History of Universities: Volume XXII 2

History of Universities VOLUME XXII/2 2007 History of Universities is published bi-annually Editor: Mordechai Feing...

Author: Mordechai Feingold

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History of Universities

VOLUME XXII/2

2007

History of Universities is published bi-annually Editor: Mordechai Feingold (California Institute of Technology) Managing Editor: Jane Finucane (Trinity College, Dublin) Editorial Board: R. D. Anderson (University of Edinburgh) L. W. Brockliss (Magdalen College, Oxford) C. Toniolo Fascione (University of Rome, Tor Vergata) W. Frijhoff (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam) N. Hammerstein (University of Frankfurt) D. Julia (Institut Universitaire Europ´een, Florence) M. Nelissen (Leuven) H. de Ridder-Symoens (Ghent) S. Rothblatt (University of California, Berkeley) N. G. Siraisi (Hunter College, New York) A leaﬂet ‘Notes to OUP Authors’ is available on request from the editor. To set up a standing order for History of Universities contact Standing Orders, Oxford University Press, Saxon Way West, Corby, NN18 9ES; Email: [email protected] Tel: 01536 741017

History of Universities VOLUME XXII/2 2007 Special Issue: The Coll`ege de Montaigu at the University of Paris. Aspects of its Institutional and Intellectual History (14th–18th Century). Guest Editor: Paul J. J. M. Bakker

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Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With ofﬁces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Oxford University Press 2008

The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2008 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available Typeset by Laserwords Private Limited, Chennai, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Biddles Ltd, King’s Lynn, Norfolk ISBN 978–0–19–922749–5 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2

Contents

Articles Preface Paul J.J.M. Bakker Landmarks for a History of the University of Paris at the Time of Jean Standonck Jacques Verger

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Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer of the University of Paris in the Early Modern Era James K. Farge

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‘Si Sit Clericus Superveniens De Genere Nostro’: The Parlement of Paris and the Foundation of the Coll`ege de Montaigu Serge Lusignan

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The Coll`ege de Montaigu Before Standonck William J. Courtenay

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The Statutes of the Coll`ege de Montaigu: Prelude to a Future Edition Paul J.J.M. Bakker

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The Coll`ege de Montaigu in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Laurence W.B. Brockliss

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Review Essay What Went On at the University of Paris in the Fourteenth Century? Edith Dudley Sylla

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Bibliography

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Preface Paul J.J.M. Bakker

From a tiny foundation of six student burses established at the beginning of the fourteenth century, the Coll`ege de Montaigu developed, from the late ﬁfteenth century onwards, into one of the most important colleges at the University of Paris. The college counted among its members many inﬂuential university professors, most notably John Mair (1467–1550) and No¨el Beda (1470–1537). In addition, prominent humanists such as Desiderius Erasmus (1469–1536) and Franc¸ois Rabelais (1494–1553), and church reformers such as Ignatius of Loyola (1491–1556), Jean Calvin (1509–1564), and John Knox (1514–1572) lived in the college (although not always to their delight). It is therefore not too much of an exaggeration to say that the Coll`ege de Montaigu occupies a central place in the history of Renaissance scholasticism, humanism and church reform. This special issue of History of Universities aims at presenting some important aspects of the institutional and intellectual history of the Coll`ege de Montaigu, from the fourteenth to the eighteenth century. By way of an introduction, Jacques Verger presents a rough sketch of the University of Paris in the second half of the ﬁfteenth century, the period during which the college started to grow vigorously. James K. Farge offers a detailed account of the various sources available for the study of the college’s history, especially from a prosopographical point of view. Serge Lusignan examines the long and complex history of the college’s foundation, from the early fourteenth until the early ﬁfteenth century. He corrects the received view of the college’s history by showing that the original foundation of Gilles Aycelin de Montaigu comprised only student burses, and that the Coll`ege de Montaigu as a university college did not exist before 1402. The period between the foundation of the college and the appointment of its most celebrated and inﬂuential principal, Jean Standonck of Malines, in 1483, is studied by William J. Courtenay. Paul J.J.M. Bakker studies the development of the college

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in the ﬁfteenth and early sixteenth centuries by focusing on four sets of statutes of the college (1402, 1499, 1503, and 1509). Finally, Laurence W.B. Brockliss highlights some episodes from the college’s history in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, paying particular attention to some of the college’s professors of that period (Janus Cecilius Frey [ca. 1580–1631] and Jean Denyse [dates unknown]). All six articles were originally presented at a conference held at Radboud University Nijmegen. The conference was hosted and sponsored by the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Natural Philosophy and by the Radboud University’s interdisciplinary research programme Christian Cultural Heritage. My sincere thanks go to the director of the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Natural Philosophy, Professor Hans Thijssen, and to the steering committee of the research programme Christian Cultural Heritage, who encouraged the original idea of this conference and rendered its organization possible. The papers that were read at the conference have been strongly revised for publication as articles in this special issue of History of Universities. It is my pleasure to thank Professor Mordechai Feingold for accepting these articles, for his many helpful suggestions, and for his constant encouragement during the editorial process. Center for Medieval and Renaissance Natural Philosophy Faculty of Philosophy Radboud University Nijmegen P.O. Box 9103 6500 HD Nijmegen The Netherlands

Landmarks for a History of the University of Paris at the Time of Jean Standonck Jacques Verger

The aim of this paper is to present at least a broad account of the general university context in which Jean Standonck as principal reformed and renewed the Coll`ege de Montaigu. I shall adopt as my timeframe the period suggested by the history of the University of Paris itself, as well as by recent scholarship, rather than by Standonck’s own presence in Paris or the contemporary reigns of Louis XI (1461–1483), Charles VIII (1483–1498), and Louis XII (1498–1515). Whatever timeframe is chosen, however, one point of departure is inevitable: the so-called reform of Cardinal Guillaume d’Estouteville (May 4, 1452).1 We know that this fundamental text corresponds to the most important of the ‘general reformations’ the University of Paris experienced between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries.2 Should this text be read, above all, as the ﬁnal accomplishment of the medieval university, sanctioning by its very deﬁciencies, the institutional and pedagogical stagnation of the alma mater? And did it, in sanctioning this stagnation, pave the way for a political takeover by royal power and the loss of the university’s intellectual credibility vis-`a-vis other milieus and establishments? This pessimistic reading was the one produced by traditional scholarship and presumably inspired the editors of the Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis to conclude the ﬁnal volume of their important publication with this text. Nonetheless, today we are rather more tempted to see in Cardinal d’Estouteville’s reform, if not the birth of the modern university, then at least an important step in a progressive evolution, at a time when the University of Paris was still far from having lost its prestige and dynamism. The very tone of the preamble to the reform, which is actually quite moderate, nowhere betrays the least sense of serious crisis or decline: instead, it reveals the desire to restore discipline and adapt to current times.3 Pedagogical adaptation was feasible because

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the programmes and methods were not so rigid that all innovation was unattainable.4 Likewise, institutional change was possible. For in no way were the masters stripped of the entire extent of their autonomy and initiative, even if they had henceforth to compromise with the demands of political power. And at least some of these masters must have participated in the development of the reform in collaboration with royal commissioners who themselves were often university graduates.5 Besides, the reform itself was only a normative framework. Even though it obviously became the reference text, the history of the following decades clearly shows that it was implemented only gradually, perhaps even partially. Various ‘moderations’ were opportunely introduced by modifying clauses that were considered too restrictive.6 Even if Cardinal d’Estouteville’s reform was above all a stage in the centuries-long history of the University of Paris, it does unfortunately stand for a genuine rupture from a documentary and historiographical point of view. It is easily observed that the majority of recent studies focusing on the history of the University of Paris in the Middle Ages stop after the ﬁrst half of the ﬁfteenth century.7 On the other hand, the relatively few studies on the university in the modern period only take up the subject at about 1500.8 Thus, the second half of the ﬁfteenth century can still be rightly considered a terra incognita. It is indeed a general characteristic of French historiography to underrate the second half of this century, a no man’s land between the Middle Ages and the Modern Era. Specialists of one or the other period are generally reluctant to venture into it. But in the case of the University of Paris, the fact that the Chartularium stops at 1452 evidently exacerbates the situation and explains the virtual lack of scholarship on the years between 1450 and 1500. After 1452, historians have no guide or points of reference. This state of affairs is just as surprising as it is disastrous for a good understanding of the historical development of the period.9 Of course, scholarship on this period is not entirely wanting. One can name, here and there, certain older and more recent works, for example histories of colleges or monographs devoted to particular professors.10 But these are few in number and there exists no attempted synthesis which would allow these works to be put in context. Augustin Renaudet’s groundbreaking book is indeed a mine of information, but its perspective is not directly that of a history of the University of Paris. Besides, Renaudet’s approach is obviously dominated by a slightly

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outdated vision of the rigidity of scholasticism and the disorganization of university education.11 Nevertheless, the documentation exists. Historians have at their disposal many old catalogues and reference works (by C´esar-Egasse du Boulay, Michel F´elibien, and Charles Jourdain)12 and the edited registers for the nations13 and faculties of canon law and medicine.14 There are also more literary sources, such as Robert Gaguin’s letters and speeches,15 or the correspondence of the Amerbachs.16 Not to mention the presumably considerable quantity of unedited documents harboured in the Vatican Archives, the Archives nationales of Paris (especially the registers of the Parlement of Paris), the Biblioth`eque nationale de France and the Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne). A systematic inventory of this documentation would be an indispensable preliminary step before one could undertake any in-depth research on the University of Paris in the second half of the ﬁfteenth century. The ambition of this paper is of course not to write this history, nor to attempt a synthesis. Such a synthesis, which could only be based on sparse and heterogeneous data, would be necessarily premature and illusive. However, from surveys of the existing literature and reference works, it seems possible to point out some lines of research, indeed to formulate some hypotheses that future scholarship could put to the test. The ﬁrst problem to tackle is of a quantitative nature: the attendance patterns of both masters and students. The preserved documents provide only partial clues, from which we must try to extrapolate. In this way, Laurence Brockliss has successfully established that there were between eleven and twelve thousand students in arts and a few hundred in each of the higher faculties during the 1480s.17 These high ﬁgures are surprising; they would represent practically triple the number of students compared to the admittedly difﬁcult years at the beginning of the century. But how can they be explained? Was there really a rapid and continuous increase in the student population as there was in Germany in the same period?18 Or should we suppose that the ﬁgures were inﬂated by the fact that a certain number of ‘little colleges’, ‘p´edagogies’, or grammar schools were incorporated into the faculty of arts? In any event, the remarkable growth of attendance is indisputable, and contemporaries were themselves aware of it themselves.19 The geographical context of this increase must also be evaluated. Does the increase mean that there was a revival of the peregrinatio academica

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in favour of Paris—as there was in Italy in the same period20 —and, if so, what were the major axes? Or did the growth rely mostly on an increased inﬂux of French students, which no doubt included a larger proportion of Southerners?21 Perhaps we should also take into account the fact that the university began to recruit from wider social strata: while retaining a heterogenous intake, the institution appealed more than before to higher social classes, especially the nobility, who were henceforth less resistant to university studies. In any case, the phenomenon of increased attendance raises a certain number of problems for which the available documents, at least on ﬁrst reading, supply only ambiguous answers,. A related problem is of a ﬁnancial nature: even if the overall context was one of economic renewal, who ﬁnanced this increase? The university as such does not seem noticeably to have augmented its own resources. So where did the money come from? From the students themselves (and their families)? Or from the colleges? A detailed study of colleges’ properties and revenues—which would be possible for at least some of them—would probably provide the elements of an answer. It would also be interesting to know if colleges and p´edagogies really succeeded, as Cardinal d’Estouteville had hoped they would, in satisfying the growing needs for student housing in a city which saw renewed pressure on the real estate market in this period. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the church had played an essential role in ﬁnancing studies by generously granting masters and students ecclesiastical beneﬁces with exemption from residence. Had this boon dried up in the ﬁfteenth century? Academics themselves would gladly delude one into believing that it had. They continuously denounced the disastrous effects of the so-called Pragmatique Sanction of 1438, and tried to renew the ancient procedures of sending rotuli to Rome in application for papal provisions and expectatives.22 Here, again, only local monographs supplemented by a systematic examination of materials in the Vatican archives from the second half of the ﬁfteenth century would allow us to evaluate the credibility of these repeated complaints. It is certain that colleges and p´edagogies played an increasingly important role in all aspects of university life. From this time on, their ofﬁcials, priors and principals had total control over all the activities of the faculty of arts.23 In addition to their traditional role of providing housing for statutory boursiers, these houses frequently received paying

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boarders, maintained libraries, and organized complementary instruction or education de plein exercice.24 It would be necessary to investigate further the respective roles in this process of other educational institutions, such as the convent schools of the religious orders, the oldest secular houses (Sorbonne and Navarre), more recent and restored foundations (e.g. Sainte-Barbe or Montaigu), and ﬁnally those less-known and lessdocumented institutions whose existence is nonetheless irrefutable. This requires the production of a number of specialized monographs, each dedicated to a speciﬁc institution, according to the availability of archival sources. However, to gain an adequate understanding of the particular educational activities of the institution in question, it would be absolutely necessary to place them against the background of what we could call the university cosmos. The growth of the University of Paris in the second half of the ﬁfteenth century is all the more remarkable because it takes place in the context of heightened competition. There was a proliferation of new studia generalia in central and northern Europe, where the English-German nation of the Paris faculty of arts recruited its students, and we must remember that Parisian academics tried to oppose the creation of new universities in their traditional area of inﬂuence, such as Caen or Bourges.25 Not only were these efforts fruitless: the new establishments also seem to have been successful, as has been shown for Poitiers and Caen and was also presumably the case for Nantes and Bourges.26 Nevertheless, it appears that this did not cause any lasting harm to the University of Paris. Complementary, rather than competitive, relations were established between the University of Paris and the closest provincial universities.27 Obviously, these quantitative considerations do not explain everything, even if they do constitute a ﬁrst criticism of the traditional picture of the decline of the university at the end of the Middle Ages. In support of this traditional view, historians have emphasized on the one hand the political subservience of the university and the end of the ancient libertas scolastica. On the other hand, they have stressed the university’s intellectual rigidity and the missed opportunity presented by humanism, famously subjected to Rabelais’s irony in his Pantagruel.28 Without revising entirely this severe verdict, it is certainly important to bring some serious corrections to bear. To begin with, let us take up the issue of the the relationship of the University of Paris with royal power. From the middle of the ﬁfteenth century, and indeed even much earlier, we see more and

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more indisputable signs of a loss of autonomy. Although the principle of granting juridical and ﬁscal privileges to academics was not reconsidered, the practice was much more tightly managed and diverse arrangements were made to track down false students, university ofﬁcials, and clients (suppositi) who abused these privileges.29 Justice, i.e. the Parlement (whose interference was not particularly new) and royal administrative bodies, notably the Cour des aides (Board of Excise), could from now intervene directly in the university’s affairs.30 Evidently they did so at the expense of traditional ecclesiastical jurisdiction—of the bishop, of the Conservator of apostolic privileges, and of the pope himself. The old Christian ideal of universalism, to which the university claimed to adhere, succumbed to the rise of national constraints and sympathies. In 1471, king Louis XI was able to authorize the expulsion of foreign students, in this particular case the Burgundians, who had refused to swear a special oath of ﬁdelity to him.31 The same monarch, in 1474, demanded that the ofﬁce of rector be reserved for a master native to the kingdom.32 Equally symbolic of the decline of university liberties was the withdrawal, in 1499, of the right to strike, which had been one of the most important weapons available to Parisian masters and students for defending their rights and freedoms since 1215.33 All these observations are true, and we could add many others, but it would be advisable to nuance them in a number of different ways. First of all, it would be incorrect to consider these observations an indication either of any particular determination on the part of royal power against the university or of the propagation of various abuses and disturbances within the university itself. They concern a much larger issue at stake in the political history of the time, viz. the integration of previously moreor-less autonomous institutions into ‘the common law of the kingdom’. Royal power, constantly strengthening itself, would no longer permit such institutions to escape its control by claiming their own privileges or the protection of external authorities such as the papacy.34 Nevertheless, within this monarchical and national order, Parisian academics managed to preserve their identity and their privileged personal status. They succeeded in doing so because they had not remained entirely inert or impotent in the face of this evolution. The compendia of Du Boulay and Jourdain show us, on the contrary, a history of the University of Paris during the second half of the ﬁfteenth century, which still consisted largely of conﬂicts with authority, protests, strikes and trials. A systematic perusal of the registers of the Parlement would certainly allow one to add to this list.35

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Despite Charles VII’s letters, dated March 26, 1446,36 the university retained direct access the king on those occasions when it wanted to elude the Parlement’s control. Conversely, the university could rely on the Parlement to obstruct the registration of certain unwelcome royal prescriptions.37 Resistance, as in the case of opposition to the foundation of the University of Bourges, was occasionally futile. But sometimes it was effective: from 1479, we witness the reappearance of rectors from outside the kingdom, which Louis XI had prohibited in 1474.38 Certainly, and to a greater extent than have previously been the case, the University of Paris did not balk at publicly displaying its loyalty and love for the prince on the occasion of victories, peace treaties, and royal entries and funerals.39 Why would the university do otherwise? It had presumably learnt from the unfortunate experience of the period between 1413 and 1435, when its Burgundian sympathies had cost it dearly. In any event, it seems not to have become embroiled in the political troubles and princely revolts of the second half of the century, such as the war of the Ligue du Bien Public (1465) and the so-called ‘Mad War’ (La Guerre Folle) (1485).40 However, when its immediate interests were at stake, the university had the capacity to resist external power energetically, opposing the Pragmatique Sanction steadfastly or denouncing the abuses of certain royal ofﬁcers vis-`a-vis the university.41 It could even refuse the king particular symbolic satisfactions, such as the granting of doctorates honoris causa.42 In fact, we can conclude that, at least under normal circumstances, the masters kept most of their prerogatives, even though some powers had to be handed over to the chancellor or to the bishop.43 This somehow established a system of co-management of the university shared between the masters and royal power. This allowed the masters to safeguard their ‘university identity’ (to use an expression coined by Serge Lusignan44 ) while French society was tranformed by the general strengthening of monarchical power. For the masters this ‘university identity’ was presumably essential: otherwise, the rector’s ofﬁce would surely not have maintained the prestige for which the many intrigues and shows of ambition of this period offer proof.45 It would be easy to demonstrate that the university was not an isolated case in this respect. One could show without difﬁculty that this development towards a suitable and well-tempered ‘co-management’, rather than towards pure and simple servitude to an absolute power, equally characterized the French king’s relations with, for example, the

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Gallican church or the bonnes villes of the kingdom during the same period.46 The same could be said concerning the measures that were taken during the continuation of the 1452 reform to control and improve the moral standards in university life. Those measures aimed at, for example, the ‘fˆete des fous’,47 and at the so-called martinets, i.e. the students who managed to avoid the boarding system of the p´edagogies and the colleges and who were blamed for many disturbances.48 Such measures were as much the result of royal will calling the university to heel as they were the outcome of the masters’ intitative and their very conscious desire to better integrate the university into the order henceforth imposed on all of society, thereby strengthening their own authority. The other reproach traditionally levelled at the university in the second half of the ﬁfteenth century was the inﬂexibility of its education and its refusal to engage with new ideas, in particular with humanism. If this notion has not now been rejected, it has at least been put in perspective, in the context of a broader and more nuanced approach to the intellectual history of the period. Indeed, we have long known that the refusal to engage with new humanist ideas, coming mostly from Italy, was not absolute. We know this thanks to lists of library holdings and monographs of authors who taught at the University of Paris at one time or another. Many Italians or Greco-Italians, following Tifernate, and native French, such as Guillaume Fichet, Guillaume Tardif, and Robert Gaguin, were housed in the colleges where they offered free and optional courses in rhetoric, poetry and Greek on a more-or-less regular basis. These courses indisputably carried the mark of the new times.49 They also introduced particular classical texts in Paris and works by Italian masters, beginning with Lorenzo Valla’s Elegantiae.50 It is indeed true that these innovative teachings continued to be in the minority (and even marginal), irregular and occasionally of mediocre quality. But even though these educational innovations are far from having been adequately studied, the fact of their existence sufﬁces to conﬁrm that the university’s refusal of humanism was not total. In the complex and diverse world of a late medieval university, itself rapidly expanding, quite a few heterogeneous intellectual movements could be integrated. This process of integration happened all the more easily because the defenders of old scholasticism and the partisans of new ideas were not necessarily opposed to one another. On the contrary, they were sometimes the very same men. Fichet and Gaguin, for instance, were admirers of classical culture and professors of rhetoric, and were at the

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same time ofﬁcial university masters, the former in theology, the latter in canon law.51 More broadly speaking, it is perhaps because of an anachronistic illusion that we are tempted to interpret the contrast beween medieval traditions and new ideas as the clash between a rigid, ossiﬁed education and a radically new dynamic culture that had entirely broken with what had preceded it and continued to surround it. In fact, the traditional debates characteristic of medieval philosophy and theology remained fully alive in the Paris of the second half of the ﬁfteenth century. And these debates continued to provoke strong passions, whether they concerned Averroism, which was constantly being revived; or nominalism, which lay at the centre of an intricate dispute that led to its interdiction in 1474 and to its reintroduction eight years later; or the discussion on the Immaculate Conception.52 Recent studies on some of these traditional questions clearly show that the debates were neither entirely sterile nor totally cut off from new humanist trends. Nor were they totally devoid of current social, religious, and political concerns: concerns which could go beyond the milieu of a single university to command the attention of the prince and his counsellors, and that resonated in other universities and cultural milieus. In short, although the University of Paris at the time of Jean Standonck is still poorly understood, the elements that we already possess reveal that it was lively, institutionally sound, socially dynamic, culturally prestigious, respected by authorities,53 and, apart from a few cutting words from Louis XI, generally spared criticism.54 The university’s power of attraction remained strong, as much for the ‘reformers’, like Standonck himself and at least some of the humanists who had difﬁculties in gaining recognition, as for the ‘conservatives’. These ‘conservatives’ saw the university less as the bastion of ancient culture than as the stronghold of the established political and religious order.55 This history deserves to be written, and the present volume on the Coll`ege de Montaigu opportunely adds its own contribution to this ever-evolving enterprise. (Translated from the French by Jenny Pelletier and Paul J.J.M. Bakker.) University of Paris –Sorbonne 1 rue Victor-Cousin F—75005 Paris France

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REFERENCES 1. The text of this reform is published in Heinrich Deniﬂe and Emile Chatelain (eds), Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (4 vols, Paris, 1889–97) (henceforth cited as CUP), iv. 713–34, no 2690. 2. For a general assessment and contextualization of this reform, see Jacques Verger, ‘Les universit´es franc¸aises au XVe si`ecle: crise et tentatives de r´eforme’, in Jacques Verger, Les universit´es franc¸aises au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1995), 228–55. 3. The preamble blames the consequences of the Hundred Years’ War and the excesses of those who abused university privileges; but it does not speak of the decline nor even of threats to the existence and functioning of the University (CUP iv. 714–15). 4. We should note at least, in the reform of 1452, the introduction of the ars metriﬁcandi at the faculty of arts as well as a particular insistence on teaching the Ethics (CUP iv. 728–9). 5. Even if royal commissioners assisted Cardinal d’Estouteville in composing the text of 1452, this reform did not give the French king’s ofﬁcers any new opportunities for direct interference in the affairs of the university. On the contrary, these matters continued to be managed by the masters, whose authority vis-`a-vis the students was reinforced. Cf. Verger, ‘Les universit´es franc¸aises au XVe si`ecle’. 6. For example, as early as 1458, the faculty of canon law obtained such a ‘moderation’ from a new legate, Cardinal Alain de Co¨etivy; this was an important revision of the 1452 reform. Cf. Charles Jourdain, Index chronologicus chartarum pertinentium ad historiam Universitatis Parisiensis (Paris, 1862), no 1321. 7. To cite only some examples: Mineo Tanaka, La nation anglo-allemande de l’Universit´e de Paris a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age (Paris, 1990) (which in fact stops in 1452); Nathalie Gorochov, Le coll`ege de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au d´ebut du XV e si`ecle (1418): histoire de l’institution, de sa vie intellectuelle et de son recrutement (Paris, 1997); Serge Lusignan, ‘V´erit´e garde le roy’: la construction d’une identit´e universitaire en France ( XIII e — XV e si`ecle) (Paris, 1999) (which ends in 1448); and Thierry Kouam´e, Le Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age. Strat´egies politiques et parcours individuels a` l’Universit´e de Paris (1370–1458) (Leiden, 2005). 8. Speciﬁcally, James K. Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500–1543 (Leiden, 1985). 9. To give an example which is almost a caricature: in his Nouvelle histoire de Paris: Paris au XV e si`ecle, 1380–1500 (Paris, 1974), Jean Favier devotes a chapter of 37 pages to the University (199–235) and only the last page mentions anything about the period from 1452 to 1500! 10. For the colleges, one can mention amongst others older works such as Jules Quicherat, Histoire de Sainte-Barbe: coll`ege, communaut´e, institution (3 vols, Paris, 1860–1864), Marcel Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu

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12.

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15. 16. 17.

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19. 20.

21.

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(1490–1580) (Paris, 1912), or, more recently, the work of C´ecile Fabris, Etudier et vivre a` Paris au Moyen Age. Le Coll`ege de Laon ( XIV e — XV e si`ecles) (Paris, 2005). For monographs on masters like Fichet, Tardif, and Gaguin, I refer to the works of Evencio Beltran, speciﬁcally to his article ‘L’humanisme franc¸ais au temps de Charles VII et Louis XI’, in Carla Bozzolo and Ezio Ornato (eds), Pr´eludes a` la Renaissance. Aspects de la vie intellectuelle en France au XV e si`ecle (Paris, 1992), 123–162, which provides a bibliography of older works. Augustin Renaudet, Pr´er´eforme et humanisme a` Paris pendant les premi`eres guerres d’Italie (1494–1517) (Paris, 1916, 2nd edn Paris, 1953, repr. Gen`eve, 1981). C´esar-Egasse du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis (6 vols, Paris, 1665–73, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966), v. 578–850. Michel F´elibien and Guy-Alexis Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris (5 vols, Paris, 1725). Jourdain, Index chronologicus. Concerning the second half of the ﬁfteenth century, cf. Heinrich Deniﬂe and Emile Chatelain (eds), Auctarium chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, (6 vols, Paris, 1894–1964), vols 2–6. On the former, cf. Marcel Fournier and L´eon Dorez, La Facult´e de D´ecret de l’Universit´e de Paris au XV e si`ecle (4 vols, Paris, 1895–1942). On the latter, cf. Ernest Wickersheimer (ed.), Commentaires de la Facult´e de m´edecine de l’universit´e de Paris (1395–1516) (Paris, 1915). Unfortunately there are no published records for the faculty of theology before the sixteenth century. Louis Thuasne (ed.), Roberti Gaguini epistole et orationes (2 vols, Paris, 1903–1904). Alfred Hartmann and Beat Rudolf Jenny (eds), Die Amerbachkorrespondenz (6 vols, Basel, 1942–1967), i., ii. Laurence W.B. Brockliss, ‘Patterns of Attendance at the University of Paris, 1400–1800’, in: Dominique Julia and Jacques Revel (eds), Les universit´es europ´eennes du XVI e au XVIII e si`ecle. Histoire sociale des populations e´ tudiantes, 2: France (Paris, 1989), 487–526, in particular 488–499. As was clearly shown by Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universit¨atsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert. Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches (Stuttgart, 1986). In 1498, for instance, a statute of the faculty of arts reported an increase in the number of regents (cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 824). This is what James K. Farge claims in ‘Was Paris a Regional or an International University in the Era of the Renaissance?’, in Michel Bideaux and Marie-Madeleine Fragonard (eds), Les e´ changes entre les universit´es europ´eennes a` la Renaissance. (Gen`eve, 2003), 61–6. The claim is based, admittedly, on documents dating from the 1520s. Cf. Jacques Verger, ‘Les e´ tudiants m´eridionaux a` Paris au Moyen Age: quelques remarques’, in Pierre Bonnassie et Jean-Bernard Marquette (eds), Cadres de vie et soci´et´e dans le Midi m´edi´eval. Hommage a` Charles Higounet = Annales du Midi 102 (1990), 359–66.

12

History of Universities

22. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 656, 671. 23. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 658, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1349 and 1463. 24. This development, observable in many Parisian colleges, is well illustrated in the work of Kouam´e, Le Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais, even if his study stops at 1458. 25. The documents (complaints and trials at the Parlement) revealing the opposition between the University of Paris and the foundations at Caen and Bourges are published in Marcel Fournier, Les statuts et privil`eges des universit´es franc¸aises depuis leur fondation jusqu’en 1789 (4 vols, Paris, 1890–94), iii. 147–8, nos 1645–46; 192–93, no 1666; and 420–28, no 1858. 26. On the foundation and ﬁrst rapid development of the University of Poitiers, see Robert Favreau, ‘L’Universit´e de Poitiers et la soci´et´e poitevine a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age’, in Jacquet Paquet and Jozef IJsewijn (eds), Les universit´es a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age. Actes du congr`es international Louvain 26–30 mai 1975 (Leuven, 1978), 549–583. For the University of Caen, see Lyse Roy, L’universit´e de Caen aux XV e et XVI e si`ecles. Identit´e et repr´esentation (Leiden, 2006). Unfortunately the universities of Nantes and Bourges have not yet been the subjects of such detailed studies. 27. Concerning Caen, for example, Roy, L’universit´e de Caen, has observed that it was largely the faculty of arts in that city that experienced rapid growth; for the higher faculties, many Norman students maintained a preference for Paris. 28. Franc¸ois Rabelais, Œuvres compl`etes, ed. Guy Demerson (Paris 1973, 2nd edn Paris, 1995), 326–430. 29. Cf. Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1238, 1437, 1474, and 1521. 30. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 634, 644, 578, 782, 824, and 830, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1301–6, 1308, 1330, 1489, and 1502. See also Serge Lusignan’s contribution (‘Si Sit Clericus Superveniens de Genere Nostro’: The Parlement of Paris and the Foundation of the Coll`ege de Montaigu’, 28–53) in the present volume. 31. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 691–2. 32. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 716. 33. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 830, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, no 1527. 34. This theme of the integration of the University of Paris into the ‘common law of the kingdom’ is developed notably by Jacques Verger, ‘The University of Paris at the End of the Hundred Years’ War’, in Jacques Verger, Les universit´es franc¸aises au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1995), 199–227, and Simone Roux, La rive gauche des escholiers (XV e si`ecle) (Paris, 1992). 35. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 578, 781, and 830, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1301–1306, 1344, 1427, 1439, 1473, etc. 36. CUP iv: 669–71, no 2608. These letters conﬁrm that the Parlement of Paris was competent to handle all the affairs of the university with sovereign power, and that the king would refuse to receive these appeals personally from then on.

Landmarks for a History

13

37. On direct appeals to the king, cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 590 and 657, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, no 1444. On resistance to royal ordonnances, cf. Jourdain, Index chronologicus, no 1351, 1523, and supra, n. 25. 38. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 716. 39. For example, Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v, 578, 658, 698, and 703, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, no 1442. 40. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 680 and 747. 41. Cf. Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1301–1306, 1330, and 1360. 42. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 724. 43. For example, Jourdain, Index chronologicus, no 1351. 44. Lusignan, ‘V´erit´e garde le roy’. The overall aim of this book is to show how this ‘university identity’ constructed itself through the relations between the university and the king and his justice. 45. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 590, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1407–1408, and 1489. 46. On the relationship between the French king and the bonnes villes, see Bernard Chevalier, Les bonnes villes de France du XIV e au XVI e si`ecle (Paris, 1982). 47. Cf. Jourdain, Index chronologicus, no 1369. 48. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 658, 703, and 732, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1298, 1349, 1463, and 1473. 49. On humanist teachings, see Renaudet, Pr´er´eforme et humanisme, passim, and Beltran, ‘L’humanisme franc¸ais’. 50. Cf. Jeanne Veyrin-Forrer, ‘Aux origines de l’imprimerie franc¸aise. L’atelier de la Sorbonne et ses m´ec`enes, 1470–1473’, in: L’Art du livre a` l’Imprimerie nationale (Paris, 1973), 32–53. 51. On Fichet and Gaguin, see the studies of Franco Simone, ‘Guillaume Fichet retore ed umanista’, Memorie della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, Ser. II, 69 (1939), 103–144, and Id., ‘Robert Gaguin e il suo cenacolo umanistico’, Aevum 13 (1939), 440–54. 52. Cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 706 and 747, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1361, 1389, 1430, and 1516. 53. From Charles VII to Louis XII, no king neglected to renew solemnly the privileges of the university (cf. Du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, v. 652, and Jourdain, Index chronologicus, nos 1342, 1453, 1458, and 1519). 54. ‘Vous ne valez point que je me mˆele de vous!’ –so he is said to have replied to a delegation from the university (cited in Favier, Nouvelle histoire de Paris: Paris au XV e si`ecle, 235). 55. The idea of a ‘conservative party’ leaning on the university, and especially the faculty of theology, has been advanced, particularly for the sixteenth century, by James K. Farge, Le parti conservateur au XVI e si`ecle. Universit´e et Parlement de Paris a` l’´epoque de la Renaissance et de la R´eforme (Paris, 1992).

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer of the University of Paris in the Early Modern Era James K. Farge

On Easter Sunday 1525, a nurse employed to care for an elderly woman on the rue des Noyers in Paris was intent on going to early Mass. Opening the front door she found her way blocked by a pile of books and papers that someone had pushed through the grill of the outer gate during the night. She called the woman’s daughter, who exclaimed (and we quote her very words, as recorded by a notary): Lou´e soit Dieu de paradis et madame Saincte Barbe! je croy que veci bonnes nouvelles; car monsieur a perdu beaucoup de registres et y a longtemps qu’il s’en plaint; je croy que les vecy, se Dieu plaist . . .

A cleric who was passing by also recognized the handwriting in the registers, and helped her carry the books and papers to the room of her brother who, we are told, was not yet awake.1 This anecdote would never have been recorded by a Paris notary or recounted here nearly ﬁve hundred years later had this woman’s brother who lost and then recovered those documents not been Master Simon Le Roux, the scribe of the University of Paris from 1503 to 1537. The very fact that he called in a notary to record the recovery of those documents, written in his own hand, is proof that they were university records which he was charged to compile and to conserve. The notary, alas! did not make a list of the registers and papers recovered that Easter morning. Nevertheless, their recovery endowed us with the earliest and most complete collection of records that we possess about a large number of Parisian students and teachers on the threshold of the French Renaissance. Le Roux’s documentary legacy, however, poses two problems for us. First, his script is discouragingly difﬁcult to read. Second, no segment of the extant records that have come down to us covers all thirty-four years of his tenure. Some of the records we would like to have possibly

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

15

never existed at all. But it is more probable that, like so many earlier documents of their kind, they have simply been lost—a danger that the anecdote above illustrates quite well. The question remains whether those that are extant are sufﬁcient to allow the construction of a truly scientiﬁc prosopography of students and teachers at the University of Paris at the end of the Middle Ages. If the answer proves to be negative or inconclusive, we must then ask whether the records at the least allow the discovery and description of a representative number of them. Parisian students and teachers in 1515, of course, would not have thought of themselves as standing on the threshold between two eras. Still, Augustin Renaudet has convincingly interpreted the signiﬁcance of the years preceding 1517 as an intellectual and cultural watershed in France.2 By highlighting the leading personae in that drama, he provided a still unequalled intellectual history of the period. No one, however, has yet attempted to provide the broader picture of the university’s personnel as a whole at that crucial point in its history. Our purpose in this paper is to list and evaluate the sources available, and the problems they pose, for anyone wishing to use them for this purpose. Unlike many other universities, the University of Paris never kept matriculation lists. Ofﬁcials of its four faculties (Arts, Medicine, Canon Law, and Theology), of the four nations (France, Picardy, Normandy, and England-Germany), and of the approximately forty active Paris colleges were obviously not concerned about listing every student who came to study in Paris. They took somewhat more careful note, however, of those who completed a degree program. But even there the records are not consistent, and many are lost. The only extant, quasi-complete record of students who took Paris degrees is the list of graduates in the Faculty of Theology from 1373 to 1692. It was compiled from that faculty’s records of various academic disputations, all of which are no longer extant, by Philippe Bouvot, a seventeenth-century beadle of the Faculty of Theology.3 The prosopographer of the early modern University of Paris must therefore work with incomplete, diverse records compiled for disparate purposes. Among these materials we can distinguish at least eleven different kinds of sources generated by eight different agencies: four by Simon Le Roux and other scribes acting under him, the ﬁfth by scribes working for the university’s rectors, the sixth from the four nations, the seventh from the four faculties, and the eighth from the Arts colleges. The ninth source is the great mine of notarial records conserved in the Minutier central of the Archives nationales in Paris, and the tenth is the registers

16

History of Universities

of the Parlement of Paris. Finally, the eleventh source of information about Parisian students and graduates is the printed books of that time. Let us now look more closely at these eleven different kinds of sources, in order to delineate the advantages they offer and the problems they pose for the prosopographer. The four sources compiled by Simon Le Roux include the following: ﬁrst, two registers of certiﬁcates of study and degree containing the names of 2280 graduates of the Faculty of Arts in the last decades of the ﬁfteenth and the ﬁrst ﬁfteen years of the sixteenth century; second, the minutes of meetings of the Faculty of Arts; third, the minutes of meetings of the University of Paris; and fourth, the Rotuli nominatorum—lists of beneﬁce supplications compiled by the university’s rectors. The ﬁrst category, the certiﬁcates attesting to the studies and degrees obtained by graduates, was compiled by Le Roux during the years 1512–1515.4 Using them for the ﬁrst time in 1972 to discover prosopographical information about Paris theologians, I recognized immediately their importance for describing a wider spectrum of Paris graduates.5 Now, more than thirty years later, I have published them in a critical edition and constructed a data base of their contents.6 The 2280 masters included in the registers of certiﬁcates fall into two different groups: 1023 graduates whose certiﬁcates of study and degree were registered and another 1257 graduates, mostly regent masters and colleagues of the graduates, who corroborated their studies and degrees. For each of the ﬁrst group the certiﬁcates reveal his name, diocese of origin, and status at the university. For almost all of this group we also learn the college in which they took the Arts degree, the master under whom they studied, and the number of years they taught in one or more Paris colleges. In the second group of regent masters, we have their names, their status in the university, and often a signature in their own hand. For only about one-quarter of this latter group do we learn their diocese of origin. These ‘certiﬁcats d’´etudes’ are therefore a rich source of information about Paris students and teachers. But they have two serious ﬂaws. First, only rarely do they reveal the year in which the graduates took their Arts degrees. The few exceptions to that rule dated back a decade—in some cases two or three decades—prior to recording them in the register. Second, and more important, research into other sources makes it plain that many graduates never requested these certiﬁcates, because they were either ineligible to supplicate for ecclesiastical beneﬁces or they chose either not to do so or to supplicate in another way. Together, these two problems have frustrated my original

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

17

hope to construct from these registers a representative cross-section of the graduates in the period 1512–1515 when Simon Le Roux compiled them. Despite the incomplete nature of the registers, they can nevertheless throw considerable light on the university and its colleges.7 We learn, for example, that 994 students studied at 24 of the 37 colleges mentioned in the registers. The highest number (124, or 12.5 per cent) graduated from the Coll`ege de Sainte Barbe, with the Coll`ege de Montaigu second (108, or 11 per cent). The Coll`ege de Bourgogne and the Coll`ege de Navarre tied for third, with 92 (9 per cent) each, and were followed by the colleges of Reims and La Marche, with 63 and 61 (or 6 per cent) respectively. Completing the list of the ten largest colleges were Boncourt, Bons Enfants, and Cardinal Lemoine, each with 52 graduates, and Coqueret, with 46. Registers 89 and 90 inform us further that the two busiest arts regents both taught at the Coll`ege de Reims, where Scotism held pride of place. They were J´erˆome de Hangest, who taught 18 of the graduates listed, and his teacher Pierre Tartaret, who was the master of 17. A close third, however, was John Major at the Coll`ege de Montaigu, who directed the studies of 16 of the 1023 graduates. But John Major’s inﬂuence was more signiﬁcant and lasting than that ﬁgure would suggest. Six of his students—Jacques Almain, Robert C´eneau, David Cranston, Antonio and Luis Coronel, and George Lokart—were the masters of an additional 56 graduates, making John Major the most inﬂuential teacher in Paris at this time.8 Geographical origins always interest the prosopographer. Despite the drawbacks in this regard that were mentioned above, Registers 89 and 90 can nevertheless serve as a starting point in a wider prosopographical presentation of the origins of Paris graduates. The 1484 graduates whose diocesan origins are known came from 81 different dioceses. Not surprisingly, the largest contingent came from the diocese of Paris, from its neighbouring dioceses, and from Picardy: Paris 194, Amiens 111, Chartres 71, Beauvais 64, Le Mans 63, Noyon 58, Rouen 54, Soissons 49, Troyes 47, and Th´erouanne 44. Fifteen other dioceses had between 20 and 39 graduates each. Twenty-eight dioceses sent only one or two masters each. The second kind of source compiled by Simon Le Roux was the register of meetings of the four nations—the Faculty of Arts—from 1512 to 1537.9 Here, unfortunately, we have Le Roux’s scrawl at its worst. In a 1983 thesis for the Ecole des chartes, Agn`es Masson-Mar´echal

18

History of Universities

transcribed the ﬁrst seven of its 157 folios containing the approved formularies to be employed in drawing up the certiﬁcates of study.10 But the remaining 150 folios of this register, in which dozens of lists of graduates who supplicated for beneﬁces up to the year 1532 appear, remain practically inaccessible to prosopographers and historians of the university. The scribe Le Roux took greater care, however, with his third source: the minutes of the four faculties meeting together as the University of Paris.11 Perhaps this extra care was due to the university’s agenda which dealt with more substantive issues (e.g. its prolonged opposition to the Concordat of Bologna). Mme Masson-Mar´echal edited these two registers in their entirety, thus making accessible both the details of graduates who requested certiﬁcates of study and the actions of the graduates who represented their faculties at those meetings.12 Unfortunately, the parallel registers of the University of Paris meetings for the years 1519–1520 and 1529–1537 are not extant. Even more serious is the loss of the minutes in this series prior to 1512. The sole one extant covers only the years 1478–1482, and in a very terse fashion.13 Simon Le Roux’s university minutes for the years 1525–1528 are extant, but they were not transcribed by Mme Masson-Mar´echal.14 The fourth category of sources, the Rotuli nominatorum (sometimes termed Rotuli nominandorum), or rolls of those who supplicated for beneﬁces reserved to university graduates, are, with the exception of 1503 to 1508, extant from 1493 to 1792. In addition to the names of the applicants, these Rotuli reveal the graduates’ dioceses of origin, their ecclesiastical and academic status at the university, and the two beneﬁces for which each one supplicated. I have exploited the 4,000 records in the four registers covering the years 1493–1502 and 1509–1518. In them we see that about 200 graduates supplicated each year and that most of them continued to do so over several years—some as many as twelve and ﬁfteen times. Like Registers 89 and 90, the greatest part of supplicating graduates came from Paris, its neighbouring dioceses, and Picardy. Almost without exception they specify that the applicants were either teaching or studying for an advanced degree (and often both). This shows that preference for the reserved beneﬁces was given to graduates who were still active in the university. It also means, however, that we cannot expect to ﬁnd in these Rotuli the names of Paris graduates who left the university after taking their Arts degree. Nor do the Rotuli contain the graduates who were either satisﬁed with the beneﬁces they already held or who were ineligible to receive them.15 Nevertheless, despite these drawbacks, the Rotuli nominatorum are our only means of

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

19

documenting thousands of Paris graduates. More signiﬁcant: a study of the ﬁrst supplication by each graduate will reveal the approximate date of his graduation—important information that Registers 89 and 90 fail to establish. I have not yet exploited the Rotuli nominatorum for the years beyond 1518. They promise to constitute a valuable cross-reference to the ﬁfth category of Paris archival sources, the Acta rectoria.16 These consist primarily of lists kept by each rector of the graduates who swore the mandatory traditional oath of loyalty to the university during his threemonth term. Unfortunately, no Acta rectoria are extant prior to October 1519, and the records for that rectorate and the one that began in March 1520 are incomplete. As well, we lack the Acta for the rectorate of Jean de La Rue (24 June–9 October 1523). Nevertheless, the Acta rectoria are the closest means we have to estimating the number of graduates of the University of Paris in a given year.17 The 16,300 records that I have transcribed for the decade 1520–1530 reveal that an average of 415 students swore the oath under each rector, making a total of about 1650 juratores every year.18 Some years did not attain the average (only 1161 in 1525), while other years exceeded it (1944 juratores in 1526, and 1903 in 1527). In these same Acta rectoria the rectors also listed the students who incepted for each of the nations during his term. The inceptores were the graduates who, after three and a-half years of study (the triennium), began the year-and-a-half period of teaching required for the quinquennium. The number varied considerably, from only a dozen in some terms to over a hundred in others. There is however no hard-and-fast rule about the elapsed time between the ﬁrst oath and the oath taken at inception. Most inceptors seem to have sworn the second oath a year or two after swearing the ﬁrst, but a certain Bertrand de Tournebum, diocese of Bayeux, swore both oaths during the rectorate of Jacques Spifame in 1523. Some rectors recorded not only the names of the inceptores but also those of the masters who supervised their studies. This not only tells us who were the most popular regents in the 1520s, but it also shows the extent to which the former monopoly of the nations on Arts teaching had been replaced by the colleges. Some masters taught students from two, three, or even all four nations at the same time, and some inceptors are inscribed in nations other than those of their origin. The Acta rectoria sometimes reveal interesting aspects of social history as well. Time and again we see that two, three, or even four students with the same surname and diocese of origin took the oath at the same

