) 537-564. Zeuge der Wahrheit. Leipzig, 1937. P I P P I D I , D. M., Le 'Numen Augusti . R E L I X (1931) 83-111. - - La date de VAra Numinis Augusti de Rome. R E L X I (1933) 453-456. P L E K E T , H. W., An Aspect of the Emperor Cult: Imperial Mysteries. HThR LVIII (1965) 331-347. P R E S T O N , R. H. & H A N S O N , A. T., The Revelation of St. fohn the Divine. London, 1949. P R U M M , K., Herrscherkult und Neues Testament. Biblica, I X (1928) 3-25; 129-142; 289-301. Religionsgeschichtliches Handbuch fiir den Raum der altchristlichen Umwelt. Rome, 1954. R E I D , J . S., Roman Ideas of Deity. JRS VI (1916) 171-184. R I E W A L D , P., De Imperatorum Romanorum cum certis dis et comparatione et aequatione. Diss. Phil. Hal. 20. 3 (1912) 265-344. R I G A U X , B., L'antechrist et Vopposition messianique dans VAncien et le Nouveau Testa ment. Paris, 1932. R I S S I , M., Zeit und Geschichte in der Offenbarung des fohannes. Basel, 1952. R O E S , A., L aigle psychopompe dePepoque imperiale. Melanges Charles Picard II1949. 881-891. - - Uaigle du culte solaire syrien. RA X X X V I (1950) 129-146. R O H D E , E . , Gottesglaube und Kyriosglaube bei Paulus. ZNTW (1933) 43-57 R O S E , H. J . , Roman Religion. JRS L (1960) 161-172. R O S T O V T Z E F F , M., Uempereur Tibere et le culte imperial. RH CLXIII (1930) 1-26. R O U F F I A C , J . , Recherches sur les caracteres dugrec dans le Nouveau Testament d'apres les inscriptions de Priene. Paris, 1911. S A B O U R I N , L . , Les noms et les titres de fesus. Paris, 1963. S A N D E R S , J . N., Christianity and Paganism - Some Reflections on the History of the Roman Empire. Cam. J . I (1948) 292-304. S A T T L E R , P., Augustus und der Senat. Gottingen, 1960. S A U T E R , F., Der romische Kaiserkult bei Martial und Statius. Stuttgart / Berlin, 1934. S C H N A B E L , P., Zur Frage der Selbstvergoiterung Alexanders. Klio X X (1926) 398-414. S C H O N F I E L D , H. J . , Saints against Caesar. London, 1948. S C O T T , K., Identification of Augustus with Romulus. TAPhA LVI (1925) 82-105. - - Plutarch and the Ruler Cult. TAPhA L X (1929) 117-135. - - Emperor Worship in Ovid. TAPhA L X I (1930) 43-69. NOLAN,

9

9

15

SCOTT,

K.,

The Significance of Statues in Precious Metals in Emperor Worship.

TAPhA L X I I ( 1 9 3 1 ) 1 0 1 - 1 2 3 .

- - Humor at the Expense of the Ruler Cult. CLPh X X V I I ( 1 9 3 2 ) 3 1 7 - 3 2 8 . - - The Elder and Younger Pliny on Emperor Worship. TAPhA LXIII ( 1 9 3 2 )

156-

165.

The Imperial Cult under the Flavians. Stuttgart, 1 9 3 6 . E . G., The Persecutions in I Peter. SNTS Bulletin I ( 1 9 5 0 ) 4 7 ff. S P I C Q , C , Agape dans le Nouveau Testament. 3 vols. Paris, 1 9 5 9 . Les Epitres Pastorales. Paris, 1 9 6 9 . S T A R R , C. G., Civilisation and the Caesars. New York, 1 9 5 4 . S T A U F F E R , E . , Christ and the Caesars. London, 1 9 5 5 . T A E G E R , F . , Charisma. Studien %ur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkults. II Stuttgart, SELWYN,

4

1960.

L . R., Livy and the Name Augustus. CR X X X I I ( 1 9 1 8 ) 1 5 8 - 1 6 1 . - - The Worship of Augustus in Italy during his Lifetime. TAPhA L I ( 1 9 2 0 ) 1 1 6 - 1 3 6 . - - The 'Proskynesis and the Hellenistic Ruler Cult. JHS XLVII ( 1 9 2 7 ) 5 3 - 6 2 . - - Tiberius Refusals of Divine Honours. TAPhA L X ( 1 9 2 9 ) 8 7 - 1 0 1 . The Divinity of the Roman Emperor. Middletown, Conn. 1 9 3 1 . T A Y L O R , V., The Names of fesus. London, 1 9 5 3 . T H I E M E , G., Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maander und das Neue Testament. Gottingen, 1 9 0 6 . T O N D R I A U , J . , Le point culminant du culte des souverains. L E C X V ( 1 9 4 7 ) 1 0 0 - 1 1 3 . - - Romains de la republique assimiles a des divinites. SO X X X V I I ( 1 9 4 9 ) 1 2 8 - 1 4 0 . T O U I L L E U X , P., L'Apocalypse et les cubes de Domitien et de CybHe. Paris, 1 9 3 5 . T R E N C H , R. C , Synonyms of the New Testament. London, 1 8 7 1 . W A G N E R , W., Ober ' 2 Q Z E I N ' und seine Derivata im Neuen Testament. ZNTW TAYLOR,

9

9

VI ( 1 9 0 5 ) 2 0 5 - 2 3 5 .

M., The Associations of Augustus with fupiter. SMSR I X ( 1 9 3 3 ) 2 1 3 - 2 1 8 . P., 'SOTHP'. ZNTW V ( 1 9 0 4 ) 3 3 5 - 3 5 3 . W E T T E R , G. P., Der Sohn Gottes. Gottingen, 1 9 1 6 . W H I T E , A. N. S H E R W I N , Racial Prejudice in Imperial Rome. Cambridge, 1 9 6 7 . Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Oxford, 1 9 6 3 . W I L A M O W I T Z - M O E L L E N D O R F F , U . V O N & Z U C K E R , F . , Zwei Edikte des Germanicus aufeinem Papyrus des Berliner Museums. SbB X X X I I I ( 1 9 1 1 ) 7 9 4 - 8 2 1 . W I N D I S C H , H., Das Neue Testament im Lichte der neu gefundenen Inschriften, Papyri und Ostraka. NJbb ( 1 9 1 0 ) 2 0 1 - 2 2 2 . W I S S O W A , G., Religion und Kultus der Romer. Munich, 1 9 1 2 . Z E I L L E R , J . , L Empire romain et VEglise. Paris, 1 9 2 8 . W A R D ,

W E N D L A N D ,

2

f

16

ABBREVIATIONS

ABSA AHR AJA AJPh APF ARW BJ BMC CAH Cam. J CIL CLJ CLPh CLR ET HE HJ HThR JBM Jdl JLW JHS JRS LCL LEC MAAR MEFR NJbb OGIS Ox. Pap. PBA PL

2

Annual of the British School in Athens (London). American Historical Review (New York). American Journal of Archaeology (Princeton). American Journal of Philology (Baltimore). Archiv fur Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete (Leipzig). Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft (Freiburg i. Br., Tubingen). Bonner Jahrbucher des Rhein. Landesmuseums in Bonn und des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande. H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum. Cambridge Ancient History. Cambridge, 1923-39. Cambridge Journal. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Leipzig/Berlin, 1862 ff. Classical Journal (Ohio). Classical Philology (Chicago). Classical Review (Oxford). Expository Times. Eusebius, Church History. Historisches Jahrbuch (Koln). Harvard Theological Review (Cambridge, Mass.). Jahrbuch des Bernischen Historischen Museums (Bern). Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts (Berlin). Jahrbuch fur Liturgiewissenschaft (Munster). Journal of Hellenic Studies (London). Journal of Roman Studies (London). Loeb Classical Library. London & Cambridge / Mass. Les Etudes Classiques (Namur). Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Melanges d'Archeologie et d'Histoire de l'Ecole Francaise de Rome (Paris). Neue Jahrbucher fur antike und deutsche Bildung (Leipzig). Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, ed. W. Dittenberger. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1903-05. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. B . Grenfell & A. Hunt, 1898 ff. The Proceedings of the British Academy (Oxford). J . Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Latina (Paris, 1845 ff.). 17

RA RBI RE REG REL RH RHPR RHR RM RPh RSPhT SbB SMSR SNTS SO Syll. TAPhA ThDNT ThQ ThWNT ThZ TTZ WJA YCLSt ZNTW ZRG

18

Revue archeologique (Paris). Revue Biblique (Paris). Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart). Revue des Etudes grecques (Paris). Revue des Etudes Latines (Paris). Revue Historique (Paris). Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophic religieuse (Paris). Revue d'Histoire des Religions (Paris). Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts. Romische Abteilung (Rome). Revue de Philologie, de Litterature et d'Histoire ancienne (Paris). Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Theologiques (Paris). Sitzungsberichte der preuCischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin). Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni (Rome). Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas. Symbolae Osloenses (Oslo). Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. W. Dittenberger, vol. I-IV, Leipzig, ed. 3, 1915-1924. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Asso ciation (Cleveland, Ohio). Kittel, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Michigan, 1965. Theologische Quartalschrift (Tubingen). Kittel, Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament. Stuttgart, 1933 ff. Theologische Zeitschrift (Basel). Trierer theologische Zeitschrift. Wiirzburger Jahrbucher fur die Altertumswissenschaft (Wiirzburg). Yale Classical Studies (New Haven, Conn.). Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alteren Kirche (Berlin). Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung (Weimar).

INTRODUCTION

I n this w o r k , I h a v e confined m y s e l f t o certain aspects o f imperial cult-worship w h i c h are m e n t i o n e d o r i m p l i e d i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t . Necessarily this does n o t g i v e an overall v i e w o f t h e i m p e r i a l c u l t in the first century, b u t , since s u c h a study presupposes a k n o w l e d g e o f t h e general situation i n this sphere, t h e s o u r c e s a n d early d e v e l o p m e n t o f the cult will b e discussed briefly in t h e first p a r t o f this w o r k . T h e mass o f material - particularly inscriptions a n d papyrus texts is s o vast that c o m p l e t e lists h a v e n o t b e e n i n c l u d e d ,

although

reference t o w h e r e t h e y m a y b e f o u n d has b e e n m a d e i n t h e f o o t n o t e s . I n t h e w a y o f general b a c k g r o u n d a n d i n t r o d u c t i o n t o this w o r k , a b r i e f survey o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f imperial h o n o u r s i n t h e H e l l e n istic E a s t has b e e n included, a n d I a m particularly i n d e b t e d t o M i s s L . R . T a y l o r ' s b o o k , The Divinity

of the Roman Emperor,

i n this

section w h i c h is n o m o r e t h a n a r e v i e w o f t h e situation a n d a study o f s o m e o f the sources o f t h e imperial cult. T h e w r i t i n g s o f L . Cerfaux and J . T o n d r i a u , in particular, their j o i n t b o o k Le Culte des Souverains, g i v e general outlines o f m a n y o f t h e p o i n t s w h i c h h a v e b e e n c o n s i d ered in this w o r k . I t is perhaps t o o facile t o see Christian aspects o f cult as the direct descendants o f Hellenistic w o r s h i p , b u t at t h e s a m e t i m e , o n e has often t o a d m i t t h e possibility o f H e l l e n i s t i c influences, e v e n i f indirectly a n d i n a n e g a t i v e way. I n exegetical w o r k s , especially t h o s e dealing w i t h t h e A p o c a l y p s e , reference is m a d e t o v a r i o u s aspects o f c u l t - w o r s h i p a n d t e r m s are used in the N e w T e s t a m e n t w h i c h i m p l y a k n o w l e d g e o r an influence o f imperial cult-practices. I n this w o r k , I h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o study i n m o r e detail s o m e o f these references, a n d t o add t o t h e interpretations w h i c h h a v e already b e e n s u g g e s t e d b y t h e v a r i o u s N e w T e s t a m e n t c o m m e n t a t o r s , besides g i v i n g t h e h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t a n d t h e p a g a n usage o f cult-terms a n d e x p r e s s i o n s . I n particular, E . B . A l l o ' s w o r k , L'Apocalypse,

has c o n s t a n t l y b e e n c o n s u l t e d , as it is still o n e o f t h e 19

fundamental

works o f criticism o f the Apocalypse. T h e

twelfth,

t h i r t e e n t h a n d s e v e n t e e n t h chapters h a v e r e c e i v e d t h e m o s t c o n s i deration, f o r t h e v e i l e d references t o t h e activities o f the t w o beasts are i n t e r p r e t e d as aspects o f cult w o r s h i p . I n dealing w i t h t h e s e t w o ' b e a s t s ' o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , t h e r e is m u c h t h a t I h a v e deliberately a v o i d e d r e p e a t i n g ; f o r e x a m p l e , t h e question o f t h e ' n u m b e r o f t h e b e a s t ' a n d t h e identification o f ' t h e seven heads'. F o r t h e s e p o i n t s , n o a t t e m p t has b e e n m a d e t o re-assess the p r o b l e m s i n v o l v e d , since this w o u l d h a v e b e e n outside t h e s c o p e o f this w o r k . T h e c h a p t e r c o n c e r n i n g t h e ' b l a s p h e m o u s titles' o f t h e first beast deals w i t h t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s b e h i n d t h e m o s t o b v i o u s titles c o m m o n b o t h t o Christ a n d t h e e m p e r o r , a n d i n addition, I h a v e suggested t h a t t h e i n c r e a s i n g use o f a c c l a m a t i o n s , especially t h o s e savouring o f t h e d i v i n e , c o u l d h a v e scandalized t h e Christians o f t h e first century a n d t h u s o c c a s i o n e d t h e r e m a r k s m a d e in t h e A p o c a l y p s e . T h e s y m b o l o f t h e b e a s t as d e s c r i b e d i n t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c h a p t e r o f the A p o c a l y p s e has g i v e n rise t o speculation as t o w h e t h e r J o h n ' s w o r d s c o u l d h a v e b e e n influenced b y t h e l e g e n d o f N e r o R e d i v i v u s . A section has b e e n d e v o t e d m a i n l y t o t h e a c c o u n t s o f this l e g e n d as f o u n d i n the early t e x t s , a n d t h e reasons w h y s u c h legends c o u l d h a v e e v o l v e d a b o u t this particular e m p e r o r . T h e m o s t likely interpretation o f t h e m y s t e r i o u s ' s e c o n d b e a s t ' is that it was t h e s y m b o l o f t h o s e m e n w h o furthered in any w a y t h e imperial cult, a n d this w o u l d refer particularly t o t h e imperial priest h o o d a n d t h e p a g a n p r i e s t h o o d s insofar as t h e y w e r e t o o l s for imperial propaganda

a n d c u l t - w o r s h i p . T h e m e n t i o n o f t h e ' i m a g e o f the

b e a s t ' g i v e s rise t o speculation as t o t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f cult-images i n imperial w o r s h i p a n d h o w t h e y w e r e regarded b y adherents o f the imperial c u l t o r b y so-called atheists. H a v i n g g i v e n t h e h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t o f s u c h apocalyptic phrases, t h e significance o f t w o expressions w h i c h are striking in the N e w T e s t a m e n t has b e e n c o n s i d e r e d , t h o s e o f A s c e n s i o n a n d E p i p h a n y . B o t h h a d a c o n s i d e r a b l e influence in fashioning imperial p r o p a g a n d a f o r t h e m a s s e s , a n d t h e y h a d t h e i r r o o t s i n o l d e r civilizations as well. T h e s y m b o l s f o r t h e a s c e n s i o n o f a ruler w e r e v a r i e d a n d popular in art i n all its f o r m s , a n d reverses o f c o i n s especially illustrate t h e v a r i e t y o f representations in this field. P e r s e c u t i o n s h a v e b e e n dealt w i t h o v e r t h e years in such detail that it w o u l d s e e m superfluous t o add a c h a p t e r o n this point. Y e t 20

s o m e m e n t i o n m u s t b e m a d e in o r d e r t o j u d g e h o w far t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e h a d b e e n influenced b y his k n o w l e d g e o f past a t r o c ities c o m m i t t e d against t h e Christians. T h i s , l i k e t h e first c h a p t e r , is a necessary repetition t o u n d e r s t a n d m o r e clearly t h e b a c k g r o u n d i n w h i c h t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t writers and, in particular, t h e a u t h o r o f the A p o c a l y p s e , w e r e l i v i n g .

21

I. T H E

SOURCES

AND

OF THE

ITS EARLY

IMPERIAL

CULT

D E V E L O P M E N T

T h e r e are v e r y real difficulties i n assessing t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s b e h i n d the deification o f a R o m a n e m p e r o r due i n g r e a t part t o t h e sophisti cation o f m o d e r n t h i n k i n g , w h i c h tends t o m a k e a clear, e v e n e x a g g e rated distinction b e t w e e n m a n a n d t h e divine. Christian beliefs h a v e , n o doubt, d o n e m u c h t o influence this t r e n d away f r o m p r i m i t i v e ideas o f divinity and there is little l i k e l i h o o d t o d a y that o n e w o u l d accept t h e possibility o f a m a n passing f r o m t h e h u m a n state t o t h e divine as a result o f his h e r o i c a c t i o n s . Y e t the legends f r o m t h e m o s t p r i m i t i v e races m a k e us aware o f t h e extent o f this b e l i e f in t h e a n c i e n t w o r l d ; h e r o e s e v o l v e d i n t o divine b e i n g s as a reward f o r their deeds o f g r e a t c o u r a g e d u r i n g their lifetime. P l i n y t h e E l d e r a c k n o w l e d g e s this fact w h e n h e p r o claims that t o e n r o l such m e n - that is, rulers - a m o n g t h e deities, is 1

the m o s t ancient m e t h o d o f s h o w i n g gratitude f o r t h e i r b e n e f a c t i o n s . I n this m a n n e r t h e h e r o e s r e c e i v e d t h o s e h o n o u r s w h i c h w e r e n o r mally reserved f o r t h e g o d s ; i n G r e e c e , f o r e x a m p l e , prayers a n d libations w e r e offered t o f o r m e r h e r o e s b e f o r e an i m p o r t a n t e v e n t , and an illustration o f this is g i v e n b y P l u t a r c h w h e n h e relates h o w A l e x a n d e r m a d e a sacrifice t o A t h e n a at I l i u m a n d p o u r e d o u t l i b a 2

tions t o the heroes t o o b t a i n f a v o u r f o r his e x p e d i t i o n against P e r s i a . W h i l e c o n s i d e r i n g t h e parallels t o t h e s y m b o l i s m o f t h e e m p e r o r cult in t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t , it is necessary t o understand t h e effect such a cult w o u l d h a v e had o n t h e m i n d s o f t h e R o m a n s o f this e p o c h , and t h e traditions and c o n c e p t i o n s w h i c h , o v e r t h e centuries,

P L I N Y , Natural History I I 1 9 : «hic est vetustissimus referendi bene merentibus gratiam mos, ut tales numinibus adscribant.» P L U T A R C H , Alexander 15,4: «'AvaP
2

23

h a d stimulated this particular f o r m o f w o r s h i p . T o grasp fully the p o s i t i o n o f t h e first R o m a n e m p e r o r , it is necessary t o trace b a c k t h e s e traditions t o t h e real p r e d e c e s s o r o f A u g u s t u s , Alexander, w h o c o n q u e r e d f o r h i m s e l f an i m m e n s e e m p i r e , e m b r a c i n g as it did t h o s e O r i e n t a l k i n g d o m s w h i c h h a d previously k n o w n periods o f great g l o r y a n d a d e v e l o p e d culture - Persia, B a b y l o n and Assyria.

a) Divine Honours in the Hellenistic

East

I n t h e G r e e k w o r l d , divine h o n o u r s had b e e n b e s t o w e d b y m a n y cities o n their f o u n d e r o r ruler after his death, and h e c a m e t o b e r e g a r d e d as t h e p a t r o n a n d p r o t e c t o r o f the city, t o w h o m it was e x p e d i e n t that t h e inhabitants s h o u l d offer their prayers. Internal crises led cities t o g o e v e n farther, i n rendering divine h o n o u r s t o t h e i r deliverers o r ' S a v i o u r s ' , e v e n d u r i n g their lifetime

W e learn

f r o m P l u t a r c h that L y s a n d e r was t h e first G r e e k t o r e c e i v e such h o n o u r s d u r i n g his lifetime, w i t h altars, offerings and paeans, the songs 2

o f t r i u m p h . T h e s a m e a u t h o r also r e c o u n t s h o w the Samians decided t o c h a n g e t h e n a m e o f their festival f o r m e r l y dedicated t o H e r a , and 3

t o g i v e it t h e n e w title o f L y s a n d r e i a , in h o n o u r o f L y s a n d e r . T h e cross-currents o f O r i e n t a l influences i n t h e G r e e k w o r l d makes it p o s s i b l e t o understand

h o w t h e d e m a n d o f Alexander, that h e

s h o u l d b e r e g a r d e d as a g o d , c a m e t o b e a c c e p t e d as reasonable, for t h e a c h i e v e m e n t s o f A l e x a n d e r s e e m e d t o b e t h o s e o f a super-man a n d h a d n e v e r b e e n equalled i n t h e past. B y t h e e n d o f the fourth c e n t u r y B . C , f e w G r e e k s w o u l d h a v e regarded deification o r even t h e r e n d e r i n g o f divine h o n o u r s as an i m p i o u s act w o r t h y o f b l a m e . D i v i n e h o n o u r s w e r e n o t always i m p o s e d f r o m a b o v e , h o w e v e r , a n d e v e n i n t h e case o f A l e x a n d e r , it is p r o b a b l e that t h e h o n o u r s resulted i n s o m e m e a s u r e f r o m t h e s p o n t a n e o u s enthusiasm o f the p e o p l e . Y e t it was A l e x a n d e r h i m s e l f w h o m a d e the demand for

points out {Some Observations on the Ruler Cult, ( 1 9 3 5 ) , p. 1 1 ) , these honours would have been given to their saviour «had he died in the moment of achievement.» P L U T . Lysander 1 8 , 3 : « 7 r p a > T C { ) \±kv yap, a x ; LaTopet Aoupic;, 'EXXYJVCDV sxstvcp PG>[AOU<; at 7r6Xeic; av£aT7)aav a><; 0eq> xai Ouafocq &0ucav, si? Tcpwxov 8k 7ratave^ 1

As M.

P.

CHARLESWORTH

Especially in Rome. HThR X X V I I I 2

•J5(J07]aav...» 3 Ibid. 1 8 , 4 :

24

«S(XJJLIOI

8k

reap*auxoT<; 'Hpata AuaavSpeta xaXetv

T<X

!<Jw)
divine w o r s h i p \ a n d w h o e n c o u r a g e d t h e b e l i e f t h a t h e was D i o n y s u s incarnate. T h i s c u l t o f A l e x a n d e r was t h e c o r n e r - s t o n e o f t h e d e v e l o p i n g ruler-cult a n d f o r m e d t h e basis f o r t h e imperial cult w h i c h was t o play such an i m p o r t a n t r o l e in t h e political a n d religious life 2

o f the Empire . The

Orientals w e r e a c c u s t o m e d t o g i v i n g divine h o n o u r s ,

not

only t o their h e r o e s , b u t also t o their k i n g s , f o r w h o m deification was a key factor i n t h e u p h o l d i n g o f their p o s i t i o n . I n E g y p t , f o r e x a m p l e , it had b e e n t h e practice t o l o o k o n t h e P h a r a o h as « t h e great a n d g o o d g o d » , transformed b y t h e act o f c o r o n a t i o n i n t o « t h e S o n o f the S u n » . T h e P t o l e m i e s c o n t i n u e d t h e tradition o f t h e P h a r a o h s , o r g a n i z i n g the cult o f all t h e princes w h o had r e i g n e d in E g y p t since t h e t i m e o f Alexander. T h e apotheosis o f t h e l i v i n g ruler, h o w e v e r , did n o t h o l d a deep significance for t h e G r e e k s in E g y p t at this e p o c h . T h u s t h e Hellenistic rulers f o l l o w e d t h e precedent started b y A l e x a n d e r o f f o r m i n g State cults in their k i n g d o m . T h e inscriptions a n d c o i n s o f this p e r i o d testify t o a

flourishing

cult, f o r such titles as ' S o t e r ' a n d 3

' T h e o s ' are v e r y c o m m o n at this t i m e . H a v i n g f o r m e d a cult t o Alexander at Alexandria b y a b o u t 2 8 5 / 4 B . C , P t o l e m y I g a v e a n e w l o o k t o cult w o r s h i p in E g y p t , a n d after his death, P t o l e m y I I f o r m e d a c o m b i n e d cult o f t h e deceased ruler and B e r e n i c e u n d e r t h e title o f 'Osoi EoTTJpes' and later a festival k n o w n as P t o l e m a i e i a was f o u n d e d in their h o n o u r . P t o l e m y I I a n d A r s i n o e shared a cult d u r i n g t h e i r lifetime with the deceased rulers. T h e cult-forms rendered t o rulers i n E g y p t fall i n t o t w o

main

divisions; that g o i n g b a c k t o A n c i e n t E g y p t a n d t h e official state 4

cult w i t h its G r e e k f o r m a n d origin . T h i s division is perhaps t o o 1

L . R.

TAYLOR,

The Divinity of the Roman Emperor, Middletown, 1931, pp. 2 1 -

28. 2

For more details of the cult to Alexander, cf. P. S C H N A B E L , Zur Frage der Selhstvergotterung Alexanders. Klio X X (1926) pp. 398-414. - U . W I L C K E N , Alexan ders Zug in die Oase Siwa. SbB X X X (1928) pp. 576-603. In particular, pp. 5 8 8 590: Die Gewinnung der Gottessohnschaft als Motiv. - W. W. T A R N , The Hellenistic Ruler-Cult and the Daemon, JHS XLVIII (1928) pp. 206-219. - A. D. N O C K , Notes on the Ruler-Cult, JHS XLVIII (1928) pp. 21-30. - L . R . F A R N E L L , Hellenistic Ruler-Cult, JHS X L I X (1929) pp. 79-81. - K. P R U M M , Der christliche Glaube und die altheidnische Welt, I. Leipzig, 1935, pp. 180-182. - C. H A B I C H T , Gottmenschentum und griechische Stadte, Munich, 1956, pp. 17-36. E . B I K E R M A N , Les Institutions des Seleucides, Paris, 1938, Ch. VII. This distinction is made by T A Y L O R , Divinity, p. 30; cf. also, E . B E V A N , Histoire des Lagides, Paris, 1934, pp. 66-67. 3

4

25

superficial o n c e t h e inscriptions are studied m o r e closely - the private cult offered b y t h e G r e e k s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r o w n c u s t o m s , and the application t o t h e ruler o f such divine titles as w e r e fitting, had n o c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e cult offered b y t h e E g y p t i a n s in their temples, a n d attested b y t h e l a n g u a g e o f t h e priestly decrees such as is found o n t h e f a m o u s R o s e t t a S t o n e . T h e r e is also e v i d e n c e for cult-worship offered b y cities i n particular f o r t h e i r special p a t r o n , such as that o f A l e x a n d e r i n A l e x a n d r i a , n o t t o b e confused w i t h the official cult o f A l e x a n d e r w h i c h was established b y t h e g o v e r n m e n t f o r t h e w h o l e country. T h e Seleucids r e c e i v e d divine h o n o u r s i n m a n y t o w n s and w e r e officially

deified after

their

death.

S e l e u c o s I was h o n o u r e d

ZeXsuxos Zevq Nixcraop a n d A n t i o c h o s I as

'ATUOXXCOV

as

Swryjp. O n e

searches i n v a i n f o r u n i f o r m i t y o f cult in t h e vast E m p i r e o f the Seleucids b u t

the various

O r i e n t a l influences w h i c h exercised a

certain pressure i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f cult-forms, seem t o h a v e led t o certain deviations f r o m t h e G r e e k f o r m o f w o r s h i p K B e s i d e s t h e c o n f e r r i n g o f such titles as ' G o d * o r ' S a v i o u r ' o n t h e ruler, titles w h i c h at o n c e p o i n t t o a

flourishing

cult, o t h e r h o n o u r s

w e r e offered t o t h e Seleucids, parallels o f w h i c h w e find repeated in t h e early R o m a n E m p i r e . A m o n t h was occasionally r e n a m e d in h o n o u r o f t h e ruler, a n d already in 2 8 1 B . C , I l i u m had a m o n t h 2

called ' S e l e u c e i o s ' . T o w n s w e r e likewise r e n a m e d in h o n o u r o f certain rulers, as is seen w i t h Seleucia i n Pieria and A n t i o c h in Syria. T h i s c u s t o m c o n t i n u e d d u r i n g t h e E m p i r e ; f o r example, Tiridates 3

rebuilt A r t a x a t a a n d r e n a m e d it N e r o n i a i n 6 6 A . D . . W e

find

similar e x a m p l e s f o r this p r a c t i c e d u r i n g t h e r e i g n o f A u g u s t u s ; s o o n after 2 5 B . C , J u b a I I o f M a u r e t a n i a b e g a n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f his residence o f I o l , w h i c h h e called Caesarea i n h o n o u r o f A u g u s t u s 4

s o m e t i m e after this year . I n 2 2 B . C , H e r o d b e g a n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n

1

Cf. kiden.

H A B I C H T ,

Gottmenschentum, pp.

105-108:

Griinderkulte der ersten Seleu-

B I K E R M A N , Institutions, p. 2 4 6 , note 3 . - An interesting point has been noted by D. M A G I E , Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century after Christ, Princeton, 1 9 5 0 , p. 4 9 0 . The Samians introduced a new system of dating years based on the 'years of apotheosis' of Augustus. IGR IV 1 7 2 6 , 1 7 3 2 . Dio, Roman History L X I I 7 , 2 : « ' 0 (jtiv 8Y) Tipi&aTY)? TOC 'ApTa^otToc a v o t x o $o[ry)aa<; Nepwvsta 7tpoanr)Y6peuaev.» S T R A B O , Geography XVII 3 , 1 2 : « Hv 8 ' ev Tfl 7i;apaXCqc Tatirfl 7c6Xi<; 'I&X ovo^a, ITZIXTIGOLC; 'lobficu; 6 T O O IlToXs(i.afou ncczrip [xeTcov6(xacrs Kataapsiav.» 2

3

4

26

T

o f a n o t h e r t o w n w h i c h h e called Caesarea i n h o n o u r o f A u g u s t u s , although

official

dedication

did

not

take

place

until

9

B . C.

Describing Judaea, Strabo mentions h o w H e r o d re-named Samaria Sebaste, that is, i n L a t i n , A u g u s t a , in h o n o u r o f A u g u s t u s K I n Cilicia, there is e v i d e n c e that A n a z a r b u s r e c e i v e d t h e n a m e o f Caesarea f r o m A u g u s t u s , a n d s o m e years later, t h e e m p e r o r a l l o w e d

the

inhabitants o f P a p h o s t o call t h e i r n e w l y e r e c t e d t o w n , A u g u s t a . T h e r e is a n o t h e r interesting parallel b e t w e e n t h e c u l t paid t o t h e Hellenistic rulers a n d that o f A u g u s t u s ; i n P e r g a m u m , t h e ruler was o n l y deified at his death, a n d o n l y at this p o i n t did h e r e c e i v e t h e title o f ' t h e o s ' , a l t h o u g h later c o i n s bear t h e portrait o f an e p o n y m o u s priest o f t h e r e i g n i n g ruler. D u r i n g t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d , t h e ruler replaced t h e d e m o c r a t i c p o l i c y o f t h e Classical p e r i o d , a n d it was f o r this r e a s o n that m e n l o o k e d towards t h e ruler f o r all t h e i r t e m p o r a l needs. H e was t h e i r p r o t e c t o r , t h e p r o v i d e n c e o f t h e g o d s o n earth a n d h e b e c a m e t h e o b j e c t o f their prayers and sacrifices that h e m i g h t safeguard t h e i r livelihoods and e v e n t h e i r Jives.

b ) Divine Honours in the Roman Republic T h u s it m a y b e appreciated h o w general t h e n o t i o n o f deification f o r rulers and heroes was in t h e E a s t , a n d it was freely a c c e p t e d t h a t h o n o u r s should b e paid t o s u c h p e r s o n s . I t was f r o m t h e E a s t t h a t the cult rendered t o t h e s o v e r e i g n s a n d their representatives passed t o the W e s t . C o n t a c t w i t h t h e E a s t was t h e l i n k w h i c h m a d e t h e idea o f w o r s h i p o f a m a n a c c e p t a b l e t o t h e R o m a n m i n d ; t h e G r e e k atti tude was particularly p r o n e t o w a r d s

deification after p e r i o d s o f

tension, a n d in particular, t h e deliverance f r o m a f o r e i g n a g g r e s s o r . R o m a n governors w h o gave the impression o f justice were looked o n as liberators f r o m o p p r e s s o r s , a n d T a c i t u s tells o f S m y r n a ' s decla ration that she h a d e r e c t e d a t e m p l e t o R o m e as early as 1 9 5 B . C , 2

in t h e consulship o f M a r c u s P o r c i u s .

Ibid. X V I 2 , 3 4 : «...xal Sajxapetav, T^V 'HptoSyj^ Zepaaryjv i7rcDv6(i.aaev.» Annates IV 56 {ed. C. D. Fisher. Oxford, 1953): «seque primos templum urbis Romae statuisse, M . Porcio consule.» In his book Christianity and Classical Culture, New York, 1953, p. 2 5 , C. N . C O C H R A N E writes that in order to understand the meaning of the emperor-cult, it is necessary to look into the «mental processes which led to its formation ». Its expression was «the veneration 1

2

TACITUS,

27

T h e l i b e r a t i o n o f G r e e c e b y R o m e ' s representative, T i t u s Q u i n c t i u s F l a m i n i n u s , e a r n e d f o r h i m t h e general adulation o f t h e people o f G r e e c e - altars w e r e e r e c t e d i n his n a m e , h y m n s o f praise w e r e sung i n his h o n o u r , a n d sacrifices w e r e offered w h i c h c o n t i n u e d , P l u t a r c h points out, « e v e n d o w n to our o w n day»

I n s c r i p t i o n s s h o w that

his n a m e was l i n k e d w i t h t h o s e o f t h e g o d s , a n d dedications w e r e m a d e at Chalcis t o T i t u s a n d H e r a k l e s (TLTCO x a l 'HpocxXet) and T i t u s a n d A p o l l o n (TITCO x a i 'ATUOXXCOVI). P l u t a r c h m a k e s a telling r e m a r k c o n c e r n i n g these a n d o t h e r h o n o u r s w h i c h T i t u s received f r o m the G r e e k s : « t h a t these h o n o u r s w e r e m a d e sincere b y the astonishing 2

g o o d - w i l l w h i c h his e q u i t a b l e n a t u r e called f o r t h » . T h i s phrase suggests a n underlying sense - that o t h e r h o n o u r s offered in less f a v o u r a b l e c i r c u m s t a n c e s l a c k e d t h e sincerity a n d spontaneity w h i c h g a v e t h e m real m e a n i n g ; a s u g g e s t i o n w h i c h gives a clue t o t h e atti t u d e o f R o m a n citizens faced w i t h m u c h t h e same situation

but

w i t h o u t t h e « a s t o n i s h i n g g o o d - w i l l » o f t h e p e o p l e , as, for example, d u r i n g t h e latter part o f t h e r e i g n o f D o m i t i a n . R o m a n g o v e r n o r s c o n t i n u e d t o r e c e i v e s u c h h o n o u r s f r o m the grateful p r o v i n c i a l s w h o r e c o g n i z e d t h e j u s t i c e a n d tolerance o f t h e distant p o w e r o f R o m e i n t h e representative w h o ruled directly o v e r t h e m ; t h e e x a m p l e o f Cicero is w e l l - k n o w n , h o w the provincials o f Cilicia offered h i m « s t a t u e s , shrines a n d sculptured c h a r i o t s » , w h i c h 3

w e r e , n e v e r t h e l e s s , refused . The

religious traditions o f t h e R o m a n s differed greatly f r o m t h o s e

o f t h e G r e e k s , yet t h e n o t i o n o f deification f o r their ancient kings was n o t totally a b s e n t f r o m t h e R o m a n w a y o f t h i n k i n g , for, a c c o r d i n g t o V i r g i l , t h e y a d o r e d P i c u s , F a u n u s a n d L a t i n u s w h o w e r e said t o h a v e r e i g n e d o n t h e L a t i u m , a n d t o w h o m h e gives t h e title o f « D i 4

patrii, i n d i g e t e s » . Similarly, t h e r e is t h e l e g e n d o f R o m u l u s w h o

of the living and the deification of the dead emperor». Neither of these two forms were a novelty to Rome. Roman magistrates received veneration like the sovereigns in the Hellenistic world. P L U T . Titus Flamininus 1 6 , 4 : « I T I 8k xal xa0' Y)[xa<;...» Ibid. 1 7 , 1 : Haav 8k xal TOxpa T<5V <5CXXCOV 'EXXYJVCOV Ti(j.al 7rpl7rouaai, xal T 6 T<X<; Ti(xa<; dXyjOtva? 7roioi>v, suvota 0aoji.a
2

3

4

28

r

was c a u g h t u p i n t o h e a v e n w h e r e h e b e c a m e « a b e n e v o l e n t g o d f o r t h e m instead o f a g o o d k i n g » K T h e D i M a n e s w e r e g i v e n a g e n e r a l v e n e r a t i o n ; t h e r e seems t o h a v e b e e n n o t h i n g in early R o m a n h i s t o r y w h i c h c o m p a r e s w i t h t h e G r e e k hero-cult, b u t already t o w a r d s 1 5 0 B . C , f o r e i g n ideas a n d practices had influenced t h e R o m a n c o n c e p t i o n o f a p o t h e o s i s , a n d e v e n R o m a n s themselves d e v e l o p e d little b y little this t e n d e n c y t o 2

offer divine h o n o u r s t o their deliverers . After the m u r d e r o f t h e G r a c c h i , t h e p e o p l e a t t e m p t e d t o s h o w h o w m u c h they missed a n d l o n g e d f o r t h e b r o t h e r s , offering t h e m divine h o n o u r s in a r e m a r k a b l y lavish m a n n e r . Statues o f t h e G r a c c h i w e r e set in a c o n s p i c u o u s place, t h e v e r y g r o u n d w h e r e t h e y h a d b e e n killed was c o n s e c r a t e d a n d t h e

first-fruits

o f t h e season w e r e

placed before t h e m . I n his description o f these h o n o u r s ,

Plutarch

paints a picture o f t h e m o s t e x t r a v a g a n t w o r s h i p , f o r m a n y w e n t s o far as t o prostrate t h e m s e l v e s a n d offered t h e i r sacrifices b e f o r e t h e statues each day, a c t i n g i n t h e same w a y as t h e y did b e f o r e t h e shrines 3

o f the g o d s . P l u t a r c h also r e c o u n t s h o w , after t h e defeat o f t h e T e u t o n e s and C i m b r i , t h e v i c t o r y was attributed entirely t o M a r i u s , and the people a c c l a i m e d h i m t h e third f o u n d e r o f R o m e , besides w h i c h , during their celebrations at h o m e w i t h t h e i r families, t h e y 4

b r o u g h t the c e r e m o n i a l offerings t o M a r i u s as t h e y did t o t h e g o d s . I t is difficult t o j u d g e w h e t h e r these examples are o f h o n o u r s offered t o 'divine m e n ' , o r m e r e l y t h e expression o f t h e gratitude o f a n enthusiastic and o v e r - d e m o n s t r a t i v e p e o p l e ; it depends o n w h e t h e r the people m a d e the offerings t o the G r a c c h i o r t o M a r i u s as i f t h e y w e r e g o d s , o r w h e t h e r t h e phrase « a s t h e y did t o t h e g o d s » is P l u t arch's interpretation o f t h e a c t i o n s a n d m o t i v e s o f t h e p e o p l e . Cicero's views o n t h e s u b j e c t are w o r t h a c l o s e r g l a n c e , f o r h e h i m s e l f refused t h e h o n o u r s offered h i m b y t h e p r o v i n c i a l s o f Cilicia, yet s h o w e d n o i n d i g n a t i o n at such e x c e p t i o n a l h o n o u r s as statues a n d incense as w e r e offered t o M a r i u s G r a t i d i a n u s as a m a r k o f gratitude

P L U T . Romulus 27, 7: «... x a l 0e6v eufxsvyj yevyjodjxevov auToTs e x XP 3 ^ PaCTtXew?.» Cf. M. P . C H A R L E S W O R T H , Observations on the Ruler Cult, p. 22. P L U T . Caius Gracchus. 1 7 , 2 : «s'0uov 8s x a l xa0' rjjxspav 7coXXol x a l 7rpoa£m7uT O V , [jLOuj/.evo6 T S jxera Tua£&ov x a l yuvaixcov e x a o T O i xaT'olxov ajxa TOI<; 0eot<; x a l Maptap Setavoo x a l Xoipyjs a7C7)pxoviro...>>. 1

7

GFT0

2

3

4

29

x

f o r a n edict issued w h i l e h e was p r a e t o r . T h e R o m a n b e l i e f that deceased parents s h o u l d b e regarded as g o d s is a n o t h e r p o i n t sup 2

p o r t e d b y C i c e r o , a n d h e also stresses that t h e rites o f t h e family 3

a n d a n c e s t o r s s h o u l d b e preserved . T h e L a r e s w e r e t h e souls o f the a n c e s t o r s o f e a c h family, w h o a c c o r d i n g t o Servius, received this 4

h o n o u r b e c a u s e t h e y h a d originally b e e n b u r i e d in the h o m e . A l t h o u g h t h e imperial cult as such was an A u g u s t a n

innovation,

m u c h was adapted f r o m t h e earlier R o m a n traditions, o r

through

c o n t a c t s w i t h t h e Hellenistic w o r l d , o r f r o m m o r e primitive civili zations. H o n o u r s offered t o deliverers a n d benefactors w e r e certainly f o r e i g n t o t h e R o m a n m i n d , yet c o n t a c t w i t h these n o t i o n s certainly a c c u s t o m e d t h e R o m a n s t o t h e E a s t e r n ideas c o n c e r n i n g t h e deifi c a t i o n o f their great m e n . T o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e R o m a n R e p u b l i c , as later d u r i n g t h e A u g u s t a n a g e , p o e t i c l i c e n c e allowed t h e title o f ' d e u s ' t o b e attributed t o a m a n m o r e readily than was customary, w h i c h m u s t certainly h a v e influenced t h e p e o p l e in their acceptance o f Caesar's official a p o t h e o s i s . O p i n i o n is divided as t o w h e t h e r Caesar a l l o w e d divine h o n o u r s d u r i n g his lifetime, t h o u g h t h e fact that t h e Senate v o t e d t o g i v e h i m these h o n o u r s after his death s h o w s that, officially at least, Caesar o n l y r e c e i v e d deification w i t h all its implications as a dead h e r o - in m u c h t h e s a m e w a y as t h e G r a c c h i w e r e h o n o u r e d unofficially.

c ) Divine Honours in the Early

Empire

A s has already b e e n n o t e d , R o m a n succession t o t h e rule o f the E a s t w h e r e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n o r s w e r e awarded divine h o n o u r s , did m u c h t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e infiltration o f E a s t e r n influences i n t o t h e R o m a n w a y o f life. T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e mystery-religions and t h e g r o w t h o f scepticism i n t h e traditional g o d s o f t h e State prepared the g r o u n d f o r n e w religious f o r m s w h i c h w e r e m o r e suited t o t h e trends in the

C I C E R O , De Officiis III 8 0 : «et ea res, si quaeris, ei magno honori fuit. Omni bus vicis statuae; ad eas tus et cerei...». C I C E R O , De Legibus I I 2 2 : «Deorum Manium iura sancta sunto. Humanos leto datos divos habento.» Ibid. I I 1 9 : «Ritus familiae patrumque seruanto». S E R V I U S , Aeneidos commentarii ( G . Thilo & H. Hagen, Leipzig & Berlin, 1 9 2 3 ) , V I 1 5 2 : «apud maiores, et supra diximus, omnes in suis domibus sepeliebantur, unde ortum est ut Lares colerentur in domibus.» 1

2

3

4

30

p h i l o s o p h y o f t h e late H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d , stressing as t h e y did t h a t w h i c h was divine in m a n . A l r e a d y i n R o m a n r e l i g i o n , k i n d r e d ele ments w e r e evident, as is seen in t h e w o r s h i p o f t h e M a n e s a n d L a r e s , b u t t h e g e n u i n e R o m a n restraint a v o i d e d t h e e x t r a v a g a n c e o f w o r s h i p o f t h e E a s t e r n cults. T h e popularity o f J u l i u s Caesar a n d t h e adulation paid t o h i m b y t h e enthusiastic masses led t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h e cult o f D i v u s J u l i u s after his death, w h i c h s o o n spread t h r o u g h o u t Italy. E v e n in its original f o r m , t h e imperial c u l t was v e r y m u c h m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d t h a n w o u l d appear at first g l a n c e . A u g u s t u s was n o t divine in himself, a n d officially it was his G e n i u s that was a d o r e d during his lifetime, b u t an a b s o l u t e p r o h i b i t i o n o f t h e w o r s h i p o f t h e person o f t h e e m p e r o r was n o t practical in t h e p r o v i n c e s o r e v e n in Italy outside o f R o m e , as A u g u s t u s was s o o n t o d i s c o v e r . H o w e v e r , this w o r s h i p was o n l y a l l o w e d in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h that o f t h e D e a R o m a , a l t h o u g h deviations f r o m this r u l i n g are apparent f r o m t h e inscriptions. A t R o m e , A u g u s t u s was at pains t o l i n k u p t h e n e w l y established e m p e r o r - c u l t w i t h t h e traditions r o o t e d i n t h e R e p u b l i c a n era, in order t o supply an ideal f o r t h e masses w h i l e r e s p e c t i n g t h o s e m e n w h o w e r e wary o f i n n o v a t i o n s w h i c h w e r e n o t firmly r o o t e d in the past. T h e divinity o f t h e e m p e r o r was h o n o u r e d in diverse ways - t h e inhabitants o f the R o m a n E m p i r e a d o r e d t h e G e n i u s o f t h e r e i g n i n g e m p e r o r at least in the early stages o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e imperial cult, h o m a g e was paid t o m e m b e r s o f t h e imperial family, t h e ' d o m u s A u g u s t a ' , as well as t o t h e imperial L a r e s , t o t h e V i c t o r y o f t h e e m p e r o r , and t o t h e m a n y deified qualities w h i c h s e e m e d m o s t signif x

icant o f an e m p e r o r ' s r e i g n . I n spite o f their apparent differences, all these aspects o f t h e imperial cult w e r e derived f r o m a similar c o n c e p t , and w e r e inspired b y a similar sentiment, w h i c h was essen tially a religious d e v o t i o n t o t h e m a s t e r o f t h e R o m a n E m p i r e . I t is essential t o realize that in dealing w i t h his vast e m p i r e , A u g u s t u s adopted the safe principle that in t h e E a s t it was p e r m i s s i b l e t o r e g a r d For example, Pax, Clementia, Justitia... W . M. G R E E N , in Notes on the Augus tan Deities, CLJ 23 (1927) pp. 86-93, gives a full list of deified abstractions, (apart from omitting Honos). I found evidence of the following abstractions on coins of the 1st Century in the British Museum - Abundantia, Aequitas, Aeternitas, Annona, Bonus Eventus, Concordia, Felicitas, Fides, Fortuna, Genius, Iustitia, Liberalitas, Libertas, Moneta, Pax, Pietas, Providentia, Salus, Securitas, Spes, Victoria, Virtus. 1

31

t h e e m p e r o r i n t h e s a m e w a y as t h e p r e v i o u s ruler. T h u s w e h a v e seen h o w , in E g y p t , t o t h e native, A u g u s t u s was t h e successor o f the P t o l e m i e s , and, as such, a divine figure. I n t h e Hellenized E a s t , a d i s t i n c t i o n was m a d e b e t w e e n t h e R o m a n and n o n - R o m a n c i t i z e n s ; t h e natives c o n t i n u e d t h e i r p r a c t i c e o f w o r s h i p p i n g R o m e ' s repre sentative, i n this c a s e , t h e e m p e r o r , a l o n g w i t h t h e goddess R o m a , w h i l e t h e R o m a n citizens w e r e free t o c o n t i n u e w o r s h i p p i n g the tradi t i o n a l g o d s o f R o m e . A u g u s t u s refused t o admit direct w o r s h i p o f his p e r s o n , b u t official disapproval did n o t p r e v e n t such w o r s h i p in t h e E a s t . T h e cult o f t h e D i v i a n d t h e G e n i u s o f t h e living e m p e r o r gradually d e v e l o p e d a n d c a m e t o h o l d a p r o m i n e n t p o s i t i o n in the e m p i r e . Politically, this p o l i c y o f A u g u s t u s was a t r e m e n d o u s r e v o l u t i o n ; this r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e imperial r e l i g i o n in an attempt t o unite t h e vast R o m a n E m p i r e b y a c o m m o n b o n d o f loyalty towards t h e p e r s o n o f t h e e m p e r o r , l i n k e d w i t h t h e personification o f t h e p o w e r o f R o m e . W i t h t h e varied nationalities w i t h i n its frontiers, t h e R o m a n E m p i r e needed this unifying f o r c e w h i c h the e m p e r o r h i m s e l f c o u l d s u p p l y ; R o m a n citizens h a d t o learn t o r e c o g n i z e their c o m m o n enemies, which were the enemies o f the emperor. I t has already b e e n n o t e d that a usual f o r m o f h o n o u r was t h e re 1

n a m i n g o f t o w n s in h o n o u r o f t h e e m p e r o r a n d his family . A p a r t f r o m t h e h o n o u r attached, it was also a subtle m e t h o d o f propaganda insofar as t h e t o w n s b e c a m e c o n s t a n t reminders o f the central a u t h o r ity i n t h e p e r s o n o f t h e e m p e r o r . B u t t h e imperial cult was

not

m e r e l y a n i n v e n t i o n t o f o r m a b o n d o f unity t h r o u g h o u t the empire a n d t o p r o v i d e t h e p e o p l e w i t h a c o m m o n o b j e c t o f loyalty - at the s a m e t i m e , t h e r e was a deep feeling o f relief f o r the era o f peace established b y A u g u s t u s w h i c h f o u n d an outlet i n t h e official and p r i v a t e f o r m s o f c u l t - w o r s h i p . T h e political significance o f the cult did, h o w e v e r , increase steadily, and, as Cyril B a i l e y has s u m m e d up

P L I N Y , Natural History IV 112 speaks of Augusta, a town belonging to the Bracae: «Bracarum oppidum Augusta.» cf. CIL II 6230 «Bracara Augusta», CIL II 4747 & 4749 «Bracaraug.», 4869 «... caraug», 2423 «Bracara August.» (Tarraconensis), CIL XII 1385 «(brac)arum Augustanorum». P L I N Y , Nat. Hist. IV 119 mentions a town at Cadiz whose population have Roman citizenship and are called Augustans: «Habet oppidum civium Romanorum qui appellantur Augustani.» The same author also mentions tributary towns named Augustobriga and Caesarobriga (IV 118) and Caesarina (117). These are a few examples from the West; there are countless examples in the Eastern provinces. 1

32

s o aptly, « t h e r e c a n b e n o d o u b t t h a t t h e w o r s h i p o f t h e imperial h o u s e had g i v e n n e w life a n d reality t o t h e state c u l t » K W h e n o n e considers t h e t r e m e n d o u s upheavals a n d factions d u r i n g t h e last years o f t h e R o m a n R e p u b l i c , f o l l o w e d b y t h e G o l d e n E r a o f P e a c e b r o u g h t a b o u t b y t h e administration a n d r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the p r o v i n c e s u n d e r A u g u s t u s a n d t h e d e v e l o p i n g sense o f u n i t y t h r o u g h o u t t h e E m p i r e , o n e is t e m p t e d t o r e g r e t that t h e r e is s o little i n the G o s p e l s t o tell us o f Christ's attitude t o w a r d s this n e w w o r l d p o w e r w h i c h had s w a l l o w e d u p t h e E a s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n

soon

after t h e rise o f P o m p e y . T h e latter had s o u g h t t o settle E a s t e r n affairs b y reorganization, and part o f his w o r k included t h e a n n e x a t i o n o f Syria, w h i c h , w i t h J u d a e a , was o r g a n i z e d as a p r o v i n c e u n d e r t h e rule o f t h e H i g h Priests. I n the E a s t e r n p r o v i n c e s , t h e e m p e r o r was r e v e r e d as a g o d e v e n during his lifetime, a n d a l t h o u g h this p o s i t i o n w a s n o t officially e n c o u r a g e d , t h e attitude o f A u g u s t u s a n d his successors w a s t o a l l o w the E a s t e r n mentality that m o d e o f e x p r e s s i o n w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e w o r s h i p o f their ruler w h i c h was m o s t a c c e p t a b l e t o t h e m . T h i s attitude was especially prevalent i n A s i a M i n o r a n d E g y p t , a n d t h e inscriptions are often addressed directly t o t h e e m p e r o r himself, a n d n o t t o his G e n i u s o r N u m e n . T h e p e r s o n o f the e m p e r o r w a s , naturally e n o u g h , t h e c e n t r e a n d life-force o f t h e imperial-cult; e v e n T i b e r i u s ' a t t e m p t t o m i n i m i z e direct w o r s h i p was n o t w h o l l y successful a n d h e was o b l i g e d t o m a k e c o n c e s s i o n s in his s e e m i n g l y r i g i d p o l i c y . E v e n f r o m t h e first years o f his reign, T i b e r i u s m a d e it clear that e x c e s s i v e w o r s h i p was c o n trary t o his tastes, a l t h o u g h h e was willing t o f o l l o w t h e p r e c e d e n t s established b y A u g u s t u s d u r i n g his r e i g n . N o t o n l y did T i b e r i u s remain adamant i n his refusals t o t h e m a n y letters and petitions w h i c h w e r e sent b y cities and p r o v i n c e s , a s k i n g p e r m i s s i o n t o c o n f e r divine 2

h o n o u r s o n h i m , b u t h e also s h o w e d h i m s e l f t o b e e x t r e m e l y r e t i c e n t

C. B A I L E Y , Phases in the Religion of Ancient Rome, California, 1 9 3 2 , p. 1 7 6 . T A C . Ann. IV 3 8 , 4 : « Perstititque posthac secretis etiam sermonibus aspernari talem sui cultum.» Tacitus maintains that Tiberius persisted in dis daining the honours offered to his person through his modesty, defiance and ignoble soul! Cf. Dio L VII 8,3 declares that he would not allow any particular festivities in honour of his birthday. For Tiberius' correspondence with the Gythiates, cf. L . R . T A Y L O R , Tiberius Refusal of Divine Honours. TAPhA L X ( 1 9 2 9 ) pp. 8 7 - 1 0 1 . In particular, p. 8 9 ff., which give the reply of Tiberius. 1

2

9

3

33

x

a b o u t t h e h o n o u r s p r o p o s e d f o r L i v i a . H e e v e n p r o m u l g a t e d a n edict after t h e death o f A u g u s t u s , advising t h e p e o p l e t o a v o i d a n excess 2

o f zeal such as t h e y h a d s h o w n b e f o r e t h e funeral o f D i v u s J u l i u s . In

spite o f t h e s e e m i n g l y n e g a t i v e attitude o f T i b e r i u s towards

d i v i n e h o n o u r s , t h e r e a r e , h o w e v e r , examples o f t h e cult o f T i b e r i u s i n m a n y E a s t e r n cities, a n d e v e n i n t h e W e s t e r n p r o v i n c e s ; f o r 3

i n s t a n c e , P e r g a m u m h o n o u r e d h i m as ' e u e r g e t e s ' b e f o r e 4 A . D . . E x a m p l e s are n o t nearly s o n u m e r o u s as t h e inscriptions f o r t h e cult o f A u g u s t u s , b u t t h e y d o witness t o t h e fact that inspite o f his seeming refusals, a cult w a s o r g a n i z e d i n h o n o u r o f T i b e r i u s t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e . R o s t o v t z e f f considers that t h e a r g u m e n t supporting T i b e r i u s ' inability t o s t e m t h e tide o f h o n o u r s w h i c h w e r e i m p o s e d u p o n h i m c o n t r a r y t o his will, is u n c o n v i n c i n g , i n a s m u c h as t h e e m p e r o r h a d t h e p o w e r t o i m p o s e his will a n d p u t a n e n d t o such h o n o u r s , i f 4

indeed this w a s really his desire . T i b e r i u s realized o n l y t o o well that i t w o u l d b e farcical t o a t t e m p t t o o c c u p y t h e place o f A u g u s t u s , b u t , at t h e s a m e t i m e , h e u n d e r s t o o d t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e imperial c u l t as a political institution, a n d s e e m e d anxious t o a v o i d impeding its d e v e l o p m e n t b y a n y misplaced ' m o d e s t y ' o n his o w n part. It is interesting t o n o t e t h e g e n u i n e n e e d o f t h e faithful o f diverse cults a n d r e l i g i o n s , w h i c h flourished particularly i n t h e first century, t o h a v e s o m e figure at t h e c e n t r e o f t h e i r religion, w h o represented for

t h e m t h e s u p r e m e m o d e l o f v i r t u e . F o r t h e followers o f t h e

imperial cult, n o t o n l y w a s t h e e m p e r o r t h e s o u r c e o f all virtues, i n a 1

Dio LVIII 2 , 2 - 3 . Dio shows Tiberius in a bad light by declaring that he made no arrangements for any honours for Livia after her death, except for the public funeral and images and «some other small matters of no importance.» He forbade absolutely that she should be deified. Cf. also S U E T O N I U S , Tiberius 5 0 , 4 - 5 : «Tulit etiam perindigne actum in senatu, ut titulis suis quasi Augusti, ita et 'Liviae films' adiceretur. Quare non 'parentem patriae' appellari, non ullum insignem honorem recipere publice passus est.» T A C . Ann. I 8 , 5 : «Remisit Caesar adroganti moderatione, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis funus diui Julii turbassent, ita Augustum etc.» IGR IV 3 2 0 : « ' 0 8TJ[AO<; S T ^ G S Tepipiov KXauStov TsPspfoo ut&v Nlpcova 2

3

T6V

lauToG 7Tpoy6vcov suepy£TY)v.»

M . R O S T O V T Z E F F , Uempereur Tibere et le culte imperial. RH 1 6 3 ( 1 9 3 0 ) p. 2 3 . The inscriptions of Gythium ( 1 4 - 1 9 A.D.) show the attitude of Tiberius towards honours for himself and his family. The text for these inscriptions is given by L . W E N G E R , Griechische Inschriften %um Kaiserkult und %um Grabrecht. ZRG 4 9 ( 1 9 2 9 ) pp. 3 0 8 - 3 2 8 . Other references: T A Y L O R , Divinity p. 2 3 1 & 2 3 9 and Tiberius' Refusals TAPhA L X ( 1 9 2 9 ) pp. 8 7 - 1 0 1 . H . S E Y R I G , Inscriptions de Gythion. RA 4

X X I X ( 1 9 2 9 ) pp. 8 4 - 1 0 6 .

34

certain sense, b u t these virtues w e r e t h e m s e l v e s personified

and

h o n o u r e d , t o a greater o r lesser degree. T h o u g h for t h e Christians, it was Christ w h o was t h e c e n t r a l

figure,

t h e ideal and m o d e l o f all virtues, t h e r e is n o parallel personification o f the virtues o f Christ, e v e n f o r t h e m o s t a r d e n t o f his f o l l o w e r s . Y e t there are great similarities b e t w e e n t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e p a g a n rulers o f the R o m a n E m p i r e a n d that o f Christ i n t h e Christian w o r l d ; similarities w h i c h find expression in t h e divine titles, t h e c e r e m o n i a l and the formulae o f t h e official c u l t - w o r s h i p . Christianity is a m y s t i c a l religion i n a s m u c h as t h e r e is m o r e emphasis o n t h e i n t e r i o r d e v e l o p m e n t o f the soul, and f o r Christians, especially i n t h e first c e n t u r y , Christ was a living and divine p e r s o n . D e i s s m a n n has d r a w n o u r attention t o t h e m a n y expressions a n d titles c o m m o n t o b o t h t h e imperial cult and Christianity, and t h e s e will b e discussed i n a later chapter. Suffice it t o say h e r e that these w e r e deliberately c h o s e n b y the Christians insofar as t h e y w e r e appropriate a n d

fitting,

although

h o w far they w e r e used i n c o n t r a s t t o t h o s e used f o r t h e e m p e r o r is far m o r e difficult t o j u d g e T h e exteriorization o f t h e Christian w o r s h i p was built up

with

existing material, adapted a n d r e m o u l d e d t o suit t h e needs o f t h e early Church. I t is i m p o s s i b l e t o say w i t h a n y d e g r e e o f c e r t a i n t y h o w far t h e e m p e r o r - c u l t influenced t h e early Christian rites -

the

imperial cult was in itself far m o r e c o m p l e x t h a n w o u l d s e e m at first sight, f o r it is i m p o s s i b l e t o generalize o r t o apply a principle o r idea t o t h e w h o l e e m p i r e . A t the t i m e o f Christ, t h e g r e a t diversity o f religious flourishing

beliefs

w i t h i n t h e R o m a n E m p i r e did little t o c r e a t e t h a t sense

o f unity w h i c h A u g u s t u s a n d his successors desired. T h e e m p e r o r s used their p o s i t i o n t o put f o r w a r d and foster t h e idea o f t h e i r divinity t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e , as a means o f s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h a t u n i t y so vital, yet so difficult t o a c h i e v e i n an e m p i r e o f that size a n d c o n t a i n i n g such a diversity o f peoples. Christ, c l a i m i n g as h e did t o b e b o t h G o d and man, offered a real challenge t o t h o s e rulers w h o s t r o v e t o e n c o u r age t h e myths that t h e y w e r e 'epiphanes' g o d s .

I n o r d e r t o salute

and reverence Christ as G o d , t h e early Christians used similar f o r m u l a e t o t h o s e used currently in t h e imperial c u l t a n d f o r official

state

apotheosis. 1

A.

