HIGHER EDUCATION IN A GLOBAL SOCIETY: ACHIEVING DIVERSITY, EQUITY AND EXCELLENCE
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ADVANCES IN EDUCATION IN DIVERSE COMMUNITIES: RESEARCH, POLICY AND PRAXIS Series Editor: Carol Camp Yeakey Volume 1:
Edmund W. Gordon: Producing Knowledge, Pursuing Understanding
Volume 2:
Walter R. Allen, Margaret Beale Spencer and Carla O’Connor: African American Education: Race, Community, Inequality and Achievement. A Tribute to Edgar G. Epps Ronald D. Henderson, Wayne J. Urban and Paul Wolman: Teacher Unions and Education Policy: Retrenchment or Reform?
Volume 3:
Volume 4:
Carol Camp Yeakey, Jeanita W. Richardson and Judith Brooks Buck: Suffer the Little Children: National and International Dimensions of Child Poverty and Public Policy
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ADVANCES IN EDUCATION IN DIVERSE COMMUNITIES: RESEARCH, POLICY AND PRAXIS VOLUME 5
HIGHER EDUCATION IN A GLOBAL SOCIETY: ACHIEVING DIVERSITY, EQUITY AND EXCELLENCE EDITED BY
WALTER R. ALLEN University of California, Los Angeles, USA
MARGUERITE BONOUS-HAMMARTH University of California, Irvine, USA
ROBERT T. TERANISHI New York University, USA EDITORIAL ASSISTANT
OPHELLA C. DANO University of California, Los Angeles, USA
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CONTENTS xi
EDITOR’S WELCOME
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PREFACE
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS INTRODUCTION INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATIONS AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE Alberto Martinelli
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SECTION I DIVERSITY POLICIES AND NATIONAL CONTEXTS Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi NIGERIAN UNIVERSITIES AND THE PROBLEM OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY: POLICY RESPONSES AND CONSEQUENCES L. Adele Jinadu
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HOW TO MEET THE CHALLENGE OF DIVERSITY IN THE FRENCH SYSTEM OF EDUCATION? Sarah Esther Ouaja
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POLISH UNIVERSITIES AS A PLACE OF STUDY AND ACADEMIC CAREERS: CLASS AND GENDER CONSIDERATIONS Renata Siemien˜ska
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CONTENTS
DIVERSITY IN EDUCATION: THE CHINESE VERSION Kai-Ming Cheng DIVERSIFICATION IN RUSSIAN HIGHER EDUCATION: PROFILES, FOUNDATIONS AND OUTLOOKS Andrey V. Rezaev
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SECTION II OBSTACLES TO DIVERSITY: EXAMINING THE EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi
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HIGHER EDUCATION, ‘‘RACE’’ AND THE INCLUSIVE SOCIETY Peter Ratcliffe
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THE DIVERSITY CHALLENGE: THE REPRESENTATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE DUTCH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM Peary Brug
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GENDER DIVERSITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION: ‘‘THE WOMEN ARE FINE, BUT THE MEN ARE NOT?’’ Florence B. Bonner
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THE QUEST FOR EQUITY IN CALIFORNIA HIGHER EDUCATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR A GLOBAL SOCIETY Robert T. Teranishi
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SECTION III INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE AND THE TRANSFORMATIVE POTENTIAL OF THE UNIVERSITY Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi
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STICKS, STONES, AND BROKEN BONES: RHETORIC AND REALITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN AFFIRMATIVE ACTION CASES Walter R. Allen
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WIDENING PARTICIPATION IN UNITED KINGDOM UNIVERSITIES: THE CHALLENGES OF ACHIEVING RACE EQUALITY Deborah Phillips, Ian Law and Laura Turney
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DIVERSITY AND LEARNING FOR A PLURALISTIC DEMOCRACY Sylvia Hurtado
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PROMOTING STUDENT PARTICIPATION IN SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, ENGINEERING AND MATHEMATICS CAREERS Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth
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SOUNDS AND SILENCES: GENDERED CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN THE COMMONWEALTH Louise Morley
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CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR ACHIEVING DIVERSITY: THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA Hugh Africa
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AFFIRMATIVE ACTIONS AND THE SCHEDULED CASTES: ACCESS TO HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA G.G. Wankhede
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SECTION IV
INNOVATION AND DIVERSITY: NEW HORIZONS IN HIGHER EDUCATION Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi
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WHO SHALL BE EDUCATED? GOVERNMENTAL POLICY INFLUENCES ON EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY Carol Camp Yeakey
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QUANTITATIVE APPROACHES TO MEASURING STUDENT BODY DIVERSITY: SOME EXAMPLES AND THOUGHTS Mitchell J. Chang and Erica Yamamura
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ACHIEVING JUSTICE AND EQUALITY IN U.S. HIGHER EDUCATION: AN EXEMPLARY PROGRAM TO INCREASE THE PARTICIPATION OF UNDERREPRESENTED STUDENTS OF COLOR William Trent and Yuqin Gong
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SEEING AND BEING SEEN: USES OF PHOTOGRAPHY TO IMPROVE CAMPUS CLIMATE FOR DIVERSITY Carol Petersen
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Contents
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APPENDIX 2003 CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS, THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION STUDY AND CONFERENCE CENTER (BELLAGIO, ITALY)
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS
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SUBJECT INDEX
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EDITOR’S WELCOME Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence compiled by Allen, Bonous-Hammarth and Teranishi is a welcomed addition to the series, Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis. All that was intended in the initial conceptualization of the multi-volume series is richly embodied in this single volume. We, as Americans, are often known for our insularity, as though the world and its axis begin and end in the West. Higher Education in a Global Society moves us beyond that narrow context to higher terrain, to broader intellectual conceptualization. By embracing the notion of tertiary education, in its global tapestry, the volume vividly analyzes the promise and peril that often co-exist in education in various nation states. A signal contribution of this work is that it does not conceptualize the education enterprise in a steady state, but one which is in transition as schools at all levels confront the conflicting, often contradictory demands of a global society and global economy. Even more compelling in the volume is the constituent strand of social responsibility in the discussion of not only those who advance through the tertiary system of education, but those who fail to advance through the same system. Congratulations are offered to not only the co-editors for the compilation of this fine work, but to the Rockefeller Study Center in Bellagio, Italy for their wisdom in hosting the conference venue where these papers were initially delivered. If prognostications are at all appropriate here, Higher Education in a Global Society will be read, re-read and referenced for many years to come. Carol Camp Yeakey Washington University in St. Louis St. Louis, MO, USA
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PREFACE Recently, technological advancements and changing political, demographic and cultural forces have dramatically changed the higher education landscape around the world. While most of these advances are laudable and have brought previously excluded voices into the conversations about higher education access, achievement and relevance, this diversity often presents challenges. Larger issues of a society’s economic viability, self-governance, cultural values and plurality are inextricably tied to higher education institutions and the intellectual elites they produce. United Nations statistics on economic development reveal a high correlation between percentage of population with college degrees and the overall economic well-being of a society (World Bank, 1996). Unfortunately, this prosperity is often unevenly spread across the society, disproportionately benefiting some groups to the exclusion of others (Chua, 2003). Clearly, a country’s overall economic well-being and the effective development of human capital rely heavily on the ability of colleges and universities to nurture current and future generations of workers, professionals and leaders. Beyond the obvious economic benefits, the emergence and expansion of higher and tertiary education internationally has at times proven to be problematic. Achieving a successful interface between Western-based higher education systems and non-Western societies can be extraordinarily difficult. Significant social disruptions often result from the intrusion of ‘‘Global Culture,’’ with its Western-based conflicting worldviews, values and institutional arrangements (Chua, 2003). Higher and tertiary education institutions play critical, leading roles in the spread of Global Culture. Around the world, universities work with local communities to provide advanced education and to stimulate socioeconomic development. Universities excel in the transmission of Western values and perspectives to culturally diverse populations. Unfortunately, these institutions sometimes fail in their responsibility to expose students to competing worldviews and values. The world’s increasing social and cultural diversity, often characterized by extreme race-ethnic disparities, requires higher education institutions to become more responsive to diversity and inclusive of difference. xiii
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This volume examines connections between diversity, equity and higher education in different societies globally. In this respect, higher and tertiary institutions around the world currently confront a ‘‘diversity imperative’’ arising from the challenges of globalism. The spread of Western institutions, culture and values, or globalism, is expected to promote social change and economic development on an international scale. In return for adopting Western culture, globalism promises the world’s majority non-Western, mostly non-white, non-Christian population a standard of living historically reserved for the Western minority. In this narrative, prosperity and freedom are tied to the introduction of modern, free-market values.
THE DIVERSITY IMPERATIVE W.E.B. Du Bois proclaimed the colorline as the problem of the 20th century; in similar fashion, the problem of the 21st century could be characterized as the ‘‘wealth divide’’ or more clearly, the challenge of extreme economic disparity alongside broad socio-cultural diversity. Women-of-color scholars have used various concepts such as ‘‘the matrix of domination’’ (King, 1988), ‘‘intersectionality’’ (Collins, 1991), ‘‘borderlands’’ (Anzaldu´a, 1987) and critical race theory (Crenshaw, 1995) to demonstrate that the ‘‘problems of the 21st century’’ are related to rapidly expanding diversity alongside stubbornly persistent economic inequities across race, ethnicity, gender, class, language, citizenship and nation. Extensive technological, economic, political and social changes, along with immigration, have coalesced to produce a global community of great diversity and interpenetration. Unfortunately, this global community continues to be fractured by extreme disparities in wealth, divided into ‘‘have’’ and ‘‘have-not’’ societies (Chua, 2003). Across the globe, universities in China, the United States, Russia, India, Brazil, South Africa, France and Australia represent major centers for economic development and socio-cultural exchange. Higher education institutions influence, and are in turn influenced by, difference and diversity in the world’s population. These nations also are examples of the complex challenges that result where multiple, diverse, different communities interact, overlap and exchange. Much of the current discourse defines difference and diversity as a problem; yet, there is a small but growing body of scholarship that challenges this perception and instead reframes difference and diversity as a resource. However, there is a dearth of empirical work that examines
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the specific benefits of difference and diversity for institutions of higher learning. We invited a group of international scholars to reflect on the challenges and prospects of diversity, difference and inclusion for higher education institutions in their respective societies. We used various theoretical and empirical perspectives to better understand how diverse populations and expectations intersect to influence universities and societies globally. For our purposes, diversity and difference were broadly defined to encompass specific national contexts and their respective emphasis on race, ethnicity, gender, culture, language, religion, sexual orientation and region.
BELLAGIO, ITALY CONFERENCE This volume evolves from an international conference in March 2003 at the Rockefeller Foundation Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy. The conference emphasized four common themes concerning difference and diversity in contemporary higher and tertiary education. These themes include a focus on (1) the definitions of difference and diversity; (2) the implications of difference and diversity for teaching and learning in college settings; (3) the implications of difference and diversity for public policy and university service vis-a`-vis local/national communities; and (4) the roles of difference and diversity in strengthening global understanding and cooperation. This edited volume offers the prospect of enhancing greatly our understanding of how difference and diversity influence higher education institutions worldwide. More concretely, the volume shares ‘‘cutting-edge’’ empirical research and ‘‘best practices’’ from around the world in terms of how different societies address diversity in postsecondary education as both challenge and resource. Conference participants examined the consequences of diversity for higher and tertiary institutions globally and in national contexts. The benefits from global proliferation of higher education are admirable when these institutions fuel prosperity, promote equity and foster wider appreciation for multicultural diversity. However, negative consequences result when higher education institutions exacerbate inequities in a particular society. Chua (2003) theorizes that Western democratic ideals of equity and fair competition are often thwarted globally by ‘‘market-dominant minorities’’ who use historic disparities (e.g., economic resources, formal education, familiarity with Western culture) to further their advantages over disenfranchised groups. Scholars were organized into working groups to provide
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cross-national and comparative dialogue about higher education opportunity, inequality and diversity. Conference discussions were organized thematically and focused on several major orientations, among them: (1) the policies and challenges presented by cultural diversity across different societies; (2) the educational pipeline and its implications for higher education; (3) institutional contexts and the change imperatives for the university; and (4) the innovative practices, programs and ideas that supported diverse systems of tertiary and higher education. Exchanges among scholars included discussions of research briefs, collaborative research projects and practical research applications. We identified themes ranging from semantic definitions, measurement issues, cultural diversity and so forth as related to cross-cultural perspectives on ethnic diversity in higher education. We were especially concerned with identifying unique (and general) challenges associated with specific cultural contexts and national perspectives. Our dialogue produced several important action items (the first being to publish this volume) as well as short- and long-term goals for continued discussion among colleagues. The volume includes chapters on race-ethnic inequality, gender and cultural-social class equity, measuring diversity, impact of cultural diversity on students and institutions and societal consequences. Conference participants examined how educational systems promote equity and influence society when enhancing awareness about multiple cultural perspectives. Advances in science, technology and other areas have woven multilingual, multifaceted societies into the global communities of today. Therefore, we organized scholar work groups to present cross-national and comparative dialogue about educational efforts that influenced cultural diversity in postsecondary institutions. A full listing of conference participants and biographical sketches is provided in the Appendix.
HIGHER LEARNING LOOKING FORWARD It is no simple task to represent the dynamic intellectual energy and interaction from stimulating discussions as written words. However, the chapters included in this volume provide vibrant record of the philosophies and paths explored to develop a future agenda for creating more inclusive communities of higher learning. Recent action plans for the 21st century have included several goals to diversify higher educational models as well as the constituents served by its institutions (UNESCO, 1998). At the core of these discussions is the recognition of our shared responsibility to build trust
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and support for higher learning through our outcomes and successes for students. Similar to principles most recently espoused by esteemed colleagues across education, tertiary and higher education now more than ever must foster lifelong learning, build partnerships with all stakeholders in the educational enterprise and build bridges specifically with our international communities to offer greater variety of opportunities to our constituents and facilitate more inclusive learning environments (UNESCO, 1998, p. 24).
VOLUME OUTLINE This volume is organized into four sections. The first section examines ‘‘Diversity Policies and National Contexts’’ with particular emphasis on international trends, challenges and opportunities. Section two is focused on ‘‘Obstacles to Diversity: Examining the Educational Pipeline,’’ exploring preparation and current status of diversity at the university and tertiary level of education. The third section discusses ‘‘Institutional Change and the Transformative Potential of the University,’’ highlighting phenomena associated with institutional context and ethnic or gender representation. The final section is concerned with strategies for ‘‘Innovation and Diversity: New Horizons in Higher Education’’ to improve the alignment of higher educational learning environments with contemporary expectations and demands. In the chapter ‘‘Nigerian Universities and the Problem of Cultural Diversity: Policy Responses and Consequences,’’ L. Adele Jinadu discusses ethnic inequality in higher education against the historical backdrop of ethnic competition. Struggles over higher education resources have strained relations among ethnic groups and placed stress on ties between ethnicidentified states and the national federal system. In ‘‘How to Meet the Challenge of Diversity in the French System of Education?’’ Sarah Ouaja examines the problem of social and ethnic differentiation in the French educational system. She concludes that unifying notions of the Republic and cultural hegemony have been a focus at the expense of attention to disparities in educational opportunities for racial and ethnic minorities. Renata Siemien˜ska’s chapter on ‘‘Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers: Class and Gender Considerations’’ provides another perspective on inequality, examining the underrepresentation of Polish women in higher education after the fall of Socialism. She argues that recent gains should be attributed to privatization rather than to declining gender discrimination. The proportion of women in Polish universities has grown due to the private sector’s hiring of male academics. What results is a situation
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where women who remain in academe, relative to men can be labeled ‘‘winners among losers.’’ In the chapter on ‘‘Diversity in Higher Education: The Chinese Version,’’ Kai-Ming Cheng reminds us that diversity was a non-issue in the traditional, collective culture of China. Recent trends to move responsibility for higher education from central government to local and market forces have produced unprecedented diversity and huge disparity. Since central policies continue to encourage and support these trends, the challenges of diversity and inequality for Chinese higher education are likely to grow in the future. In the final chapter for this section, Andrey Rezaev discusses the crisis in Russian higher education brought on by the change from a socialist to private enterprise economy in ‘‘Diversification in Russian Higher Education: Profiles, Foundations and Outlooks.’’ Under socialism, professors were members of the elite; however, status inconsistency has accompanied privatization. Russian academics are still considered elites even though they lack sufficient economic resources. Russia’s aspirations to become a knowledge-based economy are also thwarted by economic inequality. In the second section, Peter Ratcliffe’s chapter on ‘‘Higher Education, ‘Race’ and the Inclusive Society’’ examines institutional structures of education in the United Kingdom that result in the social exclusion of minorities at the university and from subsequent professional careers. His research reveals how minority social exclusion is rooted in historical patterns and processes of racial disadvantage. ‘‘The Diversity Challenge: The Representation of Ethnic Minorities in the Dutch Educational System’’ by Peary Brug shows how inequality in Dutch higher education is preceded by inequities in the elementary to high school educational pipeline. Systemic discrimination translates to lower performance by minority students at all levels in the educational pipeline. Florence Bonner’s chapter on ‘‘Gender Diversity in Higher Education: ‘The Women Are Fine, but the Men Are Not’?’’ extends the examination of context and gender and reveals that Black women are severely disadvantaged in employment, academic rank and tenure at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Gender discrimination is anathema to the founding mission of HBCUs, which was to remove barriers to broader participation in higher education. In ‘‘The Quest for Equity in California Higher Education: Implications for a Global Society,’’ Robert Teranishi examines race-ethnic disparities in another setting characterized by extreme cultural diversity. The author examines embedded privileges and advantages, like tracking, staffing and standardized testing, as factors that explain lower academic achievement for Black and Latino students, compared to white and Asian students.
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Across the state, high schools with majority Black and Latino student populations have significantly lower academic achievement levels than high schools that are majority white and/or Asian. In our third section, Walter Allen explores the concept of ‘‘Sticks, Stones and Broken Bones: Rhetoric and Reality in the University of Michigan Affirmative Action Cases,’’ and focuses on pivotal Supreme Court cases and the challenges of expanding opportunities and improving racial climate in higher education. His study reveals how persistent exclusion, isolation and alienation continue to impair participation in higher education by race, ethnicity and gender. In the British context, Deborah Phillips, Ian Law and Laura Turney examine how students from lower social class backgrounds, Black and minority ethnic groups continue to be underrepresented in universities. Their chapter, ‘‘Widening Participation in United Kingdom Universities: The Challenges of Achieving Race Equality,’’ focuses on discourses that have sustained the continuing ‘‘whiteness’’ within much of Britain’s system of higher education. They argue that despite government’s growing commitment to diversity, the university sector has been insulated from policy developments that challenge racism, promote ethnic/cultural diversity and implement positive change. Sylvia Hurtado’s chapter, ‘‘Diversity and Learning for a Pluralistic Democracy,’’ discusses the broader impact of the University as a model of social justice. Specifically, she argues that higher education plays a critical role in equipping future leaders for enacting a vision of multiracial democracies that are equitable, inclusive and thrive on the healthy exchange of perspectives. Hurtado’s study concludes from a U.S. sample that mastery of complex thinking skills is linked with the capacity to interact with diverse people and commitment to the public good. Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth’s chapter, ‘‘Promoting Student Participation in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics Careers,’’ examines how universities and tertiary institutions may foster student interest, specifically those of women and minorities, in these fields. Her study of value congruence or person-organization (P-O) fit between undergraduate majors in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) and their peer environments highlights frameworks and policies to attract, mentor and support student development in these areas. The chapter by Louise Morley, ‘‘Sounds and Silences: Gendered Change in Higher Education Institutions in the Commonwealth,’’ discusses the exclusion of women from management positions in higher education. She criticizes the tendency to emphasize institutional explanations while ignoring effects from gender discrimination in the broader society, for example, homophobia, sexual harassment and sexual violence. The challenge is how best to achieve gendered
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change, move theory to practice and develop more sophisticated, sensitive measures of diversity. Hugh Africa’s exploration of the ‘‘Challenges and Prospects for Achieving Diversity: The Case of South Africa,’’ also examines the complexities of rapidly expanding diversity in higher education. Since the overthrow of racial apartheid in South Africa, participation has increased across race, ethnicity, gender and social class; the higher education system has also undergone extensive structural reorganization in order to rationalize and maximize institutional roles. With the implementation of mergers, incorporations and the creation of a new type of institution – comprehensive universities – the higher education system seeks to become sufficiently robust, flexible and diversified to serve as the engine for economic development. India provides another culturally diverse national setting where G.G. Wankhede studies ‘‘Affirmative Actions and Scheduled Castes: Access to Higher Education in India.’’ Over the past 50 years, the progress of lower caste groups in higher education has been unsatisfactory despite special government equity programs. Poverty and social stigma make it difficult for these communities to access, sustain and achieve in education. The situation is likely to worsen given trends toward increased globalization and privatization; these factors threaten the continued viability of support of affirmative action policies in India. In our last section, several authors posit alternate approaches to charting the university’s course toward diversity to ensure improved service and public policy relevance. Carol Camp Yeakey’s chapter, ‘‘Who Shall Be Educated?: Governmental Policy Influences on Educational Opportunity,’’ opens the section by highlighting the political economy of unequal access to higher education in America. Federal legislation and programs claiming to equalize educational opportunity are shown instead to exacerbate disparities by race, ethnicity, gender, region and social class. She argues that this society’s definition of education as a private, rather than public good and an economic-versus-human rights issue virtually guarantees the persistence of deep educational inequities. Mitchell J. Chang and Erica Yamamura take a novel approach to address principles and measurements used to identify ‘‘diversity.’’ In their chapter on ‘‘Quantitative Approaches to Measuring Student Body Diversity: Some Examples and Thoughts,’’ the authors argue that simple statistical measures are not sufficient since these results provide only gross indications of relative group sizes without revealing critical information like the membership, frequency, topic, quality and consequences of diverse interactions. In ‘‘Achieving Justice and Equality in U.S. Higher Education: An Exemplary Program to Increase the Participation of Underrepresented Students of Color,’’ William Trent and Yuqin Gong demonstrate
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how scholarly participation in a Summer Research Opportunities Program increases access, retention and achievement for underrepresented minority students. Larger numbers of underrepresented students major in science and persist to earn degrees in SME fields at Historically Black Colleges and Universities and Hispanic Serving Institutions than at predominantly white institutions. Carol Petersen provides the final paper in the volume, ‘‘Seeing and Being Seen: Uses of Photography to Improve Campus Climate for Diversity.’’ She provides examples and strategies for the use of photo exhibits, web sites, creative exercises and classes to enrich the diversity of campus climate and public spaces. The paper is groundbreaking for its use of photography to create welcoming communities for diverse groups and to document the life of a community that embraces its cultural diversity.
REFERENCES Anzaldu´a, G. (1987). Borderlands: The new mestiza ¼ La frontera. San Francisco: Spinsters/ Aunt Lute. Chua, A. (2003). World on fire: How exporting free market democracy breeds ethnic hatred and global instability. New York: Doubleday. Collins, P. H. (1991). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York: Routledge Press. Crenshaw, K. W. (1995). Race, reform and retrenchment: Transformation and legitimation in anti-discrimination law. In: K. W. Crenshaw (Ed.), Critical race theory (pp. 103–122). New York: The New Press. King, D. (1988). Multiple jeopardy, multiple consciousness: The context of a black feminist ideology. In: Black women in America: Social science perspectives (pp. 265–295). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (1998). World declaration on higher education for the twenty first century [Data File]. Retrieved from UNESCO website http://www.unesco.org World Bank. (1996). Poverty reduction and the World Bank: Progress and challenges in the 1990s. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Walter R. Allen Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth Robert T. Teranishi Editors
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We thank the various foundations, organizations and individuals who helped to ensure the success of this project. We are greatly indebted for their many contributions. The strengths and positives of this volume owe to their generosity. We three are responsible for any problems and/or shortcomings of the volume. The Rockefeller Foundation provided assistance and support for this volume through travel grants for selected participants and a conference grant under The Bellagio Study and Conference Center Program. The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation provided major support and funding for research and manuscript preparation costs related to the production of this volume with a grant from its Diversity in Higher Education Program. The Office of the Chancellor, University of California, Los Angeles contributed funds for research support and manuscript preparation. We express our gratitude to Carol Camp Yeakey, Series Editor, for her unfailing support and helpful guidance. We also thank Ophella C. Dano for her outstanding, dedicated, effective service as editorial assistant. Several colleagues and graduate students provided insightful comments on the manuscript; we especially thank Evellyn Elizondo, Kimberly Griffin, Erin Kimura, Michael Knox and Uma Jayakumar. We hope this volume facilitates progress toward the creation of institutions of higher learning where the goals of excellence, equity, access and public service are both celebrated and achieved. To the extent this is true, those institutions will faithfully represent ideals that empower universities, faculty and students to realize their fullest potential to contribute to positive social change. We dedicate this volume to ‘‘a new day dawning,’’ which will bring a different manner of university, equally concerned with balanced commitment to research and teaching, in the service of society as a whole – for those at the center and those on the periphery.
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Hugh Africa
Council on Higher Education, Johannesburg, South Africa
Walter R. Allen
Graduate School of Education and Information Studies, University of California – Los Angeles, CA, USA
Florence B. Bonner
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Howard University, Washington, DC, USA
Marguerite BonousHammarth
Office of Admissions and Relations with Schools, University of California – Irvine, CA, USA
Peary Brug
School of Human Sciences, St. Mary’s College – University of Surrey, Twickenham, UK
Mitchell J. Chang
Graduate School of Education and Information Studies, University of California – Los Angeles, CA, USA
Kai-Ming Cheng
Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Hong kong
Yuqin Gong
Department of Educational Policy Studies, College of Education, University of Illinois, IL, USA
Sylvia Hurtado
Graduate School of Education and Information Studies, University of California – Los Angeles, CA, USA
L. Adele Jinadu
Centre for Advanced Social Science, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria
Ian Law
Department of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds, Leeds, UK xxv
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Alberto Martinelli
Department of Sociology and Political Science, University of Milan, Milano, Italy
Louise Morley
Sussex School of Education, University of Sussex, East Sussex, UK
Sarah Esther Ouaja
Universite´ de la Sorbonne, Universite´ Rene´ Descartes, Paris, France
Carol Petersen
Faculty in Residence Program, UCLA, CA, USA
Deborah A. Phillips
School of Geography, University of Leeds, West Yorkshire, UK
Peter Ratcliffe
Department of Sociology, University of Warwick, West Midlands, UK
Andrey V. Rezaev
Department of Sociology, St. Petersburg State University, Russia
Renata Siemien˜ska
Institute of Sociology, Institute for Social Studies, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland
Robert T. Teranishi
Department of Administration, Leadership, and Technology, The Steinhardt School of Education, New York University, NY, USA
William T. Trent
Department of Educational Policy Studies, College of Education, University of Illinois, IL, USA
Laura Turney
The Scottish Executive, Scotland, UK
G.G. Wankhede
Unit for Child and Youth Research, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India
Erica Yamamura
Graduate School of Education and Information Sciences, University of California – Los Angeles, CA, USA
Carol Camp Yeakey
Center on Urban Research & Public Policy, Washington University in St. Louis, Faculty of Arts & Sciences, St. Louis, MO, USA
INTRODUCTION
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INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATIONS AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE International scientific associations and their surrounding transnational epistemic communities provide a major avenue for intercultural dialogue. International scientific associations belong to the larger family of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs). The number of INGOs has increased much more than that of IGOs, passing from less than 300 at the beginning of the 20th century to several thousand a century later. Some of these organizations, like Amnesty International or the World Wildlife Fund, represent effective pressure groups vis-a`-vis global decision makers who are not accountable to larger constituencies challenging governments on specific policy issues. Others, like several international scientific associations, are less visible but play key roles in international cooperation and in the formation of a global civil society and public space. Many INGOs have soft power, given that for many domestic policy issues, from human rights to environmental protection, INGOs are in fact the driving force of the decision-making process and attract citizens into coalitions that bypass national boundaries. Actually, international scientific associations – with the transnational epistemic communities around them – are among the non-governmental organizations that can contribute most to global democratic governance for a variety of reasons, some of which are common to all international scientific associations and some are specific to those in the social sciences. First, international scientific associations foster the growth of networks of scholars and researchers who are often globally educated, can work anywhere, and are directly connected to the global level. These epistemic communities – and the related scientific associations – are transnational in scope and international in their outlook but, unlike most influential global actors, such as governments, multinational corporations (MNCs), and religious fundamentalist or nationalist movements, do not orient their conduct to self-interest (the increase of power or profit) and do not tend to impose a xxix
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unique Weltanschauung. International scientific associations also act according to self-interest, insofar as they try to enhance the worldwide prestige and the influence of a given professional collectivity, that of the educators and researchers and of specific disciplinary sub-groups, like biologists or engineers. However, the key principles of their action are universalistic values, on the basis of which everyone is evaluated in terms of her/his scientific achievement, teaching ability, and professional ethics, and not in terms of gender, ethnicity, age, or nationality. Second, international scientific associations can be an effective antidote against dogmatism and bigotry. In our scholarly work, we are accustomed to confront our hypotheses and views with different and even conflicting ones, and to submit contrary opinions to a fair evaluation in terms of both logical consistency and empirical testing. Contextual universalism, an approach that is suggested for intercultural dialogues, finds many instances of application in scientific debates. In sociology and other fields, of course, verbal wars may erupt between supporters and antagonists of idiosyncratic ‘‘schools,’’ with cycles of attack and counterattack over the ‘‘imperialism’’ of a given paradigm, consuming much intellectual energy without perceptible effect on theoretical development. But on the whole, the discourse of science is essentially anti-dogmatic and universalistic. Third, whereas the conveniences of trade or the requirements of diplomacy often persuade governments and corporations to close one eye – or even both – when faced with violations of basic human rights, international scientific associations can be much more outspoken and explicit in the defense of those rights. They can effectively defend the freedom of thought, speech, teaching, and scientific inquiry. Authoritarian governments, accustomed to disregard their domestic public opinion, are more vulnerable when confronted by international protest campaigns, which have been strengthened in the age of global networking. Fourth, international scientific associations in general, and those of the social sciences in particular, seem better equipped than other actors to cope with the problems of hegemonic cultures and languages in the world today. As social scientists, we are more aware that language is a fundamental identity factor, that our language circumscribes our sociological imagination, and that we must develop empathy. As the report of the Bureau of International Sociology (1998) states, ‘‘The acknowledgement of the role of language in the development of individual and collective identities must be rendered compatible with sociology’s search for universality.’’ In addition, Wallerstein (1998) remarks, ‘‘We are condemned to analyzing everything in its contradiction as simultaneously an expression of the universal and
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representative of the irremediably particular.’’ The relevance of the comparative method in sociological research and the basic contributions of historians and anthropologists make all of us aware of the risks of ethnocentrism and reinforces our need for cultural hybridization, without losing confidence in our quest for generalizations about social actions, relations, and structures. Fifth, international scientific associations in the social sciences can help global governance by enriching the public discourse at the world level through intellectually honest and skillful analyses of the different dimensions of globalization. Social scientists are always torn between the need to free themselves from the conditioning pressures of powerful ideologies and interest groups on the one hand, and the quest for useful knowledge on the other. These are some of the most relevant ways by which international scientific associations in general, and those in the social sciences in particular, can contribute to global governance and play a countervailing role to economic and cultural domination. In order to be effective, however, these associations must grow in membership and develop their projects and scope of activity much further than at present. In fact, at the beginning of the third millennium, although participation in social science associations has increased over time and become more global, the infrastructure designed to support them remains weaker than that designed primarily to support the natural sciences. There are fewer large-scale international programs; the most important are the International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Environmental Change and the Comparative Research Programme on Poverty, both started in the 1980s. We need today a development similar to that which occurred after World War II, when the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was created with the strong belief that the development of social science and international collaboration among social scientists could contribute to the promotion of peace, social justice, and human dignity. The formal infrastructure to support and promote international collaboration in the social sciences thus received a major push. The original goals of the International Sociological Association (i.e., knitting together social scientists around the world in order to increase international understanding, developing social scientific knowledge to benefit mankind, and promoting research in fields crucial to the establishment of a peaceful world order) have become even more important today, and they are far from being fully achieved. The goals must be reframed in the context of contemporary globalization, which is characterized by the tension between
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increasing interdependence in technology, finance and information, and the continuing fragmentation of societies, cultures, and polities. As concerned social scientists, we can do a lot to foster real intercultural dialogue, a need more and more deeply felt in increasingly multiethnic societies. We can be active members of global communities of scholars, develop truly international comparative research projects like the UCLA 21st Century Project on ‘‘Achieving Diversity in Tertiary and Higher Education,’’ promote exchange programs for professors and students, improve the research and teaching facilities in less developed countries, and learn to understand different languages and cultures. We can also strengthen our efforts in providing a true intercultural education within our schools and universities. Intercultural dialogue and respect for diversity are basic requirements of social relations and institutions in a globalizing world. There are some major factors favoring a culture of intercultural dialogue and respect for diversity, which can counterbalance the impact of the many obstacles stemming from neocolonial ambitions, aggressive nationalism, and religious fundamentalism: The growing awareness of a common fate, i.e., of our common human and social rights, our common vulnerability to global environmental, social, and political crises – such as poverty and unemployment, disease and pollution, terrorism and ethnic cleansing – and the ensuing need to find common solutions and responses based on a culture of dialogue and cooperation. The emergence of a transnational civic society and an international public space, with international scientific institutions playing a significant role, wherein all women and men learn to respect and try to understand others’ values and beliefs without renouncing their own, but rather critically assessing and ‘‘reinventing’’ them in a dialogue among civilizations. This intercultural dialogue requires two basic methodological assumptions: (1) the weakening of the link between ethos and ethnos, between a given vision of the world and practical knowledge on the one hand, and the belonging to a specific community of fate on the other; and (2) the spread of self-reflexive action and thought (although rooted in a specific culture with its norms, institutions, and practices, more individuals today have more chances to be responsible actors in the making of social reality). The diffusion of the notion of multiple citizenship through which different overlapping identities (local, national, regional, and cosmopolitan) can define different sets of rights and responsibilities. This notion does not
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imply that an emerging world community would require of its members an implausibly high level of cosmopolitan loyalty, overriding all other obligations; however, it does imply a sense of common identity through which we should not be indifferent to the suffering of others, but rather give the interests of others equal weight with our own or with those of our loved ones. The growth of the cultural attitude of contextual universalism, i.e., the fertile and non-destructive encounter of cultures and the according of mutual respect among different cultural outlooks. As concerned scholars, as teachers, as social scientists, we must be active players in the formation of a democratic, transnational civic society, and public space, fostering the culture of intercultural dialogue and respect for diversity.
REFERENCES Bureau of International Sociology. (1998). Report on languages. Paris: International Sociological Association. Wallerstein, I. (1998). The west and the rest. Madrid: International Sociological Association.
Alberto Martinelli
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SECTION I
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DIVERSITY POLICIES AND NATIONAL CONTEXTS Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi INTRODUCTION Any discussion of diversity in higher and tertiary institutions would be incomplete without connecting the conversation to the broader aims of the University. Since its European origins, the University was founded on goals to pursue knowledge and, in more recent times, to provide that knowledge to a student body representative of its community and nation (Rhodes, 2001). Educators recognize that the role of the University now and in the future takes on greater importance given the central role that knowledge plays in the new millennium. Greater demands for and application of knowledge in our society suggest the need for more inclusive learning environments, where scholars and students develop and share their intellectual resources in more efficient and timely ways. Attaining diversity in higher education requires educators to assess continually the current landscape – our successes and challenges – as well as future possibilities of the University. Specifically, we need to identify the important ways in which ‘‘academic systems are expressed (their meanings and values) and how well they are organized according to those expressed meanings and values’’ to accomplish a diversity imperative (Ibarra, 2001, p. 250). As is often the case in higher education, the issue of diversity is rarely examined against the academy’s culture, leading only to superficial organizational change. Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 3–5 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05026-6
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For example, the improved enrollments achieved through pipeline programs for specific target populations in higher education cannot be expected to lead to long-term, sustained change for diverse constituents without addressing systemic transformation. In other words, with a quick fix in place that was generating positive results, no one ever returned to reexamine the fundamental problem of the lack of diversity in the first place (Ibarra, 2001, p. 238).
In order to forge a more effective University model to build inclusive learning communities, educators must avoid policy setting that results in only short-term outcomes decoupled from holistic, long-term transformation. In this section, the authors explore the ways that policies and cultural context have shaped diversity in postsecondary institutions. The chapter by L. Adele Jinadu examines how Nigerian political commitment to federalism influenced higher education in that country. The political influences and national aims related to leadership appointments and student admissions result in disparities that threaten long-term change across higher education. A related discussion on French nationalism and its impact on higher education by Sarah Ouaja highlights the importance of understanding how a homogenous view of national identity divorced from its multiple layers of culture actually limit opportunities to improve conditions in the University for diverse student cohorts. The inclusion of any group in higher education is complicated further by factors that intersect with a group’s identity, for example, the intersection of identities such as gender and class. Renata Siemien˜ska examines the dual impact of gender and class in the University, discussing equity issues for men and women in Polish higher education. Her argument that female presence in the University is not exclusively a sign of increased diversity as much as it is a function of marketplace returns in a culture that benefit males in industry versus females in higher education, speaks to issues of gender equity beyond the statistics. The national contexts of two other systems of higher education, respectively China and Russia, are the focus of our concluding chapters. Kai-Ming Cheng examines how shifts in national policies to decentralization and cultural influences at local levels have fostered diversity differently across China. Andrey Rezaev discusses how Russian higher education needs to grow along multidisciplinary lines of inquiry to enable scholars to address the complex problems and applications of knowledge needed today with multiple perspectives. The ideas explained in both chapters highlight the unique tensions evident when transforming the University through policy.
Diversity Policies and National Contexts
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How policies are interpreted and applied systemically varies based on local cultural models. Understanding national policies and deeper cultural layers of identities that will be affected by any change initiative provides us with a backdrop to identify the best strategies to foster effective change. In considering the specific issue of diversity in higher education, the readings in this section remind us about the global imperative we face when attempting to create more inclusive educational environments. The University is no longer an isolated model standardized by one or two individual countries or philosophies (e.g., the German research model or the American land grant college tradition), but rather a more global set of institutions that require interconnection to cultivate and exchange knowledge. It may be helpful here to consider what opportunities new sociological philosophies hold to guide educators in redefining the University for equity and diversity priorities. Feminist literature suggests a model of ‘‘feminist democracy’’ that includes: a different order or relationships among people. It suggests understanding socioeconomic, ideological, cultural, and psychic hierarchies of rule (like those of class, gender, race, sexuality and nation), their interconnectedness, and the effects on disenfranchised peoples within the context of transformative collective or organizational practice. Thus the transformation of relationships, selves, communities and the practices of daily life leading to self-determination and autonomy for all peoples is crucial in crafting a different order of relationships (Alexander & Mohanty, 2001, p. 505).
Examining the University through this feminist lens would suggest that while educational policies are set within national contexts, their impact and potential be assessed with an understanding of the multiple layers of identities and connections for the people involved without subjugating any one philosophy or voice over another. Such understanding, as we consider inclusiveness in higher education, enables us to see the differential impact and to consider more long-term holistic changes that will improve an institution and a system for knowledge development.
REFERENCES Alexander, M. J., & Mohanty, C. (2001). Genealogies, legacies, movements. In: K. Bhavnani (Ed.), Feminism and race (pp. 492–515). NY: Oxford University Press. Ibarra, R. A. (2001). Beyond affirmative action: Reframing the context of higher education. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press. Rhodes, F. T. (2001). The creation of the future: The role of the American University. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
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NIGERIAN UNIVERSITIES AND THE PROBLEM OF CULTURAL DIVERSITY: POLICY RESPONSES AND CONSEQUENCES L. Adele Jinadu This chapter attempts to show how Nigerian public universities have become hotly contested terrains regarding the competition among and between various ethnic groups for access to and control of the state and its institutions, at all levels of government. My objectives are to (a) illuminate the manner in which Nigeria’s multiculturalism, especially its specific manifestation in the country’s multi-ethnic diversity, has impacted and shaped the development of the country’s public universities; and (b) show how the broader problem of fractured or differentiated citizenship, a key feature of the country’s federal structure, has been reproduced within these universities. Critical questions arising from this formulation of the problem include the following: (a) Why is ethnic diversity a problem in Nigerian public universities? (b) How did the problem arise and what is its nature? (c) How has the problem been approached at both the policy and university/institutional level, and with what consequences for the universities and for the country? The design and practice of Nigerian federalism by the country’s political class, as a consociational arrangement to reflect and accommodate the country’s ethnic diversity, has created problematic fractured or differentiated
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 7–32 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05001-1
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citizenship claims, which have spilled into the country’s public universities. The result of the interposition of these controversial citizenship claims into the public universities has been to pose serious questions about the place and role of the typical Nigerian public university not only as a force for national unity and integration but also as a center of excellence. Public universities are micro-political systems where politics are part of everyday life (van den Berghe, 1973) and where political involvement in national and state politics is advanced as part of the responsibility of academia and its clerisy to the wider society. In a developing, plural society, the university stands at the apex of an emergent educational system in which emphasis is placed on the role of education in the formation of attitudes, values and personality in elite recruitment and in the management of the processes of economic and socio-political change (Abernathy, 1969; Coleman, 1965; Weiler, 1964). Therefore, given the central role of the university in these processes, it is not unexpected that the antinomies of ethnicity and citizenship – of the particular and the universal – should interpose themselves into university life, particularly in the politics of the spoils of office (e.g., election/appointment of principal officers in the universities) and in student admissions.
THE HISTORICAL ROOTS It is useful to provide a context for the elaboration of this argument by referring to the historical and intellectual roots of Nigerian federalism, the nature of Nigeria’s ethnic mosaic, and the influence or impact of ethnicity on the architecture of Nigerian federalism. The foundational or theoretical building block of Nigerian federalism was and continues to be ethnic, as opposed to geographical, diversity. The artisanal design and construction of this ethnicized federalism was informed by the imperative of elite accommodation initially between the departing British colonial administration and the emergent leadership of the inheritance elite and thereafter, at various times between 1960 and the present time, among the political leadership of the various fractions of the politically significant and mobilized ethnic groups (Jinadu, 1985, 2002). This elite accommodation took the form of a concession of autonomy to politically significant ethnic groups in the form of a federal arrangement, which, by dividing powers and functions between two levels of government, grants home rule or self-government to ethnic homelands. Such accommodation was, in effect, the price ethnic fractions of the country’s political class
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were prepared to pay for the country’s remaining a sovereign federal entity. As a result of this elite accommodation, Nigeria has grown from a federation of three original regions or states in 1960 to the present 36 states. An important dimension of this design and reconfiguration of Nigerian federalism to reflect ethnic diversity in order to attenuate ethnic conflict is the psychology of domination. The various ethnic groups mutually share the fear of domination. This psychology of domination, therefore, is central to competitive inter-ethnic as well as intra-ethnic relations, including competitive party politics, in the country (Adejuyigbe, 1979). In order to assuage fears and to provide constitutional guarantees or protection against domination of ethnic groups by one or a coalition of other ethnic groups, Nigerian federalism progressively assumed consociational features. The psychology of domination, which had been expected to find some respite in the consociational features of Nigerian constitutions and in state creation exercises, was historically the effect of the lived experiences of the Nigerian political class, especially the minority ethnic group fractions of that class. Underscoring these experiences was the realization or perception that the state, through its institutions, including the public universities, at both the federal and state levels, commands vast resources and enables disbursement of public patronage through the public services. It was assumed that the state was not, and could never have been designed to be, a melting pot to which all ethnic groups had fair access. It had been and continues to be an instrument of domination in the hands of the leadership of hegemonic ethnic groups at the federal and state levels. Due to the perception that it has been an instrument as well as a condition of ethnic domination, the state in Nigeria has become a contested terrain for ethnic conflict. While consociational constitutional provisions are designed to grant fair and equal access to the state at the federal level, the demand for home-rule within their claimed ‘‘homelands’’ by dominated ethnic groups is motivated by a desire not only for self-government at the unit (state) level, but also for access to the state at the federal level. The consociational compact among the federating states is expected to ensure and protect access at the federal level. This leads to the hypothesis that the ethnicized building blocks of Nigerian federalism and its development along consociational lines have provided an expanding competitive political space for self-defined or constructed ethnic groups. Denied states of their own, ethnic groups through unit-level self-government in their homelands have been successful in asserting and winning recognition for their collective right to such statehood, as part of the broader process of elite accommodation within the country’s ethnicized and consociational federal structure.
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Nigeria’s Ethnic Mosaic As can be expected for a contested concept like ethnicity, there is disagreement as well as fluidity in giving ethnicity meaning as a guide to sketching the country’s ethnic mosaic. Using a set of classificatory schema or ‘‘ethnic markers,’’ Otite (1990, pp. 44–57) has identified 374 ‘‘ethnic groups’’ in the country. However, Iwaloye and Ibeanu (1997, p. 54) used another schema and came up with 56 ethnic ‘‘nations.’’ On the other hand, Odetola (1978, pp. 165–168) identified 11 major ethnic groups in the country (Table 1). The disagreement and ambiguity cannot be resolved here. However, this chapter’s reference to ethnic diversity is to the significant ethnic groups and sub-ethnic groups that have emerged through a process of self-definition or construction as central actors and protagonists in Nigeria’s federalism. These ethnic groups have been granted self-government within their homelands, thereby also ensuring their constitutionally guaranteed ‘‘fair representation’’ at the federal level, with respect to appointments/promotions in and even location of federal institutions and the disbursement of federal patronage and resources. In other words, the current 36 unit-level governments or states in the Nigeria Federation (see Table 2) constitute, for the purposes of this chapter, the constructed ethnic markers denoting the core ethnic and sub-ethnic groups in relation to competition (conflict and cooperation) with one another. However, the ethnic groups and sub-ethnic groups do not exist in a vacuum nor should they be regarded as independent variables, determining while not being determined by other social forces. Therefore, there is need to Table 1.
Major Ethnic Groups in Nigeria.
No.
Ethnic Group
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.
Bororo (Pastoral Fulani Edo Hausa-Fulani Ibibio and Semi-Bantu Idoma-Igala-Igbirra Igbo Ijaw Kanuri Nupe Tiv and Plateau Cluster Yoruba
Source: Odetola, (1978, pp. 165–168).
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Table 2.
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Nigeria’s 36 States.
No.
State
Major Ethnic Group
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.
Abia Adamawa Akwa-Ibom Anambra Bauchi Bayelsa Benue Borno Cross-River Delta Edo Ebonyi Ekiti Enugu Gombe Imo Jigawa Kaduna Kano Katsina Kebbi Kogi Kwara Lagos Nassarawa Niger Ogun Ondo Osun Oyo Plateau Rivers Sokoto Taraba Yobe Zamfara
Igbo Kanuri Ibibio Igbo Hausa/Fulani Ijaw Tiv; Idoma-Igala/Igbirra Kanuri Efik Ijaw; Itsekiri; Urhobo; Igbo Edo Igbo Yoruba Igbo Hausa/Fulani Igbo Hausa/Fulani Hausa/Fulani; Atyap Hausa/Fulani Hausa/Fulani Hausa/Fulani Idoma/Igala/Igbirra; Yoruba Yoruba Yoruba Hausa/Fulani; Tiv Nupe Yoruba Yoruba Yoruba Yoruba Tiv and Plateau Cluster; Hausa/Fulani Ijaw; Igbo Hausa/Fulani Jukun; Tiv; Kuteb Kanuri; Hausa/Fulani Hausa/Fulani
view the role of ethnic and sub-ethnic groups in the political process and within the universities dialectically, as part of the nexus connecting structure and process. That is, the salience of ethnicity should be viewed more in instrumental and situational terms than in ascriptive or primordial terms.
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Its salience and causal explanatory power should therefore be situated alongside its intersection with religious, regional and geopolitical diversities.
ETHNICITY AND POLITICAL ARCHITECTURE Since independence, Nigerian constitutions have included provisions guaranteeing individual rights and common citizenship rights to all Nigerians, irrespective of ethnic, religious or other sectional loyalties and place of residence or origins. Yet these constitutions have also contained consociational provisions to accommodate and protect ethnic group rights. The problem of fractured or differentiated citizenship is rooted in this constitutional accommodation of group rights and is different from the problem of divided or dual citizenship, which is inherent in federalism, as a result of the direct impact of two legal jurisdictions and laws on the citizens of the federating states. To understand the nature of the problem, which the accommodation and protection of ethnic group rights pose for the notion of a Nigerian citizenship and the emergence of the problem of differentiated citizenship in the country, it is important to go back to the work of the Willink Commission, established in 1958 by the departing colonial administration. The Commission’s purpose was to look into the fears of domination over other ethnic groups by the tripartite majority ethnic groups, Hausa/Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba. These fears were expressed and mobilized for political action by the political leadership of ethnic minority groups in each of the three regions. The Willink Commission Report (1958), while rejecting the claims of the leadership of the ethnic minorities for the creation of states in their various homelands, recommended the creation of Minority Areas and Special Areas as development areas or growth points for a number of ethnic groups, whose fears the Commission found largely or significantly substantiated or justified. In addition, it recommended constitutional provisions for a Bill of Rights to protect ethnic minority rights and compensation for their not being given self-government or autonomy in their homelands. The 1960 Constitution contained this Bill of Rights but it also contained provisions that directed the utilization of public policies based on proportionality or quota. For example, Section 27 of the 1960 Constitution provided for fair representation of ethnic minorities in the public services of each of the then-majority ethnic groupdominated three regions – Eastern Eastern Region, Northern Region and Western Region. Another public policy deriving from these provisions was the establishment, during the country’s First Republic, of the Niger Delta Development Board as a federal agency to promote development in the
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Niger Delta. In addition, the Special Area Territory Scholarship Award was introduced to promote educational development of ethnic minorities in the Niger Delta and of the indigenous people of the federal territory of Lagos, which was then not under any state, although it was the federal capital. During the long period of military rule in the country from 1966 to 1979, the military pursued public policies to protect and promote ethnic group rights per se, and not just minority ethnic group rights. The hope was to achieve equitable and fair distribution among the ethnic groups of employment in the state and federal public services and in admission to state and federal government secondary (high) schools, polytechnics, colleges of education, and universities. The 1979 Constitution built on this practice by providing that public policy in general, at the federal and state levels of government, should be guided by the following provision of Section 14, subsection 3 on the federal character of Nigeria; The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or combination of a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies [emphasis mine].
With appropriate modifications to refer to the unit level of government, similar provisions were included in the articles and sections of the 1979 Constitution, dealing with the executive and legislative powers and functions of state governments. But what is ‘‘federal character of Nigeria’’? It is defined in Section 277, sub-section 1 of the 1979 Constitution as ‘‘the distinctive desire of the people of Nigeria to promote national unity, foster national unity and give every Nigerian a sense of belonging to the nation as expressed in Section 14(3) and (4) of this Constitution.’’ Since 1979, the federal character clauses and similar ones deriving from them (i.e., Section 157, sub-section 5; Section 197, sub-section 2; and Section 199 of the 1979 Constitution) have provided the constitutional basis for the use of proportionality or quota in appointment and promotion in the federal and state public services, and in admission to federal and state public educational institutions, like the public universities and other tertiary institutions, i.e., polytechnics, secondary (high) schools. However, it should be pointed out that, unlike similar constitutional provisions and public policy that protect and promote ethnic rights in countries like Belgium, Cyprus, Malaysia, India and Lebanon, the 1979 Nigerian Constitution does not reserve or earmark quotas for specific or designated ethnic groups. This is because, unlike these other countries, the 1979
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Nigerian Constitution does not distinguish between majority and minority ethnic groups or between historically advantaged and historically disadvantaged ethnic groups. The intention of the framers of the 1979 Constitution is clear on this point, rejecting the recommendation of their Sub-Committee on Fundamental Objectives and Public Accountability that the need to pursue balance among the country’s ethnic groups should be ‘‘without prejudice to special safeguards to protect the position of minority groups.’’ It bears mentioning that the federal character clauses, unlike in a number of countries where similar public policy to redress historical injustice has been adopted, are not meant to be ad interim. It has since been left to administrative action, to the discretion of desk officers in the ministries of education, to categorize states and ethnic groups as advantaged or disadvantaged, with the categorization changing from year to year without any clear or specific criteria informing its determination. The 1999 Constitution substantially reproduces the federal character clauses and the related ones referred to above. It also contains a new set of provisions, establishing the Federal Character Commission as a scheduled public body to promote, monitor and enforce the implementation of the federal character clauses in both the private and public sectors and, where and when necessary, to prosecute offenders.
CHARACTERIZING THE NIGERIAN UNIVERSITY How do Nigerian public universities fit into the political architecture described above? Put differently, what is the idea of the university in postcolonial Nigeria and how does this relate to the broader context of fractured citizenship, which has branched out from that architecture? There are two views of the idea of the public university in Nigeria. First, there is the idea of the university as a centre of scholarship, devoted to the pursuit, production and dissemination of knowledge through teaching, research and publication, celebrating and advancing, in the process, excellence, objectivity and meritocracy under conditions conducive to intellectual work and intellectual freedom. In this view, the university is expected to contribute to the development of high quality and first-rate manpower, particularly to occupy the higher echelons of the country’s public services. The second idea of the university views the public university as a reflection of not only the social but also the cultural diversity of the country. In this view, the public university in Nigeria is expected to respect and promote this cultural diversity. This second idea was expressed in 1981 in the revised National Policy on Education, which enjoined that the development and
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growth of universities in the country should be done in such a way as to ensure (a) ‘‘a more even geographical distribution [of universities] to provide a fairer spread of higher education facilities’’ in the country; and (b) that ‘‘admission of students and recruitment of staff into universities and other institutions of higher learning should be on a broad national basis’’ (Federal Republic of Nigeria, quoted in Yoloye, 1989, p. 75; Jinadu, 1985, pp. 87–88). The two ideas need not necessarily be at cross-purposes. However, the politicization and the political construction of ethnicity and the manipulation of other elements in the country’s cultural diversity (e.g., religion) in the management of the public universities have brought the two ideas into collision. Why this has been the case is the focus of the sections that follow.
FEDERALISM AND DEVELOPMENT OF NIGERIAN UNIVERSITIES University education is and has always been under the concurrent legislative powers of the federal and state governments in Nigeria. The exception to this concurrent division of powers over university education between the federal and state governments occurred during the period between 1977, when the federal military government promulgated Decree No. 34 of 1977 and brought university education under federal control, and October 1979 when the 1979 Constitution came into force under a democratic, civilian administration. As a result of this legislative concurrence, the federal and state governments have established 43 public universities in the country. Of this number, there are 24 federal universities, consisting of 16 federal universities, 3 federal universities of agriculture and 5 federal universities of technology, spread across various states of the federation (Table 3). In addition are 19 state universities, comprising 15 state universities and 4 state universities of technology (Table 4). There are also 15 federal and state colleges of education awarding degrees (Table 5). In line with the revised National Policy on Education of 1981 and as policy measures to implement and pursue the federal character clauses of the 1979 and subsequent constitutions of the country, the federal government established public universities in many of the thirty-six states of the federation (Table 3), the goal being to ‘‘ensure a more even geographical distribution’’ among the six major ethno-regional geopolitical zones in the country, namely North Central, North East, North West, South East, South South and South West. This contrasts with the situation prior to 1975 when there were only 6 public (federal and state) universities in the country, of which 5
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Table 3. Federal Universities. University
Location
Ethno-Regional Zone
(A) Federal Universities Ahmadu Bello University University of Abuja Bayero University University of Benin University of Calabar University University University University
of of of of
Ibadan Ilorin Jos Lagos
University of Maiduguri Nnamdi Azikiwe University Obafemi Awolowo University University of Port Harcourt Usumanu Danfodio University University of Nigeria University of Uyo
Zaria, Kaduna State Abuja, Federal Capital City Kano, Kano State Benin City, Benin Calabar, Cross River State Ibadan, Oyo State Ilorin, Kwara State Jos, Plateau State Akoka, Lagos, Lagos State Maiduguri, Borno State Awka, Anambra State Ile-Ife, Osun State Port Harcourt, Rivers State Sokoto, Sokoto State Nsukka, Enugu State Uyo, Akwa-Ibom State
North Central North Central North Central South South South South South West South West North Central South West North East South East South West South South North West South East South South
(B) Federal Universities of Agriculture University of Agriculture Federal University of Agriculture Michael Okpara University of Agriculture
Abeokuta, Ogun State Makurdi, Benue State Umudike, Abia State
South West North Central South East
Bauchi, Bauchi State Owerri, Imo State Minna, Niger State Yola, Adamawa State Akure, Ondo State
North West South East North Central North East South West
(C) Federal Universities of Technology Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Federal University of Technology Federal University of Technology Federal University of Technology Federal University of Technology
were in the South (the University of Benin, the University of Ibadan, the University of Ife, the University of Lagos and the University of Nigeria) and 1 in the North (Ahmadu Bello University). Of these 6 public universities, only 2 were federal universities (the University of Lagos and the University of Ibadan, both in the South) while the other 4 were state universities. In other words, there were no federal universities in the North before 1975.
Nigerian Universities and the Problem of Cultural Diversity
Table 4.
17
State Universities.
University
Location
(A) State Universities Abia State University Ambrose Alli University Adamawa State University Benue State University Delta State University Ebonyi State University Imo State University Kano University of Technology Lagos State University Nassarawa State University Niger Delta University Olabisi Onabanjo University Adekunle Ajasin University Prince Abubakar Audu University University of Ado-Ekiti
Uturu, Abia State Ekpoma, Edo State Mubi, Adamawa Makurdi Abraka, Delta State Abakaliki, Ebonyi State Owerri, Imo State Kano, Kano State Ojo, Lagos, Lagos State Keffi, Nassarawa State Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State Ayigba, Kogi State Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State
(B) State Universities of Technology Anambra State University of Science & Technology Enugu State University of Science & Technology Ladoke Akintola University of Technology Rivers State University of Science & Technology
Uli, Anambra State Enugu, Enugu State Ogbomosho, Oyo State Port Harcourt, Rivers State
However, in 1983 the Supreme Court upheld the freedom of expression clauses of the Fundamental Rights provisions of the Nigerian Constitution in a landmark case that challenged the establishment of a private university. The Court ruled that private sector institutions and individuals were allowed to establish private universities under license from, and under conditions and standards specified by, the federal government. As a result, there are now 6 private universities in the country (Table 6). In looking at Nigerian public universities as contested terrains by the country’s ethnic groups, one should bear in mind the fact that the nature of these terrains does not significantly differ from other such contested terrains in the country’s political architecture and processes. Similar ethnic competition, or the ethnic conflict, is generated in universities and comparable public policies are adopted to attenuate or counter these tensions, the goal being to contain consequences that may aggravate or over-politicize ethnic competition in universities. The ownership of universities by federal and state governments, and the public policies their ownership generate, have
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Table 5. Other State and Federal Degree-Awarding Institutions. Institution
Location
Adeyemi College of Education Niger College of Education Alvan Ikoku College of Education Federal College of Education College of Education Federal College of Education Federal College of Education Kaduna Polytechnic Nwafor Orizu College of Education Osun State College of Education Shehu Shagari College of Education St. Paul’s College Tai Solarin College of Education St. Augustine’s College of Education Yaba College of Technology
Table 6. Institution
Ondo, Ondo State Minna, Niger State Owerri, Imo State Kano, Kano State Port Harcourt, Rivers State Zaria, Kaduna State Kontangora, Niger State Kaduna, Niger State Onitsha, Anambra State Orangun, Osun State Sokoto, Sokoto State Awka, Anambra State Ijebu-Ode, Ogun State Akoka, Yaba, Lagos, Lagos State Yaba, Lagos, Lagos State
Private Universities. Location
Babcock University Benson Idahosa University Bowen University Covenant University Igbinedion University Madonna University
Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State Benin City, Edo State Iwo, Osun State Ota, Ogun State Benin City, Edo State Okija, Anambra State
politicized the ethnic diversity in the country’s public universities. Instead of holding up a mirror of what it ought to be to the society outside their walls, the universities have themselves become mirror images of that society.
THE POLITICIZATION OF ETHNICITY IN THE PUBLIC UNIVERSITY To illustrate and examine why the public university mirrors the wider society outside, the nature and consequences of the politicization of ethnicity in the public university must be examined at two levels: (a) at the federal
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university level, and (b) at the state university level. In both cases, focus is on (a) the appointment of the Vice Chancellor, and (b) the admission of undergraduate students to degree courses. The reason why the public university has become a contested terrain in terms of the politicization of ethnicity lies partly in the ‘‘ethnic’’ pride deriving from the fact that an ethnic group’s ‘‘son/daughter’’ is the Vice Chancellor. This fact is expected to guarantee the favored ethnic group access to the assumed patronage, which the son/daughter can disburse to his/her kinsmen/women through his/her ‘‘gate-keeping’’ role as Vice Chancellor. Added to this is the critical role of the university in elite recruitment, reproducing the political class and the higher echelons of the country’s bureaucratic class, the powerful engine of government, with command over the vast resources of the state. This is the principal reason that some states in the federation have established state universities to meet the specific manpower needs of their respective state public services and to ensure that, in the long run, there is a pool of indigenes from the states in these services from which their higher echelons would be drawn in the future. Where an ethnic group’s son/daughter is the Vice Chancellor of a university, it is assumed and expected that the ethnic group will be favored in the recruitment of its sons/daughters into the university’s academic and administrative staff and in admission into the university. This is especially expected in student admission and staff recruitment in state universities. In this way, the ethnic group’s potential share of the future pool of leaders of the country’s political and bureaucratic class would likely be significantly enhanced and multiplied. Finally, due to the alleged misapplication or manipulation of federal character clauses by critical ‘‘gatekeepers,’’ there is the revolution of rising expectations to favor some ethnic groups to the disadvantage of other ethnic groups.