20

History of Universities

time. This suggests that parents held back one (or more) of their sons until another son or his cousin was old enough to attend the university together with him, probably to assure better protection when travelling and reliable companionship in the crowded university city.19 A similar phenomenon is noticeable even for non-related graduates from the same diocese. A salient example of this is the 11 graduates from the sparsely populated diocese of Sarlat who took the oath in the third quarter of 1526. This was, in a three-month period, more than the combined total of 10 from Sarlat for the other nine-and-a-half years studied. A similar example are the 59 graduates from the diocese of Toul who took the oath during the second quarter of 1521, and the 34 from Toul in the last quarter of 1525. Most rectorates had no more then 5 or 6 juratores from Toul, and some had none at all. The most important conclusion to be drawn from the Acta rectoria is that they consistently tell a very different story about geographic origins of students than do the certiﬁcates of study and the Rotuli nominatorum. As we have seen, graduates listed in the certiﬁcates of study came from 81 different dioceses, and those in the Rotuli from about 90. But those listed in the Acta rectoria originated in nearly 200 dioceses, including almost every one of the 105 French dioceses and a panoply of places in Spain, Portugal, Scotland, England, the Empire, and even Italy. We can conclude that, at least in the third decade of the sixteenth century, the University of Paris continued to attract students from foreign countries and from French dioceses distant from Paris, but that they normally chose to return home after taking their degree and swearing the oath. Unlike graduates from northern France, few of them ever supplicated for beneﬁces through the university. They therefore appear neither in the certiﬁcates of study nor in the Rotuli nominatorum. Graduates from dioceses closer to Paris, on the contrary, were more likely to remain in Paris in order to investigate prospects for positions in the university, its nations and colleges, or for ecclesiastical preferment through the university. It is the Acta rectoria, not the certiﬁcates of study or the supplications for beneﬁces, which provide a much more accurate picture of university recruitment. From several points of view, therefore, the lack of Acta rectoria for the period prior to 1520 is the most serious of all the losses of university records. The sixth category of sources—the records kept by the four university nations—were for the most part edited and published several decades, or even a century, ago. For the nation of France, we have the published editions of its Proctor’s book for 1443–148420 and its cartulary for

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

21

1507–1537.21 For the nation of Picardy we have the Proctor’s book for 1476–1484.22 The only extant source for the Norman nation, its so-called cartulary, has likewise been edited.23 For the English-German nation we have three volumes of the Libri procuratorum covering the years 1333–149224 and the Libri receptorum for 1425–1494.25 Publication of the succeeding Liber receptorum for 1494–153026 would be a particularly valuable resource for prosopographers, because it documents every stage of the students’ academic careers, from their arrival in Paris to their graduation as masters—and in some cases even beyond. As for the English-German nation’s Liber procuratorum, a lacuna exists for 1492–1520. But the register for 1521–55 is extant and awaits an editor.27 The seventh category of sources, those emanating from the three graduate or ‘superior’ faculties, has likewise received the attention of editors. Alexandre Clerval published the conclusions of the Faculty of Theology for the period 1505–152328 (the earliest ones extant), and I have published those for the succeeding periods 1524–1533 and November 1533–1550.29 The extant records of the Faculty of Law have been edited for the ﬁfteenth century but not for the sixteenth.30 The proceedings of the Faculty of Medicine in the ﬁfteenth century were published by Ernest Wickersheimer31 and for the sixteenth by MarieLouise Concasty.32 Wickersheimer also produced biographical notices of ﬁfteenth-century medical masters.33 My Biographical Register of Paris Doctors of Theology (1500–1536)34 was the starting point for the prosopographical chapter in my monograph on the Paris Faculty of Theology.35 An eighth category of sources comprises the disparate charters that were recorded and preserved with varying success by the university and its colleges. Selected charters up to 1452 were published in the Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis.36 Many unpublished ones are conserved in the three series H, M, and S at the Archives nationales in Paris, in scattered fonds of the Biblioth`eque nationale de France, and in the ‘cartons’ in the Archives of the Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne). Jean de Launoy was able to exploit materials of this kind (some of them no longer extant) for his history of the Coll`ege de Navarre,37 a work that is useful to the prosopographer.38 Robert Marichal published the priors’ book of the Coll`ege de Sorbonne for the years 1431–1485.39 The succeeding register for 1486–1539 is not extant, but the analogous record for 1540–1606 still awaits an editor.40

22

History of Universities

My own use of college archives, undertaken for the most part thirty years ago, yielded useful data on theology graduates who frequently exercised authority in the colleges. But the college records are too often sparse and haphazard, more readily revealing the names of the college’s patrons, creditors, and debtors than those of its students or graduates. Ernest Coyecque’s edition of selected documents from the Parisian notary Jean Crozon41 shows that students and graduates of the university had frequent recourse to notaries, whose records constitute our ninth category of sources. The problem with exploiting these materials is not their scarcity but their abundance. The lack of even rudimentary indexes for the millions of documents compiled by several dozen notaries in the sixteenth century puts efﬁcient use of them beyond the reach of individual prosopographers. About twenty years ago, the Archives nationales began to compile a card-ﬁle index of students mentioned in notarial records. However, only one conservateur was employed in the project, and it was abandoned before much progress was made. The tenth category of sources, likewise vast and rich, are the registers of the Parlement of Paris. Having spent many months turning every page of the ‘Conseil’ series for the years 1520–1550, and many pages in other series, I know that university students and graduates appeared frequently in the courts for matters of civil and criminal law. But, like the notarial records, no index of the contents of these registers exists. For several years their conservateur, failing to appreciate the vast difference between the relative ease of reading a speciﬁc document on ﬁlm and the prohibitive burden of searching through thousands of them, would communicate only the microﬁlms of the originals. Fortunately, a more enlightened policy is currently in force. Our eleventh and ﬁnal source is the early printed book. We know that prominent Paris authors like Jacques Lef`evre d’Etaples, Josse Clichtove, and John Major often mentioned colleagues and students in prefaces, dedicatory epistles, and poems in their books, or allowed students and colleagues to contribute poems to them.42 This was, indeed, a practice common to most authors during the early sixteenth century. With the aid of a graduate student, I searched through about 400 works produced from 1500 to 1520 in the ambit of the University of Paris. Most contained poems and other prefatory material addressed to or naming students, teachers, and colleagues. Many books reveal from 3 to 10 names of Paris students—and one as many as 27.43 This is indeed a fruitful source for enhancing the prosopography of Paris students and teachers, and of

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

23

getting a better grasp of their social connections and their involvement in the relatively new technology of print. Having delineated these eleven categories of sources and examined the advantages and the problems posed by each of them, I will conclude brieﬂy with a few general problems common to them all. The ﬁrst is the difﬁculty of the students’ names: not only do we ﬁnd them listed under their Latin names in some places and their vernacular names in others, but each of these names often assumes two or more forms. An extreme example is master Jean Bolu, the principal of the grammar school at the Coll`ege de Navarre for thirty-one years, whose name can be found under sixteen different forms.44 Faced with this difﬁculty we risk, on the one hand, creating multiple persons out of these multiple name forms of one person or, on the other, conﬂating two or more graduates with similar names into one single person. The problem is exacerbated not only by careless scribes but also by careful ones who, misreading a poorly drafted plumitif, carefully created an easily legible name that no actual graduate of Paris ever had. We get cases like Nicolas de Grambus, the principal of the Coll`ege du Cardinal Lemoine, who has been wrongly called ‘Gravibus’ (and sometimes ‘Granibus’) by modern historians because Charles Jourdain read his name that way. Jean Tauvel, beadle of the Faculty of Theology, has erroneously been called ‘Tannel’ by many who have relied on L´eopold Delisle’s misreading. Our point here is not to disparage those eminent authorities. It is rather a caution to us all: if they could unwittingly mislead us about a student’s name, so can we mislead others and ourselves as well! The same caution must be evoked about geographical data in the sources. Some scribes, unable to read place names in a badly written plumitif, and not well versed in toponymy, copied the place names incorrectly. As a result, the 16,300 records we have transcribed from the Acta rectoria contain over a hundred place names for dioceses that cannot be identiﬁed in any of the standard modern toponymic reference works.45 These observations about the sources that I have used and the problems they pose are presented here to highlight the task of the prosopographer to render those problems less formidable and to make the sources yield more reliable data about the students and teachers at the University of Paris in the early modern era. Pontiﬁcal Institute of Mediaeval Studies 59 Queen’s Park Crescent East Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5S 2C4

24

History of Universities

REFERENCES 1. Paris, Archives nationales, Minutier central, Etude XXXIII, liasse 9, 620; excerpted by Ernest Coyecque, Recueil d’actes notari´es relatifs a` l’histoire de Paris et de ses environs au XVI e si`ecle (2 vols, Paris, 1905, 1923), i. 112, § 580. 2. Augustin Renaudet, Pr´er´eforme et humanisme a` Paris pendant les premi`eres guerres d’Italie (1494–1517) (Paris, 1916, 2nd edn Paris, 1953, repr. Geneva, 1981). 3. Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS lat. 5657-A, published in segments by Heinrich Deniﬂe and Emile Chatelain (eds), Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (4 vols, Paris, 1889–97), but only for the years up to and including 1452. Thomas Sullivan, The Religious Orders (Parisian Licentiates in Theology, A.D. 1373–1500. A Biographical Register, Vol. I, Leiden, 2004), has edited this manuscript for pre-1502 members of religious orders. He is preparing the companion volume on the theologians who belonged to the secular clergy. 4. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Registres 89–90. 5. For a thesis (University of Toronto, 1976), later revised as James K. Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500–1543 (Leiden, 1985), 72–86. 6. James K. Farge, Students and Teachers at the University of Paris: The Generation of 1500. A Critical Edition of Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives, Registres 89 and 90 (Leiden, 2006). 7. The Coll`ege de Sorbonne and the Coll`ege des Cholets, both exclusively theological colleges, had no graduates in Arts. For a thorough study of the Paris colleges active at this time see Marie-Madeleine Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, 16 e –18e si`ecles. R´epertoire 3: Paris (Paris, 2002). 8. On Major see John Durkan, ‘The School of John Major. Bibliography’, Innes Review 1 (1950), 140–57, and Alexander Broadie, The Circle of John Mair: Logic and Logicians in Pre-Reformation Scotland (Oxford, 1985). 9. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 12, pt. 2. 10. Agn`es Masson-Mar´echal, ‘‘L’Universit´e de Paris au d´ebut du XVIe si`ecle (1512–1536). Edition des registres 12, 13 et 14 des conclusions des nations r´eunies’’, thesis for the Diplˆome d’archiviste-pal´eographe (Paris, 1983). 11. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 13 and 14 (see below, n. 12). Some authorities consider the basic units of the University of Paris to be the four nations, not the faculties; but the registers show that to be inaccurate. Register 12, pt. 2 begins each assembly with the phrase ‘Congregatio facultatis artium . . .’ and proceeds to record the reports from the ofﬁcers of the four nations meeting at Saint Julien des Pauvres. Registers 13 and 14, on the other hand, begin each meeting with the formula ‘Congregatio universitatis . . .’ and record the reports of

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

12.

13. 14. 15. 16.

17.

18.

19. 20.

21.

22.

23.

25

delegates from the four faculties meeting at the convent of the Trinitarians (Mathurins). The registers as a group have been erroneously catalogued in the early nineteenth century as ‘Conclusions des nations r´eunies’—a description valid only for Reg. 12 pt. 2. Reg. 13 (for 1516–1518) and Reg. 14 (for 1521–1524). A later scribe characterized them as ‘difﬁcile a` lire’ and contrasted them with the registers of Simon Le Roux’s successors (Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris [Sorbonne], Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 17 [1537–1540]; Reg. 18 [1541–1543]; Reg. 19 [1545–1550]; Reg. 20 [1551–1554]; Reg. 21 [1556–1570]; Reg. 22 [1571–1600]; and Reg. 23 [1600–1623]), which he deemed to be ‘bien e´ crit’ (Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS lat. 12846, 211v , 278r ). Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 12 pt. 1. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 16. The register for 1529–1536 is not extant. For example, those who lost their clerical status by marriage or who pursued secular careers. Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MSS lat. 9951 (1519–1526) and lat. 9952 (1527–1533). Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MSS lat. 9953–9958 continue the series into the seventeenth century. Surprisingly, we ﬁnd on these lists several mendicant friars, who were normally excluded from receiving the M.A. in Paris. Their taking the oath may have been a requirement to study or teach in their studia courses in theology—a degree that would be issued by the University of Paris. Among those taking the oath we ﬁnd a number of graduates who were important actors in their time: for example, John Calvin, George Buchanan, Francis Xavier, Ignatius of Loyola, Guillaume Postel, Franc¸ois Le Picart, and Pierre de La Ram´ee, whose biographers, with the exception of Georg Schurhammer, Franz Xaver: sein Leben und seine Zeit (4 vols, Freiburg, 1955–73), have failed to notice these entries. It should be remembered that most students entered the university at the age of thirteen or fourteen, and some even at twelve years of age. Charles Samaran and Emile van Mo´e (eds), Liber procuratorum nationis Gallicanae (Franciae) in universitate Parisiensi (Auctarium chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, Vol. V, Paris, 1942). Henri Omont (ed.), Le livre ou cartulaire de la nation de France (1507–1537) (Paris, 1915). An edition of Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS nouv. acq. lat. 2060, it was ﬁrst published in the M´emoires de la Soci´et´e de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Ile-de-France 41 (1914). Charles Samaran and Emile van Mo´e (eds), Liber procuratorum nationis Picardiae in universitate Parisiensi. Ab anno 1476 usque ad annum 1484 (Auctarium chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, Vol. IV, Paris, 1938). Henri Omont, ‘Le livre ou cartulaire de la nation de Normandie’, M´elanges de la Soci´et´e de l’histoire de Normandie, 8e` me s´erie (1917), 1–108. This is an

26

24. 25.

26.

27. 28. 29.

30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

38.

39.

40. 41. 42.

History of Universities edition of Chartres, Biblioth`eque municipale, MS 595 (now destroyed); but it yields little data for a prosopography. Heinrich Deniﬂe, Emile van Mo´e, and Emile Chatelain (eds), Auctarium chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, 1–3 (Paris, 1894, 1897, 1935). Astrik L. Gabriel and Gray C. Boyce (eds), Liber receptorum nationis Anglicanae (Alemanniae), 1425–1494 (Auctarium chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, Vol. VI, Paris, 1964). Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 91: Liber procuratorum nationis anglicanae (alemaniae) for 1494–1530, a text on which the late Astrik L. Gabriel worked but did not ﬁnish before his death. It is to be hoped that one of his former students or colleagues may undertake its completion. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 15. Jules-Alexandre Clerval (ed.), Registre des proc`es-verbaux de la Facult´e de Th´eologie de Paris. Vol. 1: De 1510 a` 1523, Paris, 1917). James K. Farge (ed.), Registre des proc`es-verbaux de la Facult´e de Th´eologie de l’Universit´e de Paris. De janvier 1524 a` novembre 1533 (Paris, 1990) and Farge (ed.), Registre des conclusions de la Facult´e de Th´eologie de l’Universit´e de Paris. Du 26 novembre 1533 au 1er mars 1550 (Paris, 1994). Marcel Fournier (ed.), La Facult´e de d´ecret de l’Universit´e de Paris au XV e si`ecle (3 vols, Paris, 1895–1913). Ernest Wickersheimer (ed.), Commentaires de la Facult´e de m´edecine de l’universit´e de Paris (1395–1516) (Paris, 1915). Marie-Louise Concasty (ed.), Commentaires de la Facult´e de m´edecine de l’universit´e de Paris (1516–1560) (Paris, 1964). Ernest Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des m´edecins en France au Moyen Age, rev. edn Guy Beaujouan (3 vols, Geneva, 1979). James K. Farge, Biographical Register of Paris Doctors of Theology (1500–1536) (Toronto, 1980). Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform, chapter 3. See above, n. 3. Jean de Launoy, Regii Navarrae gymnasii Parisiensis historia (2 vols, Paris, 1677); reprinted in: De Launoy, Opera omnia, ed. Franciscus Granet (4 vols, Cologne, 1731–2), Vol. IV. The published histories of the colleges of Montaigu, Sainte Barbe, Harcourt, Cardinal Lemoine, Dormans Beauvais, Maˆıtre Gervais, and others are not in the same category as a prosopographical source. Robert Marichal, Le livre des prieurs de Sorbonne (1431–1485) (Paris, 1987) (Textes et documents sur l’histoire des universit´es). Although the Sorbonne graduated no one in Arts, most of its students were Arts graduates of the University of Paris. Paris, Archives nationales, MM 268. See above, n. 1. For examples of Major’s references to his students see A History of Greater Britain as well England as Scotland, compiled from Ancient Authorities by

Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer

27

John Major, by name indeed a Scot, but by Profession a Theologian, ed. and transl. Archibald Constable (Edinburgh, 1892), Appendix II, 418–450: Prefaces to Major’s Works. For references by Lef`evre d’Etaples (and Clichtove), see Eugene F. Rice, Jr. (ed.), The Prefatory Epistles of Jacques Lef`evre d’Etaples and Related Texts (New York, 1972). 43. Guy de Fontenay, Collectorium historicum ex litteraria diuersorum authorum ofﬁcina conformatum (Paris, 1517). I used the copy at the Biblioth`eque de Sainte-Genevi`eve (8o Z 244 inv. 245 R´es). 44. See his entry in Farge, Biographical Register, 50. 45. For example, in one case where the original scribe wrote the word ‘Luxoviensis’ a later scribe wrote in the margin: ‘Hic est diocesis Lucionensis. Vide si Lucionensis tolerabile est Luxoviensis’ (MS Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, lat. 9952, 63r ). A modern prosopographer might have emended ‘Luxoviensis’ to ‘Lexoviensis’—making the graduate a native of the diocese of Lisieux instead of Luc¸on, as the second scribe did. It is impossible to know which reading would be correct.

‘Si Sit Clericus Superveniens De Genere Nostro’ : The Parlement of Paris and the Foundation of the Coll`ege de Montaigu Serge Lusignan

Throughout the thirteenth century, the kings of France interfered very rarely in Parisian scholarly affairs, unless it was to renew the precious privilege granted by Philippe Auguste in 1200. This privilege recognized the clerical status of all scholars and made the Provost of Paris responsible for respecting their immunity. Papal power was at the origin of the legislation ensuring the university’s autonomy and the personal privileges of its members. Thus, from 1245 Innocent IV recognized the ius non trahi that exempted members of the university from being summoned to court outside of the city in which they studied.1 The next year, he reafﬁrmed that students were entitled to transfer their goods freely to the place of their studies.2 However, assistance from the secular arm proved to be essential in order for the pontiﬁcal will to be respected. This is shown, for example, by requests to that effect addressed to Queen Blanche or Countess Marguerite of Flanders by the same pope in 1251.3 Beginning with Philip the Fair, the kings of France began to favour academics from Paris and the rest of France with personal and economic privileges that would to an extent come to duplicate the earlier pontiﬁcal legislation. From this time, academics could appeal to royal law courts directly to defend their personal and ﬁnancial immunity and their right not to plead their cases outside of their university’s city. In Paris, they went to the court of the Chˆatelet where the royal provost of the city presided and acted as the custodian of the royal privileges pertaining to education. But it can be seen too that many academics presented their cases to the Parlement of Paris by evoking their right to appeal or by using as a pretext the many conﬂicts over jurisdiction that were occasioned by the ius non trahi. As a result, the number of university trials submitted to

‘Si Sit Clericus Superveniens De Genere Nostro’

29

the supreme court of the kingdom increased steadily from the beginning of the fourteenth century to the middle of the ﬁfteenth century, which is the end of the period that I have examined.4 The protagonists of these legal proceedings were the University of Paris itself, its masters, students, and ofﬁcers, or the colleges.

1. The colleges and the Parlement of Paris

The table that follows indicates by decade the number of cases involving all French universities, those concerning the University of Paris and its members, and ﬁnally the number of trials relating to Parisian colleges. I have used the Parlement’s year as the unit of measurement: this normally went from November 12 of a given year to the following August, September or even October. Of the 632 university trials, 347 concerned the University of Paris and its members, and 129 involved the colleges of the same university. In total, 476 cases, i.e. 75% of all university trials, related to the academic world of the capital.5 The Parisian colleges themselves were implicated in 20% of the trials. Their appearances before the Parlement were comparable with those of the University of Paris and Parisian academics in their frequency and regularity. The University and colleges of Paris at the Parlement Decade

1299–1309 1309–1319 1319–1329 1329–1339 1339–1349 1349–1359 1359–1369 1369–1379 1379–1389 1389–1399 1399–1409

Total number of university trials

University of Paris and Parisian academics

Parisian Colleges

1 9 10 10 36 34 26 18 54 57 110

1 5 4 4 12 16 10 9 31 25 70

— 1 2 1 15 10 15 3 10 9 15

30

History of Universities

1409–1419 1419–1429 1429–1439 1439–1448

83 59 57 68

51 44 37 28

9 15 17 7

Grand total

632

347

129

Which colleges relied on the Parlement of Paris to defend their rights? Almost all seem to have done so, since the names of 39 different colleges of the ﬁfty or so that existed during the period under study feature in the 129 college trials. The largest colleges, which owned the most extensive properties, appeared slightly more often, some of them 8 or 10 times. These were the colleges of Autun, Cardinal Lemoine, Dormans-Beauvais, Laon and Mignon. For its part, the Coll`ege de Navarre distinguished itself with 26 trials. Because it was a royal foundation, many of its disputes over the possession of a burse were submitted to the Parlement in the middle of the fourteenth century.6 The colleges applied to the Parlement essentially to defend their economic interests. As I have pointed out elsewhere, 60% of college trials were about real estate, whereas the remaining 40% dealt with administrative conﬂicts.7 This last category principally concerned the possession of a burse or the ofﬁce of master in a college. The number of trials would be greatly reduced were it not for the many cases relating to the awarding of burses at the Coll`ege de Navarre. Likewise, it seems that colleges generally went to the Parlement to defend their material resources and property.

2. The Coll`ege de Montaigu at the Parlement of Paris

Amongst the colleges dealt with least frequently at the Parlement, there was one which is of particular interest for us: the Coll`ege de Montaigu. We ﬁnd it only once, and relatively late, in December 1403 and January 1404 (n. s.). Let us summarize what the Parlement’s records reveal on the subject. The ﬁrst mention of the Coll`ege de Montaigu appears on Wednesday, December 19, 1403 in the register of pleadings called ‘Apr`es dˆın´ees’. The Parlement normally heard pleas every other day in the morning, but by the end of Middle Ages, overwhelmed by an excessive number of cases,

‘Si Sit Clericus Superveniens De Genere Nostro’

31

it added afternoon sessions.8 The primary focus of these sessions was on questions of procedure. On December 19, Pierre Bonpain appeared to give ofﬁcial conﬁrmation of his agreement that the Coll`ege de Montaigu could use the income from its possessions despite the lawsuit in which he opposed this institution. Bonpain was a proctor at the Parlement. We learn that the parties agreed to submit their dispute to arbitration by two people, a procedure quite often used to cut short a trial at risk of dragging on and costing too much. In doing so, they take an oath to comply with the verdict of the arbiters.9 In the present case, the arbiters had until the feast of Saint John the Baptist, i.e. until June 24, 1404, to reach an agreement. Pierre Bonpain made sure to emphasize that he reserved the right to prosecute his case before the Parlement if arbitration failed. On Monday January 7, 1404 (n. s.), the parties came back in the afternoon to declare that they would present ‘lettres, tiltres et minutiers devers la cour’, presumably to enlighten the Parlement concerning the decision it was to make on the possessions of the Coll`ege. On this occasion we learn that the master of the Coll`ege was named Jean Combes, a very Occitan family name, perhaps indicating that he came from Auvergne. The parties appeared again a week later on Monday January 14, 1404 (n. s.). Pierre Bonpain alleged then that the Coll`ege had failed to appear, which the Coll`ege contested. The court took the matter under deliberation. The Parlement announced its decision at a council meeting on Thursday January 24, 1404 (n. s.). The clerk (who at that time was the famous Nicolas de Baye) noted that the president of the court, Ymbert de Boisy, had asked him to record the decision that the Coll`ege de Montaigu could continue to enjoy the revenues from its possessions, despite the lawsuit between the Coll`ege and Pierre Bonpain, or rather those whom the latter represented as proctor.10 The text states that the case was an instance of ‘nouvellet´e’. What can we conclude from this rather cryptic account? First of all, that in 1403 the Coll`ege really did exist as a corporation. The clerk, Nicolas de Baye, uses the accepted terms to designate a duly constituted college: the ‘maistres et escoliers et college de Montaigu’. ‘Nouvellet´e’, in customary law refers to a conﬂict over the possession of a right or a property. Usually the right or property under dispute was seized by the court, that is, handed over to the king, until the lawsuit was settled. In the present instance, for reasons not given (which is often the case

32

History of Universities

with Parlement sources), the Coll`ege was permitted to continue to enjoy the revenue from its possessions, notwithstanding its dispute with those represented by Pierre Bonpain. Although this is the only appearence of the Coll`ege de Montaigu in the Parlement’s records, we know that members of the Parlement had intervened in a lawsuit undertaken a few years earlier by the University of Paris against Louis Aycelin, seigneur de Montaigu. With the university represented by Guillaume du Jardin, regent master in theology, and Jean de Maison, regent master in arts, this lawsuit placed pressure upon Louis de Montaigu to hand over certain legacies of his family.11 The services of Bertrand de Thiart and Pierre Ogier were retained for the lawsuit. As councillors of the Parlement, both were ofﬁcially delegated by the court to deal with the issue.12 One senses that the University of Paris had come very close to launching a trial at the Parlement in order to compel Louis to comply with the last will of his uncle, Pierre Aycelin de Montaigu, Cardinal of Laon, who had recently died. Pierre had wanted the properties in question to be used to create burses for students. The settlement of the affair was given an ofﬁcial character by a notary, and notarized at the Chˆatelet on June 17, 1392. I shall return to this below.

3. The founding of the Coll`ege de Montaigu

Parlement sources reveal that this was not the ﬁrst time in the history of Parisian colleges that the Parlement was called upon to compel heirs to comply with the last will of a relative considered too generous vis-`a-vis the academic milieu. For example, on February 1, 1323 (n. s.), the Coll`ege des Cholets tried, without success, to recover a sum of 2,760 livres tournois from the inheritance left by its founder, Cardinal de Cholet.13 Between 1356 and 1366, the Coll`ege de Mignon had many disputes with the family of its founder, Jean de Mignon, which was slow to endow the institution properly.14 On January 15, 1397 (n. s.), the Coll`ege de Lisieux launched an action against Count Jean VII de Harcourt, who did not want to relinquish the legacy of his relative, the Bishop of Lisieux.15 We can cite many other examples, which reveal that the establishment of a college or a donation for its beneﬁt frequently led to quarrels with the descendants of the benefactor. In this respect,

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33

the history of the Coll`ege de Montaigu is in no way an exception. The crucial question raised by these sources, which suggest that something important concerning the Coll`ege happened at the turn of the ﬁfteenth century, is the following. Had the Coll`ege been founded in 1318 after the death of Gilles Aycelin, Archbishop of Narbonne and then Rouen, to carry out the project described in his will dated December 13, 1314? Or, was the institution established during the period starting in 1388 with the execution of the will of Pierre Aycelin de Montaigu, Cardinal of Laon? Previous scholarship remains ambiguous on this subject. While Gilles Aycelin is generally recognized as the founder of the Coll`ege, there is some evasiveness in the interpretation of the events following the death of Pierre Aycelin. Thus, Michel F´elibien and Guy-Alexis Lobineau write that Louis de Montaigu had ‘contributed to promoting the foundation of the Coll`ege’. Marcel Godet, for his part, speaks of a ‘restoration of the Coll`ege’ by Louis.16 The period beginning with Pierre Aycelin’s will is actually the only one somewhat rich in sources relating to the Coll`ege de Montaigu in the Middle Ages.17 Below is a review of the available documents that shed some light on the history of the Coll`ege in the fourteenth and early ﬁfteenth centuries: July 17, 1314

Vidimus from the Provost of Paris of an act of exchange of properties between the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve in Paris and Gilles Aycelin on July 14, 1314.18

November 7, 1388

The will of Pierre Aycelin.19

June 17, 1392

Charter written under the authority of the Provost of Paris in which Louis de Montaigu agrees to give his uncles’ houses to the University of Paris in order to establish a college.20

July 25, 1402

The ﬁrst statutes for the Coll`ege de Montaigu.21

September 2, 1402

Vidimus of excerpts from Gilles Aycelin’s will (December 13, 1314) regarding his Parisian houses, made by Pierre Fontaine, keeper of the seal at the Court of Exemptions at Cusset (Allier) in Auvergne.22

December 19, 1403—January 24, 1404

Trial at the Parlement between Pierre Bonpain and the Coll`ege de Montaigu.23

34

History of Universities

January 26, 1405 (n. s.)

Receipt given to the Coll`ege de Montaigu by the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve.24

January 6, 1408 (n. s.)

Agreement conﬁrmed before two notaries of the Chˆatelet between the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve and the Coll`ege de Montaigu concerning the amortization of the Coll`ege’s properties.25

January 18, 1408 (n. s.)

Ratiﬁcation of the previous agreement by the Provost of Paris.26

May 25, 1410

Bull of John XXIII allowing the Coll`ege to build a chapel and to have a bell.27

The concentration of documents from the years between 1388 and 1410 allows us to assume that this period saw the effective creation of a college with all the characteristic features normally associated with such an institution. These features, which include having statutes, forming a juridical body, and being administered by responsible ofﬁcers, do not apply to the houses for poor students recently analysed by William J. Courtenay.28 Let us examine the documents from the 1388–1410 period in order to learn what each of them discloses on the subject, keeping in mind the genealogy of the Aycelin family (see Appendix). In his will, written in 1388 shortly before his death, Pierre Aycelin, Cardinal of Laon, bequeathed certain properties to be converted into annuities to support six students of canon law or theology, two of whom were to be priests. To increase proﬁt, he also demanded that the annuities left for the same purpose by his great-great-uncle Gilles Aycelin, Archbishop of Rouen, and his brother Gilles Aycelin, Cardinal of Th´erouanne, be reinvested. Pierre, however, wanted the older endowment to be run separately from his own, although he did stipulate that students receiving either annuity should live together if possible, in accordance with the model established by Gilles Aycelin. He speciﬁed that preference ought to be given to students from the diocese of Clermont in Auvergne, his family’s place of origin. Nowhere does the word ‘collegium’ appear in Pierre Aycelin’s will; he constantly speaks of ‘scolares’. Once Pierre Aycelin died, the only male descendant in his lineage was his nephew Louis, seigneur de Montaigu. The charter from the notary of the Chˆatelet dated June 17, 1392 clearly indicates that the provisions contained therein were intended to carry out the wills of his three ancestors, Gilles Archbishop of Rouen, Gilles Cardinal of

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Th´erouanne, and Pierre Cardinal of Laon. Louis did not seem very eager to abide by these wills. Unfortunately, no source allows us to be more precise about the intentions of the Cardinal of Th´erouanne. The overall result was that, under pressure from the University of Paris and the two delegates of the Parlement, Louis gave the University of Paris two large mansions and several small houses situated on the Rue de Saint-Etienne des Grez, the Rue des Sept-Voies, and the Rue de Saint-Symphorien.29 In compensation, Louis was permitted to keep a large house on the Rue des Sept-Voies for himself and his descendants. He also managed to have the scholarly institution named ‘Coll`ege de Montaigu’. This is the ﬁrst occurrence of the word ‘coll`ege’ in the sources. One might wonder about the juridical principles that justiﬁed interference by the University of Paris in the Aycelin family’s line of succession. A plea heard at the Parlement from the same period provides us with the explanation. The University of Paris had come to support its case in a trial involving a building belonging to the Coll`ege de Dacie. The university’s lawyer declared that: Le recteur a la cognoissance et le gouvernement des suppos de l’Universit´e et quand un college de Paris se porte mal le recteur et les quatre procureurs de l’Universit´e y pourvoyent et en sont en possession et saisine, et aussin d’avoir la cognoissance des loers des maisons et des colleges de l’Universit´e.30

It was therefore by virtue of its duty to defend the interests of students and of its jurisdiction over the buildings within its territory that the University could intervene in the affair at hand.31 The ‘procureurs’ were, of course, the proctors of the four nations of the faculty of arts. The University of Paris was actually represented by a master of arts and a master of theology in the Coll`ege de Montaigu case. For unknown reasons, the realization of the project to which Louis had agreed was delayed, since the Coll`ege de Montaigu received its statutes only ten years later, in July 1402. These statutes deﬁnitely seem to be the ﬁrst the institution received: they would otherwise make reference to any previous statutes they would have been intended to modify or complete. Nevertheless, the 1402 statutes speak of the Cardinal of Laon’s endowment as being ‘in augmentum collegii de Monte-acuto juxta sanctam Genovefam in monte Parisius, antiquitus dicti communiter Le college des Aycelins’.32 The Coll`ege de Montaigu saw itself then as the continuation of an older college called ‘Coll`ege des Aycelins’.

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One year later, in December 1403 and January 1404, the altercation with Pierre Bonpain took place. The exchanges recorded in the Parlement’s registers reveal nothing about the crux of the affair. But the quarrel probably stemmed from a recent reconsideration of the rights of the Coll`ege over its endowment, since the affair was pleaded as a case of ‘nouvellet´e’. Guillaume Du Breuil explains, in his Stilus curiae Parlamenti, that a plaintiff could not bring his complaint as a ‘nouvellet´e’ if he had allowed the opposing party to enjoy the contested right for more than a year and a day.33 The agreement of January 6, 1408 reveals much concerning the stakes that lay behind the appearance of the Coll`ege de Montaigu at the Parlement. It indicates that the institution was involved in lengthly legal proceedings initiated by the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve and brought before the Provost of Paris. The houses of the Coll`ege were located in the seigneury (censive) of the Abbey, and the Abbey required that amortization fees be paid. The request clearly intimates that until then the houses had been private properties of the Aycelin family. Amortization had to be paid when the real estate fell into the hands of the Church.34 Sainte-Genevi`eve maintained that these rights must be settled within a year of the creation of the Coll`ege, and had consequently asked for the seizure of these properties. This measure would have deprived the Coll`ege of the revenue and earnings from its houses. The seizure had to be approved by the Provost of Paris and it was for this reason that the Coll`ege applied to the Parlement of Paris on December 19, 1403, successfully obtaining suspension of the seizure. It defended its petition as a case of ‘nouvellet´e’, which allows us to assume that the conﬁscation of the properties must have occured at the end of 1402 or at the beginning of 1403. The trial that took place before the provost probably started in 1402. It was presumably then, on September 2, 1402, that the keeper of the seal of the Court of Exemptions in Auvergne compiled a vidimus of extracts from Gilles Aycelin’s will concerning his Parisian houses.35 All these documents conﬁrm what the later text of the ﬁrst statutes implies: the Coll`ege de Montaigu did not exist before 1402. Even so, the Coll`ege de Montaigu argued before the provost, by way of defence, that on the contrary, it had existed for a long time. An excerpt from the Coll`ege’s argument reads: Avoit un college de grant anciennet´e nomm´e le College de Montaigu lequel de temps qu’il n’estoit memoire du contraire, ou au moins depuis soixante ou quatre vins ans, a eu maistre, escoliers, maison, librairie, seel, huche commune et toutes

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autres choses appartenant a college. Et a est´e tenu et reput´e college publiquement et nottoirement en l’Universit´e de Paris et par autres par le temps dessus dit. Et fu le dit college anciennement fond´e par les predecesseurs du seigneur de Montaigu en Auvergne dit a present de Listenoy.36

The argument is interesting from more than one point of view. The Coll`ege’s lawyer relied on two principles of customary law, namely age and public awareness, to defend the position that the institution had been founded long ago, and that such a belated request for the payment of amortization fees was inadmissible. Thus he tried to get around the embarrassing fact that he had no charter or statute to prove any existence whatsoever of the Coll`ege before 1402. The Coll`ege’s defence also reveals what was considered essential for the existence of a college. The presence of a master and students, and the possession of a building, a library, a seal and a common strong-box constituted the elements that together distinguished a college, as an institution having its own juridical personality, from other student houses. Finally, we should note that the Coll`ege’s representatives for the agreement were Guillaume des Broces, master of the Coll`ege, Nicole Mulier, chaplain and proctor, Guillaume du Bien, bachelor in canon law, and Cl´ement Lamy, student.37 The Coll`ege de Montaigu had thus attempted to plead an uninterrupted continuity from the student burses instituted by Gilles Aycelin’s will at the beginning of the fourteenth century to the college created at the start of the ﬁfteenth century. In naming the Coll`ege ‘collegii de Monte-acuto . . . antiquitus dicti communiter Le college des Aycelins’,38 the statutes expressed the same claim. But no one was deceived and the terms of the agreement reveal that the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve had a strong case. Already by the fourteenth century it was unthinkable that a college could exist without a charter or statutes. The Coll`ege therefore agreed to end the dispute and pay the sum of 160 e´ cus d’or, at the value of 18 sous parisis per coin, i.e. 144 livres parisis. In addition, the Coll`ege would subsequently pay annual and perpetual dues of 5 sous parisis, which I will discuss farther below. This amounted to paying the required amortization fees and recognizing the validity of the Abbey’s petition. The agreement was accepted by the Abbey on December 28, 1407, and by the Coll`ege on January 6, 1408 (n. s.), and was made ofﬁcial by two notaries of the Chˆatelet. The provost ratiﬁed the agreement on January 18, thereby ending the trial that had started in 1402.

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Meanwhile the Coll`ege de Montaigu had been able to beneﬁt from its properties throughout the trial thanks to the decision that the Parlement had made on January 24, 1404. A receipt issued by the Abbey of SainteGenvi´eve on January 26, 1405 shows the payment of 20 livres tournois of seigniorial dues for the year 1402–1403. Hence the Coll`ege did have sufﬁcient income during this difﬁcult period of trial before the provost, a fact which to which the author of the document in fact alludes. One must conclude then that the Coll`ege de Montaigu was probably founded in 1402, but only had the free and complete use of its houses on the Mont Sainte-Genevi`eve in January 1408 (n. s.). When it obtained permission from the pope on May 25, 1410 to build a chapel and to own a bell, the founding of the Coll`ege was deﬁnitely completed.

4. Gilles Aycelin’s project and the Coll`ege de Montaigu

If the Coll`ege de Montaigu did not exist before 1402, what was the exact nature of the academic project that Gilles Aycelin had planned in his will of 1314? Let us return to that document, which is the most instructive of all those we have examined to this point.39 The vidimus contains the clauses of the will that concern three sets of real estate. Gilles ﬁrst distinguishes his belongings and his landed property in Auvergne. We know that he owned lands around Chˆateldon (Puy-de-Dˆome).40 Gilles left them to his nephew Aubert Aycelin, who then occupied the episcopal see of Clermont in Auvergne. Aubert in turn was obliged to pass them on to the legitimate heirs of Gilles’s other nephew Gilles, Aubert’s brother. He then settled the transmission of the houses he owned in Paris on the Rue de Saint-Symphorien and the Rue des Sept-Voies. He intended the former houses to be rented or sold in order to acquire income-generating property sufﬁcient for the support of students. As many students would beneﬁt as there were incomes allowing each student 10 livres tournois per year. It was a matter then of creating burses; there is no mention whatsoever of a college. The other Parisian houses were entrusted to the same Aubert, Bishop of Clermont, for the duration of his lifetime. Once Aubert died, they were to be handed down to a descendant of his nephew Gilles, provided that this descendant was a cleric. If none of Gilles’s descendants entered into an ecclesiastical career, the houses were to be rented and that income would also be used for supporting students.

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All the Parisian houses were in the seigneury (censive) of the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve. Gilles wanted to decrease the costs incurred in owning them by releasing the houses from the burden of seigniorial servitude. To this end, he concluded an exchange with the Abbey on July 14, 1314 that was ofﬁcially recognized by the Provost of Paris on July 17. From this period, royal justice was thus called upon to play the role of warrant for the endowment which would follow, and would eventually be the judge of any lawsuits that might ensue. The purpose of this highly complex document can be summarized as follows. The Abbey gave up the right of retrocession in favour of some of these houses when Gilles died as well as a sum of 6 livres, 2 sous and 9 deniers parisis. This sum was owed to the Abbey as the seigniorial due on different houses, gardens, and land. Nevertheless, the Abbey made sure to prevent amortization by including the following clause in the charter: ‘dumtamen in manum mortuam minime transferantur’. The houses had to remain properties belonging to individual people. This conﬁrms the weakness of the Coll`ege’s position at its trial before the Provost of Paris at the beginning of the ﬁfteenth century. In exchange, Sainte-Genevi`eve retained a perpetual due of 5 sous parisis from these buildings and Gilles remitted the annual due of 27 livres parisis to the Abbey which the latter was compelled to pay to him annually in accordance with a royal donation. Finally, the Abbey promised to celebrate an annual obiit to the memory of Gilles. The (rather symbolic) due of 5 sous was upheld even after the question of amortization was decided upon in 1408, as an indication of the fact that the houses were located in the seigneury (censive) of Sainte-Genevi`eve. The will of Gilles Aycelin reveals a strategy for complex and very signiﬁcant familial reproduction. In the short term, Gilles favoured only his nephew Aubert, who pursued an ecclesiastical career. We ﬁnd here the very typical familial scheme of an ecclesiastical uncle favouring the nephew who follows in his footsteps. If the uncle were still in the prime of life, he would give his nephew ﬁnancial help in his studies. If the uncle felt that the end of his life was approaching, he would help his nephew by leaving him his books and material resources to keep him at school. Indeed, since the thirteenth century, pursuing a university education had been a very useful instrument for attaining the highest ecclesiastical ofﬁces. If he could, the uncle would not hesitate to take advantage of his connections so that his nephew could more rapidly advance in his career. This is the pattern which has emerged from recent work by Franc¸oise Autrand and Danielle Courtemanche.41

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Gilles Aycelin, for his part, had had a very ﬁne career, between church and state, to use the words of Bernard Guen´ee.42 He was successively Provost of the chapter of Clermont in 1285, Archbishop of Narbonne from 1290 to 1311, and ﬁnally Archbishop of Rouen between 1311 and his death in 1318. He was also among Philip the Fair’s right-hand men, and was present at the king’s side in all the great affairs of the kingdom. The king even entrusted him with keeping the royal seal between February 1310 and July 1313, when Guillaume de Nogaret was away. His nephew Aubert had a less brilliant career, for he remained Bishop of Clermont from 1307 to his death in 1328. He never acceded to a more prestigious ecclesiastical function, such as the archbishopric of Rouen, which his uncle had held. Nor does it seem as if Aubert was active in the royal entourage. Gilles Aycelin left Aubert an inheritance that he could only beneﬁt from during his lifetime. For he obliged Aubert to bequeath the lands from Auvergne to the legitimate heirs of his other nephew Gilles. Aubert was also compelled to pass on the Parisian houses to a cleric descended from Gilles. Aubert was just a transitory link in the chain of this succession that his uncle had worked out for at least two generations. Gilles Aycelin carried out what lawyers call a ‘substitution’. The heir of the generation immediately following, Aubert in this case, obtained only a life interest in the properties, which he then had to pass on to the next generation of great-nephews in accordance with the rules his uncle had established. This manner of devolving property was inspired by Roman law. It was frequently used, where the law permitted, to guarantee the continuity and integrity of a property or ﬁef.43 Philippe Maurice notes its frequent usage in the ﬁfteenth century in G´evaudan, an area under Roman law not far from Auvergne.44 Gilles Aycelin had studied law, and drew up his will before an ecclesiastical notary. Auvergne was a region partially subject to Roman law, particularly in the ecclesiastical ﬁefs.45 These facts demonstrate that he could easily have had recourse to this method for devolving his property. In his will, Gilles Aycelin makes a clear-cut distinction between his properties in Auvergne and in Paris, to each of which he assigns very speciﬁc functions. To understand thoroughly the purpose of his strategy, let us return to the Aycelin’s genealogical tree. It suggests that the family does indeed correspond to the standard model of a noble family in the Middle Ages. The eldest son inherited the ﬁef and younger sons were offered an ecclesiastical career.46 The ﬁef was indivisible and the succession was patrilinear. The ﬁef of Montaigu, which provided

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the family with noble status, had been purchased from Philip the Fair by Guillaume, Gilles’s brother, in 1295. It was situated in a location today called Glaine-Montaigut (Puy-de-Dˆome). It was in this context that Gilles Aycelin wished his lands in Chˆateldon to return to the heir of his nephew Gilles, who held the seigniorial title, so that the family property in Auvergne would be enlarged. Yet he conceived of an entirely different purpose for his houses in Paris, reserving one part for founding student burses, and the other for a descendant of his nephew Gilles who had entered an ecclesiastical career. This property could only stay in the family ‘si sit clericus superveniens de genere nostro’, as he speciﬁed in his will. Located on the left bank of the Seine, near the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve, these houses were in the jurisdiction of the University of Paris in the kingdom’s capital. They made for a very advantageous pied-`a-terre for someone from Auvergne with ambitions to pursue a great career between church and state. Gilles Aycelin reveals two ambitions in his will regarding the fate of his lineage: that the family’s domain, the foundation of its nobility, would be passed down to a son generation after generation, and, more importantly, that in each generation there would be one member of the family who would distinguish himself in the service of the church and presumably of the king. This twofold project succeeded until the end of the fourteenth century. From his brother Guillaume, the ﬁrst seigneur de Montaigu, until Louis his nephew in the fourth generation, there was always a son to hold the noble title of the family. Moreover, in his lifetime Gilles saw his nephew Aubert attain the episcopal seat in Clermont. How pleased would he have been could he have known that two of his great-great nephews would become cardinals? Gilles, doctor in law, was indeed Bishop of Th´erouanne from 1356 to 1361, close to king John II and chancellor of France from 1357 to 1361, and was a cardinal from 1367 to his death in 1378.47 Pierre became Bishop of Nevers in 1361, then of Laon in 1370, during which time he carried out a number of important missions for Charles V. He was eventually made a cardinal, and held this rank from 1383 to his death in 1388. We can be certain that the burse system Gilles Aycelin had begun was perpetuated. For Pierre, Cardinal of Laon, asked to improve it by readjusting his predecessors’ investments. In addition, this endowment practice had to have really existed in order for the argument from the Coll`ege’s long past, used against Sainte-Genevi`eve before the Provost of Paris, to be at all plausible. The taxation list of the University of Paris from 1329 to 1330, studied by William J. Courtenay, also provides

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us with a sign that points in the same direction. We observe that a certain Stephanus de Rion, Etienne de Riom, and two of his companions lived on the Rue des Sept-Voies, one of those streets where some of the family houses were located.48 The family name refers, without a doubt, to a native of Auvergne from the diocese of Clermont. Riom, Clermont, Chˆateldon and Glaine-Montaigut were towns about ten to forty kilometres away from each other. This Stephanus had clearly come from the Aycelin-Montaigu’s area of inﬂuence. Gilles’s ambition for the descendants of his lineage, that they would gain renown by pursuing ecclesiastical careers, was remarkably fulﬁlled until the generation of his great-great-nephews. But it seems to have become evident, in the years which followed the death of Pierre Aycelin, Cardinal of Laon, that his nephew Louis would have only one descendant, his daughter Jeanne. And so the project elaborated by Gilles Aycelin for his family came to an end. This ﬁne family history drew to a close with Pierre’s demise.49 It was then that the University of Paris intervened to remind Louis of the provisions in his ancestor’s will. The Parisian houses intended to beneﬁt those members of the family who pursued ecclesiastical careers were from then on to be used for study burses for other young men. The two constituents of the urban Parisian property were to be reunited in view of the same purpose. But the wills of Gilles and Pierre do not speak of a college. The word only appears in 1392 in Louis’s letter of consent allowing all the Parisian houses to be devoted to education. Was it under pressure from the University of Paris, which defended the interests of the academic world in this affair, that the juridical structure of a collegium was preferred for the fostering and adminstration of the Aycelin inheritance? Without this structure, the proper administration of burses would depend on individuals. In the beginning, Pierre Aycelin relied on Philippe de Moulins, Bishop of Evreux, and then on a hypothetical cleric from his family, and most of all on the chapter of Notre-Dame of Paris to administer the burses. Was it possible that the University of Paris foresaw the potential for conﬂict due to such an arrangement? By conferring the juridical status of a college on the burse system, the foundation was provided with a juridical character and statutes that guaranteed its autonomy and perpetuity.50 The real estate fell into mortmain, a status that had largely proven itself in the fourteenth century for academic institutions.51 Louis Aycelin consented to this project, provided the college took the name Montaigu.