DEISSMANN,

Light from the Ancient East, London,

1910,

p. 3 4 2 . 35

II. N E W THE

TESTAMENT

IMPLICATIONS

ROMAN EMPIRE

a) The Attitude

AND

T H E

of Christ towards the Roman

TOWARDS

EMPEROR

Empire

A s an introduction to the whole question o f possible N e w Testament references t o t h e imperial cult, I i n t e n d t o g i v e a b r i e f « r e s u m e » o f t h e attitude o f Christ a n d S t . P a u l t o w a r d s t h e R o m a n E m p i r e in general. T h e r e is a similarity b e t w e e n t h e attitude o f Christ as seen t h r o u g h t h e G o s p e l w r i t i n g s and t h a t o f S t . P a u l in his E p i s t l e s w i t h regard t o t h e R o m a n E m p i r e , a l t h o u g h t h e latter g o e s i n t o e v e n

more

detail a n d writes m o r e directly o n t h e s u b j e c t as was fitting f o r a loyal s u b j e c t o f R o m e . B o t h refer t o t h e S t a t e as a legitimate p o w e r \ a n d t h e i r f o l l o w e r s are e n c o u r a g e d t o abide b y its laws in all that c o m e s u n d e r its jurisdiction, p r e s u p p o s i n g at t h e same t i m e , that it was p o s s i b l e t o ' r e n d e r t o G o d ' his due. R e v i e w i n g t h e mass o f inscriptions a n d m o n u m e n t s b e a r i n g witness t o t h e flourishing imperial cult, it w o u l d s e e m i m p o s s i b l e t o reconcile t h e s e facts w i t h t h e apparent t o l e r a n c e o f N e w T e s t a m e n t writings, e x c l u d i n g t h e A p o c a l y p s e . H o w e v e r , it m u s t b e b o r n e i n m i n d that t h e a i m o f these w r i t i n g s was far f r o m political, and w h e n the R o m a n E m p i r e , was m e n t i o n e d , it was seen o n l y insofar as it remained w i t h i n its l e g i t i m a t e limits. T h e demands o f t h e early e m p e r o r s for cultw o r s h i p was singularly m o d e s t a n d it w o u l d s e e m that t h e rendering o f h o n o u r s c a m e m o r e f r o m a desire o f t h e p e o p l e , w h o w e l c o m e d t h e era o f p e a c e b r o u g h t a b o u t b y t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e empire, r a t h e r t h a n a n a u t h o r i t a t i v e i m p o s i t i o n o f these h o n o u r s b y the e m p e r o r himself. T h e r e was n o q u e s t i o n at this early stage o f c o m p u l s o r y w o r s h i p , a n d t h e J e w s w e r e largely left t o t h e m s e l v e s w h e n there was a question 1

The notion that the State could be accepted as a legitimate power so long as it kept within its rights, was never explicitly stated in the New Testament. 36

o f a religious nature. D u r i n g t h e first h a l f o f t h e first c e n t u r y at least, followers o f Christ w e r e l o o k e d o n as m e m b e r s o f a J e w i s h sect, a n d t h e y c o u l d t h e r e f o r e e n j o y t h e same privileges a n d e x e m p t i o n s as t h e Jews. Obviously there were n o t the complications which developed during t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y , w h e n b o t h Christianity a n d t h e i m p e r i a l cult h a d thrust d o w n their r o o t s m o r e deeply a n d b o t h w e r e m o r e aware o f their demands a n d ideals. T h e much-discussed e p i s o d e o f t h e p a y i n g o f t h e t r i b u t e - m o n e y was o n e such o c c a s i o n w h e n Christ s p o k e o f t h e lawful a s p e c t o f t h e E m p i r e , w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g its excesses, w h i c h w e r e later r e g a r d e d as infringements o f t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f G o d , a n d w h i c h w e r e s o definitely

condemned

in the Apocalypse. D u r i n g

the

reigns

of

A u g u s t u s a n d T i b e r i u s , direct w o r s h i p o f t h e e m p e r o r w a s f r o w n e d o n i n t h e o r y at least, a l t h o u g h i n t h e E a s t , O r i e n t a l influences w e r e t o o s t r o n g a n d t h e e m p e r o r w a s f o r c e d t o adapt his p o l i c y t o t h e E a s t e r n m i n d , a n d r e c e i v e d direct h o n o u r s as h a d b e e n t h e due o f t h e E a s t e r n rulers b e f o r e h i m . T h e r e are t w o m a i n aspects o f this particular e p i s o d e o f t h e G o s p e l narrative

a n d b o t h are sufficiency r e l e v a n t t o b e a r d e v e l o p m e n t i n

these pages, a l t h o u g h perhaps o n l y indirectly c o n c e r n e d w i t h i m p e r i a l w o r s h i p . T h e first p o i n t is o b v i o u s ; t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f p a y i n g t a x a t i o n t o the R o m a n State, t h e religious p o l i c y o f w h i c h w a s i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e t e a c h i n g o f Christ. I t has b e e n m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h e p a y i n g o f such taxes was a direct c o n t r i b u t i o n t o w a r d s t h e prayers a n d sacri fices offered for t h e w e l l - b e i n g o f t h e e m p e r o r , yet it is m o s t u n c e r t a i n w h e t h e r this i m p l i c a t i o n was realized b y t h e o r d i n a r y p e o p l e o f t h e t i m e ; it was generally l o o k e d o n as a n o t h e r t a x i m p o s e d b y t h e S t a t e . Y e t t h e m e m b e r s o f H e r o d ' s party w h o i n t r o d u c e d this t o p i c w i t h 2

the w o r d s r e c o r d e d b y S t . M a t t h e w : « . . . w e k n o w . . . that y o u are n o t afraid o f a n y o n e , b e c a u s e a m a n ' s r a n k m e a n s n o t h i n g t o y o u » implied that m o s t m e n o f t h e t i m e r e c o g n i z e d distinctions b e t w e e n m e n , t h e m o s t o b v i o u s case b e i n g that o f t h e e m p e r o r , w h o w a s t h e o b j e c t o f w o r s h i p f o r s o m a n y o f his s u b j e c t s , w h e t h e r directly as was the case in s o m a n y o f t h e E a s t e r n cities, o r i n d i r e c t l y t h r o u g h the w o r s h i p o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s G e n i u s . T h e s e c o n d aspect is less apparent a n d c o n c e r n s t h e indirect w a y o f promulgating 1

2

t h e imperial c u l t b y m e a n s o f a

contemporary

Matt. X X I I 1 6 - 2 2 . Mk. X I I 13-17. Lk. X X 25. Matt. X X I I 16. 37

m e t h o d o f p r o p a g a n d a as was used o n t h e c o i n s . A t this stage, c o i n s w e r e i n g e n e r a l use a n d passed freely f r o m h a n d t o h a n d in c o m m e r c e ; t h u s it was p o s s i b l e t o influence citizens all o v e r t h e E m p i r e in a relatively s h o r t t i m e b y means o f t h e c o i n a g e system w i t h its various symbols and captions. A t this p e r i o d , w h e n t h e c o i n was l o o k e d u p o n as a political s y m b o l m u c h m o r e t h a n it is today, certain e m b l e m s w e r e regarded as idola 1

t r o u s , a n d this i n itself c o m p l i c a t e d t h e issue t o a v e r y great e x t e n t . T h e silver c o i n in q u e s t i o n is generally c o n s i d e r e d t o h a v e b e e n a 2

denarius o f T i b e r i u s , b u t a l t h o u g h it is possible, there is n o means o f p r o v i n g this v i e w . T h e picture o r b u s t o f the e m p e r o r was n o t in i t s e l f i d o l a t r o u s , b u t t h e denarius c o n t a i n e d the title o f ' D i v u s ' w h i c h m i g h t h a v e p r o v o k e d s o m e o f t h e m o r e d e v o u t J e w s t o attempt resistance t o t h e tax. L o e w e suggests t w o interpretations o f the a c t i o n o f J e s u s w h e n h e a s k e d f o r a silver c o i n and displayed it t o t h o s e a r o u n d h i m ; t h e first is that in all p r o b a b i l i t y t h e r e w e r e at least s o m e p r o v i n c i a l s w h o did n o t understand L a t i n

fluently,

and for w h o m

t h e t e r m ' D i v u s ' w o u l d h a v e had little o r n o m e a n i n g , and they c o u l d t h e r e f o r e m a k e transactions w i t h such c o i n s w i t h o u t t h e slightest scruple that t h e y w e r e offending G o d . T h e s e c o n d possibility is that Christ c o n c e a l e d t h e idolatrous sym b o l s o n t h e r e v e r s e o f t h e c o i n s a n d s h o w e d m e r e l y t h e laureated head o f T i b e r i u s ; t h e w o r d 'eixciv' g i v e s t h e i m p r e s s i o n that the actual h e a d o f t h e e m p e r o r was o n v i e w , b u t e v e n this i m a g e o f the person was t h e o b j e c t o f divine h o n o u r s w o u l d h a v e b e e n intolerable t o m a n y J e w s o r early Christians. Christ's w o r d s underline t h e distinction w h i c h h e makes b e t w e e n t h e interests o f t h e w o r l d w i t h t h o s e o f his K i n g d o m , ' w h i c h is n o t o f this w o r l d ' , yet H e m a k e s n o p r o n o u n c e m e n t o n t h e

burning

q u e s t i o n as t o w h e t h e r t h e effigy o f t h e e m p e r o r o n R o m a n coins s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d idolatrous o r n o t , f o r this was n o t t h e p o i n t u n d e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n . Christ sums up his t e a c h i n g o n this p o i n t w i t h t h e w o r d s , « G i v e b a c k t o Caesar w h a t b e l o n g s t o Caesar - and t o G o d w h a t b e l o n g s t o G o d , » a n d H e t h e r e b y shelves t h e w h o l e political 3

q u e s t i o n b y separating t h e t w o spheres o f authority . 1 2 3

H. L O E W E , Render unto Caesar. Cambridge, 1 9 4 0 , p. 1 4 . Ibid. p. 9 7 . Cf. M A T T I N G L Y , BMC I pp. 1 2 5 ff. P L B 5 . Cf. G . H . D A L M A N , The Words ofJesus, Edinburgh, 1 9 0 2 , p.

1 3 8 : «His verdict as to the tribute money shows that he did not consider the political dominance of

38

O t h e r situations a r o s e later w i t h t h e p e r s e c u t i o n s u n d e r N e r o a n d D o m i t i a n w h i c h m a d e it i m p o s s i b l e t o c o m p r o m i s e b e t w e e n

the

allegiance due t o G o d a n d that due t o Caesar since t h e latter h a d usurped t h o s e h o n o u r s w h i c h b e l o n g e d t o G o d a l o n e , a n d such a c o n c e s s i o n c o u l d h a v e b e e n interpreted as c o n d o n i n g t h o s e practices w h i c h w e r e so o b v i o u s l y i n o p p o s i t i o n t o Christian beliefs a n d teaching. T h i s does n o t e x c l u d e t h e fact that it was often t h e p e o p l e themselves w h o t o o k t h e initiative i n t h e r e n d e r i n g o f h o n o u r s t o the e m p e r o r , especially i n t h e first p a r t o f t h e first c e n t u r y , t h o u g h this w o u l d n o t c h a n g e t h e situation as far as a Christian was c o n c e r n e d . I n the situation at t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e r e was less c h a n c e o f remaining neutral, a n d this a c c o u n t s f o r t h e a b r u p t c h a n g e i n t h e t o n e o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e ; in similar c i r c u m s t a n c e s Christ H i m s e l f w o u l d h a v e b e e n o b l i g e d t o c o n d e m n such blatant excesses o n t h e part o f the pagan

emperor, whose

self-deification clashed directly

with

Christian m o n o t h e i s t i c t h o u g h t .

b ) The Attitude

of St. Paul towards the

Emperor

T h e p o s i t i o n o f P a u l i n t h e early C h u r c h was particularly significant, for as a R o m a n citizen h e w o u l d h a v e had m a n y o f t h e loyalties o f his fellow citizens, including t h e respect due t o his e m p e r o r , t h e r e n d e r i n g o f certain h o n o u r s and, as a J e w , the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t all lawful 1

authority c o m e s f r o m G o d . O n e o f t h e m o s t

frequently-quoted

passages f r o m t h e w r i t i n g s o f S t . P a u l is f o u n d in his E p i s t l e t o t h e Romans, written during the Quinquennium Neronis, 5 4 - 5 9 A . D . w h e n R o m a n citizens had b e c o m e aware o f t h e advantages o f t h e security ensured b y t h e P a x R o m a n a . K n o w i n g that P a u l h a d l i v e d t h r o u g h t h e r e i g n o f Caligula a n d m o s t o f N e r o ' s , it seems strange

the Romans to be any infringement of the sovereignty of God.» For other litera ture: E. P E T E R S O N , Gottliche Monarchie. ThQ 1 1 2 ( 1 9 3 1 ) pp. 5 3 7 - 5 6 4 . S T . L O E S C H , Deitas fesu und antike Apotheose. Rottenburg, 1 9 3 3 . Rom. X I I I 1 - 7 . Cf. J . H E R I N G , La Premiere Epitre de saint Paul aux Corinthiens. Neuchatel/Paris, 1 9 4 9 , p. 2 6 ff. I I pense que l'Etat romain a reellement recu de Dieu la mission de maintenir la paix et la justice dans le bassin mediterranean. Cf. also F R . L E E N H A R D T , UEpitre de saint Paul aux Romains. Neuchatel, 1 9 5 7 , pp. 1 8 1 - 1 8 4 . This author puts forward three traits in the attitude of St. Paul towards the public authorities: it is positive, it is critical but at the same time, there is a characteristic reserve - «the attitude of being submissive in no way implies being servile.» 1

39

t h a t h e felt a b l e t o a d v o c a t e such a p o l i c y t o w a r d s authority, e v e n though the procurators

concerned might have been worthy

and

c o m p e t e n t officials. S t . P a u l starts this c h a p t e r w i t h t h e a d m o n i t i o n that o n e « m u s t o b e y t h e g o v e r n i n g a u t h o r i t i e s » ; w i t h these w o r d s , h e passes t o this u r g e n t a n d c o m p l e x p r o b l e m , t h e attitude o f t h e Christian t o the secular a u t h o r i t y o v e r h i m - h e affirms t h e principle o f t h e divine o r i g i n o f all p o w e r . P a u l advocates s u b j e c t i o n : « a n y o n e w h o resists a u t h o r i t y is r e b e l l i n g against G o d ' s authority, and such an act is b o u n d t o b e p u n i s h e d » . T h u s P a u l m a k e s it clear that the civil life o f t h e e m p i r e m a y n o t b e alienated f r o m t h e religious and m o r a l life; it is part o f t h e w h o l e w h i c h m a y n o t b e i g n o r e d w i t h o u t affecting t h e w h o l e plan o f t h e e m p i r e . Y e t i f these w o r d s o f S t . P a u l m e a n t that h e was prepared t o b o w b e f o r e a n y c l a i m o f t h e S t a t e , it w o u l d b e i m p o s s i b l e t o r e c o n c i l e t h e m w i t h t h e t e a c h i n g o f Christ, that o n e m u s t first fulfil o n e ' s o b l i g a t i o n s t o w a r d s G o d , a n d t h e n t h e duties t o legitimate authority insofar as it r e m a i n e d w i t h i n its o w n limits. I n all these discussions, it is necessary t o emphasize that t h e i m p o r t a n t w o r d is 'legitimate', a n d S t . P a u l is dealing w i t h this p o i n t o n l y up t o t h e stage w h e n the a u t h o r i t y was still w i t h i n its o w n rights O . C u l l m a n n suggests that i f t h e b a c k g r o u n d o f this passage is c o n s i d e r e d , a n d t h e c o n t e x t carefully e x a m i n e d , it is realized that S t . P a u l is b y n o m e a n s a d v o c a t i n g t o t a l s u b j e c t i o n t o t h e S t a t e ; in fact, h e is p o i n t i n g o u t that t h o u g h t h e State is often o p p o s e d t o the Christian w a y o f life, t h e Christian is t o s u b m i t h i m s e l f t o t h e laws 2

o f t h e S t a t e as its p r e s e n c e is willed b y G o d . 3

I n relation t o a n o t h e r t e x t o f S t . P a u l , R o m . X I I I . 1. stands in t h e b a c k g r o u n d , a s e e m i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n , b u t t h e r e is n o denial o f t h e r i g h t o f t h e State t o administer its o w n affairs. Y e t there is a definite l i m i t t o P a u l ' s c o n c e p t o f t h e S t a t e ; i f t h e State w e r e o f a divine nature, t h e Christians c o u l d present t h e m s e l v e s b e f o r e the State c o u r t s .

1

One must keep in mind, however, that the word 'legitimate* was never used in the New Testament. As the Rev. P. S P I C Q has pointed out to me, «en realite, saint Paul fait de la theologie et non de Phistoire. Le I siecle est aussi loin que possible de nos concepts modernes.» O. C U L L M A N N , The State in the New Testament. New York, 1 9 5 6 , p. 5 7 . I Cor. V I 1. E R

2

3

40

T h e s e three passages g i v e an idea o f P a u l ' s v i e w s o n t h e R o m a n State w h i c h are c l o s e t o J e s u s ' o w n . Christians m u s t g i v e t h e S t a t e its due, b u t S t . P a u l stops at this p o i n t ; h e does n o t m e n t i o n t h e position

o f Christians

l i v i n g u n d e r a totalitarian

regime

which

encroaches o n t h e rights and privileges o f G o d , yet w e c a n n o t i m a g i n e the fiery Paul a c c e p t i n g that his disciples b l a s p h e m e against G o d , o r g i v e t h e e m p e r o r t h o s e titles w h i c h w e r e c o n s i d e r e d divine, and therefore reserved f o r G o d a l o n e . T h e sense o f loyalty t o w a r d s t h e e m p e r o r , w h i c h seems s o apparent in Paul, is seen again in a letter w r i t t e n t o his disciple T i m o t h y , w h e r e h e advocates prayers f o r t h o s e i n authority, especially f o r 1

kings and others i n h i g h stations . P e r h a p s o n e r e a s o n w h y S t . P a u l emphasizes this duty is b e c a u s e h e is well-aware o f t h e J e w i s h t e n dency t o rise against t h e E m p e r o r , w h i c h m i g h t c o n c e i v a b l y pass i n t o the infant Christian c h u r c h , especially d u r i n g periods o f stress and persecution. A t all events, S u e t o n i u s , w r i t i n g a b o u t t h e h a p p e n i n g s o f t h e r e i g n o f Claudius, gives the i m p r e s s i o n that these risings w e r e a c o m m o n feature o f mid-first c e n t u r y R o m e , w h e n h e r e c o r d s that Claudius exiled f r o m R o m e t h o s e J e w s w h o w e r e c o n t i n u a l l y rising u p at t h e 2

instigation o f a certain Chrestos . T h e t e r m s ' C h r e s t o s ' a n d ' C h r e s tiani' are used b y first and s e c o n d c e n t u r y writers, w h e n referring t o Christ o r his followers, so it is p o s s i b l e t h a t these J e w s w e r e m e m b e r s o f the early Christian c o m m u n i t i e s . S t . Paul is aware h o w this state o f affairs c o u l d influence the Christian c o m m u n i t i e s i n their attitude

1

I. Tim. II 2: «Prayers should be offered for kings and others in authority, so that we may be able to live religious and reverent lives in peace and quiet.» Cf. C. S P I C Q , Les Epitres Pastorales. Paris, 1969, pp. 359-363, for bibliography. The fact that St. Paul is advocating prayers for the emperor as opposed to the common pagan practice of praying to the emperor, or offering to him through the medium of statues and images an adoration normally reserved for the State gods, shows the different attitudes of the Christian and the pagan towards their emperor. «Pour ceux-ci (the pagans) le prince divinise n'a pas besoin de la grace; il est lui-meme le Sauveur.» Similarly, Christians did not make their oaths by the Genius of the emperor, but by his health, which, as Tertullian argued, was certainly more fitting, as it was customary to exorcize geniuses in order to drive them out of men. Cf. Apol. 32,3: «Ceterum daemonas, id est genios, adiurare consuevimus, ut illos de hominibus exigamus.» S U E T . Claud. 25, 11: «Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantis Roma expulit.» Cf. H. M A T T I N G L Y , Christianity in the Roman Empire. Otago, 1955, p. 30. 2

41

t o w a r d s t h e e m p e r o r ; h e advocates prayers also that t h e non-Christians m a y r e c o g n i z e t h e loyalty o f t h e Christians and t h e n leave t h e m in peace. Similar types o f prayers f o r t h e e m p e r o r c o n t i n u e d t o b e e n c o u r a g e d b y Christian writers, e v e n after periods o f p e r s e c u t i o n and suffering at t h e hands o f t h e imperial authorities. A m o n g various examples, t w o e x c e r p t s f r o m t h e w r i t i n g s o f T e r t u l l i a n underline the Christian duty o f p r a y i n g f o r t h e e m p e r o r , in spite o f t h e writer's awareness o f f o r m e r p e r s e c u t i o n o f t h e Christians

T e r t u l l i a n gives yet a n o t h e r

r e m i n d e r t o his readers t o pray f o r t h e State and its rulers, including 2

i n this e x h o r t a t i o n w o r l d p e a c e a n d t h e last days o f t h e w o r l d . S t . P e t e r l i k e w i s e realizes that due h o n o u r s h o u l d b e paid t o the e m p e r o r ; h e understands that e v e r y m a n has his due, w h i c h should b e carefully t h o u g h t o u t , and t h e n rendered a c c o r d i n g l y : « H a v e respect for e v e r y o n e a n d l o v e f o r o u r c o m m u n i t y ; fear G o d and h o n o u r the 3

e m p e r o r » . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n o f these w o r d s is that a wise Christian w o u l d realize w h a t d e g r e e o f h o n o u r is due t o an equal, a master o r t o Caesar himself. T h i s presupposes, h o w e v e r , that

the

emperor

w o u l d n o t d e m a n d rights o r h o n o u r s w h i c h w e n t b e y o n d t h e limits o f his due, a n d h e r e again, P e t e r does n o t g i v e a n y indication t o guide Christians w h o w e r e v i c t i m s o f such demands. I t is n o t that S t . P e t e r is deliberately simplifying t h e situation b e t w e e n e m p e r o r and Chris t i a n ; it is m o r e that this situation has n o t yet b e c o m e c o m p l i c a t e d b y a r e g u l a r system o f e n f o r c e d Caesar-worship, and P e t e r is w r i t i n g f r o m t h e s a m e a n g l e as S t . P a u l i n a s m u c h as h e is c o n s i d e r i n g the e m p i r e a n d t h e e m p e r o r as legitimate f o r c e s , w h i c h represent G o d in

T E R T . Apol. 3 0 , 4 : «Precantes sumus omnes semper pro omnibus imperatoribus, vitam illis prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quietum, quaecumque hominis et Caesaris vota sunt.» Ibid. 3 9 , 2 : «Oramus etiam pro imperatoribus, pro ministeriis eorum et potestatibus, pro statu saeculi, pro rerum quiete, pro mora finis.» I Pet. II 1 7 . Reverence to God is not incompatible with the honours due to the emperor as head of the State. Obedience in itself was a sufficient proof of loyalty, until the later measures enforcing emperor-worship were devised. Cf. C. H . D O D D , The Epistle of Paul to the Romans. London, 1 9 3 2 , p. 2 0 2 : «Even when Christianity had been outlawed, the duty of loyalty to the Empire was put just as strongly in I Pet. I I 1 3 - 1 7 . It remained a steady principle of the Church all through, although the measure of 'non-co-operation', which was made inevitable by the intimate association of Caesar-worship, gave the appearance of an imperfect loyalty.» 1

2

3

42

their o w n limited s p h e r e ; h e is n o t a t t e m p t i n g t o clarify t h e p r o b l e m s w h i c h w o u l d arise w h e n s u c h p o w e r s w e r e a b u s e d b y o v e r - a m b i t i o u s rulers. I n his epistle t o t h e R o m a n s \

S t . P a u l refers t o S a t a n w h o will

eventually b e crushed b y G o d , t h e a u t h o r o f p e a c e . I t is at least p o s s i b l e that this is a disguised reference t o t h e adversaries w h o w e r e d i s t u r b i n g the peace o f t h e Christian C h u r c h at this t i m e , a n d this c o u l d apply in a special w a y t o t h e e m p e r o r . B u t S t . P a u l does s e e m t o m a k e a distinction b e t w e e n t h e religious a n d t h e political spheres

2

and

distinguishes b e t w e e n t h e claims o f Christ a n d t h o s e o f t h e e m p e r o r , for, as h e sees it, t h e e m p e r o r exercised his j u r i s d i c t i o n o v e r purely t e m p o r a l c o n c e r n s , whereas t h e r e i g n o f Christ will b e o v e r t h o s e w h o have risen f r o m t h e dead, a n d Satan c o u l d b e t h e personifi c a t i o n o f all t h e claims f o r divine h o n o u r s , w h i c h a l l o w t h e e m p e r o r t o assume that w h i c h b e l o n g s t o G o d a l o n e . T h e r e is n o assurance that S t . Paul was indeed referring t o this particular danger, b u t h e was certainly w a r n i n g t h e R o m a n s t o b e w a r e o f s o m e peril w h i c h 3

was t h r e a t e n i n g t h e early C h u r c h . I n S t . P a u l ' s w r i t i n g t o T i t u s , t h e r e is a s h o r t reference t o t h e Christian's duty t o t h e o u t e r w o r l d , and, i n particular, t o t h o s e i n authority, w h i c h implies o b e d i e n c e t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t :

«Remind

t h e m that it is their duty t o b e o b e d i e n t t o t h e officials a n d repre 4

sentatives o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t » . A like c o m m a n d w o u l d b e necessary for t h o s e Christians w h o regarded t h e i r allegiance t o Christ as an e x e m p t i o n f r o m allegiance t o t h e e m p e r o r . I t is interesting t o speculate just h o w far S t . P a u l , as a loyal citizen o f R o m e , w o u l d h a v e b e e n prepared t o c o n t i n u e c a r r y i n g o u t t h e

1

Rom. X V I 2 0 . Cf. C E R F A U X & T O N D R I A U , Culte des souverains, p. 3 9 0 . Cf. D O D D , Epistle to the Romans, p. 2 4 3 . Tit. Ill 1 : «Admone illos principibus et potestatibus subditos esse, dicto oboedire...» Titus is told to remind the Christians of Crete to be submissive to those in authority but this advice was intended for the whole Church. It was a reminder that Christians should avoid all political agitation which could result in the restriction of their activities, and even result in persecution. Cf. J . M O F F A T , The Pastoral Epistles. London, 1 9 3 6 , p. 1 7 1 . Also, C. S P I C Q , Les Epitres Pastorales II, p. 6 4 6 , stresses that not only were Christians bound to give this 'submissive loyalty' to the State, but that the New Testament gives no foundation to a 'theologie de la revolution' which is currently advertised in certain quarters. The verb used by St. Paul *7T;si0apxeiv' implies the active participation in the obliga tions and good works of the State. 2 3

4

43

c o m m a n d s laid d o w n b y t h e R o m a n g o v e r n m e n t w i t h regard t o e m p e r o r - w o r s h i p ; just h o w far t h e ' s u b m i s s i v e loyalty' o f subjects was justifiable f o r Christians at a slightly later e p o c h , h e does n o t g i v e a hint. T h e r e is m u c h t h e same p r o b l e m in distinguishing t h e r i g h t s o f a u t h o r i t y i n t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d , and

determining

h o w far these rights c o m e i n t o conflict w i t h t h o s e o f religion.

c ) The Attitude

of Pilate and the Significance

of the Expression

'Friend

9

of Caesar

E n c r o a c h i n g o n t h e r i g h t s o f t h e a c c e p t e d authority the

trumped-up charges brought

was o n e o f

against J e s u s b y t h e

seeming

loyalties o f t h e J e w s , w h o declared adamantly t o P i l a t e : « I f y o u set h i m free, y o u are n o friend o f Caesar; a n y o n e w h o makes h i m x

self k i n g is defying C a e s a r » . A l r e a d y Christ had s h o w n that he had n o intention o f introducing some kind o f revolutionary king ship w h i c h w o u l d set h i m up as t h e direct rival o f Caesar: « M i n e 2

is n o t a k i n g d o m o f this w o r l d » , b u t Pilate realized well e n o u g h that t h e r e was a n e l e m e n t o f t r u t h in w h a t t h e y w e r e saying, all t h e 3

s a m e ; t o shut his eyes t o t h e fact that J e s u s did h a v e a f o l l o w i n g a n d h a d m a d e certain definite, t h o u g h s o m e w h a t v a g u e references t o his k i n g d o m , w o u l d s h o w a l a c k o f interest in t h e c o n c e r n s o f Caesar. U n d e r T i b e r i u s , a similar n e g l i g e n c e c o u l d b e considered g r a v e w h e n a p r a e t o r a s k e d t h e e m p e r o r w h e t h e r t h e c r i m e o f lese-majesty s h o u l d b e punished, t h e e m p e r o r replied that t h e laws should b e applied, u p o n w h i c h t h e laws w e r e applied i n t h e harshest

way

Jn. X I X 1 2 . A. N. S H E R W I N - W H I T E , Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Oxford, 1 9 6 3 , p. lOOf. shows how the Jews used political 'pressurizing* to get their way. Jn. XVIII 3 6 . Cf. P. M.-J. L A G R A N G E , Evangile selon saint fean. Paris, 1 9 3 6 , p. 4 7 5 . G. H . M A C G R E G O R , The Gospel of fohn. London, 1 9 2 8 , p. 3 3 6 , remarks that in the Synoptics, Christ did not explain the term 'King of the Jews', and left Pilate to interpret it in a way a Roman naturally would, that is, as a rival to Caesar. Whereas in St. John's Gospel, Jesus explained the implications behind the words, stressing that His Kingdom should not be thought of as a worldly reality. L A G R A N G E , Saint Jean, p. 4 8 4 : «Pilate reconnait qu'il y a quelque chose de vrai dans les pretentions de Jesus-Christ a la royaut£...» 1

2

3

44

(atrocissime) K I t w o u l d appear f r o m these w o r d s t h a t t h e r e w e r e h e a v y penalties t o pay b y t h o s e w h o a t t e m p t e d t o u s u r p t h e p o w e r and p o s i t i o n o f t h e e m p e r o r , a n d it w o u l d b e difficult t o explain t h e nuances o f t h e claims o f Christ, w h i c h , o n a material level at least, did n o t c o m p r i s e a threat t o t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e The

emperor.

laws against lese-majesty w e r e s t r e n g t h e n e d d u r i n g t h e r e i g n

o f T i b e r i u s , and c r i m e s w h i c h h a d l o s t their seriousness t o a certain extent in previous years, w e r e o n c e m o r e s u b j e c t t o e x t r e m e l y s e v e r e punishments. It

is possible that t h e J e w i s h threat h e l d a deeper significance

than the o b v i o u s sense o f r e m a i n i n g in t h e e m p e r o r ' s f a v o u r ,

for

t o b e a 'friend' o f t h e ruler perhaps signified a n h o n o r a r y p o s i t i o n w h i c h w o u l d h a v e b e e n greatly c o v e t e d d u r i n g t h e early e m p i r e . T h i s statement was an undisguised a t t e m p t o n t h e p a r t o f t h e J e w s present, t o play o n t h e fears o f Pilate, w h o s e l i v e l i h o o d

depended

u p o n his remaining an "amicus A u g u s t i ' . T o understand t h e i m p l i c a tions

b e h i n d this title, its use i n Hellenistic times a n d d u r i n g t h e

early E m p i r e will n o w b e c o n s i d e r e d i n s o m e detail. The

actual title «ol POCCTLXSON;
is strongly attested d u r i n g t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d u n d e r t h e Seleucids 2

and L a g i d s ; t h e privileged p o s i t i o n o f t h e ' k i n g ' s friends' is clearly discernable i n t h e texts, and it gradually d e v e l o p e d i n t o a c o m p l i c a t e d system w i t h v a r y i n g

titles a c c o r d i n g t o t h e d e g r e e

o f intimacy

enjoyed b y t h e 'friend'. T h e r e does n o t seem t o h a v e b e e n a n y direct responsibility o f the c o u r t attached t o this title o f 'friend' d u r i n g t h e Hellenistic period, b u t t h e k i n g ' s friends certainly h a d access t o S U E T . Tib. 5 8 , 1 : «Sub idem tempus consulente praetore an iudicia maiestatis cogi iuberet, 'exercendas esse leges' respondit et atrocissime exercuit.» T A C I T U S {Ann. I 72, 4) also notes that Tiberius renewed the law against crimes of lesemajesty; renewal because a law of this name had existed previously, which involved various crimes - treason in the army, seditions in the capital and actions against the majesty of the Roman people: «Non tamen ideo faciebat fidem civilis animi, nam legem majestatis reduxerat: cui nomen apud veteres idem, sed alia in judicium veniebant...». S U E T O N I U S {Dom. X I 5) mentions «the usual punishments of their ancestors» being meted out to several persons who were convicted of the crime of lese-majesty during the reign of Domitian: «Quosdam maiestatis reos in curiam induxerat, et... facile perfecerat, ut etiam more maiorum puniendi condemnarentur.» B I K E R M A N , Institutions, pp. 30-40. Very full notes and bibliography is given by P. C. S P I C Q , Agape dans le Nouveau Testament III. Paris, 1959, pp. 239-245. Also, E. B E V A N , Hist, des Lagides, pp. 311-316. For 'amicus', cf. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae I cols. 1902-1913. Leipzig, 1900. 1

2

45

t h e royal p e r s o n f r o m t h e early m o r n i n g o n w a r d s - at t h e murder o f H e r m i a s , A n t i o c h u s I I I w e n t f o r his early m o r n i n g w a l k w h i c h had been prescribed for h i m b y his doctors, accompanied b y «those o f t h e k i n g ' s friends w h o w e r e p r i v y t o t h e p l o t » ; P o l y b i u s , w h o r e c o u n t s this e p i s o d e , states carefully that it w a s at a far earlier h o u r t h a n usual, a n d f o r this reason, t h e rest o f t h e k i n g ' s retinue w a s x

n o t w i t h h i m . P o l y b i u s m a k e s a n o t h e r reference t o this c u s t o m o f t h e k i n g ' s friends b e i n g w i t h h i m f r o m t h e early h o u r s o f the m o r n i n g , stating t h a t it w a s t h e friend's c u s t o m t o flock t o t h e k i n g ' s tent at 2

d a w n e a c h day . T h e k i n g ' s friends n o t o n l y shared w i t h h i m t h e life o f t h e c o u r t , his travels a n d h i s fatigues, b u t t h e y also, o n o c c a s i o n , h a d t o share his death, as i n t h e case o f Seleucus V I E p i p h a n e s N i c a t o r , w h o tried t o o b t a i n m o n e y f r o m t h e p e o p l e o f M o p s u e s t i a b y e x t o r t i o n . T h e i n d i g n a t i o n o f these p e o p l e f e r m e n t e d i n t o revolt, a n d they s o l v e d t h e p r o b l e m f o r t h e m s e l v e s b y setting fire t o t h e k i n g ' s palace, 3

b u r n i n g t h e k i n g a l o n g w i t h his friends . T h a t t h e k i n g ' s friends h a d s o m e military capacity seems evident f r o m J o s e p h u s w h o speaks o f t h e t w o orders o f military aristocracy 4

in t h e Macedonian k i n g d o m - ' K i n s m e n and F r i e n d s ' . T h e r e was also s o m e k i n d o f g r a d a t i o n o r h i e r a r c h y a m o n g t h e k i n g ' s friends w h i c h S e n e c a regards as a degradation f o r t h e k i n g himself. G . G r a c c h u s , a n d later L i v i u s D r u s u s established t h e c u s t o m o f separating t h e i r friends i n t o g r o u p s ; t h o s e w h o m t h e y r e c e i v e d privately a n d t h o s e w h o w e r e r e c e i v e d i n audience i n small g r o u p s , a n d others w h o w e r e r e c e i v e d ' e n m a s s e ' . T h u s , S e n e c a r e m a r k s cynically, t h e k i n g h a d friends o f t h e first class, friends o f t h e s e c o n d class b u t n e v e r t r u e friends, f o r i n this c o n t e x t , a friend is o n e w h o has a 5

number for paying h o m a g e t o the king . U n d e r A u g u s t u s , this title o f friend, 'amicus A u g u s t i ' , was adopted f o r imperial usage. S u e t o n i u s m a k e s reference t o t h e 'friends' o f t h e 1

POLYBIUS,

#[xa 8s 2

TobTtd

Ibid. VIII

Histories V xai

T&V

21, 1:

5 6 , 1 0 : «6 fxev 'Epfxefocc; ^ x e izpb<; T6V TOCXOSVTOC xoap6v, v el?

TY)V axy)V7jv XOCTOC T6V I0ta(x6v...»

Jewish Antiquities XIII

3 6 8 : «Mo<J;oue<m£cov S T J ^ I O ? aycscvaxTirjaa? PaafcXeia x a l Si&pGsipev OCUT&V (XSTOC TCOV
JOSEPHUS,

u(pY)4»sv a u T o u T a 4

5

46

e m p e r o r s , and t o g e t h e r w i t h t h o s e references o f T a c i t u s a n d D i o each e m p e r o r h a d his f o l l o w i n g o f friends. T h i s p r a c t i c e was adapted t o suit t h e special needs o f t h e e m p i r e , a n d v a r i o u s c h a n g e s c r e p t in t o t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e 'friends', w h i c h w e r e n o t p a r t o f t h e H e l l e n i s t i c practice, such as t h e r e c e i v i n g o f official o r semi-official f u n c t i o n s . U n d e r A u g u s t u s , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e S e n a t e was r e f o r m e d ; its n u m b e r s w e r e reduced, and its o r i g i n a l i m p o r t a n c e was r e s t o r e d . S u e t o n i u s adds the detail that t e n senators, c h o s e n f r o m a m o n g t h e e m p e r o r ' s friends, s t o o d a r o u n d his chair K T h e friends o f t h e e m p e r o r are m e n t i o n e d in a less official capacity b y this s a m e a u t h o r ;

when

assisting at t h e circus g a m e s , A u g u s t u s a c c e p t e d t h e hospitality o f his friends and freedmen b y settling h i m s e l f i n o n e o f t h e i r d i n i n g 2

r o o m s . T h e r e f o r e , a l t h o u g h u n d e r Hellenistic rulers t h e i r friends did n o t e n j o y any official p o s i t i o n s , this state o f affairs was modified under the E m p i r e , and t h e "friends' w e r e n o t o n l y a t t a c h e d t o t h e e m p e r o r himself, b u t also t o m e m b e r s o f his family, a n d e v e n t o his favourites. S h o r t l y after t h e death o f A u g u s t u s , i n 1 5 A . D . , a r e v o l t o f t h e three legions o f P a n n o n i a was p u t d o w n w i t h g r e a t difficulty b y D r u s u s . T h e soldiers, w h o w e r e searching f o r a p r e t e x t f o r r e b e l l i o n , m e n a c e d the praetorians and t h e friends o f D r u s u s , h o p i n g i n this way t o ferment s o m e k i n d o f v i o l e n c e . I t is significant i n this c o n t e x t that the t e r m 'friend' is l i n k e d w i t h a m e m b e r o f t h e imperial family w h o was n o t t h e e m p e r o r - h e r e it is t h e s o n o f T i b e r i u s w h o is 3

concerned . T h e title o f 'friend' as a r e c o m p e n s e f o r a service o r p r o n o u n c e d loyalty t o the imperial cause is o b v i o u s i n v a r i o u s t e x t s ; w h i l e de scribing the vices o f T i b e r i u s , S u e t o n i u s tells h o w t h e

emperor

proclaimed in his letters o f n o m i n a t i o n that P o m p o n i u s F l a c c u s a n d

S U E T O N I U S , Aug. 3 5 , 1 : «decern ualentissimis senatorii ordinis amicis sellam suam circumstantibus.» Ibid. 4 5 , 1 : «Ipse circenses ex amicorum fere libertorumque cenaculis spectabat». Dio LVII 1 1 , 4 mentions how Augustus went to the houses of imperial freedmen at the occasion of festivals, but he does not make any reference to the 'friends'. T A C . Ann. I 27, 1 : «Postremo deserunt tribunal, ut quis praetorianorum militum amicorumve Caesaris occurreret, manus intentantes, causam discordiae et initium armorum...» 1

2

3

47

L . P i s o n w e r e his dearest friends at all t i m e s K P o m p o n i u s F l a c c u s r e c e i v e d t h e p r o v i n c e o f Syria w h e r e h e died i n 3 3 A . D . , w h i l e L . P i s o n r e c e i v e d t h e prefecture « o f t h e t o w n » . T h i s supports t h e t h e o r y t h a t P i l a t e r e c e i v e d J u d a e a as t h e 'friend' o f T i b e r i u s , o r 2

r a t h e r , o f S e j a n u s , a n d t h a t t h e t a u n t m a d e b y t h e c r o w d w h i c h was urging

that

Christ s h o u l d

b e crucified, a n d

which

finally

broke

d o w n P i l a t e ' s r e s i s t a n c e : « I f y o u set h i m free, y o u are n o friend o f C a e s a r » , h e l d a particular m e a n i n g f o r Pilate, r e m i n d i n g h i m o f t h e special i n t i m a c y a l l o w e d b y t h e e m p e r o r t o a certain n u m b e r o f his f o l l o w e r s , a n i n t i m a c y w h i c h P i l a t e felt h e c o u l d n o t afford t o l o s e . Under

Caligula, w e m e e t his 'friends' applauding t h e

building

activities o f t h e i r e m p e r o r ; h a v i n g b u i l t a b r i d g e o f b o a t s f r o m B a u l i (Baiae) to Puteoli (the modern Pozzuoli) with a total length o f over three-and-a-half

Roman

m i l e s , Caligula spent

the following

two

days v i s i t i n g his m a s t e r p i e c e , a n d o n t h e s e c o n d day h e d r o v e a c h a r i o t f o l l o w e d b y a g r o u p o f praetorians, a n d t h e n a n u m b e r o f 3

v e h i c l e s filled w i t h his friends . T h i s e v e n t t o o k place i n 3 9 A . D . a n d D i o g i v e s t h e s a m e a c c o u n t o f h o w Caligula's 'friends' associates f o l l o w e d i n t h e i r

flowered

robes, then came the

and army

a n d t h e rest o f t h e t h r o n g , e a c h m a n dressed a c c o r d i n g t o his personal 4

taste . Claudius t o o w a s s u r r o u n d e d b y his 'friends' e v e n i n t h e early p a r t o f his r e i g n a n d m e n w e r e a d m i t t e d i n t o this g r o u p o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s 'friends' as a m a r k o f gratitude f o r t h e i r loyalty and support t o w a r d s t h e i r s o v e r e i g n . I t was i n this m a n n e r that G a l b a b e c a m e o n e o f Claudius' f r i e n d s ; after t h e death o f Caligula, m a n y tried t o SUET. Tib. 42, 3 : «codicillis quoque iucundissimos et omnium horarum amicos professus». For references to Sejanus as a friend of Tiberius, cf. Dio LVIII 1

2,7

and

SUET.

Tib.

65,

1.

2

As P. S P I C Q has pointed out, it would have been Sejanus who conferred the title of 'friend* on Pilate, as well as the province of Judaea, for Tiberius had already withdrawn to Capri in 27 A. D. The 'friends' of Sejanus are conspicuous at his downfall, when the majority hasten to deny that such a friendship had ever existed. M. Terentius, a Roman knight, stands alone as a former friend of the ex-favourite, who had the courage to admit it in a discourse before the Senate, acknowledging the fact that though it might be more prudent to deny any friend ship, he admitted that he had aspired to this position, which, once it had been attained, brought him much happiness. T A C . Ann. VI 8,1. S U E T . Caligula 19,2: « E t in essedis cohorte amicorum.» Dio L I X 17, 6: «ot T E cpfcXoi xal oi e r a t p o t auxou kid ^ x ^ a T c a v ^ e<J07Jaiv av0ivaT<; ^ e t a o v T O , xal 6 aTpaT&s xal 6 ye Xoi7t&s 6{XIXO<;, ISfax; naq 'Ixacrroi xexoa[X7)[xevot.» 3

4

48

v

take advantage o f t h e p e r i o d o f t u r m o i l , b u t G a l b a preferred sink his personal a m b i t i o n s f o r t h e cause o f p e a c e

to

T a c i t u s tells

h o w later G a l b a h a d a n u n p a r d o n a b l e w e a k n e s s t o w a r d s his friends 2

and freedmen . Seneca, o n e o f t h e nearest o f t h e friends a n d advisers o f N e r o , was constantly aware o f t h e c o u r t jealousies w h i c h s u r r o u n d e d h i m and was finally driven t o ask i f h e m i g h t retire, since his p o s i t i o n was far f r o m satisfactory. H e tells N e r o that it is n o t f r o m

personal

m o t i v e s o f bitterness that h e is p r o m p t e d t o offer his r e s i g n a t i o n ; « Y o u h a v e g i v e n all that a p r i n c e c o u l d g i v e t o a f r i e n d ; I h a v e 3

received all that a friend c o u l d r e c e i v e f r o m a p r i n c e » . T h e c u s t o m o f h a v i n g 'friends' a r o u n d t h e e m p e r o r

continued

under t h e F l a v i a n s ; a s e e m i n g l y u n i m p o r t a n t reference is m a d e b y Suetonius, w h o relates h o w V e s p a s i a n , h a v i n g read his c o r r e s p o n dence and t h e official c o u r t r e p o r t s , p u t o n his shoes a n d clothes while his friends w e r e a l l o w e d i n t o g r e e t t h e i r I t was the g r o u p o f friends a r o u n d D o m i t i a n w h o

outdoor 4

emperor .

finally

brought

a b o u t his death, f o r this e m p e r o r fell v i c t i m t o a p l o t w h i c h h a d b e e n arranged b y his m o s t intimate friends a n d freedmen,

aided

b y his wife, after h e h a d m a d e h i m s e l f h a t e d b y all t h o s e i n his i m 5

mediate circle, as well as i n general b y all his subjects . F r o m these texts, it is i m p o s s i b l e t o p r o v e c o n c l u s i v e l y that all these references t o 'friends' i m p l y t h e h o n o r a r y status w h i c h was so c o m m o n under t h e Hellenistic rulers, b u t it is o b v i o u s that t h e friends o f t h e e m p e r o r s e n j o y e d a particular i n t i m a c y w i t h t h e m , and that t h e title o f 'friend' was c o n f e r r e d o n a m a n f o r reasons o f imperial gratitude, such as the r e w a r d f o r loyalty. SUET. Galba 7 , 2 : «per hoc gratissimus Claudio receptusque in cohortem amicorum.» T A C . Hist. I 4 9 , 5 : «amicorum libertorumque... sine reprehensione patiens.» T A C . Ann. X I V 5 4 , 1 : «tu, quantum princeps tribuere amico posset, et ego, quantum amicus a principe accipere.» SUET. Vesp. 2 1 , 2 : «In principatu maturius semper ac de nocte uigilabat; dein perlectis epistulis officiorumque omnium breuiariis, amicos admittebat, ac dum salutabatur, et calciabat ipse se et amiciebat...» We hear earlier (ibid. 1 3 , 1 ) how Vespasian showed great indulgence towards the liberties of his friends: «Amicorum libertatem... lenissime tulit.» Ibid. Dom. 1 4 , 1 : «Per haec terribilis cunctis et inuisus, tandem oppressus est conspiratione amicorum libertorumque intimorum simul et uxoris.» 1

2

3

4

5

4

49

III. R E F E R E N C E S IN

TO

T H E

IMPERIAL CULT

T H E APOCALYPSE

1. The 'Blasphemous Titles* of the First Beast « T h e n I saw a beast e m e r g e f r o m t h e sea: it had seven heads and t e n h o r n s , w i t h a c o r o n e t o n e a c h o f its t e n h o r n s , a n d its heads w e r e m a r k e d w i t h b l a s p h e m o u s titles...» T h i s first beast is i n t r o d u c e d as « t h e beast that c o m e s up the abyss»

2

from

a n d t h e details o f its appearance are entirely symbolical.

T h e beast c o m e s up o u t o f t h e sea, w h i c h is t h e traditional

source

3

o f evil, a n d it has t e n h o r n s and seven heads . M a n y critics see this first beast as t h e e p i t o m e o f t h e p o w e r and influence o f t h e 4

R o m a n E m p i r e , and, a l t h o u g h this is 'sufficient' as an explanation, 1 Apoc. X I I I 1 ff. 2 Ibid. X I 7. L . B R U N , Die romischen Kaiser in der Apokalypse. ZNTW 2 6 ( 1 9 2 7 ) , pp. 1 2 8 1 5 1 , gives a detailed description of the various interpretations of this problem. B . R I G A U X , Uantechrist et /'opposition messianique dans VAncien et le Nouveau Testament. Paris, 1 9 3 2 , p. 3 7 9 , sees the first beast as «le symbole des forces humaines antichretiennes, specialement du pouvoir civil en tant que persecuteur des croyants.» The beast «n'est done ni Neron, ni PEmpire romain, ni une entite purement eschatologique, ni une idealisation de la cite du mal». R. H . P R E S T O N & A . T . H A N S O N , The Revelation of St.fohn the Divine, London, 1 9 4 9 , p. 9 5 ; for them, the first beast represents first and foremost the Roman Empire, and this Empire is summed up and completed in the figure of one of its worst rulers. M . E . B O I S M A R D , L Apocalypse. Paris 1 9 5 0 , p. 6 0 , sees the first beast as a symbol of the Roman Empire, which was a type of all the powers which set themselves up against the Church. A. F A R R E R , The Revelation of St. fohn the Divine, Oxford, 1 9 6 4 , p. 1 5 1 , describes it as «epitome of political religion», while for T. F . G L A S S O N , The Revelation offohn, Cambridge 1 9 6 5 , p. 7 9 f., it represents «the persecuting Roman Empire, concentrated in Nero, who was expected to return to earth... At first, the monster is the Roman Empire, but as the chapters develop, it comes to stand for a single ruler with supernatural powers and with a deadly hate against the servants of God.» The ferome Biblical Commentary, (ed. R. E . B R O W N , J . A. F I T Z M Y E R & R. E . M U R P H Y , New Jersey, 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 4 8 3 . 6 2 . gives a slightly wider interpretation in the Roman Empire, «the archetype of secular powers which persecute the Church». 3

4

3

50

it seems t o b e o n l y part o f t h e w h o l e . A t t e m p t s h a v e b e e n m a d e t o reconcile the seven heads w i t h seven e m p e r o r s , b u t e v e n t h e m o r e likely i n v o l v e m a n y presuppositions w h i c h , i n t u r n , are n o t c o m p l e tely c o n v i n c i n g . I t is perhaps nearer t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e a u t h o r t o accept these n u m b e r s in an apocalyptic sense rather t h a n t a k e t h e m t o o literally. T h e r e are striking parallels b e t w e e n t h e f o u r beasts i n t h e B o o k 1

o f D a n i e l and this beast o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e . A l l rise f r o m t h e s e a ; the t e n h o r n s o n t h e f o u r t h beast o f D a n i e l are paralleled i n t h e A p o c a l y p s e b y t h e t e n diadems, e m b l e m s o f k i n g s h i p , w h i c h d e c o r ated the h o r n s . D a n i e l p r o p h e s i e d that A n t i o c h u s E p i p h a n e s w o u l d « m a k e w a r o n t h e s a i n t s » , and w e find likewise in t h e A p o c a l y p s e that the first b e a s t « w a s a l l o w e d t o l e v y w a r o n t h e saints a n d t r i u m p h 2

o v e r t h e m » . Similarly, t h e ' b l a s p h e m o u s titles' o f t h e latter are prefigured in t h e f o u r t h beast o f D a n i e l , w h i c h h a d a m o u t h « t h a t talked boastfully... and boastfully shall h e c h a l l e n g e t h e M o s t H i g h » . T h e R o m a n E m p i r e as such was n o t e v i l a n d it c o u l d o n l y b e so r e c o g n i z e d in its abuses. T h e m o s t widespread and m a l i g n a n t a b u s e , as far as the Christians w e r e c o n c e r n e d , was t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e imperial cult in such a w a y as t o g i v e t o m e n t h o s e h o n o u r s w h i c h should b e reserved f o r G o d a l o n e . T h e r e f o r e , t h e first beast is a s y m b o l o f the R o m a n E m p i r e insofar as it abuses its r i g h t s ; it is that aspect o f life i n t h e R o m a n E m p i r e w h i c h , b y its e x a g g e r a t i o n s 3

had taken o v e r t h e p r e r o g a t i v e s o f G o d . T h i s w o u l d apply par ticularly t o the imperial cult, especially i n t h e latter part o f t h e first century, w h e n , b y t h e statues, sacrifices, prayers, a c c l a m a t i o n s a n d all the o t h e r f o r m s o f c u l t - w o r s h i p , t h e e m p e r o r s w e r e r e c e i v i n g divine h o n o u r s and titles. T h e imperial cult was a sufficiently political 4

institution t o f a v o u r this interpretation . A Christian o f t h e first c e n t u r y w h o b e l i e v e d in o n e G o d , a n d w h o reserved f o r this G o d all t h e divine titles w h i c h his

pagan

c o u n t r y m e n lavished o n t h e e m p e r o r a n d his family, w o u l d u n d e r stand w i t h o u t difficulty t h e implications o f t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o calypse w h e n h e w r o t e that the heads o f t h e beast « w e r e m a r k e d 1

Dan. VII 1-9. Ibid. X 31-35. Cf. O. C U L L M A N N , The State in the New Testament. New York, 1956, and in particular p. 72, note 2. Cf. above: note 3. 2

3

4

51

w i t h b l a s p h e m o u s t i t l e s » . S t . P a u l m a k e s a similar statement in his letter t o t h e T h e s s a l o n i a n s \

w h e r e h e speaks o f t h e R e b e l , A n t i

christ, w h o will raise h i m s e l f a b o v e e v e r y divine n a m e until h e « c l a i m s that h e is G o d » . B e d e , i n his Explanatio

Apocalypsis,

makes the following remark

c o n c e r n i n g t h e b l a s p h e m o u s t i t l e s : « F o r t h e y call their k i n g s g o d s , as w e l l t h o s e w h o are dead, and, as it w e r e , translated t o heaven, as t h o s e also w h o h a v e t h e n a m e o f A u g u s t u s o n earth, w h i c h with 2

t h e m expresses d e i t y » . T h e s e b l a s p h e m o u s titles m a y b e l o o k e d at i n v a r i o u s ways - i n general, a Christian o f t h e first century could r e g a r d as b l a s p h e m o u s all t h e h o n o u r s offered t o t h e e m p e r o r s which, directly o r indirectly, g a v e m e n t h e w o r s h i p w h i c h should b e reserved f o r G o d . M o r e literally, t h e b l a s p h e m o u s titles c o u l d b e t h o s e w o r d s addressed t o an e m p e r o r as t o a g o d . An

aspect o f c u l t - w o r s h i p

w h i c h c o u l d h a v e scandalized

the

Christians o f A s i a M i n o r a n d w h i c h was p r o b a b l y o n e o f the reasons b e h i n d J o h n ' s phrase c o n c e r n i n g t h e ' b l a s p h e m o u s titles', was t h e use o f s u c h titles as ' L o r d ' , ' S a v i o u r ' a n d ' G o d ' , attributed t o t h e e m p e r o r s b y their well-wishers a n d

flatterers.

I n addition t o these

titles, t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s w h i c h gradually d e v e l o p e d as part o f cultw o r s h i p , a n d w h i c h w e r e adapted f o r use i n t h e Christian liturgy, will b e c o n s i d e r e d as a sub-heading u n d e r this same point. A c c l a m a t i o n s are rarely i n c l u d e d i n w o r k s dealing w i t h t h e imperial cult a n d yet it is e v i d e n t that t h e y played an i m p o r t a n t role in k e e p i n g alive t h e p e o p l e ' s awareness that their e m p e r o r was divine, o r at least, potentially divine. I m p e r i a l titles are identical w i t h t h o s e titles w h i c h are applied b y t h e Christians t o Christ. I t has b e e n n o t e d b y various c o m m e n t a t o r s that it w o u l d b e t o o superficial t o p o i n t o u t t h e similarities b e t w e e n t h e titles a n d t o a s s u m e f o r t h w i t h that t h e Christian usage was an adaptation o f t h e p a g a n , a n d n o t h i n g m o r e . E a r l y critics often m a d e s u c h efforts t o a v o i d a n y s u c h 'superficiality' i n their j u d g m e n t s that t h e y failed t o a l l o w any possibility o f influence in the use o f these titles. T h e r e is o b v i o u s l y m u c h that bears a s t r o n g r e s e m b l a n c e , and t h e r e are m a n y c o m m o n traits b e t w e e n t h e e m p e r o r - c u l t and the 1 I I . Thess. I I 4. B E D E , Explan. Apoc. Lib. I I . Chap. X I I I : «Reges enim suos deos appellant, tarn mortuos, et velut in coelum atque inter deos translatos, quam etiam in terris Augustos, quod est nomen (ut volunt) deitatis.» 2

52

x

w o r s h i p g i v e n t o t h e Christian G o d t h r o u g h C h r i s t . T h e r e is n o d o u b t that there are definite similarities i n t h e v o c a b u l a r y used i n cult w o r s h i p f o r t h e e m p e r o r a n d that used b y t h e f o l l o w e r s o f Christ. M a n y o f t h e Christian expressions h a v e , it is true, t h e i r r o o t s i n Jewish terminology, but the pagan

invocations must

have

been

w e l l - k n o w n t o t h e first c e n t u r y c o n v e r t s .

a) The Title 'KVQIOQ' in Imperial and Christian

Usage

Occasionally there are phrases in t h e A p o c a l y p s e w h i c h strike us forcibly as protests against a situation o r a g e s t u r e . O n e o f these c o m e s in the f o r m o f a p r a y e r : « Y o u are O u r L o r d a n d G o d , y o u are w o r t h y o f g l o r y and h o n o u r a n d p o w e r , b e c a u s e y o u m a d e all the universe and it was o n l y b y y o u r will t h a t e v e r y t h i n g was m a d e 2

and exists » . I t is p o s s i b l e that there is a deliberate stress i n t h e s e c

w o r d s o n the w o r t h i n e s s o f t h e o n e L o r d a n d G o d ' as

opposed

t o the cult-worship w h i c h similar t e r m s offered t o t h e p a g a n g o d s , 3

rulers and e m p e r o r s . T h e r e are a n u m b e r 'Lord'

4

o f different

implications b e h i n d t h e

title

b u t a sense o f t h e divine m u s t n o t b e e x c l u d e d f r o m all

1

L . C E R F A U X & J . T O N D R I A U , Le culte des souverains, 1957, cf. in particular the section entitled Comparison avec le Judaisme et le Christianisme, pp. 441-456. Apoc. IV 11. Cf. H. R I C H A R D S , Key to the Apocalypse of John. London, 1967, pp. 57-58. W. H. R O S C H E R , Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie. Leipzig, 1890-1897, II 1 1755-1769, gives lists of gods and goddesses to whom the titles 'xupio^' and 'xupfoc' were given. W. M. R A M S A Y , The Greek of the Early Church and the Pagan Ritual. E T X (1888-1889) pp. 208-209, has underlined a purely human point in this whole question of influences and meanings of titles: «When converts in Galatia and Asia spoke of 'the Lord', it would hardly be possible for them to divest themselves wholly of the ideas which they had formerly associated with the titles.» C. H. D O D D , The Bible and the Greeks. London, 1935, p. 9, gives the various meanings of this title: ^ K ^ p i o ? ' means a person in supreme authority, the head of the house, the master of slaves, etc. In the Hellenistic period, it is applied to absolute monarchs, who, though Greeks, ruled over Oriental Kingdoms. The title as applied to kings, appears in close connection with the Oriental, and especially Egyptian deification of the reigning monarch, and it is a question whether we are to give political or religious priority to the use of 'x6pio<;\ 'Kupto^'was occasionally applied to gods in classical Greece. This is distinct from its use as a divine title which first appears in Hellenistic Greece and in the East... The absolute use of 'xupto^' in the Septuagint differs essentially from that used for a reigning king.» This author gives further details of this point in his book According to the Scriptures. London, 1952, pp. 120-121: «It has been widely held that the use of this title is 2

3

4

53

t h e texts w h i c h apply t o t h e e m p e r o r s .

T h e actual t e r m

'Lord'

was n o t b l a s p h e m o u s as s u c h ; t h e E a s t e r n rulers h a d b e e n called ' L o r d ' i n t h e sense that their subjects w e r e as slaves before t h e m , b u t a special significance h a d b e e n g i v e n in t h e Septuagint translation o f t h e B i b l e , w h e n t h e w o r d ' Y a h w e h ' had b e e n replaced b y ' L o r d ' . S o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s are o f t h e o p i n i o n that there is n o divine sense i n t h e p a g a n title o f ' L o r d ' , a n d f r o m this, p o i n t o u t that there can b e n o t h i n g i n c o m m o n b e t w e e n t h e titles o f Christ and t h o s e applied to the emperor. T h e s o u r c e o f t h e titles as applied t o Christ, and t o the e m p e r o r s is n o t c o m m o n ; that I accept. B u t t o say that « e n realite elles n ' o n t de c o m m u n q u e des m o t s » \ is n o t s u p p o r t e d b y s o m e early evidence. T h i s is perhaps t h e r o o t o f t h e p r o b l e m - while SoSpioc' does n o t directly i m p l y divinity, the divine e m p e r o r was called 'xtSpio<;', and it is o n this level that c o n f u s i o n c o u l d h a v e b e e n caused, irrespective o f t h e s o u r c e o f t h e title, o r t h e influences w h i c h affected its use. T h e first e m p e r o r s did n o t aspire t o t h e title o f ' L o r d ' . Augustus seems t o h a v e reacted s t r o n g l y against t h e title, t o j u d g e f r o m S u e t o n i u s ' a c c o u n t , f o r h e felt that the use o f such a t e r m was a reproach a n d i l l - o m e n . O n o n e o c c a s i o n , t h e w o r d s « 0 g o o d and gracious due to the familiar use of 'xupLo<;' in pagan cults of the Hellenistic world, but it is not certain that the 'xupto?' of the L X X is a pure piece of Hellenization or that it was entirely without influence upon certain Hellenistic circles. There can be little doubt that various Hellenistic usages affected the development of the idea of Christ as 'xbpioq in early Christian theology or even in the New Testament itself.» W . F O E R S T E R & G. Q U E L L , Lord. London, 1958, note the following: «In the imperial epoch, 'xupios' occurs as a brief summary of the emperor's position. There is no text in which 'xupios' applied to the Roman Emperor denotes by itself that the Emperor is a god» (p. 28). «In the Septuagint, the implication is that the bearer is sovereign in the absolute sense... The reason why God is the absolute Lord of this world and its course, and over the individual, is because He is the Creator of all» (p. 82). «In the New Testament, there are a number of secular usages, e. g. Lord and owner of a vineyard, of an ass, or of a dog; the master of a free steward or of unfree slaves. In the New Testament, the name of'xiipios' implies equality with God. The whole New Testament uses 'xuptos' as the resurrected Lord» (p. 97). «Paul makes no distinction between '0e6<; and 'xupio<;' in the sense that 'xupios' denotes a mediator-divinity» (p. 103). For other literature cf. S. H E R N E R , Die Anwendung des Wortes Kupios im Neuen Testament. Lund 1903. W . W . V O N B A U D I S S I N , Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum und seine Stelle in der Religionsgeschichte. 4 vols GieBen, 1926. R. B U L T M A N N , Theology of the New Testament. London, 1965, pp. 51-52. K. P R U M M , Herrscherkult und Neues Testament. Biblica 9 (1928), pp. 3-25; 129-142; 289-301. On p. 301, this author speaks of the two formulae, ' x u p t o ? xatCTOcp' and 'xiSpto? 'r^aou?' which are apparently very alike, but which, accord ing to Prumm, have nothing else in common. Cf. A. D E I S S M A N N , Light, p. 346. 9

,

1

54

l o r d » w e r e s p o k e n d u r i n g a play i n t h e theatre w h i c h t h e audience applied t o A u g u s t u s , w h o was also present. F a r f r o m

welcoming

such a title, t h e e m p e r o r q u e n c h e d t h e general e n t h u s i a s m a n d t h e f o l l o w i n g day issued a n edict, r e p r o v i n g his overzealous subjects. Realizing that this c o u l d easily degenerate i n t o s o m e t h i n g

more

extravagant than a courtesy-title, A u g u s t u s forbade its use e v e n in his o w n family, w h e t h e r it b e said in earnest o r in fun K It

is w e l l - k n o w n

that

T i b e r i u s was

s e e m i n g l y reticent

about

accepting h o n o u r s especially i f t h e y tended t o w a r d s t h e divine, a n d h e b e h a v e d in the same w a y w i t h r e g a r d t o titles. T a c i t u s relates h o w T i b e r i u s reacted unfavourably t o w a r d s t h o s e w h o declared that his 2

actions w e r e divine, o r w h o called h i m ' l o r d ' . I n this particular case, the relation o f t h e divine actions w i t h t h e title o f ' l o r d ' indicates that there was a l i n k b e t w e e n these t w o aspects o f c u l t - w o r s h i p , and implies that there was an e l e m e n t o f t h e divine i n this imperial title. T i b e r i u s stressed t h e fact that h e was a m a n l i k e o t h e r m e n , 3

and n o t s o m e divine b e i n g . H e m a k e s it perfectly clear that h e understands a n o t h e r m e a n i n g i n t h e title o f ' L o r d ' , at least i n s o m e c o n t e x t s ; h e w o u l d n o t a l l o w h i m s e l f t o b e called ' m a s t e r ' b y t h e freemen

4

and m a d e his v i e w - p o i n t quite clear at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f his

reign. H e w o u l d often declare « I a m master o f t h e s l a v e s »

5

as a

S U E T . Aug. 53, 1-2: «Domini appellationem ut maledictum et obprobrium semper exhorruit. Cum spectante eo ludos pronuntiatum esset in mimo: O dominum aequum et bonum! et universi quasi de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent, et statim manu vultuque indecoras adulationes repressit et insequenti die gravissimo corripuit edicto, dominumque se posthac appellari ne a liberis quidem aut nepotibus suis vel serio vel ioco passus est atque eius modi blanditias etiam inter ipsos prohibuit. Cf. W. D E O N N A , La legende d'Octave-Auguste. RHR 83 (1921), p. 43. T A C . Ann. II 87, 2: «Neque tamen ob ea parentis patriae delatum et antea vocabulum adsumpsit, acerbeque increpuit eos qui divinas occupationes ipsumque dominum dixerant.» Ibid. IV 38,1: «Ego me, Patres conscripti, mortalem esse et hominum officia fungi...» Dio LVII 8, 1: «OUT£ yap SSGTUOTTQV IOCUTOV TOIQ iXeuOspoic; OUTS a u T o x p a r o p a 1

2

3

4

... xaXeTv septet,))

Ibid. LVII 8,2: «&sa7r6TY)<; fjtiv TCOV SOUXCOV. .. e t j x b . For the distinction between ^upto^' and 'SecT^ry^' cf. R. C . T R E N C H , Synonymsof the New Testament, London,1871, pp. 90-93: «A man was '$ea7r6Ty)<;' to his slaves, but 'xupio^' to his wife and children, 5

but this distinction was not observed by non-grammarian writers»; G. D A L M A N , The Words of Jesus. Edinburgh, 1902,p. 330,remarks how the title 'oxbpioQ' becomes common enough despite the refusals of both Augustus and Tiberius, and that it was «associated with the divine honours paid even to living emperors». A. J . F E S T U G I E R E , «Kupio<;» RSPhT 23 (1934), p. 362 (Notu/es d'Exegese) gives 55

r e m i n d e r that it was i n this sense a l o n e that t h e t e r m '§s<77uoT)f)<;' was a c c e p t a b l e t o h i m a n d thus any divine allusions w o u l d h a v e b e e n ruled out. T h a t T i b e r i u s was referring t o a divine sense is made clear f r o m this reference, c o u p l e d w i t h w h a t w e k n o w o f his attitude t o w a r d s o t h e r divine h o n o u r s w h i c h w e r e offered t o h i m . The

first

e m p e r o r s did n o t aspire t o t h e ' d i v i n e ' w h i c h c o u l d

b e u n d e r s t o o d i n t h e title o f ' l o r d ' , a n d it has b e e n argued that the e m p e r o r was called 'xApioc? as a m a r k o f his political p o w e r and that 1

it had n o religious o v e r t o n e s . O . Cullmann has seen that it w o u l d b e artificial t o a t t e m p t t o k e e p t h e political sense apart f r o m the m a n h i m s e l f w h o r e c e i v e d t h e title, i f h e w e r e , at t h e same t i m e , regarded as a divine b e i n g . T e r t u l l i a n certainly seems t o h a v e r e c o g n i z e d the s t r o n g possibility o f lapsing f r o m t h e political, and therefore

in

Christian eyes, legitimate m e a n i n g , a n d p u t t i n g i n t o the title o f 'xupio<;' a deeper religious sense w h i c h w o u l d b e c o n t r a r y t o the Christian idea o f t r u e w o r s h i p . T e r t u l l i a n declares that he w o u l d feel q u i t e at ease i n g i v i n g t h e title ' l o r d ' t o t h e e m p e r o r , so l o n g as a difference is m a i n t a i n e d in t h e sense, a n d that h e is n o t forced t o 2

call t h e e m p e r o r ' l o r d ' i n t h e same sense as h e calls his G o d . F o r this a u t h o r , there is o n l y o n e ' l o r d ' i n t h e religious sense, and he is t h e eternal a n d o m n i p o t e n t G o d , w h o is t h e master o f the e m p e r o r himself. T h e A p o c a l y p s e is t h e f o r e r u n n e r o f T e r t u l l i a n ' s writings o n this matter, f o r there is a reference t o t h e ' L o r d ' w h i c h fits i n t o t h e 3

same c o n t e x t . J o h n describes h o w t h e t e n h o r n s , w h i c h represent another interpretation: « L'attribution du titre aux empereurs n'aurait done pas valeur d'apotheose. Les choses du moins se passeraient ainsi jusqu'a Neron.» But, referring to the text of Tacitus (Ann. II 8 7 , 2 ) where Tiberius severely rebukes those who speak of him as 'dominus', Festugiere adds: «Dans la pensee des flatteurs, dans celle de Tibere, 'dominus* se dit d'un dieu.» ThDNT p. 1 0 4 5 : « ' x u p l o < ; is one who can dispose of something or someone, 'Secn^T*)?' the one who owns something or someone.» O . C U L L M A N N , The Christology of the New Testament. London, 1 9 6 3 , p. 1 9 6 , points out that there is necessarily a connection between the secular and the religious use of the word. He adds: «When on one hand, the emperor was called Kyrios as a sign of his political power and, on the other hand, was revered as divine, the title Kyrios must automatically take on a religious significance.» T E R T U L L I A N , Apologeticus 3 4 , 2 : «Augustus, imperii formator, ne dominum quidem dici se volebat; et hoc enim dei est cognomen. Dicam plane imperatorem dominum, sed more communi, sed quando non cogor, ut dominum dei vice dicam. Ceterum liber sum illi. Dominus enim meus unus est Deus omnipotens, aeternus, idem qui et ipsius.» Apoc. X V I I 1 2 - 1 4 : «The ten horns are ten kings who have not yet been given their royal power but will have royal authority only for a single hour and in ,

1

2

3

56

ten k i n g s , h a v e g i v e n o v e r their authority t o t h e beast, a n d h a v i n g made w a r o n t h e L a m b , t h e y will b e c o n q u e r e d , f o r h e is t h e « L o r d o f lords and t h e K i n g o f k i n g s . » D o m i t i a n was t h e first e m p e r o r w h o insisted o n r e c e i v i n g t h e title o f ' l o r d ' officially, a n d h e o b v i o u s l y t o o k pleasure i n t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s o f ' l o r d ' w h i c h w e r e paid t o h i m o n p u b l i c o c c a s i o n s , as, f o r instance, t h o s e w h i c h w e r e paid t o h i m o n a p u b l i c feast-day i n t h e a m p h i theatre: « H a p p i n e s s t o t h e L o r d a n d his m i s t r e s s » D o m i t i a n insisted o n b e i n g

regarded

I n a s m u c h as

as divine, t h e w o r d

'lord'

w o u l d inevitably h o l d a secondary implication o f t h e divine. D o m i t i a n t o o k a tremendous pride in t h e titles o f ' l o r d ' a n d ' g o d ' , and this phrase follows immediately after t h e r e m a r k that h e insisted o n b e i n g 2

l o o k e d o n as a g o d . T h i s is as early as 8 5 A . D . , s o these titles m u s t have b e e n in wide use b y t h e e n d o f D o m i t i a n ' s reign. N o t o n l y w e r e they used in a c c l a m a t i o n s , b u t t h e y c a m e t o f o r m part o f t h e official i n t r o d u c t i o n o f written d o c u m e n t s . Suetonius b a c k s up D i o ' s statement b y affirming that h e started dictating a circular letter i n t h e n a m e o f his agents w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g w o r d s : « O u r L o r d and G o d orders t h e f o l l o w i n g . . . »

3

T e r t u l l i a n states categorically that o n e s h o u l d n o t g i v e t h e title o f G o d t o e m p e r o r s , since it c a n o n l y b e « t h e m o s t p e r n i c i o u s

flat

4

t e r y » . T h i s w o u l d apply also t o t h o s e titles w h i c h , t h o u g h n o t divine in themselves, w o u l d

i n a certain sense a c q u i r e a

divine

meaning w h e n applied t o a divine e m p e r o r . A g o o d e x a m p l e o f this flattery

t o o k place in 9 1 A . D . , after

a c o n s p i r a c y against

the

e m p e r o r had b e e n discovered. J u v e n t i u s Celsus was o n e o f t h e m e n association with the beast. They are all of one mind in putting their strength and their powers at the beast's disposal, and they will go to war against the Lamb; but the Lamb is the Lord of lords and the King of kings, and he will defeat them and they will be defeated by his followers...» SUET. Dom. 13,2: «Adclamari etiam in amphitheatro epuli die libenter audiit: Domino et dominae feliciter.» Dio L X V I I 5, 7: « x a l $EGTC6T7]<; xaXou(xevo<; x a l Qebq UTrepTgyaXXsTO.» SUET. Dom. 13,4: «Pari arrogantia, cum procuratorum suorum nomine formalem dictaret epistulam, sic coepit: 'Dominus et deus noster hoc fieri iubet'.» Cf. A. F I N C K E , De appellationibus Caesarum honorificis et adulatorUs usque ad Hadriani aetatem apud scriptores Romanos obviis. 1867, nos. 28 and 31. H. L I N S S E N , &edg Za>TifiQ> J L W 8 (1928), p. 65. T E R T . Apol. 34,3: «Tanto abest, ut imperator deus debeat dici, quod non potest (credi), non modo turpissima sed et perniciosa adulatione... Esto religiosus in Deum, qui vis ilium propitium imperatori. Desine alium deum credere atque ita et hunc deum dicere, cui Deo opus est.» 1

2

3

c

4

57

w h o h a d b e e n implicated, b u t h e m a n a g e d t o save his life b y using this flattery s p o k e n o f b y T e r t u l l i a n . H e b e g g e d a private audience w i t h t h e e m p e r o r , and, this granted, h e did o b e i s a n c e before D o m i tian, a n d repeatedly called h i m ' m a s t e r ' and ' g o d ' . H a v i n g

thus

g a i n e d t h e g o o d - w i l l o f t h e e m p e r o r , h e offered h i m s e l f as an infor l

m a n t i f his life s h o u l d b e spared .

