'Holiness'' and ''Purity'' in Mesopotamia

Alter Orient und Altes Testament

"Holiness" and "Purity" 22

in Mesopotamia Veroffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments

Herausgeber Manfried Dietrich . Oswald Loretz

E. Jan Wilson

1994

1994

Verlag Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer

Verlag Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer

Neukirchener Verlag Neukirchen-Vluyn

Neukirchener Verlag Neukirchen-Vluyn

ALT

237

871417000001

Alter Orient und Altes Testament Veroffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments

Band 237 E. Jan Wilson "Holiness" and "Purity" in Mesopotamia

Preface and Acknowledgments

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Wilson, E. Jan: "Holiness" and "purity" in Mesopotamia / E. Jan Wilson. Kevelaer: Butzon und Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener VerI., 1994 (Alter Orient und Altes Testament; Bd. 237) ISBN 3-7666-9895-X (Butzon und Bercker) ISBN 3-7887-1494-8 (Neukirchener VerI.) NE:GT

© 1994 Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins GmbH Neukirchen -Vluyn und Verlag Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer Aile Rechte vorbehalten Herstellung: Weihert-Druck GmbH, Darmstadt Printed in Germany ISBN 3-7887-1494-8 Neukirchener Verlag ISBN 3-7666-9895-8 Verlag Butzon & Bercker

The current study is essentially the doctoral dissertation I wrote for Hebrew Union College (under the title "Holiness" and "Purity" in Mesopotamia and Ancient Israel), which was accepted in 1993, with a few minor changes. The title has been refined somewhat because a thesis published by Jenson (Graded Holiness, see bibliography for further details) obviated the need for extensive treatment of Hebrew qdS and allowed me to focus on the Sumerian and Akkadian material and then simply draw on Jenson's conclusions for a satisfactory description of the Hebrew concept of holiness without first laying the groundwork that would have been necessary otherwise in order to compare the Mesopotamian concepts with the Israelite concepts. Such a comparison was deemed important in order to delimit the Mesopotamian concepts from the Israelite concepts and thus to demonstrate that the latter did not derive from the former, and that they cannot therefore be assumed to be equal in any way. The topic was suggested to me in Israel by Dr. David Wright and Dr. Avigdor Hurowitz. Its excution was supervised by Dr. Samuel Greengus and Dr. Alan Cooper. I am greatly indebted to all four of these scholars. Dr. Greengus has been particularly patient during my graduate studies and was the primary influence in stimulating in me an interest in Sumerology. Addition~l encouragement was given to my by Dr. Aaron Shafer and Dr. Wayne Horowitz, both of Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Gratitude is also expressed to my wife who was willing to follow me to Jerusalem in order to pursue this work.

Table of Contents Preface and Acknowledgments Table of Contents

v

...................................

vii

Abbreviations ......................................

IX

Introduction .......................................

1

Chapter 1 Sumerian KU3 • • • . • • • • • . . • . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1.1 Holy Places .................................. 1.2 Holy Objects .................................. 1.3 Holy Beings .................................. 1.4 Sacred Acts and Times .......................... 1.5 Sanctification 1.6 "Holiness" vs. "Purity" ........................... 1.7 The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness ................................ 1.7.1 William Robertson Smith ..................... 1.7.2 Emile Durkheim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 1.7.3 Nathan S6derblom .......................... 1.7.4 Rudolf Otto .............................. 1.7.5 Mircea Eliade ............................. 1.7.6 Mary Douglas ............................. 1.8 Evaluation and Summary .........................

5 5 24 30 33 35 41

Chapter 2 Akkadian ellu .............................. 2.1 Introduction .................................. 2.2 Representative occurrences of ellu ................... 2.2.1 Places .................................. 2.2.2 Objects ................................. 2.2.3 Beings .................................. 2.2.4 Purifying Substances ........................ 2.3 The linguistic range of ebbu/ebebu .................. 2.4 ellu/eieiu and the anthropological models ..............

67 67 68 68 71 73 79 81 83

Chapter 3 Sumerian KU3 and Hebrew QDS ................

85

Chapter 4 Summary and Conclusions

....................

93

Bibliography .......................................

97

46 47 50 54 56 59 61 66

viii

Table of Contents

Indices ......................................... . 1. Selected Sumerian terms ........................ . 2. Selected Akkadian terms ........................ . 3. Key Hebrew terms ........................... . 4. Personal and Place Names ....................... . 5. Texts ...................................... . 6. General Index ............................... ..

115 115 117 117 117 119 120

Abbreviations AfO AGS AHw ANET AnOr AOAT AS BAL BASOR BDB BIN CAD CT Dec HUCA JBL MAOG MDOG MVAG Nbk.

OECT PSBA RA RAI RB Rit. Acc. RIA

Archiv fUr Orientforschung l Knudtson, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott... (Leipzig, 1893) Wolfram von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, Ed. James B. Pritchard (Princeton, 1955) Analecta Orientalia (Rome) Alter Orient und Altes Testament Assyriological Studies (Univ. of Chicago) Rykle Borger, Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestucke (Rome, 1979 =AnOr 54) Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research BrownlDriverlBriggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford, 1966) Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J.B. Nies The Assyrian Dictionary of the University of Chicago Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum (London, 1896f1) Ernst de Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee (Paris, 18841912) Hebrew Union College Annual Journal of Biblical Literature Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientalischen Gesellschaft Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft IN. Strassmeier, Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor, Konig von Babylon (= Babylonische Texte, Heft 5-6, Leipzig, 1889) Oxford Edition of Cuneiform Tablets Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology Revue d'assyriologie Rencontre assyriologique internationale Revue Biblique F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels Accadiens (Paris, 1921) Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Berlin/Leipzig, 1932f1)

Abbreviations

x

SAKI STVC SL TCS UE UET VAS VT

YBC YOS WVDOG ZA

F. Thureau-Dangin, Die sumerischen und akkadischen KonigsmschriJten (Leipzig, 1907) E. Chiera, Sumerian Texts of Varied Contents (Chicago, 1934) A. Deimel, Sumerisches Lexikon (Rome, 1925-1950) Texts from Cuneiform Sources Ur Excavations (London, 1927ft) Ur Excavations: Texts (London, 1928ft) Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmiiler der Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin Vetus Testamentum Tablets in the Babylonian Collection, Yale University Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts Wissentschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientalischen Gesellschaft ZeitschriJt fur Assyriologie

Introduction Holiness is a topic of considerable interest to Biblical scholars in particular, but also to students of other religions; and while a great deal has been written on the subject of holiness in Ancient Israel, the concept of holiness in one of the oldest known religions in the Ancient Near East - that of the Sumerians - has not received much attention; and the same can be said for the religion of the later Semitic inhabitants of Mesopotamia - the Akkadians. Moreover, is it evident from reading translations of Sumerian texts by various scholars that there is often not a strict definition of "holy" or "holiness" in the mind of the translators, as is demonstrated by the frequent interchange between the terms "holy" (or "holiness") and "pure" (or "purity") as translations for the Sumerian word ku 3• 1 While modem religions in our Western societies often do not strictly differentiate between purity and holiness as religious concepts - even to the point that these two terms are almost interchangable in our current contexts - we should not assume that there was no sharp delineation in ancient religion, without first proving that to be the case. Indeed, recent investigations in the field of Israelite religion have brought the distinction between purity and holiness into clearer focus,2 and we must ask whether that can not be done for the Sumerian and Akkadian religions. The purpose of this investigation is therefore to attempt an elucidation of the Sumerian and Akkadian concepts of holiness and purity, and to compare these central concepts of the two Mesopotamian religions with each other and with relevant models from cultural anthropology, which have some limited usefulness as regards Mesopotamia. An excursus into the Israelite concept of holiness will also help to delimit the Sumerian and Akkadian concepts from outside cultures, once they have been delimited from each other. At the outset of any investigation into a topic such as this, one must choose a particular approach and methodology, for differing approaches and methods have historically led to differing conclusions concerning concepts of holiness in other religions - a fact expressed in a fairly recent statement by Johannes Laube, who says:

IThis is not only true in the English literature, but also occurs in the German literature, where both heilig and rein are used to translate ku3 • 2e.g. GJ. Wenham, (1979:19). The idea is expanded even further by Jenson in (1992), and that treatment will be discussed in more detail in chapter 3.

2

Introduction

Introduction

"Die Bestimmungen der Einzelinhalte und des Hauptinhalts von Heiligkeit (bzw. des Heiligen) sind in Religionswissenschaft und in der Exegese des Alten und Neuen Testaments verschiedene Wege gegangen und zu verschiedenen Ergebnissen gekommen ..,3

3

speakers and investigators to one and the same term is not the only type of semantic problem that confronts us. There is also the phenomonen of attaching the same meaning, or at least meanings similar enough to create confusion, to two or more different terms. For the subject at hand, that occurs most notably with the~ ~erms "purity" and "holiness." This not only occurs when one writer applies a certain meaning to "holiness" and another writer applies esssentiaHy the same meaning to "purity," but there are also instances of one and the same writer using the two terms more or less synonomously. The latter usage may be due either to previous conditioning within one's own language from sources too varied in time and area of origin to be isolated, or else due to conclusions drawn from a particular study of the concepts in a given context. Jacob Neusner is an example of someone who considers the terms "pure" and "holy" to be essentially synonomous. In making that statement, he is drawing conclusions based on a study of the use of "corresponding" Hebrew terms in the Old Testament and his conclusions are then to be considered within that framework; but he nevertheless is forced, as we shall be in this study, to make use of English terms to state that conclusion. 7 In addition to the aforementioned semantic problems that exist within any particular language in which an investigator is writing, there are additional problems that arise when the writer is acquainted with other languages if he or she makes the mistake of applying concepts inherent (or perhaps only "adherent") in certain terms in one language to the subject matter appearing in another language and from another culture. In any case, it is dear that any attempt to discuss holiness and purity at the level of theology, philosophy, sociology or anthropology is futile unless a sound basis is first established through a careful philological study, and this may in turn lead to results in those fields which reflect less disparity than has previously been the case. In the following pages, an attempt will be made to pursue just such a philological study. Since this investigation is to be written in English, it is necessary to say something about the English terminology which will be <

The various paths to which Laube refers are not only the diverging paths of various disciplines, such as theology, sociology, philosophy and psychology, but also variations in the approach to the subject within a single discipline. An example of this is the field of sociology in which Durkheim striving for an understanding of holiness and related concepts by pursuing investigations of the most "primitive" (or "basic") religions - notes that the researchers in that field differ as to their conclusions on what was the earliest concept of the supernatural or "otherworldly" (which essentially means "holy" for Durkheim) because their samples are taken from dissimilar cultures. Note, for instance, the following quote in which he contrasts those who hold to the primacy of animism with those who hold to the primacy of "naturism:"4 "People who hold that animism was primary in the development of religion are usually ethnologists or anthropologists who have only studied the most primitive and the crudest religions. Hence the emphasis on the souls of the dead, spirits etc. Proponents of naturism tend to have studied the great civilizations of Europe and Asia. ,,5 In addition to differences of focus, method, and presuppositions or hermeneutics, there are also very significant semantic problems. This not only refers to the fact that the word-content of a particular term in one language cannot normally be translated by a single term in another language (because of the lack of complete correspondence), but more than that, there are difficulties within one and the same language because not every speaker of that language attaches the same spectrum and nuances of meaning to a particular word. This is particularly true of investigators working in different dis6 ciplines, as also noted by Laube. Moreover, the fact that differing meanings may be assigned by different

3Laube (1985:708). 4When Durkheim speaks of animism, he is referring to the idea that the concept of supernatural spirits constituted the earliest type of religious thinking. "Naturism" on the other hand, is used by Durkheim to refer to the teaching that religious thinking began with an awe of the elements and forces of nature. sDurkheim (1915:71). 6"Im Gesprlich zwischen den Wissenschaften (z.B. tiber Slikularisierung) darf nicht vorausgesetzt werden, dass aBe den gleichen Begriffvon Heiligkeit verwenden." loco cit.

7In The Idea of Purity in Ancient Judaism, on p. 18 he makes that equation and cites Lev. 11:44 as a proof-text. He makes a similar statement on p. 22 and there cites Lev. 21:lOff. In his understanding of qdS and ~hr as being essentially synonomous he is certainly not alone among modern Hebrew scholars. In the Hebrew dictionary, 'o~ar halaSon ha'ivrit by Ya'akov Kana'ani, the first entry under the pi'el form {iher deals with the elimination of impurity (~um'ah), as does the second entry for the pi'el form qides, where {iher is also given as a synonym. Moreover, the first entry under the form hitqades is: {iher 'et '~mo. Although it could perhaps be shown that this confusion of {iher and qides probably arose (or at least was already present) during the tannaitic period, such a digression is not within the scope of the current study.

4

Introduction

employed. The words "holy" and "sacred" (and their related forms) may not be completely synonomous in current English usage, but the differences are due more to convention than to any adherence to original meaning, since the former is simply derived from a Germanic root which was adopted and adapted by early Christian missionaries to correspond to the Latin sanctus. 8 In this study, the words "sacred", "sanctity" etc. will be used interchangably with the Germanic roots, "holy", "holiness" etc.

Chapter 1

~

Sumerian KU3

The occurrences of KU3 will be examined topically as far as the nominal / adjectival form is concerned. A grammatical categorization is not really possible in the usual sense, because it is not always easy to determine whether the word is being used in an adjectival or in a nominal sense in many places. Verb forms are seldom, but do occur and are more easily identified.

1.1 Holy Places There are numerous texts which refer to the temple as being holy.l For example, Gudea Cyl A XXVII 8: ez-ku3 -bi-a an-ni ki-gar-ra "In his holy temple, (which was) founded by heaven",2 or the temple Hymn of Urninurta of Isin which contains the phrase: ez-kur ki-tus-ku3 an den-lilz-laz, "the Ekur, the holy dwelling place of An (and) Enli1. 3 In addition to the concept of sanctity applied to the temple in a general sense, however, it is possible to distinguish particular parts of the temple complex which are specified as being sacred, while other parts do not appear to be so designated. We may note, however, that in contrast to Hebrew q6des, KU 3 is never used alone to designate a temple. Indeed, it is not used as a noun, but rather as an adjective. 4 Thus the individual temple parts are not simply "a" KU 3 (which would correspond to some uses of Hebrew q6deS), but rather are designated as x-KU3 in each case.

IThe English term "holy" wiII be used to translate Sumerian KU3 , as will the terms "holiness", "sacred" etc. The terms "pure", "purity" etc. will be used for Sumerian SIKIL. This provides an initial means of distinguishing between KU3 and SIKIL in translation, even before definite meanings are established. 2e2-ku3 also occurs in Gudea Cyl B XVII 16 in the phrase e 2-ku3-an-ka-ba, "in the holy temple of heaven", which appears to refer to the Eninnu as a whole. 3eT XXXVI, 28-30 line 11, cf. Falkenstein (1950)

4In Sumerian it is not always easy to know the difference, but if KU3 were used as a noun, one would expect to genitive ending -ak to appear in at least some instances. 8Lanczkowski (1985:695). Lanczkowski states that this choice of a root which ultimately derives from the heilagr of Old Norse, resulted in a displacement of the other Old German root, wik This root persists today in limited use in the German weihen, and in compounds such as Weihrauch.

6

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

There are three texts in UET VI/I which are quite illustrative of that fact, because they contain references to parts of the temple complex which were considered holy. In terms of the purpose and origin of these texts, Charpin sees them as representing three stages of a visit by Rim-Sin, King of Larsa (18221763), to the Nanna temple in Ur. He rejects the suggestion that the purpose of the visit was to carry out an enthronement ritual by which the king gained legitimacy by having himself recognized at the main shrines of the realm. s He says of this idea, "I.e roi ne vient pas recevoir la consecration religieuse de son pouvoir, mais simplement faire ses devotions aux divinites 10cales....Lorsque Rim-Sin se rendit dans l'Ekisnugal, ce n'etait pas pour se faire couronner comme 'roi d'Ur', mais simplement pour accomplir ses devoirs religieux envers Nanna et Ningal. .. 6 The three stages of the visit are defined by stops at the gate, the abzu, and the cella. These three stops are described in texts 103, 105 and 106 respectively. In 103, the entourage stops at the main gate to the temple complex. This gate is evidently the structure at the eastern corner of the wall surrounding the ziqqurat terrace and has steps rising to the level of the ziqqurat terrace. Woolley stated that this structure, or entrance, was called the dub-la-mah in later periods, but was originally known as the ka z-gal-mah,7 and the name kaz-gal-mah appears no less than six times in text 103.8 Here Rim-Sin has to present himself to the deities guarding the entrance, apparently two pairs of statues flanking the entrance, who have the dual function of keeping out evil forces and also of informing the chief inhabitants of the temple of the arrival of visitors. 9 The wish is expressed that these deities will conduct Rim-Sin to a "holy place ", and it is the nature of this holy place which is of immediate concern to us. The pertinent lines are as follows: ki-ku3 ki-nam-ti-Ia gir3-zu he 2 -ri-ib-gub-bu-ne 34 dri-im- dEN.ZU nun-sag-kal-kur-kalam-ma-ke4 . ki du6 -baraz-gal-mah ki -ur3 -un2 -ma 36 du6 -bara2-gal-mah dni 3-erim 2-su-tab-bi du6 -baraz-gal-mah dni3-erim2-su-ur4-ur4

Holy Places

7

38 d~-bara2-gal-mah dduu -ga-ab-su-gi4 -gi4 du6-bara2-gal-mah ddu 11 -ga-ab-su-«bi-»tab-bi 40 dingir-gub-ba ka2-gal-mah-ke4 dingir-ku4-ra-silim-ma-ne 42 zi-da-gub 3-bu-zu* !ll!m-nam-til-Ia-se3 ud-sud-ra 2-se3 he2-em-da-sus-sus*-bez-eS (*gloss su-su)

34

36

38 40

42

May they place your foot in a holy place, a place of life! Oh, Rim-Sin, foremost prince in all the earth! To the Dubaragalmah, the "base" of Dr, To the Dubaragalmah, may Ni-erim-sutabbi, To the Dubaragalmah, may Ni-erim-su'urur, To the Dubaragalmah, may Dugab-sugigi To the Dubaragalmah, may Dugag-sutabbi The gods stationed at the great gate, The gods at the entrance of perfection (or "peace"), On your right and on your left, accompany you To the fate of life, to "long days".

Notes: 34. Seux (1967:439) reads sag.rib for this line, but CAD A/2 (p. 418) argues for sag.kat It woyld be tempting to translate the epithet here as "the sun-god", since nun-sag appears as a name for SamaS in the series AN - An-nu-um (CF 25, 25, 19 - cf. Deimel, Pantheon, No. 2361 or SL 87:28); but the lack of the divine determinative here may suggest the meaning of aScuedu, "foremost." 35. Charpin is probably right in following Gadd (1960) and SjOberglO in treating d~-bara2-gal­ mah as a proper noun. The name, literally "hill of the exalted great throne (of the god)", appears to be associated with (or perhaps represent) the abzu, rather than referring to the sanctuaries of the intercessor gods as suggested by Gadd (1960). That may be surmised due to the fad that the dllt;bara z gal-mah is equated with the ki-ur3 in line 35 and ki-ur3, which literally means "levelled ground", is the name given to a forecourt at the temple of Enlil in Ni ppur which contained the temple of En!il' s spouse, Ninlil.ll It must therefore also refer to a court or forecourt area at the Ekisnugal, and is also associated with the presence of the abzu. 1z Hermann Behrens cites occurrences of ki-ur3 from Girsu, Eres, Eridu, and Nippur as well as U r13. He gives the general meaning as "Wohnung". The meaning of "habitation" is supported by the royal hymn known as Shulgi A. which has the line (no.

1ne enthronement concept is presented in H. Steible (1975:30) 6Charpin (1986:302).

lOTCS III, p. 59

7UE V, p. 28

llJacobsen (1989:83*).

8Unes 7, 9, 18, 26, 40 and 48

l~vident from UET VI/1 67, line 3.

9Charpin (1986:286)

113ehrens (1978:145ff).

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

8

48): maSz-hur-sag-ga2 ki-ur2-bi-~ hub 2-sar-sar-re-gim, "Like a kid of the mountain, hurrying to its habitation. ,,14 In Nippur, as already noted, the ki-uf3 was "ein dem ez-kur vorgelagerter Hof", and was primarily the "Sitz der Anunna-GOtter". In our case, the ki-urJ would have been located in the southeast area of the ziqqurat terrace, "before" the approach to the shrine of Nanna, thus also in an area which could be considered a forecourt. 36-39. These gods are taken to be the subject of the finite verb in line 43 and that means that a terminative value must be assumed for dllt;-bara2-gal-mah. The term dingir in lines 40-41 therefore functions as an appositive, repeating the subject. 40/41. Charpin (1986:285) discusses the role of the an(or dingir)-gub-ba and refers to Ludlul N 96-98 where the righteous sufferer has to pass the 11 doors of the Esagila by propitiating the standing deities there with libations and offerings. He also says that the dingir-ku4-ra is simply ilum erebum and compares it to the Hammurabi passage sedum lamassum dingir-dingir eribiU Esagila, "Les dieux protecteurs sedum et lamassum qui entrent dans I'Esagila." a. CAD A!2 118a "may the a.-gods of the Great Gate, the peaceful anJam2(?)-gods walk (at your right and left)." 42-43. Charpin translates these lines as "ii ta droite et ta gauche, en vue d'une vie d'eternite, puissent-ils s'avancer avec toi!", and by so doing appears to be making a theological assumption, viz. that the reward which Rim-Sin can expect for his pious act has to do with the after-life rather than with a lengthening of days in mortality, which is the usual understanding of the expression lnam-til u4-suJ.d! (lit. "life of long days"). As regards this particular passage, one could perhaps argue for either interpretation. It seems most reasonable, however, that one might suppose that since the text was written by priests for the royal visit, these priests would perhaps have been more concerned with wishing for the king something which would benefit them as well. A prolongation of mortality would benefit the priests because longevity in a monarch frequently was associated with political stability, and that situation in turn benefits the priest class. The transliteration of these lines follows Thomsen (1984:135).

a

UET VI/1 105 deals with the second stop, which is made at the abzu. The abzu may have been located on the ziqqurat terrace southeast of the ziqqurat proper, for Woolley found there a well and also a cistern consisting of four compartments. 15 This document is particularly helpful because it gives one of the best descriptions of the abzu to be found in cuneiform literature, and the abzu itself is important because of the role it plays in purification / sanctification. Therefore the entire text will be presented, largely following the transliteration of Charpin, who collated the text at the British museum. 16

dri-im-dEN.ZU lugal me-nun-na kingal-me-sar2-ra nam-nun-na sag-il2

Holy Places

2 4

ha-su-urz-ra~k~rn

6 8 10

12 14 16 18 20 22

24

26 28

30 32 34

14Klein (1981:194). 15UE

Y, pp 32-34. cf. Charpin (1986:335).

16Charpin (1986:287f).

abzu-es 3-ku3-mah e 2-kis-nu-galz-Ia-ke4 nam-mah-gal sa3-ta bar-ta-bi ki-gar e 2 ei!)-sa3-ku3-sikil-Ia-ka ir-dulO-ga-tir-Sem-giserin-na

36

ez KI.GAL-bi sa3-ez-ke4 an-du1 7 e 2-e me-lam z-ez-de4 ub*-gal ub-kurge Sa3-gi-na gis-hur-ka 2-na gm-burz-e as-me sag-ga2-ni uri 3 h[u]*-[r]i*-in lah4 lulim(!)-ma zi-da gub3 -bu-b[i*] kin gal su dib-dib-b[ e2l dingir-kaz-na en-nu-un i 3-ak-ne gis-kinz-mah ki-be2 m[ a]-ra-Sar2-sarZ zag-dUg a-saI 4-bar-ra si-gar kun4 dub-bi gis-ig gis-sag-kulz gis-su-min3-ez-ke4 ki-si-a du 6-e2-a ki-gar-e z-e2-sa3-ku)sikil-la-ka gi-zi-ku3-ku3-bi ku3 -zi ku 3-babbar-ra da-admambar(!)-abzu-a e 2-kis-nu-gaI2-la-kam eS3-ku3-ga abz-nigin-na [gu4]-amar-sarz-za-gin3 -na-ke4 kadrax-ba-bi / dab s-bez-de3 [ ] x-bi amar-bi-b[i] [ ku3 ]-ga ma--sus-g[e [g]i*-us2 gi-sun-ne 2-ke4 uz-[sal-la [g]i-sumun naz-a gi-si-sa2 [ [a]-sa3-ba ki-gar ma-ra-[ [s]a3 -ambar(!)-abzu-ez-k[is-nu-gaI 2-1a-ke4] [su]g-ku3 gis-gi a-ku3-ga g[i... ... ] / ma-ra-mUz-muz-e sa3-e2-e ka 2-es3-gal-mah mi2 -zi ul-gur3 -ru-a su-du7-a nam-nun-na / sag-il2 hi-li-su3-su3 gu4-gin7 sig7-ga ul-gur3-ru miz-dull-ga hur-sag-gin7 me-lam 2-ma / su-du7 sa3 -ta bar-ta ub-ta limmUz-bi alam te-me-bi dlama-mah-e2-ke4 sa3 u4-sakar-gar-ra bal-bal-e-de3 dudug-e2 dlama-ez-ke4 dingir-gub-ba dumu-e2-ke4 dur2-u2-zu-uk-ka-ta en-nu-un-ka 2-bar-ra gir3-gub-dingir-ra

9

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

10

38 giS-hur-su-Iuh-mah-e2-e-ke4 / dur2 ki ma-ra-sar-sar i3-ki-gal-bi dlama-mah-e2-e-ke4 40 i3-ga-urs-bi ninda-ninda-bi ma-ra-tum 2-tum2 he2-a

dingir-gub-ba dlama dama-sa6-ga e2-e Se-ga-ba 42 sag-sag ni 3-sa6-ga-zu he 2-bi 2-ib-tuk-tuk-ne ni3-na*-ga gis-bi dull-ga-zu 44 dnanna dnin-gal-bi su he 2-eb-su-te-ge26-ne du ll -ku3-ga-ne-ne-a su ha-ra-mUz-mu2 -ne 46 dri-im-dEN.ZU lugal-MU 46 mu-bi-im

2 4

6 8 10

12 14 16

Oh Rim-Sin, king of the princely me's! great leader with all the divine offices, foremost in royalty! The abzu, the exalted holy sanctuary of the Ekishnugal, A great exalted ness, both inside and outside, The construction site of the temple, a temple of pure and holy interior(s), It is of the sweet-smell of the herbal forest, among the cedars and hasur-trees. (It is) the subterranean connection of the temple, The heart of the temple, The protection for the temple, the glory of the temple, The great comer, the holy comer, leading to the interior. The design on the gate is a magic bond: a solar disc of which the head is a standard - a grasping eagle, forcibly seizing two stags (which are) facing right and left. The gods of the gate stand guard, In this place exalted kiSkanu-trees luxuriate for you. The doorframe, the ...... , the lock, threshold, the beam(?), The door, the bolt, the ...... of the temple, The retaining wall of the "hill" of the temple, The construction site for the buildings of the pure and holy interior, These most holy reeds of gold and silver are (all)

Holy Places

18 Beside the pond of the abzu of the Ekishnugal. In the holy sanctuary which cows surround,

20 Numerous calves of lapis lazuli receive their gifts. .................. their calves,

22 ...... standing in tIle holy: ........... Dried reeds and new shoots for grazing,

24 The old reclining reeds, unright reeds, ......... for you in their field, the foundation site.

26 The interior, the pond of the holy abzu of the Ekishnugal bring forth for you the holy marsh, the reed in holy water... 28 The interior of the temple, the gate to the exalted great sanctuary, A faithful woman, lovable, suitable for nobility, head erect, 30 Sprinkled with luxury like the yellow oxen. Perfected with manifold powers, carefully prepared, bearing its glory like a mountain, 32 From the middle, from the sides and its four comers, The statues of its periphery, the exalted protective deities of the temple, 34 Contemplate the new moon that stands (there). The udug-spirits of the temple and the protective deities of the temple, 36 The standing deities, (all of them) inhabitants of the temple, From the foundation of the cella to the guardpost of the exterior gate and to the pedestal of the god(s) 38 According to the exalted su-Iuh ceremonies of the temple, The ground is prepared for you. Oil for (anointing) its foundation, the exalted protective deities of the temple 40 verily carry oil and milk together, and loaves of bread for you. May the standing gods, the protective deities, the good mother-goddesses, for their obedience to the temple 42 Receive the finest of your offerings.......

