Images of Ifa divination trays: The significance of abstracted motifs. Ph.D. dissertation

ABSTRACT IMAGES OF IFA DIVINATION TRAYS: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ABSTRACTED MOTIFS In this thesis, I will describe and analyze the iconology of Ifa divination trays. I will utilize a non-representative sample of images of Ifa divination trays from several sources. The first source will be a private collection of slides developed over years of academic research starting in the 1970s. This collection will be augmented by images gathered through current publications and internet sources ranging from museum documentation to gallery exhibitions intended for public sale. I will provide statistical analysis concerning the frequency and distribution of the iconology of these images to evaluate any possible correlations that may be present in regards to style, content, or temporal change. I will include interpretations of secondary imagery present in the sample. Statistical analysis will be provided that includes these interpretations when grouped with conventional interpretations. Phillip Andrew Johnson December 2009

IMAGES OF IFA DIVINATION TRAYS: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ABSTRACTED MOTIFS

by Phillip Andrew Johnson

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art in the College of Arts and Humanities California State University, Fresno December 2009

UMI Number: 1484532

All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.

UMI 1484532 Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346

APPROVED For the Department of Art and Design: We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the university and the student's graduate degree program for the awarding of the master's degree.

Phillip Andrew Johnson Thesis Author

Laura Meyer (Chair)

Art and Design

Keith Jordan

Art and Design

Gina Strumwasser

Art and Design

For the University Graduate Committee:

Dean, Division of Graduate Studies

AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in its entirety without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of authorship.

X

Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must be obtained from me.

Signature of thesis author:

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For the past several years I have had the good fortune to be surrounded by brilliance. I wish to express my gratitude to each of the professors who shaped my education in art history, and instilled in me the love of teaching. I would like to thank Dr. Laura Meyer who, in addition to chairing my committee, has been a constant support. Through many incredible classes, Dr. Meyer taught me the relationship between art and philosophy, opening up doors to thought I never knew existed. Not to mention Baudrillard. I would like to thank Dr. Keith Jordan for being the “inner head” for my thesis project. It was Dr. Jordan who through many hours of conversation, reading, and editing, directed and inspired my project. I would also like to thank Dr. Gina Strumwasser for being a member of my committee as well as for the years of fabulous classes. Dr. Strumwasser was the professor who took me into the world of museums and archives, giving me the very real experience of the art historical pieces themselves. Finally, I would like to thank the professor who started it all. Dr. Raphael Reichert. It was Dr. Reichert who several years ago walked in front of a class and ignited my love of art history. Dr. Reichert taught me that art history is like an octopus with its tentacles reaching into the other academic disciplines, solidifying my educational direction. I will never forget the day in class when he placed an ancient ceramic bowl in my hands. As the shiver ran up my spine, I knew everything had changed. I would never have been able to achieve my academic goal without the never ending support of my wife Michelle, and daughter Nicole. My love and

v gratitude to Michelle for the thirty years of commitment and understanding that has led me to this point. And of course, thank you Michelle for allowing me to subject your statistical expertise to the less than stringent world of art. Thank you Nicole for dealing with a father turned artist. Thank you for being the magnificent young woman you are, who can deal with coming home to find your father life-casting another student on the kitchen floor, and being okay with it.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page LIST OF TABLES

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. viii

LIST OF FIGURES .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

x

LIST OF PLATES

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

xi

1. INTRODUCTION .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

1

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

1

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

4

Ifa Divination Ritual

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

5

The Babalowo

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

8

The Community: Rituals Related to Ifa Divination .

.

.

. 12

.

Chapter

The Yoruba Cosmos Ifa Divination

.

.

.

.

2. ART AND IFA DIVINATION Egungun .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 18

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 18

Death and Immortality .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 19

Art and Ase .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 20

Opon Ifa .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 24

Eshu and His Imagery .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 25

Shango and His Imagery

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 31

Animal Motifs on Ifa Divination Trays

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 34

Cloth Motifs on Ifa Divination Trays .

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 38

.

.

.

3. ABSTRACTION OF IMAGES ON IFA DIVINATION TRAYS

. 41

Double Axe Motif .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 41

Lightning Slats .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 42

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 45

vii Chapter

Page Cross Hatching .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 50

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 53

Shango and Lightning .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 54

Royal Embroidery and Slats

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 57

Pangolin and Slats .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 58

Pangolin and Magical/Transformative Animals .

.

.

.

.

. 62

Shango and Cross Hatching

4. METHODOLOGY

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 65

Royal Embroidery and Lightning .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 68

Royal Embroidery and Cross Hatching

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 69

Shango and Slats

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 73

Shango and Magical/Transformative Animals

.

.

.

.

.

. 76

Royal Embroidery and Magical/Transformative Animals .

.

. 77

Eshu and Lightning

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 80

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 82

Eshu and Magical/Transformative Animals .

.

.

.

.

.

. 84

Eshu and Cross Hatching .

Eshu and Slats

5. CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 87

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 90

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 93

LIST OF TABLES Table

Page

1.

Shango frequency one .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 55

2.

Lightning frequency one

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 55

3.

Crosstabulation Shango by lightning .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 55

4.

Royal embroidery frequency one .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 57

5.

Slats frequency one .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 57

6.

Crosstabulation royal embroidery by slats

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 59

7.

Pangolin frequency one.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 60

8.

Slats frequency two .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 60

9.

Crosstabulation pangolin by slats .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 60

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 63

11. Magical/transformative animal frequency one

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 63

12. Crosstabulation pangolin by magical animal .

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 63

13. Shango frequency two .

.

.

10. Pangolin frequency two.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 65

14. Cross hatching frequency one .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 65

15. Crosstabulation Shango by crosshatching .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 66

16. Royal embroidery frequency two. .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 68

17. Lightning frequency two

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 68

18. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by lightning .

.

.

.

.

.

. 70

19. Royal embroidery frequency three .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

71

20. Cross hatching frequency two .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 71

21. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by crosshatching .

.

.

.

.

. 72

22. Shango frequency three .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 74

23. Slats frequency three

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 74

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

ix Table

Page

24. Crosstabulation Shango by slats

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 74

25. Shango frequency four .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 76

26. Magical/transformative animal frequency two

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 76

27. Crosstabulation Shango by magical/transformative animals

.

.

. 77

28. Royal embroidery frequency .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 79

29. Magical/transformative animal frequency three .

.

.

.

.

.

. 79

30. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by magical/transformative animals . 79 31. Eshu frequency one .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 81

32. Lightning frequency three .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 81

33. Crosstabulation Eshu by lightning .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 81

34. Eshu frequency two .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 83

35. Slats frequency four .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 83

36. Crosstabulation Eshu by slats .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 83

37. Eshu frequency three

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 85

38. Magical/transformative animal frequency four .

.

.

.

.

.

. 85

39. Crosstabulation Eshu by magical/transformative animals .

.

.

. 85

40. Eshu frequency four .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 87

41. Cross hatching frequency three.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 87

42. Crosstabulation Eshu by crosshatching

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 88

LIST OF FIGURES Figure

Page

1.

The Yoruba Cosmos

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

2.

Shango and lightning bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 56

3.

Royal embroidery and slats bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 59

4.

Pangolin and slats bar chart

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 61

5.

Pangolin and magical/transformative animal bar chart .

.

.

.

. 64

6.

Shango and cross hatching bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 67

7.

Royal embroidery and lightning bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 70

8.

Royal embroidery and cross hatching bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

. 73

9.

Shango and slats bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

. 75

10. Shango and magical/transformative animals bar chart .

.

.

.

. 78

11. Royal embroidery and magical/transformative animals bar chart .

. 80

12. Eshu and lightning bar chart

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 82

13. Eshu and slats bar chart .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 84

14. Eshu and magical/transformative animals bar chart .

.

.

.

.

. 86

15. Eshu and cross hatching bar chart .

.

.

.

.

. 88

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

2

LIST OF PLATES Plate

Page

1.

Double axe motif on divination tray .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 43

2.

Abstracted lightning motif on divination tray.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 44

3.

Piled lightning motif on divination tray .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 46

4.

Lightning motif on Shango dance wand .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 47

5.

Slats motif on divination tray .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 48

6.

Egungun ensemble .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 49

7.

Cross hatching motif on divination tray .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

. 51

.

.

.

.

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION The Yoruba-speaking people of Nigeria and the Popular Republic of Benin, numbering fifteen million persons, occupy a densely populated area of West Africa. These peoples, who became urbanized A.D. 800-1000, are the creators of some of the oldest continuing institutions, kingships, and artistic traditions in West Africa. One of these institutions, Ifa divination and ritual practice, continues today in Africa, as well as the Americas due to dispersion of cultural, religious and artistic practices caused by the devastation of the slave trade (Drewel, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989, 10-12). The Yoruba Cosmos The Yoruba conceive of the cosmos as two individual yet inseparable realms, consisting of Orun, the invisible otherworld inhabited by numerous forces such as gods (orisa), ancestors, (ara orun) and various spirits of ancestors that frequently travel between the realms. Aye is the visible and tangible world of everyday life. A distinction must be made between “world” and “earth.” Aye is not the entire earth perceived from western perspective. Aye is the realm of states that are ruled by kings. It does not include the distant uncultivated bush, or forest, and at times long-standing wooded fallows. We are envisioning then, an idea of the state of cosmic order rather than geography (Morton-Williams 1964, 244). The Yoruba believe that the living world is frequently visited by the otherworldly forces that strongly influence mundane existence (Drewel, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989, 14-16). Orun, the otherworld, is inhabited by Olodumare (also known as Odumare, Olorun, Eleda, and Eleemi), who is conceived of as the creator of existence. Olodumare is viewed as without sexual identity, and generally distant from the affairs of the divine as well as from mankind. Olodumare is the source of ase, the

2

Figure 1. The Yoruba Cosmos

3 life force that is contained in all things. Existence, according to Yoruba thought, is dependent on ase, which was given by Olodumare equally to gods, ancestors, spirits, humans, animals, plants, rocks, rivers, as well as praise, prayer, and even spoken word in daily conversation (Drewel, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989, 1416). Next to Olodumare are the god’s principal subjects, the Orisa, who appear in some myths as royal children of Olodumare, and in others as deified local heroes, ancestors and personified natural forces. Orisa are grouped into two broad categories depending on their personalities and mode of interaction with the living. The first group include the “cool” temperate orisa funfun whose nature tend to be gentle, calm, and reflective. The other category belongs to the “hot” temperamental orisa gbigbona whose personalities tend to be quick-tempered, harsh, and demanding. Orisha funfun include such gods as Obatala/Orisanla, the divine sculptor; Ossoosi/Eynile, hunter and water lord; queens of perspective rivers such as Yemoja, Osun, and Oba; as well as Olosa, ruler of the lagoon, and Olokun, goddess of the sea. The orisa gbigbona include gods such as Ogun, god of iron, Shango, lord of thunder, Obaluaye, lord of pestilence, and Shango’s wife Oya, queen of the whirlwind. The characterization given the personalities of the orisa should not be mistaken with the western view of good and evil. Like humankind, the Yoruba attribute to the orisa both positive and negative traits according to their individual ase. The orisa are not ranked in any hierarchy and the order of their invocation in rituals is a matter of situational considerations and local preference. (Drewel, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989, 14-16). Another type of being found in Orun are the spirits, or “sky people”, araorun, who are the spirit doubles of the living and souls awaiting rebirth. The Earth is the domain of the goddess Onile who is conceptually the counterpart of Olodumare. Onile receives the souls of the dead who after death become Earth-

4 dwelling spirits. Onile’s domain also includes those ancestors and dead who can pass though the sky to Orun to be reincarnated through the power of Olodumare and orisa. Certain forest spirits and tree spirits, collectively called egbe ogbe, are also in her sphere of influence (Morton-Williams 1964, 245). To the Yoruba, all earthbound life and civilization begins at the city of IleIfe. Creation myths are diverse and numerous, with a few constants. All versions tell how Olodumare instructed a deity, the identity of which varies widely by region, to travel from Orun to Aye to establish life and civilization. Some myths identify the god as Obatala, the artist-god who moulds man from clay. Other myths name Oduduwa who takes over the creator role when Obatala drinks palm wine and bungles the job. The world was covered with water so the divinity had to descend by means of an iron chain. The divinity brings with him either a snail shell or a gourd filled with soil, a cockerel, (five-toed chicken), and a chameleon. Upon reaching the waters of Earth, the divinity pours the soil in the water which is spread by the cockerel and tested for firmness by the chameleon. Next, other divinities arrive to establish society and spread out to form kingships. It is through Ifa divination that the Yoruba find a direct path to their cosmos and attempt to alter its influence on their lives. Ifa Divination The earliest report of Ifa divination may come from the coast of Ghana at the end of the seventeenth century. An official for the Dutch government at Elima and Axim described a divination practice using “wild nuts, which they pretend to take up, and by guess let fall again,” forming predictions from the number falling odd or even. Another early account comes from southeastern Ivory Coast. Written about 1714, the divination system described incorporated the use of palm nuts taken from a wooden or copper cup, marks drawn in wood dust, as well as the

5 choosing of objects held by an assistant to represent the good or evil outcome of a consultation (Bascom 1969, 5). Ifa Divination Ritual The Ifa divination ritual begins when a client enters the shrine of the Babalowo (diviner) to pose a question pertaining to a predicament in his or her life. The questions offered by the client are far reaching, and may include investigation into serious illness, marriage, parental concerns, or the need for insight into the more mundane aspects of everyday life such as gaining wealth, planting, or location for a new house (Bascom 1943, 127). While on the mind of the client, these questions are not disclosed to the diviner either before or during the ritual. As the diviner begins his endeavor, he dusts the divination tray with powdered wood, into which he will mark a pattern with his second and ring fingers (Thompson 1971, CH5/2). There is a tradition that the earliest diviners traced their signs in the earth (Morton-Williams, Bascom, and McClelland 1966, 406). However, in modern times, wood powder produced by termites from cam wood is reported as the preferred medium. In some areas, yam flour, or dust from rafters built of oil palm tree wood, may be used as a substitute. Other materials such as sand, chalk, charcoal, and corn flour are considered unsatisfactory for divination, and in all areas, wood dust of any type produced by termites is preferred (Bascom 1969, 34-35). While holding sixteen palm nuts (ikin) in his right palm, the Babalowo strikes them against his left palm in an action known as “beating” palm nuts. The diviner then readjusts his grasp with his right hand around the sixteen palm nuts. Due to the size of the palm nuts, a number typically remain in his left hand. If one nut remains in his left hand, he makes two lines in the wood dust on his tray. If two nuts remain in his left hand he makes one line only. When more than two nuts