T h i s was g r a n t e d t o Celsus,

a l t h o u g h h e m a n a g e d t o g e t b y w i t h o u t i n f o r m i n g o n anyone until t h e death o f D o m i t i a n . I t is e x c e e d i n g l y difficult t o f o r m precise and c o n c l u s i v e opinions as t o t h e Christian attitude t o w a r d s such t i t l e s ; even, surprisingly e n o u g h , t o t h e title o f ' g o d ' . O n e w o u l d i m a g i n e that this title w o u l d h a v e caused t r e m e n d o u s heart searching a m o n g Christians, but, as w i t h t h e o t h e r titles attributed b o t h t o Christ and t o the e m p e r o r s , it appears t o h a v e h a d a n h o n o r a r y - b u t - n o t - d i v i n e m e a n i n g w h i c h was r e c o g n i z e d as such b y t h e Christians and n o t considered as b l a s p h e m o u s . T e r t u l l i a n speaks o f its use m e r e l y as 'a b a d o m e n ' , as i f g i v i n g t h e e m p e r o r t h e title o f g o d b e f o r e his deification w o u l d b r i n g h i m ill-luck. A c c o r d i n g t o this a u t h o r , it is a sign that o n e w i s h e s t h e e m p e r o r ill i f o n e calls h i m ' g o d ' during his lifetime, 2

since it is o n l y after his death that h e receives it officially . Tertullian o b v i o u s l y believes that titles offered t o a dead e m p e r o r d o n o t h o l d t h e s a m e significance as t h o s e g i v e n d u r i n g his lifetime. A fourth

c e n t u r y writer, Aurelius V i c t o r , has written a short

a c c o u n t o f t h e lives o f t h e Caesars, and a l t h o u g h h e tends t o exag g e r a t e , particularly i n t h e a c c o u n t s o f t h e tyrannous e m p e r o r s , h e nevertheless g i v e s m a n y details w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d t o t h o s e g i v e n b y earlier historians. H e describes D o m i t i a n ' s d e m a n d that h e should b e addressed as ' l o r d and g o d ' , a title w h i c h his i m m e d i a t e successors did n o t a l l o w , a l t h o u g h o t h e r e m p e r o r s returned t o this c u s t o m in 3

later years . A l t h o u g h u n d e r D o m i t i a n this title c a m e t o b e used 4

officially, t h e r e are m a n y examples o f its use for earlier e m p e r o r s .

1

Dio L X V I I 13, 4: «8£<77I6TY)V TS xal 6s6v. ... 7roXXaxi<; 6vo[zaaa<;...»

Apol. 34,4: «Maledictum est ante apotheosin deum Caesarem nuncu pate. Scito te isto nomine male velle et male abominari, ut, vivente adhuc imperatore, deum appelles, quod nomen illi mortuo accedit.» A U R E L I U S V I C T O R , De Caesaribus X I 2 (ed. Ft. Pichlmayr, Leipzig, 1961): «Quippe qui se dominum deumque dici coegerit: quod, confestim ab insequentibus remotum, validius multo posthac deinceps retulere.» Cf. A. D E I S S M A N N , Light, pp. 357-358. 2

3

4

58

TERT.

Aurelius V i c t o r m e n t i o n s a n earlier e m p e r o r w h o a t t e m p t e d t o t a k e 1

the title o f lord, a n d this was n o n e o t h e r t h a n C a l i g u l a . P r o u d o f his previous exploits, h e n o t o n l y tried t o t a k e this title, b u t h e e n d e a v o u r e d t o put t h e royal c r o w n o n his head. I t is p r o b a b l e that Caligula was n o t seeking t o b e called l o r d i n t h e m e r e l y t e m p o r a l sense, especially i f w e b e a r in m i n d his e x t r e m e desire f o r e x t r a o r d i n a r y h o n o u r s . W h e t h e r o r n o t these t w o bids f o r additional

honours,

that is, t h e k i n g s h i p a n d t h e title o f ' l o r d ' , w e r e c o n n e c t e d , it is certainly difficult t o j u d g e f r o m t h e c o n t e x t a l o n e , b u t t h e possibility is there that t h e y d o f o r m p a r t o f t h e same aspiration, a n d that t h e political sense o f ' l o r d ' w o u l d n o t b e entirely a b s e n t f r o m t h e e m p e r o r ' s m i n d , either. T h e title ' l o r d ' gradually g a i n e d its a c c e p t a n c e as o n e o f t h e titles o f the e m p e r o r and f r o m t h e t i m e o f N e r o it f o u n d i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a r ity. E v e n under Claudius, t h e r e are a n u m b e r o f e x a m p l e s o f its u s e ; f r o m the year 4 9 A . D . there is t h e r e p o r t o f a lawsuit relating t o 2

the identity o f a c h i l d in w h i c h Claudius is referred t o as 'xtipio*;' . Similarly, an o s t r a k o n i n t h e B e r l i n M u s e u m , i n s c r i b e d in G r e e k , 3

speaks o f Claudius as A u t o k r a t o r a n d K y r i o s . T h e w o r d s o f t h e p r o c u r a t o r o f J u d a e a , F e s t u s , g i v e an i n s i g h t i n t o the everyday use o f t h e title b y a R o m a n official w h e n s p e a k i n g 4

a b o u t his e m p e r o r . D u r i n g P a u l ' s captivity at Caesarea, H e r o d A g r i p p a and B e r e n i c e arrived t o pay their respects t o t h e p r o c u r a t o r , F e s t u s , w h o was vainly trying t o find a s o l u t i o n t o t h e p r o b l e m o f the accusations m a d e against P a u l . F e s t u s i n v i t e d his guests t o h e a r Paul in t h e audience-chamber, a n d t h e r e h e explained his o w n p o s i t i o n in the case. H e declared that as far as h e c o u l d j u d g e , P a u l h a d c o m mitted n o capital c r i m e , a n d h e realized that t h e w h o l e affair was pointless because h e h a d n o t h i n g definite t o w r i t e t o 'his L o r d ' , t h a t is t o say, t o the e m p e r o r . F e s t u s ' listeners s e e m t o h a v e u n d e r s t o o d

A U R . V I C T . De Caes. Ill 1 3 : «His elatus, dominum dici atque insigne regni nectere capiti tentaverat.» Oxyrhynchus Papyri I. xxxvn 1, 6 , ed. B. Grenfell and A. Hunt. London, 1

2

1 8 9 8 : «TiPepiou KXocuSfou Kataapo? T O U xupiou...» U . W I L C K E N , Griechische Ostraka. Leipzig & Berlin, 1 8 9 9 , p. 2 6 8 , no. 1 0 3 8 (Berlin 4 0 6 0 ) for Aug./Sept. 5 4 A. D . : «T\pepfou KXau&iou Kabapoc; E S P O C C T T O U AuToxpaxopo*; T O U xup£ou.» For some examples from Egypt for Claudius, cf. P . B U R E T H , Les titulatures imperiales dans les papyrus, les ostraca et les inscriptions d'Egypte. Bruxelles, 1 9 6 4 , p. 3 0 . Acts X X V 2 5 . 3

4

59

w h o ' t h e L o r d ' w a s , w i t h o u t a n y further e x p l a n a t i o n ; thus b y a b o u t 6 0 A . D . , reference t o t h e e m p e r o r as ' l o r d ' was quite usual and a c c e p t e d i n R o m a n circles at least. T h i s is testified b y t h e m a n y x

G r e e k a n d S y r i a n inscriptions o f t h e early e m p i r e , and, as has already b e e n n o t e d , its application t o a ' d i v i n e ' p e r s o n , w h a t e v e r its o r i g i n a l sense, m u s t h a v e c o l o u r e d its m e a n i n g t o a certain extent. W i t h this i n m i n d , it m i g h t b e w e l l t o c o n s i d e r in m o r e detail the Christian attitude b y l o o k i n g m o r e closely at s o m e o f the texts. A n interesting a c c o u n t w h i c h underlines t h e political aspect o f this title i n a rather b a c k h a n d e d way, is t h e a c c o u n t g i v e n b y J o s e p h u s , w h e r e h e describes an incident in A l e x a n d r i a in 7 3 A . D . , w h i c h 2

caused t h e death o f a n u m b e r o f J e w s . A subversive m o v e m e n t h a d b e e n started a m o n g t h e J e w s i n A l e x a n d r i a b y s o m e m e m b e r s o f t h e party o f t h e Sicarii, w h o u r g e d t h e m t o t h r o w o f f t h e R o m a n y o k e b y declaring that G o d was their o n l y m a s t e r - « D e u m v e r o s o l u m d o m i n u m d i c e r e n t » . T h e Sicarii m u r d e r e d s o m e w h o o b j e c t e d t o this agitation, so t h e R o m a n s t o o k a c t i o n , s u m m o n i n g the J e w s t o a m e e t i n g , d u r i n g w h i c h a b o u t six h u n d r e d Sicarii w e r e r o u n d e d u p a n d h a n d e d o v e r t o t h e R o m a n s . T h e J e w i s h attitude

towards

t h e e m p e r o r was apparently similar t o t h e Christian, a l t h o u g h it h a d less significance since there was n o t t h e same religious m o t i v e b e h i n d t h e a c t i o n o f t h e Sicarii, as later there w o u l d b e f o r the Christians. P o s s i b l y t h e organizers o f this m o v e m e n t a m o n g

the

Sicarii used t h e religious enthusiasm o f t h e m o b , w h o did n o t realize clearly t h e distinction b e t w e e n t h e political and t h e religious m o t i v e s i n v o l v e d , a n d it is likely that m a n y did, in fact, g i v e their lives t h i n k i n g that it was a q u e s t i o n f o r t h e m o f a c c e p t i n g o r refusing t o w o r s h i p t h e e m p e r o r . F o r w e are t o l d that t h e Sicarii w e r e tortured i n o r d e r t o m a k e t h e m a c k n o w l e d g e Caesar as t h e ' l o r d ' - « u t Caesarem d o m i n u m f a t e r e n t u r » , b u t t h e y r e m a i n e d steadfast, and refused t o g i v e in. E v e n y o u n g children w e r e d r a w n i n t o t h e affair, and the a u t h o r r e m a r k s t h e i r c o n s t a n c y , f o r t h e y did n o t a l l o w themselves t o b e f o r c e d i n t o a c k n o w l e d g i n g Caesar as t h e ' l o r d ' - « n e c e n i m v e l e o r u m q u i s q u a m c o m m o t u s est, ut d o m i n u m Caesarem n o m i n a r e t » . Cf. A. D. N O C K , Early Gentile Christianity and its Hellenistic Background. New York & London, 1 9 6 4 , p. 32. J O S E P H U S , Jewish War V I I 4 0 7 - 4 1 9 . The conflict here was political rather than religious, because the Jews were exempt from the obligations of imperial worship, but the Sicarii disguised their political intentions by stressing the religious. Cf. ThDNT I I I , p. 1 0 5 8 . 1

2

60

T h e title o f l o r d ' f o r V e s p a s i a n m u s t h a v e b e e n i n general use at the t i m e o f t h e S i c a r i i ; w e g e t a clue f r o m an o s t r a k o n f r o m a b o u t this t i m e K T h e c o n t i n u a l everyday use o f t h e title m u s t h a v e b e e n widespread; t h e e m p e r o r was regularly called l o r d ' w h e n his n a m e was used t o g i v e t h e date, and m a n y examples o f this m a y b e f o u n d 2

in G r e e k inscriptions o n o s t r a k a . A g o o d e x a m p l e o f t h e Christian attitude t o w a r d s this title is f o u n d in the a c c o u n t s o f t h e Christian martyrs d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f the s e c o n d century A . D . A t t h e m a r t y r d o m o f S t . P o l y c a r p , h e was m e t b y H e r o d e s , t h e H i g h Sheriff, a n d b y H e r o d e s ' father, N i c e t e s . T h e R o m a n official v o i c e d t h e q u e s t i o n w h i c h m u s t h a v e b e e n o n the minds o f m a n y sincere non-Christians o f t h e t i m e : « W h a t h a r m is there in saying, 'Caesar is t h e L o r d ' , a n d offering i n c e n s e , a n d t h u s 3

saving y o u r life ? » . I n m u c h t h e same w a y , t h e Scillitan M a r t y r s m e t their death in t h e year 1 8 0 A . D . T h e w o r d s o f t h e p r o c o n s u l Saturninus r e s e m b l e t h o s e o f F e s t u s , nearly 1 2 0 years p r e v i o u s l y , w h e n h e speaks o f ' o u r L o r d t h e E m p e r o r ' . H e e n c o u r a g e d

the

prisoners t o repent, saying that t h e y m i g h t m e r i t t h e i n d u l g e n c e o f ' o u r L o r d the E m p e r o r ' i f t h e y r e t u r n t o their r i g h t m i n d s , that is, a c k n o w l e d g e t h e e m p e r o r as ' l o r d ' . I t is n o t m e r e l y a c o u r t e s y title that is b e i n g discussed h e r e , and b o t h parties are a w a r e o f it the answer o f Speratus, o n e o f t h e Scillitan martyrs m a k e s this quite clear. H e declares: « I d o n o t r e c o g n i z e t h e e m p i r e o f this w o r l d . . . 4

I r e c o g n i z e m y L o r d , t h e K i n g o f k i n g s a n d E m p e r o r o f all p e o p l e s » .

H . W I N D I S C H , Das Neue Testament im Lichte der neu gefundenen Inschriften, Papyri und Ostraka. Neue Jahrbucher fur das klassische Altertum, Geschichte, und deutsche Literatur. Leipzig, 1910, p. 204: «OueoTcaaiavou T O U xupfou». Cf. P. B U R E T H , Les titulatures imperiales, p. 38 for the title: « Ouecj7raaiav6<; Kataap 6 1

xupio<;.» 2

P. M E Y E R , Griechische Texte aus Agypten. Berlin, 1916: No. 17, 3, p. 137, for 74/75 A. D., dated in 'the 7th year of Vespasian the Lord': « Ouea7raatavou T O O xupfou». No. 18, 3, p. 137, for the year 77/8, 'in the 10th year of Vespasian the Lord'. Similarly, no. 59, 9, p. 179/80, no. 86, p. 204 (75 A. D.), no. 87, p. 205 (76 A. D.). Also for Nero: no. 22, 2, p. 141: «N£pcovo<; T O O xop£oo» (62 A . D . ) , no. 23,3 p. 142, (62 A. D.), no. 24, 2, p. 143 (63 A. D.), no. 25, 2 p. 143 (68 A. D.), no. 36a, 3 p. 156 (62 A. D.), no. 37, 3, p. 156 (67 A. D.,) no. 76,4, p. 198 (68 A. D.). For Domitian: No. 40, p. 159 (date lost): « Aojxmavoo T O U xoptoo.» No. 4 4 , 3 p. 165 (91/2 A. D.). No. 77, 4 p. 199 (92 A. D.). Martyrdom of Polycarp: cf. P. T H . C A M E L O T , Sources Chr&iennes, 10, Paris, 1969 , p. 220ff. E. C. E . O W E N , Some Authentic Acts of the Early Martyrs. London, 1927, pp. 71-73, The Scillitan Saints, A. D. 180: «Saturninus proconsul dixit: Potestis 3

4

4

61

I n t h e A c t s o f t h e M a r t y r s , there is a definite c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n the 'lords o f t h e w o r l d ' and Christ, and there are several N e w T e s t a m e n t texts w h i c h already s e e m t o c o n t r a s t t h e p o s i t i o n o f Christ w i t h the generally-accepted ' l o r d s ' i n t h e imperial setting. ' L o r d o f the w o r l d ' 1

as a n imperial title was used as early as N e r o . N o c k questions w h e t h e r t h e r e was i n t h e use o f ' k y r i o s ' « a n y c o n s c i o u s contrast b e t w e e n J e s u s a n d t h e e m p e r o r » , f o r there seems t o b e a veiled consciousness i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t w h i c h b e c o m e s m o r e apparent i n times o f 2

persecution . W h e n applied t o Christ, t h e title takes o n an additional sense in m u c h t h e s a m e w a y as t h e Christian use o f 'GCOTYJP', w h e n used f o r G o d , o r f o r Christ (in t h e divine sense). T h i s m e a n i n g is used i n particular in t h e A p o c a l y p s e , w h e r e reference is m a d e t o the ' L o r d 3

o f t i m e ' . T h i s is a sense w h i c h is n e v e r implied in any way for the e m p e r o r s - it is an idea o f lordship w h i c h is reserved solely for G o d . I n t h e A p o c a l y p s e , Christ is n o t o n l y t h e ' L o r d o f t i m e ' b u t also 4

t h e L o r d o f death a n d o f t h e u n d e r w o r l d . T h e same sentiments are f o u n d i n t h e s e c o n d c h a p t e r arid again at t h e e n d o f the A p o c a l y p s e , a n d a l t h o u g h t h e actual w o r d 'xupios' is n o t used, the m e a n i n g w o u l d h a v e b e e n o b v i o u s , since t h e apocalyptic style veiled m a n y

such

t r u t h s w h i c h w e r e w e l l - k n o w n t o its readers. A s applied directly t o G o d , t w o references are n o t e w o r t h y ; t h e first is the prayer o f worship

o f t h e twenty-four

elders w h o prostrated

themselves in

a d o r a t i o n b e f o r e t h e t h r o n e o f « t h e O n e w h o lives for e v e r and 5

e v e r » . T h i s idea o f t h e eternity o f G o d is o b v i o u s l y in the m i n d o f J o h n as h e g i v e s t h e prayer o f t h e e l d e r s : « Y o u are o u r L o r d and G o d » . I n Chapter X I , t h e r e is m u c h t h e same scene - the twentyf o u r elders are e n t h r o n e d in t h e p r e s e n c e o f G o d . P r o s t r a t i n g t h e m selves i n p r o f o u n d

w o r s h i p , t h e y pray t o t h e L o r d W h o I s , and

W h o W a s , an e x p r e s s i o n w h i c h c o n v e y s t h e m y s t e r y o f the timeless-

indulgentiam domni nostri imperatoris promereri, si ad bonam mentem redeatis.» «... Speratus dixit: Ego imperium huius seculi non cognosco... quia cognosco domnum meum, regem regum, et imperatorem omnium gentium.» As O . C U L L M A N N , Christology, p. 220 reminds us, «the idea of the lordship of Jesus... becomes especially concrete in opposition to Emperor-worship.» Syll. 814, 31: «X6<J(JLOU xupio<; N£pcov.» N O C K , Early Gentile Christianity, p. 33. M. Rissi, Zeit und Geschichte in der Offenbarung Johannes. Basel, 1952, p. 57. Apoc. I 17. Ibid. IV 10-11. 1

2

3 4

5

62

ness o f G o d , w h o a l o n e is w o r t h y t o b e k n o w n as t h e L o r d o f T i m e : «We

g i v e thanks t o y o u , A l m i g h t y L o r d G o d , H e - I s a n d H e - W a s ,

for using y o u r great p o w e r and b e g i n n i n g y o u r r e i g n » In

S t . Paul's w r i t i n g s , t h e r e is a stress o n t h e divine c h a r a c t e r o f

the title ' k y r i o s ' - « e v e r y t o n g u e s h o u l d a c c l a i m J e s u s Christ as L o r d , 2

t o t h e g l o r y o f G o d t h e F a t h e r » , h e writes t o t h e Philippians , w h i c h seems an awareness o f t h e existence o f t h e 'pagan l o r d s ' , w h o a c c e p t e d divine h o n o u r s directly in t h e i r p e r s o n . W e find a similar reference 3

in the E p i s t l e o f S t . J u d e , w h o gives a w a r n i n g a b o u t

'certain

p e o p l e ' w h o h a v e gradually infiltrated a m o n g t h e Christians. T h e y h a v e b e e n c o n d e m n e d b e c a u s e o f their denial o f all r e l i g i o n a n d for

h a v i n g rejected « o u r o n l y M a s t e r and L o r d , J e s u s C h r i s t » . T h e

examples o f t h e use o f t h e title ' L o r d ' i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t are t o o n u m e r o u s t o m e n t i o n in detail b u t t h o s e m e n t i o n e d t h r o w l i g h t o n the Christian attitude t o w a r d s

such titles. S t . P a u l is o b v i o u s l y a

m a n o f his t i m e and h e k n e w t h e b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e p e o p l e t o w h o m he was writing. T o t h e Corinthians, h e speaks o f t h e b e i n g s called ' g o d s ' either in the sky o r o n earth, w h e r e , h e adds drily, t h e r e appear t o b e plenty o f g o d s and lords. H o w e v e r , f o r Christians, t h e r e is 4

o n e G o d , the F a t h e r , and o n e L o r d , J e s u s C h r i s t . It is n o t difficult t o see t h e p r o f o u n d depth o f m e a n i n g i n t h e use o f ' L o r d ' in this c o n t e x t ; it is far b e y o n d the p r o f a n e use o f t h e title as applied t o e m p e r o r s . I t h e l d a spiritual m e a n i n g n o t easily p e r c e i v e d except b y t h o s e w h o s e c o n t e m p l a t i o n o f G o d h a d e n a b l e d t h e m t o realize m o r e clearly the attributes o f their G o d . b) ' Z W ? f e ' - its Hellenistic and Christian

Meaning

A n o t h e r title w h i c h c o u l d well h a v e appeared b l a s p h e m o u s t o t h e author o f the A p o c a l y p s e , was that o f S a v i o u r , applied t o t h e e m p e r o r s as it had b e e n applied t o t h e Hellenistic rulers b e f o r e t h e m . T h e 1

Ibid. X I 17. Phil. I I 1 0 - 1 1 . Cf. Jn. X X 2 8 : Thomas' profession of faith. Both are clear indications of the divine character of this title. Jude 4 . I Cor. V I I I 5 - 6 . Cf. E . v. D O B S C H U T Z , «KVQWQ Ir)oovg» ZNTW 3 0 ( 1 9 3 1 ) , pp. 1 2 1 - 1 2 3 , who gives three tables giving references to 'xupios' in the Old and New Testament, and various titles including the 'xupio<;\ Also, L . K O E H L E R , Christus im Alien und im Neuen Testament. ThZ 9 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , pp. 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 . F . H A H N , The Titles of Jesus in Christology. London, 1 9 6 9 gives very full bibliographical notes, 2

3

4

9

pp. 1 1 4 - 1 3 5 .

63

G r e e k title was originally g i v e n t o the g o d s , in particular t o Z e u s , A p o l l o a n d A s c l e p i u s K G r a d u a l l y t h e difference b e t w e e n the g o d s a n d m e n diminished until t h e divine title c a m e t o b e applied t o t h o s e m e n w h o , b y their extraordinary deeds, h a d w o n f o r themselves t h e 2

s u p e r h u m a n r e n o w n o f b e i n g a S a v i o u r o f t h e people . I n

the

Hellenistic w o r l d , a m a n m i g h t r e c e i v e this title i f h e had saved the p e o p l e i n s o m e material way, either i n t h e sense o f h a v i n g

saved

f r o m ill-health, o r in saving a city o r a g r o u p o f p e o p l e f r o m a calamity in some form. L i t e r a r y references t o a m a n r e c e i v i n g this title during t h e Classical a n d Hellenistic p e r i o d s are e x t r e m e l y frequent, and the m e a n i n g was n o l o n g e r necessarily divine, b u t , as D i o n y s i u s o f Halicarnassus puts it, it is a « l a u d a t o r y n a m e t h a t m e n b e s t o w i n r e c o g n i t i o n o f n o b l e 3

actions » . T h e title has also a sense o f « p r e s e r v e r » and, i n s o m e c o n t e x t s , t h e w o r d '<7G>Ty)p' is b e s t translated a n d u n d e r s t o o d i n this way. T h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d a u t h o r tells o f T a r q u i n i u s , w h o accuses his father-

1

H. A. A. K E N N E D Y , Apostolic Preaching and Emperor Worship. The Expositor, April, 1909, defines a aconqp 'as «the helper in time of need, the bringer of deliver ance and salvation.» As most authors dealing with this topic, Kennedy remarks the development from a title reserved for the gods to one applicable to heroic men and to rules like the Seleucids, Ptolemies etc. A. D . N O C K , Early Gent. Christianity, pp. 35-44, adds the popularity of this title in Egypt for Isis and Serapis. M. P. N I L S S O N , Geschichte der griechischen Religion. Vol. II. Munich, 1950, p. 184f. notes that Athena Soteira is common in Attica. For the general views about this title cf. P. W E N D L A N D ,
2

3

64

9

in-law, T u l l i u s , o f h a v i n g k e p t his grandfather's estate f r o m h i m , a l t h o u g h it was his due, as w e l l as t h e k i n g s h i p . T a r q u i n i u s p o i n t s out that had his father-in-law a c t e d justly, h e w o u l d h a v e b e e n r e c o g n i z e d as such, and, sharing t h e rule, h e w o u l d h a v e r e c e i v e d J

h o n o u r s and titles such as B e n e f a c t o r , F a t h e r a n d P r e s e r v e r . P l u t a r c h tells o f extravagant h o n o u r s w h i c h t h e p e o p l e o f A t h e n s paid t o D e m e t r i u s , s o n o f A n t i g o n u s i n 3 0 7 B . C , after h e

had

p r o c l a i m e d A t h e n i a n liberty and declared that h e h a d b e e n sent b y his father t o restore t h e laws and ancient f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t , a n d t o expel t h e existing garrison. A t this, t h e p e o p l e hailed D e m e t r i u s 2

as their S a v i o u r and their B e n e f a c t o r . P l u t a r c h is disgusted that t h e Athenians should s t o o p so l o w as t o call D e m e t r i u s a n d A n t i g o n u s ' S a v i o u r - g o d s ' , f o r each year a priest o f t h e S a v i o u r - g o d s was elected. D i o d o r adds yet a n o t h e r detail directly c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e title o f S a v i o u r - h e tells o f an altar w h i c h was consecrated t o t h e m a n d 3

called the altar o f the S a v i o u r s . M a n y o t h e r extravagant h o n o u r s w e r e v o t e d t o A n t i g o n u s

and

D e m e t r i u s - g o l d e n statues o f t h e m w e r e set up b y t h e A t h e n i a n s , t w o new" tribes, called ayjjjltjtpia^ and 'Avriyov^, w e r e added t o t h e existing ten, and their portraits w e r e w o v e n i n t o t h e sacred p e p l o s o f Athena, along with those o f the gods. T h e s e honours, along with the annual games w i t h p r o c e s s i o n and sacrifice i n t h e i r

honour,

g i v e an idea o f t h e i m p o r t a n c e attached t o t h e c o n f e r r i n g o f t h e title o f ' S a v i o u r ' ; had it b e e n t h o u g h t lightly of, it w o u l d n o t h a v e b e e n listed w i t h t h o s e e x t r e m e h o n o u r s

which made

Demetrius

'odious and o b n o x i o u s ' , at least i n P l u t a r c h ' s eyes. A n o t h e r typical e x a m p l e o f o n e w h o was c o n s i d e r e d w o r t h y t o receive such a title as early as t h e fifth c e n t u r y B . C , was L . Siccius Dentatus. During the war between the R o m a n s and the Aequians, Siccius and his m e n t o o k an e n e m y c a m p w h i c h h a d b e e n left un guarded, and w e n t o n t o a v i c t o r i o u s e n c o u n t e r against their e n e m i e s . Siccius, w h o , w e are t o l d , « s l e w t h e greatest n u m b e r o f t h e e n e m y and p e r f o r m e d

Ibid.:

1

t h e m o s t brilliant d e e d s » , was a c c l a i m e d b y

his

«£U£PY£TY)V TS x a i 7uaT£pa x a i acoTTJpa... ax6ueiv».

Demetrius

9 , 1 : «euepy£TT)v xai acoTvjpa 7rpoaayopeuovTe^». X X , 46, 2: « ... x a l pcojxov t8puara(/ivou<; Trpodayopeucyai ScoTY)ptov.» Further examples are found in K I T T E L ThWNT 8 , pp. 1 0 0 9 - 1 0 , in section d): 'acoTTjp' im hellenistischen Herrscherkult. 2

PLUTARCH,

3

DIODORUS OF SICILY,

5

65

enthusiasic

soldiers

as « t h e i r

father,

their

preserver

and

their

1

god» . P l u t a r c h g i v e s v a r i o u s examples o f t h e c o n f e r r i n g o f the title o f ' s a v i o u r ' o n m e n w h o h a d m e r i t e d it b y deeds w h i c h safeguarded the g e n e r a l p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e p e o p l e \ T i t u s F l a m i n i n u s restored freedom t o t h e G r e e k s in 1 9 6 B . C , w h i c h was p r o c l a i m e d during the I s t h m i a n G a m e s . T h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n was r e c e i v e d w i t h delirious j o y b y t h o s e attending t h e G a m e s , and, f o r g e t t i n g t h e c o m p e t i n g athletes, all s o u g h t t o g r e e t a n d a c c l a i m F l a m i n i n u s as « t h e S a v i o u r and c h a m p i o n 2

o f Greece » . Camillus likewise r e c e i v e d t h e title o f « S a v i o u r , father and g o d » in a c u r i o u s i n c i d e n t d u r i n g t h e i n v a s i o n o f the territory o f the Faliscans b y t h e R o m a n s . T h e F a l e r i i b e i n g besieged, a teacher a t t e m p t e d t o b e t r a y his f e l l o w - c o u n t r y m e n b y leading the b o y s i n t o t h e R o m a n o u t p o s t s . Camillus did n o t t a k e advantage o f the traitor's c o w a r d l y a t t e m p t t o c u r r y f a v o u r w i t h t h e R o m a n s , and t h e m a n was stripped a n d driven t o t h e city b y t h e b o y s . T h e b o y s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t t h e y o w e d t h e i r safety, and t h a t o f t h e i r f e l l o w - t o w n s m e n , t o t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e R o m a n general, and, f o r this reason, p r o c l a i m e d 3

Camillus « t h e i r S a v i o u r , t h e i r father and their g o d » . Mithridates, in the war

against t h e R o m a n s , s h o w e d

himself

likewise o f g e n e r o u s b e h a v i o u r w i t h r e g a r d t o his p r i s o n e r s ; h e g a v e t h e m sufficient supplies f o r t h e j o u r n e y , a n d sent t h e m b a c k t o their o w n c o u n t r i e s . A s a c c o u n t s o f this g e n e r o s i t y spread, embassies c a m e t o t h e k i n g , i n v i t i n g h i m t o their lands, a n d hailing h i m as their 4

' g o d and S a v i o u r ' . A p p i a n m a k e s references t o t h e « r e p u t a t i o n o f c l e m e n c y » w h i c h g r e w up a b o u t M i t h r i d a t e s a m o n g his e n e m i e s ; t h r e e times this a u t h o r m e n t i o n s t h e g o o d t r e a t m e n t w h i c h M i t h r i dates saw fit t o g i v e his prisoners, a l t h o u g h h e does n o t m e n t i o n t h a t t h e e n s u i n g popularity resulted i n his r e c e i v i n g t h e title o f '<7G)TY)p'.

DION, OF H A L . X 4 6 , 8 : «7raT^pa xal acofyjpa xai Geov.... 6vojxa£ovTs<;.» PLUT. Tit. Flam. 10, 5: «... xai 7rpoaei7retv T6V oo)T7Jpa i% 'EXXaSoc; xai 7rp6jxaxov.» PLUT. Camillus 10, 6 : «TOV 8k KajxiXXov atoTvjpa x a i TOXT^pa x a i 0eov a v a x a XOUVTS<;.» A similar example is found in PLUT. Cato the Younger 71, 1: «With 1

2

3

one voice they called Cato their Saviour and Benefactor, the only man who was free, the only one unvanquished» (pcovyj T&V euepylTYjv x a i acoTvjpa ... x a XOOVTCOV) . DIOD. Sic. X X X V I I 2 6 , 1: «0eov xai ao>T7Jpa 7upoaayopsi>6vTcov.» 4

66

W i t h such a tradition o f use d u r i n g t h e H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d , t h e r e was little l i k e l i h o o d o f t h e title dying o u t as a title o f h o n o u r d u r i n g the R o m a n E m p i r e . D u r i n g t h e first c e n t u r y B . C , t h e r e is e v i d e n c e o f its use for R o m a n generals *; J u l i u s Caesar was a c c l a i m e d « S a v i o u r 2

and B e n e f a c t o r » b y t h e citizens o f A t h e n s i n 4 8 B . C. . T h e ' s a v i n g ' h a d always b e e n c o n s i d e r e d i n a material w a y , i n spite o f t h e o c c a s i o n a l l y w i d e use o f t h e t e r m . P h i l o n o t e s

that

Caligula had b e e n l o o k e d o n b y m a n y as t h e ' S a v i o u r a n d B e n e f a c t o r ' o f his p e o p l e w h o w o u l d « p o u r fresh streams o f b l e s s i n g o n A s i a 3

and E u r o p e » . T h e s e blessings w o u l d b e t h e material benefits w h i c h a reign o f peace w o u l d b r i n g t o t h e R o m a n E m p i r e , j u s t as t h e G o l d e n A g e o f A u g u s t u s was t h e era o f t h e P a x A u g u s t a . D u r i n g Caligula's illness, p e o p l e b e g a n t o fear that t h e i r p r e v i o u s h o p e s f o r peace w o u l d b e b r o u g h t t o n o t h i n g s h o u l d t h e e m p e r o r d i e ; m e n discussed the possibility o f t h e r e c u r r e n c e o f t h e evils b r o u g h t a b o u t b y anarchy, evils w h i c h P h i l o lists w i t h g r e a t feeling - f a m i n e , w a r , devastation, r a v a g i n g o f fields, t h e loss o f p r o p e r t y , arrests a n d t h e 4

desperate fear o f slavery o r death . T h e title o f ' S a v i o u r a n d B e n e f a c t o r ' in this c o n t e x t underlines t h e individual a n d

community

aspect o f the r o l e o f o n e w h o preserves o r saves, as w e l l as t h e material benefits derived f r o m t h e direct o r indirect activities o f s u c h a 'sa viour'. S i n c e the r e i g n o f A u g u s t u s , ' S a v i o u r ' h a d b e e n i n frequent use for the e m p e r o r s , especially i n t h e E a s t

5

a n d its use

continued

steadily t h r o u g h o u t t h e first c e n t u r y . I t w a s n o t i n i t s e l f a d i v i n e title, but, as has already b e e n n o t e d f o r t h e title o f ' l o r d ' , i n applying

1 2

E . g. for Pompey, Syll. 755: «acoT7Jpi xat e u e p y £ T a . » Cf. 750. Syll. 759: 'O 8yj[xo<; Taiov IouXtov Kaiaapa apxiep£a xai SiXTOCTopa, T6V

sau-

TOUCTCOTTJpaxai euepyfTyjv.)) PHILO, Legatio ad Gaium 4,1 (ed. E.Mary Smallwood. Leiden, 1961): «Eu0i><; youv oux zlc, jxaxpav 6 aear/jp xai suepylTY)? elvai vop.ia8ei<; xat Tiva<; ayaOcov 7nr)ya£ v s a ? s7rojxPpr)CTStv 'Aata x e xai Eupc(>7qr] npb<; euSatfxoviav axaOai3

pSTOV . . . » 4

Ibid. 3, 16-17. OGIS 458. An inscription from Priene tells how «providence has filled the Emperor with virtue in order to make a 'Saviour of humanity'.» Cf. J . ROUFFIAC, Recherches sur les caracteres du grec dans le Nouveau Testament d'apres les inscriptions de Priene. Paris, 1911. In particular pp. 78-79. The author underlines the importance of the fact that the official religion of the Empire used similar terms to those used in Christian worship, not because the former directly influenced the origin of these terms, but because of the 'influence par contraste'. 5

67

it t o a Divus, o t t o t h e l i v i n g e m p e r o r , w h o was w o r s h i p p e d directly o r indirectly t h r o u g h his G e n i u s , it is m o s t p r o b a b l e that this t e r m gradually g a i n e d a ' d i v i n e ' sense f o r the average m a n . A s a title, it was n o t o n l y g i v e n t o e m p e r o r s , b u t also t o g o v e r n o r s and

officials,

especially i n E g y p t . A papyrus in t h e G i z e h M u s e u m

1

calls t h e Prefect 'his P r e s e r v e r '

in a p e t i t i o n c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e s o n o f a certain Saraeus. T h e letter is w r i t t e n b y t h e h u s b a n d o f t h e nurse Saraeus, w h o had b e e n caring f o r a foundling, p u t i n h e r care b y Syrus. A f t e r t h e death o f the foundling,

Syrus claims S a r a e u s ' o w n

son. T h e h u s b a n d

pleads

w i t h t h e prefect that justice s h o u l d b e d o n e : « I therefore c o m e t o 2

you, my Preserver, to obtain my rights...» . T h e r e is also s o m e t h i n g o f t h e Hellenistic n o t i o n o f 'preserver' i n P h i l o ' s descriptions o f t h e blessings o f Caligula's reign, m e n t i o n e d a b o v e ; calamities at t h e i n t e r i o r o f t h e R o m a n E m p i r e w o u l d

be

certainly m o r e easily a v o i d e d i f t h e unifying forces o f the imperial 'figure-head' h e l d m e n ' s loyalties against c o m m o n enemies. W i t h this i n m i n d , I find it difficult t o a c c e p t F r . B o m e r ' s statement that w h a t t h e H e l l e n i s t i c m a n w o u l d h a v e called ' G o d and S a v i o u r ' b e c a m e 3

' G o d and Father' for the R o m a n s . During

the

Jewish

campaign,

Vespasian

and

Titus

received

enthusiastic a c c l a m a t i o n s a n d the p e o p l e hailed t h e m as their Saviours. A t T i b e r i a s , V e s p a s i a n a n d his a r m y w e r e m e t b y t h e citizens, w h o o p e n e d up t h e gates o f t h e city t o h i m , and acclaimed h i m as their 4

S a v i o u r a n d B e n e f a c t o r . M u c h t h e same r e c e p t i o n was reserved for T i t u s at G i s c h a l a i n G a l i l e e , f o r m o s t o f t h e citizens w e r e anxious f o r a n e n d t o t h e w a r . A c c o r d i n g l y , T i t u s m a d e an a g r e e m e n t w i t h t h e m , that their liberty w o u l d b e g r a n t e d t o t h e m i f they surrendered o n peaceful t e r m s . T h e f o l l o w i n g day, w h e n T i t u s arrived at t h e city, t h e gates w e r e o p e n e d t o h i m a n d t h e m e n , w o m e n and flocked

children

o u t t o m e e t h i m , a c c l a i m i n g h i m as o n e w h o had liberated 5

t h e i r city . 1 2

3

4

Ox. Pap. I. no. x x x v m , pp. 8 1 - 8 2 : « inlak... T6V acoTYJpa TCOV SLXOCUDV Ti>xetv.» Cf. C. D . MORRISON, The Powers that Be. London, 1 9 6 0 , p. 1 3 5 . F R . BOMER, Tityrus und sein Gott. W J A IV ( 1 9 4 9 - 5 0 ) , p. 6 4 . Jos., Bell. Jud. Ill 4 5 9 : «Ol 8& xdc; TSTCOXOCSa v o t y o u a i v aoTc*> x a l JXST* £ 0 9 7 ) -

[zuov U7TY)VTCOV acoTYJpa x a l euepyeV/jv a v a x a X o o v T S < ; . » 5

Ibid. IV

112-113:

« Kal xa0' o0<;

yevoiTO 7rapu»v, OSTOL

izpbq

TYJV TJ&OVYJV T9J<;

Q£OL<; xal T6 (xetXtxtov OCUTOU TYJ<; o^ecoc; 7Tavxoiac; yjcpieaav 9covdc<;, T6V euepy^TTQV xal ocoTYJpa xal [x6vov <3c^ov ^ys{x6va TY)<; 'PCOJJLT)<; dvaxaXouvxec;.

68

O n t h e return o f V e s p a s i a n t o R o m e after t h e siege o f J e r u s a l e m , h e was received w i t h great enthusiasm b y t h e p e o p l e w h o h a d c o m e o u t t o m e e t h i m , a n d t h e y called h i m their B e n e f a c t o r a n d S a v i o u r , 1

the only p e r s o n w o r t h y t o b e t h e ruler o f t h e R o m a n s . O v e r t h e years, scholars h a v e p u t f o r w a r d

arguments

for

and

against the t h e o r y that Christian titles a n d liturgical practices devel o p e d f r o m t h o s e f o u n d in t h e ruler c u l t o f t h e H e l l e n i s t i c w o r l d . W h e t h e r or n o t t h e actual s o u r c e o f these t e r m s is H e l l e n i s t i c o r J e w i s h has received great attention,

but

nevertheless t h e r e are

parallels b e t w e e n t h e imperial cult a n d early Christian

obvious worship,

h o w e v e r superficial t h e similarities m a y b e . T o admit this i n n o w a y denies that t h e s o u r c e o f Christian t e r m s a n d practices s t e m f r o m 2

the J e w i s h rather t h a n t h e Hellenistic ; also, these parallels d o n o t in themselves suppose any deep c o n n e c t i o n ; in fact, i n m a n y in stances such similarities t e n d t o b e quite superficial as far as t h e sense b e h i n d the terms is c o n c e r n e d . H o w e v e r , i n t h e c o n t e x t o f J o h n ' s reference t o ' b l a s p h e m o u s titles', it is n o t t o o far-fetched t o s u p p o s e the attitude o f ordinary f o l k t o w a r d s such titles was influenced b y their loyalties, and t h e m e a n i n g t h e y u n d e r s t o o d i n s u c h titles. T h i s 3

attitude m a y b e u n d e r s t o o d particularly well i n t h e title o f ' S a v i o u r ' . I t has already b e e n n o t e d w h a t t h e G r e e k s u n d e r s t o o d b y t h e title o f ' S a v i o u r ' ; it is ' s a v i n g ' o r ' p r e s e r v i n g ' i n a v e r y material sense. I n the O l d T e s t a m e n t , t h e r e is quite a n o t h e r m e a n i n g w h e r e

the

stress is u p o n a 'spiritual s a v i n g ' , a deliverance f r o m a state o f sin, 4

an a t o n e m e n t . T h e t e r m as applied t o Christ has t a k e n o n this particular sense -

1

Christ has delivered m a n k i n d

from a

spiritual

TCTO<; 8k (xe0 7)[iipav lid voce; auvGyjxa? npbq TO TSIXO? 7uap7Jv. S'auTcj) TOLQ 7ruXa<; 6 SYJ^acx; x a l (xexa TCOV ysve&v 7rpoeX06vTs<; avstxprjixouv euepy^TYjv x a l 9poi>pa<; iXeoOepcoaravTa TT)V 7T6XIV.»

Ibid. VII 7 1 :

5

'Avofcyet,

L . KOEHLER, Christus im Alten und im Neuen Testament. ThZ 9 ( 1 9 5 3 ) p. 2 4 3 , holds that the title ator^p is of purely Hellenistic origin. Cf. G. THIEME, Die In schriften von Magnesia am Maander und das Neue Testament. Gottingen, 1 9 0 6 , pp. 3 7 2

38.

A. DEISSMANN, Light, p. 3 6 8 : «It would be possible in the case of many individual words belonging to the retinue of 'king' to prove the parallelism between the language of Christian worship and the formulae of the imperial law and the imperial cult... In the case of the word 'Saviour', the parallelism is particularly clear.» A. HARNACK, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries (Trans. J . MofFatt) London, 1 9 0 8 , pp. 1 0 1 - 1 2 4 . Chapter on the Gospel of the Saviour and of salvation. In particular, p. 1 0 1 : «Jesus appeared among 3

4

69

b o n d a g e , a n d w h e n Christians speak o f h i m as ' S a v i o u r ' , this is h o w t h e y understand t h e title. F o r this reason, H a r n a c k ' s interpre t a t i o n o f t h e t e r m f o r Christ is unnecessarily o n e - s i d e d ; h e stresses a b o v e all t h e r o l e o f Christ as a healer, as a type o f Christian Asclepius. I t is t r u e that H a r n a c k sees Christ as t h e physician o f b o d y and soul, a n d i n this sense, does i n d e e d a l l o w f o r the idea o f a t o n e m e n t , but it w o u l d n o t b e t r u e t o say that Christ is seen chiefly as a healer V T h e spiritual sense o f t h e w o r d 'acoryjp' w h e n applied t o G o d , and t h e n t o Christ, does n o t e x c l u d e t h e possibility o f there b e i n g a material sense i n t h e t e r m a l s o ; P h i l o g i v e s an e x a m p l e o f this after t h e statue incident w h e n , f r o m a h u m a n p o i n t o f v i e w , there seemed little h o p e o f h u m a n help. «A11 h u m a n aid v a n i s h e s ; let it vanish. B u t let us h o p e i n G o d o u r S a v i o u r , w h o h a d m a n y times saved his 2

p e o p l e f r o m hopelessness a n d i m p o s s i b l e s i t u a t i o n s . . . » . T h e r e is n o t h i n g h e r e t o suggest that P h i l o is m e r e l y t h i n k i n g o f spiritual situations - w h e n applied t o G o d , this title m a y h a v e an additional m e a n i n g b u t it does n o t e x c l u d e t h e possibility o f it retaining the material sense k n o w n i n t h e Hellenistic w o r l d . T h e r e are n u m e r o u s references t o Christ as ' S a v i o u r ' and it is a title w h i c h h e r e c e i v e d d u r i n g his earthly m i s s i o n as o p p o s e d t o the title o f ' K y r i o s ' w h i c h is applied o n l y t o t h e R i s e n Christ. J e s u s is also referred t o as ' S a v i o u r o f t h e W o r l d ' and this particular f o r m 3

is s t r o n g l y r e m i n i s c e n t o f t h e equivalent in t h e imperial c u l t . T h e first

reference is m a d e b y t h e Samaritans at t h e t o w n o f Sichar,

after Christ h a d spent t w o days w i t h t h e m a n d h a d led m a n y t o b e l i e v e . P r i o r t o his visit, t h e c o n v e r t e d Samaritan w o m a n was so full o f c o n v i c t i o n , that m a n y c a m e t o b e l i e v e because o f all she had t o l d t h e m . A f t e r t h e visit, t h e y t o l d t h e w o m a n that it was n o l o n g e r b e c a u s e o f h e r t e s t i m o n y that t h e y w e r e c o n v i n c e d , because n o w t h e y h a d h e a r d h i m f o r t h e m s e l v e s a n d w e r e totally c o n v i n c e d in 4

t h e i r o w n m i n d s that Christ was i n d e e d t h e ' S a v i o u r o f t h e W o r l d ' .

his people as a physician... a physician of soul and body.» In the Mystery-cults there were numerous examples of the 'saving' aspect of religion, but there was no idea of redemption as such. Cf. O. CULLMANN, Christology, p. 2 4 2 . 1

2

PHILO,

Leg. ad Gaium

29, 196.

Cf. O. CULLMANN, Christology, p. 2 4 4 . Jn. IV 4 2 : «OUX£TI $ia TYJV
4

70

AUTOI y a p ax7)xoa(xev x a i

St. J o h n again uses this phrase i n his first E p i s t l e \

when he

declares that « w e ourselves s a w a n d w e testify t h a t t h e F a t h e r sent his S o n as S a v i o u r o f t h e w o r l d » . D e i s s m a n n has p o i n t e d o u t that the expression aonqp

TOU XOCTJAOU

is f o u n d i n i n s c r i p t i o n s f o r t h e

Hellenistic E a s t i n t h e first c e n t u r y f o r Caesar, A u g u s t u s , Claudius, 2

Vespasian a n d T i t u s , s o its imperial usage c o v e r e d m o s t o f t h e c e n t u r y . T h e question has b e e n raised w h y t h e appearance o f t h e t e r m f o r Christ is c o m p a r a t i v e l y late, a l t h o u g h it appears i n t h e c a t h o l i c a n d pastoral E p i s t l e s . O n e plausible r e a s o n f o r this delay is g i v e n b y T a y l o r , w h e n h e offers as t h e m o s t likely r e a s o n t h e fact that its u s e for t h e e m p e r o r , w h e t h e r in a direct c u l t sense o r n o t , w o u l d h a v e 3

made t h e first Christians reticent a b o u t using i t t o o freely . A n o t h e r explanation m a y b e t h e popularity o f t h e t e r m 'xupios' w h i c h w a s sufficient in t h e early days o f Christianity. E v e n t h e q u e s t i o n as t o w h a t e x t e n t t h e early Christians w o u l d h a v e b e e n influenced i n t h e use o f t h e title 'aorofjp' b y its parallel u s a g e in t h e imperial cult, is perhaps less significant t h a n t h e fact that i t was used at all, at least f r o m t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f t h e R o m a n a u t h o r i ties. I t was e n o u g h that i t was used, a n d this a g g r a v a t e d t h e dispute 4

b e t w e e n t h e authorities a n d t h e Christian c o m m u n i t y .

c ) The Title of 'Divi

Films'

A c o m m o n title o f t h e e m p e r o r w h i c h c o u l d h a v e easily offended Christian ears was that o f ' s o n o f G o d ' . I n N e w T e s t a m e n t t i m e s , the t e r m was p o p u l a r f o r t h e e m p e r o r s , as it h a d b e e n f o r t h e H e l lenistic rulers, a n d t h e B a b y l o n i a n a n d E g y p t i a n rulers b e f o r e t h e m . T h e title seems t o h a v e h a d a d o u b l e sense i n t h e e m p i r e ; officially an e m p e r o r r e c e i v e d i t w h e n his p r e d e c e s s o r h a d b e e n deified a n d

I Jn. I V 1 4 : « x a i 7j(xsi<; TeGsapteOa x a i (xapTupoujxev 6TL 6TOXTT]Pdbr^GTaXxsv ul6v acoTYJpa TOU X6CTJXOU.» A. DEISSMANN, Light, pp. 3 6 8 - 3 6 9 . V . TAYLOR, The Names of fesus. London, 1 9 5 3 , pp. 1 0 8 - 9 : «... the use of the name in Greek religion and above all, in Caesar-worship, restricted and delayed its currency in the primitive tradition.» H . KENNEDY, Apostolic Preaching and Emperor Worship, p. 2 9 8 . 1

TOV 2

3

4

71

his n a m e h a d « b e e n e n r o l l e d a m o n g t h e g o d s » . T h e r e is also the i n d i r e c t m e a n i n g w h i c h is stressed b y s o m e e m p e r o r s m o r e

than

o t h e r s , a n d that is t h e i r divine sonship t h r o u g h miraculous means K W i t h t h e deification o f Caesar, A u g u s t u s h a d t h e right t o take the title o f D i v i F i l i u s , a n d this h e did as early as 4 2 B . C , w h i c h n o d o u b t did a great deal t o s t r e n g t h e n his p o s i t i o n as h e strove t o 2

3

establish his r u l e . A s has already b e e n p o i n t e d o u t b y various a u t h o r s , c

*6 u!6s TOU 0sou* o r ul6<; Osou' is t h e

corresponding

Greek

for

m u l a f o r this title. T h e title is e x t r e m e l y c o m m o n o n c o i n s and i n i n s c r i p t i o n s ; several examples p i c k e d at r a n d o m will suffice t o illustrate its use, as, f o r e x a m p l e , an i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m 4 0 B . C. after t h e p e a c e o f B r u n d i s i u m : « I m p . Caesar D i v i f. (C. f.) I l l v i r r. p . c. 4

o v a n s q u o d p a c e m c u m M . A n t o n i o f e c i t » . O n c o i n s , this title only 5

appeared i n 3 8 B . C. . T w o o t h e r typical examples are f o u n d in an 6

i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m O l y m p i a b e f o r e 2 7 B . C. , and o n t h e base o f a statue 7

f o u n d i n t h e theatre at P e r g a m u m . T h i s latter inscription is a dedi c a t i o n m a d e t o A u g u s t u s d u r i n g his lifetime and as such, is a clear e x a m p l e o f t h e E a s t e r n l a c k o f r e t i c e n c e i n addressing t h e e m p e r o r as a g o d e v e n d u r i n g his lifetime. A u g u s t u s is t h e s o n o f g o d i n virtue o f t h e deification o f his a d o p t e d father, J u l i u s Caesar. A t t h e same t i m e , t h e r e m u s t h a v e b e e n a special awareness in t h e use o f this title that A u g u s t u s c l a i m e d a special relationship w i t h A p o l l o , and t h e l e g e n d w h i c h g r e w up a r o u n d his b i r t h stresses this e v e n m o r e ; A t i a , t h e m o t h e r o f A u g u s t u s was said t o h a v e c o n c e i v e d h e r s o n after a

1

The expression 'son of God' had a particular significance in Egypt where the Pharaoh was considered the descendant of the god Ra, and this custom was certainly continued under the Ptolemies. Cf. G. DALMAN, The Words of fesus. Edinburgh, 1 9 0 2 , p. 2 7 2 f. Also, F R . TAEGER, Charisma. Studien %ur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes. II. Stuttgart, 1 9 6 0 , p. 9 8 . The assertion of Dalman that the term 'Divi Filius' was due merely to the modesty of Augustus is very limiting and negative; I should interpret it rather as a direct attempt to establish his rule on a legitimate basis, and as one of the many means of propaganda to influence the masses to his cause. E . g. L . CERFAUX & J . TONDRIAU, Culte des souverains, p. 4 4 9 . A. DEISSMANN, Bible Studies, Edinburgh, 1 9 0 1 , pp. 1 6 6 / 7 . CIL. I p. 1 8 0 . Cf. H . HEINEN, Zur Begriindung des romischen Kaiserkultes. Klio X I ( 1 9 1 1 ) p. 1 4 0 , no. 2 . Syll. 7 6 9 : «T6 XOIV&V TCOV 'Axatcov AuToxpaxopa Kataapa 0eoo ul6v.» M . FRAENKEL, Die Inschriften von Pergamon. Berlin, 1 8 9 5 , p. 3 8 1 : «Auxoxpaxopa Kataapa 0sou ul&v 0e6v EepaaT&v...» 2

3

4

5

6

7

72

2

visit f r o m A p o l l o i n t h e f o r m o f a serpent. A u g u s t u s was b o r n t e n m o n t h s later, and was reputed t o b e t h e s o n o f A p o l l o *. F o r T i b e r i u s , it is m o r e difficult t o analyse his t r u e feelings t o w a r d s cult w o r s h i p , b u t t h e traditional v i e w is that h e d i s c o u r a g e d

any

h o n o u r s w h i c h had n o t their r o o t s in t h e r e i g n o f A u g u s t u s . H o w e v e r , T i b e r i u s e n c o u r a g e d divine h o n o u r s f o r A u g u s t u s , a n d i n this w a y strengthened his o w n p o s i t i o n ; t h o u g h h e refused m a n y

honours

and titles w h i c h w e r e continually b e i n g offered t o h i m , especially in the E a s t , h e nevertheless a c c e p t e d and used t h e title ' D i v i A u g u s t i 2

Filius' . A s A u g u s t u s was t h e s o n o f t h e g o d J u l i u s , a n d T i b e r i u s o f D i v u s 3

A u g u s t u s , so was N e r o t h e s o n o f D i v u s Claudius , a n d D o m i t i a n 4

the s o n o f D i v u s V e s p a s i a n . T h e frequency o f t h e a b b r e v i a t i o n o f this title o n c o i n s and inscriptions m u s t h a v e i m p r e s s e d this idea firmly

o n the m i n d s o f Christian and p a g a n alike, especially as t h e

title was n o t limited t o t h e e m p e r o r s a l o n e . T h e r e are m a n y examples o f t h e parallel use o f this title i n t h e 5

N e w T e s t a m e n t f o r C h r i s t , especially i n t h e G o s p e l o f S t . J o h n , for this evangelist was particularly aware o f t h e r o l e o f Christ as t h e Messiah. H e declares that all h e has r e c o r d e d is t h e r e s o t h a t t h e reader may believe « t h a t J e s u s is t h e Christ, t h e S o n o f G o d , a n d t h a t 6

believing, y o u m a y h a v e life t h r o u g h his N a m e » . T h e title as used for Christ has its origin, n o d o u b t , in t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t usage, t h e principal source o f w h i c h is t h o u g h t t o h a v e b e e n t h e s e c o n d P s a l m : « L e t m e p r o c l a i m Y a h w e h ' s decree, H e has t o l d m e ' Y o u are m y

1

SUET. Aug. 94, 4. Cf. Dio X L V 2. This author maintains that Caesar was greatly influenced by Atia's account of her son's miraculous conception, and this was one of the reasons why Caesar intended to leave him as his successor. E.g. Syll. 791: «Ti(3epiov Kociorapa ©sou Ss^aaTOu ul6va.» Inschriften von Magnesia, ed. O. Kern, 157 B . (50-54 A. D.): « Nspcova KXauSiov Kaiaapa Apouaov reppt.avi.x6v TOV UIOV (Nero) TOO ^ s y t a T o u 0ecov (Clau dius). Cf. G. THIEME, Inschriften v. Magnesia, p. 33. A. DEISSMANN, Light, p. 347. RA VI 16 (1940) p. 222: «Divi filius imp. Divi Vespasiani f. Domitiani. 1st January-13th September, 87 A. D. R. H. FULLER, The Foundations of New Testament Christology. London, 1965, pp. 231-232: «Together with the Kyrios title, this designation was very popular in the Gentile Mission.» For other references e. g. Matt. IV 3, 6; X I 27; X I V 23; X V I 1 6 ; X X V I I 39-44. Mk. 1 1 ; III 11; V 7; I X 7; X I I 6; XIII 32; X I V 61; X V 39. Lk. I 35; IV 3, 9; X 22. Jn. I 49; X 36; X X 31; Rom. I 4. Cf. Jerusalem Bible, London, 1966. Matt. 4. note. Cf. G. DALMAN, Words of Jesus, pp. 274-287. Jn. X X 31. Cf. V. TAYLOR, The Names of fesus, p. 55. 2

3

4

5

6

73

S o n ' , t o d a y I h a v e b e c o m e y o u r father. A s k and I will g i v e y o u the n a t i o n s f o r y o u r h e r i t a g e , t h e ends o f t h e earth f o r y o u r d o m a i n » K I t is n o t likely that t h e t e r m ' S o n o f G o d ' f o r Christ had b e e n influenced

b y t h e imperial use, n o r e v e n f r o m t h e

pre-imperial

2

H e l l e n i s t i c use o r f r o m t h e M y s t e r y religions . H o w e v e r , far f r o m t h e G r e e k c o n c e p t i o n o f ' s o n o f G o d ' , t h e Christian title at least h a d t h e similarity o f w o r d s , a n d this i n i t s e l f c o u l d h a v e led the Christians t o l o o k o n t h e p a g a n use as b l a s p h e m o u s . F o r S t . J o h n especially, t h e title ' S o n o f G o d ' f o r Christ h a d a particular signif i c a n c e . Christ h i m s e l f speaks o f G o d sending H i s S o n i n t o the 3

w o r l d . W h e n t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e refers t o t h e blasphemous titles, it m a y well b e that h e h a d this title o f D i v i Filius in m i n d , for it h a d a special place i n J o h a n n i n e t h o u g h t a n d expression.