11

O1apter 1: Sumerian KU3

12

When you light the censer, 44 May Nanna and Ningal accept your offerings. May they pray for you in their holy words. 46 Oh Rim-Sin, my king! 46 lines. Notes: 1. kingal-me-Sarz-ra - cf. the phrase nin-me-Sarz-ra which is translated as kul-lat par~i in OECT VI, PI. 17:12f (and CAD K 504a). 2. Although the ABZU in this line designates a sanctuary, in a stricter sense it apparently designated a basin or small pond of some sort which was symbolic of the vast underground freshwater sea that was also known as ABZU in Sumerian (there may have been some parallelism between the ABZU of Sumerian temples and the "brazen sea" of Solomon's temple). A text that more fully describes the ABZU is UEI'VI/1 67 which is treated by Olarpin (1986:366ff). The function of the ABZU is suggested in ¥BC 4184, line one: ~-abzu a-gubz-ba a-tu,[aJ, "The sanctuary of the abzu (with) the agubbU-water for bathing."17 3. U. The Sumerian Dictionary B 9Sa. This is similar to Van Dijk's rendering of "La grandeur majestueuse a I'interieur (et) aI 'exterieur... ,,18 Olarpin, on the other hand, translates, "une immensite vaste en profondeur et en largeur.,,19 4. This translation differs from Charpin 's "fondation des batiments interieurs sacro-saints" in that Sa3 is treated here as a noun rather than as an adjectival construction, so that the adjectives ku3 and sikil modify Sa3 directly rather than e z. This may seem like a minor distinction, but the theological import relates to the question of just what is considered holy - the buildings themselves, or the specific location in relation to the rest of the temple complex? Since the outer structures are not called holy in this context, we probably have some reason to assume that the holiness is determined by the relative location of the space in question and is not inherent in the buildings. In other words, we have no reason to believe that the buildings have some peculiar material characteristics that would make them "holy" even if they were to be found in some other location apart from the temple complex. 6. KI.GAL is interpreted in the sense of sur6 =berlUu, with the meaning of "underground". This is not far from "foundation", but in English the latter can simply refer to a structure upon which another structure is built, and the significance of KI.GAL here is the fact that the abzu represents the underground waters and thus is the connection to these waters. This would appear to be the sense of Olarpin's observation, "Le mot pourrait precisement decrire I 'endroit ou les fondations d'un batiment rencontrent la nappe phreatique, ce qui convient parfaitement ici pour \' Abzu" (1986:290). 8. ub is taken here to be the equivalent of Akkadian tubqu "comer", but one might also wonder if this is a reference instead to the holy kettle drum, written without the determinative (normally kUlub_ ku3-ga)lO. However, architectural features seem to be the focus here, favoring "corner."

Holy Places

9. kaz-na is not /ka-ani-aJ, but simply ka2-na = bOOu (SL 133:10). This is also true in line 12. Note that gis..kaz-ra = kanakku, "threshhold" (CAD K 134a). 1.0' For an explanation of the translation of gis-burz as a magic bond ("lien magique) see Olarpm's notes (1986:290-291). . For uriz =urinnu, "standard" and hu-riz-im =iuinnu, "eagle", cf. CAD S 196. 14. Olarpin fol1~s S. CQ!t~n in translating a-saI 4-bar-ra as "architrave". He also suggests (1986:291) that dub-ba IS short for dub-ba-an = dappu of which he says, "dub-ba-an designe les bottes de roseaux lies, qui, assemblees, forment l'armature d'une construction du type zarifeh." Borger, on the other hand, translates dappu as "waagerechter Quertrilger"?1 An example of dappu 22 occurs in a Sargon inscription in which the door of the palace at Dur-Sharruldn is described _ Pdap-pi ku-lu/ KAz.MES-si-in e-mid. For the suggestion that the si-gar served as an "inviter" cf. Levine/Hallo (1967). 16. Charpin suggests a reading of ki-sa 5 for ki-si-a as a variant of ki-sa2 =Idsfl, "retainer wall". He translates dU6 as "terasse" upon which the temple was constructed. This is possible because du6 = nu1h2 (SL 459:8), but the word "hill" was chosen here because dU6 is translated tillu in cr 11 25

B?

'

,

17. The reference to these metals would seem to imply symbolic representations of reeds rather than an actual reed hut as Charpin suggests. Z4 19. The cows are assumed to be either statues or reliefs on the sanctuary walls. The symbolism is still a matter of conjecture. 20. The use of za-gin3 here as an adjective meaning "shining,,25 may indicate they were made of brass. 23. gi-BAD = uSsu sa qani (MSL VII, p. 13 line 89). TheAHw translates ussu as "abgestorbenes Rohr" (14413). gi-sun is hab~illatu (MSL VII, p. 10, line 36), which the CAD translates as "fresh shoots" (H Sa). u2-sal-la is Akkadian uSallu which refers to land that was near water and thus occasionally tlooded,26 producing the luxuriant growth indicated by the presence of reeds in various stages of maturation. 29. ul-gur3-ru = minatu, "lovable" (CAD Ml298b). 30. hi-Ii-su3 is translated in CAD K 615a as "sprinkled in luxury". The sign rendered here as gu4 was transliterated by Olarpin as gurun. Although he collated the tex~, he inse~ no asterisk after this particular sign, which would appear to mean that he saw the sign as It appears m Gadd's transcription. In Gadd's transcription, however, it appears to be closer to a gu4 than to a gurun and that also fits the context better because cattle have been mentioned in pr~vious :ines and ~is i~ the~efore taken as a comparison between two objects actually found in the this location. Charpm, In usmg gurun, perhaps interpreted it as a metaphor with no reference to anything physically present. He translates the line, "dont I'attrait irradie, qui ala maturite du fruit". Attributing the maturity of fruit to the quality of attractiveness is not impossible, but seems less likely

21BAL (1979), Heft II, p. 244 22cf. BAL, Heft I, p. 62, line 116

SL

17For a treatment of the entire text, cf. van Dijk (1973).

23cf.

18van Dijk (1973:111).

24(1986), p. 292 ad 17.

1901arpin (1986:288).

25

lOcf. Cohen, Mark (1981), ErSemma No. 159, p. 103f. line 17

13

459:15.

cf• Falkenstein (1959), p. 43: e 2-kur e z-za-gin3, "Das Ekur, das strahlende Haus". 26cf. AHw 1440b.

14

in this context. 31. mi 2-du ll -ga is translated here following SL 554:13 (lamnu) rather than as Charpin translates (tlaimable"). Richard Clifford in The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament (Cambridge, Mass, 1972, p. 13) says of hur-sag: "The basic meaning of hI.lr-sag seems to be the stony, rocky ground as it is found in the mountains of the east and as it comes out in the vast gravelly and stony desert to the west, contrasting so sharply with the alluvial soil of Sumer proper." That may be true in some cases, e.g. the fortress of Ibbi-Sin called bad3-igi-hur-sag, which was constructed to keep out the Martu who were arriving from the west (this example is cited by Clifford), but in connection with temples there is no indication that "rocky ground" is the intended metaphor or simile. On the contrary, there are passages which clearly indicate that the object of the simile is indeed a mountain. Such occurs for example in Gudea cyl. A XXI 19: ez hur.sag-gin? im-mu 2-mu2-ne, which Thomsen (p 1(9) translates as "they made the house grow like a mountain". 33. a1am te-me-bi is literally "statues(s) of its perimetry".27 34. u4-sakar = arhu (CAD N2 25%). Sa3....bal, "to ponder", cr. Sumerian Dictionary B, p. 55b, where this line is listed under Sa ...bal. 37. The interpretation of uz-zu-uk is the phonetic writing for ZA).AN (= aSirtu "cella") as noted by Charpin. He chooses, however, to translate "mur d'enceinte" which he says, seems preferable because in this text as in the inscription of the foundation of the wall of the Giparku by Enanedu, the uz-zu-uk is followed by the mention of the en-nu-un and he thinks this places the scene of events in the proximity of enclosure wall. 38. The su-Iuh ceremony is intimately connected with purification and sanctification, as evident in a surpu text (Tab. IX, 88-95, cr. Reiner, Surpu, p. 48): enz su-Iuh-ha-me-en su-Iuh-ha-me-en su-Iuh-ha-me-en ku)-ga-me-en su-Iuh-ha-me-en sikil-Ia-me-en su-Iuh-ha-me-en sen-sen-na-me-en su-Iuh-ha-me-en dadag-ga-me-en su-Iuh-ha dadag-ga-am3 su-Iuh-ha sikH-la-am3 su-Iuh-ha Sen-Sen-na-am3 su-Iuh-ha dadag-ga-am3 luz-u,.-Iu dumu-dingir-ra-na an-gim hez-en-kurga ki-gim hez-en-sikil-Ia Sa 3-an-gim hez-en-dadag-ga eme-hul-gaI 2 bar-Se3 he 2-im-ta-gub Incantation: Your hands are washed, your hands are washed. Your hands are washed, you are hoi y; your hands are washed, you are pure. Your hands are washed - You are resplendent. Your hands are washed - you are shining. He whose hands are washed is shining. He whose hands are washed is pure. He whose hands are washed is resplendent. He whose hands are washed is shining. May this man, the son of his god, become holy like the heavens!

27

Holy Places

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

For temen ::: perimetry,

cr. Green (1978:220-221).

15

May he become pure like the earth!28 May he shine like the heart of heaven! May the evil tongue stand aside! SAR can be sablit,u (AHw 1119b). 40. i3-ga-Ufs-bi, "oil andrniJk together", cr. HAR".bi = mitharis (CAD M/2 1318). 42. A single sag can be aSaredu, but not sag_sag.29 Sag-sag is given as kabtu in CAD K 25a. 43. Charpin says that gis...du ll is written here for gis ... tag, noting that the alternation between dUll and tag is not exceptional. ni 3-na = nignakku (AHw 78Th).

The third part of this trilogy (UET VI/11(6) takes place in the adytum and deals with food and drink offerings presented to Nanna and Ningal as the final act of piety associated with Rim-Sin's visit to the Ekishnugal. The adytum was evidently located just northwest of the actual ziqqurat, and thus also on the ziqqurat terrace (or E-temen-ni-gur).30 The first few lines describe the food and drink offerings that he brings, and lines 16 and 17 show that he first offered food and drink in the abzu and then in the kisalmah. He is also given credit for having restored the me's of the ki'ur (lines 20-21). As noted previously, this appears to be located in, or even identical with the adytum. Most of the rest of the hymn contains repeated good wishes for the king in terms of long life, joy, and above all, abundance in all things. This latter wish obviously affects the entire country and not just the king. Only the first few lines make mention of "holy", so only those will be reproduced here.

28KI can also refer to the underworld, i.e. the realm of the dead. That is perhaps the intended meaning since the focus is on "otherworldly" realms. It is also unlikely that the earth where mortals dwell would have been considered "pure" (SIKIL) in any cultic sense, but the realm of the dead may have indeed been considered to be free of pollutants. There is perhaps some suggestion of this in lnanna's descent where she is forced to remove her clothes in stages as she passes through the various gates of the underworld, until she arrives at the seat of Erishkigal nude. This disrobing, rather than representing an attempt to humble Inanna, may actually signify the removal of clothes worn in the mortal sphere in order not to pollute the realm of the dead - similar perhaps to the removal of profane clothes when entering sacred space as is known from the Israelite high priest and also from other cultures. 29Cf. the lexical sections in CAD N2 416f and AHw 78b. 30Charpin (1986:335) says that the key to locating the cella is UET III, 270 II line 17: Sa 3kisal-mah igi e 2-pa4-pah, "a I'interieur de la cour principale, devant la cella (bit papiihim)". On p. 340 he concludes that Woolley's location of the cella as being room 1 of the complex on the southwestern wall of the ziqqurat terrace was quite reasonable. For another recent treatment of temple layouts which includes the EkishnugaJ, see Jacobsen, "The Mesopotamian Temple Plan and the kititum Temple."

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

16

2 4

6

2

4

6

nidba-ku3 -ga(!) si-sa3 -zu [s]u-ku3-zu siskur2-ku3-sikil-e ma-ra-tag-ga-zu gis-tag-ga SU tag-tag-ga-zu sa3 -ge-du ll -ga eme-gar-ra-zu kir4-su-ga1 2-1a-zu su-ku3-il 2-1a-zu dnanna lugal-an-ki en dlama-sa6-ga-zu he 2-me-se-se dnin-gal nin-mah nin gizkim-sa6-ga-zu hez-me-se-se For the holy food offerings which you prepare, For the pure and holy offerings given by your holy hand, For the sacrifices which you offer, That which you pronounce in your heart or aloud, Your hand raised to your mouth, your holy hand elevated (in prayer), May Nanna, king of heaven and earth, the lord, your protective deity, hear (your prayers)! May Ningal, the exalted lady, the lady of your benevolent omen hear (your prayers)!

Note: 3) Charpin translates gis-tag-ga as "victimes", but the expression can refer to other kinds of sacrifices as well, including libations. For that reason it is seen here as an appositive to the two types of sacrifices listed before it.

Those objects or locations which are identified as holy by the three texts just examined include: 1) the "holy place" (ki-ku 3) of 103 1. 33, which is called the "place of life" and which was shown to refer to the adytum; 2) the abzu, which is called a "holy sanctuary" (es3-ku3) in 105 1. 2; 3) the "holy interior" (Sa3-ku3) of the temple is mentioned in 105 1. 4 and 16; 4) a "holy space" (or "region" , ub-ku3 , but as noted, perhaps "kettle drum") appears in 105 1. 8, also in conjunction with the interior of the temple; 5) a "holy sanctuary" (eS 3-ku3 -ga) in 105 1. 19; 6) a "holy marsh" (or "pond", sug-ku3) in 105 1. 27, referring to the abzu; 7) "holy words" (du ll -ku3-ga-ne-ne) of the gods in 1051. 45; 8) "holy food offerings" (nidba-ku3-ga) in 106 1. 1 in reference to food offered in the cella; 9) "holy drink offerings" (siskur2-ku3-sikel-e) in same context, 106 1. 2; 10) the same line has "holy hand(s)" (su-ku3-zu); 11) "holy hands" also in 1. 5 su-ku3 -il 2la-zu "when you raise your holy hands" (both these references still referring to events taking place in the adytum). If we were to propose meanings for KU 3 that would fit all the occurrences

Holy Places

17

just listed, we might be tempted to first try "beautiful" or something similar that would describe the physical appearance. This possibility would seem to be suggested both by the fact that the inner parts of the temple are described (and would be expected to be particularly splendid), and also by the Surpu passage cited in the notes whereii1KU3 is used in conjunction with SIKIL, SEN and DADAG to describe the person who has undergone the su-luh ceremony. Since these three other terms suggest visual qualities, we might be tempted to assume a visual quality (of beauty) for KU3 • There can be no visual quality to "holy words", however. Another possible meaning would be "fit for deity." That would seem to fit all occurrences listed above. By saying that something is fit for deity, especially within the setting of the temple, one essentially places it within the realm of the divine. In that respect, KU3 in these instances could conceivably have a meaning not unlike the Hebrew noun qodes in certain instances, for some of the items mentioned in the above list (viz. "place", "sanctuary" and "offerings") correspond to items caned qodes in the Hebrew Bible. There is a distinct grammatical difference, however, in that qodes is a noun while kU 3 in these cases functions as an adjective. The most satisfactory definition, however, would seem to be "pertaining / belonging to the realm of the divine" since all those things noted belong to that realm by virtue of the fact that they are part of the temple sphere, which is, in turn, part of the realm of the divine. That definition would appear to be preferable to "suited for deity", because there are probably many things which would be suitable for deity (i.e. things of the same material quality as those mentioned) but which are not holy because they are not part of the temple complex. "Pertaining to the realm of the divine" would also appear to be preferable to "in the presence of deity" for Mesopotamian gods were occasionally absent from their temples, but we are not told that the temples became any less holy during those periods (such as processions to other temples, as when Nabu visited Marduk). There are other parts of the temple which are also called holy in other texts, and which will be seen to fit the pattern of pertaining to the realm of the divine. One of these is the Giparku. The Giparku was divided into two main sections during the Ur III and Isin-Larsa periods. 31 The slightly smaller part was originally a separate unit and constituted, even during the periods in question, a

31Charpin (1986:193). For a fuller description of the gipar and its functions See p. 220 of the same volume.

18

sanctuary dedicated to Ningal and known as the E 2.NUN. 32 This sanctuary corresponded to the Ekishnugal of Nanna,33 which is demonstrated by lines 34 and 35 of UET VI/1134. Line 35 also refers to the E 2.NUN as holy. dsu'en-e e 2-kis-nu-gaI 2-1a-se3 im-ma-da-a[ n-ku4-ku4] dnin-gal-e E 2·NUN-na-ku3-ga-na im-mu-ni-ib 2-te-e[ n-te-en] Sin (Nanna) will enter into the Ekishnugal, Ningal will relax in her holy E 2.NUN The holiness of the E 2.NUN is also mentioned in an Enanedu inscription treated by Charpin (1986:200). This inscription was first published (but without translation) by Gadd in Iraq 13 (1951) pp 27-39. In line 7 holiness (ku3) is associated with the E 2.NUN, and line 26 refers to the entire gipar with the phrase - gi6-par3-ku3-ga ki-tus-nam-en-na-mu, "The holy gipar, the residence (or "seat") of my priesthood". The entire gipar is also called holy (gi6-par4-ku3) in an erSemma. 34 Another mention of the sacred gipar occurs in UET VIII, 67:

2

4

6

Holy Places

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

dNin-gal nin-a-ni-ir dAmar-dSin nita-kala-ga lugal Urimzki-ma lugal dub-da-limmu-ba-ke4

For Ningal, His Lady, Amar-Sin, The mighty male, King of Ur, King of the four world regions, built the gipar, his

320larpin (1986:211/212). On pa~e 213 he points out that Ningal is not the only goddess associated with the E2.NUN; e.g. Sala, the spouse of Adad is called the "lady of the E2.NUN" and Nin-egara, the spouse of Ningublaga is the "queen of the pure E2.NUN". Furthermore, it may be a common noun and not only the name of Ningal's temple and is perhaps to be read agrun Akk. kummum ("chamber"). The E2.NUN is where Ningal bore Utu-E 2.NUN(-ku3) (read agrun-ku3) and thus is a type of bedroom of Ningal, and then, by extension, the entire temple of Ningal. For additional information on the E2-NUN, see R. Caplice (1973).

19

beloved temple. 8

mu-na-du 3 nam-ti-la-ni-se3

10 a-mu-na-ru

For (the well-being ot) his life,He presented it.

The E 2-NUN and the giparku were definitely associated with deity, and, as noted above, one might ask whether KU3 could be connected with the presence of deity.35 That idea would not, however, fit the occurrences of KU 3 with hands, words, and other items where deity cannot be immediately present. Our previous notion of "fit for" or "pertaining to the realm" of deity is still a viable option, for it would be an acceptable meaning in connection with the giparku and E2-NUN. An even more obvious connection of KU3 with the realm of the divine is found in the expression du6-ku3 • The du6-ku3 is a feature of Sumerian temples which seems to have some special relationship to the abzu, although it is not synonomous with the abzu as will be pointed out below. Its precise function is not stated in the Sumerian texts, but there are several references to it. In one passage, for example, it appears to be associated with a cultic meal: 36 e2 du6-ku3 u2-sikil-la rig 7-ga Oh temple, holy mound where pure food is eaten! Some additional details about the du6-ku3 may be gleaned from a bilingual bit rimki text, which, though late, almost certainly preserves ancient notions concerning the du6-ku3. The notions that appear in this text are that the du6-ku3 is a great mountain, that it is associated with the subterranean waters (abzu), and that it is the place where the gods gather for judgment, as evident from the following: 37 1) en z dUtu kur-gal-ta um-ta-e3-na-zu-se3 2) kur-gal kur-idim-ta um-ta-e3-na-zu-se3

=

3~e term EkishnugaJ can evidently refer either to the entire temple complex (temenos) or, more specifically, to the shrine of Nanna which Woolley believed to be on the northwest side of the ziqqurat terrace. Cf. UE V, pI. 117

34cf. Cohen, Mark, Sumerian Hymnology, no.32, p. 66f. lines 1 and 9.

3>rttis assumption would be consonant with Robertson Smith's contention that holiness was associated with the presence of deity. ~joberg!Bergmann (1%9), p. 10, line 4.

37 V R 50 + 51. The transliteration here follows Borger (1967). Though the text is bilingual, only the Sumerian will be reproduced here.

20

Holy Places

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

3) du6-ku3 ki-nam-tar-tar-re-e-de3 um-ta-e3-na-zu-se3 4) ki-se 3 an-ki ur-bi lalz-a-ta an-urz-ta um-ta-e3-na-zu-se3 5) dingir gal-gal-e-ne di-da ma-ra-ab-sugz-ge-eS 6t A-nun-na-ke4-e-ne eS-bar-bar-ra ma-ra-ab-sugz-ge-eS Incantation. Sham ash, when you come out of the great mountain, When you come out of the great mountain, the mountain of the springs (of water), When you come out of the duku where fates are determined, When you come out of the (place) where heaven and earth are connected, from the foundation of heaven, to (this) place, The great gods will present themselves before you for judgment; The Anunnaki will present themselves to you for decisions. Although one could argue that the duku represents the Zagros mountains, from whence Samas was thought to arise, the mention of the foundation of heaven, as well as the statement that the great gods and the Anunnaki will be there, indicate that the duku was indeed thought to be within the realm of the divine and also to be the point where that realm connected with the physical world of mere mortals. If the duku is holy because it is part of the realm of the divine, then we should certainly expect heaven to be called holy. That determination is not as easy as one might suppose, however, for the Sumerian AN can refer either to the supreme deity in the Sumerian pantheon, or to heaven, and it is not always easy to know which meaning is intended. For example, Gudea Statue H begins with a list of epithets of Baba: 38 l)dBa-ba6 2) sal Sa3-ga 3) dumu an-na 4) nin uruku3-ga 5) nin hez-gal z dumu an-ku 3-ga I)Baba 2) woman of the interior 3) daughter of heaven 4) lady of Uru-ku 5) lady of abundance, daughter of heaven. It would seem at least possible that the two similar phrases - dumu an-na and dumu an-ku3-ga - do not refer to the same thing, since they are separated by the other epithets "lady of the holy city" and "lady of abundance." It is therefore

conceivable that one of the phrases containing AN refers to heaven and the other to the deity An. The question is: which is which? Thureau-Dangin translates the first of these epithets as "Tochter Anus" and the other as "Tochter des reinen Himmels." 39 Falkenstein, on the other hand, says that dumu an-ku 3-ga is "Tochter des heiligen An.If40 Either translation is possible, but there is a lesS ambiguous reference to an-ku3-ga in a Sulgi hymn:41 lugal-an-ku3-ga men-dagal SU3-SU3 The king of holy heaven, adorned with a wide crown. In this passage one is essentially forced to translate AN as "heaven" because Sulgi, though deified, would scarcely be king over the god An. We may therefore conclude that heaven (as a place) was considered holy. Cities can also be "holy" for Urbaba is said to have built a temple in a "holy" city (ez-uru-ku3-ga-ka-ni).4Z The city in question could be Girsu, as is evident from the following: Gudea Statue E43 I 4, II 16, III 18 refers to the deity Baba as the "lady of the holy city" (nin uru-ku3-ga)44 and additional references to the "holy city" occur in III 20 and VIII 14. The city would appear to be Girsu because line I 6 speaks of her as the "Lady who determines fates in Girsu". Girsu would therefore also seem to be the city intended in Statue D45 III 17 where a line identical to that of the Urbaba inscription mentioned above is found. On the other hand, there are inscriptions in which the holy city (uru-ku3) and Girsu are mentioned in such a way as to exclude the possibility that the two could be identical. One of these is Statue G II 11-16:

SAKI, loco cit. 4OAnOr 30, p. 63.

39

41Sulgi D, line 295 in Klein, Three Sulgi Hymns ... , p. 82. 42[JeC., 43[JeC.

Plate 8 bi&, no. 2,

n, 8.

pI. 13, no. 2 and SAKI p.78

~e expression also occurs in Statue H I 4 38[JeC.

V 15.

pI. 13, no. 4 or SAKI p. 84f. The phrase dumu an-ku3-ga also occurs in Gudea Cyl B

21

(Dec. pI. 13 no. 4) 4S[JeC.

pI. 9 and SAKI p. 76

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

Holy Places

From Girsu, Gudea, ensi of Lagash, speaks in shalom 46 to the holy city.

construction of the temple of Gatumdug in Uru-ku3•51 He surmised from the surface pottery that al Hibba must have been deserted at the time of ED II, with only sanctuaries surviving into later times. He comments in regard to that fact: "This raises the question whether Uru-ku3, which means 'the holy city', isnQ(speciJically the name of the sacred quarterin which the temples were located, and which therefore managed to survive, and whether the city of al Hibba as a whole may not have had yet another name. The most likely candidate, considering Gatumdug's epithet 'mother of Lagash' is obviously Lagash, and it would be natural that the name of the once mighty and flourishing city of al Hibba should survive in the title of the later rulers of Girsu, lending to it of its ancient splendor." He thus assumed in that article that al Hibba was the ancient city of Lagash. Falkenstein also located uru-ku3 in Lagash. 52 He also noted, however, that the fact that the rulers caned themselves kings (or ensi) of Lagash at a time when they were residing in Girsu indicated that the name "Lagash" designated not only the city, but the whole territory (thus supporting the earlier assumption of de Genouillac). Furthermore, he asserts that although the original uru-ku 3 had been in Lagash, Gudea and Ur-Ningursu consciously attempted to transfer the term of "holy city" to the sacred precincts of Girsu because they use the term in their construction reports of the temples of Baba, Gatumdug, Ninsuna and the "seven daughters of Ningirsu" for temples which were unquestionably in Girsu." He thereby essentially substantiates de Genouillac's original conviction about a "holy city" in Girsu as well. Furthermore, this allows us to view the "holy city" as pertaining to the realm of the divine by extension, i.e. because of the temples there. Finally, there is the additional bit of light shed on the situation by Yoshikowa (1985), who shows that ki-Lagasl
22

One could, of course, try to reconcile these seemingly contradictory passages by assuming that the "holy city" is only a part of Girsu: the part containing the sacred precincts. This was the assumption made by de Genouillac (although his reasons are not known to this writer), who excavated Tello in 1929-31. He stated that the holy city ("ville sainte") was the heart of Girsu47 (quoting the above source as evidence!). He also stated that Girsu was the name of the city while Lagash was the name of the country.48 As a proof text he gives the following: 49 Warad-dSin ...sag-li-tar gir-su-ki ki sir-pur-Ia-ki-a Arad-Sin .. .le controleur de Girsu au pays de Lagash Some years later, Jacobsen concluded that al Hibba,s° a large tell southeast of Tello, was not only uru-ku3 , but also the original site of Lagash (1960:177). In another article (1958:127f.) he gave his reasons for that identification. He said that a brick found on the high elevations in the center of al Hibba contained an inscription of Gudea describing the construction of the Bagara, and that those high elevations, which included a temple terrace, or ziggurat, surrounded by a large temple oval with thick walls, therefore represented the Ez-ba-gara. He said, "Since Bagara, along with a famous temple for Ningirsu's consort, Baba, and another temple for Gatumdug, the 'mother of Lagash', were all situated in Uruku3 , according to the great lament for Ur published by Kramer in AS XII, al Hibba must be the ancient Uru-kug. If He adduced as further evidence for al Hibba being the site of uru-ku3 the fact that a brick had been picked up there years earlier by Dougherty which had an inscription of Gudea mentioning the

Orientalia N.F. 35 (1966) p. 233, footnote 7 confirms Thureau-Dangin's translation of sHim as "benediction" (Segnung) in ZA XVIII (1904/05) on p. 126 (Gudea Zyl AX(27).

~alkenstein, in

Fou illes de Tello: Tome II, p. 1 48Fouilles de Telloh: Tome I, p. XI, footnote 1 49presented here in his transliteration and with his translation. Seux (1967:438) quotes this inscription but reads sag-en3-tar. The inscription was published in both IV R 35 no. 6, 8-9 and in UET 1,131. 50Also written el-Hibbeh and el Hibeh 47

23

The only country which is called sacred, as far as is known, is the semimythic Dilmun: 53

Also mentioned in Statue F III 6-7 (Dec. pI. 14 and 15, #4) 52Die Inschriften Gudeas von LagaS (AnOr 30), p. 17f. 53Sulgi D line 34 in Klein (1981:74). 51

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

24

Holy Objects

gisimmar-dilmun-ku3-gim d nin-ez-gal-ke4 mi-zi-du ll -ga-me-en3 You are cherished by Ninegal, like a date palm of holy Dilmun. S4

18 balag-ku3-ga nu-mu-un-du 12-a-mu sems-ku3-ga ad nu-sa 4-sa4-mu 20 me-ze z-ku3-ga nu-zez-zez-ba-mu·

This country could well be considered to belong to the realm of the divine because it was a lush place that corresponded roughly to the biblical Garden of

My house of theho1y plate where no one is eating! 14 My house of the holy bronze (vessel) where no one is drinking! My house of the holy offering table which no one carries! 16 My (house) of the holy vessel where no one libates water! My (house) of the holy kettle drum where it is not set up! 18 My (house) of the holy balag-instrument which ho one plays! My (house) of the holy halhallatu-drum which does not resound! 20 My (house) of the holy manzu-drum which does not sound sweet!

Eden.