APPOINTMENT OF VICE-CHANCELLORS: FEDERAL UNIVERSITIES The appointment of the Vice-Chancellors of federal universities is guided by statutory provisions, which include an elaborate selection process where the Governing Councils and academic staff unions of the universities play a central role. As a result of pressure from the academic staff unions, the appointment process for Vice-Chancellors is more participatory and democratic. It is designed to reflect the will or choice of the university community
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and to prevent arbitrariness and the imposition of Vice-Chancellors on the university community by the federal government. While the selection process is designed to be fair, emphasizing merit and reflecting the popular choice of the university community by having candidates for Vice-Chancellor submit themselves to searchlight by their peers, oftentimes it has been acrimonious and politicized. In a number of cases, the acrimony involved and was exacerbated by the mobilization of ethnic and sub-ethnic considerations to influence the outcome. A few examples illustrate this injection of the ethnic or sub-ethnic factor into the selection process. At the federal University of Calabar, when the tenure of the ViceChancellor was about to end in 2000, there was an upsurge of ethnic-inspired pressure from the indigenes of Cross River State (where the university is located) for the reappointment of the incumbent Vice-Chancellor who was from the state. Pressure continued even when it became apparent that there were serious allegations against his administration of the university and he was consequently under scrutiny by the Governing Council. Representations for a reappointment were made to the Governing Council, while the state radio mounted an orchestrated anti-indigene campaign, asking nonindigenous (i.e., non Cross River State) academic staff, particularly those from the neighboring Akwa Ibom and Imo states, to go back to their states of origin. In these circumstances, the university campus witnessed deep polarizations along ethnic lines. At the federal Usmanu Danfodio University in Sokoto, the selection process leading to the appointment of the present Vice-Chancellor was also injected by ethnic considerations. A vocal group of Sokoto State indigenes inside and outside the university demanded that the next Vice-Chancellor be an indigene of the state. As was the situation at the University of Calabar, pressure was mounted on the Governing Council of the university and on the federal government in order to influence the outcome of the process. When the Governing Council did not succumb to the pressures, the indigene group tried to discredit it and to impugn the selection process. In the case of the University of Calabar, the Vice Chancellor was not reappointed, although the successful candidate, the present Vice-Chancellor, is an indigene of Cross River State, where the university is located. In the case of the Usmanu Danfodio University, the present Vice-Chancellor is not an indigene of Sokoto State, the state in which the university is located. In mobilizing ethnic support to canvass that the Vice-Chancellors should be indigenes or natives of the states in which the universities are located, the arguments basically revolved around two claims. The first was the claim that the location of the universities, ipso facto, conferred on indigenes of the
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respective states the right to demand that the Vice-Chancellors of these federal universities must come from these states. The second claim was that, in the case of the University of Sokoto, no indigene of that state had been appointed the Vice-Chancellor of the university since its inception and the creation of three states, out of the old Sokoto State, Kebbi, Sokoto and Zamfara states. These ethnic pressures, in the form of indigeneship or nativist claims, are symptomatic of a growing trend in Nigerian federalism. This is the deep current of a tidal wave of demand, by a growing number of states in the Nigerian federation, that principal officers of federal institutions in these states must be indigenes of the states where the federal institutions are located. The nativist demand has been extended in recent years to elective public offices, which are open to all qualified Nigerian as Nigerian citizens. Official policy has tended to feed or sometimes pamper to the demand. For example, a recent circular from the Federal Ministry of Education allegedly directed that principals of federal government colleges (high/secondary schools) should be reassigned to serve as principals of federal government colleges in their states of origin. The nativist demand is a reflection of the hard reality of Nigeria’s competitive and ethnicized federalism that gatekeepers of important federal institutions (i.e., Vice-Chancellors) play a critical role in mediating inter-ethnic competition by opening the institutional gates to their ethnic kith and kin and closing them to their ethnic competitors. Underlying this position is the assumption, sometimes expressed openly but at other times alluded to anecdotally, that the claim that these appointments are based on merit is a subterfuge to pursue orchestrated ethnic agenda of favoritism and domination. Another source of the current is the ethnic pride that ‘‘our son/daughter’’ is at the helms of affairs in a zero-sum competitive situation, where one ethnic group’s gain is another ethnic group’s loss. There is yet another source of this current of ethnic tidal wave. In the firstgeneration federal universities at Ibadan, Ife, Lagos, Nsukka and Zaria, the selection process for the appointment of Vice-Chancellors since 1979 has generally resulted in the appointment of nativist Vice-Chancellors. That is, these Vice-Chancellors belong to the dominant ethnic groups in the states in which the universities are located or in contiguous or catchment states inhabited by their ethnic kinsfolk. Coincidentally, these ethnic groups are also the dominant ethnic groups in the tripartite federal structure inherited at independence in 1960; the Yoruba, in the case of the federal universities at Ibadan, Ife, and Lagos; the Igbo, in the case of Nsukka; and the HausaFulani, in the case of Zaria. Also from this point of view, it is not surprising that the nativist current of opinion, demanding the indigenization of the
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posts of Vice-Chancellors of federal universities, has been strongest in federal universities located in minority areas – the University of Calabar, the University of Jos, and the University of Port Harcourt, among others. It is a reproduction of the minority ethnic groups’ fear of domination by the majority ethnic groups, which led to the formation of state-creation movements in the closing years of colonial rule in the country. From this perspective of majority/minority ethnic relations and the fear of domination it generates, the nativist argument also finds support in the federal character clauses of the 1979 Constitution. The constitution stipulates that; The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs should be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeriaythereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies [emphasis mine].
It is pertinent to point out that, before the introduction of the present selection process for the appointment of Vice-Chancellors of federal universities, the federal military government used to appoint Vice-Chancellors on their ‘‘merit’’ and, in an attempt to promote national unity, such ViceChancellors had generally not been indigenous to the states in which the federal universities were located. Some notable examples of merit/national unity selections were the following appointments. Professor Akinkugbe, a Yoruba, was appointed the Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University, where the Hausa/Fulani constitute the majority ethnic group. Professor Adamu Baikie, a Hausa/Fulani, was appointed the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Benin, where minority ethnic groups predominate. Professor J. Ezeilo, an Ibo, was selected as the Vice-Chancellor of the Bayero University in Kano, a Hausa/Fulani heartland. Professor Essien-Udom, an ethnic minority Ibibio, was appointed the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Maiduguri, a Kanuri homeland. Professor Tekena Tamuno, a minority ethnic Ijaw, was chosen to be the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, which is a Yoruba town. Professor Onwuemechili, an Ibo, was appointed Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ife, where Yorubas predominate. Professor Ayandele, a Yoruba, was appointed the founding Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calabar, where the minority Efik and Ibibio ethnic groups predominate. Except for the case of Professor Akinkugbe, whose difficult time at the Ahmadu Bello University forced him to leave before the end of his tenure, all the others were luckier. For example, Professor Baikie had his appointment renewed for a second term.
Nigerian Universities and the Problem of Cultural Diversity
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What is interesting to note about these appointments is that they were made before the federal character clauses came into force and before the current selection process was introduced. A second wave of Vice-Chancellors, who were appointed after the introduction of the federal character clauses but before the current selection process was adopted, were not so lucky. For example, Professor Onuaguluchi, an Ibo appointed Vice-Chancellor of the University of Jos in a minority area, and Professor Umaru Shehu, an Hausa/ Fulani appointed Vice-Chancellor of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka in an Ibo area, met with stiff opposition and had tempestuous tenures. On the other hand, Professor Fola Lasisi, a Yoruba appointed Vice-Chancellor of the University of Uyo in a minority ethnic area, and Professor Isa Mohammed, a Hausa/Fulani appointed Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calabar, another minority ethnic group area, each had a relatively untroubled tenure and their appointments were renewed for a second term. Ethnicity, however, has not been the only or even major factor in the appointment of Vice-Chancellors of federal universities, as has been the trend in recent years. Considerations other than ethnic ones have entered into the selection process. For example, in a highly competitive selection process at the University of Lagos, it was generally believed that the appointment of Professor Nurudeen Alao was not unconnected to pressures by muslim organizations across ethnic lines in the country, on a fellow Moslem who was the Federal Minister of Education. These organizations claimed that since the controversial appointment of Professor Saburi Biobaku in 1964 as the university’s Vice-Chancellor, no muslim had been appointed to serve in that capacity. For them, this was unacceptable in view of the fact that there has always been a substantial muslim population in Lagos State and in the contiguous states of Ogun and Oyo.
APPOINTMENT OF VICE-CHANCELLORS: STATE UNIVERSITIES The appointment of Vice-Chancellors of state universities is guided and regulated by a selection process similar to that of federal universities. However, in some of the state universities, preferential criteria to favor indigenes of the states have been adopted. These criteria are applied not as a matter of statutory requirement on the basis of the laws establishing the state universities, but as a matter of state public policy. As a result, virtually all state universities now have indigenes as their Vice-Chancellors. For example, at the Lagos State University owned by the Lagos State Government, the
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Governing Council advertised the vacant post of Vice-Chancellor in 1996, specifically requiring that, among other qualifications, applicants must be indigenes of Lagos State. Established by Law No. 9 of July 1984–1985, the university had had three Vice-Chancellors by the time of the advertisement. Controversy had trailed the appointment of the first two Vice-Chancellors. Although the first Vice-Chancellor claimed to be a Lagos State indigene from his mother, who came from an important royal family in the city of Lagos, some prominent Lagos State indigenes disputed the claim – not on the ground that his mother was not from Lagos State but that in other contexts before his appointment, he had always claimed the contiguous Ogun State as his state of origin. The second Vice-Chancellor was from Oyo State, who had been appointed over and above three short-listed candidates of Lagos State origin. These candidates had been recommended to the Visitor to the university, the military Governor of the state, to choose and appoint one of them as ViceChancellor as required by the statute establishing the university. The recommendations were made after a competitive selection process and the military Governor, exercising his prerogative as Visitor, rejected the shortlist submitted to him by the Governing Council and requested that they start the selection process all over again. Eventually, against the recommendation of the Governing Council, the Governor appointed the lady candidate, who was placed third in the repeat selection process. He claimed that it would be impolitic for him not to appoint her as Vice-Chancellor, as she came from the same state as himself and her mother was a prominent politician and public figure in his state. Ultimately, the time would come, sooner than later, for him to account for his stewardship to ‘‘my people back home.’’ The experience led the prominent indigenes of Lagos State to prevent a repeat appointment of a non-indigene. With a civilian governor in situ after the 1991 gubernatorial elections, under the transition from military to democratic rule, the succession of a Lagos State indigene as Vice-Chancellor was ensured when the tenure of the incumbent Vice-Chancellor ended. But before the tenure of the new Vice-Chancellor, who had been appointed in 1992, ended in 1996, the civilian administrations at the state level had been swept away. Military governors were in place in each state in the wake of the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential elections and the November 1993 military overthrow of the Interim National Government, under a contrived civilian leadership. The incumbent Vice-Chancellor decided not to seek reappointment for a second term and took a terminal leave in 1996, shortly before the end of his tenure. Given the earlier experience under a military administration and the knowledge that a non-indigene had been
Nigerian Universities and the Problem of Cultural Diversity
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appointed acting Vice-Chancellor by the military governor from Osun State, without its recommendation, the Governing Council wanted to avoid a recurrence. In advertising the post of Vice-Chancellor of the university, the Council included state indigeneship among the requirements for candidates. Not all state governments have sought to disqualify non-indigenes from applying to be Vice-Chancellors by formally excluding them from the competitive selection process. However, there seems to be an undeclared understanding among states and the political class that, contrary to constitutional provisions that guarantee full citizenship rights to all Nigerians throughout the country, only indigenes should be Vice-Chancellors of state universities. For reasons of state pride and the fact that reciprocity was not assured, the unspoken rule became ‘‘non-indigenes need not apply.’’ A state that appoints a non-indigene (the ‘‘son/daughter’’ of another state) as ViceChancellor of its state university cannot be sure that its own ‘‘sons/ daughters’’ would not be excluded from competing for the Vice Chancellorship of another state, primarily on grounds of non-indigeneship.
ADMISSION OF STUDENTS: HISTORICAL CONTEXT In the period leading up to and immediately after the country’s independence in 1960, the expansion in the manpower needs of the country brought about a shift in the elitist orientation and narrow curricular structure of university education. The Ashby Commission on Post-School Certificate and Higher Education in Nigeria was set up by the federal government in 1959/1960 to look into the country’s higher education needs. At the time, regional governments were considering establishing their own universities to meet their own projected post-independence manpower needs as well as those of the country generally. It was against this background that regional governments established universities at Nsukka (the University of Nigeria) in the Eastern Region; at Zaria (the Ahmadu Bello University) in the Northern Region; and at Ibadan, with a later movement of the campus to Ile-Ife (the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University) in the Western Region. The federal government established another federal university in Lagos (the University of Lagos), the country’s federal capital, in addition to the federal university at Ibadan (then the University College, Ibadan), which was then under a scheme of special relations with the University of London. It was clear from the beginning that the expansion in university education would have to combine merit with the imperative of what was referred to as a national outlook – a euphemism for representativeness – in the admissions
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policy of the various universities in the country. It was also realized at the time that this would be a problematic if not controversial objective to attain, in view of the gap in secondary school enrolment between the regions and between the North and South. This fact meant that there would be more students from the South than from the North, in the immediate postindependence years in the country’s public universities. This disparity could only be bridged or narrowed through the introduction of remedial programs and perhaps the utilization of quotas as a pragmatic policy response to ensure that the need for national outlook was reflected in undergraduate admission to the universities. This was the Northern regional government’s primary reason or objective in 1971 for establishing the School of Basic Studies (later renamed the School of General and Remedial Studies) at the Ahmadu Bello University. The School was meant specifically for students of Northern origin, who were deficient in the basic qualifications required for admission to undergraduate degree courses. A central goal was to prepare these students principally for admission to the Ahmadu Bello University, but also presumably to other universities in the country. Pre-degree remedial programs were not new in the history of university education in the country. The University College, Ibadan had been admitting students for pre-degree or preliminary science courses much earlier, after which, based on their performance, they were admitted to proceed to degree courses at the university college. From its inception, the University of Nsukka began to admit students to its four-year degree program. What was different in the approach of the Ahmadu Bello University was that the program was premised on preferential treatment for students of northern origin. With the Ahmadu Bello University example to go by, the federal government adopted compensatory policy measures to help educationally ‘‘disadvantaged’’ states catch up with the educationally advantaged states. To this end, the federal government cooperated with 11 states to set up schools of basic studies as pre-university preparatory schools in order to increase the intake of students from the states into federal universities. Furthermore, the federal government requested seven universities to conduct preliminary courses for students from the educationally ‘‘disadvantaged’’ states (Jinadu, 1985, p. 88). This pre-degree program approach, with preferential treatment that restricts admission to students who are indigenes of their localities or catchment (proximate or neighboring) areas or states, has now been adopted in other public universities such as the federal University of Uyo and the Lagos State University in Lagos. In a sense, the historical disparity in the available pool of students between the various states in the country is one of the fundamental roots of the
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27
controversy over the combined application of merit and quota in admission to federal universities. What is clear from this sketch of the development of public universities in Nigeria is the fact that the use of quotas as a criterion for admission to the country’s public universities antedated the adoption of a public policy based on the federal character clauses of the 1979 Constitution to regulate such admission. Between 1975 and 1977 there were policy initiatives, which in retrospect marked the institutionalization of the mechanisms while also providing legal backing, for the introduction of quotas in the admission of students to the country’s public universities, as a national policy. The initiatives included (a) the takeover of state universities by the federal military government in 1975 on the ground, among others, that states were finding their universities an unbearable financial burden; (b) the subsequent transfer of higher education from the concurrent to the exclusive federal legislative list by Decree No. 46 of 1977; and, most importantly, (c) the establishment in 1977 of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) as a federal agency to serve as a central universities’ admissions clearing house (Yoloye, 1989, pp. 64–65; Jinadu, 1985, pp. 86–88). Therefore, it was during the period 1975 and 1977 that deliberate policy measures requiring quotas in admission to public universities were adopted and utilized, although the use of quotas would seem to violate the provisions of the statutes establishing some of these universities. Quotas were used despite the fact that the founding statutes forbade race or ethnic origins as a selection criterion for admission. But what does ‘‘quota’’ mean? How is it to be determined and implemented, in relation to other admissions criteria, and by whom? The next section attempts to provide the answers to these questions.
Admission of Students: Federal Universities The elite accommodation among the political class, which produced the federal character clauses of the 1979 Constitution, provided the political will and the constitutional teeth for the specific adoption and utilization of quotas in federal university admissions. Quotas were instituted after the return to democratic civilian rule in October 1979, with the new constitution returning higher education to the concurrent legislative list. For example, the federal House of Representatives passed a resolution in January 1980, calling for admissions to federal educational institutions to be based on a quota system. In a circular (Ref. No. FME/S/518/Vol. 1/99 of September 2, 1983), the federal ministry of education set out the following criteria for federal
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universities to use in undergraduate student admissions (Yoloye, 1989, pp. 65–68): (a) Merit – 40 percent; (b) Catchment/Locality Area – 30 percent; (c) Educationally Less Developed States – 20 percent; and (d) Discretion – 10 percent. No state was to benefit from both the catchment and educationally less developed mix of criteria in the admission process. The circular also contained the following elaboration of the criteria. (a) Merit was to be determined by each candidate’s score in competitive examinations such as the Joint Matriculation Examination (JME), conducted by JAMB, or the advanced level certificate examinations. (b) Catchment Area or Locality should be determined on the basis of states contiguous to the state in which each federal university was located. The circular defined the catchment or locality area for each federal university. (c) Educationally Less Developed States were not defined by the circular, which merely listed the following states as less developed states: Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Cross River, Gongola, Kaduna, Kano, Lagos, Niger, Plateau, Rivers, and Sokoto. Of this list, 9 states are in the North and 3 from the South. (d) Discretion was to be used to admit qualified students who failed to gain admission on the basis of the other three criteria. To ensure compliance with the circular, the National Universities Commission was directed to work out a system of inducement grants for universities and sanctions for those disregarding the directives.
Admission of Students: State Universities State universities are expected to admit their students through JAMB. However, in exercising their concurrent legislative powers in the area of higher education, many state universities do not base their admission criteria on those specified by the federal government for federal universities. This is partly because these universities are supported by state funds and were established to meet the specific educational, manpower, economic, and cultural needs of the states. But there have also been claims that many of these state universities disregard JAMB in their admission process in an attempt to evade JAMB scrutiny, which is designed to monitor the admission process in federal universities to ensure a national outlook in the admission list of each university. As Osaghae (1989) puts it, ‘‘In some universities, especially state universities, JAMB is increasingly being undermined in the admissions
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process.y There is the likelihood of such usurpation to be tilted in favour of ethnic considerations [emphasis mine]’’ (pp. 40–41). Generally the admission criteria used by each state university give preference to the indigenes of the state. In the case of a number of state universities, like the Lagos State University, the enabling law or establishing statutory instrument specifically mandates the state universities to give preferential treatment to indigenes. The evaluation of state indigenes for admission was through a set of criteria different from those for nonindigenes. For example, the law establishing the Lagos State University stipulates that the university should admit students in the following percentages: (a) Lagos State indigenes – 40 percent; (b) Products of Lagos State School System – 40 percent; and (c) Other Nigerian citizens who are students – 20 percent. Regarding the fees payable by students, state universities also generally give preferential treatment to indigenes of the states where they are located. Thus, indigenes of a state in which a state university is located generally pay lower fees than non-indigenes of the state. Where there is no such preferential treatment in the payment of fees, there are pressures from state indigenes for its introduction.
What are the Policy Consequences? It is difficult to identify and measure the consequences of public policy as such. Within what time frame is one expecting the consequences of policy to unravel? Are policies the only, or even the most important, determinant of key consequences? In assessing consequences, is the intention of policymakers more important than the perception of the general public? What about the unintended consequences of policy? What is the measure, and what is the cost of policy consequences? Let us proceed, however, with one general consequence of the policy responses to cultural diversity in Nigerian universities; Policy has raised the price of federalism in the country by fuelling ethnic animosities and underscoring and bringing the antinomy between citizenship and indigeneship to the political marketplace. Within the university, this antinomy has deepened ethnic awareness and its political salience in competitive situations among ethnic individuals and groups, such as those concerned with the appointment of Vice-Chancellors and student admissions. In a number of universities, this competition has resulted in certainly vitriolic – at times, near violent – confrontations between nativist protagonists (indigenes of the state where the universities are located) and non-nativist adversaries (non-indigenes of the states).
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One consequence has been a sense of insecurity on various campuses of the universities. Underlying this antinomy is the preferential treatment given in pursuit of collective ethnic group rights, whereas the 1999 Constitution (Section 15 [2]–[3]) is unambiguous in stipulating not only that ‘‘national integration shall be actively encouraged, whilst discrimination on the grounds of place of origin, sex, religion, status, ethnic or linguistic association or ties shall be prohibited [emphasis mine]’’ but also that; For the purpose of promoting national integration, it shall be the duty of the state to (a) provide adequate facilities for and encourage free mobility of people, goods and services throughout the federation; (b) secure full residence rights for every citizen in all parts of the federation [emphasis mine].
Yet as the experience of Lagos State has shown, the policy can be selfdefeating and problematic to implement. Indigenes of the state are now in a minority because of the heavy streams of internal migration flows from other states in the country and from neighboring countries and the state must depend on recruitment of non-indigenes for its public service. In a metropolitan state like Lagos State, it is not always easy to determine who is an ‘‘indigene.’’ Is indigeneship to be based on blood ties? Is it to be based on residency, in which case, how many years would it take to acquire residency? The result of this problem is that, in view of the indigeneship requirement for preferential treatment for admission to federal and state universities, the certification of indigeneship is fraught with malpractices and administrative arbitrariness. Hence, the practical implementation of the federal character clauses has raised troubling questions about their conceptual coherence and instrumental or strategic design value for achieving and consolidating national unity (Adekanye, 1983; Nnoli, 1982; Ekeh & Osaghae, 1989; & Jinadu, 2002). The cumulative consequence of this policy is that it has placed great discretionary powers in the hands of strategically placed bureaucrats, gatekeepers in federal and state public services, whose action ‘‘has had the unintended effect of converting proportionality into special group preference’’ (Jinadu, 2002, p. 25). This is not to say that the problem is with the notion of the federal character of Nigeria, as such. One is reminded here of the following observation by Vincent Ostrom (1993, p. 145), in riposte to William Riker’s condemnation of federalism in the U.S. for condoning racism; ‘‘Instruments of whatever type are always subject to proper use and abuse.’’ The ultimate justification of the notion of the federal character of Nigeria as a policy guide is that it seeks to modify pragmatically the fundamental human
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rights on which the citizenship clauses of the Nigerian constitution are derived, in light of the country’s historical experience with majority (superordinate)/minority (subordinate) ethnic relations. The paradox is that the political class who engineered the accommodation that produced it, has not been able to contain the politicized mobilization of ethnicity for specific ethnic group advantage. Ethnic mobilization derives as part of the inner competitive logic of the struggle for political power and control over the state and the enormous resources that come with it, accompanying among the educated elite and the middle class, as well as the country’s political leadership. It is in this respect that the country’s public universities have become yet another contested terrain in the public domain, critical threads in the multifaceted, complex but dynamic and fascinating tapestry of ethnic conflict in the country.
REFERENCES Abernathy, D. B. (Ed.) (1969). The political dilemma of popular education: An African case. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Adejuyigbe, O. (1979). Rationale and effect of state creation in Nigeria with reference to the 19 states. In: B. A. Akinyemi, P. D. Cole & W. Ofonogoro (Eds), Readings on federalism (pp. 190–212). Lagos: Nigerian Institute of International Affairs. Adekanye, J. B. (1983). ‘‘Federal character’’ provisions of the 1979 constitution and the composition of the Nigerian armed forces. Plural Societies, 14(1–2). Coleman, J. S. (Ed.) (1965). Education and political development. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ekeh, P., & Osaghae, E. (Eds) (1989). Federal character and federalism in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Heinemann Educational Books (Nigeria) Ltd. Iwaloye, B., & Ibeanu, A. (1997). The people of Nigeria. In: F. U. Okafor (Ed.), New strategies for curbing ethnic & religious conflicts in Nigeria (chapter 6). Enugu, Nigeria: Fourth Dimension Publishers. Jinadu, L. A. (1985). Federalism, the consociational state and ethnic conflict in Nigeria. PUBLIUS: The Journal of Federalism, 15(2), 71–100. Jinadu, L. A. (2002). Ethnic conflict and federalism in Nigeria. ZEF-Discussion Papers on Development Policy. Bonn, Germany: Center for Development Research. Nnoli, O. (1982). Cultural pluralism and human rights in Nigeria. In: L. A. Jinadu & I. U. M. Ivowi (Eds), Human rights education in Nigeria. Lagos, Nigeria: National Commission for UNESCO. Odetola, T. O. (1978). Military politics in Nigeria: Economic development and political stability. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books. Ostrom, V. (1993). In memoriam: William H. Riker, 1921–1993. PUBLIUS: The Journal of Federalism, 23(4), p. 145. Otite, O. (1990). Ethnic pluralism and ethnicity in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Safari Books.
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The Willink Commission. (1958). Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the fears of minorities and the means of allaying them. London: HMSO. Van den Berghe, P. L. (1973). Power and privilege at an African university. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Weiler, H. H. (Ed.) (1964). Education and politics in Nigeria. Freiburg, Breisgan: Verlag Romabach. Yoloye, E. A. (1989). Federal character and institutions of higher learning. In: P. Ekeh & E. Osaghae (Eds), Federal character and federalism in Nigeria (pp. 47–79). Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books (Nigeria) Ltd.
HOW TO MEET THE CHALLENGE OF DIVERSITY IN THE FRENCH SYSTEM OF EDUCATION? Sarah Esther Ouaja ‘‘I had come to Paris with no money and this meant that in those years I lived mainly among les mise´rables – and, in Paris, les mise´rables are Algerian. They slept four or five or six to a room, and they slept in shifts, they were treated like dirt, and they scraped such sustenance as they could off the filthy, unyielding Paris stones. The French called them lazy because they appeared to spend most of their time sitting around, drinking tea, in their cafe´s. But they were not lazy. They were mostly unable to find work, and their rooms were freezing. (French students spent most of their time in cafe´s, too, for the same reason, but no one called them lazy.) The Arab cafe´s were warm and cheap, and they were together there. [y] The question of my identity had never before been so crucially allied with the reality – the doom – of the moral choice. The irreducible inconvenience of the through sounds so grandiose – and, on the surface, unreasonable, and has no justification but (or in) itself. My reaction, in the present instance, was unreasonable on its face, not only because of my ignorance of the Arab world, but also because I could not affect their destiny in any degree. And yet, their destiny was somehow tied to mine, their battle was not theirs alone but was my battle also, and it began to be a matter of my honor not to attempt to avoid this loaded fact. And, furthermore – though this was in fact, as I had had occasion to learn – my life in Paris was to some extent protected by the fact that I carried a green passport. This passport proclaimed that I was a free citizen of a free country, and was not therefore, to be treated as one of Europe’s uncivilized, black possessions. This same passport, on the other side of the ocean, underwent a sea change and proclaimed that I was not an
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 33–50 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05002-3
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The purpose of this chapter is to reflect on the educational system in France in terms of equity and equality to meet the challenge of diversity. First, I wish to emphasize that I am not an educational sociologist. My objective is to present a global view of the workings of the French system in order to understand and to open a discussion on the reasons it produces forms of educational segregation and discrimination that have direct influences on the underrepresentation of the ‘‘second- and third-generation immigrants’’ in higher education. In order to be explicit for an international readership, I will present the general situation of the educational school system in France in terms of discrimination and geographical segregation regarding the ideal of diversity with respect to the political, theoretical and ideological debates in the Anglo-Saxon world and in France. I aim to show how the evolution of the North American legislation has direct consequences on French thought. Educational agents of change in these countries should be cautious when confronting sometimes opposing theories, which many times is the case in my country regarding the Anglo-Saxon model of affirmative action. As part of my discussion, I also will address another emergency that is pushing at the door – the one impacted by the demand of the European community for the application of a form of affirmative action (positive action, as they call it) for the total harmonization of these public policies.1 I will conclude this discussion with a focus on the necessity of a forceful argument to support racial diversity in France and in the U.S.
THE FRENCH IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT: THE REPUBLICAN IDEOLOGY The specific difficulty in my country to treat all the problematic links to the questions of diversity and segregation is due to the Republican Ideology, which is strong in France and includes no recognition of minorities in the public sphere. In addition, there is a lack of statistics and studies on racial representation. This fact, which my colleagues questioned, has to be understood as a first step to comprehending the state of diversity in higher education in France. The republican ideology is especially strong in France: ‘‘we are the country of the Republican ideology.’’ The principle of republicanism is ‘‘universalism’’ as the opposite of ‘‘particularism’’ or ‘‘communitarism.’’ The French consider
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that any individual must be integrated into the global society. That is, an individual has to integrate himself into the system where no cultural, sexual, racial, or religious particularisms could appear in the public spheres: they have to be restricted to the private one. In this sense, what is considered ‘‘integration’’ means ‘‘assimilation.’’ The individual must be considered as part of a whole but never as part of any specific group. Affirmative action, as it is organized in the U.S. (as well as in India and South Africa), is inconceivable in France due to this ideology inherited from the French Revolution and ratified by the first article of the 1958 Constitution, which reads: ‘‘The Republic asserts Equality before the law for all French citizens without any distinction of origin, race or religion.’’ Since June 25, 1999, the constitutional principal of the unity of the French people was opposed to the recognition of any collective rights defined by an ethnic community – a community of culture, of language or belief (Calves, 2002). Relatedly, the use of ‘‘race’’ for any kind of article of law or treaty is unconstitutional in France. This situation could be synthesized in this peculiar statement: We don’t speak about race because of racism, as we can summarize our struggle by the observation that the French way of fighting racism involves ignoring race. Even sociologists in France never speak about race. The concept itself is considered fake because it still sounds like false biological differentiation. Moreover, in an attempt at colorblindness, sociologists think that if you dare to speak about races, you create them or reinforce them and therefore, you reinforce racism. Hence, we skirt the word, using expressions such as ethnicity, ethnic origin, and in order to qualify the individuals ‘‘young people from the suburbs,’’2 people coming from immigration, which refers even to the second and the third generation. In French sociology, the republican ideology (to fight in order to protect the laı¨ c Republic) was maintained by a long tradition that moved very slowly from understanding and theorizing of the social world in terms of social classes to other views of inequalities. This progress stems in part from a principle of sociology based on the analysis of social reality as a society divided into social classes. The Marxist approach was strong and the work of Pierre Bourdieu marked this area of the sociology of education. The domain in which Pierre Bourdieu influenced sociology in France the most is certainly education (Bourdieu, 1964, 1970, 1979). As Franc- ois Dubet notes in his article on the sociologist, ‘‘Since Les He´ritiers (The Heirs), the sociology of education proposed by Pierre Bourdieu has imposed itself as a real paradigm (Dubet, 1998).’’ This theory was accepted as a ‘‘total’’ theory by most of the French theorists. The new situation determined by the writings
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of Pierre Bourdieu consisted of seeing education not as an objective and universal institution, and means for equality and autonomy, but as an object of domination and reproduction of inequalities. This Marxist outlook shows that the educational system is based on the Bourgeoisie culture and favors the success of students coming from this class or having the necessary capabilities to be assimilated. The basis of merit – the guiding principle of evolution in the educational system – hides this class domination and permits the confusion of inequality of merit with social inequality. This theorization of the educational system made its mark not only in sociology but also in a large area of French thought that corresponded to considerations of social justice. Concepts like equality and its opposite, discrimination, were engendered by an educational system that consisted then – and consists still – of denouncing handicaps due to social and cultural classes. Today, some individuals frame their social reality in terms of racial or ethnic inequalities but it remains difficult to avoid social stratification in terms of social classes. Most analysts still argue that ‘‘it’s not a question of race but a question of class,’’ without any consideration to the fact that it could be both or even that, at times, ethnic inequalities could act in a different way from social ones.3 The case of immigration shows ways in which sociologists have worked for a more inclusive society and how debates on integration were, and still are, at the center of these discussions. Questions often asked focus on ‘‘How could society integrate the immigrants and also the second and third generations which are born in France?’’ The preoccupation on this integration of the individual still supports the process of equality instead of equity in the face of the racial problems (see especially the work of the Center for Sociological Analysis and Intervention in Paris). Regarding that point, one could ask: ‘‘Why speaking about race or working on race for more equity and diversity could increase racism?’’ and ‘‘Why, if I expose some truths about the racial inequalities, could I contribute to increase racism?’’ Some argue that verbalizing race would permit the National Front (the extreme right wing party) to use it in its negative connotation. My response is that the National Front never waited for anyone’s green light to forward its agenda and even if we play the ‘‘ostrich game,’’ the National Front increases its power in France more and more since its creation. On April 21, 2002, Jean Marie Le Pen, the FN leader, won an incredible victory: he passed the first round of the presidential election for the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic with 16.86% of the vote, just behind Jacques Chirac, the Republican conservative candidate and the current French president, with 19.88% and just in front of Lionel Jospin, the left wing candidate (socialist party) with 16.18% of the expressed votes.
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This situation did not occur because France does not have problems stemming from race. In France, there is discrimination; there is segregation, there is racism, and there are stereotypes. Our society in not mixed yet. We can objectively observe a huge underrepresentation of Black people and North Africans in many areas – media, politics, and universities – with a population of about 8–10% of people originating from North Africa and about 3% of Black immigrants, which includes the population of the Department d’Outre Mer (DOM); Teritoric d’Outre Mer (TOM) (overseas departments and territories: Wallis and Futuna, Polynesia, Guyana, St. Pierre et Miquelon, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Mayotte, La Re´union, Nouvelle Cale´donie).
The Question of Data As a consequence of the Republican Ideology and the legal obligation of colorblindness, there is an absence of data in terms of race as a variable. The first problem that confronted me for the construction of my arguments was an absence of data concerning precisely the number of young second- and thirdgeneration immigrants enrolled in a higher education curriculum. Indeed, the ‘‘origin’’ is a statistic considered ‘‘anti-democratic’’ and ‘‘anti-constitutional.’’ In the same manner that using the term race is anti-republican, most sociologists and demographers underscore that this type of category could be used for nasty political purposes or to encourage illegitimate or outdated expectations (Amselle, 1996). Thus, since 1978, the law informatique et liberte´ outlaws the storage of data on racial and ethnic origins without the express consent of the individual and the formal approval of a national commission (Geddes & Guiraudon, 2002). As a result, except for the treatise MGIS Enquite INED (Institut National d’Eluds Demographique National institut of demographic studies) of Michelle Tribalat (1995) and her work Making France, which was subjected to controversy and criticism (Stavo Debauge, 2000), we do not yet have a statistical foundation to support the thesis of an underrepresentation of the second- and third-generation immigrants in French universities at a national level. It is almost unimaginable to have any kind of data based on skin color. Thus, it is by comparing articles and monographs of researchers and in a visual and personal basis that I can propose ideas that seem self-evident. This intellectual and political prejudice anchored in the French democratic ideal is a central problem in understanding the French situation. As Muchelli said, statistics never speak by themselves and the position against
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racial categorization in France raises debates and controversy mixed with a great deal of hypocrisy and fears in light of a high rate of racism in France. Following a research program based on the antithesis of the dominant ideology, the National Demographic Studies Institute (INED) (Simon, 1999) has started a new survey on discrimination. Researchers are hopeful that, in a few years, there will be available material to demonstrate the inequality of chance and treatment of the immigrants and people of color in France. The Specificity of the French Right Another problem embedded in a discussion of the treatment of races and minorities is the French Right. Consider that the dilemma of affirmative action and many factors concerning the application of an equitable social system have to be translated into laws by government and lawyers. A focus on legal statute is even more compelling for the French because in the U.S. or even in other countries like the U.K., we can briefly and schematically state that the legal system is based on jurisprudence when the French one is not. The French are judged by pre-established laws constituted and ratified by the judicial state system. Another obstacle to the development of legal recognition and protection of individuals by race and ethnicity rests with the burden of proof required for such protection. In France, the victims of discrimination have to prove that they have been the subjects of such actions whereas in the Anglo-Saxon system, the persons accused of discriminating against others have to prove that the allegations are false.
PANORAMA: THE SITUATION OF THE MINORITIES IN THE FRENCH SCHOOL SYSTEM In order to give some elements for understanding the status of minorities in the French educational system, I present a panorama of the institutional functioning and the place of second-generation immigrants in the school system. In France, enrollment at the university (classical, institute of technology, or professional school) is inexpensive (about 200 dollars for tuition, and 200 dollars for health insurance). Some private or semi-private schools are much more expensive and, as a result, disqualify a large part of the population. Contrary to the U.S., the private schools are not always the best educational institutions. From this point of view, the French system is relatively fair and equitable. Certainly the cost of studies is also determined,
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for example, by the acquisition of materials, rent for an apartment and meals. In order to meet these expenses, an equitable system of scholarships exists for the most needy students according to social criteria but can be suppressed in case of repeating a year. The only criterion for university entrance is obtaining the secondary degree ‘‘baccalaureate.’’ This exam validates the end of the secondary cycle by several written and oral parts on all subjects completed. The different grades are not considered as an entrance requirement and play a role only for the most prestigious schools. In spite of the relative affordability of French education, there are identified inequalities: selection results from decisions made prior to university, during high school, when most of the young North Africans and other minority immigrants have faced a system of guidance and rerouting before the baccalaureate. Schematically, one can say that the factors put forward by the statistical apparatus are of three types: social, geographical, and ethnic (and often, individuals accumulate these three ‘‘handicaps’’). As underscored by Agnes Van Zaten (2001), this tendency to social, ethnic, and educational differentiation in public education has been accentuated since 1980, especially in establishments called ‘‘sensitive’’ or situated in priority-zones, for the majority located in suburbs have the greatest concentration of students belonging to underprivileged social classes (63.1% and 60%, respectively) and foreign students (27.5% and 17.2%, respectively) as well as students behind their age group. Specifically the statistics show the number of foreigners and not the number of second- and thirdgeneration immigrants who could be estimated at 60% and more. Thus, teachers estimate that students for whom language mastery is a major problem comprise more than 40% of the students registered in these ‘‘difficult’’ zones, and measures taken to teach the French language to the young are insufficient to counter this problem. Given problems associated with geographical segregation. The French government has never considered any kind of bussing system in order to mix its population, but rather thinks today of putting barbed wire (cf. public speeches of Xavier Darco (minister associate to the minister of Education) and Luc Ferry (minister of Education)) around these high schools and metal detectors at their entrances. In a parallel manner, the socioprofessional hierarchy has been reinforced these last 20 years and has contributed in this way to the country’s geographical segregation in education (already important). Today’s estimates show that about 50% of families change their child’s sector in order to avoid enrolling him in a ‘‘problem’’ sector. The problem of urban segregation is reinforced by the obligatory geographical distribution imposed by the carte scolaire (school map) (Dubet,
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2000; Dubet & et Bellat, 2000). In reality, this map translates to ‘‘obligatory repartition districts.’’ In essence, individuals from low-income backgrounds find it extremely difficult to escape the territory from which they came, and middle-class parents employ different types of strategies to deal with the academic system and to leave affected areas. Added to this context is a complex structure of guidance, where the principle of a unique program for every student in each high school (what we call the ‘‘college unique’’) and very negative images of these zones operate to influence the ways that students are seen by teachers and how they view themselves, especially if they are second- and third-generation immigrants. The problem that France has to deal with is that even if citizens already know that second- and third-generation immigrants accumulate all the handicaps during their education before university, they would struggle to support affirmative action based on ethnic origins. The government still maintains that social affirmative action is more effective than racial affirmative action. By tradition inherited from a century of struggle, the French government distributes different kinds of social assistance for pupils, students, families, and institutions. It attempts to favor and address social equity. Most of the politicians in charge with the problem of affirmative action in France refuse to understand that the social equity cannot replace the racial one in terms of efficiency, diversity and in terms of recognition. This reasoning confronts the recent conservative directives and a global context now more hostile than ever for increased equity and equality in the educational system. Since May 2002, the French government has been a republican, conservative one. The Minister of Education, Luc Ferry, adopts a position that is strongly against any kind of affirmative action (Ferry, 2002). Specifically, he pretends to fight against any form of particulturalism or communitarism. He frequently uses the word communauterism instead of racism and uses the terms interchangeably. At the time of the Bellagio meeting (March, 2003), the Minister of Education was evoking the end of gender mixing in school. On a different point but addressing the same concern for separation, he was arguing for a split of general education and attempting to pass a program to match professional and general education before high school. The French government recently inaugurated a new security program that was elected, in a part, because of the collective fear created by the media on the security threat in the country due to young North African immigrants. This collective state of mind authorizes the Minister of Education to struggle for the reopening of the penal institutions for young people and to suppress the Ordonnance of 1945, which forbids incarcerating anyone under the age of
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eighteen. At the same time, the government worked on a very strong repressive structure in schools. They eliminated many auxiliaries and proposed to replace them by police. Today, proposals continue to erect barbed wire and metal detectors in schools with ‘‘problems’’ and where about 60–70% of the students are immigrants (especially from North African or Black African backgrounds). These political and social contexts created tensions and feelings of exclusion by the young people. Mariam, a black 15-year-old, confided to me that she has the feeling of being in jail, viewing it as the only option that the government has to propose for her future.
WHY AND HOW TO POSTULATE DIVERSITY AND RECOGNITION France must face the problem of diversity today in its system of education. Foremost, it needs to recognize that society changes, and the country is now a nation of more immigrants than it had in 1789. In addition, the European Community would like to organize effective public policies on affirmative action that require alignment with the French system. Some countries in Europe are more communitarian, such as Great Britain, but an effective plan would need to consider all variations and interpretations of equity. Today in France, nothing is done for increasing diversity at the university. The government attempts to make higher education more accessible to the under classes without great success. Reports in the U.S. show that on July 20, 1995, the Board of Regents of the University of California adopted a policy forbidding the use of race, religion, sex, skin color, ethnicity or origins as an admission criteria (Sabbah, 2002). Then in 1996, affirmative action was restricted in Texas and, after a referendum (California Civil Rights Initiative), Proposition 209 was voted into law (approved by 54.6% of California voters that year). Two years later, the same thing happened in Washington State (by 58% of the voters). In February 2000, Governor Jeb Bush made additional restrictions to affirmative action in Florida. The consequences of these actions include decreased diversity and representation, especially for African Americans and Latinos, in higher education institutions across the U.S. My point here is that the arguments used by Ward Connelly, Jed Bush and others against affirmative action in the universities are similar to the ones used by the French Right and Left wings. What happens in the U.S. on affirmative action is important because of the symbol of legal application. The U.S. is used as a counter example for
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the French to demonstrate the need for greater community. The U.S. illustrates a country divided by race and racial demands and organized geographically by ghettos. The regression of affirmative action in U.S. universities is shown in France as the confirmation of its failure. This example constitutes a strong argument for those against affirmative action. To progress on more equitable participation in education for all its residents, the French will need to abandon the idea that particularism, community and affirmative action create ghettos. This logic, used to criticize the North American model, suggests that differences and special treatments for minorities encourages a segregationist system and prevents a mixed society. The politicians and philosophers want to convince the French population that if you recognize the differences as a vector of affirmative action, you reinforce the differences. If you reinforce them, then, people will define themselves by these differences and will share the preoccupation to regroup themselves around the racial criteria. In order to readjust the number of young from a racial minority, the Institute of Political Science of Paris (IEP) started a symbolic initiative last year. A survey4 of the school population showed there was an underrepresentation of the under classes (0.5% of workers’ children and 71.5% of children coming from the upper class were enrolled at the IEP). To solve the problem, the Institute chose to implement a different mode of application through distinct entrance exams at a sample of high schools in the ZEP. Seventeen students accessed school this way; there was no quota and the selection was open. However, because a majority of North African and Blacks study in these ZEP areas, the measure also increased the number of North African and Blacks in the IEP school. Although the proposition fought against the overrepresentation of the elite, the parties involved knew the consequences in terms of race representation. Although the operation can be considered more of a publicity and marketing strategy to display the IEP’s very progressive decision (even if there is still very small progress that will concern less than 20 students each year), this measure has the merit of existing and of contributing to the progression of the debates and the public opinion.
THE NECESSITY TO RETURN TO THE ESSENCE OF THE AFFIRMATIVE ACTION STRUGGLE The arguments against affirmative action are gaining ground across the world’s universities and across the minds of some constituents in the U.S. and in France. The lobbyists who struggle against affirmative action won
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two big victories. The first one is explicit: the jurisdictions, the laws, and the conventions changed. The second victory involves the changes appearing in the students’ minds and specifically in the minds of those who benefit, or who could benefit, from affirmative action. Recently, I conducted a brief personal survey that included 20 Black and North African students about the necessity of affirmative action. I was very surprised to hear most of them using arguments against affirmative action and not only Republican ones (in the French ideology). In the end, most of them considered that affirmative action marginalized them by leading other students to believe that as minorities, they did not deserve to attend a university. They were afraid to be judged as different. Their statements highlight the contradictions surrounding our nation’s discourse on race and racism. Indeed, conservatives won a victory to reverse mentalities and to anchor in perceptions that the people who benefit from affirmative action are not qualified to attend universities. The worst is that they anchor this notion in the minds of the beneficiaries themselves. Consequently, if the myth spreads that specific populations ‘‘don’t deserve access to the University through affirmative action,’’ the legitimacy of those who were enrolled without any affirmative action is reinforced, and so too their power. It is crucial to restore a strong argument that states that meritocracy is not opposed to affirmative action. Thanks to the arguments of meritocracy and liberal justice, White Republicans (and the other republicans with them) restore their symbolic power in order to fix the idea that individuals who benefit from affirmative action do not deserve the situation they have. The idea of meritocracy used in this way to reinforce the privileges of the elite must not be allowed to constitute an argument of justice or even of equality. The new solution proposed to skirt the problem and to restore diversity is admission to universities based on the geographic area of the schools. This solution is inspired by the French way of dealing with this problem. The application of a preference for students coming from schools in problem areas discussed today in the U.S. was used in France since 1990. Since 2001, the Institute of Political Sciences of Paris decided to consider the geographical situation of the students in order to apply a different selection, with the desire for greater equity and better social representation in this establishment. Consequently, because most of the people coming from immigration are living in these areas, the IEP also hopes to increase the rate of people of color. But here again, we are confronted by another kind of conservative reaction: the reactions of the Right Student Union (UNI), some intellectuals, most of the parents and the Right Wing in general, was that entrance of the population coming from the ZEP will depress the value of the diploma.
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These arguments are ethically unacceptable because they reduce the value not only of the students but also of the universities themselves and their efficiency. As university members, as teachers and professors, we must fight this position and defend the fact that the purpose of a university is not to recruit the best students but to make them the best. We can also guess that these kinds of arguments will be used by the conservatives when some states choose to practice a selection of students coming from the poorest neighborhoods.
THE STRONG NECESSITY TO RESTORE AND MAINTAIN AN ARGUMENT TO SUPPORT DIVERSITY AND RECOGNITION Educators need to restore an argument in terms of diversity and recognition and they need to defend this position in every sphere, be it ethnic, social, or geographical, without putting each one in conflict with the others. We have to face the obstacles of each context developed by our nations without sinking into the fake debates put on the stage by the conservatives. In France, we do not have to focus on the lack of statistics, but we have to go forward to still defend the principle of recognition. My point is that the creation of a statistical category is a real problem. These kinds of quantitative studies are a fundamental way to have another modality of proof and cannot be considered as an overestimation of the ontological status. Such data gathering also provides for a base to defend indirect discrimination, especially concerning the higher education system. However, because we are not allowed by the constitution to do such a statistical studies, our French system should deal with the problem of discrimination and diversity with the political, sociological and ethical arguments on multiculturalism (see Charles Taylor, 1992) and those on recognition developed by Axel Honneth (1992). We have to argue with ethical and philosophical arguments as the principle of recognition. In fact, the question of the affirmative action is not a question of data. The observations and the analysis of the facts, in a society where the origins are a handicap, can be enough to promote the creation of more justice. A socio-philosophical and moral argument would be even stronger than data with their failures, their flexibility and the different possibilities of their interpretations. France has to deal with this imperative – first, for a question of social balance and because of the demand of the European community.
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A NEW CHALLENGE FOR EUROPE, AND FRANCE IN EUROPE The Union is built on the value of respect, human dignity, liberty, democracy, the State of Rights and the respect of human rights, values which are shared by the member states. It (the EU) targets a peaceful society practicing tolerance, justice and solidarity. Treaty for a European constitution (European Convention, 2003)
Since 1997 and the Amsterdam treaty, the EU attempts to take measures to combat discrimination. Article 13 stipulates that the European Council could take any appropriate measures to fight all kinds of discrimination based on gender, race, nationality, ethnic origin, religion, belief or handicap, age or sexual orientation. In 2000, the EU global directives on antidiscrimination were negotiated and adopted (Geddes & Guiraudon, 2002). It was a long process due to the complexity of the structure, the other priorities for the EU, and the distance separating the different systems of countries such as the Anglo-Dutch legislation, the French or the German ones. Still today, the EU takes positive action on these questions. The big challenge now is to harmonize European interests in racial diversity legislation to tackle the problems of discrimination. In education, and specifically in the higher education sector, nothing seems to be written yet. The priority of the EU seems to be to harmonize the diplomas and the programs. In two years, the EU will be ready to adopt the Anglo-Saxon system (License, Master, Ph.D.). However the next step is to propose a measure or a law capable of restoring diversity on the campus. Nowadays, France still refuses to use the word race in any kind of law, article or treaty, but the lawyers have found ways to skirt the issue by permitting people to complain for any discrimination due to the patronymic or the physical appearance. For instance, one would not say, ‘‘I have been discriminated against because I’m black, or Arab’’ but ‘‘because my name is Mohamed Abdel Kedir’’ or ‘‘because I look like an Arab’’ and so on. Whatever ways that the French will escape confronting their legislation with the reality of the composition of our minorities, educators can hope that, in spite of these designations, changes will occur. However, we have to continue to struggle in order to change minds and make acceptable the recognition of the minorities and then give voice to their reality. For the moment, the difficulty faced in France is one of applying affirmative action with colorblindness. That means, in a way, that we have to propose a ‘‘deracialized’’ way of affirmative action and, at the same time, we have to conserve the arguments of diversity and representation in order to defend
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the affirmative action principles. Some lawyers have started to think in this way. The evolution of these problems will most likely give them some surprises and a lot of work. And today, if our quest is explicit, it will be a huge and complex challenge.
LAICITY: FROM TOLERANCE TO EXCLUSION Just after our meeting in Bellagio, a debate arose in France concerning the appropriateness of wearing a Muslim scarf in school. This article would have been incomplete if I did not add a section on this subject, which is at the heart of the problem of discrimination in the French school system. It would be too long to detail the whole debate since the 1980s when that phenomenon began to be seen as a stain on the so-called neutrality of the Laic Republic but I wanted to make a point on the recent discussion of this phenomenon. Since June 2003, the government has decided to bring back this preoccupation. After months of discussion, on December 17, 2004, President Jacques Chirac ended the debates by stipulating that wearing the Muslim scarf in school was a political act that disturbs the public order in public schools. In fact, this act was judged ‘‘ostentatios’’ and in opposition to the neutrality instituted by the separation of the state and the churches (Law of 1905). Thus, to demonstrate a religious affiliation was considered a menace to the laic order of our national unity. Consequently, a law was voted to evict immediately every person who wore an ostentatious religious sign in school. Because of the Islamic traditions governing the dress of young women, only females will be ejected from the school system. We can affirm that, by the way, this measure is sexist. The question remains then, ‘‘Where could young Muslim women go if they want or have to wear their scarves?’’ In a private Islamic school? Even if Islam is the second most popular religion observed in France, the country does not yet have any private Muslim schools. On another hand, if we used to have Muslim schools, one could understand that they could not constitute an answer to ‘‘living together’’ that the government is supposed to defend in its positions. In order to understand the complexity and the particularity of the French position, one has to go back to the principle of laicity. For that purpose, I propose to go to the Stasi Commission (Commission de re´flexion sur l’application du principe de laı¨ cite´ dans la re´publique, 20035), which was organized by the government and the President himself in order to propose a solution to preserve the laicity in France. It united some sociologists,
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philosophers, political scientists, teachers, historians, politicians, lawyers, and school administrators. The commission presented the definition of that political ideology in these terms: The French Republic was built on laicity. Every democratic state respects the freedom of conscience and the principle of non-discrimination; they have different forms of distinction between the political and the religious or the spiritual. But France has placed laicity as a founding principle. This one had a real consensus: everybody recognizes ity. In a context of tensions and self-doubt, it’s important to show the ‘‘living principles.’’ Laicity is built on three indissociable values: liberty of conscience, equality of rights for the spiritual and religious orientation of every one, the neutrality of the political power. The freedom of conscience permits each citizen to choose freely his spiritual or religious way. Equality of rights prohibits every kind of discrimination or constraint and the state gives no privilege to one or another. Indeed, the political power recognizes its boundaries and must not intervene in the religious or spiritual fields (Commission Stasi, 2003).
According to this principle of laicity, no religion can be taught inside the school of the Republic; the teachers, as employees of the state, have to be totally neutral on this question and they too cannot wear religious signs. But what about the students? At this stage, one probably wonders how, from that point of view of tolerance included in the real definition of laicity, can the government adopt a law that forbids wearing the Muslim scarf in public schools. In fact, following the principles of laicity, anyone is free to choose the religion he wants, so long as he does not use it to trouble the Republican order. This is a basic human right. To arrive to ban, the government used an old article of law (Article 1) of 1905 (separation of state and churches) that stipulates: ‘‘the Republic assures liberty of conscience. It guarantees liberty of religious practice with the lone restrictions listed hereafter in the interest of public order.’’ The government also declared that wearing the Muslim scarf was a political act that went against the public order. The arguments mobilized to justify that point were not very explicit. They appeared in a sentence of the report, ‘‘in schools, wearing a ostensible religious sign – big cross, kippa, scarf – is enough to trouble the scholarly life. But the difficulties are far from this mediatized point’’ (Stasi Commission, 2003, p. 39). In fact, the problems evoked by the commission are not a question of religious signs but the attitude of certain Muslims who are said to be contesting some parts of the school program and the obligation of going to the mixed swimming pool for sport classes. The attachment to Islam for the Muslim community seems stronger today than ever and some radical behavior seems to increase in our country. That is what terrorizes the French
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government and the French in general. But none of them are really described or clearly identified as real dangers. The real problem is probably for the members of the Muslim community, who want to observe their religion in a moderate way. I support strongly that everything has to be done in order to allow the women in France to protect their rights, their independence and their own choices of life. But, if it were the purpose of the government, a law to exclude them cannot be, in any way, a way to protect their rights. At the same time, the closing of the planning familial (the ‘‘planning Familial’’ are social centers of information concerning family problems, abortion, contraception, violence, etc) and many other associations built to protect women and their fight for the gender equality in France suggests a less than supportive attitude from government on this question. It is surprising that nobody seems aware to ask the question why, in our laic Republic, which is supposed to be ‘‘so consensual,’’ do people claim to be in opposition to certain principles, which go against their religion? Finding the answer could be the first step to a real solution of French unity. The interdiction pronounced by the government cannot be a solution. It is just a way to reinforce the dominance of authority. We have to remember that tolerance of religions is a fundamental principle. As Paul Ricoeur and Monique Canto-Sperber (2003) write, the reasons why France could restrict this fundamental principle have to be clear and legitimate. Then they ask a fundamental question: Are the students the agents of the state or are they coming from a society built on differences, relationships and different cultural habits? To educate them, must we deculturize them? The situation is turning into paranoia. A recent protest included about 10,000 people in Paris was viewed by a centrist newspaper as ‘‘the protest which frightened’’ (Le Monde, 22 December, 2003). Just earlier, a conservative newspaper Le Figaro printed an article titled ‘‘Laicity: France is Still a Catholic Country’’; another one, declared ‘‘Muslim comunautarism: a new danger.’’ These examples do not address how the Muslim community is split in different parts from those more attached to the religious traditions to the more laic. Some in the Muslim community see this law as an offence, while others support it. The consequences of such a situation are quite predictable: radicalism grows from both sides and it is a very dangerous situation for each French citizen. The only point of agreement is the intolerance of the positions. I contend that we have to find a solution to live together. Sharing public education all together in our differences is the best and only way to build better mutual understanding. Exclusion can never be a solution. It creates
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ghettos, frustration, hatred and radicalisms. Today, the problem we have to face stems from a much deeper problem: the fear of the Other, the fear of changes by adaptation to the Others on each side of our differences.
NOTES 1. The EU defines the term positive action in the following way: The directives recognise explicitly that outlawing discrimination will not necessarily be enough by itself to ensure genuine equality of opportunity for everyone in society. Specific measures might be called for to compensate for disadvantages arising from a person’s racial or ethnic origin, age or other characteristics which might lead to them being treated unfairly. For example, ethnic minorities may need special training and specific help to have a reasonable chance of finding a job. Putting on training courses or making different arrangements especially for them are ways of improving their chances. The directives allow positive action of this kind to be undertaken and do not regard it as infringing the principle of equal treatment. 2. The suburbs in France are the poorest areas, where most of the immigrants and incidentally, peoples of color live. 3. This conference was in 2002 and this point had changed since then. 4. Convention ZEP, l’excellence dans la diversite´, Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris. 5. Commission de re´flexion sur l’application du principe de laı¨ cite´ dans la re´publique; rapport au president de la re´publique, de´cembre 11 2003 (the Stasi Commission Members: Mohammed Arkoun, Jean Banberot, Hanifa Charifi, Jacqueline Costa Laswux, Regis Debray, Michel Delebane, Nicole Guedj, Gislaine Hudson, Gilles Kepel, Marcean Long, Nelly din, Henri Pena-Ruiz, Gaye Petek, Maurice Quenet, Rene Remond, Raymond Soubil, Alam Touraino, Patrick lueil).
REFERENCES Amselle, J. (1996). Vers un multiculturalisme franc- ais. Paris: Champs Flamarion. Bourdieu, P. (1964). Les he´ritiers, les e´tudiants et la culture, Minuit. Bourdieu, P. (1970). La Distinction, Critique sociale du jugement, Minuit. Bourdieu, P. (1979). la distintion, critique sociale du fugement, Minuit. Calves, G. (2002). ‘Il n’y a pas de race ici’: Le mode`le franc- ais a` l’e´preuve de l’inte´gration europe´enne. Paper presented at the CERI (Center of International Political Studies) Conference. Commission de re´flexion sur l’application du principe de laı¨ cite´ dans la re´publique. (11 December, 2003). Rapport au president de la re´publique. Dubet, F. (1998). Le Sociologue de l’e´ductaion. Le Magazine litte´raire, (october), 45–47. Dubet, F. (2000). Unite du system el autonome ds etablissements in Caluei’s pedogogiques, 383, 44–50.
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Dubet, F., & et Bellat, D. (2000). L’hypocrisie scolaire, pour un colle´ge enfin de´mocratique. Paris Seuil. European Convention. (2003). Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe. Retrieved from http://european-convention.eu.int Ferry, L. (2002). Le philosophe ministre. Le Monde, 9 May. Geddes, A., & Guiraudon, V. (2002, November). Anti-discrimination policy: The emergence of a EU policy paradigm amidst contratsted national models. Paper presented at a workshop in Oxford, England. Honneth, A. (1992). Kampf um Anerkennung. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag. Ricoeur, P., & Canto-Sperber, M. (2003). Une laı¨ cite´ d’exclusion est le meilleurs ennemi de l’e´galite´. Le Monde, December 11. Sabbah, D. (2002). La fin de l’Affirmative action dans les universite´s ame´ricaines? Paper presented at the CERI (Center of International Political Studies) Conference. Simon, P. (1999). Nationality and Origins in French Statistics in Population, 93–220. Stavo Debauge, J. (2000). Chronologie de ka controverse. Colloque d’Amiens. Historicite´ de l’action publique. Taylor, C. (1992). Multiculturalism and the politics of recognition. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Tribalat, M. (1995). Faire France: Une enqueˆte sur les immigre´s et leurs enfants. Paris: La De´couverte. Van Zaten, A. (2001). L’e´cole de la pe´riphe´rie, Scolarite´ et se´gre´gation en Banlieue. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
POLISH UNIVERSITIES AS A PLACE OF STUDY AND ACADEMIC CAREERS: CLASS AND GENDER CONSIDERATIONS Renata Siemien˜ska INTRODUCTION The second half of the twentieth century brought an enormous rise in the education level in almost all Eastern European countries. Education became a mass phenomenon. Many new universities emerged, and the number of their employees engaged in research and teaching increased. The dominance of the rule of rationality as the basis for action in contemporary societies – basing promotion in many fields upon meritocratic criterion, and the increasing demand for experts in almost all areas – makes the members of many social classes, particularly those of the middle class, believe that higher education offers the opportunity for promotion. The characteristics of students (who, in many countries, come from the middle class), as well as the characteristics of research and education staff, are changing (Scott, 1995). Politicians and businessmen are looking for experts and advisors from the academic world. They engage in complex relations with universities where they earned their diplomas, as well as with alumni who completed their education at the same university and later became Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 51–90 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05003-5
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members of political, economic and cultural elites. Being ‘‘products’’ of specific universities and occupying positions in the structures of power and significant interest groups, they influence reality, opting for certain political and economical solutions often consistent with the theoretical concepts dominant at the universities where they once studied. They also allocate research resources and have some influence in educational policy (Dickman, 1993; Nisbet, 1980). Therefore, it matters who studies, who stays at universities and research institutes afterwards, who seeks outside employment and where an individual earned his or her diploma. At the same time, we have to realize that the decision of choosing a certain direction in education and, it follows, the type of academic career, outside roles (as experts, politicians, businessmen, managers, etc.) or stage in career outside the academic world are conditioned by various factors during different stages of education and after. In this chapter, I will discuss (1) the role of class and gender as factors determining access to study in higher education institutions and (2) gender differences in careers in academe. Women in Poland like elsewhere are highly underrepresented in top positions and in decision-making bodies in academe. I would like to demonstrate that some increase in the number of women in those positions may not necessarily be a result only of the diminishing level of discrimination against women in the country or in some segments of the labour market. In fact, combinations of different factors can cause such change. I will demonstrate this assumption by analyzing in detail women’s and men’s academic careers. The basic hypothesis here refers to the relation between the situation of science and education offered by universities in Poland in the 1990s and the course of academic careers. The decrease of funds for education and research, as well as worsening of standards of living of persons employed by these institutions, results in a slowdown of academic careers, measured by time intervals between earning consequent university degrees. Another hypothesis refers to changes in the structure of academic professions. The worsening situation of its representatives with regard to two aspects – chances to conduct scientific research and achieving satisfying material remuneration for work at research institutions and at universities – results in a change of employee structure. Owing to these reasons and the effect of the increased percentage of women among the students, the number of women working as university lecturers is increasing, albeit slowly. A question arises (1) whether there is a well-known pattern in which when the relative material situation of a given professional group worsens, men withdraw from engaging in this type of work and shift to another type or try to work out an
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adaptation strategy, allowing them to counteract the lowering of the standard of living quite effectively or (2) whether it is a tendency of equalization of opportunities for men and women in a profession traditionally perceived as designed for men. However, it cannot be stated to what extent each of these factors led to a change in proportion among the employed persons, since it is very difficult to balance their roles. Moreover, in the changing situation, growing unemployment makes academic careers with their relative stability attractive for those who, in other situations, would look for jobs outside the academe – in other words, whether men decide to stay in higher education institutions shaping different proportion between men and women working in higher education institutions.