2. Acclamations - a Possible Interpretation of the Term 'Blasphemous Titles' as Used in the Apocalypse Having examined some o f the terms c o m m o n to both the emperor a n d Christ, w h i c h c o u l d p o s s i b l y h a v e influenced t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e w h e n h e s p o k e o f ' b l a s p h e m o u s titles', it w o u l d seem t h a t t h e s e titles are n o t t h e o n l y p o s s i b l e s o u r c e f o r such a phrase. O n e aspect w h i c h is n o t generally i n c l u d e d in c o m m e n t a r i e s o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e dealing w i t h this p o i n t is that o f acclamations, and t h e i r p o s s i b l e influence o n t h e minds o f m e n , w h i c h was, n o d o u b t , strong i f temporary. I n t h e w o r k s treating t h e imperial cult, n o m e n t i o n is made o f a c c l a m a t i o n s as a f o r m o f exteriorizing t h e sentiments o f the m o b , t h e soldiers o r t h e S e n a t e t o w a r d s t h e e m p e r o r i n his divine o r p o t e n t i a l l y divine capacity. F r o m a study o f t h e acclamations, it w o u l d s e e m t h a t t h o u g h o n t h e periphery o f cult-worship, there was a definite c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e m o r e o r g a n i z e d and established f o r m s o f w o r s h i p , a n d t h a t it w o u l d b e o f interest and utility t o e x a m i n e 1

Ps. II 7-8. For other Old Testament references: E x . IV 22. Dt. I 31; X X X I I 8 (angels); 10. Is. L X I I I 15. Jb. I 6 (angels); Eccl. IV 11. Ps. L X X X I I 6 (rulers and judges); L X X X I X 26, 27. V. TAYLOR, The Names of fesus, pp. 59-60. 3 Jn. m 17. 2

74

m o r e closely t h e use m a d e b o t h b y t h e e m p e r o r a n d t h e p e o p l e o f these acclamations I shall n o t g o i n t o a detailed study o f t h e military a c c l a m a t i o n s , w h e n a successful general was p r o c l a i m e d ' i m p e r a t o r ' o n t h e b a t t l e field b y his v i c t o r i o u s t r o o p s , n e i t h e r shall I dwell o v e r m u c h o n t h e 'adverse' a c c l a m a t i o n s , m a d e in an a t t e m p t t o f o r c e t h e h a n d o f t h e e m p e r o r , and t o o b l i g e h i m t o c h a n g e s o m e p o i n t o f p o l i c y , o r t o s h o w disapproval in g e n e r a l t o w a r d s a r e g i m e . T h e r e is always a natural t e n d e n c y o f t h e m o b t o w a r d s

over-

e x c i t e m e n t w h i c h c o u l d lead t o e x t r a v a g a n t cries a n d s h o u t s ; at t h e same t i m e , there is t h e s e e m i n g n e e d o f c r o w d s t o express t h e i r sentiments b y c h a n t i n g in u n i s o n , as w e realize f r o m o u r o w n e x perience o f ' c a u s e - m a r c h e s ' in c o n t e m p o r a r y t i m e s , o r e v e n m o d e r n equivalent o f t h e R o m a n c i r c u s , t h e present-day

the

football

m a t c h . T h e various b o o k s dealing w i t h t h e p s y c h o l o g y o f t h e m o b 2

t h r o w light o n this a s p e c t . U n d e r t h e early e m p e r o r s , w i t h their g e n e r a l policies o f restraint, there are few references t o t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s o f t h e p e o p l e , a n d it is o n l y under N e r o that t h e y s e e m t o b e a c c e p t e d a n d e v e n p o s i t i v e l y e n c o u r a g e d . W i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e imperial cult, a n d as its possibilities as an integrating f o r c e w e r e gradually p e r c e i v e d , t h e directing o f such manifestations seems t o h a v e a c c o r d i n g l y b e c o m e m o r e organized. I n o w i n t e n d t o e x a m i n e t h e references t o a c c l a m a t i o n s a n d t o place t h e m in their c o n t e x t i n an a t t e m p t t o ascertain h o w far o n e can support this t h e o r y that a c c l a m a t i o n s w e r e part o f t h e imperial cult, t h o u g h o f less i m p o r t a n c e than t h e established ritual. A c c l a m a -

Cf, T H . KLAUSER, Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, art. Akklamation, vol. I. Stuttgart, 1950, cols. 216-233, with bibliography. This author gives examples of acclamations in Iran, Israel, Asia Minor, Syria, Greece, Alexandria, Egypt and Byzantium. L . FRIEDLANDER, Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire. London, No date. The author gives an interesting chapter (I) on the spectacles during the early empire, and he compares them with the entertainments during the Republic. Friedlander stresses the lack of other occasions for public meetings and proclamations. R. MACMULLEN, Enemies of the Roman Order. London, 1966. Cf. especially the chapter on urban unrest, and p. 170ff. (with note 10 p. 339). MacMullen points out the «connection between the people as an audience and the people as an assembly in the constitutional sense - a connection made express in the use of theatres for mass meetings». The «political effectiveness of disor ders» is also discussed. 1

2

75

t i o n s w e r e n o t , o f c o u r s e , m a d e solely t o e m p e r o r s o r state leaders; t h e y w e r e g i v e n t o m e n w h o h a d captured t h e p o p u l a r imagination i n s o m e w a y , a n d i n these cases, t h e y w e r e m a r k s o f popularity o r favour. T h e r e is a n e x a m p l e o f this g i v e n b y H o r a c e , w h e r e

he

describes t h e w a r m r e c e p t i o n g i v e n t o M a e c e n a s in 3 0 B . C. in the T h e a t r e o f P o m p e y , w h e n h e m a d e his first appearance after a serious 1

i l l n e s s . H o r a c e m e n t i o n s specifically that M a e c e n a s was a k n i g h t ( ' e q u e s ' ) , perhaps t o underline that h e r e c e i v e d these h o n o u r s

un

officially. T h e a c c l a m a t i o n s a c c o r d e d t o J u l i u s Caesar w e r e certainly less restrained, i n d e e d a l m o s t excessive. I n fact, Suetonius gives the i m p r e s s i o n that t h e y w e r e ' u n h e a r d o f at t h e t i m e . R e t u r n i n g from the

'sacrificium L a t i n a r u m ' ,

Caesar was hailed w i t h

immoderate

a c c l a m a t i o n s . I t is interesting t o n o t e that it was at this p o i n t that a m a n f r o m t h e c r o w d placed a c r o w n m a d e f r o m a b r a n c h o f laurel 2

o n t h e h e a d o f Caesar's s t a t u e . T h i s last a c t i o n is generally listed a m o n g t h e h o n o u r s rendered t o Caesar, and, l i n k e d as it is w i t h t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s o f t h e p e o p l e , it w o u l d seem p r o b a b l e that there was a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e t w o , t h o u g h

Suetonius does

not

g i v e t h e actual titles w h i c h w e r e g i v e n , w h i c h c o u l d well have had d i v i n e o v e r t o n e s (for e x a m p l e , J u p p i t e r J u l i u s ) . Augustus

did

not

e n c o u r a g e a n y e x t r e m e professions

on

his

b e h a l f b y t h e p e o p l e ; as w e see f r o m his r e t i c e n c e in o t h e r spheres o f cult w o r s h i p , h e was anxious t o a v o i d any e x a g g e r a t i o n o r excessive h o n o u r s w h i c h c o u l d scandalise his R o m a n subjects. I t is reasonable t o suppose that A u g u s t u s saw s u c h a c c l a m a t i o n s as a potential danger, for t h e m o b was a n e l e m e n t easily swayed a n d h e had had experience o f this p h e n o m e n o n

after t h e death o f Caesar. Suetonius

shows

A u g u s t u s as a c t i n g v e r y strictly i n this m a t t e r , and there is little d o u b t that t h e first e m p e r o r s m a d e n o efforts t o c h a n n e l t h e e n t h u siasm o f t h e p l e b s , and, in fact, i f S u e t o n i u s is t o b e t a k e n at his w o r d , t h e y a c t e d s t r o n g l y against such b e h a v i o u r . O n o n e o c c a s i o n , d u r i n g a m i m e , the w o r d s « 0 g o o d a n d just m a s t e r » w e r e s p o k e n .

HORACE, Carm. I 2 0 , 3 : «datus in theatro cum tibi plausus, care Maecenas eques, ut paterni fluminis ripae simul et iocosa redderet laudes tibi Vaticani montis imago.» SUET. Jul. 7 9 , 1 - 2 : «Nam cum in sacrificio Latinarum, reuertente eo inter immodicas ac nouas populi acclamationes, quidam e turba statuae eius coronam lauream... imposuisset...» 1

2

76

T h e s e w o r d s t h e over-enthusiastic spectators applied t o A u g u s t u s , a l m o s t as a n a c c l a m a t i o n , a n d t h e e m p e r o r p u t a n e n d t o t h e s e extravagant praises a n d e v e n r e b u k e d t h e p e o p l e i n a n edict o n 1

the following day . I n 5 9 A . D . , N e r o established a special c o r p s o f a b o u t 5 0 0 0 soldiers called ' A u g u s t a n s ' ( A u g u s t i a n i ) . T h e s e y o u n g m e n h a v e b e e n d e scribed as « o f t h e u p p e r classes, w h o w e r e trained t o j o i n t h e e m p e r o r 2

in gymnastic a n d artistic e x h i b i t i o n s » , i n i m i t a t i o n o f similar g r o u p s w h i c h h a d b e e n f o r m e d d u r i n g t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d , f o r e x a m p l e , the «PaatXtxol TCou$e?.» D i o , h o w e v e r , g i v e s a n o t h e r detail a b o u t these A u g u s t i a n i w h i c h seems significant i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e 3

n o t i o n o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s divinity . H e says that these soldiers w e r e t o lead t h e applause w h e n N e r o m a d e a n appearance i n t h e theatre - t h e forerunners o f o u r c o n t e m p o r a r y cheer-leaders i n t h e W e s t e r n w o r l d . T h e s e m e n w o u l d u r g e o n t h e spectators, m a n y o f w h o m j o i n e d i n t h e shouts o f t h e A u g u s t i a n i against their b e t t e r j u d g m e n t . I t is under N e r o that t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s a c q u i r e a m o r e specific cult-value, f o r t h e e m p e r o r is a c c l a i m e d i n t e r m s w h i c h a r e c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e divine, a n d w h i c h underline t h e i m p e r i a l claims t o divinity just as m u c h as a statue o f a n e m p e r o r w i t h t h e attributes o f Apollo, Mars o r any other g o d . T h e acclamations led b y the Augustiani certainly held s o m e e l e m e n t o f divine w o r s h i p , w h e t h e r or n o t they w e r e m a d e w i t h all t h e sincerity s u p p o s e d : « O u r A p o l l o , o u r A u g u s t u s , a n o t h e r Pythian. B y t h y s e l f w e swear, O Caesar, 4

n o n e surpasses t h e e » . T a c i t u s is certainly n o t c o n v i n c e d that these 1

SUET. Aug. 5 3 , 2 (cf. p. 5 5 ) : «Cum spectante eo ludos pronuntiatum esset in mimo: O dominum aequum et bonum! et uniuersi quasi de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent, et statim manu uultuque indecoras adulationes repressit et insequenti die grauissimo corripuit edicto.» Cf. Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, vol. I, cols. 2 2 0 - 2 2 1 , where mention is made of the acclamations to Germanicus by the people of Alexandria in A. D. 1 9 . Cf. also U. WILAMOWITZ & F. ZUCKER, Zwei Edikte des Germanicus. SbB 1 9 1 1 pp. 7 9 4 - 8 2 1 . E . PETERSON, El? ©e6<;, pp. 1 7 2 f. who gives the conclusions of C.CICHORIUS, Romische Studien, 1 9 2 2 , pp. 3 7 7 f. 2

A. MOMIGLIANO, CAH X p. 7 1 7 . Cambridge, 1 9 3 4 . Cf. M . ROSTOVTZEFF, Klio, Beiheft III, 1 9 0 5 , p. 7 4 ff. PAULY-WISSOWA, R E II cols. 2 3 6 3 . J . GAGE, La Victoire imperiale dans Vempire chretien. R H P R ( 1 9 3 3 ) , p. 3 7 8 . 3 Dio L X I I 2 0 , 3 : «^v j/iv y<*P xal tStov OCUTCO aucyTYjpia he, 7rsvTaxiaxiX6ou<; 0V T CFTpaTicoTac; 7uapeaxei>aa(Aevov, AuyouaTeiofc TS a>vo[xa£ovTO xal I5^PX &v e7ra£vcov.» 4

Ibid. L X I I 2 0 , 5 : « 'O xaX&s Kataap, 6 'A^XXcov, 6 AfryouaTo?, el? a>? Ilu0io<;. (xa ae, KaTaap, ouSe^ a s v i x a . » 77

a c c l a m a t i o n s c a m e straight f r o m t h e heart. T h e plebs w e r e accus t o m e d t o s u p p o r t i n g t h e a c t o r s w i t h their shouts and applause, and s o N e r o c a m e i n f o r his share. H a v i n g explained this m u c h , T a c i t u s 1

adds t w o w o r d s , full o f significance: «Crederes laetari» . O n e can sense t h e i r o n y i n these w o r d s : « o n e m i g h t suppose that they w e r e full o f j o y » , s h o w i n g his scepticism as t o w h e t h e r such acclamations w e r e t h e g e n u i n e exteriorization o f t h e feelings o f t h e spectators. T a c i t u s also m e n t i o n s t h e f o r m a t i o n o f this b a n d o f Augustiani, all o f w h o m w e r e r e m a r k a b l e f o r their a g e and their strength, and this a u t h o r g i v e s t h e additional detail that they w e r e R o m a n 'equites', d r a w n t o w a r d s this n e w p o s i t i o n either f r o m a spirit o f boldness 2

o r f r o m t h e h o p e o f attaining an influential p o s i t i o n . D a y and night, t h e applause and a c c l a m a t i o n s o f these y o u n g m e n e c h o e d a r o u n d t h e palace, using such e x t r a v a g a n t t e r m s w h i l e describing the beauty a n d t h e v o i c e o f t h e e m p e r o r , that they c o u l d h a v e b e e n applied t o 3

t h e g o d s . T a c i t u s is o b v i o u s l y u n s y m p a t h e t i c t o such forms o f w o r s h i p , r e g a r d i n g all e x c e s s i v e praise as h y p o c r i s y and as a t o o l i n o r d e r t o a d v a n c e t h o s e w h o w e r e willing t o debase themselves b y t h e v e r y r e n d e r i n g o f such a c c l a m a t i o n s . S u e t o n i u s , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , is less specific a b o u t the grade o f t h e s e y o u n g m e n , a l t h o u g h h e does state that they w e r e adolescents f r o m k n i g h t l y families. H e g i v e s m o r e details a b o u t the divisions o f this 5 0 0 0 - s t r o n g c o r p s ; it was divided i n t o factions, each o f w h i c h was m a d e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a particular k i n d o f applause, w h i c h w o u l d a c t as a b a c k g r o u n d w h e n N e r o p e r f o r m e d in the theatre 4

- « b o m b o s et i m b r i c e s e t testas u o c a b a n t » .

1

T A C Ann. X V I 4 , 4 : « E t plebs quidem urbis, histrionum quoque gestus iuvare solita, personabat certis modis plausuque composito. Crederes laetari.» T A C Ann. X V I 1 5 , 5 : «Tuncque primum conscripti sunt equites Romani cognomento Augustianorum, aetate ac robore conspicui et pars ingenio procaces, alii in spem potentiae.» Ibid.: «Ii dies ac noctes plausibus personare, formam principis vocemque deum vocabulis appellantes; quasi per virtutem clari honoratique agere.» SUET. Nero 2 0 , 6 : «Neque eo segnius adulescentulos equestris ordinis et quinque amplius milia e plebe robustissimae iuventutis undique elegit, qui divisi in factiones plausuum genera condiscerent.» 'p6pipo<;' was a deep, hollow noise, a booming sound which might have been used to describe trumpets. An 'imbrex* was a hollow tile used in roofing, which would no doubt, serve admirably as 'clappers' to denote enthusiasm at the end of an entertainment, or else it could refer simply to a mode of applause with the hands, as is customary even today. A 'testa' was an earthen vessel, a brick or a tile or, less commonly, 2

3

4

78

T h e s e A u g u s t i a n i s e e m also t o h a v e b e e n quite r e c o g n i z a b l e , b o t h b y their t h i c k hair a n d b y t h e i r o r n a t e u n i f o r m a n d t h e i r r e finement. T h e y did n o t w e a r a r i n g o n their left h a n d a n d t h e i r 1

leaders earned as m u c h as f o u r h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d sesterces . A n o t h e r reason w h y I c o n s i d e r t h e s e a c c l a m a t i o n s as p a r t o f t h e developing imperial c u l t is b e c a u s e t h e y are l i n k e d w i t h s u c h t h i n g s 2

as lights a n d i n c e n s e , w h i c h definitely f o r m e d p a r t o f c u l t - w o r s h i p . O n t h e return o f N e r o f r o m G r e e c e , his t r i u m p h a l e n t r y i n t o R o m e is described in detail b y D i o ; t h e c r o w n s N e r o h a d w o r n

were

carried in first, f o l l o w e d b y m e n b e a r i n g w o o d e n panels i n s c r i b e d w i t h the n a m e o f t h e g a m e s a n d t h e type o f c o n t e s t , as w e l l as a n inscription stating that « N e r o Caesar, first o f all t h e R o m a n s f r o m 3

the b e g i n n i n g o f the w o r l d » h a d w o n i t . N e r o h i m s e l f f o l l o w e d in t h e triumphal c a r w e a r i n g a g o l d - s p a n g l e d c l o a k , a n d a g a r l a n d o f wild o l i v e , a n d was a c c o m p a n i e d b y soldiers a n d k n i g h t s a n d the Senate. T h e w h o l e city h a d b e e n d e c o r a t e d w i t h garlands i n h o n o u r o f the V i c t o r i o u s ' e m p e r o r , lights added t o t h e a t m o s p h e r e o f festivity, and the air was filled w i t h i n c e n s e . I n c e n s e was t o h o l d an i m p o r t a n t place in cult ritual, and, in fact, at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s e c o n d century, it was o n e o f t h e m e t h o d s used t o ascertain w h e t h e r a m a n was sincere in denying his Christianity - h e was o b l i g e d t o pray t o t h e g o d s , t o b l a s p h e m e t h e n a m e o f Christ, a n d t o sacrifice 4

w i t h i n c e n s e a n d w i n e b e f o r e t h e statue o f t h e e m p e r o r . T h e acclamations themselves w e r e m o r e e x t r a v a g a n t at this s t a g e : «Hail, Olympian V i c t o r ! Hail, Pythian V i c t o r ! Augustus! Augustus! Hail t o N e r o , o u r H e r c u l e s ! H a i l t o N e r o , o u r A p o l l o ! T h e o n l y victor o f the Grand T o u r , the only one from the beginning o f time!

a shell. Any of these things could have been used, though perhaps a tile would be the most likely, as it would be closely connected with the 'imbrex'. SUET. Nero 2 0 , 6 : «... operamque navarent cantanti sibi, insignes pinguissima coma et excellentissimo cultu puris ac sine anulo laevis, quorum duces quadringena milia sestertia merebant.» Professor Othmar Perler reminded me of the fact that torches and incense are part of the ceremonial attached to the court of the Oriental sovereigns without necessarily having any cult significance. 3 Dio LXIII 2 0 . PLINY, Letters X 9 6 , 5 (LCL. London, 1 9 5 8 ) : «Qui negabant se esse Christianos aut fuisse, cum praeeunte me deos appellarent et imagini tuae, quam propter hoc iusseram cum simulacris numinum adferri, ture ac vino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt re vera Christiani, dimittendos esse putavi.» 1

2

4

79

A u g u s t u s ! A u g u s t u s ! O D i v i n e V o i c e ! B l e s s e d are t h e y that hear l

y o u ! » . S o m e o f t h e s e a c c l a m a t i o n s are h o n o r i f i c w i t h o u t specific reference t o t h e e m p e r o r ' s divinity, b u t o t h e r s , s u c h as « O u r H e r c u l e s » , o r « O u r A p o l l o » , o r « 0 D i v i n e V o i c e » are m o r e

than

m e r e cries o f w e l c o m e . D i o h i m s e l f realized that his readers w o u l d find s u c h praise e x c e s s i v e a n d unfitting, f o r h e stresses that h e h a d p u r p o s e l y used t h e v e r y w o r d s o f t h o s e m a k i n g t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s ; i n fact, h e adds several lines t o e x c u s e his h a v i n g d o n e s o , for t o h a v e e l i m i n a t e d a n y expressions w h i c h m i g h t h a v e g i v e n fication

disedi-

t o his readers, w o u l d h a v e lessened t h e distinction o f t h e

whole work. The

parallel a c c o u n t g i v e n b y

S u e t o n i u s m e n t i o n s specifically

t h a t t h e e m p e r o r ' s c h a r i o t was f o l l o w e d b y his professional applauseleaders, w h o called o u t r e p e a t e d l y : « W e are t h e A u g u s t i a n i and t h e 2

soldiers o f his t r i u m p h » .

A l t h o u g h D i o ' s t e x t does n o t

mention

t h e A u g u s t i a n i , it is o b v i o u s f r o m earlier e v i d e n c e , e v e n

without

t h e c o n f i r m a t i o n b y S u e t o n i u s , that t h e y w e r e i n v o l v e d i n t h e accla m a t i o n s w h i c h w e r e s u c h an i m p o r t a n t part o f t h e triumphal p r o c e s sion. S u e t o n i u s declares t h a t all a l o n g t h e r o u t e o f t h e p r o c e s s i o n v i c t i m s w e r e i m m o l a t e d , b u t h e does n o t say w h o was t h e o b j e c t o f t h e s e sacrifices - t h e g o d s , as a t h a n k s g i v i n g f o r t h e safe and g l o r i o u s r e t u r n o f t h e e m p e r o r , o r t h e e m p e r o r himself. Dio

r e m a r k s w i t h i r o n y t h a t n o t o n l y did t h e m o b i n general

witness, endure and approve N e r o ' s extraordinary behaviour,

but

3

t h a t t h e soldiers also j o i n e d i n t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s . S i n c e this was i n 6 7 A . D . , d u r i n g his G r e e k t o u r , t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s w e r e c o n n e c t e d w i t h his ' s u c c e s s e s ' i n t h e G a m e s - h e was called P y t h i a n V i c t o r , Olympian V i c t o r , V i c t o r in the G r a n d T o u r and Universal V i c t o r . N o n e o f t h e s e expressions i n t h e m s e l v e s bears a n y direct relation t o cult-worship,

b u t D i o adds t h a t t h e r e w e r e also t h e usual accla

m a t i o n s , as w e l l as t h e titles b e l o n g i n g t o his imperial status, so that t h e n a m e s o f 'Caesar' a n d ' A u g u s t u s ' w e r e used frequently as well.

1

Dio L X I I I 2 0 , 5 : «Nlpo>vtT 'HpaxXel, N£p<; elq 7ispioSovbajs, sl<; &n' od&vo<;... Eepdc cpcovyj * (xaxaptot o£ aou <XXOUOVTS<;.» SUET. Nero 2 5 , 1 : «... sequentibus currum ovantium fitu plausoribus, 'Augustianos militesque se triumphi eius* clamitantibus.» Dio L X I I I 1 0 , 1 : «nu0iovfocy)v TS aux6v xai 'OXi>[j.7uovba)v xai 7rspio8ovfcxY)v TOXVTOvtacTjv, 7rp6<; TOt<; <5cXXot<; oI<; etcoOeaav, dbrsxaXouv.)) 2

3

80

W e h a v e already seen that t h e v e r y n a m e o f A u g u s t u s

suggested

a sacred element and t h e c h a n t i n g i n u n i s o n o f o n e o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s titles - and a m o s t significant o n e f o r t h e p e o p l e f o r it l i n k e d t h e e m p e r o r in a special w a y w i t h D i v u s A u g u s t u s - w a s , n o

doubt,

an h o n o u r w h i c h N e r o did all i n his p o w e r t o e n c o u r a g e . I n fact, in a similar c i r c u m s t a n c e , w e are t o l d explicitly t h a t N e r o ' o r g a n i z e d ' t o s o m e e x t e n t t h e praises that w e r e lavished o n h i m b y the Alexandrian i m m i g r a n t s , w h o h a d arrived in N a p l e s a s h o r t t i m e previously K T h e 'laudationes' w h i c h w e r e s u n g o r c h a n t e d in h o n o u r o f t h e e m p e r o r , so pleased h i m t h a t h e g a v e orders f o r a n even greater n u m b e r o f these i m m i g r a n t s , p r e s u m a b l y t o e n c o u r a g e the c o n t i n u a n c e o f such h y m n s o f praise. H e r e w e see t h e e m p e r o r actively e n c o u r a g i n g his o w n h o n o u r s , w h i c h strengthens t h e t h e o r y that N e r o used and o r g a n i z e d t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s o f t h e p e o p l e f o r his o w n ends. J o s e p h u s cites various o c c a s i o n s w h e n t h e enthusiastic

people

s h o w e d their gratitude t o their l i b e r a t o r b y t h e i r united a c c l a m a t i o n s . H e describes V e s p a s i a n ' s c a m p a i g n against t h e citadel at T i b e r i a s , for example, a n d as s o o n as V e s p a s i a n realized that t h e inhabitants w e r e n o t hostile t o his i n t e n t i o n s , h e a d v a n c e d t o w a r d s t h e city. A t this p o i n t , t h e multitude o p e n e d t h e gates o f t h e c i t y , a n d m e t Vespasian w i t h « a c c l a m a t i o n s o f j o y » calling h i m t h e i r S a v i o u r a n d 2

Benefactor . A similar episode t o o k place at t h e surrender o f G i s c h a l a i n G a l i l e e b y w h i c h T i t u s had p r o m i s e d t h e inhabitants t h e r e c o v e r y o f t h e i r liberty. T h e p e o p l e o p e n e d t h e gates o f t h e c i t y f o r h i m at his a p p r o a c h and c a m e o u t w i t h t h e i r w i v e s and families, a c c l a i m i n g T i t u s as 3

their b e n e f a c t o r and t h e deliverer o f their city . I t is interesting t o n o t e that t h e third e x a m p l e o f a c c l a m a t i o n s g i v e n b y J o s e p h u s f o r this e p o c h , deals w i t h t h o s e g i v e n b y t h e people o f R o m e after t h e siege o f J e r u s a l e m . P e r h a p s this e p i s o d e appealed t o t h e p o p u l a r

imagination, for the acclamations

were

generous and v a r i e d ; w e are t o l d that t h e p e o p l e h e passed m a d e

SUET. Nero 20, 5: «captus autem modulatis Alexandrinorum laudationibus, qui de novo commeatu Neapolim confluxerant, plures Alexandria evocavit.» Jos. Bell lud. Ill 459, see p. 68 note 4. Ibid. IV 112-113, see p. 68 note 5. 1

2 3

6

81

all sorts o f a c c l a m a t i o n s , calling h i m their S a v i o u r and B e n e f a c t o r a n d t h e o n l y p e r s o n w o r t h y t o b e t h e ruler o f t h e city o f R o m e *. A l l a c c l a m a t i o n s d o n o t c o m e u n d e r this g r o u p w h i c h has b e e n l i n k e d w i t h t h e divine h o n o u r s g i v e n t o t h e e m p e r o r . T h e r e w e r e t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s o f t h e soldiers w h i c h g a v e a m a n t h e p o s i t i o n and r i g h t s o f e m p e r o r ; this o b v i o u s l y t o o k p l a c e at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a r e i g n only, as o p p o s e d t o t h e p o p u l a r acclamations w h i c h punctuated t h e e m p e r o r ' s p u b l i c appearances, particularly in t h e theatre o r cir cus. T h e rise o f O t h o g i v e s a g o o d illustration o f this last p o i n t ; as companion o f N e r o and the previous husband o f Poppaea, he looked u p o n h i m s e l f as a w o r t h y s u c c e s s o r o f G a l b a . W h e n G a l b a c h o s e M . P i s o L u c i n i a n u s as s u c c e s s o r , h e thus offended O t h o , w h o had b e e n t h e first c o m m a n d e r t o p r o c l a i m his allegiance t o G a l b a , and h e t h e r e f o r e m a d e o v e r t u r e s t o t h e p r a e t o r i a n guard, in t h e h o p e o f g a i n i n g t h e i r allegiance. S u e t o n i u s tells h o w O t h o was raised o n t h e shoulders o f t h e soldiers, w h e r e h e was saluted as e m p e r o r , and h e was t h e n b o r n e a l o n g , s u r r o u n d e d b y soldiers w h o acclaimed h i m , 2

s w o r d i n h a n d , a n d all w h o m e t h i m thus, j o i n e d forces w i t h h i m . I n his desire t o please t h e m o b , O t h o a c c e p t e d various h o n o u r s w h i c h h e later h a d t o refuse w h e n h e realized that t h e m o s t influential m e n w e r e displeased b y these practices. F o r e x a m p l e , the c r o w d 3

a c c l a i m e d h i m i n t h e theatre b y t h e n a m e o f N e r o , and b e g a n p r o d u c i n g statues o f N e r o i n p u b l i c . T h e s e actions w e r e p r o b a b l y a n a t t e m p t t o legitimize O t h o ' s claims f o r t h e imperial title, as m u c h as a n y t h i n g else, and, as s o o n as O t h o felt his p o s i t i o n secure, h e a b a n d o n e d such practices. N o t all f o r m s o f a c c l a m a t i o n s c a n b e l o o k e d o n as part o f cultw o r s h i p - a b r i e f m e n t i o n has already b e e n m a d e t o the 'adverse' acclamations made in the presence o f unpopular emperors,

and,

apart f r o m g i v i n g s o m e e x a m p l e s , I shall n o t study t h e m in detail since t h e y d o n o t relate directly t o this idea o f imperial h o n o u r s . A f t e r t h e death o f O f o n i u s T i g e l l i n u s , t h e prefect o f t h e imperial g u a r d , at t h e i n s t i g a t i o n o f O t h o , t h e m o b pressed towards

1

the

Ibid. VII 71, see p. 69 note 1. SUET. Otho 6,6: «... et a praesente comitatu imperator consalutatus inter faustas acclamationes strictosque gladios ad principia devenit, obvio quoque non aliter ac si conscius et particeps foret adhaerente.» PLUT. Otho 3, 1: «lv TOI? OeaTpou; N£ptov TrpoaayopeikaOaL» 2

3

82

Palatium and in t h e p u b l i c places, i n t h e theatres a n d i n t h e c i r c u s , 1

t h e c r o w d s raised t h e i r v o i c e s i n seditious cries . T h e r e is a similar example o f such ' a c c l a m a t i o n s ' after t h e death o f D o m i t i a n , w h e n t h e senators invaded t h e curia a n d s h o w e r e d t h e m o s t v i o l e n t and 2

injurious invectives o v e r t h e dead b o d y o f t h e e m p e r o r . T a c i t u s takes these seditious cries as p r o o f t h a t t h e p e o p l e w e r e n o t sincere in their a c c l a m a t i o n s ; h e p o i n t s o u t that t h e m o b , w h i c h called o u t w i t h such v i o l e n c e f o r t h e death o f O t h o , w o u l d p r o b a b l y b e demanding t h e e x a c t o p p o s i t e o n t h e s a m e day, b e c a u s e o f t h e 3

tradition t o flatter a n y p r i n c e w i t h s u c h e x a g g e r a t e d a c c l a m a t i o n s . D i o supports T a c i t u s in this v i e w i n his d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e accla mations paid t o C o m m o d u s in t h e late s e c o n d c e n t u r y , a n d h e s h o w s h o w t h e p e o p l e c h a n g e d certain w o r d s o f t h e a c c l a m a t i o n s w h i c h they had formerly used t o pay c o u r t t o C o m m o d u s , i n o r d e r t o m a k e 4

t h e m c o m p l e t e l y ridiculous . I n this t e x t , D i o describes t h e actual acclamations - h e speaks o f a k i n d o f ' r h y t h m i c s w i n g ' w h i c h o n c e again puts o n e i n m i n d

o f t h e slogans c h a n t e d b y

present-day

I n his P a n e g y r i c , P l i n y r e m a r k s that t h e e m p e r o r s

themselves

marchers. should m a k e it their duty t o learn t o distinguish t r u e a c c l a m a t i o n s 5

f r o m t h e false . H e seems t o b e h i n t i n g that these a c c l a m a t i o n s h a v e b e e n used b y t h e e m p e r o r s as a m e a n s o f r u n n i n g after adulation and

honours:

«non

submovenda

the i m p o r t a n t

thing

is n o t

to

adulatio» -

and

he

says

that

resume their former position o f

power. A s w i t h o t h e r cult-practices, a c c l a m a t i o n s m a d e t o t h e e m p e r o r gradually influenced t h e f o r m a l expressions o f w o r s h i p i n t h e early

1

T A C Hist. I 7 2 , 3 : « E o infensior populus... concurrere ex tota urbe in Palatium ac fora et, ubi plur ima volgi licentia, in circum ac theatfa effusi seditiosis vocibus strepere...» SUET. Dom. 2 3 , 2 : «Contra senatus adeo laetatus est, ut repleta certatim curia non temperaret, quin mortuum contumeliosissimo atque acerbissimo adclamationum genere laceraret.» T A C Hist. I 3 2 , 1 : «Sed tradito more quemcumque principem adulandi licentia adclamationum et studiis inanibus.» 2

3

4

Dio L X X I V 2, 3. PLIN. Paneg. 7 5 , 5 :

«Discant et principes acclamationes veras falsasque discernere habeantque muneris tui quod iam decipi non poterunt. Non instruendum illis iter ad bonam famam, sed non deserendum, non submovenda adulatio, sed non reducenda est.» 5

83

Christian c o m m u n i t y \ a n d s o m e o f these 'laudes' h a v e remained i n t h e liturgy until present t i m e s . T h i s w a s , h o w e v e r , a gradual d e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e r e w e r e o n l y t h e first traces t o b e f o u n d i n t h e w r i t i n g s o f t h e first c e n t u r y Christians. A c c l a m a t i o n s i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t a r e o n l y m e n t i o n e d infrequently a n d they d o n o t t h r o w m u c h l i g h t o n t h e i r d e v e l o p i n g liturgical function. Perhaps t h e b e s t - k n o w n N e w T e s t a m e n t a c c l a m a t i o n is t h a t o f t h e 'first P a l m S u n d a y ' , w h e n Christ e n t e r e d J e r u s a l e m amidst t h e adulation o f t h e 2

c r o w d s : « A n d t h o s e w h o w e n t i n front a n d t h o s e w h o followed w e r e all s h o u t i n g ' H o s a n n a ! B l e s s i n g s o n h i m w h o c o m e s in t h e n a m e o f t h e L o r d . B l e s s i n g s o f t h e c o m i n g k i n g d o m o f o u r father 3

D a v i d . H o s a n n a i n t h e h i g h e s t h e a v e n s ' » . T h i s w a s a true accla m a t i o n o f royalty. A c c o r d i n g t o S t . J e r o m e , ' h o s a n n a ' is a c o n t r a c t i o n o f t w o w o r d s 4

o f P s . C X V I I I 2 5 : ' s a l v u m f a c ' - ' m a k e safe' o r 'save m e ' . W h e t h e r o r n o t t h e p r i m i t i v e sense o f t h e w o r d w a s k n o w n t o t h e J e w s o n t h e first P a l m S u n d a y , t h e w o r d w a s t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a joyful accla m a t i o n , a n d i t has r e m a i n e d e v e r since i n t h e liturgy o f t h e R o m a n 5

c h u r c h . T h i s w o r d is c o m p l e t e l y messianic, a n d it w a s p r o b a b l y u s e d i n this sense as a r e c o g n i t i o n o f Christ's messianic position. T h e r e is a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n a n d t h e spreading o f g a r m e n t s

t h e acclamations o f ' h o s a n n a '

o n the roads: « G r e a t crowds o f 6

p e o p l e spread their c l o a k s o n t h e roads... » . T h i s spreading o f g a r m e n t s o n t h e r o a d w a s a n extraordinary h o n o u r , c o u p l e d as it w a s w i t h t h e enthusiastic a c c l a m a t i o n s o f t h e p e o p l e , a n d this fact w a s realized b y s o m e o f t h e P h a r i s e e s . I n t h e first c e n t u r y B . C , this h o n o u r was n o t u n h e a r d o f , b u t i t w a s e x c e e d i n g l y rare, a n d a m o n g t h e R o m a n s

1

400, 2

3

Cf. J . GAGE, La Victoire impiriale dans P empire chritien. RHPR ( 1 9 3 3 ) pp. 3 7 0 esp. p. 3 9 6 . Jn. X I I 1 2 - 1 9 ; Lk. X I X 2 8 - 3 8 ; Mk. X I 8 - 1 1 ; Mt. X X I 1 - 1 1 . Mk. X I 9 - 1 0 . Cf. O. PERLER in Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana XLIII ( 1 9 6 7 )

pp. 2 4 3 fF., who shows how the faithful at the Eucharist used the same formula as was used by the crowds at the entry of Christ into Jerusalem. These epiphanyacclamations were used in other liturgies: cf. p. 2 4 5 , of his article entitled «Die Darstellung der Eucharistie auf dem Theodor-Mosaik in Aquileia». J E R . Epistolae X X . J . M I G N E : P L X X I I 3 7 7 . Cf. J . E . STEINMUELLER & K . SULLIVAN, Catholic Biblical Encyclopaedia. N. T. New York City, 1 9 4 9 , p. 3 1 9 . J . L . M C K E N Z I E , Dictionary of the Bible. London/Dublin, 1 9 6 5 , p. 3 7 2 . Cf. M. J . LAGRANGE, Evangile selon saint Jean, p. 2 3 5 . Mt. X X I 8 . («Many people spread their cloaks on the road...» Mk. X I 8 . «As he moved off, people spread their cloaks in the road...» Lk. X I X 3 6 ) . 4

5

6

84

was an h o n o u r a c c o r d e d o n l y t o a few o f t h e i r i m p e r a t o r s . Cato t h e Y o u n g e r was o n e o f these f e w , a n d P l u t a r c h relates h o w , at t h e e n d o f his military career, h e r e c e i v e d h o n o u r s

w h i c h w e r e unusual

1

e n o u g h t o receive special m e n t i o n . T h e soldiers w e n t far b e y o n d the a c c u s t o m e d praises and b l e s s i n g s , f o r t h e y e m b r a c e d Cato w i t h tears, and t h r e w d o w n their mantles f o r h i m t o w a l k o v e r , a n d kissed his hands, these b e i n g h o n o u r s w h i c h R o m a n s rarely g a v e a n d rarely received. W i t h this i n m i n d , it is easier t o u n d e r s t a n d w h y t h o s e w h o w i t nessed t h e scene and realized t h e significance o f t h e spreading o f t h e garments o n t h e r o a d b e f o r e Christ, called o u t f r o m t h e c r o w d s : « M a s t e r , c h e c k y o u r disciples». T h e y u n d e r s t o o d t h e i m p l i c a t i o n in these acclamations a n d e n d e a v o u r e d t o p u t a n e n d t o t h e m . T h e reply o f Christ s h o w s h o w deeply c o n s c i o u s h e was o f his p o s i t i o n , and, far f r o m a v o i d i n g t h e implications o f s u c h d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , h e accepted t h e m w i t h o u t r e s e r v e : « I tell y o u , i f these k e e p silence, t h e 2

stones will c r y o u t » . St. M a t t h e w gives a slightly different a c c o u n t b u t t h e e s s e n c e o f the attitude o f Christ's adversaries is t h e same. H a v i n g seen t h e c u r e o f the b l i n d and t h e l a m e i n t h e T e m p l e , a n d h a v i n g h e a r d t h e shouts o f the children, « H o s a n n a t o t h e S o n o f D a v i d » , t h e c h i e f priests and scribes w e r e filled w i t h i n d i g n a t i o n . « D o y o u h e a r w h a t they are saying ? » t h e y said t o h i m . « Y e s » , J e s u s a n s w e r e d , « h a v e y o u n e v e r read t h i s : ' B y t h e m o u t h s o f children, b a b e s i n a r m s , y o u 3

h a v e made sure o f p r a i s e ' » . A n interesting a c c l a m a t i o n is related b y S t . L u k e i n t h e A c t s o f 4

the A p o s t l e s . H e r e w e see an earthly ruler b e i n g a c c l a i m e d b y t h e people in Caesarea, and it is i m p o r t a n t insofar as it is clearly r e c o g nized as part o f cult-worship. T h e T y r i a n s a n d S i d o n i a n s sent a j o i n t deputation t o H e r o d A g r i p p a b e c a u s e their c o u n t r y d e p e n d e d o n H e r o d ' s territory f o r f o o d , a n d t h e y w e r e a n x i o u s t o n e g o t i a t e a treaty. W e a r i n g their r o b e s o f state t h e y w e r e r e c e i v e d b y H e r o d w h o made a speech, seated o n a platform. T h e discourse finished, t h e people acclaimed h i m w i t h « I t is a g o d speaking, n o t a m a n . » I t is PLUT. Cato the Younger 12, 1: «... aXXa Saxpuai xal 7ispipoXaZ(; dbrXYJaTOK; U7TOTt0svTcov TOC t[xaTia TOT<;TCOCTIVfj paS^oi x a l xaratpiXouvTOV xa<; x * P € 1

e

a

2

Lk. X I X 39-40. 3 Mt. X X I 15-16. Acts, X I I 21-23.

4

85

n o t clear w h e t h e r t h e ' S Y J ^ O S ' refers t o t h e T y r i a n s and Sidonians only, o r i f t h e r e w e r e o t h e r p e o p l e i n t h e assembly. W h a t e v e r t h e case, it is o f n o great i m p o r t a n c e ; Caesarea was a t o w n principally c o m p o s e d o f n o n - J e w s , G r e e k s , L a t i n s a n d Syrians K I t is o b v i o u s that a prac tising J e w w o u l d n e v e r h a v e m a d e such an a c c l a m a t i o n (6eou cpcovy)). T h i s a c c l a m a t i o n c l o s e l y resembles that m a d e t o N e r o after his return f r o m G r e e c e , w h e n t h e p o p u l a c e a c c l a i m e d h i m 'lepa (pcovT)' -

c

O

2

D i v i n e V o i c e * . T h e s e expressions c o u l d o n l y b e used b y a poly theistic pagan. H e r o d did n o t h i n g t o repudiate such acclamations, a n d t h u s h e u s u r p e d t h e g l o r y due t o G o d a l o n e . S o o n afterwards, he died o f a painful a n d disgusting illness, w h i c h S t . L u k e sees as the direct result o f t h e i m p i o u s

flatteries:

« A t that m o m e n t , an angel o f

the L o r d struck h i m d o w n because he had not given glory to G o d . 3

H e was eaten away w i t h w o r m s a n d d i e d » . A t h i r d a c c l a m a t i o n o f t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t is again o n e intended t o c o n v e y r e c o g n i t i o n o f divinity, b u t this t i m e it is g i v e n t o a p o p u l a r p a g a n g o d d e s s . T h e incident is w e l l - k n o w n b u t it is w o r t h m e n t i o n i n g against this b a c k g r o u n d

o f divine a c c l a m a t i o n s . E p h e s u s was t h e

g r e a t c e n t r e o f t h e c u l t o f A r t e m i s , a n d a disturbance b r o k e

out 4

w h e n it was realized t h e n u m b e r o f c o n v e r t s S t . P a u l was m a k i n g ,

Cf. E . JACQUIER, Les Actes des Apotres. Paris, 1926, p. 373. Dio L X I I 20, 5. These acclamations are far removed in spirit from that of Ignatius of Antioch, who felt that God's voice was speaking through him, and that the Spirit was preaching through his words. Cf. To the Philadelphia™ 71: «I cried out... and said in a ringing voice - God's voice: 'Give heed to the bishop and to the presbytery and to the deacons.'» - J . A. KLEIST, The Epistles of St. Clement of Rome and St. Ignatius of Antioch. London, 1946, p. 87. Acts X I I 2 3 . Cf. JOSEPHUS, Ant.Jud. X I X 344-346. There are slight variations in the account given by Josephus. During a festival for 'the safety of the emperor', Herod appeared early in the morning in a garment made completely of silver, which shone brightly as it reflected the rays of the sun. From different places in the crowd, his flatterers called out that he was a god, adding: «Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to human nature.» Herod did nothing to turn these impious words away from himself, and all at once, he was afflicted with a severe pain. According to Josephus, Herod realized that although he had just been acclaimed immortal, he was about to die: «I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you have just now said to me; and I, who was called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death.» Cf. H. J . SCHOENFIELD, Saints against Caesar. London, 1948, pp. 95-99, for a synopsis of the career of Herod Agrippa. Acts X I X 23-41 (cf. PL I and II). 1

2

3

4

86

n o t o n l y i n E p h e s u s , b u t all o v e r A s i a . A silversmith n a m e d D e m e t r i u s s u m m o n e d a r e u n i o n o f h i s fellow-silversmiths a n d m a d e a s p e e c h in w h i c h h e p o i n t e d o u t that P a u l ' s p r e a c h i n g t h r e a t e n e d n o t o n l y t o discredit their trade o f m a k i n g a n d selling silver shrines o f D i a n a , b u t also t o diminish t h e p r e s t i g e o f t h e g o d d e s s i n A s i a a n d all o v e r t h e k n o w n w o r l d . « T h i s speech r o u s e d t h e m t o fury, a n d t h e y started x

t o shout « G r e a t is D i a n a o f t h e E p h e s i a n s » . T h e situation b e g a n g e t t i n g o u t o f h a n d , w i t h e v e r y o n e s h o u t i n g o u t different t h i n g s , until t h e J e w s p u s h e d A l e x a n d e r u p t o t h e f r o n t so that h e c o u l d explain t h e case t o t h e c r o w d s . O n c e i t w a s realized that A l e x a n d e r w a s a J e w , h o w e v e r , t h e c r o w d t o o k u p t h e accla m a t i o n t o D i a n a a n d b e g a n t o c h a n t i n u n i s o n ' G r e a t is D i a n a o f t h e 2

E p h e s i a n s ' , a n d this c o n t i n u e d f o r a b o u t t w o h o u r s . O n this o c c a s i o n the acclamation c o n t a i n e d a n e l e m e n t o f protest, f o r t h e m o b realized that Alexander, b e i n g a J e w , c o u l d n o t s u p p o r t t h e idea o f t h e divinity o f D i a n a . T o t h e followers o f D i a n a , b o t h t h e J e w s a n d Christians w e r e enemies o f t h e i r cult, a n d s o their cries i n h o n o u r o f D i a n a 3

c o u l d b e interpreted as a p r o t e s t a t i o n as m u c h as a n a c t o f w o r s h i p . The

three examples o f a c c l a m a t i o n s i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t a r e

all seen t o b e acts o f w o r s h i p , t h o u g h e a c h is i n a different c a t e g o r y . T h e first, t h e cries o f H o s a n n a f o r Christ at his e n t r y i n t o J e r u s a l e m , was a r e c o g n i t i o n o f his M e s s i a n i c status, a n d o b v i o u s l y significant w h e n l i n k e d w i t h t h e spreading o f c l o a k s o n t h e r o a d w a y a n d t h e w a v i n g o f palm-branches. T h e s e c o n d i n s t a n c e m a y b e interpreted as t h e offering o f divine h o n o u r s t o H e r o d , w h i c h resulted, a c c o r d i n g t o t h e Christian p o i n t o f v i e w , i n t h e painful death o f t h e ruler as t h e direct p u n i s h m e n t f r o m G o d , b e c a u s e h e h a d u s u r p e d t h e h o n o u r s

W. M . RAMSAY, The Church in the Roman Empire. London, 1903, p. 135. This author points out the discrepancy between the invocation 'Great Artemis' of the inscriptions, and the formal assertion 'Great is Artemis' of the Acts, '(/iyas' is a frequent epithet of the gods; for example, Cybele, Syll. 1014.83 (3rd 1

cent.B.C.); Pap.Ox.XI no. 1380.242. «
It is also used for kings in the East; e.g. to describe the Great King of Persia, HERODOTOS I 188: «PaaiXei!><; 6 (iiya<;», and for Antiochus III, surnamed the Great, POLYB. IV 2, 7: «6 §k Miyxc, emxkrfisic, 'AvTfoxo<;...» Cf. E . PETERSON, 'EIZ QEOE\ Gottingen, 1926, p. 196ff. and C. SPICQ, Les Epitres Pastorales. Paris, 1969, p. 640. Tit. II 13 Christ is called 'our great God and Saviour'. I Tim. Ill 16 [i£yoLc, is used by the early Christians to describe the mystery of faith: «The mystery of our religion is very deep indeed.» Acts X I X 28. E . JACQUIER, Actes p. 589 v. 34. c

9

2 3

y

87

a n d titles due t o G o d a l o n e . T h e third a c c l a m a t i o n is m o s t clearly a n act o f w o r s h i p , a ' d i v i n e h o n o u r ' i n t h e strict sense o f t h e t e r m , for it was m a d e t o t h e G r e e k g o d d e s s A r t e m i s . I t is o b v i o u s that t h e cries i n u n i s o n w e r e i n t e n d e d t o c o n v e y g e n u i n e d e v o t i o n and h o n o u r t o t h e o b j e c t o f t h e cult. I t is perhaps i n this e x a m p l e that the full significance o f a c c l a m a t i o n s m a y b e u n d e r s t o o d ; t h e expression o f w o r s h i p offered t o a divinity. A l t h o u g h n o t e v e r y imperial accla m a t i o n w o u l d c o m e i n t o this c a t e g o r y , yet it is clear that m a n y w e r e i n t e n d e d t o c o n v e y divine h o n o u r s , a n d it was f o r this reason, under N e r o , that t h e y b e c a m e a m o r e o r g a n i z e d f o r m o f cult-worship K T h e influence o f such acclamations was felt i n t h e early Church w h e r e 2

o n e finds certain similarities i n t h e c h a n t e d h y m n s o f praise . T h e t h r e e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d a c c l a m a t i o n s are t h e m o s t o b v i o u s i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t b u t t h e y d o n o t e x c l u d e t h e possibility o f o t h e r examples. W r i t i n g t o t h e Philippians, S t . P a u l stressed that « e v e r y t o n g u e s h o u l d a c c l a i m J e s u s Christ as t h e L o r d , t o t h e g l o r y o f G o d 3

t h e F a t h e r » , a n d these w o r d s c o u l d h a v e easily developed i n t o a r e g u l a r a c c l a m a t i o n . W h e t h e r o r n o t this w o u l d h a v e b e e n a c o n s c i o u s effort o n t h e part o f t h e Christians t o p r o v i d e a c o u n t e r b a l a n c e for t h e similar imperial a c c l a m a t i o n s , t h e r e is n o t sufficient evidence t o 4

say, b u t t h e possibility nevertheless remains .

3. The Legend of *Nero Redivivus* I n m a n y o f t h e aspects o f imperial c u l t - w o r s h i p , there is a positive sense o f t h e a b i d i n g p r e s e n c e o f t h e e m p e r o r e v e n after his death; in t h e use o f cult-statues, this i m p l i c a t i o n is particularly clear. A negative aspect o f this ' o m n i p r e s e n c e ' is f o u n d i n t h e l e g e n d w h i c h g r e w up a r o u n d t h e p e r s o n o f N e r o , a n d since this l e g e n d has b e e n seen as t h e p o s s i b l e s o u r c e o f s o m e phrases o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , this section According to J . GAGE, La Victoire imperiale dans Vempire chretien. RHPR (1933), pp. 370-400, there are certain proofs of the existence of acclamations from the end of the second century and the beginning of the third. This seems to be an extremely late estimate; the author also points out that the three emperors who showed the greatest taste for the theatre and the circus, namely Nero, Domitian and Commodus, were the ones who made the most effort to surround themselves with some form of liturgy. H. J . W. T I L LYARD, The Acclamations of Emperors in Byzantine Ritual. ABSA XVIII (1911-12), pp. 239-260. 3 Phil. II 11. E . PETERSON, Die Einholung des Kyrios. Zeitschrift fur systematische Theologie 7 (1931), p. 698, note 2. 1

2

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88

will b e d e v o t e d t o a study o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f this l e g e n d a n d the references t o t h e e x p e c t e d ' r e t u r n ' o f this e m p e r o r , w h i c h e x p r e s s ed a b e l i e f i n t h e p r o l o n g a t i o n o f t h e p o w e r a n d p r e s e n c e o f N e r o , and in this sense, was a f o r m o f inverted-cult-worship. I n Chapter X V I I o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , S t . J o h n has t h e a n g e l explain the s y m b o l o f the b e a s t : « T h e beast y o u h a v e seen o n c e was a n d n o w is n o t ; h e is yet t o c o m e up f r o m t h e A b y s s , b u t o n l y t o g o t o his 1

d e s t r u c t i o n » . I n N e r o , m a n y o f t h e evil tendencies o f S a t a n w e r e present, and t h e beast « w h i c h h a d had t h e fatal w o u n d a n d

had

2

b e e n h e a l e d » is generally t h o u g h t t o represent this e m p e r o r . A c c o r d 3

i n g t o M . K i d d l e , w h e n t h e beast is s p o k e n o f i n t h e present, t h e author is referring t o 'the abiding p r e s e n c e o f e v i l ' personified i n t h e e m p e r o r , and w h i c h is t h e true o b j e c t o f e m p e r o r - w o r s h i p .

The

allusion t o t h e ' e i g h t h h e a d ' is n o t particularly clear, e v e n i n t h e m o d ern exegesis dealing w i t h this p o i n t , a n d t h e understanding o f a p o c a lyptic writings is difficult f o r t h e m o d e r n m i n d , b u t it is o b v i o u s t h a t w h a t J o h n w a n t e d his readers t o understand, was t h a t w h i l e t h e beast was similar t o its predecessors, yet it was totally distinct f r o m t h e m . 4

O f t h e various interpretations o f this phrase o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , the o n e w h i c h c o n n e c t s it w i t h t h e idea o f t h e r e t u r n o f N e r o seems t o b e t h e m o s t reasonable. T h e fact that J o h n h i m s e l f h a d l i v e d t h r o u g h t h e r e i g n o f N e r o , a n d had n o d o u b t seen f o r h i m s e l f t h e effect that such an e m p e r o r w o u l d h a v e h a d o n t h e p e o p l e o f his time, w o u l d a l l o w f o r this reference t o a historical fact, well-veiled 5

t h o u g h it m i g h t b e i n apocalyptic language . H o w e v e r , t h o u g h it is likely that the idea o f a ' r e t u r n o f N e r o ' influenced t h e t h o u g h t b e h i n d Chapter X V I I , it was p r o b a b l y interpreted m o r e generally as a resurging o f t h e p o w e r o f evil, w h i c h , t o t h e early Christians, had s t r o n g c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h t h e p a g a n

R o m a n E m p i r e , and

all

that was implied b y c o m p l i a n c e t o t h e regulations o b s e r v e d b y t h o s e w h o worshipped

t h e e m p e r o r , h o w e v e r e x t e r i o r a formality

this

m i g h t h a v e b e e n . E v e n t h e w o r d i n g o f t h e relevant phrase is t h e 1

Apoc. XVII 8. 2 Ibid. X I I I 1 2 . M . KIDDLE, The Revelation of St. John, London, 1940, p. 346. Cf. Lexikon der Alten Welt, col. 2079. R. MACMULLEN, Enemies of the Roman Order. London, 1967, p. 143 f. This author mentions two members of the imperial house who were said to have 'returned': Agrippa Postumus in A.D.14, and Drusus in Greece, Ionia and the Cyclades ( T A C Ann. V 10. Dio LVIII 25, 1). 3

4

5

89

antithesis o f t h o s e w o r d s i n Chapter I o f t h e same b o o k , applying to G o d Himself: « I am the Alpha and the O m e g a , the beginning o f all t h i n g s a n d t h e i r e n d , says t h e L o r d G o d ; H e w h o is, w h o was, a n d is still t o c o m e , t h e A l m i g h t y » K A c c o r d i n g t o p o p u l a r belief, t h e g r e a t fire o f R o m e in 6 4 A . D . was a t t r i b u t e d t o N e r o , a n d it h a d m a d e a lively impression o n R o m a n citizens t h r o u g h o u t t h e E m p i r e . E v e n after his death, r u m o u r s persisted, leading m a n y t o b e l i e v e that N e r o w o u l d return, revivified, t o w r e a k v e n g e a n c e o n t h o s e w h o h a d treated h i m w i t h s c o r n o r fury. A f t e r t h e death o f N e r o , t h e disposal o f his b o d y was a private affair b e t w e e n t h r e e w o m e n ; a fact w h i c h p a v e d t h e w a y for uncer tainty a n d distrust. I t was t h e r e f o r e hardly surprising that t h e r u m o u r spread a b r o a d that t h e e m p e r o r was n o t dead b u t seeking refuge and military aid i n t h e E a s t . T h i s attitude o f m i n d is c o m m o n a m o n g m e n o f all t i m e s , b u t m o r e particularly b e f o r e t h e era o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , w h i c h h a v e greatly lessened t h e possibility o f such r u m o u r s g a i n i n g c r e d e n c e , since t h e w h o l e w o r l d is n o w aware o f a n e v e n t shortly after it has o c c u r r e d . O n e c a n n o t j u d g e just h o w far t h e s e r u m o u r s w e r e t h e fruit o f a subtle p r o g r a m m e o f p r o p a g a n d a , b u t it is certain that t h e y are n o t p h e n o m e n a m e r e l y o f t h e 2

Ancient World . A l r e a d y b e f o r e t h e final crisis, N e r o h a d c o n s i d e r e d t h e possibility o f saving his life, i f n o t his p o s i t i o n as e m p e r o r ; Suetonius m e n t i o n s t h e v a r i o u s p r o j e c t s w h i c h h e h a d i n m i n d shortly b e f o r e his suicide i n 6 8 A . D . , a n d t h e fact that h e t h o u g h t o v e r t h e possibility o f h a n d i n g h i m s e l f o v e r t o t h e Parthians, added substance t o the subse q u e n t r u m o u r s w h i c h d e v e l o p e d after his death. Self-deliverance t o t h e Parthians w a s n o t t o b e his o n l y possibility o f e s c a p e ; he consid e r e d g i v i n g h i m s e l f u p t o G a l b a , w h o was, at this t i m e in N e w Carthage, g a i n i n g p o p u l a r i t y

and

support, particularly f r o m

the

T h r e e G a u l s , o r a t t e m p t i n g t o gain p u b l i c sympathy b y addressing h i m s e l f t o t h e p e o p l e dressed in m o u r n i n g , a r o l e w h i c h n o d o u b t appealed t o his theatrical taste. I t seems, h o w e v e r , that even N e r o did n o t h a v e c o m p l e t e faith i n his p o w e r s t o w i n o v e r the p e o p l e ,

1

Apoc. I 8. As E . B . A L L O points out, VApocalypse, Paris, 1933, pp. 286-289, similar «resurrections» have occurred in more recent times with the legends which grew up around Dmitri of Russia and Louis XVII of France. 2

90

and h e m a d e p r o v i s i o n f o r their refusal o f his r e q u e s t f o r p a r d o n , in settling that at least h e w o u l d b e a c c o r d e d t h e prefecture o f E g y p t - t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t p r o v i n c e o f t h e E m p i r e , since I t a l y depended o n it t o a large e x t e n t f o r t h e grain-supply.

T h e s e s c h e m e s are

1

described b y S u e t o n i u s o n l y . T h u s the s t r o n g b e l i e f g r e w up that N e r o h a d t a k e n refuge w i t h t h e Parthians, these latter b e i n g t h e staunch e n e m i e s o f e v e r y t h i n g R o m a n , and r u m o u r h e l d that h e w o u l d r e t u r n at t h e h e a d o f a g r e a t army, seeking t h e downfall o f t h e R o m a n E m p i r e , a n d o f t h e e n e m i e s 2

w h o had betrayed h i m . T h i s r u m o u r was further s t r e n g t h e n e d b y t h e fact that e v e n b e f o r e N e r o was deposed, t h e c o m i n g d e p o s i t i o n h a d b e e n p r e d i c t e d b y 3

t h e c o u r t astrologers . H o w e v e r , s o m e p r o m i s e d h i m that after his deposition, h e w o u l d b e c o m e t h e m a s t e r o f t h e E a s t ; o t h e r s w e n t s o far as t o specify t h e K i n g d o m o f J e r u s a l e m , a n d m a n y p r e d i c t e d 4

that h e w o u l d regain all his f o r m e r p o w e r . Suetonius further relates t h a t t w e n t y years after N e r o ' s death, a pretender m a d e h i m s e l f k n o w n i n t h e E a s t as t h e r e s u r r e c t e d e m p e r o r , and h e w o n such r e n o w n f o r h i m s e l f w i t h t h e P a r t h i a n s , that t h e y supported h i m energetically and o n l y delivered h i m up t o t h e R o m a n s SUET. Nero 4 7 , 2 : «Varie agitavit, Parthosne an Galbam supplex peteret, an atratus prodiret in publicum proque rostris quanta maxima posset miseratione veniam praeteritorum precaretur, ac ni flexisset animos, vel Aegypti praefecturam concedi sibi oraret.» For a connection with the Parthians cf. the Sibylline Oracles IV 1 1 9 - 1 2 4 : «... and then shall a great king from Italy flee away like a deserter, unseen, unheard of, beyond the ford of the Euphrates, after he has polluted his hands with the hateful murder of his mother, doing the deed with wicked hand. And many round his throne shall drench the soil of Rome with their blood, and when he has fled beyond the land of Parthia.» Cf. H. N. B A T E , The Sibylline Oracles, London, 1 9 1 8 , pp. 3 7 - 4 1 . TACITUS, Ann. X I V 3 - 8 , and SUETONIUS, Nero 3 4 give details of Nero's «hateful murder of his mother» in 5 9 A. D. Cf. also, F R . TAEGER, Charisma. Studien t(ur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes. Stutt 1

2

gart, 1 9 6 0 . II, pp. 5 6 6 - 5 7 5 . SUET. Nero 4 0 , 2 : «praedictum a mathematicis Neroni olim erat fore ut quandoque destitueretur.» Ibid. 4 0 , 3 : «Spoponderant tamen quidam destituto Orientis dominationem, nonnulli nominatim regnum Hierosolymorum, plures omnis pristinae fortunae restitutionem.» Cf. Sib. Or. Ill 6 3 : «Now from the Sebastenes shall Belial return and he shall move the high mountains... and do many signs among men, yet shall his signs not be fulfilled. But he leads many astray, and shall deceive many faithful and elect of the Hebrews and lawless men besides, who never hearkened to God's word.» There is no proof who the Sebastenes were, though some commentators favour the Samaritans. 3

4

91

1

after m a n y difficulties o n their p a r t . S u e t o n i u s writes this as b e i n g a n e v e n t w h i c h h e h i m s e l f r e m e m b e r s f r o m his b o y h o o d , for he deliberately inserts t h e phrase ' d u r i n g m y a d o l e s c e n c e ' (adulescente me).

A t this p o i n t , h e is n o l o n g e r w r i t i n g f r o m hearsay, h o w e v e r

c l o s e t o t h e t r u t h this m a y generally b e ; h e is c o m m e n t i n g o n a h a p p e n i n g w h i c h h e r e m e m b e r s f r o m his o w n experience, and w h i c h o b v i o u s l y m a d e an i m p r e s s i o n o n h i m since h e r e m e m b e r s w h e n it t o o k place. T h e same a u t h o r n o t e s f u r t h e r m o r e that this Nero-figure appeared t w e n t y years after t h e e m p e r o r ' s d e a t h ; a g e n e r a t i o n after the histor ical N e r o h a d left t h e scene o f a c t i o n . T h i s fact also adds w e i g h t t o t h e a r g u m e n t s o f t h o s e w h o feel that there is a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e t h e m e o f N e r o R e d i v i v u s and that o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e ; the appear ances o f these false N e r o s k e p t alive t h e i m a g e o f t h e dead e m p e r o r , w i t h all his satanic v i c e s , a n d w i t h e a c h re-appearance, a n e w w a v e o f t e r r o r a n d c u r i o s i t y m u s t h a v e passed o v e r t h e e m p i r e . I t is n o t e w o r t h y that these appearances t o o k place in t h e m o r e E a s t e r l y part o f t h e e m p i r e ; perhaps t h e E a s t e r n m i n d was m o r e susceptible t o s u c h manifestations, and m o r e p r o n e t o b e l i e v e in t h e i m p o s t o r s o f N e r o , since, b e i n g farther f r o m R o m e , t h e p e o p l e w o u l d h a v e had less c h a n c e o f h a v i n g k n o w n t h e E m p e r o r intimately, and therefore, s u c h a p r e t e n d e r w o u l d h a v e a greater c h a n c e o f success than in Italy, f o r e x a m p l e , w h e r e t h e e m p e r o r was a m o r e familiar The

figure.