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Establishing the Coll`ege de Montaigu was a long and arduous process. Its foundation was not planned in either the 1314 will of Gilles Aycelin, Archbishop of Rouen, or the 1388 will of Pierre, Cardinal of Laon. Due to pressure from the University of Paris, Louis Aycelin ﬁnally gave the foundation his support on June 17, 1392. But the statutes were drawn up only ten years later, on July 25, 1402. Then, from 1402 until the beginning of 1408, the long trial with the Abbey of Sainte-Genevi`eve concerning the amortization on the houses belonging to the Coll`ege took place before the Provost of Paris. The Parlement intervened in December 1403 and January 1404 (n. s.) to allow the Coll`ege to have the use of its endowment during the trial. The trail of these events left behind in the archives was the point of departure for my inquiry. The scanty remaining sources, in particular the statutes, seem to suggest that the resources at hand were barely sufﬁcient for founding a real college. Initially, its properties appear to have been composed only from houses in the seigneury (censive) of Sainte-Genevi`eve. Just six people would be given ﬁnancial support: a master, two chaplains, and three clerics. The master and chaplains were to receive 4 sous parisis each week, and the clerics 2 sous parisis. Altogether the burses added up to 18 sous parisis per week. All this seems rather modest when compared to other, similar foundations. For the Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais, the original charter from 1370 allowed for the master to receive 7 sous parisis, the under-master 5, the proctor 6, and each of the twelve students 4. The total here adds up to 66 sous parisis each week.52 The Coll`ege de Dormans had more members and each received double or close to double the sum given to their confr`eres at Montaigu. We ﬁnd the same situation again in comparison with the Coll`ege de Fortet. In his will, composed in 1391, Pierre de Fortet founded an institution for eight students and a priest who also ﬁlled the position of master. The former received 5 sous parisis per week and the latter 8.53 Here the weekly sum spent on burses totalled 48 sous parisis. One can also detect Montaigu’s precarious ﬁnancial state in a rather uncommon precaution found in the ﬁrst article of the statutes. In the event of costly building repairs, this precaution made the provision that the Coll`ege could reduce the number of burses, provided that at least the priest’s burse was retained. The priest had to celebrate three masses a week for the founders’ souls. One senses that the revenues were barely sufﬁcient to cover all expenses and that the Coll`ege had no margin at its disposal in case of ﬁnancial setbacks. In short, by limiting their project

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to the creation of student burses, the Aycelins had shown themselves to be realists.

5. Family structure and ecclesiastical careers at the end of the Middle Ages

Our inquiry into the Aycelins’ family strategy ﬁnally leads us to the question of whether we witness the emergence of a new family model at the end of the Middle Ages. I have brieﬂy described the Aycelins using the model of a medieval noble family where the eldest son inherited the ﬁef and the younger sons became churchmen. Upon closer consideration, it seems to me that one can observe, in the Aycelin family, a reversal in the value system usually associated with this type of family organization. Gilles Aycelin implemented a strategy for furthering the propagation of clerics within his family, generation after generation. In the case of the Aycelins, the ecclesiastics secured the lineage’s reputation. The ﬁrst seigneur de Montaigu, Guillaume Aycelin, acquired the ﬁef from Philip the Fair in 1295, when his brother Gilles was Archbishop of Narbonne and close to the king. In doing so, he nonetheless remained a much more modest personage in the feudal hierarchy than his brother Gilles was in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, not to mention the other elder brother Hugues, Cardinal of Ostia, who died in 1297 and whom I have not included in my account. Later, Gilles de Montaigu, heir of the seigniorial title, was able to advance himself in his turn by marrying Mascaronne de la Tour d’Auvergne, the daughter of a leading family in the region.54 But he owed this union to his great-uncle Gilles who had settled the details of this marriage with Robert, count of Boulogne and Auvergne, on February 14, 1310.55 The seigneurs de Montaigu were conspicuous in society because of the ecclesiastics in their family. Moreover, these ecclesiastics had to hold on to the family origins that placed them immediately in the ranks of ‘the people of nobility’.56 After all, to work one’s way up to noble rank remained the ultimate ambition of the great royal ofﬁcers from modest extraction, as one ﬁnds with the people who served in the Parlement of Paris.57 Gilles Aycelin’s will illustrates how important it was to ensure the continuity of the two elements of his lineage, the one linked to his belongings in Auvergne, the other bound up with the houses in

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Paris. The former assured the perpetuation of the family and its nobility, while the latter procured his fame. Gilles effectively treated his Parisian houses as the proper ﬁef of those members of the Aycelin family who were ecclesiastics and servants to the king. This ﬁef had its own rules. While the estates in Auvergne were handed down from father to son, the Parisian properties passed from uncle to nephew. Nor could the Parisian houses belong to laymen, so that when the ecclesiastical lineage ended with Pierre Aycelin, the houses literally fell into escheat and were placed back into the hands of the University of Paris. The different purposes of each kind of property could not be more clearly drawn. We cannot continue to speak then, with respect to the Aycelins, of a noble family dependent on the church to obtain appropriate status for its younger sons. Rather, in Gilles Aycelin’s will we see a family model emerge that relied on its ecclesiastical members to maintain the family’s rank in each generation. This development resulted from the increased importance of university graduates who served the kingdom. These graduates performed numerous important functions for which they were remunerated by the king, who helped them attain high ecclesiastical positions. The academic training which prepared them for serving the king and the church had become a crucial mode of social ascension by the end of the Middle Ages.58 Families were able to adapt their strategies of reproduction to this new social reality. The case of the Aycelins exhibits a line of research that ought to be pursued concerning the structures and strategies of reproduction for families whose members distinguished themselves generation after generation in serving the king and the church. For obvious reasons, families always had to include several boys to ensure this two-pronged lineage; hence it was necessary that they should be proliﬁc. It should also be veriﬁed whether the eldest sons in these families always inherited the ﬁef. Families’ fame rested on the academic success of their sons. Were their intellectual capabilities taken into account when advising one son rather than another to study, without consideration of their position in the family? Another characteristic of these families that included many clerics was the presence of illegitimate children. Because of the importance placed on perpetuating their lineage, certain clerics were tempted to have offspring. Most of them were able to legitimize their children and it was not uncommon for an illegitimate son to follow in his father’s footsteps.59 Finally, these families had to support their members who decided to go to university during the long years of study. We have seen, in the case of the Aycelins, the importance of the Parisian houses for

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the propagation of clerics in the family. The houses were made into a college in 1402 when the clerical lineage ended. For other families, the foundation of a college served similar strategies. It did happen that a college’s statutes privileged the descendants of its founder, giving them priority to receive a burse. This was the case, for example, at the colleges of Boissy, Dormans-Beauvais, Tr´eguier and Mignon.60 Take, for example, the Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais, founded between 1370 and 1372 by Jean de Dormans, then chancellor of France and cardinal. The statutes established that members of the Coll`ege were to be recruited in the ﬁrst place from the poor students of the city of Dormans (Marne) or from the diocese of Soissons. One sentence, however, speciﬁes that: Illis tamen de genere nostro, si sint vel de linea parentum et amicorum nostrorum carnalium presentium et futurum, semper preassumptis dumtamen ad hoc habiles debeant reputari.61

Jean de Dormans’s vocabulary is the same as that of Gilles Aycelin. We see a similarity in function between Aycelin’s Parisian houses and burses at Dormans-Beauvais: both support poor students as well as future clerics in the family. In both cases, the process of familial reproduction lay at the heart of the project. Even when the family line came to an end, the institution preserved its importance for the family. It ensured, in perpetuity, that prayers and masses were said for the souls of the men who had served the king and the church. For the Aycelins, this vocation seems even to have prevailed over the foundation’s academic function, since its statutes anticipated that, in case of ﬁnancial difﬁculties, all burses could be suspended except that of the priest who had to celebrate masses for the souls of deceased family members. The institution was charged with one last family task: to guarantee the continuation of its lineage’s name. Louis Aycelin thus consented to the foundation of the college on the sole condition that it took the name ‘Coll`ege de Montaigu’. ( Translated from the French by Jenny Pelletier and Paul J.J.M. Bakker.) University of Montr´eal Department of History C. P. 6128, Succ. Centre-Ville Montr´eal, Qu´ebec H3C 3J7 Canada

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Appendix Genealogy of the Aycelin Family62 Pierre I

Pierre II (†1294) — N. Flote

Aubert: Canon and Cantor of St Cerneuf of Billom, Provost of Clermont

Guillaume: Albert Henri Hugues: seigneur Cardinal de Montaigu of Ostia (†1314) — (†1297) Alix Du Breuil (†1300)

Gilles: seigneur de Montaigu — Blanche du Château

Gilles (†1359) — Mascaronne de la Tour du Pin en 1317

Gilles, died at young age

Guillaume — Dauphine de Montboisier

Gilles and Pierre (both died at young age), and Mascaronne

Gilles: Archbishop of Narbonne and then Rouen (†1318)

Aubert: Bishop of Clermont from 1307 to †1328

Albert: seigneur de Lopsat

Gilles: Cardinal of Thérouanne (†1378)

Robert: alive in 1280

Etienne: Jean : knight Bishop of Clermont (1298) (†1301)

5 daughters: N., Edine, Béatrice, Catherine et N.

Robert: Canon of St Cerneuf of Billom

2 daughters: Marguerite et Alice

Bernard Henry, called Griffon knight (†1373) — Jeanne de Bourbon-Clacy

Louis: seigneur de Montaigu (born ca. 1370 and †1427) — Marguerite de Beaujeu

Jeanne

Pierre: Cardinal of Laon (†1388)

Marguerite

3 daughters: Alice, Blanche et Isabelle

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REFERENCES 1. Heinrich Deniﬂe and Emile Chatelain (eds), Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (4 vols, Paris, 1889–1897) (henceforth cited as CUP), i. 181, no 142. 2. CUP i. 194, no 164. 3. CUP i. 221–2, nos 195 and 196. 4. Serge Lusignan,‘V´erit´e garde le roy’: la construction d’une identit´e universitaire en France (XIII e — XV e si`ecle) (Paris, 1999). 5. The other trials principally concerned the University of Orl´eans and, to a lesser extent, the Universities of Angers and Poitiers. Academic institutions in the south of the kingdom appealed to the Parlement of Paris very rarely. See Lusignan, ‘V´erit´e garde le roy’, 32. 6. On this subject, see Nathalie Gorochov, Le coll`ege de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au d´ebut du XV e si`ecle (1418): histoire de l’institution, de sa vie intellectuelle et de son recrutement (Paris, 1997), 199–220. 7. See Lusignan, ‘V´erit´e garde le roy’, 49. 8. F´elix Aubert, Histoire du Parlement de Paris de l’origine a` Franc¸ois I er (1250–1515) (2 vols, Paris, 1894), i. 182–5. The ‘Apr`es dˆın´ees’ pleas were recorded in particular registers, on paper and not on parchment as the other registers of the Parliament were. These registers today make up the series X1a 8300 to 8386 (1373–1570) of the Archives nationales in Paris. The controversies between the Coll`ege de Montaigu and Pierre Bonpain, on December 19 1403 and 7, 14 January 1404 are mentioned in register X1a 8300B , 101. 9. Aubert, Histoire du Parlement de Paris, ii. 168–71. 10. 10 [Nicolas de Baye], Journal de Nicolas de Baye grefﬁer du Parlement de Paris, 1400–1417, ed. Alexandre Tuetey (2 vols, Paris, 1885–1888), i. 80 (Paris, Archives nationales, X1a 1478, 141). 11. Guillaume Desjardins (Guillelmus de Gardino) appears several times in CUP iii. between 1376, when he was elected rector (231, no 1411) and 1394 when his name is found on a list of regents of theology (305, no 1679). 12. Pierre Ogier is the only one of the two members of the Parlement whose name is mentioned by Franc¸oise Autrand in her book, Naissance d’un grand corps de l’Etat. Les gens du Parlement de Paris, 1345–1454 (Paris, 1981). 13. Edgard Boutaric, Actes du Parlement de Paris. Premi`ere s´erie de l’an 1254 a` l’an 1328 (2 vols, Paris, 1867), ii. 497, no 7055. 14. On this subject see Nathalie Gorochov, ‘Crises et conﬂits de pouvoir dans les coll`eges parisiens au XIVe si`ecle: l’exemple du Coll`ege de Mignon (1353–1420)’, Biblioth`eque de l’Ecole des Chartes 151 (1993), 259–74. 15. Paris, Archives nationales, X1a 4784, 204, 215, 300v and 388v . Guy de Harcourt had been Bishop of Lisieux from 1302 to 1336.

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16. Michel F´elibien and Guy-Alexis Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris (5 vols, Paris, 1725), i. 527, and Marcel Godet, ‘Le coll`ege de Montaigu’, Revue des e´ tudes Rabelaisiennes 7 (1909), 285–305, in particular 285. 17. Sources concerning the Coll`ege of Montaigu, although rare for the Middle Ages, are found in great abundance for the modern period. They can be found at the Archives nationales in Paris under the following call numbers: H3 2562, 2563, 2846 to 2849, 2887B , M 178, MM 465 to 467, and S 6514 to 6535. 18. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6528, no 3. 19. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2, edited by F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 675–7. 20. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6528, dossier 3, edited by F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 677–9, who make a transcription error in citing Monday January 17, 1392 (o. s.) as the date of composition. 21. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 679–85. 22. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1. It is evidently the source of the shortened edition of the document by F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 622–3. 23. Paris, Archives nationales, X1a 8300B , 101, and X1a 1478, 141. 24. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6528, dossier 3. 25. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6528, dossier 3. 26. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6528, dossier 3. 27. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, 5: 688–9. 28. William J. Courtenay, ‘The Arts Faculty at Paris in 1329’, in O. Weijers and L. Holtz (eds), L’enseignement des disciplines a` la Facult´e des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIII e — XV e si`ecles) ( Turnhout, 1997), 55–69, and William J. Courtenay, Parisian Scholars in the Early Fourteenth Century: a Social Portrait (Cambridge, 1999). 29. Louis claimed that he made this decision following advice that his uncle, Bernard de la Tour, Bishop of Langres, had given him. For the location of these streets, which formed a square in front of the Abbey Sainte-Genevi`eve, see the map of Paris in Hercule G´eraud, Paris sous Philippe-le-Bel, d’apr`es des documents originaux et notamment d’apr`es un manuscrit contentant ‘le rˆole de la taille’ impos´ee sur les habitants de Paris en 1292 (2nd ed. T¨ubingen, 1991). 30. Paris, Archives nationales, X1a 1472, 305v . 31. By ‘territory of the University of Paris’, I understand the area on the left bank and on the Ile de la Cit´e within which the University had jurisdiction over real estate and where one probably had to live in order to beneﬁt from the privileges granted to university people. On this subject see Lusignan, ‘V´erit´e garde le roy’, 133–7. 32. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 679b .

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33. Guillaume Du Breuil, Stilus curie Parlamenti, ed. F´elix Aubert (Paris, 1909), 131: ‘Item, contra illum qui possedit per annum et diem non potest causa novitatis intentari’. 34. On amortization, see Franc¸ois Olivier-Martin, Histoire du droit franc¸ais des origines a` la R´evolution (Paris, 1948), 183–4. 35. Within a bailliage, the judge of exemptions was responsible for judging violations of royal cases which occurred outside the royal domain. On this subject see Gustave Dupont-Ferrier, Les ofﬁciers royaux des bailliages et s´en´echauss´ees et les institutions monarchiques locales en France a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age (Paris, 1902), 833–4. Gilles Aycelin’s will had been drawn up by an ecclesiastical notary in Clermont. This city was outside the royal domain, but the bishopric must have enjoyed the king’s protection; this was presumably the reason one could appeal to the garde du sceau at the Court of Exemptions. 36. Paris, Archives nationales, S 6528, dossier 3. 37. This family name suggests that preference was not always given to students from the Auvergne when a burse was awarded. The Lamy were a Parisian family who provided several jurists to serve the king. See Carla Bozzolo and H´el`ene Loyeau, La cour amoureuse dite de Charles VI (2 vols, Paris, 1992), 227. 38. The Coll`ege always remained attached to the idea of its historical continuity. In 1508, one of its members wrote a history of its founders which was to be read to students every year on February 7, in memory of Jean Standonck. The manuscript is kept in the Archives nationales under the call number MM 465. The history begins with the ﬁrst foundation by Gilles Aycelin in 1314, which, we are told, ultimately disappeared. The Coll`ege was then recreated by Pierre de Montaigu in 1388. It went into decline again until Jean Standonck permanently restored it in 1498. 39. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 622–3. 40. L´eopold Delisle, ‘Gilles Aicelin, Archevˆeque de Narbonne et de Rouen’, Histoire litt´eraire de la France 32 (1898), 474–502, in particular 491. 41. Franc¸oise Autrand, ‘‘ ‘Tous parens, amis et afﬁns’’: le groupe familial dans le milieu de robe parisien au XVe si`ecle’, in Philippe Contamine, Thierry Dutour and Bertrand Schnerb (eds), Commerce, ﬁnances et soci´et´e ( XI e — XVI e si`ecles). Recueil de travaux d’histoire m´edi´evale offert a` M. le professeur Henri Dubois (Paris, 1993), 347–57, and Danielle Courtemanche, Œuvrer pour la post´erit´e. Les testaments parisiens des gens du roi au d´ebut du XV e si`ecle (Paris, 1997). 42. Bernard Guen´ee, Entre l’Eglise et l’Etat. Quatre vies de pr´elats franc¸ais a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age ( XIII e — XV e si`ecle) (Paris, 1987). On Gilles Aycelin, see Delisle, ‘Gilles Aicelin’, and Jo Ann McNamara, Gilles Aycelin: the Servant of two Masters (Syracuse, 1973).

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43. Olivier-Martin, Histoire du droit franc¸ais, 646–7. 44. Philippe Maurice, La famille en G´evaudan au XV e si`ecle (1380–1483) (Paris, 1998), 148–51. 45. Albert Rigaudi`ere, ‘La royaut´e, le Parlement et le droit e´ crit aux alentours des ann´ees 1300’, Acad´emie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes-rendus des s´eances de l’ann´ee 1996 (Paris, 1996), 885–908. 46. Claude Gauvard, La France au Moyen Age du V e au XV e si`ecle (Paris, 1996) (Collection premier cycle), 217–218. In the case of the Aycelins I am unable to ascertain if it was indeed the eldest son who inherited the ﬁef, because we do not know the birth dates of the family members. 47. On Gilles Aycelin’s chancellery, see Octave Morel, La grande chancellerie royale et l’exp´edition des lettres royaux de l’av`enement de Philippe de Valois a` la ﬁn du XIV e si`ecle (1328–1400) (Paris, 1900), 237–43, and Serge Lusignan, La langue des rois au Moyen Age. Le franc¸ais en France et en Angleterre (Paris, 2004), 118–20. 48. Courtenay, Parisian Scholars, 226. 49. In his Histoire g´en´ealogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France (9 vols, Paris, 1730), vi. 304, P`ere Anselme (1625–1694) mentions that Louis had married Marguerite de Beaujeau in 1391. She might have died giving birth to her daughter, as happened frequently in the Middle Ages. This supposition would be compatible with the fact that the University of Paris only intervened in 1392 to urge Louis to fulﬁll the wills of his ancestors. 50. On the institutional nature of a collegium, see Pierre Michaud-Quantin, Universitas. Expressions du mouvement communautaire dans le Moyen Age latin (Paris, 1970), in particular 70–75, and Olga Weijers, ‘Coll`ege, une institution avant la lettre’ Vivarium, 21 (1983), 73–82. 51. Olivier-Martin, Histoire du droit franc¸ais, 183–4. 52. I have taken this information, on the increase in burses, from my transcription of the statutes for the Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais, Paris, Archives nationales, MM 356, 1–4v . On the Coll`ege itself and its founder, see Louis Carolus-Barr´e, ‘Le cardinal de Dormans, chancelier de France, ‘‘principal conseiller’’ de Charles V d’apr`es son testament et les archives du Vatican’, Ecole franc¸aise de Rome. M´elanges d’arch´eologie et d’histoire 52–5 (1935), 314–65; Elisabeth Pellegrin, ‘La biblioth`eque de l’ancien coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais a` Paris’, in Elizabeth Pellegrin, Biblioth`eques retrouv´ees. Manuscrits, biblioth`eques et bibliophiles du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance (Paris, 1988), 3–68; Franc¸oise Laperrine, ‘La fortune d’un clerc du roi au XIVe si`ecle: Jean de Dormans, cardinal de Beauvais, Chancelier de France’, Etudes et Documents 8 (1996), 3–35; and Thierry Kouam´e, Le Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age. Strat´egies politiques et parcours individuels a` l’Universit´e de Paris (1370–1458) (Leiden, 2005).

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53. See Raoul Busquet, ‘Etude historique sur le Coll`ege de Fortet (1394–1764)’, M´emoire de la Soci´et´e de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Ile-de-France 33 (1906), 187–290, and 34 (1907), 1–151 (for the edited statutes, 142–9). 54. On the la Tour d’Auvergne family, see P`ere Anselme, Histoire g´en´ealogique et chronologique, iv. 525–531, and in particular 527. 55. Delisle, ‘Gilles Aicelin’, 495. 56. On this subject see Franc¸oise Autrand, ‘Noblesse ancienne et nouvelle noblesse dans le service de l’Etat en France: les tensions du d´ebut du XVe si`ecle’, in Annalisa Guarduci (ed.), Gerarchie economiche e gerarchie sociali (secoli XII–XVIII ) (Florence, 1990), 611–31, and Philippe Contamine, La noblesse au royaume de France de Philippe le Bel a` Louis XII : essai de synth`ese (Paris, 1997). 57. Franc¸oise Autrand, ‘L’image de la noblesse en France a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age. Tradition et nouveaut´e’, Acad´emie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes-rendus des s´eances de l’ann´ee 1979 (Paris, 1979), 340–54; Franc¸oise Autrand, Naissance d’un grand corps de l’Etat, 177-82; Franc¸oise Autrand, ‘Le mariage et ses enjeux dans le milieu de robe parisien XIVe – XVe si`ecles’, in Michel Rouche and Jean Heuclin (eds), La femme au Moyen Age (Maubeuge, 1990). 58. On this subject see H´el`ene Millet, ‘La place des clercs dans l’appareil d’Etat en France a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age’, in Jean-Philippe Genˆet and Bernard Vincent (eds), Etat et Eglise dans la gen`ese de l’Etat moderne (Madrid, 1986), 239–48, and Jacques Verger, Les gens de savoir dans l’Europe de la ﬁn du Moyen Age (Paris, 1997), chapter IV. 59. Franc¸oise Autrand, ‘Naissance ill´egitime et service de l’Etat: les enfants naturels dans le milieu de robe parisien XIVe – XVe si`ecle’, Revue historique 542 (1982), 289–303. 60. For the Coll`ege de Boissy see Pierre Feret, La Facult´e de th´eologie de Paris et ses docteurs les plus c´el`ebres: Moyen Age (4 vols, Paris, 1894–97), iii. 611–32. For Dormans-Beauvais see the statutes cited supra note 52. For Mignon and Tr´eguier, see F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, i. 545 and 540. Originally, the Coll`ege de Mignon was even founded exclusively for descendants of the family; see Gorochov, ‘Crises et conﬂits de pouvoir’, 262. 61. Paris, Archives nationales, MM 356, 1v : ‘Those descendant from us, whether they are of the lineage of our parents or of our present or future amis charnels, will always be chosen ﬁrst on the condition that their abilities [for study] are well established’. 62. This genealogical tree has been compiled from the following sources: P`ere Anselme, Histoire g´en´ealogique et chronologique, vi. 301–304; Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise (Paris, 1948), iv. 916–25; Bozzolo and

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Loyeau, La cour amoureuse, i. 107. The grey ﬁelds contain the names of persons related to the history of the Coll`ege de Montaigu. The sources do not disclose the dates of birth of the persons mentioned; hence the order of the names in the tree for each generation does not indicate any order of birth. I have simply chosen an order convenient to read.

The Coll`ege de Montaigu Before Standonck William J. Courtenay

One of the most important dates in the history of the Coll`ege de Montaigu—perhaps its most important date—was the appointment of Jean Standonck of Malines as principal of the college in 1483.1 According to the accounts of this event, the college was on the verge of complete collapse and the canons of Notre Dame, who oversaw the college, seriously considered dissolving it after the death of its principal, Amator Chetant, before choosing instead to appoint an impoverished regent master in arts, albeit sometime proctor of the Picard nation, as head of the college. At the time of the appointment the college was supposedly without fellows, or boursiers, because the revenues barely sufﬁced to cover masses for the souls of the founders, and college rooms were rented to other students to raise money for needed repairs to the crumbling structure. The ‘re-formation’ of the college at the end of the ﬁfteenth century, the change in discipline and pedagogical vision, and the expansion of its material fabric, represent a new phase in the history of the college. But to appreciate that development, it is important to place it in the context of what preceded it. One question to be explored is whether the state of the college on the eve of Standonck’s appointment was as bad as portrayed, and if so, to what extent its material and academic condition was a result of decay and mismanagement across the previous two centuries or due to the nature of its foundation. Related questions concern the aims of the founders, regional ties, the physical setting, and the role of the college in terms of recruitment and instruction within the larger academic communities of the faculties of arts, theology, and decrees.

1. College Foundations in the Early Fourteenth Century According to the standard account, the Coll`ege de Montaigu, or Coll`ege des Aycelins, was founded in 1314 by Gilles Aycelin, archbishop of

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Rouen. That foundation, to be reexamined in a moment, was not an isolated event but part of a series of college foundations at that time that were in large measure a response to a serious ﬁnancial crisis that the university was then experiencing. It is difﬁcult to assess the depth and extent of the crisis since claims of poverty and insufﬁcient funding were not, and are not, unusual for academic communities, and most of our documentation was generated by the university or came in response to its appeals. The crisis went back at least as far as the academic year 1312–1313. Evidence shows up in the problems foreign students encountered in bringing money to Paris for their studies and in the difﬁculty many students had in paying their portion of the university collection in May 1313, which resulted in an appeal to the pope for a delay in payment.2 At some point between 1292 and 1316, most likely toward the end of that time span, the university issued a statement about the lack of enforcement of the privileges of the university, particularly those that concerned the ﬁnancial well being of masters and students.3 The complaint was renewed in 1316, calling on the king and the pope to pressure bishops to provide beneﬁces for at least one or two masters of arts from their respective dioceses, to establish houses of study or colleges at Paris, and to provide revenues for the maintenance of bachelors and masters of arts resident at those colleges.4 The crisis primarily affected the faculty of arts, but the university claimed that the poor ﬁnancial condition of arts masters was having a damaging effect on enrolments in theology, which in time would lead to a reduction in the number of theologians with potentially disastrous results for the church at large. Whatever the merits of the argument, the university had identiﬁed three principal remedies to meet this crisis. One was the need for beneﬁce support in their own dioceses for worthy masters of arts nominated by the university. Second, the acquisition of properties in Paris to create houses of study, or colleges, for worthy masters and bachelors in arts. Third, the creation of endowments to cover the expenses of those masters and bachelors in addition to their lodging. The principal features of this list of desiderata are the target group (masters and bachelors in arts), the role of university or faculty nomination, and the diocesan link between recipient and provider. One result of the university’s campaign was John XXII’s letter of 13 November 1316 to all prelates urging them to provide beneﬁces for masters and scholars at Paris.5 On that same day the pope responded favorably to the ﬁrst rotulus or list of masters nominated by the faculties

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of arts and theology for beneﬁce support.6 This two-pronged approach to the problem, through episcopal and papal provisions, proved reasonably effective across subsequent decades. What concerns us more is the effect of this campaign on the establishment of colleges and related endowments at Paris. The establishment of colleges resulted from many factors, often simultaneously present, of which the expressed needs of students and masters was only one. As charitable foundations they beneﬁted the founder in the after-life, and that beneﬁt was maintained regularly by prayers and masses for the soul of the donor and those of his family. College foundations at Paris go back to the late twelfth century, the earliest of them being the establishment of the Coll`ege des Dix-huit. Excluding houses of study established by religious orders, the number of colleges for secular scholars tripled in the ﬁrst half of the fourteenth century, and a third of those foundations occurred in the 1314 to 1330 period.7 In looking at colleges it is well to remember that scholars afﬁliated with colleges in the fourteenth century represented less than ﬁve percent of students at the university. This issue of college afﬁliation as distinct from residence in a hall or in rented rooms was examined closely by A.B. Emden and W.A. Pantin for Oxford, and the situation was probably not much different for Paris.8 If we consider only regent masters in the various faculties at the university of Paris, college afﬁliation had probably grown from around ten percent at the beginning of the fourteenth century to around forty percent by the middle of the century.9 This in itself is a testimonial to the success of college foundations in meeting some of the needs expressed by the university in the second decade of the century. The percentage of college afﬁliation for the most renowned masters was even higher. Thus, while the vast majority of students, and even the majority of masters, continued to live in rented accommodations and halls, the association of colleges with the university’s academic elite meant that colleges exercised a level of importance and power within the university community far larger than their numbers would suggest.10 Many of the colleges founded in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries were regionally speciﬁc in their membership. The Coll`ege du Tr´esorier, Harcourt, Bayeux, and Lisieux favoured students and masters from Norman dioceses in the province of Rouen. The Coll`ege d’Abbeville, Cholets, Lemoine, Laon, Prˆeles, Arras, and

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Cambrai awarded their fellowships to students and masters from northern France, speciﬁcally the dioceses of Beauvais, Laon, Amiens, Cambrai, and Arras. If not directly through bishops, at least a diocesan and regional connection was created by many founders at the time of foundation, helping to realize that regional tie in ﬁnancial support espoused by both the university and the papacy. Even the largest of the colleges, the Coll`ege de Navarre, skewed its fellowships in the direction of certain regions in France, most notably Champagne. The international range in recruitment that the Coll`ege de Sorbonne continued to maintain was not a vision shared by founders of colleges in the fourteenth century. College founders received, at least in medieval terms, a substantial return on their investment. Their action qualiﬁed as one of the important works of charity, the support of poor students. Regardless of the material circumstances of individuals chosen to be fellows of a college, they were by deﬁnition ‘poor students’, and giving unto the least of these was an act of charity equivalent to any gift to the poor and needy. In addition to the spiritual beneﬁts of such a one-time action, masters and students across time would pray for the soul of the founder and his family, including regular masses that would offset sins committed during the founder’s lifetime and remain a perpetual memorial among the living. Beyond the religious and personal beneﬁts there were practical beneﬁts. Scholars from the home region could ﬁnd support for study that might otherwise not be available, and some of those might have social or ecclesiastical ties with the family of the founder or the diocesan network. Equally important, those same scholars might well return to parishes or collegiate churches in the home diocese, thus theoretically improving the quality of training for those who would hold positions of leadership in ecclesiastical institutions of the region. There is a surprisingly high correlation between intellectual achievement and college afﬁliation in the fourteenth century. With few exceptions, the most notable secular scholars in fourteenth-century Paris, those whose writings are central to the history of philosophy, science, and theology in the period, were at some time fellows and occasionally administrative heads of colleges. Yet it remains unclear whether those chosen as bursarii at colleges were selected on the basis of proven intellectual and academic prominence within the university community, or whether afﬁliation with a college and the resources that were thus provided gave them the means of achievement that brought them that recognition.

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Before turning to Montaigu itself, one ﬁnal element needs to be addressed. Much has been said in recent years about a shift in the teaching of arts at Paris and Oxford in the late Middle Ages, a shift away from the faculty to the colleges. The argument has been posed primarily for Oxford and Cambridge where a supposed breakdown in enforcing the required length of regency led to a shortage of teachers. The emergence of college-based teaching, it is concluded, was a response to that shortage that had lasting effects on the university.11 If one accepted the claim made by the university of Paris in 1316 that the number of masters at Paris had declined from ﬁve hundred to a mere ﬁfty because of a lack of ﬁnancial support or incentives, then one might well view the increased founding of colleges as a response to a teaching shortage as well as a shortage in ﬁnancial support. As I have argued elsewhere, that picture of a crisis in regency is based on a misunderstanding of how the system worked even at Oxford and Cambridge.12 Compulsory regency emerged because inception into any professional guild required the practice of that profession as part of inception. The system of regency was not invented to ensure a sufﬁcient supply of underpaid teachers. Nor was there any university or facultyspeciﬁc administration that concerned itself with such matters. In the market-place economy in which masters received much of their income from student fees, an increase in teaching masters would reduce the individual’s share in that market, and a decrease in regents would potentially increase the number of students studying with an individual master. At the same time, college statutes in the fourteenth and ﬁfteenth century at Paris do attest to a gradual growth of ordinary lectures in colleges, ﬁrst among arts masters and eventually by theologians as well.13 The model was probably that of the mendicant and monastic houses of study, which had always given lectures ‘intra muros’. At no time in the fourteenth century, however, did college teaching displace the schools in any faculty. University rhetoric aside, the numbers of regent masters remained relatively constant and perhaps even increased in the fourteenth century. It averaged around ﬁfteen for the English-German nation, perhaps around thirty-ﬁve for the Norman nation, and upwards to ﬁfty each for the French and Picard nations. Moreover, each nation maintained its own schools, control of which was negotiated among the masters on an annual basis. The teaching of arts at Paris throughout the fourteenth century remained a matter for the nations as such. A need for classroom space may have encouraged certain colleges to follow the pattern of the Sorbonne and

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the convents of the religious orders in using these facilities as well for teaching. But that teaching was in addition to the normal teaching provided in the schools in or adjacent to the Rue du fouarre.

2. The Coll`ege des Aycelins

The traditional date for the founding of the Coll`ege des Aycelins, or Montaigu, is 1314.14 The college, however, was certainly not founded in 1314. That is simply the year in which Gilles Aycelin, archbishop of Rouen and a member of a wealthy and powerful noble family from the diocese of Clermont, composed his will.15 Gilles had spent most of 1314 in the Auvergne and on December 13, when he made out his will, he was residing on his estate at Chˆateldon.16 His bequests were extensive and detailed. What he had inherited, such as the seigneurie of Chˆateldon, was left to family members. Most of what he had acquired in his long ecclesiastical career was in some form to be returned to the church. His ties to Paris were based on long years of residence and royal service, while his ties to the university of Paris may derive from his studies in canon law in which he reportedly held a doctorate. In his will Aycelin intended to use several houses he had acquired on the Mont Sainte-Genevi`eve in the Rue de Saint-Symphorien for the support of scholars.17 There were two groups of houses in that neighbourhood. One group was to remain in the possession of the family, who might continue to live there, and income for worthy students, chosen by the family, was to be generated from rents on some of that property.18 Another group of nearby buildings, which the archbishop had bought from master Guillaume Bonet, founder of the Coll`ege de Bayeux, one or more of which were used as stables, were to be rented or sold: if sold, the proceeds were to be used to buy income-generating property for the support of scholars.19 No mention is made of a house of study. The intent was to create a fund from rental income that would be used to support students. The will did not specify faculty of study, nor did it specify the number of bursarii, which would depend on the amount of money generated from rents, but the scholars were to be selected by members of his family, and the amount of support for each was set at ten livres tournois.20 Although the college is sometimes grouped with ones that supported students from Normandy, the terms of the will suggest that

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the recipients of fellowships would probably have come from the region of Clermont, for whom there was no house of study at Paris.21 When archbishop Aycelin died at Paris in June 1318, his body was returned to the land of his birth and family, the diocese of Clermont, and interred in August at Billom in the collegiate church of Saint-Cerneuf. His will would probably have been executed later in 1318, but there is no way of knowing how his debts at the time of death compared with the assets in his estate. It was not unusual for testamentary bequests to undergo readjustment or to prove impossible when faced with the reality of clearing debts, which had ﬁrst claim on an estate. Examples abound, such as bishop Thomas Cobham’s library, which had been intended as a testamentary bequest to Oxford to create a university library, but which was sold to pay his debts and his funeral expenses after his death in 1327.22 Richard de Bury, bishop of the wealthiest diocese in England and the possessor of a large private library, wished to establish a college at Oxford that would house his books, but the latter were sold to pay his debts and funeral expenses and no such college was founded.23 A Parisian example of unsuccessful foundation is the College des Ecossais, created by David, bishop of Moray, in 1325 as stipendia for students out of income from a farm purchased at Grisy-Suisnes, but which was terminated by his successor in 1333.24 Even in the case of the establishment of the Coll`ege de Navarre, where debts on an estate would not have been a factor, there was a ten-year gap between the death of the queen (1305) and the establishment of the college (1315).25 We do not know the ratio of debt to estate at the time of Aycelin’s death, nor which of his bequests, if any, could not be honoured. We do know that the ﬁrst group of properties were passed to his nephew, Aubert Aycelin, bishop of Clermont, and after his death in 1328 would have gone to Aubert’s brother, Gilles II Aycelin, seigneur de Montaigu et Chˆateldon. The second group of houses, which were to be sold or rented after the archbishop’s death in 1318 to provide income for scholars, may or may not have been realized. Certainly no domus scholarium was founded. A Coll`ege des Aycelins is not mentioned in the university computus of 1329–1330, which mentions almost every other college known to exist at the time and which covers in detail the region in which the college was supposedly located.26 Moreover, several if not most of the houses in the Rue de Saint-Symphorien that belonged to Gilles Aycelin in 1318, save those that may have been sold, appear to have remained within the family throughout the fourteenth century. They eventually passed to his great-great-great nephew, Louis de Listenois,

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seigneur de Montaigu. Apart from the possible creation of a pension fund for scholars selected by the family, or the use of one of the houses as a student residence, no college emerged from the intentions of archbishop Aycelin for the Paris studium for several generations. The Aycelin family continued to play a prominent role in both church and state in the second half of the fourteenth century, and they continued to share the archbishop’s concern for the support of scholars at Paris, at least by pious intention. When a reform of the university of Paris was mandated by Urban V in May 1366, Gilles Aycelin, great-great nephew of the archbishop of Rouen, was one of two cardinal priests appointed to oversee that reform.27 Having previously been bishop of Th´erouanne, Gilles was made cardinal priest in 1361 and cardinal bishop of Frascati in 1367 until his death in 1378. Although there is no surviving will from this cardinal, later documents reveal that he possessed some of the family properties on Mont Sainte-Genevi`eve, some of which were to be used for the support of scholars chosen by his family after his death.28 On his brother Pierre we have more information. He had early in life become a Cluniac monk and pursued a successful ecclesiastical career.29 In 1361 he was appointed bishop of Nevers and in the same year became provisor of the Sorbonne, on the death of Pierre de Cros—a position which he held until his own death in 1388.30 In his will, composed in 1387, Pierre Aycelin intended to reestablish and expand upon whatever had grown out of the dream of his great-great uncle, the archbishop of Rouen.31 During his time as bishop of Nevers (1361–1371) and bishop of Laon (1371–1386), and especially during his years as cardinal (1383–1388), he was able to accrue considerable wealth to bequeath. He even retained revenues from the see of Laon for three years after becoming a cardinal. He had also inherited his share of properties in or near the Rue de Saint-Symphorien, the number of which may have increased after his brother’s death in 1378. Pierre’s will, drawn up at Reims shortly before his own death in 1388, has the same stipulation for the sale of properties to generate support for scholars. Pierre also mentions the support of scholars in a small house (in parva domo) according to the ‘institutio’ of the archbishop of Rouen, but whether ‘institutio’ should be taken to mean foundation or simply intention is open to interpretation.32 The main focus of Pierre’s will as regards the foundation of a college is to ensure that within a group of six scholars in theology or canon law, who were to be housed together, there would be two priests to celebrate daily a mass for the repose of his soul.33 The choice of the six scholars and the amount paid to them was left to the

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discretion of the principal executor, the bishop of Evreux, until his death and then would pass to the cathedral chapter at Notre Dame.34 These scholars could come from any region, but preference was to be given to those from the region of Clermont.35 When Pierre Aycelin’s will was executed sometime after 1388, his nephew, Louis Aycelin, seigneur de Montaigu, was the last surviving male heir of the family. Throughout the fourteenth century there had been an inherent conﬂict of interest created by the will of the archbishop of Rouen and repeated by his descendants in their wills. One was the stipulation that the properties in or near the Rue de Saint-Symphorien were to be passed down in the family primarily to provide Parisian residences and income for those in church careers, and rental income for the support of masses for family members. The other was that income generated from some of these properties be used for the support of scholars. Those two stipulations, not easily balanced where family interests took precedence, came into conﬂict in 1388. From the university’s standpoint, the provision regarding the support of scholars in the wills of the archbishop of Rouen and cardinals Gilles and Pierre had been inadequately realized. In the process of probating Pierre’s will, university masters moved to rectify that situation and made claims on the estate. The matter was settled in 1392 or 1393 through an agreement between Louis Aycelin and the university as represented by Guillaume du Jardin, regent master in theology, and Jehan de Maison, regent master in arts.36 The properties along the Rue des Sept-Voies between the Rue de Saint-Etienne des Grez and the Rue de SaintSymphorien were to be set aside as a foundation for the habitation of scholars, which Louis conceded on the advise of his uncle, Bertrand de la Tour, bishop of Langres. Henceforth the foundation was to be known as the Coll`ege de Montaigu and reserved for scholars from the diocese of Clermont.37 Louis retained for himself and his heirs a large house, cottage, and gardens located in the Rue des Sept-Voies. When the statutes for the Coll`ege de Montaigu were drawn up in 1402, they made clear that some foundation, however modest, had existed before its augmentation at the end of the fourteenth century, and that it had commonly been called ‘Le coll`ege des Aycelins’.38 With its expansion and refoundation as the Coll`ege de Montaigu it comprised a much larger establishment, which in addition to rooms for the bursarii soon would contain a chapel, library, and refectory. With the death in 1409 of Philippe de Moulins, bishop of Evreux at the time of Pierre’s will, the college came under the supervision and control of the cathedral chapter at Notre Dame.

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The district in which the college was located is an interesting one. In the second quarter of the fourteenth century this area inside the city wall between Saint-Etienne des Grez and the Sainte-Genevi`eve, including the Rue des Sept-Voies, was home to some of the wealthiest residents connected with the university of Paris and the royal court. In 1329–1330 one ﬁnds living there the son of the count of Hainaut, the sons of the regent of Scotland, and the four sons of the royal maˆıtre des comptes.39 It was also the location of the townhouses of the bishops of Arras and Le Mans, the abbot of V´ezelay, and a number of other wealthy ecclesiastics. The hˆotel of the duke of Burgundy lay in the same district. The list of property owners adjacent to the college in the foundation agreement at the end of the fourteenth century conﬁrms that the district had lost none of its appeal. The Rue de Saint-Symphorien itself ran parallel to the Rue de SaintEtienne des Grez, between the Coll`ege des Cholets and the Rue des Sept-Voies. Because of the street’s location along the lip of the hill at a point where the decent becomes steeper, houses there would have had a ﬁne view of the city from their upper stories. But view is not everything. At some point in the ﬁfteenth or sixteenth century the street gained a reputation as a disreputable alley where a lack of sanitary conditions and the presence of animal and human waste earned its renaming as the Rue des chiens. When this street changed in reputation is difﬁcult to determine, but it probably has little connection with the apparent decline of the college in the ﬁfteenth century. A foundation for only six scholars, one of whose major purposes was to provide for masses for the souls of the three founders and their family, depended on the maintenance and growth of its endowment income. Any rise in costs, without equivalent increase in income, could only be balanced by a reduction in the value or number of fellowships. Masses for the founders was the one obligation that had to be maintained to meet the terms of the wills. Thus reasons for the reduction or elimination of fellowships not directly attached to the ofﬁces of the chapel, and the failure to maintain the property, are not difﬁcult to imagine.40 If and when this occurred is part of the history of the college in the ﬁfteenth century, to which we now turn.