EDUCATIONAL POLICY AND STRUCTURE OF STUDENTS IN HIGHER EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS UNDER THE COMMUNIST REGIME AND AFTER Class Structure of Students In Poland, under the communist regime, the number of youths served by various forms of education reflected the state Planning Commission’s projections of current and prospective workforce needs for skilled workers. The economy was centrally controlled by the state. Each year the number of people seeking university entrance exceeded the number of places planned for the various schools. In some university faculties (history, the arts, psychology, electronics), the number of candidates seeking admission and those undergoing examinations exceeded by many times the number of offered places. In other faculties (mathematics, physics), there were often not enough applicants. Therefore, the educational processes did not always completely follow the planners’ assumptions, even though spontaneous processes in this case played a marginal role. Under the communist regime, the school system was also planned on the basis of politics. The state ensured that youth from peasant and worker backgrounds accounted for a given age among university-level students. Attempts have been made to ensure peasant and worker enrollments by various methods. In the early post-war years, particularly in the 1950s, a system of preparatory courses was made available to enable workers and peasants enter university in a short period. In addition, a system was created
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in which the proportions of new students from different social backgrounds increased. This system, which gave preferential treatment in admission to youth from certain social groups, was strongly criticized during the economic and political crisis of 1956, and was consequently discarded at that time. Later, as a result of the clear underrepresentation of peasant and worker youth among students, a system of additional points for social origin was adopted. The aim was to equalize working-class youth’s chances of university entry. This system also met with society’s disapproval, as it discriminated against the children of the majority of the intelligentsia. Critics of the system stressed that the differentiation of chances did not occur in accordance with the current, formulated class definition of social origin. The system discriminated against youth from small towns, and the country and gave the edge to students from large cities; differences in level of knowledge were noted among the two, despite their various social origins. Results of studies have also demonstrated that the underrepresentation of youth of peasant and worker origins among university students was a result of their small numbers among university applicants. Persons living in rural areas were three times less likely to consider higher education than urban dwellers. This in turn was the result of a culturally conditioned concept of a life’s career in which many years of education culminate in a diploma and a relatively low-paying job – not an overly attractive prospect. Girls chose their career routes only after completing secondary school, but boys made their decision after they completed elementary school (Bialecki, 1997; Stasin´ska, 1986). When making the decision to choose a secondary school, social background on the first selection threshold accounted for 33 percent of the differentiation of boys’ school selection. On the second selection threshold, when making the decision after completing secondary school, social background accounted for only 11 percent. With regard to girls, the influence of social background was slightly lesser (29 percent) on the first threshold and greater on the second one (15 percent). The crisis at the beginning of the 1980s brought a new wave of discussion and harsh criticism on access to education. As a result, the system of points was again discarded and substituted by a hierarchy of preferences based on the background of persons attaining equal results in the exams. After the change of political system in 1989, any system balancing class proportion among students was terminated. The poor situation of the educational system – starting from kindergarten with a very small fraction of children who attend them, a limited number of extracurricular activities available for school-aged children, high costs of higher education especially in big cities
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Table 1.
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Students Receiving Stipends in Public Institutions of Higher Education in Period 1990–1999 (in Thousands). 1990
Students receiving stipends Total Social (because of low family income) Scientific (because of good results in learning) Number of students of daily studies
1995
1999
N % N % N % 1999:1990 1,620 100.0 1,590 100.0 1,990 100.0 1.23 1,290 80.0 790 50.0 910 46.0 0.71 530 33.0 1,010 64.0 1,300 65.0 2.45 2,950 4,200 5,480 1.86
Source: Szkolnictwo wyzsze. Dane podstawowe (Higher education. Basic information) 1991, 1996, 2000. Warsaw, MENiS.
and low number of stipends for students from poor families – is among the most important factors preventing the youth of economically poor social groups and from small towns from entering good higher education institutions. In the period 1990–2000, the number of students receiving stipends increased more slowly than the number of students of daily studies in public institutions of higher education. Also, the structure of stipends has been changed. The number of stipends given because of poor material conditions decreased, and the number of stipends given to students with good results in learning (the so-called scientific stipends) increased (Table 1). The readiness to take loans in order to study depends on the family’s material situation. For 62 percent of students with the lowest family income and 58 percent of students with the highest family income, loans are the only way to be able to study (Gulczynska, 2001). However, banks are not eager to give loans to students from poor families.
Gender Structure of Students After World War II, the number of women being educated rapidly increased, which has been congruent with the ideology of the newly established communist system emphasizing equality as a way, among others, to enlarge a reserve of a labour force (Siemien˜ska, 1989). In the 1980s, the number of women exceeded the number of men enrolled in university-level studies. The increased participation of women in some faculties led to the further feminization of professions that were already female dominated. Men had relatively lower interest in university-level studies and long-term studies because, contrary to the pre-war period, these forms of education did not guarantee well-paying jobs.
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
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Certain workers’ professions or even setting up one’s own small enterprise gave a chance of earning larger incomes. For women who wanted to avoid vocational careers and were unwilling to perform ‘‘dirty’’ and hard physical work, the white-collar work they can get with a secondary school or university-level education was attractive. Education had traditionally conferred high social status, even though in the post-war period, it had not been associated with increased incomes (Slomczynski & Wesolowski, 1973). The economic crisis of the early 1980s came as a shock to Poland. The ability to earn a living became more pressing, and the social appeal that education had traditionally held had been eclipsed for some time (Jasinska & Siemien˜ska, 1983). Until 1985, some institutions had quotas for women to be admitted in medicine and agriculture regardless of their number among the candidates. In Poland, women account for a considerably large percentage of law students; however, among Poland’s executive cadres, legal studies did not constitute a particularly desirable line of study under communist system as in other countries. More often than not, such persons graduate from schools of economics or technical universities or on the lower level of general and vocational secondary schools. The situation did not change much at the beginning of the 1990s with regard to local administrators (Siemien˜ska, 1994). Although women constituted a large proportion of the students in economics, they were rarely promoted to executive positions in economics or politics. Research has demonstrated that, in the case of girls and boys in the 1980s, different influences affect their decisions regarding further education (Stasin´ska, 1986). The girls’ selection of schools is whole time more strongly modelled on sex-role expectations and on convictions about personal dispositions (Bialecki, 1997; Siemien˜ska, 1997). According to a 1996 study, parents still select technical education for boys as the most preferable and, secondly, an economic one; in the case for girls, economic professions and medicine are preferred (Bialecki, 1997). Girls more often than boys aspire to professional status higher than that of their parents. The number of siblings also more strongly affects the educational plans of girls than boys; girls who are single children often wish to pursue university studies.
Continuing Education It is a common opinion that women who have both professional and household duties do not care about continuing education, since they concentrate on the family. However, this opinion was not confirmed under the communist
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system and later. In the 1980s, women comprised over one-half of the students in extramural and external studies. The exceptions here were evening studies, a relatively marginal form of completing education in Poland, where women accounted for only about one-quarter of all students. More than other forms of education, evening studies conflict with women’s everyday chores, and most of their studies were usually conducted in areas that women seldom choose. Women in Postgraduate and Doctoral Studies Women constituted a significant percentage of those completing higher education. However, they were seldom students in postgraduate and doctoral studies before the change of economic and political system at the end of the 1980s, despite there being a stable increase in the number of women in postgraduate programs. For example, the percentage of women enrolled in postgraduate studies was 24.6 percent in 1970 and 43.8 percent in 1985. The situation changed in the 1990s; in 1996/1997 women constituted 58 percent. In 2003, 70 percent. In 1970, women accounted for 35.5 percent of doctoral students, in 2003 48 percent and in 1985, 28.9 percent (Statistical Yearbook, 1986). In 1996/1997 women constituted 39.3 percent of doctoral students (Higher Schools in the School Year 1996/1997, 1997, Higher Schools and their Finances 2003, 2004). In summing up the changes that have taken place in women’s education since World War II, the increase in the number of women being educated must be stressed. In the 1980s, their number exceeded the number of men enrolled in university-level studies. The increased participation of women in some faculties has led to the further feminization of professions that were believed to be female dominated (Table 2). Gender Structure of Students in State and Non-State Higher Education Institutions The number of students increased several folds in the 1990s. The level of scholarization brutto (the proportion of students to all people in the relevant age cohort) changed from 12.9 percent in 1990/1991 to 43.6 percent in 2001/2002 (Higher Schools and their Finances in 2001, GUS:XIX). This increase was due to the creation of non-state university-level schools and the expansion of paid evening, extramural and external studies in the schools and public higher education institutions. The creation of non-state
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Table 2.
Women as a Percentage of University Students, by Field of Study, 1962–2000. 1971–1972
1985–1986
1990–1991
1996–1997
1999–2000
1,416 38.3
2,211 47.5
3,407 50.9
3,943 51.4
9,275 56.6
14,319 56.9
14.2 31.3
25.2 42.8 63.6 50.0
19.8 45.2 56.6 45.7
17.4 43.9 55.1 50.2
20.6 55.1
20.9 56.4
53.0 60.1 75.1
52.9 62.6 73.6
51.3 65.9 64.8
40.5 66.4 69.9
60.5 83.9 59.4 62.1 49.4 69.1 7.2 77.4 64.3 32.9
62.3 78.2 59.6 63.2 53.5 71.6 10.9 76.6 68.3 34.7 66.5 22.0
41.3
63.8 58.5
59.6 –– 45.2 ––
74.5 59.9
65.8 37.5 46.9 70.4
75.5 61.5
62.3 35.8 51.3 ––
75.4 60.4
63.8 37.3 50.8 32.9
6.4
Sources: For the years 1962–1986 Siemien˜ska, R. (1989) Poland. In: Gail P. Kelly, International Handbook of Women’s Education, New York-Westport, Connecticut-London, Greenwood Press, p. 342; for the years 1990–1991 Small Statistical Yearbook. (1991). Warsaw: Central Statistical Office. pp. 132–133; for the years 1996–1997 Small Statistical Yearbook. (1997). Warsaw, Central Statistical Office, p.192; for the year 1999–2000 Statistical Yearbook. (2000). Warsaw: Central Statistical Office. pp. 239–240.
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
Total number of students in thousands % of women in total Educational profile (% of women in total) Engineering Agriculture, forestry & fishery Economic Law & administration Law Commercial & business administration Humanities Mathematical Science Mathematics & computer science Natural science Medical science Physical education Fine & applied arts Educational science & teacher training Religion & theology Social sciences Architecture & town planning Home economics Transport & communication Mass communication & document Services Other Specialities of higher vocation schools Academies of the Ministry of National Defense Academies of the Ministry of the Interior & Administration
1962–1963
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
59
university-level schools after 1990 provided the opportunity to obtain cheaper education in smaller towns than is available in big university cities. The number of schools is growing over time. In 1994/1995, there were 56 schools having 49,578 students (including 32,736 women); in 2001/2002 there were 221 schools with 509,279 students (including 310,923 women). This means that one-third of all students (the total number was 1718.7 thousand) were studying in non-state higher schools, which mainly offer three-year BA study in management, marketing, banking and finances (Higher Schools and their Finances in 2001). Only 51 non-state schools had MA programmes. Fifty-five percent of the total number of Polish students were in paid evening, extramural and external studies. The income received in this way was a basis for functioning of non-state schools, and played a significant role in the budget of state higher schools. Without the income, the schools would not be able to maintain their activities. The experience of the 1990s shows that women, more often than men, chose the path of education. In 1996/1997, women constituted 66.7 percent of the total number of students of the schools; 14.1 percent of the total number of female graduates and 6.3 percent of the total number of male graduates received their diplomas in non-state higher education institutions in 1996 (Higher Schools in the School Year 1996/1997, 1997, p. 23). The new economic situation, where education was ruled by free market mechanisms, created a situation where women get education. However, women tend to get an education of lower quality than is offered by established universities, which will probably influence their future labour market opportunities. However, in the 1990s, the percentage of women students completing their studies increased, being especially high in non-state institutions of higher education. In 1996, women constituted 54 percent of students of evening studies and above 60 percent of students of extramural and external studies (Higher Schools in the School Year 1996/1997, 1997, p. 2). In the 1990s, the number of women was lower among students of daily studies than those of other forms, and women were in higher number in non-state educational institutions. This shows that women, while continuing to get education in the new conditions regulated by free market mechanisms, select shorter forms (non-state educational institutions often offer only three-year studies) and, in many cases, get cheaper education because of their availability in smaller towns. The number of women students is still systematically increasing: they made up 50.2 percent of all students in 1990 and 56.8 percent in 1999/2000. As previously stated, more often they select extramural, external or evening studies; in 1999/2000, they made up 53.4 percent of all full-time students
60
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
(Statistical Yearbook, 1998(1998) p. 239). Their percentage among students of non-state universities is decreasing: 66 percent in 1994/1995 and 62.5 percent in 1999/2000 (Statistical Yearbook, 2000). Costs for education remain an important factor influencing the choice of type of university and education system: more in the case of women than men. Women choose cheaper solutions; therefore, the worsening material situation of a large part of the society influences mostly the education of women. It will exclude them from some careers, such as an academic one where the potential staff have the best academic background.
Class and Gender as Factors Facilitating or Hampering Academic Careers Scientific work has traditionally been considered men’s work, even though by the close of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, a certain number of women had been successful in science. For this reason, we may assume that women from families in which not only the fathers but also the mothers are university educated will be more frequently willing to embark on scientific and academic careers. In such cases, the parents provide a combined career role model. Moreover, the profession of university professor was ranked first in level of social prestige (Slomczynski & Wesolowski, 1973). The analysis of the social backgrounds of academics specialized in mathematics, physics, biology and the technical and economic sciences carried out in 1979 by Cichomski demonstrated that the relationship between an intellectual background and academic work, although existing among both men and women, is stronger in the case of the latter. Some 38.8 percent of the women and 27.5 percent of the men sampled had fathers who, because of the work they did, belonged to the intelligentsia. The fathers of women working in the social sciences tended less frequently (30.5 percent) to come from the intelligentsia than the fathers of women in other disciplinary fields; on the other hand, more of these women had fathers of working-class origin than did academic women in other disciplinary areas (22.0 percent). The intergenerational continuation of academic work was least frequent in both sexes undertaking technical academic work. In general, in accordance with the previously presented hypothesis, the daughters tend more frequently than the sons to follow in their parents’ footsteps with regard to career choice. One should also note that the level of the mother’s education is of some significance with regard to her daughter’s choice of an academic career: the mothers of women academics in all the areas studied had higher levels of education than the mothers of male academics.
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
61
Generally speaking, the parents of male academic workers in technological areas had lower levels of education and socio-professional status than the parents of male academic workers in any of the other areas surveyed. The same is held true of women working in the social sciences. Apart from the thesis presented above to the effect that the existence of a family ‘‘precedent’’ will encourage the daughters to undertake careers traditionally perceived as ‘‘men’s work,’’ the differences between women and men noted above may be explained as follows: the higher educational level of parents contributes to the overcoming of stereotypes of what are considered ‘‘men’s jobs’’ and ‘‘women’s jobs.’’ More importantly, men have more possibilities than women of undertaking various types of work and thereby attaining professional positions leading to high social status. If women wish to retain the social status of their parents, they are in a sense ‘‘forced’’ to go into academic work. If the father’s educational level was higher than that of the mother, the daughter’s career choice was primarily determined by the need to maintain the intergenerational status of the father. In addition, women destined for academic careers, compared to other women, were frequently born in and exposed to the socialization process of large cities (where they attended primary and secondary schools). They were therefore brought up in social environments characterized by greater receptivity to change. Moreover, the fact that academics of both genders employed in technology and the social sciences attended secondary schools in relatively larger cities may in a sense be considered as an ‘‘equalization’’ factor regarding the parents’ relatively lower socio-professional status. A study conducted in 1982–1983, which focused only on women associate professors, extraordinary professors and full professors, supports the thesis advanced above with regard to the formative role of the family environment in the choice of an academic career. Of the persons who began to think about an academic career at an early age, 85 percent stated that the atmosphere in their homes facilitated the development of their interest in scholarship and science. Even in the case of women who chose academic careers later in life, majority cited their favourable family environments (Iwaszczyszyn, 1986, p. 278). Asked directly about their husbands’ or partners’ attitudes, 85 percent of the respondents reported positive attitudes. Only 6 percent mentioned a decidedly unfavourable attitude. Moreover, 67 percent of the women polled stressed that their husbands (partners) encouraged them in their research. The 2003 study1 of full professors showed that their parents were more educated and occupied higher positions relatively more often than other members of their age cohorts (see Figs. 1 and 2). One-third of women and men
Men Women
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Mother’s Profession/Position when Respondent was 14 Years Old (Study of Full Professors in Poland, 2003).
Fig. 2.
Father’s Profession/Position when Respondent was 14 Years Old (Study of Full Professors in Poland, 2003). Fig. 1.
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA 62
20
15
10
5
0
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
63
had fathers who had university-level education and about 16 percent of them mothers (while in the generation, 4 percent of people had university education). There are also some gender differences: significantly less women (14 percent) than men (23 percent) had fathers and mothers (23 percent of women and 36 percent of men) who completed only primary school. Women (24 percent) more often than men (7.5 percent) have spouses or informal partners who have higher scientific degrees or titles than Ph.D. (habilitation, title and positions of professor). The tendency concerning social and cultural capital differences of men and women found almost 20 years ago is maintained. The family situations of women scientists and academics differ from the average characteristic for society. Among them there are relatively more single women (16 percent) and divorcees (15 percent) than the norm. A larger proportion has no children at all (31 percent) or only one child (33 percent) or two children (30 percent) (Iwaszczyszyn, 1986). Recently (according to the 2003 study of full professors), there were fewer women (11 percent) than before who have never been married or had an informal partner. Perhaps the scientific career of women became something more ‘‘natural’’ and is considered as a profession that may be reconciled with a family life. The data presented above do not support generalizations as to the extent to which personal situations were decisive for the choice of academic or scientific careers (as a form of compensation) or the extent to which the family model adopted (or not adopted) as a result from a wish to minimize the conflict between the requirements of an academic/scientific career and family duties. Owing to lack of recent studies on other faculty members than full professors, the extent to which their social background differs from those describe above cannot be known. We may assume that in the new political and economic conditions when political party membership is not an important factor facilitating access to managerial positions in the economic area, a number of young people from intelligentsia backgrounds are choosing other types of careers than an academic one. However, the assumption has to be verified by the new study on career of the young generation of scientists. The generation of actual professors made their decisions concerning their careers before the change of political and economic systems.
Women as Faculty Members The number of women academics employed in higher education institutions has not increased as rapidly and is far from having reached the
64
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
same proportion as that of women students after World War II. Is this small proportion only proof of discrimination? The problem is more complicated. Possibly the smaller number of women assistants than male ones is the result not so much of discrimination, but of the uneven distribution of women in the various faculties and the fact that the number of assistants hired vary in proportion to the number of students in given faculties. A question that should also be asked – even though no answer is yet available – is to what extent women really wish to become academics. Another question to ponder is the extent to which this decision is made for women graduates by the academic authorities. The fact remains that if smaller numbers of women than men ‘‘start out’’ as assistants, there will be fewer women available in the future to fill ranking positions in science. For years, women students in postgraduate and doctoral studies were rare, despite a stable increase in their numbers. In the period 1970–1990, fewer women have earned advanced degrees (excluding the MA or the MD) than men.2 Among those awarded the Ph.D., the 3proportion of women varied between 27 and 32 percent. The proportion of women (21 percent) among those awarded the degree of habilitated doctor (the most advanced degree in Poland) remained stable throughout the entire period. Women constituted 35 percent of the total number of assistants in 1970, 39 percent in 1980 and 44 percent in 1996. In the 1980s, the relative numbers of women earning the position of extraordinary professor increased, a figure approximating that of the proportion of women earning the degree of habilitated doctor. The percentage of women who have obtained the title of full professor was slightly smaller in the period (Siemien˜ska, 1992) (Table 3).
SITUATION OF INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE 1990S The change of economic system caused the increased need for people prepared to work in a modernizing economy. The same changes resulted in a high level of unemployment. A large number of men and an even higher number of women lost their jobs in the early 1990s. The new economic situation resulted in the increase of students admitted to state universities and new non-state schools of secondary and university level, which led to numbers three times larger in the 1990s (Higher Schools and their Finances 1999, 2000).
1970–1971 1980–1981 1985–1986 1988–1989 1989–1990 1990–1991 1996–1997a 1999–2000 2000–2001
Women Academic Teaching Staff Members in Higher Education Institutions (in Percent).
Total
Professors
Associate Professors
Assistant Professors
Assistants
Lecturers
Librarians
Others
30.7 35.1 35.1 36.3 40.1 37.0 37.7 38.4 39.2
8.6 11.2 12.9 13.2 13.8 15.1 17.3 18.4 19.4
13.2 17.6 19.4 19.7 20.0 19.3 16.6 20.1 16.2
32.8 33.1 33.3 33.4 34.3 34.6 34.2 35.1 36.9
35.0 39.3 38.5 41.9 46.2 43.1 44.5 46.9 48.2
26.6 38.6 43.8 46.1 45.7 49.4 53.7 54.8b 54.4
69.1 78.8 79.3 79.9 79.8 77.9 88.4 : 87.9
52.3 65.5 58.8 58.5 : 59.1 65.0 : 67.4
Source: Author’s calculations based on GUS–Central Statistical Office 1991; Education 1990–1991 (1991), GUS: 172; Higher Schools and their Finances in 2001, GUS:126–127. a Education in the School Year 1996/97 (1997). Warsaw: GUS, 1997, pp. 84–85, Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Poland 2000 (2000), Warsaw: GUS – Central Statistical Office, 2000, p. 243, and author’s calculations. b The percentage of women includes following groups: lecturers, librarians and others.
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Table 3.
65
66
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
The transformation of an economic system from command to free market in Poland, however, caused marginalization of science. The decision-makers in the post-communist period treated the science sector as one that could survive difficult times on its own; however, science became a silent loser. The percentage of outlays on science in the national income distributed has declined over the years to reach 0.47 percent in 1998. In the late 1980s, it consisted of over 1 percent. The salary of the university professor in 1994 was worth half his/her salary of 1989 (Jalowiecki, Hryniewicz, & Mync, 1994). Chojnicki and Czyz (1994) wrote: The drastically low financial outlays for science in Poland, which over the last three years varied between 1.3 percent and 1.1 percent of national income distributed, reduce science to a mere survival level and bring about a sort of depreciation of scientific staff and their outflow abroad. This makes progress impossible in those basic studies of an experimental nature, which depend on expensive apparatuses, as well as in technological research. Such a situation leads to Poland’s increased technological dependence and purchase of still more licences, while weakening the position and role of its science in making practical activities more efficient.
The research results, published in April 2001, show that the salaries in education are the lowest. The average gross monthly salary in this sector was equal to PLN 2004, while in state administration it is PLN 4383, and in banking and finances, PN 14 419. The author of the article wrote explicitly: ‘‘the bank is on the top, the school is on the bottom’’ (Staruchowicz, 2001). Thus, differences between sectors are huge, showing that the diversity of incomes in the national economy is increasing and that education has become a traditional loser in this field during the last decade. The argument that data for the whole sector include both the highly educated staff and primary and secondary school teachers, and therefore the diversity of incomes in this group is large, is not defendable. The income data for individual positions (Rzeczpospolita, Polityka, Gazeta Wyborcza, 2001) demonstrate a great flattening of incomes in this sector as well as in higher education and research institutions. This leads to a simple conclusion that an academic career, as a source of income, is attractive neither at the beginning nor from the perspective of future income, after a period of sacrifice.
External and Internal Brain Drain from Academia The recent economic situation of science combined with an earlier political one (repression of political opposition) caused a large emigration of scientists from Poland and, within the country, to other sectors. After 1989, we
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
67
could also observe mass migration of academic staff to other sectors in Poland. Permanent migrations of Polish scientists in the years 1992–1993, as compared to the period 1989–1991, did not decrease. In the early 1990s, the average annual number of migrants totalled 191, while in the second period it amounted to 218. Persons migrating abroad are most often representatives of such fields as mathematics, informatics, biology, physics and chemistry. One of the most important reasons for migration is the possibility of finding better conditions for scientific work. However, the internal brain drain (in terms of the Polish labour market) causes more losses in scientific and university staff. While in the 1980s the internal brain drain involved 286 persons annually, in the early 1990s it was as many as 1,088 persons mainly from economics and management, mathematics and informatics, social sciences and law, and biology. Scientists (mostly up to 35 years old around 1990) moving to other occupations at home find employment mainly in private domestic or foreign firms, and some of the former research staff start a business of their own. Forty percent of employers (1,052 firms answered questionnaires) preferred men to women as potential employees; for other employers, gender did not make a difference (Hryniewicz & Jalowiecki, 1994). In 1993, 69 percent of men and 57 percent of women employed in higher education institutions have had additional income (besides a university salary) by working, for example, in different companies or teaching extra courses in private higher education institutions (Wnuk-Lipinska, 1996). Faculty members of humanities, social sciences, law and economics often have had additional jobs as lecturers. A large number (58 percent) of faculty members revealed that they wanted to change jobs at least temporarily. The same trend has been observed in the following years. For instance, among the postgraduate students, 26.9 percent worked in 1999, while in some fields such as economy and pharmacy, the working ones were the majority. In law and medicine, they made up more than half; in other fields, it was less than that (Higher Schools and their Finances 2003, 2004). These differences can be partially explained by the varying demand for employees with specific education, but we should also realize that in some fields (e.g., the military service), postgraduate studies are undertaken mostly by the employees of a given sector. The leaving scientists cannot be replaced easily by new graduates, who do not see their life career in academia and, even if some of them want to work there, they do not have proper experience and professional accomplishments. Therefore, it is reasonable to discuss a ‘‘generation gap’’ observed in higher education and research institutions. Today it is difficult to determine
68
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
how many people who earn their doctoral degree (although their number has been increasing in the second half of the 1990s) will decide to stay at universities and continue their academic career, and to what extent they treat their university degree as an additional advantage in the increasingly competitive labour market. The observations so far show that the number of persons who earned a professor’s title, or a habilitated doctor’s or doctor’s degree, has decreased in the late 1990s, but this increase is relatively low, considering the increase in the number of students (Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Poland 2000 (2000), p. 243).
WOMEN IN ACADEME IN THE 1990S The actual role of women in Polish science (in university teaching and research) must be considered in the political, economic and cultural context of the 1990s. The structure of women employed in academic institutions changed significantly during that time. Relatively more women worked as academics, non-teaching staff and lower ranked academic staff than in the 1980s (Table 3). In the 1990s, especially in the first half of the decade, fewer people were interested in completing the habilitated doctor’s degree if they planned to work in higher teaching or research institutions (Report about situation in science and technics in Poland, 1999). For careers outside academia, an MA or MD is sufficient to get a better paid job. The number of women among those completing degrees of doctor and habilitated-doctor in the mid-1990s was relatively higher and it is still increasing – there were 21.3 percent persons who completed the habilitated doctor’s degree in 1990; 27.2 percent in 1995; 25.4 percent in 1997 and 30.1 percent in 1998. Accordingly, women made up 30.8 percent, 33.1 percent, 37.8 percent and 37.1 percent of all persons who earned the doctor’s degree in these respective years (Statistical Yearbook 1999 (1999) p. 264). Also the percentage of women who achieved the title of professor has increased; in 1995/1996 they made up 14 percent and 15.5 percent in 1999/2000 (Statistical Yearbook 2000 (2000), p. 243). The increasing number of women among individuals earning university degrees is probably a result of the influence of several factors. It can be caused by cultural changes, in which an academic career becomes a more socially accepted model of career for women. The percentage of women among the students, which has been increasing in many years, ensures an adequate number of candidates interested in earning university degrees. It can also mean that men can obtain a relatively good job without this kind of ‘‘capital’’ (using Bourdieu’s terminology), and for women, it increases their
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
69
competitiveness on the labour market, confirming once again the observation made many times that women, in order to get a better job, have to have a bigger ‘‘educational capital’’ than that of men (Table 4). The data demonstrate that the careers of women academics operate according to different rules than those of men. Because for years fewer women than men obtain their doctorate and the habilitated doctorate, fewer women than men can participate in the entire ‘‘cycle of the academic career.’’ Moreover, the academic career course is shaped differently due to different social roles played by women and men outside their professional careers. The number of employed women as faculty members varies, depending on type of higher educational institutions (e.g., technical, economic, medical) mirroring students’ segregation in the areas of study during the past decades (Table 5). The number of women professors is especially low in technical schools of higher education, but their percentage does not depend on the quality of higher education institutions. In other words, my hypothesis – that in the best universities, fewer women will be professors – was not confirmed (Table 6). We may assume that the big cities in which the best universities are located offer a variety of jobs, often more attractive than academic ones, and many men prefer them than university positions. According to the publication Higher Schools and their Finances in 2001, 16,734 professors in Poland include 3,242 women, with 1,517 women having a title of professor. In reality, the number of professors is lower because many are employed in more than one higher school; this is the same for other employees in higher education institutions – many of them have two (or more) jobs. The main reason is that there are low salaries in the sector and a high demand for highly skilled teachers in the quickly expanding ‘‘old’’ and newly created schools. The young graduates are looking for better-paid jobs outside the sector.
Women in Leadership Positions in Science Women are almost absent on the top administration positions in higher education institutions. In 2003 in public higher education institutions, their presidents are exclusively men (with exception of higher musical schools – two women out of eight presidents). The number of women vice-presidents is the lowest in higher agriculture schools (4.1 percent) and the highest in the higher theater schools. Relatively low numbers of women vice-presidents (below 10 percent) are represented in higher schools of economics, technical universities and higher fine art schools. Women are also rarely deans. Their
Awarded Doctorates and Habilitated Doctorates in the 1990s by Scientific Field (Number of Persons).
Field
Habilitated Doctorates 1990
Doctorates
1996
1999
1990
1996
1999
Total
Women
Total
Women
Total
Women
Total
Women
Total
Women
Total
Women
35 94 10 54 1 187 1 28 129 1 38 62 92 201 8 11 9 12
5 26 4 4 : 54 1 4 40 1 11 21 29 7 : 1 : :
40 50 7 46 18 168 10 24 99 : 16 53 81 128 12 19 8 4
5 18 4 5 10 58 2 1 29 : 4 22 33 19 : 3 2 :
39 52 14 55 26 200 7 28 146
12 24 7 5 5 79 1 1 46
81 141 32 88 50 427 15 45 646 : 32 126 150 416 60 24 33 33
27 63 21 13 18 176 4 14 290 : 13 84 59 73 4 3 11 :
82 95 31 21 47 347 4 30 516
11 18 35 19 1 3 3 :
17 42 19 10 : 192 : 12 205 : 16 79 55 59 : 2 9 :
162 246 42 112 95 749 27 77 1,044
24 46 95 142 22 6 5 8
80 156 26 83 : 536 5 57 455 1 43 164 173 420 25 19 36 45
68 225 279 611 92 41 65 65
19 148 135 124 9 19 28 :
Source: Statistical Yearbook (1996/1997): Education 1990–1991, Warsaw, p. 173; Statistical Yearbook 2000(2000). Higher schools in the school year 1996/1997, Warsaw, p. 76; Central Statistical Office. (2000). Higher schools and their finances in 1999, Warsaw, p. 61 and author’s calculations. Political science has not been shown separately in 1999 in statistical sources.
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
Chemistry Economics Pharmacy Physics Geography Humanities Forestry Mathematics Medicine Political sciences Law Biology Agriculture Technical sciences Theology Veterinary Physical education Military sciences
70
Table 4.
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Table 5.
71
Proportion of Women Professors According to the Type of Institution in 1999 (in Percent). Total Number of Professors
Full Professors
Extraordinary Professors
Medical Academy University Academy of Fine Arts Academy of Agriculture Higher School of Economics Higher School of Pedagogy Vocational School of Higher Education Academy of Sports Academy of Theology Technical School of Higher Education
30.1 22.5 21.8 19.9 19.1 18.8 16.8
22.3 15.6 17.2 13.6 14.5 7.0 10.4
35.4 25.5 25.1 22.5 22.2 22.3 18.8
14.2 12.1 9.2
10.6 10.0 3.9
16.8 12.7 11.1
TOTAL
18.5
12.7
21.2
Source: GUS, Szko"y wyz˙ sze i ich Finanse (2000).
Table 6.
Ranking of HEI by Prestige and Proportion of Women among Professors.
Name of University
UAM – Poznan´ University of Warsaw University of Ło´dz´ University of Wroc"aw University of Katowice University of Gdan´sk UMCS – Lublin University of Szczecin University Jagiellonian – Cracow University of Torun´ KUL – Lublin
Ranking in 2001
Ranking in 1998
% of Women Professors in 1997
3 2 6 4 8 9 7 12 1
3 1 5 4 7 6 8 11 2
28.03 27.17 25.86 25.00 24.13 22.76 19.84 19.71 19.51
5 11
8 9
17.74 16.77
Source: GUS and Wprost.
number varies from 5.4 percent in higher pedagogical schools to 33.3 percent in higher musical schools. In 131 non-state higher education institutions, women more often occupy decision-making positions of different levels. They constitute 16.7 percent of
72
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
the total number of presidents, about 25 percent of vice-presidents and in universities, about 15 percent of deans. The new higher education institutions have lower prestige (none of the non-state schools is ranked among the top 10 higher education institutions in any field) (Information 967, Women in Decision Making Positions, Kancelaria Sejmu i Biuro Studio´w i Ekspertyz, May 2003).
Careers and Geographical Mobility Students’ Mobility Nowadays, programmes like Erasmus of Socrates launched by the European Commission create opportunities for students to study abroad and become familiar with different cultures and systems of education. In the years 1999–2002, among 12,253 Polish students women constituted the majority, 59.6 percent spent some time abroad. Germany was the most frequent destination. In general, the proportion of women and men among participants in particular disciplines mirrored the student structure in the areas (Table 7) with some exceptions. The percentage of women taking part in the Erasmus programme was higher in law than among students in the field, but at the same time, lower in mathematics and informatics. We might assume that generally, the higher number of women looking for additional training abroad is congruent with the earlier found pattern that women more often than men look for higher degrees (e.g., MA, MSC). The majority of students in the Erasmus programme are studying in the biggest cities and the best universities. Some students are not in the ‘‘best ten schools’’ and not exclusively state schools (Table 8). Full Professors’ Careers and Mobility (Based on the National Study Carried Out in 2003) The internal promotion within higher education institutions is characteristic of Poland. The actual full professors completed their study in the early 1960s; two-thirds in the same universities in which they are actually working and others at other Polish higher education institutions. Less than 2 percent completed their studies abroad; the number is exceptionally low when it is compared, for example, with Germany (about 6 percent). One-half of the full professors began to work on their Ph.D. dissertations immediately after obtaining their MA/MSC, about one-third work in scientific institutions but not on Ph.D. Some (20.8 percent of women and 13.7 percent of men) started with another type of work, moving later to science. About 50 percent of full
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
73
Table 7. Polish Students within Erasmus Programme 1999–2002. Subject area
Women
Men
Total
N
%
N
%
N
%
Agricultural sciences Architecture, urban and regional planning Art and design Business studies and management sciences Communication and information sciences Education, teacher training Engineering, technology Geography, geology Humanities Languages and philological sciences Law Mathematics, informatics Medical sciences Natural sciences Other areas of study Social sciences
225 287 258 1,516 66 250 451 232 221 1,245 489 109 269 583 44 1,059
66.4 63.6 69.0 60.4 72.5 89.0 23.7 66.7 61.2 87.6 64.8 33.4 64.7 62.4 54.3 63.9
114 164 116 995 25 31 1,455 116 140 176 266 217 147 352 37 598
33.6 36.4 31.0 39.6 27.5 11.0 76.3 33.3 38.8 12.4 35.2 66.6 35.3 37.6 45.7 36.1
339 451 374 2,511 91 281 1,906 348 361 1,421 755 326 416 935 81 1,657
100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
Total
7,304
59.6
4,949
40.4
12,253
100
Note: Author’s calculations based on data of the Erasmus Office in Warsaw.
professors (with no gender difference) completed their Ph.D. and habilitation in the institutions in which they are actually employed. The number of men and women who completed the respective degrees abroad was equally very low, less than 2 percent. The absence of degrees completed abroad does not mean lack of contacts. Of the total number of full professors (12.7 percent of men and 9.6 percent of women), 11 percent have been studying, lecturing or doing research abroad for more than three months before they have completed the Ph.D. Between the Ph.D. and habilitation, the numbers are significantly more: 42 percent of the total (46.8 percent of men and 37.7 percent of women) and between habilitation and receiving a title of professor, 38 percent (41.7 percent of men and 34.7 percent of women). Interestingly, in the next stage of their career (i.e., after receiving the title), the number of the people abroad for the same purposes is significantly lower – 23.4 percent (28.3 percent of men and 19.1 percent of women). The decreasing number of the contacts paradoxically took place in the 1990s (almost all full professors received the title of professor at the beginning of the 1990s). The phenomenon might have been caused by various reasons. The most important are (1) stage of
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
74
Table 8. Location (cities) of Higher Schools Attended by Students Participating in the Erasmus Programme 1999–2002. City
Women
Men
N
%
Bialystok Bielsko Bydgoszcz Cz˛estochowa Dabrowa Gdansk Gdynia Gliwice Gorzow Katowice Konin Koszalin Krakow (Cracow) Lodz Lublin Nowy Sacz Nowy Sacz Olsztyn Opole Poznan Pultusk Radom Rzeszow Szczecin Szczytno Tarnow Torun Warsaw Wroclaw Zgierz Zielona Gora
101 10 14 135 2 290 12 152 14 364 1 16 1,092 904 120 9 4 73 72 975 2 40 68 250 5 6 222 1,578 720 19 34
65.2 43.5 25.5 60.0 100 52.1 35.3 29.5 82.4 69.6 100 37.2 63.6 60.1 74.5 64.3 57.1 69.5 62.1 63.5 100 62.5 50.0 62.0 100 85.7 65.9 59.1 59.0 70.4 47.9
Total
7,304
59.6
N
Total %
N
%
54 13 41 90
34.8 56.5 74.5 40.0
267 22 363 3 159
47.9 64.7 70.5 17.6 30.4
27 626 600 41 5 3 32 44 560
62.8 36.4 39.9 25.5 35.7 42.9 30.5 37.9 36.5
24 68 153
37.5 50.0 38.0
1 115 1,092 501 8 37
14.3 34.1 40.9 41.0 29.6 52.1
155 23 55 225 2 557 34 515 17 523 1 43 1,718 1,504 161 14 7 105 116 1,535 2 64 136 403 5 7 337 2,670 1,221 27 71
100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
4,949
40.4
12,253
100
Note: Names of cities in bold are where the best universities are located. Author’s calculations based on data of the Erasmus Office in Warsaw.
life – people were less eager to move for longer period of time; (2) majority of professors had additional paid jobs that allowed them to have a reasonable income (salaries in higher educational institutions are very low), and they could not be absent from their paid jobs for longer time without risk of
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
75
losing them; (3) research funds were very limited and often scientists could not conduct studies to meet external expectations to be research partners for foreign collaborators and (4) foreign institutions were less interested in inviting Polish scholars as they had easy access to results of their studies (nowadays an exchange of results does not need to be combined with personal contacts). Those who received grants or stipends in the last five years have received them from Polish institutions (e.g., the Polish Committee of Scientific Research) and/or more often from foreign and international institutions (see Table 9). Polish grants are more often given to men; other types of grants (foreign/ international) are awarded almost equally to men and women. In total, the number of people in the international collaboration who stay abroad for at least three months is low – about 25 percent of the interviewed full professors. They mainly cooperate with scientists from the United States, Germany, France, Belgium and the UK (in order of frequency). Grants and stipends offered by foreign foundations, universities and companies are very often given to the person who already collaborated with the given institutions in the past. To summarize, the actual contacts with scientific institutions abroad are not so frequent (despite the change of political system, opportunity to travel and number of European programmes including post-communist countries). However, it is necessary to note that Polish scientists in social sciences, physics and biology had much more contacts than scientists from the region before the change of the system.
Table 9. Number of Grants/ Stipends/Contractsa and Full Professors who Received them in the Last Five years (Study of 2003). Source of Grants
Polish institutions Foreign institutions International institutions
Women
Men
Total
No. of grants
No. of persons
No. of grants
No. of persons
No. of grants
No. of persons
46 73 33
35 52 23
33 74 35
21 52 24
79 147 68
56 104 47
Note: No. of men ¼ 417, No. of women ¼ 467, Total No. ¼ 884 respondents. Number of grants/stipends/contracts that were connected with at least three-month stay abroad.
a
76
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
ACADEMIC CAREERS IN THE 1990S (BASED UPON THE EXAMPLE OF ONE OF THE LARGEST UNIVERSITY IN POLAND) In this section, academic careers of two groups are analyzed. The selection of people belonging to the first group was made on the basis of going through the full cycle of academic career; thus, the group includes all those awarded the title of professor and a position of a full professor at the university during the research, that is, in 1999. The research question asked is what were the dynamics of their academic careers, taking into consideration the age while earning consequent university degrees, the speed (measured by the time intervals between consequent degrees), their field of research and gender? It was important to take into consideration the field of study, since observations show that the dynamics of academic ‘‘maturation’’ differs for different fields. For instance, the degrees in fields such as mathematics and theory of physics are earned more quickly than in humanities, in which accumulation of materials as a basis for research is important. Moreover, since it has been indicated many times that careers of men and women differ, the subject of analysis was to state whether and to what extent they are similar, and whether the discipline (dominated by men or women) plays any role. The other group consists of all academics born between 1955 and 1970, that is, persons who in the period of transformation of 1990 were 20 to 35 years old (presently, 30 to 45 years old). At that time, these individuals had to choose their career and were either students or working as academics for a few years (though no longer than 10 years); they were young and belonged to the age group especially attractive on the labour market, where the newly established and quickly developed companies were interested in candidates free of habits of the previous system and having relatively good qualifications. In total, the careers of 319 professors were examined (69 women and 250 men), who were employed at the analyzed university in 1999. In January 2001, 1,076 people born in the years betwen 1955 and 1970 (502 women and 574 men) were employed at the university. The difference of 18 months in the time of conducting research (due to organizational reasons) does not seem to influence the data obtained, since no significant changes were observed during this time with regard to the external and internal conditions of the functioning of universities, including the selected university. The selection of the university – which is the largest in the country in terms of the number of students and professors and is ranked first in quality
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
77
of education (Staruchowicz, 2001; Wprost, 1999) – was not accidental. In this way, possible differences between criteria applied by different institutions can be eliminated. Also, the fact that the university disposes of a wide range of faculties, which are dominated by women to a different extent, makes it possible to verify whether and to what extent this feature influences the differences in the number and pace of academic careers of women and men, assuming that the same formal requirements are applied throughout the whole institution. The Rate of Progress in Academic Careers of Actual Full Professors The study did not include positions in the university administration, which would indicate to what extent women attain decision-making posts. At this university, as well as in other universities in Poland and abroad, women do not hold these positions frequently (Eggins, 1997; Brooks, 1997). The careers of women and men promoted to full professors at the analysed university reveal clearly different dynamics (Siemien˜ska, 2000, 2001a). Almost all of the women (61 out of 69) attained the position of full professor in the 1990s. The percentage of men nominated in the 1990s was slightly lower. The hypothesis is that in faculties in which the percentages of women among the students are and have been high for a long time, the percentages of women full professors is higher. This was confirmed but there were certain exceptions. The percentage of women full professors was highest in the Faculty of Psychology (44.4 percent). Women constituted about a third of the full professors in feminized faculties, such as Neophilology, Pedagogy, Polish Philology and Applied Social Sciences and Resocialization, and in less feminized faculties such as Biology and Philosophy and Sociology. However, the percentage of women full professors is definitely lower in faculties that have only recently acquired large numbers of women students than among those in which large numbers of women students have been present for many years. There are also other faculties in which, despite the high percentage of women present for quite some time among students, their numbers among full professors are much lower (the Faculty of Law and Administration) or are totally absent (the Faculty of Journalism and Political Science). This scenario demonstrates that the mechanisms of advancement also depend on other factors, one of which may be the presence and scope of open or of hidden discrimination. One might also assume that the matter may be linked to the appeal of academic careers, which has at least two dimensions. The first one is that of
78
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
climbing up the interuniversity ladder and being successful in the framework of one’s institution and, more broadly, in the academic world. The second dimension pertains to attaining a university position in order to raise one’s chances to pursue simultaneously (or subsequently) a non-academic career. Attaining a high position in the academic structure in the case of some professions is a good starting point for other non-academic positions (e.g., in law and in diplomacy, as governmental experts in economic matters). In the latter case, the appeal of academic careers is definitely greater. They become a valued resource, particularly in the case of men, who choose this path as a bridge to careers in other areas of public life that are mainly, if informally, reserved for them. Frequently and often fictitiously, they combine a job at the university with a job in politics, the economy, among others. The differences in the time needed to complete a degree are already apparent in the case of the doctorate. On average, women required more time than men. On the basis of the available data, it is difficult to conclude that there are any varying patterns in feminized and non-feminized faculties. Worth noting is the time required to move from extraordinary professorship (the lower position) to full professorship (the higher position) is reversed for women and men (Table 10). It is now shorter for women than for men in almost all of the faculties. One explanation may be that women find themselves in a different stage in their lives as they meet this academic challenge, one that is linked to fewer household duties as their children become adults. Already accustomed to exerting a great deal of effort so as not to be left behind in the race for degrees, and having fewer encumbrances at this stage of their lives, these women may more easily focus their efforts on scientific research. This hypothesis is frequently repeated in regard to the shifting of women’s activity from certain areas to other areas within their life cycles, a change that takes place to a limited extent, if at all, in the case of men. Another hypothesis that can be suggested here, one that could be labelled as optimistic–pessimistic, is the change in the context in which the academic world functioned in Poland in the 1990s. The drop in funding for science, which meant less money for research and relatively lower remuneration (compared to the national average) than, for instance, in the 1970s or early 1980s, and the simultaneous appearance of attractive possibilities in other areas of employment – for example, in business where remuneration is much higher – caused men in particular either to resign from positions at universities or to begin treating them as a kind of resource that facilitates the seeking of additional jobs elsewhere, which when found became the primary occupation. Therefore, women began to fill the vacuum at the ‘‘heights’’ of academic careers relatively more rapidly and more frequently. However, the worsening
The Length of Time between Earning Consequent University Degreesa,b (Mean Number of Years).
Faculties
M.A./M. Sc.-Doctor
Doctor-Habilitated Doctor
Habilitated DoctorExtraordinary Professor
Extraordinary Professor- Full Professor
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
8.1 8.5 9.5
5.3 9.0 :
2.8 0.5 :
12.5 7.5 17.0
8.3 11.0 :
4.2 3.5 :
1.0 : :
9.3 15.0
8.3 : :
: : :
7.2 9.0 :
: : :
7.6 7.0 8.9
9.3 7.0 9.0
1.7 0 0.1
16.0 11.0 :
10.5 5.0 14.3
5.5 6.0 :
: 2.0 :
11.7 14.5 11.0
: -12.5 :
: : :
7.0 8.0 4.5
. : :
9.0 8.5 9.6
9.0 6.2 :
0 2.3 :
: 13.0 8.0
9.0 11.0 8.0
: 2.0 0
: : :
11.8 10.5 12.0
: : :
: : :
16.0 7.8 4.0
: : :
5.9
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
7.5 8.7 11.5 9.8 8.1 8.8 10.6
4.0 8.9 11.5 8.3 7.0 6.7 6.3
3.5 0.2 0 1.5 1.1 2.1 4.3
9.0 11.0 11.0
11.0 9.0 9.3 9.9 7.0 10.8 12.8
2.0 2.0 : 1.1 : 0.8
2.0 : : : : : :
0.0 11.6 8.7 12.0 12.7 12.3 14.3
2.0 : : : : : :
: : : : : : :
: 4.7 6.0 5.8 9.5 3.5 4.7
: : : : : : :
5.5 10.0
4.0 7.0
1.5 3.0
7.0 :
7.0 10.0
0 :
3.0 :
12.0 15.0
-9.0 :
: :
7.0 5.0
: :
(a) By Female Academic Staff
10.0
79
Biology Chemistry Journalism and Political Sciences Philosophy and Sociology Physics Geography and Regional Studies Geology History Applied Linguistics and East. Slavic Philology Mathematics, Informatics and Mechanics Economy Neophilology Pedagogy Polish Philology Law and Administration Psychology Applied Social Sciences and Resocialization Management Interdisciplinary Center of Math. Modeling
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Table 10.
Faculties
Research Center on Antique Tradition in P/EU Center of American Studies Laboratory of Heavy Ions
M.A./M. Sc.-Doctor
Doctor-Habilitated Doctor
80
Table 10. (Continued ) Habilitated DoctorExtraordinary Professor
Extraordinary Professor- Full Professor
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
2001 (I)
1999 (II)
Diff. betw. (I)–(II)
6.0
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
:
5.0 :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
: :
7.7 6.5 7.5
5.1 6.6 7.9
2.6 0.1 0.4
9.0 8.0 9.3
7.3 6.5 7.9
1.7 1.5 1.4
2.0 7.0 3.0
9.4 9.1 9.2
-7.4 2.1 6.2
: : :
9.7 8.1 9.4
: : :
7.7 6.4 8.7
6.2 5.7 9.4
1.5 0.7 0.7
13.5 9.0 :
6.3 6.4 7.4
7.2 2.6 :
: 3.6 :
7.8 9.4 8.4
: 5.8 :
: : :
9.6 7.9 6.8
: : :
10.2 8.6 7.0
7.6 6.7 7.3
2.6 1.9 0.3
: 10.1 :
7.1 9.1 7.3
: 1.0 :
: 4.6 :
11.3 9.2 9.5
: 4.6 :
: : :
9.4 8.5 6.4
: : :
6.8
3.9
2.9
8.5
6.4
2.1
3.5
10.7
7.2
2.0
5.4
3.4
6.9 9.1 9.7 8.7
6.7 7.4 7.0 7.7
0.2 1.7 2.7 1.0
10.0 8.5 : 11.0
7.5 7.1 6.3 10.3
2.5 1.4 : 0.3
1.0 5.0 : 2.0
8.7 9.6 11.0 9.4
7.7 4.6 : 7.4
: : : :
8.1 7.8 7.2 10.6
: : : :
(b) Male Academic Staff
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
Biology Chemistry Journalism and Political Sciences Philosophy and Sociology Physics Geography and Regional Studies Geology History Applied Linguistics and East. Slavic Philology Mathematics, Informatics and Mechanics Economy Neophilology Pedagogy Polish Philology
7.7 6.9 9.8
6.3 6.6 7.5
1.4 0.3 2.3
10.0 7.0 :
7.9 6.6 9.5
2.1 0.4 :
4.0 2.0 :
10.0 9.0 10.4
6.0 7.0 :
0.0: : :
8.9 6.7
6.9 6.0
2.0 0.7
7.0 9.0
6.3 5.0
0.7 4.0
2.0 :
8.2 9.0
6.2 :
: :
6.9 9.0
: :
6.0
:
:
9.0
:
:
8.0
:
:
15.0
:
6.0 :
2.2 :
:
15.0 7.0
: :
: :
6.0 9.0
: :
: :
8.0 12.0
: :
8.2 :
Note: Time of carrying out the studies of the analyzed categories of academic staff 2001. a the study of the academic staff born in years 1955–1970; 1999. b full professors.
10.4 11.4 7.8
10.4 : :
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Law and Administration Psychology Applied Social Sciences and Resocialization Management Interdisciplinary Center of Math. Modeling Research Center on Antique Tradition in P/EU Center of American Studies Laboratory of Heavy Ions
81
82
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
situation outside academe (economic recession and unemployment connected with it) can again make academic careers attractive for men. It is quite possible that the observed phenomenon of the acceleration of women’s careers at the ‘‘finish,’’ when they have reached the highest posts in the academic hierarchy, is the result of the operation of both the above-mentioned factors. The patterns currently observed at the studied university are convergent with those found in the entire academic population. The interviews conducted with women full professors confirm the above-cited hypotheses. Some women professors are aware of the barriers that women encounter in the academic career; the one that is traditionally considered as men’s career. Some of them even speak of an evolution of their thinking in this area, pointing to additional dilemmas with which they have had to contend. Not all the dilemmas are new – Polish feminists were already speaking of some of these dilemmas at the beginning of the twentieth century (Siemien˜ska, 1986). Recently, Maria Janion (1999), Professor of Polish Philology at the University of Warsaw, wrote the following: For many years I accepted the clear-cut division into important and unimportant issues: in the face of constraint, aspirations for independence are important, and the struggle for women’s rights is unimportant. At the end of the 1980s, I expressed this view during a feminist discussion in West Berliny. Several years lateryit has turned out that in free Poland a woman is not a human being, but a ‘family being’, who instead of (being in) politics, should look after the homey I personally never had any illusions regarding ‘equal rights’. I believe that attaining my present position cost me a lot more than it would (have) cost a man.... Among others, this happens because the so-called universal subject is in the long run constructed according to male models. Men find it easier to adapt to the standards in force in the academic humanities. (p. 25)
A large number of female professors and fewer male professors are aware of unequal treatment of men and women at their workplaces. The frequency of perception of gender discrimination and specific barriers (e.g., cultural, structural) that women face makes them similar to men and women in political and economic elites, showing that the cultural elite (e.g., university professors) are fairly conservative in a comparison with members of other mentioned elites (Table 11).
The Rate of Progress in Careers of Academic Staff Born in Years 1955–1970 While the careers of the present professors developed in the changing political and economic conditions, the careers of the generation discussed here
Perception of Gender Inequality by Professors and Economic and Political Elites in Poland (in Percent)a,b.
Men Occupy Top Positions because
(1) women prefer men to occupy top positionsc (2) women lack specific trainingc (3) women are isolated in a predominantly male environment (4) women are prevented from reaching the top (5) due to how women are reared (6) women lack informal contacts (7) women are accepted in leadership positions in the fieldc (8) men & women treated equally in my organizationc (9) women have to achieve more than men to receive recognition (10)when jobs are scarce men should have more rightsc (11) family suffers when women work full timec (12) paid job best for women’s independence (13) Women are accepted in positions of professors in my fieldc (14) Women are accepted in positions of leadership in researchc (15) Women are accepted in top university positionsc
Professors (2003)
Economic Elite (1996)
Political Elite (1996)
Men
Women
Men
Women
Total
Men
Women
Total
50 82 23 27 42 21
57 78 38 35 48 38
19 56 39 70 1 2 10
56 42 60 81 1 4 23
47 87 57 43 40 20 10 7 23 37 37 67
60 83 37 20 43 30 7 13 40 40 63 87
53 85 47 32 47 25 8 8 32 33 50 77
30 87 37 23 60 17 3 3 27 20 43 87
40 93 43 40 37 40 – 20 77 10 60 83
35 90 43 35 48 28 2 12 52 15 52 85
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Table 11.
a
Answers: ‘‘strongly agree’’ and ‘‘agree.’’ Study on full professors conducted in 2003, on economic and political elites in 1996 (Siemien˜ska, 2004). c ‘‘Strongly disagree’’ and ‘‘disagree’’ depends on the question. b
83
84
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
are shaped in relatively homogeneous conditions, completely different from those experienced by the older generation. The regulations of employment, which differ from the previous ones, have remained relatively unchanged during the last ten years. In accordance with the adopted rules of financing higher education by the state, the universities prefer to develop postgraduate studies first and later employ those who have completed them. This way of educating doctors at universities, became the basic way in the 1990s even though reality often differs from these assumptions. Many young and middle-aged academics have not earned the doctor’s degree. Moreover, the academics often earn this degree at an older age than they used to, although the postgraduate studies are not related to excessively absorbing duties (such as teaching). In order to grasp the specificity of career course in the economic transformation period, the group discussed here was divided into two smaller groups: (1) those who, during the transformation, were between 25 and 35 years of age and thus were already graduates and/or reached the age when most of today’s professors earned the doctor’s degree and (2) younger people who were nearing their graduation at that time or were still students (Table 12). Analysis of the situation at the selected university shows that, although the rules of employment at universities have changed (i.e., doctors are preferred as potential employees), more than half of the persons have not earned the doctor’s degree (56.8 percent). There are visible differences in the course of careers of men and women. More than twice the number of women than men have had only the master’s degree, especially many women born in the years 1955–1964 and who are now 36–45 years old.Among this age group, 10 men and 1 woman have earned the titles of professors. Seemingly, the sudden worsening of material conditions of academic staff, particularly at the beginning of the 1990s, influenced the course of these women’s careers greatly. Earning the degrees more slowly in the early stage of the professional career – related to maternal and family roles that were also observed in the group of women who became professors – slowed down even more due to the necessity to take up additional work and to perform work at home, which previously used to be performed by specialized institutions. Therefore the author supposes that the widely observed disinstitutionalization of services influenced also the households of this group. In accordance with the traditionally observed division of functions, they are more often performed by women even among those who are university graduates (Siemien˜ska, 2001b).
University Degrees and Titles of Academic Staff in 2001 (in Percent). Persons
Total N (100 Per cent)
Without Doctor’s Degree
With Doctor’s Degree Onlya
Habilitated Doctorsb
Occupying Positions of Extraordinary Professorsc
Having the Title of Professord
1955–1964
370
1965–1970
204
54 (14.6%) 68 (33.3%)
218 (58.9%) 35 (66.2%)
88 (23.8%) 1 (0.5%)
40 (10.8%) :
10 (2.7%) :
Total
574
122 (21.2%)
353 (61.6%)
89 (15.5%)
40 (6.9%)
10 (1.7%)
1955–1964
335
1965–1970
167
138 (41.2%) 89 (53.3%)
179 (51.6%) 78 (46.7%)
17 (5.1%) :
6 (1.8%) :
1 (0.3%) :
Total
502
227 (45.2%)
257 (51.2%)
17 (3.4%)
6 (1.2%)
1 (0.2%)
1,076
349 (32.4%)
610 (56.8%)
106 (9.8%)
46 (4.3%)
11 (1.0%)
Men born in years:
Women born in years:
Overall
85
Source: Siemien˜ska (2001a, b). a This group includes people, who have not earned a degree higher than doctor’s degree. b The group includes persons, who have not earned a degree higher than habilitated doctor’s degree. c The group includes persons, who have earned the title of professor (they also have earned the doctor’s and habilitated doctor’s degree. d Some persons, who are extraordinary professors, have earned the degree of habilitated doctor, and some have also earned the professor’s title. The percentages are not summing up to 100 because some people are counted in two columns. For example, people being habilitated doctors and having position of the extraordinary professor.
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
Table 12.
86
RENATA SIEMIEN˜SKA
Intergeneration Similarities and Differences in Academic Careers Comparison of the examined groups of people shows that: Persons born in years 1955–1970 earned the doctor’s degree later, which to some extent, although not greatly, can be influenced by the lengthening of the secondary school and university education period. According to educational reforms implemented over time, this caused the master’s degree to be obtained slightly later. Especially among men, the average age of earning the doctor’s degree increased. Let us remember that women became doctors relatively later also in the generation of today’s professors. Compared with the present professors, the time period between consecutive degrees (measured by the average number of years) increased among the younger scientist-professors especially in social sciences, biology, physics, economics and informatics, those fields, offering a relatively higher opportunity of getting an extra job. Women belonging to the category of the so-called younger scientists (i.e., below habilitated doctors) seem to pay a particularly high price for the changes in the conditions of functioning of this social-professional group. While the older ones get promoted, the younger ones, due to their situation related to a different phase of the life cycle, particularly face many difficulties. Comparing the examined groups, the first group went through all stages of the academic career while in the second one, only some who now have the doctor’s or habilitated doctor’s degrees will continue their careers. Others will drop their careers for various reasons, just as some older ones did from the first group. However, the younger ones (although many of them are not young) make up the natural reserves of the future academic staff, who will assume management positions in science and education, and therefore their academic career deserves special attention. Failing to earn university degrees and earning them later automatically affect the effectiveness of research conducted by the academic staff. Data used in the present research are not sufficient to answer questions related to the quality of the research, which seems to be decreasing due to a few reasons (lack of funds for scientific research; acceptance of dissertations of lower quality due to difficulties in conducting research as well as existential difficulties and feeling of lack of competitiveness of the university in comparison with other offers on the labour market). Therefore, deeper analysis of this group is necessary. Many explanations offered here are
Polish Universities as a Place of Study and Academic Careers
87
hypothetical. Moreover, the presented data come from a single university. Owing to the fact that the University of Warsaw usually occupies the first place in rankings and differs to some extent from other universities, we can probably assume that in reality the mechanisms of recruitment and promotion are slightly different. Warsaw is a particularly absorptive and attractive labour market, where the offers of universities must compete with those from various companies and institutions.