'resurrected N e r o ' w h o appeared in t h e eighties o f the

first

century, was n o t t h e o n l y o n e o f his k i n d , f o r already there had b e e n at least t w o o t h e r false alarms r e c o r d e d b y D i o , T a c i t u s and Z o n a r a s . T h e a c c o u n t g i v e n b y D i o is t h e m o s t b r i e f a n d t o t h e p o i n t ; h e gives 2

n o details e x c e p t t h e b a r e facts . « A b o u t this t i m e » , that is, a c c o r d i n g t o t h e e v e n t s w h i c h h e h a d p r e v i o u s l y b e e n r e c o r d i n g , in 6 9 A . D . , a m a n was c a u g h t w h o was i m p e r s o n a t i n g N e r o , b u t D i o k n o w s little a b o u t this p e r s o n , n o t e v e n his n a m e o r place o f o r i g i n - neither does this a u t h o r g i v e a n y i n d i c a t i o n w h e r e this ' N e r o '

appeared,

t h o u g h it seems likely that h e m i g h t b e t h e same as is m e n t i o n e d b y T a c i t u s , t h o u g h t h e latter seems t o place this appearance in the year SUET. Nero 57,4: «Denique cum post viginti annos adulescente me extitisset condicionis incertae qui se Neronem esse iactaret, tarn favorabile nomen eius apud Parthos fuit, ut vehementer adiutus et vix redditus sit.» Dio L X I V 9, 3 : «£aXco 8£ TIQ xai N£pcov elvai 7rXaaa[jisvo<; xaxa T6V8S T6V xaip6v, oS T6 ovofxa T^> Atcovi y)yv67)Tai xai T6 liXoq xai SIXYJV g8coxsv.» 1

2

92

7 0 A . D . H o w e v e r , as b o t h t h e s e i n t r o d u c e t h e o c c u r r e n c e r a t h e r vaguely w i t h t h e w o r d s ' a b o u t this t i m e ' , it is n o t o u t o f t h e q u e s t i o n t o assume that t h e y are relating t h e s a m e e v e n t . D i o c o n c l u d e s his a c c o u n t in n o t i n g that finally t h e i m p o s t e r 'paid t h e p e n a l t y ' , s o o n e m a y c o n c l u d e that h e was c a p t u r e d a n d p u t t o death, t o d i s c o u r a g e any m o r e w o u l d - b e N e r o s , as such manifestations c o u l d easily disrupt the unity o f t h e E m p i r e . T h e a c c o u n t g i v e n b y T a c i t u s is m o r e detailed, yet hardly m o r e satisfactory, since w e learn n o t h i n g n e w as t o t h e o u t c o m e o f this r e s u r r e c t i o n ; in fact, T a c i t u s g i v e s n o indication as t o t h e fate o f this ' N e r o ' , and

his s h o r t a c c o u n t

finishes

vaguely K

Although

T a c i t u s seems t o include this e v e n t in t h e year 7 0 A . D . , it is p r o b a b l e , as has b e e n m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , that it is t h e same as that g i v e n b y D i o , t h o u g h there is n o c o m m o n detail in t h e t w o a c c o u n t s w h i c h w o u l d m a k e it p o s s i b l e t o c o m e t o a m o r e precise c o n c l u s i o n . T h e v a g u e phrase ' s u b i d e m t e m p u s ' is n o t used w i t h a n y idea o f a p r e c i s e d a t e ; it is c o m m o n l y used i n such historical a c c o u n t s t o i n t r o d u c e an event and t o l i n k it w i t h t h o s e w h i c h h a v e b e e n related b e f o r e it. T a c i t u s , h o w e v e r , does fix t h e p r o v i n c e s o f t h e E m p i r e c o n c e r n e d with this apparition;

t h e r u m o u r s apparently infiltrated i n t o A s i a

and A c h a i a f r o m t h e E a s t that N e r o 'was a b o u t t o a r r i v e ' , w h i c h spread alarm t h r o u g h o u t this p a r t o f t h e R o m a n w o r l d . I t m i g h t b e supposed that J o h n and his followers w o u l d h a v e b e e n affected b y this r u m o u r ; t h e Christians w o u l d h a v e dreaded a r e p e t i t i o n o f t h e persecution suffered u n d e r N e r o and w o u l d h a v e b e e n t h r o w n i n t o c o n s t e r n a t i o n at t h e t h o u g h t o f his p o s s i b l e return. H a v i n g a c c e p t e d t h e thesis that the A p o c a l y p s e was w r i t t e n d u r i n g t h e r e i g n o f D o m i tian, it w o u l d s e e m justifiable t o l i n k t h e idea o f N e r o R e d u x w i t h that o f the return o f t h e beast, as g i v e n in t h e A p o c a l y p s e , since a study o f the various a c c o u n t s o f t h e legends s u r r o u n d i n g N e r o after his death, emphasize t h e s t r o n g elements o f fear and

uncertainty

w h i c h underlie t h e b i r t h o f these r u m o u r s . T h o u g h J o h n m a y n o t have had o n e particular e v e n t i n m i n d , o r e v e n t h e p e r s o n o f N e r o directly, the w h o l e a t m o s p h e r e m u s t h a v e influenced his w r i t i n g s t o a large extent, and f o r m e d a b a c k g r o u n d f o r his t h o u g h t w h i c h h e , in turn, passed o n t o his disciples. 1

T A C Hist. II 8, 1: «Sub idem tempus, Achaia atque Asia falso exterritae velut Nero adventaret, vario super exitu eius rumore eoque pluribus vivere eum fingentibus credentibusque.» 93

Tacitus remarks

rather p o i n t e d l y that all m a n n e r

o f rumours

h a d b e e n spread a r o u n d c o n c e r n i n g t h e death o f N e r o , g i v i n g the i m p r e s s i o n that these w e r e t h e result o f a definite p o l i c y rather than t h e w o r k o f s o m e hysterical g r o u p s . T h i s w o u l d fit in w i t h w h a t was said earlier a b o u t t h e a c c o u n t s o f t h e ' r e t u r n s ' o f o t h e r n o t o r i o u s m e n t h r o u g h o u t t h e ages, that t h e y w e r e t h e result o f skilful propa g a n d a . I n m u c h t h e same way, o n e c a n see that such r u m o u r s after t h e death o f N e r o c o u l d h a v e b e e n m o s t beneficial t o Parthian interests, b e c a u s e fear o f a superior f o r c e c a n h a v e a great p s y c h o l o g i c a l i m p a c t o n a p e o p l e , a n d as the years w e n t o n , t h e figure o f N e r o b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e m y s t e r i o u s . R e n a n m e n t i o n s « a n ardent N e r o n i a n

who

f o r c e d p e a c e a b l e p e o p l e t o r e c o g n i z e N e r o - h e re-established his statues a n d o r d e r e d t h e m t o b e h o n o u r e d . . . R a t h e r than lend t h e m selves t o acts o f apostasy, s o m e o f t h e believers in E p h e s u s w e r e e x i l e d ; w e m a y suppose that J o h n was o f this n u m b e r . T h i s incident plays a l a r g e p a r t i n t h e A p o c a l y p s e and was perhaps its p r i m e o r i g i n » K T h i s is perhaps g o i n g t o o far - t h e A p o c a l y p s e was n o d o u b t influenced t o a g r e a t e x t e n t b y t h e c l i m a t e o f t h e t i m e , and the t r o u b l e d a t m o s p h e r e e n g e n d e r e d b y such apparitions o f this e m p e r o r w h o h a d c o m e t o b e l o o k e d u p o n as t h e Anti-Christ, b u t it is assuming m u c h t o n a r r o w d o w n t h e influences t o o n e e v e n t at a g i v e n t i m e . T h e b e l i e f was s t r o n g , h o w e v e r , that N e r o w o u l d return t o take r e v e n g e f o r R o m e ' s r e j e c t i o n o f h i m , a n d this does seem t o b e b e h i n d 2

some o f the visions o f the Apocalypse . T h e allusions o f T a c i t u s are c o n c l u d e d w i t h a n o t h e r r e m a r k on t h e g e n e r a l attitude t o w a r d s t h e s e r u m o u r s : « p l u r i b u s vivere e u m fingentibus

c r e d e n t i b u s q u e . » Many said falsely that h e was alive - t h e y

saw that it was t o t h e i r o w n a d v a n t a g e t o stir up these r u m o u r s c o n c e r n i n g N e r o - w h i l e others believed truly that h e was alive, v i c t i m s 3

o f these tales a n d awaiting his appearance w i t h trepidation . Z o n a r a s m e n t i o n s a N e r o R e d i v i v u s i n t w o different paragraphs, a n d f o r t h e first t i m e w e learn t h e n a m e o f a pretender - T e r e n t i u s E . RENAN, The Antichrist. The History of the Origins of Christianity. Bk. 4. London, no date, p. 173. Apoc. X V I 12 is probably a reference to this return of Nero: «The sixth angel emptied his bowl over the great river Euphrates; all the water dried up so that a way was made for the kings of the East to come in.» There are later references to the popular belief that Nero was alive, e.g. LACTANTIUS, De mortihus pers. 2, 8. JEROME, Comm. in Dan. X I 19. AUGUSTINE, De Civ. Dei X X 19. Cf. H. N. B A T E , Syhilline Oracles, p. 40. 1

2

3

94

M a x i m u s K Z o n a r a s places this i m p o s t o r

in the reign o f Titus,

a b o u t t h e year 8 0 A . D . , so it is unlikely that h e is t h e s a m e o n e as 2

is m e n t i o n e d b y T a c i t u s . A l t h o u g h t h e dates are n o t identical, it is m o r e likely that this ' N e r o ' is o n e and t h e s a m e as t h e o n e m e n t i o n e d b y Suetonius, since t h e f o r m e r r e c e i v e d similar s u p p o r t f r o m

the

Parthians, b e i n g aided b y a P a r t h i a n general o n t h e E u p h r a t e s . S h o r t l y before this a c c o u n t , Z o n a r a s refers t o a m a n w h o p r e t e n d e d t o b e N e r o f r o m his r e s e m b l a n c e t o that e m p e r o r a n d w h o c a u s e d 3

c o n s t e r n a t i o n in practically t h e w h o l e o f G r e e c e . H e t h e r e a s s e m b l e d a b a n d o f criminals, and set o u t f o r Syria, w i t h t h e h o p e o f w i n n i n g the legions o v e r t o his cause. A l t h o u g h his initial f o l l o w e r s w e r e criminals and bandits, it w o u l d appear that m a n y b e l i e v e d this fable, and finally w h e n h e was passing t h r o u g h Cynthus, h e w a s arrested and put t o death. T h e s e various examples all underline t h e fact that t h e e m p e r o r , alive o r dead, exercised a c o n s i d e r a b l e influence o v e r p u b l i c t h o u g h t at this p e r i o d w h e n J o h n was w r i t i n g t h e A p o c a l y p s e . T h e s e w r i t i n g s d o n o t directly c o n d e m n the e m p e r o r himself, b u t t h e e x a g g e r a t i o n s w h i c h had developed a r o u n d his p e r s o n , a n d in particular, t h o s e forms o f w o r s h i p w h i c h g a v e t o a m a n that h o n o u r w h i c h b e l o n g s t o G o d alone. T h e legends o f N e r o depict o n e aspect o f t h e i m p r e s s i o n that such w o r s h i p w o u l d h a v e had o n t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y m i n d o f t h e time, all o f w h i c h , f o r t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , is t h e w o r s h i p o f Anti-Christ and t o b e c o n d e m n e d at all c o s t s .

ZONARAS, Epitome Historiarum. Leipzig, 1 8 6 8 (XI 1 8 , pp. 5 4 - 5 7 ) . Cf. Sib. Or. IV 1 3 0 - 1 3 9 : «But when from a cleft in the earth, in the land of Italy, a flame of fire shoots out its light to the broad heaven, to burn up many cities and slay their men, and a great cloud of fiery ashes shall fill the air, and sparks fiery red shall fall from heaven, then should men know the wrath of God of Heaven, because they destroyed the blameless people of the godly. Then shall come to the West the strife of war stirred up, and the exiled man of Rome, lifting up a mighty sword, crossing the Euphrates, with many tens of thousands.» This fits in as far as dates are concerned, for the eruption of Vesuvius and the resulting destruction of Pompeii and Herculaneum took place in 7 9 A . D. (Dio L X V I 2 1 - 2 3 . PLINY, Letters VI 1 6 ) . 3 Op. Cit. X I 1 5 D, pp. 4 5 - 6 . 1

2

95

IV.

SIGNIFICANCE OF

OF T H E

«SECOND

T H E APOCALYPSE

IMPLICATIONS

IN

AND

IMPERIAL

BEAST»

ITS

WORSHIP

a) The Priesthoods « T h e n I saw a s e c o n d b e a s t ; it e m e r g e d f r o m t h e ground... (it) was servant t o t h e first beast, a n d e x t e n d e d its authority everywhere, making the world

a n d all its p e o p l e w o r s h i p t h e first b e a s t » K

T h e ' s e c o n d b e a s t ' o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e is described against a b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e imperial cult as it existed i n A s i a M i n o r during t h e latter part o f t h e first c e n t u r y . B y this t i m e , t h e p r o v i n c i a l p r i e s t h o o d h a d b e c o m e v e r y p o w e r f u l a n d t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e priest greatly 2

c o v e t e d , f o r it f o r m e d t h e l i n k b e t w e e n t h e imperial administration a n d t h e o r d i n a r y life o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l s , a n d was t h u s a privileged 3

and r e s p o n s i b l e p o s i t i o n . T h i s ' b e a s t ' is o b v i o u s l y a ' m i d d l e m a n ' b e t w e e n t h e e m p e r o r a n d t h e p e o p l e f o r t h e p r o m o t i o n o f t h e imperial c u l t ; f r o m t h e hints g i v e n i n t h e A p o c a l y p s e that this beast m a d e t h e p e o p l e w o r s h i p t h e first beast, that it w o r k e d miracles, and it persuaded p e o p l e t o p u t u p a statue in h o n o u r o f t h e first beast, t h e s e c o n d beast seems o b v i o u s l y t h e s y m b o l o f t h e imperial p r i e s t h o o d a n d t h e p a g a n p r i e s t h o o d insofar as it was used f o r the furtherance 4

o f t h e imperial c u l t . 1

Apoc. XIII 11-17 where the complete description of the second beast. Cf. H. A. A. KENNEDY, Apostolic Preaching and Emperor-Worship. The Expo sitor, April (1909), pp. 289-307. In particular, p. 290. M . W . HOFFMAN L E W I S , The Official Priests of Rome under the fulio-Claudians. American Academy in Rome, Papers and Monographs X V I , 1955, pp. 17-18. Cf. M. K I D D L E , The Revelation of John. London (1940) 1947, p. 253. For this author, the second beast symbolizes the priests of the imperial cult. E . B . ALLO, U Apocalypse. Paris, 1953, p. 229, states that under Domitian, the conditions of the imperial cult were far from paralleling the description of John; there was not yet a *second beast', or at least, it had not yet allied itself with the first. Cf. also, W. BARCLAY, The Revelation of John, Edinburgh, 1959, p. 113, who sees this beast as the whole provincial organization of magistrates and priesthoods designed to enforce Caesar-worship. 2

3

4

96

Plate I: p. 86. Shows the Temple and Statue of Diana. The Inscription reads - «TRIC N E O KORQN EPHESIQN». This is uncatalogued. British Museum, 9-9-83 (Acquisition number) 1970. (From the R. E . Hecht Collection, 17.93.)

Plate II: p. 86. A cultus statue of Diana of Ephesus, standing front with arms extended. In scription reads - «DIANA EPHESIA». Uncatalogued. British Museum, 9-8-1 (Acquisition number) 1968.

Plate III: p. 118. Julius Caesar deified. Youthful head, lau reate, right. Above, comet with four rays and a tail. Inscription reads - «M • SANQVINIVS.III.VIR». BMC I Aug. 69. PL 2. 19.

Plate IV: p. 125. Eagle standing with wings outspread, head turned left. BMC I Aug. 561.

Plate V: p. 125. Eagle with wings spread, standing front, on an oakwreath, head turned left. Be hind, both left and right, laurel branches. Inscription in the Arc above - «AUGU STUS» and to left and right of the laurel wreath - «S C». BMC I Aug. 656. PL 16.4 (cf. Sutherland, op. cit., p. 32).

Plate VI: p. 125. Eagle flying, left. Faustina on its back, holding a sceptre in her right hand. The Inscription is «CONSECRATIO S C». BMC IV Ant. Pius 1428. PL 34.3.

Plate VII: p. 125. Eagle with wings outspread soaring aloft, right; body, right; head, left. It is carrying Divus Hadrianus on its back. His robe forms a circle round his head and he is holding a sceptre. Inscription reads «CONSECRATIO». BMC IV 32. PL 1.15.

Plate VIII: p. 125. Eagle with wings outspread, holding a Thunderbolt. Divus Marcus is on its back. Inscription - «CONSECRATIO S C». BMC Commodus No. 394 (cf. also No. 395 PL 101.6).

Plate I X p. 127 «The Apotheosis Diptych», The British Museum.

I n o r d e r t o appreciate t h e significance b e h i n d t h e

apocalyptic

expression o f t h e ' s e c o n d b e a s t ' , a survey o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e imperial p r i e s t h o o d is necessary at this

point.

T h e establishment o f priests o f t h e deified e m p e r o r was an i m p o r t a n t step in t h e organization o f e m p e r o r - w o r s h i p , t h o u g h it still left r o o m for the c o n t i n u e d s u p p o r t o f t h e m a j o r c o l l e g e s . A l r e a d y i n 4 4 B . C . , J u l i u s Caesar h a d a c q u i r e d a F l a m e n Iulialis a m o n g t h e

various

h o n o u r s - t e m p l e , altars, statues a n d sacred c o u c h - w h i c h are listed 1

b y Suetonius . D i o sees t h e institution o f t h e flaminate as t h e c u l minating p o i n t i n the e x a g g e r a t e d h o n o u r s a c q u i r e d b y Caesar; h e was finally addressed as J u p i t e r J u l i u s and h e o r d e r e d a t e m p l e t o b e c o n s e c r a t e d t o h i m a n d his Clemency. A n t o n y was finally e l e c t e d t h e i r 2

priest, w h i c h , D i o says, was just like s o m e F l a m e n D i a l i s . T h e priesthood o f Augustus

-

a

flamen

Augustalis was instituted

in

1 4 A . D . - gradually d e v e l o p e d in i m p o r t a n c e , as w e learn f r o m t h e inscriptions. A b o d y o f t w e n t y - o n e m e n w e r e c h o s e n b y l o t f r o m t h e principal citizens and t o these w e r e added T i b e r i u s , D r u s u s Claudius and G e r m a n i c u s . T h e Sodales A u g u s t a l e s s h o u l d b e

distinguished

f r o m the Augustales i n t h e p r o v i n c e s , recruited f r o m t h e freedmen and w h o w e r e presided o v e r b y t h e S e v i r i i n e a c h locality. D i o

3

adds that, at t h e same t i m e as A u g u s t u s w a s declared i m m o r t a l and was assigned priests a n d sacred rites, L i v i a w a s n a m e d

his

priestess. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e priests o f t h e official cults c o n t i n u e d t o g i v e their support t o t h e e m p e r o r , and t h e y w e r e g i v e n a p r i v i l e g e d place in imperial p r o c e s s i o n s , a n d f o r t h e offering o f v o w s

and

sacrifices f o r t h e safety a n d w e l l - b e i n g o f t h e e m p e r o r , f o r A u g u s t u s realized the n e e d h e had f o r s u p p o r t in his w o r k o f religious r e f o r m in the E m p i r e . O n e o f the b e s t - k n o w n portrayals o f a p r o c e s s i o n in sculpture is that o n t h e sides o f the A r a Pacis and it m u s t h a v e i m m o r t a l i z e d j u s t o n e o f m a n y such p r o c e s s i o n s d u r i n g t h e E m p i r e . O n t h e s o u t h side, the four m a i n flamines are discernable - t h e flamen D i a l i s , t h e

flamen

4

Martialis, t h e flamen Quirinalis and t h e flamen Iulialis .

1

SUET. 7 6 , 2 : «Templa, aras, simulacra iuxta deos, pulvinar, flaminem.»

2

D i o X L I V 6 , 4 : « x a l T£XO<; Afac TS <XUT&V av-uxpix; 'Io\SXiov 7rpoaT)Y6pei)C7av...» D i o L V I 4 6 , 1 : «T6TS $k aGavaTtaavTs^ OCUT6V, x a i 0taacoTa<; ot x a i lepa tlpeiav TS TT)V Aioufocv T^V 'IouXiav TS x a i Aftyoixrc-av ^STQ xaXoi)(jiv7)v a7r£8si£av.» 4 Bibliography for the Ara Pacis: G . RODENWALDT, Kunst urn Augustus. Berlin, 1 9 4 2 , pp. 3 4 - 5 2 . Pis. 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 2 . - G . MORETTI, Ara Pacis Augustae. Romae, 3

7

97

A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t p r o c e s s i o n c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e imperial cult i n w h i c h t h e priests t o o k part, was at Augustus* funeral. D i o describes t h e c e r e m o n y *; h o w , o n c e t h e b o d y o f t h e dead e m p e r o r had been p l a c e d o n t h e funeral pyre, all t h e priests w a l k e d r o u n d it first, fol l o w e d b y t h e k n i g h t s , t h e cavalry-men a n d t h e infantry. W e learn f r o m this t e x t that t h e priests t o o k p r e c e d e n c e o v e r t h o s e w i t h military titles, a n d t h o u g h

t h e p r i e s t h o o d did n o t c o n f e r o n its

holders a n y political p o w e r s , it nevertheless g a v e a certain distinction a n d prestige. P l i n y s u m s u p w h a t m u s t h a v e b e e n t h e general attitude towards 2

such an office, in a letter t o M a t u r u s Arrianus , replying t o his c o n g r a t u l a t i o n s at h a v i n g r e c e i v e d t h e office o f augur. A c c o r d i n g t o P l i n y , it is fitting that o n e s h o u l d b e c o n g r a t u l a t e d o n such an o c c a s i o n b e c a u s e c o n f e r r i n g t h e p r i e s t h o o d is a m a r k o f esteem o n t h e p a r t o f t h e e m p e r o r . P l i n y is flattered; h e has b e e n g i v e n a certain status, w h i c h i n this case is f o r life, and h e is w e l l - c o n s c i o u s o f t h e h o n o u r h e has r e c e i v e d . H e supplements this v i e w i n a letter t o t h e e m p e r o r T r a j a n , w h e r e h e asks t o r e c e i v e t h e office o f a u g u r

or

s e p t e m v i r b e c a u s e t h e r e are v a c a n c i e s . P l i n y l o o k s o n such a gesture o n t h e p a r t o f t h e e m p e r o r as a m a r k o f e s t e e m f o r his loyalty, and h e adds, i n spiritual b r i b e r y , that such a p o s i t i o n in the p r i e s t h o o d w o u l d g i v e h i m t h e r i g h t t o pray t o t h e g o d s f o r his E m p e r o r i n t h e n a m e o f t h e w h o l e state, w h i c h at present h e c o u l d d o o n l y as 3

a p r i v a t e individual . A p a r t f r o m e s t e e m , t h e priests o b t a i n e d material c o n c e s s i o n s and privileges, an o b v i o u s o n e b e i n g t h e r i g h t t o sit at front seats in the

y

1948. - J . CHARBONNEAUX, Uart au siecle d Augustc. Lausanne, Paris, Bruxelles, New York, 1948, pp. 86-89, pi. 85. - J . TOYNBEE, The Ara Pads Re-considered. PBA X X X I X (1953), pp. 67-95. - I. SCOTT RYBERG, Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art. MAAR (1955), pp. 38-48. - H. KAEHLER, Rom und seine Welt. Munich, 1958. Pis. 100-105. - S. WEINSTOCK, Pax and the Ara Pads. JRS L (1960), pp. 4 4 58. Pis. 5-9. - J . TOYNBEE, The 'Ara Pads Augustae\ JRS L I (1961), pp. 153-156. G . CHARLES-PICARD, UArt Romain. Paris, 1962. - SIR M. WHEELER, Roman Art and Architecture. New York, 1964, p. 163. - T H . KRAUS, Das romische Weltreich. Berlin, 1967, pp. 224-226. Pis. 182-185. Dio L V I 42, 2: «... 7rpcoTot (/iv ol lepYJs tccjcvts? 7uepi7JX0ov aorqv, Sneizci $k 1

ol t s 17utcy)<;, ot t s ex t o o tsXoin; xal ol <5cXXoi.» PLINY, Letters IV 8. 2

3

Ibid. X 13: «Cum sciam, domine, ad testimonium laudemque morum meorum pertinere tarn boni principis iudicio exornari, rogo dignitati, ad quam me prouexit indulgentia tua, uel auguratum uel septemuiratum... adicere digneris.» 98

theatre. W e are t o l d that G a i u s d i d n o t start t h e c h a r i o t - r a c i n g himself, b u t w a t c h e d t h e spectacle f r o m a f r o n t seat w i t h h i s sisters 1

and his fellow-priests o f t h e A u g u s t a n o r d e r . A l t h o u g h n o t g i v i n g any great influence t o individuals, these types o f privileges certainly added t o t h e status o f a m a n a n d w o u l d h a v e lent a n additional charm t o the position. T h e v o w s offered u p b y t h e priests f o r t h e g o o d health o f t h e e m p e r o r w e r e l o o k e d u p o n as special h o n o u r s a n d s o t h e priests c o u l d b e c o m e t o o l s i n imperial hands w h e n t h e desire t o

flatter

was s t r o n g e n o u g h . W e see h o w jealous T i b e r i u s w a s w h e n t h e pontiffs a n d t h e lesser priests offered t h e same prayer f o r N e r o a n d D r u s u s as f o r himself. T h i s h a d b e e n d o n e as a n additional h o n o u r t o t h e e m p e r o r m o r e than as a n h o n o u r t o w a r d s t h e family o f G e r manicus, b u t T i b e r i u s d i d n o t interpret this g e s t u r e i n this light, seeing it m o r e as t h e a c c o r d i n g o f similar h o n o u r s t o these t w o b o y s 2

as h e h a d received i n his o l d a g e . Sacrifices a n d g a m e s i n h o n o u r o f t h e e m p e r o r w e r e u n d e r t h e supervision o f t h e priests, w h i c h w e r e o c c a s i o n a l l y instituted i n gratitude for t h e safe r e t u r n o f t h e e m p e r o r . A u g u s t u s h a d e m p h a s i z e d this p o i n t i n h i s R e s G e s t a e w h e n h e speaks o f t h e c o n s e c r a t i o n o f t w o altars, o n e t o F o r t u n a R e d u x a n d t h e o t h e r t o t h e P a x A u g u s t a , w h i c h t h e Senate v o t e d « i n h o n o u r

o f m y (Augustus')

return».

T h e altar o f F o r t u n a R e d u x , dedicated o n O c t o b e r 1 2 t h , 1 9 B . C . , w a s near t h e temple o f H o n o u r a n d V i r t u e a t t h e P o r t a Capena, a n d t h e pontiffs a n d V e s t a l v i r g i n s w e r e o r d e r e d t o p e r f o r m a yearly sacrifice o n t h e anniversary o f t h e day o n w h i c h A u g u s t u s r e t u r n e d

from

3

Syria . T h e day itself w a s n a m e d t h e A u g u s t a l i a a n d this i n i t s e l f was a great h o n o u r ; o n e sees h o w t h e p r i e s t h o o d w a s b r o u g h t i n t o close c o n t a c t w i t h t h e imperial cult. A similar dedication w a s after the return o f A u g u s t u s f r o m Spain a n d G a u l after «successful o p e rations in t h o s e p r o v i n c e s » , after a t h r e e years' a b s e n c e f r o m 1 6 t o 1

Dio L I X 7, 4: «... dcXX' £x 7rpoe8pfac<; atmeplcov TCOV AuyoucTeUov ouv£0eaaaTO.»

[LSTO.

TS TCOV

a8eX
2

T A C Ann. IV 17, 1: «Pontifices, eorumque exemplo ceteri sacerdotes, cum pro incolumitate principis vota susciperent... Nam Tiberius haud unquam domui Germanici mitis, turn vero aequari adulescentes senectae suae impatienter indoluit.» Res Gestae II 11: «Aram Fortunae Reducis iuxta aedes Honoris et Virtutis ad portam Capenam pro reditu meo senatus consacravit, in qua pontifices et virgines Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit.» 3

99

13 B . C . A g a i n t h e S e n a t e v o t e d t h e c o n s e c r a t i o n o f an altar, this t i m e in h o n o u r o f t h e A u g u s t a n P e a c e , a n d o n it t h e magistrates, priests a n d V e s t a l v i r g i n s w e r e o r d e r e d t o m a k e annual sacrifice K G a m e s i n h o n o u r o f t h e e m p e r o r w e r e u n d e r the supervision o f t h e Sodales A u g u s t a l e s . T h e s e g a m e s , first celebrated in 9 B . C . , w e r e h e l d annually d u r i n g t h e first p a r t o f t h e m o n t h o f O c t o b e r - after 1 4 A . D . , t h e y lasted f o r t e n days. T h e tribunes o f t h e p e o p l e h a d a s k e d t h a t these g a m e s s h o u l d b e p e r m i t t e d at their c o s t , w h i c h , w i t h t h e 'fasti' s h o u l d

2

b e called Augustales . T a c i t u s

mentions

these g a m e s again w h e n h e relates h o w during t h e first celebration, 3

t h e r e w e r e disturbances caused b y rivalry b e t w e e n t h e histrions . I n 2 2 A . D . , L i v i a b e c a m e ill a n d t h e Senate v o t e d a public suppli c a t i o n w i t h a p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e G r e a t G a m e s t o b e held b y the pontiffs, t h e a u g u r s a n d t h e t h r e e sacred c o l l e g e s : t h e Q u i n d e c i m v i r i 4

sacris faciundis, t h e S e p t e m v i r i E p u l o n e s a n d t h e Sodales A u g u s t a l e s . T h e r e are n u m e r o u s examples o f g a m e s u n d e r t h e direction o f the priests - t h e anniversary o f t h e death o f Sejanus was celebrated b y h o r s e - r a c e s a n d wild-beast hunts u n d e r t h e direction o f t h e m e m b e r s of

t h e f o u r principal p r i e s t h o o d s a n d o f t h e Sodales Augustales, 5

w h i c h D i o n o t e s as o n e o f t h e i n n o v a t i o n s o f t h e reign o f T i b e r i u s . We

h e a r o f v a r i o u s h o n o u r s a c c o r d e d t o Caligula i n w h i c h the

f o u r c o l l e g e s o f priests h e l d an i m p o r t a n t r o l e . F o r example, each year o n a c e r t a i n day, t h e c o l l e g e s , f o l l o w e d b y t h e Senate, had t o c a r r y a g o l d e n shield t o t h e Capitol, a c c o m p a n i e d b y y o u n g people 6

o f n o b l e b i r t h w h o sang a h y m n i n h o n o u r o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s virtues . Caligula is q u i t e clearly m a k i n g use o f t h e p r i e s t h o o d f o r the fur t h e r a n c e o f his o w n cult, w h i c h w o u l d m a k e it « t h e servant o f the 1

Ibid II 1 2 : «... aram Pacis Augustae senatus... consacrandam censuit in qua magistratus et sacerdotes virginesque Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit.» T A C Ann. I 1 5 , 3 : «Inter quae tribuni plebei petivere ut proprio sumptu ederent ludos, qui de nomine Augusti, fastis additi, Augustales vocarentur.» Ibid. I 5 4 , 3 : «Ludos Augustales tunc primum coeptos turbavit discordia ex certamine histrionum.» Ibid. Ill 6 4 , 3 : « Sed turn supplicia dis ludique magni ab senatu decernuntur, quos pontifices et augures et quindecimviri septemviris simul et sodalibus Augustalibus ederent.» Dio LVIII 1 2 , 5 . SUET. Cal. 1 6 , 1 1 : «Quas ob res inter reliquos honores decretus est ei clipeus aureus, quern quotannis certo die collegia sacerdotum in Capitolium ferrent, senatu prosequente nobilibusque pueris ac puellis carmine modulato laudes virtutum eius canentibus.» 2

3

4

5 6

100

first

beast w h o

e x t e n d e d its a u t h o r i t y

everywhere.» T h e

young

n o b l e s w h o sang h y m n s i n Caligula's h o n o u r w e r e t h e fore-runners o f N e r o ' s A u g u s t i a n i , officially f o r m e d i n t h e late fifties t o ascertain t h e acclamations and h y m n s w h i c h w o u l d later t a k e o n a c o n s i d e r a b l e i m p o r t a n c e as h o n o u r s i n t h e imperial cult. T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e p r i e s t h o o d s g a v e a m u c h - c o v e t e d status, for

it presupposed

that t h o s e w h o r e c e i v e d t h e s e p o s i t i o n s w e r e

pre-eminent i n a g e o r r e p u t a t i o n K A l t h o u g h i n i t s e l f n o t p o l i t i c a l , and n o t leading directly t o a d v a n c e m e n t i n p o l i t i c a l spheres, t h e c o n f e r r i n g o f a p r i e s t h o o d was nevertheless a s i g n that t h e e m p e r o r appreciated t h e talents a n d c h a r a c t e r o f a m a n , a n d in this w a y , 2

was an indication o f b e t t e r t h i n g s t o c o m e . Since t h e early years o f A u g u s t u s ' r e i g n , t h e i m p e r i a l c u l t h a d b e e n well-established in t h e p r o v i n c e o f A s i a , f o r t h e ' k o i n o n ' o f A s i a had b e e n o r g a n i z e d i n 2 9 B . C . w i t h t h e a i m o f p r o p a g a t i n g t h e cult o f t h e g o d d e s s R o m a a n d that o f t h e r e i g n i n g e m p e r o r . I n t h e same year, a t e m p l e was e r e c t e d at P e r g a m u m , b u t t h e p r o v i n c i a l assembly m e t in t h e different t o w n s o f t h e p r o v i n c e -

Ephesus,

S m y r n a , P e r g a m u m , Sardis, Cyzicus, L a o d i c a e a a n d Philadelphia

-

and each in t u r n was t h e seat o f c u l t c e r e m o n i e s f o r t h e e m p e r o r . The

actual c e n t r e o f c u l t was at E p h e s u s a n d a t e m p l e t o R o m a a n d

A u g u s t u s had already b e e n built w i t h i n t h e p r e c i n c t s o f t h e A r t e 3

m i s i o n . T h i s is n o t t h e o n l y A u g u s t e u m i n t h e p r o v i n c e a n d o t h e r temples existed at t h e o t h e r c h i e f p r o v i n c i a l cities f o r t h e w o r s h i p o f the deified A u g u s t i . T h e r e seems t o h a v e b e e n a certain a m o u n t o f j e a l o u s y b e t w e e n t h e cities o f E p h e s u s a n d S m y r n a , b o t h disputing

which

should

h o l d t h e p r e - e m i n e n c e . A letter f r o m A n t o n i n u s P i u s t o t h e m a g i s trates and p e o p l e o f E p h e s u s

4

is an a t t e m p t o n t h e p a r t o f t h e e m p e r o r

t o end t h e dispute. E p h e s u s h a d always e n j o y e d a certain p r e c e d e n c e ; she led in the p r o c e s s i o n w h i c h o p e n e d t h e yearly festival i n h o n o u r PLUT. Otho 1 , 2 : «lepooiSvat? 8k TOIIN; xa0* TjXixfocv 7rpor)xovTa^ 7} 86£av ex6<j[A7)ae.» SUET. Vit. 5,1: «Trium itaque principum indulgentia non solum honoribus verum et sacerdotiis amplissimis auctus, proconsulatum Africae post haec curamque operum publicorum administravit...» Cf. E . L. HICKS, 'Epbesos in the Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum. Oxford, 1874, ed. C. T. NEWTON. Part III. Sect. II. No. D X X I I , p. 177f. Ibid. No. C C C C L X X X X I X , p. 153f. 1

2

3

9

4

101

o f t h e e m p e r o r , a n d h e r p o s i t i o n was r e c o g n i z e d b y the R o m a n government. G r a d u a l l y t h e imperial cult t o o k firm h o l d i n A s i a M i n o r ; G a i u s o r d e r e d a t e m p l e t o b e set apart f o r his w o r s h i p at M i l e t u s in the p r o v i n c e o f A s i a a n d h e g a v e as his reason t h e fact that A u g u s t u s h a d already c h o s e n P e r g a m u m , T i b e r i u s S m y r n a , w h i l e D i a n a had a well-established c u l t i n E p h e s u s . N o n e o f these is t h e true reason w h i c h , D i o states, was G a i u s ' i n t e n t i o n t o appropriate t h e beautiful t e m p l e w h i c h t h e Milesians w e r e building i n h o n o u r o f A p o l l o K The

c u l t u n d e r D o m i t i a n t o o k o n a n e w significance and

the

limited r i g h t s o f t h e A s i a r c h w e r e supplemented b y the increased in fluence

2

o f c u l t practices . A s t h e political u n i t y o f t h e empire was

expressed through

the c o m m o n bond

o f imperial w o r s h i p ,

the

festivals a n d g a m e s t o o k o n a deeper m e a n i n g and thus the office o f ' f l a m e n ' o r ' s o d a l e s ' carried w i t h it distinct o v e r t o n e s n o t previously p e r c e p t i b l e . A s t h e Christian c o m m u n i t y b e c a m e m o r e organized, so did legislation against t h o s e practices o r professions w h i c h m i g h t p r o v e harmful t o a Christian aspirant. I n his treatise o n t h e A p o s t o l i c T r a d i t i o n , H i p p o l y t u s professes t o r e c o r d t h o s e practices in rites a n d c u s t o m s w h i c h w e r e already established i n t h e Christian Church at t h e e n d o f t h e s e c o n d century. I n t h e sixteenth chapter o f his treatise, H i p p o l y t u s lists t h o s e crafts and professions forbidden

to

Christians, s o that e n q u i r y c o u l d b e m a d e o f t h o s e desiring instruction 3

i n t h e Christian faith. S p e a k i n g o f idolatry , t h e a u t h o r states that a priest o r k e e p e r o f idols has either t o desist f r o m these practices o r else « l e t h i m b e r e j e c t e d » . N o d o u b t t h e a u t h o r h a d t h e deeper implications o f t h e festivals a n d g a m e s i n his m i n d , w h e n h e w r o t e that n o t o n l y w e r e charioteers a n d t h o s e t a k i n g a n a c t i v e part i n t h e g a m e s t o b e rejected unless t h e y g a v e up these p r a c t i c e s , b u t e v e n t h o s e w h o w e n t t o t h e games 4

as spectators w o u l d b e similarly j u d g e d . T h i s ruling applied t o t h o s e t a k i n g part i n gladiator o r wild-beast s h o w s i n the amphi theatre, gladiators, trainers o f gladiators a n d t h o s e c o n c e r n e d w i t h

Dio L I X 28, 1. Cf. E . STAUFFER, Christ and the Caesars. London, 1955, pp. 167-169. HIPPOLYTUS, Apost. Trad. X V I 16. Cf. G. Dix, The Treatise on the Apostolic Tradition of St. Hippolytus of Rome (Reissued by H . CHAD WICK) London, 1968. Ibid. X V I 14. 1

2

3

4

102

wild-beast s h o w s , e v e n d o w n t o t h e p u b l i c officials; all these h a d t o c h o o s e b e t w e e n their o c c u p a t i o n s and t h e i r faith. Sculptors and painters w e r e « t o b e t a u g h t n o t t o m a k e i d o l s » and it is possible that H i p p o l y t u s also h a d i n m i n d t h e m a k e r s o f imperial statues and o t h e r divine representations o f t h e e m p e r o r K T h e idea o f t h e p r i e s t h o o d b e i n g t h e servant o f t h e R o m a n E m p i r e and, in particular, o f t h e imperial cult, r e m a i n e d i n t h e m i n d s o f Christians until t h e y w e r e so o r g a n i z e d that t h e y c o u l d m a k e a stand against t h e ' s e c o n d b e a s t ' . E a r l y i n t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y , t h e s y n o d o f E l v i r a p r o d u c e d several c a n o n s dealing w i t h t h e p a g a n 'flamines' and t h e p o s i t i o n o f Christians w h o w e r e legally b o u n d t o fill this p o s t . S o m e o f t h e c a n o n s s e e m e x c e e d i n g l y severe, as c a n o n 2 , w h i c h states that Christians w h o h a v e sacrified t o idols d u r i n g t h e i r flaminate,

and w h o h a v e g i v e n p u b l i c pagan g a m e s , c a n n o t r e c e i v e 2

c o m m u n i o n e v e n at t h e p o i n t o f death . T h e r e is a slight r e l a x i n g c

in this r u l i n g f o r t h o s e flamines' w h o h a v e n o t offered sacrifices b u t h a v e b e e n responsible f o r t h e c e l e b r a t i o n o f g a m e s . I n this c a s e , after a previous p e n a n c e , c o m m u n i o n m a y b e r e c e i v e d at t h e e n d 3

o f their lives . A c c o r d i n g t o this S y n o d , t o fulfil all t h e duties o f t h e

flaminate

w o u l d m e a n t o sacrifice t o idols, t o c o m m i t m u r d e r b y p r e p a r i n g for t h e g a m e s , and t o t a k e p a r t i n acts o f i m m o r a l i t y i n s o m e o f t h e plays w h i c h w e r e p r o d u c e d .

Sacrifice t o o r f o r t h e e m p e r o r

was

l o o k e d o n as t h e m o s t g r i e v o u s sin, a n d i f all t h e o t h e r duties o f a flamen

had b e e n carried o u t , w h i l e o m i t t i n g t h e sacrifices, a m a n

m i g h t receive c o m m u n i o n after a suitable p e n a n c e , o r , i f a c a t e c h u m e n , 4

b e baptized after a trial o f t h r e e years . HIPPOLYTUS, Apost. Trad. X V I 11. Other crafts and professions were forbidden to Christians, including men supporting harlots, schoolmasters teaching children worldly knowledge, though if they have no other trade, they are to be forgiven, harlots, magicians and concubines. Cf. X V I 10, 13, 20-23. H E F E L E , Histoire des Conciles, I p. 221 fT.: Canon 2: «Flamines, qui post fidem lavacri et regenerationis sacrificaverunt, eo quod geminaverint scelera accedente homicidio, vel triplicaverint facinus cohaerente moechia, placuit eos nec in finem accipere communionem.» Canon 3: «Item flamines, qui non immolaverint, sed munus tantum dederint, eo quod se a funestis abstinuerint sacrifices, placuit in finem eis praestare commu nionem, acta tamen legitima paenitentia. Item ipsi si post paenitentiam fuerint moechati, placuit ulterius his non esse dandam communionem, ne illusisse de dominica communione videantur.» Canon 55: «Sacerdotes qui tantum coronas portant, nec sacrificant nec de suis sumptibus aliquid ad idola praestant, placuit post biennium accipere commu1

2

3

4

103

T h u s t h e activities o f t h e ' s e c o n d b e a s t ' w e r e l o o k e d u p o n as g r a v e issues in t h e early f o u r t h century, serious e n o u g h t o cause a life-long separation f r o m t h e Christian C h u r c h a n d they w e r e e v e n l o o k e d u p o n as u n p a r d o n a b l e . B y this t i m e , t h e r o l e o f t h e priests h a d d e v e l o p e d i n i m p o r t a n c e a n d significance, a n d it fitted in m o r e completely with the words o f the Apocalypse. E x a m p l e s o f t h e p o s i t i o n a n d r o l e o f t h e imperial p r i e s t h o o d and, i n fact, all p a g a n p r i e s t h o o d s , w h i c h w e r e used f o r t h e a d v a n c e m e n t o f t h e imperial cult, h a v e s h o w n its v a r i o u s activities during that c u l t ' s early d e v e l o p m e n t , yet n o reference has b e e n m a d e t o t h e miracles w o r k e d at t h e i n s t i g a t i o n o f t h e p r i e s t s : « A n d it w o r k e d g r e a t miracles, e v e n t o calling d o w n fire f r o m h e a v e n o n t o t h e earth w h i l e t h e p e o p l e w a t c h e d . T h r o u g h t h e miracles w h i c h it was allowed x

t o d o , i t w a s able t o w i n o v e r t h e p e o p l e o f t h e w o r l d . . . » . T h e r e is n o t h i n g i n t h e texts o f t h e first c e n t u r y t o suggest t h e s o u r c e o f these v e r s e s , b u t t h e y r e m i n d o n e o f t h e miracles at Alexandria d u r i n g t h e early p a r t o f t h e r e i g n o f V e s p a s i a n , w h i c h w e r e v e r y likely t h e result o f t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n o f t h e priests i n an attempt t o m a k e as firm a basis as p o s s i b l e f o r this e m p e r o r ' s rule, especially 2

i n t h e eyes o f t h e masses . 9

b ) The Significance of the Term 'Image of the Beast and the Importance of Statues in Imperial Cult The

Worship

A p o c a l y p s e i n f o r m s us that t h e ' s e c o n d b e a s t ' was able t o

persuade t h e p e o p l e « t o p u t u p a statue i n h o n o u r o f t h e beast... I t was a l l o w e d t o b r e a t h e life i n t o this statue, s o that t h e statue o f t h e beast was a b l e t o speak, a n d t o h a v e a n y o n e w h o refused t o w o r s h i p 3

t h e statue o f t h e beast p u t t o d e a t h » . O n e o f t h e m o s t usual f o r m s o f imperial w o r s h i p t o o k place b e f o r e t h e statue o f t h e e m p e r o r , b e f o r e w h i c h h o n o u r c o u l d b e nionem». This Canon makes reference to a time of persecution which is seemingly not too distant, another connection with the 'second beast', who «was allowed to make war against the saints.» Apoc. XIII 1 4 - 1 5 . Cf. K . SCOTT, The Imperial Cult under the Flavians. Stuttgart/Berlin, 1 9 3 6 , p. 1 3 : «... it does seem that someone... was working with the priests of Serapis to provide for Vespasian the 'caelestis favor et quaedam in Vespasianum inclinatio numinum' ( T A C Hist. IV 8 1 ) , the 'auctoritas et maiestas* (SUET. Vesp. 7 , 2 ) which he lacked.» Apoc. XIII 1 4 - 1 5 . 1

2

3

104

rendered either as a m a r k o f loyalty, as in t h e t i m e o f T r a j a n , o r as a public act o f r e l i g i o n o n t h e part o f t h e faithful. V e n e r a t i o n t o t h e statues o f rulers h a d a l o n g h i s t o r y , especially i n t h e E a s t , a l t h o u g h t h e practice was also quite c o m m o n in t h e R o m a n R e p u b l i c , a n d s o m e times attained s e e m i n g l y e x a g g e r a t e d p r o p o r t i o n s as i n case o f t h e G r a c c h i , w h e n t h e p e o p l e set up their statues i n a c o n s p i c u o u s p l a c e , « a n d sacrificed and p r o s t r a t e d t h e m s e l v e s b e f o r e t h e statues o f t h e b r o t h e r s e v e r y day, as t h o u g h t h e y w e r e visiting t h e shrines o f t h e gods» F r o m t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t , o n e o f t h e b e s t - k n o w n cult-statues is the g o l d e n i m a g e o f N e b u c h a d n e z z a r ; w e learn h o w t h e g o v e r n o r s , magistrates, rulers a n d c h i e f m e n f r o m all his d o m i n i o n s w e r e a s s e m bled t o g e t h e r b e f o r e this g o l d e n i m a g e o f t h e k i n g . T h e c o m m a n d w a s issued that at a g i v e n signal, all s h o u l d p r o s t r a t e t h e m s e l v e s b e f o r e the statue and w o r s h i p it. T h e threat was f o r t h w i t h laid b e f o r e t h e c r o w d , that s h o u l d a n y o n e n e g l e c t this w o r s h i p , h e w o u l d i m m e diately b e t h r o w n i n t o a fiery furnace. T h i s threat o f death was reite rated after the refusal o f t h e t h r e e J e w s , S h a d r a c h , M e s h a c h a n d A b e d n e g o , t o w o r s h i p t h e i m a g e , r e g a r d i n g such an a c t i o n as t h e m o s t 2

blatant idolatry . T h u s the Christians h a d a striking p r e c e d e n t f r o m t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t w h e n they w e r e faced w i t h t h e d i l e m m a o f c o m p u l s o r y w o r s h i p o f the e m p e r o r . Statues i n g o l d a n d silver w e r e t h o s e generally regarded as divine h o n o u r s , a n d a l t h o u g h m a n y e m p e r o r s

forbade

such i m a g e s , in the first c e n t u r y Caligula, N e r o a n d D o m i t i a n e x c l u d e d 3

themselves f r o m this p o l i c y . D i s t i n c t i o n s h o u l d b e m a d e b e t w e e n the cult-statues and t h e h o n o r a r y statues - i n actual fact, it was t h e 'AYAXPLA' o n l y w h i c h s h o u l d h a v e b e e n r e g a r d e d as b l a s p h e m o u s in Christian eyes. Crimes against the imperial i m a g e as p o r t r a y e d i n sculpture, o n coins o r c a m e o s , are attested t h r o u g h o u t

the

first

century,

and

disrespect t o such likenesses was t h e equivalent o f direct disrespect towards the e m p e r o r himself. I t is f o r this r e a s o n that u n d e r T i b e r i u s

1

PLUT.

C. Gracchus 18, 2:

7TPOUTT0EVTO... &0UOV

8s

«ETX6VOC(; TS YAP auxcov ava8sl£avTs<; ev

9<xvspcjS Oscov

XAL XA0'rjjjtspav TUOXXOI XAL 7rpoosTut7TTOv, &ATSP

ISPOTS l7ri(poiTtovTs<;.» 2

Dan. Ill 15. For further details concerning this point, cf. K. SCOTT, The Significance of Statues in Precious Metals in Emperor Worship. TAPhA L X I I (1931) p. 101. 3

105

it was c o n s i d e r e d a c r i m e t o g o t o a n y place l o o k e d o n as unclean w h i l e w e a r i n g a r i n g w i t h t h e e m p e r o r ' s effigy c a r v e d o n it, o r e v e n c a r r y i n g a c o i n b e a r i n g t h e imperial portrait. S e n e c a r e c o u n t s an e p i s o d e w h e n t h e e x - p r a e t o r Paulus was penalised f o r c o m m i t t i n g w h a t was c o n s i d e r e d a n unclean act w h i l e w e a r i n g a r i n g w i t h a c a m e o r e p r e s e n t i n g T i b e r i u s *. Yet

T i b e r i u s s h o w e d h i m s e l f less rigid t h a n s o m e o f t h e s e n a t o r s ;

i n t h e case o f L u c i u s E n n i u s w h o , h a v i n g m e l t e d d o w n a silver statue o f t h e e m p e r o r , h a d b e e n s u m m o n e d for t h e c r i m e o f treason, 2

t h e e m p e r o r f o r b a d e t h e a c c u s a t i o n . T h e r e is n o t t h e same c o n c e r n for

t h e imperial statues u n d e r T i b e r i u s as there was i n t h e reign o f

Caligula, a n d w h e n T i b e r i u s s h o w e d irritation, it was n o t for a direct insult offered t o w a r d s his i m a g e , b u t rather o n a c c o u n t o f t h e impli c a t i o n s w h i c h h e i m a g i n e d h e c o u l d read f r o m an a c t i o n . T h i s is t h e case w h e n J u l i a dedicated a statue o f D i v u s A u g u s t u s and had h e r n a m e e n g r a v e d b e f o r e that o f T i b e r i u s , w h i c h , so T a c i t u s tells us, 3

caused h i m m u c h irritation . R e f e r e n c e s t o statues o f D i v u s A u g u s t u s a b o u n d in t h e texts and i n s c r i p t i o n s , b u t e v e n t h o u g h , imperial claims f o r such

honours

w e r e quite m o d e s t u n d e r A u g u s t u s a n d T i b e r i u s . T a c i t u s interprets s u c h statues e r e c t e d d u r i n g t h e r e i g n o f A u g u s t u s i n a m o s t ironical w a y , declaring that n o t h i n g was left f o r t h e g o d s i n t h e w a y o f divine h o n o u r s , f o r t h e e m p e r o r s w a n t e d , l i k e t h e m , t o b e w o r s h i p p e d in t e m p l e s b y m e a n s o f his i m a g e s a n d l i k e t h e m t o h a v e flamines and 4

priests f o r his w o r s h i p . T h e statement is n o t b o r n e o u t b y D i o w h o reports the reticence o f Augustus

t o a c c e p t such

honours;

w h e n t h e S e n a t e a n d t h e p e o p l e m a d e c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o set up statues

SENECA, De Benef. Ill 2 6 , 1 : «Cenabat Paulus praetorius in convivio quodam imaginem Tib. Caesaris habens ectypa et eminente gemma...» Cf. FURTWAENGLER, Die antiken Gemmen. PI. L. 51. Also SUET. Tib. 58, 3: «nummo vel anulo effigiem impressam latrinae aut lupanari intulisse.» T A C Ann. Ill 70, 2: «L. Ennium equitem Romanum, maiestatis postulatum quod effigiem principis promiscum ad usum argenti uertisset, recipi Caesar inter reos uetuit...» Ibid. Ill 64, 2: «Neque enim multo ante, cum haud procul theatro Marcelli effigiem diuo Augusto Iulia dicaret, Tiberi nomen suo postscripserat...» T A C Ann. I 10, 5: «Nihil deorum honoribus relictum, cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli uellet.» Tacitus also speaks of a statue of Divus Augustus, and a sanctuary consecrated to the Julian family at Bovilles, ibid. II 41, 1: «... sacrarium genti Iuliae effigiesque divo Augusto apud Bovillas dicantur.» 1

2

3

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in h o n o u r o f their e m p e r o r i n 11 B . C . , A u g u s t u s refused t o use these donations f o r this p u r p o s e a n d instead set up statues o f Salus Publica, Concordia and P a x K T i b e r i u s seems t o h a v e b e e n l o t h t o h a v e t o o m u c h

personal

h o n o u r and h e forbade a n y o n e t o e r e c t statues i n his h o n o u r , o r t o display his portraits w i t h o u t his p e r m i s s i o n . S u e t o n i u s r e m a r k s t h a t the o n l y e x c e p t i o n that h e m a d e was i f these portraits w e r e h u n g 2

as o r n a m e n t s , and n o t a m o n g t h e i m a g e s o f t h e g o d s . T h i s e x c e p t i o n m i g h t v e r y well b e t h e l o o p - h o l e w h i c h T i b e r i u s has b e e n suspected o f leaving in all his professions against p e r s o n a l h o n o u r s . Politically speaking, e m p e r o r - w o r s h i p was n o t m e r e l y t h e m e a n s o f p r o v i d i n g a c o m m o n b o n d f o r t h e e m p i r e , b u t T a c i t u s hints that o n o c c a s i o n it was used t o t a k e m e n ' s m i n d s off unpleasant

truths.

In 2 8 A . D . , t h e Frisians w e r e v i c t o r i o u s o v e r t h e R o m a n s , a n d t h e latter suffered severe losses, b u t b o t h T i b e r i u s a n d t h e S e n a t e h e l d the o p i n i o n that the i n t e r i o r state o f t h e e m p i r e n e e d e d readjustment and that a w a r at this p o i n t w o u l d b e undesirable. A d i v e r s i o n was s o u g h t in t h e imperial w o r s h i p , a n d altars w e r e set up t o C l e m e n c y and F r i e n d s h i p , w h i l e , at e a c h side, t h e r e w e r e statues o f T i b e r i u s 3

and Sejanus . T h i s does n o t m i n i m i z e t h e fact that t h e o m n i p r e s e n c e 4

o f t h e e m p e r o r was m a d e manifest t h r o u g h his i m a g e s a n d statues . It

is w e l l - k n o w n h o w excesses i n t h e e m p e r o r - c u l t t o o k place

under Caligula and it is d u r i n g this r e i g n that t h e w o r s h i p o f t h e «statue o f t h e b e a s t » t o o k o n far greater p r o p o r t i o n s a n d b e c a m e for the first t i m e a m e n a c e t o J e w i s h m o n o t h e i s t i c beliefs. S u e t o n i u s points o u t sarcastically t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h Caligula w e n t t o p r o v i d e for his o w n adulation and w o r s h i p t h r o u g h t h e m e a n s o f his statues, e v e n sending t o G r e e c e f o r statues w h i c h far surpassed R o m a n crafts manship in style and beauty, and h e had t h e heads replaced b y c o p i e s 1

c

Dio LIV 3 5 , 2 : «'Yyiela<; $k 8Y)[xoarfoc<; xai Tzpoct&ti xai Ofxovota<; E£pYJv7)<; TS g<jryjaev.» SUET. Tib. 2 6 , 3 : «... prohibuit etiam statuas atque imagines nisi permittente se poni, permisitque ea sola condicione, ne inter simulacra deorum sed inter ornamenta aedium ponerentur.» T A C Ann. IV 7 4 , 3 : «Ita quamquam diver sis super rebus consulerentur, aram Clementiae, aram Amicitiae effigiesque circum Caesaris ac Seiani censuere crebrisque precibus efflagitabant visendi sui copiam facerent.» Statues of Tiberius in temples existed even during his lifetime, e. g. OGIS 5 8 3 , p. 2 7 4 (on Cyprus in 2 8 / 3 0 A.D.): TtPeplou Kaiaapo? 2Y)paaTot> vaou xai ayaX(jLaTO<;...» Cf. S. EITREM, Zur Apotheose. SO X V ( 1 9 3 6 ) p. 1 1 2 : «Die Bilder sind ein Zeugnis der Allgegenwart des Kaisergottes.» 2

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o f his o w n . A m o n g these statues (simulacra), o n e i n particular was m e n t i o n e d , that o f t h e O l y m p i a n J u p i t e r K I t w o u l d s e e m t h a t Caligula set g r e a t s t o r e b y g i v i n g t h e p o p u l a c e the opportunity

o f a d o r i n g t h e e m p e r o r , f o r h a v i n g enlarged

the

w i n g o f t h e P a l a t i u m as far as t h e F o r u m , h e transformed t h e t e m p l e of

Castor a n d P o l l u x i n t o a v e s t i b u l e . I t was presumably in this

v e s t i b u l e that h e p l a c e d t h e statues o f t h e g o d s w h e r e they m i g h t b e v e n e r a t e d b y t h o s e e n t e r i n g o r leaving t h e Palatium, and his o w n statue i n t h e m i d s t o f t h o s e o f t h e g o d s , underlined and e n c o u r a g e d t h e b e l i e f i n t h e imperial divinity. Caligula's excesses i n this

field

w e r e n o t e w o r t h y a n d S u e t o n i u s c o n t i n u e s t o stress t h e lengths t o w h i c h t h e e m p e r o r w e n t ; Caligula e v e n w e n t so far as t o c o n s e c r a t e a special t e m p l e t o his o w n divinity, c o m p l e t e w i t h 'flamines' and 2

rare v i c t i m s . T h e t e m p l e c o n t a i n e d a life-sized statue o f the e m p e r o r . A t t h e s a m e t i m e , Caligula s t r o v e t o safeguard his o w n p o s i t i o n b y k e e p i n g a c l o s e w a t c h o n a n y p o s s i b l e rivals w h o m i g h t b e seeking t o usurp his p o s i t i o n . F o r this reason, h e forbade t h e e r e c t i o n o f t h e statue o f a n y l i v i n g p e r s o n i n a n y place w i t h o u t his k n o w l e d g e

3

;

this g a v e t h e e m p e r o r a t w o - f o l d c o n t r o l , f o r h e c o u l d thus limit t h e n u m b e r o f statues o f a n y o n e m a n a n d h e c o u l d also foresee a rival's g r o w t h i n popularity b y t h e n u m b e r o f requests f o r the erection o f his statue. P h i l o g i v e s a clear, i f biased a c c o u n t o f t h e reactions t o Caligula's a n t i - J e w i s h p o l i c y , especially in A l e x a n d r i a , w h e r e t h e J e w s w e r e simply a m i n o r i t y g r o u p . Caligula set great store b y t h e fact that his deification h a d o r i g i n a t e d i n A l e x a n d r i a , a c i t y w h i c h had 1

much

SUET. Cal. 27, 3 : «Datoque negotio, ut simulacra numinum religione et arte praeclara, inter quae Olympi Iovis, apportarentur e Graecia, quibus capite dempto suum imponeret, partem Palatii ad forum usque promouit, atque aede Castoris et Pollucis in uestibulum transfigurata, consistens saepe inter fratres deos, medium adorandum se adeuntibus exhibebat.» According to Dio (LIX 4,4), early in his reign, Caligula apparently forbade anyone to erect images in his honour... he afterwards changed his policy and ordered tempels to be erected and sacrifices to be offered to him as to a god... The same author relates how by 39 A. D., sacrifices were made to the Clemency of Caligula and on these occasions a golden image of the emperor was to be carried to the Capitol, and hymns were sung in its honour (Dio L I X 16, 10). SUET. Cal. 22, 4 - 5 : «Templum etiam numini suo proprium et sacerdotes et excogitatissimas hostias instituit. In templo simulacrum stabat aureum iconicum amiciebaturque cotidie veste, quali ipse uteretur.» SUET. Cal. 34, 2: «Vetuitque posthac viventium cuiquam usquam statuam aut imaginem nisi consulto et auctore se poni.» 2

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influence i n t h e w o r l d b e c a u s e o f its size a n d p o s i t i o n . P o r t r a i t s o f Caligula w e r e placed i n all t h e s y n a g o g u e s o f t h e c i t y ; an a c t i o n w h i c h the J e w s naturally c o n s i d e r e d as b l a s p h e m o u s . I n t h e largest a n d m o s t i m p o r t a n t s y n a g o g u e s , a b r o n z e statue o f t h e e m p e r o r d r i v i n g 1

a four-horse c h a r i o t , was g i v e n a p r o m i n e n t p o s i t i o n . P h i l o contrasts t h e a c t i o n o f t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s o n b e h a l f o f Caligula w i t h t h e singular l a c k o f r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e b e n e f a c t i o n s t h e y r e c e i v e d during t h e r e i g n o f A u g u s t u s . P h i l o is p r o b a b l y praising A u g u s t u s t o this extent b e c a u s e h e w i s h e d t o underline t h e differences b e t w e e n their lives and t h e r e c o m p e n s e in h o n o u r s w h i c h e a c h r e c e i v e d . I t is p o i n t e d o u t that d u r i n g t h e years o f A u g u s t u s ' rule o v e r E g y p t - forty-three i n all - t h e Alexandrians n e v e r t h o u g h t it necessary t o m a k e a single dedication in t h e s y n a g o g u e s , n e i t h e r did t h e y express their gratitudes b y t h e usual h o n o u r o f e r e c t i n g statues o f t h e e m p e r o r ; t h e r e was n o t so m u c h as a w o o d e n i m a g e o r a p a i n t i n g t o b e a r 2

witness t o all that A u g u s t u s h a d d o n e . W h i l e awaiting an audience at D i c a e a r c h i a , P h i l o r e c e i v e d t h e n e w s that Caligula had g i v e n orders t o set u p a c o l o s s a l statue i n 3

the H o l y o f H o l i e s in t h e s y n a g o g u e n a m e d after Z e u s h i m s e l f . F u r t h e r o n , P h i l o gives t h e m o t i v e f o r this a c t i o n , w h i c h was ' k n o w n t o the w h o l e w o r l d ' . Caligula's greatest a m b i t i o n w a s t o b e r e g a r d e d 4

as a g o d b y all his subjects . T h e J e w s had always e n j o y e d a privi leged position in this q u e s t i o n o f e m p e r o r - w o r s h i p and b o t h A u gustus and T i b e r i u s respected t h e J e w i s h c o n s c i e n c e and

granted

t h e m t h e necessary c o n c e s s i o n s . H o w e v e r , this state o f affairs w o u l d n o t satisfy Caligula, w h o c o u l d n o t a c c e p t t h e idea o f a G o d g r e a t e r than himself, and since t h e J e w s refused t o c h a n g e their m a n n e r o f w o r s h i p , the e m p e r o r s o u g h t t o inflict a p u n i s h m e n t o n t h e m w h i c h w o u l d b e severely felt, i n t h e desecration o f their t e m p l e . J o s e p h u s makes reference t o G a i u s ' o r d e r f o r t h e e r e c t i o n o f his statue i n t h e T e m p l e at J e r u s a l e m , w h i c h was part o f his p o l i c y i n e n c o u r a g i n g people t o consider and hail h i m as a g o d . H e m e n t i o n s t o o t h e fact

PHILO, Legatio ad Gaium 2 0 , 1 3 4 : «six6va<; yap Iv a7raaai<; (xev ISpuovxo Tatou, ev 8e Tyj [Aeylcrqr) x a l izspIGT)jxoTaTy] x a l dvSptavTa xaXxoov e7roxo\j(xevov Ts6pl7nrc«>». 2 Ibid. 2 2 , 1 4 8 : «... [iY)8&v SV 7upoarei>xat<; uizkp auTou, JJLYJ dcyaXfxa, JZY) £6avov, y.7] ypaq>Y)v l8puad(xevoi.» 3 Ibid. 2 9 , 1 8 8 : ofyeTai ^fx&v T6 lsp6v* avSpidvTa xoXoaaialov sacDxarco TCOV dSuTcov dvaT£07Jvai TOLLOQ 7rpo<j£Ta£s Aib<; e7rlxX7]aiv auTOo.» Ibid. 3 0 , 1 9 8 : «0e6<; PoiiXeTat vojxl^so0ai...». 1

4

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t h a t P e t r o n i u s w a s sent w i t h an a r m y t o install t h e statues i n t h e s a n c t u a r y ; a c c o r d i n g t o t h e a c c o u n t i n t h e J e w i s h W a r s , there seems t o h a v e b e e n m o r e t h a n o n e statue i n v o l v e d , a l t h o u g h i n t h e ' J e w i s h A n t i q u i t i e s ' , P e t r o n i u s is sent « t o set u p a n i m a g e o f G a i u s i n t h e t e m p l e o f G o d . » T h e fact that a n a r m y w a s sent was a safety measure s h o u l d t h e J e w s h a v e refused t o a c c e p t t h e statues, f o r his orders w e r e t o p u t t h e recalcitrants t o death a n d t o reduce t h e w h o l e nation t o slavery \ J o s e p h u s h e r e refers t o t h r e e l e g i o n s w h i c h set o u t f r o m 2

A n t i o c h o n t h e i r m a r c h t o J u d a e a . I n t h e parallel passage , t h e same a u t h o r refers t o t w o l e g i o n s only. A s h a s already b e e n n o t e d , P h i l o states that Caligula o r d e r e d P e t r o n i u s t o t a k e h a l f o f t h e E u p h r a t e s ' a r m y i n t o J u d a e a , a n d since this a r m y c o n s i s t e d o f four legions at 3

this t i m e , t h e statement o f J o s e p h u s is t o b e preferred . Petronius m e t t h e J e w s at T i b e r i a s , a n d tried t o c o n v i n c e t h e m that all subject n a t i o n s h a d e r e c t e d statues o f t h e e m p e r o r a l o n g w i t h t h o s e o f t h e 4

g o d s i n all t h e i r cities . L a t e r , w h e n Caligula w a s finally persuaded t o a b a n d o n t h e idea o f e r e c t i n g h i s statue i n t h e H o l y o f H o l i e s , h e nevertheless left t h e w a y o p e n f o r t h e e n e m i e s o f t h e J e w i s h race a n d religion t o offend t h e i r religious sensibilities b y m a k i n g i t legal f o r t h o s e f r o m t h e c o u n t r y s u r r o u n d i n g t h e capital t o e r e c t i m a g e s o r altars f o r sacrifices 5

i n h o n o u r o f t h e e m p e r o r o r o f t h e imperial family . T h e J e w i s h r e a c t i o n t o this harsh p o l i c y w a s e x t r e m e l y s t r o n g , as was t o b e e x p e c t e d , f o r t h e y threatened a mass r e v o l t w h e r e b y they w o u l d kill their w i v e s a n d children b e f o r e finally c o m m i t t i n g suicide t h e m s e l v e s ; this t h e y s a w as t h e o n l y s o l u t i o n i n their attempt t o r e c o n c i l e t w o parallel c l a i m s , t h e respect d u e t o their e m p e r o r a n d t h e o b e d i e n c e d u e t o t h e J e w i s h l a w s ; since these t w o w e r e c o n t r a dictory, t h e r e s e e m e d n o o t h e r s o l u t i o n t h a n t h e drastic measure 6

o f a g e n e r a l suicide . J o s e p h u s g i v e s further details o f t h e J e w i s h reaction

7

for, having

1

Jos. Bell. Iud. II 184-187. Jos. Ant. XVIII 262. Cf. Jewish Antiquities, translated by L . H. Feldman. London, 1965, p. 157, note a. Jos. Bell. Iud. II 194: «7ravTtov y^P & &7roTeTay(A£vcov iOvcov XOCTOC 7r6Xtv Gi>yxa0i8pux6Tcov TO?<; #XXoi£ QeoXc, xal Ta<; Kataapo? ebc6va<;...» PHILO, Leg. ad Gaium 42, 333 ff. Ibid. 32, 235ff: «avaxspaa6jxe0a TO tSiov emxaTa<J9a£avTe<; OC6TOU<;.» 2 3

4

T

v

5

6

7

Jos. Ant. X V I I I 271-272: «TzoXkr\ TS 9jv irpoodpsats OCUTOTS xai TOU Ovifjoxetv TOU av8piavT0<;.»

lTut0u[xta<; 7Tp60eai<;, V) rqv dva0eaiv 0eaaaa0ai 110

declared their willingness t o die rather t h a n a c c e p t t h e e r e c t i o n o f a b l a s p h e m o u s i m a g e , t h e J e w s fell o n t h e i r faces, b a r i n g their t h r o a t s as a sign that t h e y a c c e p t e d t o b e killed. T h e y c o n t i n u e d i n this m a n n e r f o r a p e r i o d o f forty days \ a n d t h e y n e g l e c t e d t h e i r fields e v e n t h o u g h it was seedtime a n d t h e fields w e r e in d a n g e r o f r e m a i n i n g fallow. A l t h o u g h t h e J e w s w e r e s o adamant i n refusing t o g i v e t o Caligula w h a t t h e y c o n s i d e r e d was due t o G o d a l o n e , t h e y a c c e p t e d willingly the duty o f praying f o r t h e e m p e r o r . I n a n s w e r t o P e t r o n i u s ' q u e r y : « W i l l y o u t h e n g o t o w a r w i t h C a e s a r ? » , t h e J e w s replied that they offered sacrifice t w i c e a day f o r t h e e m p e r o r a n d t h e R o m a n p e o p l e . I n the letter o f A g r i p p a t o his e m p e r o r , h e e n d e a v o u r e d t o p o i n t o u t t h e significance o f such an a c t i o n i n t h e eyes o f p i o u s J e w s . The

t e m p l e h a d n e v e r , since its f o u n d a t i o n , a d m i t t e d a n y i m a g e s .