6 remain in his left hand, the trial is not counted, and must be redone (Bascom 1943, 127). The process is repeated four times until eight sets of marks, arranged in two parallel lines of four sets each, are created on the divination tray (Thompson 1971, CH5/2). Thus, the arrangement of the sixteen sections created within the pattern has a possible 256 permutations, each relating to a figure (odu), and appropriate verses from oral tradition. The odu created on the divining tray relates directly to a spirit of the same name that is believed to govern the predicament of the client. Odu are at times painted on the walls of the diviner’s shrine, and then the elements are drawn on the divining tray as dots. (MortonWilliams, Bascom, and McClelland 1966, 406). The Babalowo continues to build up the odu in this manner, marking the tray from bottom right first, then the bottom left, next the second left, going from right to left, bottom to top, until one of sixteen possible patterns is thus drawn on the divination tray. These sixteen are the principle odu. Two hundred and forty odu with dissimilar arrangements are possible within the process. These further 240 odu are properly known as omo odu, meaning “children” of the principal odu. For palm nuts to be utilized as ikin requires consecration and a distinct botanical variety. Ikin are the fruit of a type of palm tree known as King Palm, Tabu Palm, and Palmier Palm, which is recognizable by the shape of its darker colored and half-furled foliage. From this fruit, only nuts with multiple indentations or “eyes” are selected to be ikin. It is generally accepted by diviners that palm nuts with four eyes are most appropriate to Ifa; however, many diviners find nuts with three to as many as nine eyes acceptable. Sets or “hands” of ikin may also contain palm nuts with different amounts of eyes. In some cases, nuts with four eyes may be considered female and are called awenren Ifa. Nuts with odd numbers of eyes such as three or five are considered male and may be referred

7 to as ekun (leopard) because of their strength. Some traditions hold that nuts with odd numbers of eyes (male) should be included in all sets of ikin. A diviner must have at least two sets of ikin. One set is buried with the diviner when he dies. The second is given to his son if he becomes a diviner, or is hung over the diviner’s grave if no sons enter the profession (Bascom 1969, 26-27). Ritual consecration of ikin involves the washing the of the palm nuts in a solution containing the leaves of Ifa (ewe Ifa), and they are washed in this manner each year at an annual festival for Ifa (Bascom 1969, 28). An alternative method of identifying the appropriate figure (odu) is through the casting of a divining chain known as opele. Opele consist of eight halves of seed shells or pods connected by short sections of chain. Opele chains are typically three to four feet long. Although numerous varieties of seed pods or shells are accepted for use, the most common is the pod that comes from the opele tree, from which the chain derives its name. The opele seed pod has a distinctive almond shape, and naturally splits in two to release the seed it contains. When the two halves are placed back to back, they are seen as resembling the symbol of Ogbe Meji that may appear during a divination (Bascom 1969, 30). Meji is the name of a venerated ancestor-diviner, and the Ogbe symbol relates to a hand gesture of supplication. During Ifa divination, this symbol of supplication implies the acquiescence of all involved to the client in the matter of important decisions (Bascom 1969, 166-167). The center section is longer than the sections dividing the pods or seed shells, so that when the Babalowo holds the chain from the middle, the right and left portions, each containing four shells or pods, hang parallel to each other. Opele typically have an indication on the ends to designate the right and left halves, an essential attribute to the diviner once the chain is cast. The indication of the right and left sides of the chain may be in the form of one or

8 two bells such as those on an opele from the University of California at Los Angeles museum collection (Thompson 1971, CH5/3). The seed shells or pods rotate freely from their chain suspension and therefore randomly assume a position of convex or hollow side up when they are cast. Since there are sixteen possible permutations for each side of the chain, the total of a possible 256 figures are once again obtained. The names for the figures from each side of the chain are then compounded to reach the same names as the method of “beating” palm nuts (Bascom 1943, 127). After the diviner has reached the appropriate figure through either method, he begins to recite verses (ese) that apply to the indicated figure alone. Since the diviner has no previous knowledge of the problem about which he has been consulted on, the verses are recited randomly for the listening client. The client listens quietly to irrelevant verses until they hear one that applies to their particular problem, and accepts this as the answer to their question (Bascom 1943, 127). The verses recited by the diviner typically follow the pattern of describing a previous divination or legendary figure that was faced with a similar problem, followed by the effect on their life depending on whether or not the individual performed, or refused to perform the appropriate sacrifice. The verses then normally conclude by indicating that the client is faced with the same problem and need for sacrifice (Bascom 1943, 128). The Babalowo Descriptions of the divining ritual of the Ifa tradition alone do not take into consideration the intensity of training of the Babalowo, or the depth of the connection of the people involved as participants. Before beginning to practice, a diviner is required to know at least four verses for each of the 256 figures that may appear on the divination tray during a session, or a minimum of one thousand

9 verses. In addition, the intended Babalowo must learn the appropriate sacrifices and “medicines” for each symbol in order to help his clients. Thus it takes between four and twenty years to learn divining in a rudimentary form, and diviners continue to study throughout their lives. It is reported that there are in actuality sixteen verses for each of the symbols, amounting to some four thousand variations. It should be noted that each diviner knows only a part of this vast array of verses. Some better diviners claim to know eight verses for each figure, and up to fifty is attributed to one or two important persons (Bascom 1943, 130). Beyond technical training, the character of the Babalowo is of paramount importance to the community, and also to the diviner’s effectiveness administering to patrons. The Yoruba call the Babalowo “father of mysteries,” which is a literal translation and a term also known in Dahomey. As such, the Babalowo must be the guiding force of balance, his “cool” nature unhindered by anger and evil deeds, which could cause the forces he engages to turn on him. Only as an agent of benevolent consciousness, ethical behavior, and restraint can the Babalowo fulfill his obligation to restore harmony to the individual, and more importantly, society at large (Zuesse 1975, 174). The diviner’s search for wisdom in many African religions may include travel and multicultural interaction. Many African cultures tend to associate greater wisdom and deeper access to reality with diviners located farther away from the local village. Local diviners are seen as mediums of merely regional spirits that are intimately involved in the immediate area only, rather than having the ability to access the far reaches of the heavens or underworld where more powerful spirits dwell. The diviner that aspires to greatness must then journey to centers of learning outside their region, facilitating cultural interaction among peoples who have largely been ignored (Zuesse 1975, 171-175).

10 Despite the intensity of training and the respected position of the Babalowo within the community, the honesty and accuracy of the diviner does not go unquestioned. The Yoruba divination ritual contains actions, such as the manipulation of kola nuts or the casting of an opele chain, which to the outside observer may seem suspect. Further, it may be suspected that the Babalowo may have prior knowledge about a client’s predicament from community contact. These incriminations, however, do not take into account certain aspects of the divination process or the Yoruba world view. The Yoruba divination process itself contains elements to ensure honesty. As stated, the client does not divulge the question to the diviner during the consultation. The question must, however, be stated to Ifa, and is therefore whispered through cupped hands (ruling out lip reading) to a coin or cowry shell, to which the diviner touches the opele chain (Bascom 1941, 49). During the divination procedure, the client may wish to know more about the outcome of a sacrifice prescribed in a verse offered by the Babalowo. At this point, the questions of the client may be whispered to ritual objects and the diviner must choose randomly from closed fists much like a guessing game. Commonly the required answer is the good or bad results provided a sacrifice is offered. The objects used in this instance do not vary, and are known to the client as well as the diviner. A cowry shell always symbolizes a good outcome, and a stone the bad. Since the client is free to mix or substitute these objects outside the view of the diviner, there is no chance of influence. Other questioning on the part of the client utilizes various established symbols as well (Bascom 1941, 49-50). Belief in the system that the Babalowo represents as well as the diviner’s ability and honesty plays a key role in the acceptance of the outcome of the divination ritual. The Yoruba believe the Ifa divination system was given to

11 humans by the god Orunmila/Ifa himself from whom the name for the system is derived. Ifa, who is known to be a progenitor of truth, is seen as the one who controls all elements of the ritual and guides the outcome. While other cults are exclusive in nature, Ifa is available to the entire community. The job of the diviner is in some cases to direct new worshippers or current clients to these other deities and their cults in order to perform the prescribed sacrifices. Thus the Ifa divination process may be seen by the Yoruba as a central focus of religion in general, and as an impartial mediator that lacks the need for dishonest manipulation (Bascom 1941, 44). Finally, the verses recited by the diviner are themselves known to the Yoruba in a secularized form from childhood, leading to an acceptance of the outcome through similarity of reasoning (Bascom 1941, 44, 46). Although a strong argument can be made regarding youthful indoctrination through childhood myths and tales, it should be noted that the Babalowo regard the verses (ese) as historical fact, and make a clear distinction between ese and myths. Ese Ifa are true stories of things that actually happened in the Yoruba community in general and to individuals in particular, facts used to enlighten subsequent generations through divination. The Babalowo presents each verse to the clients as divine truth which may not be questioned without commensurate punishment. The Babalowo themselves are even prohibited from telling tales or stories, probably to avoid the error of mixing the two (Ilesanmi 1991, 217, 220, 223). Proper orientation in Ifa begins at an early age and is profoundly linked to the Yoruba world view concerning the cycle of birth and rebirth.

12 The Community: Rituals Related to Ifa Divination Life to the devotees of Ifa is a continuous journey involving birth as well as rebirth from an ancestral state. The cycle of birth and rebirth is unavoidable in the Ifa world view. At the heart of Ifa is guidance that begins at an early age. The goal of Ifa soon after birth is to establish a person on earth as a productive and “progressive” person. To this end, a child is inducted with ritual performances that connect him or her to the Ifa system of belief and ritual objects, including divination trays, preferably within seven days after birth (Ositola 1988, 31, 41). A progressive person is one who does not “misbehave.” Here misbehavior should be understood as misdirected in life, perhaps choosing to become a lawyer instead of a hunter, which in turn may cause bad behavior that can affect the person himself, the parents and household, and society at large (Ositola 1988, 34). For a child to become a progressive person, he or she must first be identified, and this becomes the Babalowo’s first task. It is necessary to know if the child is a former ancestor from the father’s or mother’s side of the family, or a new spirit on its first life journey, in order to educate and direct a child’s life in a progressive manner. The newly born child is first introduced into the world through a ceremony, Ikosewaiye, which translates as “step into the world” (Ositola, 1988: 31). During Ikosewaiye, the child is held by the Babalowo, who allows his feet to touch the ground at the same time he touches the Iken Ifa, which are the palm nuts used in divining. Once grounded in this manner, the mediator begins to formulate a view of the child’s path or mission in life. The Yoruba regard the head (ori) as the most vital part of a person. The importance given the head in Yoruba culture derives from two factors: the physical and the metaphysical. The outer head is the seat of individual identification, wisdom, reason, as well as organs such as the eyes that guide a

13 person through life, and the mouth which ventilates the soul. It is the metaphysical inner-head, however, that is given prominence by the Yoruba. This inner-head is seen as the source of life, the location of a person’s vital force or ase, and the core of human personality that will shape the life path of the individual (Lawal 1985, 91). The head is believed by the Yoruba to be the first part of a human to be created, an idea supported by the fact that in most cases a baby is born head first, and the other members of a person literally follow the head to the earth. After a person is created, the Supreme Being Olodumare breathes life into it through the head. It is then up to the newly created person to choose their own inner-head that already exists along with many others. This choice will determine the lot in life of the individual on earth. Choice of a “good head” will precipitate an easier path in life than the choice of a “bad head.” Thus it is the inner-head that is given predominance in Yoruba beliefs, and the outer-head is considered merely a shell to contain the powers of the inner-head. (Lawal 1985, 91-92). To fully introduce the child to the earth, other rituals are performed during subsequent stages of the child’s life. To further understand which ancestor has been reborn, the Babalowo will perform the Imori Omo ritual, in order to know the child’s “head.” The Babalowo informs the ancestor’s spirits of the need for their direction by communicating with them through the use of kola nuts in a place at the front of the diviner’s house reserved for this purpose. To wake up the inner head in preparation for Imori, the Babalowo may orally spray the child’s head with gin prior to the ceremony. The child’s head is then touched directly to the Ifa divination tray. Once the diviner knows the “head” of the person, the rituals selected by the Babalowo will be more purposeful in helping the future client to lead a progressive and healthy life (Ositola 1988, 32-33).