CONCLUSION Under the communist regime, access to higher education and academic careers has been class differentiated (with a fairly large representation of people of higher social class) despite political and ideological goals and has created mechanisms for promotion of young people of peasant and working class origin. Social and cultural factors shaped educational aspirations of youth. The new system, based to a large extent on market mechanisms, creates several opportunities and barriers to study for young people of different social background. More higher education institutions located also in small cities, higher than before differences in an offered quality of teaching, easy access to study and increasing disparity in financial opportunities of young people and their families differentiate access to good education. Women’s presence as students and faculty members is increasing over time owing to various factors. It was found in the 1990s that women being considered as less attractive employees by managers of different companies leave scientific institutions less often than men. Also, maybe some of them, because of the traditional concepts of gender roles, want to have jobs (among others, more flexible working hours) that allow them to reconcile family expectations and job demands. But there is also ‘‘another side of the coin.’’ Lack of competition for scientific jobs decreases demands and expectations of scientific institutions towards their employees with respect to their style of work and performance. Further, the unsatisfactory equipment due to financial difficulties of scientific institutions leaves the staff behind in a sense of its scientific achievements. The situation makes women in academia ‘‘winners among losers.’’ The frequently observed model is once again repeated here: when a given profession loses its appeal, mainly material, men withdraw from it, and young people choose it less frequently, looking for more profitable jobs, which often for this reason are associated with higher prestige. It is difficult to evaluate (on the basis of domestic market) an exact size of internal and external brain drain. Many graduates are looking for jobs in
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other sectors and are not interested in academic careers; also, after a short time, they give it up when faced with serious financial difficulties. The increasing unemployment, also recently among people with higher education diplomas, causes a higher interest in graduate (Ph.D.) programmes in order to wait for a better labour market situation. However, the situation reported in different higher education institutions continuously shows that a deep reform of system of higher education and financing of research is needed, if Poland is to avoid being left behind other countries.
NOTES 1. In the framework of the project ‘‘Women in European Universities’’ in the Vth Programme of the European Commission, the national study was carried out in Poland and six West European countries in 2003. In Poland, 884 full professors (467 women and 417 men) have been interviewed. The Polish component of the study was conducted by R. Siemien˜ska (the field work by CBOS). The attempt was to interview all female professors having a title of professor in selected disciplines (feminized and dominated by men) and matching group (in a sense of field, school and age) of men. 2. In Poland, the following university degrees can be earned: MA or MD after five to six years of studies (depending on the field); next, the Ph.D., which can be obtained after completion of a special doctoral program or completed by a person working in an educational or other institution. Following the Ph.D., there is a next degree, the habilitated doctorate, which is usually completed by mature scholars working in educational or research institutions. In each case, a dissertation meeting criteria for the respective degree have to be presented by the candidate. The highest title is that of professor awarded on the basis of scientific achievements. The first degrees mentioned serve as the basis for being appointed to different positions in universities and in other scientific institutions. Graduates having MAs or MDs become assistants; Ph.D.s become assistant professors; habilitated doctorate holders can become extraordinary professor, title of professor, and ordinary (full) professors. Since the 1990s, there are shorter (three years) forms of university education in some fields, which give BA after which students can continue education during two years to earned MA or MD. 3. The part of the chapter was published as a part of the chapter: Siemien´ska, 2003.
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DIVERSITY IN EDUCATION: THE CHINESE VERSION Kai-Ming Cheng BACKGROUND China is known for its culture of uniformity and conformity. Such a cultural tradition was reinforced in the socialist system that was established in 1949. This was significant in education, which then became an important and instrumental part of the planned economy. During the high time of the planned economy, the entire nation was but one gigantic production unit under one central plan. People’s lives are therefore also highly coordinated according to a general national plan. Products from all over the country were collected by the central government, and resources over the entire country were allocated by the central government. Therefore by design, there was not disparity, but then there was also no diversity. In concrete terms, education plans were an integral dimension of the economic plans, such that economic target goals were translated into manpower requirements goals, which in turn became the output goals for the education system. Such an input-output relationship was subject to planning down to the lowest levels of the workplace and the finest division of labour. In other words, the entire nation was under one plan. At the high time of the planned economy and even just before the reform in the early 1980s, there was only one system of education throughout the vast nation. There was only one curriculum, which comprised the identical Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 91–106 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05004-7
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subjects each with one uniform syllabus. The uniformity was supported by the identical set of textbooks and reinforced by the unified entrance examination for higher education.
REFORM: DECENTRALISATION The reform of decentralisation started in the early 1980s. The driving force behind the decentralisation is recognition of the diverse capacity as well as the diverse needs of various parts of the nation. This was perhaps the one merit due to Deng Xiaoping, which was quite a courageous thought at the time. The net effect of the reform was that different regions were allowed to develop at different paces, although primarily (Reform of China’s educational structure: Decisions of the CPC Central Committee (May 1985), 1985) along the same lines and same models. Following the economic model of differential development, the major reform of decentralisation in education started in 1985. Initially, the nation was divided into three broad regions that would accomplish compulsory 9-year education with different time schedules. The approach was to shift the financial and administrative responsibilities from the central government to local governments. There was also major policy encouragement to mobilise non-government resources and community donations. Decentralisation has been basically successful. Local capacities have been unleashed and basic education has seen spectacular developments with little funding from the central government (Cheng, 1997). In particular, teachers who are appointed by the state are now paid through local revenues or through education surcharges levied over local taxes; school buildings have been established due to community donations; improvements in schools have been supported by incomes generated by schools through all kinds of economic activities (e.g., manufacturing, hotel operations). Decentralisation has been successful also in technical and vocational education but in rather different modes. Here, the trend has been moving towards non-government funding mainly from enterprises and selffinancing. For higher education institutions, where all of them were financed by public funding, there is now a spectrum of funding modes with varied private–public partnership. Meanwhile, there is also a whole variety of modes of collaboration between central and provincial governments. The change of funding has caused fundamental changes in the nature of institutions. Together with funding comes the decentralisation of administration and hence the localisation of schools and institutions. This has in
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turn caused institutions to be more responsive to local needs and hence rapid growth in diversity.
DIVERSITY: BASIC EDUCATION Diversity started with basic education. It is pertinent to mention how uniformity in basic education was realised in China. There are four basic elements that govern teaching and learning in schools: the school system, the public examinations, the curriculum and the system of teaching, and teachers’ professional development.
The School System There used to be a uniform school system: 6 years of primary schools, 3 years of junior secondary schools, and another 3 years of senior secondary schools. This had evolved into a 5+5 system just before the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). At the beginning of the reform, there was an effort to restore the 6+3+3 system, which was seen to be academically more sound. The 3+3 system of secondary school was quickly revived for a number of reasons: there were fewer students receiving secondary education; they were mostly in urban centres and hence were more adequately resourced, particularly after localisation; the secondary curriculum was more geared to higher education entrance and hence change was much easier. However, the change in the duration of primary schools was much more difficult. There was massive student population in primary schools. A change from five to six years would be a 20 percent increase in places and hence corresponding funding. Because of decentralisation, provincial governments have adopted different policies towards a reform in the duration. Less developed provinces, for example, chose to maintain a 5-year system because of lack of funding. This was seen as a positive move given the imminent pressure of compulsory education. Provinces consciously aim at consolidation and quality at primary level, rather than extension of the duration, and preferred channelling additional resources to develop secondary education. There is therefore a parallel of 6+6 and 5+6 systems in various parts of the nation. Since the later 1980s, however, some of the coastal provinces also opted for a 5-year system in primary education and an extended 4-year junior secondary education, resulting in a 5+4+13 system of schooling. There
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were reasons of pedagogy and educational psychology (that the transition should take place preferably at the age of 11 rather than 12), as well as teacher supply (where there was a greater shortage at primary levels). Consequently, there are at least three systems of schooling, the normal 6+3+3, the 5+3+3 in less developed regions, and a 5+4+3 in some developed cities. This would be seen as inconceivable or even as an intolerable split if it were before the reform.
The Public Examinations The public examinations refer to public assessment systems at various junctures of transition of the system. Previously, there was a public examination by the end of primary education. The examination qualifies students for entrance to secondary education and also serves to allocate students to different secondary schools, and indeed select students to secondary education when places were not sufficient. This is the examination that governs teaching and learning in primary schools and is of particular significance in rural areas where admission to junior secondary schools, which were situated in urban centres, was the first step to move away from villages. Since the last 1980s, urban cities began to adopt policies of neighbourhood attendance, where students attend neighbourhood schools with no selection. This soon spread to rural regions, which has also become possible because of the development of secondary education in rural regions. Many urban cities have also abolished the public examination at the end of junior secondary education. In other cities, such an examination is still seen as necessary because of the disparity among secondary schools and hence the keen competition for better schools. Thus, there is a whole variety of ways of achieving transition among levels of education. The real significant reform, however, is due to the reform in the public examination for entrance into higher education. As has been mentioned, there is a Unified Entrance Examination for Higher Education for the entire nation. Indeed, in the Chinese culture, this unified examination maintains the legitimacy of the ancient civil examination held at the imperial court. Such a unified examination, and with it the unified curriculum, was the crux to uniformity in the Chinese school system. However, in early 1980s, Shanghai was the first city that was bold enough to break away from the national unified entrance examination and established its own version of public examination. This enabled Shanghai to be the first to reform the school curriculum. Since then there have been several
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reforms in the higher education entrance examination, but the system remains more or less unified throughout the nation. The real reform – a dramatic one – occurred in 1999 when the examination changed its requirement for 6 or 7 examination subjects to a notion of 3+x. Students are required to sit for examination in three core subjects: Language, Mathematics and Foreign Language (which is now predominantly English), plus x subjects of the student’s choice. This was again unprecedented in Chinese history. Nonetheless, in reality, students follow a provincial choice, such that the choices are still uniform within the respective province. Most provinces choose x to be one or two integrated papers that cross subject boundaries, as will be explained below. Unlike other systems of education, where examinations are seen as barriers to diversity and hence reduction of examinations are seen as the direction to allow for diversity, China tends to maintain the examination tradition and tries to use the public examinations to steer reform in curriculum and teaching. Nonetheless, sit-down examinations are still the predominating mode of assessment in the entire education system in China, from kindergarten through to universities. The only change in the format of the examination is in the examination questions since 1999. For example, some questions expect multiple answers and even open answers. These are perhaps still in their early stages of evolution but apparently have been well accepted by educators as well as the community at large. The effects on the curriculum and teaching are also beginning to show.
The School Curriculum In the mid-1980s, there were several attempts to diversify the school curriculum. It has to be mentioned that, in China, the term curriculum often refers to three tangible published items: the syllabuses, the textbooks and the teachers’ reference. Although these are meant to provide a framework for teaching, they are in reality closely knitted with the national unified examination for higher education entrance. The uniformity of teaching and learning was then governed by the uniformity in these three items. Before the reform, for example, there was a single curriculum dictating what subject schools have to teach. There was a single uniform syllabus for each subject that stipulates what should be taught in each subject. The teachers’ reference describes how the syllabi could be taught and, in most places, teachers would follow such descriptions.
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There was only one set of textbooks, designed centrally by teams of teachers who demonstrated excellence in teaching. Production of textbooks was also a central endeavour, produced by only six distributed printers; printing factories and railways had to suspend other tasks in order to give way to the production and delivery of textbooks on time. Textbooks thus produced were heavily subsidised by the state and were of minimal price. Therefore, there has never been an issue of availability of textbooks in the Chinese school system, a situation that was enviable by many other developing countries. In the mid-1980s, there were experiments in Shanghai, Zhejiang, and Beijing in the development of localised curricula. Such experiments formed the basis for the major policy change in 1988 when, for the first time in China’s history, the Government launched a reform of ‘‘multiple version textbooks.’’ That is, based on the same curriculum, provinces are encouraged to develop local curriculum appropriate to their particular circumstances. For example, Zhejiang, which is one of the most developed agricultural provinces, was set to develop a set of textbooks for ‘‘advance rural areas.’’ Guangdong, which borders Hong Kong and was allowed to develop its special economic zone, was to develop textbooks for ‘‘outwardlooking’’ economies. Shanghai, as another example, was asked to develop textbooks for developed metropolitans. Although the original design was to produce eight sets of textbooks including the centrally produced ‘‘standard’’ textbooks, the policy has led to a mushrooming of diverse textbooks. Indeed, by the mid-1990s, many local authorities have deviated from the central standard and designed their own curricula. Shanghai was again the first to produce such an alternative curriculum. Among others, Shanghai replaced Political Ideology with five different subjects: Life Knowledge, Social Studies, Civic Education, Career Guidance and Marxist Principles. The curriculum developers were not satisfied with the reform for diversity. Further diversification was achieved by maintaining the core and let loose the other subjects. This led eventually to the reform in the higher education entrance examination mentioned in the previous section in this chapter. At the moment, there is indeed a diversity and variety of curricula among different parts of China. Parallel to the diversification of the curriculum, textbook production has also been decentralised and localised. Textbooks are now produced in various editions even alongside the same curriculum, often tailor-made for the local requirements, and their productions are privatised. Consequently, textbook prices have increased enormously, and the private distribution has
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also created room for all kinds of scandalous practice, such as obligatory purchase of unwanted books together with textbooks. In a way, textbooks have now become a major cause of fairly high private costs for basic education. That is perhaps the cost of marketisation and diversity. The kind of diversity that one could observe in China could never be comparable with that expected from the west. There is still a very strong culture of conformity, where everybody is looking to the ‘‘best’’ and the orthodox, and tries to align with such an orthodox. It is very different from a more individualistic society where the ‘‘better’’ is where it is different from the others. This concept of conformity is exacerbated by keen competition in the education system, symbolised by the national examinations, where fairness is often interpreted as achievable only through uniform requirements.
Teaching and Teacher Development By the same token of conformity, teaching styles in China have always been rather uniform. This is not to say that teachers teach the same, but that what is seen as good teaching often converges to the same model. Only recently has diversity in teaching begun to emerge. There is a strong system of teacher development. In schools there are teaching-study groups, which are equivalent to teaching departments in the west. The teaching-study group facilitates teachers’ preparation of lessons, which are usually done in groups. Teachers use detailed lesson plans meant to dictate their activities during classes, to be a document for public scrutiny and appraisal, and to serve as a record of the teachers’ performance in teaching. In less-developed regions, where teachers are less-qualified, teachers rely heavily on teachers’ references. They also design their lessons according to model lesson plans available on the market, mostly written by teachers with publicly recognised excellence in teaching (super grade teachers). More recently, they also learn from videos of model teachers. In remote areas, such videos are transmitted through an extensive satellite system of television broadcast specially designed for teacher development. Lately, a digitised online network is being developed, again solely for teacher development. At school level, teachers have devoted weekly time slots in their timetables for professional development. Typically, they engage in seminars, discussions, lesson demonstrations, workshops and other activities for exchange and upgrading. Changes in the curriculum, new policies, new teaching approaches and new technologies are typically disseminated during such
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activities. Such activities usually take place within a school or across schools in one school district. Meanwhile, the central authorities communicate to teachers in the vast territory through other media. The China Education Daily, a daily newspaper totally devoted to educators, is available in almost all schools. All these arrangements are very effective systemic approach conducive to teachers’ professional development. The teaching force in China is therefore an unusually organised team. It also explains why in many cases dissemination in China could be remarkably quick and effective. The system fully exploits the advantages of the collective cultural tradition and the positive dimension of an organised society. Such a system, however, also inherits some of the conforming nature of teaching in China and contributes to the uniformity perceived by an outsider. However, it is noticeable that exactly because of the very effective network of communications, teachers have become a major market for publications. There are a variety of magazines and journals that are widely read by teachers in schools. Such magazines used to be published only by the central authorities but are now on a competitive market produced by numerous sources. The estimated number of educational newspapers and magazines is around 5,000. The circulation of a more popular publication is around 50,000. In addition, there are devoted educational radio and television channels in most provinces. In the past few years, there is also a mushrooming of on-line networks for education. As a result, there is a rather dialectical situation. On the one hand, the effective communications among teachers have made it easier for teachers to conform to certain approaches and practices. On the other hand, because of the opening up of the system and advancements in technologies, teachers, still through the same networks, are now exposed to much more diverse sources of information and are empowered to move in diverse directions.
DIVERSITY: HIGHER EDUCATION Diversity in higher education was developed at a rather later stage and along different paths. Diversity in higher education takes place mainly because of a policy of ‘‘deliberate disparity,’’ in their variety of public–private partnership, the diversity of the student body, and the variety of modes of adult education. First, it is necessary to understand the general administrative structure of higher education institutions in China. There are generally three types of
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institutions in terms of finance and management: those financed and managed by the national government through the Ministry of Education (these are meant to be flagship institutions of national priority); national institutions financed and managed by the respective ministries; and provincial institutions financed and managed by the provincial government. The number in each category varies from year to year because of all kinds of mergers. Throughout the 1990s, where the number of institutions stood at around 1,000, around 30 of them belong to the first category (i.e., under the Ministry of Education), around 350 belong to the second category (i.e., under ministerial authorities), and the majority are provincial institutions. Initial diversification that took place in the 1980s was very much due to the opening of sources of funding, and hence decisions on teaching programmes and research are no longer determined by state authorities. However, because higher education institutions are administered only at the provincial and national levels (unlike basic education, which was administered by county and lower levels of governments), there has been a much higher sense of uniformity in the light of quality control. Until recently, all teaching programmes had to be approved by the central authority and were designed by the central authorities. The establishment of an institution, the appointment of professors, the installation of a doctoral programme are all subject to approvals from the central authorities. The trend of reforms is to decentralise the level of administration gradually so that decisions of all kinds are increasingly made at a lower level, from national to provincial, and from provincial to institutional authorities.
Deliberate Disparity It must be mentioned, however, that disparity – rather than diversity – is far more an issue for Chinese institutions. Apart from the disparity caused by regional gaps because of financial decentralisation, the central government has a policy of differential treatment among institutions. Since the late 1980s, there was a campaign known as Project 211, where 100 institutions were to be identified and developed into world-class institutions in the 21st century. Project 211 was a major driving force for improvement of higher education institutions. Since it was a policy of meritocracy, it has forced all institutions to work towards certain benchmarks in order to be included into the top 100. There is remarkable incentive to be included in the list, but there was virtual punishment if one were not included. This could be understandable only
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when one realises that the campaign was launched in a context where most of the institutions were underresourced and were struggling to make both ends meet. It was very different from similar policy moves elsewhere where selected institutions were rewarded with extra resources for excellence. Project 211 also caused a massive movement of merger among institutions. Although the scheme at large is one of meritocracy, there is some degree of inter-provincial parity, such that each province is given some subtle quota. Against that background, provincial governments tried to engineer such that local institutions could maximise the benefit from this campaign. One natural way to do this is to merge several institutions, each of which could have fallen below the requirements, but a merger megainstitution would be surely included because of the quota. Merger has become a major trend among institutions since the late 1980s until late 1990s. Merger has effectively achieved some economy of scale and has caused some reform that would otherwise be impossible. However, there were as many success stories as failures in institutional merger. At the same time, all kinds of joint ventures between institutions and enterprises, and between national and provincial administrations, also take place. The net effect is a general reduction of number of institutions in higher education, and a substantial reduction of institutions directly administered by the national government. The total number of higher education institutions has declined from around 1,000 during the 1990s to around 700 in 2002. The notion of selective reward of institutions escalated in 1999. In a Millennium Plan, the central government selected seven universities and provided them with extraordinary funding in order to foster ‘‘world-class’’ academic excellence. The two top tiers, comprising the two top institutions, Peking University and Tsinghua University, were each given an extra 1.8 billion RMB (local currency), which is around three times their annual expenditures. The other five institutions were given 1.5 and 1.2 billion, respectively, in another two tiers. This unusual policy has not only created an incredible gap between those favoured and those not favoured, but also legitimised a notion of what could be called ‘‘deliberate disparity’’ that may not be possible in any other polity. In this policy, the government seems to have the legitimacy to pick a few institutions and fund them with extraordinary generosity. This disparity policy is inherited from Deng Xiaoping’s doctrine of ‘‘letting a few to become rich first’’. It has indeed created a very favourable academic environment for those selected institutions, such that one could see almost overnight state-of-art laboratories and returnee top-notch scientists at salaries ten
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times their peers. The argument for concentrated use of limited resources has therefore gained some ground. However, the move has also disabled the other institutions from competing with these leading institutions. With the emergence of a few competitive institutions, it is perhaps not exaggerating to say that the entire higher education system is deprived a solid development in the long run.
Private–Public Partnership Similar to the case of basic education, the gradual retreat of funding from the state and the remarkable development of the scale have created significant room for all kinds of partnership. In the realm of higher education, purely publicly funded institutions have become rare. There are various types of institutions who lie between a totally public institution and a totally private one. The variety in private–public mix could be realised in the following classification: they are all called minban, which is a more precise representation than private schools. In Chinese, minban literally means ‘‘operated by the people’’ or ‘‘operated by the community.’’ It is used as a term opposite to ‘‘operated by the government’’ (gongban). Likewise, ‘‘community forces’’ is used to denote forces alternative to the government. In the document, ‘‘private schools’’ are sponsored and managed by social forces, which encompass the following five categories (Tianjin Institute of Educational Research, 1995): legal entities represented by governmental organisations or enterprises; economic groups; academic associations, community organisations and social organizations; democratic (i.e., non-communist) parties; and approved individuals. At one end of the spectrum, there are the real entrepreneurial schools operated by private individuals, based on private endowments or student fees. These are perhaps the schools that genuinely deserve the term ‘‘private.’’ For such schools, parents are ready to pay high fees. Indeed, many such schools survive on high debentures, which has evolved into a major controversy on the policy agenda and has been banned in many provinces. These schools are the most controversial and have attracted the most attention in policy debates. The above group of professional individuals is quite often also supported by the non-communist parties. The Democratic Alliance (Minzhu Tongmen), for example, has emerged as a major sponsor of minban schools at all levels. They believe that they could supplement the system of public schools with an
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alternative model of education. Similar to the non-communist parties are the academic associations, social organisations and community groups that operate schools for a particular social or professional course. At the other extreme of the private–public spectrum are schools sponsored by government organisations or enterprises. This may include various possibilities as is illustrated by the following examples. There are schools sponsored by enterprises that are derived from government departments. Economic reform allows government institutions to generate their own incomes by way of economic enterprising. Typically, a government department may own a firm or an industry that is legally registered, and such enterprises may operate a college. There are also schools jointly sponsored by a government department and another enterprise, association or other kinds of legal entity. All in all, the distinction between minban and public schools is made along lines of government planning and hence earmarked government funding. ‘‘Private schools’’ in China, in the broad sense, are often educational endeavours by ‘‘social forces’’ (i.e. non-government organizations) that do not preclude government participation. Therefore, government participation could mean direct subsidy from government appropriation, funding from ‘‘private’’ income generated by government organisation, or state departments or enterprises that are free to utilise their financial resources. Government subsidy may also be in kind, often in the form of capital constructions. The spectrum of modes of operation of schools has presented a new picture of diversity among China’s higher education institutions. Although the formal award of degrees and the formal appointment of professors are still in the hands of the national authorities, the institutions nonetheless have creative ways of going around the formalities. They presented totally different ways of management, of organising teaching and learning, and of institution-society relations. Their presence has also posed challenges to public institutions. The latter is also working along lines of diverse modes of operation.
Adult Education Adult education in China has grown to a scale that is comparable with the population in formal higher education. Adult education has ever seen diversity in development even in the early days of the People’s Republic.
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There are numerous means of adult education spanning all modes of learning. Among others, the Radio and Television University has produced the largest number of graduates in the past decades. The diversity in adult education demonstrates the pragmatic dimension of the Chinese culture, that regardless of limitations in learning conditions, there is always a way to obtain a qualification. The most spectacular dimension of adult learning is the Self-Study Examination, which is a nation-wide open examination where there is no limit to entrance requirements, and students could accumulate their courses until they are sufficient to constitute a formal qualification. In past years, there are more than 13 million candidates for the examination and the number is still on the increase. The Self-Study Examination has given rise to various types of face-to-face programmes preparing candidates for the examination. The merit of adult learning in general and the Self-Study Examination in particular is perhaps allowing candidates to break through their original career paths predetermined by their formal qualifications. This fits well into the changed workplace where increasingly more people are engaged in free-lancing and self-employment, and increasingly more people are changing jobs and changing careers. This is particularly the case in more developed urban centres and is spreading to less developed towns. Nonetheless, the strong culture of formality is still placing adult learning in a underprivileged position, and adult learning qualifications are still less favoured when compared with formal qualifications.
The Student Body The student body in China’s system of higher education has also witnessed a change towards diversity. A few institutions, such as Peking University, are starting to recruit international students. However, this is only limited to a few. Although there have been calls to use English textbooks and the English language as the medium of instruction at least in post-graduate programmes, teaching is largely in Chinese. Hence, diversity in an international sense is yet to emerge. However, the diversity among students is growing, even though most of them come from China. Perhaps we have to understand the context of how students are recruited. Of the three categories of institutions mentioned above, the national universities recruit from all over the country, and their graduates find jobs all over the country (although this is becoming blurred because of the relaxation of population mobility). Many of the national
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universities have undergone exercises of central-provincial joint venture. In the new joint ventures between the central and provincial authorities, there is often an agreement between the central and the provincial government, such that the institutions could recruit more students from the local province, for example, in return for provincial funding to the institution. Therefore, there is a different mix of students in these institutions. Meanwhile, since the introduction of fees, many institutions admit students who would not be admitted according to their academic scores in the public entrance examination. They were admitted as extra students at a fee. Such a fee is often the tuition plus some one-off donation to the institution. Likewise, some of the provincial institutions are given permission to recruit from the national pool. These are usually the strong provincial universities that have gained some national fame. In such institutions, there is again an increase in diversity. There are also private institutions (or minban institutions) that are not limited in its student recruitment. They attract students who are not necessarily of top-tier status in their academic results, and who would otherwise be excluded from higher education. Overall, when compared with the situation before the reform and at the high times of planned economy, the student population is much more diverse. There was a time when students came only from families of ‘‘good’’ family background, meaning workers’ and peasants’ families, and descendents from capitalist or landlord families were deprived an opportunity to study in higher education. There is a danger of a reversal of the situation. Since 1997, because of feecharging and because of the increasingly high private cost of higher education, many families have to struggle with the financial means to support their children to achieve higher education. For this reason, only the better-off families could afford their children’s higher education. Some may even worry that the high fees might have deterred parents from supporting their children’s education even at senior secondary level because they have to calculate the costs of such a decision. Although the government has established loans for higher education students, they are not seen to be effective. Partly it is because parents, from poor background in particular, are still not used to borrowing money from someone ‘‘unfamiliar’’ because the loan is handled by a bank and it does not prove to be attractive business. In the top-notch universities, there are other elements of diversity that have crept into the student population. In China, there has always been a preferential admissions policy for the ethnic minority. They were admitted with scores lower than their counterparts of Han (the majority Chinese) origin. This was perhaps the only policy of positive discrimination apart
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from the class bias during the revolutionary years. With the increased disparity over the nation, it is not certain whether or not the percentage of students with minority origin would increase or decrease. Most likely, there could be an increase in some and decrease in others. Without adjustments in the admission policies, the student population may soon skew against certain ethnic groups. Ideology is another element to be carefully observed. There is a significant increase in students with a Christian background, or who are converted during their college years. They are quiet but active. There are rather widespread Christian fellowships of a Chinese version in universities. Meanwhile, the non-communist parties are also expanding their membership among the young people, and most of their recruits are disproportionately young academics in universities. Hence, the ideological landscape in higher education is also changing.
CONCLUDING REMARKS Diversity in the western sense of the term is still not so much an issue in China. However, one has to understand China from its past, where the cultural heritage and the planned economy both contributed to a relatively uniform society, and education is no exception. Since the reform that started more than two decades ago, nation-wide uniformity has basically disappeared because of strong policies of decentralisation. Diversity emerged because of local needs and local favour – that is, different parts of the nation begin to do things differently. The trend towards greater diversity is unmistakable. However, the nation is still highly organised and highly connected. This, together with a national culture of conformity, still maintains a society that is basically converging in nature. The kind of diversity that one would observe in other societies may or may not emerge in China. Meanwhile, since the development of diversity in China is very much facilitated by policy differentiations, the degree and speed of development of diversity also show a disparity. In other words, diversity is more visible in more developed regions and less in less developed regions. The tolerance to diversity, therefore, also exhibits a regional disparity. This adds to the worries about disparity, which is perhaps the most essential potential crisis in the nation. What is most essential is perhaps the sense of diversity that has grown among students of higher education. Their thoughts would form an important part of the culture of the next generation. With the recent change in
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school teaching and learning, one would expect that the future generations would be more exposed to plural ways of seeing, thinking and living. China is already a much more diverse nation compared with itself some 20 years ago, and perhaps the most diverse in its over 5,000 years of history. Diversity will continue to grow, and most likely at a faster speed, but may grow in a way that carries with it a strong cultural underpinning.
REFERENCE Cheng, K. M. (1997). The meaning of decentralisation: Looking at the case of China. In: W. K. Cummings & N. F. McGinn (Eds), International handbook of education and development: Preparing schools, students and nations for the twenty-first century (pp. 393–403). Oxford: Pergamon. Reform of China’s educational structure: Decisions of the CPC Central Committee (May 1985). (1985). Reform of China’s educational structure: Decisions of the CPC Central Committee. Beijing: Foreign Language Press. Tianjin Institute of Educational Research. (1995). Minban school in China: A survey. Beijing: People’s Education Press.
DIVERSIFICATION IN RUSSIAN HIGHER EDUCATION: PROFILES, FOUNDATIONS AND OUTLOOKS Andrey V. Rezaev Humanity is constantly struggling with two contradictory processes. One of these tends to promote unification, while the other aims at maintaining or re-establishing diversification. Claude Levi-Strauss (1976, p. 361)
For some time now, the evidence of our failure to educate the young has been overwhelming. The accumulation of facts and data demonstrating this failure practically in all countries of the world is staggering (for example, Alain Bloom’s [1987] study of the American university has a subtitle: ‘‘How higher education has failed democracy and impoverished the souls of today’s students’’). Normally, the educationists who advanced the theories and administered the policies, which have accompanied the decline of the School, argue that the possible reasons for the decline are many and uncertain. Quite often today, they use the term ‘‘globalization’’ – this catchword for all purposes, in failed attempts to capture this complexity. This volume provides an opportunity for a moment of self-reflection on higher education as a social phenomenon, on its institutional positioning, and on the marginality and the centrality of its practitioners as researchers and intellectuals. Inevitably, this task involves reflecting on, and intervening in, the project of understanding the socioeconomic processes in the society. This chapter provides a general framework for analysis of ‘‘diversification Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 107–124 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05005-9
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problems’’ in higher education as is understood today in former state socialism countries, particularly in Russia. It summarizes premises and offers a theoretical agenda for future research. The first section develops a general understanding of deeply rooted connections and relations between the socio-economic context and the institution of higher education. The second section concentrates mainly on systemic changes that have occurred in Russian higher education after the demise of a Soviet-type economy (STE) and ideology-based education (IBE). The chapter begins with a theoretical and methodological framework section where operational definitions – such as higher education, institutions, institutes, the system of higher education – as well as approaches in scholarly literature are identified. Next, three theoretical assumptions along with three derived hypotheses are formulated, followed by a discussion of the multidisciplinarity and cultural pluralism for higher education studies. The author looks at the methodological and theoretical potential of new institutionalism in the social sciences to study higher education. Then Russia’s experiences in transforming its sociopolitical, socioeconomic structures and in reforming the national system of higher education system are considered. In this regard, the chapter attempts to answer the questions: What kind of higher education system does Russia have as a former state socialism country? What kind of higher education system does Russia need in the new economic environment? Much is heard in academic discourse about the ‘‘reforming’’ or ‘‘modernization,’’ ‘‘restructuring’’ or ‘‘reorganization,’’ or ‘‘turmoil’’ that countries around the globe have experienced in higher education since the mid-1980s. A great deal of academic research and writing is aimed at finding new ways to analyze the relationship between socioeconomic changes and higher education policy in these ‘‘new times.’’ All of this is sparked by perceptions of tumultuous change in the experience of life in Europe today that has not been felt in centuries. Changes are most dramatically evident in the higher learning institutions of Eastern and Central Europe following the collapse of the old regimes in the late 1980s. During the last decade, an increasing number of scholars in Europe have become interested in studying the nature of the system of higher learning, its processes and effects. It is sufficient to mention the Bologna process that involved almost all European countries in the effort to consider problematic developments in tertiary education. Higher education studies have not yet become an academic discipline, like physics or economics, but it has become an extraordinarily lively area of research and theory. It is one of the busiest crossroads in the study of socioeconomic transformations in the region of Eastern and Central Europe, which is understandable, because higher
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education business is a social institute – perhaps the only fundamental social institution in the former state socialism countries – that was really one of the best in the world.
OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS AND PREMISES OF ANALYSIS Higher education/higher learning is an activity and experience (academic in scope, socializing in character) organized and structured in institutes, funded and regulated by authorities (state/private). It is an activity that helps to mold people who make up society, fostering societal development on the base of intellectual enterprise, scholarly work, and inquiry. We face the challenge of understanding higher education. Our discussion is not only directed toward professional educators, but also urges reconsideration of Russian higher education among the broad spectrum of social processes and developments following the decline of state socialism in Russia. Instruction, training or exchange of information and knowledge are essential and indispensable in higher learning. Secondary elements include scholarship, scientific work, and creative inquiry. Intellectual enterprise, research, and creativity distinguish higher education from elementary and secondary lower schools. Institutions-institutes: the word institution has a variety of meanings in English and in theoretical analyses. For example, in the third edition of the Penguin Dictionary of Sociology (Abercrombie & Turner, 1994), five major complexes of institutions are conventionally identified: (1) Economic institutions serve to produce and distribute goods and services; (2) Political institutions regulate the use of, and access to, power; (3) Stratification institutions determine the distribution of positions and resources; (4) Kinship institutions deal with marriage, the family, and the socialization of the young; (5) Cultural institutions are concerned with religious, scientific, and artistic activities. Understanding that these definitions are conventional might help in doing research. This chapter follows Douglass North (1990, p. 3) in defining ‘‘institutions as the rules of the game in a society,’’ or more formally, ‘‘institutions are the humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction.’’ The author is fully aware about the plurality of meanings for institution and realizes that normally in writings on higher education, this term is synonymous with the word organization. The proposed usage of institutions
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also might be confusing in everyday semantics. For the sake of making a clear distinction between two elements of the higher education system (institutes/organizations and institutions/rules and norms), the notion institutions is defined as ‘‘the rules that shape human behavior.’’ Thus institutions are the ‘‘rules of the game’’ in a society. They are the rules that society establishes to guide human interaction. Institutions reduce the uncertainty involved in human interaction by giving us patterns of behavior and providing structure to everyday life. Institutions are the guides to human interaction. The institutional framework has three components: formal rules, informal rules, and enforcement mechanisms. Thus, institutions represent rules, regulations, and enforcement mechanisms. Institutions can be economic, political, or social in nature. Organizations (or institutes) are groups of individuals bound together to achieve some objective. The important point is to distinguish organization/institutes from institutions. For example, Microsoft is an organization; its goal is to maximize profits by creating software for consumers. It operates under an institutional framework of formal and informal rules and norms. The System of Higher Education consists of at least three basic elements. The first is the individual establishments of higher learning, organizational and structural units of higher education, or institutes of higher education (IHE). These establishments combine faculty, students, organizational and material resources, strategic plans, and curricula programs. IHE can be state- and private-affiliated; for-profit or not-for-profit; undergraduate and graduate; operating in-campus or distance-based. The second element includes the formal and informal rules that guide the behavior of those who make up the IHE, as well as their relations with various external actors. Higher education is focused on people; thus, institutions and norms of higher education need to foster and cultivate, but not obstruct, human potential. The first two elements comprise the world of academia. There is also a third element in the system: organizational bodies and structures directly involved in the financing, managing, and operating of IHE. The study of diversity in higher education should necessarily include a focus on all three elements.
APPROACHES IN THE LITERATURE Several approaches in the discourse on Higher Learning can be identified in the scholarly literature published in Central and Eastern Europe (in the
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former state socialism countries). The more important approaches to consider are: The economic approach views higher education as a productive investment in human resources, which is undoubtedly a part of informed conventional wisdom. Economists look at higher education structures in terms of what determines its development and what are the incentives? Considerable focus on money, funding, taxes, and mechanisms of state support are another part of the mainstream economic approach. The socio-cultural approach is an important but quite rare approach in the literature, which stresses higher education as a system of modern subcultures. Academics live by many subcultures that are inherent in their working practices. Fellows and students develop separate cultures while faculty and administrators prefer their own values and norms. The sociological analysis of the higher education structures is an approach that assumes units of higher learning are hierarchically organized systems. How do they work? Who are the people who make up the Schools? Problems of social differentiation, gender and ethnic relations, aging – these are the topics for sociologists who study higher education. Political scientists are increasingly involved in debates about the mission, role and fate of the system of higher learning. These are important questions in times of globalization, European enlargement, market expansion, and welfare-state retrenchment. The philosophical approach is dominated by critical reflections on the essence of learning. Its emphasis is on the analysis of the past, present, and future of the higher education enterprise as a whole. In some sense, the philosophical approach combines all approaches described above.
THEORETICAL PREMISES AND HYPOTHESES Three theoretical and methodological premises, along with three hypotheses, comprise the author’s position in understanding the possibilities and realities of reformation in the field of higher education. The author believes that: (a) Inter(multi)disciplinarity is essential for adequately understanding the theoretical and methodological contours of contemporary higher education. Researchers must be oriented toward a general picture and understanding of the socioeconomic context for education development. (b) To be successful, institutions of higher education must not only be managed wisely and efficiently but also must be open to cultural pluralism, diversity, and equity.
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(c) Theoretical and methodological foundations, operational conceptions developed in New Institutional Economics (R. Coase, D. North) and New Institutionalism in Sociology (M. Granovetter, V. Nee, R. Swedberg, P. DiMaggio), are viewed as a necessary scholarly apparatus for higher education studies. The productive power of the New Institutionalist methodologies might well be illustrated by its application to the inquiry into the events and processes of higher education in former state socialism countries. The first, major theoretical hypothesis is to make the reforms in the field of higher education (or modernizations or reconceptualizations) productive and fruitful means to build ‘‘new institutions’’ in the field. That implies firstly de-institutionalization of the old type of the system. In the case of former state socialism, higher education was a system of institutions organized for central-planning, Soviet-type society, and IBE. The second hypothesis: The realities of transformations and establishment of new institutions manifest the necessity to make the system open to real diversification. The third theoretical hypothesis of the paper is: Five elements constitute and determine the world of diversity in higher education: (1) diversity of funding base; (2) diversity of curricula and programs; (3) diversity of methodology and teaching techniques; (4) diversity of departments and departmental periphery (interdisciplinary centers and professionalized organizational units to work with outside organizations and groups); (5) diversity of faculty and students in terms of cultural and subcultural milieu, racial and ethnic origins. Unfortunately, this last element is not yet part of scholarly discussions in the former Soviet bloc countries. Interdisciplinarity Specialization is necessary, yet it poses problems. The current period of social science development in Russia is the period of interdisciplinarity. To be a leader in academic social science, a scholar must be equipped with the multidisciplinary methodology. One might say that the idea is but a truism today – it is true. Yet, the truth is also in the great words of Albert Einstein, who once said, ‘‘You cannot solve a problem with the same level of thinking that created it.’’ In other words, I argue that you cannot (in principle) solve an economic issue relying only upon economics; the same is applicable to higher education issues. Higher education studies in Russia must be organized and developed based on a multidisciplinary perspective. This will
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require combining methodological orientations, theoretical techniques, and explanation potentials of different disciplines, from hard sciences through the social sciences to cultural studies and literature studies. In other words, higher learning’s issues and problems resolution should be oriented toward interdisciplinarity per se. The most important aspect of educational discourse today is not the appraisal of alternative solutions to the problems of education, but the definition of the problems themselves. It might sound very simple, yet it is easy to miss because what people see when they look at the higher education scene is a series of particular problems and possible remedies: How to cope with the shortage of classrooms, shortage of equipment and materials? Improve curriculum? Eliminate incompetence of professors? Manage the new programs? Special educational journals overflow with worries and suggestions. Presidents and rectors brandish new ideas. Chancellors diligently tally the costs and benefits of the various proposals. Educational committees hold hearings. Public opinion swings to and fro. That is what public discourse looks like. However, in the background we have – unarticulated and unconscious – feudal-based ground that determines when we declare a fact to be a problem. This is the unchallenged subtext of educational discourse. We debate specifics and, on almost every issue, we instinctively define a spectrum of economic rationalization from ‘‘much and expensive’’ to ‘‘adaptable and not cheap’’ and align ourselves along it. Educational problems are not necessarily discrete facts or pieces of data awaiting discovery. Often these problems are consequences of social, political, and economic arrangements of the society. Without a set of common socioeconomic assumptions, we would have no way of identifying or categorizing higher education problems and their possible solutions.
Multiculturalism One very important aspect of the problem is normally forgotten by the family of educational theories. It deals with contemporary higher education system as an extremely Eurocentric organism, which had shown up at the end of the twentieth century, having little if any sensitivity for the intellectual and cultural traditions of other civilizations. Endemic in current intellectual life and education, Euroecentrism is naturalized as ‘‘common sense.’’ Science and philosophy are assumed to be European – the notion Europeans refers here not only to Europe per se but
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also to the ‘‘neo-Europeans’’ of the Americas, Australia, and elsewhere. Eurocentrism sanitizes Western history and social practice while patronizing the non-West. Eurocentrism thinks of itself in terms of its noblest achievements in science, literature, humanism and of the non-West in terms of its deficiencies, real or imagined. Eurocentrism is a historically situated discourse and not a genetic inheritance; Europeans can be anti-Eurocentric, just as non-Europeans can be Eurocentric. Yet, Eurocentric thinking is fundamentally unrepresentative of a world that always was multicultural. Egypt melds Pharaonic, Arab, Muslim, Jewish, Christian, and Mediterranean influences; India is riotously plural in religions and languages; Mexico’s ‘‘cosmic race’’ mingles at least three major constellations of cultures. American multiculturalism was not born with scholarly publications in the late twentieth century. ‘‘America’’ began as a multicultural and polyglot society, speaking hundreds of languages: Native American, European, Asian, and African. An anti-Eurocentric cultural pluralism/multiculturalism relativizes Western history and Europe (Note: cultural pluralism is not ‘‘against’’ Europe per se and it does not imply Euro-phobic attitudes at all). It views Europe as a geographical fiction that flattens the cultural diversity even of Europe itself. Indeed, Europe has always had its own peripheralized regions and stigmatized communities (Irish, Gypsies, Huguenots, Muslims, peasants, and women). The Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung (1982) has distinguished between three contemporary civilizations: Occident, Orient, and Hindu. These civilizations represent sharply different cultural ‘‘paradigms,’’ distinct basic beliefs that cultivate the people belonging to them. According to Galtung, the Occident is based on the monotheistic religions of Christianity and Islam; Judaism has also a great part in it. The Orient, on the other hand, is constituted by Buddism and Confucian, Tao and Shinto cosmology and epistemology. Hindu stands by itself. In terms of the spirit of education of the twenty-first century, we need to take into account not only what developed in Europe but also all the cultural traditions in the world. Cultural pluralism is an enduring attribute of contemporary society. Closely inspected, the overwhelming majority of the nation-states in our global community have significant internal cleavages based upon cultural specificities, ethnicity, race or religion. This rich diversity exerts considerable impact on the development of the educational system. Education is a subject of general concern about which there is too little informed or coherent discussion. Indeed, there can be no informed or coherent discussion when people do not share a general culture, which would give them a common basis for comprehending the true nature of the problem. This is on the
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one hand. On the other hand, there is undoubtedly a large – perhaps vast – potential for an education system to instill the values of tolerance and empathy toward ‘‘the other’’ and an understanding of the positive aspects of diversity, i.e., to make the citizenry of the future better equipped to respond to the challenges of multiculturalism. In some of its more extreme discourse, multiculturalism decants into an assertion of difference as a supreme social value. Acknowledgment of diversity is in many settings indispensable. Yet, equally vital is recognition of the shared civic values, which make of the citizenry a corporate personality with a common interest in the well-being of the polity as a whole. As a normative premise, cultural diversity requires acknowledgment rather than judgment. Cultural pluralism is a natural attribute of a political society, and sanctions or a coercive fiat cannot achieve the loyalty of a citizen. Social change, expanding communication networks and media, the increasing complexity of economic activity and social structure – in general, the array of processes commonly labeled globalization (modernization/ westernization) – tend to produce stronger communal and cultural identities. What is important is that the cultural segments themselves are subject to evolution and change in the crucible of social process and political competition. At the same time, identities are usually multiple and layered; they are not uniform across ethnic groups and are differently experienced by the individual members. The field of education is particularly sensitive, both because of the cultural policy choices it poses, and the intimate link between educational opportunity and life chances. Since all political struggle in the contemporary world necessarily passes through the aggressive realm of a mass culture, education in general and tertiary education in particular are absolutely central to any discussion of cultural pluralism. The system of education now exists to the very core of identity production; it shapes identity. The goal of today’s university is to ‘‘multiculturalize’’ higher learning in Russia, a field that is largely devoid of substantive multicultural context. While many members of the faculty community in the Universities all over the world defend multiculturalism against neoconservative attacks and Eurocentric content of studies, higher education is often not multicultural at all. While a plethora of reports and innumerable essays rationalize issues of race, class, gender, and sexuality, or explore light-headed abstract notions of difference and alterity in poststructuralist discourses, very few Universities around the world offer a participatory knowledge and social practice of non-European cultures.
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New Institutionalism for Higher Education Social science has had a substantial revival of interest in theoretical schemes of institutionalism nowadays. Indeed, there is a strong tradition of institutional analysis in sociology going back to classics of the discipline such as Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. Yet, the socioeconomic processes and transformation of the late twentieth century made a great impact upon the new visions and explanations based on institutionalism. It is well illustrated by the events and discussions concerning transitions toward a market-oriented economy among the former state socialism countries. The governmental economic strategy in all countries of the former state socialist bloc is based on understanding that if the appropriate incentives are established, economic actors will respond rationally by changing behavior and transforming organizations in ways consistent with a neoclassical market orientation. Thus, the objectives of reforms and transformations are to create such incentives; effective tools include liberalizing prices, privatizing state-owned enterprises, and hardening budget constraints. For example, the current agenda and discourse on Russian higher education system have been absolutely dominated by the economic rationalism and corporate policies pursued by the Federal Government. Consistent with general trends of a society transformation, higher education in Russia has been manipulated by the dominance of market ideology translated into economic rationalism. The dominant approach is based on instrumentalist and technical efficiency stemming from economic and political motivations, rather than educational or cultural considerations. Yet, the exact socioeconomic processes that resulted after the demise of a STE (the events of transition) reflects a growing recognition, both within and outside of academia, that economic’s dominant neoclassical paradigm suffers from serious limitations. New Institutionalist Economics restates the most basic tenet of neoclassic economists. Functioning national markets cannot exist without formal institutions: legal, administrative, and regulatory institutions maintained by the state, and informal norms, habits and ways. Self-regulating labor and commodity markets do not automatically emerge in the absence of state action; instead, they are conscious institutional constructs rooted in historical trajectories and based on competitive markets. It is not enough to smash the state bureaucracy that owns, controls or regulates goods and services; rather, the instruments of the state must be redeployed to perform the much more difficult task of indirect regulation and administration. Commonly recognized in the literature on regulation in advanced countries, this point has somehow escaped the notice of the current advocates of the free market
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in the former state socialism countries. Unregulated markets develop their own form of organization to stem uncertainty and introduce levels of predictability into commercial transactions. In the absence of state regulation, these agreements evolve into pacts that neglect the preferences of merchants and entrepreneurs. The author would argue that the consequences of organizational change in higher education could be less uniform than expected by a neoclassical economics view. Regarding empirical analysis of the IHE, the most obvious fact is that the market is a fragile, fixed institution, highly embedded in Russia’s historical circumstances. Human custom, habits and ways, social networks, postcommunist communism, and structural inertia organize the dominant direction of change not toward advanced capitalism based on market forces but rather backward, as once suggested in literature, to more primitive ‘‘merchant capitalism’’ (Burowoy & Krotov, 1992). Thus, had the Russian government (as an example of a post state socialism country) consulted scholarly output of the New Institutional Economics and the New Economic Sociology, a more cautious and selective program of reforms in higher education and economic strategy, during the transition from centrally planned society life and ideologically based education, would have resulted.
Russian Higher Education: Economic Rationalism and/or Rational Development To summarize key assumptions of this section: 1. In economics and the social sphere, in military activities and even in space, Russia is no longer in the front rank. So far as leadership and initiative depend on economics and social spheres, they are passing into the hands of others, but a full share of leadership in the realm of ideas is still open to Russia. It is in this perspective that the present higher education scene in Russia must be surveyed. The universities in Russia are still the primary institutes that are theoretically the locus for the development and diffusion of consciousness for the whole society. It is the field of higher learning that still must house and set the conditions of work for the largest proportion of Russia’s most skilled and trained personnel. 2. Higher education constitutes a crucial intellectual socioeconomic phenomenon in Russia. This is true not only because it trains specialists and provides the basis for a technological-information society of the twenty-first
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century, but because higher education is a crucial social establishment forming the consciousness of the society that has a widespread impact on cultural, political, ideological, and economic processes. Academics contribute to society not only through the written word but also through advising government and industry. There have been significant shifts over 10 years of reforms in Russian higher education policy. In part these shifts were stimulated by immediate political purposes (anti-communism) and partly by Western experts, who argued that the development of higher education would lead to the stabilization of society and economic growth (to some degree in response to the economic situation). Until now, however, there have been no clearly articulated objectives and goals for the development of higher education. Two sets of problems constitute the current situation in the higher education system of Russia: problems from within – faculty and students; problems from outside – ultrarapid change and overinformation. Capitalism as a social system has canonized the idea of success and put it mainly into the grove of economic activity. In this sense, capitalism was made an iron basis for the political preferences and orientation for people. Yet in Russia’s case, the capitalist ideals and ideas confront the people who have obtained an education based on different social and cultural foundations. The stress in Russian education is not on material success but rather on spiritual values, consciousness and soul. This is a bright and a dark side of higher education in Russia: on the one hand, the broad and general education developed during Soviet time is an asset for people making them flexible in obtaining new skills and professions; on the other hand, the essence of pedagogical and ideological activity in the Russian educational system cannot match the market ideas and ideals. In this sense, education is the only phenomenon for a government to work with in order to achieve its goals. It is very important to understand that higher education institutes are part of the international knowledge network. Russia has to be reintegrated in this large and old academic system. This reintegration does not mean that Russia has to adopt contemporary Western policies concerning higher education in order for these policies to have a major impact on the nature of academic systems, on their orientations and curricula, and on their societal roles. Russian state universities today remain largely patterned on the nineteenth-century German model; in the private sector, they have the American system as a role model. But in both public and private sectors, ideas of diversity are almost absolutely out of sight of the higher education practitioners.
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PROBLEMS CONFRONTING HIGHER EDUCATION IN RUSSIA The field research conducted by the International Center for Comparative and Institutional Research at St. Petersburg State University in 1998–2002 helped to formulate the problems that were essential for the system of higher learning in Russia in 1990 and in 2002. The higher education problems in Russia in 1990 included: (1) lack of diversification in the content of studies; a uniform curriculum was a must; (2) lack of diversification in terms of programs of study, types, and duration of study; five-year programs were the basic programs in all Russian IHE; (3) shortage of alternate IHE; private IHE just started to appear; and (4) lack of professional bonds with Western universities. In 2002, the list of problems included: (1) the growing disproportion (gap) between public needs for tertiary education development and financial resources provided by the State (this is a global issue yet in transitional countries, such problems are disproportionate given the differences in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita); (2) lack of other than state resources to fund the IHE; (3) the growing gap for a possibility to obtain a high-quality higher education for young people from poor families; (4) lack of young faculty members in higher education; the faculty is getting older and older and as a consequence, an aging faculty brings another set of problems with their attitudes toward new economic schemes, ideals, methodologies, and techniques of instruction; (5) a growing disproportion between universities in capital cities (St. Petersburg, Moscow) and provincial establishments; and (6) demography problems. It is not a fresh observation that despite the changing role of the state in the funding of universities, governments all over the world increasingly look at higher education systems as a form of strategic investment in the knowledge economy. On the one hand, the Russian government no longer considers universities its prime responsibility in terms of funding (priorities have shifted toward economic transformation, state building, security, and crime prevention). On the other, universities are considered a primary source of progress toward developing a knowledge society. Russia’s system of higher education is increasingly the subject of harsh criticism. In part, this is probably due to the increased awareness of the pervasive impact that higher education can have on the future of Russia. This ‘‘center-of-attention’’ role of higher education also may be influenced by the rising expectation of society for more efficient and effective education after the demise of ideological constraints and state dominance. The loudest voice criticizing higher education in Russia is that of the educators themselves. They know the
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weaknesses of the system and have been trained to deal with them, devoting their professional lives to this task. However, the well-intentioned critics from faculty ranks very often are apt to see only the symptoms and conclude that the ‘‘patient’’ is in terrible shape. The matters that really need attention – the fundamental causes – are not so obvious, and they are not usually cured by mere innovations to the curriculum or by more expensive equipment, with more or less vocational work. The matter is too complex. The problem relates not only to economic, social, and political life, but to the consciousness of the society. I understand the changes in education as a basis for ‘‘conversion’’ of consciousness of people in the former state socialism countries.
Situation The major parameters of the new situation in Russian higher education are already set and are well known: (1) free market; (2) new employment situation for the graduates of IHE; (3) financial support will not grow very much, if at all, as a percentage of the Gross Net Product (GNP) in the middle 1980s; (4) public support is below historical levels and continues slowdown to some other national objectives; (5) enrollment among ‘‘traditional students’’ turned into decreases; (6) the period of centralized State dominance over higher education is largely over, and the regions have the main public responsibility for higher education. Furthermore, the regions are generally prone to exercise more control than the federal government (Rezaev, 1996).
Market The role of ‘‘market forces’’ in Russian higher education is a valid but contradictory subject for consideration. The contradictions come primarily from the moral evaluations of the subject. Even the term market forces is greeted with instant moral valuation. Sometimes market forces are explained as agents of enlightenment; sometimes the very notion is seen as alien to the traditional concept of higher education. Nonetheless, both extreme positions have something in common: market forces are seen as the means, not as the ends. What is meant by a ‘‘market’’? There is nothing more confusing than this elusive concept, which is used with the most diverse meanings, for it is appropriate to the study of any area of social life (especially higher education). The scope for cooperation in this field is enormous, be it in the sharing and
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constructing of experiences or the transfer and adaptation of methodologies in view of the increasingly international nature of intellectual skills markets. In the most general sense, market is a place, or an opportunity for buying and selling; it is a social institution for the systematic exchange of commodities for money between vendors and customers. The concept of a market is not exclusively economic in the strictest sense. This is the conventional wisdom of our time – the ‘‘market model’’ is superior to the ‘‘command model’’ – that works in pure economic settings as, say, of getting consumer goods into the stores. This view must be considered carefully and urgently in relation to higher education and scientific research. Market also includes the sociocultural context in which it is embedded (e.g., certain conventions and regulatory systems, certain number of institutions and juridical codes, legitimate procedures for establishing property rights, etc.). IHE market strategies are confused by the activities of academic staff as commercial entrepreneurs in their own right. Thus, a contract by the IHE to provide a consumer with a highly specialized research service may not be fully independent from a contract by an employee of the IHE to provide a similar service – even to the extent of using IHE infrastructural facilities – on his own account. IHE make different arrangements with different kinds of customers concerning the ultimate rights of the intellectual property produced by the research for which they are contracted. Market forces or factors, which make markets work, are not a panacea. Education is not a commodity simply to be bought and sold. The aim is to develop a more market-oriented higher education system, not an unregulated marketplace. This is because properly ordered markets promote efficiency by producing balance between demand and supply. Today IHE are involved in three quite distinct markets: (1) IHE have internal markets, recruiting staff, and allocating resources within their organizations; (2) They seek customers to study their courses; (3) They trade their services with the outside world, supplying employers with qualified students and research and constantly service a wide range of commercial and public organizations. The very brief examination of the contemporary Russian situation shows that today higher education does not conform to a simple market model. It actually seems to involve at least several interconnected market and pseudomarket systems, each working on a different level or in a different domain. Higher education units, as corporate bodies, are not apparently averse to the transition from the ‘‘super-command’’ system of funding that had developed in the Soviet era. Their senior managers did not find that the uncertainties of
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the market place, where their successes or failures depended upon their own decisions, were preferable to a situation where the major item in the institutional budget for each coming year would be decided at a distance by other people. A great number of senior managers do prefer to live in the irrational but stable conditions of a command structure. Higher education is influenced by the labor market, but certainly not exclusively so. Both internal developments in curriculum arising from research and creation of knowledge, and external influences, most notably student orientations, shape, to a greater or lesser extent, the form and content of the curriculum and the characteristics of the graduates produced by it. The relative influence of each varies over time. It is commonly conceded that in high-technology occupations, the knowledge frontier is often advanced more in industry than in higher education, while in some public sector jobs, for instance, teaching, the values and working assumptions are not very different from those of higher education. The labor market and higher education permeate and influence each other. The relationship is best seen not in terms of needs and demands, but as mutual accommodation to continual social and economic change affecting both institutional sectors. The level of economic activities in society and demographic factors are only two of the extraneous features that exert major influences on the labor market and higher education respectively and, by so doing, change the relationship between them. Problems from within: Faculty Higher education clearly needs sufficient resources, good economic foundations, well-designed academic programs and a clear mission. Most important to its success, however, are high-quality and motivated faculty, and committed, well-prepared students. The problem in contemporary Russian higher education is not only with economics; the greatest problem is with the people who make up the schools – the faculty and students. The principal enemy of the faculty is the faculty themselves. The first problem and task of the transformation of faculty consciousness is to understand that: 1) In the new, competitive society, the individual has no predetermined status in life. Theoretically, he is not limited in his professional, economic, and other ambitions by ideological and political barriers. 2) The significant difference from the past is that the goals, methods, and philosophy of the educational system are no longer under the control of a
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culturally and politically privileged and influential group, but one that is not always competent within the community, nor under Party control. 3) Schools must now perform before the public, not the bureaucratic, eye and establish their own goals for society, namely, the production of specialists at various levels of skill and competence and the formulation of social values with which the State and the community may agree.
RUSSIAN ACADEMIA FACES PARTICULAR PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES About one-half of those now teaching in IHE are expected to retire within approximately five years. The question, therefore is, ‘‘Do those who replace them have the potential to give a new direction to the development of the educational and scientific processes?’’ Russian academics traditionally were both in pre-Communist and Soviet times, among the elite of the society in terms of social status and relative financial independence. However today, the professors of IHE are unable to live middle-class lifestyles on their average academic salaries. The necessity of earning additional money by holding more than one academic job or working in nonteaching commercial positions makes a full-time commitment to the younger generation problematic. Consequently, Russian higher education professors face a paradox: they are still considered members of the elite, but they are not paid according to their status and expertise and must dilute their energy with nonuniversity work, or make it in other universities. Russian academics are still not part of the international academic community, with special relations to professionals in the major world centers of research and scholarship. While a number of Russian professors – owing to state and private grants from abroad – recently have studied and conducted research in other countries, they have not been brought up with the norms and values of the international academic system. Russian academia face economic, infrastructural, and lingual difficulties in terms of access to international journals, research facilities, and contacts with these research centers. But life goes on. Russia has now declared its course toward a knowledgebased economy, i.e., an economy where national and even individual competitiveness relies more and more intensively on the human capital held by the individual actors. Investment in skills is a prime factor in competitiveness and employability. It is not the accumulation of knowledge per se that
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is important; rather, it is the ability to learn quickly and adapt to new challenges and situations. Unfortunately, the system of education is not prepared to serve this end. The current higher education and training systems in Russia, a former state socialism country, appear too conservative and are still characterized by a culture largely cut off from the worlds of multiculturalism and multi/ interdisciplinarity. These systems are also detached from the world of diversity and equity. In the context of profound socioeconomic changes, a conservative system will find it difficult to produce innovative individuals and to solve the problems of divisiveness that multiculturalism raises in contemporary society.