3. The Coll`ege de Montaigu in the Fifteenth Century Because the Coll`ege de Montaigu came under the supervision of the cathedral chapter at Paris in 1409, and because the minutes of chapter

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meetings are extensively though incompletely preserved, much of the history of the college in the ﬁfteenth century can be reconstructed.41 It should be noted, however, that the chapter of Notre Dame concerned itself only with appointments, ﬁnancial transactions, and problems uncovered by visitations; the registers are silent on the ongoing life of the college, both scholarly and personal, and anything that did not need ﬁxing. Despite that bias, the record shows an active collegiate community throughout most of the ﬁfteenth century. On 1 June 1401 Philippe de Moulins, bishop of Noyon and previously bishop of Evreux, appointed Nicolas de Castro as master of the college, and in 1402 issued statutes for the newly formed foundation.42 After the death of Philippe, two canons of Notre Dame, Pierre de Ogier and Jean Voygnon, were appointed provisors of the college by the chapter.43 The record is unclear as to whether any scholars supported by funds from the Aycelin/Montaigu endowment before 1402 were maintained, but those appointed after that date were all, where diocese of origin is known, from the diocese of Clermont. Those belonging to this early group of six scholars in theology or canon law were Pierre Bougrini (resigned his burse in July 1410);44 Nicolas Mulier (priest from the Clermont diocese, who lost his burse in 1414 by reason of absence);45 Guillaume de Bressis (from the Clermont diocese, boursier by 1411 until 1412);46 Jean Mercatoris (boursier by 1412 from the Clermont diocese, licentiate in canon law in 1418, who was granted an extension of one year before resigning his burse);47 Pierre Theodati (from the diocese of Clermont and granted the burse of Pierre Bougrini in 1410);48 and Durand Barrerii (priest from the diocese of Clermont who was granted the burse of Nicolas Mulier in 1414).49 Several of these would have been among the fellows of the college who were permitted to accompany the archbishop of Bourges to the Council of Constance in 1416.50 Guillaume de Brocis succeeded Nicolas de Castro as master of the college in 1416. He had previously held a burse at the college, and he remained in ofﬁce until his resignation in June of 1423, although he retained his burse until at least 1434.51 In his place the chapter appointed Guillaume Maistronis, B.Th., as master of the college.52 After his death in 1430 the chapter appointed a distinguished theologian, Hugues Major, to that ofﬁce.53 Visitations during this period suggest that the canons of Notre Dame found the college in good ﬁnancial, moral, and academic condition, with only the masonry of the college in need of repair.54 University and personal responsibilities soon interfered with Hugues Major’s administration of the college. In October 1431 he was appointed

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as one of the nuntii to carry the university rotulus of supplication to the papal curia in Rome. The chapter appointed one of the bursarii, master Pierre Fabri, to head the college during his absence.55 When Major did not return from Rome, Bertrand Cormerii, M.A., was appointed acting rector of the college in March 1432 and ofﬁcial rector in June 1434, after a joint university-chapter visitation of the college.56 Cormerii had only entered the college in 1430, but he remained its head until he resigned or died in 1446.57 At the time of Cormerii’s ofﬁcial appointment in 1434, the records of the cathedral chapter provide information on the group of fellows, who numbered six in addition to Cormerii.58 They were Guillaume de Brocis, Gilles de Brena,59 Jean Mileti, Jr., Richard Hervei,60 and two priests, Jean Petit and Guillaume de Riveri, or Riveti.61 Pierre Caros succeeded Cormerii as master or rector of the college in October 1446 and held that position until he resigned it in May 1459.62 During much of that time Etienne du Verger, boursier, was procurator for the college (1449–1459).63 1459 was a year of administrative transition for the college. Jean Peron was appointed to succeed Caros as head of the college (1459–1471) and Pierre de Saint-Martin was appointed to the burse and proctorship of Etienne du Verger.64 And if silence is any indication, little changed in the life of the college until 1471, when Pierre de Saint-Martin, priest and licentiate in decrees, was appointed head of the college (1471–6), and his role as procurator was taken over by Jean d’Etampes.65 In October 1476 Pierre de Saint-Martin resigned as rector, and the Paris chapter appointed Amator Chetant, D.Th., who served until his death in 1483, when Standonck was appointed.66 The records of the cathedral chapter have little to say about the boursiers or life in the college in the second half of the ﬁfteenth century. This may be because appointments were less worthy of recording, but it may reﬂect a decline in the number of fellows in the college. No concern is expressed until the death of Chetant, when available revenues could no longer cover all three purposes of the foundation: the three or four non-priestly burses in theology and canon law; the two priestly burses connected to masses for the souls of the founders in addition to university study; and the upkeep of college buildings. Chapter records do not present a picture of academic, moral, and material decay. The issue was rather one of insufﬁciency of funds to cover all activities of the college. The statutes of 1402 clearly prioritized those activities. The repair of the buildings and the masses for the founders had ﬁrst claim on college income. In the event that funds could not cover all activities,

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burses for scholars were to be terminated in favour of repairs and masses.67 This was precisely the situation that confronted the cathedral chapter in 1483.68 The chapter did not consider dissolving the college but only temporarily suspending payment of burses until repairs could be made and paid for. The appointment of Standonck as master of the college was part of the solution to this ﬁnancial crisis, which apparently included an initial reduction in burses, assigning funds for the repair of buildings and the celebration of two masses in the chapel, and expanding the endowment.69 Financial and academic recovery was not long in coming. By the end of the century the physical and scholarly dimensions of the college had been greatly expanded, and Montaigu began to play a major role among the colleges of the university of Paris.

4. Conclusions

When was the Coll`ege des Aycelins, or Montaigu, founded? Probably not in any meaningful sense until the end of the fourteenth century. If founding dates are taken to mean the date at which buildings were purchased or donated for the housing of students and masters as a collegium, then 1392 or 1402 are more meaningful dates. The realization of the intention of the Aycelins comes with Louis de Montaigu’s donation, free and clear, of houses along the western side of the Rue des Sept-Voies and in the Rue de Saint-Symphorien. It was the combination of Pierre Aycelin’s will and Louis’s property settlement that ﬁnally laid the foundation for the community of scholars that in the ﬁfteenth century and beyond was known as the Coll`ege de Montaigu. That college continued an active if modest existence throughout the ﬁfteenth century, probably not unlike the history of many of the smaller colleges at Paris. The cathedral chapter was content to supervise the college according to the terms of the 1402 statutes. In a sense, it was the very wording of those statutes regarding the maintenance of buildings—not academic or moral decay—that provoked the crisis of 1483 that brought Jean Standonck into the college as its head. And however much later college members and historians have reacted to the austerity and pedagogy of Standonck’s regime, there is no question that he made Montaigu into a very different, more socially and geographically

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accessible institution, and one more academically effective than its Clermont founders had envisioned. List of Masters/Rectors of the College Nicolas de Castro (1401–1416) Guillaume de Brocis [Brossis] (1416–1423) Guillaume Maistronis (1423–1430) Hugues Major (1430–1434) Pierre Fabri, acting master (1431–1432) Bertrand Cormerii, acting (1432–1434), master (1434–1446) Pierre Caros (1446–1459) Jean Peron (1459–1471) Pierre de Saint-Martin (1471–1476) Amator Chetant (1476–1483) Jean Standonck (1483–1504) Department of History 455 N. Park St. Madison, Wisconsin 53706, U.S.A.

REFERENCES 1. Marcel Godet, ‘Le coll`ege de Montaigu’, Revue des e´ tudes Rabelaisiennes, 7 (1909), 285–305; Paris, Archives nationales, LL 123 (register of the cathedral chapter at Paris, 1481–89), 193, 198; Paris, Archives nationales, LL 261 (excerpts from registers of the cathedral chapter concerning colleges under its supervision: Montaigu, Dix-Huit, Fortet), 75v . 2. Heinrich Deniﬂe and Emile Chatelain (eds), Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (4 vols, Paris, 1889–97) (henceforth cited as CUP), ii. 160–1, nr 702; 161–166, nr 703; 167, nr 705; 168, nr 707; William J. Courtenay, ‘Foreign Scholars at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313’, History of Universities, 15 (1997–99), 47–74. 3. CUP ii. 182–183, nr 728. 4. CUP ii. 183–184, nr 728a. 5. CUP ii. 184–186, nr 729. On the system of granting beneﬁces to ‘poor scholars’ see Camille Tihon, ‘Les expectatives in forma pauperum particuli`erement au XIVe si`ecle’, Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 5 (1925), 51–118.

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6. Jean XXII (1316–1334), Lettres communes. Analys´ees d’apr`es les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, ed. Guillaume Mollat et al. (16 vols, Paris, 1904–47), i. in the section of letters numbered 1845–84. The language of the university appeal in the previous note may have been based on the prefatory text of the rotulus itself inasmuch as its form coincides with similar prefaces of rotuli recorded in the papal registers of supplication after 1342. This would explain why the date of the approval of the university petitions and the date of the papal letter to prelates is identical. The surviving results of this ﬁrst university rotulus are included in my edition of the Parisian rotuli, 1316–49: William J. Courtenay, Rotuli Parisienses. Supplications to the Pope from the University of Paris, Vol. 1: 1316–1349 (Leiden, Boston, Cologne, 2002). 7. Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, rev. edn Frederick M. Powicke and Alfred B. Emden (3 vols, Oxford, 1936), i. 536–9; Astrik L. Gabriel, ‘The College System in the Fourteenth-Century Universities’, in: Francis L. Utley (ed.) The Forward Movement of the Fourteenth Century (Columbus, 1961), 79–124. Gabriel rightly notes that the exact date of foundation is difﬁcult to determine because it can be based on the date of the execution of the will of the founder or the date of approval by ecclesiastical authorities. As we will see with the foundation of the Coll`ege de Montaigu, the issue of founding date is often even more complex. 8. Alfred B. Emden, ‘Oxford Academical Halls in the Later Middle Ages’, in: Jonathan J.G. Alexander and Margaret T. Gibson (eds), Medieval Learning and Literature: essays presented to Richard William Hunt (Oxford, 1976), 353–65; Alfred B. Emden, An Oxford Hall in Medieval Times: being the Early History of St. Edmund Hall (Oxford, 1927, 2nd edition Oxford, 1968); and William A. Pantin, ‘The Halls and Schools of Medieval Oxford: an Attempt at Reconstruction’, in: Oxford Studies presented to Daniel Callus (Oxford, 1964), 31–100. 9. This estimate is conjectural. By 1340 the total number of secular regent masters at Paris, including the higher faculties, probably numbered less than two hundred, not counting grammar masters and nonregent masters in residence. The number of college fellowships, however, is harder to calculate, since the implementation of the wishes of a founder in this regard were often delayed or not realized, and only a few colleges, most notably Sorbonne (36) and Navarre (70), maintained a large number of burses. Moreover, the purpose of college fellowships was to provide support for study, not teaching, and many burses were reserved for students in arts who were not yet masters. Beneﬁce support, which went to masters, particularly those in the higher faculties, usually entailed the necessity of relinquishing a college fellowship once ecclesiastical income reached a certain level. 10. On residential patterns at Paris in the second quarter of the fourteenth century, see William J. Courtenay, Parisian Scholars in the Early Fourteenth Century: a Social Portrait (Cambridge, 1999), 59–91. The academic elite of the university community, namely the leading regent masters, should be distinguished from the social elite who, although simply students, provided

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11.

12. 13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

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substantial ﬁnancial support for the university and, on occasion, represented its needs to outside powers. For an example of the latter, see Courtenay, ‘Foreign Scholars at Paris’. See especially Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, i. 518–20; and Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Berkeley [CA], 1988), 161–208. William J. Courtenay, review of Cobban, The Medieval English Universities, in: Speculum 66 (1991), 622–4. In addition to the examples cited in Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, i. 518–20, Charles Jourdain, ‘Le coll`ege du Cardinal Lemoine’, Jourdain, Excursions historiques et philosophiques a` travers le Moyen Age (Paris, 1888, 2nd edn Frankfurt am Main, 1966), 273–4. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, i. 537; Godet, ‘Le coll`ege de Montaigu’, 285; and Gabriel, ‘The College System’, 110. Adolphe Berty, Lazare-Maurice Tisserand, and Camille Platon, R´egion centrale de l’universit´e (Topographie historique du vieux Paris, Vol VI, Paris, 1897), 60, inadvertently implied an earlier date when they conjectured that the students in theology who had a key to the chapel of Saint-Symphorien in 1294 were ‘boursiers du coll`ege de Montaigu’. L´eopold Delisle, ‘Gilles Aicelin, Archevˆeque de Narbonne et de Rouen’, Histoire litt´eraire de la France 32 (1898), 474–502; Roman d’Amat, ‘Aycelin (Gilles)’, Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise (Paris, 1933–), iv. 918–21. Gilles’s father, Pierre II, was married to the sister of Pierre Flotte and with the latter served Philippe le Bel in the inner circle of royal knights. Whether the marriage brought wealth and position to the Aycelin family (as claimed in Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise, iv. 917) or brought Pierre Flotte into royal service and thus made his fortune (Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise, xiv. 128), the alliance was mutually beneﬁcial. Three of Pierre Aycelin’s sons became prelates: Hugues, a Dominican who became cardinal bishop; Jean, who was bishop of Clermont; and Gilles, archbishop of Narbonne and later Rouen. A copy of his will survives in Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, nr 2. The portion that concerns the founding of the college was published by Michel F´elibien and Guy-Alexis Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris (5 vols, Paris, 1725), v. 622–3, from a manuscript account of the history of the college. An earlier and more detailed copy of the will, destined for the Franciscan convent at Clermont, was discovered and described by Genest Emile Aubert de La Faige, Le testament de Gilles Aycelin de Montaigu, archevˆeque de Narbonne (Riom, 1898) and subsequently became part of the manuscript collection of the Biblioth`eque nationale de France. While in Paris Aycelin probably resided at the palace of the archbishops of Rouen, located on the west end of the Latin Quarter, near the Porte Saint-Germain. It was not unusual, however, for prelates to acquire a personal residence and other properties in Paris for themselves and their families.

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18. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 623: ‘Item, omnes domos nostras Parisiis, exceptis infra scriptis proxime, legamus dicto episcopo nepoti nostro [Aubert Aycelin, bishop of Clermont] ad vitam ipsius tantum, et post mortem suam [1328], si sit clericus superveniens de genere nostro ex Aegidio nepote nostro [Gilles Aycelin, seigneur de Montaigu] praedicto descendens, domos ipsas ad ipsum volimus pertinere. Et si autem non superveniret talis clericus de genere nostro, volimus quod dictae domus deveniant ad Aegidium supradictum ac ejus haeredes, ita tamen quod . . . de pretio locationis ipsarum . . . bonos aptos et idoneos scholares eligendos per ipsos, quantum dictum pretium se extendet, sic quod quilibet scholaris habeat decem libras turonenses annuatim, nisi ipse Aegidius vel haeredes sui habitarent in domibus praelibatis’. 19. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 623: ‘Item, alias domos nostras quas Parisiis in vico sancti symphoriani coram aliis domibus nostris praedictis emimus, et etiam illas in quibus sunt marescalliae nostrae, quas emimus a magistro Guillelmo Boneti tunc thesarario Andegavensi, volumus vendi et de pretio quod ex inde habebitur, emantur redditus de quibus tot scholares apti et idonei per nostrum haeredem et haeredes ipsius eligendi teneantur perpetuo Parisiis, ad quos sufﬁcere poterunt redditus memorati, ita quod quilibet scholaris habeat decem libras turonenses annuatim; vel ipsae domus locentur, et de pretio locationis ipsarum teneantur perpetuo Parisiis tot scholares boni, apti et ideonei per dictum haeredem nostrum et haeredes suos eligendi, ad quot sufﬁcere poterit pretium locationis praedictae’. 20. Students from the Auvergne, some of them of considerable wealth, were not unusual in the opening years of the fourteenth century. Among the leaders of the appeal for a delay in the payment of the university collection in 1313 can be found several young members of prominent families from the Auvergne, such as Hugues Dauphin of the family of the count of Clermont and dauphin of Auvergne, and Adh´emar de Cros, royal clerk and prebendiary canon of Clermont; see Courtenay, ‘Foreign Scholars at Paris’. The purpose of that appeal had been to protect the interests of poorer students who had difﬁculty in paying on short notice the large subvention mandated by the university. The desire to provide for poorer students from his home region, which Gilles Aycelin included in his will of 1314, may have been stimulated in part by the ﬁnancial crisis at Paris in the previous year. 21. One author who groups the Coll`ege des Aycelins, or Montaigu, with colleges founded by (and presumably for) Normans, is Paul de Longuemare, ‘Notes sur quelques coll`eges parisiens de fondation normande aux XIIIe , XIVe et XVe si`ecles’, Congr`es du mill´enaire de la Normandie, 911–1911. Compte rendu des travaux (2 vols, Rouen, 1912), i. 384–93. There were several prominent scholars from Normandy in the fourteenth century with a similar name, but no relation to the family has been established. One of them, Pierre Ascelin, was canon at Lisieux by 1335 and was mandated as executor

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22.

23.

24.

25.

26. 27.

28.

29. 30.

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on many university letters of provision in 1335, 1337, 1342, and 1345; see Courtenay, Rotuli Parisienses, 1: 475. Another, Jean Ascelin, from the diocese of Bayeux was rector of the university in 1361 and was listed as a prominent master in the Norman nation in the rotuli of 1362 and 1365; see William J. Courtenay and Eric D. Goddard, Rotuli Parisienses. Supplications to the Pope from the University of Paris, ii. 1352–1378 (Leiden and Boston, 2002), 593. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe, iii. 64–65, 164–5; William J. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England (Princeton, 1987), 50; and William J. Courtenay, ‘The Fourteenth-Century Booklist of the Oriel College Library’, Viator 19 (1988), 283–90. Joseph de Ghellinck, ‘Un Evˆeque bibliophile au XIVe si`ecle. Richard d’Aungerville’, Revue d’histoire eccl´esiastique 18 (1922), 271–312, 482–508; and Noel Denholm-Young, ‘Richard de Bury’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th ser. 20 (1937), 135–68, reprinted in: Id., Collected Papers on Mediaeval Subjects (Oxford, 1946), 1–25. Violette M. Montagu, ‘The Scottish College in Paris’, Scottish Historical Review 4 (1906–7), 399–416; John L. Carr, Le coll`ege des Ecossais a` Paris (1662–1962) (Paris, 1963); W.A. McNeill, ‘Documents Illustrative of the History of the Scots College, Paris’, Innes Review 15 (1964), 66–85; A. Barrault, ‘La ferme des Ecossais a` Grisy-Suisnes’, Bulletin de la Soci´et´e de l’histoire de l’art du dioc`ese de Meaux, 16 (1969), 442–5; and Brian M. Halloran, The Scots College Paris, 1603–1792 (Edinburgh, 1997), 1–2. Nathalie Gorochov, Le coll`ege de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au d´ebut du XV e si`ecle (1418): histoire de l’institution, de sa vie intellectuelle et de son recrutement (Paris, 1997). Not all college foundations took so long to be realized. The Coll`ege de Marmoutier was founded by Geoffroi du Plessis in 1328 and occupied six months later by monks from Marmoutier, but the buildings had already belonged to Plessis and were being used to house part of his earlier foundation, the Coll`ege du Plessis; see Courtenay, Parisian Scholars, 65. Courtenay, Parisian Scholars, 64–6, 77–9. CUP iii. 142, nr 1318; 143–48, nr 1319. On cardinal Gilles see F. Aubert, ‘Aycelin (le cardinal Gilles)’, Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise, iv. 921–2. In the donation of Louis de Listenois, discussed below, he mentions the bequests for scholars made by his ancestors, ‘archevesque et cardinaux par leurs testamens et ordonnances de derniere voulent´e’. The cardinals were Gilles Aycelin (d. 1378) and Pierre Aycelin (d. 1388). A. Desforges, ‘Aycelin (Pierre)’, Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise, iv. 924–5. In the cartulary of Notre Dame, Pierre’s death on 8 November 1388 is recorded, along with a gift of 200 gold francs for anniversary masses: Cartulaire de l’´eglise Notre Dame de Paris, ed. Benjamin E. Ch. Gu´erard (4 vols, Paris, 1850), iv. 183.

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31. The will is found in Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, nr 1, and the portion concerned with the college was published in F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 675. 32. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 676: ‘XIX. Item, advisentur redditus fundatorum scolarium per praedecessores meos ut isti emendi melius emantur, et admortisentur, et separatim habeantur a predictis. XX. Et recludantur omnes simul, si potest ﬁeri, vel separatim in parva domo solita, prout est institutio domini Rothomagensis, et quod magni subveniant minimis . . . ’. 33. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 676: ‘XVI. Et quod ﬁant sex scholares quorum duo sint sacerdotes, qui habeant celebrare qualibet die unam missam, faciendo commemorationem de me, et quatuor alii clerici, studentes in facultate canonica vel theologica’. 34. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 676: ‘XVIII. Et dispositio istorum scolarium pertinebit ad episcopum Ebroicensem, quandiu vivet; et si sit aliquis clericus de domo paterna aetatis legitimae, ad capitulum Parisiense et ad ipsum clericum pertinebit ipsorum scolarium collatio et dispositio post obitum dicti episcopi’. At the time of the will, the bishop of Evreux was Philippe de Moulins, previously a canon of Notre Dame at Paris and subsequently (December 1388) bishop of Noyon; he died at Paris in July 1409. 35. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 676: ‘XXI. Item, quod dicti scolares undecumque recipiantur; sed tamen praeferantur Claromontenses, dum tamen reperiantur idonei’. 36. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 677–9: ‘comme certain discort . . . entre luy [Louis] d’une part et . . . maistres Guillaume du Jardin maistre en theologie et maistre Jehan de Maison maistre en arts, commis et deputez par nostre mere l’universit´e de Paris, aveques . . . maistres Bertrand de Thiart, tresorier de l’eglise de Rouen et chanoine de Paris, et Pierre de Ogier, chantre de Senlis, conseillers du roy nostre sire commissaires ordinaires et deputez par la cour de parlement pour et sur le fait de l’execution dudit feu monsieur le cardinal de Laon d’autre part’. The date of the agreement, ‘le Lundy XVII. jour de Janvier l’an de grace M.CCC.XCII’ (679), which in the Gallican calendar would mean 1393, is made uncertain by the fact that January 17 does not fall on a Monday in 1392 or 1393, although it does in 1390. On the assumption that ‘Monday’ would be less subject to scribal error than numbers, the simplest solution is to suggest that ‘XVII’ is a misreading of ‘XXII’ or ‘XXVII’ and to date the document on January 22, 1392, or January 27, 1393. Guillaume du Jardin (Guillelmus de Gardino) was from the diocese of Rouen, incepted as Master of Arts in 1372, and was rector of the University in June–October 1376 (Citt`a del Vaticano, Archivio Segreto Vaticano [henceforth cited as ASV], Registra Supplicationum, nr 55, 166v ; CUP iii. 231, 264). He was biblical cursor in theology by 1379, read the Sentences around 1381–2, and was licensed in theology in 1386 (ASV, Registra Supplicationum, nr 55, 166v ; CUP iii. 231, 368).

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37. Gilles Aycelin, the archbishop of Rouen, like other members of that family around 1300 came from Mauzun in the diocese of Clermont. Montaigu was a seigneurie that Gilles’ brother, Guillaume, had acquired from Philippe le Bel in 1295, and which was passed down in the family, along with Chˆateldon, as its principal holding. From Guillaume, the seigneurie of Montaigu passed to his son, Gilles, who also inherited Chˆateldon from his uncle Gilles, the archbishop of Rouen. Both lands later passed to Gilles’s son, Gilles II, who left them to his son Bernard le Griffon, father of Louis. Louis inherited Montaigu and Chˆateldon upon the death of his father in 1373. By the end of the century Montaigu had long been the way the seigneurial branch of the family identiﬁed itself. 38. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 679–85, at 679; and from a sixteenth-century manuscript: Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, MS lat. 1168, 98v : ‘in augmentum collegii de Monte acuto juxta sanctam Genovefam in monte Parisius, antiquitus dicti communiter le college des Ayssellins . . . ’. 39. Courtenay, Parisian Scholars, 78, 99. 40. Godet, ‘Le coll`ege de Montaigu’, 285–6. 41. The relevant registers of the cathedral chapter are found in Paris, Archives nationales, LL 110 to LL 123. 42. Castro’s appointment is recorded in the chapter registers of Notre Dame: Paris, Archives nationales, LL 109, 156. For the statutes of 1402, see Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, MS lat. 1168, 98v –109r ; F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 679–85. 43. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 110, 308. Jean Voygnon de Poligny came from the diocese of Besanc¸on, incepted as a Master of Arts at Paris in 1375, and was rector of the University from December 1383 until March 1384 (ASV, Registra Supplicationum, nr 53, 145v ; CUP 3: 259). He became Doctor of Medicine at Paris by 1387 and was Dean of the faculty in 1388 (ASV, Registra Supplicationum, nr 73, 10v ; CUP iii. 448–9). Canons of Notre-Dame who subsequently served as provisors of the college were Jean Durandi (from the diocese of Rouen, Doctor of Medicine in 1386, physician to the Duke of Burgundy, and cathedral canon at Paris, Rouen, Chˆalons-sur-Marne, Cambrai, and Coutances by 1403), Jean Grimaudi, Guillaume de Villiers, Jean Chuffart, Philippe Aymenon, and Jean Monneti. 44. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 110, 404. 45. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 111, 369. 46. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 110, 631; LL 111, 7. 47. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 111, 7; LL 112, 187. Chapter 44 of the 1402 statutes reads (F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 683): ‘Item si contingat aliquem licentiari in scientia in qua elegerit studere in suo ingressu ad collegium, ipso facto sit privatus jure bursarum sibi acquisito’. Mercatoris was a bachelor in decrees in 1415 (CUP iv. 303, nr 2048) and

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48. 49.

50. 51.

52.

53.

54. 55.

56.

History of Universities was licensed under Leonardo de Passano in Jan.-Febr. 1418 (CUP iv. 335, nr 2094). Paris, Archives nationales, LL 110, 404. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 111, 369. Durand Barrerii died in 1430, and his burse was awarded to Bertrand Cormerii, M.A.; Paris, Archives nationales, LL 113, 217. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 112, 142. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 112, 105, 401, and 405; LL 114, 100. Between 1419 and 1421 Brocis, or Brossis, M.A. and licentiate in canon law, who had previously served as rector and nuntius, was personally supported by the French nation for beneﬁce provision, ﬁrst in a letter to Philip, duke of Burgundy (CUP iv. 383, nr 2163), and then in a letter to Henry V, king of England (CUP 4: 396, nr 2179). He later acted as scribe for the bishop of Beauvais at parlement (CUP 4: 557, nr 2440; 658–660, nr 2597). He may be identical with Guillaume de Bressis, since the ‘o’ or ‘e’ in both names are difﬁcult to distinguish with certainty in the hand of the chapter registers. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 112, 405. Maistronis, or Maistironis, was already M.A. in 1403, when his name appeared in the university rotulus submitted to Benedict XIII (CUP iv. 89). Paris, Archives nationales, LL 113, 199. Hugo Majoris appears frequently in the records of the university. He had been M.A. for at least six years when he became biblical cursor (1422–5) and sententiarius (1425–6) (CUP iv. 419, nr 2217; 444, nr 2256; 444, nr 2257). He was elected rector of the university for the Oct.–Dec. 1428 term while a formed bachelor in theology (CUP 4: 479, nr 2318), and he incepted as a doctor of theology on 17 March 1429 (CUP 4: 480, nr 2318, n. 3). During the dispute over the Paris chancellorship after the death of Jean Gerson at Lyon in July 1429, Major was one of two persons authorized to license candidates in the higher faculties (Heinrich Deniﬂe and Emile Chatelain [eds], Auctarium chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis, [Paris, 1894–] [henceforth cited as AUP], ii. 417, n. 5). He was regent master in theology from 1429 until his departure for Rome in 1431–1432 (CUP iv. 486–530, nrs 2331, 2342, 2344, 2345, 2347, 2348, and 2395). In return for his work as university nuntius Eugenius IV made him canon with expectation of prebend and deanship at Elne (ASV, Registra Supplicationum [Eugenius IV], nr 277, 187r ; AUP ii. 391). He may not have returned to Paris. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 112, 411, 413; LL 113, 199. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 113, 262. Pierre Fabri was cursor in theology (1426–8) (CUP iv. 477, nr 2313) and sententiarius (1428–1429) (CUP iv. 478, nr 2314), and was thus either B.Th. or D.Th. at the time he was acting head of the college. He is to be distinguished from the Petrus Fabri, M.A. of the diocese of Sens, who was licentiate in canon law in 1403 (CUP iv. 83). Paris, Archives nationales, LL 113, 331; LL 114, 99.

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57. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 113, 217; LL 116, 227, 231. For his activities at the university after 1434 and his studies in medicine (1431–1436), see CUP 4: 558n, nr 2443; and Ernest Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des m´edecins en France au Moyen Age, rev. edn Guy Beaujouan (3 vols, Geneva, 1979), 82. 58. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 114, 100; LL 261, 74r . 59. Aegidius de Brena, or Brema, was licentiate in canon law in April 1424 (CUP iv. 435, nr 2242) and was still active in April 1436, when he supplicated Charles VII (CUP iv. 581, nr 2481). 60. He was licentiate in canon law in March 1436 (CUP iv. 579, nr 2478). 61. Probably identical with Guillaume Riveti, licentiate in canon law in April 1448 (CUP iv. 679, nr 2628), who previously served as rector of the university (CUP iv. 684, nr 2636). 62. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 116, 227, 231; LL 119, 858. At the time of his appointment, Caros was M.A. and a student in theology. He became biblical cursor in 1449–51 (CUP iv. 706, nr 2677), sententiarius in 1451–52 (CUP iv. 707, nr 2678), and was licensed in theology in 1456 (CUP iv. 707n). 63. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 116, 636; LL 119, 877. 64. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 119, 858, 877. 65. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 121, 528. 66. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 122, 144, 156; LL 123, 193. 67. From the 1402 statutes (F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 680): ‘Quae bursae augmentatis redditibus proportionaliter omnibus augmentabuntur, domibus in necessariis reparationibus primitus debite sustentatis. Quas bursas etiam cessare volumus cum auctoritate superiorum, si in dictis domibus ruina immineret, usque ad debitam reparationem. In illo vero casu volumus quod unus capellanorum praedicti collegii remaneat in praedicto collegio, et percipiat qualibet hebdomada quatuor solidos pro suis bursis, et celebrare tenebitur singulis hebdomadis tres missas pro remedio et salute animae fundatorum . . . ’. 68. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 123, 193; LL 261, 75v : ‘Quod non sunt redditus sufﬁcientes ad sustinendum ediﬁcia dicti collegii qua multum sunt ruinosa et indigent magna reparatione et statum magistri ac bursariorum quo casu per statuta debit cessare provisio magistri et bursariorum’. 69. Paris, Archives nationales, LL 123, 198; LL 261, 75v , 97r .

The Statutes of the Coll`ege de Montaigu: Prelude to a Future Edition Paul J.J.M. Bakker*

1. Introduction

The statutes of a university or a college constitute an important source for the history of teaching and education.1 Unlike many other types of documents, these texts are generally well preserved, either in their original form or in the form of subsequent copies. In some cases, they are the only surviving sources. For this reason, historians have quite understandably given a great deal of attention to these texts and, as a result, many works on the history of educational institutions are to a large extent based on a study of statutes and comparable texts, such as founding charters and privileges.2 Yet these texts are to be used cautiously for at least two reasons. First, the relations between the actual reality of daily life in an educational institution and the idealized reality represented in the statutes are highly complex. Therefore one must be very careful not to draw any rash conclusions about the social and educational aspects of daily life in a university or college on the basis of statutory regulations alone. Other types of sources that are more directly related to daily practice (such as ﬁnancial and notarial records and lists of graduates) must be taken into account, if they are available.3 Second, university or college statutes tend to be full of commonplace expressions and many of the regulations were easily copied from one institution to the other. Hence their value as a source of knowledge for one speciﬁc institution can be assessed only from a broad comparative perspective.4 Nevertheless, statutes and comparable texts do give us insight into at least two aspects of the history of an educational institution. On the one hand, they reveal those situations for which the institution as a whole and its individual members could be held responsible in law. The statutes constitute the legal framework from which other sources that are

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more directly linked to daily practice derive their signiﬁcance. On the other hand, the statutes generally convey the (frequently idealized) image the institution wishes to present of itself. They specify the educational values the institution aims to uphold and the ways by which it wishes to realize them. A detailed analysis of the statutes of an institution is thus likely to provide important information about the intellectual climate and the value system within which masters and students lived and worked. Against this background, the present article aims at presenting the different sets of statutes issued by the Coll`ege de Montaigu from the beginning of the fourteenth to the end of the seventeenth century. It serves as a prelude to the edition of the statutes which I hope to publish shortly. At the present stage, I know of eight different sets of statutes or comparable texts related to the Coll`ege de Montaigu: 1. The will of Gilles Aycelin, Archbishop of Rouen (December 13, 1314); 2. The will of Pierre Aycelin de Montaigu, Cardinal of Laon (November 7, 1388); 3. The statutes of July 25, 1402; 4. The statutes of June 12, 1499; 5. The statutes of January 30, 1503 (n. s.); 6. The statutes of February 7, 1509 (n. s.); 7. A set of 34 ordinationes issued by Carolus le Bret, prior of the Paris Carthusians and visitor at the Coll`ege de Montaigu, on November 5, 1672 (together with 9 additional ordinationes issued one year later); 8. A set of 66 ordinationes issued by Leo Hinselin, prior of the Paris Carthusians and visitor at the Coll`ege de Montaigu, on March 27, 1683. As is immediately obvious from this list, the eight sets of texts can be arranged into three larger groups: 1. Wills of the founders of the college (1 & 2); 2. Statutes in the strict sense issued by the college’s ofﬁcials (3–6); 3. Ordinationes imposed on the college from outside on the occasion of an ofﬁcial visitation (7 & 8). In what follows I shall give a detailed presentation of the texts contained under 2, i. e. the statutes of 1402, 1499, 1503, and 1509.5

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History of Universities 2. The Statutes of 1402, 1499, 1503, and 1509

These four sets of statutes can be subdivided into two groups. The statutes of 1402, 1499, and 1503 are general statutes, which concern the college as a whole and all its individual members. The statutes of 1509 only concern a speciﬁc category of college members, viz. the masters and students who live outside the ‘community of the poor’. The ﬁrst set of general statutes of the Coll`ege de Montaigu was issued on July 25, 14026 by the principal executor of Pierre Aycelin’s will, Philippe de Moulins, Bishop of Noyon (1388–1409) and formerly of Evreux (1384–8).7 The second set of general statutes was promulgated on June 12, 1499 by the cathedral chapter of Notre Dame, the college’s supreme authority.8 The text itself was written by Jean Standonck, principal of the college from 1483 to his death in 1504.9 These statutes make no reference to the statutes of 1402. On the contrary, the original parchment introduces the text as follows: ‘Prima statuta Collegii Montisacuti quatinus a primis fundamentis denuo instaurati per M. Joan. Standonch anno 1499’. The third set of general statutes was issued on January 30, 1503 (n. s.).10 This text was also composed by Jean Standonck and promulgated by the cathedral chapter of Notre Dame.11 It makes no reference to the earlier statutes of 1402 and 1499. On the other hand, the ordinationes of 1672–3 and 1683 regularly refer to the general statutes of 1503, which obviously remained valid until at least the end of the seventeenth century.12 Finally, the statutes of February 7, 1509 (n.s.) are directed speciﬁcally at the college’s external members (both masters and students). The text mentions no author or other ofﬁcial authority, but was certainly composed by No¨el Beda, principal of the college from 1504 until 1535.13

2.1. The Statutes of 1402, 1499, and 1503 In this section, I shall concentrate on the three sets of general statutes (1402, 1499, and 1503). Concerning these texts, I shall examine the following three questions: 1. What, according to the statutes, were the main objectives of the college? In other words, to what end was the college founded and what were the results it hoped to achieve?

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2. How were the college’s personnel organized and how were the different functions within the college deﬁned? 3. Did the college offer any teaching activities and, if so, how were these organized?

2.1.1. The Objectives of the College The statutes of 1402, written by Philippe de Moulins, are very brief as regards the objectives of the college. The main purpose of the institution was simply to provide the students with a quiet environment in order for them to pursue their studies.14 However, this objective is put in a wider and much more ambitious ecclesiastical perspective. According to the text of the introduction, the educational progress of the students is of great beneﬁt to the church and students are asked to pursue their studies for the sake of the church, their souls and society at large.15 This ecclesiastical perspective, however, does not seem to play any role in the text that follows the introduction. The articles of the statutes are exclusively concerned with the practical and organizational aspects of an educational institution. Moreover, the passages of the introduction in which the ecclesiastical ambitions of the college are speciﬁed doubtless constitute a literary topos in this kind of text, since they can be read almost verbatim in the introduction to the statutes of the Coll`ege d’Autun of August 1, 1341.16 In the statutes of 1499, the ﬁrst set written by Jean Standonck, the situation seems to have changed signiﬁcantly. The following two examples clearly show that the ecclesiastical perspective of college life has become much more important than before. First, the aim of the college is to promote a life of asceticism dedicated to the study of letters. By devoting themselves to the study of sacred (not worldly) letters, the students are supposed to strengthen the church. They are instructed to teach holiness by their very way of life.17 Second, the college describes its ambition to bring together ‘poor and brilliantly gifted youth who, depressed by misery, would have fallen victim to sordid occupations unworthy of their talent’ in order for them to become pillars of the church, great men necessary for its direction and elevation.18 In addition to these two examples, an observation should be made concerning the word ‘poor’ (pauper) and related terms. In the statutes of 1402 (and in Pierre Aycelin’s will of 1388), this word does not occur. In the statutes of 1499, however, the word ‘poor’ is used over forty times. Now it is quite

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obvious that the word ‘poor’ used by Standonck signiﬁes not only an economical condition, but also and even primarily a spiritual property. The pauper of the statutes of 1499 is not simply one who lacks sufﬁcient material possessions or who refrains from accumulating material goods, but above all one who is humble of spirit. The predominance of the spiritual meaning of the word ‘poor’ is conﬁrmed by the fact that the statutes stipulate on several occasions that members of college’s personnel should not receive payment for exercising their duties, but should be satisﬁed with eternal recompense alone.19 In sum, then, the poverty preached by Standonck is not an insufﬁcient economical condition that one is to avoid, but rather a spiritual quality to be endured patiently (‘onera paupertatis patienter tulerit’) in anticipation of eternal reward.20 The statutes of 1503, also composed by Standonck, conﬁrm the importance of the ecclesiastical and apostolic ambitions of the college. In his preamble, Standonck observes that very few of the church’s prelates and superior ofﬁcers devote themselves to studies ‘so as to edify the believers by their example and to denounce those for whom examples do not sufﬁce’.21 Hence he proposes to instruct the little ones (parvuli) in how to lead a life of asceticism dedicated to study in order for them to become ‘God’s collaborators’ for the salvation of their souls.22 Those who are suited for such an education are supposed to be ‘friends of a true poverty’ (verae paupertatis amatores) and the aim of their life at the college is to ‘live like the poor’ (instar pauperum vivere). This perspective inﬂuences virtually all the chapters of the text. For instance, in the chapter on bodily exercises (chapter 9, De exercitio corporali), Standonck emphasizes the importance of the students’ true poverty —i. e. humility.23 Moreover, in the chapter on the selection and the conduct of poor students (chapter 11, De formula receptionis pauperum et quales se gerere debeant in paupertate), he states that the college was originally founded ‘for the elevation of religion and God’s church’.24 For that reason those candidates who are ready to take on the habit are to be preferred.25 To summarize, from Philippe de Moulins’s statutes of 1402 to Standonck’s statutes of 1503, the ecclesiastical and apostolic ambitions of the Coll`ege de Montaigu become increasingly apparent. Of course, the college does not cease to be an educational institution (as a matter of fact, we shall see that Standonck’s statutes are much more speciﬁc on the organization of teaching at the college than Philippe de Moulins’s statutes). But judging by the image the institution presents of itself,

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the ecclesiastical or apostolic dimension progressively outweighs the scholarly or educational aspect.

2.1.2. The College’s Personnel Before examining the organization of the college’s personnel, one needs to say a few words about the expansion of the number of its residents. In his will of 1388, Pierre Aycelin had stipulated that part of his belongings were to be converted into annuities to sustain six students, two priests and four other clerics. The clerics had to be students of either canon law or theology.26 The number of six is maintained in the statutes of 1402, the college’s original statutes. This text speciﬁes that the college is to be inhabited by one master (magister), two priests, and three other clerics. The clerics were again required to be students of canon law or theology.27 Towards the end of the ﬁfteenth century, the number of the college’s residents increased considerably following two substantial donations, one by Louis Malet de Graville, Admiral of France, on April 16, 1494, the other by Jean de Pontville, Vicomte de Rochechouart, on February 25, 1496 (n. s.).28 Following these two donations, the number of occupants of the college was ﬁxed at eighty-six. This number comprised twelve students of theology (students of canon law are no longer mentioned) representing Christ’s twelve apostles, seventy-two students of arts exemplifying Christ’s disciples, and two chaplains representing Christ himself and the blessed Virgin.29 The statutes of 1499 and 1503 thus presuppose a situation in which the college is inhabited by these eighty-six individuals, who constitute the ‘community of the poor’ (communitas pauperum), the ‘house of the poor’ (domus pauperum), or the ‘family of the poor’ (familia pauperum). In addition to these eighty-six individuals, the college housed an unspeciﬁed number of paying boarders, whom the statutes of 1499 and 1503 generally designate as ‘the rich’ (divites) or ‘wealthy students’ (scholares divites), and occasionally as ‘portionistae’. As regards the personnel of the college and its organization, each of the three sets of statutes depicts a different situation. It is not always clear how precisely the transition of one situation to another takes place. Philippe de Moulins’s statutes of 1402 state that the college is to be occupied by a master (magister), who is supposed to hold an M.A., two priests (sacerdos, presbyter), also called chaplains (capellani), and three other clerics (clerici scholares also called simplices scholares). The salary of these six individuals is ﬁxed as follows: the magister and

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two chaplains are to receive the weekly amount of four sous parisis, and the students two sous parisis.30 The magister’s duties are speciﬁed in great detail: 1. He is to lock the main entrance of the college every evening and keep the keys;31 2. He is to inspect the house regularly;32 3. He is to watch over the students’ conduct;33 4. He is responsible for ensuring that the statutes are respected and he is to inﬂict punishment in cases of disobedience;34 5. All residents of the college are to obey him;35 6. The magister is the only member of the college who is allowed to have a personal servant;36 7. Only the magister has the right to open the college’s strong-box (arca);37 8. The magister is to decide about the admission of guests to the college;38 9. The magister can allow the bursarii to be absent from the college for a maximum period of three months;39 10. Together with the two priests and the three students, every year the magister is to elect a person responsible for controlling the college’s ﬁnancial records. This person (apparently one of the members of the college) operates per modum cuiusdam provisoris. He has to present a report before the entire community. The magister himself can be elected provisor seu procurator on the condition that none of the other members of the college is opposed to his election. In this case, the report must not only be presented before the inhabitants of the house, but also before the collatores, i. e. those in charge of the collatio et dispositio bursarum. It seems likely that the collatores are in fact the members of the cathedral chapter of Notre Dame, the college’s supreme authority.40 The principal duty of the two priests is to celebrate mass every day of the week, in accordance with Pierre Aycelin’s will of 1388.41 Moreover, the statutes declare that the priest who celebrates mass is to say the prayers at the table.42 The priests are also to keep the keys of the chapel’s wardrobe that contains liturgical ornaments and books. The students are instructed to verify twice a year, in the presence of the magister and

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the two priests, the contents of the chapel’s wardrobe according to the inventory made and kept by the priests.43 Both the students and the priests are to be present at the opening of the college’s strong-box by the magister, every Friday, the college’s pay day.44 Finally, the statutes prescribe that the students are to register either at the faculty of canon law or at the faculty of theology within a month following their ﬁrst receiving a burse. After this period, they are no longer allowed to change faculty.45 In addition, one must note that the statutes of 1402 mention two other ofﬁcers, the praepositus and the famulus. The former is presumably chosen from among the two priests and the three students whereas the latter seems to be a different person from the six statutory members of the college.46 Let us now turn to the statutes of 1499, the ﬁrst reforming statutes composed by Jean Standonck. Compared to Philippe de Moulins’ statutes of 1402, these statutes attach particular importance to the appointment of the principal of the college. The ofﬁce of principal is also designated as the ofﬁcium magisterii or simply as magisterium. To be elected principal of the college, the candidate has to be a member of the community of poor theologians and he must have obtained his M.A. in the same college. He can therefore be supposed to be quite familiar with the community of seventy-two students of arts and with the community of twelve theologians. The statutes attach great importance to the candidate’s poverty, both in the sense of his economical condition and spiritual quality.47 The principal is elected by all the members of the college that are either priests, or magister, or bachelor of arts, or at least thirty years of age.48 The new principal must be chosen within a period of eight days from the ﬁrst day of vacancy. After that period, the appointment will be made by the deans and canons of Notre Dame, who will elect one of the poor members of the college (it remains unclear whether only the theologians are meant or also the artistae).49 The statutes prescribe in great detail what procedure must be followed if the community of the poor does not manage to elect a suitable candidate. In any event, the dean, the chancellor, and the penitentiary of Notre Dame must formally approve the election.50 After his election, the new principal will henceforth be called minister pauperum (instead of magister principalis as he was called before).51 The minister pauperum can be dismissed from his ofﬁce, even without having committed a grave error, when the community of the twelve theologians judges it appropriate.52 As regards the character of the ideal candidate, the statutes formulate the following

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rule: ‘Monemus predictos pauperes et sepedictos dominos precamur ut in spiritualibus magis ydoneum preferant in temporalibus aptiori’.53 It seems then that Standonck’s minister pauperum is more concerned with the administration of spiritual goods than with the management of temporal goods. Consequently, for the administration of its material belongings, the college elects another ofﬁcer. The statutes stipulate that this ofﬁcer be called celerarius (after the manner of the communities that follow the rule of Saint Benedict) or procurator (according to the current practice of the college). This procurator (or celerarius) must also be a faithful devotee of the poor (‘poor’ again having the sense of both a spiritual quality and an economical condition). Just like the minister pauperum, the procurator can be discharged from his ofﬁce in case of neglect.54 He is not allowed to make any important decision without prior consent of the minister pauperum. The latter, in turn, must obtain the consent of the majority of the twelve poor theologians before making an important decision.55 The minister pauperum and the procurator share the responsibility of educating and lodging the paying boarders or ‘wealthy students’ (scholares divites).56 Although neither the minister pauperum nor the procurator receives payment, the college covers the expenses of their exams at the faculty of theology up to the doctoral level. The revenues obtained from the wealthy paying students are to be used to that effect.57 The minister pauperum choses among the ‘poor members of the college’ (theologians only, or both theologians and artistae?), and with their consent, one or two representatives responsible for examining the other students’ conduct. These representatives are called correctores.58 If the community does not manage to ﬁnd suitable candidates for the ofﬁces of minister pauperum and procurator from among the poor theologians on its own, someone from outside is to be appointed. This person will be called the college’s paedagogus. His ofﬁce is to take care of both spiritual and material matters. He is elected for a limited period of time (from which one may reasonably presume that the minister pauperum and the procurator are elected for an indeterminate period of time). To be a candidate for the ofﬁce of paedagogus it sufﬁces to have a good reputation, to be adult, to be sufﬁciently literate, and to hold an M.A. The paedagogus can be dismissed from his ofﬁce according to the judgement of the community of theologians.59 Unlike both the minister pauperum and the procurator, the paedagogus receives payment.60

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A particularly important duty of the procurator is to provide the community with priests capable of celebrating masses. The statutes do not explicitly mention the number of masses to be celebrated during the week. The priests must be members of the community of the poor; they can be selected from the twelve students of theology, but also from the seventy-two students of arts.61 As regards the criteria applied for the selection of bursarii, they plainly reﬂect the ecclesiastic and apostolic ideal that surfaces in various parts of the text: Caveant tamen predicti aliquarum personarum ullam accepcionem, sed simpliciter, pluribus concurrentibus, absque aliqua ipsorum nec patrie consideracione, admictantur qui fuerint magis pauperes, ingenio dociles, bone indolis et de quibus maior speretur fructus ad honorem Dei, usque ad prestitutum numerum, dum tamen sint legitime nati.62

Let us ﬁnally look at the statutes of 1503, Standonck’s second set of statutes that remained in force until at least the end of the seventeenth century. One of the main innovations of these statutes as compared to earlier sets is the fact that the college and all the houses that depended on it are from this time on subject to the prior of the Paris Carthusians. The latter is called the maior pater pauperum. As visitor (visitator) of the college, he has the right to visit the community once or several times a year to make sure that it obeys the statutes.63 He is especially responsible for the daily celebration of the divine ofﬁce and for the moral conduct of the college’s members. Thus the prior of the Paris Carthusians henceforth constitutes the supreme authority of the college.64 In that capacity, he replaces the canons of Notre Dame, who could rely on Pierre Aycelin’s will of 1388 to claim superiority over the college. Nevertheless, the 1503 statutes continue to give the right to visit the college to the canons of Notre Dame, even though their responsibility seems to concern only the material condition of the college’s buildings and the celebration of two masses a week for the founder’s (i. e. Gilles Aycelin’s) soul.65 From this time on, then, the college is subjected to a precarious system of co-management.66 As visitor of the college, the prior of the Carthusians has the right to choose the college’s pater pauperum (i. e. the minister pauperum of the statutes of 1499), who is also called director and magister principalis. To elect the pater pauperum, the visitor is supposed to take into account the advice of his own proctor (procurator), his own vicar (vicarius), and the college’s conﬁdential advisers or ‘discretes’

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(huius domus discreti). The pater pauperum must be elected from the community of the poor (theologians only, or both theologians and artistae?).67 Together with the pater pauperum, the visitor also choses one or two treasurers (oeconomi) or proctors (procuratores), who are in charge of the management of the college’s temporal goods. The treasurers are also to be chosen from the community of the poor on the advice of the college’s ‘discretes’.68 The pater pauperum keeps one of the three keys of the college’s strong-box (arca communis). The second key is entrusted to one of the two treasurers (who, for that reason, is called depositarius) and the third to one of the college’s ‘discretes’.69 The treasurers or proctors are instructed to keep the accounts of all expenses and revenues of the house. They are to draw up a complete ﬁnancial record once or twice a year and to present it to the pater pauperum, the visitor of the college, and the ‘discretes’.70 As regards the latter, the statutes determine that the visitor, the pater pauperum and the two treasurers chose, on the advice of the ‘discretes’ in function, three individuals from among the community’s priests and theologians who shall, from the moment of their election, be the college’s new ‘discretes’. Their role is to advise the pater pauperum on every important issue.71 The role assigned to the paedagogus is different from that deﬁned in the statutes of 1499. In the 1499 statutes, the paedagogus is a person from outside the college whose duty is to take care of both spiritual and material matters. In other words, the task of the paedagogus incorporates the functions of both the minister pauperum and the procurator.72 In the statutes of 1503, however, the role of the paedagogus is primarily to instruct and educate the wealthy students or portionistae. The paedagogus receives payment for his services, contrary to the treasurers, the ‘discretes’, and the pater pauperum.73 The latter can remain in ofﬁce as long as he wishes, on the sole condition that the college’s visitor and the three ‘discretes’ approve.74 Finally, the pater pauperum is charged with the task of nominating the various domestic servants (ofﬁciales inferiores), of which the statutes mention the celerarius, the minister inﬁrmorum (also called minister aegrotorum), the archicoquus, and the ianitores.75 The function of the correctores introduced in the 1499 statutes is maintained and obviously ampliﬁed in the statutes of 1503.76 The latter describe an elaborate system of mutual denunciation carried out by so-called notatores, i. e. students who are to denounce their colleagues’ deﬁciencies. These notatores (also called decani, since they

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are responsible for about ten students each) report their ﬁndings to a supervisor once a week. Discipuli vero artium et grammatice omnes similiter in ebdomada semel, et quandocumque placebit superiori, congregabuntur. Et singulorum mores ille qui ad eorum peculiarem directionem et morum formationem fuerit prefectus, considerabit. Audiet insuper decanorum seu notatorum relationem, quorum quilibet aliorum decem vel duodecim curam in particulari geret, tam in ofﬁciis divinis quam alibi, proﬁcientes et negligentes respiciendo, ut tunc eidem eorum magistro et patri, quando placuerit, quod cognoverit ﬁdeliter referre possit, quatenus meliores tales cogniti, charius amentur, et in negligentibus malos mores persequatur. Primus autem ipsorum decanorum generaliter super omnes intendet, et specialiter supra secundum, sicut supra quemlibet de suis, secundus supra tertium, et sic consequenter.77

Besides the notatores, the statutes also mention an excitator publicus, who is chosen from among the arts students of the highest class (de suprema artium lectione). His duty is to visit the college’s rooms, to wake up the students, and to distribute the light if necessary. Apart from the excitator publicus, every single class of arts students has its own excitator particularis, whose task is to convoke the students of his class to the lecture room at the sound of the bell.78 Finally, the students are instructed to always carry with them a notebook (manuale) in which they are to write down edifying thoughts.79 Comparing the statutes of 1503 to those of 1499, one is struck by the fact that the ‘democratic’ regime of the 1499 statutes is abandoned in favor of a much more ‘centralized’ administration in the 1503 statutes. In particular, according to the 1499 statutes, the minister pauperum is chosen by all members of the community of the poor who are either priests, or magister, or bachelor of arts. Following the 1503 statutes, the election of the pater pauperum is entrusted to the prior of the Chartusians on the advice of the ‘discretes’. Similarly, the 1499 statutes stipulate that the procurator, responsible for the management of the house’s temporal goods, is to be elected by the entire community of poor theologians. The 1503 statutes, on the contrary, leave the election of the two treasurers to the visitor (i. e. to someone outside of the college community) and the pater pauperum. The only remaining element in the 1503 statutes of the earlier ‘democratic’ regime are the three ‘discretes’, or conﬁdential advisers, who are the representatives of the college community. However, the college members do not themselves choose their own representatives: their election is entrusted to the visitor, the pater pauperum, and the two

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treasurers. Judging by its statutes, then, the Coll`ege de Montaigu has developed, in a very short period of time and under one and the same principal, from an institution in which the members enjoyed relatively great autonomy to an institution in which the members were governed from above and, in the ﬁnal instance, from outside.