Finally, there is a mention in Gudea Cyl A XXIX 6 of a sacred building or "house" of the gudu priest - e 2-gudu4-ku3. The location of this edifice is not given, but the context would suggest that it is part of the temple complex, and thus in keeping with our definition of holiness. 55

1.2 Holy Objects The objects that will be listed in this section are similar in type to the temple utensils and appurtenences which are called q6des in the Hebrew Bible. That is to say, they all pertain to the temple in some way, and are almost all used in rituals. We shall begin with a list of temple utensils that occurs in an erSemma of Gula who is identified with Ninisina, the goddess of Isin. The composition may therefore come from the Isin-Larsa period. The pertinent lines (13-20) will be presented. 56 e z bur-ku3-ga nu-mu-un-gu7-a-mu 14 ez zabar-ku3-ga nu-mu-un-nag-a-mu e z gisbansur-ku3-ga nu-mu-un-ilz-la-mu 16 ti-lim-da-ku3-ga e4 nu-de 3-a-mu k • usub-ku 3 -ga nu-mu-un-gar-ra-mu

Another type of vessel is the sacred bowl of the temple: bur-ku3-ge 1a13 gestin de3-a an-nez su4-ga-am 3' "They were sacred bowls, into which honey and wine had been poured, standing under heaven. ,,57 5s Gudea Statue A contains a reference to the DUB.PISAN3-ku3, a holy object belonging to the goddess Ninhursag, who was associated with childbirth under the name of Nintur. This object has been identified as a water pail which was presumably used to carry water for rinsing the blood from the mother and child. 59 Another example occurs in Sk 193, rev. 1-3, which is a Marduk-Ea type of incantation: 60

S4Klein translates "pure Dilmun". He also translates kU 3 as "pure" in Sulgi D 42, 295, 356 and Sulgi X 30. On the other hand, he translates kU3 as "holy" in Sulgi D 361, Sulgi X 22, 53, 66, 67, 93, and Sulgi A 8. In other words, he translates ku3 as "pure" in almost half of its occurrences, which is indicative of the confusion over the precise meaning of this term. 55Although the phase could also be translated as "the house of the holy gudu priest", that seems unlikely since the titles of the priests are not followed by kU3 elsewhere. Various buildings associated with the temple complex are, however, frequently called "holy", as we have already seen.

56cf. Cohen (1981), ErSemma No. 159, p. 103f. The translation here is that of Cohen.

25

a-Ial-ku3 -ga-na ba-ni-zalag a-bi nam-sub u3 -ma-sum

57Gudea, Cyl A, XXV 15-16, cf. Sumerian Dictionary B, p. 183b. Dec. pI. 20 and 15, #5 and also SAKI p. 66 59Jacobsen (1973:289ft). S8cf•

6Ocf. Falkenstein (1931:60).

Holy Objects

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

26

"(When) he has made the holy waterpaU61 to shine, (And) has said the incantation (over) this water, (And) has given the foreigner this water to drink." The spelling a-lal is a phonetic writing for alaI = pisan 3 and is also attested in line "Enki and the World Order", line 398.62 The portion of the incantation presented above suggests that the alaI was not just used in childbirth as Jacobsen suggested, but had a more general use as a water container. Gudea Cyl B IX 1-2 has the sentence: ur-sag baraz-ku3-ga tuS-a-ra dNin-girzsu-ra ez-ninnu-a dug4 -bi tu-tu-da "to cause his word to enter to the hero seated upon the holy dais, to Ningirsu in the Eninnu". It is not surprising that the throne where the god sits and its elevated platform should be considered holy, for this is in keeping with what has been hitherto observed. A similar phrase occurs in Sulgi X with regard to the king: ez-gal-mah dnin-ez-gal-l[a?]-kam bara z-ku3-ga-a durz ba-a-gar "In the "Lofty Palace" of Ninegal, on the holy dais he has taken his seat".63 The setting here is the E-temen-ni-gur of the Ekishnugal. In Gudea' s dream, he sees a basket for carrying bricks, which is associated with a holy brickrnold and the brick of fate. 64 igi-mu-se3 ilz-ku3 ni -gub gisu3-sub-ku3 s[i]-ib-sa2 sig4 nam-tar-ra gisu3 -sub-ba ma-an-gal z. This was translated by Kramer as: "Before me a holy basket was planted, a holy brickrnold was set straight, the brick of fate was placed in the brickrnold for me. ,,65 The holy brick basket is also mentioned in Cyl A XVIII 10 and 23. There were also apparently several trees which could be associated with sanctuaries. One of these is the mes-tree: mes-ku 3 abzu-a kurun 3-ilz-la-am3

61a .lal is usually considered to be a demon (cf. AHw 39b, ala II), but the context here almost requires that it be some sort of water or water container in this case, and Falkenstein translates it as Weihwassergefiiss.

27

The holy mes-tree, bearing fruit in the abzu. 66 YBC 4184, mentioned earlier, contains references to other trees associated with the abzu including the tamarisk (gissinig), the cedar (giierin), and the juniper (sim_li).67 Another plant which cannot at-present be identified with certainty is the mastakal-plant menti()lled in connection with these trees as part of the purification ceremony at the abzu. Trees also were planted on the ziggurat according to Woolley, who says, "As the names of the ziggurats prove, at Ur these towering masses of brickwork were artificial mountains, recalling the real heights whereon the gods had been worshipped in their original home; that such should have been planted with trees is but carrying the basic idea of them to its logical conclusion. "68 Nanna's ship is holy.69 This accords with the pattern laid previously because Nanna's presumed presence on it allocates it to the realm of the divine. A magur-boat built by Sulgi is said to have "holy horns" (si-ku3).70 Klein notes that these "horns" refer to the "towering, hom-shaped stern and stem of the magur-boat, which is well illustrated on cylinder seals."7! He also points out that "the construction of divine (not royal!) magur-boats is occasionally mentioned in the year-lists of the Ur III dynasty (cf. RLA II 140ff.: Shulgi 7 - for NinlH; Shu-sin 2 - for Enki; 8 - for Enlil and Ninlil; cr. further Sulgi R =STVC 60 and dupl., which commemorates the building of Ninlil's ritual boat). ,,72 The fact that the boats are considered the possessions of the gods for whom they are built suggests imminent presence of deity ( or actual presence when the statues are transported) and thus is in harmony with our definition of holy. Gudea Cyl B IX 15 mentions a sacred wagon CgiSgigir-ku3) which apparently was an actual wagon kept within the temple precincts to serve as the wagon of Ningirsu. The wagon was pulled by a special donkey called "the donkey of Eridu" (line 18) and the keeper of this donkey is mentioned by name, En-sig-nun

66Benito (1969:139), lines 18-19 (Benito translates kU 3 as "pure" rather than "holy"). The relation of the mes-tree to the abzu is also noted in Gudea cyl A XXV 11 67Yery possibly, the term erin was somewhat generic, used to refer both to the 1. excelsa and to the Cedrus libani since both are large trees with fragrant wood that was used in temple construction. sim-li, on the other hand, is very likely restricted to the 1. excelsa.

68UE V, p. 121

62Cf. Jacobsen (1973:289), where he treats this section of "Enki and the World Order".

6~alkenstein/von Soden (1953:79

63Klein (1981:144), line 141.

7°Sulgi D 356 in Klein (1981:86).

64Gudea Cyl A Y 5-7

7libid., p. 119.

65Krarner (1969:29).

72ibid., p. 118.

=CT XV 16-17)

29

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

l-{oly Objects

(X 1). Water could be holy, and as such could be used in magic rituals. This water was not, however, holy in the same sense as that mentioned in Numbers 5, but rather belongs to the same category of holiness as the other items already meantioned. A text which mentions holy water is VAS XVII, 28:27ff:

ous, however, for it is possible that the scepter and boots are not actually "holy", but rather "golden"; i.e. KU3 .GI is to be transliterated as GUSKIN. Klein (1981:153) notes this possibility, and says that an alternative translation could be, "to your hand the golden scepter suits well/ to your feet the golden boot suits well." If this sense is corr~t, then there is no contradiction here to our definition of holy as being associated with the realm of the divine. In view of the question of how to transliterate and translate KU3.GI, this particular passage must be set aside, since it does not definitely either support or contradict our thesis.

28

a-ku 3 bar-ra-na ku 3-g[ ... ] Holy water on his body, holy .... a-sikH bar-ra-na sikil-la [ ... ] Pure water on his body, pure .... a-dadag bar-ra-na dadag-ga [ ... ] Shining water on his body, shining... Another reference to holy water is in a late bit rimld text: a-ku3 a-sikil-Ia asen-sen-na ugu-na dez-a, "Holy water, pure water, shining water poured out upon him. 1173 There are some objects which, at first glance, would seem to deviate from the pattern we have noted in terms of ku3 belonging to the realm of the divine, and those are certain emblems of royalty. The problem, however, may simply be in translation and these emblems may not be "holy" at all. For example, Sulgi X contains the lines:

Klein (1981:139) translated these lines as: "According to your hands, to the holy scepter you are suited, "According to your feet, to the holy boots you are suited." The context is that of Inanna invoking a blessing upon Shulgi, and it is not possible to say whether these are objects which are only worn in a temple setting for some special ritual (a necessary assumption if our definition of holiness is to be retained). If these objects are worn outside of the temple precincts, then one would have to revise the definition of holiness. That question may be superflu-

73cf• Borger (1%7:6), line 46.

There are also non-tangible things which are called holy. The most important of these are the me's, for these may represent divine power as well as legitimacy in the divine offices. Indeed, the me's are sometimes translated as "divine offices", but in an extensive study of the subject, Yvonne Rosengarten (1977) preferred to call them "prescriptions." She describes them as deriving from heaven, i.e. from the realm of An and Enlil, and constituting divine "prescriptions" by which order is maintained in the universe. They are a source of divine power, for any god who possesses all the me's is powerful indeed. There are me's which pertain to every aspect of existence. Even earthly kingdoms are held in order by the dispensation of me's. She even feels that religious rituals present the me's in a form that is acted out. Examples of the me's being called "holy" include a passage in the Eridu Lament: uru me ku3-ku3-ga, "The city (Eridu) with the most holy me's,,74, and another in a Rim-Sin inscription, "Nin-Subur, who has perfected the holy me's"75. It is of some significance for our purposes that, unlike many current writers, Rosengarten does not see KU3 and SIKIL as essentially synonymous (i.e. both meaning "pure"), but she notes that in relation to the me's, the two qualifiers have different meanings, and that in many cases KU 3 cannot simply be translated as "pure", but must be translated as "holy" (sacri).76 Finally, there are also "sacred" incantations. In KAR 91, a ritual for purifying a horse pen (inim.inim.ma tur3.anSe.kur.ra sikil.e.da.kam z - obv. 29), the incantation is called holy (tu6 ku 3 - rev. 2 and 3). This is not surprising, for

74cf. Green (1978), obv. 16. 75dNin_Subur nin-sukal zi-an-na me-kuJ-ga [su]-du 7 • UET I, 138, 1-3. Cf. Kiirki, Die Sprache der sumenschen Konigsinschriften der frultbabylonischen Zeit = Studia Onentalia 35 (Helsinki, 1%8), Textband, p. 86. 760p.cit. p. 193ff.

30

O1apter 1: Sumerian KU3

Holy Beings

incantations are an attempt to enter the realm of the divine in order to manipulate divine power.

Ninsun) is also considered holy (sa 3 -ku3 -ga) in Sulgi X 93,83 and Inanna's vulva is called holy (ga14 <-la>-ku3) in Sulgi X 30. 84 It would seem likely that the body parts of the gods are caned "holy" in order to emphasize that these are not the body parts of mere mortals, and to -thus maintain a certain distance and respect. Occasionally, if an animal used as a symbol for a god, that animal is called holy, presumably to indicate that the deity is meant, for example, Gudea Cyl A XXIV 21 mentions the holy stag of the abzu (dara-ku3 -abzu - an epithet for Enki). Similarly, there is a reference to the divine serpent of the abzu (dmuskU3 abzu) in Cyl A XXVII 1. In terms of holiness as a possible state for mortals, there is little information. It is interesting to note that none of the temple personel mentioned in the ration list of YOS V 163 have the element kU3 in their titles. Furthermore, in the three groups of priests listed by Renger ("Kultpriester", "Wahrsager" and "Beschworungspriester lt ) , none has the element kU3 in his (or her) title. 8s Even though the term "holy" may not appear in any of these titles, the quality may nevertheless be associated with mortals in certain circumstances, such as the ritual in which a king was purifying his army.86 In line 24 of that text the king is the object of a wish for holiness: an-gim hez-em-ku3 -ge, "May he (deity) sanctify him (the king) like the heavens!" Moreover, a certain degree of holiness must be implied in the claim made by both Eannatum and Lugalzagezi to have been nourished on the holy milk of Ninhursag. 87 These references are somewhat indirect, however, and not very helpful except to suggest that in the case of Eannatum and Lugalzagezi, their claims of having been nurtured by otherworldly beings was intended to enhance their position by suggesting a certain access to the realm of the divine that would be expected to command more respect. A rare occurrence of a mortal actually claiming holiness is preserved in the surpu rituals in which a priest sets the stage for the magical operations and recites an incantation which begins with the line: ma 3-e lu 2-ku3-ga me-en, "I am

1.3 Holy Beings Although one might expect the gods to be called holy, that does not occur with any great frequency. The divinity with whom that epithet is most commonly associated is Inanna. Inanna refers to herself as holy: [k]u3 dlnanna me-en77, and she is caned holy in the hymn to her known as Nin-me Sar2-ra. 78 Similarly, she is called holy in Sulgi X 22.79 There are also other occcurrences, but they will not be cited here. The association of the word "holy" with Inanna may somewhat surprising since, of an the gods, she is the one whose escapades would seem to make her the least likely candidate for such an epithet. That may, however, be the precise reason for the epithet. No one could doubt the divinity of the great gods such as An and Enlil, but in the case of Inanna, a little reminder that she did indeed belong to the realm of divinity may have been in order now and then. Of the other deities who are said to be holy, we may include the goddess Gatumdug, who is called holy in Gudea Cyl A XX 17, ama sir-bur-Ia ki kU3 dga . the 3 tum-d ug-ge, "The mother of Lagash, holy Gatumdug." We may also include god, Lugalbanda, who is called holy in Sulgi D 42.80 There is also a reference to the g?d An (as opposed to AN as "heaven") as holy occurs in Sulgi A 8, where hls name appears in a list of gods stating their relation to Sulgi,81 The word kU 3 is more commonly associated with divine body parts, e.g. Gudea Cyl B VI 25 mentions the "holy hand" (su-ku 3) of Ningirsu. Similarly, Gudea is mentioned as having been chosen in the "holy heart" of the goddess B~ba in Statue E I 18-20: du dba-ba 6 nin-a-ni Sa3 -ku3-ga-ru ba-an-pad3 -da-a. To thl~ may be compared the term sa-ku3 -ge pa 3 -da, "called with/from a holy heart", whlch is used of Warad-Sin or Rim-Sin. 82 The womb of a goddess (presumably

is

77Benito (1969:111). line 422. 7~. 83, cf. Hallo/van Dijk (1968:24). 79Klein (1981:136). BOcf. Klein (1981:74). 81Klein (1981:188).

Cf. Seux (1967:435).

82

Klein (1981:140). On p. 156f he discusses the question of which goddess is meant. 84idem. p. 136. 83

8~enger (1969:113).

van Dijk (1973)

86

SAKl, p. 24 (Feldstein E), IV:9 for the former and p. 154, 1:28,29 for the latter.

87

31

32

Sacred Acts and Times

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

a holy man.,,88 In view of the nature of the rituals and their intended manipulation of otherworldly powers, it is not surprising that the priest would begin by declaring his right to participate in the power in the realm of the divine, and he does so by declaring that he himself is holy - tantamount to a declaration of citizenship in that realm. An incantation for a woman about to give birth89 contains instructions ostensibly given to Asarluhi by Enki which are to aid the woman in the delivery. Asarluhi is told to take reeds of the "small marsh" of Eridu and pour upon them the milk fat of a "holy cow" (ia-ab2-ku3-ga), and the cream of a mother cow. After that, the next few lines are broken and it is not clear what the rest of the procedure is. There is also no indication of what constitutes a "holy cow" or where such an animal is to be found, therefore I cannot comment on what this type of holiness might entail.

33

copied by Seheil, but has since been lost. dumu-mu [e2 mu-un-du 3 lugal den-ki-ge] 2 nunki hur-sag-gin 7 ki-ta ba-ra-an-n ki-dug3-ga-am 3 e 3 im-ma-an-du3 4 nun1d kissa! nu-tu-iu=dam na4 • e z-k u3-ga du3 -a zagm-na gun3-a 6 ez lul-bala inim-e si-sa2-a nam gi·sub sum-mu [ezen]-ku3-de3-eS e 2 ki al-dug3-gi 8 [eS3]-zu es3-nam-dug3 den-ki-ke4 me-galam-ma dug3-gi 1,:' [nun] e 2-ku3-ga du 3-a-ba 10 [a-a] den-ki zag-zal 0

I

Oh my son, he has built a temple, (even) the king Enki! Eridu, like the mountains, shall not be removed! In a good place the temple has been built. 4 Eridu, (with) a retaining wall that none may enter. Build the holy temple! Decorate it with lapis lazuli! 6 Put the temple (and) the seven musicians in order! Give the incantations! 91 7 On a holy festival, the temple is an abundant place, 8 Thy sanctuary is a sanctuary of the good fates of Enki, abounding in wisdom.92 9 Eridu, where the holy temple has been built. 10 Oh father Enki, make the sanctuary93 resplendent!

2

1.4 Sacred Acts and Times A text which repeats some of the now familiar themes of holiness, but also adds a (questionable) new one is a hymn to Enki first published by Langdon.90 The new element is the "holy" festival (ezen). Since Sumerian ezen gives rise to Akkadian isinnu (AHw 388a), and since the word isinnu was used to refer to the New Years Festival in Babylon (isinnu akftu), the ezen in our text mayor may not refer to a New Year's festival; in any case, it does have reference to some kind of cultic festival, and since this takes place in the temple (line 7), it is in accord with our previous observations about kU 3 being related to the realm of the divine, which in this case is represented by the temple. The following transliteration is mine (from the cuneiform text on plate 18) except for the restorations which are Langdon's. He had access to a tablet (Const. N. 621) which had been

88Surpu, tablet I, line 4, cf. Erica Reiner (1970:4). Reiner translates this phrase, "I am a pure man." It is true that kU3 is translated into Akkadian by the word ellu, and ellu does indeed have the meaning of "pure". That does not necessarily mean, however, that kU3 also has the meaning of "pure". We shall see that "pure" is a translation of ku3 that should be abandoned, because unlike sikil, kU3 always has a connotation that connects it with the realm of the divine. It should be kept in mind that Akkadian ellu is used to translate both kU3 and sikH. In order to distinguish between kU3 and sikil in our English translations, we have tried to consistently use "holy" for ku3, reserving "pure" for sikH. 89cf. Cohen, Mark (1976:133ft).

~ngdon (1914) No.15. The main cuneiform text (N. 2289) appears as No. 20 on plate 18.

The songs of the Sangu-priests are also called holy (Le. sir3-ku3) in a Nanshe hymn, the main topic of which is the New Year's Day celebration in the city of ABxHAki.94 The singing took place within the sacred precincts of the temple. A sacred song is also sung in a temple by Nanshe (Gudea Cyl B IV 6). In Gudea Cyl A XXVIII 18 prayers (or "supplications" - sub-ku3) are termed holy. Similarly, the prayers and incantations of the incantation priest are holy:

al-dug 3-gi is taken to be a stative here, lit. "being good" or "being abundant." 92For me-galam-ma "sagesse", cf. Rosengarten (1977:158). 91

=

9~or zag

= aJirtu cf. CAD A!2 436.

9"Heimpel (1981), See I. 121.

Glapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

34

tu 6 -ku3-ga-a-ni tu 6 -mu gaI 2-la-na dU!4-ku3-ga-a-ni dug 4-mu ga1 2-1a-na uh4-ku3-ga-a-ni uh4-mu gaI 2-1a-na KAxSU-ku 3-ga-a-ni KAxSU-mu ga1 2-1a-na "Place9s his holy incantation in my incantation, Place his holy word in my word, Place his holy saliva in my saliva, Place his holy prayer in my prayer.,,96 There may also be sacred knowledge. In Gudea Cyl A II 1, Gudea has decided to ask his mother to interpret his dream. He says to her: ensi ku 3 -zu me-te-na-mu. This line has been translated several ways.97 The key phrase for our purposes here is ku3-zu. This corresponds to Akkadian emqu,98 but the base meaning could be either "knowledge of the sacred" or "sacred knowledge".99 In the usual genetive construction the nomen rectum follows the nomen regens, but this particular form with zu has parallels in the expressions a-zu, i 3-zu, galzu, etc.

9~or GALz

=fakiinu d. SL 80:22

Sanctification

35

1.5 Sanctification Gudea Statue B III 12 (dealing with the Eninnu) has the phrase: um mu-ku 3 izi im-ma-ta-la1. 1°O The translation of uro mu-ku 3 ("he sanctified the city") is 101 fairly clear. Not so clear-is what is meant by izi im-ma-ta-lal. Barton originally missed the connection with fire altogether and transliterated the phrase as: uru mu-azag-ne im-ma-ta-lal, which he translated as: "He purified the city, he exalted it." The fact that NE is meant to be izi ("fire") is unmistakable, however, in a similar phrase on Statue C (III 6 and 7)102 where izi does not occur in the same line as the verb ku3• but rather occurs as the first sign in the following line: 6 us-bi mu-ku 3 7 izi jm-ta-lal Barton recognized this and translated this phrase differently: "Its foundation he made holy, with fire he laid." It is obvious that fire is being used in the sanctification process, but in what way? Is incense simply being burned? If fires are being laid, where are they being laid? Is there one fire, or multiple fires?I03 Some information is provided by Cyl A XIII 24-29: Us bur3-us 2-se3 uru mu-na-ku 3-ge Us mu-na-sikil-e Ugis u 2-sikil kur-ra-kam izi-a bi 2-si-si iemerin ir-sim dingir-ra-kam NLNE-bi mu-du3 ud sizkur2-ra mu-na-a-gal z ge6 sub-bi 2 mu-na-zal-e

CT XVI, 2, 72ff., cf. Falkenstein (1931:26).

96

97SAKI p.91 - "Mage die Deuterin, die das Wissen hat von dem, was mir frommt," ...

Kramer (1969:26ft) has, "may my interpretress, knowledgable in her calling" ... Jacobsen (1987:386ft) - "and may my dream-interpretress, an expert at her specialty ... " Falkenstein translates the line in two different ways. In AnOr 28, p. 94: "Meine Orakelspenderin, die urn das kultisch Erforderliche weiss". In AnOr 29, p. 38: "meine Orakelspenderin, du weiss, was sich (kultisch) gehort." 98AHw 215a, SL 468:9a

=reines Wissen = k1ug sein. The use of "rein" instead of "heilig" to translate kU 3 is not optimal, as shown in this study, but was also common for Thureau-Dangin in SAKI (e.g. p. 66, Statue A II 1). On the other hand, Thureau-Dangin regularly uses "heiJig" to translate zi(d), e.g. p. 83, Statue F HI 16 and passim. The misconception that kU 3 means "pure" derives from its being equated with Akk. eliu and this is somewhat misleading.

99d. Falkenstein, AnOr 28, p. 127 where he says "ku 3-zu

He sanctified the city from top to bottom, 104

lOOSimilarly Statue E n 21 and 22 and Cyl A XIII 12 and 13 lOlBarton (1949:18Of). 2 !0 d. also Statue F III 1 and 2 and Statue E HI 11 and 12 lO~. Lambert (1950:150), says of Gudea Cyl A XIII 12-15 that it involved encircling the city with fire. l~ureau-Dangin translated (in italics which indicate the tentativeness of the translation) "Oben und bis auf den Untergrund' (SAKI, p. 105) If uS2 is taken here as a phonetic variant of us =foundation, then we can arrive at a literal rendering of "to the pits of the foundations." For the reading uS2 ="foundation" cf. Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts 102, 5, 8.

36

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

On high he did purify it, Juniper and the sikillu-planeos of the mountains he heaped upon the fire, From cedar he made resin for a pleasing odor to the god. During the day there were supplications, And at night the prayers shone forth. It is possible that the fire was not part of the sanctification mentioned in line 24, and that it was a separate act which followed sanctification and was intended to invite the god(s), for an identical fire is mentioned in Cyt A VIII 10-12 (=A XIII 26 and 27) in a context that says nothing about sanctification. It is likely, however, that both the fire with the aromatic wood and the subsequent prayers were part of the overall process of sanctification, which was intended to bring the city under the protection of a god and thus enter, as it were, into the realm of the divine by bringing that realm to the city in the person of the god. 106 Very little information is given about the processes involved in sanctifying objects. Some objects are said to have been "sanctified", but the associated rituals, if any, are lacking. Examples of objects which have been sanctified include the following: Sanctification of water is mentioned in Gudea Cyl B IX 6 where the vizier, Shakanshabar, stands by Ningirsu to consecrate the water and purify the meal offering: a ku3-ge-da nidba sikil-e-da. In the balag, ABZU PELAM, the shepherds staff (presumable of the god) is said to have been sanctified: mu-uri 3-na mu-un-ku3-ga-mu, "my staff (or "standard") which had been sanctified."l07 It appears that the sanctification of people, which enabled them to enter the presence of deity, was accomplished by means of the su-Iuh ceremony. This ceremony marked the transition from the profane outer areas into the holy inner portions of the temple. The procedure is described in some detail in UET VI/1

Falkenstein, however, transliterated the phrase as us-u-idim-ooJ , but left it untranslated inAnOr 29, p. 135. 1°srttis plant is also known from Akkadian sources to have been used for sanctification, cf. §am telilte in Gurney and Finkelstein, The Sultantepe Tablets (London, 1957) 93, 46f. 1~e use of cedar to entice the gods seems to be indicated in other passages such as the phrase: gi-gun4-na giltir-sim gilerin-na-zu, "In the temple, your forest of fragrant cedar" (Mark Cohen (1988:97), "Utagin eta", line 17. 101cf. Mark Cohen (1988), Vol. i, p. 49, line 15.

Sanctification

37

67. If Charpin's restoration of su-luh at the beginning of line 35 is correct, then the ceremony has itself been sanctified and is therefore holy (lines 40 and 42).108 This is the procedure which is being described in lines 50 to 55. The text indicates that the ceremony takes place in the area of the abzu109 and, as mentioned in the note to Ji!1~ 47, there is a strong suggestion that the text reflects a ceremony actually carried out by the priests, with Nanna represented either by his statue, or by a priest. Additional light is shed on this ceremony by the Enanedu inscription mentioned previously. 110 Lines 8 and 9, referring to Enanedu, read: giS-hur-su-luh-nam-dingir-Se3 zi-de3-eS-e pa3-da nun niz tuk dus-mah-ez-Iugal-Ia-na-Se3 su-Iuh-Iuh-ha-ta al-gub-bu-a Appropriately called to the patterns of the su-Iuh ceremonies of godhood, The pious princess, standing on the high platform of the temple of her king (after completing) the su-luh ceremony. Two important facts emerge from these lines: 1) the su-Iuh ceremony is associated with deity (and hence the realm of the divine) and 2) it is performed both by and for the priests/priestesses. In this case we may also note that this ceremony is necessary in order to serve on the "high platform" (dus-mah)111 of the temple. Additional references to this ceremony include UET VI/l 105, 38 gis-hur-su-Iuh-mah-ez-e-ke4 / durz ki ma-ra-sar-sar "According to the exalted hand-washing ceremonies of the temple"

108It is also called holy in UET I 139, 1. 22: gis-hur su-Iuh-ku3-ga 1~is is evidence that the ritual was also (or perhaps, originally) performed outside the temples in the irrigation canals, as seems to be indicated in the Ninurta hymn published by Langdon in Babylonian Liturgies, No.2, line 10: id2 tur-tur-ti su-luh lu2-ne-ne in-ag sahar numu-da-an-zi-zi-i lloOlarpin (1986:200).

1110larpin (1986:note to line 9 of Enanedu inscription on page 202) takes the translation of "haute estrade" from Sollberger.

38

Sanctification

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

12)

lu-ux(GISGAL) dumu dingir-[ra-na] This man (who is) a son of (his) god. 13) a-bi-gim he2-em-[ xx] Like its water, may ........ . 14) naga-bi-gimb~2-:em-[x x] Like its naga-plant, may ....... . 15) kU3 sa6-ga-gim mu-bu-ra [ ] Holiness which shines like happiness(?) ..... , 16) zabar-ra-gim GAR x x [... ] Like copper. ......... , 17) d utu e 2-nun-na-ta [ ] Oh Shamash! From the Enunna ....... , 18) igi gar sag6-ga-m h[ e ] His beneficent look, may it ....... , 19) inim den-ki-ke4 e 2(?)-babbar [ ] The word of Enki (from) the Ebabbar ...... , 20) [x] kU3 den-ki x [ ] The holy ...... Enki ..... , 21) ka-inim-ma a-salQ-salQ-k[a ... ] An incantation of water from two (sources).

Steible (1975:39) makes the observation that su-Iuh frequently appears in contexts with ME and GIS-HUR, which he translates as "Gottliche Krafte" and "Kulturregeln" respectively. Finally, there is an important, but as far as I know, previously unedited text which is quite significant for this topic of sanctification involving the abzu. This text involves not only the sanctifying aspects of the water of the abzu, but also another element which is used in the sanctification ceremony - the naga-plant. This is an alkaline plant of some sort, and its use will be discussed in the commentary .