REFERENCES Abercrombie, N., & Turner, B. S. (1994). The Penguin dictionary of sociology (3rd ed.). London: Penguin Books. Bloom, A. (1987). The closing of the American mind: How higher education has failed democracy & impoverished the souls of today’s students. New York: Simon and Schuster. Burowoy, M., & Krotov, P. (1992). The Soviet transition from socialism to capitalism: Worker control and economic bargaining in the wood industry. American Sociological Review, 57, 16–38. Galtung, J. (1982). Nation as a variable. In: M. Niessen & J. Peschar (Eds), International comparative research: Problems of theory, methodology, and organisation in Eastern and Western Europe (pp. 17–34). Oxford: Pergamon Press. Levi-Strauss, C. (1976). Structural anthropology (Vol. 2). New York: Basic Books. North, D. (1990). Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. New York: Cambridge University Press. Rezaev, A. (1996). Reflections on the three Ps of Russian higher education: Philosophy, practices, prospects. Ivanovo, Russia: ICTI.
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OBSTACLES TO DIVERSITY: EXAMINING THE EDUCATIONAL PIPELINE Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi INTRODUCTION Much of what we know about the status of different populations in the educational system is gained by understanding the factors that facilitate or restrict student progress in the educational pipeline. The educational pipeline as an analytic model places access to and opportunity in higher education in a larger social and institutional context and examines the steps leading to the successful completion of college as part of a larger, more complex process. Namely, it helps us to understand the process – as a whole and in stages – by which the many are reduced to a few on the path leading from the earliest years of schooling to post-college outcomes. Within the pipeline, there are distinct transition points, such as the transition from secondary to postsecondary education, that serve as blockages for underrepresented minority groups. At these critical junctures, the pool of students eligible for the next step in the road to a college degree is reduced and the racial and class gap widens. In The Shape of the River, these blockages are referred to as dams, backwaters and tributaries at each critical stage, which divert students out of the mainstream leading to a college degree (Bowen & Bok, 1998). Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 127–129 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05027-8
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This section examines different aspects of the educational pipeline from a number of important perspectives. First, it demonstrates that in countries around the globe, the underrepresentation of students of color in higher education is a consistent and persistent problem. The permanence of race, racism, ethnocentrism and discrimination is at the root of the racial divide in each of the studies presented here. Second, this section demonstrates that the lack of access for and representation of students of color are tied to key social conditions under which students pursue education, such as structural inequality and gender norms, often producing gender discrimination within discriminated categories (e.g., against women of color). Finally, this section places access to higher education in a broader context of increasing institutional stratification within higher education where the racial gap between attending selective colleges and non-selective colleges is growing rather than shrinking, particularly in developed countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom. The chapter by Peter Ratcliffe examines issues of institutional stratification in higher education and the level and nature of access to higher education in the United Kingdom for minority populations. It is suggested that, although access to higher education for students of color are generally similar to those of white students, there is a major disparity when examining access and representation among different institutional types. Specifically, minority students tend to be concentrated in lower-status universities (as measured by peer group assessment) and have limited access to certain disciplines. Ratcliffe demonstrates that these two factors combined have significant implications for the likelihood of accessing certain careers. Peary Brug compares the psychological factors that contribute to differential outcomes for ethnic minority and majority group adolescents in the Netherlands. Specifically, Brug examined how, under certain conditions, minority group members tend to disengage psychologically as a result of perceived discrimination in school. Furthermore, perceived diagnosticity of performance feedback was negatively related to disengagement. The results show that negative experiences in school can lead to psychological disengagement from the academic domain and that disengagement is not restricted to African American undergraduates. Florence Bonner examines and challenges assumptions of gender equity in higher education. Among the important questions she asks in her study are: Does a numerical majority in higher education entry and graduation rates constitute gender equality for women? Does an increased acquisition of advanced degrees translate into equity in outcomes such as employment, status, salary or resources? Using data on graduate school and career
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outcomes, Bonner argues that women still face many challenges in accessing certain fields, as well as equal compensation in the occupational hierarchy. Indicators demonstrating the success of women in U.S. higher education are often misleading when they are not embedded in a broader context that considers race, ethnicity, class and/or gender factors. The chapter by Robert Teranishi examines the effects of racial segregation in secondary schools on access to higher education in the United States. Specifically, the study is an examination of California’s public high school population within the context of differential college access and opportunities for racial and ethnic subpopulations. There are identifiable patterns of racial and economic segregation in California’s system of public secondary schools and postsecondary resources, opportunities and outcomes. The stratification of secondary schools in California is indicative of a larger national and global problem that is correlated with differential rates of different racial groups attending higher education. Together, these chapters help to shed light on similarities and differences in factors contributing to the persistent problem of racial inequality in higher education around the globe. Central to this section is that students of color, despite their national context, must pursue their educational goals and aspirations while confronting deliberate and systematic exclusion that exist within the society and institutions.
REFERENCE Bowen, W. G., & Bok, D. (1998). The shape of the river: Long-term consequences of considering race in college and university admissions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
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HIGHER EDUCATION, ‘‘RACE’’ AND THE INCLUSIVE SOCIETY Peter Ratcliffe Much debate in Europe over the past decade has focused on problems of social exclusion and the need to build more inclusive societies (Askonas & Stewart, 2000; Byrne, 1999; Levitas, 1996, 1999). Unfortunately, as will be argued below, these debates have been clouded by conceptual weakness and a general lack of theoretical precision. But there can be no doubt that education is central to the quest for greater social equality, and higher education in particular has major potential as a means of promoting significant upward social mobility on the part of disadvantaged groups (however these may be conceived). So long as higher education results in a greater degree of economic inclusion, the benefits for minority communities are obvious. A higher standard of living is associated with greater levels of residential mobility and (in the UK at least) decreasing levels of segregation in inner urban locations. Insofar as this leads to a greater degree of spatial integration more generally, there are possible benefits to the wider society in terms of increasing social cohesion.1 In the case of those who achieve upward mobility, we can expect sustained benefits via the transmission of wealth to succeeding generations. Focusing predominantly on UK data, this chapter challenges many of the popular assumptions about the position of minorities.2 It begins by challenging the premise that ‘‘exclusionary’’ forces such as racism, at an institutional and individual level, can alone provide an adequate explanation of
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the differentials in experience between minority and majority society (let alone the massive differences among the various minority ethnic groups). Not only are obvious factors such as gender and class background central to a convincing account, we must also take heed of an extremely complex array of constraining and enabling forces. The latter are seen to operate at a number of stages in the temporal process, which provides the focus of our concerns here. The first question is whether minorities benefit from a degree of access to higher education equivalent to that of young whites. This entails an appraisal of the role of schools and careers advisors in preparing students for post-compulsory education (PCE). The second set of questions surrounds the applications process. A number of agents are involved at this stage: students, their peer groups, teachers (especially those with a careers advisory remit) and university admissions personnel (both administrative and academic). These overt agential forces are then supplemented by a myriad of more nebulous factors, most notably, popular images of institutions, media accounts of various features of the educational system, university prospectuses and league tables purporting to measure performance.3 Success at university is clearly crucial to future employment prospects, and particularly so in the case of minorities. This constitutes the third set of concerns. The chapter then concludes with a reflection on the impact of educational progress on the prospects of appropriate employment (irrespective of prior social disadvantage) and their joint contribution to the broader quest for social inclusivity. Before addressing these issues, however, we need to consider the broad pattern of differences in access to higher education in the UK. Put simply, minorities appear to acquire university places in roughly the same proportion as white students but tend to be concentrated in the ‘‘new’’ university sector (Shiner & Modood, 2002). There is also some evidence of clustering in certain subject areas. The new universities are higher education institutions, primarily polytechnics which were redesignated after 1992 by the then-Conservative government. This was part of a wider neo-liberal strategy ostensibly geared to increase competition in the public sector. The binary divide between universities and polytechnics was argued to create an artificial two-tier system. Rather than generate a more level ‘‘playing field,’’ the main effect has been simply to increase the divide. More than ever, the new university sector is now becoming dominated by what are increasingly teaching, rather than research, institutions. It is the latter, of course, that benefit from higher status and, crucially, more generous funding.
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For its part, the current government has said that it wants to see a significant expansion of the system to the point where 50 percent of schoolleavers receive a university education. Most of this expansion in undergraduate student numbers falls to the new universities. However, in order to fill quotas, many (especially the less fashionable institutions) have been tempted to lower their entrance requirements and introduce a variety of foundation degrees. These developments have led, in turn, to their widespread vilification in the media, allegedly for generating more and more graduates with ever less marketable skills. To the extent that these negative images feature, however informally, in the recruitment strategies of major corporations, the university one attends can influence career prospects. This explains why the old–new divide is of central importance to the analysis that follows.
DEVELOPING AN EXPLANATORY FRAMEWORK: SOME METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES It has become fashionable in both academic and policy discourse to suggest that the latter provides a way of explaining differential access to education, employment, housing, health and welfare facilities, and so on (Ratcliffe, 1999). External constraining factors, particularly institutional racism and individualised forms of discriminatory behaviour, are said to account for the fact that minorities fail to acquire their full citizenship rights. Sometimes, minorities have been seen as undermining their own interests by a process of self-exclusion. While these arguments clearly contain a core of truth, they have some rather severe weaknesses. Insofar as they invariably take a universalistic form, they fail to explain why some minorities are considerably less disadvantaged than others and why many within the least privileged groups do extremely well. Universalism also downplays the effects of class background and gender, not to mention the more subtle influences of location, home environment and schooling – specifically, school attended (Smith & Tomlinson, 1989). Their most severe weakness, however, lies in the implicit negation of social agency and the ability of many to marshal a variety of enabling forces. In short, it pathologises minority group members as mere (passive) victims of external structural forces, or what Harrison (with Davis, 2001) calls ‘‘forces of social regulation.’’ There is an additional problem with the analysis of the roots of differential access to higher education. It stems from our conceptualisation
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of minority ethnic groups and their implicit linking to differential experience. As Carter (2000) points out in his critical realist analysis, linking race or ethnic group to, in this case, higher education prioritises the former as explanatory factors to the detriment of other, possibly more appropriate ones. As to the definition of minority groups, there are a number of key issues. Most conventional analyses are limited by the form in which data are available. The categories selected to represent groups can only be regarded as a particular slicing of social reality. Thus, in the UK, the norm is to deploy the ‘‘ethnic group’’ categories from either the 1991 or 2001 Censuses of Population. Both have serious weaknesses from the perspective of the social analyst in that the collectivities so defined cannot strictly be regarded as (ethnic) groups in a sociological sense (Ratcliffe, 1996, 2001). The final area of concern in methodological terms relates to the limitations of most conventional analyses based on the notion of choice and constraint. These analyses typically resort to overly static characterisations of choice as individual social agency, and constraint represented by institutional behaviour and/or culture. Although presenting arguments in this way has the undoubted advantage of simplicity, it fails to do justice to the elusive quality of the dialectical relationship between the modes of action and the myriad of constraining and enabling factors. This chapter will illustrate the theoretical potential of a more nuanced approach by looking at the obvious stages of the educational process. The nature of the school experience, mediated by peer group and home influences, is inevitably at the crux of the problem. I look in detail at the university admissions process, which involves the school in various formal and informal senses. Negotiating university education successfully can lead to upward social mobility and major positive intergenerational effects over time. Therefore, I conclude the chapter with an assessment of the evidence of these broader shifts towards economic inclusivity.
THE SCHOOL AS A SELECTIVE AGENT IN SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT There is a surfeit of evidence in the UK of the extent to which the school system has failed large sections of the nation’s minority children. In the last 50 years,4 structural deficiencies were interpreted as ‘‘underachievement’’ on the part of some groups. Such performance differentials were then rationalised by the deployment of various forms of cultural deficit theory (Troyna,
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1988). Assimilationism, the principal policy tool in the 1950s and early 1960s, saw minorities as a problem for the system (Carby, 1982). It focused on the degree to which minorities could be fitted into the existing schooling regime. Segregation into low (performance) streams or in separate schools for the educationally sub-normal (ESN) was the solution for those who appeared not to be ‘‘fitting in.’’ This fate befell large numbers of young males of Caribbean origin in particular (Coard, 1971). When assimilation gave way to cultural pluralism in the form of multicultural education (MCE) in the mid- to late-1960s, the assumption was that underachievement could be rectified by a wider cultural awareness on the part of teachers and pupils of different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. However, this policy of ‘‘Saris, Samosas and Steel Bands’’ – the three S’s (Troyna & Ball, 1985) – could not, by its very nature, deal with the underlying power imbalances implicit in institutional racism. When the underachievement remained, and particularly when it was deemed to be confined largely to young black males (points underlined by two national Commissions chaired by Lord Rampton [1981] and Lord Swann [1985], respectively), this was taken as evidence of the intrinsic deficiencies in certain minority cultures. Although both reports recognised the presence of institutional racism in schools, the problems were ultimately seen as stemming from the behaviour of a relatively small number of individual teachers. The fledgling Anti-Racist Education (ARE) movement was also dealt a savage blow by Swann’s analysis, due to its pathologisation of black (i.e., AfricanCaribbean) cultures and lifestyles (Lawrence, 1982; Troyna & Carrington, 1990). The fundamental argument was that, given that ‘‘Asians’’ were doing comparatively well at school and were even out-performing whites at times, the problems of black youth could not involve their schooling. This theory was fatally flawed. There was (and arguably still is) underachievement but both the causes and the victims were not as the theories suggested. Swann (1985), for example, used an overly crude measure of ethnicity and failed to appreciate the central importance of gender and class (Mirza, 1992; Troyna & Carrington, 1990). Put simply, although black males were doing relatively badly at school, this did (and does) not apply to black females. There were notable exceptions in terms of male performance levels where some in comparatively well-funded schools, including a small number of largely black schools, produced highly creditable results. In addition, although some Asians were doing well, others were not. Paralleling inequalities in other institutional spheres, those of Indian and East African–Asian origin have often been seen to out-perform whites. Here social class background is a key factor in conjunction with the nature of the
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school attended. These factors also account for the rather different experiences of some (but not all) poor Bangladeshi communities. As with the explanations of black underachievement, there was a tendency to view problems with the children’s performance as located outside the school. In this case, parents were often criticised for taking their children out of school for long periods due to family trips to the Indian sub-continent. As exploration of these factors is critical to the chances of acquiring a university place, it is worth pursuing these issues in a little more detail. It is clear that residential location and access to a decent standard of education are intimately linked. There is a plethora of literature (e.g., Ratcliffe, 1998; Rex & Moore, 1967; Rex & Tomlinson, 1979; Smith, 1989) demonstrating constraints on migrants’ ability to acquire good-quality housing in desirable locations. The outcome, especially for relatively poor communities of South Asian (predominantly Muslim) origin, has been high levels of segregation in some inner urban areas. Irrespective of whether this was also a partially conscious strategy (i.e., a function of social agency), the key point is that they did not choose to live in extremely poor quality and often overcrowded properties. The ‘‘ethnic penalty,’’ which invariably follows, is that access is restricted to relatively underfunded and underresourced inner urban schools and, due to overcrowding, a lack of access to proper study space. With the advent of school league tables, it has been argued that headteachers are often using school exclusions to ‘‘ration’’ education to minority pupils (Gillborn & Youdell, 2000). The argument is that if a pupil is likely to ‘‘let the school down’’ by failing to reach the current Gold Standard, namely, five GCSEs at grades A*–C,5 she/he is more likely to be excluded – at least where there is some evidence of a lack of commitment to studies. The evidence, which has remained rather consistent over the past few decades, shows that expulsions/exclusions have been disproportionately higher in male pupils of African–Caribbean origin (Gillborn & Gipps, 1996). One positive outcome of the Swann Report (1985) was support for the idea that efforts should be made to recruit more teachers of minority origin. The obvious benefit, quite apart from the more general question of labour market equity, is that black children then have everyday role models in a professional occupation. This is also likely to have an impact in another crucial area: the ethos and ambiance of the school. In further endorsing the importance of the latter issues, Blair (2002) argues cogently that the nature of school leadership is vital to the ultimate success of minority children. For a school to be deemed ‘‘effective’’ (in terms of generating consistently high leaving qualifications on the part of minority students), it ‘‘needs an
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environment in which minority ethnic group students feel psychologically safe’’ (Blair, 2002, p. 190). The widespread acknowledgement among minority communities that school-leaving qualifications provide the key to social advancement leads to one key conclusion on which UK researchers concur. Pupils from these groups are much more likely to stay at school to retake examinations (to better their grades) than white pupils (Karn, 1997; Shiner & Modood, 2002). Most researchers see this as based on the minority students’ recognition of exclusionary processes in the labour market. Put simply, minorities feel they have to out-perform whites in terms of academic credentials to stand a chance of following their chosen career path. This includes entry to university.
THE UNIVERSITY ADMISSIONS PROCESS AND MINORITY APPLICANTS Universities in the UK tend to regard themselves as involved in making objective judgements on candidates based on achieved and projected qualifications. The liberal agenda they espouse is regarded as colour-, class- and gender-blind. Some would even argue that they are actively pursuing ways of deploying positive action strategies so as to increase the numbers of students from ‘‘non-traditional backgrounds.’’6 Furthermore, some admissions tutors might admit informally that in making offers to applicants, they attempt to take account of the unequal playing field provided by the school system (and wider social factors). In other words, slightly lower-grade offers might be given to promising young students from poorer backgrounds. Given this general self-image, it came as a major shock when, in the late1980s, a prominent medical school in London was exposed as operating a blatantly discriminatory admissions policy. In order to deal with the extremely large number of applications for its undergraduate degrees, St. George’s Hospital Medical School had instituted a computer program designed to filter applications. It would reject outright a proportion of would-be students and invite the remainder for interviews. Unfortunately, this process was not as objective as it appeared. Incorporated into the program was a weighting system that automatically applied punitive (negative) weights to female applicants and to those of minority origin. The present author was then invited by the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) to analyse the interview data to investigate whether there was any evidence of further discrimination at that (second) stage.
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In the wake of the publication of the CRE’s report (Commission for Racial Equality, 1988), there was a great deal of media coverage. The BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) devoted an edition of its premier documentary series Panorama to the scandal. It provoked universities and colleges across the nation to question their procedures, and a major national conference was convened. This resulted in a widespread commitment to a review of admissions procedures and the development of monitoring schemes. It remains an open question, however, as to how effective these were in the long term, given the evidence to be presented in this chapter. As noted earlier, the important question to be answered is why so many minority students, if they do enter higher education, go to the expolytechnics rather than the older, more prestigious universities. To answer this, we need to look carefully at the role of the various institutions and social actors involved. The first obvious possibility, given the St. George’s example, is that the older universities discriminate against minority applicants. Because of the sheer volume of applicants, few universities now use interviews as a basis of selection.7 Should differential treatment occur, it would be on the basis of Universities Central Admissions Scheme (UCAS) forms, which contain details of a candidate’s academic background and achievements to date, a personal statement, details of work experience and, crucially, a statement of support from a referee (usually the pupil’s headteacher) giving predicted grades at ‘‘A-level’’ (the school-leaving examinations), assuming the latter have not already been taken. As Shiner and Modood (2002) rightly argue, the system of assessing these applications leaves massive room for discretion, as direct monitoring is rare. Academic departments tend to set ‘‘standard offer grades,’’ which are routinely applied to those who are to be offered a conditional place. However, such offers are generally made only to a minority, leaving the critical question, ‘‘How are the lucky few selected?’’ Insofar as admissions tutors (often junior members of staff) are left in charge of the decision-making process and are given only rough guidelines on how to decide between those with ostensibly similar qualifications, there is much room for discriminatory judgements. For example, it has been suggested that admissions personnel in the old university sector take a relatively dim view of A-level re-sits (it should be remembered that minority students are more likely than white youngsters to apply to university having retaken certain papers). The referee’s comments are critical, as are their predictions of the candidate’s expected grades in the public examinations. Shiner and Modood’s research (2002) suggests that minorities, if anything, appear to be given
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inflated grade predictions, which would tend to work in their favour. My own, admittedly somewhat anecdotal, evidence during five years as an admissions tutor in the late-1990s casts some doubt on this. I became increasingly concerned that minority students with very sound GCSE results were often done few favours either by the assessment of their immediate academic potential or by the referee’s assessment of their suitability for a university education. I found that I needed to discount much of what appeared to be vague speculation based on little direct knowledge of the merits of the pupil concerned. One undeniable piece of evidence is the disproportionately high proportion of minority students applying to the new universities. On this basis, some researchers seem to absolve the old universities of any responsibility and also suggest that it is due to the personal agency of minority students themselves. In other words, if the latter applied in greater numbers to the old university sector, the makeup of student populations would be rather different. The key question is then, why do minority students, or some constituent groups thereof, tend to apply to the ex-polytechnics? Many possible explanations have been advanced. Some pertain to the various forms of agency arising from different classes of social actor, others with the structure of the education system and its options. The best way of attempting to disentangle the various factors is to construct a number of hypothetical minority applicants and analyse the decision-making process from their perspectives. The first point to make is that deciding whether to apply to university at all is a negotiated process: it is rarely an individual decision. Home and peer group pressures are inevitably important factors. Insofar as schools exhibit internal ethnic segregation (at the level of peer groups), negotiations are likely to be heavily influenced by group concerns. The appropriateness of certain choices may therefore be mediated by ethnic/racial considerations. The influences of home may vary greatly by gender, class and ethnicity. For example, it is often argued that the expectation of many South Asian parents, especially in relation to their daughters, may constrain choices. Specifically, familial obligations may dictate, to a certain degree, the selection of a local university. In the poorer urban locations, it is argued, this will inevitably tend to mean a new university. There are, however, a number of problems with these familial cultural explanations. For instance, ‘‘local’’ does not imply ‘‘new.’’ All the major urban centres have both old and new universities almost cheek by jowl. In the UK, this applies to London, Birmingham, Coventry, Manchester, Leeds, Liverpool, Leicester, and many more. In the case of Coventry and Leicester, the ex-polytechnics are closer to the old urban cores of the cities
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where the South Asian communities in particular are concentrated, but to call them the local choice in the sense of physical distance alone is rather stretching a point. Further, familial obligations and expectations can be met in many, increasingly negotiable ways. Bradby (1999), for example, demonstrates how Asian young women are able to delay marriage and retain the izzat (honour) of the family by acquiring higher education and a prestigious career. There is one very important sense in which the ex-polytechnics are local. Whereas abolishing the binary divide in 1992 was supposed to engender competition between the two sectors, the reality is very different; in a very real sense, the old universities have gone international. Rather than looking to recruit local students and undertake research that benefits the immediate locality, these universities – and especially the elite/ivy league institutions – have increasingly sought to constrain ‘‘home’’ undergraduate numbers, attract overseas students (particularly postgraduates) and develop international research programs. The new universities have in the main retained, often through no choice of their own, a commitment to undergraduate teaching, principally of home students. Consequently, the old university sector is becoming more and more distant from the ordinary working-class student, irrespective of ethnicity. This factor must be considered when looking at the next key set of actors mediating between the school pupil and the admissions process. We now come to the core argument of this paper: whereas university choice constitutes in theory an enabling process, the reality is that essentialised notions of ethnicity and cultural background (even race) have infected the applications process. They have in effect been used to justify invidious forms of ‘‘racial steering.’’ To explain this point, the advice given to school pupils on their UCAS forms should be examined. Most schools and sixth form colleges will encourage teachers (most without specialist careers knowledge) to advise pupils on their choices of university course. Discussions with a number of minority students at the University of Warwick have revealed a quite disturbing pattern. This is best illustrated by the testimony of one young black female student in one of my recent classes. It reflects a recurrent theme. The student attended a comprehensive (non-selective) school in a fairly impoverished, run-down area of an old textile town in northern England. There was much discussion about university choice within her peer group, which was predominantly black despite there being a large white majority in the school. This, and a detailed perusal of prospectuses, convinced her that the University of Warwick provided the course she was looking for. She
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knew she had the ability to achieve the required grades and expected her teachers to support her. Her expectations were not fulfilled, however, as she was told in no uncertain terms that her chances of receiving an offer from high-ranking universities, and Warwick in particular, were well nigh zero. More significantly, this remark was followed by the suggestion that she should apply to a number of new universities on the grounds that she would definitely receive a favourable offer and that she would be more likely to fit in, as there were a sizeable number of black students in those institutions. Although there is no large-scale UK data on the ‘‘negotiated choices,’’ which are a product of the interaction between pupils and teachers, anecdotal evidence suggests that racial steering in one form or another is fairly common in this type of school/area. One suspects that minority students in grammar or fee-paying independent schools will have very different experiences. A further suggestion is that the apparent preference of minority students for new universities is related to the portfolio of courses the latter provide (Shiner & Modood, 2002). The subtext here is that new universities offer more vocationally oriented courses,8 which ‘‘suit’’ such students. While there is no reason to expect an identical (or at least, statistically similar) distribution of course choices by those of different ethnic backgrounds, this is not quite what is being argued here. The implication is that minority students are generally more inclined towards the vocational than the academic type of discipline. There is no evidence of this if we control for class/location.9 The best explanatory framework is probably one that combines the home/ peer group/pupil/teacher dynamic with the projected self-image of an institution and the teachers’ internalisation of these values. Teachers in turn clearly have an obligation to base their judgements on an objective basis (i.e., ‘‘Is the student likely to achieve the necessary grades?’’) and not indulge in steering, regardless of how much they think their advice is in the student’s best interest.
ETHNIC DIFFERENTIALS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF HIGHER EDUCATION Racialised social relations in the wider society tend to be mirrored in schools. Insofar as steering and collectivised (as opposed to individualised) decision making are regular features of the process of negotiated choices on the part of minority students, these social relations are likely to be replicated in higher education. Student societies based on ethnic, cultural and/or religious identity act to reinforce segregated social networks, providing an
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important resource to frequently marginalised groups. They serve to buttress positive forms of socio-cultural identity within institutions whose ethos may be somewhat alien – and alienating. Inevitably, however, there are a number of negatives flowing from this process of self-segregation. For example, it reinforces the ‘‘parallel lives’’ phenomenon and may lead to a narrowing of career horizons. A tendency towards collectivised decision making is often associated with the replication of – rather than increasing differentiation within – occupational distributions. Shared knowledge of occupations in which those from a similar background have proved successful will inevitably influence job search strategies. To the extent that the same processes are at work at the point of course selection, the likelihood of occupation diversification is further reduced. There is one aspect in which the UK higher education experience differs radically from that in the United States. In the U.S., Black Studies were (in the 1960s at least) an important vehicle for increasing the proportion of college-going African Americans. Despite the rise of multicultural strategies in the school system, this approach was never adopted in the UK. This has meant that there are no courses that are more or less the exclusive preserve of particular groups. The lack of virtually ‘‘ghettoised’’ disciplines (by their very nature, lacking an obvious vocational remit) should mean that minorities in the UK, despite segregation in social networks, are in a better position to exploit prevailing labour market opportunities. However, this is not the full story. Once again, the relatively low minority access to old universities (except for the Chinese and some groups of South Asian origin) is crucial. All the evidence (Shiner & Modood, 2002) suggests that ‘‘blue chip’’10 companies confine their core recruitment drives to this sector, which means that even the brightest graduates from the new universities will find it relatively difficult to access jobs in those private sector companies that pay the highest salaries and offer the best career opportunities. The same applies to the most prestigious public sector jobs, for example those accelerating access to the higher echelons of the civil service. Moreover, top professions such as medicine and dentistry are the exclusive preserve of graduates of the old universities due to their exclusive control of training. With the introduction of differential ‘‘top-up’’ fees in 2006, the relative position of minorities may well become progressively worse. This is due to the element of deterrence predicted to affect non-traditional students more severely. Insofar as new universities retain lower fee levels, the effect may simply be to boost their relative popularity among the very groups who
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already attend them in disproportionately high numbers (i.e., minorities and working-class students irrespective of heritage).
CONCLUSION: HIGHER EDUCATION, THE LABOUR MARKET AND SOCIAL INCLUSIVITY Given that a core element of social inclusivity is full integration into the economic life of the nation, roughly proportional access to universities is vital, particularly to the top universities. This is inevitable given the widespread evidence of ongoing labour market discrimination on grounds of race, ethnicity and national origins (Karn, 1997; Mason, 2000; Modood et al., 1997; Pilkington, 2003). The institutional bias demonstrated consistently by major employers towards graduates of the old universities is not confined to the formal annual recruitment process designed to elicit applications from undergraduates. Concerns that markedly smaller proportions of minority ethnic graduates were entering accountancy firms, and especially the more prestigious City11 firms, sparked a formal investigation by the CRE a little over a decade ago. Prima facie evidence of discrimination came from data provided by the firms themselves. Minorities were applying in sizeable numbers but large ethnic differentials in the success rates of applicant groups were evident. As in the St. George’s Hospital Medical School case, there were at least two sites where exclusionary policies and practices appeared to be operating: when sorting through initial applications, and then at the subsequent phases involving face-to-face interviews (or variations on this theme). Significantly, it was deemed likely by the current author (who performed the statistical analysis) that the particular university attended by candidates carried significant weight in the selection process. Exclusionary policies and practices were also suspected in the legal profession, especially in the more exclusive positions. Competition for places at the Bar12 has traditionally been intense, as the occupation of barrister enjoys both high social status and potentially lucrative financial rewards for the incumbent. In the early 1990s, cases of alleged discrimination against minority student trainees in the Inns of Court (in London) came to light. The Society of Black Lawyers instructed a firm of solicitors to investigate the cases of a group of minority ethnic students whom they felt had been badly treated by the Council for Legal Education (CLE). It was claimed that the CLE’s assessment procedures were highly suspect in various respects,
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which were leading systematically to a disproportionately large number of failures among would-be barristers of minority origin. The current author was commissioned to scrutinise the case, which was destined to go to Judicial Review at the High Court in London. I was asked to pay particular attention to the assessment procedures employed by the CLE and to evaluate an existing report by an expert academic statistician who had been appointed by the CLE themselves in the wake of evidence of differential treatment. This CLE-sponsored investigation focused mainly on possible differentials in pass rates and concluded that there was no significant evidence of discrimination. My review came to somewhat different conclusions (Ratcliffe, 1993). In UK higher education, certain procedures had been adopted over the past few decades to ensure fairness and impartiality. These include anonymous marking backed up by double-blind marking by internal assessors and the appointment of an external examiner (from another academic institution). None of these procedures was adopted universally by the CLE. There was no tradition of second marking. Even more importantly, there was a widespread system of assessment based on uncorroborated subjective judgements on a given candidate’s performance in a mock court scenario. One of the complainants (a large, ebullient African–Caribbean woman) stated: ‘‘They just couldn’t bear the thought of me in a wig.’’13 The implication was clear: Some people ‘‘looked the part’’; others did not. Given the domination of the profession by white, public school14 educated males, it was clear to me that a powerful normative process was at work. Shortly before the Judicial Inquiry, the CLE conceded that there was a need for a review of its policies and practices. The distinguished black female lawyer Dame Jocelyn Barrow was appointed Chair of the national review body. Although her report was somewhat restrained in its recommendations, sweeping changes in the CLE’s assessment procedures were ordered. One suspects that the pace of change will be slow, but it is clearly important to generate over time a critical mass of black lawyers (not least because of the need to address endemic racism in other spheres). The reasons for raising this example are twofold. First, a disproportionate number of the minority candidates for the Bar were educated in the new universities. A powerful undercurrent of snobbery and prejudice (irrespective of attitudes towards minorities) was undoubtedly present in the profession: barristers are traditionally recruited from a handful of prestigious old universities, most notably Oxford and Cambridge. The second issue involves the more general employment situation. Undoubtedly, great strides are being made by Britain’s minority communities
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despite ongoing exclusionary forces (Mason, 2000; Pilkington, 2003; Shiner & Modood, 2002). Increasingly large numbers of some groups are entering the professions, both old and new. Resistance to widening minority access to certain top professions (e.g., law) is likely to reinforce existing patterns of clustering in certain white-collar sectors. True social inclusivity requires the removal of remaining barriers and the promotion of diversity. The foregoing analysis demonstrates the need for action on many fronts: Radical changes in the attitudes towards, and treatment of, minority children at school. In particular, teachers need to rid themselves of stereotypes about the ability, potential, aims and aspirations of boys and girls from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds (Alibhai-Brown, 2001). The old universities need to be more responsive to the demands of social inclusivity. In attempting to recruit those from non-traditional backgrounds, these universities should not lose sight of the imperative to deal with issues of race and ethnicity15 as well as interrelated issues of gender. This implies a whole series of changes in the way they ‘‘do business’’ in projecting their image, in outreach work16 and crucially, in the admissions process itself. Although the CRE has made the ‘‘business case’’ for the recruitment of minority workers very successfully, this message has yet to reach all employment sectors. Finally, none of this is likely to bear significant fruit without more general policies to challenge the parallel lives phenomenon (Ouseley, 2001). A broad policy strategy must encompass civic values and citizenship rights, neighbourhood regeneration and (the redressing of) entrenched urban inequality. The mistake many researchers make is to assume that if we fix the problems of educational inequality, this will also, in due course, redress exclusionary processes in other spheres. Sadly, they will not.
NOTES 1. Whereas upward social mobility in the U.S., for example, tends through resegregation to be accompanied by continuing high levels of ethnic segregation (especially in the case of the African American population), this is not the case in the UK. But for a modest degree of reclustering among some minority groups, suburbanisation and ex-urbanisation result in increasing spatial assimilation (Phillips & Ratcliffe, 2002). 2. Although the data are drawn from one society, to a large degree the theoretical framework is transferable to most contemporary developed societies. The use of the
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term minorities has become somewhat controversial in the UK following the publication of the deliberations of the Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (Runnymede Trust, 2000). The Parekh Report, as this has become to be known, argues that this term has pejorative connotations. However, it will be used here as a convenient means of conveying both size in statistical terms and a relatively weak position in terms of national polity. 3. These tables are essentially of two forms: one is based on an audit of teaching quality by the Quality Assurance Agency (QAA); the second is based on the Research Assessment Exercise (RAE), a national peer review system purporting to measure research excellence in predefined subject areas. 4. Although there has been a sizeable ‘‘black’’ presence in Britain since the sixteenth century, and significant migrations of Jews, Huguenots and the Irish since this time, focus is on the major influx of colonial migrants from the Caribbean, Indian sub-continent and various East African countries in the aftermath of the Second World War. 5. These are public examinations usually taken at the age of 16 (based on a mixture of continuous assessment and formal examination). Grades A*–C in the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) courses are normally regarded as the ‘‘real’’ pass grades. 6. This is the term used by the current New Labour government to represent working-class children, especially those in families where no one has previously attended university. It is unclear whether the concept of non-traditionality stretches to children from minority groups. 7. The exceptions are likely to be relatively small courses requiring specific skills that cannot be assessed properly on the basis of written application (e.g., theatre, drama). 8. Importantly, these would exclude subjects such as medicine and dentistry, which are the exclusive preserve of the old universities. 9. It should not be forgotten that there is a significant methodological problem here. Location and class (as measured by occupational position) are to a large extent a function of earlier exclusionary processes (e.g., those affecting first-generation migrants). Therefore, we are in effect talking about the preservation of disadvantage, or ethnic penalty. 10. This is the conventional UK term for the top public companies quoted on the London Stock Exchange. Shiner and Modood (2002) refer to the top 200 companies as targeting graduates from the old universities. The annual tour of higher education institutions is known colloquially as the ‘‘milk round.’’ 11. ‘‘City’’ here is shorthand for ‘‘City of London.’’ These firms tend to pay the highest salaries and offer the best career prospects in the longer term. 12. Those admitted to practice as barristers in England and Wales are said to have been called to the Bar. 13. The distinctive white, curly haired wig is a key part of the barrister’s traditional ‘‘uniform’’ worn in UK courts. 14. For the benefit of North American readers and others with a different educational nomenclature, it should be pointed out that ‘‘public school’’ refers to feepaying schools whose headteachers are members of the Head Masters Conference (HMC). Non-fee-paying schools are known as state schools.
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15. Importantly, in this context, as public sector organisations, they have a whole raft of new obligations under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 (CRE, 2001). 16. Universities already advertise their wares to schools. This would provide an ideal context in which the older, more prestigious institutions might seek to undermine some of the assumptions of exclusivity held by teachers and careers officers in state schools in poorer areas of the country.
REFERENCES Alibhai-Brown, Y. (2001). Who do we think we are? Imagining the New Britain. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Askonas, P., & Stewart, A. (2000). Social inclusion: Possibilities and tensions. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Blair, M. (2002). Effective school leadership: The multi-ethnic context. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 23(2), 179–191. Bradby, H. (1999). Negotiating marriage: Young Punjabi women’s assessment of their individual and family interests. In: R. Barot, H. Bradley & S. Fenton (Eds), Ethnicity, gender and social change (pp. 152–166). Basingstoke: Macmillan. Byrne, D. (1999). Social exclusion. Buckingham: Open University Press. Carby, H. (1982). Schooling in Babylon. In: Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (Ed.), The empire strikes back (pp. 183–211). London: Hutchinson/Routledge. Carter, B. (2000). Realism and racism: Concepts of race in sociological research. London: Routledge. Coard, B. (1971). How the West Indian child is made educationally sub-normal in the British school system. London: New Beacon Books. Commission for Racial Equality. (1988). Medical school admissions: Report of a formal investigation into St. George’s Hospital Medical School. London: CRE. Commission for Racial Equality (CRE). (2001). The general duty to promote racial equality: Guidance for public authorities on their obligations under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000. London: CRE. Gillborn, D., & Gipps, C. (1996). Recent research on the achievements of ethnic minority pupils. London: HMSO. Gillborn, D., & Youdell, D. (2000). Rationing education. Buckingham: Open University Press. Harrison, M. with Davis, C. (2001). Housing, social policy and difference: Disability, ethnicity, gender and housing. Bristol: The Policy Press. Karn, V. (Ed.). (1997). Employment, education and housing among the ethnic minority population of Britain. Ethnic Minorities in the 1991 Census (Vol. 4). London: HMSO. Lawrence, E. (1982). Just plain common sense: The roots of racism. In: Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (Ed.), The empire strikes back (pp. 47–94). London: Hutchinson/ Routledge. Levitas, R. (1996). The concept of social exclusion and the new Durkheimian hegemony. Critical Social Policy, 46(16), 5–20. Levitas, R. (1999). The inclusive society: Social exclusion and new labour. Basingstoke: Macmillan.
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Mason, D. (2000). Race and ethnicity in modern Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mirza, H. (1992). Young, female and Black. London: Routledge. Modood, T., Berthoud, R., Lakey, J., Nazroo, J., Virdee, S., Smith, P., & Beishon, S. (1997). Ethnic minorities in Britain: Diversity and disadvantage. The Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities. London: Policy Studies Institute. Ouseley, H. (2001). Community pride not prejudice: Making diversity work in Bradford. Bradford: Bradford Vision. Phillips, D., & Ratcliffe, P. (2002). Movement to opportunity? South Asian relocation in Northern cities. Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) End of Award Report (Ref.: R000238038). Pilkington, A. (2003). Racial disadvantage and ethnic diversity in Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Lord Rampton. (1981). West Indian children in our schools: Interim report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups. London: HMSO. Ratcliffe, P. (1993). An investigation into the ethnic differentials in measured performance on the Bar Vocational Course. Expert Statistician’s Report to the Inns of Court, London (unpublished). Ratcliffe, P. (1996). Social geography and ethnicity: A theoretical, conceptual and substantive overview. In: P. Ratcliffe (Ed.), Social geography and ethnicity in Britain: Geographical concentration, spatial segregation and internal migration (pp. 1–22). Ethnicity in the 1991 Census (Vol. 3). London: HMSO. Ratcliffe, P. (1998). ‘‘Race,’’ housing and social exclusion. Housing Studies, 13(6), 1–22. Ratcliffe, P. (1999). ‘‘Race,’’ education and the discourse of ‘‘exclusion’’: A critical research note. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 2(1), 149–155. Ratcliffe, P. (2001). ‘‘Ethnic group’’ and the population census in Great Britain: Mission impossible? Paper presented to a joint INED/CERI conference, December, Paris, France. Rex, J., & Moore, R. (1967). Race, community and conflict: A study of Sparkbrook. London: Institute of Race Relations/Oxford University Press. Rex, J., & Tomlinson, S. (1979). Colonial immigrants in a British city: A class analysis. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Runnymede Trust. (2000). The future of multi-ethnic Britain: The Parekh Report. London: Profile Books. Shiner, M., & Modood, T. (2002). Help or hindrance? Higher education and the route to ethnic equality. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 23(2), 209–232. Smith, D. J., & Tomlinson, S. (1989). The school effect: A study of multi-racial comprehensives. London: Policy Studies Institute. Smith, S. (1989). The politics of ‘‘race’’ and residence: Citizenship, segregation and white supremacy in Britain. Cambridge: Polity. Swann Report. (1985). Education for all: Report of the committee of inquiry into the education of children from minority ethnic groups. London: HMSO. Troyna, B. (1988). Paradigm regained: A critique of ‘‘cultural deficit’’ perspectives in contemporary educational research. Comparative Education, 24(3), 273–283. Troyna, B., & Ball, W. (1985). Views from the chalk face: School responses to an LEA’s multicultural education policy. Policy Papers in Ethnic Relations, No. 1, CRER/ESRC. Troyna, B., & Carrington, B. (1990). Education, racism and reform. London: Routledge.
THE DIVERSITY CHALLENGE: THE REPRESENTATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE DUTCH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM Peary Brug INTRODUCTION The Netherlands is home to approximately three million people of foreign origin. More than a third (35.6 percent) belongs to one of the four major ethnic groups: Surinamese, Turks, Moroccans and Antilleans (see Table 1). Of the approximately 16.1 million people in the Netherlands, about 12 percent are considered to be ethnic minorities (excludes foreign nationals and refugees). The Netherlands is thought to have one of the highest rates of ethnic representation in Western Europe, given its geographical size and population. The Netherlands has a non-Dutch population that represents over 15 percent of the total population. This is almost twice as much as Great Britain, for example, with an ethnic population of about 8 percent. Even though not all of the non-Dutch population would be considered members of traditional ethnic groups (e.g., white Germans and white Americans), it could be said that at least 10–12 percent are part of traditional ethnic groups.
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 149–158 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05007-2
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Major Ethnic Group Populations in the Netherlandsa (2002).
Table 1. Group
Surinamese Turks Moroccans Antilleans/Arubans
315,177 330,709 284,124 124,870
Main ethnic groups
1,054,880
b
Other groups Autochtonenc
1,910,069 13,140,336
Total population
16,105,285
a
Data derived from the Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, the Netherlands. Includes other ethnic and non-ethnic groups, foreign nationals and other legal residents. c Term used to describe non-ethnic and non-immigrant Dutch citizens. b
The origins of ethnic minorities in the Netherlands are two-part. In terms of the Surinamese and Antilleans, they are former and current colonies of the Netherlands, respectively. The Turks and Moroccans came as part of efforts to recruit labourers to the Netherlands, followed by their families, as a result of reunification policies. Much of the migration to the Netherlands has happened in last 25–30 years (see Fig. 1) and, at certain points, migration surpassed birth rates by Dutch citizens as the major contributor to population growth in the Netherlands (Amersfoort, 1993). In the last seven years, for example, the number of traditional ethnic minorities has increased by about 19 percent, while the increase for the autochtone group (nativeborn, non-ethnic Dutch citizens) was just about 2 percent (The Netherlands Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), 2003). Since changes in the demographic makeup of a nation often involve (and even create) some degree of turbulence, the impact of the changes in Dutch population over the past two decades remains to be seen. It would be expected that the changes will have ramifications in terms of the political (e.g., defining citizenship, voting patterns), social (e.g., redefining public assistance, housing needs) and economic (e.g., increase tax burden, employment) structure of the Netherlands; this includes the educational system (e.g., Amersfoort, 1993; Vermeulen, 1984). Given all the demographic changes, the education system now must deal with an influx of students who have limited amount of formal or informal education, poor comprehension of the Dutch language and few economic resources (Amersfoort, 1993). This is a particular concern when considering the degree of ethnic diversity in Dutch
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40000 Net Migration
35000 30000 25000 20000 15000 10000 5000 0 1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
Fig. 1. Net Migration to the Netherlands between 1960 and 1995. Note: Figure Shows the Net Total of People Migrating into the Netherlands, Taking into Account those who Emigrated out of the Netherlands (Y-axis) during the Period from 1960 to 1995 (X-axis).
higher education. If students in the primary and secondary educational systems are not properly trained or prepared, it will be no surprise to see little ethnic diversity in higher education institutions in the Netherlands. Over the past several years, the Dutch educational system has undergone several major changes to improve the quality of and access to education. In addition, at the higher education level, the Netherlands has recently begun to change its degree-offering system, seemingly to bring it in line with the United Kingdom and the United States, by introducing the Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees instead of its traditional doctorandres (drs.). The hope is that the changes at the higher education level, as well as those at the secondary level, will maintain and possibly improve the country’s competitive edge on a global level. However, it is unclear if the changes will help in any way to improve the access, recruitment and retention of underrepresented ethnic minorities in Dutch higher education. The Netherlands has no formal diversity policy, if any, but the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science does recognize that ethnic minorities (allochtonen) are underrepresented in higher education (Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2003 & 2004). Ironically, there have been efforts to address gender diversity/equality, as seen in the official government statistics, this seems to some degree to have paid off as women now represent some
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48 percent of the higher education population (Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2003). Efforts have also been made to target workplace gender equity in higher education institutions, hoping to increase the number of female academic staff, including female professors. However, no equivalent effort has officially been made to address the imbalance in higher education in terms of ethnic diversity. For example, many Dutch universities add text in their job advertisements that encourages women to apply for the advertised post (e.g., see The Economist, 14 March 2003). The text does not encourage ethnic minorities to apply even though there is a great underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in academic teaching positions (see Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2004).
CURRENT STATE OF DUTCH HIGHER EDUCATION At the university level, ethnic minorities represented about 5 percent of the total first-year student population in 2000 (see Table 2). This figure is mainly comprised of the major ethnic groups, the Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese, and Antilleans; however, it is very low, if compared to the percentage of minorities in the total population – less than half of what it should be. The Surinamese represent the largest ethnic group at the university level, representing almost a third of all ethnic minority first-year students, while the Antilleans represent about 17 percent of all ethnic minority first-year students. This latter figure is surprising because the Antilleans are the smallest Table 2.
Ethnic Group Representation of First-Year Students in the University Systema (2000). University
Autochtone Allochtone (ethnic minority): Surinamers Turkish Moroccan Antilleans/Arubans Other ethnic minorities
30,908 1,577 (4.9%) 491 299 243 264 280
Autochtone (all years) Allochtone (all years)
155,227 7,246 (4.5%)
Total population (all years)
162,473
a
Data derived from the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Netherlands.
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of the four major ethnic groups (in the general population), nearly half as few as any one of the other groups. It appears that students who come from Antillean and Surinamese backgrounds enter university at slightly higher rates than do the Turks and Moroccans. This may be due to language competency, as Dutch is still the official language of both Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles. In addition, the school systems in Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles are modelled after the Dutch educational system. This may make it easier for students from these two ethnic groups to make it through to the university. As is the case, a large percentage of the students in special needs programmes are recent immigrants or the children of recent immigrants (Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2004), for whom Dutch is not their best language (see Verkuyten, 1993). Even though the Surinamese and Antilleans do relatively better in terms of entrance into higher education than the Turks and Moroccans, they are still quite underrepresented in higher education.
SECONDARY EDUCATION IN THE NETHERLANDS Part of the problem with increasing the number of ethnic minorities in the university system may be the complex secondary school system. The Dutch secondary educational system is composed of several different types of schools, each representing a different educational track. In the Netherlands, there are now four main secondary educational tracks: the pre-university education (VWO), the senior general secondary education (HAVO), the prevocational secondary education (VMBO) and Practical Training (PRO). The first two programmes (VWO and HAVO) are tracks that are meant to prepare students for more traditional forms of higher education, the university and the High(er) School (HBO), which should not be confused with the schools in the United States called high schools. Fig. 2 shows the current secondary educational system, which recently underwent some changes. The VMBO was previously two separate vocational tracks, the MAVO and the VBO. Although the separate tracks still exist, they are being phased out as new students are placed in the VMBO programme until the remaining upper-level MAVO students graduate out of the school system. While lateral movement is possible, it is not thought to be very common. Even though a fair number of students from outside the VWO eventually go to the university (mainly those who were in the HAVO), the VWO is still the primary source for students entering universities. HAVO students who want to go to the university are required to complete the sixth year of the VWO before
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University
HBO: Higher Professional Education
MBO: Secondary Vocational
Education
VWO
HAVO
MAVO
VBO
University Preparatory Education
Senior General Secondary Education
Junior General Secondary Education
Preparatory Vocational Education
Levels 1-6
Levels 1-5
Levels 1-4
Levels 1-4
Practical Training
Primary Education (6 years)
Fig. 2.
Summation of the Current Educational System in the Netherlands.
they can do so. Therefore, low numbers of ethnic minorities in the VWO and HAVO have a direct effect on the numbers in the university. In 2000–2001, ethnic minorities represented about 9.3 percent of the entire secondary school population; this figure is similar to the percentage of ethnic minorities in the general population (see Table 1). The figures for secondary schools have increased slowly since 1996–1997, when ethnic minorities made up only 7.6 percent. However, this increase is in part due to changing demographics within the general population – for instance, lower birth rates for non-ethnic Dutch (autochtone) – and continued immigration to the Netherlands. However, the specific representation across the various schools is slightly skewed. Ethnic minorities represent nearly 30 percent of the student population considered to be in special needs, while they represent only 6.7 percent of students in the general school systems. In
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terms of the general school system (non-special needs), ethnic minorities constitute 26.3 percent of students in the VBO and MAVO and represent only 11.2 percent of students in the HAVO and VWO. However, this last figure represents students across all year groups (years 1–5/6). In the later stages of both the HAVO (years 4 and 5) and VWO (years 4, 5 and 6), ethnic minorities represent only 4.6 and 2.8 percent, respectively, of the total student population in those year group categories. These figures are of course vital, as the HAVO and VWO are the two main sources for entering students into higher education (university and HBO). The government does cite that the numbers are increasing but concedes that the future representation of ethnic minorities in higher education is not clear, even though the number of ethnic minorities is rising in the general population.
ISSUES IN PRE-UNIVERSITY EDUCATION One of the central problems of diversifying higher education anywhere is addressing the factors that often exist in the earlier school system (both primary and secondary education), which can often make access to higher education more difficult for ethnic minorities. Some people may assume that aspiration among ethnic minorities is low and that this accounts for their underrepresentation in higher education. However, it has been found that migrant parents have higher expectations for their children than their native counterparts (e.g., Vallet & Caille, 1999). Unfortunately, this is in contrast to findings showing that minority populations have lower results and higher dropout rates than their native counterparts (Neels & Stoops, 1998), which creates a unique paradox where outcomes do not match aspirations. Addressing this paradox is surely a complicated matter with no one single solution. Still this is no reason not to begin addressing the issue and thereby breaking down some of the structures that may physically, socially and psychologically block ethnic minorities from entering higher education in the Netherlands. One issue has already been mentioned: language. This is more of an issue for the Turks and Moroccans than it is for the Surinamese and Antilleans, but nonetheless needs to be addressed. The idea of bilingual education comes to mind as does the controversies surrounding it (e.g., Barrios, 2002). However, this is only one possible method; other solutions must also be sought. Language deficiency also has the possibility of leaving otherwise talented students in an academic rut. According to the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science (2004), students with poor language skills may end up in special education. The problem lies in the fact
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that special education can often be used as a clearance house for all types of students (e.g., those with behavioural problems, serious learning disabilities, as well as poor language skills); in turn, students will have a more difficult time getting the help they need and deserve (Winchester, 2002). Another issue may be peer related. While ethnic minority students may feel satisfied or even more satisfied with school, as compared to their autochtone counterparts (Verkuyten & Thijs, 2002a), they are still more victimized (Verkuyten & Thijs, 2002b) and less preferred in terms of social contact (Hagendoorn, 1995; Verkuyten & Kinket, 2000). In conjunction with these findings, studies have also shown that ethnic minority students perceive a greater degree of discrimination than autochtone peers in and out of school (Verkuyten & Brug, 2002). The ramifications of such behaviours and attitudes are wide reaching. According to research by Aronson, Quinn, and Spencer (1998) and Steele (1997), this may lead to the phenomenon of stereotype threat, causing greater stress and anxiety among ethnic minorities in the school context, which in turn leads to lower performance. Furthermore, the perception of discrimination may also lead to what is known as psychological disengagement (Verkuyten & Brug, 2003), in which students disregard supposed negative feedback from teachers. This is a double dilemma: (1) students who disengage may ignore teacher feedback that might prove useful (i.e., constructive criticism), and (2) students who disengage may be viewed by teachers as being unmotivated or in some other negative fashion. The latter may have even more serious consequences because, in addition to test scores, teachers play a role in determining the particular secondary school track into which students are placed following primary school (see Koeslag & Dronkers, 1994). The issues and concerns discussed here represent only a small part of the other issues that impact the educational attainment of Dutch secondary students from ethnic minority groups and how that is reflected in the diversity (or lack of diversity) in higher education. Other issues such as those related to socioeconomic depravity and education as well as access to quality secondary schools, are also likely to play a part in ethnic minority educational attainment. However, this is not meant as a criticism of Dutch education or the Dutch government but is more of an effort to point out the disparity in terms of the number of ethnic minorities participating in higher education and to encourage proactive steps to address the issue. If the problem continues, it will likely create a large divide between ethnic and non-ethnic groups, politically, socially and economically. Since the government (i.e., Ministry of Education, Culture and Science) acknowledges this underrepresentation, they should do more to address the situation. The rise
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in the number of ethnic minorities in the general population has significantly increased, even in the last 10 years; however, government figures (from both the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science and CBS) do not show a similar rise in rates of first-year university students. Further, especially among Islamic groups (i.e., Turks and Moroccans) the disparity is more shocking, even as their numbers continue to rise. It is hoped that these concerns over diversity in higher education and the realities that can exist in the secondary school system can be addressed before the situation gets worse.
REFERENCES Amersfoort, H. Van. (1993). International migration and population in the Netherlands. Journal of Economic and Social Geography, 84, 65–74. Aronson, J. M., Quinn, D., & Spencer, S. (1998). Stereotype threat and the academic underperformance of women and minorities. In: J. K. Swim & C. Stangor (Eds), Stigma: The target’s perspective (pp. 83–103). San Diego, CA: Wiley. Barrios, J. (2002). Bilingual bashing makes good politics: The case of Massachusetts. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, 15, 91–94. Hagendoorn, L. (1995). Intergroup bias in multiple group systems: The perception of ethnic hierarchies. In: W. Stroebe & M. Hewstone (Eds), European review of social psychology, (Vol. 6, pp. 199–228). London: Wiley. Koeslag, M., & Dronkers, J. (1994). Overadvisering en de schoolloopbanen van migrantenleeringen en autochtone leerlingen in het voortgezet onderwijs. [Academic counseling and school tracking of immigrant and non-ethnic Dutch students in primary education]. Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsresearch, 19, 240–258. Ministry of Education, Culture and Science. (2003). Secondary education: Facts and figures. Retrieved December 15, 2003, from http://www.minocw.nl/english/figures2003/048.html Ministry of Education, Culture and Science. (2004). Education overall. Retrieved January 10, 2004 from http://www.minocw.nl/english/figures2003/008.html Neels, K., & Stoop, C. (1998). Social mobility and equal opportunities: The case of Turkish and Moroccan minorities in Belgium. Brussel/Gent: Interface Demography Free University of Belgium Faculty Populations Studies Group RUG. Steele, C. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual ability and performance. American Psychologist, 52, 613–629. The Netherlands Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). (2003). Population figures [Data file]. Figures retrieved December 13, 2003 from the Central Bureau of Statistics Web site: http://www.cbs.nl Vallet, L. A., & Caille, J. P. (1999, September). Migration and integration in France: Academic careers of immigrants’ children in lower and upper secondary school. Paper presented at the ECSR Conference on Migration and Inter-ethnic Relations, Obernai, France. Verkuyten, M. (1993). Self-esteem among ethnic minorities and three principles of self-esteem formation: Turkish children in the Netherlands. International Journal of Psychology, 28, 307–321.
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Verkuyten, M., & Brug, P. (2002). Ethnic identity, self-esteem, and discrimination among Surinamese adolescents in the Netherlands. Journal of Black Psychology, 28, 122–141. Verkuyten, M., & Brug, P. (2003). Educational performance and psychological disengagement among ethnic minority and Dutch adolescents. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 164, 189–200. Verkuyten, M., & Kinket, B. (2000). Social distances in a multi-ethnic society: The ethnic hierarchy among Dutch pre-adolescents. Social Psychology Quarterly, 63, 75–85. Verkuyten, M., & Thijs, J. (2002a). School satisfaction of elementary school children: The role of performance, peer relations, ethnicity and gender. Social Indicators Research, 59, 203–228. Verkuyten, M., & Thijs, J. (2002b). Racist victimization among children in the Netherlands: The effect of ethnic group and school. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 25, 310–331. Vermeulen, H. (1984). Ethnische groepen en grenzen: Surinamers, Chinezen en Turken [Ethnic groups on the border: Surinamers, Chinese, and Turks]. Nederland: Het Wereldvenster Weesp. Winchester, R. (2002). Exclusion zone. Community Care, 29(August), pp. 26–27.
GENDER DIVERSITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION: ‘‘THE WOMEN ARE FINE, BUT THE MEN ARE NOT?’’ Florence B. Bonner The global community is forged by the ease and economy of worldwide travel, enhanced by the internet, and supported by economic linkages between and among nations. In such an environment, diversity issues command a central focus. Although we have made progress socially and economically over the past four or five decades worldwide, there are still deep and persisting disparities among racial and ethnic groups. Trends across institutions related to race, ethnicity, and gender point increasingly to diversity with disparity. A relevant question related to higher and tertiary education in this environment is, what are the prospects for the future when today race and ethnic issues impact educational achievement and employment and career aspiration in profound ways? Surprisingly, in the U.S., in spite of profound changes in higher education policies, classrooms remain patterned with disparities by race, ethnicity, gender, and nationality. As the rates of immigration and migration increase, systems of higher education in the U.S. and abroad are being forced to examine issues of diversity and make changes to address the complexity of needs and outcomes associated with those issues. Over the past three decades, one of the greatest challenges facing higher education worldwide has been to frame an appropriate response to calls for gender equality and changes in the
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 159–180 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05008-4
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practices and content of education for women. These changes include access, climate, resources, and outcomes. As a result, policies and programs aimed at increasing female students’ rates of entry to, participation in, and graduation from institutions of higher education have been implemented in the U.S. and abroad. As shown in Table 1, there is indication that these initiatives have met with success in the U.S. We can see that women’s entry into postgraduate programs and professional schools and their subsequent entry into specialized careers showed marked increases. But is this evidence alone, of women’s ability to enter higher education, proof of dramatic progress in higher/tertiary education claimed by nearly all policymakers and pundits? Have women today actually attained greater levels of success at the postsecondary level and beyond than did their female predecessors? Have they surpassed the achievements of their male counterparts? Did women’s successes come on the heels of – or worse, contribute to – what many in higher/tertiary education perceive as ‘‘men’s demise’’ on their campuses? Is it true, as some colleagues assert, that we have solved the women’s problem, that ‘‘women are fine, but the men are not?’’ We have tried to look at the broad range of data and information and address three specific questions to shed light on these interesting questions and assertions. Does a numerical majority in higher education entry and graduation rates constitute gender equality for women? Does a numerical majority alone represent institutional change? Does an increased acquisition of advanced degrees translate into equity in outcomes such as employment, status, salary, or resources? Data from a number of sources discussed later will reveal that, for women, higher education achievement has not translated into gender equality within the academy or outside of it; rather, it has fueled an illusion that has fostered a false premise. Women still face many challenges inside institutions of higher education and learning as well as entry into non-traditional careers and professions; they have not reached parity with men nor have they surpassed them. Disproving the fallacy and debunking the myth that women have conquered all of the problems require examination of at least the three questions above. We examine higher education outcomes, such as career choices, women and men’s location (status and pay) in the occupational hierarchy and labor force, to seek answers to these questions. First, we examine more closely the premise that women are doing just fine in the education system and men are not. Indicators demonstrating the success of women in U.S. higher education are often misleading when they
Total Men Associate Bachelor’s Master’s Doctorate First-professional Total
Men
Women
African Americans Men
Women
332,174 160,346 250,990 646,097 399,105 501,212 224,524 183,982 182,244 16,290 15,368 13,379 32,949 35,069 24,204
18,584 34,469 125,343 824 2,303
36,424 63,663 20,466 1,242 3,180
1,097,623 2,230,305 793,870 972,029
181,523
124,975
211,064 497,775 326,843 18,314 43,627
Women
Whites
Hispanics Men
Women
Asian Americans
American Indians
Men
Women
Men
Women
19,006 26,621 27,648 38,289 6,499 9,716 649 621 1,971 1,576
10,885 33,405 10,239 1,390 3,993
14,162 38,187 10,849 944 3,719
2,243 3,148 780 83 291
3,977 4,746 1,269 104 270
55,773
59,912
67,861
6,545
10,366
76,823
Gender Diversity in Higher Education
Table 1. U.S. Degrees Awarded in 1997–1998, by Race and Gender.
Source: U.S. Department of Education (2000b).
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are not embedded in an informational context that considers race, ethnicity, class, and/or gender factors. Yet this is precisely what is typically done. We have changed the lens here. Our view of indicators of women’s success in higher education is more contextualized. The focus is not only on their participation in and graduation from colleges and universities, but their entry into professional schools and postgraduate programs and on outcomes, such as location in institutions of higher education and career, and professional choices. We also include an examination, although limited, of global comparisons where possible.