2.1.3. Teaching at the College It is a well-known fact that, from the later Middle Ages onwards, an increasingly important part of university training took place within the colleges.80 As regards the Coll`ege de Montaigu, this development is well documented in the different sets of statutes. Philippe de Moulins’s 1402 statutes hardly mention any teaching activities. The only reference to such activities is a very brief remark on disputed questions: the magister and the three students of the college are to dispute a question twice a week (on Wednesday and on Friday). The choice of the subject of the disputation is left to the magister. All four participants are required to answer the question per ordinem, which presumably means according to the (reverse?) order of seniority.81 Apart from this short statement concerning disputed questions, the 1402 statutes are completely silent on teaching activities. The statutes of 1499, Standonck’s ﬁrst set of statutes, are somewhat more detailed on this point. Most importantly, it is stipulated that the community of twelve poor theologians is to elect, among its own members, ‘masters and regents’ (magistros et regentes) responsible for the teaching of arts and grammar in the college. It seems obvious that this training is intended for the seventy-two students of arts, but this is not explicitly stated. As a matter of fact, the 1499 statutes are exclusively concerned with those who are to teach (i. e. the theologians), not with those who are to receive the teaching. Concerning these theologians, the statutes conceive of this teaching of arts and grammar as a ‘philosophical exercise’ (philosophicum exercitium) that aims at a twofold objective. On the one hand, this exercise will make the theologians more skilful in theological discussions. On the other hand, it will help them in better mastering philosophico-theological concepts, both in teaching and in preaching, and in convincing their audience more effectively.82 Unfortunately, the statutes are silent on the contents of the arts and grammar teaching, the books to read, and the duration and organization of the lessons. The only further piece of information that is given concerns the case in which the college is unable to ﬁnd a proper candidate (or

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proper candidates) among its own members. In that case, the minister pauperum is to employ a magister from outside the college who, inside the college, will be offered a status similar to that of the wealthy boarders (portionistae divites).83 Unlike the 1499 statutes, the statutes of 1503 show an interest not only in those who are to teach arts and grammar within the college, but also in those who are to receive the teaching (i. e. the students of arts) and in the organization of the lessons. Concerning the arts students of the community of the poor, the statutes declare that they are to follow the same lessons as the wealthy boarders. The college is required to distribute pens, ink, and a maximum of three sheets of paper every week.84 The statutes demonstrate anxiety to avoid as much as possible all contact between the two student communities, the poor and the rich. The poor students are to stay together modestly and to occupy the lower part of the lecture room. They are instructed to enter the lecture room at the sound of the bell, before the arrival of the regent master, in order to avoid all contact with the others.85 As regards the organization of the lessons, the statutes describe a distribution of the day into two parallel cycles, one in the morning, the other in the afternoon. In the morning, the students ﬁrst attend the lectiones of arts and grammar; these lessons take place immediately after mass (at eight o’clock) and continue for about two hours. Following the lectiones, the quaestiones, conferentiae, or quaestiones conferentiales begin, continuing for about one hour. After the midday meal (prandium), all students return to their lecture rooms, where the regent masters interrogate them on both the lectiones and the quaestiones or conferentiae. In the afternoon, the same cycle is repeated. First the students attend lectiones, then they participate in quaestiones. This time it is stated that the students themselves are to formulate and dispute the questions. Finally, at the end of the day, the students take part in exercises called reparationes, which are comparable to the examinations after lunch. The statutes specify that the students belonging to the community of the poor are to leave the reparationes at the beginning of compline, even if they have not yet ﬁnished their work.86 Finally, just like the 1499 statutes, the statutes of 1503 are virtually silent on the contents of the lessons. They merely state that the pater pauperum is to watch carefully over the lessons of the regent masters in order to be sure that the latter teach fruitfully and study nothing but the works of honorable and morally respectable authors. The regent masters are explicitly forbidden to comment on ‘frivolous poets’ (unfortunately, no names are mentioned) and to deal with superﬁcial topics.87

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Unlike the general statutes of 1402, 1499, and 1503, the statutes of February 7, 1509 (n. s.) are intended for a speciﬁc group of college members, viz. those who live outside the community of the poor. The text mentions two different categories of external members, namely regent masters and students.88 The latter are further subdivided into three categories: the portionistae, the cameristae, and the martinetae. The portionistae (again subdivided into portionistae parvi and portionistae magni) are paying boarders who live in the college and eat at the common table. The cameristae also live in the college, but take their meals elsewhere in town. Finally the martinetae are students who neither live nor eat in the college, but only participate in its educational activities.89 The statutes make it clear that, in 1509, the total number of portionistae (184) and cameristae (about 200) largely exceeded that of the community of the poor (122) (no information is given about the number of martinetae): Erant enim in collegio de mensa magistrorum triginta numero aut eo amplius discipuli; in portione equali illi quam habent magistri numero quinquaginta; in minori autem portione erant centum triginta et quatuor; servitores in aula decem; dispensatores duo; duo coci et ianitores duo; cameristae vero erant ultra ducentos absque tota pauperum communitate; in qua tunc erant tam in ordinariis quam aliis centum et viginti duo.90

Another important difference between the statutes of 1402, 1499, and 1503, on the one hand, and that of 1509, on the other, lies in the fact that the latter provide very accurate information on the teaching of grammar within the college.91 First of all, unlike the statutes of 1503, the 1509 statutes specify which of the Latin authors and works were prohibited at the Coll`ege de Montaigu: Terentius Varro, Martial, Juvenal, and Ovid’s Epistulae ex Ponto.92 Furthermore, the 1509 statutes offer a detailed description of the organization of the grammar course.93 The college employs seven regent masters of grammar, each of whom is to teach one class of students (lectio).94 The basis of the entire grammar course is Alexander of Villedieu’s Doctrinale, which is divided into seven parts. The ﬁrst regent master of grammar (i. e. the master of the last and highest class) lectures on the chapters 10 to 12; the regent master of the second class explains chapters 8 and 9; the third regent master lectures on chapters 5 to 7;

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the fourth explains chapter 4; the ﬁfth lectures on chapters 2 and 3; the sixth explains the main part of chapter 1; and the seventh lectures on the prologue and on the opening passages of chapter 1. In addition, all seven regent masters are required to explain (in more or less detail) some of the authorized Latin orators and poets. The ﬁrst, second, third, and fourth regent masters are also instructed to recapitulate some of the basic principles of Latin grammar according to the works of Donatus, Alexander of Villedieu, Niccol`o Perotti, Agostino Dati and Guido Juvenalis (or Guy de Jouennaux).95 The statutes specify in great detail the amount of text to be lectured on by each of the regent masters. The students are obliged to pronounce the works of the poets and orators according to the general rules of prosody and to learn the various chapters of the Doctrinale by heart. On Saturday, the students of the three lowest classes are allowed to summarize the text of the Doctrinale in French. On all other occasions, however, students are required to converse in Latin. Finally, the students of the higher classes are instructed to speak elegantly and to avoid barbarous and nonsensical expressions. —The text that follows is the complete description of the grammar course at the Coll`ege de Montaigu.96 Ad repetitiones autem ibunt exundo aulam continuo sine quacunque mora sub pena communi. Et sic in scholis suis se habebunt regentes in grammatica quod, cum inchoant in festo Remigii lectiones suas, primus regens in grammatica incipit de Alexandro in Pandere97 ; capiet oratorem unum cum poeta de non prohibitis (quia tales prohiberi debent: Terentius, Martialis, Iuvenalis, Naso in epistolis et similes); et insistet diligenter fundamentis in Donato, Alexandro, Peroto, Augustino et Guidone. Secundus incipiet in principio regiminis98 et capiet similes libros libris prime, minus tamen de oratore et poeta legendo in quantitate, et magis insistet fundamentis. Tertius incipiet in Ut tibi per metrum99 et capiet poetam cum aliquibus librorum practicorum supranominatorum, ut fundentur iuvenes; et post Pascha poterit capere oratorem, non ante. Quartus incipiet in Quantum potero;100 capiet facilem poetam cum libris fundamentalibus; et in festo divi Ioannis Baptistae poterit capere aliquem oratorem, id est authorem in prosa. Quintus incipiet in Hec tibi signabis101 et capiet parvum poetam vel oratorem. Sextus in O dabit102 et similiter habebit de oratore vel poeta. Septimus incipiet in Scribere clericulis103 et pro poeta exacte resumet Catonem. Sic autem de Alexandro legent quod primus non leget supra decem aut duodecim versus; secundus supra octo vel decem; tertius ultra sex vel octo; quartus ultra quatuor vel sex; alii proportionabiliter; sic quod nunquam secundus incipiet Pandere quin primus ﬁniverit omnes quantitates; tertius vero nunquam incipiet regimen donec ipsum secundus ﬁnierit; et sic de aliis; et ita nunquam licebit duos regentes in eodem capitulo legere. Quo ad numerum carminum poetarum

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qui legentur, nulli regentium licebit plures versus de ipso poeta legere quam de Alexandro praeterquam primo et secundo, qui tamen sicut et caeteri inferiores regentes maiorem habebunt rationem fructus et capacitatis scholasticorum quam multiplicationis textuum indigestorum; et cogent discipulos suos textus ipsos memorie commendare. Et nulli regentium liceat in repetitionibus contra nominis rationem novam interpretari lectionem, alioquin mulctabitur pena communi. Et priores quatuor lectiones in postmeridiana lectione die veneris solum intendant Donato et principiis, et die sabbato referent memoriter hebdomade textus simul et constructiones; et nullam tunc novam facient lectionem. Alie vero lectiones, quia quotidie habent Donatum et principia, eadem postmeridiana lectione die veneris textum Alexandri memoriter referent et die sabbato exacte recapitulabunt et familiariter expositiones textuum; in quibus et tunc et semper lingua utentur vernacula, ut facilius capiant discipuli. Qui quotidie scholam intrando Donatum et principia memoriter recitabunt cum portione de repetitu Alexandri. Sed quatuor prime lectiones tunc solum de repetitu Alexandri habebunt; Donatum autem et principia die veneris sicut dictum est. Et nullus incipiet libros sine facultate superiorum, sub pena arbitraria. Inceptos autem non licebit dimittere pro alterius inceptione. Et omnes regentes suos cogent discipulos oratorum textus et poetarum in recto pondere et distincte pronunciare cum accentus observatione, cuius ab initio communes tradent regulas. Et summa cum diligentia partiantur regentes singuli suos discipulos ut in questionibus exercendis utilius conferant, quas mox inchoabunt, pulsu facto. Quibus si presidere omiserit aliquis regentium, qui praeesse debeat, communem solvet emendam. Et eidem pene subiacebit quicunque artistarum praeesse habuerit, si delinquat. Studiose autem regentes dent operam ut in ipsis conferentiis et aliis sermonibus communibus latine loquantur discipuli, et de supremis lectionibus eleganter ineptas et barbaras evitando locutiones.

3. Conclusion

The preceding survey of the statutes of the Coll`ege de Montaigu reveals important information about the institution’s history. Within a relatively short period of time (between 1402 and 1509), the college developed from a purely educational institution into an ecclesiastical and quasi-monastic one. This transformation was entirely the work of Jean Standonck, who introduced the religious and educational ideals of his teachers, the Brethren of the Common Life, into the college.104 In the same period, the number of inhabitants of the college expanded considerably. From a tiny foundation of only six members in 1402, it grew into a community of

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eighty-six statutory members by the end of the ﬁfteenth century (and 122 actual members in 1509). The statutes of 1509 show that, by this time, the college had become a full-scale p´edagogie of 184 portionistae, about 200 cameristae, and an unknown number of martinetae. Correspondingly, the college’s staff became more and more enlarged and diversiﬁed. The teaching activities of the college also became increasingly manifest. Philippe de Moulins’s 1402 statutes only mention the practice of disputing questions twice a week. Following Standonck’s 1499 statutes, the theologians of the college were to teach arts and grammar. Standonck’s 1503 statutes give a description of two parallel cycles of lectiones, quaestiones, and reparationes. Finally No¨el Beda’s statutes of 1509 offer a highly detailed account of Montaigu’s grammar course, not only of its organization, but also of its contents.105 The information yielded by the different sets of statutes must be interpreted carefully. The texts must be compared with various other sources concerning the college itself106 and with the statutes of other Parisian colleges. But the conditio sine qua non of such a comparative study is the publication and annotation of the statutes themselves, to which this article has been only a modest prelude. Center for Medieval and Renaissance Natural Philosophy Faculty of Philosophy Radboud University Nijmegen P.O. Box 9103 6500 HD Nijmegen The Netherlands

REFERENCES ∗

Research for this paper was made possible through the generous ﬁnancial support of the research programme Christian Cultural Heritage of the Radboud University, Nijmegen. I am grateful to Jenny Pelletier for her valuable comments on an earlier draft. 1. For a nuanced assessment of the historiographical value of university statutes, see Jacques Verger, ‘Les statuts des universit´es franc¸aises du Moyen Age: quelques remarques’, in Jacques Verger, Les universit´es franc¸aises au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1995), 103–21. 2. Statutes and similar texts occupy an important place in many older works on Parisian colleges, for example: Astrik L. Gabriel, Student Life in Ave Maria College, Mediaeval Paris: History and Chartulary of the College (Notre Dame, 1955); Astrik L. Gabriel, Skara House at the Mediaeval University of Paris. History, Topography, and Chartulary (Notre Dame, 1960);

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6.

7.

History of Universities Pal´emon Glorieux, Aux origines de la Sorbonne (2 vols, Paris, 1965–6); and David Sanderlin, The College of Autun: A Student-Community at the Late-Medieval University of Paris (1341–1518) (Notre Dame, 1969). For an overview of the different kinds of sources available, and the problems they pose, see James K. Farge’s contribution (‘Sources and Problems Facing the Prosopographer of the University of Paris in the Early Modern Era’) in the present volume (14–27). Recent studies of Parisian colleges that use statutes and comparable texts in comparison with other types of sources are Thierry Kouam´e, Le Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais a` la ﬁn du Moyen Age. Strat´egies politiques et parcours individuels a` l’Universit´e de Paris (1370–1458) (Leiden, 2005) and C´ecile Fabris, Etudier et vivre a` Paris au Moyen Age. Le coll`ege de Laon ( XIV e — XV e si`ecles) (Paris, 2005). For a few examples, see David Sanderlin, The Mediaeval Statutes of the College of Autun at the University of Paris (Notre Dame, 1971), 20–24. Sanderlin concludes that ‘the 1341 and 1345 statutes of the College of Autun . . . were used as models by other authors of Parisian college statutes in the fourteenth and early-ﬁfteenth centuries’ (20). In particular, long fragments of the (rather commonplace) introduction to the 1402 statutes of the Coll`ege de Montaigu are literally copied from the 1341 statutes of the Coll`ege d’Autun (ed. Sanderlin, 29–30, ll. 3–19 and 26–35); cf. infra, n. 15. The original statutes of the Coll`ege de la Sorbonne (edited by Pal´emon Glorieux, Aux origines, i. 193–203) were also frequently used as a model for other foundations. For a detailed discussion of Gilles’s will of 1314 and of Pierre Aycelin’s will of 1388, see the contributions by William J. Courtenay (‘The Coll`ege de Montaigu Before Standonck’, 54–75) and Serge Lusignan (‘Si Sit Clericus Superveniens De Genere Nostro’. The Parlement of Paris and the Foundation of the Coll`ege de Montaigu’, 28–53) in the present volume. Gilles’s will of 1314 has been edited by Genest Emile Aubert de La Faige, Le testament de Gilles Aycelin de Montaigu, archevˆeque de Narbonne (Riom, 1898). For biographical information on Gilles, see Jo Ann McNamara, Gilles Aycelin: the Servant of two Masters (Syracuse, 1973). For the ordinationes of 1672–1673 and 1683, see infra, n. 63. See also Laurence W.B. Brockliss’s contribution (‘The Coll`ege de Montaigu in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, 112–135) in the present volume. These statutes have been edited by Michel F´elibien and Guy-Alexis Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, (5 vols, Paris, 1725), v. 679–84, from a seventeenth-century manuscript copy made by Louis Roy, principal of the college. A sixteeenth-century manuscript copy is contained in MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 98r –109r . Cf. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 679: ‘Universis praesentes litteras seu praesens publicum instrumentum inspecturis, Philippus miseratione divina nunc Noviomensis, de tempore bonae memoriae domini patris cardinalis Laudunensis Ebroicensis episcopus, salutem in eo qui omnium est vera salus’. In his will of 1388, Pierre Aycelin

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had appointed the Bishop of Evreux as his principal executor (MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2): ‘Et facio executores meos episcopos Baiocensem et Ebroicensem, dominum Arnandum de Corbia, magistrum Bertrandum de Thierno, et ipsorum duos, quorum semper sit unus dictus episcopus Ebroicensis, ita quod si ipse non potest interesse, ipse committat aliquem pro se ipso’. He also consigned the administration of burses to him (ibid.): ‘Et disposicio istorum scolarium pertinebit ad episcopum Ebroicensem, quandiu vivet; et si sit aliquis clericus de domo paterna etatis legitime, ad capitulum Parisiense et ad ipsum clericum pertinebit ipsorum scolarium collacio et disposicio post obitum dicti episcopi’. See also Courtenay, ‘The Coll`ege de Montaigu’, 59–63, and Lusignan, ‘Si Sit Clericus’, 34. 8. These statutes have been edited by F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 716–21, from the manuscript composed by Louis Roy. The original is preserved in MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 4. 9. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 4: ‘Universis presentes litteras inspecturis decanus et capitulum venerabilis ecclesie Parisiensis ad Romanam ecclesiam nullo medio pertinentis salutem in Domino. Notum facimus quod nos die date presencium in capitulo nostro, more solito, hora capitulari consueta congregati et capitulantes, in eodem capitulo nostro personaliter comparens venerabilis et circumspectus vir magister Iohannes de Standonch sacre pagine professor, magister venerabilis collegii nostri Montisacuti Parisius fundati, post nonnullas per eum nobis exhibitas graciarum actiones de beneﬁciis et bonis sibi a nobis, ut dicebat, factis, ofﬁcium magisterii dicti collegii Montisacuti, cuius a primaria illius fundatione provisores et gubernatores fuimus et sumus, nostris in manibus, certis pro causis eum moventibus, resignare offerens, nonnullos articulos in quodam codice papireo descriptos super statu et regimine ipsius collegii nobis presentavit et exhibuit, nobis humiliter suplicando dictum collegium illudque inhabitantes pro tempore iuxta ipsorum articulorum seriem et tenorem regendum et gubernandum fore, decernere et ordinare dignaremur et vellemus. Quorum quidem articulorum tenor sequitur et est talis’. For Standonck, see Augustin Renaudet, ‘Jean Standonck, un r´eformateur catholique avant la R´eforme’, in Augustin Renaudet, Humanisme et Renaissance (Geneva, 1958), 114–61, and James K. Farge, ‘Jan Standonck’, in Peter G. Bietenholz and Thomas B. Deutscher (eds), Contemporaries of Erasmus (3 vols, Toronto, 1985–7), iii. 281–2. 10. Of these statutes, two slightly different versions have been preserved, which for reasons of convenience I shall call A and B. Version A has been preserved in MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 1r –36v , and in MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 50r –76r . This version has been edited by Marcel Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu (1490–1580) (Paris, 1912), 143–70 (from the MS at the Archives nationales). Version B has been edited by F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 725–40, from

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11.

12.

13.

14. 15.

16.

17.

History of Universities the manuscript composed by Louis Roy. A sixteenth-century manuscript copy of this text has been preserved in MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 137r –164r . F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 725: ‘Universis praesentes litteras inspecturis, decanus et capitulum venerabilis ecclesiae Parisiensis ad Romanam ecclesiam nullo medio pertinentis salutem in Domino. Notum facimus quod die datae praesentium, nobis in capitulo nostro hora capituli consueta congregatis et capitulantibus, pro parte Johannis Standon nobis expositum extitit . . .’ This introduction is absent from the A version. Cf., for example, clause XXVII of the 1683 ordinationes (MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6181, dossier 6, no 4, 8r–v ): ‘Porro rebelles et inquieti qui alienam pecuniam aut supellectilem suffurantur, et, ut ipsis statutorum verbis utamur, ‘‘si qui inutiles, contentiosi, contumeliosi, carnales aut dissoluti, et unde non speretur fructus, comperiantur’’, volumus ut tales aliquoties correpti, si non resipiscant, de medio ﬁant et ejiciantur’ (for the corresponding passage in the statutes of 1503, see Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, 159–60. This text has been preserved in MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 81r –91r . It has been partially (from 81v to 85r ) edited in Ladislaus Luk´acs (ed.), Monumenta Paedagogica Societatis Jesu, i. 1540–1556 (Rome, 1965), 626–31. The statutes are introduced as follows (81r ): ‘Sequuntur statuta venerabilis collegii Montisacuti concernentia regimen regentium magistrorum et discipulorum qui vivunt extra communitatem pauperum’. The text ends as follows (90v ): ‘Haec fuerunt ordinata, conclusa et publicata per nos subsignatos et admissa per omnes alios collegii Montisacuti regentes, magistros et sacerdotes anno domini millesimo quingentesimo octavo die decima septima mensis februarii’. For Beda, see James K. Farge, Biographical Register of Paris Doctors of Theology (1500–1536) (Toronto, 1980), 31–6, and Id., ‘No¨el B´eda’, in Bietenholz and Deutscher, Contemporaries of Erasmus, i. 116–18. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 99v : ‘. . . ut quiete valeant vivere (sc. scholares PB) et in scientia proﬁcere . . .’ Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 98r–v : ‘. . . per quorum (sc. studentium PB) doctrinales profectus fructus uberes huic militanti ecclesie provenerunt . . . Ad pronendum igitur huiusmodi scientiarum studia tanto ferventius quisque ﬁdelis debet intendere quanto considerantius prospicit ex his honorem matri ecclesie ac animarum et corporum saluti penitus et toti rei publice commodum provenire’. Cf. supra, n. 4. See also Astrik L. Gabriel, ‘Motivation of the Founders of Mediaeval Colleges’, in Astrik L. Gabriel, Garlandia: Studies in the History of the Mediaeval University (Frankfurt am Main, 1969), 211–23. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Tercio in maiorem fructum et commoditatem ecclesie Dei et manutencionem dicti collegii sic et modo a nobis requisito de ipso collegio disponent predicti

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18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

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venerabiles insignis ecclesie Parisiensis domini, cum loco sex bursariorum in prefato collegio a prima illius fundacione fundatorum, cuiusquidem fundacionis iam omnes redditus, undecim tantum solidis demptis, negligencia predecessorum perierint, tot pauperes et egenos numero quot apostoli et discipuli Domini fuerant, constituent; qui sensibus mortiﬁcati et in sacris licteris conditi, poterunt in futurum, Domino cooperante, ecclesie Dei magno esse decori’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Quarto coram Deo et hominibus erit ex hoc opere meritum ingens, honor grandis et gloria sepedictis venerabilibus dominis, quorum prudenti et sapienti tali disposicione dabitur modus et occasio, quo tot pauperes iuvenes pleclari ingenii et egregie indolis, qui inopia pressi sordidis ac talibus ingeniis indignis se mancipassent operibus, evadant in viros magnos et ecclesie columnas ad omnium statuum ecclesiasticorum directionem et erectionem necessarias’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘In qua et de qua semper maneant ipsi tam minister quam procurator vivantque quasi unus ex illis in victu et vestitu, quantum ﬁeri poterit, illis conformes, contenti stipendiis eternis, et non que sua sunt sed que Domini, nec que sibi utilia sed que aliis magis requirentes’. This use of the notions of ‘poverty’ and ‘poor’ is in accordance with the way these notions frequently occur in the founding charters of medieval Parisian colleges. It is however much less common in college statutes. Cf. Nathalie Gorochov, ‘La notion de pauvret´e dans les statuts de coll`eges fond´es a` Paris de Louis IX a` Philippe le Bel’, in Jean Dufour and Henri Platelle (eds), Fondations et œuvres charitables au Moyen Age (Paris, 1999), 119–28, esp. 128: ‘Ainsi, la dimension charitable des fondations est bien visible dans le discours ofﬁciel des fondateurs, mais curieusement absente des statuts ou r`eglements internes des coll`eges, des textes qui n’´etaient destin´es qu’`a un usage priv´e des communaut´es’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 1v : ‘Nam licet ex prelatis et superioribus complures inveniantur qui verbo predicent que primo deberent efﬁcere, paucissimi tamen sunt qui nostri omnium magistri et Salvatoris Christi exemplo aspirent primitus factis et probata morum exemplaritate ediﬁcare ceteros, deinde duriores (quibus exemplum non sufﬁcit) increpare sermonibus’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 1v –2r : ‘Hinc ergo totis viribus satagere debent omnes Dei zelum secundum scientiam habentes ad erigendum gentem novam, parvulos scilicet qui simul doceantur vite mortiﬁcationem cum scientiis amplecti quatenus (antequam mundi deliciis et ambitionibus illecti sint) bone conscientie testimonio et probata per vitam litteratura accinti, ﬁdeles ad salvandas passim pereuntes animas Deo cooperatores ﬁant’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 22v –23r : ‘Ut ergo per exteriores humiliationes potentum ﬁlii et divitum (qui ceteras pias pauperum

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24.

25.

26.

27. 28. 29.

History of Universities fundationes per universitatis collegia iniuste occupant) ab istius pauperum domus elemosinis exterriti retrahantur, et sic prohibiti non devorent que pro Christi veris pauperibus sunt sollicite conquisita, omnes artium et gramatice discipuli ex ordine ad servilia coquine ofﬁcia singuli aut bini vocabuntur per archicoquum, cuius erit ofﬁcium precipua parare et omnia condire, alios dirigendo’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 33r–v : ‘Fuit enim hec comunitas sub divina misericordia maximis sudoribus et vigilantiis instituta, et sumptibus non modicis erecta, in religionis et Dei ecclesie favorem, ut videlicet ex ea adolescentes bene dispositi, tamquam novelle plantationes in iuventute sua, sumi possent ad plantandum in ecclesie agris et religionis observate’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 33r : ‘Unde in receptionis examine, maxime post aliquantula studia, religionem ingredi volentibus favebitur. Et qui tale habuerint propositum semper, ceteris paribus, in hoc erunt aliis preferendi’. The contrast with Pierre Aycelin’s will of 1388 is striking. Pierre stipulates that preference should to be given to students from the diocese of Clermont, his family’s region of origin (MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2): ‘Item quod predicti scolares undecumque recipiantur, sed tamen preferantur illi de diocesi Claromontensi, dum tamen reperiantur ydoney’. Standonck on the other hand stipulates that preference should be given to future clerics whatever their region of origin. See also infra, n. 62. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Item volo quod executores mei conveniant cum Nicolao de Mauregart ut recipiat domum suam Avinonensem et faciat commodum suum ex ea. Et restituat id quod proinde habuerit, et computant cum eo executores mei. Et illud quod habebunt ab eo et de domo mea de Baignoleto convertatur ad emendum redditus pro scolaribus. Et quod ﬁant sex scolares quorum duo sint sacerdotes, qui habeant celebrare qualibet die unam missam, faciendo commemoracionem de me, et quatuor alii clerici, studentes in facultate canonica vel theologica. Quibus lego omnes libros meos, ut vendentur et vendicio sit in commodum eorum’. Cf. infra, n. 30. For these two events, see Renaudet, Humanisme et Renaissance, 135 (and n. 5). The number 86 is mentioned in the bull of approbation written by cardinal Georges d’Amboise on February 24, 1502 (n. s.) (see Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, 141): ‘. . . nisi numero primae institutionis, qui est in numero sanctorum apostolorum ac discipulorum Domini sub benignissimo Salvatore et sua Virgine Matre, scilicet octoginta sex’. The statutes of 1499 mention the number 84 (MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2): ‘Et quia preter numerum primarie institucionis ipsorum pauperum, scilicet octuaginta quatuor capucia gerencium pro quibus facta est fundacio . . .’. The statutes of 1503 mention only the number of

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30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36. 37.

38.

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theologians (MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 28r ): ‘. . . ubi numerus in theologia studentium duodenarius completus esset . . .’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 100r : ‘Et primo statuimus, ordinamus et volumus quod is qui de cetero preﬁcietur et ordinabitur magister in dicto collegio, ad minus sit magister in artibus vel licenciatus in altero iurium, duo presbiteri et alii tres clerici qui erunt studentes in decretis aut theologia. Et habebunt pro bursis, videlicet magister quatuor solidos Parisienses et quilibet capellanorum quatuor solidos. Qui tenebuntur celebrare in capella collegii qualibet hebdomada tres missas donec augmententur redditus. Et quilibet aliorum trium clericorum scholarium simplicium habebit pro bursa in hebdomada duos solidos Parisienses’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 100v : ‘Item tenebitur magister per se vel per alium claudere magnam portam principalem introitus collegii cum clave qualibet die sero, in hyeme hora sexta, in estate hora nona. Nec debebit aperiri ex post dicta porta, nisi causa necessaria vel honesta, prout magistro videbitur expediens. Et tenebit magister claves domus qualibet nocte in camera sua’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 100v : ‘Item tenebitur magister visitare domos sepe, una cum scholaribus, ne corruant, et cameras collegii, propter ignem et propter alia inconvenientia que contingere possent, quotienscunque eidem bonum et expediens videbitur’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 100v : ‘Item tenebitur magister dicti collegii actente vigilare ne scholares dicti collegii sint discholi seu per villam vagabundi, et eorum perversos mores corrigere et punire’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 101r : ‘Item poterit magister collegii et tenebitur sub debito iuramenti omnes de dicto collegio compellere ad custodiendum statuta omnia predicta et subsequentia, et quodlibet illorum. Si vero fuerint aliqui capellanorum vel scholarium pertinaces in observandum statuta, tunc arbitrio magistri et maioris et sanioris partis collegii poterunt puniri per suarum bursarum privationem in perpetuum vel ad tempus secundum delicti exigentiam’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 101r : ‘Item quod quilibet qui recipietur in domo prestabit iuramentum quod obediet magistro in omnibus licitis et honestis’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 101v : ‘Item nullus habebit clericum vel servitorem proprium, excepto magistro’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 103v : ‘Item nullus audeat per suum iuramentum manus imponere quovismodo infra dictam archam nisi magister in presentia et visu aliorum seu inspectu, sub pena arbitrio magistri et maioris partis collegii’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 104r : ‘Item nullus ponat hospites seu extraneos in domo, maxime ad iacendum in camera sua nec alibi in collegio, nisi de consensu et licentia magistri’.

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39. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 104v : ‘Item, si contingat aliquem manere extra villam Parisiensem per tres menses absque licentia magistri aut collatorum, ipso facto volumus esse privatum bursis. Nec poterit dictus magister dare licentiam manendi extra dictam villam ultra dictos tres menses. Sed qui latiorem voluerit obtinere gratiam, a collatoribus bursarum obtineat’. 40. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 108r : ‘Item per magistrum collegii et bursarios eiusdem quolibet anno eligatur inter ipsos unus predictorum de collegio qui bona et res dicte domus diligenter et ﬁdeliter administret, redditus omnes eiusdem domus levet, exigat et procuret, et causas et negotia dicte domus diligenter et ﬁdeliter deffendat et etiam prosequatur sumptibus dicte domus; ipsamque administrationem exercere, ac onus et curam huiusmodi redditus levandi, exigendi et procurandi, ac causas et negotia domus ipsius prosequendi et deffendendi per modum cuiusdam provisoris habeat et habere debeat et etiam teneatur . . .Item volumus quod magister collegii non possit se intromittere de dicto ofﬁcio provisoris seu procuratoris . . . nisi de voluntate et expresso consensu omnium scholarium bursariorum dicti collegii, nullo contradicente. Et si eo modo se intromittat, teneatur computare terminis predictis coram illo vel illis vel ab eis deputatis ad quem vel ad quos spectabit collatio et dispositio bursarum ipsius collegii, presentibus omnibus scholaribus eiusdem aut maiori et saniori parte ipsorum’. The collatores are responsible for the plena reformatio of the college (102v ): ‘Et idem faciant dicti scholares in presentia deputatorum per collatores, si opus sit, ad quos spectat reformatio plenaria predicti collegii’. 41. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 101r : ‘Item quod capellani tenebuntur celebrare, ut est dictum, secundum quod per clausulam testamenti prius est ordinatum’. The corresponding passage from Pierre Aycelin’s will is cited verbatim in the preface (99r ): ‘Et quod ﬁant sex scholares quorum duo sacerdotes sint, qui habeant celebrare qualibet die unam missam, faciendo commemorationem de me, et quatuor alii clerici studentes in facultate canonica vel theologica’. Cf. supra, n. 26. 42. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 101r : ‘Item sacerdos qui celebraverit, tenebitur dicere gratias in mensa; et in ipsius absentia alius sacerdos’. 43. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 101v : ‘Item custodient dicti capellani claves armarioli altaris, in quo erunt ornamenta de capella et libri ad eandem pertinentes; et illa recipiant per inventarium. Et scholares veriﬁcabunt illud inventarium coram magistro et scholaribus vel maiore parte eorum bis in anno, nisi de pluribus vicibus visum eidem magistro et maiori parti scholarium fuerit expedire. Et si aliquid ibidem sit deperditum, teneantur dicti capellani restituere’. 44. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 102v –103r : ‘Item dicte arche communis magister habebit unam clavem et antiquior capellanus receptione aliam, nisi propter idoneitatem personarum magister distribueret cum deliberatione omnium de collegio vel maioris partis aliter. Item predicti

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46.

47.

48.

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claves habentes tenebuntur qualibet die veneris post prandium ire ad archam collegii in presentia omnium aliorum bursariorum in villa existentium pro pecuniis habendis, tam pro bursis quam pro aliis necessitatibus, quas tradet magister preposito et pro scholaribus et alibi ubi fuerint tradende et distribuende procuratori ipsius collegii’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 106v : ‘Item cum alicui scholari erunt collate burse dicti collegii, infra primum mensem post habitam collationem et possessionem adeptam, deliberare teneatur in qua facultatum predictarum studere, si sit solum scholaris, vel legere, si sit bachalarius, intendit et vult, et illud explicare magistro collegii infra dictum mensem primum, sub pena perditionis bursarum suarum continue, quousque expresserit, dicto mense elapso; et postquam expresserit, dicto mense elapso, non sit eidem licitum mutare voluntatem ut in alia facultate studeat, ne per hoc videatur velle protrahere seu prolungare tempus statutum ad studendum in altera predictarum facultatum’. For both functions, cf. the following passages (MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 106v –107r ): ‘Item sacerdotem celebrantem prepositus iuvare teneatur per septimanam suam; et si sit defectus in ipso, quominus eum iuvet per missam integram, perdat quartam partem burse septimane sequentis etiam pro qualibet vice qua deﬁciet, quacunque excusatione penitus abolita et cessante. Nec possit dictus prepositus precipere famulo communitatis ut pro ipso sacerdotem iuvet, maxime cum solum erit unicus famulus communitatis. Et si contingat quod ille sacerdos qui debet celebrare, sit prepositus, tunc teneatur ipsum iuvare ille bursarius qui ultimo seu novissimo loco fuerit receptus ad bursas dicti collegii, sive ipse sit sacerdos sive simplex scholaris dicti collegii’. For the famulus, see M.-H. Jullien de Pommerol, ‘Le vocabulaire des coll`eges dans le midi de la France’, in O. Weijers (ed.), Vocabulaire des coll`eges universitaires ( XIII e — XIV e si`ecles). Actes du colloque de Leuven, 9–11 avril 1992 (Turnhout, 1993), 26–45, esp. 34–35. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Et primo circa institucionem capitis et principalis unde certum est dependere stabilimentum et regimen tocius corporis. Primo visum est ut nulli amodo, dempto tamen primo nunc instituendo, conferatur collegii magisterium, nisi fuerit de numero pauperum theologorum ipsius, saltim in artibus licenciatus in eodem collegio, ubi more aliorum pauperum degens absque querella et reprehensione cursum suum audierit, et onera paupertatis patienter tulerit, quatenus ex hiis que passus fuerit agnoscat quomodo alios regere debeat quique inter ceteros prudencior et ydoneior visus fuerit, tam ad theoricam quam ad practicam, precipue timens Deum et salutem animarum zelans’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Eligetur autem ab aliis pauperibus, non quidem omnibus, sed sacerdotibus eciam non magistris, magistris quoque vel baccalariis arcium, ac eciam aliis qui ex gremio suo tricesimum actingerint annum, absque aliquorum absencium vocacione’.

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49. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Qui omnes in loco capitulari congregati sollemniter, presentibus notariis et testibus probis et Deum timentibus, ipsam electionem, invocata Spiritus Sancti gracia, absque aliis sollemnitatibus iuris facient, infra octo dierum spacium a tempore vacacionis. Quo elapso, ad venerabiles dominos decanum et capitulum insignis ecclesie Parisiensis provisio devolvatur, qui tamen non alium quam unum de ipsis pauperibus instituent’. 50. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Quod si prefatos eligentes contingeret in duos aut tres dividere vota sua, requirimus electum a saniori parte ipsorum per prefatos venerabiles dominos conﬁrmari. Que autem sanior pars in casu huiuscemodi discordie fuerit, iudicio dominorum decani, cancellarii et penitenciarii Parisiensium relinquatur, salvo tamen si duplo maior pars in aliquem conveniret, quem tunc, nisi constaret de ipsius indignitate seu impericia, aut eligencium corrupcione seu malignitate, per dictos venerabiles dominos ad quos ipsius electionis semper spectabit conﬁrmacio, desideramus admicti; et illis per manus domini penitenciarii Parisiensis presentabitur huiusmodi electio’. 51. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Qui quidem sic electus et conﬁrmatus ac institutus dicetur et vocabitur ‘‘minister pauperum’’, quatenus et a nomine cognoscat qualis ad suos condiscipulos et fratres Christi alumnos esse debeat. In quo tota collegii auctoritas, velut in eo qui pridem ‘magister principalis’ dicebatur, tota de cetero resideat’. 52. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Deponibilis tamen, eciam absque demerito gravi, de consensu predictorum venerabilium dominorum, a dicta theologorum communitate, ubi eius utilitati secundum Deum expedire videbitur’. 53. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2. 54. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Eligetur enim a predicta communitate theologorum pauperum, si qui inter pauperes sint, unus qui temporalem curam gerat, instar celerarii inter observatores benedictine regule, ac procuratoris ipsius collegii nunc existentis, qui ad predicta administranda temporalia magis videbitur ydoneus, Deum timens et circumspectus, ac specialis pauperum amator et probate ﬁdelitatis; deponibilis tamen, quemadmodum et de ministro superius dictum est, ubi minus ﬁdelis aut negligens reperiretur’. 55. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Nichil tamen arduum faciat absque consensu ipsius ministri, nec eciam ipse minister sine consensu maioris et sanioris partis ipsorum theologorum pauperum’. 56. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘De pecuniis autem et omnibus necessariis ad nutrimenta regencium et scolarium divitum, utensilibus ac omnibus requisitis ad necessitatem domus provideat ipsa pauperum communitas per suum celerarium ministro et procuratori predictis sicque tota utilitas ex ipsorum divitum educacione, hospicio et doctrina proveniens ipsi communitati pauperum pertineat. In qua et de qua semper maneant ipsi tam minister quam procurator’.

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57. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Vivantque quasi unus ex illis (sc. paperibus PB) in victu et vestitu, quantum ﬁeri poterit, illis conformes, contenti stipendiis eternis, et non que sua sunt sed que Domini, nec que sibi utilia sed que aliis magis requirentes. Quibus tamen pro suis laboribus ultra victum suum et vestitum, si in theologico cursu procedere voluerint, ab ipsa communitate ex lucris et mercede directionis divitum porcionistarum, cameristarum et martinetarum necessaria pro suis actibus theologicis citra magisterium ministrabuntur’. In this passage, three subcategories of external students are mentioned: portionistae, cameristae, and martinetae. For these subcategories, see infra, n. 89. 58. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Et quia diﬁcile videtur perfecte studio incombere et correctioni ac directioni multorum debite intendere, si ita visum fuerit communitati, deputet ipse minister de consensu ipsius communitatis unum vel duos ex eis, qui moribus tam studencium in theologia quam aliorum adolescentum magis ac magis ad profectum componendis et castigandis diligenter invigilent et correctores dicantur’. 59. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Si vero inter ipsos theologos pauperes nulli viderentur ad ministri et procuratoris ofﬁcia predicta exercenda ydonei, aut non invenirentur inter eos (quod absit) qui pro ipsis stipendiis eternis Christo suisque pauperibus ministrare vellent, aut eciam in posterum non videretur expedire ad predicti frugalis modi vivendi manutenenciam aliquem ex predictis studentibus ad prefata ministri et procuratoris ofﬁcia assumi, sed magis inde ipsi communitati preiudicium generari, aut fructui eiusdem, qui est precipue vita mortiﬁcata cum litterarum assecucione, ut sic facto et vita sanctimoniam doceant, tunc per eamdem communitatem et de consensu predictorum venerabilium dominorum eligatur et deputetur in pedagogum vir aliquis, licet extraneus, commendabilis testimonii et mature etatis ac sufﬁcientis litterature, ad minus arcium magister, non tamen in ministrum et ad perpetuum, ut predictum est, sed in pedagogum substitutum temporalem et ad certos annos, ante quorum eciam lapsum absque ullo strepitu et ﬁgura iudicii, si inutilis aut mali regiminis et presertim incorrigibilis inveniatur, deponibilem, bis tamen aut ter prius super his a dicta theologorum communitate commonitus’. 60. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Qui vel sub certa studiorum taxa eidem persolvenda, aut pro aliqua pensionis annue summa ipsi communitati ab eo reddenda, vel de singulis porcionistis et cameristis per capita certam summam exsolvant et percipiant, minutas faciendo reparaciones, vel alio utiliori modo ofﬁcium pedagogi exerceat, prout utilitati et tempori magis congruere videbitur ad honorem Dei et profectum omnium inhabitancium’. 61. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Quia insuper ad missas dicendas obligatur pauperum communitas et ad alias in futurum poterit obligari, sacerdotes qui eas celebrabunt, sive sint de

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62. 63.