14 Finally, the induction process leaves the Babalowo’s sanctuary and enters, as well as transcends, the world outside during a ritual called the Itefa journey. The Itefa journey is a procession to the “holy land” called Igbodu. The journey ritually mirrors the life journey of the initiate, complete with the obstacles and difficulties he will encounter along the way. Communication among Babalowos determines the timing of the Itefa journey for a child; however, it normally occurs when the child reaches the “age of understanding,” between four and six years of age, before the child has been influenced by other cultures through the Bible or Koran (Ositola 1988, 35). All participants, men and women, as well as Babalowos, in the Itefa journey must strive for a state of inner reflection before the journey can be successful. Once the boy’s head is “cool” or reflective, the journey may begin. At this point in the initiation process girls begin their own path through Ifa. Girls do not undergo the Itefa journey, but have their own ritual of a similar nature know as Itude Ifa, which translates as “break the Ifa bracelet” (Ositola 1988, 39). The initiate must endure ritual hardships during his journey to Igbodu. One such challenge the boy must face along the way is to carry the Opa Osun, (an iron staff that is the symbol of Orunmila, the deity of divination) on his head while walking on his knees when most participants are asleep. These hardships are faced to prepare the boy for the rigors of life, and are designed to reinforce the concepts of perseverance and determination leading to a progressive and successful adult existence. The initiate does not face the challenges alone. The tasks are performed under the direction of the Babalowos, who aid the youth through encouragement (Ositola 1988, 36). Other rituals are performed along the way. One ritual, the Ibo Osun, or sacrifice at the Osun staff, is conducted at the gate to Igbodu to appease the spirits of disturbance such as Death, Illness, Loss, Litigation, Debt, Disaster, in

15 order that they will not disturb or interfere with the proceedings inside the grove of Odu, the holy land (Ositola 1988, 36). Igbodu is a place prepared by the Babalowo to signify the ancient world. Each Babalowo may have his own Igbodu, and those not trained in divination may create their own representation as a personal shrine. The initiates are blindfolded before they may enter the grove, and only the Babalowos have seen the interior. The participants are not allowed to view the inside of Igbodu because it is believed that the eyes cannot truly impart the knowledge that is to be obtained through the further strenuous rituals that the initiates perform once they enter. It is the knowledge itself that is the “potentiality,” not the materials that the child must embrace in order to continue his future training (Ositola 1988, 36). After the completion of the rigorous ceremonies and rituals ascribed to the interior of the shrine, the initiates are taken to the very heart of Igbodu where they can see Obu Ologoje, a deity who is the wife of Orunmila. The initiates then emerge once again into the outside world, cleansed and dressed in white, properly prepared for a progressive life. They have been “reborn” and know their past. The child is now ready to enjoy the life-long benefits of Ifa divination and ritual (Ositola 1988, 39, 40). Beyond the benefits of initiation and social acceptance afforded by Ifa to the individual, the community in general profits through the nature of divination by depersonalizing vital decisions and instigating social consensus. Insightful examination of a typical question about which a Yoruba may consult a diviner illustrates the social-structural influence of the Babalowo and Ifa divination. The seemingly ordinary question of where to build a house is to the Yoruba of much deeper concern in a social and familial context than may be readily apparent from a western viewpoint. The choice of a building site determines where

16 a family will be placed in social space. The Yoruba family structure is based on patriarchal lineage within the omole, which are small, tightly localized lineage units within a compound setting. Overcrowding and strife can lead to a group secession within the omole, which can be the driving force behind the establishment of a new building location, leading to the formulation of a compound in a new town, and hence a new omole. It becomes the complex choice of each lineage head within the existing omole to either join the group of secession, thus abandoning previous hereditary groups, or to bypass this opportunity. Either way, the choice is of relatively permanent nature for the lineage leader and his family members. The gravity of the question that is proposed to the Babalowo now becomes of far-reaching consequence to the client and the Yoruba communal structure. Within the doctrines of Ifa, the Babalowo is able to assign the choice to the heavens, removing the responsibility from the patron himself. Once assigned to the heavens, the answer of where to build is then above frivolous reproach. The Babalowo, through Ifa divination, has supplied a legitimizing sanction upon a situation of communal restructuring that otherwise would be difficult to resolve without further conflict and damage to familial relationships (Park 1963, 196-197). Although the Ifa divination ritual is private to the individual and Babalowo, containing the aforementioned scrutiny pertaining to accuracy and honesty, an argument can be forwarded that it is actually a public event to a certain degree. Within the tight social network of the omole, it seems reasonable to assume that the visit of an individual to the diviner would be common knowledge, at least within the person’s immediate social group. Further, through communal interaction, persons within that group would be somewhat privy to the conundrum that the Babalowo is to be questioned about. Upon returning from the divination,

17 those people, who along with the client may be affected by the outcome, can feel assured that a higher authority has been consulted. Through sacrifice, the outcome of the divination is made public by the actions of the client. In this way, Ifa divination aids in building social consensus within the group, once again facilitating harmonious interaction by releasing the individual from primary responsibility of the problem. The effects of Ifa divination and the Babalowo’s insight are felt at every social level of the Yoruba culture. Associations between royalty and divination among the Yoruba will be discussed later in this thesis from an artistic standpoint; however, discussion from the vantage point of social consensus is here warranted. The link between kingship and divination is known at least as far back as 1659 when documentation connected to the oldest known Ifa divination tray located at the Ulmer Museum in Germany attests that the king of Alladah divined together with the greatest men and officials of his region (Thompson 1971, CH5/2). In this role, the king assumes the identity of a sort of state diviner, as well as that of a supplicant of Ifa. Similar to the commoner who gains social consensus regarding his choice of a building site, the king’s judgment can then be seen by the populace as supported by the heavens instead of a purely autocratic decree. Here again, divination serves to create a kind of check and balance system that solves in a positive manner a social issue that plagues other cultures (Park 1963, 201). Art relating to divination adds a crucial visual context for the Yoruba people.

Chapter 2 ART AND IFA DIVINATION Art has a direct relationship to the Yoruba cosmic view, and in many instances the two are inseparable. One example of the interconnected nature of art and spirituality for the Yoruba may be seen in the form of Egungun masking rituals. This ritual dance illustrates the importance of art, particularly fiber art, and has a connection to divination as well. Egungun The Yoruba hold annual or biannual Egungun festivals to honor ancestors and to secure the blessings that these important spirits are believed to bestow upon the living. As with many ritual performances, the Egungun dance is performed by a society composed of men and women whose lineage entitles them to the right to perform the masquerade. Men wear the costumes and perform the dance ritual. The women of the society participate through a chorus that sings praise poetry called oriki. Elder women of status contribute invocations, prayers, and offerings to the ancestors as well (Fitzgerald, Drewel, and Okediji 1995, 55, 57). The true power of the ritual is held within the dance costume itself. The costume covers the masker from head to toe to conceal his identity. However, obscuring the masker is not the main objective of the costume. Through it the wearer is transformed, able to reach the world of the ancestors. Only when the masker enters the costume is its true propose activated. An Egungun costume is composed of multiple layers of exquisite cloth following a rigorous canon of design. Cloth alone holds an important role in the lives of the Yoruba, nakedness being equated with infancy, irresponsibility,

19 insanity, and social irresponsibility (Bascom 1951, 490-505). The expensive and prestigious cloth lappets of the Egungun costume express the wealth and status of a lineage family performing the dance ritual as well as the power of the ancestor. The Egungun costume also holds amulets of prepared medicine which have power. The costumes are stored from year to year, and may have new lappets or amulets added in remembrance and honor of the ancestors. Through divination an ancestor might however request a whole new costume (Fitzgerald, Drewel, and Okediji 1995, 55-57). The dance itself is highly energetic, with the design of the costume related to the choreography of the performance. The lappets of the costume are sent flying as the dancer twirls, creating a breeze of blessing. This breeze may relate to Oya, the wife of Shango, the thunder god. Oya is visualized as the whirlwind and breeze of blessing that precedes a storm (Fitzgerald, Drewel, and Okediji 1995, 56). Death and Immortality One needs look no further than the Yoruba concepts of Death and immortality to understand the depth to which the arts of masking and dance play a role in the spiritual lives of these peoples. The Yoruba believe that Death has been conquered by society through art. One of their stories is recounted: Long, long ago, Death (Iku) and his followers regularly invaded Ife. Every fourth day they came from heaven to Ojaife market where they killed as many people as they could with the staffs that Death had given them. Eventually, most of the people of Ife were destroyed, and those who remained cried to Lafogido who was then Oni and to Odua, Orisanala, Orisa Ijugbe, Orisa Alase, and all the orisa to save them. But the orisa could do nothing to drive these spirits away. Finally Amaiyegun promised to save them. He brought colored cloths which he sewed into a costume which completely covered his body. The arms of the costume were like gloves to fit his fingers, and the legs of the costume like gloves to fit his toes. He sacrificed a ram, a cock and three whips (isan) in making the costume.

20 Then he called the people to him. First he put his left foot into the leg of the costume, which came up to the knee. Then he showed it to the people and they began to sing: “Come and see the foot, a fine secret.” He put his right leg into the costume and extended it so that the people could see. They sang the song again. He put his left arm and then his right arm into the costume. Each time… (the people sang): “Come and see the hand, a fine secret.” Finally he put on the gown which covered his face and his entire body. He took off the costume and stored it away in his room. When he found that Death would come again the next day, he went to the Oni and promised he would save the people on the morrow. In the morning… (Amaiyegun) and his followers, who did not wear costumes, went to Ojaife market and hid in the buttress of the large trees. Soon the townspeople began to come to the market, and not long afterwards Death and his followers descended on them, killing them with staffs. Amaiyegun came out from is hiding place, crying in the low guttural voice of Egungun “khaa, khoo.” Death and his followers dropped their staffs and fled in terror. Amaiyegun and his followers picked up the staffs and pursued them. As they overtook them, they struck them on the head. “Gba!, one fell; Gba!, another fell. Since that time Death and his followers have never returned to Ife.” (Lawal 1997, 50) To the Yoruba culture, this story tells how man conquered Death using a mask, in other words, art. Art and Ase To the Yoruba devotees of orisa worship, the concept of ase has a practical and immediate effect on their lives. Physics, metaphysics, and art meld to produce ase, the divine force that directs social-political, religious, and artistic processes governing the lives of the Yoruba. Through the visual and performing arts, ase imbues sound, matter, and space with energy to transform the existence of the physical world and also to control it (Abiodun 1994, 319). This is not to say that all Yoruba art contains ase. Objects of art can be infused with ase, and without it, many aesthetically pleasing works of art would fail to make any religious, social, or cultural impact on the viewer. To understand

21 which art is valued in this context, the phenomenon of ase requires development for the Western mind. It is difficult to ascertain the origins of the concept of ase in Yoruba consciousness; however, an ancient myth from oral tradition puts ase in the light of original creation. According to this myth, at Olodumare’s (supreme creator) request, Ogbon, the deity of wisdom presented obi-ase, literally “the kola nut of authority,” to each 401 orisa, who were in dispute as to which of them would be the leader amongst them at the time of Creation. The orisa who could split the kola nut of authority would control the destinies of the other orisa. The orisa Ori was the only one who was able to complete the difficult task, and was given preeminent ase. With this ase, Ori was able to defeat the other orisa and assign them their known roles after the Creation. This myth hence indicates the ancient correlation of ase to leadership (Abiodun 1994, 311-313). The word ase is commonly translated as “power,” “authority,” “command,” “scepter,” “vital force,” in all things, and as “a coming to pass of an utterance” in the Yoruba cosmos. The belief in ase includes the idea that this energy inhabits and energizes the heavenly realm of the orisa, as well as their altars on Earth. This includes the objects, utensils, offerings, and air that surround the altars. Religious artifacts are commonly stored on the altars when they are not being used in ritual or public performance. In this way, the artifacts both pass their ase to the surrounding area, as well as become energized by their proximity to the altar and shrine, which has, through this interaction, become a sacred architectural space. The shrine, as a sacred space imbued with ase, becomes a place where priests and devotees may re-charge and empower themselves with ase before undertaking a difficult or major task (Abiodun 1994, 310).

22 Ase, although believed to be present in all things, cannot be individually invented or given to oneself. Since ase is translated literally as “authority,” when a Yoruba questions the power of another, he is in fact questioning the source of the other’s ase, and through it, his right to act in a leadership role. It is common, therefore, to consult Ifa before the installation of a community leader, and for approval before the conferment of the title of oba, or divine ruler, is given. As mentioned above, the connection to leadership and ase is ancient, and it is during the occasion of the installation of an oba, the power of Yoruba belief in ase, becomes apparent. During the rituals for a new oba, the new king’s given and secret names are voiced to give him the newly conferred ase. At this time, it is believed that the air and space between the one who vocalizes ase (in the form of incantations) and the recipient is so charged with power that it is unsafe to impede the flow of energy between the two individuals. Featured in these incantations is a type of ase called ohun-afose, whose literal translation is “voicing ase and making it come to pass.” The goal of this category of ase is to establish control through the content of these invocations that are designed to affect both the physical and spiritual worlds. As divine leader, the oba is seen as having ase similar to Ori, the deity who controls the orisa through his superior ase. Furthermore, since Ori literally means “head” the honor given this high ranking orisa is extended to almost all political heads and leaders in the Yoruba world (Abiodun 1994, 311-314, 316). Ase, as it relates to art, pertains to the identification, activation, and utilization of this innate energy and power. For a work of art to be “alive,” and “responding,” it must have Iluti. Iluti can be seen as a “call-response” phenomenon that supports the Yoruba belief in the power of the primordial names of all living and non-living things. As with the installation of the oba, the proper

23 names must be understood and invoked for ase to be conferred to art. Iluti, which deals with the fulfillment of artistic intention as well as precision in the artistic process, relates to the orisa on the same level as art. When choosing orisa for worship, the Yoruba look for those with Iluti, those who respond when consulted. In order to capture and express visually the essence or primordial names of their subject, Yoruba artists need a special kind of understanding of a person, thing, or phenomenon. Artists must have oju-inu or an “inner eye” in regards to their subject. To gain this higher level of insight into their subject, artists must be familiar with accepted sources of knowledge such as praise poetry and Ifa divination texts (Abiodun 1994, 310-311). Thus, it is through this “inner eye” or oju-inu that the artist is able to use the right colors, motifs, and designs to correctly identify the ase of a particular orisa leading to the successful invocation of the spirit, and the creation of Iluti, or a responsive interaction between the orisa and their devotee. The process of activation, as it relates to works of art, needs to be considered on two levels. Once the artist has correctly identified the ase of the deity, the corresponding energy of the spirit is activated. The next consideration of activation requires human interaction in the physical realm. In the case of Ifa divination trays, the Babalowo interacts with the art (tray) verbally by involving the names of deities, great past diviners, and their exploits. In the Babalowo’s shrine, the Yoruba cosmos, as described earlier in this thesis, is artistically and functionally represented in two forms, first as a sphere in the form of a calabash (oyo), with upper and lower hemispheres that join tightly together, and second, the cosmos is visualized through the often circular divination tray (opon Ifa).