WOMEN’S SUCCESS IN HIGHER EDUCATION In the United States, women across all boundaries from race and ethnicity to socioeconomic class and region have achieved, according to the data, unprecedented success in higher education, as evidenced by their enrollment numbers, graduation rates, and professional and postgraduate participation. Bonner (2001) described this notion of success utilizing U.S. Census data, showing that women accounted for large increases in enrollment in degree-granting institutions of higher education during the late 1980s. From 1988 to 1998, while higher education enrollment for men rose by 6% nationwide, enrollment increased by 16% for women. Moreover, enrollment of women in U.S. graduate schools outpaced men during that same decade, with the number of women increasing by 60% compared to an increase of 17% for men (see Table 2). From 1976 to 1997, minority student enrollment also went up, increasing from 16% to 27% (U.S. Department of Education, 2000a). An interesting caveat is that much of this increase for minorities was due to rising Hispanic and Asian American student enrollments. The participation of African Americans, on the other hand, rose to 11% by 1997 but wavered during the early stages of this growth period (U.S. Department of Education, 2000a). Women received 67% of all degrees awarded during the academic year 1997–1998, a figure that represented a 10.8% increase from 1984 to 1985 when women received 52% of all degrees (U.S. Department of Education, 2000b). Even within this larger scope of the data, there are significant differences with respect to progress, calling for a more careful examination. Women of color and White women earned an increasing share of degrees during this same period (see Table 3). For example, the share of bachelor’s degrees earned by all women increased 19.5% in the 20 academic years between 1976 and 1997, from 46.4% to 65.7% (U.S. Department of
Total
All Men
76–77
86–87
96–97
97–98
76–77
86–87
2,753 404,956 407,709
2,614 436,304 438,918
3,222 565,620 568,842
1,603 555,538 557,141
1,283 209,672 210,955
23,551 917,900 941,451
20,291 991,264 1,011,555
25,168 1,168,029 1,193,197
25,506 1,183,033 1,208,539
6,150 286,602 292,752
4,012 289,349 293,361
4,205 414,882 419,087
66 33,126 33,192
299 34,041 34,340
731 63,953 64,684
33,251 1,706,537 1,739,788
All women
96–97
97–98
76–77
86–87
96–97
97–98
1,014 190,839 191,853
1,079 220,722 221,801
485 216,440 216,925
1,470 195,284 196,754
1,600 245,465 247,065
2,143 342,898 345,041
1,118 339,098 340,216
10,201 494,424 504,625
8,838 480,782 489,620
8,928 517,901 526,829
8,980 519,360 528,340
13,350 423,476 436,826
11,453 510,482 521,935
16,240 650,122 666,362
16,526 663,673 680,199
4,388 429,296 433,684
2,421 137,396 139,817
1,584 141,269 142,853
1,162 178,165 179,327
1,253 183,982 185,235
3,729 149,206 152,935
2,428 148,080 150,508
3,043 236,717 239,760
3,135 245,314 248,449
155 38,806 38,961
260 45,925 46,185
42 25,036 25,078
105 22,061 22,166
69 26,826 26,895
122 26,614 26,736
24 8,090 8,114
89 11,980 12,069
86 18,568 18,654
138 19,311 19,449
878 71,617 72,495
885 77,815 78,700
943 78,353 79,296
567 51,980 52,547
544 46,523 47,067
368 45,067 45,435
406 44,769 45,175
164 11,973 12,137
334 25,094 25,428
517 32,748 33,265
537 33,584 34,121
28,094 1,822,575 1,850,669
33,635 2,265,152 2,298,787
32,700 2,292,145 2,324,845
14,514 918,508 933,022
12,085 881,474 893,559
11,606 988,681 1,000,287
11,246 991,165 1,002,411
18,737 788,029 806,766
15,904 941,101 957,005
22,029 1,281,053 1,303,082
21,454 1,300,980 1,322,434
Associate HBCU Other Total Bachelor’s HBCU Other Total
Gender Diversity in Higher Education
Number of Degrees Awarded to African Americans at HBCUs, and to all Persons at all other U.S. Universities, by Gender: 1976–1977, 1986–1987, 1996–1997, and 1997–1998.
Table 2.
Master’s HBCU Other Total Doctorate HBCU Other Total First-professional HBCU Other Total Total
Source: U.S. Department of Education (1995, 1999, 2000b).
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HBCU Other Total
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Table 3.
Number of Men and Women by Occupation Category.
Occupation
Men
Women
Total
Management, professional and related occupations Management Promotions and sales Business and finance Professional and related Computer and mathematical Mathematical science Architecture Engineering Education training and library Postsecondary education Teachers Service
10,131,223 7,573,171 668,626 3,000,722 11,577,535 2,218,400 86,343 2,301,953 1,522,655 1,930,948 607,222 995,328 8,346,408
21,937,973 7,316,815 529,808 2,559,022 14,621,158 950,047 67,663 357,345 179,800 5,406,328 520,375 3,459,567 10,930,539
32,069,196 14,889,986 1,198,434 5,559,744 26,198,693 3,168,447 154,006 2,659,298 1,702,455 7,337,276 1,127,597 4,454,895 19,276,947
Total
50,960,534
68,836,440
119,796,974
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census (2000).
Education, 2000b). The share of master’s degrees earned by women also increased, from 52.4% to 57.2%. Likewise, the proportion of associate degrees awarded to all women increased by more than 12.6%, from 48.1% to 60.7%. Gains at the doctoral and first professional degree levels also appear dramatic. Women’s share of doctoral degrees rose 23.4%, from 24.3% to 47.8%, and their proportion of the total number of first professional degrees earned more than doubled from 18.8% to 42.3%. These data confirm more than two decades of unprecedented progress – yet they are deceiving. They are not an indication that all is well with women. Examination of the three questions posed earlier illuminates why this is so.
Graduation Rates: What Really Counts Knopp (1995) pointed out in the mid-1990s that the degrees earned by women were concentrated at the undergraduate level and in fields traditionally dominated by women. Knopp’s observations about women faculty and staff members in higher education further indicated that while women held one-third or more of the faculty positions at U.S. colleges and universities, they were more likely to be concentrated in the lower ranks of the professorate and less likely to be tenured. Moreover, women administrators
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were less likely to hold positions in executive or administrative academic areas. Bureau of Labor Statistics Occupational Employment and Wages (2000) data show the occupations of the U.S. employed civilian population aged 16 years and above by gender, revealing that this pattern of women’s concentration in the lower rungs of the occupational and professional ladder prevails across the labor force. As shown in Table 4, among the 129,721,612 persons in the U.S. labor force in 2000 were nearly equal numbers of males (69,091,443) and females (60,630,069). However, nearly every occupation identified as male-dominated 20 years ago remains so today. This claim is supported by a brief examination of occupational categories that would likely require some postsecondary education and that are non-farm professional positions. Across the managerial, professional, and related occupations fields, for example, men held 10,131,223 of the available positions compared to women’s 21,937,973. Clearly, women outnumbered men in these fields by a ratio of 2:1. However, some interesting findings emerge when these data are disaggregated. In the management occupations subcategory, in which men’s and women’s participation levels were near-mirror images (7,573,171 compared to 7,316,815), females held only 447,139 of the top executive positions compared to men’s 1,568,632. This pattern was repeated in the other occupations of this category. The promotions and sales workforce, for example, consisted of 668,626 males and 529,808 women, but men held significantly more of the higher-status positions than did women. Among operation specialties managers (excluding financial managers), men outnumbered women by almost twice (1,032,650 compared to 540,222). In the business and financial operations subcategory, females held 3,000,722 positions compared to men’s 2,559,022, yet men outnumbered women in positions of power or prestige (e.g., accountants). Many other examples of occupational disparity are evident in the labor force data. These data reveal that women are located disproportionately in service sector and education positions and in the lower ranks of other professions. For example, women constituted the majority of employees in the service occupations, those positions at the lowest levels of occupational status. Women outnumbered men: 10,930,539 to 8,346,408 in the service field. In the education, training, and library fields, women held 5,406,328 positions, nearly tripling the number of their male counterparts (1,930,948). Among primary, secondary, and special education teaching positions, 3,459,567 women outnumbered 995,328 men more than 3 to 1. However,
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Table 4.
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Fall Enrollment at Big 10 Colleges and Universities, Academic Year 2002.
Michigan State University Total enrollment Undergraduate enrollment Percentage of undergraduate enrollment by gender Men Women Yale University Total enrollment Undergraduate enrollment Percentage of undergraduate enrollment by gender Men Women Dartmouth College Total enrollment Undergraduate enrollment Percentage of undergraduate enrollment by gender Men Women Harvard University Total enrollment Undergraduate enrollment Percentage of undergraduate enrollment by gender Men Women Princeton University Total enrollment Undergraduate enrollment Percentage of undergraduate enrollment by gender Men Women University of Michigan-Ann Arbor Total enrollment Undergraduate enrollment Percentage of undergraduate enrollment by gender Men Women
White Non-Hispanics: 79.2% 44,937 35,197 46.7% 53.3% White Non-Hispanics: 51.5% 11,378 5,339 50.2% 49.8% White Non-Hispanics: 59.1% 5,593 4,079 51.1% 48.9% White Non-Hispanics:52.8% 24,969 9,774 49.9% 50.1% White Non-Hispanics: 65.2% 6,646 4,635 51.4% 48.6% White Non-Hispanics: 64.3% 38,972 24,472 48.9% 51.1%
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at the postsecondary or higher education level, men outnumbered women: 607,222 to 520,375. The professional and related occupations subcategory revealed a far more dramatic gap between men and women. In nearly every field, men continue to occupy positions of power and prestige and in those positions; they outnumbered women 2 to 1 or more. For example, although women (14,621,158) outnumbered men (11,577,535) overall, men held 2,218,400 positions in computer and mathematical occupations compared to 950,047 for women. Men held 86,343 positions in mathematical science occupations compared to women’s 67,663. They dominated the architectural subcategory (2,301,953 men to 357,345 women) and engineering fields (1,522,655 to 179,800). This pattern also prevailed in the legal and health care subcategories, with judges and lawyers claiming the higher status in the former and physicians and surgeons claiming the same in the latter. In both fields, men dominated. Women were concentrated in the lower-ranked positions and in fields that traditionally have been identified as ‘‘women’s work.’’ Clearly, high rates of participation and graduation from institutions provided the evidence for declaring equity and ‘‘unprecedented success’’ of women in education. Measured by proportional attainment of elevated occupational status or professional stature; however, this is not a reality. The perceived success achieved by women is misleading. We can see that men continue to dominate in those positions of power, high status, and pay, both in education at the higher and tertiary levels, and in professional and nonwoman traditional employment.
NUMERICAL MAJORITY IS NOT ENOUGH The data provided above suggest that women’s attainment of a numerical majority in higher education is not sufficient to claim the end of gender inequality. Insensitivity to context when presenting indicators of how well women are doing in higher education poses potential problems. The quest for gender diversity in many places of work and education is far from complete. Rosser and Kelly (1994) called for caution when focusing on such numbers. Tracking data such as enrollment patterns and graduation rates, without formative and summative evaluation of those data and without appropriate controls, is troublesome. They argued that a numerical increase cannot be directly translated to mean or infer that improvements in academic programs or changes in institutional climate have been made, nor
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does it suggest that women previously not interested in or prepared for higher education or specific programs are being attracted to those fields or programs. This point of view suggests that the impact of different events in different spaces may have nothing at all to do with programmatic change, even though such change could influence outcomes, particularly short-term ones, without causing long-term institutional change. For example, an intensive recruitment plan might increase the number of motivated women who are already interested in entering a particular field or a program for a specific period of time, but it will not increase the interest and participation of women who are not motivated to do so. The former could simply have been torn between choosing one institution over another or moving from one institution to another. This view does not negate or ignore the fact that women have come a long way, particularly in higher education. Yet are men in higher education in grave danger? Is their presence and status being neglected? If so, why do they still hold a more than comfortable lead in nearly all of the high-status, high-prestige occupational positions that typically require higher education degrees? If not, what is wrong with this picture?
ETHNICITY AND RACE DIFFERENCES The answers to the above questions also differ across race/ethnic groups and they differ within group and across gender lines. Among White men in higher education, the problem centers on diminishing resources. They have claimed that women’s push for equity in areas like sports programming within institutions of higher education are harming their ability to secure needed scholarships and maintenance of programs in sports for male students (Gardiner & Thomas, 2003; Hammer, 2002). This argument centered around the reaffirmation of Title IX by the Congress of the United States, legislation entitling women to equity in access and resources (e.g., scholarships and other resources) to pursue sports programs in schools and colleges. This legislation produced heated debate as the USA Today articles demonstrate. The inference is that some men are less likely to be able to enjoy sports that they care about and that they would also be less likely to advance in a chosen sports profession. For example, men have argued that wrestling and acrobatics programs are being dropped to accommodate resources for women, although there is no evidence that supports this claim. The recent debate over the 2003 reauthorization of Title IX is a powerful
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example of the extent to which this conflict has spilled over into a discussion about jobs and professions. By contrast, both African American men and women have argued that Black men face a crisis of untenable proportions in higher education (Howard University Forum, 2003). Many have claimed that African American males are disappearing from the higher education scene. For them, the statement that ‘‘the women are fine, but the men are not’’ is not a debatable issue – it is a fact. However, those making this argument often use the previously cited data, showing how well women are doing in higher education, to demonstrate that African American men are in trouble and a renewed focus should be on Black men. A new dimension was recently added to the argument and that was how few men are enrolled in historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). This is significant since the HBCUs graduate a disproportionate number of African American graduates and professionals in the U.S. A comparison of enrollment patterns by gender at 56 of the nation’s 103 HBCUs was circulated recently via email (September 8, 2003). The message’s subject line read, ‘‘Shocking Enrollment Patterns at HBCUs.’’ Although the original email message was directed to just three HBCU scholars, it was apparently sent to 18 others, who circulated it with increasing fervor. Comments added by forwarding recipients included statements such as ‘‘Pray for our black males’’ and ‘‘If you know a [Black] male child, or you have one, support him.’’ The data presented within the email, compiled by Black Excel: The College Help Network (CHN), were offered as conclusive evidence of the disappearance of African American men from the education stream. The specific intent of these comparisons, the compilers claimed, was to demonstrate that African American women had far outstripped their male counterparts in the educational arena and particularly in higher education. A quick perusal of the email’s content could easily lead one to agree that it contained abysmal information. For example, Clark-Atlanta University led the list with 71% female and 29% male enrollments. However, the compilers’ data, like that of the Census and U.S. Department of Education presented at the beginning of this article, lack essential context. Upon closer examination and placement in a comparative context, a different picture unfolds. The data presented in Table 5 show that more than half the gender differences in HBCU enrollment claimed by the CHN are not as drastic as they portend – not even within the HBCU context. Furthermore, when compared to similar data from predominately White institutions across the United
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Table 5. Historically Black Colleges and Universities by Gender. Institution
Female (%)
Male (%)
50 52 52 53 54 54 55 55 56 56 56 56 56 57 57 57 57 58 58 58 58 58 58 58 59 59 59
50 48 48 47 46 46 45 45 44 44 44 44 44 43 43 43 43 42 42 42 42 42 42 42 41 41 41
60 62 62 62 63 63 63 64 64 64 64 65 65
40 38 38 38 37 37 37 36 36 36 35 35 33
50th Percentile Benedict College, SC North Carolina A&T University, NC Lane College, TN Alabama A&M University, AL Stillman College, AL Central State University, OH Cheyney University of Penn, PA Texas Southern University, TX Florida A&M University, FL Virginia State University, VA Arkansas-Pine Bluff College, AR Fort Valley State University, GA Prairie View A&M University, TX Grambling State University, LA Oakwood College, AL Morris Brown College, GA Delaware State University, DE Tuskagee University, AL South Carolina State University, SC Johnson C. Smith University, NC Alabama State University, AL Miles College, AL Bethune-Cookman College, FL Jarvis Christian College, TX Morgan State University, MD Southern A&M University, LA St. Augustine’s College, NC 60th Percentile Lincoln University, PA Hampton University, VA Tennessee State University, TN Elizabeth City State University, NC St. Paul’s College, VA Fayetteville State University, NC Norfolk State University, VA Talladega College, AL Philander Smith College, AR Morris College, SC North Caroline Central University, NC Howard University, DC Claflin University, SC
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Table 5. (Continued ) Institution Voorhees College, SC Albany State University, GA Southern University, LA Winston-Salem State University, NC
Female (%)
Male (%)
67 67 68 68
33 33 32 32
70 70 71 71 73 75 77
30 30 29 29 27 25 23
70th Percentile Fisk University, TN LeMoyne-Owen College, TN Clark Atlanta University, GA Paine College, GA Xavier University, LA Coppin State College, MD Dillard University, LA
States, the dramatic nature of that organization’s ‘‘findings’’ is diminished even more. For instance, the CHN data indicate that women comprise 70%–77% of the enrollments at seven of 52 HBCUs and 60%–70% of the enrollments at 18. Nearly half of the 56 institutions, the CHN claims, have female enrollments higher than those of males, some much higher. The examination of size, area of focus and location, among other factors, changes and tempers the CHN’s data and its implications. This approach reveals that preparing students for a general liberal arts education is a primary focus of nearly 90% of the HBCUs. For example, in preparation for a National Science Foundation funded initiative (Bonner, 2002), a survey of HBCUs that had a research office and Director was administered. Eighteen HBCUs were identified with offices and only 11 with offices and Directors in place. These included Clark-Atlanta, Morehouse, Spelman, Hampton, Morgan State St. Augustine, Florida A&M, Talladega, Jackson State, Dillard, Xavier and Howard, Texas Southern, South Carolina State, Southern University, and Grambling. Liberal arts education is an area in which data have confirmed that women are heavily concentrated (Hoffman, 1996). Additionally, Clark-Atlanta, with its 71% female enrollment, is the product of a merger that brought together Clark College, formerly a women’s college, with Atlanta University, a co-ed institution. This merger happened at a time when Clark was the stronger of the two institutions; thus, it is not surprising that the ratio of women to men at this merged HBCU would be high.
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Location is another issue to consider in explicating the CHN data. ClarkAtlanta, for example, has other competing HBCUs in close proximity like Morris Brown, and two same-sex HBCUs nearby (Morehouse College for men and Spelman College for women). Other HBCUs represented in the over-70% female enrollment group, with the exception of Dillard College in Louisiana, are small and mainly rural and could account for some of the imbalance. Many of the smaller institutions have as their mission preparing teachers (e.g., Virginia State in Virginia, Fort Valley State University in Georgia). Data presented from the U.S. Department of Labor (2000) shows there is still a high concentration of women in the teaching field at entry levels. Women might find access to these institutions and their mission more compatible than do men. However, we need to do more research on the question to find the correct answer. Aside from placing the HBCUs cited on the CHN list in proper context within the African American community, it also seems logical to compare the distribution of males and females at similar predominately White institutions. These comparisons are presented in Table 6 and the data underscore the need for more logical comparisons than those made by the CHN. It also defines this as a gender issue that is nationwide and not a black/white issue. Although not all institutions are represented, it is a cross section of the entire United States and illustrates the difficulty of finding any college or university in the United States, public or private (except for same-sex institutions), at which women are not in the majority or on a 1:1 ratio with men. We will demonstrate later that this is a global issue as well, faced by most of Europe and many other nations as data becomes available for review. Is the issue here higher education or something else? Scenarios, other than the one presented by the CHN data, might account for the gender disparities. First, as the birth rate has declined worldwide so has the 18- to 24-year-olds who enter into higher education. Europe, as one example, is already looking at declining birth rates as possibly part of the answer for this gap. Also the technology revolution is still not fully understood in terms of its impact on entry into higher education. For example, might not men at HBCUs, like men at predominantly White institutions, have traded long-term higher education goals for short-term training in the technology industry at its peak, for the potential high financial gains anticipated? It is possible that an increased number of college-aged persons continue to opt for short-term training in technology fields for high-income yield as opposed to longterm higher education investment. Additionally, online education is becoming more and more popular and its effects have not been determined.
Gender Diversity in Higher Education
Table 6.
173
Traditionally White Colleges and Universities – Distribution by Gender.
University
Total Enrollment
Total Undergraduate Enrollment
Percent Undergraduate Men
Percent Undergraduate Women
White NonHispanics
12,642
9,794
49.3
50.7
—
12,219
8,291
40.0
60.0
—
11,135 12,917
8,817 10,071
48.3 43.1
51.7 56.9
— —
12,086
9,334
59.6
40.4
—
15,407
12,523
43.0
57.0
—
11,382
9,017
39.3
60.7
—
10,314
8,792
44.1
55.9
—
14,180
10,784
44.0
56.0
—
17,811
15,226
41.1
58.9
—
12,323
9,723
40.9
59.1
—
15,267
12,612
39.4
60.6
—
14,453
10,892
32.4
67.6
—
15,995
12,889
51.2
48.4
—
13,881 15,658
8,870 12,715
40.5 39.7
59.5 60.3
— —
14,451
11,333
46.8
53.2
—
10,313
8,732
46.4
53.6
—
11,146
9,874
57.0
43.0
—
18,718
15,448
44.7
55.3
—
New England Central Connecticut State University Southern Connecticut State University University of Maine University of Massachusetts, Boston University of Massachusetts, Lowell University of New Hampshire, MC University of Southern Maine University of Vermont State Agricultural College University of Rhode Island Southeast Western Kentucky University University of Southern Alabama University of Southern Mississippi University of North Carolina, Greensboro University of Arkansas, MC Plains University of Missouri-KC University of Missouri, St. Louis University of Nebraska, Omaha Central Missouri State University North Dakota State University Southwest Missouri State University
Exploration of all of these avenues could provide more information. For this context, however, some broad comparisons of higher education enrollment patterns, gender distribution, and outcomes seem appropriate. An
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examination of women’s imputed success based on enrollment patterns and graduation rates in higher education in a global context may reveal differences and similarities that will provide clearer answers.
A COMPARISON OF FINDINGS FROM AFRICA, THE EUROPEAN UNION, AND THE UNITED STATES The European Education Commission (EC) (2002) has previously speculated that declining birth rates since 1960 have led to the recent marked decline in European tertiary (postsecondary) education enrollments at the entrance stage. The pattern of male/female enrollment across nations of the European Union (EU) bears a near-parallel resemblance to patterns in the United States. However, we do note that comparisons between the United States and EU countries and between countries within the EU are not exact. For example, education levels are slightly different. In some cases, particularly at the entry stage to higher education, levels in secondary school in the EU may be consistent with entry level to higher education in the U.S. Only the data described as tertiary data in the EU tables are used here for comparison. This allows for a better comparison of what is referred to as ‘‘higher education’’ in this discussion. Such an examination can shed some light on the issue at hand. Drawn from the EC (2002) and the National Center for Education Statistics’ (NCES) (2001) international comparisons of educational systems, a few snapshots of the EU data may prove helpful, beginning with an investigation of enrollment patterns that are not as complicated as examinations of educational levels and graduation rates. Postsecondary patterns of access to education during the period from 1990 to 1997 across the globe appear to parallel U.S. patterns. According to NCES (2001) data, developing areas of the world experienced dramatic increases in postsecondary enrollment during this period. Enrollment rose by 68% in Africa, by 49% in China, and by 30% in Central and South America, compared to a similar increase of 15% in Europe. In 1999, the ratio of bachelor’s degrees conferred per 100 persons at the time of graduation ranged from 10 in Turkey to 11 in the Czech Republic and in Mexico. The ratio in the United Kingdom was 37, and in New Zealand and the United States it was 33. During that same period, women internationally had higher bachelor’s degree ratios than did men in 14 out of 19 countries reporting data.
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EC (2002) data reveal that the increase in female enrollment in tertiary education has been much greater than that of men since 1975. Data from the World Bank’s (2004) comprehensive database on education statistics (EdStats) show that this trend was prevalent throughout Europe. Twenty five years ago, women were in the minority in all the current EU and EFTA/ EEA (European Free Trade Association/European Economic Area) tertiary education for which the World Bank (2004) reported data. On average, male tertiary enrollment outnumbered those of women by 3 to 1. However, by the 1990s, women were the clear majority in nearly all European nations’ postsecondary institutions, with the exception of Greece, Germany, the Netherlands, and the Czech Republic which had closer to a 1:1 ratio. Only in Germany and the Czech Republic were women in the minority, but the margin was very small. Data from UNESCO’s Institute for Statistics (2005) show that the rise of women in postsecondary or tertiary education in Europe began in the early 1990s (see Figure 1(a)), a trend very similar to the one that occurred in the United States. During the mid- to late-1970s, at least three men to every two women were enrolled in higher education (European Commission on Education, 2002). In some countries such as Italy, Portugal, Sweden, Iceland, and Norway, women’s enrollments exceeded men’s by as much as 25% or more. The similarities are more than just interesting; they are deserving of further study. Just as the suggestion that older women returning to school might account for some of the U.S.-based gender enrollment differences is deserving of further attention, so too it is appropriate for European scholars to examine two other rationales for the enrollment patterns seen there. The first is that in most EU and EU-candidate countries, men must do compulsory military/alternative service during the probable age of entry to tertiary education. (The only countries where there is no compulsory military/alternative service are Belgium, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Iceland, and Hungary.) The similarities continue with an examination of the outcomes – namely, fields of study, occupation, and status. In this regard, the distribution of enrollment between males and females depends on the discipline chosen. On average, for the countries for which data are available, most students in the disciplines of education, humanities and arts, and health and welfare are females (74%, 66%, and 72%, respectively). These are also the fields in which women are concentrated. Men, on the other hand, comprise 77% of all students in the engineering, manufacturing, and construction fields. In some EU countries (Cyprus and the Netherlands), the percentage is as high as 88%. Sixty-one percent of all
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FLORENCE B. BONNER 8,000,000.00
7,000,000.00 United Kingdom Sweden Spain Portugal Netherlands Luxembourg Italy Ireland Greece Germany France Finland Denmark Belgium Austria
6,000,000.00
5,000,000.00
4,000,000.00
3,000,000.00
2,000,000.00
1,000,000.00
0.00 1998/1999
1999/2000
2000/2001
2001/2002
(a) 1,200,000
1,000,000
Number of women enrolled
800,000
600,000
400,000
200,000
0 Cyprus
Czech Estonia Republic
(b)
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania Malta
Poland Slovakia Slovenia
Countries represented 140,000
120,000
Number of women enrolled
100,000
80,000
60,000
40,000
20,000
0 Iceland
(c)
Liechtenstein
Countries represented
Norway
Switzerland
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students in the mathematical sciences and computing fields are also men, with the exception of Poland and Rumania. The European sectors with the most gender-balanced ratio are the social sciences, business, and law – a finding that indicates a slight departure from the U.S. pattern in these fields. It should be noted, however, that the EU data within these categories are not disaggregated by fields (i.e., attorneys, judges), so these data could also more closely resemble the U.S. data. Overall, the pattern of women being located disproportionately in categories typically ‘‘reserved’’ for women holds in the EU as it does in the U.S. (see Fig. 1(b)). The overall patterns and comparisons of male/female enrollment, distribution, and outcomes in postsecondary or tertiary education throughout the EU and EU-candidate countries are very similar to those in the United States. Similar patterns have also been observed in other countries but the data are much less detailed, making it difficult to contrast and compare. Despite these international correlations and within the haze of inaccuracies and surface-only examinations, a key question lingers: Has institutional change really occurred? (see Fig. 1(c)).
INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE OR ‘‘BUSINESS AS USUAL?’’ Using indicators that show not only just how well women have done in higher education in recent decades but also the strides that colleges and universities have made in making programmatic shifts to increase their female enrollments, educational administrators and scholars often mislead the very audiences they intend to inform. As a result, they frequently plan effectively to reach the women students and graduates they wish to serve better. It remains, however, a very dire reality that women are still not routinely mentored or directed at significant levels toward the disciplines in which they traditionally have not participated, like engineering and other science and mathematics fields. Apparently, many persons believe that White males are losing benefits as a result of advocacy efforts aimed at advancing the role and presence of women in higher education, and Fig. 1. (a) EU (15) Enrollment in Tertiary Education: Female (1998–2002). Source: UNESCO Education Statistics (2005); (b) EU (10) Enrollment in Tertiary Education: Female (1998–2002). Source: UNESCO Education Statistics (2005); (c) EFTA/ EEA Enrollment in Tertiary Education: Female (1998–2002). Source: UNESCO Education Statistics (2005).
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subsequently view White women and other women of color as a threat. Similarly, African American women are being cast as usurpers of positions that somehow ‘‘should’’ be held by African American men in higher education – at the very institutions historically established to foster equal opportunity for Blacks denied such opportunity elsewhere! Although the expressions of sincere urgency among those who believe that Black men are in grave jeopardy in higher education are not unfounded, educational administrators and scholars must not continue to allow themselves to be uninformed or misinformed about the true place and condition of women across all groups and classes in higher education and the workplace. Whereas African American males are likewise in need of additional support to bolster their presence and status in higher education, American women must challenge the false notion that they are somehow displacing their male counterparts’ places in either the classroom or the office. This notion is most troubling for what it portends for African American women in higher education in the near future. The consequences of a sea change in academic outreach and programming to negate African American women’s progress are too negative to overlook. They include an inattention to changes that might foster continued institutional growth, diminished priority placed on equality in hiring and mentoring, and loss of capacities and skills that are essential to societal advancement. All of these consequences would have a destructive impact on African American women’s lifestyles and life chances for generations to come. It is particularly important to direct this argument to HBCUs for the following reason: One in four of all associate and bachelor’s degrees, and one-fourth of all undergraduate science degrees awarded to African Americans were granted by HBCUs (NCES, 1997). This means that the majority of African American women pursuing higher education in the United States today are more unlikely to be dispersed throughout research institutions across the country than are their male counterparts. Thus, a disparity already exists in the educational outcomes of Black women and men. This also means that access cannot be viewed in quite the same way for African American women as for women of other ethnic groups. For example, most HBCUs today continue to struggle for adequate basic funding and sufficient classroom space. They further compete on unequal grounds with predominantly White institutions of higher learning for faculty and often use their faculty members’ time, teaching, and research in radically different ways than do majority institutions. Therefore, extreme care must be taken to frame, accurately and dispassionately, discussions about the condition and future of African American men and women in U.S. higher education.
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It is not uncommon to hear enlightened, well-meaning men say that the ‘‘women’s problem’’ in higher education has been resolved. Nothing could be further from the truth. All women planning to pursue or are already engaged in higher education, across the nation and around the globe, are faced with some aspect of this issue. Yet the solution will only come about as a result of concerted, united effort, free of bias, and gender conflict. Women and men will have to work together to change this mindset to help dispel this false notion and protect the meager gains women have earned to this point.
REFERENCES Bonner, F. B. (2001). Addressing gender issues in the historically black colleges and university community: A challenge and call to action. Journal of Negro Education, 70(3), 176–191. Bonner, F. B. (2002). #SES0135693. Enabling a Basic Research Culture at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Bureau of Labor Statistics Occupational Employment and Wages 2000, April 1, 2002. Bulletin 2549. Gardiner, A., & Thomas, O. (2003). Letter reinforces paths to Title IX; Bush administration addresses schools. USA Today, McLean, VA, July 11, 2003, p. C.10. Hammer, K. The Central Future-University of Central Florida. (2002, May 12). Title IX on the Line. October 1, 2002. Hoffman, C. M. (1996). Historically black colleges and universities: 1976–1994. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Howard University Forum. (2003). Achieving and Maintaining a Balance in the Participation in Higher Education of African American Men and Women, in the School of Business Auditorium. November 14, 2003. Knopp, L. (1995). Women in higher education today: A mid-1990s profile. Washington, DC: American Council on Education, Division of Policy Analysis and Research. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (1997). U.S. degrees awarded in 1997–1998, by race and gender. Integrated postsecondary education data system completions survey. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education (NCES). National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2001). Digest of education statistics 2001. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Rosser, S. V., & Kelly, B. (1994). From hostile exclusion to friendly inclusion: U.S. system model project for the transformation of science and math teaching to reach women in varied campus settings. Journal of Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering, 1(1), 29–44. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. (2005). Education statistics. Online at http://www.uis. unesco.org U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2000). Tenured, tenure track, and nontenure track full-time faculty at historically black college and universities in the United States. Adapted from Integrated postsecondary education data system completions survey. Washigton, DC: U.S. Department of Education.
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U.S. Department of Education. (1995). Integrated postsecondary education data system (IPEDS) completions survey. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. U.S. Department of Education. (1999). Integrated postsecondary education data system (IPEDS) completions survey. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. U.S. Department of Education (2000a). All levels of education. In: U.S. Department of Education, digest of education statistics (pp. 1–30). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. U.S. Department of Education. (2000b). Integrated postsecondary education data system (IPEDS) completions survey. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education.
THE QUEST FOR EQUITY IN CALIFORNIA HIGHER EDUCATION: IMPLICATIONS FOR A GLOBAL SOCIETY$ Robert T. Teranishi California is one of the few states in the United States where ‘‘minorities’’ will soon represent a numerical majority. In 2000, Latinos, Asian Pacific Americans, and African–Americans represented 49.1 percent of the total population in California – a proportion that is expected to increase to 54.6 percent by 2010 (see Table 1). In recent decades, some urban regions in the state have experienced dramatic shifts in their racial composition. In San Francisco, between 1970 and 1990, the white population decreased from 75 percent to 43 percent and in Los Angeles, from 78 percent to 37 percent. Because of its rich racial diversity and the challenges that demographic changes present to higher education in the state, California is an interesting case that represents the important implications for diversity in broader U.S. national and global contexts. California’s public higher education system is among the largest, most comprehensive and most distinguished in the United States. The California
$
The preparation of this chapter was based on data collected with the support of the UC ACCORD and the CHOICES Project
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 181–195 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05009-6
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Table 1. Racial/Ethnic Composition of California, 1980–2010. California
Asian/ Pacific Islander Black Latino White
United States
1980
1990
1997
2000
2010
1995
6.7 7.5 19.2 66.6
9.9 7.0 25.9 57.2
10.9 7.0 29.3 52.2
11.5 6.8 30.8 50.3
13.3 6.4 34.9 44.8
3.4 12.0 10.3 73.6
Source: U.S. Bureau of Census 2000.
public education system consists of thousands of elementary and secondary schools, 110 community colleges, and 33 four-year colleges and universities (California Postsecondary Education Commission, 2004). These publicly supported educational institutions are complemented by hundreds of private schools, colleges, and universities. The public higher education system alone serves nearly 2 million students each year. However, despite the breadth of California’s educational system, there are notable inequities in students’ educational experiences and outcomes, the educational settings where they are expected to learn, and the resources available to promote student learning. The educational inequities in California are most apparent in the differential rates at which various racial/ethnic groups of high school graduates achieve access to the state’s public four-year university systems, the California State University (CSU) and the University of California (UC) (Allen, Bonous-Hammarth, & Teranishi, 2002). This chapter is a discussion of the factors that have contributed to differential college access and opportunities for racial and social class subpopulations within California. Specifically, I discuss the relationship between the racial polarization of California’s system of public secondary schools and access to quality academic resources and postsecondary opportunities for students of different racial backgrounds. The goal of this chapter is to provide a lens for the challenges facing California and their implications for higher education in national and global contexts.
CALIFORNIA AND GLOBALIZATION In the past 30 years, California has played a key role in engaging the U.S. with broader international economic and political relationships. A large part of engaging California in a broader global context has been the plethora of
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technology. Because of the globalization of world markets, California’s internationalized economic participation positioned itself well relative to other national markets, for example, in Asia and Europe. As a result, by the late 1990s, California had the fifth largest economy in the world (The Commerce and Economic Development Program, 2004). While California became increasingly engaged in international relationships, its population voiced increasing concerns for developing and sustaining a racially and nationally diverse workforce to engage with the rest of the world. However, during the late 1990s, there was movement in the other direction that restricted access to higher education and public resources for people of color (e.g., Proposition 187) and immigrant populations (e.g., English-only movement) (Allen, Teranishi, Dinwiddie, & Gonza´lez, 2001).
Demographic Context With 35 million residents, California has one of the largest populations in the U.S. In the next 20 years, California is also expected to be the fastest growing state with an increase of 17 million additional residents, or 56 percent of its current population (California Department of Finance, 2004). By 2050, the population in California is expected to be double its current size. There is also a changing demographic composition in the state, including a large increase in the number and proportion of the population that are immigrants and children of immigrants. Between 1980 and 2000, the proportion of the white population decreased from 67 percent to 50 percent while the Latino, Asian Pacific American, and Black population increased from 33 percent to 50 percent. By 2025, there will be an additional 9 million immigrants with the Latino and Asian Pacific American population growing to represent approximately 55 percent of the total U.S. population (California Department of Finance, 2004). With the dramatic increases in the state population, it is projected that California is entering its greatest period of enrollment growth for higher education in its history. Between 1990 and 2000, K-12 enrollment grew by over a million students, an increase from 4.8 million to 6.1 million. The growth in the K-12 sector is expected to stay steady over the next decade. However, the increase in the college-age population is expected to have a dramatic impact in public higher education. Over the next decade, it is anticipated that public higher education enrollment in California will increase by 26 percent (California Postsecondary Education Commission, 2004). However, while more students are expected to attend higher
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education overall, there is great concern over the mobility and opportunities that are available for students of color and low-income students.
Dimensions of Equity in U.S. Higher Education In general across the U.S., there have been resistance and numerous challenges for providing people of different racial/ethnic backgrounds equitable access to quality education. Although American public education is open to all students, it has produced differential outcomes despite numerous federal educational reform movements, such as the school desegregation movement in the 1950s and 1960s (Orfield, 1993; Zhou & Bankston, 1998). The Coleman Report (Coleman et al., 1966) found that following such reform, children continued to encounter inequality to educational opportunities that was sharply divided by racial and social class segregation. Today, inequalities persist where race and class continue to have implications for access to quality secondary education. Rumberger and Willms (1992) found that after controlling for student background characteristics, racial segregation in schools was strongly associated with differences across schools and among ethnic groups. Children who live and attend school in the concentrated poverty zones of urban, inner-city communities are almost exclusively low-income students of color (Gandara, 1995; Orfield, 1993). California, with its racially and economically diverse population, is the epitome of this social relationship. Across the different segregated schools in California, racial groups are sharply divided by differential access to college preparatory curriculum. Students at affluent schools have access to a wide range of advanced and demanding college preparatory courses compared to their counterparts at high-poverty schools (Wilds & Wilson, 1998). There are also racial and class disparities within schools that can influence students’ preparation and access to higher education (Coleman, 1987; Teranishi, Allen, & Solo´rzano, 2001). Within-school variations across race and class have been identified where ability grouping and tracking practices result in disproportionate (and often inappropriate) placement of racial/ethnic minority students in the lowest groups (Oakes, 1985). Disparities in opportunities for higher education have also been found among academic and college counseling resources, which is often related to a lack of resources available to serve all students (McDonough, 1997; Teranishi, Allen, & Solo´rzano, 2001). Students are often tracked or targeted as a priority for receiving service where others are assumed to not be ‘‘college material.’’ These educational conditions are quite pronounced when examining schools within the context of racial
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segregation, which is prevalent in California. The relationship between racial segregation in California’s secondary schools and access to and opportunity for higher education is examined in this chapter.
DATA SOURCE AND METHODOLOGY This study uses statewide datasets that were designed to examine characteristics, resources, and outcomes of California public high schools. The data were drawn from the California Department of Education, California Postsecondary Education Commission, UC, CSU, California Community College (CCC), and College Board. These data sources contain information on high schools related to student outcomes, student demographics, course enrollment patterns, college-going rates, teacher and administrator qualifications, funding patterns and resource allocations, state reform initiatives, and political and policy decisions impacting the student population in California. The current database contains information on the 823 comprehensive public high schools in California.1 The data in this chapter are reported as either status or leading indicators for equity in higher education. Status or outcome indicators include measures of postsecondary educational outcomes, eligibility rates for admissions to different tiers of California public higher education, and performance on standardized exams, such as the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) and Academic Placement (AP) exam. Postsecondary educational outcomes include attrition rates to the UC, CSU, and Community College systems in California. Leading or condition indicators include measures of social and structural indicators, teacher indicators, and classroom indicators. The social and structural indicators include characteristics of a school, such as size, location, racial and social class composition, and language proficiency of its students. Teacher indicators include measures of combined years of experience, advanced degrees, specialized training, and credential status. Classroom indicators include measures of AP and college preparatory course availability and class enrollment as well as AP exam taking rates and test performance.
Demographic Overview of California Public High Schools California comprehensive high schools are distributed across urban (28.4 percent), suburban (43.5 percent), and rural (28.1 percent) locales. The
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average total enrollment per school across all high schools was 1,852 students. The racial/ethnic breakdown of California’s public high schools is a reflection of California’s diverse racial population. California public high schools are comprised of Asian Americans (9.0 percent), Latinos (34.1 percent), Blacks (7.1 percent), and Whites (44.8 percent). In 2000, although there was no single racial/ethnic group that comprised the majority of California’s high school population, the same cannot be said for individual schools within the state. There were 19 schools that had an Asian Pacific American (APA) majority (i.e., greater than 50 percent) population, 209 high schools with a majority of Chicano/Latino students enrolled, and 11 high schools in the state of California where African– Americans were a majority of the total student enrollment. There were 373 schools with a White majority, making these schools the largest number of schools with a majority concentration of any single racial group.
Racial Segregation and Inequities in Structural Resources The Scholastic Aptitude Test has historically been a major barrier for students of color and low-income students because of the role it has played in determining admissions to the most selective institutions. Primarily, the barrier that the SAT represents rests in the uneven test-taking rates and test scores across different racial/ethnic groups. The Advanced Placement program is another factor that has played an increasingly important role in determining access to higher education. It can enable students to have higher grade point averages (GPAs), greater postsecondary academic preparation, and access to some of the best academic resources in schools. In 2000, a total of 113,629 students from California public high schools took the SAT I exam. Across all schools, this was an average of 138 students per school. The average combined verbal and math score among these students was 981.2 Consistent with national averages, students in California fared better on the SAT math section (495.8) than on the SAT verbal section (480.1). These state SAT averages provide a baseline for comparing scores across different racially segregated schools. In terms of test-taking rates, on average, more students from APA majority schools (268.6) and White majority schools (137.5) took the SAT exam than did students who attended Latino majority (109.1) and Black majority public high schools (104.7). However, this discrepancy is greatly magnified as Latino and Black majority (and to a lesser extent, Asianmajority) schools tend to be much larger than White majority schools.
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In other words, the proportion of students who took the SAT provides a telling picture of the disparate test-taking rates across different race/ethnic composition high schools. There were also differences in students’ performance on the SAT exam across high school racial/ethnic contexts. Students who attended APA majority schools had the highest average total test scores (1,062.1). Students who attended Black schools had the lowest average total test scores (781.8). Students who attended White schools had the highest average SAT verbal scores (512.7) and the students who attended APA majority schools had the highest SAT math scores (564.2). Students who attended Black majority schools scored the lowest on the verbal section (392.9) and on the math section (388.9). The implications of differences in the SAT test-taking and performance rates are simply that students who do not take the SAT, or who score extremely low on the test, are not even minimally eligible to attend a UC campus. The disparate SAT scores are also reason for concern because of the significant role that these scores play in determining the type of institution a student is competitively eligible to attend. In many cases, test scores and GPA are the primary measures for admissions to the most selective public universities in California. Differential test-taking rates and performance on the SAT exam across schools where there are different concentrations of racial/ethnic groups of students provide strong evidence of racial/ethnic inequalities in high students educational opportunity and achievement. Another disparate resource that provides evidence of racial/ethnic inequality across California’s public high schools is the AP program. Previous research revealed that among 830 comprehensive public high schools in California, there were 144 schools with 15 or more AP courses, 333 schools with four or fewer AP courses, and 169 schools that did not offer any AP courses (Teranishi et al., 2001). This study also found that schools with greater proportions of Black and Latino students were more likely to have fewer AP courses than schools with greater proportions of White and Asian students. In 2000, there were 226,250 students enrolled in AP programs throughout the state. Among these students, there were 99,801 students who took AP exams with a passing rate of 52.2 percent. APA majority schools had a much higher proportion of their students (30.7 percent) enrolled in AP courses than at schools with White (17 percent), Latino (11 percent) and Black (11 percent) majorities. Students from White majority public high schools represented 38.1 percent of the total enrollment in California but accounted for 43.8 percent of all students enrolled in AP courses. However, while students
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at Latino majority schools represented nearly one-third of the total enrollment in the state, they represented only 21 percent of all AP students. A greater proportion of students from APA and White majority schools took at least one AP exam more than was true for students attending Latino and Black majority schools. Again, this disparity is more dramatic when we control for the size differences of these schools. Students from APA majority schools had the highest passing rate (65.5 percent) while students from Black majority schools had the lowest passing rate (18.1 percent). Students from Latino majority schools had a higher passing rate than students at Black schools (46.9 vs. 18.1). The passing rate of students at Latino majority schools is somewhat misleading because of the inflation due to student performance on the Spanish language exam (i.e., more of these students claim Spanish as their first language). Another area used to measure disparate leading indicators for access to higher education is teacher experience and credentials. By examining the teaching faculty in public high schools across the state, one can better understand differential college eligibility rates and academic preparation. In total, there were 61,640 teachers in California public high schools. Ninety percent of this faculty was comprised of fully credentialed teachers. Although teaching credentials were required of all teachers in schools to ensure proper training and basic performance for teaching, there were also nearly 8 percent of teachers with emergency credentials and a smaller proportion on university/district internships. One percent of teachers were on waiver status, which excuses them from the requirement of having a current credential to teach in California public high schools. There is great disparity in the rate in teacher credentials across racially segregated high schools. For example, White (93.5 percent) and Asian (90.2 percent) majority schools have higher rates of teachers with full credential status. Fewer teachers at Latino (82.3 percent) and Black (78.6 percent) majority high schools are fully credentialed. Latino and Black majority high schools have larger proportions of teachers on emergency credentials, working as interns, or on waiver status. The average proportion of teachers on emergency credentials at Chicano/Latino (14.6 percent) and African– American (16.5 percent) majority schools is actually more than twice the rate at White (7.1 percent) or Asian (7.3 percent) majority schools. This raises serious questions about the relative caliber, quality, and experience of teachers across high schools in the state with different race/ethnic student compositions. Related to the experience level of high school teachers, it is also important to consider the teacher tenure and retention rates. At White and APA
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majority schools, teachers had higher average numbers of years teaching in their schools and their districts (15.2 and 16.7 years, respectively) than did teachers at Latino and Black majority schools (13.9 and 13.6 years, respectively). Inversely, Latino and Black majority schools had a greater proportion of faculty in their first or second year of teaching (6.2 percent and 6.4 percent, respectively) than White (3.9 percent) or APA (4.9 percent) majority high schools. These patterns suggest that turnover rates tend to be higher for teachers in Latino and Black majority schools. The implications for differential access to resources that are essential for attending the more selective institutions in California are reflected in the differential rates of students’ eligibility to attend the most selective institutions in California’s system of public higher education – namely, the University of California system.
Racial Segregation and Disparate Eligibility and Attendance Rates For students attending public high schools in California, the average UC eligibility rate was 22.2 percent overall; the UC moderate eligible rate was 6.6 percent; and UC competitive eligibility rate was 3.0 percent. At the state level, APAs and Whites had higher minimum, moderate, and competitive eligibility rates than Latinos and Blacks.3 However, the eligibility rates for different racial/ethnic groups were not consistent across the different cohorts of schools with different racial concentrations. In many cases, eligibility rates varied widely for racial/ethnic groups, depending on the racial concentration of the high school attended. Although African–American students had an eligibility rate of only 13.5 percent in the state overall, the rate among Black students who attended APA majority schools was 46.5 percent. Latino students who attended White schools also had a higher eligibility rate (18.1 percent) than Latinos at Latino majority schools. White and Asian student eligibility rates were highest in White and Asian-majority high schools. When White or APA students attended Black or Latino majority schools, their college eligibility rates were significantly lower. In general, minimum eligibility rates for White and/or Asian students who attended Black and Latino majority high schools were two to three times lower than for White and Asian students who attended Asian or White majority schools. The most pronounced differences in eligibility rates between Black and Latino majority schools and White and Asian-majority schools pertained to competitive eligibility rates. Across all racial groups, students had competitive eligibility rates at White majority schools that were many times
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higher than at Latino or Black majority high schools. For example, in schools that were predominantly Latino, fewer than a half of 1 percent of the Latino graduates were moderately or competitively eligible for UC compared to 4 percent of Latino graduates from White majority schools. White and Asian students also had much lower moderate and competitive eligibility rates when they attended Black and Latino majority schools than was true when they attended White and Asian-majority schools. Asians who attended White majority high schools were nearly four times more likely to be competitively UC-eligible than if they attended Black majority schools. These inequitable eligibility rates had implications for the college-going rates of different racial groups attending racially segregated public high schools. In terms of college-going rates among California public high school graduates, 54 percent enrolled in California public higher education institutions. However, there was great unevenness by race/ethnicity in the proportion of students who attended community colleges (33.4 percent), CSUs (13.1 percent) and UCs (7.6 percent). A greater proportion of APA (20.3 percent) and White graduates (12.4 percent), compared to Latino (4.5 percent) or Black (3.4 percent) high school graduates, attended UC campuses. A higher proportion of Asian American high school graduates (16.1 percent) also attended CSU compared to other race/ethnic groups. Attendance at CSU campuses was more equitable among Latino (10.6 percent), Black (9.7 percent), and White (9.5 percent) California high school graduates. Chicano/Latino (49.5 percent) and African–American (34.1 percent) high school graduates had greater representation at community colleges than Asians (27.6 percent) and Whites (28.3 percent). However, just as eligibility rates varied for students across schools with different racial compositions, so did college-going rates and college destinations. Greater proportions of Asian and White graduates who attended Asian and White majority high schools enrolled at a UC campus than was true for graduates from Latino or Black majority schools. However, White and Asian graduates had fairly even attendance rates at CSU campuses and community colleges regardless of the race/ethnic composition of the high school they attended. Yet students from Black majority high schools exhibited the lowest CSU and CCC attendance out of the four racial/ethnic groups (only graduates of Latino majority high schools had lower UC attendance rates). In other words, while college attendance rates for Asian and White graduates were fairly consistent and high across all the high schools, their rate of attending a UC campus was much higher when they attended a White or Asian-majority high school.
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Black and Latino students also were more likely to attend a UC and CSU campus if they graduated from a White or Asian-majority school. However, the rate at which Black and Latino graduates attended community colleges was actually higher at White and Asian-majority schools than when they attended Black and Latino majority schools. Therefore, while there was a larger college-going rate for Black and Latino students at White and Asianmajority schools, much of the gains were in their community college-going rates.
Persistence and Completion Rates While California has led the nation in number of high school graduates that enroll in higher education, they are last in the number of B.A. degrees awarded per 1,000 students enrolled in undergraduate programs in the state, which was 68.8 percent in 1995 (Teranishi, 2003). One of the biggest concerns regarding persistence and degree completion in the state is related to the community colleges. While California has developed a system of higher education that claims to be universally accessible for all people, at least 66 percent of all students to attend public higher education are to enroll a community college, according to the Master Plan for Higher Education in California. Community colleges in California are also more likely to have a greater share of the Black and Latino high school graduates that attend college after high school. The successful degree completion of community college students depends on their ability to transfer into a four-year college. The transfer rate of students from community colleges to four-year colleges has been extremely low and has become worse rather than improved over the years. The rate of transferring is even more disturbing when it is disaggregated by race/ethnicity and social class status. Over the decade, African–American community college transfers to UC dropped by 16 percent (272 to 228) and transfers to CSU dropped by 8 percent (2,657 to 2,442). From 1995–1996 to 1997–1998, these declines were even more pronounced. Black transfers from community colleges to UC decreased by 41 percent (386 to 228), while transfers to CSU were down by 14 percent (2,836 to 2,442) (Teranishi, 2003). Further evidence that the community college system does not provide equivalent access to a bachelors degree for students seeking transfer to a four-year college can be found in bachelor degree attainment for transfer students, which has been found to be lower than for students who begin at a four-year institution. Rather the system is designed to separate students on
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the basis of academic ability (or eligibility) whereby the ‘‘best’’ students gain access to the best education and the less capable students receive proportionally less in quality education as measured by the range of academic and degree programs, resources, and dollars spent per student. As a result, different student populations, namely by race/ethnicity and class, have differential degree completion. From a pipeline perspective, which takes into account the lifespan of students from elementary school to post-college outcomes, the completion rates are dismal for certain populations. While close to 76 percent of all Blacks in public elementary schools graduate high school, only 13 percent of these students go on to graduate from the UC and CSU systems. By contrast, 78 percent of Asian elementary school students and 86 percent of Whites graduate high school, with 40 percent of Asians and 25 percent of Whites eventually graduate from UC and CSU campuses (Allen et al., 2002).
CONCLUSION It is important for research to consider the relationship between racial segregation and educational mobility. This is particularly important when considering the roles that structural factors can play in students’ opportunities for postsecondary opportunities. Given that educational resources and opportunities are racially disparate, we must strive to reconceptualize the role of race in equitable access to higher education. There are privileges and disadvantages embedded in structural elements of public secondary schools in California. In an increasingly diverse society, neighborhood racial segregation is widespread and results in the concentration of students in high schools based on race (Massey & Denton, 1993; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Racial/ethnic inequalities in access to higher education are disparately distributed across schools with different concentrations of racial majority schools. Inequities in educational resources across racially segregated schools also account for these differences in educational achievement and college access. In racially-segregated schools, imperatives for educational failure disproportionately fall on people of color. This is not to say that race is the only factor used to explain educational inequality. It is also important to acknowledge that equitable access to higher education is a complex problem. In addition to structural elements, there are individual, interpersonal and socio-historical factors that need to be accounted. For example, the psychological and interpersonal climate of
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schools is important to consider. Why do all racial groups benefit from attending White majority high schools, except for Black students? Studies have found that perception is both a product of the environment and a potential determinant of future interactions and outcomes (Astin, 1968; Berger & Milem, 1999; Tierney, 1987). Research must address students’ perceptions of racial inclusion and classroom diversity in multicultural and multiracial environments. Students’ perceptions of these environments can have implications for group relations, levels of racial tension, and discrimination in diverse school environments. The sociohistorical context of schools also must be considered. Some schools have undergone dramatic shifts in their racial, ethnic, and economic composition, particularly in urban neighborhoods. In Central Los Angeles, the past 50 years have seen a nearly exclusive White population in the 1950s shift to predominantly Black in the 1960s and 1970s and to Latino in the 1990s. In addition, other schools have only recently experienced changes in their student population as a result of a growing middle class of color. In this light, we must examine the degree that K-12 and postsecondary educational systems maintain traditional values and practices that best serve a homogeneous White, middle-class population (Solo´rzano et al., 2001). We should also explore how this society’s culture of historical segregation and racial hierarchy continues to shape educational experiences. In sum, social mobility, structural inequalities and educational outcomes are understood and addressed within the context of our rapidly changing society. In this respect, California – which has been the leading edge of racial, ethnic, cultural, political, and economic shifts nationally – holds important lessons for the rest of the country as we move into the twenty-first century. The question remains, how do we best reconcile the state’s and our nation’s past heritage of White supremacy and racial hierarchy with a new reality of racial/ethnic and cultural diversity?
NOTES 1. While the California Postsecondary Education Commission (2004) reports that there were 1,005 comprehensive public high schools in the state of California in 2003, the database developed by the Choices Project (CITE) has fewer schools because of listwise deletion (missing data) and the elimination of schools that are county-based (i.e., continuation schools). 2. The SAT has a verbal and math section. The two parts of the test are scored independently with a range of 200–800 for each area.
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3. Eligibility is a set of minimum requirements for admission to a four-year public college or university in California. We conceptualized eligibility in three ways because of the differences in selectivity across different campuses in the UC and CSU systems: (1) minimum eligibility: completing required coursework for admissions, (2) moderate eligibility: same as minimum eligibility, but taking the SAT I exam, and (3) competitive eligibility: same as moderate eligibility with a combined total SAT I score of at least 1050.
REFERENCES Allen, W., Bonous-Hammarth, M., & Teranishi, R. (2002). Stony the road we trod: The Black struggle for higher education in California. Los Angeles, CA: University of California. Allen, W., Teranishi, R., Dinwiddie, G., & Gonza´lez, G. (2001). Knocking at freedom’s door: Race, equity, and affirmative action in U.S. higher education. The Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 3–11. Astin, A. (1968). The college environment. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Berger, J., & Milem, J. (1999). The role of student involvement and perceptions of integration in a causal model of student persistence. Research in Higher Education, 40(6), 641–664. California Postsecondary Education Commission. (2004). Data at a glance. Retrieved www.cpec.ca.gov/OnLineData/AtAGlance.ASP Coleman, J. S. (1987). Public and private high schools: The impact of communities. New York: Basic. Coleman, J. S., Cambell, E., Hobson, C., McParland., J., Mood, A., Wienfeld, F. D., & York, R. (1966). Equality of educational opportunity. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Gandara, P. (1995). Over the ivy walls: The educational mobility of low income Chicanos. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Massey, D. S., & Denton, N. A. (1993). American apartheid. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. McDonough, P. M. (1997). Choosing colleges: How social class and schools structure opportunity. New York: SUNY Press. Oakes, J. (1985). Keeping track: How schools structure inequality. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Orfield, G. (1993). The growth of segregation in American schools: Changing patterns of separation and poverty since 1968. Alexandria, VA: National School Boards Association, Council of Urban Boards of Education. Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (1996). Immigrant America: A portrait (2nd ed.). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Rumberger, R. W., & Willms, J. D. (1992). The impact of racial and ethnic segregation on the achievement gap in California high schools. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 14(4), 377–396. Solo´rzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2001). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. The Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60–73.
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Teranishi, R. (2003). California higher education: Is the whole better than its parts? Paper presented at the annual meeting for the Alliance for International Higher Education Policy (AIHEPS), Puebla, Mexico. Teranishi, R., Allen, W., & Solo´rzano, D. (2001). Opportunity at the crossroads: Race/ ethnicity, school segregation and disparate opportunities for higher education in California. Paper presented at the annual meeting for the Association for the Study of Higher Education (ASHE), Richmond, VA. The Commerce and Economic Development Program. (2004). California fast facts. Retrieved http:// www.commerce.ca.gov/ Tierney, W. (1987). Facts and constructs: Defining reality in higher education organizations. Review of Higher Education, 11(1), 61–73. U.S. Bureau of Census. (2000). Projections of resident population by race, Hispanic origin, and nativity: Middle series, 1999 and 2000. Washington, DC: Population Projections Program. Wilds, D., & Wilson, R. (1998). Sixteenth annual status report on minorities in higher education. Washington, DC: American Council on Education Press. Zhou, M., & Bankston, III, C. L. (1998). Growing up American: How Vietnamese children adapt to the life in the United States. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
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INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE AND THE TRANSFORMATIVE POTENTIAL OF THE UNIVERSITY Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi INTRODUCTION The change mandate for postsecondary and tertiary institutions requires little context. In the United States, the tensions between higher education and its public demands are evident as institutions struggle to support more participants than ever before in a system with finite resources. Recent assessments of the purposes and outcomes for American higher education show ongoing concerns over achievement gaps that persist across economic, racial, ethnic and gender lines, declining civic engagement among college graduates, and overall outcomes that are primarily ‘‘private and personal rather than public and societal’’ (National Center for Postsecondary Improvement, 2002, p. 4). Yet, the overarching analysis of higher education in recent years has focused on its fulfillment of the social contract with constituents (RAND Corporation, 1997). The level of scrutiny faced by ‘‘public elites’’ such as the University of California (UC) and other institutions are examples of the responsiveness required to address agendas for broader inclusion and equitable participation for all the members served by given universities. As suggested by President Emeritus Richard Atkinson, ‘‘No U.S. public Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 199–202 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05028-X
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university can survive over the long term unless its students, faculty, and staff reflect in some approximate but genuine fashion the people who support it’’ (Atkinson & Pelfrey, 2004, p. 11). Postsecondary systems across the globe have similar challenges. Newly restructured systems, such as universities in South Africa, are closely tied to the hopes for democratic growth and global competition in the country (Cele, 2004). Even in nations with longer postsecondary histories, higher education must contend with public discourses for change to facilitate lifelong learning, poverty reduction, and social and democratic reforms, among its diverse populace (Morley, 1997). What lies ahead for the University of the new millennium? And in what ways can higher education respond to daunting social agendas while forging its role for human capital development for civic engagement? The chapters in this section examine several major issues facing the University relevant to the ‘‘diversity imperative’’ for the new century. The initial topics of student equity and access in higher education (Allen), and assessments of the outcomes associated with higher education for minorities (Phillips, Law and Turney), emphasize important considerations. While quantitative appraisals about the composition of our learning communities require ongoing study, we need to place greater emphasis on the quality of the student experience that will influence short- and long-term learning outcomes. College contexts – the cultures that manifest from the articulated values and perspectives of individuals in higher education environments – play critical roles in fostering the intellectual and social development of students. Identifying the benefits that diverse learning communities have on individual student and societal outcomes (Hurtado) and on career development for undergraduates (Bonous-Hammarth), highlight a dynamic between the University and student. The interplay between student-institutional culture and institutional culture-student shows the fluid and yet malleable nature of our learning communities. While much of the discussion about diversity in higher education focuses on specific institutional contexts and the number of individuals from various backgrounds who participate in these environments, there are opportunities to transform the entire landscape of higher education in discussions of gender. Specifically, gendered realities in higher education intersect with many other identities of the self, and discussions to understand these constructions outside of our current institutional norms may lead to more effective avenues for inclusion in education (Morley). The final chapters of this section continue the important discussions of inclusion with focus on the challenges for the newly reconfigured University
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in South Africa (Africa) and in India (Wankhede). These national systems of higher education have opportunities to live the lessons learned from imported models while remaining uniquely sensitive to their respective cultural nuances. While it is tempting to examine the multiple templates of higher education for application in new environments, there are still unique circumstances that will and should prevent thorough adoption of any one existing model of higher education. When we ask ourselves about the future of mass higher education, we are questioning the University’s potential to maintain a public trust while forging paths of inquiry and knowledge generation to benefit rapidly changing demographic and cultural landscapes. In this respect, change in higher education is always near, but planned change in higher education requires deliberate interventions. Our discussions thus far in this book demonstrate how the mandate for diversity in higher education will undergo continued change – whether focused on affirmative action policies for inclusion of specific underrepresented groups, or verbal rationalizations that provide slight support of inclusive philosophies at the core of our value systems. The best way to ensure that the University of current and future times remains sensitive to the complex and interwoven elements of diversity that must be addressed in our learning communities would be to problematize culturally appropriate strategies for our institutions. As suggested by Kezar and Eckel (2002), cultural approaches to institutional change ensure that change strategies that would be focused on goals such as diversity in higher education would occur with contextual understanding about the institutional culture, agents involved in the change process, and relevant strategies most consistent with the academic milieu to attain outcomes. Institutional cultures provide the lenses to view and assess the best strategies for the University – actually its members – to use in creating more diverse learning communities. In short, members of the University would need to recognize that goals of diversity – to promote learning in-depth – align closely with their goals for scholarship and knowledge generation to ensure that access and equity remain core values in academe.