64.

65.

66.

History of Universities numero theologorum sive artistarum, dum tamen sint de gremio pauperum et ad instar aliorum vivencium, racione laborum eiusdem ultra victum communem eisdem de indumentis secundum formulam paupertatis per procuratorem provideatur’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2. The ordinationes of 1672–3 and 1683 were issued at the occasion of such a visit by the prior of the Carthusians. The ordinationes of 1672–3 are preserved in MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6181, dossier 6, no 3, 1r –3v . The ordinationes of 1683 are preserved in MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6181, dossier 6, no 4, 1r–16v, and in F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, 5: 838–845. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 25r–v : ‘Secundum precipui benefactoris huius pauperum domus illustrissimi videlicet domini Ludovici de Graville huius nostri regni Francie, cum viveret, archimarini, beneplacitum et ordinationem, que sicut in litteris super ipsius domus dispositione eo volente confectis plenarie explicatur, hec pauperum domus et totale collegium, cum aliis domibus inde derivatis, ubilibet extiterint, dirigenda subiacebit potestati et discretioni reverendi patris prioris Carthusie Parisiensis. Ipse autem tamquam visitator et maior pauperum pater eandem super omnes ipsas domos habebit potestatem visitandi, et omnia ad suam manutentionem et secundum hec statuta vite observantiam faciendi, que, proportione observata, sibi subditis et in domibus sui ordinis efﬁcere posset. Et hoc faciet semel in anno vel pluries, per se aut per alios priores eiusdem ordinis ipsis pauperum domibus dirigendis viciniores, si comode ﬁeri possit. Specialiter autem sollicite procurabit ut in ea domo debite ﬁat divinum ofﬁcium, vigeat virtus, exerceatur disciplina inter ipsos pauperes’. The Coll`ege de Montaigu is not the only Parisian college to be subject to the prior of the Carthusians; already in 1358, the Coll`ege de Boissy had nominated the prior of the Carthusians as its supreme authority. Cf. C´esar-Egasse du Boulay, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis (6 vols, Paris, 1665–73, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966), iv. 354, and Pierre F´eret, La facult´e de th´eologie de Paris et ses docteurs les plus c´el`ebres (4 vols, Paris, 1894–7), iii. 55 (and n. 6). Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 25v : ‘Non derogando visitationi per dominos de capitulo Parrisiensi. Hanc enim (quando voluerint) visitare poterunt; ut illis innotescat quomodo quotannis in ediﬁciorum reparationibus viginti quinque franci expositi sunt (quod facile ﬁet, si simul in ediﬁciis impensa ad singulos annos per partes applicentur) et quomodo pro primo fundatore singulis ebdomadis due celebrentur misse’. In Marcel Godet’s view, this system of co-management was to a large extent responsible for, what he calls, ‘la d´ecadence de la congr´egation’; cf. Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, 65–6: ‘L’administration complexe et double que les circonstances de la fondation avaient impos´ee a` Montaigu . . . acheva de ruiner la communaut´e en y provoquant des conﬂits et, par suite, des troubles sans ﬁn. Sans doute le Prieur des Chartreux e´ tait investi, depuis

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67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

72. 73.

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1503, d’une autorit´e souveraine; mais, d`es qu’il voulut l’excercer, il se heurta a` l’hostilit´e tantˆot franche, tantˆot sournoise, mais incessante du Chapitre de Notre-Dame, ancien sup´erieur, demeur´e visiteur du coll`ege, lequel ne voulut jamais reconnaˆıtre que les statuts aient amoindri son autorit´e’. See also 48–9. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 25v –26r : ‘Habebit etiam ipse pater visitator, advocatis secum suo procuratore et vicario aut aliquo alio religioso cum huius domus discretis, quando opus fuerit, intus vel cenobio Cartusie (prout magis congruere viderit) patrem pauperum et totius collegii directorem atque magistrum principalem forma et modo quibus secundum Deum iudicaverit, unum eligere, scilicet ex pauperum gremio, si in eo litteratus aliquis, zelator, prudens et Christi parvulorum amator comperiatur, qui tali provincie videatur ydoneus’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 26r–v : ‘Ipse insuper visitator cum pauperum patre, discretorum usus consilio, providebit de uno vel duobus, si expediat, hyconomis seu procuratoribus ex pauperum gremio (si apti sint), qui singula domus onera in temporalibus gerant et promoveant eorumque partientur labores et ofﬁcia secundum eorundem visitatoris et patris atque discretorum prudentiam’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 26v : ‘Non autem reservabunt de pecuniis quas receperint in manibus suis ultra id quod fuerit per predictos ordinatum pro agendorum ratione; sed omnia recondentur in archam communem, que in tuto collocabitur loco. Primam illius arche clavem servabit ipse pater, secundam primus hyconomus seu procurator qui ‘depositarius’ vocabitur, et tertiam unus ex discretis ad hoc electus. Nec eam aperient ullo tempore, nisi isti tres cum omnibus discretis presentes fuerint’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 26v : ‘Recepta autem et exposita et singula acta domus sollicite scriptis redigantur, ut toties quoties ipsi provisori vel pauperum patri placuerit, ipsi procuratores de omnibus referant rationem. Sed generalia compota bis in anno aut semel, coram eisdem patribus, procuratore cenobii Carthusie et discretis pauperibus in principio adventus, aut quando melius videbitur, reddent’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 27r : ‘Deligent insuper ipse visitator et pauperum pater et hyconomi cum presentibus discretis ex sacerdotibus et theologis tres prudentiores et maturiores, qui ‘discreti’ vocabuntur. Et ex eorum consilio et hyconomorum magis ardua domus negocia tractabit ipse pater. Nec ei licebit materias maioris momenti per se concludere et difﬁnire, sed in talibus istorum, ut dictum est, vel totius capituli, si negocium exigeret, deliberatione utetur atque consilio’. Cf. supra, n. 59. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 27r : ‘Sed ubi de pedagogo pro peculiari divitum regimine fuerit providendum, consulant ipsum provisorem reverendum, ut de viro litterato, severo et Deum timente possit provideri. Pro cuius mercede temporali, preter regentiam in artibus, quam

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74.

75.

76. 77.

78.

79.

80.

History of Universities si velit dirigere et ad hoc fuerit ydoneus, donabitur illi pecunia que solet haberi ab uno portionista de maiori etiam portione; aut paciscetur cum eo ipse pater de aliqua gratiosa pecunie summa ultra victum et hospitium’. The statutes frequently use the term provisor to refer to the pater pauperum. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 27r–v : ‘Pater autem pauperum (qui in ofﬁcio, quandiu volet, si ipsum utiliter exerceat, poterit permanere, sicut alii ofﬁciarii, si visitatori et patri pauperum et discretis utile videatur), pro stipendiis temporalibus et de obsequiis Christo prestitis in suorum pauperum directione et missarum (quas debebit communitas) celebratione, solum de vite necessariis sibi et hyconomis et sacerdotibus ex communi sumptu providebit’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 28r : ‘Aliis insuper ofﬁcialibus inferioribus, celerariis vel ministris inﬁrmorum, archicoquo, ianitoribus et ceteris quos ipse pater ordinabit et discrete et prudenter, secundum qualitatem laborum et quantitatem, et prout ﬁdeliter et irreprehensibiliter sua exercuerint ofﬁcia ad comunem utilitatem, in parte, si aliter sibi non possint providere, et ad hoc sit facultas, de necessariis ex sumptu comuni subveniet’. Apart from the servants mentioned in this passage, the statutes also mention the lintearius, the sutor, and the aeditui.—The function of celerarius in the 1503 statutes is obviously different from that in the 1499 statutes. In the latter, the celerarius (or procurator) is responsible for the administration of the college’s material belongings (cf. supra, n. 54; see also supra, n. 61). In the 1503 statutes, this has become the duty of the treasurers (oeconomi) (cf. supra, n. 68). For the correctores, cf. supra, n. 58. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 22r–v . See also the following passage (12r ): ‘habebuntque . . . decani seu notatores invigilare si aliqui in talibus negligentes fuerint, et accusare culpabiles’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 6r–v : ‘Lectionum vero tempus ita observabitur ut excitator publicus (qui secundum universitatis consuetudinem de suprema artium lectione sumitur) singulas collegii cameras hora quarta visitabit et cunctos expergefaciens lumen (si opus est) ministrabit, pulsum premittendo et post excitationem replicando. Secundo de unaquaque artistarum lectione erit excitator particularis, qui singulos de sua lectione paulopost secundum pulsum ad lectionem convocabit, que ab hora quinta ad initium usque misse hora sexta celebrande protendetur’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 8v : ‘Extra autem divina ofﬁcia, sua manualia in quibus singulariores sententias et precipua annotaverint dicta, omni secum ferant tempore, ut omne evitetur ocium’. These manualia have the same function as the so-called rapiaria used by the Brethren of the Common Life. The beginnings of this development are described in detail by Astrik L. Gabriel, ‘Preparatory Teaching in the Parisian Colleges during the Fourteenth Century’, in Gabriel, Garlandia, 97–124. For the developments

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81.

82.

83.

84.

85.

86.

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in the ﬁfteenth and sixteenth centuries, see Gabriel Codina Mir, Aux sources de la p´edagogie des J´esuites: le modus parisiensis (Rome, 1968), 53–60. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 109r: ‘Item, teneantur predicti magister et scholares qualibet septimana feria quarta et feria sexta disputare unam questionem de qua quilibet eorum per ordinem habebit respondere; et eam proponere tenebitur magister collegii coram quo questio disputabitur’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Insuper ut ad fructum uberiorem proveniat philosophicum excercicium, spectabit ad predictam communitatem theologorum pauperum magistros et regentes ex suo gremio, si ydoneos habeant, eligere, qui et grammaticam et artes in eodem collegio doceant, quatenus ex tali excercicio efﬁciantur ad theologicum certamen magis ydonei et in exprimendis suis conceptibus, sive docendo sive predicando, per excercicium reddantur promptiores et ad persuadendum efﬁcaciores’. The statutes further determine that the masters of arts and grammar can be removed from their duties at any moment: ‘Sint quoque eiuscemodi regentes, cum expedire videbitur ipsi communitati aut maiori parti, non obstante consuetudine preclare facultatis arcium de continuacione regencie usque ad ﬁnem cursus, deponibiles, sive in grammaticalibus sive in artibus legant. Nec aliquo modo in ipsis regenciis sufferantur, nec eciam alii in suis ofﬁciis, si aliquo gravi et infami vicio laborare deprehendantur’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, S 6514, dossier 1, no 2: ‘Et si nullus inter eos ad id ydoneus reperiretur, poterunt similiter alii magistri viri bone traditionis et vite probate ad ipsas regencias aliunde assumi ab ipso ministro, de consensu ipsius communitatis aut maioris partis illius. Qui et nutrientur instar divitum porcionistarum, ad quos eciam instar regencium eiusdem facultatis in aliis collegiis deveniet conquisita commoditas per labores regencie sue’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 5v : ‘Discipuli gramatice et artibus vaccantes eadem habebunt lectionum exercitia que et ipsi portioniste et divitum ﬁlii. Ut ergo in singulis eos sibi et humilitatis et ediﬁcationis causa paribus ceteris preferant, in humiliori scole loco in unum omnes iuncti omni cum modestia conversabuntur. Et ne aliquis de negligentiis excusationes in scribendo et notando (que sub regentibus audiuntur) pretendat, providebitur ut in dispensatorum manibus semper sit carta papirea, calami et atramentum. Unde certis in ebdomade horis semel aut bis, prout visum fuerit unicuique, non ultra tria folia per ebdomadam absque speciali facultate de ipsis tradentur’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 5v : ‘Non accedent ipsi pauperes scolas ubi sunt regentium doctrinas audituri, donec pulsu facto proxime sit regens gymnasium ingressurus; ut quantum ﬁeri possit, cum his qui non sunt de pauperum gremio, comunicationes evitent’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 6v –7r : ‘Post missam vero (in qua omnes comparere opportebit) horam circiter octavam gramaticorum

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87.

88. 89.

90.

History of Universities inchoabunt lectiones, et artistarum paulopost, ad decimam usque vel eocirca durature. Fiet itaque tunc pulsus pro conferentiis seu questionibus in pulsu prandii circa undecimam terminandis, nisi diebus ieiunii in quibus eedem tardius pulsabuntur lectiones . . . Deinde ﬁnitis gratiarum actionibus post refectionem, proprias singuli scolas accedent, ubi de conferentiis in questionibus factis aut precedentibus lectionibus per suos regentes examinabuntur . . . Postmodum circa terciam pomeridiani temporis horam ﬁet pro lectionibus campane pulsus ad questiones usque circiter quintam inchoandas, ubi disputabunt ipsi discipuli et movebunt questiones. Secundo omnes ad cenam usque pulsu facto vesperorum oratorium accedent et de questionibus (sicut dictum est) post gratias, nisi vacatio fuerit, in propriis scolis reparabunt. Ab ipsis autem reparationibus pauperes exire habebunt (etiam si nondum ﬁnite sint) dum pro completorii ofﬁcio pulsabitur’. Cf. MS Paris, Archives nationales, MM 466, 6r : ‘Pater autem pauperum circa regentium sufﬁcientiam diligenter attendat, considerans per se aut per alium si ipsi fructuose doceant, honestos et morales auctores interpretando. Prohibebitque penitus ne lascivos poetas vel leves materias (qualiscumque ibi sit verborum venustas) suis proponant discipulis’. Cf. the introduction to the statutes cited supra, n. 13. Cf. Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, 61–2. The cameristae obviously bring less revenue to the college than the portionistae. Hence the statutes specify that the status of camerista is to be reserved for those who really lack sufﬁcient ﬁnancial means to be a portionista. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 87r : ‘Et quoniam discipuli quos ‘‘cameristas’’ vocamus in tali tollerantur statu, quia facultates ad satisfaciendum portioni presumuntur non habere, nulli in domo extra portionem vivant qui sufﬁcientes pro huiusmodi portione facultates habere cognoscantur. Et cogantur ipsi cameristae parcius in cibo et potu quam ipsi parvi portionistae vivere, ne libertate alecti et voluptate divitum ﬁlii cameristarum statum magis amplexentur’. Consequently, the statutes differentiate between the fees to be payed by each category of students. Cf. the following passages (MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 88r–v ): ‘Regentes vero in artibus non petant . . . nisi a maiore portionista tres albos, a parvo duodecim turonos, a camerista carolum; martinete vero manent arbitrio regentis . . . Pro responsionibus non petant a maiore portionista ultra duo scuta cum medio, a minore ultra duo, a cameristis unum cum medio, nisi sint beneﬁciati aut fortunae sufﬁcientis, unde possent in portione vivere, seu aequalis fortunae cum portionistis. Martinete vero qui aequales fuerint cum cameristis in facultatibus solvent sicut cameristae; et qui cum portionistis, sicut ipsi portionistae; de quo poterit iudicare regens’. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 90v –91r . Even though the number of occupants of the community of the poor (122) is largely inferior to the number of portionistae and cameristae, it nevertheless exceeds the number of 86 (12 students of theology, 72 students of arts, and two chaplains) presupposed by the statutes of 1499 and 1503 (cf. supra,

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91.

92. 93.

94.

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n. 29). As regards the martinetae, the statutes obviously want to avoid the situation that the number of martinetae studying under one master surpasses that of the other categories of students. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 84r : ‘Poterunt tamen ipsi martinetae post istos scribi in rotulis, et hoc ne contingat aliquem de regentibus paucos habere praeter martinetas’. Compared to the earlier statutes, the statutes of 1509 introduce one new college ofﬁcial, the promotor, whose duty is to control the work of the procurator. Cf. the following passage (MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 89v ): ‘Et erit in communitate ipsius ante unus electus qui dicetur ‘‘promotor’’, cuius ofﬁcium pertrimestre durabit, qui tamen poterit continuari et recodari secundum discumbentium discretionem. Et habebit negligentiam vel ignorantiam procuratoris, si qua sit, supplere, detegere et reprehendere, et in medium materias occurrentes ponere’. Unfortunately, the statutes are much less accurate about the teaching of arts. Cf. the following passage (MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 84v ): ‘Quo ad lectiones artistarum statuitur quod quilibet regens aliquem doctorem interpretabitur in Summulis, logica et phisicalibus; et non sic circa aliquos immorabitur tractatus quod alios oporteat pertransire intactos; et qui contra fecerit, solvet pro quolibet libro quem debite interpretari omiserit duos solidos parisienses. Et si velit eorum aliquis nova quedam in scriptura ad calamum suis tradere discipulis, hoc efﬁciet lectionibus extraordinariis, ut puta hora quarta post meridiem, cum non sunt lectiones ordinariae, vel hora quinta mane vel post repetitiones prandii. Quod si fecerit in lectionibus precipuis, videlicet octava ante prandium et tertia post, emenda mulctabitur communi’. More accurate information about the the contents of the arts teaching at Montaigu is to be found in John Mair’s Libri quos in artibus in collegio Montis Acuti Parisius regentando compilavit, ed. Antonio Coronel (Paris, 1506). For bio-bibliographical information on Mair, see John Durkan, ‘The School of John Major. Bibliography’, Innes Review 1 (1950), 140–57. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 82r : ‘. . . quia tales prohiberi debent: Terentius, Martialis, Iuvenalis, Naso in epistolis et similes’. According to Codina Mir, Aux sources de la p´edagogie des J´esuites, 90, this text ‘constitue le premier programme d’´etudes d’un Coll`ege, o`u l’on trouve des pr´ecisions concernant l’organisation de l’enseignement grammatical’. With respect to these classes (lectiones), Codina Mir, Aux sources de la p´edagogie des J´esuites, 101, remarks: ‘C’est dans le programme de Montaigu de 1509 que l’on trouve pour la premi`ere fois a` Paris de fac¸on pr´ecise et claire une stricte division des e´ l`eves en classes, dans le sens moderne du mot. C’est-`a-dire la r´epartition gradu´ee d’une mˆeme mati`ere a` des paliers ou niveaux successifs, dans un ordre de complexit´e croissante, en fonction de l’ˆage et du degr´e de conaissances acquis par les e´ l`eves. Remarquons que Montaigu n’emploie pas encore le mot classis, mais seulement regula, ou lectio’.

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95. For Aelius Donatus, the reference is of course to the very inﬂuential Ars Donati, edited by Louis Holtz, Donat et la tradition de l’enseignement grammatical. Etude sur l’Ars Donati et sa diffusion ( IV e — IX e si`ecle) et e´ dition critique (Paris, 1981), 585–602 (the Ars minor) and 603–74 (the Ars maior). For the grammatical works of Niccol`o Perotti, Agostino Dati and Guido Juvenalis, see Ferdinand Buisson, R´epertoire des ouvrages p´edagogiques du XVI e si`ecle (Paris, 1886), 192–8 (Dathus [Augustinus]), 376 (Juvenalis [Guido]), and 500–504 (Perottus [Nicolaus]). 96. Cf. MS Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Arsenal, 1168, 82r –83v . A faithful French paraphrase of this passage is given by Charles Thurot, De l’organisation de l’enseignement dans l’universit´e de Paris au Moyen Age (Paris, 1850, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1967), Corrections et additions, 11–13. Codina Mir, Aux sources de la p´edagogie des J´esuites, 92, characterizes the course as follows: ‘En 1509, tout l’enseignement grammatical du programme de Montaigu est encore enti`erement bas´e sur le Doctrinale, tout en entr’ouvrant timidement la porte aux modernes’. 97. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars III, c. 10, ed. D. Reichling (Berlin, 1893), 100 ff. 98. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars II, c. 8, 70 ff. 99. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars I, c. 5, 49 ff. 100. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars I, c. 4, 35 ff. 101. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars I, c. 2, 26 ff. 102. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars I, c. 1, 1185 ff. 103. Alexander of Villedieu, Doctrinale, pars I, Prooemium, 7 ff 104. Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, 45, summarizes as follows: ‘La r`egle de Montaigu doit beaucoup aux Fr`eres de la Vie commune. Nous y retrouverons l’habitude du ‘‘rapiarium’’, la confession publique, l’examen de conscience, la d´enonciation mutuelle, l’usage et l’abus des chˆatiments corporels, l’accomplissement des besognes serviles a` tour de rˆole’. At the school of the Brethren of the Common Life at Gouda, Standonck became ‘devoted to an ideal of education closely linked to reformed piety and cloistered discipline, humility, and self-abnegation’ (Farge, ‘Jan Standonck’, 281). 105. The organization of Montaigu’s grammar course, in particular the system of classes (lectiones), has its origin in the educational practice of the Brethren of the Common Life. In turn, it lies at the centre of the so-called modus Parisiensis, the pedagogical method which became particularly successful in the colleges of the Jesuits. Cf. Codina Mir, Aux sources de la p´edagogie des J´esuites, 109. See also Brockliss, ‘The Coll`ege de Montaigu’, 112 (and n. 1). 106. Many unpublished notarial and ﬁnancial records of the college have been preserved in various Parisian libraries. For a survey, see Augustin Renaudet, Pr´er´eforme et humanisme a` Paris pendant les premi`eres guerres d’Italie (1494–1517) (Paris, 1916, 2nd edn Paris, 1953, repr. Geneva, 1981), XIX–XXVII, and Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, V, n. 1. The ‘certiﬁcats

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d’´etudes’ awarded by the University of Paris in 1512 and 1513, recently published by James K. Farge, Students and Teachers at the University of Paris. The generation of 1500. A Critical Edition of Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives, Registres 89 and 90 (Leiden, 2006), contain crucial prosopographical information on 108 graduates, 3 principals, and 62 regent masters of the Coll`ege de Montaigu.

The Coll`ege de Montaigu in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Laurence W.B. Brockliss∗

In the course of the sixteenth century the forty-odd colleges of the University of Paris divided into two types: the residential, and the residential and teaching. Before the mid-ﬁfteenth century, all the colleges had been residential: in accordance with their statutes of foundation, their primary purpose was to provide board and lodging for poor scholars from a designated diocese. Thereafter, subsequent to the reform of the University by Cardinal d’Estouteville in 1451, most colleges not only began to house and feed additional students who paid for their accommodation, but a number also laid on formal teaching in the arts. Historically, all ex cathedra teaching had been carried on by the schools of the four faculties, but by the 1540s the schools of the Faculty of Arts had closed for good, and the Faculty’s duties were limited to examining for the M.A. Initially, the colleges seem to have only provided courses in Latin grammar, but in the early sixteenth century they began to take over the teaching of philosophy—the main part of the arts curriculum. Furthermore, in the 1520s, the most go-ahead, notably the Coll`ege de Sainte Barbe, heeded the attacks of Erasmus and other humanists on the dry study of Latin grammar and replaced the traditional course with the study of the Latin and Greek humanities. Organized as a six-year course with a structured and progressive curriculum, this new form of grammar teaching, known as the modus Parisiensis, was quickly adopted all over Europe and most fully developed in the colleges of the Jesuits, the new teaching order of the Counter Reformation.1 In the early sixteenth century, probably half of the Paris colleges provided teaching of some kind in the arts. A century later, the number which offered a complete course in the humanities and philosophy was reduced to ten. With only minor alterations to the list, this core group of colleges formed the University’s coll`eges de plein exercice and virtually monopolized the capital’s tuition in the arts to internes and externes until all the

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colleges were closed by the Revolutionaries in 1793. Their only serious competitor was the independent Jesuit college of Clermont, later called Louis-le-Grand, which was established in the Latin quarter in 1563.2 Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Coll`ege de Montaigu was one of the elite core of university teaching colleges, along with Navarre, Beauvais, Lisieux, Les Grassins, Le Sorbonne-Plessis, La Marche, Cardinal Lemoine, Harcourt and Mazarin.3 Three factors must have helped its emergence as a coll`ege de plein exercice in the sixteenth century. In the ﬁrst place, the new statutes of 1499 and 1503 laid down speciﬁcally that the college was to maintain teaching in grammar and the arts and provided detailed instructions on how the internes (paying boarders and boursiers) should organize their day.4 Secondly, Montaigu, thanks to the building programme begun by Standonck and pursued by his sixteenth-century successors, occupied a much larger and more integrated site than most Parisian colleges: from as early as 1570 Montaigu had a purpose-built classroom block for the humanities students.5 Thirdly, the college’s reputation for austerity, in the sixteenth century at least, did it no harm with parents, if the comments of Franc¸ois de Belleforest in 1575 are to be believed: Cette maison a le bruit d’une grande s´ev´erit´e, & discipline, et n’y a gu`ere d’assembl´ees religieuses o`u lon voye une plus grande r´eformation, si bien qu’`a Paris, si quelque bourgeois ou citoien a un sien enfant mal morig´er´e, ou difﬁcile a` dompter, c’est a` Montaigu qu’on l’envoye, afﬁn de le ployer sous la verge d’humilit´e, & d’ob´eissance.6

However, in contrast to the Coll`eges de Beauvais and Harcourt, two of its rivals among the teaching colleges, there is no secondary study of Montaigu during the Ancien R´egime.7 Even the erudite account of the college in the sixteenth century by Marcel Godet is chieﬂy a study of the work of Standonck.8 This reﬂects the fact that the surviving records are poor. At the Revolution, the archives of all the Paris colleges became state property and eventually ended up in the Archives Nationales. In the course of being moved from place to place in the city, many registers and documents were inevitably lost, but among the larger colleges Montaigu seems to have suffered incommensurately. The surviving archives principally consist of ten cartons, most devoted to the appointment of boursiers and ﬁnancial administration in the reign of Louis XVI.9 Reconstructing a detailed history of the college during these two centuries is therefore impossible. Scholars who seek a chronological account of its fortunes in this period can turn to the manuscript history

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written by an anonymous professor of the college in 1744, which is a point of entry to the institution’s oral memory in the mid-eighteenth century.10 But this offers no information about the sorts of question which primarily interest the historian of universities, such as patterns of attendance or the nature of the curriculum. Even basic facts are lacking. We will never know, for instance, how many students the college welcomed across the period. In the ﬁnal decades of the eighteenth century, the University had some 5,000 arts students in its ten coll`eges de plein exercice. At this date, Montaigu was ranked seventh in size, educating 300 pupils, internes and externes. The most populous was the Coll`ege de Mazarin with 1,100.11 As there were apparently 532 paying boarders in the college in 1509 besides the 72 boursiers on the foundation, it would appear that Montaigu had declined considerably in popularity from its glory days of the early sixteenth century.12 But whether the college had lost its e´ lan a long time before or only recently—in the Age of Enlightenment—will never be discovered. As we will see below, it seems likely that attendance fell quite sharply from the turn of the eighteenth century, then recovered somewhat in the ﬁnal decades of the Ancien R´egime, but what the secular trend had been before this remains a mystery.13 In fact, apart from the boursiers and pensionnaires at the end of the period, whose identities are revealed through the surviving accounts, we have only the names of a handful of students who sat on Montaigu’s benches over the two centuries. Notwithstanding the poor state of the archives, it is still possible to say something about the life of the college in the Ancien R´egime. For most of the seventeenth century, the ofﬁcers seem to have had little problem in keeping faith with the statutes. In the winter of 1642–3 the rector of the University instituted an inspection of all the colleges—residential and teaching. In most colleges, he found much amiss: the number of boursiers required by the statutes was not maintained; discipline had gone out of the window; rooms were rented out to nonstudents; and the buildings were frequently in need of repair. When he visited Montaigu on 8 November 1642, however, the college was given a clean bill of health.14 Presumably the college still had seventy-two boursiers on its books and its reputation for austerity was sustained. Some twenty years later, the chancellor of the abbey of Sainte Genevi`eve did his own audit of the University and came to a similar conclusion about the college. Standonck’s foundation was being properly maintained.

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La discipline a tousjours est´e fort exacte en ce college et la vie des pauvres escoliers fort austere n’ayant presque que du pain, du potage aux herbes, et des oeufs durs, l’intention de l’instituteur ayant e´ t´e, qu’ils vissent comme une espece de noviciat, qui leur servist de disposition pour devenir un jour de bons Religieux et de bons pretres seculiers d´egagez des biens du monde aﬁn de reprendre la vie avec plus de libert´e.15

This was no mean feat. Many of the other colleges had neglected to uphold their statutes, not through venality (as contemporaries tended to think) but of necessity. Most Parisian colleges had inadequate endowments. Often dependent on feudal dues, they had seen their endowment income fall in real terms across the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in an era of high inﬂation, sometimes dramatically.16 Nor were they able to recoup by ﬁlling the college with pensionnaires. After 1550 the number of arts students attending the University of Paris from outside the city fell rapidly. With the foundation of coll`eges de plein exercice offering similar courses in provincial towns, parents preferred to keep their sons at home and only sent them to the capital, if at all, to study philosophy.17 To balance the books, ofﬁcials were inevitably forced to leave bourses unﬁlled and raise money by hiring out college rooms to artisans. Montaigu’s ability to maintain its complement of boursiers suggests it was ﬁnancially far better placed than most of its Parisian rivals.18 It is clear, too, that Montaigu had had its moments of difﬁculty. In 1625 the college had been inspected by its visitor, the prior of the Paris Carthusians, presumably as a result of complaints.19 The boursiers at this juncture seem to have been out of control: On les voit a` toute heure deviser, folˆatrer, qui a` la porte de la chapelle, qui a` la porte de la cuisine, qui a` la porte du coll`ege, a` s’entretenir avec le portier ou avec quelque autre.

In consequence, it appears, parents were put off sending their children to the college as pensionnaires, while the regents, seeing their classes beginning to empty no longer had the courage to reprendre un enfant, un e´ colier, de peur de le perdre, qu’il s’en aille. En chaque classe, ils rec¸oivent tous, capables ou non, pourvu qu’ils en aient nombre.

The collapse in discipline, however, did not last long. In 1627 a new principal was installed, Jean Canet, who would be in charge until 1653. A former pupil at Montaigu and an erstwhile professor of rhetoric at a rival Paris college, he seems to have soon put the ship to rights.

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Les e´ tudes reprirent vigueur, les exercices publiques furent renouvel´es . . . Le nombre des e´ tudiants s’accrut consid´erablement et le coll`ege devint un des plus c´el`ebres de l’universit´e.20

Towards the end of the seventeenth century, on the other hand, it would seem that Canet’s successor as principal, Abraham Marlier—in ofﬁce from 1653 to 1693—took his hand off the tiller. In 1682 he was reported to the Paris Parlement for pocketing the proﬁts from the college pension rather than using them to support the community of boursiers. Presumably, such selﬁshness, if relatively common among Paris college heads, threatened the integrity of the foundation, and the judges responded by setting up a commission of enquiry into the state of college discipline.21 The commissioners—the Visitor (the Prior of the Paris Chartreux), the principal of the Coll`ege du Sorbonne-Plessis, Charles Gobinot, the newly appointed proviseur or head of the Coll`ege d’Harcourt, Jean le Franc¸ois, and a doctor of the Sorbonne called Gillot—duly issued a new series of regulations for the Coll`ege de Montaigu on 27 March 1683. Their length and detail, and the extent to which emphasis was laid on maintaining the college’s customary reputation for austerity, would suggest that standards in the recent past had been allowed to slip.22 Henceforth, all internes, convictores and boursiers were to be kept under close surveillance and expected to follow the same rules. No one under eighteen was ever to be let out of the college unless they were known to be of good morals, and the habit of permitting arts and grammar students to go into the city on pious pretexts was to stop. All religious needs were to be met within the college: boarders were to attend divine service daily, formally settle quarrels each evening, attend weekly catechism classes, and confess and communicate monthly. Inside the college recreation was to be carefully supervised. No one was to be allowed to play outside the hours set aside for relaxation, and boisterous and venal games, such as cards and dice, were banned. Javelin throwing was particularly frowned upon: Prohibemus omnino ipsis etiam diebus ferarium lusum pilae ex palmula lignea aut recticula missilis, ceterosque hujusmodi ludos violentos, qui vix unquam absque alicujus damno aut percussionis periculo exerceri possunt.23

Even conversation was regulated. ‘Ut latinae locutionis usum iuvenes facilius sibi conciliant’, French was to be banned from within the college

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walls.24 Offenders against the rules were to be beaten on the ﬁrst occasion, expelled on the second. The boursiers’ life was to be particularly tough: there was no mitigation of the harsh demands placed upon them by the founder two centuries before. They were to be tonsured, and, in college, dress simply in a grey surtout with a square hat, while their diet, as the founder intended, was to be meat-free. They were expected, too, to perform the menial chores around the college. The boursiers were also servants. Quae ex mundita locorum facile conjicitur disciplinae integritas, volumus ut juxta antiquum usum hujus familiae & formam in statutis praescriptam, singulis alumnis omnes domus regiones scopis lustrandae ita distribuantur per vices, ut non solum camerae & scalae, sed bibliotheca, utrumque sacellum, refectorium, scholae, coquina, area ac ipsae latrinae, tam quae inferius quam quae superius positae sunt, absque coeno & sordibus videantur. Quod si nonnulli fortasse vile hoc exercitium recusent, sciant plures alios hactenus longe ipsis meliores humilitatis ac paupertatis studio hoc genus ministerii non erubuisse.25

In addition, pace the original statutes, the boursiers were to live cheek to jowl with the other students, so that they could set an example to the whole college community. Quia non est locus in collegio sufﬁciens, in quo juxta statutorum consilium segregatim a convictoribus alumni ludere & animum relaxare possint, volumus eos deinceps non solum in cultu divino & exercitatione litteria, sed in ludo etiam ac familiari congressu cum convictoribus & extraneis ita recte ac modeste se habere, ut non minus ex moribus quam ex vestitu a caeteris dignosci queant.26

It must be said that for the date the 1683 regulations were particularly harsh. Several other Paris colleges issued new r`eglements for their internes in the late seventeenth century. Although they reveal a common desire to police closely the religious and recreational behaviour of boarders, they were less draconian and certainly did not insist on conversing in Latin within the college, a practice which had been promoted by some humanist pedagogues but largely abandoned by the mid-seventeenth century.27 The inmates of the Coll`ege de Bourgogne in 1680 were expected to attend mass and evening prayers daily and undergo weekly religious education (half-hour each Saturday), but they were only urged to confess frequently. If they were banned from attending cabarets, plays and the opera, and carrying weapons, they were not permanently incarcerated in the college but could even dine out if they were granted permission.28 The pensionnaires of Le Sorbonne-Plessis were similarly

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indulged. The administration preferred to use beating as a last resort and introduced a number of more humane punishments, such as writing lines. It accepted, too, that hard-worked boys needed to relax. It had no problem with its charges playing chess and draughts in their leisure time, and even erected a croquet alley inside the walls where they could let off steam. On Sundays and feast days, moreover, the boys were taken on country walks, which might even include a picnic. Indeed, the young internes of Le Sorbonne-Plessis were cosseted. They had a daily goˆuter in the late afternoons and were encouraged to use their pocket money on Sundays to buy extra titbits.29 Outside the classroom Montaigu students were clearly expected to be angels. Maintaining such a strict rule must have required total commitment on the part of the college’s ofﬁcers, and it is not difﬁcult to see how discipline had been allowed to slip under an ageing principal. Marlier, however, must have managed to turn the collegiate ship around by the time he demitted his ofﬁce. When the rector, Charles Rollin, inspected the college in 1696 he found nothing amiss with the discipline under the new principal, Louis Roy. Rather, he noted that the regime was too harsh, a verdict all the more striking in that rector was himself a man of strong Augustinian sympathies. Rollin did record, on the other hand, that the number of boursiers of the original foundation had fallen to ﬁfty.30 Evidently, the restoration of discipline had done nothing to enhance the college’s attraction to parents. Even if the proﬁts of the pensionnat were now being properly used to maintain the boursiers, the college was obviously ﬁnancially embarrassed—in a period (1650–1730) when prices were stable or falling.31 Presumably savage austerity had had its day as the century of Enlightenment dawned. And the position grew more parlous as the eighteenth century wore on. In 1715, the rector Jean-Gabriel Petit de Montempuys, another austere Augustinian, claimed so few students were following the college’s professors that Montaigu should be transferred to the right bank to save externes from the north making the long trek across the city each day.32 The only solution was permanently to scale down the foundation. In 1744 the Paris Parlement once more became involved with the college’s affairs and ﬁxed the number of boursiers at forty artiens and six theologians, while temporarily suspending all nominations for six years so that the ﬁnances might be righted.33 The 1744 initiative came from the avocat-g´en´eral and parlementaire, Joly de Fleury, who apparently valued Standonck’s foundation and wanted to restore the college’s fortunes.

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Il regardait le coll`ege comme l’unique asile que les pauvres eussent a` Paris pour y e´ tudier. Il savait qu’il en e´ tait sorti de bons sujets. Ses sentiments e´ lev´es et toujours port´es vers l’utilit´e publique lui avaient fait envisager la fondation Montaigu comme pr´ecieuse a` la patrie.34

Joly de Fleury recognised, however, that it was insufﬁcient to establish the college’s ﬁnances. The college had to be brought into the eighteenth century by making the discipline less austere. The new regulations promulgated by the Paris Parlement on 7 August 1744 did not turn the college into the resort of the mondain. It did, though, introduce a more relaxed and humane regime, which even an Erasmus could have endured. In particular, it improved the life of the poor scholars, who were thereafter no longer subjected to a vegetarian diet or particular fasts.35 The reform, instituted by the principal, Pierre Germain, a former professor at Le Sorbonne-Plessis, seems to have had the desired effect.36 In the mid-eighteenth century, about a decade after Joly de Fleury’s initiative, the college purportedly lodged 144 students: 52 boursiers, 40 pensionnaires and 30 cam´eristes, poor scholars who paid a nominal sum—25 livres per annum—and received free lodging, heat, light, instruction and a bread dole. On the eve of the Revolution, there were 60 boursiers, 100 pensionnaires and 40 cam´eristes.37 And the college had regained some of its popularity without compromising too drastically with its traditions. Montaigu in 1789 still aimed to attract parents who either from wealth or inclination sought to board their offspring cheaply. Boarding fees at other coll`eges de plein exercice, such as Louis-leGrand, were from 500 to 650 livres. But Montaigu offered board and lodging for 350 livres, less than the annual income of a Paris artisan. In a competitive environment, this was a bargain, and many parents, it can be assumed, were happy to entrust their sons to the college’s care, now it no longer had a reputation for brutality and anachronistic austerity.38 This, of course, supposes that the chief factor affecting attendance at Montaigu across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was the college’s puritanical persona. It might equally have been the case that its popularity ﬂuctuated according to the perceived quality of its teaching. The history of Montaigu as a coll`ege de plein exercice, however, is even more difﬁcult to construct than its history as a residential community. It seems legitimate to deduce from the fact that no complaints ever surfaced in the various ofﬁcial visitations across the period that the college kept a clean educational bill of health. If so, its history as a teaching institution

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must have broadly mirrored the collective saga of its sister colleges. In the seventeenth century, its course in the humanities must have been built chieﬂy around the study of Cicero and the Latin poets of the Augustan age, selected for each class according to a rising level of difﬁculty, while its instruction in philosophy would have been founded on a critical exegesis of the works of Aristotle, viewed through the prism in particular of Thomas Aquinas. In the eighteenth century in contrast, the humanities course would have contained more Latin histories and Greek texts, while large parts of the philosophy course, especially metaphysics and physics, would have been shaped by the ideas of the moderns—Descartes, Malebranche, and from 1750 Newton.39 Effectively demonstrating this, on the other hand, is impossible. Charting the character of humanities teaching at the University of Paris is always difﬁcult because there are no professorial or student notebooks extant for the period, apart from transcriptions of rhetoric courses and the odd record of ancillary instruction in chronology and geography. Consequently, it is necessary to rely on memoirs, the university’s statutes of 1601, pedagogical manuals, occasional examples of written exercises, and university and college notices regarding the books to be studied in a particular year.40 Information about philosophy teaching, in contrast, abounds thanks to the survival of professorial dict´ees, printed textbooks, and the printed abstracts of the theses students sustained orally as part of their M.A. examination. Peculiarly, in Montaigu’s case few examples of these sources have survived to allow a serious reconstruction of its educational activities. There is only one autobiographical reminiscence, no surviving college programmes d’´etudes, one philosophy thesis, and only a handful of course transcriptions, while only two professors of philosophy are known to have published textbooks.41 All that can be said about the humanities course is that it would deﬁnitely have been taught along the lines laid down in the University’s statutes, which promoted learning through emulation. In the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Protestant and Catholic educationalists had argued that learning could be facilitated in the humanities classes by manipulating the natural rivalry of the young. The Jesuits in particular were notorious for arranging constant intellectual jousts and seating pupils according to performance.42 It might have been thought that Montaigu would not have placed much emphasis on such pedagogical aids, for a spirit of competition would seem to sit ill with the founder’s concept of a community of poor and humble servitors of Christ. The 1683 regulations, however, make it

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clear that competition at Montaigu as elsewhere was judged to be good classroom practice. The commissioners recognised that ambition was odious, ‘iuvat tamen iuniorum animos, si sit modera’. The college was therefore required to keep its students on their academic toes. ‘Proponetur itaque saepius in scholis humanitatis scriptio seu thema pro locis et dignitatibus’. Rhetoricians were to be judged on the declamations they prepared; philosophy students were to be assiduously interrogated on their understanding; and the college was to give annual prizes. In addition, there was to be no toleration of the academically weak. Students had to go up a class each year, except in the top classes where they might stay for two. Those found wanting were to be excluded, unless they had the principal’s permission to stay.43 There is no reason to believe that such practices had hitherto been eschewed by the college and that the commissioners were making the regents conform to the university’s norm. On the contrary, there is hard evidence that the college already took emulation seriously. From the moment the Jesuits had established a permanent educational presence in the French capital, they had gone out of their way to parade their pedagogical credentials.44 They not only gave annual prizes to the best pupils in each class, but they turned prize-giving into a public event where selected students demonstrated their virtuosity before an audience of family and friends by staging wholesome dramas and earnest declamations composed by the professor of rhetoric.45 It was the perfect way of drumming up custom in a competitive environment, and the Jesuit college saw its numbers soar. From the mid-seventeenth century the university colleges retaliated by staging their own annual events, and Montaigu was as ready as any to burnish its public image. As early as 1657 a surviving programme reveals that the students performed the tragedy of Justin Martyr on the college theatre as a prelude to the distribution of the prizes kindly donated by the Paris Chartreuse. Thereafter, the annual school play must have become entrenched in the college calendar. The programmes of six other plays survive in the years till 1682. For the most part, they are tales of wicked pagan tyrants who get their just deserts. Only one, Le mespris des vanit´es du monde, staged in 1672, seems to be in keeping with the ambience of the institution.46 More can be said about the college philosophy course but a perusal of the surviving information suggests that only two professors merit speciﬁc attention. The ﬁrst is the Swiss Janus Cecilius Frey (ca. 1580–1631), an M.A. in 1607, who appears to have taught the science in a number of Paris colleges in the early seventeenth century and was deﬁnitely employed

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at Montaigu in 1617–19, 1627, and 1629.47 The complete course he delivered at the college in the late 1610s survives in the notebooks of one Franc¸ois Jutet, while a compendium of his teaching over the years was published posthumously by friends in 1633. The transcription reveals that Frey taught a two-year course little different from his contemporaries in that he essentially provided an extended commentary on the works of Aristotle, beginning with logic, moving on to ethics and physics, and concluding with metaphysics. Like his contemporaries, too, he broadly followed a Thomist line.48 But in one respect, he appears to have been bolder than his peers, namely in that he was more open-minded about the new astronomy. Professors at Paris in the ﬁrst part of the seventeenth century discussed Copernicus and the discoveries of Galileo, but they were hostile to any new ideas that could not be ﬁtted into traditional cosmology and Aristotle’s absolute distinction between the sub- and superlunary universe. In 1618 in the Montaigu course Frey shared their view. Heliocentricity was dismissed as a physical impossibility: if the earth moved, then, inter alia, a projectile launched in one direction would travel further than in another. Ten years later, on the other hand, Frey was not so sure, and in a work penned in 1629 argued that the jury was out.49 In later life, too, he became much more interested in the Paracelsian doctrine of the interconnection between the microcosm and the macrocosm than was usual for Thomist Aristotelians. Although he never accepted Paracelsus’ theory of the elements or his belief that the world was growing older, Frey did accept that stones, especially precious stones, were given their shape and form by celestial inﬂuences. Quemadmodum de nostris dictum est vis caelorum et constellationum saepe in semine humano monstri similem efformat ﬁguram, propterea quod talis constellatio generativa et conformativa alterius ﬁgurae quam humanae: ita etiam saepe in aliis animalibus, ut in porcellis, vaccis ﬁguram ferme facit capitis human[or]um, non tantum propter commixtionem seminum, sed etiam sine ista commixtione, imo etiam sine imaginatione: ita ex variis vaporibus elevatis, et in molli materia, qualis est lapidum pretiosorum efﬁgiat virtus illa ﬁguras . . . Quemadmodum autem sigillum molli cerae facile imprimit ﬁguram; ita enim materiae in visceribus terrae molli antequam concrescat facile Natura efformat et quasi sigillet.50

The second professor is Jean Denyse (dates unknown) who probably became an M.A. in 1706, and is known to have taught philosophy at Montaigu in the late 1710s and early 1720s.51 There is no transcription of his teaching, but he presided over a philosophical thesis at the college in