24 Opon Ifa Divination trays (opon Ifa) are flat and usually circular in shape, although they may be rectangular, square, or semicircular at times. The vast majority of trays are created from wood, with a couple of interesting exceptions. One tray reportedly seen in the city of Ife was carved of quartz, much like the ancient quartz stools from the area. This tray was believed to belong to Ifa himself. (Bascom 1969, 34). One Ifa verse directs worshipers to tap a brass divining tray to cause the return of Orunmilla/Ifa, when he had departed to the ocean shore. Again, this tray made from a material other than wood is believed to belong to a deity, not mankind (Bascom 1969, 423). Iconography on Ifa divination trays is itself related to the social and religious concept of ase. Compositions around the edge of divination often are segmented or seriate, leading to a multi-focal form with shifts in perspective and proportion. The myriad images of people, reptiles, quadrupeds, birds, weapons, divination tapers, medicine gourds, and a multitude of further representations are presented in a segmented yet autonomous manner. Generally, equal weight is given to each rendition within the compositions, which are separated by abstract forms that are thought to unify the composition, but may also reveal a deeper meaning that will be discussed later in this thesis. The divination tray also speaks of legendary diviners and their achievements, which are meant to set precedence in the current divination ritual. Despite the vast diversity found in the composition of Ifa divination trays, discussion of the design of an old tray belonging to the diviner Kolawole Ositola can facilitate further comment on iconography. At the top of the tray is the main and often largest section, known as the “Face of the Tray” (Oju Opon), which is oriented opposite the diviner. The section nearest the diviner is called the “Foot of

25 the Tray” (Ese Opon). The right hand side is designated “Straight Path,” (Ona Oganran), while the left hand side is known as “Direct Path” (Ona Munu). Ositola explains that names such as Ona Munu are the ancient forefathers of Ifa divination. These diviners gained such reputation in the past that they are remembered and invoked at the beginning of each divination ritual. The upper right quadrant is associated with Alabalotun, and is called “One who proposes from the right.” The upper left is Alaselosi, “One you implements from the left.” The lower right quadrant is Aliletepowo, “Early riser who sits down and prospers.” On the lower left is Afurukeresayo, “One who has a diviner’s flywhisk and is happy.” The center tray where the verses of Ifa are marked is designated the “leader” of the tray and is known as Erilade Opon, “Center of the tray has the crown.” The point of intersection of realms is explained as conical form radiating from the center of the tray, symbolizing a crown (Drewel, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989, 23). Ase is believed to be located in and emanate from the apex or pointed end of the conical object, ibori, which symbolically represents the head (ori). The ase generated at this point supplies the power, authority, and force needed to solve problems and overcome obstacles (Abiodun 1994, 314). Eshu and His Imagery The one necessary iconographic image on divination trays is the face of Eshu, the so called “trickster” god of the Yoruba. A carving of Eshu’s face on the divining tray appears across from the Ifa priest on all except a very few opon Ifa. Eshu presides over the divination process as the Babalowo casts the palm nuts and draws the patterns of odu on the tray to reveal the divine answer to the client’s dilemma. A portion of all sacrifices prescribed by the Babalowo is first given to Eshu. Eshu’s dish for receiving his part of the sacrifice is placed between the diviner and the client during the divination ritual (Pemberton 1975, 22).

26 Understanding of the calm, balanced nature of the Ifa divination ritual seems at odds with the appearance of Eshu throughout the procedure. Discussion of Eshu as both trickster and agent provocateur is necessary to the comprehension of Eshu iconology on opon Ifa trays. The association of Eshu with malicious activity is widespread in the stories and sayings of the Yoruba. Indeed, Yoruba sayings attribute to Eshu the origins of misbehavior. Wicked persons are called omo Eshu (children of Eshu), and a person who harms others or himself is thought to have been incited to action by Eshu (Pemberton 1975, 26). The myth about Eshu most often recounted by the Yoruba tells of how the trickster god broke up a life-long friendship of two men whose farms were separated by a path. The men were such close friends that they were always seen together and dressed alike. Eshu, disguised as an old man, decided to walk down the path between the two men’s farms wearing a hat that was white on one side and black on the other. As soon as he had passed, the two friends began to argue about the direction the old man had gone and the color of his hat. The conflict grew to such a degree that it was brought before the king. With each of the men still arguing and calling the other a liar, Eshu whispered in the king’s ear that neither man was a liar, but both were fools, and divulged his trickery. The enraged king sent his men after Eshu, who easily out ran them. As he fled, he set many houses on fire. When the occupants of the burning houses came out with their belongings, Eshu offered to keep their property safe, but instead gave each bundle to a passer-by so that the fire victims’ belongings were scattered in all directions (Wescott 1962, 340-341). Another rendition of the same story depicts Eshu’s hat as blue, white, or red, with each combatant insisting that the other was correct. During this version,

27 Eshu tells the mitigating king that he caused the strife between the two farmers because they neglected to sacrifice to him as they declared their friendship (Pemberton 1975, 24-25). Sculptures with a tri-colored hat are at times portrayed in art, reflecting this version of the story. Another myth tells of how Eshu convinces the sun and moon to trade places, thus completely reversing the order of the cosmos (Wescott 1962, 340). The transformative powers of Eshu, as well as the need to placate the deity through sacrifice, are well-infused in Yoruba daily life. Eshu is at once described as the youngest and the oldest of the Orisha. Conflicting tales of his birth may be related to his connection to the birth of twins. One of his praise names, Akinfenwa (bold man who follows), is given to the first born of twins. Although the first born is older, the concept of the first born as the youngest relates to the Yoruba belief that just as a junior man will precede a senior to test the way before him, the first born twin goes before the second born, called Taiwo (tester of the world), to test the path ahead. Thus, Eshu, who is the explorer of boundaries, breaker of social rules, tester of the fabric of life, is named the oldest, and associated with the youngest of twin births, a paradox embraced by the Yoruba (Wescott 1962, 341). Accounts of Eshu’s size are equally ambiguous and give further insight to the deity’s transformative nature in Yoruba thought. He is described as large and small, who turns right into wrong, and wrong into right. He is viewed as a deity that is at once powerful and gentle, fast and unmoving, present and absent. One praise song for Eshu tells of how he tried to sleep in a house that was too small for him, as was the veranda outside the house. He found comfort in a nut shell where he could at last stretch out his legs to sleep (Pemberton 1975, 25).

28 To the Yoruba, Eshu’s trickery is not merely deceit, it is power. He is the one who uses charms to produce sleep, break locks, and become invisible. It is said that he can transform himself into a bird, become like the wind, or disguise himself as another person. He is the magician who possesses oogun (medicine) that has the power to transform (Pemberton 1975, 26). As a bird, Eshu is linked to other magically transformative animals that inhabit multiple realms. At the Ifa divination ritual, Eshu is the harbinger of chance. However, the deity’s association with the marginal, changing aspects of life reaches far beyond the Babalowo’s door. For the Yoruba, Eshu inhabits crossroads, the entrances of compounds, and the marketplace. At crossroads and the entrances of compounds, a person’s circumstances may change. At these places, shrines to Eshu (a chunk of red laterite rock, or simple mud pillar) are to be found. Eshu’s presence is profoundly felt at the market place. Here he is said to be the master of the outcome of the day’s bartering. The deity holds in his grasp the financial fortunes of all involved. Cowry shells, once used as money in Yoruba land, are thus a symbol of Eshu in art. The market and its ordering hold a deeper meaning in Yoruba consciousness. The market is considered a metaphor for the diverse forces that interact in life, good and evil, change and transformation. A shrine to Eshu is a fitting accoutrement to the entrance of the market. In the palace, the senior Ifa priest makes the first offering of the year, a black goat or chickens, to Eshu during the Igbefa festival that greets the new year, again, a time of uncertainty for the Yoruba. The festival with its offering is preceded by a night of casting Ifa to determine the deity’s desired sacrifice that will allow the Oba and town to prosper for the next year. It is to Eshu, then above all other orisha, and Orunmilla himself, that the first honor of the year is given. Such is the extent that the Yoruba feel Eshu’s influence on their lives (Pemberton 1975, 22-25).

29 Discussion of Eshu as the instigator of turmoil is only part of the picture in Yoruba cosmic and world view. It is said that after Olodumare created such demons as death, sickness, loss, fighting, and deities of hot temper like Shango, and after he had created all the good things in life such as wives, money, children, and long life, he created Eshu’s power. Olodumare gave Eshu enough power to check the excess of the demonic forces and bring to people the blessings of the deities of good things (Pemberton 1975, 27). Eshu then, is also seen as agent provocateur, a mediating force between man and the gods. It is Eshu who tricks mankind into offending the gods, thus providing them with sacrifice. It is said that without Eshu the other orisha would starve. Eshu and Ifa are seen as complements by the Yoruba. Eshu causes the strife that makes people turn to Ifa through divination to understand which orisha they have offended so that they may make amends through sacrifice. An important myth tells how it was Eshu who gave Ifa to the people. Thus Eshu becomes the solution of conflict, and sponsors personal growth resulting from the Ifa divination process. Lastly, the presence of Eshu and his erratic nature in Yoruba world view allows them to compensate for the rigidity of their social structure, and at the same time to locate the source of evil outside themselves (Wescott 1962, 338, 345). Artistic representations of Eshu reflect the god’s penchant for mischief through iconic elements that are common to the deity. These elements are present on Eshu dance wands, votive sculpture, vestments for priests, as well as individually or as accoutrements to human figures on Ifa divination trays. The most important and common symbol for Eshu is the long-tailed hairdress, which may at times be carved as a phallus. This tailed coiffure is associated with Eshu’s libidinous energy, power, and aggression. The hair-dress may be decorated with the medicine calabashes linking the image to Eshu as the magician

30 as well as trickster. The association between the masculine energies toward aggression and power represented by the hair arrangement and the indications of a phallus are appropriate. It is Eshu who is responsible for erotic dreams and adultery among the Yoruba. The laterite or mud pillars used for shrines to Eshu may also associate with the phallic representations of Eshu. Clubs as an icon of Eshu can have either a sexual or violent interpretation. On one hand, imagery of clubs is easily transferred to the phallus. And on the other, the club may refer to the Yoruba belief that the god is at the heart of all fights that break out between men (Wescott 1962, 348). Sculptures of Eshu are often adorned with strings of cowries showing his link to the market place. Other items can hang between the strings of cowries, or be present in conjunction. Combs among the cowries emphasize the issues of the hair. Mirrors are seen as an indication of the deity’s vanity and self-will. In addition to the medicine calabashes mentioned, a broken calabash may be associated to Eshu as an indication of his destructive nature. At times, spoons may be included in Eshu sculptures, alluding to his demanding nature as the recipient of constant sacrifice. Two other common images connected with Eshu both have an oral connotation that invites sexual identification: the whistle and pipe. Each of these icons, although rudimentarily sexual in nature, has other interpretations. Smoking a pipe at the palace is considered an insult to Shango the thunder god. Here the pipe, emblematic of the cult of Eshu, becomes an indication of his disregard for authority and audacity (Wescott 1962, 347). Phallic in form, the whistle is emblematic of other deities with a strong masculine tendencies, as well as Eshu. Yoruba children are told not to whistle because it will attract evil spirits. Whistles are also blown during Eshu festival to attract the god (Wescott 1962, 347). However, devoid of western Freudian

31 concepts, informants have related the whistle to Eshu’s role as messenger. He blows the whistle like the king’s messenger to clear the way for the important person who will follow (Pemberton 1975, 27). Shango and His Imagery The relationship between Eshu and the Yoruba god of thunder, Shango, can be found throughout Yoruba religious and cultural beliefs. Shango imagery is found in Eshu shrines, as well as on Ifa divination trays, and the priests of both their cults interact at various times. Myths concerning Shango once again vary, but share the same tale of loss of command due to violence, and some sort of shameful act, followed by redemption through deification resulting from worship, and the ability of the god to exact revenge on his enemies through lightning. Shango was allegedly the fourth king of the Yoruba and ruled over all areas including Benin, the Popos, and Dahomey, as monarch of the ancient city of OyoIle. As king, Shango had a fiery temper and violent character. Shango is said to have been a great warrior and possess a penchant for magic and could emit fire and smoke from his mouth and nostrils. One story recounts that while playing with his ability to create lightning, Shango accidentally destroyed his palace and most of his wives and family. In shame and remorse, the king left the town and hanged himself, accompanied by his wife Oyo, who likewise committed suicide. Immediately after his death, friends of the king came to the place where he had killed himself and began his worship. Thus deified through the devotion of men and women, the power lost to Shango through his death as king was restored to him as a god (Thompson 1971, CH12/1-2). Another myth of the demise and re-emergence of Shango as a god takes a more cultural bend. The Yoruba have a suspicious view of a king who engages in

32 magic. They fear a king who already has ultimate power through law and chooses to engage in magic because they believe that the power can only be used spitefully. A myth generated from this point of view tells how Shango was exiled for his magical practice and hanged himself out of desperation, deserted even by his wife Oyo (Thompson 1971, CH12/1). The violence of character, fiery temper, and erratic behavior displayed by Shango as king in the living world are associated with his incarnation as a god as well. An initiate of Shango must balance on his or her head a pierced vessel containing an active flame. During other initiation rites, devotees may swallow fire or immerse their hands in boiling material. Enduring these trials unscathed is thought to prove the presence of Shango in the initiate (Thompson 1971, CH12/2). Ritual dance for Shango centers on a violent, frenzied possession. When a house is struck by lightning, Shango priests ritually plunder the house of its remaining goods. Although these actions on behalf of Shango are in conflict with normal Yoruba rules of moral attitudes and behavior, they are attributed to the god himself, never his devotees (Wescott and Morton-Williams 1962, 25). Compared with other Yoruba cults, the cult of Shango has an abundance and variety of visual imagery. However, the body of myth relating to the ritual objects is particularly meager. Intriguingly, the two most important symbols of the cult of Shango, the thunder-axe (oshe) and the priests’ bags known as laba shango, are given no explanation (Wescott and Morton-Williams 1962, 25). The oshe (thunder-axe) is a symbol of the god’s destructive power and embodies the notion that it is Shango who hurls thunderbolts from the sky when lightning strikes. Neolithic celts, edun ara, which literally means thunder-axe, when unearthed are considered thunderbolts and placed on Shango’s altar (Vogel 1981, 92). It is readily apparent that the double axe formations on many oshe wands