REFERENCES Atkinson, R. C., & Pelfrey, P. A. (2004). Rethinking admissions: U.S. public universities in the post-affirmative action age. Center for Studies in Higher Education, Paper CSHE-11-04.
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Cele, N. (2004). ‘‘Equity of access’’ and ‘‘equity of outcomes’’ challenged by language, policy and practice in South African higher education: The myth of language equality in education. South Africa Journal of Higher Education, 18(1), 38–56. Kezar, A., & Eckel, P. (2002). The effect of institutional culture on change strategies in higher education: Universal principles or culturally responsive concepts? The Journal of Higher Education, 73(4), 435–460. Morley, L. (1997). Change and equity in higher education. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 18(2), 231–242. National Center for Postsecondary Improvement. (2002). Beyond dead reckoning: Research priorities for redirecting American higher education. Stanford, CA: NCPI. RAND Corporation. (1997). Breaking the social contract: The fiscal crisis in higher education. ED 414806. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.
STICKS, STONES, AND BROKEN BONES: RHETORIC AND REALITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN AFFIRMATIVE ACTION CASES Walter R. Allen INTRODUCTION Two cases recently decided by the U.S. Supreme Court will likely determine the future direction of U.S. higher education. The cases Grutter v. Bollinger and Gratz v. Bollinger challenge the legality of affirmative action programs in the University of Michigan Law School and in the University of Michigan Undergraduate College. The plaintiffs, supported by the Center for Individual Rights and other conservative organizations, contend that the University of Michigan’s affirmative action programs engage in ‘‘reverse discrimination’’ by favoring Black and Latino students for admission over equally or better qualified white students. The University of Michigan, joined by a broad coalition of universities, corporations, and social activist organizations, reject characterizations of affirmative action programs in the Law School and Undergraduate College as ‘‘racial preferences’’ or ‘‘racial quotas.’’ Instead, the University argues that race is but one of several factors Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 203–226 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05010-2
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legitimately considered in the effort to assemble a diverse student body where the educational benefits of diversity are maximized. The University of Michigan cases required reevaluation of the Supreme Court precedent of Bakke v. California Board of Regents, interpreted to permit race as one selection factor in college admissions. Some argue that the cases also hold much larger implications, extending back to the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, which overturned the doctrine of ‘‘Separate But Equal,’’ a precedent set in the 1896 Supreme Court of Plessy v. Ferguson decision. Indeed, some see the implications of these University of Michigan cases, extending back to the U.S. Supreme Court Dred Scott decision (1857), which denied Black people full rights as U.S. citizens by asserting the validity of ‘‘slave status’’ across free or non-slave states of the Union. In short, the future of higher education in the U.S. is at stake in these University of Michigan Supreme Court cases. Will this future be one that reflects the nation’s rich, multiracial, multiethnic, multicultural reality or will these institutions be allowed to resegregate, excluding all but a token presence of Black and Latino students? As debates rage around the philosophy of affirmative action, in general and the University of Michigan affirmative action programs in particular, I take advantage of this opportunity to insert my views. The lens I offer on the ‘‘affirmative action debate’’ is informed by multiple experiences and perspectives. First, and perhaps foremost, I am a product of affirmative action programs and their predecessors – equal opportunity and Civil Rights programs. These programs absent, I would not be a college professor today. It is just that simple, ‘‘Full stop’’ (as they say in South Africa). There is no question in my mind that without these programs, the barriers of race and class would have continued to do what they had so successfully done for centuries – exclude Blacks, other people of color, and women (no matter how talented, qualified, bright, hardworking, or determined) from full participation in the society. The inner sanctum of academe, represented by Universities such as Chicago, North Carolina-Chapel Hill, Michigan-Ann Arbor, and University of California–Los Angeles (UCLA) would have been beyond my reach – through no fault of my own. The second set of perspectives shaping my position in this debate flows from my 30-year career as a student of inequality in the U.S. that is predicated on race, ethnicity, gender, social class, and cultural differences. I have studied the origins, structure, dynamics, and outcomes of inequality across many arenas and institutions of American life (e.g., family, health, employment, and education). Extensive theory and research persuade me
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that racial and ethnic inequality operate at intersection with other hierarchical systems (i.e., gender, social class, cultural group) to restrict significantly the opportunities and achievements of Blacks and other people of color, both as groups and as individuals. My own work has, in particular, documented how race–ethnic inequities in resources and opportunities are correlated with persistent race–ethnic disadvantages in educational access and success. Third, what I say here is influenced by my work as an expert witness in the Gratz and Grutter cases. I headed a team of expert witnesses (including Danny Solo´rzano and Grace Carroll) who studied the campus racial climate specifically, and the campus climate for diversity more generally, at the University of Michigan Law School and at the University of Michigan Undergraduate College. This research was commissioned by a group of University of Michigan ‘‘Student Interveners,’’ who won the unprecedented right from the Court of Appeals to represent their own interests in these cases. The University of Michigan committed to defend affirmative action on the grounds that these programs substantially benefited the educational experiences of white students – who are in the majority. By contrast, the Student Interveners’ case broadened to incorporate social justice arguments, such as past/current race–ethnic discrimination in K-12 schooling; race, ethnic, and gender discrimination on college campuses, and the inherently discriminatory nature of established admissions criteria. Given the risks of legal exposure and a lack of sensitivity, the University’s case did not explicitly reference these factors, while they were central for the Interveners’ case. So my experiences as a beneficiary of affirmative action programs, a sociologist who studies racial/ethnic inequality and an expert witness in the University of Michigan cases, provide context for this chapter.
Orienting Conceptual Frames: ‘‘Fighting Words’’ Affirmative action is a hotly contested terrain at this moment in our history. Disagreement rages around whether affirmative action programs should even exist; what the goals and activities of these programs should be; which group should be eligible; or even more simply, how the term ‘‘affirmative action’’ should be defined. In thinking about these energetic, at points visceral, debates, I was drawn to a childhood nursery rhyme and the concept of ‘‘fighting words.’’ In legal contexts, the ‘‘fighting words’’ doctrine was first articulated in Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire (315 U.S. 568, 1942) where the U.S.
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Supreme Court upheld a New Hampshire law against offensive, insulting language directed toward others in public places. In upholding Chaplinsky’s conviction for making inflammatory statements to a city official, the Court concluded: There are certain well-defined and narrowly limited classes of speech, the prevention and punishment of which have never been thought to raise any constitutional problem. These include the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous and the insulting or ‘‘fighting words’’ – those which by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. It has been well observed that such utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interested in order and morality.
Since this extraordinary instance, the Court has been involved in a longterm process of restricting the reach of the original ‘‘fighting words’’ doctrine. Nevertheless, it is helpful to frame the affirmative action debate in relation to this doctrine. It is often the case that discourse between competing perspectives on affirmative action drifts over into ‘‘fighting words.’’ I also find Patricia Hill Collins’ framing of the concept ‘‘fighting words’’ of value for my efforts to understand the affirmative action debates. In her book Fighting Words: Black Women and the Search for Justice (Collins, 1998), Collins investigates the ways Black feminist thought confronts injustices currently faced by African American women (e.g., poverty, sexism, white supremacy). Collins contrasts so-called ‘‘mainstream’’ social theories that explain, justify, and support unjust power relations by gender, class, race, and nation with so-called ‘‘marginal’’ social theories that challenge, indict, and push to change inequalities. She asks why some ideas are elevated to the status of ‘‘theory’’ while others remain merely ‘‘thought.’’ Her answer reduces to the power quotient: elites have the power to legitimate their ideas, thereby defining their thought as theory, which is presumed universal, normative, and ideal. Collins argues that because African American women and other historically oppressed groups seek economic and social justice, their social theories derive from assumptions and emphasize themes that differ from those of mainstream America. As a result, new angles of vision on injustice are generated. Most notable for my purposes in this regard is the concept of intersectionality, which articulates the reality that the hierarchical systems of gender, race, social class, and citizenship both intersect and reinforce one another in multiplicative ways. Ultimately, Collins challenges ‘‘outsiders within’’ – African American women and other marginalized students and scholars – to actively engage in efforts to
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eliminate social inequality in American higher education by redefining the discourse (Collins, 1992, 1998). Thus, the ‘‘fighting words’’ orientation provides a backdrop here in two aspects. In the first instance, ‘‘fighting words’’ refer to expressed racially and ethnically hostile climate, interactions, and/or verbalizations. Blacks, Latinos, and other marginalized groups are the targets of remarks that function to define them as ‘‘other’’ in order to establish or reinforce their subordinate status. In the second instance, ‘‘fighting words’’ refer to responses that Black, Latino, and other marginalized groups adopt as they resist or reject efforts to reduce/define them as ‘‘other.’’ Confronted with ‘‘fighting words’’ that demean and dismiss, marginalized people ‘‘fight back,’’ presenting counter-narratives that protect their integrity and reinforce their value as human beings. ‘‘Fighting words’’ of this sort have also been described as the marginalized ‘‘Speaking Truth to Power’’ (e.g., Anita Hill, 1997).
Campus Climate for Race–Ethnic Diversity With Sylvia Hurtado, Jeffrey Milem, and Alma Clayton-Pedersen, I conducted an extensive multidisciplinary analysis of the research literature on the sources and outcomes of campus racial climate and developed a framework for understanding and describing campus climate (Hurtado et al., 1998). It was our hope that policymakers, administrators, and scholars of higher education would find this framework useful as they sought to create comfortable, diverse environments for learning and socializing that facilitate the intellectual and social development of all students. The framework provides a context for understanding four dimensions of the campus climate and helps to organize complex elements of the environment. Central to the conceptualization of a campus climate for diversity is the concept that students are educated in distinct racial contexts. In higher education, these contexts are shaped by external (societal) and internal (institutional) forces. We represent the key external factors as ‘‘government programs and social policy’’ (e.g., financial aid programs, Proposition 209) and ‘‘socio-historical context’’ (e.g., World War II, Civil Rights Movement). Four dimensions in the institutional context are seen as influencing educational programs and campus racial climate. These include ‘‘historical legacy of inclusion/exclusion’’ of various race/ethnic groups; ‘‘structural diversity’’ in terms of numerical representation of different race/ethnic groups; the ‘‘psychological climate’’ of perceptions and attitudes between/among
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groups; and the ‘‘behavioral climate,’’ characterized by intergroup relations on campus.
SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH, CASE EXPERTS, AND LEGAL THEORIES OF THE CASE From the earliest phase of the case, I worked closely with attorneys, especially Miranda Massie, to develop a topical plan, identify, and coordinate expert witnesses for the Interveners. I was mostly guided in this process by Miranda’s brilliance and energy. Her confidence and vision of the case proved to be pivotal to our success. Two other sources influenced me: (1) Previous work as a court expert in higher education desegregation court cases, e.g., Ayers v. Fordyce (Mississippi), Knight v. Alabama, Podberesky v. Kirwin (University of Maryland, College Park); (2) and other cases in Louisiana, Georgia, and Tennessee. The particular model was of a coordinating academic helping to articulate between the case legal theories and social science theory/methods; identify/recruit social science experts; coordinate their work; and ‘‘back translate’’ social science to useful legal concepts. I learned by watching James Blackwell in the Podberesky and Knight cases. I also learned by watching Elias Blake in this role for the Ayers case. I was further, and more specifically, guided by the Campus Diversity model developed by Sylvia Hurtado, Jeff Milem, and Alma ClaytonPedersen. This model resonated with the long span of work over my career and was an excellent tool for organizing the complexity of factors related to the Intervener’s case. Socio-Historical Context Two-thirds Black students and 70 percent Latino students attend segregated elementary and secondary schools today. Michigan is among the most segregated states with 83 percent of Black students attending segregated schools. Segregation and poverty act together to degrade the education of Black, Latino, and Native students. Ninety percent of heavily segregated schools have a majority of students on free/reduced lunch programs; in schools with less than 10 percent Black or Latino, only 8 percent have a majority of students poor enough to be eligible. In the U.S., the ‘‘separate’’ has never been equal in education.
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Government/Social Policy Context Post Bakke in June 1978, the Law School faculty revised admissions plan to comply but decided not to return to rigid criteria in order to protect integration of School. In 1992, the faculty adopts affirmative action to end the segregation at the School. Prior to adopting affirmative action, the Law School admitted students based on a rigid system in which Law School Admission Test (LSAT) scores and grades were applied equally across racial lines. The result was an essentially all-white student body: between 1960 and 1968, the Law School graduated 2687 white students, four Black students, and no Latino or Native American students. (JA 4857, 5064).1 Sensing the injustice of this system – and under increasing pressure from the burgeoning civil rights and student movements – in 1966, the Law School faculty took action against this de facto segregation. The faculty authorized a departure from the rigid use of the numerical credentials for a small part of the class – with particular emphasis on Black and disadvantaged students (JA 4854, 4857). The 1969 class graduated with five Black members – the same number of Black graduates as for the entire preceding decade. In succeeding years, the faculty repeatedly debated and revised its admission policies, with faculty members recognizing very early on that numerical credentials discriminated against Black and other minority applicants, ‘‘caus[ing] [their] actual potentialyto be underestimated, especially when gauged by standard testing proceduresythought to be ‘culturally biased.’ ’’ By 1970, the Dean of Admissions had abandoned the rigid use of those numerical criteria for all applicants, resulting in an increase in the admission of economically disadvantaged students of all races (JA 4856, 4866–4869, 4872–4873). In 1973, the Law School graduated 41 Black students and its first Latino student. In 1975, it graduated its first two Asian Americans, followed by its first Native American in 1976. The increasing number of Black and other minority students cleared the way for the admission of increasing numbers of women of all races (JA 3139, 5065). After Bakke was decided in June 1978, the Law School faculty formulated a policy to comply with the decision and reaffirmed its recognition that it could not achieve an integrated student body if it returned to a rigid use of numerical criteria. For 14 years, that policy – and the Bakke decision – remained unchallenged and unchanged. The numbers and the percentages of
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minority students fluctuated broadly from year to year, but the essential integration of the Law School continued. In 1992, the faculty adopted the plan that has been in effect since then. The plan emphasizes the importance of student body diversity as a whole and of enrolling a critical mass of Black, Latino, and Native American students, and it makes clear that LSAT scores and grades, while important, should not be used in a rigid, mechanical way for any applicant. In ruling for the plaintiff, the district court recognized that the elimination of the affirmative action plan at the Law School would result in an immediate reduction in underrepresented minority enrollment by over 73 percent (App. 223a). But this would only be the beginning: the end of affirmative action at selective colleges would dramatically reduce the pool of minority applicants to the Law School, resulting in further drops in enrollment (JA 7916). The effects of what the petitioner proposes are shown not only by testimony and by statistics at Michigan, but by the actual experience of California and Texas, the two largest states and two of the states with the largest minority populations. In 1997, a ban on affirmative action announced by the University of California (UC) Board of Regents went into effect. One Black student enrolled at the UC Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) and the minority enrollment at the UCLA School of Law declined precipitously (JA 5127). The UC faculty and administrations opposed the ban and sought to undo its effects. At Berkeley, the school downplayed the importance of grades and test scores; at UCLA, the school attempted to substitute the consideration of socio-economic status for the consideration of race. Without affirmative action, both schools found it impossible to enroll a class including more than token numbers of Black and other minority students (JA 7897–7898, 7917). Similar events unfolded in Texas. After the Fifth Circuit’s 1996 decision in Hopwood v. Texas, 78 F.3d 932 (5th Cir. 1996), which prevented the University of Texas School of Law from consciously considering race in admissions, Black enrollment fell from an average of 35 students in the first year class to four students in 1997. The number of Latino students fell to six percent, approximately half of the 1990–1996 average and far less than the 31 percent of the population of Texas that is Latino (JA 5125). The first three post-Hopwood classes were 1.4 percent Black – a percentage lower than that in 1950, when Heman Sweatt and five other Black students enrolled at the School as a result of this Court’s historic decision in Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950) (Russell, 2000).
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The ban on affirmative action at the University of California has created two racially separate and unequal tracks in the nation’s largest public university, as Black, Latino, and Native American students are forced from the flagship campuses to the less selective campuses of the UC system. The large majority of Black, Latino, and Native American students will soon be forced off those campuses as well, as the state population continues to grow, increasing the competition for admission to every campus in the UC system (JA 8406–8411). Despite the 2001 reversal of the Regents’ ban and a resulting renewal of race-conscious recruitment and admissions efforts, the UC system has not been able to recover. The few Black and other minority students who remain enrolled on California’s most selective campuses face increased racism caused by the elimination of affirmative action (JA 8143– 8144, 8187–8188). Historical Legacy of Exclusion Racially Biased Admissions Criteria LSAT predicts little and discriminates a lot against Black, Latino, and Native American law school applicants. There is an average gap of 9.2 points on the LSAT between Black and white students from the same college with identical undergraduate GPA in the same major. For Latinos, the average gap is 6.8 and for Native Americans, 4.0. Explanations for LSAT gap, most certainly financial disparities in ability to fund LSAT preparation courses. Also, factors in test construction since this is an arbitrary process (e.g., pretest items where Blacks outscore Whites are routinely discarded since these do not norm well on previous test items), there is a tendency to reproduce historic internal biases. Psychological pressure of ‘‘high stakes’’ tests, ‘‘stereotype threat.’’ Bilingualism is a factor; so too are politics, e.g., SAT has been recrafted, some charge, to decrease Asian performance levels and/or to increase performance of white females (lower bar for Quantitative section, place greater emphasis on Verbal section). Structural Diversity Prior to adopting affirmative action, the University of Michigan Law School admitted on the basis of rigid use of LSAT and GPA across all
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races. In 1960–1968, 2687 Whites and 4 Blacks graduated, and no Latino or Native American students. In 1966, the Law School implemented affirmative action. In 1969, five Blacks graduated – the same number as for the entire decade of 1958– 1968. By 1970, Dean of Admissions abandoned rigid use of LSAT and GPA for all students, resulting in increased admission of economically disadvantaged students of all races. In 1973, 41 Black students graduated, and the first Latino. In 1975, the first two Asian Americans graduated. In 1976, the first Native American graduated. Increased numbers of Black and other minority students cleared the way for the admission of increasing numbers of women of all races.
Behavioral Climate In addition to unconscious prejudice in the grading process itself, minority students face a daily run of slights and profiling. These include, but are not limited to: professors who cannot distinguish among them; TAs who accuse minority students of cheating when they do well on a test; white students who ask all Black males what sport they play; library employees who search Latino students’ book bags but allow whites to pass through unchecked; and campus police who require predominantly Black partygoers to use the back doors of campus buildings, while white partygoers are allowed to use the front door. In countless ways, the message sent is that minority students do not belong to mostly white campuses – a message inextricably bound up with the racist stigma of intellectual inferiority faced by Black students and other minority students. These incidents have a pernicious and encumbering effect. Black students report higher levels of isolation, despair, disengagement, and alienation; often consider dropping out; and have more difficulty relating to faculty than white students of similar socioeconomic background and with similar GPAs. They thus face an even greater challenge in achieving satisfactory grades than do white students of a similar economic background (JA 8230–8234). The district court acknowledged the reality that racial prejudice depresses the grades of minority applicants to Law Schools (App. 276a–277a, 283a– 284a). Judging the grades equally across racial lines thus would mean another unearned advantage for white applicants and another undeserved disadvantage for minorities.
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CAMPUS CLIMATE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN LAW SCHOOL This case study involved a systematic, empirically based examination of campus climate and how campus climate is related to the access and achievement of Black, Latino, Asian, and Native American students at the University of Michigan Law School. Previous research demonstrates that campus climate is a central determinant of college access and achievement for underrepresented students (Hurtado et al., 1999). Specifically, this research shows that students of color and women often underachieve on campuses characterized by hostile racial or gender climates. Beyond this general case, studies of law schools reveal that women and students of color often experience these environments as hostile – they often feel alienated, isolated, devalued and attacked (Guinier et al., 1997). Where this is the case, whether it be in law school or at the undergraduate level, the educational experiences and educational outcomes for these students are negatively affected (Allen, 1992; Montoya, 1994; Guinier et al., 1997). A multi-method research design was used, which gathered data from focus groups, personal interviews, surveys, university records, newspapers, natural observations, and other sources. The multi-method strategy was intended to combine extensive information from diverse sources in order to present a rich, detailed description of campus climate for diversity at the University of Michigan Law School. My research questions asked: (1) Is the campus climate at the University of Michigan Law School hostile toward Black, Latino, females, and/or other students of color? (2) How does campus climate at the University of Michigan Law School affect academic performance, goals, and opportunities for women and students of color who aspire to become lawyers? While these research questions are simple, the implications are complex and far-reaching. An emerging orthodoxy suggests that America is now a color-blind, egalitarian society where racial and gender discrimination are relics of a distant past (Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 1997). If this is true, then society no longer needs to take aggressive steps in order to ensure equal opportunity for discriminated groups. However, if Blacks, Latinos, and other students of color continue to be targets of discrimination and are denied equal opportunity to achieve, then there continues to be a need for affirmative action and other programs to promote fairness and equality. Principal data collection occurred during April and May 2000. The study was primarily focused on four undergraduate institutions that are consistently among top feeders to the University of Michigan Law
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School – University of California-Berkeley, Harvard University, Michigan State University, and the University of Michigan – and the University of Michigan Law School itself. From April 6–9, the research team conducted focus groups with undergraduate and law school students at the University of Michigan. Focus groups with undergraduates from the other four feeder campuses were also conducted during April and May. Supplemental survey data were gathered from students on each campus. For this study, campus racial climate is broadly defined as the overall racial environment of the college campus. When campus racial climate is positive, at least four elements are represented: (1) The inclusion of students, faculty, and administrators of color; (2) A curriculum that reflects the historical and contemporary experiences of people of color; (3) Programs to support the recruitment, retention, and graduation of students of color; and (4) A college/university mission that reinforces the colleges’ commitment to pluralism.2 In its negative form, these elements are less likely to exist on the campus (Guinier et al., 1997; Hurtado et al., 1999; Carroll, 1998).
Research Procedures and Participants Purposive sampling was used in recruiting African American, Latina/o, Native American, Asian American, and white students who were currently attending the University of Michigan Law School. They were recruited via electronic mail transmissions and through advertisements in the student newspapers. Students who agreed to participate in the study contacted the coordinators of the project to arrange a time for their participation in a focus group. Five focus groups and one in-depth interview were conducted on April 7, 8, and 9, 2000. Purposive, non-random sample of 31 University of Michigan Law School students participated in the study. Transcripts were made of each taped focus group, which were then coded and subjected to thematic analysis. This study uses qualitative focus group analyses to explain in detail how students experience the University of Michigan Law School campus racial climate. These focus groups do not represent a random student sample. Instead, a qualitative focus group analysis examines their lived experiences and shows how they can provide a depth of understanding, afford greater insight, and be a guide to further research on the impact of the campus racial climate on college students. Indeed, the purpose of a qualitative focus group methodology is to illustrate and elucidate the analytical categories concerning the impact.
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RESULTS This chapter examines race and gender discrimination experienced by these students of color as well as their responses to race/gender discrimination. Next, the effects of racial and gender discrimination on students are explored by studying the counter spaces and voices used by these students to challenge racial incidents.
Types of Racial Incidents in the Law School Environment Overt and Covert Racial Incidents The overall negative campus climate actually results from more subtle, covert racial incidents. For example, an Asian American woman noted: ‘‘A lot of the discrimination that we see in the law school is subtle. And it’s not blatant in your face. So a lot of people think it’s not there. And I think that’s dangerous.’’ A Black female reinforced this point: ‘‘But I think that people here are very sophisticated. People are very careful. Like hidden bigots.’’ Students said that because many racial incidents are subtle or covert, white students and faculty are often unaware of their negative consequences. In frustration, a Latina blurted out: ‘‘You can’t explain to whites what they can’t see.’’ Many students of color feel a burden as the spokesperson of their race. A Latina commented, ‘‘You don’t always want to be the voice of the minority in their section. Especially ‘cause I don’t feel like I’m very good at playing that role.’’ In similar fashion, a Black male said: I think had I gone to a Black law school, I definitely would have been much more comfortable because I would have just felt that I represent mey. I don’t have to carry the race on my shoulder every time, every hour that I’m in class.
Many of the students echoed these sentiments because they believe that they are responsible for representing their race every time they succeed or fail. In addition, they feel that their white colleagues never have the burden that their failure represents the failure of all whites (McIntosh, 1989; Tatum, 1997). Students revealed how race-related issues were either excluded from the classroom discourse or, if included, dismissed as being unimportant. What also concerned students of color was the use of ‘‘racial codes.’’ These racial codes, though subtle, often masked an undercurrent of racism. They are a mechanism that protects the user of the coded language from being called
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racist and frustrates those who hear the discourse because the underlying message is commonly understood. For instance, a Latino stated: I don’t see a lot of people making deliberately discriminatory comments, but at least what I get a lot are comments where people tip their handywhere they’re trying to be polite, trying to see everythingybut something will slip out.
Furthermore, when issues of affirmative action arose in classroom discourse, faculty and other students most often used cultural deficit theoretical explanations to explain the educational and social failure of minority students. Indeed, there was a real sense among students of color that if they succeeded, they succeeded as individuals; however, if they failed, they failed as a group. When they did well, they are not like the ‘‘other Mexican Americans’’ or ‘‘Blacks.’’ For instance, a Latino commented, ‘‘They no longer consider you part of the whole, which is disappointing. They say, ‘Oh, but you’re different. You’re not like some of the other Latinos.’ ’’ Classroom Curriculum Students noted that their classroom curriculum omitted or distorted issues of race and gender. For instance, a Black female commented that even when the case directly addressed racial or gender issues, this discussion was avoided in the classroom: ‘‘Because there are some cases whereyrace is a factoryinstead of talking about it, you just ignore it.’’ A Latina also shared her experiences: I get this feeling in classes when issues like raceydo come up, a lot of people say things like, ‘But we’re all really just the same. Why can’t we just be the same?’ Instead of saying, ‘Well no, there are differences, and embrace that.
Classroom Pedagogy Students indicated that pedagogically, the faculty was neither prepared nor inclined to teach about racial issues. On the rare occasion when race was raised in classroom discourse, faculty called on students of color for their opinions on how Black or ‘‘Hispanic’’ or minority people felt about racerelated issues. Faculty was perceived to be too willing to ‘‘move on’’ from issues around race. For instance, an Asian American female commented: In terms of race in the classroom, Iycan think of at least two instances where race was an appropriate topic. It was very related to what we were discussing. What we should have been discussing. And the professor shut down that conversation and moved on very quickly.
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A Latina stated her opinion on the faculty members’ use of race and gender in the classroom discourse: ‘‘As far as the faculty is concerned, I always get the sense of condescension and paternalism towards race and gender.’’ Students mentioned that in the law school environment, it is especially important that the professors know students’ names. In this context, a Latina described her experiences with professors making dismissive comments about forgetting or mistaking the names of students of color: ‘‘I can give you a faculty sort of exampleythey get the names of the people of color mixed up so much more than they do anybody elsey They’ll be like, ‘Oh, you know, Moreno, Morales, same thing.’ ’’ An Asian American female also gave her illustration of the name issue: I’ve seen professors in classes calling people of color by the wrong names. It might seem minor, but after a while it starts to really get to you. And you see it more than once. You start to think, ‘Gee, it doesn’t just happen to me.’
Classroom Demographic Space Students of color were an obvious minority in the classroom. In many classes, they were the only Black, Latina/o, Asian American or minority. They rarely had the opportunity to see faculty of color or female faculty teach the class. On the rare occasion that they did have a woman or faculty of color, they recalled incidents of disrespect toward the faculty member. For instance, a Latina commented about her few experiences in a class taught by a woman: I’ve had two female professors in my years here.y And she would try to bring in the feminist sort of perspective. And it was funny, because it would be met with lots of hostility by a lot of people afterwards. They [said], ‘She really needs to get out of that feminist crap, and we need to get back to learning property.’
A Black male reflected on the unbalanced racial demography in this way: ‘‘The lack of seeing other Black faces in the classroom actually bothers me.’’ Outside the Classroom Outside the classroom, students of color still encountered racial incidents. These incidents seemed to take place through electronic mail, in the dining hall, and at social events. For instance, electronic mail was a vehicle where some students carried on the racial discourse outside the classroom. In this context, it was much easier to use less racially coded language in response to a discussion in class. Students also mentioned the law school dining facility as a space where racially coded language was used to continue a classroom conversation. An Asian American female shared her experiences: ‘‘I think it
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is usually the conservative side that doesn’t get vocalized [in the classroom]. It started out in e-mail and that’s kind of like a safe haven for their viewpoints.’’ There was a clear feeling among many of the students that they had to justify being in law school because they were taking the seat of a betterqualified white applicant. A Latino had this experience at a social function at the law school: ‘‘One of the students jokingly, but in front of everyone, implied that I didn’t really deserve to be in this law school and I was invited for affirmative action reasons.’’ An Asian American female commented on the first appointment of a Chicana as Editor-in-Chief of the Michigan Law Review in its 100-plus year history: ‘‘A Latina has just been appointed Editor-in-Chief [of the Michigan Law Review]. And I’ve heard some comments that the only reason she got a position was because she’s Latina and not because of her merit.’’ Another Latina shared her experiences at the law school dining facility: ‘‘For weeks on end, I didn’t even want to eat in the dining hall because I knew I’d go to the dining hall, I’d sit down, someone would sit across from me from my section who would inevitably say something sexist, racist and/or homophobic.’’
SUMMARY Understanding the pervasiveness of racial incidents inside and outside the classroom begins with acknowledging the subtle, yet stunning, insults endured by students of color on a daily basis. These insults are racial and gender microaggressions (Pierce, 1995). Microaggressions are cumulative in nature and can cause undue stress to students of color while privileging whites. Any one stereotype or microaggression may contain various layers of discrimination. The stress related to deciphering these layers and responding or not responding to each microaggression falls on the student of color. Indeed, Chester Pierce (1995) states, ‘‘In and of itself a microaggression may seem harmless, but the cumulative burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence.’’
Responses to Racial Incidents by Students of Color Students indicate responding to racial incidents in and out of the classroom in various ways. Specifically, these responses include maintaining
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strategic silence, separating themselves from uncomfortable situations, working hard, being motivated to prove others wrong, and engaging in confrontation. A Black female viewed her silence as both comfort and protection from wasting her time with racial incidents in class: There were a lot of times when I would just talk to [student’s name] in class. And, people say, ‘You guys are always talking over there, why don’t you say more stuff in class?’ It’s like, ‘Why should I? ‘Why should I waste my time? You’ve obviously made it very clear that this is your class and the rest of us are just allowed to be here.’
An Asian American female spoke of her silence in this way: ‘‘In class, I definitely have felt the strong desire to say something and then I don’t. I can safely say that I hardly ever speak about race issues.’’ An Asian American female mentioned the Asian Pacific American Law Student Association (APALSA) office as a space to separate or get away from others in the law school environment: ‘‘But in reality, it’s, it’s like the only place that.y I can go where I feel totally comfortable with hanging out in the office, and with people of my own race.’’ A Latina addressed the choice to separate out of weariness of having to deal with negative racial talk: ‘‘Even if they’re saying that we isolate ourselves, it’s just because we get tired of hearing the same thingsytheir jokes or their comments.’’ Another Latina chose to seek out a space of comfort with friends of color: ‘‘It’s a lot of work, it’s a lot of stress, and I’m just going to do the things that I enjoy and the things that make me happy while I’m here. And if that’s going out with my minority students, my minority friendsythat’s what I choose to do.’’ Choosing silence can be safe, as it minimizes the chances of being admonished for one’s comments. In choosing to be silent in class and separating themselves from racially uncomfortable situations, students of color are also creating their own spaces where questions and critiques can be expressed relatively safely. Strategic silence in response to certain racial incidents can also help students to conserve their energies for future situations. The concern remains that perhaps choosing silence comes from feelings of self-doubt and from being silenced. Students of color may doubt that their experiences are valid, that they have anything intelligent to add to the conversation, or that they could possibly bring new knowledge to others. Students’ silence may also negatively affect their access to traditional forms of assistance, such as going to professors’ during office hours. Students seemed to choose silence and separation in response to their position of marginality. Marginalized students are often familiar with being silenced in a classroom or having their personal experiences and beliefs
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discounted (Solo´rzano & Villalpando, 1998). These experiences in the classroom are in addition to the cultural deficit discourse pervasive throughout the campus, characterizing people of color as stupid, lazy, and dependent on whites. Nonetheless, in maintaining silence and separating themselves from racially uncomfortable situations, students of color appeared to be utilizing silence on their own terms. Indeed, as these students navigate successfully through law school, they demonstrate that strategic silence can be strong – stronger than words many times. Students of color at the University of Michigan gave us numerous examples of being silenced in and out of the classroom, which led to their feelings of helplessness, feeling less confident about their ability to perform in law school, and disengaging generally and in the classroom in particular. They also described feelings of isolation and alienation from the mainstream culture and social networks of the law school. A Black female law student recalled this experience in her first year of law school: The first year and first semester is so intimidatingyyou feel that you really don’t have a place in this classroom. It’s obviously a classroom for white men.y But when the person you’re talking to doesn’t look like you and the people sitting around you haven’t come from where you come from and don’t look like you, it just makes the whole thing a little bit more intimidating.
An Asian American female remarked on her feelings of being silenced and not speaking out on a topic when she probably should have: ‘‘Now I kind of feel like I’m really just a coward.’’ A Latina female echoed that comment: ‘‘You interact less because of those reasons. And then you’re by yourself more often. And then you just feel alone.’’ A Black female spoke about the perceived value of her ideas and work: ‘‘When you’re writing an exam you know that your voice or the way that you write and think was never valued all along.’’ In some more examples of the effects of racial incidents on academic performance, a Latina expressed how a racially polarized classroom environment affects her participation: ‘‘I skipped class last week because I knew what the conversation in the classroom discussion [on race] was going to be like and I was so upset by even the thought of it. I knew I couldn’t go.’’ A Black male revealed how racial incidents act upon him: ‘‘You often are kind of fearful that you have to carry the flag and defend things.’’ An Asian American female shared the larger picture of the effect of racial incidents on
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her participation and ultimate post-law school opportunities: I think that definitely white students are privileged in the clerkship processybecause you have to get recommendationsybut if you don’t speak in class, how is the professor going to know you? How are they going to write you a letter of recommendation? If you don’t have a recommendation, you can’t get a clerkship.
Students of color seem to be worn down by the need to engage in ongoing strategies in order to confront the inherent stresses that accompany a negative campus racial climate. Law school can be stressful all by itself. However, these students balance school and work responsibilities while also facing racialized notions of people of color being ‘‘lazy’’ and ‘‘unintelligent’’ (Rodrı´ guez, 1997). So far, it seems that students are developing attitudes and searching for resources that assist them to be resilient in the face of stress. Indeed, despite the negative effects of working in a negative campus racial climate, these students demonstrate that they are survivors. They have become very adept at navigating their way through the law school by ‘‘picking and choosing their battles’’ wisely. In response to the constant strain of defending themselves in face of individual and institutional forms of racism, these students just work harder.
Counter Spaces and Voices as a Result of the Campus Racial Climate3 One of the ways in which students of color navigate their way through the law school is to seek out other students for emotional or instrumental support. They seek out others who are experiencing the same incidents or who can serve as allies in the struggle to overcome the negative racial climate. For instance, these students described certain classes where faculty was able to include and not be dismissive of issues related to race and where these issues were discussed in an open and constructive manner. An Asian American female recalled one such class: ‘‘In [professor’s] classyshe said she’d never seen so many students of color in a class, and she’d never seen so many students of color speak up.’’ An Asian American male recalled a class incident and shared the following account: This female Korean American professor – I was in the class and it seemed like people really didn’t respect her at all. People attacked her all the time, much more than other professors. People didn’t really take what she took seriously.
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Even in these presumed counter spaces, there seemed to be an atmosphere where the discourse on race is minimized or dismissed. For instance, a Latina shared her experiences: ‘‘I get this feeling in classes when issues like raceydo come up, a lot of people say things like, ‘But we’re all really just the same. Why can’t we just be the same?’ Instead of saying, ‘Well no, there are differences, and embrace that.’ ’’ Again, revealed here is the professor’s inability to incorporate race into the curriculum. However, if race is included, there appeared to be an inability to engage students in ways that encourage the fruitful and critical discussion of race in the different domains of legal education. Legal clinics are a space where students could deal with some of the racial issues in spaces outside the law school and in the practice of their developing craft. In discussions after and outside the focus groups, many students commented on the critical role of legal clinics in their legal education. In many of these settings, issues of race were clearly relevant and played out in the real time of legal practice. Students did not receive the conceptual and theoretical foundation for dealing with many of the racial aspects of clinic work in their regular law school curriculum. Perhaps the most important counter spaces to the negative racial climate are the so-called Basement Groups. These are the offices of law student organizations in general and the ethnic student law organizations in particular. For instance, they include the Black Law Student Association, the Latino Law Students Association, and Asian Pacific American Law Students Association. Students also mentioned the Minority Alliance Program. These counter spaces are seen as a critical space for minority groups to come together for academic and social support. For instance, an Asian American female referred to the APALSA office as a place to seek refuge or a safe haven from the law school environment: But in reality, it’s, it’s like the only place that I can go, sometimes I feel like the only place I can go where I feel totally comfortable with hanging out in the office, and with people of my own race.
Another Asian American female discussed the importance of APALSA: I really like my APALSA friends because I can, like I’ll have a story that I think nobody else would even understand.y Like all these people know exactly what I’m talking about. If I didn’t have them, it’d be really hard.
Students also described the peer-group support that exists both within and outside these organizations. These peer groups are not necessarily racespecific and indeed many mentioned the racial diversity of many of their peer groups. These peer groups serve multiple functions such as support,
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comfort, and intellectual stimulus. An Asian American female mentioned one very important purpose: ‘‘So it’sygood just to talk to them [her social group] and feel like I’m not crazy.’’ Another Asian American female related her reasons for consciously interacting with peers: ‘‘But it’s just to talk to other people who understand.’’ A Latina recalled the rationale for deciding to work with her peer group: It’s a lot of work, it’s a lot of stress, and I’m just going to do the things that I enjoy and the things that make me happy while I’m here. And if that’s going out with my minority students, my minority friendsythat’s what I choose to do.
Finally, students discussed the importance of working in service programs both inside and outside the university as a space to counter the negative racial climate of the law school. They mentioned the importance of involvement in off-campus tutoring programs and giving back to communities of color. However, in spite of the importance of this work, a Black female law student recalled how racial incidents make their way into that experience in the following account: We do tutoring at a local middle school. And there were two young African American boys after school like standing on the fence. As we’re driving down the street, one of the guys [a white student] made the comment, ‘Oh, drug dealers,’ or ‘Is it a drug dealer?’
She chose not to confront the student but recalled the anger and hurt she felt regarding this incident.
CONCLUSION The exploration of campus racial climate at the University of Michigan Law School shows that words can – and do – possess profound power. Words can wound. Comments that either explicitly or implicitly reinforce racial stereotypes of mental deficiency, lack of self-discipline, poor work ethic, low achievement do in fact scar the psyches of African American and Chicano/Latino students and cripple their academic performance. While racial slights and putdowns, referred here as ‘‘racial microaggressions,’’ may seem relatively minor, over time, their cumulative weight can become onerous and crushing. Although as ideas, slights or words, ‘‘racial microaggressions’’ may not ‘‘break bones,’’ these ‘‘sticks and stones’’ in the arsenal of racial, ethnic, class, and gender dominance are well capable of breaking self-esteem, motivation, sense of purpose, and human spirits among African American, Chicano/Latino, Asian, and women law school students.
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Racial and ethnic exclusion and discrimination are broader forces that operate in the United States to create and perpetuate race-ethnic inequalities in power, resources, and opportunities. When these ‘‘racial macroaggressions’’ at the group, institutional, and structural levels are joined with ‘‘racial microaggressions’’ at the interpersonal, individual, and intra-psychic levels, formidable barriers result and impede or prevent the full, equal participation of Blacks, people of color, women, and other marginal groups. President Johnson, Justice Powell, and Professor Hill-Collins each rejected the now popular orthodoxy that would have us believe that America has somehow become ‘‘color blind.’’ Further, each admonishes that to pretend that Blacks and whites are now equal in society will further disadvantage Blacks and exacerbate entrenched racial inequalities. In this vein, Johnson asserted: You do not take a man who for years has been hobbled by chains, liberate him, bring him to the starting line of a race, saying ‘You are free to compete with all others,’ and still justly believe you have been completely fair (Howard University speech, June 4, 1965).
Similarly, Supreme Court Justice Powell noted, ‘‘Over the past 30 years, this Court has embarked upon the crucial mission of interpreting the Equal Protection Clause with the view of assuring all persons ‘the protection of equal laws,’ in a Nation confronting a legacy of slavery and racial discrimination. Because the landmark decisions in this area arose in response to the continued exclusion of Negroes from the mainstream of American society, they could be characterized as involving discrimination by the ‘majority’ white race against the Negro ‘minority’ ’’ (Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 1978). Finally, from Professor HillCollins (1998): As the case of African-Americans in the United States illustrates, formal citizenship rights do not automatically translate into substantive citizenship rights. Forty years after the landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision outlawing school segregation, large numbers of African-American children remained warehoused in crumbling, inferior, racially homogenous schools. Black children’s formal belong as American citizens did not ensure first-class treatment (p. 5).
Opponents now propose to end the affirmative action programs at the University of Michigan, which considers race in admissions decisions. Since 1965, U.S. society has employed affirmative action programs to address race–ethnic disparities in background, resources, and opportunities. By no means have these programs been radical or extreme; nevertheless, their
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operation has significantly changed the face of this nation. Thanks to these programs, Blacks, women, Asians, Chicanos/Latinos, the physically challenged, and other previously excluded groups are now better represented in university classrooms and in corporate boardrooms. Current assaults on affirmative action programs constitute ‘‘fighting words’’ that threaten this country’s multicultural fabric and future. The progressive response must be to produce scholarship that resists misrepresentation and mischaracterization of affirmative action programs. We must respond with ‘‘fighting words’’ that enable a different vision of America where there is room for diversity under the national tent, and in all the nation’s universities, institutions, and organizations. I would be remiss if I concluded without paying homage to the Student Interveners, 41 Black, Latino, Asian, Native American, Arab American, and white young people committed to a shining vision of an America that lives up to its creed of opportunity of equity for all. These young folks have been tireless and creative in this struggle. Responding to Hill Collin’s (1998) call to forge alternative models, they have also shown incredible savvy in building a national movement to defend affirmative action. A movement that they refer to as ‘‘The New Civil Rights Movement.’’ They have organized mass marches, teach-ins, formed alliances with labor and Civil Rights organizations, and recruited high school students. The effect has been to keep this issue in the public eye. On April 1 and 2, 2003 they held a mass demonstration on the steps of the Supreme Court as the University of Michigan cases were being heard. The crowd was much larger than the 3,000 who had marched in freezing rain December 6, 2001 when the 8th Circuit Appellate Court gave them a victory in the University of Michigan cases. The mass march on the U.S. Supreme Court during the University of Michigan cases to support Affirmative Action gave substance to the parable, ‘‘And the young shall lead.’’
NOTES 1. Citations herein, unless otherwise indicated, are to documents and transcripts contained in the Joint Appendix (‘‘JA’’) filed in the Sixth Circuit or to the Appendix (‘‘App.’’) filed with the Petition. 2. Campus racial diversity is defined as a situation where underrepresented racial and ethnic groups: (1) are present on the college campus, (2) are equals on the college campus, (3) are willing to affirm one another’s dignity, (4) are ready to benefit from each other’s experience, and (5) are willing to acknowledge one another’s contributions to the common welfare of students/faculty on the college campus. 3. Some quotes are repeated here in order to exemplify a concept.
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REFERENCES Allen, W. R. (1992). The color of success: African–American college student outcomes at predominantly White and historically Black public colleges and universities. Harvard Educational Review, 62(1), 26–44. Carroll, G. (1998). Environmental stress and African–Americans: The other side of the moon. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Collins, P. H. (1992). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York: Routledge. Collins, P. H. (1998). Fighting words: Black women and the search for justice. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Guinier, L., Fine, M., & Balin, J. (1997). Becoming gentlemen: Women, law school, and institutional change. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Hill, A. (1997). Speaking truth to power. New York: Doubleday. Hurtado, S., Milem, J. F., Clayton-Pedersen, A., & Allen, W. R. (1998). Enhancing campus climates for racial/ethnic diversity: Educational policy and practice. Review of Higher Education, 21(3), 279–302. Hurtado, S., Milem, J. F., Clayton-Pedersen, A., & Allen, W. R. (1999). Enacting diverse learning environments: Improving the climate for racial/ethnic diversity in higher education. ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Report: Volume 26, No. 8. Washington, DC: The George Washington University, Graduate School of Education and Human Development. McIntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Peace and Freedom, 49(4), 10–12. Montoya, M. (1994). Mascaras Trenzas y Grenas: Un/Masking the self while un/braiding Latina stories and legal discourse. Chicano-Latino Law Review, 15, 1–37. Pierce, C. (1995). Stress analogs of racism and sexism: Terrorism, torture, and disaster. In: C. Willie, P. Rieker, B. Kramer & B. Brown (Eds), Mental health, racism, and sexism (pp. 277–293). Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. Rodrı´ guez, C. (Ed.) (1997). Latin looks: Images of Latinas and Latinos in the U.S. media. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Russell, T. (2000). The shape of the Michigan river as viewed from the land of Sweatt v. Painter and Hopwood. Law and Social Inquiry, 25(2), 507–508. Solo´rzano, D., & Villalpando, O. (1998). Critical race theory, marginality, and the experience of minority students in higher education. In: C. Torres & T. Mitchell (Eds), Emerging issues in the sociology of education: Comparative perspectives (pp. 211–224). New York: SUNY Press. Tatum, B. (1997). Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria? And other conversations about race. New York: Basic Books. Thernstrom, S., & Thernstrom, A. (1997). America in black and white: One Nation Indivisible. New York: Touchstone.
WIDENING PARTICIPATION IN UNITED KINGDOM UNIVERSITIES: THE CHALLENGES OF ACHIEVING RACE EQUALITY Deborah Phillips, Ian Law and Laura Turney Over the last five years, the government in the UK has shown an increasing commitment to widening participation in higher education. Following the Dearing Report in 1997, universities have been obliged to develop strategies for combating social exclusion in higher education and widening access for underrepresented social groups. A new government White Paper (2003) has now provided financial incentives for universities to pursue the widening participation agenda. This initiative has tended to focus on particular groups defined by social class, although this intersects with concerns about disadvantage along the lines of race and ethnicity. Until recently, the university sector has remained relatively insulated from initiatives designed to challenge racism and promote ethnic and cultural diversity in other public service sectors (Osler & Morrison, 2000; Dadzie, 2001). However, the requirement for higher education institutions to tackle race equalities in particular has been given greater urgency by a recent amendment to the UK’s race relations legislation. The Race Relations (Amendment) Act (2000) requires institutions, such as colleges and universities, to promote race equality as well as remove inequalities. However, the evidence suggests that many
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 227–247 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05011-4
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higher education institutions in the UK are ill-equipped to fulfill their new obligations. They lack adequate data with which to provide benchmarks and to monitor progress. Adding to the challenge is the lack of conceptual and methodological tools to assess, review, and reconstruct educational policy and practice. The goal of widening participation and promoting race equality poses many challenges for higher education in the UK and requires broad institutional change. Historically, universities have largely catered to white privileged males, and a white, elitist, masculinist, and eurocentric culture still pervades many of the older established institutions today. A study of higher education and equality undertaken in 1999 found that guidelines for equal opportunities in higher education had had little impact on widening participation strategies or on the retention of students from Black and minority ethnic groups in many of these institutions (Commission on University Career Opportunity, 1999). To date, the so-called new universities, who acquired their charter in a period of restructuring the higher educational provision in 1992, have embraced the principles of widening participation much more enthusiastically than the older established institutions. While the new universities tend to have their roots in local communities (many were formerly local colleges) and provide many vocational courses, the older universities have remained far more elitist, recruiting high proportions of their students from the private school sector and prioritising exclusionary academic selection criteria in the name of ‘‘maintaining standards.’’ Black and minority ethnic groups, as well as people with disabilities and those from lower socio-economic groups, remain underrepresented in these older universities. This chapter examines the participation of Black and minority ethnic groups in higher education, citing research recently undertaken at the older established University of Leeds in the north of England. The main Black and minority ethnic groups in the UK are those with origins in the Indian Subcontinent (India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh), the Caribbean islands and, to a lesser extent, Africa. These groups experience multiple disadvantages in all spheres of life in the UK because of their generally weaker class position and socially constructed racialised divisions (Modood et al., 1997).
BACKGROUND At first glance, it might seem from the statistics that 18- to 20-year-old members of minority ethnic groups are doing relatively well in terms of
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higher education. They are in fact better represented in UK colleges and universities than young whites. However, this is far from the whole story. Certain black groups, such as African–Caribbean males and Bangladeshi females, are significantly underrepresented in higher education in general and certain programmes in particular. For example, there has been difficulty recruiting Black and ethnic minority students into teacher training programmes (DfEE, 1998). The experience of participating in higher education is also often different for black and white students. Black and minority ethnic students are more likely to be concentrated in the new universities. In the mid-1990s, only 0.5 percent of the students at the older established universities came from a Black or minority ethnic background, compared with 14.4 percent in the new universities (DfEE, 1998). This inequality helps to perpetuate a system of white privilege, one that is entrenched in other areas of public life in the UK. Black and minority ethnic students are also more likely to study part-time than white students, are more likely to drop out of courses, and more frequently opt for lower-level qualifications (i.e., a diploma rather than a degree). Although there has been considerable research on race equality issues in schools in the UK (for students up to the age of 18), there has been less analysis of race equality and racism in higher education institutions. This is perhaps indicative of the complacency that has pervaded the higher education sector. There is nevertheless a series of emerging concerns. These relate to race and ethnic inequalities in student access, racial discrimination by admissions tutors, the racist experiences of black and Asian students on entering higher education institutions, disillusionment with the lack of diversity in the teaching and learning environment, racist discrimination in marking and assessment, racism in work placements and race discrimination in graduate access to employment (Ashcroft, Bigger, & Coates, 1996; Modood & Acland, 1998; Carter, Fenton, & Modood, 1999; Shiner & Modood, 2002). Racism and racial discrimination suffered by staff in universities is also increasingly being exposed in individual cases and organisational audits. A major survey by the Association of University Teachers (AUT), which considered race issues and attitudes among academics and support staff in the old universities, revealed that racialised tensions are common in universities, with Black and minority ethnic staff experiencing racial harassment, feeling unfairly treated in job applications, and believing institutional racism exists in the academic workplace (Elliot-Major, 2002). Past studies into race inequalities in higher education have tended to be fairly selective in their approach, with particular projects focussing on one
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or two areas of specific concern. The research project reported here therefore set out to obtain a broad picture of institutional policy and practice, encompassing all areas of university activity. While the core functions of higher education institutions are teaching and research, the practices and operations of higher education institutions extend well beyond this. Universities and colleges are often significant local employers; they wield a great deal of spending power in terms of contracts and services, and they can have wideranging networks of association with the local community. They are often major players in the locality and are potentially an important force for promoting, sustaining, or indeed challenging race inequalities.
METHODS Our research has aimed to investigate the interactive effects across and between institutional areas through case studies. The project team examined student recruitment and support, employment, contracts and purchasing, research, teaching, and learning, external affairs, and equal opportunities action planning at the University of Leeds. The research was conducted in 2000–2001 and involved an analysis of documents relating to race equality planning at the University, e-mail questionnaires (targeted at students and staff in 20 sample departments), semi-structured interviews with key staff in the sample departments and focus groups with students. Respondents to the e-mail questionnaires included 256 staff members and 476 students. The absolute number of Black and minority ethnic respondents was small – only 34 students and 14 staff. This was a result of low percentages of Black and minority ethnic people at the University of Leeds. Nevertheless, these responses were highly informative. One of the key outputs of the research was the development of an antiracist ‘‘toolkit,’’ which provides a conceptual framework and methodological resources for higher education institutions that are seeking to develop their race equality strategies. The toolkit takes the form of an organic web-based resource and addresses issues across all areas of institutional activity (http://www.leeds.ac.uk/cers/toolkit/toolkit.htm). It incorporates suggestions for targets and positive action strategies. This chapter draws on the findings from the University of Leeds’ survey in order to highlight the institutional culture that has hampered progress towards greater race equality and diversity in the older established universities of the UK. It interprets these findings with reference to debates about ‘‘whiteness,’’ eurocentrism, and institutional racism. In many instances, the
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‘‘whiteness’’ of the higher education institutions in the UK goes unnoticed and unquestioned; it is simply accepted as ‘‘normal.’’ This perception of normality also manifests itself in debates about eurocentrism and the marginalisation of non-Western ideas and cultures. This is particularly pertinent to curriculum and teaching and learning issues, but also has relevance for staff recruitment and career progression. It helps to sustain institutional racism in the university sector and is manifest in institutional policy, practice, and culture.
RESEARCH FINDINGS Our research indicates that the University of Leeds has taken some steps towards the implementation of its equal opportunities policy, but it is a long way from being an anti-racist strategy. Black and minority ethnic students and staff are underrepresented at the University, links into local Black and minority ethnic communities are weak, and the University’s consideration of the equal opportunities’ implications of institutional associations through contracts and purchasing is limited. Issues of curriculum bias have not been addressed in most academic departments, although there are examples of positive developments in learning and teaching. Furthermore, in some departments, individuals who try to raise issues of race equality may find themselves swimming against a tide of institutional inertia and scepticism. As one senior academic told us, ‘‘A black job applicant was given a much harder time than others in 1999. When I raised this at a department meeting, I was told to ‘stop playing politics.’’’ The emerging themes from the data include three specific areas: student recruitment, support and transition to employment; staff attitudes and the ‘‘liberal’’ university culture; and equal opportunities planning in practice. The aim is to highlight the obstacles to achieving race equality in the older established, predominantly ‘‘white’’ universities in the UK and possible steps forward.
Student Recruitment, Support, and Transition to Employment Approximately 7 percent of the University of Leeds’ student population is drawn from Black and minority ethnic groups. The benchmark set by the Higher Education Statistical Agency (HESA) is 11 percent. Given the substantial population of South Asian origin in the neighbouring city of
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Bradford (over 94,000) and their generally high level of participation in higher education, the University should be able to exceed this benchmark. The research identified a number of reasons why the University of Leeds might not have been particularly attractive to Black and minority ethnic applicants. Interviews with local careers advisors and Black and minority ethnic young people indicated that the University of Leeds is often seen as an institution that predominantly serves the needs of white and middle-class students. One Bangladeshi young man laughed when he heard that the University would like to attract more Asian people, declaring, ‘‘It is not for people like us.’’ This belief has, in the past, been reinforced by the white images projected by the University’s promotional material for students. Recent modifications to the University’s website and student prospectuses have, however, sought to rectify this and to convey greater cultural diversity. The University of Leeds is also perceived by many in the local Black and minority ethnic communities as remote, elitist, and inaccessible. This perception has been sustained by its tenuous connections with the local communities, which stands in direct contrast to the new university, Leeds Metropolitan University (LMU). As one black female member of staff (contract researcher) succinctly put it: ‘‘The university (of Leeds) is not perceived within the local Black communities to be particularly welcoming.’’ The limited appeal of a university such as Leeds for Black and minority ethnic students may also relate to the relative lack of black staff or role models. The University describes itself as the city’s third largest employer, with over 6,000 staff, but only 4.6 percent of them are from Black and minority ethnic groups. The proportion of teaching staff falling into this category is even lower (4 percent) and is skewed across departments. Hence, prospective applicants visiting the University for one of its Open Days may not see any black faces among the staff. The low proportion of Black and minority ethnic students at the University of Leeds may also be a function of the rigidity of the admissions process. Selection criteria (based on ‘‘A’’ level grades) have tended to favour applicants from traditional, conventionally high-achieving schools, particularly within the private sector. Although standard admission criteria apparently create a level playing field, cultural differences and social inequalities in the schooling system may well disadvantage Black and minority ethnic students when competing for a place. Detailed research by Shiner and Modood (2002) found that Black and ethnic minority candidates were at a disadvantage when applying to older universities. They asserted that the bias that appears to exist is almost certainly complex and subtle, triggered especially by non-European names. The culture of selecting the
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best is sometimes perverted by a tendency to make ethnic minority candidates demonstrate more rigorously that they have the necessary qualities to enter ‘‘excellent’’ institutions. Defending core academic standards can thus provide the terrain for institutional racism. The day-to-day experience of the Black and minority ethnic students accepted at the University of Leeds was found to be variable. About half of our black survey respondents (53 percent) said they had few complaints about their experiences at the University and believed they had ‘‘equality of opportunity as a student.’’ However, the rest were less sure about this and raised issues of ‘‘equality,’’ ‘‘race equality,’’ ‘‘inclusivity,’’ ‘‘cultural and religious diversity’’ and ‘‘racism.’’ Whether Black and minority ethnic students do experience inequality, as opposed to perceived inequality, is something that this project has not been able to determine as the mechanisms for monitoring at that level are not yet in place. Interestingly, however, a number of white students perceived their ‘‘whiteness’’ as a reason for their own sense of ‘‘equality,’’ thus indicating a consciousness of race as a purveyor of advantage as well as disadvantage. Although many Black and minority ethnic students do feel welcome and included in student life at the University of Leeds, some indicated that they felt excluded and not particularly welcome. This may manifest itself in the exclusive nature of friendship networks, or through boundaries erected through cultural difference. Muslims in general, and Muslim women in particular, were most likely to express this feeling. While there are Muslim prayer facilities and societies at the University, the institutional culture is far from accommodating and is at times hostile. For example, student culture and socialising frequently involve drinking alcohol or visiting pubs and clubs where alcohol is served. As one Muslim female student in a department with 500 non-Muslim students said: I feel so isolated. I’m not sure how to join in and make friends. I can go to the pub and drink coke, but I feel that I’m not part of what’s going on. I don’t want to put myself in that position too often.
Greater cultural awareness can lead to simple steps towards greater inclusion; for example, the student social club operating within this particular department was encouraged to include a range of non-alcohol related activities in its social calendar (e.g., sport, theatre trips) as well as the usual ‘‘pub-crawls.’’ This was in fact welcomed by a range of students who disliked the peer pressure to engage in a pervasive culture of drinking. Our survey revealed that Black and minority ethnic students were significantly more likely than white students to feel that more race equality
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measures were needed at the University. Concern was particularly expressed about racist graffiti and the activities of extreme right-wing (British National Party) students on campus and the reticence of the University to deal effectively with these. There was also a general sense that black students were often under valued compared with white students. As one high-achieving male Muslim student said, ‘‘I did receive praise from the tutor, but the other students (white), who did not do so well in the assignments, seemed to be praised more. I felt like, as if the tutor did not know how to talk to me.’’
The evidence from this research indicated that the University of Leeds not only needs to be concerned with improving access for Black and Minority ethnic students, but also its retention of and support for these students. All too often, success in widening participation is measured in terms of admissions and access only. One careers advisor serving the local South Asian community summed it up in the following terms: ‘‘It’s not just about getting them there (university). They need a lot of support throughout their time at university. That means resourcesy That is the real sign of commitment.’’
The transition to employment can also be difficult for black students. Research has shown that Black and minority ethnic graduates still face discrimination from employers, are likely to take longer to find a job than their white counterparts, and progress more slowly during their careers (Woodward, 2001). The observations of the Head of the Careers Service at the University of Leeds were consistent with these findings: I’ve seen situations where a student who was going for accountancy: this lad was Asian and from an old traditional educational background. He came to the Careers Service many times and as far as I, or anybody else, could see, he was doing absolutely everything right that he possibly could, but it seemed to take him an eternity to actually get a training contract. You begin to wonder why that should bey(There was also) an Asian (female) student who had been looking for some work experience, and had shared a contact list with a white male student. He got the placement when they had already turned her down.
Positive action strategies are therefore needed to support Black and minority ethnic students and graduates in their search for employment. A collaborative project (IMPACT), involving four universities (including the University of Leeds), has recently been established to provide specialist support and advice for Black and minority ethnic students. This includes online and personal mentoring programmes. Particular support is needed for Muslim women graduates, who may have difficulty in fulfilling their
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employment potential because of multiple barriers arising from negative attitudes based on religion, culture, and race (Dale, 2000).