VAS 17, 14 (=VAT 8403) 1) a-hur-sag a-gi 6 nam-[x]-na Mountain water, the high flood, 2) eS3 -abzu-ta lu 2-se3 ba-Ia2-a It is carried to the man from the sanctuary of the abzu. 3) dEn-bi-lu-lu IU 2 se-ga ri-a Enbilulu, who hears and who pours(?) 4) de[n]-ki nin-ki idim he-gar-ra May Enki and Ninki establish the source of water for him, 5) bar [hu?]-sur-ra rain down (water), 6) a-[ sa 10l-salQ abzu-ta e 3 -a water of two (sources) brought from the abzu, 7) a-ba[r-s]e3 ku 3-ga-am3 naga bar-se3 sikil-la-am3 Water is for sanctifying the body, the naga-plant is for purifying the body. 8) a-sa 10 naga-ku 3 -ga-ta el!)-a (written simply DU-A) Water of two (sources) brought in with the holy naga-plant. 9) idim-gar MI ba-x-ga hu-du~-ga The established source ..... • 10) a-tur3-gim me nun e gar-ra Like the water of the enclosure, ......... rinses, 11) a-a dug4-ga den-ki-ga [x] The sweet waters of Enki..

39

Notes: 1. nam = saqu (Sf. 79:13). 3. dEn-bi-lu-lu. This divine name also occurs in ANA ELUME. Cohen does not translate the name, but the context is all the places where Nanna is the "great hero" (ur-sag-gal) and after naming Enbililu that line says "from the forests where cedar is cut." Cohen suggestsll2 that it is perhaps a play on the country name of Labnanu (NBLL>LBNN). If His assumption is correct, then perhaps it is also a play on cedar in our text, since cedar is associated with purificatiol!/sanctification. However, Enbilulu is also gugal nariiti, "Lord of the Canals."113 Enbilulu is also mentioned in "Enki and the World Order" as a canal inspector appointed by Enki.114 Elsewhere = MardukllS or Marduk Sa Hattati. 116 Enbiluiu also appears in a bit rimki incantation where it seems to be a synonym for Marduk. 1l7 4. The name may be Ninkinu, d. Nin-ki-na in Tallqvist, Gotterepitheta, 280. gar-rn =sahiitu

112(1988), in a note on p. 220. l1~allqvist (1938:292).

114Cf. Jacobsen (1976:85). llSDeimel (1914:115) or Tallqvist (1938:292). 116SL 99: 115 cf. Borger (1967:12). line 42+a

1I7

40

"Holiness" vs. "Purity"

O1apter 1: Sumerian KU3

(AHw 1130a) . 5. sur can be to do an act resulting in a liquid (1homsen, p.318), so that the action here may be to wipe off the liquid subsequent to r i n s i n g . . . . 6. [sa ] restored parallel to line 21. The translation here IS based on the assumption that a-salO10 • 'red "liS th ~. to the of a-sa2"sa 2 (Le. ADI.DI) which means "to be pat, us relerrmg sa is a homonym 10 d . dual sources of water here - the rain and the undergroun spnngs. 7. The Sumerian Dictionary B 99 translates this line as "water is cleansing for the body, ~p is purifying for the body." It is true that naga is frequently ~dered to be soap, but the basiC meaning of the Akkadian equivalent, uJullu, is that of a particular class of plant, such as the salicornia. 1I9 Since the ashes were alkaline, a type of soap could be produced from them and ~t may indicate "soap" as a secondary meaning. In this context, however, "soal?" is not a possible translation because the closely related text of VAS 17, 28 contains the phrase gilpa-naga "branch of the naga-piant" in two lines (18 and 19). The word "branch" suggests that a plant is under discussion for soap has no branches. Furthermore, the related word, naga~si (~lico~a), ~rs in surpu ~ab. IX, I. 26ffl20 and the context is a list of plants used for punfication, Includmg ~: tamansk, reeds, and juniper; thus suggesting that the naga-si is also a plant. Moreover, the naga-sl In that t~xt is said to be used as a mouthwash (ka-Iuh), and one would not suppose that anyone would voluntanly use soap for that purpose. 8. The postposition -ta is interpreted here as instrumental. 10 tIlr = tarbasu but that does not seem to fit the context. • 3 • , • 4 3 h d' 15. For sa6-ga = "happiness" cf. Gordon, SumertanProverbs, 1.1,2.124,2.125 . For t e rea 109 du = namiiru cf. AHw 768b.

The sanctifying power of water may be assumed to be due to its association with Enki and his power over (and perhaps "in") it.

1.6 "Holiness" vs. "Purity" The foregoing examples suggest that KU 3 has a connotation of pertaining to the realm of the divine. Thus some of the appurtenances of the temple are KU3, as are certain parts of the temple. We may suggest here that KU3 probably always has some connotation of belonging to the realm of the divine, and because of that, corresponds more closely to English "holy" (which also maintains at least some connotation of divinity or otherworldliness) than to "pure" since the latter word can have uses which are completely non-religious. For th~t reason, KU 3 should probably always be translated as "holy" rather than

"pure". Our case would be strengthened somewhat if there were a word in Sumerian which already corresponded to a fair extent to English "pure", for then we could argue that the same semantic position would not be occupied by two Sumerian words during the same periods of time. For that reason, we shaH now take a brief look at a word~which< probably has the sense of "pure". There are actually several terms in Sumerian that have similar meanings in the sense of "pure", "clean", "shining", "bright" etc., and it is not easy to distinguish between them in terms of exact meanings and nuances. These include sen, dadag, zalag, lah and siki!. Of these, the one that appears most commonly in religious texts is probably sikil. For that reason, some examples of occurrences of sikil will be given. The others will not be treated to any significant extent, because that would exceed the scope of this investigation. Sikil is a frequent term in Sumerian cultic literature. It occurs in the Nanna hymn UET VI/l 67 in line 2 in the expression kur-me-sikil "the mountain of the pure me's", and in line 21 where it refers to the pure me's of the temple. The me's, mentioned in the previous chapter, were a source of order and authority as well as divine power. If sikil means "pure", then it is understandable that the me's should be pure, in the sense of "free from impurities" if we are referring to the heavenly me's. The Sumerogram ME can, however, also mean "ritual". This is indicated both by the fact that ME is the Sumerian logogram used for Akkadian par~u ("rite" or "ritual") and also for the paSisu-priest (ISIB), whose job it is to carry out certain rituals. This assumption is strengthened by a passage in CT 16 28 (lines 46f.):121 lu2-sanga-mah me-ku3 -ga Eridu-ga me-en sangammahu mu-ul-lil par~i sa Eridu anilku This is translated in the CAD l22 as: "I am the incantation priest from Eridu who keeps the rites pure." In keeping with our definition of holiness and previous treatment of ku3• the line would better be translated as: "I am the incantation priest from Eridu who keeps the rituals sacred." The connection with the realm of the divine is obvious enough in temple rituals to obviate the need for much commentary, since all temple rituals have an aspect of either entering

l1Scf. suta"umu, AHw 1291b. l1~is is von Soden's identification of naga.si, cf. AHw 1404b.

120cf. Reiner (1970:45f).

41

121This

is quoted in CAD E 80b sub elelu.

I~OC. cit.

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

"Holiness" vs. "Purity"

the divine realm or else seeking to take advantage of its power or inhabitants. l23 Heaven is "pure" in at least one text: a Sumerian incantation which formed part of the bit rimki ritual in later times begins with the line, en 2 en-e an-sikil-ta lugal.. .... , "Incantation. Lord from the pure heaven, king.... ".124 Earthly places are also frequently considered "pure" in a cuI tic sense, particularly the sites on which temples are built, which must be cultically pure. Such a reference occurs, for example, in the Enanedu inscription,l25 line 14:

Its clay he took from a shining location; he moulded the brick in a pure place. He sanctified its foundation (site) - he laid fires. He ordered its temen covered with fragrant ointment.

42

lU2 gi 6-par3 nam-en-bi-Se 3 ki-sikil-Ia du 3-a gal-bi tum 2-ma-me-en I am the person who, in a grand manner, brought about the construction of the gipar in a pure location for (the sake of) its priesthood.

43

ki-sikil is also used to ~('!Signate a place in the mountains where Ningirsu will set his foot once the temen has been set, and from whence he will send a wind to give the breath of life to the land (Gudea Cyl A XI 18-24). The Ningirsu temple itself is called pure in Gudea Cyl B VIII: e 2-a-sikil-ba, "The temple of pure strength(?)." One of the objects described as sikH in the Ekishnugal is the throne of Nanna. 128 Offerings can also be sikil, as in the case of the offerings noted in UET VI/I 106:

2 Another occurrence is Gudea Statue B IV 7-9: 4 e2 dNin-gir-su-ka nun1d _gin7 ki-sikil-Ia ne-du3 The temple of Ningursu he built in a pure place.

6

The place where the abzu in Eridu was built is also a pure place (ki-sikilla).l26 Similarly, the place where the bricks for the temple are made is ritually pure, as demonstrated by a passage in Gudea Statue C III 1_10: 127

2

im-bi ki-dadag-ga-a im-mi-dib sig4-bi ki-sikil-a im-mi-dus us-bi mu-ku 3 izi jm-ta-tal temen-bi i 3-ir-nun-ka su-tag ba-ni-dug 4

4

6

nidba-ku3-ga(!) si-sa 3-zu [s]u-ku3-zu siskur2-ku3-sikil-e ma-ra-tag-ga-zu gis-tag-ga su tag-tag-ga-zu sa3-ge-du ll -ga eme-gar-ra-zu kir4-su-ga12-1a-zu su-ku3-ilz-Ia-zu dnanna lugal-an-ki en dlama-sa6-ga-zu he 2-me-se-se dnin-gal nin-mah nin gizkim-sa6-ga-zu he2-me-se-se For the holy food offerings which you prepare, For the pure and holy offerings given by your holy hand, For the sacrifices which you offer, That which you pronounce in your heart or aloud, Your hand raised to your mouth, your holy hand elevated (in prayer), May Nanna, king of heaven and earth, the lord, your protective deity, hear (your prayers)! May Ningal, the exalted lady, the queen, your benevolent supporter, hear (your prayers)!

l~urther discussion of the me's as temple rituals appears in Rosengarten (1977:197f).

124K 9235, cf. Laessoe (1955:34). l2Scf. Charpin, Clerge... , p. 200

As one might expect from the ceremonies in which water is used either for purification or sanctification, that substance can also be considered "pure". There

1~j6berg (1973: No.2, line 6). Similarly, line 12 of ABZU PEI.AM in Cohen (1988), vol.

I, p. 49.

l27er. Statue E III 5-14

128

UET VI/1 67, line 66

45

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

"Holiness" vs. "Purity"

are several references to pure water in VAS 17, 28, which contains the phrase asikH in lines 21, 24, and 28, as well as the term a-ku3 in line 27 and a-dadag in line 29. 129 Water is also "pure" in the Sumerian version of a bit rimki text: a-lru3 asikil-la a-sen-Sen-na ugu-na de 2-a, "Holy water, pure water, shining water poured upon him ... 130 In lines 27, 41, 52 and 55 of UET VI/I 67, sikH appears as a verb.

The problem with the examples cited is that most of them derive from the religious literature, and those which do not, such as Gudea, still have to do with religious topics, such as the building of temples. It would be more helpful to find references to SIKIL which have no cultic -connection at all. That would allow us to say definitely that SIKI!-}s rel~ted to physical purity, and thus different from KU3, which is demonstrably related to the realm of the divine. There are two considerations that at least suggest that physical purity is the meaning of SIKIL (similar to Hebrew (ahor). One of these is the fact that SIKIL is not only translated by Akkadian ellu, but also by Akkadian ebbu. The other is the mention in Gudea Statue C III 1-6 that Gudea made his bricks in a "pure" place (ki-sikil). This place was obviously outside the temple complex, and we may perhaps assume that the place in question was one where there was pure (i.e. uncontaminated) clay for brickmaking. If that is the case, then there would be no connection with the divine realm in such a place. In the other uses of SIKIL cited above, physical purity (the absence of pollutants) is part of the cultic scene probably in the same sense that the absence of pollutants is required in sacred areas in other religions. In view of the material presented on both KU 3 and SIKIL, we may suggest that the former be regularly translated as "holy" while "pure" be reserved for the latter. One question which cannot be answered with certainty, however, is whether SIKIL had a (secondary) meaning of "free of demonic influence" as did Akkadian ellu, which will be discussed in the following chapter. It would seem safe to say that KU3 had no such meaning, for it has a positive sense of "inviting" deity, rather than abolishing demons, as was particularly evident in Gudea Cyl. A XIII 24-29 where Gudea "sanctifies" the city by building a fire and using cedar resin to make a pleasing odor to the god. 133 In the case of SIKIL, however, there is at least one passage which might give one cause to wonder if a secondary meaning of "free from demonic influence" could have attached to SIKIL. The passage in question occurs in the series utukki iemnilti, tablet XVI, line 207ff. l34 There, the sacred agubM-water is poured over the king and he is thereby "purified" (u-me-ni-sikil) and cleansed (u-me-ni-lah-Iah-ga). The purpose of the procedure is to keep him free of demons, and one could perhaps argue for a secondary meaning of "free from demonic influence" for SIKIL based on this

44

27. den-ki-ke4 ki-iuS ma-ra-ab-sikil-e k[i] t[uS m]a*[r]a*-ab*-Sen*-e*131 Enki, who purified the dwelling place for you, who cleansed the dwelling place for you. 41. e 2-e i3 im-sikil-e sag ba-ab-ha-za a 2-su-gir3 ba-an-KU-uS For the temple the oil is purified, and held in readiness, and the arms, hands and feet are touched (?). 52.( =55) ddara 3-abzu eriduki-ta su-bi i3 im-sikil-e Dara-abzu of Eridu has purified those hands with oil. Sikil also occurs as a verb in Gudea Cyl B VI 24: ez sikil-e-da su4-1uh ga z-ga2-da To purify the temple he places (institutes?) the su-luh ceremony The purification of the abzu (similar to the purification of its quay mentioned in line 4 of the preceding text) also appears in "Enki and the World Order":132 148 es3-mah-abzu [bi 2-ib]-sikil-e-ne They (the priests of Eridu) purify the lofty shrine of the abzu,

As far as I am able to determine, this text has not yet been treated fully.

129

130Borger (1967:6), line 46. l3lCharpin's transliteration

ef. Benito (1969:93/94).

132

13"This passage was treated in section 6.5. 134CT

XVI, plate 21. Treated by Thompson (1903:102f).

46

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

passage. 135

1.7 The Relation of KU3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness In an attempt to shed further light on the nature of "holiness" in ancient Sumer, we shall now examine certain anthropological models of holiness. We shall include under the rubric "anthropological" models which are not necessarily culture-specific, but rather have a more general application. This rather broad definition will allow us to incude not only recognized anthropologists such as Emile Durkheim and Mary Douglas, but also the works of writer such as Robertson Smith and even Rudolf Otto.

1.1.1 WiUiam Robertson Smith William Robertson Smith gave a series of lectures at Aberdeen between 1888 and 1891 and these were published under the title: The Religion of the Semites. In these lectures he set forth information and ideas which have influenced both theology and anthropology to a significant degree ever since. He studied the religious practices of modem Arabs as wen as the religious literature and practices of the ancient Israelites and Mesopotamians. l36 Throughout his work, he strove to maintain and emphasize a distinction between "primitive" religions and the "higher" semitic religions. In doing so, he evinced a clearly evolutionary bias. This is evident, for example, in his assertion that when religion became sufficiently enlightened, there was no longer any need for the concept of ritual pollution. Before discussing his views on holiness and purity per se, it will be worthwhile to present some characteristics of deity as Robertson Smith sees

13-)t would not seem warranted to make the same claim for KU3 based on its occurrence in tablet IV, line 33 of the same series for two reasons: 1) SIKIL also occurs in the same line (Le. he-en-ku 3-ga he-en-sikil-la he-en-Iah-Iah-ga "may he be holy, may he be pure, may he be clean") and would be more likely to carry the secondary meaning of "free from demonic influence" in that line, and 2) the connection of KU3 with deity in a positive sense of participating in the realm of the divine is suggested by the statement in the preceding Sumerian line (line 31) that the man in question is the "son of his god" (dumu dingir-ra-na). 1~0 the extent that information on the latter was available in 1888. Assyriology was still in its early stages at that time.

The Relation of KU3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

47

them, since for him, as for many others, holiness is inextricably bound up with deity. "The local relations of the gods may- be considered under two heads. In the first place the aftivity,o power and dominion of the gods were conceived as bounded by certain local limits, and in the second place they were conceived as having their residences and homes at certain fixed sanctuaries. These two conceptions are not of course independent, for generally speaking the region of divine authority and influence surrounds the sanctuary which is the god's principle seat. .. 11137 Not only is this aspect of localization true for the more primitive religions, but he admits that it is also true to a certain extent even in Israelite religion, for he says: "Even in the Hebrew religion God is not equally near at all places and all times ... II 138 This localization of deity in certain places at certain times is what distinguishes holy from non-holy (or "profane"), because holiness is associated with the divine presence: "The gods are holy, and their ministers of whatever kind or grade are holy also, but holy seasons holy places and holy things, that is, seasons places and things that stand in a special relation to the godhead and are withdrawn by divine sanction from some or all ordinary uses, are equally to be considered in determining what holiness means. Indeed the holiness of the gods is an expression to which it is hardly possible to attach a definite sense apart from the holiness of their physical surroundings; it shows itself in the sanctity attached to the persons places things and times through which the gods and men come in contact with one another... Holy persons things and times, as they are conceived in antiquity, all presuppose the existence of holy places at which the persons minister, the things are preserved, and the times are celebrated. Nay the holiness of the godhead itself is manifest to men, not equally in all places, but specially at those places where the gods are immediately present and from which their activity proceeds. In fact the idea of holiness comes into prominence wherever the gods come into touch with

1370p• cit., p. 92 138ibid., p. 116

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

48

men ... "l39 As for the origin of the idea of holiness in primitive religions, Robertson Smith assumed that the holy, like the idea of the unclean, both derived from tabus: "The fact that the Semites have rules of uncleanness as well as rules of holiness, that the boundary between the two is often vague, and that the former as well as the latter present the most startling agreement in point of detail with savage taboos, leaves no reasonable doubt as to the origin and ultimate relations of the idea of holiness. On the other hand, the fact that the Semites - or at least the northern Semites - distinguish between the holy and the unclean, marks a real advance above savagery."140

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

49

on the presence of deity, for as we noted, Sumerian temples appear to have maintained their quality of holiness even if the gods were temporarily away. For that reason, we may prefer the definition of "pertaining to the realm of the divine.» Nevertheless, we can agree with-Robertson Smith that the localities where that realm meets the_\Vorldof mortals is determined by the presence of deity at some point in time; i.e. the occasional presence of deity at a particular location, or even a single visitation there, defines that location as having been incorporated in some way into the divine sphere. In terms of the origin of the idea of the holy from tabus, there is no indication that kU3 has any sense of tabu associated with it. Indeed, the danger aspect of tabus which seems to attach to holy sites and objects in some cultures does not seem to be present in Sumerian temples. We are not told, for example, that only priests may enter certain parts of the temple complexes, even though we might assume that to be the case.

Later he gives the reason for the distinction between unclean and holy:

1.7.2 Emile Durkheim "The difference between the two appears, not in their relation to man's ordinary life, but in their relation to the gods. Holy things are not free to man, because they pertain to the gods; uncleanness is shunned, according to the view taken in the higher Semitic religions, because it is hateful to the god, and therefore not tolerated in his sanctuary, his worshippers, or his land." 141 He also reiterates his assertion that the distinction is not always maintained: "... the rules of Semitic holiness show clear marks of their origin in a system of taboo; the distinction that holy things are employed for the use of the gods, while unclean things are simply forbidden to man's use, is not consistently carried out ... ,,142 What is of some use to our understanding of holiness among the Sumerians is the idea of localization, though we would not say that holiness is dependent

Durkheim focussed his attention on religions which he considered to be primitive, because he felt that such "primitive" religions were best suited for revealing those essential and permanent aspects of human nature which are the common denominators of an religions, as shown in the following statement: "At the foundation of all systems of beliefs and of all cults there ought necessarily to be a certain number of representations or conceptions and of ritual attitudes which, in spite of the diversity of forms which they have taken, have the same objective significance and fulfill the same functions everywhere... 143 In seeking the fundamental concepts common to aU religions, he rejects at the outset two concepts which are often used to define religions. The first of these is the idea of the supernatural, which refers to things that are unexplainable by normal rational means. 144 Durkheim contends that for the primitive man, his rituals were as rational as our scientific methods. Furthermore, the idea of the

139ibid., pp 141/2

cit., pp 153/4 141ibid., p. 446 1400p•

141)urkheim (1915:5).

142ibid., p. 450

l~is corresponds to Otto's mysterium, which Otto considers an inherent characteristic of holiness, by which he means the realm of the divine. Otto will be discussed more fully below.

alapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

supernatural presupposes the opposite - the idea of the natural, i.e. laws governing the universe (universal determinism), which is a result of the positive sciences and therefore a late development. Therefore, he believes the mysterious cannot be considered to be a hallmark of religion without excluding most primitive religions. 145 The other concept he rejects is the idea that religion requires a divinity. He notes that this was one of Frazer's criteria, but argues that there are great religions where the idea of gods or spirits is either absent or else plays a minor role, e.g. Buddhism. All that is essential to Buddhism, he claims, is contained in the four "noble truths. ttl46 The Buddhist does not deny the existence of gods, but he owes them nothing, for their power only extends over the goods of this world which he does not value. He also contends that the Ja'inists are also essentially atheists because for them, the world is eternal - they admit no creator. 147 Having rejected these two concepts, he then begins to build his own construct of basic religions by noting that religious phenomena are naturally arranged into two fundamental categories: beliefs (or "thoughts") and rites (i.e. "actions ").148 He then subdivides the category of beliefs:

between the profane and the sacred. In his view, however, the relation between the sacred and the profane cannot simply be arranged in a hierarchical manner: "But if a pure hierarchic distinction is a .criterium at once too general and too imprecise, there is nothing left with which to characterize the sacred in its relation to the profane ex:c~.pt their heterogeneity.lIlSl He also states that this heterogeneity is very particular and absolute: "This heterogeneity is even so complete that it frequently degenerates into a veritable antagonism. The two worlds are not only conceived of as separate, but as even hostile and jealous rivals of each other. tlm In other words, the heterogeneity of which he speaks simply means that aU things belong either to the sphere of the profane or the sphere of the sacred: "... the real characteristic of religious phenomena is that they always suppose a bipartite division of the whole universe, known and knowable, into two classes which embrace all that exists, but which radically exclude each other." m Because everything can be assigned either to the sphere of the profane or the sphere of the sacred, those objects which are assigned to the sphere of the sacred require special attention. This allows for a definition of rites as: "... the rules of conduct which prescribe how a man should comport himself in the presence of these sacred objects. ,,154 Having reached this point, Durkheim attempts a definition of religion:

50

"All known religious beliefs, whether simple or complex, present one common characteristic: they presuppose a classification of all things, real and unreal, of which men think, into two classes or opposed groups, generally designated by two distinct terms which are translated well enough by the words profane and sacred. II 149 In terms of the sacred, Durkheim states that there are varying degrees of sacredness. 150 He notes, for example, that an amulet is sacred, but not aweinspiring and not tabu, while other things may be both sacred and tabu. This might lead one to attempt to arrange a hierarchical scheme with transition phases

14nurkhem,op. cit., pp 24125. l~ese four are: 1) that suffering accompanies the perpetual change of things, 2) that desire is the cause of suffering and 3) to suppress sorrow, one must suppress desire. 4) There are three stages to Nirvana: uprightness, meditation, and wisdom. 1470p. cit., pp 29/30 148ibid., p. 36 149ibid., p. 37

150ibid., p. 38

"When a certain number of sacred things sustain relations of coordination or subordination with each other in such a way as to form a system having a certain unity, but which is not comprised within any other system of the same sort, the totality of these beliefs and their corresponding rites constitutes a religion."lSS This definition is modified somewhat a few pages later as follows: itA religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden - beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community caned a Church,

lSlibid., p. 38 lS2ibid., p. 39 lS3ibid., p. 40 lS4ibid., p. 40 lssibid., p. 41

51

Glapter 1: Sumerian KU3

52

all those who adhere to them." 156 This second definition does not contradict the first, but adds the explanation "sacred" means "set apart and forbidden." This statement slightly contradicts a previous observation of Durkheim that some sacred things are not forbidden (e.g. amulets), but it nevertheless serves to indicate that Durkheim subscribes, at least to a certain degree, to the notion that the sphere of the sacred is fairly sharply delimited and defined - which is actually the original meaning of tabU. 15? Durkheim's division of religious phenomena into the two categories of beliefs and rites has some application in Sumerian religion where k~ represents a belief concerning the attributes of a person, place or thing; while rites are indicated by the ME's (ME = AIde par~u, "rite") and the activities implied by the ME's. When he then divides the category of beliefs into the two spheres of profane and sacred, that is also compatible with what we have observed. What we do not observe, however, is the antagonism between the two spheres which he describes. The use of the term "antagonism" implies danger, and that would seem to bring us back to the issue of tabu and, as noted earlier, there is no clear evidence of danger associated with holiness in Sumerian literature, and hence no good evidence for tabus in the usual sense. Moreover, his definition of the holy as that which is set apart and forbidden is not entirely applicable for k~; although objects which are kU3 are set apart in a sense, that is not an adequate definition as we have seen. As for the idea that these things are also forbidden, we also have no clear evidence that these things are really forbidden to any particular class or group of people. Presumable, all Sumerians had access to the temple and thus to the realm of the divine, i.e. to holiness. Durkheim's suggestion that no deity is necessary for religion would mean that no deity is necessary for holiness. If we ask whether holiness in the Sumerian religion might in fact be independent of deities, we are reminded that though certain deities, such as Inanna, are commonly designated as ku3 , others, including some of the most powerful deities, are not so designated. The fact that kU3 is used to designate some of the lesser deities as wen as the often scandalous Inanna may mean that the adjective is attached to their names merely to assure

156ibid., p. 47

1S7SOderblom (1922:733) says of this word: "The word belongs in this form to the Tonga dialect in the Friendship Islands and is a compound of ta, 'marked,' and pu, an adverb with an intensive force, hence = 'marked thoroughly'."

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

53

us that they really do belong to the realm of the divine, in spite of their questionable deeds or lower standing. On the other hand, one could entertain the idea that holiness is a quality which the Sumerian gods do not automatically possess, or at least not all to the same exte-nt, and that holiness is therefore some sort of divine or magicat power akin to mana. This idea may be rejected, however, on two grounds: first, if holiness were akin to mana in Sumerian thinking, then we would expect it to be applied to the great gods more than to the lesser gods, and such is not the case. Secondly, we have already seen that there is no dynamic, or "power" aspect to ku3• Therefore, the first explanation for the use of the adjective with certain gods is more likely.

1.7.3 Nathan Sooerblom Nathan SOderblom wrote an important article on holiness which was published in 1922 in Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. 1s8 In this article he makes a statement that reminds us of Durkheim: "Holiness is the great word in religion; it is even more essential than the notion of God. Real religion may exist without a definite conception of divinity, but there is no real religion without a distinction between holy and profane. tl159 For Soderblom, holiness is a mysterious power that people believe to exist, and as such, is not confined to deity. Therein lies an important distinction between Soderblom's view of holiness and that of others such as Robertson Smith, for whom holiness is intimately connected with deity and the presence of the same, or Otto, for whom holiness and deity are essentially synonomous. This view of SOderblom is evident in the following excerpts, in which holiness is equated with the impersonal force known to anthropologists as mana: "Holiness is viewed as a mysterious power or entity connected with

lSSSOderblom (1922) 1S90p• cit., p. 731. We should note that in stating that real religion can exist without deity, he is essentially following Durkheim. He later contradicts this statement that no religion can exist without a distinction between holy and profane when he describes Indian religions which do not even have a word for holy.

54

55

O1apter 1: Sumerian KU 3

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

certain beings, things, events, or actions. Amongst the Melanesians everything that exceeds the ordinary capacity of man or the ordinary course of nature is called mana .... 11160

unclean. 163 3) In those religions (which include the semitic religions for SOderblom) in which the idea of the godhead is pronounced, the idea of holiness remains distinctive from the idea of purity and also remains superior to it. 4) In those religions in which the gods are reduced to an insignificant role, or where there was never a centralroJe forqeity from the beginning, the concept of purity becomes pre-eminent and swallows up the concept of holiness. 164 In comparing these statements with the observations already made in connection with Sumerian religion we may note that the Sumerian religion certain does not correspond with the stage that SOderblom considers primitive, i.e. that stage where the holy and the unclean are not well distinguished because both are tabu. In fact, we cannot prove that the Sumerians ever went through such a stage because the idea of danger, and hence the essence of tabu, does not appear to be connected with ku 3 • On the other hand, Sumerian religious concepts do appear to correspond with the stage that he describes as more advanced where the idea of the holy is separate from the idea of the unclean. Moreover, his statement that the idea of holiness is maintained separate and superior to the idea of the purity in religions in which the concept of a godhead is pronounced also corresponds to that which we find in Sumerian religious writings, for holiness and purity are related but nonetheless separate concepts in Sumerian, and their religious practices revolved around the idea of a deity that was quite present and accessible in the heart of the city, i.e. the temple. Therefore, if Soderblom is correct in assuming that holiness and purity remain distinct because of the emphasis on the godhead, then that would mean that that distinction is maintained in Sumerian religion precisely because of the centrality of the concept of the divine presence in a specific location within the city.