33 represent two such Neolithic celts back to back in a double triangle composition. This “double triangle” motif is at times present on Ifa divination trays and will be considered later in this paper. The main shaft of oshlabae may include a kneeling female figure representing female followers of Shango, or perhaps the deity’s wife Oya. These staffs are carried by Shango priests as a sign of devotion and as a sculptural symbol of their own ability to invoke lightning. Used expressively during possession dances to Shango, oshe are swung violently to simulate the god’s destructive nature. The Yoruba greatly fear oshe shango and view it as a lethal weapon, and it is believed that to lie in the presence of these artifacts will result in the wrath of Shango (Vogel 1981, 92). Laba shango are the bags carried by the priests of Shango when performing duties away from the shrine. Of primary importance is the gathering of celts for these bags from places where lightning has struck. The celts are dug from the earth and then placed in the laba for safe transportation to the shrine of Shango. The priests next announce which sins Shango is punishing and which sacrifices are necessary to appease the deity (Wescott and Morton-Williams 1962, 27). These bags are decorated with four identical symbolic panels, the design of which is once again unsupported by Yoruba myth (Wescott and Morton-Williams 1962, 23). Eshu and Shango are both considered hot or hard gods, and their imagery is found in conjunction. Eshu is represented in shrines to other orisha, particularly in those dedicated to Shango, where he may be represented by a mound of hardened red mud inset with cowry shells, red laterite rock, or a blackened calabash called Shango’s elegbara (Pemberton 1975, 22). Conversely, an Ifa diviner’s shrine, the domain of Eshu, may contain smaller shrines to Shango, as well as other orisha (Drewel and Drewel 1983, 64). Despite Eshu’s precarious nature, cults for other

34 hot orisha describe him as a handsome man and as a god who may give children to his devotees. Thus to these sympathetic cults of other vengeful and destructive gods, Eshu is considered an indispensable ally (Wescott 1962, 344). Just as Eshu is mediated and balanced by the harmony of Ifa, the masculine destructive (hot) nature of Shango is neutralized (cooled) through Yoruba belief. Shango’s masculine nature is balanced through the interaction of female devotees, and male priests of Shango are always transvestite in nature during possession (Wescott and Morton-Williams 1962, 25). It may be asserted that the lightning bolt of Shango has the same masculine connotation as the club for Eshu. Likewise, the laba shango may be seen as symbolically feminine. The containment of the masculine energy of Shango (thunder-celts) safely within the feminine laba shango then brings together the dualistic aspects of the Yoruba world view manifest in the transvestitism of Shango priests (Wescott and Morton-Williams 1962, 31-34). Animal Motifs on Ifa Divination Trays Depictions of animals in the low relief carving on the borders of opon Ifa is one of the most common motifs. The connection between animal imagery and Ifa divination is far from tenuous, given the relationship of these animal images to the myths and verses (ese) that support the system. Animals often appear in the myths and verses as substitutes for heroes or deities. While the substitution of animals for deities may provide some measure of distinguishing between myths that are regarded as historical fact, and folktales told for entertainment, it should be noted that each of these oral traditions plays an important role in the verses the client hears during the Ifa divination ritual. For instance in some verses, Tortoise appears in the role of trickster instead of Eshu. Thus the tortoise image on an Ifa divination tray may be seen as a stand-

35 in for the god himself (Bascom 1943, 129-130). The tortoise also belongs to another type of animal embedded in Yoruba cosmology. Similar to other animal images that appear on opon Ifa, such as snakes, crocodiles, crabs, and mudfish, the tortoise is at home in the water as well as on land. The ability of these creatures to inhabit different elements is perceived as a crossing of realms on the earthly plain, analogous to the crossing of heavenly realms by orisha. Further, all of these “magical/transformative” animals cross boundaries like Eshu, the ultimate messenger, and thus are instrumental in communication between the spirits and humankind (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 62-66). Images of mudfish may also serve a purpose seemingly unrelated to their ability to transcend realms. Mudfish and mudfish-legged creatures that appear on palace doors and in the Ogboni cult, a secret society of elders charged with the power of judgment and persecution of social infractions, refer to royal ancestors. In the cult of Shango, the mudfish refer to Erinle, the orisha who resides in the river, through their association with water (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 63), forming a possible connection between the cult of the thunder-god and that of Ifa. The mudfish as symbols of royalty have other implications for Ifa as well. In the Ifa cult, the mudfish may invoke the king himself. The king is seen as a liminal being who combines the powers of men and those of the divine. Thus he is a messenger between realms in the vein of Eshu and Ifa (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 74). Further, images of mudfish perhaps allude to the diviner himself as a method of confirming his power between man and the divine. Important diviners are afforded beaded caps, beaded flywhisks, staffs, as well as royal prerogatives that can be equated to aristocracy (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 76).

36 Birds also frequently appear on Ifa divination trays. Birds inhabit the multiple realms of sky and earth fulfilling their role as magical/transformative animals. Birds, however, have other sacred and powerful connotations. When found on opon Ifa pecking a mudfish, they may refer to witches (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 68). It is believed that witches, the bringers of death, illness, and insanity, transform themselves into night birds that are visible only to other witches. These witches’ familiars use their beaks to attack people in their sleep in order to steal blood, thereby causing sickness and death. Witches may also eat the spirit of the stricken or interfere with his sexuality, causing impotence, for example (Thompson 1971, CH 11/1). Inclusion of images of witchcraft would seem, at first glance, to be at odds with the balanced and calming purpose of the Ifa divination ritual, but may not be. Instead, the inclusion of these images may serve to bolster the power of the Babalowo in the face of witchcraft. In many parts of Africa, witchcraft is considered a psychic, anti-social offense with the belief that the witch’s soul leaves the body while she sleeps. The witch’s victims include any sick person, or those involved in any accident or mishap (Parrinder 1956, 145-146), namely, the Babalowo’s clients. Particularly in West Africa, women may confess to witchcraft eagerly out of exhibitionism, or to accept the cleansing offered by the diviner. Thus the Babalowo is seen as having the ability to cure the bewitched as well as the witch (Parrinder 1956, 147-149). The anti-social self-will associated with witchcraft is countered through divination as the self-serving desires of the witch are brought back into balance and harmony by the diviner aided by the divine forces he communicates with. Interestingly, in many cultures the diviner is connected to witchcraft through accusation. A diviner suspected by his clients of being a witch may be seen as more powerful and

37 desirable. One who can control such powers can use them to heal as well as harm (Zuesse 1971, 218-219). This association between witchcraft and divination is further emphasized by the bird images that adorn the diviner’s staff. Called osun babalowo, these iron staffs carried by diviners are topped with stylized birds. One informant quoted by Thompson indicated that the bird on his staff in iron was there so that those who saw it would “love the man and fear him” (1971, CH 11/2). Another interpretation of the birds adorning the diviner’s staff relates to the story of eyeoko, the hermaphroditic lone bird of the forest who is able to have offspring after consulting Ifa and performing sacrifice. Considering this myth, the bird on the osun babalowo represents the positive power and authority of Ifa and the implementation of Orunmila’s orders through Ifa divination (Abiodun 1994, 317). Some stylized bird imagery on divination trays is quite reminiscent of these iron birds found on osun babalowo, perhaps indicating further connection between the two. Other bird-like representations, particularly long-legged ones, found on divination trays may recall the egret, and thus associate the diviner with royal status. The egret is considered the leader of birds, and its images or feathers are found at the tip of the conical crown worn by the king. It is from this apex that the oba’s (king’s) ase is believed to be radiated into the world (Abiodun 1994, 317). Another animal that appears on divination trays is the pangolin anteater. Although not grouped with the magical/transformative animals in this paper, its protective nature is important to this discussion. The pangolin possesses a hard coat of scales and when in danger, will wrap its tail around its body for an extra layer of protection, making it impervious to attack. The pangolin is further associated with Ifa divination in that its scales are at times used as markers on

38 opele (divination chains). This animal is also considered a delicacy to eat and is a valued commodity for sacrifice. Additionally, pangolin is used to create powerful medicines. The power substances buried at the base or tail of the diviner’s staff (osun babalowo) are also associated with the pangolin. The scales of this anteater are sometimes represented on Ifa divination trays as well (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 64). Cloth Motifs on Ifa Divination Trays Images connected to African textiles and royal weaving also appear on Ifa divination trays. The most common of these images is called ibo, which is an interlaced pattern. The simplest rendition of ibo consists of a figure eight configuration, while more elaborate forms may be braided around an entire tray. Several scholars have mounted a convincing argument that this interlaced pattern refers to royal embroidery and is an emblem of aristocracy and kingship (Abiodun, Drewel, and Pemberton 1994, 66-67). Further connection has been found between the ibo pattern and carving on palace doors and other royal portals, which form a possible link between Ifa divination and royal prerogative (Thompson 1971, CH5/ 5-6). Another connection between sacred textiles and Ifa divination is perhaps found in relation to the Gelede ceremony. Gelede is a night masquerade performed with the main purpose of placating and beseeching benefit from the “mothers,” elder women who are held in suspicion due to their age and position in society once they are past their child bearing years. The negative aspect of the mothers (aji) or witchcraft was discussed in the previous section on animal motifs. The mothers, however, are also believed to possess great ability with herbal medicines, and are considered by some to have cures for special ailments. They have been reported to be able to see inside a person’s body and to see a baby in the mother’s

39 womb (Drewel 1974, 10, 17). One myth relates that Olodumare (supreme deity) originally gave to the mother’s powers over man and other gods, only to remove this status due to their propensity for irrational behavior and inability to act in a calm nature (Drewel 1974, 8). Thus the same entities that are feared as witches are also viewed positively as being calm, creative, and protective. It is the goal of the Gelede performance to encourage these mothers to use their power in the benefit of society instead of its detriment. Ifa is linked by the Yoruba to the inception of Gelede through myths such as the following recounted to Drewel: Greetings were their secret among the Egba Greetings were their secret among the Ijesa Ifa told Orumila when he was going to The grove of the witches, He must put on a mask, a headwrap, and leg rattles. He obeyed, he put them on, he arrived at The grove of the witches and he was safe. He rejoiced in dancing and singingI have covenanted with Death, I will never die. Death, Death no more, I have covenanted with sickness, I will

40 never die, Death, Death no more. Orunmila, the deity associated with Ifa, was only safe from the destructive powers of the witches through the use of regalia. Gelede ensembles cover the entire masquerader just as Orunmila had to be completely covered (hidden) from the witches to be safe. Gelede costuming is traditionally presented in pairs of male, female, or animal designs. In most cases the intricately carved mask worn by the performer is augmented by voluminous layers of cloth that may signify title, social status, or clan affiliation, through color or pattern (Drewel 1974, 10). Textiles, it can be argued, have a connection to the very roots of Gelede. Since it was Ifa who counseled Orunmila on his encounter with the witches, motifs of cloth on Ifa divination trays may then be an association to Gelede. An interesting addition to the above commentary linking royal carving and ibo patterns on divination trays may also support that connection through Gelede masquerading. I would add that the richly appliquéd cloth of Gelede ensembles of Oro Efe often includes an interlacing pattern that an informant to Drewel reported as an emblem appropriate to kingship, one who sings: “ I have become the king of Efe, all youths prostrate before me…” (1974, 10). Thus dual purposes may be found in the appearance of ibo, and perhaps other references to textiles, on Ifa divination trays. Foremost there would seem to be an assumption of royalty, but perhaps also an invocation of powers to combat the malicious forces of the mothers as well as to appeal for their help. Finally, just as with the Egungun ceremony previously discussed, the ensemble including cloth becomes a medium of transformation leading to an association with Eshu the progenitor of change in Ifa divination as well as the ultimate transformer.