God

b e i n g invisible, it was i m p o s s i b l e i n J e w i s h eyes t o p e r c e i v e

his presence b y the senses a n d therefore a n y a t t e m p t t o p o r t r a y G o d i n paintings o r sculpture was c o n s i d e r e d b l a s p h e m o u s b y b e l i e v i n g 2

J e w s . H o w e v e r , t h e e m p e r o r ' s b i t t e r h a t r e d o f t h e J e w i s h r a c e led h i m t o take o v e r t h e s y n a g o g u e s i n e a c h c i t y a n d p l a c e his o w n statue in t h e m ; h e e v e n b e g a n a n e w p r o j e c t o f altering t h e T e m p l e i n J e r u s a l e m t o a shrine t o his o w n h o n o u r a n d g l o r y , w h i c h w o u l d b e 3

n a m e d that o f ' G a i u s t h e N e w Z e u s m a d e M a n i f e s t » . N e r o was t h e s e c o n d e m p e r o r t o e n c o u r a g e divine h o n o u r s a n d a l t h o u g h h e did n o t c o n t i n u e t h e p o l i c y o f Caligula t o w a r d s t h e J e w s , h e permitted an e n o r m o u s statue o f h i m s e l f t o b e set u p in 6 7 A . D . at the request o f t h e A u g u s t i a n i . S i n c e t h e s e A u g u s t i a n i w e r e a N e r o n i a n institution, it is likely that t h e statue was t h e idea o f t h e emperor

himself. T h e statue w e i g h e d a t h o u s a n d

pounds,

and

b e c a m e the responsibility o f t h e equestrian o r d e r t o help defray t h e 4

c o s t . D i o m e n t i o n s a similar statue set u p f o r C o m m o d u s , w h i c h 5

was made o f g o l d , so t h e r e is a possibility that t h e o n e o f N e r o was m a d e o f s o m e p r e c i o u s metal, i f n o t g o l d . I f that is indeed t h e case, t h e n it w o u l d h a v e b e e n used directly 1

Fifty days, according to Jos. Bell. lud. I I 2 0 0 .

PHILO, Leg. ad Gaiwn 3 6 , 2 9 0 : «T6V 8S dcdpocTOv slxovoypa9stv H\ 8ia7rXaTTsiv o u x 6(jtov evo{jtia07] TOX<; fj[ieT£poi€ 7cpoy6voi<;.» 3 Ibid. 4 3 , 3 4 6 : «l'va At6<; 'E7u<pavou<; Nsou x p ^ a ^ C f l r a t o u . » D i o L X I I 1 8 , 3 : «T&V 8S Auyouaxstav a*yaX[/.a auirou xiXUov Xixp&v 7TOIYJGSIV 67UOOXO(X^VCI>V...» 5 Ibid. L X X I I I 1 5 , 3 : « x a i av$pia<; TS auTcp xpuaou? x ^ XiTpcov fxera TS Ta\jpoi> x a i po6<; 07)Xs£a<; sysvsTO...» 2

4

i

A

v

111

f o r c u l t - w o r s h i p , a n d w o u l d fit i n w i t h t h e t e x t o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , w h i c h speaks o f « t h e statue o f t h e b e a s t w h i c h was w o u n d e d b y t h e s w o r d , a n d still l i v e d » K N o r was this t h e o n l y e x a m p l e ; e v e n a l l o w i n g for D i o ' s e x a g g e r a t i o n , this a u t h o r declares that s o m a n y h o n o u r s w e r e v o t e d t o t h e e m p e r o r , that a l m o s t t h e w h o l e o f his e m p i r e 2

w a s filled w i t h his i m a g e s i n silver o r i n g o l d . After the murder

o f D o m i t i a n , t h e senators r e c e i v e d t h e n e w s

w i t h g r e a t r e j o i c i n g a n d o r d e r e d ladders t o b e b r o u g h t in during t h e sessions s o t h a t t h e i m a g e s o f t h e i r h a t e d e x - e m p e r o r c o u l d b e 3

t h r o w n d o w n o n t h e floor . O n e o f t h e b e t t e r - k n o w n references t o h o n o u r paid t o t h e statue o f a n e m p e r o r is t h a t f o u n d i n P l i n y ' s c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h

the

4

e m p e r o r T r a j a n , w h e r e t h e offering o f i n c e n s e a n d w i n e t o the i m a g e s o f t h e g o d s , w h i c h i n c l u d e d t h e statue o f t h e e m p e r o r himself, w a s t h e test o f l o y a l t y f o r a n y suspected o f b e i n g Christians. T h e r e a r e o t h e r references t o t h e statues o f e m p e r o r s t o b e f o u n d a m o n g 5

P l i n y ' s w r i t i n g s . I n a n o t h e r letter , h e h a d a s k e d p e r m i s s i o n o f T r a j a n ' s father t o r e m o v e several statues t o his municipality. O w i n g t o c i r c u m s t a n c e s , P l i n y h a d n o t b e e n able t o c a r r y o u t his designs, n o r was he able t o build a temple i n which t o house them. Pliny, h o p i n g f o r a l e a v e o f a b s e n c e f r o m t h e e m p e r o r so that h e m i g h t settle his p r i v a t e affairs, i n t r o d u c e d his r e q u e s t b y a s k i n g p e r m i s s i o n t o a d o r n t h e t e m p l e w h i c h was a b o u t t o b e erected, w i t h t h e statue o f T r a j a n as w e l l . O n e feels t h a t this was a p r u d e n t m e a n s o f p a v i n g t h e w a y f o r a d e m a n d o f t h i r t y days' leave o f a b s e n c e f r o m his p o s t , since it was n o d o u b t offered as a c o m p l i m e n t t o t h e e m p e r o r . T r a j a n , o n his side, s h o w e d h i m s e l f t o b e e x t r e m e l y cautious, a n d t h o u g h h e states t h a t h e h a d n o w i s h t o c h e c k any e x t e r i o r m a n i festation o f P l i n y ' s loyalty a n d d o e s n o t o p p o s e P l i n y ' s designs, h e p o i n t s o u t t h a t h e is l o t h t o g i v e e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o h o n o u r s o f this k i n d .

1 Apoc X I I I 1 4 . Dio L X V I I 8 , 1 : «Kai 2

x o a a u T a auxcp

OIXOUJJL^VTQV TY)V WOCUTOV o u a a v

sfoc6vcdv

!i|w)(p£(j07) &axe Traaav oXfcyou Setv TTJV xai avSpidvTcov xai apyup&v xai

OCUTOU

Xpuar&v l(j,7rXY)a0Y)vat...» SUET. Dom. 2 3 , 2 : «senatus adeo laetatus est, ut... clipeos... et imagines eius coram detrahi et ibidem solo affligi iuberet...» PLINY, Letters X 9 6 , see p. 7 9 note 4 . Ibid. X 8 . 3

4

5

112

V. T W O

CULT

IMPERIAL

EXPRESSIONS AND

PARALLELED

CHRISTIAN

IN

USAGE

1. The Notion of 'Ascension* as an Expression of Glorification A n o t h e r aspect o f t h e imperial c u l t w h i c h finds its parallel i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t writings is that o f ' a s c e n s i o ' . T h e idea o f A s c e n s i o n was c o m m o n t o m a n y p r i m i t i v e r e l i g i o n s as a n e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e glorification o f a h u m a n b e i n g after his death. T h e f o r m s o f a t t a i n i n g this glorification w e r e varied, b u t all expressed t h e n o t i o n o f passing f r o m t h e h u m a n t o t h e divine state, a n d t h e A s c e n s i o n b e c a m e a n i m p o r t a n t s y m b o l i n t h e deification o f an e m p e r o r . A t this p e r i o d , natural prodigies played a significant part i n influencing t h e m i n d s o f m e n , w h o readily a c c e p t e d s u c h t o k e n s as t h e s y m b o l i c e x p r e s s i o n o f s o m e reality. E v e n superficial reading o n t h e imperial c u l t s h o w s clearly t h e t r e m e n d o u s influence w h i c h natural p h e n o m e n a h a d o n t h e minds o f m e n , a n d p r e s u m a b l y t h e e m p e r o r s m a d e m u c h o f t h e s e so-called signs in their efforts t o sway p u b l i c o p i n i o n . T h e s e p r o d i g i e s w e r e used f o r various e n d s ; t o establish t h e deification o f a m e m b e r o f the imperial family, t o e n g e n d e r fear a m o n g t h e masses b y t h e forecast o f sinister e v e n t s o r t o manifest t h e h e a v e n l y f a v o u r o f t h e g o d s for the ruler. I t is r e m a r k a b l e that, o n t h e w h o l e , there is o n l y infrequent m e n t i o n o f miracles f o r A u g u s t u s a n d t h e early e m p e r o r s ; t h e lengthiest is t h e a c c o u n t o f t h e miraculous b i r t h a n d early c h i l d h o o d o f A u g u s t u s as g i v e n b y S u e t o n i u s , a late a c c o u n t w h i c h finds n o s u p p o r t f r o m earlier sources and b a s e d o n w h a t w e r e p r o b a b l y t h e m o s t p o p u l a r legends w h i c h

developed

gradually

after

the

death

o f the

first

e m p e r o r . Suetonius relates h o w t h e m o t h e r o f A u g u s t u s was said t o h a v e b e e n visited b y A p o l l o i n t h e shape o f a serpent i n his t e m p l e , and t h e fruit o f this u n i o n was t h e child w h o was later t o rule 8

113

o v e r t h e vast R o m a n E m p i r e a n d w h o was said t o b e the s o n o f Apollo K A s e c o n d g r o u p o f miracles are g i v e n b y T a c i t u s

2

and refer t o t h e

early part o f t h e r e i g n o f V e s p a s i a n , at a p e r i o d w h e n t h e t u r m o i l o f t h e years 6 8 / 6 9 A . D . was gradually receding f r o m t h e

minds

a n d m e m o r i e s o f m e n , and w h e n t h e e m p e r o r needed s o m e sort o f h e a v e n l y a p p r o v a l t o help h i m c o n s o l i d a t e his p o s i t i o n and w i n the s u p p o r t o f t h e credulous. S u c h legends m a y h a v e d o n e m o r e t o c a p t u r e t h e p o p u l a r i m a g i n a t i o n a n d t o establish t h e e m p e r o r in his p o s i t i o n , t h a n t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f t h e State cult. Insofar as these m i r a c u l o u s a c c o u n t s translated an idea o r a w a y o f t h i n k i n g , they w e r e m o s t i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e imperial cult. I t is significant that these miracles o f V e s p a s i a n o r i g i n a t e d i n E g y p t - that part o f t h e E m p i r e w h e r e m e n w e r e greatly influenced b y oracles and o m e n s , and w h o w e r e p r e s u m a b l y m o r e easily h o a x e d t h a n i n t h e m o r e s o b e r W e s t . V e s p a s i a n ' s claims w e r e aided b y an a n c i e n t tradition a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h t h e e m p i r e o f t h e w h o l e w o r l d was t o b e under rulers 3

c o m i n g f r o m J u d a e a a b o u t this t i m e . S u e t o n i u s , n o d o u b t , e x a g g e rates w h e n h e g i v e s t h e i m p r e s s i o n that all t h e E a s t was in expectation o f t h e e v e n t , b u t t h e predictions o f t h e c o m i n g M e s s i a h o f t h e J e w s h a d i n d e e d r e a c h e d t h e ears o f t h e W i s e M e n o f S t . L u k e ' s narrative. O f t h e v a s t n u m b e r s w h o w o u l d h a v e heard the r u m o u r s o f t h e c o m i n g M e s s i a h , m a n y w o u l d h a v e interpreted t h e m as did Suetonius, applying t h e m t o a p a g a n e m p e r o r .

1

SUET. Aug. 9 4 , 4 : «In Asclepiadis Mendetis Theologumenon libris lego, Atiam, cum ad sollemne Apollinis sacrum media nocte uenisset, posita in templo lectica, dum ceterae matronae domum irent, obdormisse; draconem repente irrepsisse ad earn pauloque post egressum; illam expergefactam quasi a concubitu mariti purificasse se.» T A C Hist. IV 8 1 , 1 : «Per eos menses quibus Vespasianus Alexandriae statos aestiuis flatibus dies et certa maris opperiebatur, multa miracula evenere, quis caelestis favor et quaedam in Vespasianum inclinatio numinum ostenderetur.» Tacitus interprets these miracles at Alexandria as a mark of the favour and sympa thy of the gods for Vespasian. Cf. K. SCOTT, The Imperial Cult under the Flavians. Stuttgart/Berlin, 1 9 3 6 . Chap. I. Vespasian's Auctoritas et Maiestas. On p. 1, the author points out that Vespasian could not claim divine descent, and these miracles established a form of mystery which would have proved useful to him during his reign. This is mentioned by SUETONIUS, Vesp. 7 , 4 : «Auctoritas et quasi maiestas quaedam ut scilicet inopinato et adhuc novo principi deerat; haec quoque accessit.» SUET. Vesp. 4 , 9 : «Percrebruerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio esse in fatis ut eo tempore Iudaea profecti rerum potirentur.» 2

3

114

I t is clear that t h e R o m a n s o f t h e early E m p i r e interpreted

the

various p r o d i g i e s o f nature as b e i n g signs f r o m w h i c h t h e y c o u l d j u d g e w h e t h e r t h e a c t i o n s o f their imperial leaders w e r e t o b e c r o w n e d w i t h success o r failure. T h e s e o m e n s also served t o underline c e r t a i n happenings, t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f w h i c h w o u l d s t r e n g t h e n t h e p o s i t i o n and authority o f t h e e m p e r o r . M o s t e m p e r o r s , w h i l s t c l a i m i n g t o i g n o r e such p h e n o m e n a a n d t h e p r e s t i g e t h e y w e r e t h u s a c c o r d e d , realized that they c o u l d b e a p o w e r f u l m e a n s o f p r o p a g a n d a ,

and

generally did n o t h i n g t o d i s c o u r a g e t h e m . A p p i a n states definitely that b o t h A l e x a n d e r a n d Caesar despised the prodigies relating t o t h e m s e l v e s , b u t that t h e y did n o t

deal

harshly w i t h t h e soothsayers w h o p r e d i c t e d t h e i r deaths *. H o w e v e r , i f they did n o t persecute t h e e x t r e m i s t s w h o w e n t so far as t o p r e d i c t t h e death o f their rulers, it is unlikely that a c t i o n w a s t a k e n against those w h o promulgated

the prodigies, however m u c h they were

disliked. A m o n g s o m e N e w T e s t a m e n t c o m m e n t a t o r s , it b e c a m e fashionable t o l o o k o n t h e miracles o f Christ i n t h e s a m e l i g h t as these "propaganda aids' and as a reflection o f t h e cult w h i c h g r e w u p a r o u n d t h e p e r s o n o f Christ. I t is true that t h e r e are m a n y s e e m i n g parallels b e t w e e n t h e circumstances o f Christ's b i r t h a n d life, a n d t h o s e a c c o u n t s o f similar o c c u r r e n c e s in t h e w o r k s o f p a g a n writers, as i f t h e latter w e r e nearing t h e great and eternal truths o f t h e life o n e a r t h o f t h e ' W o r d made F l e s h ' w i t h o u t g r a s p i n g t h e fulness o f t r u t h w h i c h w a s o n l y t o b e found in t h e teachings o f t h e leader o f t h e despised Christian sect. I d o n o t i n t e n d g o i n g i n t o t h e w h o l e q u e s t i o n o f m i r a c l e s ; b r i e f m e n t i o n has b e e n m a d e o n t h e q u e s t i o n o f h e a l i n g i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the title o f ' S a v i o u r ' . O n e aspect o f t h e m i r a c u l o u s , h o w e v e r , will b e dealt w i t h h e r e and that is t h e n o t i o n o f a s c e n s i o n a n d its significance for t h e m e n o f this e p o c h . T h e r e is n o d o u b t b u t t h a t m e n w e r e particularly influenced b y t h e n o t i o n o f life after

death

and glorification at this p e r i o d ; an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e influence o f t h e O r i e n t a l religions, w h o s e popularity was o n t h e increase i n t h e first century A . D . The

translation o f t h e idea o f an a s c e n s i o n i n t o h u m a n

terms

was generally simple a n d t o t h e p o i n t - h e a v e n w a s a c c e p t e d as

APPIAN, The Civil Wars I I 1 5 2 : «'EY£VOVTO 8k x a l aipelcdv TCOV eizl acplaiv exaxspot; u7uep67UTe<; x a l TOT<; jxdvTeai TTJV TEXSUT^V 7rpoei7uouaiv oux k/jxktrnj^ot^...^ 1

115

being a b o v e the earth and the various methods o f reaching heaven i n t h e a n c i e n t m y t h s w e r e often naive i n t h e e x t r e m e - i n a chariot, o n t h e b a c k o f a n e a g l e o r s y m b o l i z e d as a c o m e t . G r a d u a l l y the actual b o d i l y a s c e n s i o n b e g a n t o t a k e a less p r o m i n e n t p l a c e ; it was t h e spirit o f t h e dead m a n w h i c h was b e l i e v e d t o h a v e t a k e n its place a m o n g t h e g o d s , t h e a c c e p t e d deities o f e a c h particular race o f people. T h i s idea o f h e a v e n a b o v e t h e earth was current, n o t o n l y f o r the p a g a n R o m a n s , b u t f o r t h e m o r e p r i m i t i v e peoples i n e v e r y civili z a t i o n ; in J e w i s h h i s t o r y , t h e r e is t h e w e l l - k n o w n episode o f E l i a s , 1

disappearing i n t o H e a v e n in a fiery c h a r i o t . W e are t o l d that h a v i n g c r o s s e d t h e J o r d a n , E l i a s a n d E l e s e u s c o n t i n u e d o n their way, until t h e y w e r e separated o n e f r o m t h e o t h e r b y a c h a r i o t and horses o f fire (the fire b e i n g a s y m b o l o f glorification) and E l i a s was taken up i n t o t h e h e a v e n s i n a w h i r l - w i n d , w h i c h depicts t h e m o v e m e n t o f a s c e n s i o n . T h e t e x t tells n o t h i n g o f t h e place t o w h i c h E l i a s was t r a n s p o r t e d ; n o details are g i v e n a n d t h e o n l y sure p o i n t was that 2

h e w a s seen n o m o r e o n earth . I t is necessary t o l o o k m o r e closely at t h e v a r i o u s interpretations o f a p o t h e o s i s designed, n o d o u b t , t o impress t h e idea o n t h e minds o f p e o p l e , f o r natural p h e n o m e n a served as a m e a n s o f drawing men's attention to some great event. T h e idea o f a n a s c e n s i o n played a n i m p o r t a n t role o f propaganda f o r t h e g e n e r a l masses i n t h e early e m p i r e and t h e minds o f m e n w e r e f o r m e d t o a c c e p t a sign s u c h as a c o m e t o r t h e u p w a r d

flight

o f a n e a g l e f o r t h e final m a r k o r p r o o f o f t h e glorification o f the e m p e r o r , as h e t o o k his place a m o n g t h e g o d s w h o w e r e already r e c e i v i n g t h e w o r s h i p o f t h e p e o p l e . T h e r e was a definite feeling that t h e dwelling-place o f t h e g o d s was a b o v e t h e earth, a m o n g

the

mysteries o f t h e u n i v e r s e w h i c h s e e m e d s o m u c h m o r e impenetrable t w o t h o u s a n d years a g o t h a n it does today. T h e vastness o f the firmament

fostered these p r i m i t i v e ideas a b o u t t h e h e a v e n s , w h i c h

h o l d little c o n v i c t i o n i n this a g e o f space-travel and sophistication o f t h o u g h t . W h e t h e r o r n o t t h e imperial ascensions w e r e believed a n d a c c e p t e d b y t h e m a j o r i t y o f R o m a n citizens is a m a t t e r o f s o m e u n c e r t a i n t y ; b u t t h e v e r y fact that t h e s y m b o l o f t h e ascension was n o t e d a n d c o m m e n t e d u p o n presupposes

1

2

116

that it h a d its value in

II Kings II 9-12. Cf. A. MEDEBIELLE, Les Livres des Rois. Paris, 1949, p. 701 f.

establishing t h e e m p e r o r i n his deified p o s i t i o n , at least f o r

the

less intellectual. Suetonius m a k e s this quite clear w h e n h e writes that Caesar was n u m b e r e d a m o n g t h e g o d s , n o t b y t h e f o r m a l a c t o f deification pronounced by the Senate, but b y the profound conviction o f the 1

populace . I n o t h e r w o r d s , it was t h e p e o p l e ' s c o n v i c t i o n w h i c h m a d e t h e deification o f t h e e m p e r o r a reality, i n a c e r t a i n s e n s e ; the actual senatorial decree w o u l d h a v e m e a n t n o t h i n g o n its o w n . T h e n o t i o n o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s soul a s c e n d i n g t o h e a v e n i n t h e f o r m o f a c o m e t was r e c e i v e d w i t h s e e m i n g credulity. O n e o f t h e m o s t famous ascensions i n R o m a n h i s t o r y was that f o u n d i n t h e 2

legend o f R o m u l u s . T h e disappearance o f R o m u l u s o n t h e N o n e s o f J u l y , leaving n o a c c o u n t o f his death, led t o suspicion a n d c a l u m n y ; it w o u l d seem that t h e e n e m i e s o f R o m u l u s used this l a c k o f k n o w l edge for their o w n ends t o spread adverse r u m o u r s a m o n g

the

people. P l u t a r c h is insistent o n t h e l a c k o f a n y t r a c e - n o p o r t i o n o f R o m u l u s ' b o d y was f o u n d , a n d n o t so m u c h as a f r a g m e n t o f c l o t h i n g remained t o g i v e a clue as t o t h e w h e r e a b o u t s o f his b o d y , o r the death h e had u n d e r g o n e . O n e t h e o r y was that t h e senators h a d a t t a c k e d a n d killed h i m in the sanctuary o f V u l c a n , and h a v i n g killed h i m , d i s m e m b e r e d his b o d y , dividing it i n t o sections small e n o u g h t o b e h i d d e n i n t h e folds o f t h e r o b e s o f e a c h s e n a t o r until h e c o u l d dispose o f it. A n o t h e r b e l i e f was that R o m u l u s was h o l d i n g a n a s s e m b l y outside t h e t o w n w h e n a t r e m e n d o u s h u r r i c a n e hit t h e s p o t a n d an eclipse o f t h e sun caused the sky t o darken until it s e e m e d l i k e n i g h t . T h e s e p r o d i g i e s created a great fear a m o n g t h e p e o p l e a n d t h e y fled, l e a v i n g t h e senators g r o u p e d

t o g e t h e r . W h e n t h e h u r r i c a n e h a d passed,

the

people re-assembled at t h e s a m e place, o n l y t o find that R o m u l u s had disappeared. T h e senators w e r e l o t h t o a l l o w a n y f o r m o f e n q u i r y , b u t they ordered all t o h o n o u r R o m u l u s w h o h a d b e e n t a k e n u p t o the g o d s , and, h a v i n g b e e n a g e n e r o u s k i n g i n his lifetime, w o u l d f r o m this m o m e n t b e a p r o p i t i o u s

god. According to

Plutarch,

the majority o f t h o s e present b e l i e v e d these w o r d s a n d w e n t a w a y , full o f j o y and h o p e , a d o r i n g t h e n e w g o d .

1

SUET. Jul. 8 8 , 1: «... atque in deorum numerum relatus est, non ore modo decernentium, sed et persuasione volgi.» 2

PLUT.

Romulus

2 7 , 3 : «7)<pavia07)

8k vcovatc;

'IouXtatc;...))

117

B u t t h e r e w e r e t h e less-credulous w h o g a v e anxiety t o t h e patricians b y t h e i r a c c u s a t i o n s t h a t t h e latter h a d a t t e m p t e d t o h o o d w i n k t h e p e o p l e b y telling t h e m "stupid s t o r i e s ' , a n d h a d assassinated t h e k i n g with

their

own

hands.

To

counteract

these accusations,

Julius

P r o c u l u s s w o r e u n d e r o a t h t h a t h e h a d seen R o m u l u s i n a vision, brilliant a n d g l o r i o u s , w h o s p o k e o f h a v i n g r e t u r n e d t o t h e h e a v e n f r o m w h e n c e h e h a d c o m e K T e r t u l l i a n sees this a s c e n s i o n o f R o m u l u s as a faint s h a d o w o f t h e reality o f t h e glorification o f t h e S o n o f G o d ; h a v i n g g i v e n a d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e A s c e n s i o n o f Christ, step b y step, h e says t h a t J e s u s w a s c a u g h t up i n t o h e a v e n m o r e truly than 2

a n y R o m u l u s as is t o l d i n t h e tale o f P r o c u l u s . N o m e n t i o n is m a d e o f a c o m e t i n this c o n t e x t , a n d it is p r o b a b l e that t h e v i s i o n was o f t h e p e r s o n o f R o m u l u s a n d n o t o f a s y m b o l o f his ascent, j u d g i n g from Plutarch's account. Perhaps the most famous c o m e t described in R o m a n

literature

a n d w h i c h was d e p i c t e d i n t h e v a r i o u s art-forms o f t h e t i m e , was t h e c o m e t that appeared at t h e death o f Caesar i n 4 4 B . C . , a n d w h i c h is i m m o r t a l i z e d i n t h e f a m o u s lines o f S h a k e s p e a r e : « When beggars die, there are no comets seen, The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes» . 3

T h i s c o m e t appeared o n a n u m b e r o f successive e v e n i n g s i n t h e N o r t h , a n d a l t h o u g h s o m e c l a i m e d t h a t it f o r e t o l d m e r e l y t h e usual o c c u r r e n c e s , this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w a s n o t p o p u l a r w i t h t h e majority o f p e o p l e , l o o k i n g o n i t as a s i g n o f t h e i m m o r t a l i t y o f Caesar, w h o 4

h a d b e e n r e c e i v e d a m o n g t h e g o d s u n d e r t h e f o r m o f a star . B e c a u s e o f t h e f o r c e o f p o p u l a r o p i n i o n , O c t a v i a n was a b l e t o t a k e advantage o f this further p r o p t o his c l a i m o f divinity f o r his a d o p t e d father,

1

PLUT. Rom. 28, 1-2. T E R T . Apol. 21, 23:

«Cum discipulis autem quibusdam apud Galilaeam, Iudaeae regionis ad quadraginta dies egit docens eos quae docerent. Dehinc ordinatis eis ad officium praedicandi per orbem, circumfusa nube in caelum est receptus, multo verius quam apud vos adseverare de Romulo Proculi solent.» SHAKESPEARE, Julius Caesar II 2, 30. Dio X L V 7, 1-2: «...TCO §k 8T) Kafoocpi OCUT& CO<; xai a7r7)0avaTia(x£v(«> he, TOV TCOV (Scoxpcov <xpi0{x6v syxaTeiXsYfjiivc}) aveT£0saav...» For representations of the head of J . Caesar with a star above, cf. H . MATTINGLY & E . SYDENHAM, The Roman Imperial Coinage. London 1923, p. 73, nos. 141 and 142, PI. I. 13 (PI. III). 2

3

4

118

a n d t o e n c o u r a g e this belief, h e set u p a b r o n z e statue o f Caesar w i t h a star a b o v e his h e a d i n t h e t e m p l e o f V e n u s *. Suetonius s h o w s that t h e p e o p l e w e r e ready e n o u g h t o b e l i e v e that t h e c o m e t was t h e soul o f Caesar a s c e n d i n g i n t o h e a v e n , a n d O c t a v i a n s h o w e d a shrewdness i n p r o m o t i n g this belief. A c c o r d i n g t o S u e t o n i u s , t h e c o m e t appeared a b o u t t h e e l e v e n t h h o u r

and

s h o n e f o r seven c o n s e c u t i v e days d u r i n g t h e first g a m e s w h i c h w e r e 2

celebrated in h o n o u r o f t h e dead Caesar . B o t h S e n e c a and D i o m a k e reference t o c o m e t s seen at t h e death o f A u g u s t u s , b u t these are m o r e as g e n e r a l "signs' t h a n t h e s y m b o l o f t h e soul o f t h e e m p e r o r a s c e n d i n g i n t h e f o r m o f a c o m e t . S e n e c a , in his discussion o f certain natural p h e n o m e n a i n t h e h e a v e n s w h i c h puzzled m e n t h r o u g h o u t t h e a g e s , writes o f t h e p r o d i g i e s o c c u r r i n g at the death o f A u g u s t u s , a n d later o n , at t h e death o f G e r m a n i c u s a n d t h e c o n d e m n a t i o n o f Sejanus. S e n e c a is w r i t i n g this a c c o u n t at first hand, as i f h e h a d b e e n an eye-witness o f t h e s e p r e s a g e s , f o r h e describes t h e m e t e o r s as i f h e h i m s e l f h a d seen t h e m : « W e saw a similar p o r t e n t (a h u g e ball-shaped flame) a b o u t t h e t i m e o f t h e death o f the late E m p e r o r A u g u s t u s . W e again saw o n e w h e n Sejanus was executed. A w a r n i n g o f this k i n d p r e c e d e d t h e death o f G e r m a 3

nicus » . T h i s reference t o t h e c o m e t s seen s h o r t l y b e f o r e t h e death o f 4

A u g u s t u s is also m e n t i o n e d b y D i o , w h e r e h e r e m a r k s that a n u m b e r o f o m e n s appeared a b o u t t h e same t i m e , all o f w h i c h p o i n t e d t o t h e death o f A u g u s t u s , a n d a l t h o u g h t h e y appeared w h i l e t h e e m p e r o r was still alive, p e o p l e later r e c o g n i z e d their significance. A p a r t f r o m a total eclipse o f t h e sun a n d t h e illusion that fiery e m b e r s w e r e falling f r o m t h e sky, a n u m b e r o f b l o o d - r e d c o m e t s w e r e seen. 1

,

Dio X L V 7, 2: ... 0ap
A

x

o

v

2

3

4

119

Dio

deals m o r e fully w i t h t h e 'ascensio* o f t h e e m p e r o r ,

certain details t o supplement

giving

the account given b y Seneca; for

e x a m p l e , t h e n a m e o f t h e p r a e t o r is g i v e n a n d t h e a m o u n t o f m o n e y b e s t o w e d o n h i m b y a grateful L i v i a f o r his timely testimony. D i o r e c o r d s t h e b e s t o w a l o f a m i l l i o n sesterces b y L i v i a u p o n a N u m e r i u s A t t i c u s , a senator a n d ex-praetor, b e c a u s e h e s w o r e that h e h a d seen t h e soul o f A u g u s t u s

a s c e n d i n g t o h e a v e n «after t h e m a n n e r o f x

w h i c h tradition tells c o n c e r n i n g P r o c u l u s a n d R o m u l u s » . S u e t o n i u s does n o t state expressly that t h e spirit o f D i v u s A u g u s t u s was seen a s c e n d i n g t o h e a v e n u n d e r t h e f o r m o f a c o m e t - i n v e r y g e n e r a l t e r m s , h e relates h o w a f o r m e r p r a e t o r s w o r e h e h a d seen t h e spirit o f t h e dead e m p e r o r g o i n g u p t o h e a v e n after t h e c r e m a 2

t i o n . N o t o n l y w a s this s y m b o l i c a s c e n s i o n attested after t h e death o f A u g u s t u s , b u t also f o r lesser m e m b e r s o f t h e imperial family; S e n e c a r e p o r t s a similar visible a s c e n s i o n f o r t h e sister o f Caligula, 3

J u l i a D r u s i l l a . T h e appearance o f a c o m e t w a s also o n e o f t h e principal signs at t h e death o f Claudius, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e falling o f 4

a t h u n d e r b o l t o n t h e t o m b o f his father, D r u s u s . The

star

o f apotheosis

is

depicted

i n various

contemporary

portraits a n d particularly o n c o i n s o f this p e r i o d ; t h e star appears on

coins from

5

17 B . C . onwards .

O n e particularly

noteworthy

e x a m p l e i n sculpture is f o u n d o n t h e r e l i e f o f M a r s U l t o r , part o f

1

Dio L V I 46, 2:

«£xe6v7)

Bk 8Y) Noufiepfctj)

X6TI, TC£VTS x a l e t x o a t (xupiaSac; t/ctpictOLTO, °

TIVI 'ATTIXCJS, PouXeuirfj eaTpaTTjyT)T l

T6V AtiyouaTOv ic, T6V oupavov...,

d v i 6 v T a & o p a x £ v a i oS[xo(re.» 2

SUET. Aug. 100, 7: «Nec defuit vir praetorius, qui se effigiem cremati euntem in caelum uidisse iuraret.» SEN. Apocolocyntosis I 3: «ex quo in senatu iuravit se Drusillam vidisse caelum ascendentem...» SUET. Claud. 4 6 , 1 : «Praesagia mortis eius praecipua fuerunt: exortus crinitae stellae (quam cometem vocant), tactumque de caelo monumentum Drusi patris...». For a selection of such coins, cf. C. H. V. SUTHERLAND, Coins in Roman Imperial Policy, London, 1951, p. 107. PI. X . 1: a denarius from Lugdunum, reverse - Divus Augustus with two stars (A. D. 37-38). Also, H. MATTINGLY, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, Vol. I. London, 1923. p. CXLIV and PI. 27, 1-4. Both these authors remark that the features are those of Tiberius, not Augustus. The probable reason is that Caligula, having made the funeral oration for his predecessor, asked the Senate tentatively about deification for Tiberius (Dio L I X 3, 7). When the Senate showed no enthusiasm for this project, the idea was dropped and the title was hurriedly changed on these coins to Divus Augustus. The two stars are probably supposed to represent the two 'Divi' - Augustus and his successor. 3

4

5

120

an altar f o u n d at Carthage and n o w i n t h e A l g i e r s M u s e u m . I n t h e centre stands M a r s U l t o r w e a r i n g a h i g h - p l u m e d h e l m e t , w i t h his left h a n d resting o n a shield. T o his r i g h t is V e n u s G e n e t r i x w h o is b e i n g offered a s w o r d b y a c u p i d appearing f r o m u n d e r h e r drapery. O n the left o f M a r s U l t o r is a figure generally a c c e p t e d as D i v u s J u l i u s , f o r a cavity in his h e a d suggests that o r i g i n a l l y t h e r e was a star o f apotheosis affixed in this p o s i t i o n T h e star is n o t b o u n d up solely w i t h t h e idea o f A s c e n s i o n , f o r in t h e ancient w o r l d o f t h e E a s t , a n d in particular, i n B a b y l o n a n d E g y p t , o n e o f t h e m a n y t e r m s applied t o rulers was that o f a star w h i c h is t h e figure o f k i n g l y g l o r y . I n t h e sense t h a t t h e ruler w a s t h o u g h t t o b e divine, o r at least w o r t h y o f divine h o n o u r s , it is n o t t o o far-fetched t o see that t h e r e c o u l d b e a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n these t w o t h e m e s . H o w e v e r , it is quite a n o t h e r aspect o f stars o r c o m e t s as illustrations i n a n c i e n t r e l i g i o n ; t h e t e r m finds its parallel in Christian literature in t h e A p o c a l y p s e , w h e r e Christ is p o r t r a y e d 2

as t h e m o r n i n g star: « I , t h e b r i g h t star o f t h e m o r n i n g » . T h i s statement w o u l d h a v e m e a n t a g r e a t deal t o a J e w i s h Christian o f t h e first century, and w o u l d h a v e recalled t o his m i n d m a n y m e m o r i e s , for t o g i v e a m a n t h e title o f « s t a r o f t h e m o r n i n g » w o u l d e q u a t e h i m w i t h t h e great h e r o e s o f t h e p a g a n w o r l d , a n d e v e n w i t h t h e g o d s . M o r e o v e r , there is t h e w e l l - k n o w n M e s s i a n i c p r o p h e c y : « A 3

star f r o m J a c o b takes t h e l e a d e r s h i p » ; this w o u l d h a v e a s t r o n g effect o n t h e minds o f m e n o f t h e t i m e , e v e n t h o s e w h o w e r e n o t followers o f t h e J e w i s h r e l i g i o n ; t h e tradition o f t h e M a g i at t h e birth o f Christ s h o w s that these G e n t i l e s w e r e o b v i o u s l y c o n v e r s a n t with this text, and w e r e prepared t o see i n t h e star w h i c h h a d appeared, a sign that a great ruler had b e e n b o r n at B e t h l e h e m . T h e i m a g e o f Christ i n t h e A p o c a l y p s e is prefigured b y Isaias, 4

w h e n h e gives t h e k i n g o f B a b y l o n t h e title o f M o r n i n g S t a r . T h e B a b y l o n i a n k i n g w a n t e d t o t a k e his place w i t h t h e g o d s a b o v e t h e

Cf. S. GSELL, Les Statues du Temple de Mars Ultor a Rom*. R A X X X I V 1899) p. 37 ff. Also, CAH Vol. of Plates, IV. 1934, p. 136b. Apoc. X X I I 16. Cf. W. BARCLAY, The Revelation of John, Edinburgh, 1959, p. 292. Num. X X I V 17. Is. X I V 12-14: «... qui dicebas in corde tuo: In caelum conscendam, super astra Dei exaltabo solium meum... ascendam super altitudinem nubium, similis ero Altissimo.» 1

2

3

4

121

firmament:

« Y o u w h o used t o say t o yourself, I will c l i m b up t o

t h e h e a v e n s a n d h i g h e r t h a n t h e stars o f G o d , I will set m y throne... I will c l i m b t o t h e t o p o f t h e t h u n d e r ; I will rival t h e M o s t H i g h . » I n this c o n t e x t , t h e star has a n o t h e r i m p l i c a t i o n than t h e o n e w h i c h figured

i n t h e i m p e r i a l c u l t as o n e o f t h e a s c e n s i o n - s y m b o l s , yet there

is c o m m o n g r o u n d b e t w e e n t h e t w o , f o r h e r e again, there is the same i n f e r e n c e t h a t t h e ' d w e l l i n g - p l a c e ' o f G o d was b e y o n d the stars, a n d it was a l i k e c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e g o d s o f t h e R o m a n s b e i n g a b o v e t h e e a r t h w h i c h inspired t h e a c c o u n t s o f t h e imperial ascensions. The

c o n s e c r a t i o n was t h e official a c t o f deification after t h e death

o f an e m p e r o r , yet this i n i t s e l f was o f little i m p o r t a n c e i f t h e general r a n k a n d file w e r e n o t c o n v i n c e d ; also t h e attitude o f t h e succeeding e m p e r o r seems t o h a v e b e e n t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t , at least b y Velleius P a t e r c u l u s , w h o declared that T i b e r i u s deified his father, n o t b y a n a c t o f his imperial authority, b u t b y his attitude o f reverence t o w a r d s his f a t h e r ; h e did n o t m e r e l y g i v e h i m lip-service b y calling h i m a g o d , b u t h e m a d e h i m o n e in fact S u b j e c t s o f a p o t h e o s i s w e r e p o p u l a r in first c e n t u r y art, w h e r e t h e y w e r e used as a p o w e r f u l m e a n s o f p r o p a g a n d a f o r imperial cult. C a m e o s w e r e particularly p o p u l a r f o r this e n d and t w o o f t h e finest

e x a m p l e s w h i c h h a v e c o m e d o w n t o us depict such scenes

o f glorification. T h e G e m m a A u g u s t e a , a large c a m e o i n t h e imperial c o l l e c t i o n i n V i e n n a , illustrates clearly t h e n o t i o n o f an ascension 2

h a v i n g t a k e n p l a c e . I t is divided i n t o t w o scenes, o f w h i c h the u p p e r s c e n e is o f g r e a t e r interest f o r this subject. H e r e A u g u s t u s and t h e g o d d e s s R o m a f o r m t h e c e n t r a l g r o u p , b u t t h e r e is a w i d e diversity i n t h e interpretations o f t h e i r r o l e s , as well as t h e identification o f the remaining

figures.

While some commentators make a

strong

l i n k b e t w e e n t h e t w o scenes, t r y i n g t o date t h e c a m e o t o an actual

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS, Roman History II 126, 1 (LCL London, 1955, trans. F . W . SHIPLEY) : «Sacravit parentem suum Casar non imperio, sed religione, non appellavit eum, sed fecit deum.» Cf. A. FURTWAENGLER, Die antiken Gemmen. Amsterdam / Osnabruck, 1965 (1900) Vol. II, pp. 257-258. PI. LVI. CAH Vol. of Plates IV p. 156. G. RODENWALDT, Kunst um Augustus. Berlin, 1942, pp. 52-53. PI. 33. L . CURTIUS, Ikonographische Beitrage v>um Portrat der romischen Republik und der Julisch-Claudischen Familie. R M 1(1948) p. 53 ff. J . CHARBONNEAUX, Uart au siecle d'Auguste. Lausanne, 1948, pp. 84-86. E . W I L L , Sur quelquesfiguresde la gemma augusteenne. Latomus XIII (1954), p. 597 ff. T H . KRAUS, Das romische Weltreich. Berlin, 1967, p. 283. PI. 384b. 1

2

122

historical e v e n t \

others are o f t h e o p i n i o n t h a t t h e artist h a d n o

specific v i c t o r y in m i n d , b u t c r e a t e d t h e s c e n e o n t h e c a m e o m e r e l y t o glorifiy t h e imperial family, a n d t o underline its internal h i e r a r c h y . S e t t i n g aside all t h e o r i e s irrevelant t o t h e t h e m e o f A u g u s t a n apotheosis, b r i e f m e n t i o n will b e m a d e o f t h e a r g u m e n t s

supporting

this aspect. Curtius is o f t h e o p i n i o n t h a t t h e u p p e r scene t a k e s place in h e a v e n , and that A u g u s t u s is depicted as J u p i t e r . H e a l s o n o t e s that t h e c h a r i o t is t h a t o f a n a p o t h e o s i s a n d c o n f i r m s this o p i n i o n that it c o u l d n o t b e o f t h e sort used f o r c e l e b r a t i n g a v i c t o r y , as C h a r b o n n e a u x , G a g e a n d o t h e r s w i s h t o b e l i e v e . I f w e f o l l o w this o p i n i o n , w e see A u g u s t u s h e r e r e p r e s e n t e d as a g o d , b e i n g c r o w n e d w i t h laurel leaves b y a figure w h o is generally s u p p o s e d t o b e a personification o f O i k u m e n e , t h e i n h a b i t e d w o r l d . H e is seated beside the goddess R o m a , a n d a b o v e his h e a d is represented

the

sign o f Capricorn, u n d e r w h i c h A u g u s t u s was b o r n o r c o n c e i v e d . B e n e a t h his

seat is a n

eagle, t h e

symbol o f Jupiter.

Tiberius

approaches i n o r d e r t o p a y h o m a g e t o h i m w h o m h e believes is t h e fundamental

s o u r c e o f his v i c t o r y . I n t h e l o w e r p a n e l , o n e sees

R o m a n soldiers in t h e act o f m o u n t i n g a v i c t o r y i n t h e p r e s e n c e o f captive barbarians. A n o t h e r c a m e o w h i c h aims at t h e glorification o f t h e i m p e r i a l 2

family, living and dead, is t h e G r a n d Camee de F r a n c e . L i k e t h e G e m m a A u g u s t e a , t h e r e are t w o scenes o n t h e G r a n d C a m e e , t h e h i g h e r representing a v i e w o f h e a v e n a n d earth, w h i l e t h e l o w e r scene depicts t h e c a p t i v e G e r m a n s a n d P a r t h i a n s . I n t h e c e n t r e , T i b e r i u s is identified w i t h J u p i t e r w i t h t h e attributes o f lituus a n d s c e p t r e ; h e is w e a r i n g t h e aegis w h i c h c o v e r s his l e g s . L i v i a as Ceres is seated o n his left, w h i l e T i b e r i u s offers t h e lituus t o a y o u n g warrior w h o is generally identified as G e r m a n i c u s . B e t w e e n t h e m stands a figure w h o is p o s s i b l y t h e m o t h e r o f G e r m a n i c u s , A n t o n i a . T h e small b o y is p r o b a b l y Caligula, t h e y o u n g e s t s o n o f G e r m a n i c u s , beside w h o m is t h e wife o f G e r m a n i c u s , A g r i p p i n a t h e E l d e r . B e h i n d the t h r o n e is t h e Y o u n g e r D r u s u s w i t h his wife L i v i l l a , w h o is

1

I.e. one of Tiberius' victories over the barbarians, 7 B . C. or 14 A. D. Die antiken Gemmen. PL L X . Vol. II, pp. 268-271. J . GAGE, La Victoria Augusti et les auspices de Tibere. R A X X X I I (1930) pp. 19ff.C A H Vol. of Plates IV, p. 156. J . CHARBONNEAUX, Uart au siecle d'Auguste, pp. 86-89. PL 85. 2

A . FURTWAENGLER,

123

p o i n t i n g u p w a r d s t o w a r d s t h e w i n g e d h o r s e , a s y m b o l o f apotheosis, o n w h i c h rides G e r m a n i c u s w h o d i e d i n t h e E a s t in 1 9 A . D . T h e eagle c a m e t o t a k e an i m p o r t a n t p l a c e i n t h e imperial cult, for it was l i n k e d specially w i t h t h e n o t i o n o f ' a s c e n s i o n ' - the b i r d w h i c h flew up f r o m t h e earth, h i g h e r a n d h i g h e r t o w a r d s the sun, c a p t u r e d t h e i m a g i n a t i o n a n d s y m b o l i z e d t h e ascent o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s s o u l t o t h e h e a v e n s t o t a k e its place a m o n g t h e g o d s . T h e idea o f t h e e m p e r o r a s c e n d i n g t o t h e h e a v e n s o n t h e b a c k o f an eagle was b o r r o w e d f r o m t h e O r i e n t a l b e l i e f that t h e eagle was t h e b i r d o f the s u n - g o d s , t h e B a a l s , a n d its u p w a r d flight suggested the ascension o f t h e ruler w h o was a b o u t t o t a k e his place w i t h t h e g o d s . A s a d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h e imperial cult, the p r a c t i c e g r e w up o f fastening a n e n c a g e d e a g l e t o t h e t o p o f t h e funeral pyre o f t h e dead e m p e r o r , w h i c h , o n its release w o u l d b e a r aloft t o t h e heavens t h e e m p e r o r ' s 1

soul . D i o m a k e s a direct allusion t o this p r a c t i c e w h e n describing the funeral

o f Augustus.

H e notes that the centurions followed

the

d e c r e e o f t h e S e n a t e in t a k i n g t o r c h e s a n d l i g h t i n g t h e pyre f r o m b e n e a t h . A n e a g l e was released as t h e p y r e i t s e l f was c o n s u m e d , w h i c h e n c o u r a g e d t h e b e l i e f t h a t t h e soul o f t h e e m p e r o r was b o r n e 2

t o h e a v e n . T h e eagle c a m e t o b e c o m m o n i n imperial art, and the apotheosis

o f emperors

is s u g g e s t e d

b y their representation

in

1

Cf. F R . CUMONT, Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans. London, and Etudes syriennes. Paris, 1 9 1 7 , pp. 3 5 - 1 1 8 . In the latter work, the author discusses the origin of the eagle as a symbol of apotheosis. He gives an example of a Christian work where this pagan symbolism is converted to Christian usage. Cf. F R . CUMONT, Recherches sur le symbolisme funeraire des Romains, Paris 1 9 4 2 , p p . 9 7 , 1 5 4 , 2 4 0 , 3 5 7 , 4 3 7 , 4 5 8 ; Lux Perpetua, Paris 1 9 4 9 , pp. 2 9 4 ff., 3 2 4 . In the Acta Andreae et Mathiae, Ch. 1 7 (Acta Apostol. Apocrypha) the disciples of these two apostles tell of their ascension, when, during their sleep, eagles came down from heaven and flew up with their souls to paradise. When they awoke, their souls were brought back in the same way. A. ROES, Uaigle psychopompe de repoque imperiale. Melanges Charles Picard II, 1 9 4 8 , pp. 8 8 1 - 8 9 1 , gives examples of figures on the backs of winged creatures from Classical Greek art. This author maintains that a Babylonian origin of Syrian figures of apotheosis would be too remote. The same author writes of the eagles as a representation of apotheosis in Uaigle du culte solaire syrien, RA X X X V I ( 1 9 5 0 ) pp. 1 2 9 - 1 4 6 . At the end of this article, the author poses a final question - was the idea of the ascension of a king the invention of the Chaldean priests in the Hellenistic period or did it have a Persian origin? (p. 4 5 ) . Cf. H. JUCKER, Auf den Schwingen des Gb'ttervogels. J B M 1912,

X X X I X and X L ( 1 9 5 9 - 6 0 ) , pp. 2

266-288.

Dio L V I 4 2 3 : « x a l r\ [jiv avY)XtaxeTo, aex&s §i ti<; 1 5 auTTJ? a<; x a i 873 t ^ v <J>i>xfy auxou iq t 6 v oupav&v ava
124

sculpture, o n c o i n s a n d o n c a m e o s *. T h e e m p e r o r o r e m p r e s s c o n c e r n e d is usually depicted o n t h e e a g l e ' s b a c k , o r o c c a s i o n a l l y o n that o f a p e a c o c k . O n the reverses o f c o i n s , t h e e a g l e o c c u r s i n v a r i o u s f o r m s , a n d , w i t h t h e l e g e n d ' c o n s e c r a t i o ' , it is o b v i o u s l y a s y m b o l o f a p o t h e o s i s . Perhaps t h e m o s t expressive is t h e t y p e w i t h t h e e a g l e b e a r i n g t h e e m p e r o r o n its b a c k , its w i n g s o u t s t r e t c h e d i n its u p w a r d

flight.

T h i s type o f reverse b e c o m e s p o p u l a r u n d e r A n t o n i n u s P i u s , w h e r e 2

several c o i n s depict t h e a p o t h e o s i s o f F a u s t i n a . T h e same type is f o u n d o n t h e r e v e r s e o f c o i n s i n h o n o u r o f D i v u s Hadrianus

a n d D i v u s M a r c u s . T h e r e v e r s e o f an u n d a t e d

aureus o f a b o u t 1 3 8 A . D . s h o w s an e a g l e w i t h w i n g s spread,

flying

upwards and b e a r i n g D i v u s Hadrianus o n its b a c k . T h e D i v u s is 3

h o l d i n g a sceptre a n d his m a n t l e is b l o w n up a r o u n d his h e a d . T h e D i v u s M a r c u s type is v e r y s i m i l a r ; its p r o b a b l e date is 1 8 0 A . D . H e r e again, t h e eagle is s o a r i n g u p w a r d s , h o l d i n g a t h u n d e r - b o l t i n its claws. D i v u s M a r c u s is b e i n g b o r n e u p w a r d s i n t o g l o r y as h e is framed b e t w e e n t h e eagle's w i n g s , h o l d i n g a l o n g sceptre i n his 4

left h a n d . T h i s particular i m a g e o f a p o t h e o s i s is n o t f o u n d o n c o i n s f o r t h e emperors o f t h e first century, b u t it is f o u n d o n c a m e o s f o r N e r o , and possibly G e r m a n i c u s . T h e latter is a w e l l - k n o w n c a m e o i n t h e B i b l i o t h e q u e N a t i o n a l e , and it is k n o w n

as t h e

'Apotheosis o f

5

G e r m a n i c u s ' . Whether or not the person o n the back o f the eagle

1

For a selection of such coins, cf. C. H. V. SUTHERLAND, Coinage in Rom. Imp. Policy p. 2 0 7 & P I . I X 1 2 ; p. 3 2 & P I . I 1 5 . H. MATTINGLY, E . SYDENHAM RIC p. 9 0 , no. 3 5 7 : Aes from Lugdunum. Reverse: eagle with spread wings. P. 9 5 & 1 0 5 : Eagle on globe - popular in Gaul (PI. IV & PI. V). For examples of this type: H. MATTINGLY BMC (Ant. Pius) IV. nos. 1 4 2 4 , 1 4 2 5 (PI. 3 4 , 9 ) , 1 4 2 6 , 1 4 2 7 , 1 4 2 8 (PL. 3 4 , 3 . ) . For a variant of this type, Faustina is carried to heaven by a peacock, cf. P. L . STRACK, Die Reichspragung %ur Zeit des Antonius Pius. Untersuchungen zur romischen Reichspragung, Teil III. Stuttgart, 1 9 3 7 , no. 1 2 3 7 . (PI. VI). 2

3

H. MATTINGLY BMC Vol. IV. no. 3 2 . P I . I. 1 5 (PL.

VII).

4

Ibid. no. 3 9 4 ; 3 9 5 , pi. 1 0 1 , 6 . (PI. VIII. J . BERNOULLI, Die Bildnisse der romischen Kaiser. Berlin/Stuttgart, 1 8 8 6 . On p. 2 3 4 , the author puts forward the argument that Germanicus never received deification, and suggests Augustus, Claudius or Trajan in his place. Cf. also, J . H . MIDDLETON, The Engraved Gems of Classical Times. Cambridge, 1 8 9 1 , p. 6 1 . E. BABELON, Catalogue des CamSes Antiques et Modernes de la Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 1 8 9 7 , pp. 1 3 7 - 1 4 0 . P I . X X I X , no. 2 6 5 . - G. CHARLES-PICARD, Uart romain. PI. X , p. 1 7 7 . The author underlines how the art of engraving stones, which 5

125

is i n fact G e r m a n i c u s , has n e v e r b e e n finally established, b u t h e is o b v i o u s l y a n e m p e r o r o r a m e m b e r o f t h e imperial family. T h e male figure is seated o n t h e b a c k o f t h e eagle w i t h his head turned towards t h e left. I n his r i g h t h a n d , h e is carrying a lituus and in his left, a d o u b l e c o r n u c o p i a e . H e is a b o u t t o b e c r o w n e d b y a V i c t o r y , w h i c h is h o l d i n g a w r e a t h i n h e r o u t s t r e t c h e d hands. T h e c o m p o s i t i o n is typical o f t h e imperial a p o t h e o s i s as f o u n d o n s e c o n d century c o i n s . A n o t h e r c a m e o d e p i c t i n g a similar scene o f c o n s e c r a t i o n is in the L i b r a r y o f N a n c y K T h i s t i m e it is N e r o w h o is seated o n t h e b a c k o f a n e a g l e , h o l d i n g a c o r n u c o p i a e i n his left hand, w h i l e a V i c t o r y stands o n his r i g h t h a n d . T h e eagle is a particularly fine s p e c i m e n ; t h e p o s i t i o n o f its b o d y a n d w i n g s g i v e s t h e b i r d an arched effect, as i f its w h o l e b e i n g w e r e taut a n d p o i s e d , ready f o r its flight upwards o n its sacred m i s s i o n . T h e s e illustrations o f a p o t h e o s i s w h i c h depict t h e e m p e r o r o n t h e b a c k o f an e a g l e , are perhaps t h e m o s t powerful i n translating the n o t i o n o f ' a s c e n s i o ' i n t o a c o n c r e t e yet h i g h l y suggestive f o r m . Y e t t h e e a g l e appears i n o t h e r less-striking attitudes, t h o u g h still i n t h e r o l e o f s y m b o l i z i n g deification; f o r e x a m p l e , t h e head o r b u s t o f t h e e m p e r o r , w i t h a b i r d , p r o b a b l y an eagle, flying upwards, b u t separated f r o m t h e figure o f t h e e m p e r o r . T h e r e is n o q u e s t i o n o f t h e e m p e r o r b e i n g actually seated o n t h e b a c k o f t h e eagle, yet the 2

s y m b o l i s m is c l e a r . T h i s t y p e m a y b e seen o n a c a m e o i n C o p e n h a g e n ; t h e h e a d o f t h e e m p e r o r , p o s s i b l y A u g u s t u s , is c r o w n e d w i t h a w r e a t h , w h i l e b e l o w t h e small figure o f an eagle is flying upwards. T h e idea is t h e s a m e as in t h e p r e v i o u s e x a m p l e s , t h o u g h it is n o w simplified a n d less stylized. T h i s t y p e is also f o u n d o n c o i n s issued d u r i n g t h e lifetime o f a n e m p e r o r - f o r e x a m p l e , s o m e c o i n s o f Trajan show a bust o f the emperor above the

figure

of a

flying

3

eagle . T h i s illustration is n o t f o u n d i n R o m e , w h i c h bears o u t t h e fact that divine h o n o u r s o r implications o f divinity w e r e received i n t h e E a s t d u r i n g t h e lifetime o f t h e e m p e r o r , w h i c h w o u l d n o t b e t o l e r a t e d at R o m e . received such attention during the first century, was used largely to further imperial propaganda. A. FURTWAENGLER, Die antiken Gemmen. Vol. Ill, p. 324, fig. 168. P. FOSSING, Catalogue of the Antique Engraved Gems and Cameos. Copenhagen, 1929, p. 177, no. 1199. Also, 1202-3. H. MATTINGLY B M C . Phoenicia, 11; 12; 13; 16; 20. (Trajan) 1930 Nineveh. 8; 12; 30; 31. 1

2

3

126

A further d e v e l o p m e n t a l o n g t h e s a m e lines a r e t h e portraits o f three m e m b e r s o f t h e imperial family o v e r t h e o u t s t r e t c h e d w i n g s o f an e a g l e K T h i s c o i n is similar t o a c o i n f r o m A l e x a n d r i a w h i c h has t h e heads o f t h r e e divinities - a small statue o f H a r p o k r a t e s 2

b e t w e e n Serapis a n d Isis . T h e c l o s e n e s s i n style s h o w s h o w s u c h illustration o n c o i n s w o u l d underline t h e divine a s p e c t o f t h e e m p e r o r a n d m e m b e r s o f his h o u s e . B o t h the c o m e t a n d t h e e a g l e play an i m p o r t a n t r o l e as a m e a n s o f impressing t h e p e o p l e o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s divine status, particularly since t h e ' a s c e n t ' was v i s i b l e t o all. I t w a s n o t always s o easy t o ascertain t h e m a n n e r o f a s c e n s i o n in t h e case o f D r u s i l l a , t h e sister o f G a i u s , w h o was declared w o r t h y o f divine h o n o u r s in all t h e cities a n d she r e c e i v e d t h e n a m e o f P a n t h e a . A s e n a t o r , L i v i u s G e m i n i u s , declared o n o a t h that h e h a d seen D r u s i l l a a s c e n d i n g t o 3

heaven and c o n v e r s i n g w i t h t h e g o d s . T h i s declaration h e m a d e w i t h great s o l e m n i t y , calling d o w n d e s t r u c t i o n u p o n h i m s e l f a n d his children i f his statement w e r e n o t true, b u t t h e effect o f his w o r d s are lessened s o m e w h a t b y t h e additional r e m a r k that t h e s e n a t o r received a m i l l i o n sesterces f o r his pains. The

idea o f the ascent o f t h e souls o f t h e m e m b e r s o f t h e i m p e r i a l

h o u s e , and t h e various s y m b o l s illustrating this t h e m e , b e c a m e m o r e part o f imperial p r o p a g a n d a

and hence t o o k o n an increasingly

meaningful place in late imperial t h o u g h t a n d e x p r e s s i o n . I n its late f o r m , the central t h o u g h t b e c o m e s m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e 4

stylistic perfection . A r e m a r k a b l e i v o r y panel f r o m a diptych i n t h e B r i t i s h M u s e u m depicts various s y m b o l s o f a p o t h e o s i s w h i c h h a d t a k e n t h e i r p l a c e in the t h o u g h t and art o f this p e r i o d . A l t h o u g h late i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the o t h e r m o n u m e n t s

that h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r e d

5

a closer

glance at this i v o r y w o u l d perhaps s u m up t h e p r e v i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s

1

BMC Cremna, 1 9 6 5 ,

12-4-1.

2

BMC Alexandria, 7 4 9 . Dio L I X 1 1 , 3 - 4 : «Afouio<; T£ TIC, Teyiivioc, PouXeur/)? TS T6V oupav&v aor/jv avapafcvooaav xal TOT<; 0eoi<; oi)Yyt,Yvo[xsv7)v eopaxlvat GS[XOCTSV...» E . KITZINGER, Early Medieval Art in the British Museum. London, 1 9 6 3 , p. 1 3 , states that this type of composition «is meaningless without a spectator.» O . M. DALTON, Catalogue of Ivory Carvings of the Christian Era, London, 1 9 0 9 , p. 2 , dates it in the early fourth century, because there is «no trace of the 'contabulatio' which became general during the fourth century.» KITZINGER, Early Med. Art. p. 1 3 , dates it about the end of the fourth century (PL. IX). 3

4

5

127

m o r e c o n c i s e l y t h a n a n u m b e r o f v a g u e t e r m s . T h i s panel s h o w s t h e a p o t h e o s i s o f an e m p e r o r , a n d it is likely that t h e s e c o n d panel, n o w l o s t , illustrated a similar s c e n e o f a p o t h e o s i s for an empress, a n d n o t a n 'adventus-scene* as has b e e n r e c e n t l y suggested T h i s panel is particularly significant b e c a u s e it c o n t a i n s several s y m b o l s o f deification in t h e o n e representation. I n the l o w e r part, a b e a r d e d figure is seated o n a t r i u m p h a l car, h o l d i n g a l o n g sceptre i n his left h a n d a n d a sprig o f laurel i n his right. I t is n o t certain w h o m this figure represents, a l t h o u g h A n t o n i n u s P i u s is perhaps the m o s t l i k e l y ; t h e m o s t r e c e n t interpretations h a v e favoured J u l i a n the A p o s t a t e , due t o t h e p r e s e n c e o f S o l I n v i c t u s a n d t h a t o f t h e elephants, 2

seen as t h e s y m b o l s o f t h e E a s t e r n c a m p a i g n s . T h e c a r is d r a w n b y f o u r elephants w i t h f o u r m e n o n their b a c k s . S u c h a q u a d r i g a was a m o n g t h e divine h o n o u r s offered t o a D i v u s ; S u e t o n i u s speaks o f h o w Claudius a l l o w e d a car d r a w n b y elephants for L i v i a i n t h e 'circensis p o m p a ' similar t o that w h i c h had b e e n 3

d e c r e e d f o r A u g u s t u s . Illustrations o f s u c h scenes are f o u n d c o i n s ; t h e r e v e r s e o f a n aureus o f N e r o

4

on

shows a chariot drawn by

f o u r elephants. D i v u s A u g u s t u s a n d D i v u s Claudius are seated o n t w o c h a i r s ; b o t h are radiate. A u g u s t u s h o l d s a patera in his right h a n d a n d a sceptre in his left, w h i l e Claudius holds an eagle-tipped sceptre i n his r i g h t hand. A similar s c e n e s h o w s F a u s t i n a t h e E l d e r r e c e i v i n g t h e same h o n o u r . S h e is seated o n a t h r o n e d r a w n b y t w o elephants and she is h o l d i n g t w o corn-ears i n h e r r i g h t h a n d a n d a vertical t o r c h i n her 5

left . A s a s y m b o l o f eternity, t h e p r e s e n c e o f elephants is m o s t

fitting

o n this p a n e l o f a p o t h e o s i s .

A. ST. CLAIR, The Apotheosis Diptych. The Aft Bulletin X L V I ( 1 9 6 2 ) , p. 2 0 7 . Various interpretations are given in the following books: A. MASKELL, Ivories. London, 1 9 0 5 , p. 6 0 favours Marcus Aurelius Romulus. H. GRAEVEN, Heidnische Diptychen. RM X X V I I I ( 1 9 1 3 ) , pp. 1 9 8 - 3 0 4 , sees it as the consecration of Constantius Chlorus. R. DELBROCK, Die Consulardiptychen, Berlin/Leipzig, 1 9 2 9 . No. 5 9 , pp. 2 2 7 - 2 3 0 gives Antoninus Pius as his choice. The following authors propose Julian the Apostate as the deified emperor in this diptych: R. HERZOG T T Z XIII ( 1 9 3 8 ) p. 1 1 6 ff. A. ALFOLDI, Die Kontorniaten. Leipzig, 1 9 4 3 , I, p. 4 3 . K . WESSEL, Eine Gruppe oheritalischer Elfenheinarheiten. Jdl LXIII/ L X I V ( 1 9 5 0 ) , pp. 1 4 3 - 1 4 6 . A. ST. CLAIR, The Apotheosis Diptych, p. 2 0 5 . SUET. Claud. 1 1 , 4 : «Aviae Liviae divinos honores, et circensi pompa currum elephantorum Augusto similem decernenda curavit.» BMC Nero, no. 7 . PI. 3 8 , 4 . Cf. also no. 8 . PI. 3 8 , 5 . BMC Ant. Pius, no. 1 4 3 4 . PI. 3 5 , 1. 1

2

3

4

5

128

I n t h e c e n t r e o f t h e panel is a draped funeral p y r e , f o r m e d l i k e t h r e e steps w h e r e f r o m t h e t o p m o s t , a f o u r h o r s e c h a r i o t is a b o u t t o t a k e off for t h e h e a v e n s , driven b y a beardless y o u t h , w h o s e c l o a k is swept upwards f o r m i n g an arc a b o v e his head, a n d g i v i n g t h e i m p r e s sion o f speed and m o v e m e n t * . T h e identity o f this p e r s o n a g e is 2

uncertain . T o t h e r i g h t o f t h e funeral p y r e , t w o eagles h a v e b e g u n their h e a v e n w a r d flight, s o a r i n g upwards as a s y m b o l o f t h e soul o f the e m p e r o r . T h a t t h e r e are t w o eagles supports t h e t h e o r y that t h e s e c o n d panel illustrated t h e a p o t h e o s i s o f a D i v a , f o r , in t h e t e x t s , there is m e n t i o n o n l y o f a single eagle b e i n g released f r o m t h e funeral pyre. T h e upper part o f t h e i v o r y s h o w s t h e final a s c e n s i o n o f t h e D i v u s ; h e is b e i n g b o r n e up b y t w o n a k e d angel-type b e i n g s , w h o h a v e large w i n g s f r o m their shoulder-blades and smaller w i n g s f r o m t h e i r heads. 3

T h e s e t w o figures h a v e b e e n described in v a r i o u s ways ; t h e r e is n o denying, h o w e v e r , that t h e y are particularly similar t o t h e H y p n o s 4

and T h a n a t o s w h i c h are depicted o n a l e k y t h o s in t h e B r i t i s h M u s e u m . L o o k i n g d o w n f r o m t h e c l o u d s , t h e g o d s , perhaps t h e a n c e s t o r s o f t h e D i v u s , await his arrival. A n arc i n t h e r i g h t u p p e r c o r n e r c o n t a i n i n g six signs o f t h e zodiac, represents t h e sky. T h e central character in this c o m p o s i t i o n is t h e e m p e r o r ; all o t h e r details o n t h e panel are there m e r e l y t o clarify his p o s i t i o n . I t is especially n o t e w o r t h y because it does i n fact c o n t a i n a n u m b e r o f s y m b o l s c l o s e l y akin t o t h e idea o f a p o t h e o s i s ; t h e elephant as t h e s y m b o l o f e t e r n i t y ; the eagles w h i c h b e a r t h e e m p e r o r ' s soul t o h e a v e n ; t h e c h a r i o t , w h o s e driver m a y well b e t h e personification o f t h e

emperor's

genius, w h i c h w o u l d link t h e scene o n earth w i t h that in h e a v e n .