"This mysterious holiness is to be found, in the first place, in the medicine-man, or priest-king, who is powerful and sacred ... and in the sacred formula which is used as a spell or a prayer. Further, it belongs to special objects which are connected in any way with the holy rites and the exercise of religion or magic ... It also belongs to relics, amulets, divinities, their images, and everything connected with them. In a wider sense the mysterious power of holiness is supposed to be the cause of everything which is out of the ordinary course, and which, therefore, demands special explanation... as far as we can see, the psychological origin of the conception of holiness seems to have been the mental reaction against what is startling, astonishing, new, terrifying. "161 SOderblom distinguishes between positive rites which are concerned with concentrating and utilizing holiness for the benefit of the individual or society, and the negative or prohibitory rites (tabu), and further subdivides tabu into continuous and intermittent varieties. He assumes that the concept of tabu has undergone an evolution in some religions: "In primitive religion one cannot tell whether tabu is holy or unclean. It simply means, 'Thou shalt not' - interdiction and danger. Later on, the tabu becomes either holy or unclean. Primitive man does not realize this difference. ,,162 SOderblom then procedes to make some additional points which may be summarized as follows: 1) in an early stage of development, holy and unclean are so closely related as to even be confused to a certain extent, since both are tabu. The opposite of these is that which is allowed, i.e. the clean and profane. 2) In a later stage of development, because of the influence of language, morals and other cultural factors, clean approaches holy, while profane approaches

160ibid., p. 731 161ibid., p. 732 1620p• cit., p. 736. As noted previously, Mary Douglas disagreed with this position.

1.7.4 Ru.dolf Otto OUo's work on holiness is of limited value for our purposes because it presents conclusions that appear to be based to a large extent on introspection, and that means that the material which forms the basis for his conclusions is not 1630ne might suppose that a loss of the tabu nature of the unclean would have to occur in order for the unclean to be separated from the holy, but Sooerblom does not state this, and is it clear that the restricted nature of the unclean does indeed remain in the semitic religions. 164"Where practical and utilitarian purposes prevail, as in the Avesta, 'clean' eclipses 'holy.' Where the idea of the Godhead prevails, as in the OT, 'holy' keeps the foremost place" (op. cit. p. 737).

57

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

directly accessible to other observers. Moreover, he is attempting to communicate thoughts concerning an emotional experience which is not, by his own admission, subject to rationality, and which therefore cannot be reduced to words, but can only be understood by those who have actually had that very experience. Nevertheless, his work has exerted a strong influence on modem theology and deserves at least a brief glance. At the outset, he attacks the "rational" approaches taken by others. In doing so, he appears to be launching an offensive against those who employ the analytical methods of science and who, in his opinion, have no understanding of the mystical elements in religion. In fact, he is essentially engaging in the apologetics of mysticism:

something objective and outside the self.167 He describes another element (we might better say "aspect") of holiness with the Latin term, mysterium tremendum. By mysterium, he means the "wholly other," i.e. that which is beyond our Usual experience. But for Otto, the mysterium tremendum is not simply a reaction elicited within the soul of the religious participant (as any student of psychology might maintain), but rather something which has a reality of its own outside of the observer. It is "the atmosphere that clings to old religious monuments and buildings, to temples and to churches. ,,168 Since the mysterium has its own existence and is not merely the reaction elicited in the pious, he must use another term for the reaction caned forth by contact with the numinous, and the term he uses is "creature-consciousness."

56

"It is not simply that Orthodoxy was dissipated in doctrine and the framing of dogma, for those have been no less a concern of the wildest mystics. It is rather that Orthodoxy found in the construction of dogma and doctrine no way to do justice to the non-rational aspect of its subject. So far from keeping the non-rational element in religion alive in the heart of the religious experience, orthodox Christianity manifestly failed to recognize its value, and by this failure gave to the idea of God a one-sidedly intellectualistic and rationalistic interpretation. "This bias to rationalization still prevails, not only in theology but in the science of comparative religion in general, and from top to bottom of it. The modem students of mythology, and those who pursue research into the religion of 'primitive man' and attempt to reconstruct the 'bases' I65 or 'sources' of religion, are aU victims of it." What Otto then proceeds to discuss under the term "holiness" (or "the holy") is actually not holiness per se, but rather deity itself, and the phenomena associated with the presence of deity.l66 He begins by stating that "holy" has a meaning in addition to the ethical meaning, and in Greek, Latin and the Semitic languages it was only this other, non-ethical meaning which was present. He applies to this other, supposedly original component the Latin term, numen. He claims that in encounters with the holy, the numinous is perceived as

"We have already met that strange and profound mental reaction to the numinous which we proposed to call 'creature-feeling' or creatureconsciousness, with its concomitant feelings of abasement and prostration and of the diminution of the self into nothingness ... "I69 In stating that this reaction is accompanied by feelings of nothingness, he is strongly at odds with Durkheim, who asserted that the most basic feeling among the primitives is not one of insignificance, but rather one of power because of the sense of participating in the divine power, or mana. 170 Although Otto does not rely on philology for support, he claims that the most obvious meaning of Hebrew qdS is "transcendent. 11171 He also says very little about the matter of purity vs. impurity except to make the statement: "The unclean is the loathsome, that which stirs strong feelings of natural disgust ... " The effect of civilization is to refine these emotions of disgust and loathing by diverting them to different objects. ,,172 He does not discuss purity further except to indicate that it is an early manifestation and thus part of the numinous. In that regard Ouo, similar to Durkheim and Douglas (who will be discussed below),

1670p• cit., p. 11 168ibid.. p. 12 169ibid., p. 52

16S0tto (1924:3). l~e have a hint of that in the statement: "The 'holy' will then be recognized as that which commands our respect, as that whose real value is to be acknowledged inwardly." (p.53/4)

17'Though this Melanesian term has become a favorite catchword of anthropologists, it is difficult to know whether they are all using it in the same sense. 17lop. cit., p. 54

172ibid.. p. 127

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

does not distinguish substantially between purity and holiness as separately definable concepts. What is useful to us is Otto's explanation of the mysterium trememdum associated with the holy, for that concept can explain why the word kU3 is attached to the name of the sometimes less than respectable deity, Inanna, as well as to certain lesser gods. The use of kU 3 in these cases may indeed be intended to maintain a certain degree of reverence for these deities among people who might otherwise tend to show less respect for them than is normally due to the gods. Otto's work also suggests that we might broaden our definition of holiness in the Sumerian religion somewhat to include the feeling of awe that accompanies the religious experience in Otto's view. In that case, kU3 may not only mean "pertaininglbelonging to the realm of the divine", but may also imply that a certain awesomeness is associated with objects, beings or times so designated. This would fit nicely with all of the occurrences of kU3 we have examined, and more than that, it would explain why certain things, such as the hands of the gods, Le. divine body parts which so obviously belong to the realm of the divine that the use of kU 3 to further define them seems superfluous, are nevertheless so defined. If kU3 also carries the connotation of awesomeness, then the use of that adjective with the hands of a god makes perfect sense, because it stresses the power of those hands, and thus of the god. We may therefore posit this meaning as an additional nuance of ku3•

representing the cosmic mountain and hence the axis mundi, constituted the preeminent link between heaven and earth. Not only were temples sacred, but al$o every dwelling place, thus allowing the inhabitants to participate in the realm of the divine to a certain extent even at home. The sanctification ()f homes was accomplished giving it an imago mundi and thus making it part of the cosmos, and this was accomplished by one of two means in Eliade's opinion:

58

1.7.5 Mircea EUade For Eliade, the "completely profane world, the wholly desacralized cosmos, is a recent discovery in the history of the human spirit." 173 People in archaic societies, he believes, lived in the sacred as much as possible, because the sacred meant power, and in the final analysis, represented reality for those people. Moreover, the orientation in time and space in those societies was relative to and determined by a fixed point - that point where the realm of the divine broke through into the realm of mortals. The location of that point is indicated by a theophany (Eliade prefers the term "hierophany") which has taken place there. In fact, such a manifestation is the sine qua non of a sacred space. 174 Temples,

"... (a) assimilating it into the cosmos by the projection of the four horizons from a central point (in the case of a village) or by the symbolic installation of the axis mundi (in the case of a house); (b) repeating, through a ritual of construction, the paradigmatic acts of the gods by virtue of which the world came to birth from the body of marine dragon or of a primordial giant. II 175 In terms of sacred time, people can return to the beginning of time by means of annual renewal festivals and thus participate with the gods in their most powerful act - that of creation. He says of this: "Hence the participants in the festival become contemporaries of the gods and the semidivine beings. They live in the primordial time that is sanctified by the presence and activity of the gods. 11176 Eliade's description would seem to be quite compatible with what we know about Sumerian temple worship. What seems to be missing from his discussion is the relationship between holiness and purity. He speaks of the world being continually sanctified by the sanctity of the sanctuaries, but he also speaks of the world being purified by that sanctify in the very same paragraph 177 and seems to be using the two terms and synonyms rather than as complementary concepts. If he sees no great difference between sanctification and purification as regards archaic societies, perhaps we should entertain the thought that purity was not a well developed concept in Sumerian religious thought. Frequently writers assume that if purity and holiness are not well distinguished in a culture, it is because purity is the primary religious concept and holiness is little more than an extension of that concept - both being arrived at

ibid., p. 52. 176ibid., p. 105. 175

17~liade (1959:13).

ibid . p. 26.

174

59

177

ibid., p. 59.

60

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU 3

by mortals by means of rituals which appear to have arisen as purification rites originally. Eliade, however, insists that in archaic societies all major acts (whether founding a village or building a house) involve the cosmogony as the paradigmatic model, and hence involve an entrance into the realm of the divine. If this view is correct, then perhaps purity and purification played no significant role at the earliest stages; i.e. those stages where "holiness" was obtained by simply repeating acts imitating the creative gesta of the gods and thus entering into their presence, or at least into their realm. Conceivably, purity could have become a prerequisite for holiness at later stages, when the religion become more complex. 178 This could explain why we do not have any significant amount of material in Sumerian religious texts dealing with how things become SIKIL, while we have some definite information on how things become KU3 • Thus, rituals such as the the su-Iuh ritual, which might seem to have had their beginnings as purification rituals, may instead be true sanctification rituals in that they are intended to represent not the washing or cleansing of hands (or other objects), but rather represent some portion of the creative period, such as the time when the primeval waters covered the earth and then the primordial hill emerged from those waters. If the purpose of those rituals was to take religious participants back to that period, then they were truly sanctification rituals in the sense described by Eliade, because they return the participants to that creative period, and thus allow them to be involved with the gods in that sense and therefore to be in the realm of the divine to a certain extent.

1.7.6 Mary Douglas Mary Douglas notes that during the 19th century, primitive religions were thought to exhibit two hallmarks: they were inspired by fear, and there was a preoccupation with defilement and hygiene. Later, however, it was determined that fear was not really present to the extent that the early commentators had supposed. 179 She therefore sees the study of the laws governing purity and pollution as a proper starting point for the examination and evaluation of

The Relation of KU 3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

primitive religions, and indeed for religions in general: "The more we know about primitive religions the more clearly it appears that in their symbolic structures there is scope for meditation on the great mysteries of religion and philosophy. Reflection on dirt involves reflection on the relation of order to disorder, being to nonbeing, form to formlessness, life to death. Wherever ideas of dirt are highly structured their analysis discloses a play upon such profound themes. This is why an understanding of rules of purity is a sound entry to comparative religion. The Pauline antithesis of blood and water, nature and grace, freedom and necessity, or the Old Testament idea of Godhead can be illuminated by Polynesian or Central African treatment of closely related themes. II 180 The last sentence in the above quote exemplifies one of the cardinal characteristics of the sociological/anthropological approach alluded to earlier, viz. the belief that conclusions drawn from the study of "primitive" religions can be valid also for those religions normally considered by westerners to be more advanced and complex. It is not important to judge at this point whether that assumption is valid or invalid; it is merely important to emphasize that it is a characteristic presupposition which underlies the sociological/anthropological approach which uses "primitive" religions as a basis for understanding the socalled higher religions. This distinguishes it from other certain other approaches which do not necessarily rely on comparisons with other cultures that may be rather widely separated from the culture and religion under consideration by time, space, and language. Since pollution and the laws concerning it constitute the focus of Douglas's investigation, it is important to know what she understands under the term pollution (or "dirt"). For her, it is a matter of disorder:

"As we know it, dirt is essentially disorder. There is no such thing as absolute dirt: it exists in the eye of the beholder. If we shun dirt, it is not because of craven fear, still less dread or holy terror. Nor do our ideas about disease account for the range of our behaviour in cleaning or avoiding dirt. Dirt offends against order. Eliminating it is not a negative

17'The idea that purity was a prerequisite for holiness in Israelite religion, where the two concepts are both quite well developed, will be discussed in chapter 3. 179She notes that Evans-Pritchard studied witchcraft among the Azande and found them to be some of the most happy and carefree people of the Sudan (DougJas;1966:1).

61

l~uglas (1966:51).

62

The Relation of KU3 to Anthropological Models of Holiness

Chapter 1: Sumerian KU3

movement, but a positive effort to organise the environment. .. 181 She divides pollution concepts into two levels: instrumental and expressive. She discusses these terms without actually defining them, but it would appear that her "instrumental level" would correspond to Durkheim's category of rites (behavior, actions), while her "expressive level" would correspond to Durkheim's category of beliefs: "Pollution ideas work in the life of society at two levels, one largely instrumental, one expressive. At the first level, the more obvious one, we find people trying to influence one another's behaviour. Beliefs reinforce social pressures: all the powers of the universe are called in to guarantee an old man's dying wish, a mother's dignity, the rights of the weak and innocent. Political power is usually held precariously and primitive rulers are no exception. So we find their legitimate pretensions backed by beliefs in extraordinary powers emanating from their persons, from the insignia of their office or from words whey can utter. Similarly the ideal order of society is guarded by dangers which threaten transgressors. These danger-beliefs are as much threats which one man uses to coerce another as dangers which he himself fears to incur by his own lapses from righteousness. They are a strong language of mutual exhortation. At this level the laws of nature are dragged in to sanction the moral code: this kind of disease is caused by adultery, that by incest; this meteorological disaster is the effect of political disloyalty, that the effect of impiety. The whole universe is harnessed to men's attempts to force one another into good citizenship. Thus we find that certain moral values are upheld and certain social rules defined by beliefs in dangerous contagion, as when the glance or touch of an adulterer is held to bring illness to his neighbors or his children ... 182 Rather than assuming, as Durkheim did, that the sacred and profane are sharply divided into two independent spheres, she asserts instead that the motivation behind religious systems is an attempt to conform to acceptable patterns. Things which deviate from those patterns are potentially dangerous, and

63

hence unclean. This involves no clear-cut distinction between sacred and secular. 183 Without saying so, she seems to intimate that holiness is a secondary concept that can be applied to things which fit aecepted patterns most completely. 184 In dealing with the abominations of Leviticus, she uses holiness as the opposite of abomination, pollution etc., as evident from the following exerpts: "... There must be a contrariness between holiness and abomination which will make over-all sense of the particular restrictions." (p. 49) "Granted that its root means separateness, the next idea that emerges is of the Holy as wholeness and completeness. Much of Leviticus is taken up with stating the physical perfection that is required of things presented in the temple and of persons approaching it. The animals offered in sacrifice must be without blemish, women must be purified after childbirth, lepers should be separated and ritually cleansed before being allowed to approach it once they are cured. All bodily discharges are defiling and disqualify from approach to the temple. Priests may only come into contact with death when their own close kin die. But the high priest must never have contact with death." (p. 50f.) "Other precepts develop the idea of wholeness in another direction. The metaphors of the physical body and of the new undertaking relate to the perfection and completeness of the individual and his work. Other precepts extend holiness to species and categories. Hybrids and other confusions are abominated .... "We can conclude that holiness is exemplified by completeness. Holiness requires that individuals shall conform to the class to which they belong. And holiness requires that different classes of things shaH not be confused." (p. 53) ".. .in general the underlying principle of cleanness in animals is that

183ibid., p. 40

l810p•

cit., p. 2

• op. clt., p. 3f.

182

184If that is the case, then we might conclude that holiness cannot be distinguished substantially from purity; for if pollution is that which deviates from accepted patterns, then purity, being the lack of pollution, must necessarily be applied also to things which fit accepted patterns.

65

Olapter 1: Sumerian KU3

Evaluation and Summary

they shall conform fully to their class. Those species are unclean which are imperfect members of their class, or whose class itself confounds the general scheme of the world. It (p. 55)

- From Durkheim we have confirmation that there are two distinct realms, the holy and the profane, as seemed apparent in Sumerian religion from our word study. - SOderblom provided us with the valuable observation that holiness is a primary concept in religions wherein the godhead (i.e. the gods) is a central concern, and that is compatible with our findings in Sumerian religion. - Otto's work suggests to us that kU3 not only meant "pertaining to the realm of the divine" (which would not be Otto's primary definition anyway), but also implies that a reverence or awe should be present in the worshipper in relation to beings and objects designated with that adjective. He thereby gives us a secondary meaning for ku3 • - Eliade elucidates what it meant in archaic societies to belong to or participate in the realm of the divine. - Finally, Douglas gives us information of the nature of pollution, and thus defines something which logically appears to be a polar opposite to holiness in at least one respect.

64

Because the term tabu can be applied to things that are sacred as well as to things that defile, some writers had supposed that in primitive religions there was no real differentiation between the holy and the unclean. She rejects this assumption and says, "To talk about a confused blending of the Sacred and the Unclean is outright nonsense ... 185 This applies to all religions as far as she is concerned, so that while the sacred and unclean are both restricted, that does not mean that they are synonomous. Any model based on her writing would therefore have to observe the subdivision of the category of restricted objects and behavior into those two subcategories. What is particularly interesting in Douglas' presentation is her characterization of pollution as disorder. She assumes that holiness is the opposite of pollution, and if we remember Eliade's model, in which the sacred is that which provides order for society by providing a point of orientation which is central to all else, than we may at least say that holiness does possess a certain orderliness and that characteristic at least, though perhaps being only an aspect of holiness rather than constituting its total definition, is certainly opposite to the disorder of pollution. That would anow us to understand how purification rituals might have developed as an intermediate step on the way to sanctification; i.e. the removal of that which is disorderly could have seemed at some point in time to have been a logical prerequisite to entering the realm of ultimate orderliness, even if the act of purification alone only prepared one for entry into the divine realm and did not itself represent actual entry into that realm.

1.8 Evaluation. an.d Summary The preceding models, taken primarily from the field of anthropology, throw some additional light on what we were able to derive from our word study of Sumerian KU 3: - Robertson Smith's work pointed toward our conclusion that "holy" refers to that which pertains to the realm of the divine, although he spoke more of being in the divine presence rather than simply in the realm of the divine.

18Sop.

cit.• p. 159

Combining these observations with the information gained from the word study, we may now make the foHowing statements concerning Sumerian ku3 : 1) KU 3 has a primary meaning of "pertaining to the realm of the divine." 2) There is a secondary meaning of "worthy of awe or reverence. " 3) The realm of the divine is in contact with the realm of mortals at certain locations where a god or goddess has been thought to be present, or where a deity might be expected to be present occasionally. The concept of proximal deities is therefore central to Sumerian religion and, in tum, makes holiness an important concept. 4) These locations are best typified by temples, where we encounter the use of kU3 in connection with numerous objects and areas of the temple. 5) The concept of orderliness is an aspect of holiness in Sumerian religion because the sacred gives a point of reference to all else in society.

Chapter 2

Akkadian ellu 2.1 Introduction The word dIu, along with its verbal and nominal forms, is regularly used to translate Sumerian KU 3 • It apparently has a much broader range of meaning, however, for it is also used to translate Sumerian sildl, gub2• ud, sen, dalla, girin, and mas/ The opposite of ellu seems to be simply fa ellu. 2 More importantly for the current study, ellu is used in contexts in which any connection with the realm of the divine is excluded, and where the meaning is quite simply "free from physical impurities." Thus it is used to describe metals, water, snow, and even laundry after washing!3 Landsberger noted that diu initially meant pure (rein) and only later came to be used for holy (heilig).4 The situation is summed up by van der Toom: "Ellu basically denotes cleanliness and only secondarily holiness. This cleanliness is conceived, not only negatively as the absence of dirt, but also positively as brilliance and luminosity. Like ebbu, ellu is often used as a qualification of glittering, precious stones, like lapis lazuli... ". 5 Some additional support for this meaning of "clean" may be derived from that fact that ellu seems to be related etymologically both to Aramaic IJ,Il "to wash"6 and to the same root in Ugaritic. 7

lcf. lexical section of ellu entry in AHw, p. 204a. 2e.g. enim-enim-ma ana ameli mimma la ellu ... "An incantation for any man who is not holy", cf. Schollmeyer (1912:110), line 10 (cf. CAD E, 106 for additional examples). One might also consider lu"li "dirty", "polluted", as the opposite of ellu for it occurs in K. 1288, line 12 (cf. Knudtson,AGS no. 150): ezib ~a tubqu lu-'-uzlu-'-tur ruar biri isniqurna Urli'U2> "Forgive that in the interior a filthy man or filthy woman has approached and polluted the place of the extispicy." It is unclear whether lu"li is the opposite of ellu or of ebbu. Since there is some overlap of ellu and ebbu, perhaps it was the antithesis of both. 3cf.AHw, loco cit. Cf. also CAD E, 103. It can also mean "free of legal obligations", cf. CAD E, 105b. 4Landsberger (1968:69). svan der Toom (1985:271). 6Pointed out by Zimmem in ZA XXXIV (1922), p. 193.

69

Olapter 2: Akkadian ellu

Representative occurrences of ellu

As van der Toorn hinted, there is some overlap in the meanings of ellu and ebbu, and a further example is the fact that noun forms of both (Le. reliltu and tebibtu) could be used as substitutes for a third term - rimku ("bathing").8 This linguistic usage may suggest a religious conceptual system parallel to certain eastern religions, of which SOderblom states that they have no proper word for "holy" because the central concern is purity.9 Because ellu does not correspond well to Sumerian KU3 as far as the original concept of each term is concerned (as will be further demonstrated in the material presented below), it will not be translated in this work as "holy", but rather as "pure", for the word content of ellu most closely corresponds to the concept of purity, rather than to the concept of holiness defined in the Sumerian section.

sanctuary so that other priests and singers can enter and perform various rituals. On the 3rd of Nisan craftsmen are summoned to make images to be used in the ceremonies to take place on the (jth day of Nisan. By the fifth day the temple must be purifiedbyamafmaSu-priest who has been called in by the sesgallu. The maSmaSu-priest apparently must then remain outside Babylon from the 5th to the 12th day after he has purified the temple. On the 5th day, the god, Nabu (Le. his image), arrives from Borsippa, and on the 8th day there are special cultic activities in the parak Simiiti. On the 10th day there is a procession to the bit akiti where a solemn festival is celebrated on the 11th day. On the 12th day, a procession goes back to the Esagila and more activities take place in the parak simiiti. The final great sacrifices also take place on the 12th day. It is on the fourth day of the festival, after preparations in the temple 13 have been completed that the following occurs:

68

2.2 Representative occurrences of ellu LUz.SES.GAL E 2.KU.A u LU 2.DUMU.MES um-man-nu ik-kil-lum an-na-a i-qab-bu-u 374 E z ul-la-lu-u 2 d ASAL.LU 2 DUMU ERIDU k''.GA2 E 2.UD.UL 376 dKU3 ,SU3 GIS.SU 2.A NA dKU 3,SU3 TUS.TUS dNIN.AHA.DU ARA GES.TUG.TUG 378 dAMAR. UTU ul-lal E z dKU 3,SU3 u~-~ir GIS.HUR 380 dNIN.AHA.DU i-nam-di EN(!) 372

2.2.1 Places The occurrences of ellu in conjunction with places are scarce. There is mention of a pure place in a piece called "The Gula Hymn of Bullutsa-rabi" e-te-ru-ub a-na aS2-ri-su2 el-li, "I entered into his pure place. II to Another occurrence of a pure place occurs in the balag, "Abzu Pelam ", and there it translates Sumerian sikil: abzu ki-sikil-la du3-a-ba, ap-su-u2 sa2 ina as-ri el-li in-ne-ep-su2 , liThe abzu, which was built in a pure place." ll The verb form, elelu, also occurs in connection with the purification of temples and palaces. One occurrence is in connection with the Babylonian akitu-festival, which was a type of New Year's festival. In Babylon, the festival included purification ceremonies taking place in the Esagila (Marduk's temple) from the second to the fourth day of Nisan. The main character in the festival there appears to be a sesgallu-priest, 12 who washes himself with water from the river before dawn of the 2nd of Nisan and then approaches Marduk with special prayers. After that, he opens the doors of the

7Greemield and Blau (1970:15) therefore relate the phrase hIl ydm to the Mesopotamian mis qilli ceremony.

382

min-rna lim-nu sa2 ina E2 e-~u gal-lu-u2 rabu(GAL li-nar-ku dBEL U

)

KI.TUS GAR.RA.AS HU.NLIB.DATAR.AN 372

The sesgallu-priest of the Ekua and the artisans shall cry aloud: 374 "They purify the temple! "Marduk, the son of Eridu, in the Eudul, 376 "Kusu - on his stool, Kusu is seated. "Ninahadu who hears prayers, 378 "Marduk will sanctify the temple! "Kusu will draw the plans!

8Laessoe (1955:86). note 170. 9SOOerbiom (1922:7371). IOW.G. Lambert (1967), line 126.

11cf. Olhen (1988), vol. I, p. 49, line 12. IThe signs SES.GAL in this text were interpreted as urigallu by Thureau-Dangin. The current interpretation of Je§gallu follows that of von Soden, AHw 1220 sub §e§gallu.

l~e entire corpus of texts appears in Thureau-Dangin (1921:127-154). It is a late Babylonian material written in Standard Babylonian. An English translation appears in ANET pp. 331ff. The line numbering here corresponds to that in Rit. Ace.

Representative occurrences of ellu

Chapter 2: Akkadian elm

70

"Ninahadu 14 will cast the spell! "Whatever evil is in the temple, depart! 382 "Oh great demon, may Bel (Marduk) slay you! "Wherever you are staying, may you be cut off!" 380

In the foregoing passage, we see that the purification of the temple consists of driving out the evil spirits, which constitute the polluting entities in much of Akkadian thinking. This is in contrast to the Sumerian purification (or "sanctification") rituals mentioned previously, such as the sanctification of the city and the temple site by Gudea, where there is no mention of evil spirits. This may suggest a very important difference between KU3 and ellu/eleiu, viz. that while KU3 signifies sanctification in the sense of entering into the realm of the divine, ellu/eieiu may have the basic sense in cultic contexts of "free from demonic influence." In the case of KU3, divine power and influence is actively enjoined, in the case of Akkadian ellu-elelu, the process is rather one of removing impediments to beneficent, supernatural influences. In terms of the means of purification, we know that various substances were used, including water, and certain types of wood. In addition, salt played an important role in some rituals, as attested by an Assyrian ritual from the !Star temple of Nineveh:!5

11. sarru .......... tabtu i-dar-ra-ar 12. kiam iqabbi Assur Ninlil Adad MAS.MAS TI.LA muh-[raJ 13. ina muMi paSsilre ..... [MUN] i-kar-ra-ar2 14. sa telilti ina muMi passuri usetaq qatuM1N pat-rat i-qab-bi 15. ina qabal bili uz-se-taq qabal bili pa-(ir i-qab-bi 16. ina qaqqar se-ha[-a-tiJ u2-s[eJ-taq bi-tu ~a-bit i-qab-bi 17. ina se-eh-ti u2 -se-taq dGIS.[BAR] Ii-iiI i-qab-bi 18. [SEM] en-di iddanan[-maJ dAssur se-me i-qab-bi The king.... (when) he strews salt, speaks thus: "Msur, Ninlil, Adad, Ninurta! Receive life!" Upon the table ..... he shall strew (salt). He shall move the purification (instruments) onto the table (and) say,

He He He He

71

"The hand is released!" shaH move into the middle of the temple and say, "The temple is released!~ shall move onto the floor of the censers and shall say, "The house is taken!" shaH pass among the censers and shall say, "May the fire(god) purify!" shaH offer (incense of) cypress and say, II Mur, receive! Msur, hear! II

2.2.2 Objects Unlike the situation with places, there is no shortage of objects which are modified by the adjective ellu. For example, water is frequently said to be ellu, both in terms of the water used in rituals which is called ~ ellflli,16 and in terms of the source from which it derives, viz the river, or dID ellu.!? Food can also be pure. A bilingual text has the line a-kal sam~e el-lu kuru-[un-na]: "The pure food of heaven (and) fine beer."lS It is noteworthy, however, that this line does not exactly translate the Sumerian of the previous line which is: uz-a-na an-ku3 -ga kas-sag sig-ga, "his food of the holy heaven (and) fine beer." This translation of the Sumerian is based on the -na ("his") which modifies "food".19 Note that in the Sumerian version it is heaven which is "holy," not the food. It is the Sumerian conception that even the food of the gods is not normally "holy", but rather "pure".zo Indeed, there is even one instance where an Akkadian scribe wishes to translate "pure food" (uz-sikil) as akiilu ellu and uses the Sumerogram kU3 to represent ellu!21 This is still another indication that the Akkadian scribes lacked a concept of "holy" in the Sumerian sense. May different kinds of wood were considered to have special cultic

e.g. MaqM III, 87 l1e.g. MaqM III, 87

16

18IV R 19, line 23, cf. Schollmeyer (1912:51). 19/u2-a-ni-a/, the a could be either locative or genitive and was therefore left untranslated for our limited purposes here. We may note, however, that in CAD N1, 239 lex., the a-na is treated as a phonetic gloss for the follOWing an-ku3-ga.