Chapter 3 ABSTRACTION OF IMAGES ON IFA DIVINATION TRAYS The subject of analysis for the remainder of this thesis will center on the interaction between the known and recognizable imagery already discussed and common abstract images found on Ifa divination trays. When discussed in literature, these abstract images normally are assigned esthetic values and are seen as artistic tools used to enhance composition. However, intriguing ideas emerge when these abstract designs are given the same importance commonly assigned to more recognizable imagery on divination trays. This increased importance of abstracted imagery would seem a logical conclusion given the role Yoruba artistic conventions play in the people’s world view, as previously discussed in this thesis. In short: if the presence of a turtle is given the same power and importance as the appearance of a bird nearby, then an abstracted motif should also be considered as an entity of its own with power and importance equal to any animal images on divination trays. Once equal weight is conferred on these abstracted images, interesting questions may be posed: are these abstract images interchangeable with the recognizable images? Are abstract images substitutions for recognizable images as well? Naturally we must take into account that the very idea of substitution in this case may be a Western convention. The Yoruba may well view the abstract designs as being as recognizable as any animal or human representation. Double Axe Motif Three common abstract motifs found on Ifa divination trays will be utilized in the following statistical study in an attempt to identify any correlation between

42 abstract and recognizable images. Recognizable images are assigned to the primary category, while abstract motifs are assigned to the secondary category for analysis. One important departure is that of the double axe formation that will serve as primary imagery for Shango. This motif of back-to-back triangular shapes has been identified by Robert Farris Thompson as a direct indication of the presence of Shango on Ifa divination trays (1971, CH5/4-5). The twinned thunder axe formations on Shango dance wands have also previously been discussed in this thesis, leading me to agree with Thompson. Visually, this primary Shango formation consists of a square or rectangle containing two triangles placed tip to tip (see Plate 1). This design will be the only image considered a primary indication of Shango. Thompson also notes what he calls “chip-carved small triangles,” which he suggests represent the tassels on Shango’s garment (1971, CH/5-4). This design was often present on trays from the sample of one hundred used for this study, leading me to believe that its inclusion as an indication of Shango would have increased the correlations to the deity’s appearance. Lightning The remaining three abstract motifs utilized in the study are subject to my interpretation. The first of these abstractions is that of the secondary imagery for Shango that I will designate as lightning. These images belong to the category of motifs that are usually considered as aesthetic dividers for the different sections of the tray. They consist of two vertical lines with a series of short horizontal hash marks carved in between the entire length of the vertical lines (see Plate 2). I contend that the horizontal marks between the vertical boundaries represent the crackle of lightning as it descends to earth from the sky. I base this assumption on two other observations as well. First, on a small number of the trays from the sample, as well as others from literature, the familiar zig-zag line used in western

43

Plate 1. Double axe motif on divination tray. Thompson 1971, CH5/7

44

Plate 2. Abstracted lightning motif on divination tray. Thompson 1971, CH5/6

45 art to indicate lightning is also confined between two vertical lines on some Ifa divination trays. Plate 3 shows the familiar two vertical lines, but this time the horizontal hash marks are “piled” in the center in such a way as to seemingly approximate a zig-zag motif. Another significant observation that supports this argument is the existence of the same motif on some Shango dance wands. On these pieces, the vertical line/hash mark design can be seen in between the triangular celt formations that make up the double axe motif of the thunder god (see Plate 4). The rendering of the motif in question in contact with imagery of the Neolithic celts, believed to be the point of a lightning strike by Shango priests, adds a strong support to this imagery being an abstraction of lightning. Slats The second abstracted motif used in the following study incorporates imagery that I contend is related to textiles and representations of royal cloth on Ifa divination trays much the same as the ibo interlacing pattern. For the study, the ibo will be considered primary imagery due to its wide acceptance as symbolic of royal prerogative, while the abstracted secondary imagery will be in a category I will call “slats” (see Plate 5). This slat formation once again is spoken of in the literature as a compositional device used to add balance to the piece and to divide sections of the divination tray. However, the use of short striping, and striping in general on West African textiles, leads me to believe that the meaning of this motif is deeper. Earlier in this thesis, I have shown a connection between Ifa and Egungun as well as Gelede ritual performances, both of which employ copious amounts of cloth in their regalia. One Egungun garment (Plate 6) clearly shows the short striping that I argue is continued on Ifa divination trays much as it has been firmly asserted by Thompson that the ibo pattern is a continuation of the sculpture of royal portals discussed earlier.

46

Plate 3. Piled lightning motif on divination tray. Thompson 1971, CH5/6.

47

Plate 4. Lightning motif on Shango dance wand. Thompson 1971, CH12/7.

48

Plate 5. Slats motif on divination tray. Image courtesy of Hamill Gallery.

49

Plate 6. Egungun ensemble. Drewel, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989, 184

50 Yoruba textiles are a point of prestige and wealth to the wearer of the garment. These cloths may be named for prominent political leaders or a traditional ruler. Some are dated to the crowning of a king or the death of a chief (Boyer 1983, 42). Yoruba cloths that claim royal prerogative have common characteristics in color and striping. Further, men’s weaving in the Oyo area of Yorubaland is characterized by the narrow bands produced (Boyer 1983,42), which perhaps may be seen as the narrow stripes or “slats” on Ifa divination trays through the sharing of artistic conventions across regions. Finally, I would include one other observation that tends to support the idea that striping on Ifa divination trays indicates presence of royal connection to the deities represented or perhaps the babalowo himself. While examining the collection of Yoruba textiles in the Museum of Natural History in New York, Boyer identifies a percentage of the examples as having conclusive names related to royalty, all of which display striping of some sort (1983, 43-45). Cross Hatching The final abstracted motif that I identify for the statistical study to follow is one that I will refer to as “cross hatching” (see Plate 7). I contend that this crosshatching motif is a protective element appearing on Ifa divination trays. This would benefit the client or the babalowo while dealing with the quandary of life presented by the supplicant in the face of apprehension and fear resulting from interaction with offended deities during the divination ritual. Further, I view it as quite possible that the cross hatch motif is a direct substitution for the pangolin anteater whose behavior and scaled hide has been linked to protection earlier in this paper. It is interesting to note, and perhaps a supporting element of the argument that this motif is intentionally rendered as a substitute for the pangolin anteater,

51

Plate 7. Cross hatching motif on divination tray. Thompson 1971, CH5/9.

52 that the most prominent rendition of the cross hatched motif is placed inside a square or rectangular “frame” in the same manner as the double triangle design accepted as a primary image for Shango in this study.

Chapter 4 METHODOLOGY The purpose of the study was to determine whether or not there are negative relationships between the primary and secondary images described above. A nonrandom sample of one hundred Ifa divination tray images was gathered from personal and professional sources. The majority came from a private collector known to the author and the remainder are used with permission from retail art galleries. Comparisons were performed using a crosstabs procedure, which produces a Chi-square (Χ2) statistic that is a measure of association between categorical variables and to determine if they are statistically independent of each other. The current study uses counts of the primary imagery as the independent variable and secondary imagery as the dependent variable. When crosstabulations are run, a contingency table provides expected counts of these variables and the X2 tells us if these frequencies are statistically different. It is hypothesized that when the primary image is absent, the secondary image will be present. For example, if the image of Eshu (primary) is absent, the secondary imagery (lightning) is more likely to be present if it is truly a substitute or equivalent for the primary image. One hundred trays were first coded to signify which of the primary (Eshu, Shango, Royal Embroidery, Pangolin Anteater) and secondary (Lightning, Cross hatching, Slats, Magical/Transformative Animals) images appeared. Next, a crosstabulation procedure was performed in SPSS using the primary images compared to the secondary images to establish any possible relationships. Specifically, are secondary images reported at a significantly higher than expected rate when primary images are not present? In addition to the results of the Chi-

54 square test, the following section will describe all of the data and include frequencies and percentages of primary and secondary images as well as expected counts. Lastly, while Chi-square reports whether a meaningful association exists between the variables it does not indicate the strength of the relationship. Therefore, Cramer’s V is reported. Cramer’s V is a post test procedure used in statistics as an indication of the strength of the relationship. The possible value ranges from 0 to 1 with stronger, and therefore more meaningful, associations indicated as the value increases from 0. In many disciplines, effect sizes are frequently interpreted using the terms small (.20), medium (.50), and large (.80) and can be applied here as an initial discussion. It is presumed by the author that in cases where the primary imagery is absent, the secondary imagery will be significantly more pronounced. Shango and Lightning As indicated by Table 1, primary Shango imagery was present in the sample on 10 of the trays, and absent from 90 of the images. The secondary image abstracted lightning was present in 52 of the samples and absent from 48 (see Table 2). There is a significant relationship between Primary imagery (Shango) and Secondary imagery (Lightning), Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 4.55, p < .05, Cramer’s V = .21 Further examination of the relationship of the two images can be observed in the crosstabulation table. When primary Shango imagery was absent, abstracted lightning was apparent in fifty of the cases. Since the expected count was 46.8, occurrence of 50 observations of abstracted lightning imagery for primary Shango imagery may indicate a trend toward substitution of lightning imagery for Shango (see Table 3).

55 Table 1. Shango frequency one Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

no

90

90.0

90.0

90.0

yes

10

10.0

10.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Cumulative Percent

Valid

Cumulative Percent

Table 2. Lightning frequency one Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

no

48

48.0

48.0

48.0

yes

52

52.0

52.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Valid

Table 3: Crosstabulation Shango by lightning Lightning Shango Shango X Lightning

no

yes

Total

no

40

50

90

Expected Count

43.2

46.8

90.0

% within Shango

44.4

55.6

100.0

8

2

10

Expected Count

4.8

5.2

10.0

% within Shango

80.0

20.0

100.0

48

52

100

Expected Count

48.0

52.0

100.0

% within Shango

48.0

52.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

56 In comparison, Shango is present while lightning is not in 8 of the trays. This is against the expected count of 4.8, which supports the idea that Shango and lightning are interchangeable images. Interestingly, when primary imagery of Shango was present on the trays, lightning was present two times. Crosstabulation (see Table 3) indicates expected counts of 4.8 Shango images in conjunction with a count of 5.2 lightning images. Again, the higher count of Shango imagery compared with a lower than expected count of lightning images may indicate a trend toward substitution of these two images (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. Shango and lightning bar chart Given the strong relationship between the deities Shango and Eshu previously discussed in this thesis, as well as Yoruba penchant for secret abstracted imagery, it seems a small stretch to theorize a stronger presence of

57 Shango on Ifa divination trays through the use of substituting lightning imagery for the more overt double axe motif. Royal Embroidery and Slats Frequency tables indicate that out of one hundred trays in the sample, primary images of royal embroidery (Ibo) were present on 41 of the images, while not present 59 times (see Table 4). Secondary images of slats were present 68 times out of one hundred and not indicated on 41 trays (see Table 5). There is no significant relationship between primary imagery royal embroidery (Ibo) and secondary abstracted imagery slats, Χ2 (1, N = 100) = .671, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .082. Table 4. Royal embroidery frequency one Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

59

59.0

59.0

59.0

yes

41

41.0

41.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Table 5. Slats frequency one Valid Frequency Percent no

32

32.0

32.0

32.0

yes

68

68.0

68.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Further information may still be gleaned from crosstabulation (see Table 6). When royal embroidery (primary) was absent, slats (secondary) were present on

58 42 out of 100 trays. Conversely, when primary royal embroidery was present, secondary slats were not indicated in 15 instances. Expected counts were likewise insufficient. The expected count for royal embroidery is 40.1; however, the actual count of 42 falls short of significance. Likewise, the expected count of the presence of royal embroidery of 13.1 compared to the actual count of 15 does not yield significance (see Figure 3). The lack of correlation between royal embroidery and slats, while seeming counterintuitive, may be the result of two factors. First, the popularity of the primary image (Ibo), being second only to that of Eshu on Ifa divination trays, may skew the outcome of data on this relatively small sample. Second, the preponderance of images related to cloth may indicate the connection not only of deity but of the babalowo himself as the recipient of prestige. Pangolin and Slats The frequency tables for these two variables indicate that the primary image Pangolin anteater was present on 20 out 100 trays, while missing from 80 trays (see Table 7). The secondary abstracted imagery of slats was apparent on 68 out of 100 trays, while not indicated on 32 tray images (see Table 8). There is a significant relationship between Primary imagery (Pangolin) and Secondary imagery (Slats), Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 3.72, p = .05, Cramer’s V = .19. Crosstabulation of the images Pangolin anteater and Slats yield further enlightenment (see Table 9). When primary Pangolin was absent, secondary Slats was evident in 58 cases. Since the expected count for slats imagery in place of Pangolin imagery was 54.4, an occurrence of 58 cases would perhaps indicate a trend toward substitution of secondary imagery Slats for primary imagery Pangolin.

59 Table 6. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by slats Slats Royal_Em Royal X Shango

no

yes

Total

no

17

42

59

Expected Count

18.9

40.1

59.0

% within Royal_Em

28.8

71.2

100.0

15

26

41

Expected Count

13.1

27.9

41.0

% within Royal_Em

36.6

63.4

100.0

32

68

100

Expected Count

32.0

68.0

100.0

% within Royal_Em

32.0

68.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

Figure 3. Royal embroidery and slats bar chart

60 Table 7. Pangolin frequency one Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

80

80.0

80.0

80.0

yes

20

20.0

20.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Table 8. Slats frequency two Valid Frequency no

32

32.0

32.0

32.0

yes

68

68.0

68.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 9. Crosstabulation pangolin by slats Slats Pangolin Pangolin X Slats

no

yes

Total

no

22

58

80

Expected Count

25.6

54.4

80.0

% within Pangolin

27.5

72.5

100.0

Count

10

10

20

Expected Count

6.4

13.6

20.0

% within Pangolin

50.0

50.0

100.0

32

68

100

Expected Count

32.0

68.0

100.0

% within Pangolin

32.0

68.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

61 The expected count of the occurrence of Pangolin without Slats was 6.4. Crosstabulation shows an outcome of 10; which may again lend support to the idea of substitution of these two images (see Figure 4).