1

A similar portrayal is found on some 'consecrate/ coins, e. g. BMC Ant. Pius, no. 1 4 2 5 , PI. 3 4 . 9 ; no. 1 4 2 8 , PI. 3 4 . 3 . For a recent find in sculpture, cf. L . KAHIL, Laodicee du Lycos. Le Nymphee. III Partie, La Sculpture. Quebec/ Paris, 1 9 6 9 , p. 2 1 1 . PI. L X X X I V . 2. Cat. no. 3 6 . A. ST. CLAIR, The Apotheosis Diptych, p. 2 0 5 , identifies this figure as Sol, and makes reference to a similar representation on a coin honouring Marcus Aurelius. Cf. BMC IV p. 6 9 3 . No. 2 5 . E.g. 'genii* (Kitzinger), 'wind-gods' (Volbach), 'Flugeldamonen' (Delbriick) and 'robustes gaillards' (Cabrol-Leclerq). The number of the lekythos is D 5 9 . Cf. O . DALTON, Catalogue of Ivory Carvings, p. 2. Delbriick does not agree with this interpretation, but the similarity is nevertheless striking; one figure is bearded and the other beardless; both support the figure of the Divus between them. e

2

3

4

9

129

T h i s i v o r y panel is i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e it c o m e s at the e n d o f an e p o c h , a n d it depicts t h e fullness o f t h o u g h t b e h i n d t h e n o t i o n o f a s c e n s i o n a n d c o n s e c r a t i o n . I n t h e c o n t e x t o f this w o r k , w h i c h as far as p o s s i b l e deals w i t h t h e a t m o s p h e r e a n d parallels a r o u n d the N e w T e s t a m e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s o f cult, it is a w o r k o f t h e future, a later a n d r i c h e r d e v e l o p m e n t

in t h e t h o u g h t

b e h i n d the artistic

portrayals o f this aspect o f a p o t h e o s i s . T o understand t h e Christian c o n c e p t o f ascension, o n e m u s t have a p r o f o u n d k n o w l e d g e o f the c l i m a t e o f t h o u g h t at this p e r i o d o f h i s t o r y - a g r o w i n g awareness o f t h e renewal o f interest in the after life o w i n g t o t h e increase o f mystery-cults in t h e R o m a n E m p i r e 1

i n t h e first c e n t u r y A . D . . A realization that ascensions w e r e s y m b o lized in v a r i o u s ways t o stress t h e idea o f an u p w a r d m o v e m e n t , and a k n o w l e d g e o f t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h these s y m b o l s f o u n d their w a y i n t o t h e v a r i o u s art-forms o f t h e t i m e , clarify the n o t i o n o f g l o r i fication, a n d s h o w h o w it was expressed t o appeal t o the popular i m a g i n a t i o n . T h u s t h e w h o l e idea o f ' a s c e n s i o ' , w h i c h holds important

p l a c e in Christian t e a c h i n g , f o r m s part o f the

complex thought

around

'life-after-death'

at this e p o c h .

r e c e n t years, m a n y o f t h e traditional interpretations

an

whole During

o f the

New

T e s t a m e n t h a v e u n d e r g o n e a severe scrutiny, and i n particular, t h o s e c o n c e r n i n g t h e glorification o f Christ - H i s D e a t h , R e s u r r e c t i o n , and Ascension. T h e r e are a n u m b e r although

o f interpretations

o f t h e A s c e n s i o n , and

o n e m a y appeal t o o u r c o n t e m p o r a r y w a y o f t h i n k i n g

m o r e t h a n a n o t h e r , it is nevertheless i m p o s s i b l e t o m a k e any final p r o n o u n c e m e n t s w h e t h e r t h e A s c e n s i o n was a historical fact o r n o t . I t seems that this p o i n t is n o t s o vital after a l l ; t h e basis o f Christian b e l i e f is that Christ was glorified, a n d this is t h e i m p o r t a n t , the essential p a r t o f t h e w h o l e q u e s t i o n ; w h e t h e r an ascension o f s o m e sort actually t o o k p l a c e , o r w h e t h e r t h e a c c o u n t was m e r e l y the h u m a n e x p r e s s i o n o f a reality, after t h e e v e n t o f glorification, is o f m i n o r 2

i m p o r t a n c e . H o w e v e r , w e shall l o o k at t h e different interpretations 1

In particular, the relation between the ascension and the solar cults becomes more pronounced; the symbol of Helios' four-horsed chariot is taken over into Christian iconography. Cf. O . PERLER, Die Mosaiken der Juliergruft im Vatikan. Freiburg/Schw. 1953, p. 20f. pp. 23ff. and P I . X L n. c-f. Bibliography for the biblical interpretation of Ascension in New Catholic Encyclopedia, San Francisco, Toronto, London, Sydney 1965 Vol. I, p. 933 in part. J . DANIELOU, The Theology of fewish Christianity, ed. and tr. by J . A. Baker. 2

130

o f Christ's A s c e n s i o n , t o see h o w t h e y fit against a h i s t o r i c a l b a c k ground. A m o n g t h e various interpretations

o f t h e A s c e n s i o n o f Christ,

m a n y t h e o l o g i a n s b e l i e v e t h a t it is t h e historical a c c o u n t o f a n e x t r e 1

mely impressive episode b e f o r e a n u m b e r o f witnesses . T h e actual A s c e n s i o n was m o s t a p p r o p r i a t e b e c a u s e it fitted i n w i t h t h e c o n ceptions o f t h e t i m e s , w h i l e at t h e same t i m e , it underlines t h e qualities o f Christ's glorified B o d y , w h i c h was n o l o n g e r b o u n d b y t h e laws o f gravity. R . P . R e n i e maintains, a l o n g w i t h m a n y t h e o l o g i a n s w h o support this s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t , that t h e A s c e n s i o n was a ' m o u v e m e n t l o c a l ' , and that t h e R i s e n B o d y o f Christ actually r o s e up i n t o t h e a i r ; a fact that was witnessed b y his disciples a n d later r e c o r d e d b y these eye-witnesses, a l t h o u g h t h e A c t s o f t h e A p o s t l e s d o n o t g i v e any positive h i n t as t o t h o s e disciples w h o w e r e present f o r this event. T h e c l o u d w h i c h hid Christ f r o m t h e v i e w o f his disciples w a s a sign o f t h e presence o f G o d ; a sign w h i c h was already familiar i n t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t , as w h e n M o s e s led t h e Israelites o u t o f E g y p t : « A n d the L o r d w e n t b e f o r e t h e m b y day i n a pillar o f c l o u d t o lead t h e m a l o n g t h e way, a n d b y n i g h t in a pillar o f fire t o g i v e t h e m light, that they m i g h t travel b y day a n d b y n i g h t ; t h e pillar o f c l o u d b y day and t h e pillar o f fire b y n i g h t did n o t depart f r o m b e f o r e 2

the p e o p l e » . T h e r e is a n o t h e r interpretation o f these texts w h i c h p u t s f o r w a r d t h e possibility that Christ was « a t t h e r i g h t H a n d o f t h e F a t h e r » o n the v e r y day o f H i s R e s u r r e c t i o n . D e a t h - R e s u r r e c t i o n - A s c e n s i o n sum up the w h o l e c o n c e p t i o n o f Christ's glorification a n d

these

three stages should b e c o n s i d e r e d as a single a c t i o n , a n d n o t as t h r e e distinct phases i n t h e r e d e e m i n g w o r k o f t h e S a v i o u r . T h e glorifi cation o f Christ was the c o n c l u s i o n o f H i s P a s s i o n a n d D e a t h , a n d it was n o t identical w i t h the a c c o u n t o f t h e spatio-temporal A s c e n s i o n 3

as g i v e n in t h e A c t s ; it is apart f r o m this visible A s c e n s i o n , it is Chicago 1964. E. H. SCHILLEBEECKX, Ascension and Pentecost. Worship 35 (1961), 336-363. For the theological aspects of Ascension, cf. New Catholic Encyclopedia Vol. I . p. 936. R . P. J . RENIE, Actes des Apotres. Paris, 1949, p. 42. This view reiterates that of E. JACQUIER, Les Actes des Apotres, Paris, 1926, p. 19, who maintains that 'he was lifted up'... «indique une ascension calme et historique». 1

2

3

Ex. X I I I 21-22.

Acts I 9-11. Cf. F. X . 1960, p. 38ff.

DURRWELL,

The Resurrection, London/Melbourne,

131

a « c h a n g e i n his v e r y b e i n g » . F r . D u r r w e l l supports this v i e w w i t h t h e fact t h a t S t . J o h n o m i t s a n y reference t o a historical event, b u t is nevertheless v e r y c o n s c i o u s o f t h e r e t u r n o f Christ t o H i s F a t h e r , as w h e n h e r e c o r d s t h e m e e t i n g o f Christ w i t h M a r y M a g d a l e n o n t h e day o f t h e R e s u r r e c t i o n : « G o t o m y b r e t h r e n and say t o t h e m , I a m a s c e n d i n g t o m y F a t h e r a n d t o y o u r F a t h e r , t o m y G o d and t o 1

y o u r G o d » . S h o u l d t h e glorification o f Christ and t h e historical fact o f a s c e n d i n g i n t h e v i e w o f t h e disciples h a v e b e e n a single a c t i o n , it w o u l d b e i n c o n c e i v a b l e that S t . J o h n w o u l d h a v e m e n t i o n e d 2

the one without the other . T h e r e are t h u s t w o different lines o f t h o u g h t o n t h e subject o f the A s c e n s i o n o f Christ, o n e t h e o l o g i c a l and t h e o t h e r historical - the former

stressing m o r e p r o f o u n d l y

the

'essential' A s c e n s i o n , t h e

glorification o f Christ w h e r e b y H e t o o k H i s place « w i t h the F a t h e r » ; t h e latter is c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e ' a c t u a l ' visible A s c e n s i o n , w h i c h g a v e t h e A p o s t l e s p r o o f t h a t Christ was indeed glorified. F r o m t h e purely historical p o i n t o f v i e w , t h e fact that t h e essential A s c e n s i o n was o r was n o t identical w i t h t h e actual A s c e n s i o n is n o t o f vital i m p o r t a n c e , t h o u g h it is necessary t o see t h e implications b e h i n d these assertions since t h e y are at o n c e t h e means o f placing t h e A s c e n s i o n o f Christ o n q u i t e a n o t h e r plane f r o m t h o s e o f the p a g a n m y t h s . T h a t Christ ascended i n t h e sight o f H i s disciples is p o s s i b l y a historical f a c t ; t h e details g i v e n in t h e A c t s are so precise t h a t it w o u l d perhaps s e e m i n c o n s i s t e n t t o refuse c r e d e n c e t o this s e c t i o n m e r e l y b e c a u s e it is a n unlikely h a p p e n i n g a c c o r d i n g t o t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y standards. A s p a r t o f t h e w h o l e mystery o f the R e d e m p t i o n , t h e A s c e n s i o n o f Christ f o r t h e b e l i e v i n g Christian has m a n y aspects w h i c h set it far a b o v e t h e ' t y p e s ' w h i c h are f o u n d in p a g a n l i t e r a t u r e ; t h e r e is n o q u e s t i o n o f seeing this e v e n t as m e r e l y ' a n o t h e r i n a series'. T h e A s c e n s i o n is t h e c u l m i n a t i o n o f t h e w h o l e m y s t e r y o f t h e I n c a r n a t i o n , and t h e p r e l u d e o f the C o m i n g o f the 3

Spirit o n t h e n e w l y - f o u n d e d C h u r c h . I f w e a c c e p t that t h e purely 'essential' glorification o f Christ was 1

Jn, X X 1 7 . Cf. P. BENOIT, Exegese et theologie, Paris 1 9 6 1 , I , pp. 3 6 3 - 4 1 1 . E . SCHILLEBEECKX, Christ, the Sacrament of Encounter with God. London, 1 9 6 6 , p. 2 6 . The author sees the Ascension of Christ as the investiture of Christ risen from the dead as universal king and Lord, the glorification of Christ, and the prelude to the giving of the Spirit and the termination of Christ's earthly mission. 2

3

4

132

simultaneous w i t h t h e R e s u r r e c t i o n , t h e q u e s t i o n arises w h y Christ should h a v e seen fit t o a s c e n d f r o m t h e earth i n t h e v i e w o f his disciples 'after f o r t y days'. I f t h e r e w e r e a h i s t o r i c a l A s c e n s i o n , it w a s n o d o u b t t o m a k e clear t o t h e disciples that this w a s t h e last o f H i s earthly a p p a r i t i o n s ; t h e r e w a s certainly a n o t e o f

finality

in

the

scene described in t h e A c t s , t h e rising u p i n t o t h e s k y w h i c h is further impressed o n t h e m i n d s o f t h e spectators b y t h e v e r y definite w o r d s o f t h e a n g e l s : « M e n o f G a l i l e e , w h y d o y o u stand l o o k i n g i n t o h e a v e n ? T h i s J e s u s , w h o was t a k e n up f r o m y o u i n t o h e a v e n , will c o m e in t h e same w a y as y o u saw h i m g o i n t o h e a v e n » *. T h e r e is n o q u e s t i o n as t o w h e t h e r o r n o t Christ w o u l d

make

a n o t h e r appearance after H i s v i s i b l e A s c e n s i o n , a n d t h e disciples realized that f r o m this m o m e n t , t h e y h a d t o learn t o rely o n t h e invisible p r e s e n c e o f Christ i n H i s C h u r c h . B u t t h e h i s t o r i c a l s e t t i n g b e h i n d t h e w h o l e idea o f ' a s c e n s i o ' e v e n i n t h e f o r m o f p a g a n m y t h s , reflects t h e m e n t a l i t y o f m e n at this e p o c h ; it is difficult t o i m a g i n e the disciples h a v i n g a c o m p l e t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e m y s t e r y o f t h e glorification o f Christ w i t h all its i m p l i c a t i o n s at this p o i n t , especially b e f o r e t h e C o m i n g o f t h e Spirit, b u t t h e y w e r e a c c u s t o m e d t o t h e n o t i o n that t h e F a t h e r was in h e a v e n , a n d that Christ was g o i n g t o take his place at t h e r i g h t h a n d o f t h e F a t h e r . F o r t h e n o n - C h r i s t i a n s , the sign o f glorification was t h e a s c e n t f r o m this w o r l d t o t h e d w e l l i n g place o f the g o d s , a sign w h i c h e x p r e s s e d this idea clearly t o t h e ordinary p e o p l e , w h o m t h e e m p e r o r s e n d e a v o u r e d t o c o n v i n c e . I t was essential that t h e disciples s h o u l d u n d e r s t a n d that Christ h a d g o n e t o take H i s place w i t h t h e F a t h e r in g l o r y , a n d f o r this r e a s o n , a n y o c c a s i o n o f d o u b t h a d t o b e eliminated f r o m

their minds. T h a t

Christ should use a sign w h i c h was already w e l l - k n o w n , a n d w h i c h had b e e n used i n t h e different cultures d o w n t h e centuries f o r t h e apotheosis o f a ruler, was in k e e p i n g w i t h H i s t e a c h i n g m e t h o d s t h r o u g h o u t H i s p u b l i c life, o f u n d e r l i n i n g a t r u t h b y u s i n g a s i g n w h i c h already h e l d a special significance f o r t h e p e o p l e . I t w a s b y this means that t h e y w e r e led t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e m e a n i n g o f t h o s e spiritual truths, w h i c h o f t h e m s e l v e s w o u l d h a v e b e e n i n c o m p r e hensible t o t h e ordinary m i n d . T h i s is n o t t o say that b e y o n d all d o u b t , t h e A s c e n s i o n o f Christ was n o t a historical fact, o r that it h a d m u c h t h e s a m e v a l u e as t h e pagan legends w h i c h f o r e s h a d o w e d it, b u t it is a d m i t t i n g that the 1

Acts 1 1 1 . 133

actual e v e n t was i m p o r t a n t o n l y insofar as it illustrated a m o r e p r o f o u n d t r u t h o n a spiritual plane. B y a s c e n d i n g i n t o heaven, Christ u s e d a m o s t s u g g e s t i v e visual-aid, w h i c h placed i n t h e historical b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e p e r i o d , w o u l d h a v e expressed w i t h o u t a m b i g u i t y t h e glorification o f Christ. T h e r e is a final p o i n t t o b e c o n s i d e r e d f o r t h o s e w h o d o n o t accept t h e h i s t o r i c a l A s c e n s i o n . T h e actual q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r o r n o t the A s c e n s i o n t o o k place i n t i m e a n d space has n o t b e e n considered in t h e s e p a g e s , a n d in fact, it does n o t affect m y c o n c l u s i o n s . I n consider i n g t h e A s c e n s i o n o f Christ as t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f a reality, and in a d m i t t i n g a historical A s c e n s i o n , it is as it w e r e Christ h i m s e l f w h o g a v e t h e e x p l a n a t i o n directly. F o r t h o s e w h o d o n o t accept the A s c e n s i o n as historical, t h e same c o n c l u s i o n s still h o l d , for t h e explanation o f Christ's glorification w o u l d h a v e b e e n g i v e n less directly t h r o u g h t h e m e d i u m o f t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A c t s . I n o t h e r w o r d s , this a u t h o r realized t h e reality o f Christ's glorification, and w i s h i n g t o express it i n a m a n n e r understandable t o t h e mentality o f t h e t i m e , g a v e the d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e A s c e n s i o n , w h i c h was i n line w i t h t h e general ideas

o f apotheosis o f the epoch, pagan or otherwise.

2. The Profane and Religious Implications of the Term ' 'Enupaveid! A t e r m w h i c h is l i n k e d w i t h t h e n o t i o n o f ' s a v i o u r ' and ' p r o t e c t o r ' is t h a t o f SMCPAVYJS, a n d for this reason, it m a y b e linked w i t h the s e c t i o n dealing w i t h ' b l a s p h e m o u s t i t l e s ' ; gradually this t e r m deve l o p e d as an additional divine attribute o f t h e Hellenistic rulers, and later o n , o f t h e R o m a n e m p e r o r s *. A s a c u l t - w o r d , it is also v e r y 2

c l o s e t o t h e t e r m 7RAPOUATA' . The

Roman

emperors

always

worked

towards

stressing

the

l e g i t i m a c y o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n a n d t h e idea o f a special l i n k w i t h the G. THIEME, Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maander und das Neue Testament. Gottingen, 1906, pp. 34-36: «A conspicuous manifestation of heavenly powers was called an 'epiphany'» - OGIS 90. 19: «@soi> 'E7u<pavou<;». Ibid. 233.36: «T7Js 0ea<; im
2

134

g o d s was particularly s o u g h t after. T h e n o t i o n o f ' p r o t e c t i n g g o d s ' was o n e step i n t h e d i r e c t i o n , b u t it was o n l y an a s p e c t o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s relationship w i t h t h e g o d s , f o r h e c o n t i n u e d t h e well-established Hellenistic tradition o f b e i n g h o n o u r e d as a n i n c a r n a t e g o d ;

the

e m p e r o r c a m e t o represent i n a special w a y a 'deus p r a e s e n s ' K A s has already b e e n n o t e d i n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t , t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n greatness a n d t h e divine b e c a m e c o n f u s e d i n m e n ' s m i n d s , a n d t h e Hellenistic E a s t h a d little difficulty i n seeing t h e ruler as a n '0e6<; 2

em<pavY^' .

A t this t i m e , t h e t e r m 'em<pavsta' d e v e l o p e d t h e m e a n i n g o f ' m a n i festation o f a g o d ' , often f o r t h e p u r p o s e o f b r i n g i n g aid. I n a c e r t a i n sense, an epiphany was a ' s a v i n g ' a n d t h e r e are definitely c o r r e s p o n d 3

i n g n o t i o n s i n t h e t w o expressions . T h e t e r m w a s v e r y c o m m o n in A s i a M i n o r , and all o v e r t h e H e l l e n i s t i c E a s t . I t w a s usually u s e d in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e s o l e m n e n t r y o f a ruler i n t o a c i t y ; since h e was l o o k e d u p o n as a divine b e i n g , his c o m i n g w a s r e g a r d e d as t h e apparition o f a g o d . D e v e l o p i n g as it did f r o m t h e H e l l e n i s t i c ruler-cult i n t o an official cult-term f o r imperial u s a g e , it c o n v e y e d t h e g l o r y o f t h e visit o f t h e e m p e r o r t o a city. T h e e m p e r o r is l o o k e d u p o n as a g o d m a d e manifest - there is a w e l l - k n o w n i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m Cos w h i c h was dated a c c o r d i n g t o the n u m b e r o f years o f Caligula's epiphany, w h e n h e m a d e 4

an official visit t o the island . A l t h o u g h t h e actual e n t r y i n t o a c i t y was t h e o b v i o u s f o r m o f an epiphany, t h e r e was also t h e actual identification o f t h e ruler w i t h a g o d w h i c h c a m e t o b e r e g a r d e d as a type o f ' p r o l o n g e d ' epiphany, the g o d manifesting h i m s e l f in t h e p e r s o n o f a m a n , w h e t h e r h e b e Hellenistic ruler o r R o m a n e m p e r o r . Perhaps t h e b e s t - k n o w n e x a m p l e f r o m t h e H e l l e n i s t i c p e r i o d is that t a k e n f r o m t h e life o f A l e x a n d e r , w h o s e a m b i t i o u s e x p l o i t s certainly captured t h e i m a g i n a t i o n o f his s u b j e c t s , a n d w o n f o r h i m CERFAUX & TONDRIAU, Culte des souverains, pp. 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 . K . SCOTT, Emp. Worship in Ovid. TAPhA L X I ( 1 9 3 0 ) , pp. 4 3 - 6 9 , in particular, 5 9 . - O. PERLER in Die Darstellung der Eucharistie auf dem Theodor-Mosaik Aquileia. Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana. X L I I I ( 1 9 6 7 ) , pp. 2 3 6 - 7 gives an 1

2

p.

in

example of the epiphany of Zeus-Theos from Dura Europos which influenced the representations of the imperial epiphanies. Cf. B . RIGAUX, Epitres aux Thess. p. 2 0 2 . W . R. PATON & E . L . HICKS, The Inscriptions of Cos. Oxford, 1 8 9 1 , p. 3 9 1 : « EvtauToi5 7up<*>TOi> xa<; Tatou Kataapo<;... ini(p<x.vzloL
y

4

,

135

s u c h e x t r a v a g a n t h o n o u r s t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f his life. T h e rulers used t o i m i t a t e t h e g o d s , t a k i n g o n t h e m s e l v e s t h e i r attributes and acting i n such a w a y as t o stress t h e relationship b e t w e e n themselves and t h e g o d s . T h i s w o u l d often d e v e l o p t o such a stage that o n - l o o k e r s w o u l d t e n d t o identify t h e ruler w i t h a particular g o d ; n o l o n g e r was t h e ruler i n t h e guise o f D i o n y s u s o r J u p i t e r , b u t it was a manifesta t i o n o f t h e g o d h i m s e l f i n t h e p e r s o n o f t h e ruler. P l u t a r c h s h o w s A l e x a n d e r i m i t a t i n g D i o n y s u s in a p r o c e s s i o n t h r o u g h Carmania. A l e x a n d e r was c o n v e y e d a l o n g v e r y slowly o n a raised dais d r a w n b y e i g h t h o r s e s , w h i l e h e feasted day and n i g h t w i t h his c o m p a n i o n s . T h e r e w e r e c o u n t l e s s w a g o n s i n t h e p r o c e s s i o n a n d t h e air was filled w i t h t h e m u s i c o f pipes a n d stringed instruments a n d s o n g . T h o s e w h o f o l l o w e d i n t h e p r o c e s s i o n t o o k part in all m a n n e r o f b a c c h a n a l i a n revelry, as t h o u g h , P l u t a r c h r e m a r k s , « B a c 1

chus himself were present» . M a n y o f the on-lookers were n o doubt c o n v i n c e d t h a t t h e p e r s o n t h e y saw as t h e c e n t r e o f the p r o c e s s i o n w a s D i o n y s u s himself, present in t h e f o r m o f A l e x a n d e r . T h i s e p i s o d e w o u l d s e e m t o b e o f doubtful o r i g i n , for, a c c o r d i n g to

Arrian, «this

statement

seems

incredible». Although

certain

a u t h o r s m e n t i o n e d this e p i s o d e , « i t was r e c o r d e d n e i t h e r b y P t o l e m y , s o n o f L a g u s , n o r b y A r i s t o b u l u s , s o n o f A r i s t o b u l u s , n o r b y any o t h e r w r i t e r w h o s e t e s t i m o n y o n such p o i n t s a n y o n e w o u l d

feel

w o r t h y o f credit. I t is sufficient therefore f o r m e t o r e c o r d it as 2

« u n w o r t h y o f b e l i e f » . T h e r e is, h o w e v e r , a reference made t o this 3

title o f D i o n y s u s w h i c h was g i v e n t o A l e x a n d e r b y t h e A t h e n i a n s . A similar scene is d e s c r i b e d b y P l u t a r c h f o r A n t o n y in 4 1 B . C . , w h e n h e m a d e his e n t r y i n t o E p h e s u s after his stay in A t h e n s . O n c e again, w e are faced w i t h a t r e m e n d o u s bacchanalian p r o c e s s i o n , w h i c h m u s t h a v e c a u s e d a sensation at E p h e s u s ; p e o p l e dressed themselves u p as B a c c h u s , Satyrs a n d P a n s , a n d e s c o r t e d A n t o n y t h r o u g h the city amidst t h e i v y a n d thyrsus-wands, and t h e m u s i c o f t h e harps a n d pipes a n d flutes. A n t o n y h i m s e l f was hailed as D i o n y s u s , the 4

G i v e r o f J o y and Beneficient .

PLUT. Alexander 67y 3 : «... ARRIAN, Anabasis V I 2 8 , 1

ox; TOO Geou 7tap6vTO£ GCUTOU. » (transl. by E. J . Chinnock in The Greek Historians, Vol. II, ed. F. R . Godolphin. New York, 1942). 1

2

3

DIOGENES LAERTIUS V I 6 3 :
4

PLUT.

136

Ant. 24, 3: «si? youv "E9eaov eici6v:oq

OCOTOU

yuvatxei; [ikv sic, Bdbcyas,

I t is t e m p t i n g t o l o o k o n this e v e n t as a deliberate effort o n t h e part o f A n t o n y t o link h i m s e l f w i t h J u l i u s Caesar w h o h a d a special connection with Ephesus, for it was the Ephesians w h o recognized Caesar as a 'Qzbc, S7ci<pavyj<;', a descendant o f A r e s a n d A p h r o d i t e K T h i s inscription is used as a p r o o f that Caesar was divinized d u r i n g his lifetime a n d t h e r e is s t r o n g p r o o f that h e was identified w i t h J u p i t e r before his death. T h i s identification w a s , n o d o u b t , e n c o u r a g e d b y Caesar a n d his f o l l o w e r s , a n d t h e episode o f t h e refusal o f t h e k i n g ship i n 4 4 B . C . c o u l d h a v e b e e n a n indirect m e t h o d o f s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e ties b e t w e e n Caesar a n d h i s p a t r o n . D i o implies that t h e w h o l e affair w a s suspected o f h a v i n g b e e n deliberately o r g a n i z e d ; h e g i v e s the i m p r e s s i o n that this w a s n o t m e r e l y a p e r s o n a l suspicion, a n d i f this w a s i n fact t h e case, i t is apparent h o w t h e offer o f k i n g s h i p c o u l d h a v e b e e n used t o s t r e n g t h e n

2

his ' d i v i n e ' a s p e c t .

When

A n t o n y h a d offered Caesar t h e diadem o n b e h a l f o f t h e p e o p l e , Caesar sent i t t o t h e statue o f J u p i t e r o n t h e Capitol, saying t h a t 3

J u p i t e r alone w a s t h e k i n g o f t h e R o m a n s . H a d t h e p e o p l e insisted o n t h e kingship f o r h i m , Caesar c o u l d h a v e a c c e p t e d i t , insofar as h e was identified t o a great e x t e n t w i t h J u p i t e r . T h i s c l o s e relationship with Caesar's p a t r o n g o d w a s again e v i d e n t after h i s m u r d e r , w h e n the first r e a c t i o n o f s o m e o f t h e m o b w a s t o c o n v e y t h e dead b o d y 4

t o t h e Capitol a n d b u r n i t t h e r e a t t h e t e m p l e o f J u p i t e r . T h e idea o f '0s6c

£7utcpav^'

was e v e n m o r e d e v e l o p e d u n d e r A u g u s t u s ,

and it played a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n t h e g e n e r a l g r o w t h o f t h e official cult o f t h e e m p e r o r . A f t e r a c e n t u r y o f t u r m o i l , t h e e r a o f p e a c e ushered i n b y A u g u s t u s ' c o n q u e s t s w a s t h e inspiration o f m a n y poetic t h e m e s , a n d t h e poets o f t h e p e r i o d a r e full o f flattery, hailing A u g u s t u s as a g o d manifest o n earth, usually J u p i t e r , b u t also o c 5

casionally M e r c u r y . T h e t e s t i m o n y i n p o e t i c a l w o r k s is w o r t h less

av8ps<; 8k xal 7ral$s<; EaTupou? xal IIava<; YJYOUVTO Sieaxeuaaf/ivoi... Ai6vuaov OCUT&V avaxaXouptivtov x<xpt&6TY)v * a i (JteiX^ov.» 1

Syll. 760: «rdciov 'IouXiov Tatou ulov Kateapa ... T6V OCTC6 "Apeto<; x a i 0e6v e7u<pavYJ.» Cf. L . CERFAUX & J . TONDRIAU, Culte des souverains, p. 298. 2 Dio X L I V 11, 2-3. Ibid.: «Zei><; {x6vo<; TCOV 'Pcofxafctov paaiXeus eftr)...» Id.: X L I V 50, 2: «... ol 8k i<; T6 Ka7riTcoXtov xo^jtiaai TS !{3O6XOVTO x a i exet 'AcppoSeiTTjs

3

4

xauaat...» Cf. M. WARD, 5

The Association of Augustus with fupiter. SMSR I X (1933),

p. 223. 137

t h a n that f o u n d in i n s c r i p t i o n s , simply b e c a u s e p o e t s w e r e allowed t o use e x a g g e r a t e d t e r m s w h i c h w e r e u n d e r s t o o d as p o e t i c l i c e n c e a n d t h u s tolerated, w h e r e o t h e r expressions o f h o n o u r w h i c h tended t o w a r d s t h e e x t r e m e w e r e d i s c o u r a g e d a n d e v e n refused. S o m e t i m e s t h e flattery was m o r e subtle. O v i d likens t h e palace t o a h o m e w o r t h y o f a g o d , a n d h e asks i f it b e t h e h o m e o f J u p i t e r I n a n o t h e r c o n t e x t , O v i d g o e s e v e n further b y implying

that

a l t h o u g h t h e relationship b e t w e e n t h e g o d s and t h e divine e m p e r o r is e x c e e d i n g l y c l o s e , t h e r e is nevertheless a difference b e t w e e n t h e m . A n d , surprisingly e n o u g h , this difference is n o t o n e that lessens the p r e s t i g e a n d d i g n i t y o f t h e e m p e r o r , b u t , o n t h e c o n t r a r y , is t o t h e e m p e r o r ' s a d v a n t a g e . I t is that A u g u s t u s s o m e t i m e s appears t o b e "more manifest' (manifestior) a n d nearer t o t h e p e o p l e t h a n t h e g o d s 2

w h o are in h e a v e n . Manilius mentions

the

close association between

Jupiter

and

A u g u s t u s i n his d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e family o f t h e J u l i i , w h i c h has p e o p l e d t h e h e a v e n s , a n d w h i c h is g o v e r n e d b y A u g u s t u s ,

with

w h o m J u p i t e r c h o s e t o associate himself, w h i l e in t h e midst «stands 3

t h e g r e a t a n d divine R o m u l u s » . A l t h o u g h A u g u s t u s w a s t h e 'deus p r a e s e n s ' p a r e x c e l l e n c e , h e is n o t c o m p l e t e l y identified w i t h J u p i t e r ; o n t h e c o n t r a r y , it is o c c a sionally o b v i o u s i n inscriptions that t h o u g h h e is i n c l o s e relation ship w i t h J u p i t e r , t h e y are n o t a single entity. T h i s p o i n t is illustrated f r o m a n i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m an altar n e a r N i m e s w h i c h is dedicated 4

' t o t h e holiness o f J u p i t e r a n d A u g u s t u s ' . I n t h e E a s t especially, A u g u s t u s was k n o w n as J u p i t e r o r as Z e u s E l e u t h e r i o s . T w o papyri f r o m O x y r h y n c h u s b e a r witness t o this i n a c o m p l e t e l y u n e q u i v o c a l w a y . B o t h date f r o m after t h e death o f A u g u s t u s , during t h e reign o f T i b e r i u s , w h i c h m e a n s that t h e title c o n t i n u e d t o b e used after

OVID, Trist. Ill 1, 3 4 - 3 5 {ed. S. G. Owen, Oxford, 1 9 1 5 , repr. 1 9 5 1 ) : « Video... conspicuos postes tectaque digna deo. E t Iovis haec, dixi, domus est?» Id. Pont. I 1, 6 3 : «Ut mihi di faveant, quibus est manifestior ipse...» Cf. K . SCOTT, Emp. Worship in Ovid, pp. 5 2 - 5 8 . These pages deal particularly with the relationship of Augustus with Jupiter, especially p. 5 2 . MANILIUS, Astronomicon I 7 9 8 - 8 0 4 (ed. Th. Breiter, Leipzig, 1 9 0 8 ) : «Venerisque ab origine proles/ Julia descendit caelo, caelumque replevit; / Quod regit Augustus socio per signa tonante, / Cernit et in coetu divum Magnum atque Quirinum... Ilia deum sedes; haec illis proxima, divum/ Qui virtute sua similes vestigia tangunt.» H . DESSAU, Inscr. Lat. Set. I I 1 , 4 0 1 2 : «Sanctitati Iovis et Augusti.» 1

2

3

4

138

A u g u s t u s ' death. T h e first is f r o m 1 9 A . D . a n d i n it, T i b e r i u s is called « T i b e r i u s Caesar, A u g u s t u s A u t o k r a t o r , s o n o f t h e g o d Z e u s 1

E l e u t h e r i o s A u g u s t u s » . T h e s e c o n d is v e r y similar, a l t h o u g h it c o m e s nearly t w e n t y years later, i n 3 7 A . D . T h i s is a declaration b y a s c r i b e denying any k n o w l e d g e o f e x t o r t i o n i n t h e villages f o r w h i c h h e is scribe. H e swears an o a t h b y ' T i b e r i u s Caesar, N e w

Augustus,

2

Imperator, son o f the god, Zeus E l e u t h e r i o s ' . T h e t e r m 'deus p r a e s e n s ' h a d a distinct p l a c e i n t h e i m p e r i a l c u l t , particularly i n t h e E a s t e r n part o f t h e E m p i r e , a n d t h e p o e t s w o r k e d towards s t r e n g t h e n i n g this belief. T h e effort o f c o u r t p o e t s b e c o m e s more concentrated towards the end o f the century under D o m i t i a n , w h e r e o n e finds n u m e r o u s examples i n t h e w r i t i n g s o f M a r t i a l a n d Statius. T h e c o m p a r i s o n w h i c h s e e m e d t o appeal m o s t s t r o n g l y w a s still that o f t h e e m p e r o r w i t h J u p i t e r ; t h e references i n t h e p o e t i c a l w o r k s o f this p e r i o d are t o o n u m e r o u s t o n o t e , and, i n d e e d , w o u l d b e unnecessary, w h e r e t h r e e o r four w o u l d g i v e t h e g e n e r a l i m p r e s s i o n 3

o f the poetical a t m o s p h e r e . I t is a t h e m e w h i c h c o u r t p o e t s stressed considerably, p o s s i b l y b e c a u s e it was s o p o p u l a r a n o t i o n ; D o m i t i a n was a 'deus p r a e s e n s ' w h o insisted that h e s h o u l d b e a c k n o w l e d g e d as divine, and, in fact, inscriptions b e a r w i t n e s s t o this divine title 4

outside p o e t r y . D o m i t i a n was also w o r s h i p p e d d u r i n g his lifetime as 'AIOVXXJOQ KaXAtxapTuoc;' as an i n s c r i p t i o n o n t h e wall o f A n a z a r b a gives t e s t i m o n y : «AuTOxpaTOpi K a i c i a p i Osou Ouec77ua(7iavou u l a k . . .

AiovtSffOH K a X X t x a p 7 c c o L . . .

5

A n inscription g i v i n g a decree o f t h e t o w n o f A s s o s at t h e a c c e s s i o n o f Caligula in 3 7 A . D . c o n v e y s s o m e t h i n g o f t h e eagerness o f t h e E a s t e r n cities t o w e l c o m e their e m p e r o r as a g o d , a n d i n reading it, e v e n a l l o w i n g f o r e x a g g e r a t i o n s c o m m o n t o t h e E a s t , it is p o s s i b l e t o capture s o m e t h i n g o f t h e e x p e c t a t i o n o f t h e p e o p l e w h o w e r e n o t 1

Ox. Pap. II CCLIII: «Tip£piov Kateapa EePaaT&v AuTOXpaxopa Oeoo 'EXeuOeplou Eepaaxou ul6v.» Ox. Pap. II CCXL: «...Tip£ptov Koctaocpa Niov ZspaaT&v AuTOxpaxopa 0eou Aibc, 'EXeuOspfoo SsPaaTou ul6v...» E . g . MARTIAL X I V 1; I X 2 8 , 1 0 ; I X 18, 7-8. STATIUS, Silv. I 6, 25-27. IG XIII 1091: 'Zeus Eleutherios'. Cf. J . K E I L & A . WILHELM, Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber eine Reise in Kilikien. Jahreshefte XVIII Beiblatt 56-8. 2

3

4

5

139

afraid o r e m b a r a s s e d t o call their e m p e r o r a g o d

T h a t Caligula was

r e c o g n i z e d as a 'deus p r a e s e n s ' is n o t difficult t o d i s c e r n ; P h i l o speaks o f a t e m p l e i n t h e H o l y City w h i c h was t o b e c o n v e r t e d i n t o a 2

shrine, t o b e dedicated t o « G a i u s , t h e N e w Z e u s m a d e m a n i f e s t » . I n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t , t h e w o r d 'E7UI<paveia' is used t o describe t h e manifestation o f Christ, his appearance i n g l o r y , f o r w h i c h the early Christians w e r e c o n s t a n t l y awaiting. C. M o h r m a n n sees the Christian 3

use o f t h e w o r d as an i m a g e b o r r o w e d f r o m t h e Hellenistic c u l t . T h a t t h e Christian n o t i o n o f epiphany d e v e l o p e d in

comparison

w i t h t h e s o l e m n e n t r y o f t h e Hellenistic rulers i n t o a city is perhaps a n over-simplification o f t h e q u e s t i o n , b u t t h e r e is little d o u b t that t h e use i n t h e imperial c u l t m u s t h a v e c o l o u r e d c o n t e m p o r a r y t h o u g h t i n t h e first c e n t u r y , a n d influenced t h e w a y in w h i c h t h e reality o f t h e ' s e c o n d c o m i n g ' o f Christ was expressed. T h i s is m u c h the same r e a s o n i n g as is f o u n d i n t h e s e c t i o n o n t h e A s c e n s i o n ; a reality was expressed i n t e r m s w h i c h m a d e it understandable t o t h e general p u b l i c , w h o w e r e used t o t h e idea o f a s o l e m n entry in g l o r y o f a ruler o r e m p e r o r i n t o a city, o r t h e n o t i o n o f t h e p r e s e n c e o f a g o d in the p e r s o n o f a n e m p e r o r . P o s s i b l y t h e ' C o m i n g in g l o r y ' o f Christ will b e far r e m o v e d f r o m t h e ideas o f t h e first c e n t u r y Christians o f H i s ' A p p e a r i n g ' , b u t t h e y did i n d e e d c o m e t o understand a future reality b y a c o n t e m p o r a r y i m a g e . W h e t h e r this i m a g e was a deliberate ' b o r r o w i n g ' f r o m t h e Hellenistic o r imperial cult is doubtful,

but

it is l i k e l y t h a t S t . P a u l was influenced b y t h e p a g a n manifestations o f t h e divine e m p e r o r s , a n d t h e readers o f t h e E p i s t l e s likewise c o u l d h a v e hardly failed t o c o l o u r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e t e r m w i t h w h a t they h a d seen o r h e a r d o f imperial epiphanies.

1

7rav 2

3

Papers of the Arch. Inst. Americ. Class. Ser. I, 1 8 8 2 , 1 3 3 : « 7 i a a a $k n6\i
empruntee au culte du souverain hellenistique... Pavenement du Christ est compa rable a l'entree solennelle des souverains hellenistiques.» Cf. also, K. PRUMM, Christentum als Neuheitserlehnis. Freiburg/Br. 1 9 3 9 : «Christi Kommen glich nur einem Konigs- oder Kaiserbesuch in einer hellenistischen Stadt.» In contrast to this view, cf. B . RIGAUX, Epitres aux Thess. p. 2 3 4 : «Les epiphanies grecques ne nous semblent que des paralleles assez lointains.» Cf. L . CERFAUX: & J . TONDRIAU, Culte des souverains, p. 4 4 8 : «I1 est sur que les chretiens n'ont pas pris aux generaux romains Fid6e que le Christ viendrait en gloire... la parousie et l'epiphanie du Christ sont essentiellement religieuses.» 140

T h e r e are, n o d o u b t , p r o b a b l e sources o f t h e idea o f e p i p h a n y f r o m O l d T e s t a m e n t w r i t i n g s ; it is used i n t h e B o o k s o f t h e M a c cabees w h e r e m e n t i o n is m a d e o f manifestations f r o m h e a v e n . I n t h e s e c o n d b o o k , a synopsis is g i v e n w h i c h relates c l o s e l y t o this p o i n t ; w e are t o l d t h e b o o k c o n t a i n s t h e s t o r y o f J u d a s M a c c a b a e u s and his b r o t h e r s , t h e purification o f t h e g r e a t t e m p l e , t h e d e d i c a t i o n o f t h e altar, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e w a r against A n t i o c h u s E p i p h a n e s a n d his s o n E u p a t o r , and t h e manifestations that c a m e f r o m

heaven

t o hearten t h e b r a v e c h a m p i o n s o f J u d a i s m K In

t h e f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r , t h e r e is a v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n o f h o w

H e l i o d o r u s a t t e m p t e d t o confiscate funds f r o m t h e t e m p l e T r e a s u r y at J e r u s a l e m , w h i c h w o u l d h a v e b e e n a v i o l a t i o n o f t h e sanctity o f t h e T e m p l e . H e l i o d o r u s h a d already arrived at t h e T r e a s u r y w i t h his bodyguard

w h e n « t h e S o v e r e i g n o f Spirits a n d o f e v e r y

power

caused so great an apparition t h a t all w h o had dared t o a c c o m p a n y Heliodorus were dumbfounded

at t h e

power o f G o d and

were

2

reduced t o abject t e r r o r » . I n t h e P s a l m s , t h e t e r m is used w i t h m o d e r a t e frequency, b u t its translation is generally « t o let o n e ' s face shine u p o n . . . » . I n P s a l m XXXI

1 6 there is, in addition, t h e l i n k already m e n t i o n e d

with

' s a v i n g ' : « L e t y o u r face smile u p o n y o u r servant, save m e i n y o u r 3

l o v e » . T h e r e is a similar t u r n o f phrase i n P s a l m C X V I I 2 7 , a processional h y m n f o r t h e feast o f T a b e r n a c l e s , w h e r e t h e P s a l m i s t 4

declares: « Y a h w e h is G o d , h e smiles o n u s . . . » . A l t h o u g h t h e t e r m is used i n t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t , a n d m a y v e r y well b e t h e r o o t o f t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t usage, its m e a n i n g is less like that o f t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t , t h a n t h e e x p r e s s i o n as used f o r t h e Hellenistic o r imperial cult. T h e m e a n i n g in t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t has taken o n s o m e o f t h e c o l o u r a n d m o v e m e n t o f t h e c u l t - t e r m , t h o u g h I d o n o t t h i n k its usage was t o m a k e a deliberate c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e imperial w o r s h i p and the Christian ideas o f Christ. L i n k e d as it was w i t h t h e parousia o f Christ, t h e future A p p e a r i n g o f Christ t o o k o n an element o f g l o r y w h i c h was n o t always e v i d e n t i n t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t use o f t h e t e r m . T h e examples q u o t e d f r o m t h e M a c c a b e e s I I Mace. I I 2 1 : « x a l TOC<; e$ oupavou Ysvo(j.£va€ e7ui<pavefac<; TOL<; unkp TOU 'IouSatapLoij cpiXoT^ax; av8paya0TQ(jaaiv...» Cf. G . MILLIGAN, St. Paul's Epistles to 1

the Thessalonians, pp. 1 4 8 - 9 . 2

3

4

II Mace. I l l 2 4 : «s7U9avefacv (AsyaX7)v.» Ps. X X X I 16. Ps. C X V I I 27: «0e&<; xupio? x a l sTC^pavev Y)(i.tv.»

141

are p e r h a p s halfway

between

the

two

interpretations;

they

are

certainly n e a r e r t o t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t e q u i v a l e n t t h a n t h e references found in the Psalms I n his s e c o n d E p i s t l e t o t h e T h e s s a l o n i a n s , S t . P a u l speaks o f t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e R e b e l , w h e n Christ will m a k e his g l o r i o u s A p p e a r 2

a n c e at his future C o m i n g . I f S t . P a u l w e r e seeing t h e w o r k i n g s o f t h e R e b e l i n all that was c o n t r a r y t o t h e t e a c h i n g o f Christ, it is p o s s i b l e that h e h a d in m i n d t h o s e e l e m e n t s o f the imperial cult w h i c h w e r e e x c e s s i v e a n d b l a s p h e m o u s t o Christian believers. I n this c o n t e x t , S t . P a u l m a y well h a v e c o n t r a s t e d t h e parousia o f the R e b e l w i t h that o f Christ. A l t h o u g h t h e t w o w o r d s c o n v e y the same idea as has already b e e n n o t e d , t h e y are n o t c o m p l e t e l y s y n o n y m o u s i n N e w T e s t a m e n t G r e e k ; t h e y d o o v e r l a p i n m e a n i n g . T h i s is particularly c l e a r i n t h e p r e v i o u s reference, f o r the t w o w o r d s are used in t h e s a m e p h r a s e w i t h a definite difference i n s e n s e ; '7capoiK7ia' c

is t h e C o m i n g , w h i l e em<pavsia' is t h e actual A p p e a r i n g o f Christ when H e comes. In the Acts o f the Apostles, Peter, together with the other Apostles, addressed t h e c r o w d s , t r y i n g t o c o n v i n c e t h e m that the events o f Christ's life, a n d t h e future e v e n t o f H i s final C o m i n g h a d already b e e n p r e p a r e d b y p r o p h e c y : « T h e sun will b e turned i n t o darkness 3

a n d t h e m o o n i n t o b l o o d b e f o r e t h e g r e a t day o f t h e L o r d d a w n s » . A similar reference is m a d e t o t h e S e c o n d C o m i n g

4

a l t h o u g h neither

'sm9<xveta' n o r '7RAPOI>(na' are used. A t this C o m i n g , Christ will deal w i t h t h e a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f salvation a n d n o t simply w i t h sin, for t h e latter has already b e e n v a n q u i s h e d t h r o u g h t h e first C o m i n g o f 5

Christ. S p e a k i n g t o t h e Corinthians , S t . P a u l speaks o f the gifts

1

Cf. E . PAX, 'Elizaveta. Ein religionsgeschichtlicher Beitrag %ur biblischen Theologie. Munchen, 1955, pp. 208-214. Cf. B . RIGAUX, Epitres aux Thess. Paris, 1956, pp. 196-206. L . CERFAUX, Christ in the Theology of St. Paul. New York/London, 1959, pp. 32-56. B . M. NOLAN, The Parousia and the New Testament Eschatology. Irish Theological Quarterly X X X V I (1969), no. 4, pp. 288-289. For additional bibliography, p. 288, note 18. Cf. II Thess. II 8: « x a l T6TE a7roxaXu90Y)aeTai, 6 <5cvo[xo<; 6v 6 xupioc; 'Iyjaouc; 2

aveXei TW 7rveu(xaTi TOO GT6\LOLTO<; TY)V a7roxaXi>4>tv TOO xupfou rjjxcov 'Irjaou XpiaToG.» 0

142

o f t h e Spirit w h i c h are t h e r e w a r d o f Christians w h o are a w a i t i n g the revelation o f Christ. T h i s , in fact, is t h e life w h i c h S t . P a u l e n v i s a g e s f o r f e r v e n t Christ ians; the practice o f virtue and the continuous expectancy o f the future A p p e a r i n g o f Christ. Christ's e p i p h a n y will b e a g l o r i o u s e v e n t ; H e will appear in g l o r y , an e v e n t w h i c h w o u l d m a k e t h e i m p e r i a l epiphanies b u t faint figures a n d s h a d o w s , t h o u g h useful i n a c e r t a i n 1

sense for a deeper u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f a spiritual reality . St. Paul reiterates his v i e w s in his letters t o T i m o t h y ; t h r e e t i m e s h e m a k e s references t o t h e e p i p h a n y o f Christ a n d t h e d u t y o f all Christians t o live a c c o r d i n g t o t h e p r e c e p t s t a u g h t b y Christ, until the A p p e a r i n g o f t h e L o r d : « I will p u t t o y o u t h e d u t y o f d o i n g all y o u h a v e b e e n t o l d , w i t h n o faults o r failures, until t h e A p p e a r i n g 2

o f O u r L o r d , J e s u s C h r i s t » . I n this c o n t e x t , t h e r e is at least a l i k e l i h o o d that Paul had imperial epiphanies i n m i n d ; h e speaks o f Christ as « t h e B l e s s e d and o n l y R u l e r o f all, t h e K i n g o f k i n g s a n d t h e L o r d o f l o r d s . . . » as i f h e w e r e c o m p a r i n g Christ as a R u l e r , K i n g a n d L o r d w i t h the earthly rulers, k i n g s a n d l o r d s , w h o s e activities m u s t h a v e b e e n w e l l - k n o w n t o P a u l , as a R o m a n citizen. E p i p h a n y in t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t does n o t refer w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n t o the A p p e a r i n g o f Christ at his parousia, a g l o r i o u s m a n i f e s t a t i o n w h i c h will take place s o m e t i m e in t h e future. T h e r e is also t h e historical epiphany w h i c h t o o k place at t h e first c o m i n g o f Christ, the historical e v e n t o f his I n c a r n a t i o n t o b r i n g a b o u t t h e r e d e m p t i o n o f m a n k i n d . H e r e again, it is p o s s i b l e t o detect t h e closeness i n t h e terms 'epiphany' a n d ' s a v i o u r ' , in m u c h t h e s a m e w a y as. t h e r e is a link b e t w e e n the I n c a r n a t i o n a n d t h e R e d e m p t i o n . T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is seen i n the s e c o n d E p i s t l e t o T i m o t h y , w h e r e S t . P a u l speaks o f the g r a c e w h i c h « h a s already b e e n g r a n t e d t o us, in Christ J e s u s , before the b e g i n n i n g o f t i m e , b u t i t has o n l y b e e n revealed b y t h e 3

A p p e a r i n g o f o u r S a v i o u r , Christ J e s u s » . S t . P a u l uses t h e 'epiphany' t w i c e m o r e in this s h o r t epistle, a n d in o n e t e x t

4

term

it is n o t

Tit. I I 1 3 : «7rpoaSex6[xevoi rfyf [xaxapfav iXniBct. xai i 7 U 9 a v s i a v TTJS 86£T)<; TOO jxeyaXou 0eou xai acoT7Jpo<; r)(i.cov.» I T i m . V I 1 4 : «TY)p7](7a£ ae T/)V IVTOXTJV <5CA7UIXOV AVS7R6X7)[X7rTOv [i&XP *)S erei/paveia? TOU xupfou 7)[zcov Tyjaou Xpi(7T0U.» I I T i m . I 1 0 : «9avepco0eTaav vuv 8ta TYJC; kmcpoLvzlccQ TOU acoT7Jpo<; YJJJLCOV XplCTTOU 'ITJCJOU.)) 1

2

l

T

3

4

I I T i m . I V 1 : « . . . xai TYJV l7ut<pavetav auToO xai TYJV (SaatXefocv auTOU.»

143

c l e a r w h i c h A p p e a r i n g h e has i n m i n d : « I will p u t this duty t o y o u , in the name o f His Appearing and o f His K i n g d o m , proclaim the m e s s a g e a n d insist o n i t . » O n e ' s first reactions t o this text is that S t . P a u l is referring t o t h e first A p p e a r i n g o f Christ, w h i c h m e n h a d already e x p e r i e n c e d , a n d t h e K i n g d o m w h i c h h e h a d founded b y H i s I n c a r n a t i o n a n d t h e R e d e m p t i o n ; n o t t o s o m e future k i n g d o m o f w h i c h T i m o t h y w o u l d h a v e h a d n o t a n g i b l e experience. T h i s seems less likely, h o w e v e r , i f t a k e n i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h e third reference t o ' e p i p h a n y ' i n t h e epistle, w h i c h o c c u r s o n l y several verses l a t e r ; t h e r e is n o d o u b t a b o u t w h i c h A p p e a r i n g S t . P a u l was t h i n k i n g . H e speaks o f t h e « c r o w n o f righteousness reserved for m e . . . w h i c h t h e L o r d , t h e r i g h t e o u s j u d g e will g i v e t o m e o n this d a y ; a n d n o t o n l y t o m e , b u t t o all w h o h a v e l o n g e d f o r H i s A p p e a r 1

i n g » . C o m i n g as it does o n l y a few verses after t h e previous m e n t i o n , it is p r o b a b l e that t h e a u t h o r h a d t h e future epiphany in m i n d in b o t h cases.

1

Ibid. IV 8: «ou (x6vov 8k e^ol aXXa xai

auxou.»

144

Tcaat

zoiq Y)ya7ryjx6(ji.

TYJV

em<paveiav

VI. P E R S E C U T I O N TO

IN

THE IMPERIAL

RELATION CULT

T h e a t m o s p h e r e t h r o u g h o u t t h e A p o c a l y p s e is o n e o f e n c o u r a g e m e n t in t h e face o f t h e p o w e r s o f evil w h i c h w o u l d finally b e o v e r c o m e w i t h t h e S e c o n d C o m i n g o f Christ. T h e idea o f p e r s e c u t i o n p e r m e a t e s the pages o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e a n d t o n e g l e c t m e n t i o n o f this aspect o f c o n t a c t b e t w e e n t h e imperial c u l t a n d Christianity o n t h e g r o u n d s that e v e r y t h i n g has already b e e n said, w o u l d b e t o o m i t a substantial section o f N e w T e s t a m e n t feeling o n this m a t t e r , f o r t h e clash b e t w e e n early Christianity a n d t h e imperial authorities w a s b r o u g h t t o t h e public n o t i c e b y t h e Christian refusal t o w o r s h i p t h e e m p e r o r . T h e conflict is inferred explicitly i n v a r i o u s passages o f t h e A p o calypse and is hinted at i n o t h e r s . J o h n speaks o f t h e beast w h i c h will c o m e o u t o f t h e abyss t o m a k e w a r o n t h e witnesses, a n d o v e r c o m e and kill t h e m *. A g a i n , t h e r e is m e n t i o n o f « t h e beast w h o 2

was allowed t o m a k e w a r o n t h e saints a n d kill t h e m » . B u t p e r h a p s the m o s t forceful reference t o p e r s e c u t i o n is g i v e n i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the famous P r o s t i t u t e , a type o f t h e evil forces h o s t i l e t o G o d . T h e a u t h o r describes h e r in t h e m o s t f e a r s o m e m a n n e r : « I

saw

that she was d r u n k , d r u n k w i t h t h e b l o o d o f t h e saints, a n d t h e b l o o d 3

o f t h e martyrs o f J e s u s » . L a t e r o n , t h e p e r s e c u t i o n o f Christians w o u l d b e c o m e m o r e widespread, b u t t h e p o s i t i o n in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e first c e n t u r y is n o t as clear a n d straightforward as o n e m i g h t suppose. I n t h e c o n t e x t o f imperial w o r s h i p , it is p r o b a b l y easier t o grasp the situation after a s h o r t discussion o f t h e p o s i t i o n i n t h e

1

Apoc. X I 7. 2 Ibid. XIII 7. Ibid. XVII 6 .

3

10

145

early s e c o n d c e n t u r y , l o o k i n g at t h e situation w h e n it had developed enough t o form the means o f judging whether or not a man belonged t o t h e Christian sect.

a) Direct Persecution and Its

Causes

T h e r e has b e e n a t e n d e n c y t h r o u g h o u t t o see a n d j u d g e t h e imperial c u l t u n d e r its v a r i o u s aspects f r o m a Christian p o i n t o f v i e w , endeav o u r i n g t o j u d g e t h e significance o f S t a t e - c o n t r o l l e d w o r s h i p in an a t m o s p h e r e o f d e v e l o p i n g Christian t h o u g h t a n d attitude. T o o b t a i n a g l i m p s e o f t h e R o m a n v i e w o f Christianity, o n e o f t h e best means is f o u n d in studying t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f P l i n y t h e Y o u n g e r with the e m p e r o r T r a j a n , w h i l e t h e f o r m e r was a t t e m p t i n g t o restore o r d e r i n t h e disorganized p r o v i n c e o f B i t h y n i a a n d P o n t u s . H a v i n g received a n u m b e r o f accusations « s i n e a u c t o r e » c o n t a i n i n g a great n u m b e r o f n a m e s o f Christians, P l i n y was a n x i o u s t o k n o w t h e r i g h t w a y of

settling t h e issue. I t seems that t h e m e r e a c k n o w l e d g m e n t o f

b e i n g a Christian was i n i t s e l f a c r i m e , o r that t h e Christians performed certain c r i m i n a l deeds. S o m e o f t h e suspects at o n c e s o u g h t t o clear t h e m s e l v e s b y offering w i n e a n d i n c e n s e t o t h e statue o f the e m p e r o r , 1

r e c o g n i z i n g h i m as t h e guardian spirit o f t h e e m p i r e . Eusebius, however, looks o n the correspondence o f Pliny from q u i t e a different p o i n t o f v i e w . A s g o v e r n o r o f B i t h y n i a , Pliny was a l a r m e d at t h e n u m b e r o f martyrs, t h e result o f intensive persecution, a n d s o h e sent a r e p o r t t o T r a j a n o f t h e n u m b e r s w h o w e r e b e i n g put t o death f o r t h e Christian faith. T r a j a n ' s reply that Christians w e r e n o t t o b e h u n t e d o u t , b u t p u n i s h e d o n l y i f t h e y w e r e m e t with, m e a n t , a c c o r d i n g t o E u s e b i u s , that t h e threat o f persecution was 2

stifled at least t o s o m e e x t e n t .

PLINY, Letters X 9 6 . Cf. L. HOMO, Les empereurs romains et le christianisme. Pads, 1 9 3 1 , p. 5 2 f. P. DE LABRIOLLE, La reaction paienne. Paris, 1 9 3 4 , pp. 2 8 - 3 5 , makes some remarks concerning the authenticity of these Letters. J . LAST, The Study of the Persecutions. JRS X X V I I ( 1 9 3 7 ) , p. 9 1 notes that the reason for this policy is not given - the correspondence between Pliny and Trajan does not give any clue. He adds: «One thing, however, is certain: the correspondence does not prove that the Christians were oppressed because they refused to suppli cate pagan gods.» EUSEBIUS, HE III 3 3 , transl. G . A . Williamson. New York, 1 9 6 6 . 1

2

146

P l i n y p u t f o r w a r d a series o f q u e s t i o n s w h i c h g a v e t h e i m p r e s s i o n that his situation w a s n o t s o c o m m o n at this e p o c h , t h a t p r e c e d e n t s h a d n o t b e e n f o r m e d n o r s t e r e o t y p e d answers p r e p a r e d t o m e e t all such o c c u r r e n c e s . S e e m i n g l y similar e x p e r i e n c e s b y g o v e r n o r s o f neighbouring provinces were n o t there t o guide Pliny in the making o f decisions i n these m a t t e r s , a n d h e w a s o b l i g e d t o p l a c e his diffi culties b e f o r e t h e e m p e r o r himself. P l i n y realized that Christianity was a c r i m e , b u t was u n a b l e t o decide w h e t h e r t h e c r i m i n a l offence was i n the fact that Christianity w a s s o m e t h i n g w o r t h y o f c o n d e m nation. Pliny wished t o k n o w

whether

certain distinctions w o u l d

be

legitimate in assessing s u c h c r i m e s - s h o u l d t h e a g e o f t h e ' c r i m i n a l ' b e t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t ? S h o u l d t h e o b v i o u s l y r e p e n t a n t b e entirely f o r g i v e n ? T h o s e w h o readily c o n f e s s e d that t h e y h e l d t h e Christian beliefs w e r e f o r t h w i t h p u n i s h e d ; as m u c h t o c o r r e c t t h e g r a v e fault o f o b s t i n a c y as t o p u n i s h Christians f o r t h e i r religious t e n e t s . B e l i e v e r s w h o w e r e R o m a n citizens escaped o n - t h e - s p o t c o n d e m n a t i o n , b u t w e r e sent off t o R o m e t o b e tried, since all R o m a n citizens h a d t h e 1

right t o appeal t o R o m e , as S t . P a u l appealed t o Caesar . « C a e s a r e m a p p e l l o » was a s o l e m n f o r m u l a , w h i c h g a v e t h e a c c u s e d m e n t h e right t o g o t o R o m e f r o m w h a t h e v e r part o f t h e e m p i r e t h e y w e r e at the t i m e , in o r d e r t o b e j u d g e d b y t h e e m p e r o r i n p e r s o n . T h i s appeal c o u l d either b e m a d e i n w r i t i n g o r else b y w o r d o f m o u t h . Charges w e r e also m a d e a n o n y m o u s l y , b u t t h e s e w e r e n o t e n c o u r aged, as t h e y w e r e l o o k e d o n as a v e r y p e r n i c i o u s m e a n s o f m a i n t a i n i n g justice a n d order. I n his reply, T r a j a n g i v e s directives t h a t s u c h accusations s h o u l d b e i g n o r e d unless signatures b e a t t a c h e d , as s u c h practices c o u l d b e c o m e d a n g e r o u s t o o l s in t h e h a n d s o f a w e a k ruler. S o m e o f the accused i m m e d i a t e l y denied that t h e y h a d e v e r b e l o n g e d t o the Christian sect, a n d as a p r o o f o f t h e i r unfailing loyalty t o t h e e m p e r o r , repeated i n v o c a t i o n s after t h e g o v e r n o r , a n d religious rites o f w i n e and i n c e n s e w e r e offered b y t h e m b e f o r e T r a j a n ' s statue. T h i s had b e e n placed o n p u r p o s e w i t h t h o s e o f t h e g o d s , a n d t h e y finally w e n t so far as t o b l a s p h e m e t h e n a m e o f J e s u s , w h i c h p r o v e d conclusively t h e y h a d n o l o n g e r a d h e r e d t o t h e Christian faith. A n y suspected Christian cleared his n a m e o n c e h e h a d w o r s h i p p e d

1

the

Acts X X V 11. 147

statue o f t h e e m p e r o r a n d t h e i m a g e s o f t h e g o d s , w h i l e , at the same t i m e , t h e y b l a s p h e m e d t h e n a m e o f Christ. I n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h these pledges o f loyalty t o t h e e m p e r o r , a d e s c r i p t i o n is g i v e n o f t h e i n n o c u o u s ' a g a p e ' c e l e b r a t i o n , a r o u n d w h i c h g r e w u p s u c h a v e i l o f m y s t e r y and suspicion. Charges w e r e b r o u g h t against t h e Christians f o r m a n y a t r o c i o u s c r i m e s , including t h e sacrifice o f children, b u t in this letter, it is affirmed that, a c c o r d i n g t o P l i n y ' s i n f o r m a n t , t h e Christian m e e t i n g i n v o l v e d n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a n i n n o c e n t m e a l t a k e n in c o m m o n , d u r i n g w h i c h t h e parti cipants b o u n d t h e m s e l v e s b y o a t h t o a v o i d fraud, theft o r adultery. I n spite o f P l i n y ' s a t t e m p t t o d i s c o v e r any deeper significance b y t o r t u r i n g t w o slaves - deaconesses, - n o t h i n g further c a m e t o light w h i c h w a s , up t o this p o i n t , n o t k n o w n . P l i n y ' s attitude t o w a r d s Christianity was that it was a c o n t a g i o u s superstition, w h i c h , a l t h o u g h widespread t o t h e p o i n t o f leaving t h e p a g a n t e m p l e s deserted, c o u l d b e o v e r c o m e i f t h e necessary steps w e r e t a k e n . T h e offering o f a p a r d o n t o t h o s e w h o 'repented' w o u l d , n o d o u b t , h a v e reaped g o o d results a m o n g t h o s e w h o w e r e u n a b l e t o face t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f their a c t i o n i f they refused t o h o n o u r t h e e m p e r o r b y n o t offering i n c e n s e t o his statue, t h e 'statue o f the beast'. E a r l y e v i d e n c e f o r p e r s e c u t i o n d u r i n g t h e first c e n t u r y is s k e t c h y a n d far f r o m satisfactory; m u c h is surmized b y later writers, until it is difficult t o m a k e u n b i a s e d j u d g m e n t s as t o t h e e x t e n t and i m p o r t a n c e o f Christian p e r s e c u t i o n . M e l i t o ' s A p o l o g y f r o m t h e middle 1

o f t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y A . D . , speaks o f N e r o a n d D o m i t i a n « w h o a l o n e h a v e w i s h e d t o a c c u s e o u r d o c t r i n e , f r o m w h o m also it has c o m e t o pass b e c a u s e o f this a b s u r d c u s t o m o f false accusation that f a l s e h o o d has b e c o m e c u r r e n t

against t h e Christians». F r o m

its

o r i g i n , t h e Christian C h u r c h was t h e o b j e c t o f p e r s e c u t i o n b o t h f r o m its J e w i s h a n d its imperial adversaries. T h e J e w i s h conflict

was

b r o u g h t a b o u t a l m o s t naturally f r o m t h e fact that Christianity was b o r n f r o m J u d a i s m ; it a c c e p t e d t h e B i b l e a n d m u c h o f its cultural d e v e l o p m e n t a n d h i s t o r y , a n d yet it r e j e c t e d J u d a i s m as a religion o f t h e n e w c o v e n a n t a n d it is f o r this r e a s o n t h a t a n t a g o n i s m developed. T h e imperial p e r s e c u t i o n b e g a n later i n t h e century, and

EUSEBIUS, HE I V 2 6 , 9. Also, L . Christians. New York, 1913, p. 150. 1

148

H . CANFIELD,

for

The Early Persecutions of the

different

motives.