14perhaps the Nin-a-ha-kud-du of Tallqvist, Gotterepitheta, 397f.

2Oe.g. SjOberglBergmann (1969:10),1.4 e 2 du 6 -ku3 u2-sikil-la rig1 -ga, "House, holy mound, where pure food is eaten."

lSph 4123a. A parallel text from the ASSur temple is VAT 8005, cf. Ebeling, OrNS 21, p. 137 (VAT 8005 on p. 129ff.) and van Driel (1969:66).

21IV R 13, 2, 56-57: gilbansur sikH-Ia-ta u:z-sikil i3-ku 2-e, ina pa.Uliri KU 3 akalu KU 3 akul, "I eat the pure (Akk. "holy") food from a pure (Akk. "holy") table.

Representative occurrences of ellu

Olapter 2: Akkadian ellu

72

significance. One of these was cedar, as shown in the following text of Nebuchadnezer: 22

resiiti erenija sa iStu Labnanim qiSti ellim ublam ana sullulu E-ku-a papiiha ilu belUtisu aSte'ma

The best of my cedar, Which I brought from l.enanon, The pure forest, To put a roof on the Ekua, The cella of the god of his lordship, I selected.

Another attestation of cedar as pure is in YBe 5023: dsamaS a-sa-ka-an a-na pi-ia giSerinnam el-la-am, "0 Shamash, I am placing in my mouth pure cedar (resin)" and also, ~-ni-ip giSerinnam el-la-am i-na i-ti-iq pi-ir-ti-ia, "I wrapped pure cedar (resin) in the locks of my hair... 23 Lapis lazuli, a very common component of temple ornamentation in Mesopotamia is called uq-nu-u2 el-lu (HTS 2, line 17) in a context in which it is the material out of which pails are made which are in turn used to draw water from the river to sprinkle on patients.24 In a bit rimki text, the u~uriitu ("designs") are called ella,25 which is a translation of the Sumerian ku3 •

6) i-/i-im Of a god, ma-ar-tuj A-ni-im Daughter of Anu, 8) a-na fe2-mij-sa la2 dam-qi2 -[imJBecause of her poor understanding,

ma-al-ki-sa Her counsel (like that) 10) pa2 -ru-im A-nu-um Of a mule, Anu, a-bu-sa is-tu3 Her father, from 12) sa-ma-e i-pu-~a-si2 Heaven threw her down qa2-qa2-ar-su-um To the earth. 14) a-na fe2-mij-sa la2 dam-qi2 -im For her poor understanding, ma-al-ki-sa saj-ah-i-im! (and) her rebellious

18)

20)

22)

26)

Beings which are described by ellu may be gods, men, or even animals. One of the early attestations of the use of a form of ellu to describe a god occurs in a somewhat problematic lamastu text from the Old Assyrian period.26

is-ti-a-at e-la2-at a-pu-la-at mu-us-ta-ba-ba!-at 4) uj-tuj-kaj-at ils-na-at bu-un-tu3

2)

She is one, she is pure, She is an heiress, She is like a muStabbabbu, She is demonic(?), She is above, the daughter

22Nbk, No. 15. col. iii, lines 21-26. 23cf. Goetze (1968), lines 1 and 7.

counsel, Her hair is released, da-du.-sa sa-ah-fUj Her breasts exposed. a-na be-el la2 i-Ii-Un To him with no god, i-sa-ru-um Straightaway te2 -se2-er se2-er-'a4 -an She heads. The sinew la2-ab2 -i-im tuj-ra-mij of the lion she has made slack, se2 -er-'a4 -an ~u2-ha-ar-ri-im The sinew of the young man wa la2 -i-im And the infant (erasure) ta-ra!-su! She carries away(?). x -ta aS2 -§u-ma ........... . (erasure) ta-na-as-su She carries away.

16) pej-ra-saj wa-sa-ra-at

24)

2.2.3 Beings

Notes: 1) von Soden notes that iStiat is a stative form of istet "one". Indeed, there is a whole string of statives in lines 1-5 and elOOt is likewise a stative of ellu. 2) von Soden assumes that this means that she is born late27 (from apiilu II, "late", AHw 57a, d. alsoAHw 1425, uppultu =SpiiJfrucht), and therefore translatesSpiitgeburt. This is more likely a denominative of apiu, also in a stative form as the other descriptive words in this series in verses 1-5. One may compare the line in Hammurabi law no. 78: a-na kospim (KU3.BABBAR) uz-u[ i-na-ad-di-in sa-m-a-am uz-ui uz-up-pa-al ap-lu-saj Sa ah-hi-sa-ma, "She shall not sell it for money, she shall not appoint another as heir, her inheritance belongs to her brothers. ,,28 3) von Soden points out that in the god list AN=anum, dMus-tab-ba-ab-bu is a demon and that this may therefore be a synonym for LamaStu. He also notes that the name cannot be an Akkadian participle in spite of the mu- because no participle has this vocalization, so it must be a Sumerian load word containing the element mIlS = snake. The CAD (M!2 282), however, relates it to SaMba and translates "flashing demon." 4) cf. AHw 1445a for utukku =demon. Von Soden translates this passage there as "sie ist

24cf. A. Goetze (1955), where the text is treated.

25Borger (1967:11), line 21 + a. 26published by Oay in BIN 4, No. 126. A treatment was offered by von Soden in 1956 (itEine altassyrische Beschworung... ").

73

270p•

cit.

~is suggestion stems from Aaron Shaffer in a personal communication.

Chapter 2: Akkadian ellu

Representative occurrences of ellu

u.-artig". 5) il,-na-at is unique here, as is bu-un-tu. ilJ-na-at could be stative of elenu. buntu could be a unique variation corresponding to the DB poetic form bintu (also found in Arabic). 8) The a-na here and in line 14 means "because of" (oSSum). 10) One could consider either paro = "mule" or parra = "common" (AHw 834), but there is also parro = "improper counsel" (CAD Mil 169). 13) One may analyze qaqar-s-um. For the postulation of -s.. + -urn> -sum cf. F.R. Kraus, '''urnSum' und Verwandtes", RA 62, p. 77. 15) sah'um = rebellious, cf. Lewy, KIH, p. 2. 16) Normally the "a" would be elided into woSrat. For a parallel to this loosening of the hair cf. the treatment of the woman suspected of adultery in Num. 5:18. 19) iSarum can only be an infinitive, for the adjective would be iSrum. 21) von Soden (op. cit.) notes that this is the actual basic form postulated by Landsberger for /iibum (labbu). 23) For wa instead of U3 cf. AHw 1450a. 24) von Soden (op. cit.) says that roSfim is a transitive verb, but the meaning is not clear. He relates it to the Canaanite stem rs and thinks it means here "to do wrong". It does not appear to be related to the verb roSfim = "to receive", because that has a final "i" and the final vowel here is "u".

duties is the phrase: iliinz"mei el-li sa2 ana sar-ru-tum as_mu,3O which Lambert translates as: "The pure god who is suited for kingship. ,,31 An instance of eliu used to describe a person is found in a maqlo' text which reads:

74

The question in this inscription is whether the writer is considering the goddess (or demon) in question to be elUat even after her eviction from heaven, or is he simply describing her condition prior to that eviction. If the former is the case, then ellu would be tied to her nature rather than to her role in heaven. Line 2, however, suggests that the latter is the case because it points out her state before the eviction. Similarly, line 5 seems to indicate that all these descriptive terms refer to her state prior to the expulsion, for in saying "she is(/was) above", it can only refer to her original status. If that is the case, then she was "pure II prior to her expulsion, and one may assume that this purity was subsequently lost, for I know of no other text which considers demons to be ellu. One might think that the gods, at least, would always be considered pure, but this is not the case. Mesopotamian gods could fall from their own grace, as it were. In other words, there were certain rules that had to be followed by the celestial inhabitants (or underworld deities for that matter) in order for them to be permitted to function in the roles of gods. Infractions of those rules caused loss of privileges, and hence, loss of much of what defines godhood. This occurs, for example, in the Myth of Nergal and Ereshkigal when Ereshkigal has intercourse with Erra and then says: mu-suk-ka-leu-ma ul e-bek-ma ul a-da-ni di-ni sa iiiinz"mei raMtl"mei , "I am sexually defiled, I am not pure, I cannot execute the judgment of the great gods. ,,29 Another indication of purity being necessary for the execution of divine

75

iD ellu libj -ba-sa2 li-ih-pi

mt"'ei elltuimei lip-su-ra kis-pi-sa2 u ana-leu ki-ma dID ina mtiti-ia lu ell~leuk" en2 May the pure river shatter her heart, May the pure water dissolve her magic, And may I be pure like the river in the midst of my land! Incantation. 32

Though the supplicant here compares himself to the pure river and uses the adjective ellu to describe his own state after having been freed from the magic spell, it is apparent that he does not use the term in the Sumerian sense of ku3, i.e. that holiness which is associated with entering the realm of the divine, or with imitating or obtaining the essence of divinity. Although he compares himself to the deified river, the comparison is one of "purity" rather than of holiness in the Sumerian sense, because the state he is describing is that of freedom from impurity (the magic spell). This is borne out by another maqla passage:

pa-aSi!)-ru kis-pu-u2 -a [........... ] ina memei (a-[bu-tJi [............... ] ana-leu e-te-[bi-ib ................... ]

The magic spell on me has been dissolved ......... . By the healing water ................... . I am clean ........................... 33 As demonstrated from this last passage, the end state is purity rather than holiness (Le. "godliness"). This is also a good example of the semantic

»W.G. Lambert (1%7), line 157. 31The translation of ellu as "pure" is certainly correct in the cultic sense, for as seen above, it does not mean "holy" in the Sumerian sense. 3~eier (1%7), III, 86-88. The transliteration is that of Meier.

29Gumey (1960:122), lines 7' and 23'.

3~eier (1%7), V, 101-103.

Olapter 2: Akkadian ellu

Representative occurrences of ellu

overlap of ellu and ebbu. In the sense of the aforegoing is still another maqla passage in an incantation against a witch: e-te-lil ki-ma nam-ru ana E z ES.BAR-ia, "I have become pure, like one who shines before my judgment house. "34 In YBC 5023,35 a bara-priest approaches Sama~ and declares that he has placed pure cedar in his mouth and hair and that he is now pure:

then buried. The activities of the seventh house are not entirely clear due to gaps in the text. Among the "incantations" recited by the supplicant, most of which are . addressed to Shamash, the hope is expressed by the supplicant that he may be "pure" (ana-ku lu-bi-ib).42 The impurity he wishes to remove is called either arsu 43 or sartu. 44 In an.y case, the actual impurity is that of a curse (mamitu) which has been placed on him. 45 Laessoe says of this: "It would seem plausible to assume that the seven 'houses' were separate chambers, rather than individual huts, in the main structure which had been erected in the open country with the purpose of forming the setting around the purification ritual. It is suggested that by passing from chamber to chamber, terminating his stay in each with a ritual ablution of the hands (with the apparent exception of the 6. and 7.), and in various ways transferring the evil influences threatening him to images of sorcerers, witches, etc., the king would gradually liquidate the power of witchcraft which had afflicted him, until when leaving the seventh chamber he would emerge freed from all obsessions. 1146 It appears that the evil spell was thought to be effective through the action of demons, so that the plaintiff goes before Shamash in the hopes that Shamash will rule against the demons and thus release him from their influence. 47 Therefore these are purification ceremonies in the sense discussed above, rather than "sanctification" ceremonies, for the king is merely trying to rid himself of evil influences rather than enter the realm of the divine in any way. We might mention in this connection that there was a day called the am rimki, which appears in the series HAR.ra, line 197. It is not certain whether the bit rimki ceremonies were carried out on this day, but in any case, the next line in the series (198) mentions an am te-lil-tum, which translates the Sumerian entry of UD SIKIL.E.DE3, "day to be purified." This demonstrates again that the Akkadian word ellu and its derivatives do not mean more than "pure" in the cultic sense and that there is no Akkadian term which really corresponds to Sumerian KU 3. We might also note in connection with the bit rimki material, that forms of ebbu also occur there. For example, after bathing the king says, lu-bi-ib,

76

1. 9 el-le-ku a-na pu-hu-ur i3-li2 e-~-eh-hi "Being pure, I shall (now) approach the assembly of the gods." Purification of individuals (esp. the king) was accomplished in rituals associated with the bft rimki, "house of bathing." These bathing rituals may have very ancient roots, but the name bft rimki is not known until the Sargonide period. 36 They were held in a temporary structure set up outside of town,37 where the king went to bathe before dawn. Though ritual bathing was known in Mesopotamia already in Gudea's time,38 the Assyrian rituals probably had Hittite influence,39 and the Neo-Assyrian version was not introduced into Babylonia until the time of Shamash-shum-ukin, a king of Assyrian ancestry.40 In this ritual,41 the king enters the first house and the maSmaSu-priest recites an incantation. The king then recites an incantation and washes his hands over the figurine of an enemy who has cast a spell on him or otherwise caused him problems. Next, the king enters the second house. The priest utters an incantation and the king then says the incantation "Shamash, king of heaven and earth, lord of truth and justice!" He then washes his hands over the image of the sorcerer again. Similar activities take place in the third and fourth houses, with the main differences being that different incantations are recited. In the fifth house, the heart of the figurine is pierced with acacia wood and tamarisk. The king then spits on it and it is buried in the corner wall. In the sixth house, images of wax are made, treated with contempt and

34ibid., III, 70. 3Spublished in transliteration and translation by Goetze (1968) ~ (1955:90). 37

ibid., p. 17.

38Gudea, CyJ .A, XVIII 3ff. ~essoe (1955:161).

4Oibid. p.l00. 41

cf. Laessoe's restoration of Kh. 338 on p. 29ff.

42l.aessoe (1955:40), line 46. 43ibid, p. 39, line 32. 44ibid., p. 62, line 90/91. 45ibid., p. 61, lines 72-85.

«t.aessoe (1955:85). 47ibid., p.86/87.

77

79

O1apter 2: Akkadian ellu

Representative occurrences of ellu

"May I be clean!" There is therefore a close connection in cultic usage between ebbu and ellu. The range of ebbu, and the fact that it does not correspond precisely to any Sumerian term is evident in a bit rilnki text in which it is used in one line to translate Sumerian sildl,48 and in another line it translates Sumerian Sen.49 As far as animals are concerned, a pure lamb (puhadu ellu) is mentioned in a Samas text, during part of a ritual in which a sacrificial lamb is prepared. 50 There is also a pure lamb mentioned in a ritual in which the animal is brought before Samas and Adad by the bartl-priest.51

purification (Le. ridding of pollutions) rather than one of sanctification (at least in the Sumerian sense), for the intention here is not to qualify the supplicant to enter the divine presem:e, but rather to rid him of the evil put upon him by others. In the bit rilnk~ rituals there is also mention of the tamarisk as a purifying wood, and the date palm is said to be able to remove

78

sartu. 55

... .

..

Salt appears in the maqla rituals as a purifying substance. It is addressed in a plea that it will rid the supplicant of the magic spell that has been cast on him. The following is from tablet VI.

111. en2 at-ti {fibtu sa2 ina aS2 -ri elli ib-ba-nu-u2

2.2.4 Purifying Substances As was the case with the purification of buildings discussed above, there were also various substances associated with the purification of people. Perhaps the most important substance for purification is water. In addition to the uses of water described above in connection with the akftu festival, there are uses of water in other rituals, such as the bit rflnki rituals. There, for example, the supplicant creates a figurine of the person who presumably cast an evil spell on him, and he then washes himself over that figurine in an effort to transfer the evil back to the original offender by way of the figurine. 52 In addition to water, certain other substances are mentioned as having the quality of "sanctifying". Among these is the tamarisk plant. There is, for example, a maqla text which has the line: giibinu lil-lil-an-ni sa2 qim-ma-tu 2 sa-ru-u2, "May the tamarisk cleanse me, whose crown is luxuriant. ,,53 Since the purpose of the maqla rituals is to "counteract the evil machinations of people through black magic, ,,54 this ritual must be considered one of

48Borger, "Das dritte Haus.... ". p. 6, line 46: a-ku 3 a-sikil-Ia ..., me-e el-lu-ti me-e eb-buti... 49ibid., p. 11, line 22 + a: a-biota sikil-Ia-am3 Sen-Sen-na-am3, ina me-e-su2 el-lu-ti eb-buti.

soSchollmeyer (1912:116), line 11. cf. Gray (1901), PI. XI. SIStarr (1983:30), ~urpal-am !fu2-up-pu-ra-am si-pa-tim el-lam (HMS 7494), which Starr translates as: "a pure ~uppu-Iamb with curly fleece." s2cf. Laessoe (1955:39), lines 38-41. On p. 46 he offers the translation: "Like the water which is removed from my body and comes upon her and her figure - I bathe my sin and my spell over her in water - may any evil which may be in my body, my flesh and my sinews be removed and come upon her and her figure!" s~eier (1967), I, 21. This translation is from CAD Q, 253b. s~einer (1970:2).

112. a-na ma-ka-Ji-e ilanimei rabati mei i-sim-ki den-lil 113. ina ba-U-ki 11.1 is-sak-kan nap-tan ina E 2.KUR 114. ina ba-li-ki ilu sarru Mill. II. ruba 11.1 i~-~i-nu qut-rin-nu 115. ana-ku annanna apil annanna sa2 kis-pi ~u-ub-bu-tu-in-ni

116. up-sa2-se-e li-' -bu-in-ni 117. purri kiS-pi-ia (fibtu pu-us-si-ri ru-hi-e-a 118. up-sa2 -se-e muh-ri-in-ni-ma ktma iii ba-ni-ia 119. lul-tam-mar-ki Incantation: You are salt, which was created in a pure56 place, For the food of the great gods has Enlil set your fate, Without you there is no (sacred) meal in the Ekur, Without you the king, the lord and the prince do not smell the incense. I, so and so, son of so and so, who have been seized by a spell, Witchcraft torments me! Release my spell, Salt! Undo my hex! Remove the witchcraft from me (and) like the god who created me Will I praise you!

SSUtessoe (1955:62), lines 90/91. The nature of the sartu is unclear.

S60ne might be tempted to argue that elli could be translated here as "holy" since an association with the presence of deity appears in line 12, but the translation of "pure" seems more likely since salt is a purifying substance, and "creation in a pure place" is known from Sumerian literature where, e.g. clay for the temple bricks is taken from a "pure place" (ki-sikil) in the Gudea cylinders.

80

Olapter 2: Akkadian ellu

Representative occurrences of ellu

These are typical examples of the occurrences of ellu and its related forms in cultic literature. As noted previously, the word also has non-cultic uses and it is these non-cultic uses which indicate that the word is conceptually closer to English "pure" (which can also have non-religious meanings of "clean", "uncontaminated", and so on) rather then to English "holy", which retains a religious connotation whenever it is used. In that regard, it differs from KU 3, which, like English holy, is never demonstrably devoid of its religious sense. It remains to compare the uses of Akkadian ebbu/ebebu, which is conceptually related to ellu/elelu.

where it occurs in their examples as "pure" rather than "holy!,,63 In the only example where they translate ebbu as "holy", they seem to do so only to avoid redundancy.64 It would thus appear that they are not really distinguishing between "pure" and "holy" in those cases, and therefore the inclusion of "holy" in their list of headings does not need to significantly influence our conclusions. The distinction made between ellu and ebbu in the CAD is articulated in the following comment: "While ebbu (dadag) often appears in literary texts (Sum. and Akk.) in parallelism with ellu (sikH), the latter never refers to physical cleanliness. In reference to metals, stones and certain types of wood, ebbu describes a surface quality, 'shining,' 'lustrous,' etc. In reference to garments, however, it is a synonym of zakll. Apart from OB references to trusted persons, ebbu mostly describes animals, objects and materials for cultic purposes. 1165

2.3 The linguistic range of ebbu/ebebu Another word for "pure" in Akkadian (in addition to ellu) is ebbu in its adjectival from, or ebebu in its verbal form. The opposite, at least in the bit rimki material, is arSu (OB warSum).S7 In that same corpus the king wishes for himself a state of purity after undergoing a ritual in which he bathes over a figure of a person who has presumably cast a spell upon him. After the bathing he makes the statement, ana-ku lu-bi-ib, "May I be pure!" The term ebbu is also used of a garment worn by the king in a sigb-ritua1. 58 The range of ebbu, and the fact that it does not correspond precisely to a single Sumerian term is evident in a bit rimki text in which it is used in one line to translate Sumerian sikil,59 and in another line it translates Sumerian sen,60 while in a Surpu text it translates Sumerian dadag. 61 Additional meanings of ebbu are listed in the CAD as follows: 1. polished, shining, lustrous, clean, pure (in a cubic sense), holy, 2. trustworthy, proper... 62 The only one of the above translations that would not be compatible with our findings here is that of "holy. II If one examines the examples given under that rubric in the CAD, however, one finds that they tend to translate ebbu

S7Laessoe (1955:39), line 32 - [ar~a] u2-tar-~i ana muh-hi-~a2> restored from line 52, p. 40 - [aJr-~a2 u2-tar-~i lim-hur-an-ni-ma, and contrasted with ana-ku lu-bi-[ibJ in line 46,

81

We might object to this distinction, however, because ellu can indeed describe objects free of physical impurities, such as dirty clothes after washing,66and also perhaps water. 67 We might therefore suggest that in relation to the cultic uses of ellu mentioned earlier, ellu may mean "free of demonic influence", while ebbu does not appear to be used in that sense, but rather to be confined to physical purity, as noted in the CAD. The distinction is thus not a matter of which can be used of physical impurities, since that can apply to both, but rather it is a matter of which is applied to the absence of demonic influence, and that function seems to be reserved for ellu. Nevertheless, there is apparently considerable overlap between the two terms, at least during later periods, as indicated by a text of Assurbanipal in which he "cleanses" sanctuaries and filthy streets. We would expect the verb eleiu to be used with the former object and ebebu to occur with the latter, but the reverse is true: ina si-pirz i-sip-pu-ti parakkemd-su-nu ub-bi-ib ul-li-la su-ul-Ji-e-su-nu lu- '-u-ti.

p.40. 58~ubiita ebba ittalbaS, "He shall put on a pure garment", KB VI/2, p. 56ff (= IV R2 54,

No.1), obv. 18. S9Borger (1967:6), line 46: a-ku 3 a-sikil-Ia ... , me-e el-lu-ti me-e eb-bu-ti ... 6Oibid., p. 11, line 22 + a: a-biota sikil-la-amJ Sen-Sen-na-am3, ina me-e-~u2 el-lu-ti eb-bu-ti. 61SUrpU V-VI 168f. amelu ~uatu lilillibib (quoted in CAD E 5b). 62CAD E, p. Ib

~.g. UDU.AMARxSE eb-ba tanaqqu "you sacrifice a pure lamb" (AMI 71, 1:24), and ali sibitte apkalli apst pu-ra-di eb-bu-te, "where are the seven wise men of the Apsu, the pure pariidu-fish?", CAD E, p. 3. akpiriite eb-bi-e-ti ~a"a tulmpppar "you purify the king with holy sanctification rites" (BBR No. 26, ii 2). 6SCAD E, 4a. Ii4t

66Gilg. XI 240, quoted in AHw 204b. ml nullSu ellati VAH 4, 64 II 7, quoted in AHw 204a/b.

67

Olapter 2: Akkadian ellu

Representative occurrences of diu

"By means of the techniques of the purification-priests I 'cleansed' their sanctuaries (and) 'cleansed' their filthy streets. ,,68 One must therefore be cautious in trying to draw too sharp a distinction between the two terms. Nevertheless, we can still maintain the generalization that ellu/elelu appears to have a (perhaps secondary) meaning of "free from demonic influence", while this does not appear to be the case with ebbu/ebebu69, which generally refers to physical purity. This is perhaps why there is a priest called the mullilum but no priest with the title of mubbibum. 70

the concept of purity swallowed up that of holiness.71 Since the basic meaning of ellu/elelu is purity rather than holiness, it would appear that Akkadian religion belongs to that group so described by SOderblom. The meaning of ellu/elelu as determined in this work, however, undoubtedly stems from times preceding the migration of the Akkadians into Mesopotamia and their contact with the Sumerians. After they came into contact with the Sumerians and adopted many of the religious forms and practices of the Sumerians, they would logically have been forced to apply the vocabulary at their disposal, even though it lacked a word for holiness corresponding precisely to Sumerian ku3 , to the new practices and as a rough translation of the new concepts they encountered. It is therefore possible, perhaps even likely, that ellu/elelu took on new, secondary meanings in this new environment. Since the basic meaning was that of purity, if Sooerblom was correct in his assumptions, then we may suspect that prior to their contact with the Sumerians the Akkadians had a religion in which the gods played only a minor role and not the central role. In Sumer, on the other hand, the gods played the central role in religion. It is therefore conceivable, that diu assumed a connotation of awesomeness, and may have even begun to indicate, at least in certain contexts, that which belonged to the realm of the divine. The existence of such secondary meanings is not readily proven, however, and we shall confine ourselves to the position that the primary meaning of ellu/elelu was "pure", "purify" etc., and not attempt to prove any secondary meanings.

82

2.4 ellu/elelu and the anthropological models In terms of the anthropological models discussed in the previous chapter, that of Mary Douglas would appear to be quite applicable to Akkadian religion. We noted that Douglas viewed "holiness" as the opposite of pollution, and she therefore seemed to define holiness as orderliness and completeness, i.e. the opposite of impurity which is basically a state of disorder. Such a definition is not adequate for Sumerian religion, or Israelite religion (as will be discussed in the following chapter) where holiness is not simply a state of purity (which may be a prerequisite for holiness, but is not synonymous with it), but goes beyond that in connoting a sense of belonging to the realm of the divine; nevertheless, in Akkadian religion ellu/eliNu correspond to Douglas' definition quite well, because these terms indicate purity, i.e. freedom from pollution, as their primary meaning, rather than pertaining to the realm of the divine. In that respect, and in accordance with the usage of the English terms which we have espoused in this work, Douglas' definition would be correct for Akkadian religion if she did not use "holiness" as the opposite of impurity, but rather, "purity". The problem in her work thus arises when she confuses purity with holiness, for these two, as has been demonstrated, should be separated conceptually. Douglas' bipolar model fits well with the religions described by SOderblom as being those in which deity never had a central role from the beginning, or where the gods were at least reduced to an insignificant role, so that

Asb. A IV 86-87. This transliteration is taken from M. Streck, Assurbanipal II Teil (Leipzig, 1916), p. 40. 69Although one could argue that freedom from demonic influence is the intent of "cleansing" the parakku in the last text quoted, it could just as well refer to actual physical cleansing, and in any case, this usage is an exception. 70cf. list of priestly titles in Renger (1967:113). We might also note that there is no Sumerian equivalent to this title of mullilum in that list! 68

7lcf. SOderblom (1922:737).

83

Chapter 3 v

Sumerian KU3 and Hebrew QDS The idea that holiness could be defined primarily as "separateness" had long circulated among scholars, and the origin of that idea was attributed by both Snaith (1945:24) and Jenson 1 to Baudissin, who evidently arrived at it by seeing a connection between the root qdS and the root IJ,dS ("new,,). 2 In fact, the idea did not originate with Baudissin, for it already appears among the medieval Jewish commentators, who base their comments on earlier talmudic materia1. 3 As Jenson points out, however, "the theory that the original etymology was separation ... is now abandoned. 114 In its place, Jenson offers us an attractive definition of the basic meaning of qdS, but before we discuss Jenson's proposed definition of holiness, we should mention that there is one more point of confusion that has been present in modem discussions of biblical holiness, and that should be noted because Jenson's definition of holiness depends on his understanding of the other problem, viz. the relationship of holiness to purity.s As was noted in the introduction, there have been writers such as Neusner who have claimed virtual identity for the terms purity and holiness (or more

1(1992:48), note 4.

\ron Baudissin, "Der Begriff der Heiligkeit im alten Testament", in Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, 1878 ii 20. 3cf. Rashi on Lev. 19:2 where he says that qdS means to be prf ("separate") particularly in reference to sexual relations. Nachmanides, commenting on the same verse, disagrees somewhat with Rashi and broadens the concept considerably, for the early rabbis in the Talmud were called "separate" (Le. perushim, "pharisees"), and this was not merely a separateness from sexual transgression. 4(1992:48). note 4. He also gives further references there. sJenson's work will serve as the departure point for our discussion of Hebrew holiness because it is the most recent work to be published at the time of this writing. Moreover, since it contains summaries of previous studies on Hebrew holiness, there will be no need for detailing all of these treatments here. The interested reader is therefore referred to Jenson's book, Graded Holiness, for further references.