Figure 4. Pangolin and slats bar chart On the surface, substitution between these two images might seem incoherent. However, when other assumptions are incorporated, light maybe shed. The first assumption is that the Slat formation does indeed indicate some sort of recognition of royal cloth. Previous tables in this thesis failed to find statistical significance; however, I feel that enough information is present that this idea may be considered by the reader. Secondly, given the protective behavior of the pangolin anteater previously described, I subscribe to the notion that the Yoruba concept of the king as protector of his people in all matters including that of a

62 spiritual mediator between mankind and the deities, gives some credence both to the substitution of Slats (royal cloth) and Pangolin anteater (protective nature), as well as the appearance of these images on Ifa divination boards. These boards being the tool of the babalowo as he mediates between gods and his client. Pangolin and Magic/Transformative Animals As established, the frequency table for primary Pangolin anteater shows that the images was present on 20 out of 100 trays, and missing from 80 of the trays (see Table 10). The frequency table for Magical/Transformative animals indicates that these images were apparent on 37 out of 100 trays, while missing from 63 of the trays (see Table 11). There is a significant relationship between primary (Pangolin) and secondary (Magical/Transformative Animals), Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 11.68, p < .01, Cramer’s V = .34. Although the relationship of these two images may be on a different level than those between primary and abstracted images, the strong correlation between these two images can be viewed through the crosstabulation table (see Table 12). The correlation between Pangolin anteater and Magical/Transformative appears not be one of possible substitution, but one of similarity of meaning through their combined absence (see Figure 5). The crosstabulation table shows that in 57 cases when primary (Pangolin) was not indicated, secondary (Magical/Transformative Animals) also was not present. The expected count for both images missing is 50.4 (see Table 12). While not a relationship of substitution, relevance of these two images may be explained through their similar physical characteristics in Yoruba religious iconology. Several of the animal images assigned the role of “Magical/ Transformative” for this study also has attributes that the Yoruba may associate

63 Table 10. Pangolin frequency two Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

80

80.0

80.0

80.0

yes

20

20.0

20.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 11. Magical/transformative animal frequency one Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

63

63.0

63.0

63.0

yes

37

37.0

37.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 12. Crosstabulation pangolin by magical animal Magical_An Pangolin Pangolin X Magic

no

yes

Total

no

57

23

80

Expected Count

50.4

29.6

80.0

% within Pangolin

71.2

28.8

100.0

6

14

20

Expected Count

12.6

7.4

20.0

% within Pangolin

30.0

70.0

100.0

63

37

100

Expected Count

63.0

37.0

100.0

% within Pangolin

63.0

37.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

64

Figure 5. Pangolin and magical/transformative animal bar chart with protection like those of the Pangolin anteater. Just as the Pangolin rolls itself into a ball allowing its scaly skin to act as a shield, animals deemed magical and transformative because of their ability to inhabit different realms such as water and land may also have characteristics of protection. Two such animals that appeared on the sample trays are the turtle and crab. The turtle’s shell may easily be regarded as its protective shield, and the crab carries with it virtual body armor. Perhaps for aesthetic appeal, or economy of space on Ifa divination trays, artists as well as clients would assume the protective nature of these animal images to be present or not regardless of which creature appears.

65 Shango and Cross Hatching Frequency tables show that overt primary imagery of Shango appear on 10 out of 100 trays, and are missing on 90 of 100 trays (see Table 13). Secondary abstracted imagery of Cross hatching is evident on 34 out of 100 trays, and not indicated on 65 of the 100 trays in the sample (see Table 14). There is no significant relationship between primary (Shango), and secondary (Cross hatching), Χ2 (1, N = 99) = 3.25, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .18. However, crosstabulation indicates that the numerical difference needed for significance is small (see Table 15). Thus I suggest that the relationship between these two images deserves discussion because the difference may merely be one of interpretation of the imagery from the tray slides that is at times difficult. Table 13. Shango frequency two Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

90

90.0

90.0

90.0

yes

10

10.0

10.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 14. Cross hatching frequency one Valid

Valid Cumulative Percent Percent

Frequency

Percent

no

90

90.0

90.0

90.0

yes

10

10.0

10.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

1

1.0

100.0

100.0

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Missing System Total

66 Table 15. Crosstabulation Shango by crosshatching Cross_Hatc Shango Shango X Cross

no

yes

Total

no

61

28

89

Expected Count

58.4

30.6

89.0

% within Shango

68.5

31.5

100.0

4

6

10

Expected Count

6.6

3.4

10.0

% within Shango

40.0

60.0

100.0

65

34

99

Expected Count

65.0

34.0

99.0

% within Shango

65.7

34.3

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

Table 15 shows that the expected count of the occurrence of secondary (Cross hatching) is 30.6, while the actual count was just 28. While this is not enough to reach statistical significance for this sample, a difference of only 1.4 may lend value to the idea of substitution of these images. Interestingly, the expected count for indication of both primary (Shango) and secondary (Cross hatching) is 3.4, while the actual count is 6, nearly twice the expected count. This again may lead to a different idea about the relationship of these two images (see Figure 6). Taking the assumption as previously discussed that cross hatching as an image on Ifa divination trays is related to the protective nature of the Pangolin anteater; it may be further speculated that any trend toward substitution of cross hatching for Shango imagery might be an appeal to the king and deity of Shango for protection.

67

Figure 6. Shango and cross hatching bar chart The combined absence of these two images as indicated by the expected counts of the cross tabulation table may initiate another interesting idea: that of protection from Shango. The vengeful nature of Shango that has been discussed in this paper previously, includes a propensity to rout out liars. Also discussed was the inherent need of the acceptance of the honesty of the babalowo by the client for the Ifa divination process to the Ifa divination process to function properly. Thus perhaps the inclusion of Shango imagery on a Babalowo’s tray is to assure the client that the diviner’s honesty is tested and confirmed by Shango. The cross hatching then may be included by the babalowo as an insurance policy against the wrath of Shango if he should accidentally misdirect a client in a manner that may be construed as lying. Or it may be that the inclusion of the protective imagery of

68 cross hatching is intended for the comfort of the client who may have incurred their dilemma which led them to the babalowo in the first place by being dishonest. Royal Embroidery and Lightning As indicated by the frequency tables, primary Royal Embroidery (ibo) was present on 41 out of 100 trays, and missing on 59 of the tray images (see Table 16). Secondary abstracted images of lightning are present on 52 of the 100 tray images, while not appearing on 48 out of 100 images in the sample (see Table 17).

Table 16. Royal embroidery frequency two Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

59

59.0

59.0

59.0

yes

41

41.0

41.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 17. Lightning frequency two Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

48

48.0

48.0

48.0

yes

52

52.0

52.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

There is no significant relationship between primary (Royal Embroidery) and secondary (Lightning), Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 3.09, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .18. However, once again the numerical difference is slight and deserves further consideration.

69 While insufficient for statistical significance, two comparisons shown on the crosstabulation table (see Table 18) may support the idea of the substitution of secondary (lightning) for primary (Royal Embroidery). The expected count for the appearance of secondary Lightning, with the absence of primary Royal Embroidery is 30.7, while the actual count was 35. The larger than expected count would perhaps support the idea of substitution of secondary Lightning for primary Royal Embroidery. Conversely, the expected count for presence of primary Royal Embroidery without indication of secondary abstracted Lightning is 19.7, while the actual count is 24. Again the larger than expected count may indicate a trend that when no secondary Lightning is present, primary Royal Embroidery is apparent (see Figure 7). As previously described in this paper, Ibo (primary Royal Embroidery) has been related to the babalowo himself, who while not royal in linage, is often accorded royal garb out of respect for his profession. Discussion of the relationship or substitution of these images leads to another suggestion. If abstracted lightning is equated with Shango, then the appearance of Ibo (Royal Embroidery) may be in deference to Shango as well as the diviner. As with secondary Slats previously mentioned, the inclusion of royal embroidery on Ifa divination trays is perhaps an appeal to the king for guidance, and maybe to Shango (king and deity) for understanding and protection. Royal Embroidery and Cross Hatching The frequency tables for primary Royal Embroidery (Ibo) and secondary Crosshatching reveal that Royal Embroidery was seen on 41 out of 100 trays while missing on 59 tray images (see Table 19). Cross hatching was apparent on 34 of the 100 tray images in the sample, while not indicated on 65 of the trays (see Table 20).

70 Table 18. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by lightning Lightning Royal Emb Royal X Light

no

yes

Total

no

24

35

59

Expected Count

28.3

30.7

59.0

% within Royal_Em

40.7

59.3

100.0

24

17

41

Expected Count

19.7

21.3

41.0

% within Royal_Em

58.5

41.5

100.0

48

52

100

Expected Count

48.0

52.0

100.0

% within Royal_Em

48.0

52.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

Figure 7. Royal embroidery and lightning bar chart

71 Table 19. Royal embroidery frequency three Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

59

59.0

59.0

59.0

yes

41

41.0

41.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 20. Cross hatching frequency two Valid

Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

65

65.0

65.7

65.7

yes

34

34.0

34.3

100.0

Total

99

99.0

100.0

100.0

Missing System

1

1.0

100.0

100.0

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Total

There is no significant relationship between primary Royal Embroidery and secondary Cross Hatch, Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 2.81, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .17 (see Table 21). Although the numerical difference needed for significance is larger in this case the previous two situations, I believe it warrants some attention. Crosstabulation reveals some information of merit similar to the previous section on Shango and Cross hatching when the combined appearance or absence of the combined images is perhaps important. The table shows that the expected count of primary (Royal Embroidery) without the occurrence of secondary (Cross hatch) is 38.1, while the actual count is 42. This may hint at a trend of when one is not indicated, neither is the other. Likewise, the expected count for the

72 Table 21. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by cross hatching Cross_Hatc Royal_Em Royal X Cross

no

yes

Total

no

42

16

58

Expected Count

38.1

19.9

58.0

% within Royal_Em

72.4

27.6

100.0

23

18

41

Expected Count

26.9

14.1

41.0

% within Royal_Em

56.1

43.9

100.0

65

34

99

Expected Count

65.0

34.0

99.0

% within Royal_Em

65.7

34.3

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

occurrence of primary (Royal Embroidery) in conjunction with secondary (Cross hatching) is 14.1, while the actual count yielded 18 (see Figure 8). Assuming that cross hatching is indeed an abstracted rendition of the Pangolin anteater, and further that images of royal nature are appeals to kingship for protection, another interesting idea unfolds. Being the third instance in this study that the combining of images on Ifa divination trays leads to the idea of needed protection, may speak to the anxiety of the client as the babalowo performs his duty of informing the person about which of the deities had been offended. Further, from a practical point of view, the client must feel some apprehension about the extent of the sacrifice that they must surrender to obtain atonement at the end of the ritual.

73

Figure 8. Royal embroidery and cross hatching bar chart Shango and Slats Frequency tables show that primary imagery of Shango appear on trays from the sample on 10 occasions, and are not present on 90 examples (see Table 22). Secondary abstracted imagery “slats” is evident on 68 of the sample trays, and missing from 32 trays (see Table 23). There is no significant relationship between primary (Shango) and secondary (slats), Χ2 (1, N = 100) = .735, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .086. The crosstabulation tables may again reveal interesting trends concerning these two images beyond their statistical insignificance in this study (see Table 24). The expected count for the absence of primary (Shango) imagery with the appearance of secondary (Slats) is 61.2, while the actual count was 60. While not

74 Table 22. Shango frequency three Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

90

90.0

90.0

90.0

yes

10

10.0

10.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Table 23. Slats frequency three Valid Frequency Percent no

32

32.0

32.0

32.0

yes

68

68.0

68.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 24. Crosstabulation Shango by slats Slats Shango Shango X Slats

no

yes

Total

no

30

60

90

Expected Count

28.8

61.2

90.0

% within Shango

33.3

66.7

100.0

2

8

10

Expected Count

3.2

6.8

10.0

% within Shango

20.0

80.0

100.0

32

68

100

Expected Count

32.0

68.0

100.0

% within Shango

32.0

68.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

75 statistically significant, the difference seems small enough to warrant consideration of a trend towards substitution of these images. Given the acceptance of the substitution of “slats” for royal embroidery combined with the royal nature of Shango, this would seem a reasonable proposition (see Figure 9).

Figure 9. Shango and slats bar chart It should also be noted that primary imagery of Shango was so infrequent; the outcome of this comparison may have been skewed. Expansion of primary Shango imagery to include the “chip-carved” motif (prevalent on sample trays) identified by Thompson (1971, CH5/4) would greatly alter the outcome.

76 Shango and Magical/Transformative Animals Frequency tables indicate that that primary imagery (Shango) was present on 10 out of 100 trays (see Table 25), while secondary imagery (Magical/ transformative animals) is seen on the sample trays 37 times (see Table 26). There is no significant relationship between Primary (Shango) and secondary (magical/transformative animals. Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 1.378, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .117. Table 25. Shango frequency four Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

90

90.0

90.0

90.0

yes

10

10.0

10.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 26. Magical/transformative animal frequency two Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

63

63.0

63.0

63.0

yes

37

37.0

37.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

The crosstabulation table supports the lack of relationship between these two images (see Table 27). The expected count of the absence of Shango imagery combined with the occurrence of magical/transformative imagery is 33.3, while the actual count is 35. Likewise the expected count for primary Shango imagery occurring without secondary magical/transformative animals is 6.3, while the actual count is 8.

77 Table 27. Crosstabulation Shango by magical/transformative animals Magical_An Shango Shango X Magical

no

yes

Total

no

55

35

90

Expected Count

56.7

33.3

90.0

% within Shango

61.1

38.9

100.0

8

2

10

Expected Count

6.3

3.7

10.0

% within Shango

80.0

20.0

100.0

63

37

100

Expected Count

63.0

37.0

100.0

% within Shango

63.0

37.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

While these differences in counts may seem to indicate a trend towards the substitution of these images (see Figure 10), it should be noted that the small occurrences of both primary Shango images as well as the fairly small (37%) occurrence of secondary magical/transformative animals, causes the numerical difference to expand. Also, beyond Shango’s transformation from king to deity, literature suggests little connection between the god and transformative beings. One interesting exception may be the transformation of Shango priests during ritual dance and initiation. Obviously, such transformation is a tenet of most Yoruba ritual and is not the sole prerogative of Shango worship. Royal Embroidery and Magical/Transformative Animals Frequency tables indicate that primary (Royal embroidery) was found on 41 out of 100 trays (see Table 28). Secondary imagery (Magical/transformative animals) was indicated on 37 of the 100 trays in the sample (see Table 29). There is no significant relationship between primary (royal embroidery) and secondary

78

Figure 10. Shango and magical/transformative animals bar chart (magical/transformative animals. Χ2 (1, N = 100) = .594, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .077. The crosstabulation tables for these two images underscore their relationship (see Table 30). The small sample size may once again skew the results. Here the expected count of magical/transformative animals with the absence of royal embroidery is 21.8, while the actual count is 20. Again, given the percentage of occurrence of these images, the difference is expansive (see Figure 11). Images of Eshu occurred on 99 out of 100 trays in the sample. As previously discussed, the image of this deity is the one essential artistic aspect of Ifa divination trays. Given the almost complete occurrence of Eshu imagery, correlation between these images and any abstracted motifs is statistically

79 Table 28. Royal embroidery frequency four Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

59

59.0

59.0

59.0

yes

41

41.0

41.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 29. Magical/transformative animal frequency three Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

63

63.0

63.0

63.0

yes

37

37.0

37.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 30. Crosstabulation royal embroidery by magical/transformative animals Magical_An Royal_Em Royal X Magical

no

yes

Total

no

39

20

59

Expected Count

37.2

21.8

59.0

% within Royal_Em

66.1

33.9

100.0

24

17

41

Expected Count

25.8

15.2

41.0

% within Royal_Em

58.5

41.5

100.0

63

37

100

Expected Count

63.0

37.0

100.0

% within Royal_Em

63.0

37.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Count

80

Figure 11. Royal embroidery and magical/transformative animals bar chart irrelevant. The following statistical data is presented for the homogony of the study. Eshu and Lightning Frequency tables show that Eshu imagery occurred on the sample trays 99 out of 100 times (see Table 31). While abstracted lightning images were seen on 48 of the sample trays (see Table 32). There is no significant relationship between primary (Eshu) and Secondary (lightning). Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 1.094, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .105. Crosstabulation also shows the expected irrelevance of comparison between Eshu and abstracted lightning imagery due to the large occurrence of Eshu images on sample trays (see Table 33).