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1717, defended by a student from Meaux called Franc¸ois Scribe, and two years later published a textbook in French, which presumably bore some relation to his course.52 It would appear that Denyse, like Frey, broadly followed the university’s party line, which was now Cartesian rather than Aristotelian. He taught there were two distinct substances, mind and body, and argued that only mechanical explanations of the natural world were acceptable. But if Frey showed signs of an innovative and enquiring intellect, Denyse appears somewhat conservative. He did not accept the customary contemporary position that a natural body was no more than the congeries of its parts and continued to stress the existence of substantial forms, which gave a body its peculiar identity. His, though, was no longer the Thomist viewpoint, for his substantial forms were material not spiritual. This was the conclusion of the unorthodox Aristotelian Minim, Maignan, in the mid-seventeenth century, and it was sustained at Paris at the turn of the eighteenth by the professor of philosophy at Le Sorbonne-Plessis, Laurent Duhan (ca. 1656–1726), who had studied himself at Montaigu.53 Whether Denyse had sat at the feet of Duhan is unknown but he certainly promoted his cautious, eclectic mechanism long after the Sorbonne-Plessis professor had stood down from his chair. Denyse, though, was no natural philosophical fossil. Although his philosophy course would have been purely verbal, like that of his peers, he seems to have provided his students with supplementary practical instruction, for in 1717 he also had one of his pupils perform physical experiments before an admiring audience.54 Presumably, his tempered mechanism reﬂected Pascalian philosophical doubt rather than antidiluvian prejudice. Sadly, no more is known about the college professoriate than the content of their courses. For most of the period even their names are unknown. It can be assumed that Montaigu always had two professors of philosophy. The Paris course in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was taught over two years, and it was customary for one professor to teach all four parts. Consequently, two professors were needed, if students were to transfer from the top humanities class—the rhetoric—each year.55 It is possible, though, that the college did not always have a full complement of humanities teachers. Usually, there would be six classes, the sixth or beginners class taking young pupils who could read but had hardly any knowledge of Latin grammar.56 A list of professors from 1627 suggests that Montaigu only had ﬁve classes in the early seventeenth century. Presumably in an age when many boys from good families learnt their Latin elements at home or from the local cur´e, there was a

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limited call for basic instruction in the capital. Certainly at this juncture the college was not alone. Only two colleges—Lisieux and Navarre—had a regent of the sixth.57 On the other hand, right at the end of the period, Montaigu deﬁnitely had a professor for the Latin elements, and in 1683 it even seems to have employed a seventh professor to teach boys to read.58 The professors whose names have come down to us for the most part remain ciphers. We know little about their backgrounds and few details of their careers. One only comes alive in death—the abb´e Gaudet, who died in the college in 1781, and whose small library—perhaps only thirty titles—was sold on 13 June.59 It can be assumed that most were young and of limited means, and that virtually all were in holy orders and had completed three years studying theology. Few Paris arts professors in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries saw teaching as a permanent career, unless they were to gain a chair in a higher faculty or at the Coll`ege royal.60 The exceptions were usually Irish exiles, such as Roger Omeloy (d. 1670) who taught philosophy at the Coll`ege de Beauvais for forty years. Most professors only regented in their twenties and early thirties, while they made useful contacts in and outside the classrooms and looked to ﬁnd a patron who would advance them to a lucrative cure.61 It is unlikely that many, if any, Montaigu professors went on to match the stellar career enjoyed by Paul Boudot (1571–1635), one of the philosophy regents at the beginning of the period. Boudot, the son of a saddler or blacksmith from Franche Comt´e, became a bachelor of theology about 1600 and three years later was the University rector, its chief ofﬁcial elected every three months by the resident M.A.s. He seems to have quit the college in 1609 when he became an episcopal ofﬁcial, which proved the jumping-off point for a career that would see him become suffragan archbishop of Cambrai in 1613, bishop of Saint Omer in 1619, and bishop of Arras in 1627.62 It is much more probable that the most successful college professors ended up as cur´es of Paris parishes, though none has yet been discovered.63 One deﬁnitely did become a professor of theology at the university. This was Charles Witasse (1660–1716) who came from the diocese of Noyon, graduated M.A. in 1678, and taught philosophy at Montaigu in the late 1680s.64 After becoming a doctor of theology in 1690, and in consequence resigning his post, he moved into the circles of the archbishops of Reims and Paris, and was duly given a faculty chair.65 The only professor known to have trod an idiosyncratic path was the Swiss Catholic Janus Cecilius Frey. In 1620 he became a bachelor of

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medicine and two years later a doctor. Thereby, he joined an elite of some sixty to eighty physicians in Paris who had a monopoly over the practice of medicine in the capital and could have expected to die rich.66 Unfortunately, he succumbed to the plague in 1631 before he could take advantage of his good fortune.67 He did not die, though, before he had left a permanent mark on Parisian society. Frey was a man of many interests. He was an extremely good extempore Latin poet with the ability to toss off macaronic verse at will. In addition, he was a keen antiquarian, fascinated by the Celts and their druidic religion. In the 1620s he was on close terms with a number of esprits forts, such as the sceptic Gabriel Naud´e, and he was a prominent part of a private Paris literary society, whose members included the libertine, Th´eophile de Viau. His milieu then was not a speciﬁcally university one.68 He was also a professor with a heart. Michel de Marolles, later to gain fame as a translator of the Latin poets, registered to take Frey’s philosophy course in 1617. He had not studied his humanities at Montaigu but at La Marche, so cannot have already built up an association with the new teacher. Nevertheless, when Marolles immediately fell ill and was unable to attend class, Frey took pity on him and gave him private tuition. Mais ayant commenc´e mon cours de Philosophie sous le fameux Ianus Cecilius Frei, qui enseignoit au Coll`ege de Montaigu, ie tombai malade d’une grosse ﬁ´evre continue . . . Nostre Professeur me donnoit des lec¸ons en particulier pour le temps que i’avois perdu et ie faisois escrire sous luy celles qu’il dictoit en public, o`u il m´eloit beaucoup de questions et de recherches curieuses, tant de l’Astronomie, que du Sisteme du monde; et de la Geographie, dont i’avois acquis desia quelque connoissance: il se servoit mesmes bien souvent des ﬁgures que i’avois dress´ees pour induire des preuves de cette science, lesquelles il recommandoit publicquement, et les faisoit beaucoup valoir.69

It is hard not to believe that Frey was one of the few professors employed by the college across the two centuries who had real stellar quality. His drawing power is evident from the fact that in the course of his teaching career around the university, his auditeurs numbered many future e´ rudits, such as Naud´e’s friend and fellow sceptic, Gui Patin.70 There is evidence too that Frey tried to raise the intellectual image of the college by staging in 1619 three philosophical disputations in the grande salle where all the participants spoke in Greek rather than the customary Latin. Admittedly, the initiative may not have been Frey’s but it seems unlikely anyone else in the college would have been so audacious.71 In comparison, the striking silence of the sources suggest

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that the vast majority of teachers who passed through the college can have been notable for nothing more than their solid mediocrity.72 Yet, if true, this is scarcely surprising. Montaigu was most unlikely to have attracted the most dynamic professors. In the eighteenth century at least this cannot have been a question of pay, for from 1719 all regents in the Paris colleges received a standard salary, paid for out of a share of the farm of the royal mail.73 Rather, it reﬂected the humble ambience of the college, which the principals, in the main, tried so sedulously to uphold. Over the two centuries, the college can have had few very afﬂuent students on its benches. Aristocrats and municipal dignitaries were hardly likely to place their sons in a pensionnat where they would continually have to rub shoulders with foundation students who cleaned the toilets.74 Instead, their sons went to up-market establishments, such as Navarre, whose sixteenth-century alumni had included princes of the blood, or Mazarin with its new buildings and ﬁne library, whose boursiers were all noble or from afﬂuent backgrounds.75 And these were the colleges that attracted in turn the best teachers, who understood that patrons were to be found among the privileged not among paupers. Probably, Montaigu had to ﬁnd most of its professors among its own community of scholars.76 Of course, this is not to write off Montaigu as an institution of higher education in the period. Much can be achieved by the solidly mediocre, although it must be said that when the university instituted the concours g´en´eral in 1747, an annual competition to ﬁnd the best student in the top humanities classes, only one of the seventy-seven students honoured in the ﬁrst year of its existence came from the college.77 It must not be forgotten, too, that over the two centuries, the college must have opened the door of social opportunity to several thousand poor students, who thanks to Standonck’s foundation were given the chance to gain a classical and philosophical education. In addition, many thousands more from relatively humble backgrounds, especially Parisians, must have passed through the college as pensionnaires or externes. Montaigu in the early modern period was a unique educational institution. All the university’s colleges had been initially founded to support poor scholars, and in the mid-sixteenth century there were some 600 junior and senior boursiers.78 But Montaigu always had the largest number of undergraduates on the foundation, and was the only college post–1600 to nurture an ambience where only the poor would feel at home. Montaigu, then, existed speciﬁcally to promote social mobility, albeit for the good of the Church.

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Unfortunately, like so much else of the history of the college, nothing precise will ever be known about its effectiveness in this regard. As there are no lists of boursiers until the very end of the period, any prosopographical study of the backgrounds and career of the foundational students is impossible. This does not preclude work being done on the ﬁnal cohort, but even if their origin can be traced, the outbreak of the Revolution guarantees that their future history would have been atypical. There is no way of knowing, therefore, whether the priors of the Paris Chartreuse nominated the genuinely poor, or in the less puritanical atmosphere post–1750 offered bourses to the sons of professional men and merchants, as happened at the residential colleges of Cholets and Fortet.79 There is no way of knowing either what cultural and intellectual impact the alumni of Montaigu had on the Church, where it must be assumed most ended up. Raised in humility and poverty, it would have been thought that the majority of the poor scholars would have gravitated towards the Jansenist wing of the French Church in the eighteenth century with its stress on austerity and moral rigour.80 Indeed, given the ambience of the college, it would have been expected that its principals and ofﬁcers would have played a large part in the Jansenist campaign against the papal bull Unigenitus of 1713, which divided the university in the years 1715 to 1740 and ended a number of prominent academic careers, notably Rollin’s.81 However, there is no sign that this was so. The Unigenitus debate has been picked over by scholars for two hundred and ﬁfty years, and there is no evidence that the Coll`ege de Montaigu played even a minor role in the bitter faction ﬁghting beyond the fact that its former philosophy professor, Witasse, was one of the doctors of theology who refused to accept the bull.82 Perhaps in this respect, too, the college was being true to the intentions of its founder, who wanted to serve the Church not tear it apart. In fact, Standonck could not but be pleased by the veil of anonymity which seems to hide the college throughout the early modern period from today’s prying eyes. A good test of the success of an institution dedicated to educating clerics in poverty and humility must surely be that it went about its task quietly and invisibly. The frustration of the historian is proof that Standonck’s successors kept the ﬂame alight. Magdalen College High Street Oxford OX1 4AU United Kingdom

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REFERENCES ∗

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This paper was originally written before the publication of Marie-Madeleine Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, 16e –18e si`ecles. R´epertoire 3: Paris (Paris, 2002). I am indebted to this work for allowing me to amplify some of my original conclusions. I would also like to thank Dr Andrew Hegarty for his assistance in locating a number of pertinent primary sources. There is no detailed account of this revolution, but for an introduction, see Gabriel Codina Mir, Aux sources de la p´edagogie des J´esuites: le modus parisiensis (Rome, 1968) (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici Societatis Iesu, 28). For the dissemination of the modus parisiensis across France and Europe, see Marie-Madeleine Comp`ere, Du coll`ege au lyc´ee (1500–1850). G´en´ealogie de l’enseignement secondaire franc¸ais (Paris, 1985); Anthony T. Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (London, 1986); and Franc¸ois de Dainville, La naissance de l’humanisme moderne (2 vols, Paris, 1940). Gustave Dupont-Ferrier, Du Coll`ege de Clermont au Lyc´ee Louis-le-Grand (1563–1920). La vie quotidienne d’un coll`ege Parisien pendant plus de trois cent cinquante ans (3 vols, Paris, 1921). When the Jesuits were abolished in France in 1762, their college was joined to the university. The last, founded under the will of the Cardinal, opened only in 1690. The Coll`ege du Plessis had been renamed Le Sorbonne-Plessis when it was rebuilt in the mid-seventeenth century, thanks to the muniﬁcence of Cardinal Richelieu, and absorbed the Coll`ege de Calvi, formerly under the aegis of the Sorbonne, a residential and teaching college exclusively for theologians. Beauvais was closed when Louis-le-Grand was attached to the university. Michel F´elibien and Guy-Alexis Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris (5 vols, Paris, 1725), v. 717, 728. Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, iii. 265. Franc¸ois de Belleforest, L’ancienne et grande cit´e de Paris, ed. Charles Valentin Dufour (Paris, 1882) (original 1575), 108. See also Jacques du Breul, Le th´eaˆ tre des antiquit´ez de Paris (Paris, 1634), 676. Henri L. Bouquet, L’ancien coll`ege d’Harcourt et le lyc´ee Saint-Louis (Paris, 1891); Marie-Dominique Chapotin, Une page de l’histoire du vieux Paris. Le Coll`ege de Dormans-Beauvais et la chapelle Saint-Jean-l’Evang´eliste (Paris, 1870). Marcel Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu (1490–1580) (Paris, 1912). Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, iii. 268–74. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), MS 1578: a history of the college from the beginning organized chronologically by principals. Charles Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris au XVII e et XVIII e si`ecle (2 vols, Paris, 1862–1866), 473. Godet, La congr´egation de Montaigu, 62. A college with 300 pupils was still impressive. In eighteenth-century Oxford—where all colleges provided

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13.

14. 15.

16.

17. 18. 19. 20.

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22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

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tuition in the arts and all students lived in—there was no college of that size. Admittedly, the secular pattern of attendance at none of the ten colleges can be recreated. There are no college or university matriculation registers for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. There is a complete register of arts graduates but this does not reveal where students studied: see Laurence W.B. Brockliss, ‘Patterns of Attendance at the University of Paris, 1400–1800’, Historical Journal 21 (1978), 503–44. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Archives de l’Universit´e de Paris, Reg. 26, 300–315: minute of the entire visitation. Biblioth`eque de Sainte Genevi`eve, MS 277: ‘Opuscules de P. Lalemant’, ‘Estat present de l’Universit´e de Paris au mois de febvrier 1664’, 57–62. The chancellor was one of the two chancellors of the university and was involved in the graduation of M.A.s. I do not know why he produced this audit. Even the lucky few with urban property, such as Beauvais, could not keep abreast of inﬂation: the college only doubled its income between 1586 and 1650: see Paris, Archives nationales, H3 4785 (27–34): college accounts. Brockliss, ‘Patterns of Attendance’, 510–20. The university’s matriculation register survives ca. 1520–1620. Unfortunately there are no accounts from this period. He became the visitor under the statutes of 1503. Paris, Archives nationales, T 583: visitation of 1625; Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), MS 1578, 114. Both cited in Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, iii. 266–7. It must be assumed that the transfer of the pensionnat’s proﬁts to college income had been one way in which Montaigu had historically beaten the effects of inﬂation. In most colleges the principal either ran the pensionnat for his own beneﬁt or allowed the senior boursiers to let out rooms to supplement their income. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 838–43. Ibid., v. 842, clause XXXII. Ibid., v. 843, clause XLIX. Ibid., v. 841, clause XXIX. Ibid., v. 841–842, clause XXXI. For its raison d’ˆetre, see Georges Snyders, La p´edagogie en France aux XVII e et XVIII e si`ecles (Paris, 1965). F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 815–6, 845–50: regulations 1680 and 1688 (developed). At this stage the Coll`ege de Bourgogne sustained a course in philosophy but not in the humanities. There was a debate in France in the late seventeenth century over the frequency of taking communion. The Jesuits believed it should be taken often; the Jansenists, who insisted the communicant should be contrite before receiving Christ’s body, insisted it should be rare occurrence. For Jansenism, see n. 80 below.

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29. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), MS 115: ‘R`eglements pour les pensionnaires du coll`ege du Plessis’, no date (late seventeenth century). Discussed in Laurence W.B. Brockliss, The University of Paris in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Ph.D. thesis (Cambridge, 1976), 96–100. 30. Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, pieces justiﬁcatives, CLXV, 125. Rollin was later the author of a Trait´e des e´ tudes (1728), which became the authoritative collegiate pedagogical manual of the eighteenth century. For his later university career, see n. 81 below. 31. Other Paris colleges got into ﬁnancial difﬁculties in this period, so the problem was not speciﬁc to Montaigu. Harcourt in 1703 had to reduce its original foundation from forty to twenty-two fellows: F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, iii. 397–404. 32. Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, 331. Lisieux and Les Grassins were also singled out for relocation for the same reason. 33. Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS Joly de Fleury 224: report and new statutes. It would seem that the college’s ﬁnances were improved in 1738 when the crown repaid an old debt. 34. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), MS 1578, 134. Cited in Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, iii. 267. The reform of 1744 was the catalyst for writing the college’s history. 35. The university had agreed to look into the boursiers’ spartan diet as early as 1709: Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, 294. 36. Germain was apparently an author of a printed ode on the dauphin’s birth in 1729. 37. Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, iii. 267–8; [Jean-Aymar Piganiol de la Force], Description historique de la ville de Paris et de ses environs (4 vols, Paris, 1779), ii. 389–91. The new regulations of 1744 allowed for the number of boursiers to be increased if funds permitted. 38. De J`eze, Etat ou tableau de la ville de Paris, consid´er´e relativement au n´ecessaire, a` l’utile, a` l’agr´eable et a` l’administration (Paris, 1765), 145; Luc Vincent Thi´ery, Guide des amateurs et des e´ trangers voyageurs a` Paris ou description raisonn´ee de cette ville, de sa banlieue, et de tout ce qu’elles contiennent de remarquable (2 vols, Paris, 1787), ii. 274–5, 276–7, 279, 285, 295, 322, 324, and 348. In 1760, Montaigu had only charged 250 livres but prices had virtually doubled 1730–89. 39. Laurence W.B. Brockliss, French Higher Education in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. A Cultural History (Oxford, 1987), chapters 3, 4 (section 1), and 7, passim. 40. The absence of notebooks can be attributed to the fact that the university believed that students should memorize what they learnt in the humanities classes. In the second half of the sixteenth century, students had been given specially printed double-spaced texts so that they could add notes between the lines; see Ann Blair, ‘Ovidius Methodizatus: the Metamorphoses of Ovid

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41. 42. 43. 44. 45.

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in a Sixteenth-Century Paris College’, History of Universities, 9 (1990), 73–118, esp. 76–77. Most of the extant transciptions are listed in Comp`ere, Les coll`eges franc¸ais, iii. 273. Snyders, La p´edagogie en France, 53–4; and Brockliss, French Higher Education, 66–7. F´elibien and Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, v. 843. The Jesuit college was temporarily closed from 1595 to 1618 for political reasons. Louis Desgraves, R´epertoire des programmes des pi`eces de th´eaˆ tre jou´ees dans les coll`eges en France (1601–1700) (Geneva, 1986), 86–131: list of 244 plays. Ernest Boysse, Le th´eaˆ tre des j´esuites (Paris, 1880, 2nd edn Geneva, 1970), 163–77. Desgraves, R´epertoire des programmes, 124–5. At the University of Paris from 1696 declamations were supposed to be substituted for plays on the grounds of decorum, but the injunction was not obeyed for several decades. For examples of declamations performed at Montaigu, 1738–1744: see Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), Collection U 7. Frey’s life and works (manuscript and printed) are the subject of detailed analysis in Ann Blair, ‘The Teaching of Natural Philosophy in Early Seventeenth-Century Paris: The Case of Jean C´ecile Frey’, History of Universities 12 (1993), 95–158. Laurence W.B. Brockliss, ‘Natural Philosophy Teaching at the University of Paris, 1600–1720’, Annals of Science 38 (1981), 37–43: study of surviving transcriptions and textbooks. Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS lat. 6538A, 266–8; Blair, ‘The Teaching of Natural Philosophy’, 126. Janus Cecilius Frey, Universae philosophiae compendium luculentissimum ad mentem et methodum Aristotelis concinnatum (Paris, 1633), 263–4. Orthodox Thomists were very wary about asserting the superlunary world affected the sublunary one. Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS lat. 9156, 253: M.A. register. One of his pupils was Guillaume Guillier who took his M.A. in 1722: Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS lat. 9157, 88v . See Guillaume Guillier, Candidatus artium, ubi de rhetorica et philosophia ejusque singulis partibus, necnon de sphaera et mathesi tractatur modoque respondendi et disputandi in scholis, dum theses propugnantur (Paris, 1732), sub ‘ante primum examen’. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), collection U 17 (49); Jean Denyse, La Nature expliqu´ee par le raisonnement et par l’exp´erience (Paris, 1719). He was also the author of La V´erit´e de la religion chr´etienne, d´emontr´ee par ordre g´eom´etrique (Paris, 1717). M.A. 1682; licentiate in theology 1690. Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise, sub nomine; Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS lat. 91536, 36r : M.A. register; MS lat. 15440, 304: theology graduates. Duhan published an

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60. 61.

62.

History of Universities attack on the most radical Paris Cartesians in 1694, which was reprinted until 1733. His ideas are best illustrated by the philosophy thesis defended under his presidency in 1700: see Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, D´epartement d’estampes, AA6, II (4). Maignan’s ideas are discussed in Laurence W.B. Brockliss, ‘Les atomes et le vide dans les coll`eges de plein exercice en France de 1640 a` 1730’, in: S. Murr (ed.), Gassendi et l’Europe (1592–1792) (Paris, 1997), 175–187, esp. 180–1. For an older interpretation, see John S. Spink, French Free-Thought from Gassendi to Voltaire (London, 1960), chapter 5. Denyse, La Nature expliqu´ee, preface. In the early eighteenth century ancillary courses in experimental physics were given in the coll`eges de plein exercice, but usually by outsiders, notably Pierre de Polin`ere: see Brockliss, French Higher Education, 189–90. Paris never followed the Scottish universities in appointing a separate professor for each part of the course. The Parisian Protestant Jean Rou, later a signiﬁcant member of the Republic of Letters, was sent to Harcourt at the age of ﬁve. He could read but he found the lessons hard going: see his M´emoires in´edits et opuscules, ed. F. Waddington (Paris, 1857), 3–4. In the ﬁrst part of the seventeenth century there were in reality only ﬁve classes because the rhetoric professors seem to have taught a two-year course. Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, collection Morel de Thoisy, 207, 706–713: list of principal suppˆots of the university, 1627. Each year the university of Paris was permitted to send the pope a list of resident M.A.s who, according to the privileges of the university, could be asked to be considered for a beneﬁce falling vacant in the papal gift. The list may not be complete. Lisieux still had a sixth in 1652: Nicolas-Joseph Foucault, M´emoires, ed. F. Baudry (Paris, 1862), 4. Mazarin in the eighteenth century always employed six professors. Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, 268, 474 (note). Usually public instruction in reading only took place in the petites e´ coles run by the chantre of Notre-Dame for boys from the lower orders. Michel Marion, Collections et collectionneurs de livres au XVIII e si`ecle (Paris, 1999), 374: the printed sales catalogue runs to ﬁfteen pages and contains thirty notices. This was an independent college set up by Francis I, which provided advanced tuition in the arts and sciences. Conclusion based on an on-going and unpublished study of professors of philosophy at the University of Paris in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For Omeloy, see Laurence W.B. Brockliss and Patrick Fert´e, ‘Prosopography of Irish Clerics in the Universities of Paris and Toulouse, 1573–1792’, Archivium Hibernicum 58 (2004), 7–166, esp. 32, nr 204. Dictionnaire de biographie franc¸aise, sub nomine; Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, pi`eces justiﬁcatives, CCXXXVI: ‘liste chronologique

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63. 64. 65.

66. 67.

68. 69.

70.

71.

72.

73.

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des recteurs de l’universit´e de Paris au XVIIe et XVIIIe si`ecle’. Boudot was a notable preacher. There is no prosopography to date of the Paris clergy. Paris, Biblioth`eque de l’Universit´e de Paris (Sorbonne), MS 1044: logic, ethics and metaphysics, 1686–7. Louis G. Michaud (ed.), Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne (45 vols, 2nd edn Paris, 1843), sub nomine. His theology course was published posthumously in 6 vols, 1718–1720. Laurence W.B. Brockliss and Colin Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France (Oxford, 1997), esp. 203, 213, 320–36. Frey was possibly a physician to the Queen-mother, Marie de Medici, but his activities as a doctor are the subject of some debate: see Blair, ‘The Teaching of Natural Philosophy’, 108–10. Blair, ‘The Teaching of Natural Philosophy’, 102–105, 127. Michel de Marolles, M´emoires . . . divisez en trois parties, contenant ce qu’il a vu de plus remarquable en sa vie, depuis l’ann´ee 1600 (Paris, 1656), 18–31, 35–38. Blair, ‘The Teaching of Natural Philosophy’, 111–13. His death was apparently mourned by a galaxy of the great and good. Patin, another Paris doctor of medicine, had a passionate dislike of monks, empirical healers, and the king’s two cardinal-ministers. Henri Sauval, Histoire et recherches des antiquit´es de la ville de Paris (3 vols, Paris, 1724, repr. Farnborough, 1969), iii. 226. Greek studies in the Paris colleges in the seventeenth century were not notably advanced. This judgement is only strengthened by the fact that, besides Boudot, only one other Montaigu regent became rector while in post. This was Pierre Valens, a professor of rhetoric from Groningen, who held the ofﬁce for three months in 1604. He later became a professor at the Coll`ege royal. One Guillou, a philosophy professor, was elected in 1652 but withdrew immediately faced with widespread hostility to his elevation. Right at the end of the Ancien R´egime, a former professor of philosophy, abb´e Delneuf, was appointed for the two years 1784–1786, but he was then the university’s receiver or treasurer: see Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, 189, and pi`eces justiﬁcatives, CCXXXVI. Maxime Targe, Professeurs et r´egents de coll`ege dans l’ancienne universit´e de Paris ( XVII e et XVIII e si`ecles) (Paris, 1902), 164–95. From 1719 the colleges provided free education. Until then a professor’s stipend (except at the well-endowed Coll`ege de Mazarin) came from three sources: his students (who paid a fee), the college (which paid a retainer, if it could afford it), and a share of the proﬁts of the postal service run by the university’s four nations (from the mid-seventeenth century). In consequence, individual salaries varied widely. Montaigu seems to have paid an honorarium of 300 livres to its regents of the highest classes in the mid-seventeenth century, but the regulations of 1683 (clause XXV) suggest that by then the professors no longer received a stipend. From 1719 all professors received a reasonably

134

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75.

76. 77. 78. 79.

80.

81.

82.

History of Universities handsome annual salary in the range of 1,100 to 1,500 livres according to the class they taught. This, of course, explains why the names of so few Montaigu students have survived. Marolles was a noble, but he only seems to have ended up studying philosophy at Montaigu for political reasons, and he had private lodgings in town. Navarre had entertained the future Henri III and Henri IV, and Henri, duc de Guise. Cardinal Mazarin had founded his college speciﬁcally to give a free education to the sons of nobles and chief bourgeois from the newly annexed provinces on the borders of France: see Paris, Biblioth`eque nationale de France, MS franc¸ais 18828, 448: act of foundation. There was never any statutory requirement that this should be so. Jourdain, Histoire de l’Universit´e de Paris, 384. Admittedly no students were crowned from Navarre and Cardinal Lemoine. Brockliss, ‘Patterns of Attendance’, 534. Junior boursiers studied arts; seniors in a higher faculty, usually theology. Harvey Chisick, ‘Bourses d’´etudes et mobilit´e sociale en France a` la veille de la R´evolution’, Annales: e´ conomies, soci´et´es, civilisations 30 (1975), 1562–84. From 1764 the bourses of the purely residential colleges were administered by Louis-le-Grand. At this date the number had been reduced from an original 316 to 195: Dupont-Ferrier, Du Coll`ege de Clermont au Lyc´ee Louis-le-Grand, 1, Appendix 4. Jansenists were named after Cornelius Jansen bishop of Ypres in the ﬁrst half of the seventeenth century, who promoted a semi-predestinarian view of salvation. In the eighteenth century, Jansenists in France were chieﬂy to be found among the lower clergy and the lay professions. The most recent study of the French Church in the eighteenth century is John McManners, Church and Society in Eighteenth-Century France (2 vols, Oxford, 1998). For Jansenism, see vol. 2: The Religion of the People and the Politics of Religion, chapters 35–43. See also Catherine-Laurence Maire, De la cause de Dieu a` la cause de la Nation: le jans´enisme au XVIII e si`ecle (Paris, 1998) (Biblioth`eque des histoires). The bull not only outlawed a variety of Jansenist theological positions but also queried certain ecclesiological beliefs of the French Church, especially that the crown could not be held to account by the pope. The crown accepted the bull and waged a twenty-ﬁve year campaign to make it law in France, much to the disgust of Gallican traditionalists. The quarrel within the university was primarily fought out in the faculty of theology where in 1718 200 of the 1,000 doctors appealed against the bull, and in 1729 100 doctors were expelled for continued contumacy. A number of colleges became centres of Jansenism, especially Beauvais, where Rollin was the principal. He was eventually ejected in 1740. The most recent general accounts are B. Robert Kreiser, Miracles, Convulsions, and Ecclesiastical Politics in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris (Princeton [NJ], 1978); and Catherine-Laurence Maire, Les convulsionnaires

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de Saint-M´edard: miracles, convulsions et proph´eties a` Paris au XVIII e si`ecle (Paris, 1985). For the university’s role in the quarrel, see Jacques M. Gr`es-Gayer, Th´eologie et pouvoir en Sorbonne: la Facult´e de th´eologie de Paris et la bulle Unigenitus, 1714–1721 (Paris, 1991). Witasse lost his theology chair.

Review Essay

What Went On at the University of Paris in the Fourteenth Century? Edith Dudley Sylla

Stefano Caroti and Jean Celeyrette (eds), Quia inter doctores est magna dissensio. Les d´ebats de philosophie naturelle a` Paris au XIV e si`ecle. Biblioteca di Nuncius. Studi e Testi LII (Florence, 2004), 239 pp; Jack Zupko, John Buridan. Portrait of a Fourteenth-Century Arts Master (Notre Dame, 2003), xix + 446 pp. There are still many open questions about the relationship of institutional structures to the works that were produced within late medieval universities. To what extent did late medieval universities exist primarily for teaching and to what extent were they also sites for research and the discovery of new methods and truths? Were the audiences for academic work mostly local (and mostly students) or was there a European-wide marketplace of ideas in which new work at one university would be rapidly built upon elsewhere? How much transfer of methods and ideas existed between the various faculties of medieval universities, particularly between the faculties of arts and those of theology, and, in connection with this, what inﬂuence did extra-university authorities, both ecclesiastical and secular, have on the content of work done in university settings? At the University of Parma conference that led to Quia inter doctores est magna dissensio. Les d´ebats de philosophie naturelle a` Paris au XIV e si`ecle, the participants aimed to advance the research program represented in two previous volumes of Biblioteca di Nuncius—Studi e Testi, both dedicated to the natural philosophy of the fourteenth century. The editors group the results of the two previous volumes into three

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main points: 1) the English inﬂuence, especially the omnipresence of logic providing tools of analysis in natural philosophy and including a widespread reaction, positive or negative, to the ideas of William of Ockham; 2) the dominance within the faculty of arts at Paris of the Buridan school and 3) the adoption in the second half of the fourteenth century in most European universities of English and Parisian methods and ideas. The point of Quia inter doctores est magna dissensio, reﬂected in the title, is to go beyond the big picture found in the previous two volumes to revise and add detail to our picture of the new natural philosophy of the fourteenth century, focusing on the work of Nicolas of Autrecourt and Nicole Oresme—on Autrecourt because his opposition to mainstream positions together with the condemnation of his ideas shines a brighter light on the points at issue within fourteenth-century thought and on Oresme because new studies of his Questions on Aristotle’s Physics help to revise and correct previous characterizations of his relations to the mathematical work done at Oxford and to the work of Jean Buridan. But, if Quia inter doctores is aimed at extending our knowledge of the new natural philosophy of the fourteenth century, what is the signiﬁcance of the fact that so many of the articles in the volume make use of commentaries on Peter Lombard’s Sentences, the basic text of scholastic theological education? Likewise, why is so much attention paid to documents associated with the condemnations of Nicolas of Autrecourt and of Jean of Mirecourt? Were condemnations important inﬂuences on natural philosophy or is it only because we have so much documentary evidence about condemnations and the commentaries on the Sentences to which they were often related? To try to answer some of these questions it may be useful to look at the work of Jean Buridan, since he has generally been seen as a central ﬁgure within the Faculty of Arts at Paris in the fourteenth century, very unusually spending his entire long career in the arts faculty and never advancing to one of the higher faculties, and since his works were used as textbooks in central European universities until the Renaissance. Jack Zupko’s recent John Buridan. Portrait of a Fourteenth-Century Arts Master is a good place to start. Zupko argues that ‘virtually all of Buridan’s written work is based on the arts curriculum at Paris, and reﬂects his pedagogical concerns as a member of that faculty’ and that ‘Buridan made his most lasting contribution as a teacher’. But, if so, how did Buridan exert his teaching inﬂuence? Was it by forming individual students who went on to make important contributions? Can we count

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Nicole Oresme, Albert of Saxony, Themon Judaeus, and Marsilius of Inghen as Buridan’s students? William J. Courtenay has argued that most students at the University of Paris matriculated and determined under a master from their own academic nation, and often country of origin.1 Since Buridan belonged to the Picard nation and those usually included within the Buridan school were almost all from other nations—Nicole Oresme from the Norman nation, Albert of Saxony from the EnglishGerman nation, etc., it is unlikely, according to Courtenay, that Buridan would have been the primary teacher—if such a concept makes sense in the medieval university context—of Oresme or any of the others. According to Thijssen, Buridan often responded to the positions of Albert of Saxony rather than the reverse, and Buridan, Albert of Saxony, Nicole Oresme, Themon Judaeus, and Marsilius of Inghen should be perceived as ‘a small intellectual network of nearly contemporary masters of arts, who were familiar with each other’s work and at times responded to one another’, rather than as a Buridan school. Jack Zupko is careful on this point. He calls Oresme ‘Buridan’s younger colleague’ and says of a certain opinion held by both Thomas Aquinas and Buridan, that ‘Oresme would have most likely associated it with Buridan, whom he probably knew personally’. Later Zupko compares the views of Thomas Aquinas, Buridan, and Oresme on psychology, but does not attempt to show direct inﬂuence, in one place saying that ‘Oresme does not seem to have been aware of Buridan’s argument’. Albert of Saxony, Marsilius of Inghen, and Themon Judaeus are nowhere mentioned in Zupko’s book, if my memory and the index are trustworthy indications, although, in his paper ‘John Buridan and the Origins of Secular Philosophical Culture’, in Quia inter doctores, which recapitulates several conclusions from his book, Zupko calls Marsilius of Inghen one of ‘Buridan’s followers’. I conclude that, as Zupko understands it, Buridan’s contributions as a teacher should be understood either in terms of what he wrote for the purposes of teaching or in some other more diffuse way, rather than as the result of a direct teacher-student transmission. Besides emphasizing Buridan’s role as a teacher in the Arts Faculty at Paris, Zupko sees Buridan as an early leading ﬁgure in the secularization of philosophy, that is, in its separation from theology. John Buridan is more selective than the subtitle ‘Portrait of a Fourteenth-Century Arts Master’ might seem to suggest. He makes ‘no claim to comprehensiveness’. Rather his aim is ‘to provide some sense of what Buridan thought philosophy was about’. And although Zupko says that he emphasizes

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‘local contexts and particular differences’, in the end he chooses to discuss those aspects of Buridan’s philosophical work that he ﬁnds most congenial, concluding that Buridan helped lead to the ‘secularization of philosophical practice, which of course is one of the features distinguishing later medieval philosophy from that of the early modern period’. He concedes that he does not know whether or not Buridan’s teachings played any discernible role in the secularization of philosophy, but says that Buridan ‘would have approved of it . . . since it was in this newer, secular space that he exercised his own philosophical genius’. Zupko chooses the parts of Buridan’s work to discuss on the basis of twenty-ﬁrst century philosophical interests. Pride of place goes to Buridan’s Summulae de Dialectica, recently translated into English by Gyula Klima (New Haven, 2001, 1032 pp). Zupko devotes the ﬁrst half of his book to the Summulae under the heading ‘Method’ (chapters 1–9). In the second half of the book, under the heading ‘Practice’, Zupko makes use of Buridan’s commentaries on the works of Aristotle, but limits his choices of non-logical texts mainly to Buridan’s commentaries on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, On the Soul, and Nicomachean Ethics, with chapters on ‘Ultimate Questions’, ‘Bodies and Souls’, ‘Knowledge’, ‘Natural Science’, ‘Virtue’, and ‘Freedom’. Aside from Book I, Buridan’s commentary on Aristotle’s Physics is mentioned in the text only twice and, as far as I can see, On the heavens not at all. Zupko’s decision to limit his discussion of Buridan’s ‘natural science’ almost entirely to psychology means that there are few topical overlaps between Zupko’s book and Quia inter doctores. Moreover, Zupko’s focus on explaining Buridan’s ideas means that he very rarely explores in any detail the contemporary controversies to which Buridan might have been reacting—with the exception of the controversy occasioned by Nicolas of Autrecourt’s views. On reading Buridan within a tradition of Aristotelian commentators, Zupko says, ‘It would make more sense to try to locate Buridan within that tradition, relative to the other medieval authors and texts that deﬁned it. But even this runs into the problem that commentaries were not constructed in order to respond to one’s opponents, and that in those few places where the remains of a dispute does emerge onto the pages of a text, it is often far from clear who the disputants were, what the exact issue was, and what authorities were being used to resolve it. Even where we have enough information to narrate a dispute . . . there is much that remains unknown and downright puzzling’. Zupko consequently retreats to the relatively safe ground of treating Buridan’s Aristotelian commentaries as efforts ‘to educate

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students about the order of nature and the practice of philosophical wisdom’, commenting that, ‘Buridan’s commentaries are almost perfect models of the genre in this regard’. There is, however, one case in which Zupko has enough information to narrate a dispute, if not to understand it fully, and that concerns the debate over complexe signiﬁcabilia (‘complexly signiﬁables’). Since complexe signiﬁcabilia, along with the related modi rerum (‘modes of things’) play a prominent role in Quia inter doctores, it may be proﬁtable to devote much of the rest of this review to complexe signiﬁcabilia and modi rerum, insofar as debates over these concepts help to illuminate the nature and structure of fourteenth-century universities in general, and of the University of Paris in particular. Zupko examines the debate over complexe signiﬁcabilia as an introduction to his description of the ninth treatise of Buridan’s Summulae dealing with insoluble propositions. Following Gedeon G´al, he describes the origin of the doctrine of complexe signiﬁcabilia in the work of Adam Wodeham, who was attempting to ﬁnd a middle ground between the ideas of William of Ockham (who made propositions as such the object of scientiﬁc knowledge) and Walter Chatton (who proposed that some ‘extramental thing’ was the object of knowledge). According to Zupko, ‘the subtlety of Wodeham’s idea was lost in its transmission’ to Paris through the commentary on the Sentences of Gregory of Rimini. Among the theses of Nicolas of Autrecourt condemned in 1346 were ones that rejected complexe signiﬁcabilia by asserting inﬂammatory propositions such as ‘What is complexly signiﬁable by the proposition ‘‘God and creatures are distinguished’’ is nothing’. (Quod signiﬁcabile complexe per illud complexum ‘Deus et creatura distinguuntur’ nihil est). In Zupko’s reading of this case, the Parisians show ‘no sensitivity . . . to the parsimony-saving arguments of Wodeham, who would have regarded it as unintelligible to characterize a complexe signiﬁcabile as either something or nothing’. Buridan then takes up the controversy in the form of the sophism ‘Complexly signiﬁables are chimeras’. Zupko writes that ‘chimeras’ appear here as commonplace examples of nonexistent creatures, but more may well be involved, given that a chimera is a ﬁctitious being each part of which corresponds to part of a real animal, such as a tail of a ﬁsh, the breast of a woman, and so forth, whereas a complexe signiﬁcabile may also be thought of as consisting of a conglomeration of individually existing things. According to Zupko, Wodeham believed ‘that human knowledge is about irreducibly complex, mind-independent states of affairs’. As Christopher Schabel explains in

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his Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article on Gregory of Rimini,2 Walter Chatton had argued that the same state of affairs was ‘signiﬁed by both the negative and the afﬁrmative proposition. For example, ‘‘Socrates is sitting’’ and ‘‘Socrates is not sitting’’ signify for Chatton the same thing, not Socrates, not sitting, and not the propositions, but somehow the whole Socrates’s-being-seated’. Adam Wodeham modiﬁed Chatton’s theory to differentiate between positive and negative states of affairs. ‘Thus for Wodeham, each proposition has its own total signiﬁcate that is only complexly signiﬁable (complexe signiﬁcabile), so that Socrates’sbeing-seated and Socrates’s-not-being-seated are two different things, the objects of scientiﬁc knowledge’. According to Schabel, Gregory of Rimini in his commentary on the Sentences chose as the object of scientiﬁc knowledge the alternative offered by Adam Wodeham. As Zupko points out, one response that Buridan had to this doctrine was that in this sense ‘everything in the world is a complexe signiﬁcabile’ because ‘even God, who is an absolutely simple being, is signiﬁable not only simply but also by means of a complex [i.e. a proposition]’. Thus God is signiﬁed in a complex way by the proposition ‘God is the ﬁrst cause’. As Zupko describes how the controversy played out at Paris, Buridan’s solution to the problem seems very like Ockham’s, namely to reject ‘complexly signiﬁable things’ and to use instead the signiﬁcation of or supposition for individual substances or qualities. If Buridan’s approach was found to be acceptable by the authorities, whereas Ockham’s and Autrecourt’s were not, it may well be because he did not frame his opinion in such inﬂammatory terms as Autrecourt’s. Thus when Autrecourt said, ‘What is complexly signiﬁable by the complex ‘‘God and creature are distinguished’’ is nothing’, the careless listener might understand him to be saying that God is nothing. Jo¨el Biard’s excellent article on this subject, ‘Les controverses sur l’objet du savoir et les ‘‘complexe signiﬁcabilia’’ a` Paris au XIVe si`ecle’, which opens Quia inter doctores, makes the development of theories of complexe signiﬁcabilia and the views of their opponents engaging and comprehensible in the sense that the reader can understand why different individuals held opposing views on the subject each with plausible motivations and arguments. William of Ockham wanted to analyze the truth or falsity of propositions simply by means of the supposition of their terms, assuming that nothing exists in the outside world except individual substances and qualities. Although this approach may work well for propositions such as ‘all men are rational animals’, it runs into

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difﬁculties in trying to explain the difference in supposition between ‘God exists’ and ‘God does not exist’. After describing the development of the debate not only among Ockham, Chatton, and Wodeham, but also among Robert Holcot and William Crathorn, Biard traces the transmission of the problem to Paris, possibly via English students, such as William Rubione and Richard Fitzralph, who came to study theology in Paris in the 1320s. In light of our questions at the start about late medieval universities, it is worth noticing that one way that ideas may have traveled between universities is by the frequent migration of teachers and students from one university to another. If the controversy over the complexly signiﬁable would not have arisen except for the effort by Ockham and others to develop supposition theory and the analysis of the truth of propositions along with the program of strict ontological parsimony, a primary locus for discussions of the complexly signiﬁable was in commentaries on Peter Lombard’s Sentences, where there were special problems related to God, creation, time, and so forth. Then the propositions causing difﬁculty might be ones such as ‘Socrates loves God’, or ‘Socrates is created by God’, for which it might seem problematic to assert that nothing is needed for the truth of the proposition except Socrates or God. For Gregory of Rimini, like Adam Wodeham, the object of science is the total and adequate signiﬁcate of the conclusion, which is something, but not a thing in the sense of a substance or entity (aliquid, but not something with an essence). Thus, as Biard traces the debate, Rimini introduced the Oxford controversy to Paris in its original terms, advocating the admission of complexe signiﬁcabilia, but giving them only an attenuated ontological status. After Autrecourt’s condemnation, Buridan took up the issue in Part IX of his Summulae on sophismata, in his Questions on the Metaphysics, and elsewhere. Usefully for the questions about late medieval universities raised above, Biard raises the chronological problem that Buridan’s Sophismata is later than Rimini’s commentary on the Sentences and yet in Jean of Mirecourt’s commentary on the Sentences read at the same time as Gregory’s in 1343–45, the same strategy is used with regard to complexe signiﬁcabilia as that used by Buridan. Might there have been an earlier version of Buridan’s work, which could have been known to Mirecourt, Biard asks? Mirecourt goes beyond Buridan, however, both in saying that propositions always refer to more than one signiﬁcate, not only one, and in adopting the idea of modi rerum, or modes of things, to accomplish what Gregory of Rimini and others had tried to accomplish with complexe signiﬁcabilia. As Biard reports, in the commentaries on

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the Sentences of Pierre d’Ailly, Marsilius of Inghen, and on up to the time of Jean Mair, the theory of complexe signiﬁcabilia continued to be criticized and the logical approach of Buridan carried on. Thus, in his treatment of the controversy over the object of knowledge as it was transmitted from Oxford to Paris, Biard pays attention to each of the stages in an ongoing controversy, whereas Zupko shines a light on Buridan and thereby leaves the reasoning of other thinkers in the shadows. There are several remaining mysteries here, however, not the least of which is how Buridan the secular arts master came to take part in a controversy that otherwise has come down to us mainly in commentaries on the Sentences. With regard to this case, we may ask whether Zupko is correct in seeing Buridan as a champion for the secularization of philosophy as opposed to the mixing of philosophy and theology that so often occurred in commentaries on the Sentences. Additional information relevant to Buridan’s apparent knowledge of debates found in commentaries on the Sentences may be found in another paper in Quia inter doctores, namely Stefano Caroti’s paper, ‘Les ‘‘modi rerum’’ . . . encore une fois. Une source possible de Nicole Oresme: le commentaire sur le livre 1er des ‘Sentences’ de Jean Mirecourt.’ Modi rerum are related to complexe signiﬁcabilia in the sense that the mode of a thing is complexly signiﬁable, but it usually involves only one referent and not more than one. So, for instance, in regard to ‘Socrates is sitting,’ sitting may be considered a mode of the thing Socrates, in the sense that Socrates is in a sitting position, or Socrates-being-seated may be regarded as a complexe signiﬁcabile referring to both Socrates and the chair he is sitting in together with the stipulation that Socrates is sitting on the chair. Caroti argues that Oresme’s use of modi rerum in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics shows inﬂuences of Mirecourt’s commentary on the Sentences and remarks that Oresme almost never makes use of modi rerum after Jean of Mirecourt’s condemnation in 1347, which implicated the concept in heresy. This helps to date Oresme’s Physics commentary after 1343 and before 1347 and means, among other things, that Oresme composed his Physics commentary when he was already a student of theology. Moreover, as Edward Mazet shows in his article ‘Pierre Ceffons et Oresme—leur relation revisit´ee’, in Quia inter doctores, Pierre Ceffons, in his commentary on the Sentences delivered at Paris in 1348–49 and prepared in written form about 1353, makes use of long passages of Oresme’s Physics commentary. One possibility, then, is that Buridan would have known about controversies in the theological faculty through their importation into

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commentaries on Aristotle by masters like Oresme, who were still active in the arts after having begun if not completed their theological study. Of course, Buridan’s attention would also have been drawn to theological disputes by the condemnation of heresies, such as those of Autrecourt and Mirecourt. On the other hand, the theologians might have derived their heretical ideas from the earlier work of arts masters, as Biard suggests with regard to the relations of Mirecourt and Buridan, as mentioned above. For Buridan, a serious difﬁculty for scholars is that the best known versions of his Aristotelian commentaries are relatively late (after 1350), but they are called the ‘last’ versions (ultima lectura). In the case of the Physics commentary, the ‘last’ version comes after the ‘third’ version and in the case of the De Anima commentary the ultima lectura is called the ‘third or last.’ Thus Buridan’s ideas as expressed in more than one earlier version of his commentaries may have been known to commentators like Albert of Saxony and Nicole Oresme, the dates of whose best-known commentaries are earlier than Buridan’s ultima lectura. To understand what happened at the University of Paris in the fourteenth century, we need to keep in mind that the ideas put forth in lectures and disputations were often well-known in the community long before they were put into circulation in written form, if indeed that ever happened. Although at present only one manuscript of Oresme’s Physics commentary is known to exist, the articles in Quia inter doctores show that it was inﬂuential among his contemporaries and so must once have existed in multiple copies. Aside from its use by Pierre Ceffons, detailed by Mazet, it also inﬂuenced Albert of Saxony’s Physics commentary, as J¨urgen Sarnowsky shows in his article, ‘Nicole Oresme and Albert of Saxony’s commentary on the Physics: the problems of vacuum and motion in a void’. It is well-known that, according to a 1272 statute at the University of Paris, Masters of Arts were required to vow not to dispute purely theological questions and, if they disputed questions that were both theological and philosophical, to determine them in accordance with theological orthodoxy and to refute arguments for the opposing views. It is also well-known that Buridan responded to this requirement by remarking that he could not refute arguments for opposing views unless he ﬁrst described those views.3 Both in his book and in his article in Quia inter doctores, Jack Zupko focuses attention on Buridan’s possible personal role in the genesis of secular philosophical culture, but perhaps it would make more sense to see what happened from an institutional rather

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than an individual point of view. As long as there were universities, there were masters teaching arts subjects, but these teachers often labored in obscurity, while lecturers on the Sentences attracted much more attention. The contemporary preponderance of attention has been reinforced by the differential attention paid to medieval writings by historians. Church historians are more interested in theology than arts subjects, and, of course, Dominicans are interested in the history of Dominican thought, Franciscans are interested in Franciscan thinkers, and so forth. In the later Middle Ages, however, with the formation of universities throughout Europe, textbooks and Aristotelian commentaries written by the likes of Buridan might be widely adopted perhaps through the teaching of students who had studied at Paris (in the introduction to his translation of the Summulae, Klyma has an impressive list of universities that required study of Buridan’s works). In the twentieth century, there was a growing interest in the history of science and, on the part of philosophers, in the history of medieval logic, which helps to explain the recent interest in Buridan’s logic. We do not know, really, why Buridan remained as an arts master for his entire career, although Zupko argues that it must have been his choice.4 Buridan did not take a militant position on the autonomy of philosophy like that taken by Latin Averrroists such as Boethius of Dacia, who went so far as to argue that the life of the philosopher was the highest good possible for human beings in this life. I have not been able here to mention all of the articles in Quia inter doctores est magna dissensio. They are, indeed, largely devoted to ‘Les d´ebats de philosophie naturelle a` Paris au XIVe si`ecle’, as the subtitle of the book indicates. In this perspective it is ironical that the important articles with which the book begins and ends, those of Biard and Caroti, are both largely based upon commentaries on the Sentences, and not, in that sense, concerned directly with natural philosophy. It may be relevant to mention, then, one further article from Quia inter doctores, that of Christophe Grellard on ‘L’usage des nouveaux langages d’analyse dans la Quaestio de Nicolas d’Autr´ecourt. Contribution a` la th´eorie Autr´ecurienne de la connaissance’. The question at issue is whether the vision of a creature beatiﬁable by the Word can be naturally increased (Utrum visio creaturae beatiﬁcabilis per verbum possit intendi naturaliter?). Grellard comments on the difﬁculty of understanding what is at issue in the question, given the confused state of the manuscripts, but the question is obviously partly theological, whereas the ‘new languages of analysis’ of which Grellard speaks are

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those identiﬁed by John Murdoch in several articles and include the intension and remission of forms, ﬁrst and last instants, maxima and minima, and so forth. In Murdoch’s view, these languages of analysis, by being utilized throughout late medieval universities, were one of the factors that brought about a strong unity of fourteenth-century philosophy and science, on the one hand, and a weaker unity of philosophy and theology on the other. More recently Edward Grant has written about the ‘theologian-natural philosophers’ active in medieval universities, this label ﬁtting virtually every theologian in the sense that they were thoroughly educated in the arts before proceeding to theology. As Zupko points out in his book, Buridan considered applied logic to be of greater importance than theoretical logic—Buridan’s point was not to teach students logic as a formal theory, but to teach them how to apply the methods of logic in all the other disciplines of the university, including theology. When people today complain about the dominance of theology within medieval scholastic thought, they often forget that scholastic theology was penetrated through and through, for better or worse, by the disciplines of the arts faculties, in particular by the new languages of analysis about which Grellard writes. Although the structure of medieval universities could lead to the dominance of the faculties of theology, in Italian universities it was not theology, but medicine or law, that was typically the highest if not the only faculty. Moreover, despite being modeled on each other, all medieval universities were not alike, and each university experienced varying fortunes from one period to another. The university structure did have an effect on the works produced in medieval universities, but it was far from being the only cause of what transpired. The two books reviewed here increase our understanding of what went on at the University of Paris in the fourteenth century, but there is much more yet to learn. History Department North Carolina State University Raleigh, North Carolina 27695-8108

REFERENCES 1. See William J. Courtenay (guest ed.), ‘Jean Buridan at the University of Paris’, Vivarium 42/1 (2004), especially Courtenay’s introduction and article, ‘The University of Paris at the Time of Jean Buridan and Nicole Oresme’, 3–17,

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and J. M. M. H. Thijssen, ‘The Buridan School Reassessed. John Buridan and Albert of Saxony’, 18–42. 2. 3. The relevant documents are in Edward Grant (ed.), Source Book in Medieval Science (Cambridge, Mass., 1974). 4. See Zupko on Buridan in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: .