Sumerian KU 3 and Hebrew QDS

Olapter3

86

specifically, their Hebrew counterparts).6 There are others, however, such as Wright, 7 who see purity and holiness as separate, and belonging to two distinct pairs of concepts (holy/profane and pure/impure) which interact in the OT in ways that are cultically important. Among those who recognize these two pairs of opposites8 there has been some disagreement as to how those pairs interact. Wright (1992), for example, notes that there are four possible combinations - holy/pure, holy/impure, profane/pure and profane/impure - and claims that all four of those combinations may be found in the Bible. 9 Wenham, on the other hand, saw purity as a prerequisite for holiness and thus ruled out any possibility of an object being simultaneously in both states. He offered this diagram:10 <---- sanctify

<----

<----

cleanse

---->

pollute

clean

holy ----> profane

---->

<---unclean ---->

Jenson provides an explanation that appears preferable to any of the foregoing: "A better suggestion is that holiness (and its opposite, the profane) represents the divine relation to the ordered world, and the clean (with its opposite, the unclean) embraces the normal state of human existence in the earthly realm. The holy-profane pair represents (positively and

6As mentioned in the introduction, Neusner cites Lev. 11:44 and Lev. 21:lOff to support that contention (The Idea of Purity in Ancient Judaism, p. 18 and p. 22). The confusion of the concepts of purity and holiness are already present, at least implicity, in Mary Douglas' Purity and Danger, where she deals with impurity as being basically disorder, and sees holiness as the opposite, thus also representing wholeness or completeness. 7Wright (1992). sntese pairs are mentioned in Lev. 10:10 for example. 9He offers examples such as that of the Red Cow, which is holy because it is a hat;f;at, but appears to be unclean because it is necessary to wash after dealing with it. Some objections could perhaps be raised to each of his four examples, but a discussion of that would be beyond the scope of this study. We may note, however, that Milgrom denies the possibility of the combination of holy with impure, at least as far as the Priestly literature is concerned (Leviticus 1-16, p. 732). lOWenham (1979:19).

87

negatively) the divine sphere, and this may be distinguished from the human sphere (which is marked by the opposition between dean and unclean). The presence of a holy God and a holy sanctuary in the midst of Israel ensures that these two points of view overlap in a complex way.tlll Though the above quote portrays Jenson's concepts of the relationships between purity and holiness, he offers a somewhat more concise definition of holiness itself when he states that "... the 'holy' is defined as that which belongs to the sphere of God's being or activity ... ,,12 We may note here that this definition is essentially the same as that given earlier for Sumerian ku3, i.e. belonging to the sphere of the divine. He continues by pointing out that sanctification can only be performed by God (as one might suspect in view of this definition).13 This furnishes us with an important distinction between purification and sanctification (the two having been frequently equated or confused in the past), viz. that while purification can be performed and achieved by man without divine assistance (by the removal of impurities), sanctification can only be achieved through divine intervention. 14 Up to this point we can accept Jenson's work without reservation. There are, however, two problems to be noted with his otherwise outstanding presentation. The first has to do with the fact that the Hebrew words q6des (the noun form) and qadiis (the adjectival form) are not used in the same contexts: i.e. the one is not just the adjectival form of the other, but rather, they have linguistic ranges that do not overlap significantly. The other problem is the fact that that definition of holiness which he gives does not, in and of itself, allow for gradations of itself, which is the subject of his work. In other words, according to his definition, one would expect to be able to say that either a thing belongs to the

llJenson (1992:47f). 120p. cit., p. 48. We may point out that the idea that holiness was associated with the divine presence was already articulated by Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, p. 142), but Jenson's definition is broader in that the realm of the divine can include such things as sanctuaries even when the deity is not thought to be continually present (Le. occasionally or periodically present).

11oc. cit. 140ne could perhaps argue for a concept existing among the prophets of spiritual purity which can only be achieved through divine assistance, but that would entail an extension of the concept of purity into metaphorical usage which is certainly not primary in meaning and not in evidence in the priestly literature.

88

Chapter 3

realm of the divine (and is therefore holy), or it does not; i.e. holiness is an absolute quality in that sense and thus does not admit gradations. In terms of the first problem, we must say in fairness to Jenson that his undertaking was not intended to be a word study, but rather a structural analysis of holiness within the Israelite cult as represented by the writings of P. For our purposes, however, it will be necessary to deal at the lexical level with the differences between qadOs and qodes, since the survey of the Sumerian word kU 3 was conducted at that level rather than at the funtional or structural level of the cult. If we consider occurrences everywhere in the Bible and not just in P, we find that while the word qodes is used of numerous objects associated with the tabernacle compound, and even as a somewhat generic word for "holy place",ts the word qadOs is only used in conjunction with six things: God (e.g. Hab. 1:12; I Sam. 6:20; Isa. 43:3), the divine name (Ps. 99:3), human beings (e.g. Deut. 14:2; 33:3), the sacrifical court (e.g. Ex. 29:31; Lev. 6:9,19; 7:6; 10:13; 24:9; Ezek. 42:13), the day on which Ezra reads the law (Neh. 8:9, 10, 11), and the water used to test the woman suspected of adultery (Num. 5:17). Thus we see that most of the things called qodes, such as the furnishings in the tabernacle and the sacrifices, are never called qadOs; and those things which are qadOs, are not normally called qodes (the exception being the court which also qualifies as qOdes because it is part of the tabernacle complex). Thus there is very little overlap of these two terms, even though one should expect considerable overlap if qadOs were simply the adjectival form of qodes. If there is no significant overlap between the linguistic ranges of qados and qOdes, then what is the difference between them? If we compare those objects called qodes with those termed qadOs, we can see that there is a dynamism associated with those objects called qadOs that is missing with those called simply qodes. While qodes simply denotes a state of belonging to the realm of the divine, those things which are qadOs all possess the ability to move things (or people) into, or at least toward, the realm of the divine. God, as the source of holiness, is also the primary agent of sanctification, but man can participate in the rituals of sanctification (e.g. of Aaron and his sons) and thereby qualify as qadOs. The sacrificial court helps produce sanctification, or movement toward a state of holiness because it is there that the holy sacrifices are offered and eaten. The water in Num. 5 is "holy" because it moves the suspected adultress

IScf. Milgrom (1991:408).

Sumerian KU 3 and Hebrew QDS

89

either into one sphere (i.e. that of impurity) or the other (Le. that of the pure, and possibly even the sphere of the holy, at least to the extent that all Israel can be considered holy under ideal circumstances). In that sense the water is also dynamic. Finally, the day on which Ezra reads the law could be considered qadOs because it is a day. on which Israel is moved toward a state of holiness by heeding the law which is read. Therefore there is also a dynamism in that day. Thus there is a conceptual difference between qOdes and qadOs, with the latter containing a dynamic quality, while the former merely denotes a state of belonging the the realm of the divine or, in a more concrete sense, to the temple/tabernacle complex, in which case the items located there are perhaps caned qodes by either synecdoche or metonymy.16 This conceptual difference is difficult to express in English, since no such difference exists between "holy" and "holiness"; the former simply being the adjectival form of the latter. We must nevertheless remain cognizant that there is a difference in the Hebrew. In terms of the Sumerian concept, we may observe that kU 3 does not appear to have any dynamic quality such as is found in conjunction with the Hebrew adjective qadOs; rather, it has only the quality of belonging somehow to the sphere of the divine, similar to qodes. There is, however, a significant difference between kU3 and qodes, for the temple is never called simply a kU3 in Sumerian. Other than that, there are many similarities between kU3 and qodes in that both are used in conjunction with the sacred space associated with the ·temple complex, to the furnishings within the temple, and even to the sacrifices offered there. The second problem with Jenson's presentation that we mentioned above is the fact that his definition of holiness would seem to be absolute and not admit gradations, while the point of his presentation is to show that such gradations do indeed exist. This apparent contradiction can be resolved if we accept that the definition he offers applies to the basic meaning of Hebrew qdS, whereas the gradations he discusses are functional distinctions that developed within the priestly cult. The adaptation of the terminology to cultic usage led to a variety of secondary distinctions of qdS in the absence of any alternative terms. Thus, while qodes referred to the state of belonging to the realm of the divine, and did not originally allow for gradations, there was some attempt to adapt the termimology to the cultic gradations by the introduction of the phrase qOdes qodo.Sim (usually translated "holy of holies"). This term, however, was not

l«>rhe larger sense of "realm of the divine" is probably never lost, however, and the temple/tabernacle is simply the tangible, earthly segment of that realm.

90

Sumerian KU 3 and Hebrew QDS

Olapter3

restricted to the adytum and there is enough interchange between the terms qodes and qodes qodaSim to indicate the language was never brought completely into line with the gradations present in the cult.!? The reason for the imperfect correspondence may be that the gradations within the cult were not actually gradations of holiness, i.e. gradations of pertaining to the realm of the divine (which was probably still an "either/or" proposition), but rather gradations with respect to proximity to deity. In other words, whereas virtually everything within the tabernacle compound qualified as qOdes because it belonged to the realm of the divine, the concept of gradation became operative when nearness to YHWH was considered. This is best exemplified by the spatial relationships within the temple/tabernacle. Thus the adytum was superior to the rest of the structure in some respect, but that respect was not the quality of pertaining or not pertaining to the realm of the divine (i.e. "holiness"), but rather, it was superior to the rest of the compound in that it was the location where deity might appear or otherwise be present. As mentioned above, pertaining to the realm of the divine is a broader concept than that of being in the presence of deity. Something can belong to the divine realm and maintain that quality even when deity is not immediately present. For example, YHWH was not present in the Tabernacle at all times, but rather made occasional visits during which his presence might be indicated by smoke or some other sign (e.g. Lev. 9 at the dedication of Aaron and sons). But even when he was not immediately present, the temple appurtenances remained part of the divine realm, i.e. belonged to YHWH and were at his disposal through the agency of his cultic functionaries. A similar situation obtained in Mesopotamia where the temple areas and furnishings were kU3 even though the resident deity was occasionally said to be elsewhere, such as visiting a god in another city. Pertaining to the divine realm and being in the presence of deity are thus related, but nevertheless different concepts. While the word qodes described the first of these concepts in its basic (original) sense, the gradations of space within the Israelite cult were concerned with the second of these concepts. Since there was no separate term in Hebrew to denote the second of these concepts in contradistinction to the first, this gradation of nearness to YHWH could only be hinted at by the use of the term qodes qodasim. In English, we might achieve more clarity if we designated the first of these concepts (Le. the original concept

I1Milgrom discusses the plasticity of these terms to some extent in Leviticus 1-16, pp. 320ff.

91

associated with qodeS) as "the holiness of belonging to the divine," and the second concept, that of proximity to YHWH himself, as "the holiness of proximity to the divine. If we wish to apply this terminology to the Sumerian material, we may say that kU 3 corresponds to the holiness of belonging to the divine, but the available texts do not allow us to conclude that a cuI tic gradation in the sense of the holiness of proximity to the divine was present, and there is certainly no Sumerian term corresponding to Hebrew qodes qodaSim. It

Chapter 4

Summary and Conclusions The occurrences of Sumerian KU3 examined in this study suggest that it is closely associated with the realm of the divine. It is impossible, however, to define its meaning much beyond that except to note that it apparently has a secondary meaning of awesomeness. It is an attribute of many of the cultic items found in the temples, and since there is no indication that these items have any "magic" power, one may perhaps assume that they are simply considered to belong to the realm of the divine (the temple being the interface between the divine realm and the realm of mortals) in much the same way that items in the Israelite temples are considered to belong to the realm of the divine and therefore designated as qOdes. In other words, KU 3 does not appear to indicate divine power in any way, but simply the state of "pertaining" to the world of the gods. Indeed, this assumption is supported rather strongly by the fact that there is another term in Sumerian that is associated with divine power, viz. ME. The second observation to be made concerning KU 3 is that it does not appear to indicate purity in any of the texts cited, at least not in the sense of "free of pollutants." One could argue from some of the texts that purity is associated with KU3, and perhaps even a pre-requisite thereof, but it is not the basic meaning of the word. In order to justify the use of "pure" to translate KU 3 , one would need to find occurrences of the term in contexts that preclude any religious connotation (in order to demonstrate usage similar to that of English "pure"); but even in the loci where KU 3 is associated with other adjectives such as sildl, dadag or sen, which probably suggest visual qualities (and possibly purity in a non-cultic sense), and where a meaning of "pure" or "shining" or the like for KU 3 would seem to fit, one can nevertheless not rule out a religious meaning in those passages. In other words, "holy" fits all occurrences because of its religious connotation of "pertaining to the realm of the divine ",1 whereas "pure" does not

lWe can declare our usage of "holy" in that sense to avoid misunderstandings, but even in common usage, whatever more specific meaning may be attached by various speakers, the more general connotation of "pertaining to the realm of the divine" probably adheres anyway.

Summary and Conclusions

Summary and Conclusions

fit all occurrences. 2 There is an additional problem in transalating KU 3 as "pure" because the English word "pure" can designate a state of freedom from pollutants in objects which have no connection whatsoever to the realm of the divine. The best translation of KU3 in English would therefore be "holy", for whatever the various nuances for that word may be in English usage, it at least tends to be associated with the realm of the divine more constantly (one hesitates to say "always") than "pure." The translation of "pure" is thus misleading and should be reserved for SIKlL and perhaps certain other Sumerian words besides KU3• On the other hand, the Akkadian word ellu and related forms do indicate a state of purity which means freedom from pollutants. It is used in both a cultic and non-cubic sense. In a non-cultic sense, it can mean freedom from dirt (in the case of clothes) or impurities not belonging the same class as the object in question (e.g. impurities in metals) or, in an extended sense, freedom from legal claims. In a cultic sense, where the pollutant is specified, that pollutant appears to be evil spirits in many cases, and perhaps always; so the word dIu (and its related forms) has a different linguistic range from Sumerian KU3 • Whereas the latter basically designates a state of pertaining to the realm of the divine, the former indicates either freedom from physical pollutants, or else freedom from unwanted supernatural influences. In other words, in Akkadian there does not appear to be any word for "holy" in the sense of Sumerian KU3, or in the sense of Hebrew qadfj§ or qode§ (in either the concrete or abstract sense). That would explain why temple utensils are not caned diu to the extent that they are caned KU 3 in Sumerian or qode§ in Hebrew. Even when cedar is called ellu (e.g. in the prayer of the bartl-priest), what is stressed is its purifying quality, rather than any supernatural aspect. In this respect, we may perhaps classify Akkadian religion, at least in its roots (to the extent that its roots can be inferred from linguistic this analysis), with those religions which have purity as

a central concem. 3 We thus see that Sumerian and Akkadian religions must have derived from different sources originally, and even though the Akkadians adopted many of the Sumerian religious forms, both in terms of literature and rituals, the vocabularies suggest somewhat disparate religious concepts. Furthermore, it appears that the Akkadians never totally adopted the Sumerian concepts, for that would have led to the adaptation of certain Akkadian words to translate particular Sumerian key terms on a systematic, consistent basis, meaning that something close to a 1:1 correspondance would be expected to have evolved for certain terms, and that never happened with the terms in question, not even in later periods. In terms of the Hebrew concepts, these are different in content from either ellu or KU3 • There are limited conceptual similarities with KU3 in that the Sumerian adjective and the Hebrew noun form (qijde§) can both be used of objects such as temple utensils to designate a state of pertaining to the realm of the divine. But KU3 does not appear to have to have any of the dynamic quality of objects or categories connected with Hebrew qadfj§ or any of the implied potential power of Hebrew qode§ (when qodes is used in an abstract sense as that by which YHWH swears etc.). diu has no correspondence with Hebrew qadfj§ at all; it is conceptually close to Hebrew raMr when used of physical objects to describe freedom from dirt or impurities, but when used in an abstract, religious sense there is the difference that ellu appears to mean freedom from evil spirits, while Hebrew term tahor is rarely used in an abstract sense, and when it is, there is no sense of freedom from devils or evil influences, but rather, as in the "pure" words of YHWH, freedom from imperfections or shortcomings. Although it is tempting to look to Mesopotamia for influences which might have been formative on Israelite religion, this study has revealed that where some very central religious concepts are concerned, there seems to be little likelihood of borrowing from Mesopotamia, for the Hebrew concepts of holiness are substantially different from the Sumerian concept and there simply is no corresponding Akkadian concept. Moreover, contrary to long-existing assumptions in Assyriology which tended to view Akkadian religion as a continuation of Sumerian religious practices, we have seen that even within the two main traditions of Mesopotamia there is no amalgamation of central concepts where holiness and purity are concerned.

94

20ccurrences of the sign KU3 in compounds such as ku3.babbar ("silver") or guskin (=ku3+gi, "gold") do not necessarily constitute exceptions. Although one might suggest that the use of KU3 in kus.babbar and guSkin (KU3.GI) may derive from the shining quality of those metals when polished, it can also be observed that in Sumerian, compounds are not necessarily equal to the sum of the individual ideograms that are used to write them. It is therefore possible that in the Sumerian mind, guskin did not reflect any of the normal meanings that KU3 has when used alone. If that is so, then the same might also be true for ku3 .babbar.

95

3Sooerblom mentioned religions in India which have purity as a central concern and have no word for "holy". He assumed, however, that they had had an idea of holiness at one time, and that that concept had been displaced by a preoccupation with purity. Perhaps this was the case with Akkadian religion, but that cannot be proven at present.

Bibliography Abusch, Tzvi, "Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Literature: Texts and Studies. 1974 Part I: The Nature of Maqlu: Its Character, Divisions, and Calendrical Setting", JNES XXXIII, 251-262 Alleman, H.C. and Flack, E.E. Old Testament Commentary (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press) 1948 Alp, S. 1983

"Zum Wesen der kultischen Reinigungssubstanz tuhhuessar und die Verbalform tuhSa", Orientalia LII, 14-19

Anderson, Gary A. Sacrifices and Offerings in Ancien t Israel: Studies in their Social 1987 and Political Importance =Harvard Semitic Museum: Harvard Semitic Monograph 41 (Atlanta: Scholars Press) Barton, George A. Miscellaneous Babylonian Inscriptions (New Haven, Conn.: Yale 1918 University Press) The Royal Inscriptions ofSum er andAc cad (New Haven, Conn.: 1949 Yale University Press) Bayliss, Miranda "The Cult of Dead Kin in Assyria and Babylonia", Iraq XXXV, 1973 115-125 Behrens, Hermann Enlil und Ninlil (Rome: Biblical Institute Press) 1978 Benito, C. 1969

"Enki and Ninmah" and "Enid and the World Order" (Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of Penn.)

98

Bibliography

Bibliography

Bikerman, Elie 1946 "Une proclamation seleucide relative au temple de Jerusalem", Syria XXV, 67-85

(Caplice, Richard) 1967b "Namburbi Texts in the British Museum III", Orientalia XXXVI, pp 273-298 1973 liE. NUN in the Mesopotamian literature" Orientalia XLII, 299305

Btau, Joshua and Greenfield, Jonas 1970 "Ugaritic Glosses", BASOR 200, 11-17 BOrker-KHihn, Jutta 1975 "Sulgi badet", ZA 64, 235-240 Borger, Rykle 1967 "Das dritte 'Haus' der Serie bit rimki", JCS 21, 1-17 1974 "Die Beschworungsserie bit meseri und die Himmelfahrt Henochs", JNES XXXIII, 183-196 Brichto, Herbert Chanan 1975 "The Case of the so(a and a Reconsideration of Biblical 'Law"', HUCA XLVI, 55-70 1976 "On Slaughter and Sacrifice, Blood and Atonement," HUCA XLVII, 19-55 Bright, John 1972

A History of Israel, 2nd Ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster)

Burkert, Walter 1985 Greek Religion, trans. John Raffan (Harvard Univ. Press) Burns,I.F. 1922

Burrows, E. 1932

"Holiness (Greek)", in: James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VI, pp 741-743

Carnoy, A.J. 1922

Castellino, G. 1955

Cazelles, H., 1976 1985

99

"Zoroastrianism", in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Ed. Hastings, Vol. XII, 862-868

"Rituals and Prayers against 'Appearing Ghosts'", Orientalia XXIV, pp 240-274 "Impur et sacre a Ugarit ", Al-Bahit (Festschrift J. Henninger, Bonn, 1976),37-47 "Sacre", DB suppl. X, 1343-1346, 1415-1432

Charpin, Dominique 1986 Le clerge d'Ur au siecle d'Hammurabi (Geneva: Librairie Droz) Chiera, E. 1934

Sumerian Tablets of Varied Contents (Univ. of Chicago Press)

Oifford, Richard. J. ~972 The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press) Cohen, Mark, 1976

"Texts from the Andrews University Archeological Museum", RA 70, 129-144

"Problems of the abzu", Orientalia I, 231-256

Caplice, Richard 1965 "Namburbi Texts in the British Museum I", Orientalia XXXIV, 105-131 1967a "Namburbi Texts in the British Museum II", Orientalia XXXVI, pp 1-38

1981 1988

Cooper, J.S. 1978

Sumerian Hymnology: The Er~emma, HUCA Suppl. 2 The Canonical Lamentations of Mesopotamia (Potomac, Maryland: Capital Decisions Limited)

The Return of Ninurta to Nippur

=AnOr. 52

Bibliography

Bibliography

100

(Ebeling, Erich) 1931b Tod und Leben nach den Vorstellungen der Babyionier, I. Teil (Berlin/Leibzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co.) 1951 "Kultische Texte aus Assur", Orientalia xx, 399-405 1954 "Beitriige ~ur Kenntnis der Beschworungsserie Namburbi", RA 48, 178-191

Costecalde, e.B. 1985 "Sacre", DB Suppl. X, 1346-1393, 1393-1415 Daum, Werner

1985 Deimel, A 1914

Ursemitische Religion (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer)

Pantheon Babylonicum (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute)

Edzard, D.O. 1982

Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit einschliesslich der keilalphabetischen Texte ausserhalb Ugarits. Teil I (= AOAT 24, 1976)

Dombart, Th. 1930 Dossin, G. 1966

Der babylonische Turm (=Der alte Orient XXIX)

Eliade, Mircea 1959 The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion (translated by Willard R. Trask; N.Y.: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich) Ellis, Richard 1968 Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press)

"Sur Ie prophetisme a Mari" in La divination en Mesopatamie =RAJ XIV, 77-86

ancienne Douglas, Mary

1966

Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge & K. Paul)

Driver, G.R./Miles, J.e. 1939 "The SAL-ZIKRUM 'Woman-Man' in Old-Babylonian Texts", Iraq VI, 66-70 Durkheim, Emile 1915 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. J. W. Swain (London: G. Allen & Unwin)

Falkenstein, Adam 1931 Die Haupttypen der sumerische Beschworungen (Leipzig: J.e. Hinrichs) "Sumerische religiose Texte", ZA 49, 80-150 1950 1959 Sumerische Gotterlieder I (Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Jahrg. 1959, 1. Abhandlung) 1964 Sumerische Gotterlieder, ZA 56 (= NF 22), 44-129 1965 "Die Anunna in der sumerischen Uberlieferung" in Studies in

19600 1966b

Ebeling, Erich Quellen zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion II 1918

= MVAG

XXIII Aus dem Tagewerk eines assyrischen Zauberpriesters

= MAOG

1931a

5UI

"Zu den akkadischen Nominalformen parsat-, pirsat-, und

pursat-", ZA LXXII, 68-88

Dietrich, M., Loretz, 0., Sanmartin, J.

1976

101

Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, =Assyriological Studies 16 "Wahrsagung in der Sumerischen Uberlieferung" in La divination en Mesopotamie ancienne =RAJ XIV, 45-68 Die Inschriften Gudeas von LagaS (=AnOr 30)

Falkenstein, A/von Soden, W. 1953 Sumerische undakkadischeHymne undGebete (Zurich: Artemis)

Bibliography

102 Farnell, L.R. 1922

"Purification (Greek)" in: James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. X, 482-488

Ferrara, AJ. 1973

Nanna-Suen's Journey to Nippur (Rome: Biblical Institute Pim;)

Foster, B.R. 1980

"The Circuit of Lagash", AfO 28, 141

Fox, Michael V. ed. 1988 Temple in Society (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns) Frank, Karl 1908

Babylonische Beschworungsreliefs =Leipziger semitische Studien III 3 (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs)

Frankfort, Henri 1944 "A Note on the Lady of Birth", JNES III, 198-200 1948 Kingship and the Gods, (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press) Frymer-Kensky, Tikva 1983 "Pollution, Purification and Purgation in Biblical Israel" in The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of his Sixtieth Birthday, edit. Meyers & O'Connor (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns) Gadd, C.J./Legrain, L. 1928 Ur Excavation Texts I (Publications of the Joint Expedition of the British Museum and of the University of Pennsylvania to Mesopotamia) Gadd, C.l 1951 1966

1960

"EN-AN-E-DU", Iraq XIII, 27-39 "Some Babylonian Divinitory Methods and their Inter-relations" in La divinition en Mesopotamie ancienne =RAJ XIV, 21-34 "Rim-Sin Approaches the Grand Entrance", Iraq XXII, 157-165

Bibliography

103

Gammie, John G. 1989 Holiness in Israel (Minneapolis: Fortress Press) de Genouillac, H. 1934 Fouilles~ Telloh Vol. I (paris: P. Geuthner) 1936 Fouilles de Telloh Vol. II (Paris: P. Geuthner) Gnoli, Gherardo 1987 "Zoroastrianism" in Encyclopedia of Religion, Ed. M. Eliade, Vol. 15, 579-591 Goetze, Albrecht 1947 "The Priestly Dress of the Hittite King", JCS I, 176-185 1955 "An Incantation against Diseases", JCS IX, 8-18 "An Old Baylonian Prayer of a Divination Priest", JCS 22,25-29 1968 Gordon, Edmund 1959 Sumerian Proverbs (Philadelphia: Univ. Museum) Gray, Clifton 1901

The SamaS Religious Texts (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press)

Green, W. M. 1978

"The Eridu Lament", JCS XXX, 127-167

Gurney, O.R. 1955 1960

"The Sultantepe Tablets", Anatolian Studies V, 93-113 "The Sultantepe Tablets VII. The Myth of Nergal and Ereskigal", Anatolian Studies X, 105-131

Haller, W. Andrae 1955 Die Heiligtiimer des Gotles Assur und der Sin-SamaS-Tempel in Assur, = WVDOG 67 Hallo, William W., van Dijk, J.J.A. 1968 The Exaltation ofInanna (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press)

104

Bibliography

Bibliography

105

Haran, Menahem 1978 Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Qarendon Press)

Jensen, P. 1915

Harris, Rivkah "The naditu Woman" in Studies Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim 1964 (Workshop of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary), 106-135

Jenson, Philip Peter Graded HolinesS.: A Key to the Priestly Conception of the World 1992 =Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series 106

Heimpel, W. 1981 Hirsch, Hans 1%1

Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion =Archiv fUr Orientforschung, Beiheft 13/14

Horowitz, Wayne Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, unpublished manuscript

La religion sumerienne (Paris: P. Geuthner)

Johns, C.H.W. 1922 "Purification (Babylonian)", in: James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. X, 466-468 Kaplan, J. 1971

~afon

Jacobsen, Thorkild "La geographie et les voies de communication du pays de 1958 Sumer", RA 52, 127-129 1%0 "The Waters of Ur", Iraq XXII, 173-185 "Notes on Nintur", Orientalia 42, 274-298 1973 1976 The Treasures of Darkness (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press) 1987 The Harps That Once... : Sumerian Poetry in Translation (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press) "The Mesopotamian Temple Plan and the kititum Temple" Eretz 1989 Yisraei, Vol. 20, 79*-91 * Jean, Ch.-F. 1931

= Keilschriftliche

Jeremias, Alfred 1913 Handbuch der altorientalischen Geisteskultur (Leipzig: J.c. Hinrichs)

"The Nanshe Hymn", JCS XXXIII, 65-139

Hurowitz, Avigdor 1983 Binyat batei mikdaf I'or ketavim mesopotamiim ufemiim me'araviim, (ph.D. dissertation, Hebrew University)

Texte zur assyrisch-babylonischen Religion Bibliothek VI/2

"Mesopotamian Elements in the Middle Bronze II Culture of Palestine", JNES XXX, 293-307

Kellermann, Diether 1985 "Heiligkeit II. Altes Testament", in Theologische Realenzyklopaedie, Band XIV, 697-703 Kienast, B. 1%5

Klein, Jacob 1981

"Igigu and Anunnakku nach den akkadischen Quellen" in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, = Assyriological Studies 16

Three Sulgi Hymns: Sumerian Royal Hymns Glorifying King SUlgi of Ur (Ramat Gan, Israel: Bar Han Univ. Press)

Kluge, Friedrich 1%7 Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache (Berlin: de Gruyter & Co.)