Christianity,

l i k e I s l a m , is

a

convert-making

r e l i g i o n ; it c o u l d thus p r o v e a d a n g e r t o s o c i e t y a n d u n d e r m i n e t h e authority o f t h e S t a t e , since m u c h o f its t e a c h i n g was i n conflict w i t h official state t e a c h i n g a n d r e l i g i o n , a n d t h e K i n g d o m o f Christ was suspected t o b e t a k i n g t h e place o f t h e e m p i r e o f t h e Caesars. I t w o u l d seem that Christianity o n l y b e c a m e a ' c r i m e ' t o w a r d s the e n d o f t h e first c e n t u r y u n d e r D o m i t i a n o r i n t h e early years o f the s e c o n d c e n t u r y ; b e f o r e this, p e r s e c u t i o n s h a d b e e n l o c a l affairs, due t o diverse causes a n d o f s h o r t duration. T a c i t u s m a k e s it q u i t e clear that e v e n t h o u g h h e has little p a t i e n c e w i t h Christianity a n d l o o k s u p o n it as a ' d a n g e r o u s

superstition', t h e c h a r g e t h a t

the

Christians w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e fire w h i c h started i n R o m e i n 6 4 A . D . was quite false and was p u t f o r w a r d i n an a t t e m p t t o c o u n teract reports w h i c h w e r e ( c i r c u l a t i n g ) , p u t t i n g t h e b l a m e o f t h e fire 1

at N e r o ' s o w n d o o r . T h e first p e r s e c u t i o n was l o c a l rather t h a n universal, a n d

the

n u m b e r o f martyrs is u n k n o w n , a l t h o u g h T a c i t u s speaks o f 'a v a s t multitude'.

T h e r e i s , h o w e v e r , n o e v i d e n c e f r o m t h e passage o f

T a c i t u s that t h e p e r s e c u t i o n h a d a n y t h i n g t o d o w i t h a Christian 2

refusal t o j o i n in t h e imperial cult w o r s h i p , t h o u g h it w o u l d appear from this c o n t e x t that it was t h e direct result o f N e r o ' s a t t e m p t t o escape b l a m e f o r t h e great fire o f R o m e b y a c c u s i n g t h e Christians, w h o w e r e generally detested b y their p a g a n c o n t e m p o r a r i e s . I n o r d e r t o put a stop t o t h e r u m o u r w h i c h was s o o b v i o u s l y p u t t i n g f o r w a r d N e r o ' s n a m e as t h e i n s t i g a t o r o f t h e fire, N e r o inflicted t o r t u r e a n d o t h e r punishments o n t h o s e Christians, w h o , a c c o r d i n g t o T a c i t u s , 3

w e r e hated because o f their a b o m i n a t i o n s a n d c r i m e s . A t this p o i n t , T a c i t u s gives a s h o r t a c c o u n t o f t h e r e a s o n f o r t h e n a m e o f Christians, and briefly establishes t h e historical b a c k g r o u n d for the death o f Christ. T h i s a u t h o r t h e n n o t e s that t h e first t o b e

1

T A C Ann. X V 44, 2: «Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit, quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat.» Cf. H. LAST, The Study of the Persecutions. JRS X X V I I (1937) pp. 89-90: «There is nothing in fact to suggest that the Neronian attack was undertaken because the Christians were held false to some religious duties imposed on them either by their Roman citizenship or by their inclusion in the Roman Empire.» Also, R. M . GRANT, Pliny and the Christians. HThR X L I (1948) no. 4, pp. 273-4, for a comparison with the position at a later date. T A C Ann. X V 44, 4, cf. above note 1. Also cf. p. 151, note 3, the letter of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians. 2

3

149

arrested w e r e t h o s e w h o o p e n l y confessed t h e i r faith \ and t h e n later w h e n c o n f e s s i o n s h a d b e e n w r u n g o u t o f t h o s e k n o w n t o b e Christ 2

ians, a g r e a t n u m b e r w e r e t a k e n . T a c i t u s was n o l o n g e r a t t e m p t i n g t o k e e p t o t h e original c h a r g e ; w i t h s u c h g r e a t n u m b e r s u n d e r arrest, it was n o l o n g e r c o n v i n c i n g that so m a n y h a d b e e n i n v o l v e d in t h e o r i g i n a l c r i m e o f setting fire t o R o m e . A s a t r u m p e d - u p c h a r g e was necessary t o 'legalize' t h e arrest o f t h e s e Christians, t h e y w e r e a c c u s e d o f ' o d i u m h u m a n i g e n e r i s ' - h a t r e d o f t h e i r f e l l o w - m e n . A s far as it was possible t o read i n t o t h e s e w o r d s , t h e r e is n o i n d i c a t i o n that this c h a r g e included a hatred o f t h e e m p e r o r insofar as h e tried t o usurp t h e place o f G o d in the lives a n d w o r s h i p o f t h e Christians, and indeed o f all m e n . H o w e v e r , N e r o ' s h a t r e d o f Christians w h i c h resulted i n his c h o o s i n g t h e m t o act as his v i c t i m s , w a s n o d o u b t fanned i n t o flame b y t h e Christians' refusal t o g i v e Caesar divine h o n o u r s , a n d already t h e e m p e r o r m u s t h a v e b e e n w e l l a w a r e o f t h e situation and w o u l d w a n t t o r e v e n g e h i m s e l f o n t h e Christians i n this way. T a c i t u s t h e n g i v e s s o m e details o f t h e t o r m e n t s inflicted o n t h e Chri stians ; n o t o n l y w e r e t h e y killed, b u t t h e y w e r e f o r c e d t o m e e t death i n t h e m o s t i n h u m a n f a s h i o n ; c o v e r e d w i t h animal skins, they w e r e 3

t o r n apart b y d o g s . A n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f N e r o ' s e x t r e m e lust for c r u e l t y is seen i n t h e o r d e r t o use Christians as 'living t o r c h e s ' t o l i g h t u p t h e imperial g a r d e n s ; a t t a c h e d t o c r o s s e s , they w e r e set alight, a sadistic parallel t o t h e c r i m e w h i c h t h e y said t o h a v e c o m 4

mitted . Ch. H i i l s e n p u t f o r w a r d a plausible s o l u t i o n t o this question o f m o t i v e o n t h e p a r t o f t h e e m p e r o r , b y s u g g e s t i n g that t h e Christians m a y h a v e a r o u s e d suspicion, if, after t h e fire, t h e y abstained f r o m t a k i n g p a r t i n t h e sacrifices a n d p r o c e s s i o n s offered t o t h e g o d s in an a t t e m p t t o r e g a i n t h e i r favour. T h i s c o u l d h a v e g i v e n t h e impression 5

t h a t t h e y w e r e i n s o m e w a y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e fire . 1

Ibid. X V 4 4 , 4 : «Igitur primum correpti qui fatebantur...» Ibid.: «Deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens... convicti sunt.» Ibid.: « E t pereuntibus addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu canum interirent.» Ibid.: «... aut crucibus adfixi [aut flammandi, atque] ubi defecisset dies in usum nocturni luminis urerentur.» CH. HULSEN, The Burning of Rome under Nero. A J A 1 3 ( 1 9 0 9 ) pp. 4 5 - 4 8 . This was denied by A . BOUCHE-LECLERCQ, Uintolerance religieuse et la politique. Paris, 1 9 1 1 , pp. 1 0 6 - 1 5 7 . This author affirms that the supplication to Vulcan, Ceres and Proserpina was not a great feast; Roman citizens alone were invited 2 3

4

5

150

T a c i t u s g i v e s t h e traditional v i e w o f t h e p e r s e c u t i o n u n d e r N e r o , b u t there is m u c h t o s u g g e s t t h a t h e c o u l d h a v e m i s i n t e r p r e t e d t h e facts and l i n k e d t o g e t h e r t w o u n c o n n e c t e d h a p p e n i n g s , t h e fire o f R o m e a n d t h e p e r s e c u t i o n o f t h e Christians. F o r T a c i t u s is n o t t h e o n l y s o u r c e o f t h e N e r o n i a n p e r s e c u t i o n , a n d t h e o t h e r sources d o 1

n o t c o n n e c t t h e fire w i t h t h e e n s u i n g p e r s e c u t i o n . S u e t o n i u s , f o r example, lists a n u m b e r o f t h i n g s w h i c h w e r e p u n i s h a b l e a n d r e pressed under N e r o - eating-houses w e r e f o r b i d d e n t o h a v e a n y t h i n g o t h e r than v e g e t a b l e s a n d t h e l i k e ; t h e g a m e s o f t h e c h a r i o t e e r s w e r e forbidden

and t h e factions o f the p a n t o m i n e players

were

2

banished, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e players t h e m s e l v e s . U n d e r t h e s a m e repressive measures, t h e Christians, w h o m S u e t o n i u s c o n s i d e r e d as the m e m b e r s o f a n e w a n d p e r n i c i o u s superstition, w e r e severely punished. T h e r e is n o m e n t i o n that this p u n i s h m e n t was f o r a n y specific c r i m e , yet had this b e e n t h e case, t h e r e w o u l d b e little d o u b t b u t that it w o u l d h a v e b e e n m e n t i o n e d . Clement o f R o m e , w r i t i n g t o t h e Corinthians, i n t h e last year o f t h e first c e n t u r y A . D . , refers t o t h e « j e a l o u s y a n d e n v y » that c a u s e d t h e persecution a n d m a r t y r d o m 3

o f « t h e greatest a n d

pillars» . P e t e r was m a r t y r e d t h r o u g h

most

holy

«unmerited jealousy» and

Paul's terms o f i m p r i s o n m e n t w e r e t h e result o f « j e a l o u s y a n d strife»

4

as was t h e t o r t u r e a n d m a r t y r d o m o f vast n u m b e r s o f Christians. Clement is, n o d o u b t , referring t o t h e N e r o n i a n p e r s e c u t i o n a n d the « j e a l o u s y and strife» is p r o b a b l y an allusion t o t h e j e a l o u s y o f to take part in such festivities, and Jews and Christians would not have been expected to attend. He adds: «Dans une si grande ville, de population si melee, meme Pabstention de citoyens romains eut passe inapercue.» This is true, but the very fact that Christians and Jews did not take part in such sacrifices would leave them open to suspicion and calumny during times of calamity, especially by those who were looking for a scape-goat. For a discussion of the motives alleged by Tacitus and Suetonius, cf. A . BouCHE-LECLERCQ, L'intolerance religieuse, p. 1 0 6 ff. SUET. Nero 1 6 , 3 : «Multa sub eo et animadversa severe et coercita nec minus instituta; adhibitus sumptibus modus; publicae cenae ad sportulas redactae; interdictum ne quid in popinis cocti praeter legumina aut holera veniret, cum antea nullum non obsonii genus proponeretur; afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis novae ac maleficae; vetiti quadrigariorum lusus, quibus inveterata licentia passim vagantibus fallere ac furari per iocum ius erat; panto minorum factiones cum ipsis simul relegatae...» Cf. J . MOREAU, La persecution du christianisme dans P empire romain. Paris, 1 9 5 6 , p. 1 8 . CLEMENT, TO the Corinthians 5 , 2 , ed. by James A . KLEIST, The Epistles of St. Clement of Rome and St. Ignatius of Antioch, London, 1 9 4 6 , p. 8 7 . Ibid. p. 1 2 . 1

2

3

4

151

J e w s p r o v o k e d b y t h e success o f t h e Christians and t h e n u m b e r s o f 1

their c o n v e r t s . I t is generally a c c e p t e d that t h e p e r s e c u t i o n m e n t i o n e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e A p o c a l y p s e applied t o t h e later s t r u g g l e against t h e Christians u n d e r D o m i t i a n . T o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e r e i g n o f D o m i t i a n , there was a furious a t t e m p t t o c r u s h Christianity f r o m the e m p i r e before it was t o o late, a n d t h e r e is e v i d e n c e that seems t o establish that s o m e o f t h e v i c t i m s at least, held h i g h p o s i t i o n s in t h e state. I n 9 1 A . D . , t h e e x - c o n s u l A c i l i u s G l a b r i o was o b l i g e d t o fight a l i o n a n d t w o b e a r s , a n d D i o r e c o r d s t h e death o f F l a v i u s Clemens in the 2

year 9 5 A . D . , saying that h e was slain ' a l o n g w i t h m a n y o t h e r s ' . T h e c h a r g e against t h e m was ' a t h e i s m ' , w h i c h m i g h t well h a v e b e e n t h e c h a r g e b r o u g h t against t h e Christians; it was also described as ' l i v i n g a c c o r d i n g t o J e w i s h w a y s ' . P a r t o f t h e same m o v e m e n t was t h e b a n i s h m e n t o f t h e wife o f F l a v i u s Clemens, F l a v i a D o m i t i l l a , t o t h e island o f P o n t i a , a n d J o h n , t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e , t o the island o f P a t m o s . E u s e b i u s describes F l a v i a D o m i t i l l a as the niece 3

a n d n o t t h e wife o f F l a v i u s Clemens , a c o n s u l at R o m e f o r that year, w h o was sent i n t o exile t o t h e island o f P o n t i a because she b o r e witness t o Christ. A c c o r d i n g to the Apocalypse, the persecution extended to Asia M i n o r a n d it w o u l d appear t h a t this t i m e it h a d v e r y definite c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h t h e imperial c u l t ; all w e r e p e r s e c u t e d w h o refused t o wear 4

t h e m a r k o f t h e b e a s t o n t h e i r foreheads . T h e p o s i t i o n o f c o n f e s s i n g Christians u n d e r T r a j a n was that they w e r e w o r t h y o f death, a n d this was t h e aftermath o f t h e p e r i o d o f persecution

under Domitian.

Tertullian gives t w o

reasons

Christians m i g h t h a v e b e e n l o o k e d o n as ' p u b l i c e n e m i e s ' ;

why firstly

b e c a u s e t h e y did n o t offer v a i n and flattering h o n o u r s t o t h e e m p e r o r , a n d s e c o n d l y , b e c a u s e t h e y did n o t t a k e p a r t i n t h e celebrations o f 5

t h e imperial feastdays, e x c e p t i n t h e i n t e r i o r o f their hearts . T h e festivities w o u l d include p r o c e s s i o n s and prayers f o r t h e e m p e r o r 1

Ibid. p. 105 note 25. Dio L X V I I 14, 1: Ao(zmav6<;.» 2

3

EUSEBIUS, HE

4

Cf. L . H.

5

TERT.

«xdcv TCO OCUTCJS MTSL #XAOI><; TSTCOXXOIN;...xocT^crcpa^ev

6

3, 18.

Early Persecutions, pp. 83-4. Apol. 3 5 , 1 : «Propterea igitur publici hostes Christiani, quia imperatoriCANFIELD,

bus neque vanos neque mentientes neque temerarios honores dicant, quia verae religionis homines etiam solemnia eorum conscientia potius quam lascivia celebrant.» 152

and b e c a u s e t h e Christians failed t o t a k e part, a n y c a l a m i t y w o u l d b e laid at their d o o r , and t h e y w o u l d b e h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e . A n o t h e r aspect o f t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f s u c h participation is seen i n t h e lines o f O v i d \ w h e r e t h e p o e t lists t h e acts o f d e v o t i o n w h i c h t r u e citizens should pay t o their e m p e r o r . T h e offering o f i n c e n s e a n d t h e p a y i n g 2

o f v o w s t o the e m p e r o r w e r e t o k e n s o f loyalty t o w a r d s t h e S t a t e . T h e r e f o r e it is easy t o see h o w a b s t e n t i o n f r o m such a c t s , e v e n o n religious g r o u n d s , c a m e t o b e interpreted as disloyalty t o t h e S t a t e . 3

R e l i g i o u s differences at o n c e t o o k o n a political a s p e c t . I t w a s unfortunate f o r t h e Christians that t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f loyalty t o t h e imperial authorities

s h o u l d h a v e b e e n t h e direct w o r s h i p

o f the

e m p e r o r , for i n this t h e y w e r e u n a b l e t o c o m p l y , a l t h o u g h

they

m i g h t b e g o o d citizens o n e v e r y o t h e r c o u n t . I t was t h e deification o f the e m p e r o r , t h e divine h o n o u r s w h i c h w e r e offered t o h i m , e v e n during his lifetime, w h i c h s a v o u r e d o f A n t i - C h r i s t , a n d it was against this that t h e Christians h a d t o struggle. T h e attitude o f t h e a u t h o r o f the A p o c a l y p s e is quite different f r o m that o f S t . P a u l in his letter 4

t o the R o m a n s , a n d it w o u l d s e e m that t h e w h o l e situation h a d c h a n g e d radically since 5 7 / 5 8 A . D . E v e n u n d e r t h e s e c o n d p e r i o d o f persecution, it was n o t t h e State as an i n s t i t u t i o n that was q u e s t i o n 5

ed and refused, b u t t h e means o f ascertaining loyalty t o t h e S t a t e . A l t h o u g h t h e general i m p r e s s i o n f r o m Christian sources was that the persecution t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y u n d e r D o m i t i a n w a s considerably m o r e widespread t h a n that o f t h e N e r o n i a n e p o c h , n o t all later writers s u p p o r t this v i e w ; T e r t u l l i a n certainly g i v e s a m i l d e r description than t h e a u t h o r o f t h e A p o c a l y p s e . I n c o m p a r i n g t h e t w o periods o f strife, T e r t u l l i a n speaks o f N e r o as t h e first t o w a g e w a r o n the Christians w i t h ' t h e imperial s w o r d ' . H e g o e s o n

to

describe D o m i t i a n , w h o h a d m u c h o f t h e cruelty o f N e r o , a n d h o w this e m p e r o r inaugurated

a p e r i o d o f p e r s e c u t i o n w h i c h was o f

seemingly s h o r t duration, « f o r , b e i n g i n s o m e degree h u m a n ,

he

OVID, Trist. II 5 3 - 6 0 . Cf. K. SCOTT, Emperor Worship in Ovid. TAPhA L X I ( 1 9 3 0 ) p. 5 8 . Cf. S. L . GUTERMAN, Religious Tolerance and Persecution in Ancient Rome. London, 1 9 5 1 , p. 1 6 0 . This author gives the modern equivalent to such a situation in the present-day salute to the flag of the country, which is more a political than a religious ceremony. Rom. XIII 1 - 7 . Cf. W . R. HALLIDAY, The Pagan Background of Early Christianity, Liverpool, 1 9 2 5 , p. 2 4 . 1

2

3

4

5

153

s o o n s t o p p e d w h a t h e h a d d o n e and r e s t o r e d t h o s e h e had banished» K I t is difficult t o j u d g e f r o m historical sources o n l y , t h e extent and duration

o f this s e c o n d p e r s e c u t i o n , b u t it p r o b a b l y

started

t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f D o m i t i a n ' s r e i g n , a n d was b r o u g h t t o a c o n c l u s i o n o n l y b y his death. W i t h D o m i t i a n ' s d e v e l o p i n g awareness o f the possibilities o f his o w n divine status, it is evident that t h e f r a m e w o r k o f loyalty-testing b y imperial w o r s h i p was gradually

constructed

2

d u r i n g his r e i g n .

b ) Indirect Persecution W r i t i n g g b o u t p e r s e c u t i o n , b r i e f m e n t i o n s h o u l d b e m a d e o f the o t h e r g r o u p s w h i c h suffered restrictions i n s o m e f o r m , so as t o a v o i d t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t it was t h e Christians o n l y w h o suffered in this way. A p a r t f r o m direct p e r s e c u t i o n , a m o r e subtle means o f c o n t r o l w a s e x e r c i s e d b y t h e S t a t e affecting all g r o u p s w h i c h c o u l d b e a p o t e n t i a l d a n g e r t o t h e State o r e m p e r o r . O w i n g t o t h e u n c o n t r o l l able n u m b e r o f slaves, t h e e m p e r o r realized t h e danger o f organized g r o u p s trained t o w o r k t o g e t h e r f o r a n y p u r p o s e . S e c r e t societies h a d always b e e n r e g a r d e d w i t h suspicion b u t A u g u s t u s w e n t e v e n further i n k e e p i n g a c l o s e scrutiny o n a n y religious society and, i f u n r e g i s t e r e d , i t c o u l d b e suppressed

a n d its m e m b e r s

punished.

V a r i o u s e x a m p l e s u n d e r A u g u s t u s illustrate this p o i n t ; o n e o f the m o s t s t r i k i n g is his refusal t o a l l o w a private

fire-brigade

t o function

e v e n f o r t h e c o m m o n g o o d , since its m e m b e r s c o u l d easily b e c o m e a d a n g e r t o t h e S t a t e w h o s e standing a r m y was inadequate t o m e e t s u c h disasters as m i g h t result f r o m such b o d i e s o f m e n . T h i s c a u t i o n o n t h e p a r t o f t h e e m p e r o r s c o n t i n u e d well after t h e t i m e o f A u g u s t u s . I n reply t o a r e q u e s t b y P l i n y t o institute a guild o f firemen consisting o f a h u n d r e d a n d fifty m e m b e r s , T r a j a n d r e w his attention t o the fact that t h e p r o v i n c e i n general, and N i c a e a and N i c o m e d i a in partic 3

ular, h a d b e e n greatly disturbed b y such s o c i e t i e s ; T r a j a n ' s v i e w T E R T . Apol. 5, 3 - 4 : «Consulite commentaries vestros, illic reperietis primum Netonem in hanc sectam cum maxime Romae orientem Caesar iano gladio ferocisse. Sed tali dedicatore damnationis nostrae etiam gloriamur... Temptaverat et Domitianus, portio Neronis de crudelitate, sed qua et homo, facile coeptum repressit, restitutis etiam quos relegaverat.» Cf. E . G. SELWYN, The Persecutions in I Peter. SNTS Bulletin I (1950) p. 47. PLINY, Letters X 34: «Sed meminerimus provinciam istam et praecipue eas 1

2

3

154

was that w h a t e v e r t h e a i m o f f o r m i n g a guild, it w o u l d e n d up as a political association b e f o r e l o n g , a n d thus p r o v e a m e n a c e t o t h o s e w h o had t o keep t h e p e a c e . Unregistered clubs were looked upon with grave suspicion and trade unions w e r e likewise c o n s i d e r e d p o t e n t i a l h i v e s o f u n r e s t a n d had n o legal status until t h e r e i g n o f Septimius S e v e r u s . B u t gradually t h e steadily increasing c o n c e p t o f u n i t y g a v e rise t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f sodalities and c l u b s at a l o c a l level, w h i c h i n c l u d e d artisans a n d traders o f all sorts. T h e p o s i t i o n o f religious societies a n d c l u b s attached t o t h e v a r i o u s cults and religions o f t h e E m p i r e was safe insofar as t h e y

were

generally accepted. A s W o r k m a n has p o i n t e d o u t , t h e R o m a n s w e r e great opportunists, and p r o t e c t e d a n d e n c o u r a g e d t h e cults w h i c h w e r e prevalent in a g i v e n a r e a ; i n J e r u s a l e m , t h e interests o f J e h o v a h w e r e p r o t e c t e d , in E p h e s u s , t h o s e o f A r t e m i s

I n an e m p i r e w h i c h

b o a s t e d o f m a n y different tribes a n d races, t o l e r a t i o n c o u l d

only

be a l o c a l affair anyway, as different g o d s h a d t h e m o n o p o l y o f w o r s h i p a c c o r d i n g t o t h e r e g i o n . T h e r e are instances o f v a r i o u s religious g r o u p s b e i n g restricted, as, f o r e x a m p l e , t h e B a c c h a n a l i a in t h e s e c o n d century B . C. B y t h e Senatus C o n s u l t u m de B a c c h a n a libus in 1 8 6 B . C , t h e B a c c h a n a l i a w e r e f o r b i d d e n a n d all secret 2

rites w h e t h e r p u b l i c o r private . L i v y states that t h e task was entrusted t o t h e consuls o f destroying f o r m s o f B a c c h i c w o r s h i p , first o f all 3

at R o m e and t h e n t h r o u g h o u t I t a l y . I n the early E m p i r e , t h e c u l t o f Isis was restricted b y

Augustus

w h e n h e forbade E g y p t i a n rites t o b e c e l e b r a t e d inside t h e p o m e r i u m 4

in 2 8 B . C . . A scandal at the t e m p l e o f Isis at R o m e w a s t h e c a u s e civitates eius modi factionibus esse vexatas. Quodcumque nomen ex quacumque causa dederimus iis, qui in idem contracti fuerint, hetaeriae aeque brevi fient.» Cf. H. B . WORKMAN, Persecution in the Early Church, p. 38. H. IDRIS B E L L , Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Liverpool, 1954, p. 82: «It is a fallacy to suppose that the Romans persecuted any form of religion purely on grounds of religious belief... When she attempted to suppress a cult, she did so on moral or on political grounds, or on both together.» CIL I 581 DESSAU, Inscr. Lat. Sel. 118. L I V Y X X X I X 18, 7: «Datum deinde consulibus negotitim est ut omnia Bacchanalia Romae primum, deinde per totam Italiam diruerent.» Id. X X X I X 18, 8: «In reliquum deinde senatus consulto cautum est ne qua Bacchanalia Romae neve in Italia essent.» Cf. Lex. Alt. Welt, col. 4 2 6 427. Also, M. P. NILSSON, The Dionysiac Mysteries of the Hellenistic and Roman Age. Lund, 1957, p. 18. DioLIII2,4: « x a t T a \ikv i s p a T a A t y i J 7 m a oux eae8££<XT0 e'taco TOU 7rco(XY)ptou...» 1

2

2

3

4

155

of

t h e p e r s e c u t i o n o r d e r e d b y T i b e r i u s , w h e n t h e priests o f Isis

w e r e crucified, t h e t e m p l e o f Isis w a s razed t o t h e g r o u n d s a n d t h e 1

statue o f Isis w a s t h r o w n i n t o t h e T i b e r . S u e t o n i u s relates h o w T i b e r i u s f o r b a d e f o r e i g n r e l i g i o n s a n d f o r c e d t h e followers o f Isis 2

t o b u r n all t h e i r v e s t m e n t s a n d sacred vessels . The

J e w s l i k e w i s e suffered i n t h e same year u n d e r T i b e r i u s , appar

ently because o f the great number o f converts which they were 3

m a k i n g . T h e J e w i s h y o u t h s w e r e sent f r o m R o m e t o Sardinia o n t h e p r e t e x t o f p e r f o r m i n g t h e i r military s e r v i c e , w h i l e t h e others w e r e 4

exiled f r o m R o m e . T h i s p o l i c y w a s r e n e w e d u n d e r Claudius, w h e n t h e J e w s w e r e exiled f r o m R o m e , b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e said t o b e a 5

s o u r c e o f disquiet b y their c o n t i n u a l uprisings . T h e r e is s o m e d o u b t as t o t h e fate o f t h e a s t r o l o g e r s a n d t h e m a g i cians; according t o Suetonius, Tiberius wanted t o banish them but w a s w o n o v e r b y t h e i r supplications a n d a l l o w e d t h e m t o remain o n 6

t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g that t h e y g a v e u p t h e p r a c t i c e o f their arts . Dio

is m o r e explicit i n his a c c o u n t o f t h e fate o f t h e a s t r o l o g e r s a n d

m a g i c i a n s ; i n 1 6 A , D . , T i b e r i u s p u t t o death t h o s e w h o w e r e foreign ers a n d b a n i s h e d all t h o s e w h o h a d n o t g i v e n up t h e practice after 7

his p r e v i o u s d e c r e e f o r b i d d i n g their arts . Christianity, w i t h its strict v i e w s o n m o n o t h e i s m a n d its w o r l d w i d e c l a i m s , s o o n f o u n d i t s e l f r e g a r d e d w i t h acute suspicion w h i c h d e v e l o p e d steadily until i t finally erupted i n t o p e r s e c u t i o n . I t is For Augustus' attitude towards foreign cults, cf. SUET. Aug. 9 3 , 1 : «Peregrinarum caeremoniarum sicut veteres ac praeceptas reverentissime coluit, ita ceteras contemptui habuit.» For bibliography for Isis-cult, cf. G . WISSOWA, Religion und Kultus der Rbmer. Munich, 1 9 0 2 , pp. 2 9 2 - 2 9 9 . F R . CUMONT, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain. Paris, 1 9 2 9 , pp. 6 9 - 9 4 . P. F. TSCHUDIN, Isis in Rom. Basel, 1 9 6 2 . R. MERKELBACH, Die griechischen und romischen Isisfeste. 1 9 6 4 , Lex. Alt. Welt, col. 1 4 1 2 . 1

Jos. Ant.

XVIII 6 5 - 8 0 .

2

SUET. Tib. 3 6 , 1 : «Externas caerimonias, Aegyptios... ritus compescuit, coactis qui superstitione ea tenebantur religiosas vestes cum instrumento omni comburere.» Dio LVII 1 8 , 5 . SUET. Tib. 3 6 , 2 : «Iudaeorum iuventutem per speciem sacramenti in provincias gravioris caeli distribuit, reliquos gentis eiusdem uel similia sectantes urbe summovit sub poena perpetuae servitutis nisi obtemperassent.» 3

4

5

SUET.

Claud. 2 5 ,

11.

6

SUET. Tib. 3 6 , 3 : «Expulit et mathematicos, sed deprecantibus ac se artem destituros promittentibus ueniam dedit.» 7

Dio L V I I 1 5 , 8 : «7ravT<xc; TOIX; <5CXXOI>S TO\J<; TS aaTpoX6yoi><; x a i TOIIN; y6t]t(x.<;... TOIIN; (jtiv ££vou<; eOavaTtoae, TOUS $k 7toXtTa<;... 67repci>piae.»

156

interesting t o n o t e , that i n spite o f t h e m a n y details i n w h i c h Christian ity m i g h t b e l i k e n e d t o M i t h r a i s m , at least e x t e r i o r l y , n e v e r t h e l e s s M i t h r a i s m was n o t a p e r s e c u t e d r e l i g i o n , a n d e v e n w o n t h e p r i v i l e g e o f h a v i n g e m p e r o r s a m o n g its d e v o t e e s , l o n g b e f o r e

Christianity

was an a c c e p t e d r e l i g i o n . T h i s was due t o t h e fact that M i t h r a i s m sheltered itself b e h i n d t h e r e l i g i o n o f t h e G r e a t M o t h e r ,

whereas

t h e J e w i s h r e l i g i o n q u i c k l y f o u n d i t s e l f i n a p o s i t i o n w h e r e it w a s m o r e expedient t o cause a rift b e t w e e n i t s e l f a n d t h e

developing

Christianity. W h i l e M i t h r a i s m was a b l e t o g a i n s t r e n g t h f r o m

the

fact that it a b s o r b e d i n t o i t s e l f t h e b e s t e l e m e n t s f o u n d i n t h e sur r o u n d i n g p a g a n i s m , Christianity h a d always r e m a i n e d a l o o f any c o n t a m i n a t i o n t h r o u g h

from

c o n t a c t w i t h n o n - C h r i s t i a n sects, a n d

it c o n t a i n e d an absoluteness w h i c h w o u l d n o t a c c e p t t h e idols o f p a g a n i s m , w h e t h e r t h e y b e f o u n d in t h e statue o f a g o d , o r t h e i m a g e o f an e m p e r o r . I t is perhaps this sense o f t h e A b s o l u t e w h i c h has held Christianity t o g e t h e r d o w n t h e a g e s . T h e sense o f t h e A b s o l u t e did g i v e a v e r y real sense o f security w h i c h f o r m e d t h e climate for early Christian t h o u g h t a n d l i v i n g . T h i s b a c k g r o u n d o f l i b e r t y f o r t h e e x t e n s i o n o f l o c a l cults s h o w s clearly t h e necessity f o r A u g u s t u s t o establish a r e l i g i o n c o m m o n t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e w i t h w h i c h t o l i n k t o g e t h e r t h e creeds a n d races scattered t h r o u g h o u t t h e w h o l e e m p i r e . T h i s c u l t o f t h e e m p e r o r had similar festivals, temples* p r i e s t h o o d

and

sacrifices t o

those

w h i c h g r e w up i n t h e Christian C h u r c h a n d it was b e c a u s e o f t h e similarities that m u c h o f t h e a n t a g o n i s m g r e w up in t h e f o l l o w i n g centuries until t h e c o n v e r s i o n o f Coristantine. Imperial w o r s h i p was at its m o s t fervent i n A s i a ; after t h e decline o f Pergamum, Smyrna became the great centre o f Asiatic worship, and t h o u g h i n t h e W e s t this n e w r e l i g i o n was often m e r e l y a p a t r i o t i c formality, in t h e E a s t t h e r e was a great t e n d e n c y t o pay t o

the

e m p e r o r the h o n o u r s w h i c h w e r e g i v e n t o t h e l o c a l deity. N o t o n l y the e m p e r o r , b u t also his family, w e r e eligible f o r divine h o n o u r s . Christians w e r e adamant i n t h e i r refusal t o a c c e p t t h e idea o f imperial a p o t h e o s i s , despite t h e v a r i o u s devices b r o u g h t f o r w a r d t o disguise the w o r s h i p paid t o t h e e m p e r o r , a n d t h e a t t r i b u t i o n o f divine p r e r o g a t i v e s t o m e n . I t was this refusal o f t h e Christians t h a t caused t h e m t o b e l o o k e d u p o n as anarchists a n d e n e m i e s o f t h e State, a n d t h e y w e r e easily discernible w h e n it c a m e t o

offering

sacrifices o f incense t o 'Caesar t h e L o r d ' as o p p o s e d t o 'Christ t h e 157

L o r d ' . T h u s o n t h e g r e a t imperial feast-days, t h e m o b - v i o l e n c e t o w a r d s Christians was l o o k e d o n as an e x p r e s s i o n o f loyalty towards t h e e m p e r o r , a n d , f o r this reason, t h e magistrates w e r e l o t h

to

p r e v e n t such activities, e v e n i f o n l y o n political g r o u n d s . A n example o f this is t h e m a r t y r d o m

o f S t . P o l y c a r p , w h o suffered death

at

S m y r n a o n F e b r u a r y 2 3 r d 1 5 5 A . D . o n a festival-day o f S m y r n a K P a g a n superstition w a s , n o d o u b t ,

an i m p o r t a n t

factor in the

p e r s e c u t i o n o f Christians; a n y natural catastrophe was

interpreted

as t h e failure o f Christians t o placate t h e g o d s w i t h sacrifices. T h i s o p i n i o n r e a c h e d a c l i m a x in t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y w h e n t h e barbarian i n v a s i o n s w e r e b l a m e d o n t h e c o n t i n u a l n e g l e c t o f the g o d s b y t h e Christians. T h e Christians t h e m s e l v e s did m u c h t o f o r m

popular

o p i n i o n against t h e m , b e c a u s e o f t h e i r s e e m i n g l y m a g i c a l practices a n d t h e i r e x t r e m e ideas o n chastity, w h i c h , i n R o m a n eyes, under m i n e d t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f m a r r i a g e , as it was forbidden for a Christian t o marry a heathen. T h e ill-will o f t h e J e w s was a n o t h e r p o t e n t cause o f u n r e s t ; hostility b e t w e e n Christian a n d J e w c o n t i n u e d t o g r o w , o w i n g in part t o t h e fact that t h e Christians w e r e often c o n s i d e r e d as o n e section o f t h e J e w i s h r e l i g i o n . T h e J e w i s h Christian, in particular, was in a 2

difficult p o s i t i o n as h e was regarded as n e i t h e r Christian n o r J e w . T h e i m p e r i a l authorities p e r s e c u t e d Christianity b e c a u s e it c o u l d so easily p r o v e t h e cause o f political d i s t u r b a n c e ; their c o n d e m n a t i o n w a s t h e c o n s e q u e n c e o f their s t r o n g loyalties t o a S a v i o u r and L o r d w h o was n o t a R o m a n e m p e r o r . T h i s , c o u p l e d w i t h a Christian refusal t o w o r s h i p t h e e m p e r o r , was c o n s i d e r e d as disloyalty, and f r o m a Christian p o i n t o f v i e w , t h e r e was n o c o m p r o m i s e b e t w e e n Christ a n d Caesar.

1

For a discussion of the date of the martyrdom of St. Polycarp cf. P. TH. Martyre de Polycarpe. Sources chretiennes. Paris, 1 9 6 9 , p. 1 9 9 . H. B . WORKMAN, Persecution, p. 52. The two permanent causes for perse cution of the Christians outside all political or social spheres are discussed by this author. CAMELOT, 2

158

4

CONCLUSION

The

imperial cult i n its early stages did n o t c o n s t i t u t e a threat t o

o n e particular r e l i g i o n e x c e p t i n isolated i n s t a n c e s , such as Caligula's i n t e n t i o n o f e r e c t i n g his statue in t h e T e m p l e o f J e r u s a l e m w h i c h c o u l d have d e v e l o p e d i n t o a serious threat f o r t h e J e w i s h r e l i g i o n . F r o m inscriptions and papyri, it is e v i d e n t that t h e imperial c u l t was widespread e v e n b y t h e e n d o f t h e r e i g n o f A u g u s t u s , yet it w a s o n l y towards the e n d o f t h e first c e n t u r y t h a t imperial w o r s h i p w a s demanded b y t h e e m p e r o r , and it was at this p o i n t t h a t t h e apparently insoluble difficulties arose. I t is significant that i n t h e G o s p e l s t h e r e is n o apparent clash b e t w e e n t h e imperial authorities a n d t h e

first

Christians; Christ h i m s e l f p r e a c h e d a d o c t r i n e w h i c h a c c e p t e d t h e pagan d o m i n a t i o n in its political sphere, a l t h o u g h it m u s t b e k e p t in m i n d that the G o s p e l s w e r e n o t i n t e n d e d as a political h a n d b o o k . Similarly, S t . Paul was far f r o m c o n d e m n i n g t h e R o m a n E m p i r e ; h e a d v o c a t e d loyalty and prayers f o r t h o s e i n authority, a n d t h e r e is n o t h i n g in his writings w h i c h leads us t o suppose that this E m p i r e was o b l i g i n g Christians t o act in a w a y that was totally c o n t r a r y t o their beliefs and loyalty in t h e religious sphere. The

Christian religion had always b e e n suspect insofar as it was

totally different f r o m existing r e l i g i o n s , b u t it c o u l d hardly b e de scribed as a religion f o r slaves and fanatics; i n t h e first years o f t h e Christian c o m m u n i t y ,

many

middle-class p e o p l e

were named

as

x

Christians . P o s s i b l y as p e r s e c u t i o n t o o k its toll, t h e n u m b e r s o f

1

In Acts X V I I 1 1 f. Paul and Silas preach in Beroea where they find the Jews are more open-minded and ready to listen than those of Thessalonika. Many Jews were converted during this visit, as well as «many Greek women from the upper classes. Ananias and Sapphira were landowners ( V I ) and Tabitha (IX 3 6 ) spent her time «doing good and giving in charity», which presupposes that she was not destitute herself. Cf. C. SPICQ, Les Epitres Pastorales. I. Paris, 1 9 6 9 , Excursus I. Les Femmes chretiennes, pp. 4 2 3 - 4 2 4 . 4

159

this class o f p e o p l e d i m i n i s h e d ; it b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y difficult t o r e m a i n a C h r i s t i a n i n a p r o m i n e n t p o s i t i o n whereas t h e slaves a n d l o w e r classes i n g e n e r a l w e r e p r o t e c t e d b y t h e a n o n y m i t y o f their lack o f rank. T h e w h o l e c l i m a t e s u r r o u n d i n g t h e A p o c a l y p s e o f J o h n is totally different; t h e r e is a c o m p l e t e l y c h a n g e d a t m o s p h e r e a n d t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e Christians h a d u n d e r g o n e a radical c h a n g e . N o w t h e imperial authorities

have taken

a deliberate stand

and

imperial

worship

m a d e o b l i g a t o r y . G r a d u a l l y t h e c u s t o m g r e w up o f p e r s e c u t i o n for n o n - c o n f o r m i t y i n this p o l i c y . I n t h e A p o c a l y p s e , t h e Christians were encouraged t o bear with the persecution and they were given a s t r o n g e l e m e n t o f h o p e i n t h e t r u t h that Christ w o u l d return and c o n q u e r t h e e n e m i e s o f his f o l l o w e r s . P e r s e c u t i o n w a s , o n t h e w h o l e , a l o c a l affair d u r i n g the first century a n d t h e w i l l i n g n e s s o f t h e Christians t o e n d u r e a cruel m a r t y r d o m g a v e a c e r t a i n g l a m o u r t o t h e atrocities perpetrated in an a t t e m p t t o stamp o u t a n y p o s s i b l e disloyalty t o t h e State. T h i s attitude was in itself a n e m b a r r a s s m e n t t o t h e R o m a n authorities, w h o w e r e l o t h

to

e n c o u r a g e w h a t s e e m e d t o t h e m t o b e a n unnecessarily fanatical p o i n t o f v i e w , a n d it w a s u n f o r t u n a t e f o r b o t h sides that t h e test o f loyalty s h o u l d h a v e b e e n this q u e s t i o n o f imperial w o r s h i p , f o r this was the one point where there could never be any compromise between the two. B e c a u s e o f t h e vastness o f t h e s u b j e c t , I h a v e limited this w o r k t o s o m e o f t h e l e s s - k n o w n aspects o f t h e cult, w h i c h , a l t h o u g h o n t h e p e r i p h e r y o f i m p e r i a l w o r s h i p , nevertheless played their part in building up the atmosphere around the person o f the emperor. N e c e s s a r i l y , t h e r e are s o m e p o i n t s w h i c h h a v e already r e c e i v e d c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n s u c h as t h e w h o l e q u e s t i o n o f persecution, b u t t o o m i t t h e m w o u l d h a v e g i v e n an i n c o m p l e t e overall v i e w . T h e material aspects o f t h e imperial c u l t h a v e already b e e n treated i n detail - altars, statues, p r o c e s s i o n s a n d g a m e s , t o n a m e t h e m o s t obvious.

This work

deals

more with

the

notions

behind

cult-

t e r m s a n d e x p r e s s i o n s , a n d t h e p o s s i b l e scandal w h i c h c o u l d h a v e b e e n g i v e n b y Christian a n d p a g a n alike. O n t h e w h o l e , I h a v e n o t a t t e m p t e d t o g i v e t h e s o u r c e o f Christian t e r m s , w h i c h are externally similar t o t h o s e u s e d f o r h o n o r a r y p u r p o s e s o r directly f o r cultw o r s h i p , b u t r a t h e r I h a v e tried t o see h o w far p a g a n usage c o u l d h a v e influenced t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e t e r m s i n t h e Christian sense. 160

T h e greatest difficulty f o r t h e h i s t o r i a n is t h a t his j u d g m e n t m a y b e influenced b y s u b s e q u e n t k n o w l e d g e , a n d i n t h e c a s e o f t h e imperial cult t h e r e is a d a n g e r o f applying t h e later d e v e l o p m e n t s t o an earlier p e r i o d , w h i c h w o u l d necessarily c o m p l i c a t e t h e w h o l e question. F o r this r e a s o n special stress has b e e n laid o n t h e e v i d e n c e o f inscriptions a n d f r o m c o n t e m p o r a r y t e x t s . Since this w o r k has b e e n confined t o t e r m s a n d aspects o f c u l t - w o r ship implied i n t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t , it was n o t i n t e n d e d t o g i v e a c o m p l e t e survey o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e cult d u r i n g t h e first c e n t u r y . T h e majority o f such N e w T e s t a m e n t references are f o u n d in t h e A p o calypse, and f o r this reason, t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e i m p e r i a l c u l t as it was towards t h e e n d o f t h e first c e n t u r y has t e n d e d t o

dominate

the scene. I n s o m e case, it has b e e n necessary t o g o b e y o n d t h e limits o f the first c e n t u r y t o find a suitable illustration f o r a p o i n t , as, f o r example, i n t h e case o f t h e n o t i o n o f a s c e n s i o n ; t h e first c e n t u r y is singularly p o o r i n p i c t o r i a l e v i d e n c e c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g centuries, w h e n the idea d e v e l o p e d c o n s i d e r a b l y f r o m t h e r e i g n o f A n t o n i n u s Pius o n w a r d s . A p a r t f r o m t h e textual illustrations f r o m the Hellenistic e p o c h , examples h a v e i n g e n e r a l b e e n t a k e n f r o m t h e first century A . D . , a n d t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f P l i n y a n d T r a j a n is a m o n g t h e latest. E x c e p t i o n s f r o m later centuries, s u c h as e x c e r p t s from the writings o f T e r t u l l i a n , o r f r o m t h e S y n o d o f E l v i r a , h a v e b e e n used t o stress particular p o i n t s b y g i v i n g a g l i m p s e o f t h e i r future d e v e l o p m e n t .

11

161

SCRIPTURAL

Old Testament Exodus IV 22, p. 74. XIII 21-22, p. 131. Numbers X X I V 17, p. 121. Deuteronomy I 31, p. 131. X X X I I 8 & 10, p. 131. II Kings II 9-12, p. 116. II Maccabees II 21, p. 141. Ill 24, p. 141. Job I 6, p. 121. Psalms II 7-8, p. 74. X X X I 16, p. 141. L X X X 6, p. 74. L X X X I X 26-27, p. 74. CXVIII 27, p. 141. Ecclesiasticus IV 11, p. 121. Isaiah X I V 12-14, p. 121. L X I I I 15, p. 131. Daniel III 15, p. 105. VII 1-9, p. 51. I X 31-55, p. 51. New Testament Matthew IV 3-6, p. 73. X I 27, p. 73. X I V 23, p. 73. X V I 16, p. 73. X X I 1-11, p. 84. X X I 15-16, p. 85. X X I I 16-22, p. 37. X X V I I 39-44, p. 73. Mark I 1, p. 73. Ill 11, p. 73. V 7, p. 73. I X 7, p. 73. X I 8-11, p. 84. X I I 13-17, pp. 37 & 73. XIII 32, p. 73. X I V 61, p. 73. X V 39, p. 73. 162

I N D E X

Luke I 35, p. 73. IV 3 & 9, p. 73. X 22, p. 73. X I X 28-38, p. 84. X I X 39-40, p. 85. X X 25, p. 37. John I 49, p. 73. III 17, p. 74. IV 42, p. 71. X 36, p. 73. X I I 1 2 - 1 9 , p. 84. XVIII 36, p. 44. X I X 12, p. 44. X X 17, p. 74. X X 28, p. 63. X X 31, p. 73. Acts I 9-11, pp. 131 & 133. II 20, p. 142. VII 11 f., p. 159. X I I 21-23, pp. 85 & 86. X I X 23-41, pp. 86 & 87. X X V 11, p. 147. X X V 25, p. 59. Romans I 4, p. 73. XIII 1-7, pp. 39 & 153. I Corinthians I 7, p. 142. VI 1, p. 40. VIII 5-6, p. 63. II Corinthians II 8, p. 40. Philippians II 2, p. 63. I I 1 0 - 1 1 , p. 88. II Thessalonians II 4, p. 52. Timothy II 2, p. 41. III 6, p. 87. VI 14, p. 143. II Timothy 1 1 4 , p. 143. IV 1, p. 144. IV 8, p. 144. Titus II 13, p. 143. Ill 1, p. 43.

Hebrews I X 28, p. 142. I Peter II 13-17, p. 42. I John IV 14, p. 71. Apocalypse. I 8, p. 90. I 17, p. 62. IV 10-11, pp. 53 & 62. X I 7, pp. 50 & 145. X I 1 6 , p. 63. X I I I 1 f., p. 50.

XIII 7, p. 145. XIII 11-17, pp.86, 96, 104 & 112. X V I 12, p. 94. XVII 6, p. 145. XVII 8, p. 89. XVII 12-14, p. 56. X X I I 16, p. 121.

INDICES

Greek and Latin Literary Sources Appian: 115. Arrian: 136. Aurelius Victor: 58, 59. Augustine of Hippo: 94. Bede, the Venerable: 52. Cicero: 28, 30. Clement of Rome: 151, 152. Dio: 26, 33, 34, 47, 48, 55, 57, 58, 77, 79, 80, 83, 86, 92, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 107, 108, 111, 112, 118, 119, 120, 124, 137, 152, 156. Diodorus of Sicily: 66. Dionysius of Halicarnassus: 64, 66. Eusebius: 146, 148, 152. Horace: 76. Hippolytus: 102, 103. Jerome: 84, 94. Josephus: 46, 60, 68, 69, 81, 82, 86, 110, 111, 156. Lactantius: 94. Martial: 139. Manilius: 138. Ovid: 138, 153. Philo: 67, 70, 109, 111, 140. Pliny (the Elder): 23, 32, 83. Pliny (the Younger): 79, 98, 112, 146, 154. Plutarch: 23, 24, 28, 29, 65, 66, 82, 85, 101, 105, 117, 118, 136. Polybius: 46. Seneca: 106, 119, 120. Servirus: 30. Statius: 139. Strabo: 26, 27.

Suetonius: 34, 41, 45, 47, 49, 55, 57, 73, 76, 80, 82, 83, 91, 92, 97, 100, 101, 106, 108, 112, 114, 117, 119, 120, 151, 156. Tacitus: 27, 33, 34, 47, 49, 55, 56, 78, 83, 91, 93, 99, 100, 106, 107, 114, 149, 150. Tertullian: 42, 56, 57, 58,118, 152,153. Valleius Paterculus: 122. Virgil: 28. Zonaras: 94, 95. Place Names Achaia: 93. Alexandria: 25, 60, 104, 108, 127. Antioch (Syria): 26. Artaxata (Neronia): 26. Assos: 139. Athens: 65, 67. Assyria: 24. Babylon: 24, 121. Bauli (Baiae): 48. Bethlehem: 121. Bithynia: 146. Bovillaes: 106. Caesarea: 26, 27, 59, 85, 86. Carmania: 136. Cilicia: 27, 28, 29. Cos: 135. Cremna: 127. Cynthus: 95. Cyzicus: 101. Dicaearchia: 109. Egypt: 25, 32, 33, 72, 109, 114, 121. Ephesus: 86, 87, 101, 102, 136, 137, 155. 163

Galatia: 53. Gaul: 99. Gischala (Galilee): 66, 81, 133. Halicarnassus: 64. Ilium: 23, 26. Judaea: 27, 48, 59, 110, 114. Jerusalem: 69, 81, 91, 109, 141, 155, 159. Laodicaea: 101. Lugdunum: 125. Miletus: 102. Mopsuestia: 46. Naples: 81. Olympia: 72. Nicomedia: 154. Nineveh: 126. Pannonia: 47. Paphos: (Augusta): 27. Pergamum: 27, 34, 72, 101, 102, 157. Persia: 24. Philadelphia: 101. Phoenicia: 126. Pontia: 152. Pontus: 146. Puteoli (Pozzuoli): 48. Rome: 29, 31, 32, 36, 43, 69, 79, 81, 82, 147, 150, 151, 155, 156. Samaria (Sebaste): 27. Sardinia: 156. Sardis: 101. Seuleucia (Pieria): 26. Sichar: 70. Smyrna: 27, 101, 102, 157, 158. Spain: 99. Syria: 48, 95. Tiberias: 68, 81, 110. Deities Apollo: 28, 64, 72, 73, 77, 79, 80, 102, 113, 114. Artemis (Diana): 86, 87, 88, 102, 155. Asclepius: 64. Athena: 23. Baals: 124. Castor and Pollux: 108. Ceres: 123. Dea Roma: 31, 32, 101, 122, 123. Deified abstractions: 31, 107. Dionysus (Bacchus): 25, 136. Faunus: 28. Genius: 32. 164

Harpokrates: 127. Hera: 24. Herakles (Hercules): 28, 79. Hypnos and Thanatos: 129. Isis: 64, 127, 155, 156. Jupiter (Zeus): 64, 108, 109, 111, 123, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140. Jupiter Julius: 76, 97. Lares: 30, 31. Latinus: 28. Manes: 31. Mars: 77, 120, 121. Mercury: 137. Picus:28. Ra: 72. Romulus: 117, 118, 120, 138. Serapis: 64, 104, 127. Sol Invictus: 128. Venus: 119, 121. General Index Acclamations: 52, 74, 75, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88. Agrippina: 123. Alexander: 2 3 , 2 4 , 2 5 , 2 6 , 1 1 5 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 6 . Altars: - Ara Pacis: 97. - Fortuna Redux: 99. - Pax Augusta: 99, 100. Antiochus III: 46. Anti-Christ: 52, 94, 95. Antigonus: 65. Antoninus Pius: 101, 125, 128, 161. Antony: 137. Apocalypse: passim. Apotheosis: 29, 116, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 128, 129. Ascension: 20, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 124,126,130,131,132,133,134,140. Atia: 72, 73, 113. Augustiani: 77, 78, 79, 80, 101, 111. Augustus: passim. Bacchanalia: 155. Beasts (of the Apocalypse): 96, 97, 104. Benefactor: 69, 81, 82. Caesar (G. Julius): 30, 31, 38, 39, 42, 44, 67, 71, 72, 76, 97, 115, 117, 118, 119, 137, 147.

- (Friends o f - ) : 44, 45, 46, 48. - (Worship o f - ) : 42. Caligula: 39, 48, 59, 67, 68, 99, 100, 102,105,107,108,109,110, 111, 120, 123, 135, 139, 146, 159. Camillus: 66. Cameos: - Apotheosis of Germanicus: 125, 126. - Gemma Augustea: 122, 123. - Grand Camee de France: 123. Cato (the Younger): 85. Christ: 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 45, 48, 54, 62, 63, 70, 79, 84, 85, 115, 121, 130, 131, 133, 134, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 158. Christian(s): 35, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, Claudius: 40, 48, 59, 71, 120, 128, 156. Commodus: 83, 111. Demetrius: 65. Di Manes: 29, 31. Divi Filius: 71, 72, 73, 74. Divus: 38, 68, 128, 129, - Augustus: 81, 106, 120, 128. - Claudius: 73, 128. - Hadrianus: 125. - Julius: 31, 34, 73, 121. - Marcus: 125. - Vespasianus: 73. Domitian: 28, 39, 49, 57, 58, 83, 102, 105, 112, 139, 148, 149, 152, 153, 154. Drusus: 47, 99, 123. Drusilla: 127. Eagle: 124, 125, 126, 127. Elvira (Synod o f - ) : 103, 161. Epiphany (Appearing): 20, 35, 134, 135, 136, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144. Faustina: 125. Festus: 59, 61. Flamen Augustalis: 97. Flamines: 103. Titus Flamininus: 66. Friend (Title o f - ) : 46, 47, 49.

Germanicus: 99, 119, 123, 124, 126. Gracchi: 29, 30, 46. Herod (Agrippa): 26, 27, 37, 59, 85. Herodes: 61. Lagids: 45. Lese-Majesty: 44, 45. Livia: 34, 100, 120, 123, 128. Livilla: 123, Livius Drusus: 46. Livius Geminius: 127. Lord (Kyrios): 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 70, 71. 158. Lysander: 24. Maecenas: 76. Marius: 29. Mithraism: 157. Mithridates: 66. Nero: 39, 49, 62, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 101, 105, 111, 128, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154. Nero Redivivus: 20, 88, 92, 94. Otho: 82, 83. Parousia: 134, 141. Paul (Saint): 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 59, 63, 158. Pax Augusta: 67, 100. Pax Romana: 39. Persecutions: 21, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 160. Peter: 42. Pilate: 44, 45, 48. Polycarp (Saint): 61, 158. Pompey: 33. Preserver: 68. Priesthood (Priest): 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 106. Ptolemies: 25, 32, 136. Quinquennium Neronis: 39.

Galba:49, 82, 90. Games (Festivals, shows): 102, 103. Genius (Numen): 31, 32, 33, 37.

Res Gestae: 99. Rosetta Stone: 26. 165

Saviour (Soter): 24, 52, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 81, 82, 115, 131, 143. Scillitan Martyrs: 61. Sejanus :48, 100, 107, 119. Seleucids: 26, 45. Seleucus VI: 46. Septemviri Epulones: 100. Septimius Severus: 155. Sicarii: 60, 61. Sodales Augustales: 97, 100. Statues (Images of the Beast): 104,105, 106, 107. Tarquinius: 64.

M O D E R N

Theos: 25, 27. Tiberius: 33, 34, 37, 38, 44, 45, 47, 48, 55, 56, 73, 99, 100, 102, 105, 106, 107, 109, 122, 123, 139, 156. Timothy: 41. Titus: 43, 68, 71, 81, 95. Trajan: 98, 105, 112, 126, 146, 147, 152, 153, 154, 161.

Vespasian: 49, 61, 68, 69, 71, 81, 104, 114. Vestal Virgins: 99, 100. Victory: 31, 126.

SCHOLARS

Alfoldi A.: 128. Alio E . B . : 19, 64, 90, 96

Cumont F r . : 124, 156 Curtius L . : 122, 123

Babelon E . : 125 Bailey C : 32, 33 Barclay W.: 96, 121 B a t e H . N.: 91, 94 von Baudissin W. W.: 54 Benoit P.: 132 Bernoulli J . : 125 Bevan E . : 25, 45, 46 Bikerman E . : 25, 26, 45 Boismard M. E . : 50 Bomer Fr.: 68 Bouche-Leclercq: 150, 151 Brown R. E . : 50 Brun L . : 50 Bultmann R.: 54, 64 Bureth P.: 59, 61

Dalman G.: 38, 55, 72, 73 Dalton O. M.: 127, 129 Danielou J . : 130 Deissmann A.: 35, 54, 58,69, 71, 72, 73 Delbriick R.: 128, 129 Deonna W.: 55 Dessau H.: 138, 155 D i x G . : 102 von Dobschutz E . : 63 Dodd C. H.: 42, 53 Durrwell F . X . : 131, 132

Cabrol F . : 129 Camelot Th.: 61, 158 Canfield L . H.: 148, 152 Cerfaux L . : 19, 43, 53, 72, 135, 137, 140, 142 Chadwick H.: 102 Charbonneaux J . : 98, 122, 123 Charles-Picard G.: 98, 125 Charlesworth M. P.: 24, 29 Cichorius C.: 77 Clair A. St.: 128, 129 Cochrane C. N.: 27 Cullmann O.: 40, 51, 56, 62, 64, 70 166

Eitrem S.: 107 Farrer A.: 50 Farnell L . R.: 25 Festugiere A. J . : 55, 56 Fincke A.: 57 Fitzmyer J . A.: 50 Foerster W.: 54 Fossing P.: 126 Frankel M.: 72 Friedlander L . : 75 Fuller R. H.: 73 Furtwangler A.: 106, 122, 123, 126 Gage J . : 77, 84, 88, 123 Glasson T. F . : 50 Graeven H.: 128 Grant R. M.: 149

Green W. M.: 31 Grenfell B . : 59 Gsell S.: 121 Guterman S. L . : 153 H a b i c h t C : 2 5 , 26 Haerens H.: 64 HahnF.: 63 Halliday W. R.: 153 Hanson A. T.: 50 Harnack A.: 70 Hefele C. J . : 103 Heinen H.: 72 Hering J . : 39 Herner S.: 54 Herzog R.: 128 Hicks E . L . : 101, 135 Hoffman Lewis: see Lewis H. Homo L . : 146 Hulsen Ch.: 150 Hunt A.: 59

Magie D.: 26 Maskell A.: 128 Mattingly H.: 38, 41, 118, 119, 120, 125, 126 Medebielle A.: 116 Merkelbach R.: 156 Meyer P.: 61 Middleton J . H.: 125 Milligan G.: 141 Mohrmann Ch.: 134, 140 Momigliano A.: 77 Moreau J . : 151 Moretti G.: 97 Morfat J . : 43 Morrison C. D.: 68 Murphy R. E . : 50 Newton C. T.: 101 Nilsson M. P.: 64, 155 Nock A. D . : 2 5 , 50, 62, 64 Nolan B . M.: 142 Owen E . C. E . : 61

Idris-Bell H.: 155 Jacquier E . : 86, 87, 131 Jucker H.: 124 Kahil L . : 129 Kahler H.: 98 Keil J . : 138 Kennedy H. A. A.: 64, 71, 96 Kern O.: 73 Kiddle M.: 89, 96 Kittel G.: 64, 65 Kitzinger E . : 127, 129 Klauser Th.: 75 Kleist J . A.: 86, 151 Koehler L . : 63, 69 Kraus Th.: 98, 122 de Labriolle P.: 146 Lagrange M. J . : 44, 84 Last J . : 146, 149 Leenhardt Fr.: 39 Lewis Hoffman M. W.: 96 Linssen H.: 57 Loesch St.: 39 Loewe H.: 38 Macgregor G. H.: 44 MacKenzie J . L . : 84 MacMullenR.: 75, 89

Paton W. R.: 135 Pax E . : 142 Perler O.: 79, 84, 130, 135 Peterson E . : 39, 77, 87, 88 Pickard Ch.: 124 Preston R. H.: 50 Prumm K.: 25, 54, 140 Quell G.: 54 Ramsay W . M . : 53, 87 Renan E . : 94 Renie R. P. J . : 131 Richards H.: 53 Rigaux B . : 50, 134, 135, 140, 142. Rissi M.: 62. Rodenwaldt G.: 97, 122 Roes A.: 124 Roscher W. H.: 53 Rostovtzeff M.: 34, 77 Rouffiac J . : 67 Ryberg I. Scott: 98 Schillebeeckx E . H.: 131, 132 Schnabel P.: 25 Schonfield H. J . : 86 Scott K.: 104, 105, 114, 135, 138, 153 Selvyn G.: 154 Seyrig H.: 34 167

Shervin-White A. N.: 44 Spicq C : 40, 41, 43, 45, 48, 87, 159 Staerck W.: 64 Stauffer E . : 102 Steinmuller J . E . : 84 Strack P. L . : 125 Sullivan K.: 84. Sutherland C. H. V.: 125 Sydenham E . : 118, 119, 125 Taeger Fr.: 72, 91 Tarn W. W.: 25 Taylor L . R.: 19, 25, 33, 34 Taylor V.: 71, 73, 74 Thieme G.: 69, 73, 134 Tillyard H. J . W.: 88 Tondriau J . : 19, 43, 53, 72, 140 Toynbee J . : 98

168

137,

Trench R. C : 55 Tschudin P. F.: 156 Volbach W. F . : 129 Ward M.: 137 Weinstock S.: 98 Wendland P.: 64 Wenger L . : 34 Wessel K.: 128 Sir Wheeler M.: 98 von Wilamowitz-MoellendorfF U.: 77 Wilcken U.: 25, 59 Wilhelm A.: 138 Will E . : 122 Windisch H.: 61 Wissowa G.: 156 Workman H. B . : 155, 158 Zucker Fr.: 77

Imperial Cult and Honorary Terms in the New Testament (Paradosis: Contributions to the History of Early Christian Literature and Theology 23)

The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature

The Old Testament: Canon, Literature and Theology

Introducing the New Testament: Its Literature and Theology

Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature

The Theology of the Gospel of Mark (New Testament Theology)

Aspects and Issues in the History of Children's Literature: (Contributions to the Study of World Literature)

The Theology of the Later Pauline Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Later Pauline Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Pastoral Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Pastoral Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology)

History, Literature And Theology in the Book of Chronicles (Bibleworld)

The New Testament: its history and message

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality: Volume 1: Thematic Studies (Library of New Testament Studies 391)

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality: Volume 2: Exegetical Studies (Library of New Testament Studies 392)

Images of Inspiration: The Old Testament in Early Christian Art

Christians and Roman Rule in the New Testament: New Perspectives (Companions to the New Testament)

The Theology of the Letters of James, Peter, and Jude (New Testament Theology)

The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (The New Cambridge History of English Literature)

The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (The New Cambridge History of English Literature)

Early Latin Theology (Library of Christian Classics)

The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (New Testament Theology)

Chapters in the History of New Testament Textual Criticism (New Testament Tools and Studies, vol. IV)

The Emergence of Christian Theology

The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (New Testament Theology)

Christian Doctrines in Islamic Theology (History of Christian-Muslim Relations)

Asceticism and the New Testament

Josephus and the New Testament

Imperial Cult and Honorary Terms in the New Testament (Paradosis: Contributions to the History of Early Christian Literature and Theology 23)

The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature

The Old Testament: Canon, Literature and Theology

Introducing the New Testament: Its Literature and Theology

Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature

The Theology of the Gospel of Mark (New Testament Theology)

Aspects and Issues in the History of Children's Literature: (Contributions to the Study of World Literature)

The Theology of the Later Pauline Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Later Pauline Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Pastoral Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Pastoral Letters (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology)

The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology)

History, Literature And Theology in the Book of Chronicles (Bibleworld)

The New Testament: its history and message

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality: Volume 1: Thematic Studies (Library of New Testament Studies 391)

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality: Volume 2: Exegetical Studies (Library of New Testament Studies 392)

Images of Inspiration: The Old Testament in Early Christian Art

Christians and Roman Rule in the New Testament: New Perspectives (Companions to the New Testament)

The Theology of the Letters of James, Peter, and Jude (New Testament Theology)

The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (The New Cambridge History of English Literature)

The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature (The New Cambridge History of English Literature)

Early Latin Theology (Library of Christian Classics)

The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (New Testament Theology)

Chapters in the History of New Testament Textual Criticism (New Testament Tools and Studies, vol. IV)

The Emergence of Christian Theology

The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (New Testament Theology)

Christian Doctrines in Islamic Theology (History of Christian-Muslim Relations)

Asceticism and the New Testament

Josephus and the New Testament

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