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Publications on University History since 1977: A Continuing Bibliography Edited by Marc Nelissen Produced with the co-operation of the International Commission for the History of Universities

Preface This issue contains 617 references to books and articles on the history of universities in the world. We can offer bibliographical lists for Austria, Belgium and The Netherlands, Bulgaria, The Czech Republic, Finland, Italy, Romania, Spain, Sweden and The United States, together with some additional references for Canada, France, Germany and The British Isles. We are especially happy to see again an update for Bulgaria and the continuation of a major update for the Czech Republic.The reports are grouping publications about the universities in a given country, and often also publications on other universities that have appeared in the same country. The editor is most grateful to all contributors for their continuing help. The following have contributed reports for this issue (membership of the International Commission for the History of Universities is indicated by an asterisk): Kurt M¨uhlberger* (Austria - 65 items) Anuschka De Coster (Belgium and The Netherlands - 6) Georgeta Nazarska (Bulgaria - 106) Jiˇrina Urbanov´a and Petr Svobodn´y* (Czech Republic - 87) Pieter Dhondt (Finland - 25) Maria Teresa Guerrini and Simona Salustri (Italy - 60) Ana-Maria Stan (Romania - 17) Juan Luis Polo Rodr´ıguez and Luis E. Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro* (Spain - 72)

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Sverker S¨orlin* (Sweden - 48) Marcia Synnott (The United States - 116) Christian Anderson and Roger Geiger (The United States - 25) Individual contributions were received from Wynn Millar (2), Natalia Tikhonov (13) and Marjorie Woods (8). Anyone who wishes to contribute (or to renew their former co-operation in this project) by supplying bibliographical references about a speciﬁc university or a broader geographic region, is welcome to contact Marc Nelissen at the address below. Apart from this, contributions from individuals are truly welcome, and should be addressed to Drs. Marc Nelissen, Bibliography editor - History of Universities, University Archives K.U.Leuven, Mgr. Ladeuzeplein 21, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium, e-mail [email protected] Austria Additions to Earlier Lists For 1994 Oberkoﬂer, Gerhard and Peter Goller, Fritz Feigl (1891–1971); Notizen und Dokumente zu einer wissenschaftlichen Biographie im Gedenken an Kurt Horeischy und Hans Vollmer, Vienna, Zentralbibliothek f¨ur Physik, 1994. For 1997 Gr¨oger, Helmut and Siegfried Kasper, ‘The dominance of the organic-biological view in the psychiatry of the Vienna Medical School and the early days of psycho-pharmacology’, in H. Gr¨oger, E. Gabriel and S. Kasper (eds.), On the History of Psychiatry in Vienna, Vienna - Munich, 1997, 14–18. Gr¨oger, Helmut and Siegfried Kasper, ‘Zur Dominanz der organisch-biologischen Auffassung in der Psychiatrie der Wiener medizinischen Schule und den Anf¨angen der Psychopharmakotherapie’, in H. Gr¨oger, E. Gabriel and S. Kasper (eds.), Zur Geschichte der Psychiatrie in Wien, Vienna - Munich, 1997, 14–18 [Vienna]. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Chemical Education in the Habsburg Monarchy’s Universities and Technical Colleges around 1861’, in Pioneering Ideas for the Physical und Chemical Sciences: Josef Loschmidt’s Contributions and Modern Developments in Structural Organic Chemistry, Atomistics and Statistical Mechanics, New York - London, 1997, 289–296. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Glanz und Elend der Universit¨at im Wandel der Zeit’, Der Sachverst¨andige, 3, 1997: 2–5 (= Der Gerichtsdolmetscher, 2, 1997, 5–10) [Graz]. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Die o¨ sterreichischen Chemiker der Zwischenkriegszeit und die Politik’, in Tagungsband zur Vortragstagung Naturwissenschaften und Politik. Schwerpunkt: die Jahre 1933–1955, Linz, 1997, 105–116.

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For 1998 Kernbauer, Alois, W. F. List and Th. Kenner, ‘Karl E. Hammerschmidt. Humanist, Naturwissenschafter und Narkosepionier’, Der Anaesthesist, 1, 1998: 65–70 [Vienna]. For 1999 Gr¨oger, Helmut, ‘Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach im Spiegel des Briefwechsels mit Josef Breuer’, in F. Valouch and J. Starek (eds.), Marie von Ebnerˇ Eschenbach. Zivot a d´ılo, Brno, 1999, 59–64 (Sammelband mit Beitr¨agen des Symposiums 3.–4. Mai 1995 in Kremsier, Br¨unn 1999) [M. von E.-E., Life and work]. Kernbauer, Alois, Werner List and Thomas Kenner, ‘Karl Eduard Hammerschmidt alias Abdullah Bey als Naturwissenschaftler und Pionier der Narkose’, ¨ ¨ ¨ in Erwin Lucius, Aﬁle Mat, Oztan Oncel and B¨ulent Ozaltay (eds.), Festschrift f¨ur Arslan Terzioglu Prof. Dr. Ing. Dr. med. habil. zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, Istanbul, 1999, 255–267 [Vienna]. For 2000 Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Die Bedeutung der Slowenen f¨ur die Karl-Franzens-Uni¨ versit¨at Graz. Ein Uberblick’, in Zbornik - Zenska v farmaciji, medicini in naravoslovju. Proceedings - The woman in pharmacy, medicine and natural sciences. International symposium in Maribor, Sept. 16, 2000, Maribor, 2000, 165–174 [Graz]. ¨ Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Geologie und Osterreichs Geologen w¨ahrend der NS-Zeit. Streiﬂichter auf das Verh¨altnis von Wissenschaft und Politik’, in B. Hubmann ¨ (ed.), Geschichte der Erdwissenschaften in Osterreich. Tagung, 22. Februar 1999 in Graz (Berichte der Geologischen Bundesanstalt, 51), Vienna, 2000, 83–87. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Die Symbolik des Hauptgeb¨audes der Karl-Franzens-Universit¨at’, Bl¨atter f¨ur Heimatkunde, 74, 2000: 32–38 [Graz]. For 2001 Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Ludwig Graff von Pancsova. Der Grazer Zoologe in der Hochbl¨ute des Darwinismus, weltweit f¨uhrender Pionier der Wurmforschung, Lebensk¨unstler und Weltmann’, Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Graz, 31, 2001: 273–286 [Graz]. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Die Medizin und ihre weltweite Ausstrahlung. Streiﬂichter auf einen Hauptbereich der o¨ sterreichischen Wissenschaftsgeschichte’, in Karl Acham (ed.), Geschichte der o¨ sterreichischen Humanwissenschaften. Band 2. Lebensraum und Organismus des Menschen, Vienna, 2001, 331–354. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Wissenschaftstransfer als Folge studentischer Migration am Beispiel siebenb¨urgischer Intellektueller im 18. Jahrhundert’, Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 24.3, 2001: 173–189 [Graz].

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For 2002 Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Biograﬁen von Wissenschaftlerinnen (Dora Boerner-Patzelt, Erna Diez, Stella Seeberg, Carla Zawisch-Ossenitz)’, in Brigitta Keintzel ¨ and Ilse Korotin (eds.), Wissenschafterinnen in und aus Osterreich. LebenWerk-Wirken, Vienna - Cologne - Weimar, 2002, 70–76, 139–144, 676–678, 829–834. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Zur Historiographiegeschichte der Humanwissenschaften’, in Karl Acham (ed.), Geschichte der o¨ sterreichischen Humanwissenschaften. Band 4. Geschichte und fremde Kulturen, Vienna, 2002, 263–305. For 2003 Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Multiethnizit¨at und Deutschsprachigkeit. Zur Charakteristik der ‘‘Scientiﬁc Community’’ im Habsburgerreich’, in Focus Austria. Vom Vielv¨olkerreich zum EU-Staat. Festschrift Alfred Ableitinger zum 65. Geburtstag (Schriftenreihe des Instituts f¨ur Geschichte, 15), Graz, 2003, 130–141. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Wissenschaft und Bildung. Science and Education. Scienzia e Istruzione’, in Gertrude Celedin and others (eds.), Graz, Graz, 2003, 397–419 [Graz]. For 2004 Gr¨oger, Helmut, ‘Was sonst dem K¨unstler als Vorwurf galt - rechnet man ihm jetzt als besonderen Vorzug an!’ Vincenz Kerns Ablehnung der Steinzerbrechungsmethode. Lithotomie versus Lithotripsie - historisch und rezent. 4. Symposium der Internationalen Nitze-Leiter-Forschungsgesellschaft f¨ur Endoskopie, Vienna, 2004, 94–103 [Vienna]. Huber, Walter, Naturstein, Natursteinverwitterung und Sanierung am Beispiel der Universit¨at Wien, s.l., 2004 (Diplomarb. Universit¨at Wien) [Vienna]. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Die Beziehungen o¨ sterreichischer Universit¨aten, im besonderen jener von Prag und Graz, zur Universit¨at Istanbul. Ein kultur- und ¨ wissenschaftshistorischer Uberblick’, in Arslan Terzioglu (ed.), Kurulusunun ¨ ¨ 550. Yild¨on¨um¨unde Istanbul Universitesi ve avrupa Universiteleri Simpozyumu Bildirileri, 30 Mayis 2003, Istanbul. Proceedings of the International Symposium: Istanbul University and the European universities on the occasion of the 550th anniversary of the foundation of Istanbul University 30th May 2003, Istanbul, Istanbul, 2004, 64–71. For 2005 Bramberger, Alfred (ed.), Alte Universit¨at Graz: multifunktionaler Nutzen in historischer Substanz. Old University Graz: multifunctional use in a historical building, Klagenfurt, 2005 [Graz]. Kernbauer, Alois, ‘Graz’, in Jos. M. M. Hermans and Marc Nelissen (eds.), Charters of Foundation and Early Documents of the Universities of the Coimbra Group, 2nd revised edition, Leuven, 2005, 52–53, 123–125.

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The British Isles Camargo, Martin, ‘Beyond the Libri Catoniani: Models of Latin Prose Style at Oxford University ca. 1400’, Mediaeval Studies, 56, 1994: 165–187. Camargo, Martin, Medieval Rhetorics of Prose Composition. Five English ‘Artes Dictandi’ and Their Tradition, Binghamton, 1995.

Canada Gidney, Catherine, ‘The Athletics-Physical Education Dichotomy Revisited. The Case of the University of Toronto, 1900–1940’, Sport History Review, 37.2, 2006. Harrigan, Patrick J., ‘Asserting Authority. The Canadian Intercollegiate Athletic Union, 1961–1975’, Sport History Review, 37.2, 2006.

Czech Republic Additions to Earlier Lists For 1992 Fechtnerov´a, Anna, ‘Pˇr´ıspˇevek k dˇejin´am jezuitsk´e univerzity v Olomouci roku 1708’, Miscellanea oddˇelen´ı rukopis˚u a vz´acn´ych tisk˚u, 9, 1992: 111–119 (publ. 1993; summary in German and English) [Contribution to the History of the Jesuit University in Olomouc in 1708]. Publications 1993 Ber´anek, Karel, Ludmila Hlav´acˇ kov´a, Jana Nos´akov´a, Eva Rozs´ıvalov´a and Petr Svobodn´y, Biograﬁck´y slovn´ık praˇzsk´e l´ekaˇrsk´e fakulty 1348–1939, D´ıl 2, ˇ Prague, Karolinum, 1993 [Biographical Dictionary of the Prague Medical L-Z, ˇ Faculty 1348–1939, Part 2, L-Z]. Ber´anek, Karel, ‘O knih´ach statut koleje kr´alovny Hedviky’, Miscellanea oddˇelen´ı rukopis˚u a vz´acn´ych tisk˚u, 10.1, 1993: 187–207 (publ. 1994; summary in German and English) [On the Books of Statutes of Queen Hedvika’s College]. Ber´anek, Karel, ‘Promoce v Klementinu roku 1573’, Documenta Pragensia, 11, 1993: 119–122 (publ. 1994) [Graduations in the Klementinum in 1573]. ˇ Boh´acˇ kov´a, Ren´ata, Zivot a d´ılo prof. JUDr. Frantiˇska Weyra, Brno, Masarykova univerzita, 1993 [Life and Work of Prof. JUDr. Frantiˇsek Weyr].

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Publications 2003 Hein¨amies, Kati (ed.), Helsingin yliopistomuseo tiedett¨a, taidetta, historiaa: Arppeanum, Helsinki, Helsingin yliopistomuseo Arppeanum, 2003 [Helsinki - Helsinki University Museum Arppeanum: science, art, history]. Hietala, Marjatta, ‘Opiskelupaikkana Berliini suomalaisten naisopiskelijoiden Maikki Fribergin ja Agnes Sj¨obergin kokemana’, in Meill¨a Euroopassa. Juhlakirja professori P¨aivi Set¨al¨alle 20.1.2003, Otava, Keuruu, 2003, 193–207 [Berlin as a place to live as experienced by Finnish women students Maikki Friberg and Agnes Sj¨oberg]. Vares, Vesa, ‘ ‘‘Der verwundete L¨owe.’’ Der deutsche Zusammenbruch 1918– 1923 aus der Sicht der ﬁnnischen Gesellschaft und Gebildetenschicht’, in Edgar H¨osch, Olivia Griese and Hermann Beyer-Thoma (eds.), Finnland-Studien III (Ver¨offentlichungen des Osteuropa-Instituts M¨unchen. Reihe Forschungen zum Ostseeraum, 7), Wiesbaden, 2003, 129–147. Publications 2004 V¨alimaa, Jussi, ‘Nationalisation, Localisation and Globalisation in Finnish Higher Education’, Higher Education, 48.1, 2004: 27–54. Publications 2005 Hecker-Stampehl, Jan, ‘Functions of Academic Mobility and Foreign Relations in Finnish Academic Life. A Historical Survey from the Middle Ages until the Middle of the 20th Century’, in Catherine-F. Gicquel, Victor Makarov and Magdalena Zolkos (eds.), The Challenge of Mobility in the Baltic Sea Region (The Baltic Sea Region. Nordic Dimensions—European Perspectives, 2), Berlin, Berliner Wissenschaftsverlag, 2005, 15–39. Hietala, Marjatta and Mervi Kaarninen, ‘The Foundation of an Information City: Education and Culture in the Development of Tampere’, in Antti Kasvio and Ari-Veikko Anttiroiko (eds.), Analysing Efforts to Generate Local Dynamism in the City of Tampere, Tampere, University Press, 2005, 183–215 [Tampere]. Lehtinen, Anja Inkeri, Treasures from Church Archives. Arrival of the Sciences in Medieval Finland, Exhibitions in the National Library’s Gallery, Helsinki, National Library, 2005. Leikola, Anto, ‘The World of the Royal Academy of Turku’, in Leena P¨arssinen and Esko Rahikainen (eds.), Printed in the Memory. Literary Treasures in the National Library of Finland (Publications of the Helsinki University Library, 75), Otava, Keuruu, 2005, 14–20 [Turku]. Pihlaja, P¨aivi Maria, ‘The study of the North in the Eighteenth-Century’, in Maria L¨ahteenm¨aki and P¨aivi Maria Pihlaja (eds.), The North Calotte. Perspectives on the Histories and Cultures of Northernmost Europe (Helsingin yliopiston historian laitoksen julkaisuja, 18), Puntsi, Inari, 2005, 25–37. Pihlaja, P¨aivi Maria, ‘Sweden and l’Acad´emie des sciences. Scientiﬁc Elites in 18th-century Europe’, Scandinavian Journal of History, 30.3–4, 2005: 271–285.

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Publications 2006 Halttunen, Nina, ‘Changing Missions. The Role of Open University Education in the Field of Higher Education in Finland’, Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 50.5, 2006: 503–517. Hietala, Marjatta (ed.), Tutkijat ja sota. Suomalaisten tutkijoiden kontakteja ja kohtaloita toisen maailmansodan aikana (Historiallinen Arkisto, 121), Helsinki, Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden, 2006 [Researchers and the War. Contacts and fates of the Finnish Scholars and Researchers during the second world war]. Inkinen, Tommi and Jussi S. Jauhiainen (eds.), Tietoyhteiskunnan maantiede, Helsinki, Gaudeamus, 2006 [The scientiﬁc society]. Pihlaja, P¨aivi Maria, ‘Sverige, vetenskapen och Paris i slutet av frihetstiden. Synpunkter p˚a de l¨ardas kontakter, deras vistelser I Paris och Nordens roll I de vetenskapliga kontakterna’, Historisk tidskrift f¨or Finland, 2006: 2–34. Tommila, P¨aivi¨o and Aura Korppi-Tommola (eds.), Research in Finland - A History, Helsinki, University Press, 2006. Publications 2007 Heikkil¨a, Hannu, Suomen Akatemian historia 3. Kilpailu ja yhteisty¨o 1989–2003, Helsinki, SKS, 2007 [History of the Academy of Finland. 3. Competition and cooperation 1989–2003]. Krekola, Joni, Stalinismin lyhyt kurssi. Suomalaiset Moskovan Lenin-koulussa 1926–1938 (Bibliotheca Historica, 105), Helsinki, SKS, 2007 [A short lesson in Stalinism. The Finnish Lenin-school in Moskow 1926–1938]. Pohls, Marita, Suomen Akatemian historia. 2. Yhteiskunta ja tutkimus 1970–1988, Helsinki, SKS, 2007 [History of the Academy of Finland. 2. Society and research 1970–1988]. Roiko-Jokela, Heikki, Is¨anmaa, maakunta, ylioppilas. Pohjois-Pohjalainen Osakunta 1907–2007, Helsinki, SKS, 2007 [Helsinki - Homeland, region, student. The Pohjois-Pohjalainen student society]. Tiitta, Allan, Suomen Akatemian historia. 1. Huippu-yksil¨oit¨a ja toimikuntia 1948–1969, Helsinki, SKS, 2007 [History of the Academy of Finland. 1. Top-individuals and commissions 1948–1969].

France Additions to Earlier Lists For 2003 Condette, Jean-Franc¸ois, ‘Les ‘‘cervelines’’ ou les femmes ind´esirables. L’´etudiante dans la France des ann´ees 1880–1914’, Carrefours de l’Education, 15, 2003: 38–61 (Amiens, Universit´e de Picardie Jules Verne, CURSEP, IUFM de l’acad´emie d’Amiens et CRDP).

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For 2005 Condette, Jean-Franc¸ois, ‘La Grande Guerre des universitaires franc¸ais (1914– 1918)’, in Marc Deleplace (ed.), De la patrie en danger aux nouvelles menaces (1792–2003). La d´efense nationale en questions, Reims, SCEREN, CRDP Champagne-Ardenne, 2005, 93–119. For 2006 Charmasson, Th´er`ese (ed.), Histoire de l’enseignement, XIXe—XXe si`ecles. Guide du chercheur, 2nd revised and augmented edition, Paris, INRP/CHTS, 2006. Condette, Jean-Franc¸ois, Les lettr´es de la R´epublique. Les enseignants de la Facult´e des Lettres de Douai puis de Lille sous la Troisi`eme R´epublique, Lille 3, CEGES- IRHIS, 2006, 238 p.

Germany ¨ Chevallier, Sonja, Fr¨aulein Professor. Lebensspuren der Arztin Rahel Hirsch 1870–1953, D¨usseldorf, Droste, 1998, 220 p.

Italy Additions to Earlier Lists For 1988 Camargo, Martin, ‘Toward a Comprehensive Art of Written Discourse. Geoffrey of Vinsauf and the Ars Dictaminis’, Rhetorica, 6, 1988: 167–194. For 1991 Woods, Marjorie Curry, ‘A Medieval Rhetoric Goes to School—And to the University: The Commentaries on the Poetria nova’, Rhetorica, 9, 1991: 55–65 [Czech Republic]. For 1996 Camargo, Martin, ‘ ‘‘Si dictare velis’’. Versiﬁed Artes dictandi and Late Medieval Writing Pedagogy’, Rhetorica, 14, 1996: 265–288. For 1999 Camargo, Martin, ‘Tria sunt: The Long and the Short of Geoffrey of Vinsauf’s Documentum de modo et arte dictandi et versiﬁcandi’, Speculum, 74, 1999: 935–955. For 2003 Camargo, Martin, ‘The Pedagogy of the Dictatores’, in Lucia Calboli Montefusco (ed.), Papers on Rhetoric V. Atti del Convegno Internazionale ‘Dictamen,

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Romania Additions to Earlier Lists For 1999 Racovit¸a˘ , Gheorghe, A s¸ti sau a nu s¸ti. Adev˘arurile viet¸ii lui Emil Racovit¸a˘ , Bucharest, Editura Academiei Romˆane, 1999 [To know or not to know. The truths of Emil Racovita’s life].

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Peset, Jos´e Luis, ‘Ciencia y vida: ¿una posible conjunci´on?’ Asclepio. Revista de Historia de la Medicina y de la Ciencia, 57.1, 2005: 9–21. Peset, Mariano, ‘Sobre los or´ıgenes de Salamanca’, in Gonz´alez Gonz´alez and P´erez Puente (eds.), Permanencia y cambio, 1, 33–51 [Salamanca]. Rabat´e, Jean-Claude, ‘Filiberto Villalobos y la Uni´on Escolar’, in Ricardo Robledo (ed.), Sue˜nos de concordia. Filiberto Villalobos y su tiempo hist´orico, 1900–1955, Salamanca, Caja Duero, 2005, 87–105 [Salamanca]. Robledo, Ricardo, ‘Del diezmo al presupuesto: la ﬁnanciaci´on de la universidad espa˜nola (1800–1930)’, Investigaciones de Historia Econ´omica. Revista de la Asociaci´on Espa˜nola de Historia Econ´omica, 1, 2005: 97–130. Robledo, Ricardo, ‘Econom´ıa pol´ıtica en la Universidad de Salamanca: entre la intolerancia y la inteligencia (1786–1936)’, in Jos´e Ignacio S´anchez Mac´ıas, Rafael Calvo Ortega and Fernando Rodr´ıguez L´opez (eds.), Econom´ıa, Derecho y Tributaci´on. Estudios en homenaje a la profesora Gloria Begu´e Cant´on, Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2005, 385–410 [Salamanca]. Saranyana, Joseph Ignasi (dir.), Carmen Jos´e Alejos Grau and others, Teolog´ıa en Am´erica Latina. Vol. 2.1. Escol´astica barroca, ilustraci´on y preparaci´on de la independencia (1665–1800), Madrid, Iberoamericana, 2005. Tellechea Id´ıgoras, Jos´e Ignacio, El arzobispo Carranza. ‘Tiempos recios’. Vol. 3. Retazos de una vida, Salamanca, Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad Pontiﬁcia de Salamanca, Fundaci´on Universitaria Espa˜nola, 2005. Vivas Moreno, Agust´ın, ‘Tem´atica misional dominicana en la Colecci´on de Papeles Varios del Archivo Hist´orico de la Universidad de Salamanca: An´alisis archiv´ıstico’, Archivo Dominicano, 26, 2005: 103–134 [Salamanca]. Publications 2006 B´ecares Botas, Vicente, Gu´ıa documental del mundo del libro salmantino del siglo XVI, Burgos, Fundaci´on Instituto Castellano y Leon´es de la Lengua, 2006 [Salamanca]. Becedas Gonz´alez, Margarita and Jos´e J. G´omez Asencio (comisarios), El castellano y la gram´atica en la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, siglos XV-XVIII, Burgos, Instituto Castellano y Leon´es de la Lengua, 2006 [Salamanca]. Belda Plans, Juan, ‘Introducci´on general hist´orico-teol´ogica a Melchor Cano’, in De locis theologicis, Madrid, BAC, 2006, 33–141 [Salamanca]. Benito Goerlich, Daniel (ed.), Arena numerosa. Colecci´on de fotograf´ıa hist´orica de la Universitat de Val`encia, Valencia, Universitat de Val`encia, Fundaci´on General de la Universitat de Val`encia, 2006 [Valencia]. Borobio, Dionisio, ‘El Sacramento de la Penitencia en Francisco de Vitoria’, Ciencia Tomista, 133 (nr. 429), 2006: 15–58 [Salamanca]. Borobio, Dionisio, El sacramento de la penitencia en la Escuela de Salamanca. Francisco de Vitoria, Melchor Cano y Domingo de Soto, Salamanca, Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad Pontiﬁcia de Salamanca, 2006 [Salamanca].

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Gonz´alez Navarro, Ram´on, En torno a 1547: la Alcal´a de Cervantes, Madrid, Editorial Alpuerto, 2006 [Alcal´a]. Hern´andez de Castro, Jer´onimo, Protocolo universitario y autonom´ıa acad´emica en la Espa˜na Contempor´anea. Evoluci´on de las investiduras doctorales. Del Plan Pidal a los primeros doctorados honoris causa del siglo XX, s.l., Universidad de Salamanca, Facultad de Educaci´on, Depto. de Teor´ıa e Historia de la Educaci´on, 2006 (Trabajo de Grado). L´opez-Baralt, Luce and Reem Iversen, ‘A zaga de tu huella’. La ense˜nanza de las lenguas sem´ıticas en Salamanca en tiempos de san Juan de la Cruz, Madrid, Editorial Trotta, 2006 [Salamanca]. Mart´ınez Fr´ıas, Jos´e Mar´ıa, El cielo de Salamanca: la b´oveda de la antigua biblioteca universitaria, Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2006 [Salamanca]. Pena Gonz´alez, Miguel Anxo, ‘El concepto ‘‘Escuela de Salamanca’’, siglos XVI-XX’, in Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares (ed.), Historia de la Universidad de Salamanca, 3.1, 251–300 [Salamanca]. Peset, Mariano, Las viejas facultades de leyes y c´anones del Estudi general de Val`encia, Valencia, Universitat de Val`encia, 2006 [Valencia]. Ramos Ruiz, Isabel, La Universidad de Salamanca en el Rectorado de D. Antonio Tovar Llorente (1951–1956), s.l., 2006 (Tesis Doctoral, Universidad de Salamanca, Facultad de Educaci´on, Depto. de Teor´ıa e Historia de la Educaci´on) [Salamanca]. Revuelta Gonz´alez, Manuel, Once calas en la Historia de la Compa˜n´ıa de Jes´us. ‘Servir a todos en el Se˜nor’, Madrid, Universidad Pontiﬁcia Comillas, 2006. ´ ‘La Orden Dominicana y la fundaci´on de universidades Rodr´ıguez Cruz, Agueda, en Hispanoam´erica’, Ciencia Tomista, 133 (nr. 430), 2006: 337–375. ´ Rodr´ıguez Cruz, Agueda, ‘Proyecci´on en Am´erica: una perspectiva espa˜nola’, in Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares (ed.), Historia de la Universidad de Salamanca, 3.2, 1229–1325 [Salamanca]. Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares, Luis Enrique, ‘Atm´osfera universitaria en Cervantes’, in Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares and Polo Rodr´ıguez (eds.), Universidades cl´asicas, 311–340 [Salamanca]. Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares, Luis Enrique, Atm´osfera universitaria en Cervantes, Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2006 [Salamanca]. Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares, Luis Enrique (ed.), Historia de la Universidad de Salamanca. Vols. 3.1 y 3.2: Saberes y conﬂuencias, Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2006 [Salamanca]. Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares, Luis Enrique and Juan Luis Polo Rodr´ıguez (eds.), Universidades cl´asicas de la Europa mediterr´anea: Bolonia, Coimbra y Alcal´a. Miscel´anea Alfonso IX, 2005, Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2006. Rojo Vega, Anastasio and others, VI Centenario de la Facultad de Medicina. Universidad de Valladolid. 1404–2006, Valladolid, Junta de Castilla y Le´on, Consejer´ıa de Educaci´on y Cultura, 2006 [Valladolid].

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S´anchez P´erez, Juan Jos´e, Vida y obra de fr. Diego Tadeo Gonz´alez (Delio), Salamanca, Diputaci´on Provincial, 2006 [Salamanca]. Vaquero Serrano, Mar´ıa del Carmen, El libro de los maestrescuelas. Cancelarios y patronos de la Universidad de Toledo en el siglo XVI, Toledo, 2006 [Toledo]. Vivas Moreno, Agust´ın, ‘La Colecci´on de Papeles Varios del Archivo Hist´orico de la Universidad de Salamanca. An´alisis de contenido’, in Rodr´ıguez-San Pedro Bezares and Polo Rodr´ıguez (eds.), Universidades cl´asicas, 261–310 [Salamanca]. Vivas Moreno, Agust´ın, ‘Documentaci´on sobre Colegios de la Orden Dominicana en la Colecci´on de Papeles Varios del Archivo Hist´orico de la Universidad de Salamanca’, Archivo Dominicano, 27, 2006: 265–304 [Salamanca]. Publications 2007 ´ Weruaga Prieto, Angel, Libros y lectores en la Salamanca de la Edad Moderna, s.l., 2007 (Tesis Doctoral, Universidad de Salamanca, Facultad de Geograf´ıa e Historia, Depto. de Historia Medieval, Moderna y Contempor´anea) [Salamanca].

Sweden Publications 1989 S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Scientiﬁc Travel, the Linnean Tradition’, in Tore Fr¨angsmyr (ed.), Science in Sweden: The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences 1739–1918, Canton, Mass., Science History Publications, 1989, 96–123. Publications 1990 S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Vetenskapens v¨agar - id´ehistoriens n¨atverk’, in Anders Karlqvist (ed.), N¨atverk: Begrepp och till¨ampningar i samh¨allsvetenskapen, Hedemora, Gidlunds, 1990, 152–183. Publications 1992 S¨orlin, Sverker (ed.), The International Contexts of Swedish Science: A Network Approach to the Internationalization of Science, special issue of Science Studies, 2, 1992: 108 p. Publications 1993 Crawford, Elisabeth, Terry Shinn and Sverker S¨orlin (eds.), Denationalizing Science. The Contexts of International Scientiﬁc Practice (Sociology of the Sciences Yearbook, 16), Dordrecht - Boston - London, Kluwer, 1993, 301 p. Crawford, Elisabeth, Terry Shinn and Sverker S¨orlin, ‘The Nationalization and Denationalization of the Sciences: An Introductory Essay’, in Crawford, Shinn and S¨orlin (eds.), Denationalizing Science, 1–42.

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Eliasson, P¨ar and Sverker S¨orlin, ‘Swedish Science and the New World’, in A. Lafuente, A. Elena and M. L. Ortega (eds.), Mundializaci´on de la ciencia y cultura nacional, Madrid, Ediciones Doce Calles, 1993, 619–634. Fr¨angsmyr, Tore and Sverker S¨orlin, ‘Peregrinatio academica’, in Marianne Battail and Jean-Francois Battail (eds.), Relations Culturelles Franco-Su`edoises, Paris, Beauchesne, 1993, 73–93. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘National and International Aspects of Cross-Boundary Science: Scientiﬁc Travel in the 18th Century’, in Crawford, Shinn and S¨orlin (eds.), Denationalizing Science, 43–72. Publications 1994 S¨orlin, Sverker, De l¨ardas republik: Om vetenskapens internationella tendenser, Malm¨o, Liber Hermods, 1994, 349 p. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘La Laponie, terre d’exploration’, in Pontus Grate (ed.), Le ´ Soleil et l’Etoile du Nord: La France et la Su`ede au XVIIIe si`ecle, Paris, 1994, ´ 213–215 (henceforth Grate (ed.), Le Soleil et l’Etoile du Nord). ´ S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Le R´eseau scientiﬁque’, in Grate (ed.), Le Soleil et l’Etoile du Nord, 216–222. Publications 1996 S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Science and National Mobilization in Sweden’, in M¨artha Norrback and Kristina Ranki (eds.), University and Nation: The University and the Making of the Nation in Northern Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Studia Historica, 53), Helsinki, Societas Historica Finlandiae, 1996, 31–41. S¨orlin, Sverker, Universiteten som drivkrafter: Globalisering, kunskapspolitik och den nya intellektuella geograﬁn, Stockholm, SNS f¨orlag, 1996, 184 p. Publications 1998 Brulin, G¨oran, Den tredje uppgiften: H¨ogskola och omgivning i samverkan (Universitet, f¨oretag, samh¨alle, 1), Stockholm, SNS F¨orlag, 1998. Publications 1999 Cederlund, Kerstin, Universitet—platser d¨ar v¨arldar m¨ots (Universitet, f¨oretag, samh¨alle, 2), Stockholm, SNS F¨orlag, 1999. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Universitet och plats: Kring ett rumsligt tema i vetenskapshistorien’, in Gunnar Eriksson and Karin Johannisson (eds.), Den akademiska gemenskapen: Universitetets id´e och identitet (Institutionen f¨or id´e- och l¨ardomshistoria, Uppsala universitet, Skrifter, 21), s.l., 1999, 27–38. Publications 2000 Fridlund, Mats and Ulf Sandstr¨om (eds.), Universitetets v¨arden: Bidrag till den forskningspolitiska debatten (Universitet, f¨oretag, samh¨alle, 3), Stockholm, SNS F¨orlag, 2000.

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S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Kan universitet g¨ora karri¨ar?’ in Fridlund and Sandstr¨om (eds.), Universitetets v¨arden, 153–164. S¨orlin, Sverker and Gunnar T¨ornqvist, Kunskap f¨or v¨alst˚and: Universiteten och omvandlingen av Sverige (Universitet, f¨oretag, samh¨alle, 4), Stockholm, SNS F¨orlag, 2000, 280 p. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Nya uppdrag f¨or kunskapens platser’, Utbildning & demokrati: Tidskrift f¨or didaktik och utbildningspolitik, 1, 2000: 39–55. Publications 2001 Benner, Mats, Kontrovers eller konsensus? Vetenskap och politik i svenskt 1990tal (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 1), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2001. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Humanioras betydelser’, in Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och ˚ Antikvitets Akademiens Arsbok, s.l., 2001, 106–116. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Hur kan universitet g¨ora karri¨ar?’ in Kjell Jonsson (ed.), Ume˚a universitet—identitet och utmaningar, Ume˚a, 2001, 47–58. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Ordering the World for Europe: Science as Intelligence and Information As Seen from the Northern Periphery’, in Roy Mac Leod (ed.), Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise, special issue of Osiris: Yearbook for the History of Science, 15, 2001: 51–69. S¨orlin, Sverker and Gunnar T¨ornqvist, ‘Regions in the Knowledge Society’, in Inger Christoferson (ed.), Swedish Planning in Times of Diversity, G¨avle, The Swedish Society for Town and Country Planning, 2001, 56–61. Svensson, Bo, Motstr¨aviga myndigheter: Sektorsforskning och politisk styrning under 1980-talet (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 2), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2001. Wikhall, Maria, Universiteten och kompetenslandskapet: Effekter av den h¨ogre utbildningens tillv¨axt och regionala spridning i Sverige (SISTER Report/ Skrifter, 3), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2001. Publications 2002 ˚ Andersson, Ake E. and Sverker S¨orlin, ‘Framtidens l¨arandemilj¨o’, in Bj¨orn Hellstr¨om (ed.), 1+12+1 seminarier om nya l¨arandemilj¨oer, Stockholm, KTH Learning Lab, 2002, 181–220. Karlsson, Henrik, ‘‘Handslag, famntag, klapp eller kyss?’’ Om konstn¨arlig forskning (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 4), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2002. Sandstr¨om, Ulf (ed.), Det nya forskningslandskapet (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 5), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2002. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Cultivating the Places of Knowledge’, Studies in Philosophy and Education, 21, 2002: 377–388.

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S¨orlin, Sverker (ed.), Kulturen i kunskapssamh¨allet: Om kunskapssektorns tillv¨axt och kulturpolitikens utmaningar (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 6), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2002. Publications 2003 Egeland, Helene and Jenny Johannisson (eds.), Kultur, plats, identitet: Om det lokalas betydelse i en globaliserad v¨arld (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 9), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2003. Kim, Lillemor and Pehr M˚artens (eds.), Den vildv¨axande h¨ogskolan: Studier av reformer, milj¨oer och kunskapsv¨agar (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 8), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2003. Olsson, Bj¨orn and Ulf Wiberg (eds.), Universitetet och den regionala utmaningen (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 7), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2003. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Hur skall h¨ogskolan v¨axa? Om Humboldt, v¨ardena och framtiden’, in Kim and M˚artens (eds.), Den vildv¨axande h¨ogskolan, 274–295. Publications 2004 Bj¨orck, Henrik, Staten, Chalmers och vetenskapen (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 11), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2004. Cederlund, Kerstin, Universitetet, kulturen och staden (Universitet, f¨oretag, samh¨alle, 5), Stockholm, SNS F¨orlag, 2004. Ekstr¨om, Anders (ed.), Den mediala vetenskapen (SISTER Report/Skrifter, 10), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2004. S¨orlin, Sverker, Europas id´ehistoria 1492–1914. Vol. 1. V¨arldens ordning. Vol. 2. M¨orkret i m¨anniskan, Stockholm, Natur och Kultur, 2004, 2 vols., 771–739 p. Publications 2005 S¨orlin, Sverker (ed.), ‘‘I den absoluta frontlinjen’’. En bok om forskningsstiftelserna, konkurrenskraften och politikens m¨ojligheter (SISTER Report/ Skrifter, 12), Stockholm - Nora, Institutet f¨or studier av utbildning och forskning - Bokf¨orlaget Nya Doxa, 2005. S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Bologna, Lisbon, and the Future of the European University: New Funding Regimes, Strategies of Adaptation, and Why Transformation Need Not Be a Disaster’, in Tor Halvorsen and Atle Nyhagen (eds.), The Bologna Process and the Shaping of the Future Knowledge Societies, Bergen, University of Bergen, 2005, 33–42. S¨orlin, Sverker, Vad kan stiftelser g¨ora? Den privata stiftelsesektorn som forskningsﬁnansi¨ar, Stockholm, Kempestiftelserna, 2005, 81 p.

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S¨orlin, Sverker, ‘Visiting Scholars at the Center for Studies in Higher Education. Impressions of Berkeley’, Chronicle of the University of California, 7, 2005: 97–99. Publications 2006 Johansson, Maria, Lillemor Kim, Sverker S¨orlin and John Storan, Bridging the Gap. Widening Participation in Sweden and England, London - Stockholm, Continuum, University of East London, Docklands Campus & Swedish Institute for Studies in Education and Research, 2006, 70 p. S¨orlin, Sverker, Trust and Universities. Management of Research and Education under Changing Knowledge Regimes (KTH-CESIS, Working Paper Series in Economics and Institutions of Innovation, 53), Stockholm, KTH, 2006, 25 p. S¨orlin, Sverker and Gunnar T¨ornqvist, ‘Universitet och regioner—ett a˚ terbes¨ok’, in Gr¨ansl¨ost—forskning i Sverige och i v¨arlden. Festskrift till Dan Br¨andstr¨om, Stockholm, Natur och Kultur, 2006, 442–476. Publications 2007 S¨orlin, Sverker and Hebe Vessuri (eds.), Knowledge Society vs. Knowledge Economy, New York, Palgrave, 2007, ix-208 p.

The United States Additions to Earlier Lists For 2003 Warwick, Andrew, Masters of Theory. Cambridge and the Rise of Mathematical Physics, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2003. For 2004 Adams, Christopher J., An Historical Documentation on the Origin and Establishment of Faculty Collective Bargaining at Hofstra University (New York), s.l., Ann Arbor, 2004 (Thesis, Ed.D., Hofstra University, UMI #3161758). Austin, Allen, From Concentration Camp to Campus. Japanese American Students and World War II, Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 2004. Beuttler, Fred W., ‘Envisioning an Urban University. President David Henry and the Chicago Circle Campus of the University of Illinois, 1955–1975’, History of Higher Education Annual, 23, 2003–2004: 107–141. Francis, Valera Theresa, Pride and Paradox. The History and Development of Southern University at New Orleans, 1954–1975, s.l., Ann Arbor, 2004 (Thesis, Ph.D., University of New Orleans, UMI #3157020). Greene, David A., The Women’s Movement and the Politics of Change at a Women’s College. Jill Ker Conway at Smith, 1975–1985, New York London, RoutledgeFalmer, 2004.

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