106

107

Bibliography

Bibliography

Kramer, S. N. 1938 Gilgamesh and the Huluppu-Tree =AS 10 1%1 Sumerian Mythology (N.Y.: Harper) 1%7 "The Death of Ur-Nammu and his Descent to the Netherworld", JCS XXI, 104-122 1%9 The Sacred Marriage Rite (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press)

Langdon, Stephen 1912 Die neubabylonischen Konigsinscriften (Leipzig: J.c. Hinrichs) 1913 Babylonian Liturgies (Paris: P. Geunther) 1914 Historical and Religious- Texts from the Temple Library at Nippur, Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series-A.' Cuneiform Texts, Vol. XXXI 1915 "A Bilingual Tablet from Erech of the First Century B.C.", RA XII,73-84

Kraus, F.R. 1954

Laessoe, J. 1955

"Le role des temples depuis la troisieme dynastie d'Ur jusqu'a la premiere dynastie de Babylone" in Cahiers d'histoire mondiale, Vol. I, 518-545

Studies in the Assyrian Ritual and Series bit rimki, (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard)

Laube, Johannes 1985 "Heiligkeit IV. Systematisch-theologisch", in Theologische Realenzyklopaedie, Band XIV, 708-712 Lenzen, H. 1955

"Mesopotamische Tempelanlagen von der Friihzeit bis zum zweiten Jahrtausend", ZA 51 (=NF 17), 1-36

Lambert, Maurice 1949 "Les Dieux-vivants a l'aube des temps historiques", Sumer V, 8-33 1950 "La cite sainte d'Our a l'epoque d'Our III" Sumer VI, pp 149-164 1951 "En marge du probleme de la siqqurat. Les pontifes du temple d'En-Haut". Sumer VII, 58-65

Levine, Baruch 1974 In the Presence of the Lord: A Study of Cult and Some Cultic Terms in Ancient Israel = Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity, Vol. V, edit. Jacob Neusner (Leiden: Brill)

Lambert, W.G. 1%2a "A Catalogue of Texts and Authors", JCS 16, 59-77 1%2b "La lune chez les Sumeriens" in La lune:mythes et rites = Sources Orientales V, 71-91 1%7 "The Gula Hymn of Bullutsa-rabi ", Orientalia XXXVI, 105-132

Mann, Thomas 1977 Divine Presence and Guidance in Israelite Traditions: The Typology for Exaltation, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press)

Lanczkowski, Guenter 1985 "Heiligkeit I. Religionsgeschkhtlich", in Theologische Realenzyklopaedie, Band XIV, 695-697 Landsberger, Benno 1968 "Jungfraulichkeit: Ein Beitrag zum Thema 'Beilager und Eheschliessung''', Symbolae M. David (Leiden: Brill), 41-105

Levine, Baruch/Hallo, William 1%7 "Offerings to the Temple Gate at Ur" HUCA XXXVIII, 17-48

Mayer, Werner 1990 "Ein Ritual gegen Feindschaft im Museo Nazionale d' Arte Orientale zu Rom", Orientalia LIX, 14-33 Martin, F. 1903

Textes religieux assyriens et accadiens (Paris: Letouzey et Ane)

Meier, Gerhard 1939 "Ein akkadisches Heilungsritual aus Bogazkoy", ZA 45,195- 215 1%7 Die assyrische Beschworungssammlung Maqltl, AfO Beiheft 2

108

Bibliography

Bibliography

Milgrom, Jacob 1%3 "The Biblical Diet Laws as an Ethical System" Interpretation 17, 288-301 1970 "The Term 'Aboda", Studies in Levitical Terminology (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press), 60-87 "Sin-offering or Purification-offering?" VT 21, 237-239 1971 "The Saq hatteruma: A Chapter in Cultic History", Tarbiz 44, 11972/3 14 "Two Kinds of ha((a't", VT 26,333-337 1976a 1976b "Israel's Sanctuary: The Priestly 'Picture of Dorian Gray''', RB 83,390-399 1981a "The Paradox of the Red Cow (Num. xix)" VT 31,62-72 1981b "A Prolegomenon to Leviticus 17:11" JBL 90, 149-156 1991 The Anchor Bible: Leviticus 1-16 (N.Y.: Doubleday)

Radau, Hugo 1911

Morgenstern, Julian

Renger, J. 1967

1966

Rites of Birth, Marriage, Death and Kindred Occasions Among the Semites (Cincinnati: HUC Press)

109

Sumerian Hymns and Prayers to the God Nin-IB from the Temple Library of Nippur, Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series A: Cuneiform Texts, Vol. XXIX, Part 1

Reiner, Erica 1960 1970

Reisner, G. 1896

1%9

"Fortune Telling in Mesopotamia", JNES 19,23-35 Surpu: A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incantations, AfO Beiheft 11

Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen nach Thontafeln griechischer Zeit (Berlin: W. Spemann)

"Untersuchungen zum Priestertum in der altbabylonischen Zeit", ZA 56, 110-188 (Continuation of above) ZA 58, 104-230

Neusner, Jacob

1973

The Idea of Purity in Ancient Judaism (Leiden: Brill)

Ringgren, Helmer

1948 Otto, Rudolf

1924

The Prophetical Conception of Holiness (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz)

The Idea of the Holy (trans. John Harvey; Oxford Univ. Press)

1982

"qdS", Theologisches W6rterbuch zum alten Testament, Vol. III, 306-315

Pallis, Svend

1926

The Babylonian Akitu Festival (Copenhagen: A.F. H0st)

Rosengarten, Yvonne

1977

Sumer et Ie sacre (Paris: E. de Boccard)

Paschen, WHfried

1970

Rein und Unrein: Untersuchung zur biblischen Wortgeschichte (Munich: Kasel Verlag)

Porada, EdithlRasmachi, Faraj 1951 "Nergal in the Old Babylonian Period", Sumer VII, 66-68 Postgate, J.N. 1974

"The bit akiti in Assyrian Nabu Temples", Sumer XXX, 51-74

Saggs, H.W.F. "Ur of the Chaldees: A Problem of Identification", Iraq XXII, 1960 200-209

Sauren, Herbert 1980 "Gatter am Eingang zum Totenreich" in Death in Mesopotamia

(=Mesopotamia 8)

Schollmeyer, P.A.

1912

Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen und Gebete an Somas, =Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums: Supplement 1

Speiser, E.A. 1930 1959

Babylonische Suhneriten

=Leipziger semitische Studien III 1

Schroeder,OUo 1916 "Eine Gotterliste fur den Schulgebrauch", Orientalische Studien

Fritz Hommel zum sechzigsten Geburtstag am 31 Juli 1914 gewidmet = Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft 8, Band I, 175-181 Seux, M.-J. 1967

Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (paris: Letouzey et Ane)

1960

Der Mondgott Nanna in der sumerischen Uberlieferung (Stockholm: Almqvst & Wiksell)

1973

"Miscellaneous Sumerian Hymns", ZA 63, 1-55

Sjoberg, Ake and Bergmann, E.

1969

1983 Starr, Ivan 1983

The Rituals of the Diviner = Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 12

Steible, H. 1967 1975

Ein Lied an den Gott Haja, (Ph.D. dissertation Freiburg) Rimsin, Mein Konig (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner)

Tallqvist, !(nut

1938 Thompson,

Sjoberg, Ake

The Collection ofSumerian Temple Hymns (Locust Valley, N.Y.:

1903 1904

1894

The Religion of the Semites: The Fundamental Institutions (London: A. & c. Black)

Akkadische Gotterepitheta (Studia Orientalia VII)

R.c. The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia, Vol. I (London: Luzac) The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia, Vol. II, (London: Luzac)

Thomsen, Marie-Louise

1984

The Sumerian Language

= Mesopotamia

10 (Copenhagen:

Akademisk Forlag)

J.J. Augustin) Smith, Wm. Robertson

Mesopotamian Origins: The Basic Population of the Near East (philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania) "The Rivers of Paradise",-Festschrift Johannes Friedrich (Heidelberg: C. Winter) Genesis, Anchor Bible (N.Y.: Doubleday)

Schrank, W.

1908

111

Bibliography

Bibliography

110

Thureau-Dangin, F. 1904/5 "Le cylindre A de GU-DE-A", ZA XVIII, 119-141

1907

Die sumerischen und akkadischen Konigsinschriften (Leipzig: J.e. Hinrichs)

Snaith, Norman

1945

1921

Rituels Accadiens (Paris: E. Leroux)

The Distinctive Ideas of the Old Testament (London: Epworth)

SOderblom, Nathan 1922 "Holiness (General and Primitive)" in: James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VI, 731-741

Trenkwalter-Piesl, Helga 1984 "The Procession Street of Marduk in Babylon", Sumer XLI, 36-40

Bibliography

Bibliography

Tsukimotu, Akio 1985 Untersuchungen zur Totenpflege (kispum) im alten Mesopotamien in AOAT Band 216 (1985), Ph.D. dissertation for the University of Tubingen 1989 "Emar and the Old Testament Preliminary Remarks", Annual of the Japanese Biblical Institute XV,3-24

Weinfeld, Moshe 1981 "Sabbath, Temple and the Enthronement of the Lord - The Problem of the Sitz im Leben of Genesis 1:1 - 2:3", Melanges bibliques et orientaux en l'honneur de M. Henri Cazelles = AOAT 212, 501-512

112

Wenham, GJ. 1979 The Book of Leviticus (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans)

van Buren, E. Douglas 1933/4 "A Qay Relief in the Iraq Museum", AfO IX, 165-171 van der Toom, K. 1985 Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia (Assen: van Gorcum) van Dijk, J. 1960 1971

1973

van Driel 1969

Sumerische Gatterlieder II (Heidelberg: C. Winter) Nicht-kanonische Beschwarungen und sonstige literarische Texte =Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmiiler der staatlichen Museen zu Berlin "Un rituel de purification des armes et de l'armee: Essai de traduction de YBC 4184" in Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Liagre Bahi dedicatae (Leiden: Brill), 107-117

Whitehouse, Owen, C. 1922 "Holiness (Semitic)" in: James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VI, 751-759 Woolley, Leonard 1939 Ur Excavations V: The Ziggurat and its Surroundings Wright, David P. 1987 The Disposal of Impurity, SBL Dissertation Series 101 1992 "Holiness (OT)", Anchor Bible Dictionary Wurzburg, Walter 1987 "Atonement", Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. M. Eliade, Vol. I, 493-495 Yoshikawa, Mamoro 1985 "Lagash and Ki-Lakash, Unug and Ki-Unug", Acta Sumerologica 7, 157-164

The Cult of Assur (Assen: van Gorcum)

de Vaux, Roland 1964 Studies in Old Testament SacrifICe (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press) Volk, Konrad Die Balag-Komposition URU2-AM2-MA-IR-RA-BI 1989 burger altorientalische Studien, Band 18

113

= Frei-

von Soden, Wolfram 1956 "Eine altassyrische Beschworung gegen die Damonin LamaStu", Orientalia 25, 141 ff. 1971 "Der grosse Hymnus an Nabu", ZA 61, 44-71

Zimmerli, Walter 1980 '''Heiligkeit' nach dem sogenannten Heiligkeitsgetz", VT XXX, 493-512 Zimmem, H. 1914 1918/19

"Zu den Maqlu-, Surpu- und Su-ila-Beschworungen" ZA 28, 67-74 "Der Schenkenliebeszauber", ZA 32, 164-184

INDICES 1. Selected Sumerian terms The word kU 3 is not listed per se in this section, but combinations of kU3 with other nouns are listed. a-dadag 28 a-ku3 28,44 a-Ial-ku3 25 a-sa14 -bar-ra 9, 13 a-sikH 28, 44 a-sen-sen-na 28, 44 ab 2-ku3 32 abzu 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 19, 31, 37, 38,

44 alam 9, 14 ambar 9 an 5,20,21 an-dul 7 9 as-me 9 balag-ku3 25 bansur-ku3 24 bara 2-ku3 26 bur-ku3 24 dadag 14, 44 dara-ku3-abzu 31 dingir-gub-ba 7, 9 dU6 9 du4-ku3 34 du6-ku3 19, 20 du ll -ku3 10, 16 du6-bara2-gal-mah 6 dub-la-mah 6 du8 -mah 37 DUB.PISAN3-ku3 25

dumu-e 2 9 dur2-u2-zu-uk-ka 9 e 2 5,9 e2-k~-ga 33 e2-kur 5 ensi 23 erin 9, 27, 35 es3-gal-mah 9 es3-ku3-mah 9, 16 ezen 32,33 gaI 4-la-ku3 31 gi-BAD 9,13 gi 6 -par4 42 gi 6 -par4 -ku3 18 gi-zi-ku3 -ku3 9 gigir-ku3 27 gir3 6 gis-bur2 9, 13 gis-hur 9, 10, 38 gis-ig 9 gis-sag-ku1 2 9 gis-su-min3 9 gis-tag 15, 16 gizkim 16, 43 hi-li-sU 3-SU 3 9, 13 hub 2-sar-sar 8 hur-sag 8, 9, 14, 33 ia-ab 2-ku3-ga 32 i1 2-ku3 26

116

isib 41 izi 35, 42 ka2-gal-mah 6 ka2-na 9, 13

KAxSU-ku3 34 kalam 6 ki 5, 1528 ki-gal 12 ki-gar 9 ki-ku3 6, 16 ki-nam-ti-la 6 ki-si-a 9 ki-ttiS 5 ki-ur3 6, 7, 8 kingal 9, 12 kissa 33 ku3-zu 34 kU4 7 kun4 9 kur 6, 19 dlama-mah 9, 10 lu 2-ku3 31 lugal 8, 16, 43 lu-bala 33 me 8,29,38,41,52,92 me-lam 2 9 me-ze 2-ku3 25 mi 2-du ll -ga 9, 14 naga 38,39 nam-mah-gal 9 nam-nun-na 8 nam-til 7, 8 nam-sub 25 ni 3 -na 10, 15, 16 nidba-ku 3 16, 43 nun 8 nun-sag-kal 6

Indices

Indices

sag-du8 9 sag-il2 8 sag-sag 10, 15 sangu 33,41 sar 10, 15 si-gar 9 si-ku3 27 sikil 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 67, 81 sHim 7 siskur 2-ku3-sikil 16, 43 sug-ku3 9, 16 sub 35 sur6 12 sa3 -ku3 9, 16, 30 semS-ku3 25 sen 14, 17 sir3 -ku3 33 su-ku3 16, 30, 43 te-me 9, 14 temen 42 ti-lim-da-ku 3 24 tu 6 -ku3-ga 34 tur3 40 uJud 8 u4 -sakar 9, 14 u3-sub-ku3 26 u 2-zu-uk 9, 14 ub-ku3 9, 16 ~usub-ku3

24 34

uh 4-ku3 ul-gur3-ru 9, 13 ur-sag 26 uri 2 6 uru-ku 3 21, 22, 23 us 42 za-gin3 9, 13 zabar-ku3 24

117

2. Selected Akkadian terms

agubba 12, 45 akftu 68 ankurfl. 8 apsfl. 68 biibu 13 biirfl. 78 beriltu 12 bit rimki 19, 42, 44, 76, 80 dappu 13 ebbu 45,68,76,80,81 ebebu 80 elelu 68, 70, 80, 81, 82, 83 ellu 45, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 76, 81, 82,83,94,95 emqu 34 ilum erebum 8 isinnu 32 kanakku 13 kisfl. 13

- lamassum 8 lamaStu 72 maqLa 75,78 maSmaSu 69 m~ elLati 71 mullilum 82 milLa 13 parak simiiti 69 parrfl.

74

par:ru 12, 41, 72 sangammahu 41 sedum 8 sesgallu 68, 69 surpu 14, 16 tillu 13 tubqu 12 u:ruriitu 72 ussu 13 zakfl. 81

3. Key Hebrew terms

qadVs 87, 88, 89, 94, 95 qOdes 5, 17, 24, 87, 88, 89, 90,

(qodeS) {ahor

91, 93, 94, 95 45,95

4. Personal and Place Names

Adad 18,78 Amar-Sin 18 An 21,29,30

Anunnaki 20 baba 20, 21, 22, 23, 30 Bagara 2

118

Dilmun 23, 24 Dubaragalmah 6, 7 Dugab-sugigi 6, 7 Dugab-utabbi 6, 7 Banna 23 Bannatum 31 Ebabbar 39 Eden 24 Ekisnugal 7, 9, 10, 11, 15, 18, 26, 43 Ekua 69,72 Ekur 5,79 Enanedu 14, 18, 37 Enbilulu 38, 39 Eninnu 26 Enki 27, 33, 38, 39, 40 Enlil 5, 7, 27, 29, 30, 79 Ensignun 27 Enun(na) 18, 19, 39 Eres 7 Erishkigal 74 Eridu 7,27,29,33,41,42,44,69 Esagila 8, 68 E-temen-ni-gur 15, 26 Eudul 69 Gatumdug 22, 23, 30 Giparku 17, 18, 19 Girsu 7, 21, 22, 23 Gudea 21, 22, 45 Gula 24,26 al Hibba 22, 23 Inanna 15~, 28, 30, 31, 52, 58 Isin 24 Kul(l)ab 23 Kusu 69 Labnanu 39 Lagash 22, 23 Larsa 6 Lugalbanda 30

Indices

Indices

Lugal-zagesi 31 Marduk 17, 38, 69, 70 Nabu 17 Nanna 6, 8, 10, 15, 16, 18, 27, 37, 43 Nanshe 33 Nebuchadnezer 72 Nergal 74 Ni-erim-utabbi 6, 7 Ni-erim-u'urur 6, 7 Nina 23 Ninahadu 69, 70 Ninegal 24 Ningal 10, 15, 16, 18, 26, 43 Ningirsu 22, 26, 36, 42, 43 Ningublaga 18 Ninhursag 31 Ninisina 24 Ninki 38 Ninkinu 39 NinlH 7, 27 Ninsun 30 Ninsuna 23 NinSubur 29 Nippur 7,8 Rim-Sin 6, 7, 8, 10, 15, 30 Sala 18 Shakanshabar 36 Shamash/Samas 7, 20, 76, 77, 78 Shulgi/Sulgi 8, 28 Sirara 23 Solomon 12 Tello 2 Ur 6, 7, 22, 27 Ur-Ninurta 5 Unug 23 Utu 19 Warad-Sin 30 Zagros 20

119

5. Texts

source BIN IV no. 126 crXVI 2 Cohen (1981) ErSemma 159 . Enanedu EnId and the World Order Gudea Cyl A II V

XIII XXVII IV Gudea Cyl B IX Gudea Statue B III IV Gudea Statue C III Gudea Statue G Gudea Statue H N. 2289 (cf. Langdon 1914) Ph. 4123a Rit. ace (p. 127ff.) Shulgi A Shulgi D Shulgi X

Sk 193

lines

page

all 72-75 13-20 14

72f. 34 24f. 42 44 34 26

148 1 5-7 24-29 8 24 1-2 12 7-9

1-10 6-7 11-16 1-5

1-10 11-18

42 42f. 35

21 20 33 7Of. 69f.

8

295 66-67 141 rev. 1-3

21 28 26 25f. 31 14 18f.

4 88-95

YBC4184

26 35

48

Tab. IX UET VI/l 67

106 134 V R 50 + 51

44

372-383

Surpu Tab. I

103 105

35 5

1-10

37

8-9 27 41 52 33-41 1-47

44 44 44 6f. 8ff.

38

37

1-7 34-35 1-6 1

16 18 19f.

12

120

6. General Index

abzu (cf. Sumerian index) adytum 15, 90 animism 2 anthropology 1, 4 basket 26 bloo d 25,61 boots 28,29 bread 11 brick(s) 43, 45 brickmold 26 cedar 10, 27, 45, 72 cella 6, 11, 16 childbirth 26 church 51 cistern 8 cows 11, 13, 32 dais 26 deity/deities 11, 16, 17, 19, 27, 46, 47,49,52 donkey 27 drum 25 earth 15, 16 festival 32, 33 fire 35 flood 38 foundation 11, 12, 14, 35, 43 gate 6,8, 10 god(s) 10, 11, 17, 20, 26, 27, 29, 31, 36, 39, 47, 48, 50, 53, 55, 79 godhead 47,55,61,65 godhood 37 heaven(s) 5, 14, 15, 16,20,42,59 hermeneutics 2 hill 7, 10 holiness 1, 2, 3, 4, 12, 24, 31, 32, 39, 41, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, 54,

121

Indices

Indices

(holiness) 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64, 65, 68, 75, 82, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90,91,95 holy 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 14, 17, 20, 22, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37, 39, 40, 48, 54, 55, 56, 61, 64, 65, 67, 68, 80,81,88,89,93,94 incantation 14, 20,34, 39, 42, 75 Israelite(s) 1, 46, 47 Ja'inism 50 judgment 19, 20 juniper 27,36 hlng 6, 18, 23, 37, 43, 54, 76, 79 language 2, 3 lapis-lazuli 33, 72 magur-boat 27 mana 53,54 marsh 11,32 Mesopotamia 1 methodology 1 mild 11,32 mountain(s) 11, 14, 19, 20, 27, 33, 36,38,41,59 mysterium 57, 58 naturism 2 New Year's Festival 32f. numen 56 offering(s) 11, 15, 16, 25, 36, 43 oil 11 pholosophy 2, 4 plate 25 pollutant(s) 45, 93, 94 pollution 46, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 82 pond 11, 12 prayer(s) 34, 36, 43 priest(s) 31, 33, 41, 54

profane 51, 52, 54, 58, 62 psychology 2 pure 1, 3, 10, 14, 19, 41, 42, 43, 45, 67, 72, 74, 75, 80, 81, 93, 94 purification 8, 14, 43, 60, 64,°70, 77,78,79,87 purify 44, 45, 69, 79 purity 1, 3, 4, 31, 36, 45, 46, 55, 57,58,59,60,68,75,85,86 queen 43 religion 1, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 55, 61,83,94 ritual(s) 6, 28, 31, 41, 46, 49, 60, 64,70 sacred 4, 5, 23, 29, 45, 50, 51, 52, 62,64 sacrifice(s) 16, 43 saliva 34 salt 70, 79 sanctification 8, 14,35,36,43,59, 64,70,77,87,88 sanctify 31 sanctity 4 sanctuary 10, 11, 12, 23, 33, 38, 47

sanctus 4 scepter 28, 29 serpent 31 shrine(s) 6,8, 44 stag 31 statue(s) 6, 13 table 25 taboo/tabu 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 64 tamarisk 27, 78 temple 5, 6, 10, 11, 17, 19,22,23, 25, 31, 32, 33, 37, 43, 44, 45, 49, 52, 55, 58, 59, 68, 70, 71, 72,89,93,95 terrace 6, 8 Testament, Old 3 theology 2, 4 throne 7,43 vulva 31 wagon 27 wall 6, 10, 14, 33 water 25,28 witchcraft 77, 79 wood 71 woman 11 ziggurat 6, 8, 15, 18, 22, 27

Ugarit-Verlag Munster Ricarda-Huch-StraBe 6, D-48161 Miinster

Abhandlungen Bd. 1 Bd.2

Bd.3

Bd.4 Bd.5 Bd.6 Bd.7

WI'

Literalur Alt-Syrien-Paliistinas (ALASP)

Herausgeber:Manfried DIEIRICH - Oswald LOREIZ Manfried DIEIRICH -Oswald LOREIZ, Die Keilalphabete. Die phOnizisch-kanaaniiischen und altarabischenAlphabete in Ugarit. 1988 (ISBN 3-927120-00-6), 376 S., DM 89,--. Josef TROPPER, Der ugaritische Kausativstamm und die KausativbildJ.tngen des Semitischen. Eine morphologisch-semantische Untersuchung zum S-Stamm und zu den umstrittenen nichtsibilantischen Kausativstiimmen des Ugaritischen. 1990 (ISBN 3-927120-06-5), 252 S., DM 68,--. Manfried DIEIRICH - Oswald LOREIZ, Mantik in Ugarit. Keilalphabetische Texte der Opferschau - Omensammlungen - Nekromantie. Mit Beitriigen von Hilmar W. Duerbeck - Jan-Waalke Meyer - Waltraut C. Seitter. 1990 (ISBN 3-927120-05-7), 320 S., DM 94,--. Manfried DIEfRlCH - Oswald LOREIZ, Konig Idrimi von Alala~. Fred RENFROE, Arabic-Ugaritic Lexical Studies. 1992 (ISBN 3-927120-09-X). 212 S., DM 74,--. Josef TROPPER, Die Inschriften von Zincirli. Neue Edition und vergleichende Grammatik des phOnizischen, sam 'alisehen und aramiiisehen Textkorpus. 1993 (ISBN 3-927120-14-6). XII + 364 S., DM 105,--. UGARIT - ein ostmediterranes Kulturzentrum im Alten Orient. Ergebnisse und Perspektiven der Forsehung. Vortriige gehaIten wiihrend des Europaischen Kolloquiums am 11.-12. Februar 1993, hrsg. von Manfried DIEIRICH und Oswald LOREIZ. 1994 (ISBN 3-927120-17-O)(im Druck).

Ugaritisch-Biblische Literalur (VEL) Bd. 1 Bd.2 Bd.3 Bd.4 Bd.5 Bd.6

Herausgeber: Oswald LOREIZ Oswald LoRETl, Der Prolog des Iesaja-Buehes (1,1-2,5). Ugaritologische und kolometrische Studien zum Iesaja-Bueh 1. 1984 (ISBN 3-88733-054-4), 171 S., DM 49,80. Oswald LoRETl, Psalm 29. Kanaaniiische El- und Baaltraditionen in jiidiseher Sicht. 1984 (ISBN 3-88733-055-2), 168 S., DM 49,80 - Neuauflage UBL 7. Oswald LOREIZ, Leberschau, Siindenbock, Asasel in Ugarit und Israel. Lebersehau undiahwestatue in Psalm 27, Psalm 74.1985 (ISBN 3-88733-061-7),136 S., DM 44,80. Oswald LOREIZ, Regenritual und Iahwetag im Ioelbueh. Kanaaniiischer Hintergrund, Kolometrie, Aufbau und Symbolik eines Prophetenbuches. 1986 (ISBN 388733-068-4), 189 S., DM 59,80. Oswald LOREIZ - Ingo KOITSIEPER, Colometry in Ugaritie and Biblical Poetry. IntrodJ.tction, Illustrations and Topical Bibliography. 1987 (ISBN 3-88733-074-9), 166 pp., DM 49,80. Oswald LOREIZ, Die Konigspsalmen. Die altorientalisch-kanaaniiisehe Konigstradition in jiidiseher Sieht. Teil 1. Ps. 20; 21; 72; 101 und 144. Mit einem Beitrag von Ingo Kottsieper zu Papyrus Amherst. 1988 (ISBN 3-927120-01-4), 261 S., DM 78,--.

Rd. 7

Rd. 8 Rd. 9 Rd. 10

Oswald LORErZ, Ugarit-Texte und Thronbesteigungspsalmen. Die Metamorphose des Regenspenders Baal-Jahwe (Ps. 24,7-10; 29; 47; 93; 95-100 sowie Ps. 77,1720; 114) -Erweiterte Auflage von UBL 2. 1984-. 1988 (ISBN 3-927120-04-9), 550 S., DM 90,--. Marjo C.A. KORPFL, A Rift in the Clouds. Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine. 1990 (ISBN 3-927120-07-3), 736 S., DM 105,--. Manfried DIEfRICH - Oswald LORErZ, "yahwe und seine Aschera". Anthropomorphes Kultbild in Mesopotamien, Ugarit, Israel - Das biblische Bilderverbot. 1992 (ISBN 3-927120-08-1), 220 S., DM 74,--. Marvin H. POPE, Probative Pontificating in Ugaritic and Biblical Literature Collected Essays. Ed. by Mark S. SMIll-I. 1994 (ISBN 3-927120-15-4), xvi + 406 S., DM 106,--.

Alterlumskunde des Vorderen Orients (AVO) Archaologische Studien zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten Orients

Rd. 1

Rd. 2 Rd. 3 Rd. 4

Herausgeber: Manfried DIEfRICH - Oswald LOREIZ Mitwirkende: Nadja Cholidis - Maria Krafeld-Daugherty - Ellen Rehrn Nadja CHOUDlS, Mabel in Ton - Untersuchungen zur archiiologischen und religionsgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der Terrakottamodelle von Tischen, Stiihlen und Betten aus dem Alten Orient. 1992 (ISBN 3-927120-10-3), XII + 323 S. + 46 Taf., DM 116,--. Ellen REHM, Der Schmuck der Achiimeniden. 1992 (ISBN 3-927120-11-1), X + 358 S. + 107 Taf., DM 122,-Maria KRAFFLD-DAUGHERTI, Wohnen im Alten Orient - Eine Untersuchung zur Verwendung von Riiumen in altorientalischen Wohnhiiusern. 1994 (ISBN 3-927120-16-2), x + 404 S. + 41 Tafeln (irn Druck). Beschreiben und Deuten in der Archiiologie des Alten Orients. Festschrift for Ruth MAYER-OPIFIC/uS mit Beitriigen von Freunden und Schillem. Hrsg. von Manfried DIEfRICH und Oswald LORETZ. 1994 (ISBN 3-927120-18-9), XI + 345 S. mit 256 Abb., DM 116,--.

Eikon Beitriige zur antiken Bildersprache

Rd. 1 Rd. 2

Herausgeber: Klaus SfAHLER Klaus SfAHLER, Griechische Geschichtsbilder klassischer Zeit. 1992 (ISBN 3927120-12-X), X + 120 S. + 8 Taf., DM 39,80. Klaus SfAHLER, Form und Funktion: Kunstwerke als politisches Ausdrucksmittel. 1994 (ISBN 3-927120-13-8), X + 115 S. mit 143 Abb. (irn Druck)

Bei einern Abonnernent der Reihen liegen die angegebenen Preise urn ca. 15% tiefer.

Auslieferung durch Distributed by: Comelsen Verlagsgesellschaft Postfach 8729

Distributor to North America:

D·33609 Bielefeld

Winona Lake, Ind. 46590

Eisenbrauns, Inc. Publishers and Booksellers POB 275 U.S.A.