81

Table 31. Eshu frequency one Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

1

1.0

1.0

1.0

yes

99

99.0

99.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 32. Lightning frequency three Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

48

48.0

48.0

48.0

yes

52

52.0

52.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 33. Crosstabulation Eshu by lightning Lightning Eshu

Eshu X Lightning

no

yes

Total

no

Count

1

0

1

Expected Count

.5

.5

1.0

% within Eshu

100.0

0

100.0

47

52

99

Expected Count

47.5

51.5

99.0

% within Eshu

47.5

52.5

100.0

48

52

100

Expected Count

48.0

52.0

100.0

% within Eshu

48.0

52.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

82 Figure 12 shows the huge disparity between primary and secondary imagery, again due to the large occurrence of Eshu images in the sample.

Figure 12. Eshu and lightning bar chart Eshu and Slats Frequency tables indicate that primary Eshu imagery occurred on 99 of 100 trays from the sample (see Table 34), while secondary (Slats) images were evident on 32 out of the 100 trays sampled (see Table 35). There is no significant statistical significance between primary (Eshu) and secondary (slats). Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 2.146, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .147. Crosstabulation (see Table 36), supports the large disparity between primary and secondary imagery shown in Figure 13.

83 Table 34. Eshu frequency two Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

1

1.0

1.0

1.0

yes

99

99.0

99.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 35. Slats frequency four Valid Frequency Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

32

32.0

32.0

32.0

yes

68

68.0

68.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 36. Crosstabulation Eshu by slats Slats Eshu

Eshu X Slats

no

yes

Total

no

Count

1

0

1

Expected Count

.3

.7

1.0

% within Eshu

100.0

0

100.0

31

68

99

Expected Count

31.7

67.3

99.0

% within Eshu

31.3

68.7

100.0

32

68

100

Expected Count

32.0

68.0

100.0

% within Eshu

32.0

68.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

84

Figure 13. Eshu and slats bar chart Eshu and Magical/Transformative Animals Frequency tables show that Eshu imagery was present on 99 out of 100 trays in the sample (see Table 37). While Magical/transformative animal images were indicated on 63 trays (see Table 38). There is no significant statistical relationship between primary (Eshu) and secondary (Magical/Transformative Animals). Χ2 (1, N = 100) = 1.720, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .131. The crosstabulation table (see Table 39), again indicate the overwhelming occurrence of Eshu imagery that renders statistical computation irrelevant. Figure 14 graphically shows once again that despite the occurrence of 68 images of Slats in the sample of 100 trays, the preponderance of Eshu imagery (99 out of 100 trays) makes statistical comparison invalid to this study.

85 Table 37. Eshu frequency three Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

1

1.0

1.0

1.0

yes

99

99.0

99.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 38. Magical/transformative animal frequency four Valid Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

63

63.0

63.0

63.0

yes

37

37.0

37.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Table 39. Crosstabulation Eshu by magical/transformative animals Magical_An Eshu

Eshu X Magical

no

yes

Total

no

Count

0

1

1

Expected Count

.6

.4

1.0

% within Eshu

0

100.0

100.0

Count

63

36

99

Expected Count

62.4

36.6

99.0

% within Eshu

63.6

36.4

100.0

63

37

100

Expected Count

63.0

37.0

100.0

% within Eshu

63.0

37.0

100.0

yes

Total

Count

86

Figure 14. Eshu and magical/transformative animals bar chart Despite the overwhelming statistical occurrence of Eshu imagery, some ideas emerge once the Slats imagery is accepted as a substitution for royal embroidery. As discussed earlier in this thesis, Shango is a deity that once was a king. Thus the Slats (royal embroidery) may relate to him. Also discussed previously, is the relationship of Shango and Eshu as mitigating forces in the Yoruba cosmos. Given this relationship, the large occurrence of the Slats motif in combination with Eshu images may indicate a desire by the participants of the Ifa divination ritual for balance and harmony in the ceremony. Or, given the royal vestments bestowed on the Babalowo, an invocation for his protection from Eshu.

87 Eshu and Cross Hatching The frequency table for primary (Eshu) shows that this image was present on 99 of 100 trays in the sample (see Table 40). Secondary (Cross hatching) imagery was indicated on 65.7 of the 100 trays sampled (see Table 41). Table 40. Eshu frequency four Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

1

1.0

1.0

1.0

yes

99

99.0

99.0

100.0

Total

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Valid

Table 41. Cross hatching frequency three Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

no

65

65.0

65.7

65.7

yes

34

34.0

34.3

100.0

Total

99

99.0

100.0

100.0

Missing System

1

1.0

100.0

100.0

100

100.0

100.0

100.0

Valid

Total

There is no significant statistical relationship between primary (Eshu) and secondary (cross hatching). Χ2 (1, N = 99) = .528, p > .05, Cramer’s V = .073.Once again, both crosstabulation Table 42, as well as Figure 15, show the large occurrence of primary (Eshu) imagery that renders statistical comparison between this image and secondary (Cross hatching) imagery irrelevant. Given the large occurrence of cross hatching imagery in the presence of Eshu imagery on the trays in the sample, perhaps some conjecture is warranted. As

88 Table 42. Crosstabulation Eshu by cross hatching Cross_Hatc Eshu

Eshu X Cross

no

yes

Total

no

Count

1

0

1

Expected Count

.7

.3

1.0

% within Eshu

100.0

0

100.0

64

34

98

Expected Count

64.3

33.7

98.0

% within Eshu

65.3

34.7

100.0

65

34

99

Expected Count

65.0

34.0

99.0

% within Eshu

65.7

34.3

100.0

yes

Total

Count

Count

Figure 15. Eshu and cross hatching bar chart

89 previously implied in this thesis, these images may perhaps be viewed in combination by those involved in the Ifa divination ritual. Given the acknowledgement of the cross hatching motif as a substitution for the pangolin anteater, it may be that the combination of these images is an invocation of the protective and procreative nature of the deity that is known to the followers and devotees of Eshu, as previously discussed in this thesis. In the light of Eshu as the supplier of children discussed earlier. Perhaps protection from Eshu toward progeny may also be viewed in the combination of these images. Likewise, the combination of these two images on Ifa divination boards may be implied as a protection against the mischievous nature of Eshu.

Chapter 5 CONCLUSION This thesis is presented with the intention of opening avenues of exploration at a later time for this author or those who follow. It is evident that numerous issues confront the validation of the information presented in this thesis, the first of which is the non-random nature of the sample available for the study. First-hand field work in West Africa will naturally be needed to provide a truly random sample. Further, the abstracted motifs described are subject to the creative license of the many artists represented in the sample. Finally, assignments of abstracted motifs in the study are subject to the interpretation of this author. Despite these limitations, several intriguing ideas have emerged during the research for this thesis. Throughout this paper I have conveyed the sense of importance of the Ifa divination ritual as the center point of the Yoruba religious experience. Open to all members of the society, Ifa reaches into many other Yoruba traditions and cults in a way that unites these people and their culture. The Ifa divination ritual provides a psychological foundation of security for the Yoruba people through perceived direct communication with deities. The imagery of Ifa divination boards likewise can be seen as a uniting force in visual form of the complex world view of the Yoruba. Yoruba penchant for secret imagery, and the inherent abstraction of the Yoruba artistic tradition, may well lead to added independent value as well as religious and spiritual connotations of abstracted imagery present on Ifa divination trays. This conclusion is not negated by the balanced duality of the Yoruba world

91 view, but rather enhanced by it. Despite the lack of statistical correlation between roughly one-half of the categories examined in the statistical study, the correlations found, or closely insinuated by the other half lead me to believe that the abstract motifs present on Ifa divination trays are not only worthy of seriate consideration, but also may well be direct substitutions for recognizable images. Several questions worthy of further study have become apparent during the writing of this paper. The first is the large amount of imagery, at least in this sample, that can be interpreted as protective in nature. Is the presence of these protective images meant to alleviate the fear and apprehension of the client as he or she confronts the deity they have offended? Or might the images be an insurance policy invoked by the diviner against misinterpretation of the will of the gods? Another interesting idea that emerged from the relationships discovered through the statistical study is the tendency of some images to appear together frequently. This occurs often enough for this author to question whether, despite the duality-based nature of Yoruba cosmology, that the people may at times read the images if not in linear fashion, forming a western Renaissance narrative, then simultaneously, or in groups, to a different end than one at a time. The occurrence of bird imagery on divination trays, as well as on iron staffs devoted to power against witchcraft, may well act as a kind of advertisement of the power of the babolowo as previously discussed in the section on animal imagery. With this in consideration, do the other images, recognizable or abstract, also act as advertisement of the diviner’s ability to contact the gods they represent? Finally, given the connection between images on Ifa divination boards and Yoruba oral traditions, including the verses recited by the diviner during the

92 divination ritual, does the presence or absence of any given image affect the outcome of the process? In other words, would the occurrence of a turtle on a diviner’s tray cause the client to accept as the answer to their problem a verse recited by the babalowo which contained a reference to turtles? Or does the absence of turtles cause the client to bypass the same verses when selecting the answer to their problem, and thus the sacrifice offered through the diviner? Ifa divination trays, eloquent in sculptural substance and esthetic appeal, represent the Yoruba cosmos in the Babalowo’s shrine. As such, the abstract as well as recognizable imagery of these masterpieces deserve further investigation. Deeper meaning and understanding await.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Abiodun, Roland. 1994. Ase: Verbalizing and visualizing creative power through art. Journal of Religion in Africa 24, no. 4 (November): 309-322. Abiodun, Rowland, Henry J. Drewel, and John Pemberton, eds. 1994. The Yoruba artist: New perspectives on African art. Washington: Smithsonian Press. Bascom, William R. 1969. Ifa divination: Communication between gods and men in West Africa. London: Indiana University Press. ———. 1943. The relationship of Yoruba folklore to divining. The Journal of American Folklore 56, no. 220 (April-June): 127-131. ———. 1941. The sanctions of Ifa divination. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 71, no. 1-2:43-54. ———. 1951. Status, wealth and individual differences among the Yoruba. American Anthropologist 53, no. 4 (October-December): 490-505. Boyer, Ruth M. 1983. Yoruba cloths with regal names. African Arts 16, no. 2 (February): 42-45. Drewel, Henry J. 1974. Gelede masquerade: Image and motif. African Arts 7, no. 4 (Summer): 8-96. Drewel, Henry J., John Pemberton III, and Rowland Abiodun. 1989. Yoruba: Nine centuries of African art and thought. New York: Abrams. Drewel, Margaret Thompson, and Henry John Drewel. 1983. An Ifa Diviner’s Shrine in Ijebuland. African Arts 16, no. 2 (February): 60-67, 99-100. Fitzgerald, Mary Ann, Henry Drewel, and Moyo Okediji. 1995. Transformation through cloth: An Egungun costume of the Yoruba. African Arts 28, no. 2 (November): 54-57. Ilesanmi, Thomas Makanjuola. 1991. The traditional theologians and the practice of Orisa religion in Yorubaland. Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 33 (August): 216-226.

94 Lawal, Babatunde. 1997. The living dead: Art and immortality among the Yoruba of Nigeria. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 47, no. 1:5061. ———. 1985. Ori: The significance of the head in Yoruba sculpture. Journal of Anthropological Research 41, no. 1 (Spring): 91-103. Morton-Williams, Peter. 1964. An outline of the cosmology and cult organization of the Yoruba. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 34, no. 3 (July): 243-261. Morton-Williams, Peter, William Bascom, and E. M. McClelland. 1966. Two studies of Ifa divination: The mode of divination. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 36, no. 4 (October): 406-431. Ositola, Kolawale. 1988. On ritual performance: A practitioner’s view TDR 32, no. 2 (Summer): 31-41. Park, George K. 1963. Divination and its social contexts. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 93, no. 2 (JulyDecember): 195-209. Parrinder, E. G. 1956. African ideas of witchcraft. Folklore 67, no. 3 (September): 142-150. Pemberton, John. 1975. Eshu-Elegba: The Yoruba trickster god. African Arts 9, no. 1 (October): 20-92. Thompson, Robert Farris. 1971. Black gods and kings. Los Angeles: University of California. Vogel, Susan, ed. 1981. For spirits and kings. New York: Abrams. Wescott, Joan. 1962. The sculpture and myths of Eshu-Elegba, the Yoruba trickster: Definition and interpretation in Yoruba iconography. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 32, no. 4 (October): 336-354. Wescott, Joan, and Peter Morton-Williams. 1962. The symbolism and ritual context of the Yoruba Laba Shango. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 92, no. 1 (JanuaryJune): 23-37. Zuesse, Evan M. 1975. Divination and deity in African religions. History of Religions 15, no. 2 (November): 158-182.

95 ———. 1971. The nature of the demonic: African witchery. Numen 18, no. 3 (December): 210-239.