The Liberal Institution: Perceptions from within the Academy Achieving greater race quality within higher education institutions requires a commitment to change across all organisational areas of the institution and a shift in the culture and ethos of the teaching, learning, research, and work environment. It also requires an understanding of how higher education institutions can perpetuate race inequalities through their failure to change, or indeed could act as an agent of change. One of the greatest obstacles to progress is the failure of institutional managers, decision makers, and the diverse individuals that make up that institution to acknowledge the need for race equality measures. The widespread perception of the higher education institution as a ‘‘liberal space’’ means that both academic and administrative staff often deny the possibility of institutional racism. The following comment is typical of many we received: I think, you know, it is fairly liberal, and you would think that the majority of people were. The academic ethos doesn’t really tend towards racism, it tends to be more towards equality, because people look at minds as opposed to anything else, which is quite good. I don’t think equality of any nature has that many problems in the University. (white male, senior administrator)
The assumption that race (or other forms of) discrimination is unlikely to be embedded within a ‘‘liberal’’ academic environment readily leads to complacency, and general apathy towards equal opportunities and race equality initiatives. I think the University is a liberal environment andy I would imagine that race equality is less of an issue in a University environment than other working environments. That’s not to say it’s not an issue and that’s not to say that we shouldn’t be vigilant. But I think my perception would be that that’s possibly less of an issue in a University. (white male, senior administrator)
Interestingly, data on, for example, employment, suggest that this is not the case. Higher education institutions, like many other organisations, demonstrate worryingly high levels of segregation along the lines of race and gender. A report by the Association of University Teachers found that there were only 29 black academics and 179 Asian academics with professorial grades in the 1999/2000 academic year, out of 11,000 university professors. White males occupy the majority of academic posts in higher education
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institutions, with white women occupying the majority of administrative and secretarial posts. Black and minority ethnic men and women tend to be underrepresented, with a significant number of Black and minority ethnic staff found concentrated in junior posts and on temporary contracts (Carter et al., 1999; Elliot-Major, 2002). At the University of Leeds, Black and minority ethnic employees are best represented among the research staff (10.8 percent), most of whom will be employed on limited ‘‘fixed-term’’ rather than permanent contracts. Just under 4 percent of the academic staff are from a Black and minority ethnic background and only 2.2 percent of the clerical staff. The latter reflects a pattern of bias perpetuated through word-of-mouth recruitment and an undervaluing of minority ethnic credentials. As one member of the white support staff explained. No attempt is made to recruit from ethnic minority backgrounds by advertising in newspapers that would make our commitment obviousy To my personal knowledge, Asians have been removed from shortlists. Asian applicants who give working in family businesses as evidence of work experience are regarded as having none. (white male, support staff)
Just over a quarter of the staff who responded to our survey said that they had knowledge of or experienced racism and/or racist attitudes at the University. For the most part, these experiences tended to be an awareness of subtle, covert and indirect discrimination, and racialised stereotyping, although 7 percent of respondents referred to specific incidents such as harassment, verbal abuse and victimisation. Eight of our 14 Black and minority ethnic respondents said that they had experienced racism, although none referred to specific incidents that required action. For the most part, Black and minority ethnic staff felt that the attitudes of other staff at the University were often negative and patronising. For example, Black and minority ethnic staff (particularly women) are often presumed to be either secretaries or students. Black and minority ethnic staff primarily felt that the attitudes and behaviour they encountered were based on assumptions and stereotypes with reference to their ethnicity. Our survey of staff indicated that less than half (45 percent) of the respondents felt that there was ‘‘genuine equality of opportunity’’ at the University. Just over half (54 percent) were either ‘‘unsure’’ or felt that there was not genuine equality. There was no significant difference between white and Black and minority ethnic respondents. Staff who perceived there to be ‘‘genuine equality’’ nevertheless often drew a distinction between deliberate and ‘‘unintentional’’ discrimination. A white male, senior academic said, ‘‘I am confident that there is no intentional discrimination in appointments,
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for example.y However, I am less confident about unintentional discrimination. There may also be a problem with attracting applications from some groups.’’ Another junior academic, a white female, stated: I have seen improvements over the years. I don’t think may people deliberately discriminate against others on the grounds of race, etc.y however, most people tend to ‘‘trust’’ or communicate better with others who ‘‘share’’ the same values, culture, etc, etc, and that’s human nature.
There is thus an acknowledgement of the power of ethnocentrism, but a lack of awareness of the boundaries that may be constructed between the included ‘‘self’’ and excluded ‘‘other,’’ and the implications of this for the full participation of those seen as ‘‘other’’ in the institution. This may have consequences for a sense of belonging for Black and minority ethnic staff and students in the day-to-day life of the university. It could also manifest itself in the appointments’ process, where appointing committees (invariably comprised of white staff) tend to select colleagues who they feel they can ‘‘trust,’’ communicate with, or with whom they share values. This delimitation of boundaries between ‘‘self’’ and ‘‘other’’ may not be conscious but can nevertheless be effective. This is exemplified by one white academic respondent, who recalled: For one post, I encouraged a young black woman whose Ph.D. I had examined, and who I knew to be very good, to apply. I was later told by her that she felt totally out of place socially during her interviews, that she had been belittled by older white academics who knew little about her subject matter and that even had she been offered the job, she would not have accepted.
Some of our other interviewees acknowledged the potentially discriminatory effects of a predominately white, middle-class, and masculinist institution more explicitly. Direct parallels, for example, were drawn between race and gender discrimination. As one white female professor reflected: In terms of staff – the university hierarchy is very white, male, suited and middle-aged, in both composition and culture. If you are talking about equal opportunities in general then as a white, female professor I feel out of place amongst this hierarchy, and can surmise that this would be compounded for anyone who was black – male or female.y At every level of staff, except cleaning staff, there appears not to be the ethnic representation that exists in the outside world. For example, clerical staff are mainly recruited locally. In advertising for clerical staff over the last three years, I have noticed that very few minority ethnic staff apply. I assume that in the community, the University is perceived as a white place of work, unlike, say, the Leeds General Infirmary next door. (white female, senior academic) The culture here is still white, male, middle aged dominatedy I think it is difficult for in-comers to feel connected to their values. Racism is not overt but subtle in its
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manifestations – assumptions (are) made and language used in documentation and professional dialogue. Women in the university face the same dilemmas. (white female, senior academic)
A common response to questions about equality and racism at the University was that the problems lay outside of the institution and that higher education institutions are themselves victims of a broader lack of opportunity and equality in society. This displacement of responsibility is consistent with the belief that this ‘‘liberal’’ institution could not be the site of discrimination and disadvantage. This creates problems in terms of motivating staff to embrace positive action strategies. Many have difficulty conceptualising how the University of Leeds could be perpetuating inequality through its inaction: There are lots of areas of apparent imbalance not discriminationythe ways of addressing those are beyond the remit and strength of the department. They’re essentially seen as not even University issues, but higher education issuesythere’s an enormous feeling of frustration in anything like this, in that we can see that there are imbalances, not necessarily unfairness, but a lack of opportunity and we are caught up in system that is so centralised that we don’t really see what we can do about it. (white senior academic) From my personal experience, things seem to be decided by merit. The fact that most applicants for posts are white males suggests the failings are largely elsewhere. (white male, position unknown)
Such comments highlight the crucial importance of training to increase the awareness of the role of the individual institution in a wider web of institutional racism in higher education and other spheres of activity. Without effective training and leadership from senior representatives in the University, staff feel poorly informed, frustrated about what is required from them and to a certain extent under attack. This sense of frustration, through lack of guidance and understanding, comes through in the following comment: I’m not sure who we would be comparing ourselves with. It’s no use knowing thaty 5 percent of our students are Asians, I’ve no idea whether it was thatyor less than they expect.y Again, for ethnicity the real problem is that we don’t have any official figures and we don’t know what we should be comparing ourselves with.y I don’t know what the statistics are, and whether they are readily availableywe don’t have statistics for our own students. It’s very difficult for us to judge. (white male, senior academic)
Our research showed that progress at the University of Leeds has been hampered by an inadequate database for the purposes of monitoring, poor communication from the central administrative departments responsible for delivering equal opportunities strategies, and inadequate support for staff
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faced with the edict to change. This shows through in the inadequacy of equal opportunities action planning.
Equal Opportunities Action at the University of Leeds The University of Leeds has drawn up an Equal Opportunities Policy statement, which is widely advertised. However, our research revealed that not all employees were aware of this policy. Technical and administrative support staff were more likely to be familiar with the statement than the academic staff. Indeed over a quarter (27 percent) of the junior academics in our sample had little knowledge of the University’s stated position on equal opportunities. Black and minority ethnic staff, who were more likely to be in junior positions, were the least familiar with the statement. This reflects a lack of training in this policy area. Although limited training has recently been introduced for senior employees involved in making staff appointments, there is no programme of equal opportunities/race equality training for staff as a whole. The strategies for ensuring the implementation of the University’s Equal Opportunities policy are weakly developed. The anti-racist ‘‘toolkit’’ devised by the research team identifies a series of progressive stages for the implementation of race equality initiatives. At the time of the study, the University of Leeds had taken very limited steps towards establishing a working and active policy for race equality across the institution, and certainly had a long way to go to ensure both staff understanding of and commitment to the policy. At present, the University requires individual departments and units to complete equal opportunities action plans biennially. It also monitors staff and student applications and appointments (but does not have a comprehensive and accurate database on existing staff profiles), has a limited training programme and has appointed harassment officers. However, many staff and students did not understand the purpose of these exercises or appointments fully and exhibited confusion over what equal opportunities initiatives were trying to achieve. Many were confused about the differences between positive discrimination and positive action and could not distinguish between targets and quotas. A number of respondents expressed their opposition to positive discrimination and quotas; in fact, both are illegal in the UK. Our research analysed the equal opportunities action plans required from departments and other organisational units within the University of Leeds.
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We found these to be highly uneven in terms of their content, their understanding of the issues and the quality of the planning. Some departments and units had very clear and constructive conceptions of equal opportunities and race equality strategies, and included examples of good practice. Others simply described their gender, disability, and ethnicity profiles and did little else. In keeping with previous studies (for example, Neal (1998) and Bird (1995)), we found that race issues were accorded a fairly low priority in comparison, for example, to gender. At best it was mentioned in a tokenistic way, at worst, not considered at all. The approach to the formulation of equal opportunities action plans was also highly variable. While some departments had embedded the planning process within their organisational structure, involving and consulting with all staff (e.g., through staff meetings), more commonly one member of staff ‘‘drew the short straw’’ and had to complete the forms as an additional administrative exercise. Academic staff, as opposed to support staff, may not be involved in this process, in which case the whole exercise may have little impact on the operation of the department or unit. Our interviews indicated that race equality planning was often marginal to the central business of the department and that the requirement for organisational units to produce plans was often perceived simply as a paper exercise, another piece of bureaucracy that was resented and meaningless. I find it a bit exasperatingyreally it seems to me, to be a statement of the obvious, or what seems obvious to me, and then a lot of paperwork to follow it up. (white, senior administrator) I have been put off a lot of this by the paperwork that comes out of Human Resources. It just comes across as, I don’t know, politically correct idealism, which doesn’t really mean very much. (white, senior administrator)
The individuals responsible for producing the action plans often felt illequipped to address the issue of equal opportunities or race equality action planning because of the lack of training. Interviews with Heads of Departments indicated that many felt a need for stronger direction and leadership from the top. The views of those who had been involved in the limited and selectively targeted race equality training programme were sought. Participants generally felt that, although useful, it fell short of what might be required to translate equal opportunities and race equality policy into practice. The main aim of the training was to inform employees of their legal responsibilities and to limit the potential liability of the institution (much of the
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training is given by the University’s legal advisor). As the comment below illustrates, positive action training is not currently on the agenda: It was defensive training to ensure the University would never be caught in a situation where somebody would accuse it of discrimination, rather than positive training, in looking at equal opportunities as an opportunity for the school and department, for the University. I think that is becauseyit’s partly because it is a huge job to train people when you have to do the defensive bit first; whether you then progress to the positive side or not is a resource matter and the University is short of resources as well. (white, senior academic)
The Black and minority ethnic interviewees who had experienced training had mixed feelings about the kind of training they had received: I’m new to this and I found it useful. I think the training is really designed for lawyers or the general public and I think here it’s just wasted because most of the people here knew a hell of a lot more about the issues. She just gave a very broad basic simple stuff that you teach production line workers y It’s the sort of stuff, we used to get training at the factory I worked at, it was that level and at that standard. I felt sorry for her because she struggled. It was very poor, like the words to use, ‘‘black,’’ ‘‘pc words,’’ and words that aren’t acceptable anymore, I just found it really very basic.
There was a widespread feeling among both staff and students that the University’s equal opportunities policy was not being translated into practice very effectively. A lack of incentive to change and an inadequate framework for policy implementation were seen as central to this failure. It was felt that the University, as an employer and provider of higher education, was unlikely to feel the impetus to change until it took steps to become ‘‘much more embedded in our community.’’ Although members of staff varied in their opinion as to how much the University of Leeds should change, there was fairly wide acknowledgement that the University still projected a ‘‘very white, very middle class image.’’ A number of respondents were critical of the institution’s failure to re-examine its position and image in response to the needs of a twenty-first century multiracial, culturally diverse society, concerned with widening access to higher education. The reticence of the University of Leeds to re-position itself is conveyed in the following comment: Leeds is a racially diverse city and this needs to be reflected in the workplace as well as in the student population. At the moment, it’s certainly not trying to change its old fashioned image of being rich, white and middle class, which, no matter how fairly you look at it, it still predominantly is. You only have to look at Leeds Metropolitan (the ‘‘new’’ university in Leeds) and learn from their strategies. They have a much richer population of employees and students culturally. Is this because their routes are more flexible and modern, their strategies more dedicated and determined, not just paying lip service? (white female, support staff)
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The government’s emphasis on widening participation (as outlined in the 2003 government White Paper) will force higher education institutions to take new initiatives. However, their successful implementation will depend on the will and support of individuals within the institution. Our research indicated that Heads of Departments held differing positions on widening participation: some supported it in principle (but there was little or no action), others felt it was important and actively promoted it, and some were reluctant participants in the programme. As one senior academic said disparagingly: ‘‘I don’t want to ‘value diversity,’ I want to value the study of (academic subject) in the School. That’s what we’re here for, that’s what we doy That’s the only thing I’m interested in.’’
DISCUSSION It is not difficult to say how to get the procedures right but it is difficult to say how we can really stamp out racism. In order to understand how racism can become embedded within an institutional culture and structure requires further examination of the ideologies and discourses underlying constructions of normality. Racism as a structure and a process can become internalised in the routine, daily workings of an institution. This manifests itself in ‘‘systematic, recurrent, familiar practices’’ (Essed, 1991), which are so commonly taken-for-granted. For many, the ‘‘whiteness’’ of the institution goes unnoticed; it is ‘‘normal.’’ White staff and students in a higher education institution are usually unaware of the ways in which these spaces of interaction and resource allocation are structured in their interests. Our research nevertheless indicated that when forced to identify the ‘‘face’’ of the institution, many staff and students were able to acknowledge its white (and often masculinist) culture. However, as we have seen, the explanations and thus the responsibility for any perceived disadvantage experienced by Black and minority ethnic people may well be displaced beyond the ‘‘boundaries’’ of the university to wider society. Our research sought to examine the extent of institutional racism within the University of Leeds. The concept of institutional racism is notoriously difficult to define and conceptualise (Phillips, 1987; Law, 1996; Yuval-Davis, 1999). Its value, however, lies in its focus on the way in which ‘‘everyday racism’’ manifests itself in an institutional context and becomes embedded in normal institutional processes, policies, and practices. The power of
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institutional racism resides in the taken-for-granted nature of routine operations of an institution and the ideologies on which they are founded. Existing power structures and ‘‘systems of knowledge,’’ which have long privileged whites, males, and able-bodied people are not questioned. Indeed, the possibility that a university could be described as a site of institutional racism frequently brings denial. As a result, when the normal institutional processes are reviewed and new structures are put in place (e.g., to support disadvantaged students), there are often complaints of special treatment or unfair diversion of resources (cf. Bird, 1996). This feeling of resentment was evident among some staff at the University of Leeds, as exemplified in the following quote. The explicit racialisation of Britishness is also evident: ‘‘The university seems to take on staff of all origins more frequently than British people so I think that maybe there is no further action needed’’ (white male, support staff).
Higher education institutions, like any other, cannot hope to eliminate all of the racist attitudes of the individuals making up their organisation. Individuals are nevertheless crucially bound up with the reproduction of institutional forms (e.g., through ‘‘norms’’ and ‘‘traditions’’) and, importantly, wider structures. Thus there is a need to create an anti-racist ethos in the operation of the institution, which is supported by policy, working principles, and practice. A number of our respondents were keen to emphasise that they did not believe that University staff would intentionally discriminate; if discrimination occurred, it was unintentional. However, if one accepts that structures are reproduced through social action, then the question of intentionality becomes less important. Even non-racist individuals can help to perpetuate racist practises by their uncritical participation in racist institutional structures. Disentangling the mechanisms that can lead to institutional discrimination and disadvantage is crucial and has far reaching implications for dayto-day policies, procedures, and institutional cultures. Universities working towards anti-racist strategies need to consider some difficult and often uncomfortable issues, for example: How the use of certain criteria might ‘‘unintentionally’’ disadvantage Black and minority ethnic students, e.g., privileging student applicants with European languages skills. How behavioural norms exclude certain groups from participating in the everyday life of the institution, e.g., the assumption that socialising after work will take place in the pub and involve the consumption of alcohol. How racial discourses and racist ideologies might underpin discretionary decision making, e.g., in the selection of applicants for posts on the basis of
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whether they might fit in to the existing work environment; or by making assumptions about the performance of Black minority ethnic and white students. The values, ethos, performance indicators, and driving forces in higher education institutions need to be critically examined. In the UK (and elsewhere), we must question what ‘‘excellence in education’’ means and whether performance can be measured by something other than university income, dropout rates, degree results, graduate access to job market, and research ratings. Central to an understanding of these issues are debates about eurocentrism and whiteness. In the UK, racist policies and practices are in part sustained by eurocentric discourses, which rest on the ‘‘centering of the West’’ (Hall, 1992). It is useful to look at the West or Europe in terms of an ideological construct, as even a cursory understanding of the history of Europe reveals that a common unity has not been sustained. Nevertheless, this construct readily underpins narratives of ‘‘self’’ and ‘‘other,’’ which are embedded in institutional cultures, including higher education. We might ask, of course, whether we can expect anything other than a eurocentric perspective in a European or ‘‘Western’’ context. It is possible to argue that in terms of the ‘‘particular,’’ eurocentrism has no less validity than any other so-called ethnocentrism. We would argue, however, that eurocentrism is not simply a form of ethnocentrism. The key difference lies in eurocentrism’s universalist pretensions, in that eurocentric discourse lays claim to a universal template of progress and development for all societies and not just those within its so-called boundaries. Eurocentrism ultimately privileges the voices and perspectives of predominantly Western thinkers and practices, while marginalising the voices of ‘‘others’’ (Amin, 1989). In a teaching, learning and research environment, this has profound repercussions for the curriculum, teaching methods and research directions, not only in the arts, social sciences, and humanities, but also the sciences. The history of the development of mathematical knowledge, for example, has been criticised for excluding the achievements of scientists from beyond the ‘‘West’’ and privileging the work of early Greek Mathematicians (Joseph, 1991). Further, scientific or medical developments are often presented in ways that simply reinforce a connection between ‘‘progress’’ and the ‘‘West’’ and so continue to reproduce a particular worldview that posits the ‘‘Rest’’ as backward and lagging behind. Intersecting with eurocentrism is the question of whiteness. If the older universities are to progress from their ‘‘liberal,’’ ‘‘colour-blind’’ approach to
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equal opportunities/race equality policy implementation, then there is a need to acknowledge the ‘‘normalisation’’ of whiteness and its consequences. As Avtar Brah (1992, pp. 133–134) points out: There is a tendency in Britain to see racism as ‘‘something to do with the presence of Black people.’’ But it is important to stress that both black and white people experience their gender, class and sexuality through ‘‘race.’’ Racialisation of white subjectivity is often not manifestly apparent to white groups because white is a signifier of dominance, but this renders the racialisation process no less significant.
The category ‘‘White,’’ which tends to be used in ethnic monitoring exercises, often goes undifferentiated and has the effect of racialising the UK as a white space in which ‘‘others’’ are differentiated (Anthias & Yuval-Davis, 1995). As a discourse, whiteness gains its authority and power from its invisibility (Bonnett, 2000; Ferguson, 1990). The need for a widening access programme in the UK, in which disadvantaged class groups are targeted, does of course highlight the fact that ‘‘white’’ is not always a marker of privilege; it is cross-cut by differences in class, culture, gender, disability etc. Nevertheless, within the older, more elitist higher education institutions of the UK, the unspoken, central position of whiteness has a tendency to reproduce inequalities along the lines of race and ethnicity.
CONCLUSION It is time for higher education institutions in the UK to re-conceptualise their role and responsibilities in a contemporary multicultural society. Experience has shown that race equality will not be achieved easily and it is unlikely to be attained through the implementation of an all encompassing equal opportunities programme. This could well lead to the marginalisation of race equality initiatives. There is a need to create an anti-racist culture within higher education institutions in general and, most urgently, in the older established institutions in order to challenge entrenched systems of white privilege. Progress will only occur if anti-racism becomes part of the professionalism of staff, the code of conduct for students and is embedded in working relationships with the external community. Success is dependent on the support and goodwill of staff at all levels. Many staff and students at the University of Leeds have ambivalent or hostile attitudes to anti-racist and race equality strategies, as they believe that the system is ‘‘already fair’’ and that any new measures will favour minority ethnic groups over white people.
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The toolkit developed as a part of this project takes the institution through the different organisational areas that need to be considered when putting together anti-racist and race equality strategies and action plans for the higher education institution. It is recognised that racism takes different forms in different settings. We would not therefore expect the experience of institutional racism in the University of Leeds to be mirrored everywhere, although there will be broad structural similarities. Rather, it will reflect historical policies, practices, and processes, and the contingencies that arise from particular geographical contexts and institutional settings.
REFERENCES Amin, S. (1989). Eurocentrism. London: Zed Books. Anthias, F., & Yuval-Davis, N. (1995). Racialized boundaries: Race, nation, gender, colour and class and the anti-racist struggle. London: Routledge. Ashcroft, K., Bigger, S., & Coates, D. (1996). Researching into equal opportunities in colleges and universities. London: Kogan Page. Bird, J. (1995). Black students and higher education: Rhetorics and realities. Buckingham: The Society for Research into Higher Education and the Open University Press. Bird, J. (1996). Black students and higher education: Rhetorics and realities. Buckingham: The Society for Research into Higher Education and the Open University Press. Bonnett, A. (2000). Anti-racism. London: Routledge. Brah, A. (1992). Difference, diversity and differentiation. In: D. James & A. Rattansi (Eds), Race, culture and difference (pp. 126–145). London: Sage Publications. Carter, J., Fenton, S., & Modood, T. (1999). Ethnicity and employment in higher education. London: Policy Studies Institute. Commission on University Career Opportunity. (1999). Impact study of higher education and equality: A guide. London: Commission on University Career Opportunity. Dadzie, S. (Ed.) (2001). Toolkit for tackling racism in schools. Stoke-on-Trent, England: Trentham Books. Dale, A. (2000). The role of educational qualifications in the lives of young Pakistani and Bangladeshi women. The Future of Work Bulletin, 2, 2–3. Dearing, Sir Ron. (1997). Report of the National Committee of Inquiry into Higher Education: Higher education in the learning society. London: DfEE. DfEE. (1998). Higher education for the twenty-first century: Response to the Dearing report. London: DfEE. Elliot-Major, L. (2002). Incredible islands: A disturbing report shows universities must tackle race issues. The Guardian, January 15, p. 5. Essed, P. (1991). Understanding everyday racism: An interdisciplinary theory. London: Sage Publications. Ferguson, R. (Ed.) (1990). Out there: Marginalization and contemporary cultures. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Hall, S. (1992). The West and the rest: Discourse and power. In: S. Hall & B. Gieben (Eds), Formations of modernity (pp. 275–320). Cambridge: Open University Press.
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Joseph, G. (1991). The crest of the Peacock: Non-European roots of Mathematics. London: I. B. Tauris and Co. Ltd. Law, I. (1996). Racism, ethnicity and social policy. London: Prentice-Hall. Modood, T., & Acland, A. (Eds) (1998). Race and higher education. London: Policy Studies Institute. Modood, T., Berthoud, R., Lakey, J., Nazroo, J., Smith, P., Virdee, S., & Beishon, S. (Eds) (1997). Ethnic minorities in Britain: Diversity and disadvantage. London: Policy Studies Institute. Neal, S. (1998). The making of equal opportunities policies in universities. Buckingham: The Society for Research into Higher Education and the Open University Press. Osler, A., & Morrison, M. (2000). Inspecting schools for race equality, Ofsted’s strengths and weaknesses: A report for the Commission for Racial Equality. Stoke-on-Trent, England: Trentham Books. Phillips, D. (1987). The rhetoric of anti-racism in public housing allocation. In: P. Jackson (Ed.), Race and racism (pp. 212–237). London: George Allen and Unwin. Shiner, M., & Modood, T. (2002). Help or hindrance? Higher education and the route to ethnic equality. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 23(2), 209–232. Woodward, W. (2001). University jobs figures reveal racial bias. The Guardian, April 4, p. 3. Yuval-Davis, N. (1999). Institutional racism, cultural diversity and citizenship. Sociological Research Online, 4(1). http://www.socresonline.org.uk/4/lawrence/yuval-davis.html
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DIVERSITY AND LEARNING FOR A PLURALISTIC DEMOCRACY Sylvia Hurtado ABSTRACT Higher education plays a key role in training leaders who are responsible for enacting a vision of a multi-racial democracy that is equitable, inclusive, and thrives on a healthy exchange of perspectives. How are college students’ cognitive and social cognitive skills linked with their diversity experiences? While the college curriculum may provide the theory and concepts necessary for understanding a multi-racial and multiethnic society, students’ experience with others of diverse backgrounds (inside and outside the classroom) provides an opportunity to practice living in a pluralistic democracy among ‘‘equal status’’ peers. Building on previous social science research, evidence presented in the University of Michigan affirmative action cases, this chapter empirically examines the link between interactions with diverse peers and students’ cognitive skills using standardized instruments as well as survey measures in a classroombased study. Findings indicate that students’ cognitive skills are associated with particular types of interactions with diverse peers and the desire to influence society. Students who had negative interactions with diverse peers also tend to score lower on the disposition to think critically. The implications of these findings suggest that one’s capacity for complex thinking skills is linked with the capacity to interact with diverse people
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 249–267 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05012-6
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and commitment to the public good – all of which are critical to a working, pluralistic democracy.
Concerns for the widening socioeconomic gaps between rapidly growing racial/ethnic groups lack a sense of urgency among American leaders, and are intentionally minimized in light of global conflict. It seems that few leaders are willing to become the architects of the bridge across these gaps, choosing instead to support issues that protect individual interests rather than issues that can uplift communities in need. Higher education plays a key role in training leaders who are responsible for enacting a vision of a multi-racial democracy that is equitable, inclusive, and thrives on a healthy exchange of different perspectives. Central to participating effectively in our democracy is the development of skills and dispositions among students that prepare them for living in an increasingly complex world and diverse society. The collaborative research project, Preparing College Students for a Diverse Democracy, began with this key assumption and identified a set of cognitive, social, and democratic dispositions that were monitored among the entering class of 2000 at 10 public universities and in a set of focused classroom-based studies. The main goals of the project were to: (1) explore how institutions are preparing students for a diverse democracy, (2) discover how students are learning from diverse peers, and (3) understand and share how different campuses achieve goals for cognitive, social, and democratic outcomes among undergraduates. First, we discuss the essential theoretical premises that undergird this work and then we present the results of a pilot study on the University of Michigan campus where students were asked to complete a survey about background, experiences with diversity, thinking and interacting behaviors, and also to take several standard tests of critical thinking. The objective was to explore the links between diversity experiences, learning or cognitive development, and potential skills for civic engagement in a diverse society.
ESSENTIAL THEORETICAL AND RESEARCH PREMISES Much of the current project builds on the social science research conducted in support of the University of Michigan’s position in the affirmative action
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cases set for a Supreme Court hearing in April 2003. This research laid the groundwork for understanding how diversity is linked with basic learning or active thinking skills, as well as the role of diversity in a democracy (Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002). Scholars contend that students’ cognitive and social developments are intertwined. As students approach college age, they are more likely to apply cognitive abilities and skills to interpersonal situations and social problem-solving (Chickering & Reisser, 1991; Muuss, 1988). Both cognitive and social developments are also thought to occur through social interaction, spurred by the imbalance that results when one tries to reconcile one’s own embedded views with that of others (Piaget, 1975). Students’ interaction with diverse peers allows them to depart from their own embedded worldviews, as previous scripts, habits, routines, and even stereotypes do not suffice in novel situations or encounters with others from distinct racial and cultural backgrounds. Cognitive and social theories suggest that such discrepancies in social interaction can spur the growth and development under positive conditions (Chickering & Reisser, 1991; Piaget, 1975). In theory, we can expect that campus diversity experiences produce the kind of conditions that promote more complex and active thinking among undergraduates, providing students with opportunities to ‘‘experiment’’ and reconcile alternative points of view inherent in a pluralistic democracy. At the same time, educators have to acknowledge the comfort students find with others of similar experiences and background, and that challenges to one’s established worldview represent novel discomfort. Students explore and develop their personal and social identities, and often aspire to become like ‘‘successful’’ peers during the college years. Hence, there is a tremendous tendency on the part of individuals to gravitate toward familiar, comfortable situations and to minimize risk-taking in crossing social boundaries. It is only detrimental, however, when it leads to a level of insularity and selfinterest that prevents the individual from considering and negotiating differing perspectives that are inherent in a pluralistic democracy. A culture of disengagement among more advantaged college students, who rarely have their worldviews challenged, has also been documented on some campuses (Flacks & Thomas, 1998). Moreover, students arrive at college with less experience in multi-cultural contexts due to increasingly segregated neighborhoods and schools in many regions of the United States (Orfield, Bachmeier, James, & Eitle, 1997). This suggests that diversity experiences during college can provide a novel context for ‘‘equal status’’ contact that Gordon Allport (1954) professed was essential to the reduction of prejudice. However, students may initially lack the experience base, the risk-taking
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behaviors, and perhaps even the cognitive development for successful intergroup contact and subsequent development of competencies essential for a pluralistic democracy. This raises serious questions about whether colleges and universities are adequately preparing students for work in an increasingly diverse workplace, to resolve complex social problems, and to negotiate diverse perspectives critical to good judgment and solutions. Ideally, the role of higher education in a diverse democracy is to create active citizens with these competencies in order to improve social conditions at home and abroad. Substantially, more research is needed about institutional practices and college student experiences because it is not precisely clear from existing research how exposure to diversity leads to cognitive and democratic skill development. Much less is known about the nature of students’ crosscultural interactions and the effectiveness of institutional practices to maximize learning in diverse student environments.
Learning from Peers Research from the 1930s to the 1990s has firmly established that the college peer group is one of the most important influences on a broad range of outcomes during college. Moreover, such learning from peers is not bound by the walls of a classroom. Both qualitative and longitudinal studies of college students reveal consistent results. For example, women’s attitudes, interest in social issues, and political involvements were shaped by college peers at Bennington College and these dispositions were sustained and reinforced throughout their adult lives (Newcomb, 1943; Newcomb, Koenig, Flacks, & Warwick, 1967; Alwin, Cohen, & Newcomb, 1991). Research on contemporary college students reveals that interactions with peers (and the characteristics of peers in particular colleges) have a significant influence on a wide range of outcomes that include aspirations, beliefs, cultural awareness, and values (Astin, 1993). Moreover, the college peer group influenced commitment to civic or political engagement, which is often a precursor to participation in a democracy. A qualitative study of student learning outside the classroom identified a host of outcomes that students learned directly from peers, including knowledge acquisition (e.g., content, concepts, and vocabulary), academic skills (learning how to learn from their peers), selfawareness, confidence, and altruism (Kuh, 1993). Students also often reported learning from and gaining experience with people of different racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds.
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Evidence is beginning to converge on the role of diverse peers in creating a broad range of educational outcomes relevant to the current study. Students who reported interactions with diverse peers (in terms of race, interests, and values) showed a greater openness to diverse perspectives and a willingness to challenge their own beliefs after the first year of college (Pascarella, Edison, Nora, Hagedorn, & Terenzini, 1996). Researchers also found students who interacted with diverse peers report more frequent discussion of complex social issues, including such things as the economy and major social issues such as peace, human rights equality, and justice (Springer, 1995). These studies indicate that students who interact with diverse peers may demonstrate more complex thinking that is linked with both cognitive and social development. Utilizing three distinct longitudinal college student cohorts that participated in the College Student Survey and the Cooperative Institutional Research Program’s (CIRP) surveys, several studies show student interaction with racially diverse peers is associated with increases in cultural knowledge and understanding, leadership abilities, and commitment to promoting racial understanding (Milem, 1994; Hurtado, 2001; Antonio, 1998). These outcomes can be considered as important values, skills, and knowledge for living in a diverse society. Another CIRP study (Chang, 1996) identified a link between interactions among diverse students – particularly discussing racial issues and socializing with someone from a different race – and student performance and persistence in college, intellectual self-confidence, and social self-confidence. Hurtado (2001) examined the effect of studying with a diverse peer and found the strongest effects on civic outcomes, including acceptance of people from different races and cultures, increases in cultural awareness, tolerance of people with different beliefs, and leadership ability. There were also strong relationships with learning and work-related outcomes such as critical thinking skills, the ability to work cooperatively, and interpersonal skills. These effects of studying with a diverse peer held, regardless of the type of college attended or student ability. Taken together, these findings, derived from several different national databases, provide consistent evidence for the importance of interaction with diverse peers during college. It should be noted, however, that institutional conditions and practices must encourage and foster interaction across different groups because students are likely to find greater initial comfort and familiarity in homogeneous peer groups (Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pederson, & Allen, 1999). Preliminary evidence reveals that the most effective forms of informal interaction with diverse peers reflect engagement on a range of topics, as well as
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participation in formal educational activities such as courses addressing social diversity, intergroup dialogues, or race awareness workshops designed to increase communication (Gurin, Peng, Lopez, & Nagda, 2000; Springer, Palmer, Terenzini, Pascarella, & Nora, 1996; Chang, 1996; Antonio, 1998). These studies set the stage for examining a variety of diversity experiences in relation to a set of educational outcomes that address skills necessary to participate in a diverse democracy.
METHOD Classroom-Based Study It is important to monitor a range of outcomes designed to capture several dimensions of cognitive and social development because students develop along multiple dimensions during college (Chickering & Reisser, 1991), and any single college environmental variable of interest (e.g., programs and curriculum) can affect a variety of student outcomes (Astin & Panos, 1971). In addition, although most college effect sizes are small (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991), what is most important is the opportunity to observe a pattern of consistent effects across a broad range of outcomes. The classroom-based studies of the Diverse Democracy project provide an opportunity to assess the value of different types of measures, particularly for standard instruments that are sometimes very difficult to obtain for ‘‘highly mobile’’ college students. A total of 289 students were recruited through the University of Michigan Psychology Pool. Students in the pool are drawn from all introductory psychology courses (111, 112, 114, and 115); the course requires students to complete 5 h of experiment sessions or an alternate written assignment. Introductory psychology students are primarily in their first stages of taking college courses and, as it turns out, approximately 87 percent of the students were in their first or second year at the University. Slightly more than half of the student sample was composed of women (53 percent) and about 24 percent identified as students of color (African American, Asian American, Latino, or Native American). As in most introductory courses, students had varying levels of exposure to diversity. Approximately 80 percent grew up in mostly white neighborhoods and about 68 percent claimed their friends were mostly white or nearly all white. Approximately 75 percent had never participated in a diversity program, and only 24 percent had some experiential courses dealing with
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diversity. These results indicate that the majority of students were learning about diversity in college for the first time. This learning about diversity is occurring at the same time that students are learning to think, integrate differing points of view, and beginning to question the nature of knowledge. Information on cognitive tests were gathered from a range of sources, example questions were reviewed for specific instruments, and time and resources needed for administration were evaluated in the selection of the instruments. Three researchers reviewed all of the materials and met to discuss each instrument in several sessions. Materials were ordered from proprietors who designed and administer the California Critical Thinking Skills Test (CSST) and the California Critical Thinking Dispositions Inventory (CCTDI). We were limited by the number of ‘‘student hours’’ we could claim through the Psychology Pool so we opted for a 90 -min, ‘‘sit down’’ administration of four instruments. All students took the Classroom-Based Survey on Thinking and Interacting (CBSTI) and the CCTDI, which took approximately 10 and 25 min, respectively, to complete. The student sample was then randomly split, where 147 students took the Reasoning about Current Issues Test (RCI), which is the focus of a separate study, and another 142 students took the California Critical Thinking Skills Test. Each test took 45 min–1 h to complete. Students signed up to appear in a series of administrations that occurred over Winter and Spring terms in 2000. An instruction script was developed and delivered to each group of students who arrived for the tests. A monitor was in the room during each administration to answer questions, proceed according to established timing, record students who showed up for the tests (to assign course credit), and generally oversee administration. Measures Outcomes were developed for the study based on several previously tested measures and instruments. Specifically, several measures were included on the CBSTI survey, including measures of perspective-taking and attributional complexity (see Table 1). The perspective-taking measure was developed from Davis’s (1980) empathy studies, in which the measure reflects ‘‘a tendency or ability of the respondent to adopt the perspective, or point of view, of other people’’ (Davis, 1980, p. 4). Attributional complexity measures the level of complexity that students use to explain human behavior. It is subset of the 28-item Attributional Complexity scale developed by Fletcher, Danilovics, Fernandez, Peterson, and Reeder (1986).
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Table 1.
Measures in Classroom-Based Study I.
Outcomes
Independent Variables Background measures
PT AC TOTALDI OPENMIND
Perspective-taking Attributional complexity CCTDI total score
CONFID
CCTDI openmindedness CCTDI inquisitiveness CCTDI confidence
TOTALST
CCTST total score
INQUIZ
SEXMF RACED
Q03
Sex (1 male, 2 female) Race (1 white, 2 people of color) Race of neighborhood, school, friends Year at university
Q01
HS GPA
Q04
ACSLFCON
Academic self-confidence (scale) INFLSOC Goal to influence society (scale) Interaction behaviors PQUALINT NQUALINT
INTDIFNW INTWHITE Q11.02 Q09 Q11.03 Course-taking Q10.01 Q10.02 Q10.03
Positive quality of interaction (scale) Negative quality of interaction with diverse peers (scale) Amt. of interaction w/diff people of color (scale) Amt. of interaction w/whites (scale) Freq. frat/sorority activity Amt of exposure to diversity information Frequency discussing racial issues behaviors Enrolled ethnic studies Enrolled experiential course Enrolled interaction course
The CCTDI total score comes from a 75-item instrument consisting of seven subscales: open-mindedness, inquisitiveness, systematicity, analyticity, truth-seeking, critical thinking (CT), self-confidence, and cognitive maturity (Facione, Sanchez, Facione, & Galnen, 1995). We chose to conduct additional analyses on the open-mindedness, inquisitiveness, and self-confidence
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subscales, in addition to the total dispositions scale, because of their hypothesized relevance to skills necessary in a diverse workplace. In addition, students took the CCST, which also has subscales measuring analytical skills, evaluation, inference, deductive reasoning, and inductive reasoning. The CCST is a test of performance, while the dispositions inventory (CCTDI) provides information about the specific motivation behind individuals’ thinking process. The dispositions inventory explores a student’s capacity for active thinking or motivation to think and work in learning environments, providing more information about the thinking process than can be surmised from right or wrong answers on a skills test (Facione, Facione, & Giancarlo, 1996). Researchers refer to it as a ‘‘characteristic profileyset of intellectual virtuesyor group of habits of mind’’ that constitute the disposition to think critically (Facione et al., 1995). All of the independent variables in the study were measured on the CBSTI survey. These included demographic measures (gender and race); ability (high school GPA and academic self-confidence index); race of the neighborhood; years at the University; students’ desire to influence society; seven distinct measures of student interactions with different racial/ethnic groups; and course-related diversity learning.
FINDINGS Table 2 describes the factors scales developed for the study – all of which have reliabilities that range from 0.75 to 0.81. The multiple regression model explains between 17 and 35 percent of the variance across the seven dependent measures that include perspective-taking, attributional complexity, CT dispositions, the open-mindedness subscale, the inquisitiveness subscale, CT self-confidence subscale, and the actual test of critical thinking. The latter analyses were conducted with approximately half of the sample (the other half were instructed to take a different test that is the subject of a separate paper). These analyses are reported in Tables 3–6.
Student Background Factors Results indicate that females in the study typically scored higher than males on attributional complexity, the disposition to think critically as well as the open-mindedness, inquisitiveness, and self-confidence subscales of the CT dispositions inventory test. These gender differences are not unusual on many
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Table 2.
Perspective-taking Attributional complexity
Academic selfconfidence Positive interactions Negative interactions Desire to influence society
Factor Scales: CBSTI Survey. Scale Description
Alpha Reliability
7-Item scale reflecting ability to adopt the perspective of others (Davis, 1980) 12-Item scale reflecting level of complexity used to explain others’ behavior, a subset of the 28-item attributional complexity scale (Fletcher et al., 1986)
0.77
4-Item scale of self-ratings compared to peers in key academic areas 2-Item scale reflecting substantive interactions across race/ethnicity 2-Item scale reflecting conflict or negative interactions across race/ethnicity 4-Item scale reflecting personal importance of goals to influence society
0.81
0.80
0.77 0.76 0.75
developmental, social cognitive, and attitude measures regarding intergroup relations. White students scored higher than students of color on the CT selfconfidence subscale of CCTDI (Table 5) as well as the actual test of critical thinking (Table 6), and yet no significant racial/ethnic differences were evident regarding students’ perspective-taking, attributional complexity, or CT dispositions scores. Students who believed they were above average in comparison to their peers on academic issues (the academic self-confidence index) tended to score significantly higher on outcomes in the study with two notable exceptions, the perspective-taking index and open-mindedness subscale of the CCTDI. This suggests that students who are aware of their academic talent may have the capacity for critical and complex thinking, but are not more likely than other students to adopt some of the social cognitive skills that will help them to negotiate differing perspectives that result from distinct economic and sociohistorical experiences in a diverse democracy. Perhaps, the strongest predictor of the outcomes examined here has much to do with entering students’ goals and values that suggest a capacity for thinking about the public good and civic engagement. Specifically, students who indicated a strong desire to influence society scored higher on perspective-taking, attributional complexity, the CT dispositions inventory as well as the subscales of open-mindedness, inquisitiveness, and CT self-confidence. These students are not more likely than others, however, to
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Table 3. Predicting Perspective-Taking and Attributional Complexity Indices. Perspective-Taking (B)
b
Attributional Complexity (B)
b
Background Sex (1 ¼ male, 2 ¼ female) Race (1 ¼ white, 2 ¼ SOC) Race of neighborhood Year at university High school GPA Academic self-confidence Desire to influence society
0.63 1.17 0.22 0.55 0.44 0.15 0.40
0.07 0.11 0.06 0.10 0.09 0.08 0.26
4.04 1.52 0.09 0.39 0.22 0.44 0.65
0.28 0.09 0.02 0.04 0.03 0.15 0.27
0.09 0.18
0.05 0.07
0.08 0.11
0.02 0.02
0.53 0.03 0.13
0.07 0.01 0.02
1.00 0.03 0.37
0.08 0.01 0.04
0.08 2.85
0.01 0.23
0.01 0.32 0.32 22.59
0.00 0.02 0.02
Quality of interactions Positive quality Negative quality Amount of interactions With different SOC With white students With frat/sorority General interactions Exposure to diversity info Discussed racial issues
0.32 1.31
0.06 0.16
Enrolled diverse curriculum Ethnic studies Course w/diversity exp Course w/interaction (constant) Multiple R R squared Adjusted R squared Standard error F N po0.05; po0.01; po0.001.
0.06 1.09 1.02 17.06
0.01 0.10 0.11 0.41 0.17 0.11 4.41 3.00 268
0.51 0.27 0.21 6.40 5.18 262
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Table 4.
Predicting Critical Thinking Dispositions and OpenMindedness Subscale. CT Dispositions (B)
b
Open-Mindedness (B)
b
Background Sex (1 ¼ male, 2 ¼ female) Race (1 ¼ white, 2 ¼ SOC) Race of neighborhood Year at university High school GPA Academic self-confidence Desire to influence society
8.82 3.95 2.41 0.38 0.20 4.19 2.19
0.17 0.06 0.11 0.01 0.01 0.39 0.25
2.42 1.81 0.30 0.40 0.01 0.09 0.44
0.21 0.13 0.06 0.06 0.00 0.04 0.22
0.05 1.71
0.00 0.11
0.19 0.15
0.07 0.04
2.80 1.53 6.47
0.06 0.09 0.20
1.27 0.53 1.13
0.13 0.14 0.16
Quality of interactions Positive quality Negative quality Amount of interactions With different SOC With white students With frat/sorority General interactions Exposure to diversity info Discussed racial issues
0.43 3.61
0.01 0.08
0.18 0.77
0.02 0.07
Enrolled diverse curriculum Ethnic studies Course w/diversity exp Course w/interaction constant Multiple R R squared Adjusted R squared Standard error F N po0.05; po0.01; po0.001.
0.05 2.62 5.20 172.25
0.00 0.04 0.10 0.59 0.35 0.31 22.14 8.03 270
0.92 0.02 0.49 21.89
0.08 0.00 0.04 0.47 0.22 0.17 5.37 4.27 270
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Table 5.
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Predicting Inquisitiveness and CT Self-Confidence Subscales. Inquisitiveness (B)
CT Self-Confidence b
(B)
b
Background Sex (1 ¼ male, 2 ¼ female) Race (1 ¼ white, 2 ¼ SOC) Race of neighborhood Year at university High school GPA Academic self-confidence Desire to influence society
2.88 0.06 0.61 0.28 0.28 0.99 0.43
0.24 0.00 0.12 0.04 0.05 0.41 0.21
1.72 3.39 0.47 0.60 0.75 1.07 0.47
0.13 0.22 0.09 0.08 0.11 0.41 0.21
0.09 0.19
0.04 0.05
0.24 0.42
0.09 0.11
1.54 0.09 1.28
0.15 0.02 0.17
0.07 0.16 0.83
0.01 0.04 0.10
0.15 0.16
0.02 0.02
0.49 1.60 0.67 20.22
0.04 0.11 0.05
Quality of interactions Positive quality Negative quality Amount of interactions With different SOC With white students With frat/sorority General interactions Exposure to diversity info Discussed racial issues
0.29 1.28
0.04 0.11
Enrolled diverse curriculum Ethnic studies Course w/diversity Exp Course w/interaction constant Multiple R R squared Adjusted R squared Standard error F N po0.05; po0.01; po0.001.
0.56 0.32 0.27 5.15 6.90 270
0.24 0.87 1.58 21.89
0.02 0.06 0.12 0.58 0.34 0.30 5.49 7.67 270
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Table 6.
Predicting Critical Thinking Test Scores (Total). (B)
b Sig.
Background Sex (1 ¼ male, 2 ¼ female) Race (1 ¼ white, 2 ¼ SOC) Race of neighborhood Year at university High school GPA Academic self-confidence Desire to influence society
0.02 2.42 0.32 0.36 0.37 0.55 0.08
0.00 0.24 0.09 0.07 0.08 0.30 0.05
0.20 0.75
0.11 0.21
0.78 0.10 1.21
0.11 0.04 0.23
0.96 0.12 18.13
0.17 0.02
Quality of interactions Positive quality Negative quality Amount of interactions With different SOC With white students With frat/sorority General interactions Exposure to diversity info Discussed racial issues constant Multiple R R squared Adjusted R squared Standard error F N
0.56 0.32 0.24 3.81 3.98 134
po0.05; po0.01; po0.001.
score higher on the actual test of critical thinking, which measures such skills as logic and deduction.
Diversity Experiences on Campus We examined seven different measures of students’ interactions with diversity on campus in an attempt to understand more precisely the nature and
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frequency of students’ diversity experiences in relation to the outcomes in the study. In terms of quality of interactions, we found that students who reported tense and hostile experiences with someone from a different racial/ ethnic background also tended to score significantly lower on the actual test of critical thinking, the CT dispositions inventory, and the CT selfconfidence subscale. Because of the cross-sectional nature of the data, we do not know whether their troublesome interactions with diverse peers led to a retreat into dispositions resistant to cognitive development, or whether their lack of cognitive skill actually hinders their capacity for productive intergroup relations. We suspect it is a bit of both and that the impact is reciprocal. One of the most intriguing findings of the study has to do with students’ frequency of interactions with various peer groups. Students who reported frequent interactions with students of color scored higher on the openmindedness and inquisitiveness subscales of the CT dispositions inventory. In contrast, students who reported frequent interactions with fraternity or sorority group members tended to score significantly lower on the actual test of critical thinking, the CT dispositions inventory, and the subscales of open-mindedness and inquisitiveness. In practice, this particular peer group maintains its social boundaries by attracting members and aspirants who are much like them in terms of social standing and perspectives. It is not surprising that this peer group should demonstrate such strong effects during the first years of college, given students’ desire for affiliation and identification with ‘‘like-minded’’ peers (Pascarella et al., 1996). The notorious behaviors associated with the use and abuse of alcohol and hazing incidents in some of these organizations also suggest abandonment of logic and capacities for thinking in general. In terms of general interactions, students who frequently discussed racial issues with peers scored significantly higher on attributional complexity, perspective-taking, and the CT self-confidence scale. This suggests that students who engage with others on seemingly controversial and contemporary topics have both the self-confidence and capacity for sociocentric development that demonstrate a concern with general social issues rather than a concern with one’s own world and immediate social group (Enright, Lapsley, & Shukla, 1979). A small but significant negative effect was evident regarding exposure to diversity information and scores on the actual critical thinking test. It may be that students who are not critical thinkers believe they are receiving too much diversity information, as exposure to diversity issues can be rejected by those who prefer not to acknowledge social differences and inequalities.
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It is interesting to note that contrary to previous longitudinal studies of the effect of diversity courses (Gurin et al., 2002; Smith & Associates, 1997), enrollment in such courses did not appear to have significant effects on the observed outcomes. This may be because most students had not yet taken a diversity course and we may not expect to see the immediate effects of course enrollment in a student’s second term in college. However, one suppressor effect was evident: a small but significant negative relationship was evident among students’ taking a course with a diversity experience and their scores on the inquisitiveness scale. It should be noted that this is only after taking into account the amount of interaction students have with students of color, which is a key feature of such courses that has a positive and strong, significant effect on inquisitiveness. So in fact, it is not merely taking such a course but the interactions that students have with diverse peers that are positively associated with inquisitiveness.
CONCLUSION The challenge for educators is to better prepare students for living and working in a pluralistic democracy. College students who develop a societal perspective, complex thinking skills, and the capacity to evaluate alternative perspectives on complex social problems may be more able to take on roles as workers, decision-makers, and citizens in a pluralistic democracy. A study by the RAND Institute indicated that the business community identified highly valued cognitive and social skills, which are desired among employees, including the ability to work effectively in groups with others of diverse backgrounds, openness to new ideas and perspectives, and empathy with other worker’s perspectives (Bikson & Law, 1994). The research project on Preparing College Students for a Diverse Democracy was a campus collaborative focused on this newly articulated set of cognitive, social, and democratic skills as outcomes of undergraduate education. The results of the classroom-based study are highly suggestive of how students’ diversity experiences (or lack thereof), cognitive skills, and civic capacities are linked via the learning that students acquire in interaction with college peers.
Incorporating Diversity as a Vehicle for Learning Both the developing theory and empirical results indicate generally that the nature of students’ interactions with diversity has implications for cognitive
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and social development. While the college curriculum may provide the theory and concepts necessary for understanding a multi-racial and multiethnic society, students’ experience with others of diverse backgrounds (inside and outside the classroom) provides an opportunity to practice living in a pluralistic democracy among ‘‘equal status’’ peers. In fact, it appears that curriculum is not enough – particularly in students’ early years of college when the cumulative effect of course learning and experience has yet to have an impact. With whom one is educated may be just as important as what courses are taken during college, as the college peer group has a powerful influence in sustaining resistance to or introducing significant challenges to an individual’s own worldview and cognitive development. This was particularly evident in the findings that revealed consistently low cognitive scores among students who had frequent interaction with members of fraternities and sororities, representing peer conformity and homogeneity. This finding regarding peer affiliation with Greek organizations has been supported by other studies of student willingness to be challenged and openness to diversity (Pascarella et al., 1996). Students who entered college with a strong desire to influence society were more likely to exhibit virtually all the outcomes that are deemed necessary to be successful in a pluralistic democracy. These students have the capacity for leadership with a broader vision of the world and their roles in it. Students already frequently engaged with students of color in the early years of college also demonstrated more open-mindedness and inquisitiveness. However, neither group is likely to score significantly higher on the actual test of critical thinking, indicating perhaps that the test may not capture some of the more complex thinking and social cognitive skills needed in a diverse democracy. In fact, simply producing bright students capable of critical thinking is not enough, as the study reveals that the most academically selfconfident students could score well on the test but were not more likely than others to see the world from someone else’s perspective or adopt a societal perspective on people’s behaviors. They may be missing some of the skills for citizenship in pluralistic democracy. Educators must help students to bridge social differences and challenge their worldviews, incorporating diversity as a vehicle for learning in undergraduate education. This can be done through pedagogy that incorporates engagement with diverse peers and attention to the climate for intergroup relations. The study suggests that hostile, tense intergroup relations among students on campus may be an indicator of static cognitive development in general and can hinder students’ subsequent capacities to function in an increasingly diverse workplace. In the same way that we propose not to
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leave learning to chance in higher education, we cannot leave the acquisition of critical skills for citizenship to chance that may help enact a vision of more equitable and inclusive society.
REFERENCES Allport, G. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Addison-Wesley. Alwin, D. F., Cohen, R. L., & Newcomb, T. M. (1991). Political attitudes over the life span: The Bennington women after fifty years. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press. Antonio, A. L. (1998). The impact of friendship groups in a multicultural university. University of California, Los Angeles: Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Astin, A. W. (1993). What matters in college: Four critical years revisited. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Astin, A. W., & Panos, R. J. (1969). The educational and vocational development of college students. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Bikson, T. K., & Law, S. A. (1994). Global preparedness and human resources. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Institute. Chang, M. (1996). Racial diversity in higher education: Does a racially mixed student population affect student outcomes? University of California, Los Angeles: Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Chickering, A., & Reisser, L. (1991). Education and identity. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Davis, M. H. (1980). A multidimensional approach to individual differences in empathy. JSAS Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology, 10, 85. Enright, R. D., Lapsley, D. K., & Shukla, D. G. (1979). Adolescent egocentrism in early and late adolescence. Adolescence, 14, 687–695. Facione, P. A., Facione, N. C., & Giancarlo, C. F. (1996). The motivation to think in working and learning. Setting Expectations for Student Learning, New Directions for Higher Education, 96(Winter), 67–79. Facione, P. A., Sanchez, C. A., Facione, N. C., & Galnen, J. (1995). The disposition to think critically. The Journal of General Education, 44(1), 1–25. Flacks, R., & Thomas, S. L. (1998). Most affluent students, a culture of disengagement. The Chronicle of Higher Education, XLV(14), A48. Fletcher, G. J. O., Danilovics, P., Fernandez, G., Peterson, D., & Reeder, G. D. (1986). Attributional complexity: An individual differences measure. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51(4), 875–884. Gurin, P., Dey, E. L., Hurtado, S., & Gurin, G. (2002). Diversity and higher education: Theory and impact on educational outcomes. Harvard Educational Review, 72(3), 330–366. Gurin, P., Peng, T., Lopez, G., & Nagda, B.R. (2000). Context, identity, and intergroup relations. In: D. Prentice & D. Miller (Eds.), Cultural divides: The social psychology of intergroup contact (pp. 133–170) New York: Russell Sage. Hurtado, S. (2001). Linking diversity with educational purpose: How the diversity impacts the classroom environment and student development. In: G. Orfield (Ed.), Diversity challenged: Legal crisis and new evidence. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Publishing Group. Hurtado, S., Milem, J. F., Clayton-Pederson, A., & Allen, W. A. (1999). Enacting diverse learning environments: Improving the campus climate for racial/ethnic diversity in higher education. ASHE-ERIC Series. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
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Kuh, G. D. (1993). In their own words: What students learn outside the classroom. American Educational Research Journal, 30(2), 277–304. Milem, J. F. (1994). College, students, and racial understanding. Thought & Action, 9(2), 51–92. Muuss, R. E. (1988). Theories of adolescence (5th ed.). New York: Random House. Newcomb, T. (1943). Personality and social change: Attitude formation in a student community. New York: Dryden Press. Newcomb, T., Koenig, K. E., Flacks, R., & Warwick, D. P. (1967). Persistence and change: Bennington College and its students after 25 years. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Orfield, G., Bachmeier, M. D., James, D. R., & Eitle, T. (1997). Deepening segregation in American public schools: A special report from the Harvard Project on School Desegregation. Equity & Excellence in Education, 30(2), 5–24. Pascarella, E. T., Edison, M., Nora, A., Hagedorn, L. S., & Terenzini, P. T. (1996). Influences on students’ openness to diversity and challenge in the first year of college. Journal of Higher Education, 67(2), 174–195. Pascarella, E. T., & Terenzini, P. T. (1991). How college affects students. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Piaget, J. (1975). The equilibration of cognitive structures: The central problem of intellectual development. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Smith, D. G., & Associates. (1997). Diversity works: The emerging picture of how students benefit. Washington, DC: Association of American College and Universities. Springer, L. (1995). Do white students perceive racism towards minority students on predominantly white campuses? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, CA. Springer, L., Palmer, B., Terenzini, P. T., Pascarella, E. T., & Nora, A. (1996). Attitudes toward campus diversity: Participation in a racial or cultural awareness workshop. The Review of Higher Education, 20(1), 53–68.
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PROMOTING STUDENT PARTICIPATION IN SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, ENGINEERING AND MATHEMATICS CAREERS Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth INTRODUCTION Within the next decade, countries like the U.S. will face a daunting challenge to increase the preparation of students in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) to meet expected workforce demands for nearly 2.2 million more trained professionals in these fields (National Science Board, 2004, pp. 3–7). The U.S. also needs to ensure that its STEM workforce also represents women and students from African American, Chicano and Latino origins – individuals who historically have been underrepresented in the sciences but who now comprise a growing percent of the K-12 pipeline and of the diverse population who will use STEM knowledge and applications in the future. The discussion on how universities and tertiary institutions may foster interest among students to persist in preparation for STEM careers illustrates the necessity for new approaches by higher education to develop human capital in strategic ways to improve knowledge-based economies of the world. Specifically, developing a framework to improve the numbers of Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 269–282 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05013-8
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students completing STEM degrees at the undergraduate level – as attempted in this chapter – requires an integrated and intersegmental approach to educational achievement. Universities are in an enviable position to organize major pieces of a talent development model for the sciences given their foci on critical inquiry and knowledge dissemination across multiple STEM disciplines as well as their grounding principles to nurture student development for societal benefit. The ideas highlighted in this chapter draw from disciplinary research and educational philosophy to organize a framework for future study and policy development to increase STEM career preparation among students in today’s academic pipeline. A first step in building an effective framework to guide current and future study on scientific talent development is to understand the trends concerning career development in STEM fields. My discussion is organized around three major questions: What talent development models positively impact the broadest public sector to increase undergraduate student preparation and participation in STEM fields? What factors promote student persistence specifically in STEM fields? What roles may our undergraduate institutions play to further develop our STEM talent pool? The research and policy agenda discussed as part of this preliminary exploration aims to identify the most effective use of resources at the postsecondary level to increase the numbers of undergraduates who matriculate and persist in STEM majors.
CAREER APPROACHES FOR ROBUST SCIENCE AND INCLUSIVENESS When discussing the critical question of who is represented in the science talent pool, the paucity of women and students from African American, American Indian, Chicano and Latino backgrounds in these careers illustrates both a challenge and an opportunity for the U.S. to increase all aspects of economic and public health by prioritizing inclusion as part of the career development strategy for STEM fields. With women representing more than half of high school graduates in the country and one in four representing African American, American Indian or Hispanic origins, priorities to develop future generations of scientists require involvement of these students at precollege and University levels in STEM preparation (Vetter, 1994). At the opposite end of the career spectrum, comparisons that Caucasians comprise 82 percent of the STEM workforce compared to
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African Americans, American Indians and Chicanos/Latinos, each comprising 3 percent, speak of the persistent underrepresentation of diverse talent pools in the STEM workforce (National Science Foundation, 2000). Our mandate to attract more diverse constituents into STEM careers calls for our diverse public to engage in scientific inquiry and to benefit from multiple perspectives that enhance our scientific discoveries and applications. This mandate – suggests that the most effective strategies adopted for career development for the sciences will focus on inclusive learning and mentorship. Overall philosophies about general and scientific career development enhance our understanding of the models needed to increase STEM career participation. A first step in any career process involves identification of the key career field or reference group that will shape one’s educational plan. As suggested by Merton and Rossi (1950), ‘‘anticipatory socialization’’, or assuming behaviors and characteristics associated with a group prior to actual membership in the reference group, is fundamental to an individual’s understanding and transition into future roles and responsibilities (p. 87). While anticipatory socialization certainly can be an intentional strategy adopted by students with interests in specific career areas, the process also may be initiated or enhanced by institutional efforts to familiarize student populations with specific career opportunities. Classes and experiences such as campus visits and later, involvement in peer networking during college enrollment, facilitate ‘‘getting ready’’ for future transition to college and promote ‘‘majoring in’’ behaviors once at college to increase student likelihood for persistence to graduation (Attinasi, 1989, p. 267). College is an important time when students take the opportunity to explore various majors for study and career participation. Through their associations with parents, peers and teachers (precollege and during college), students identify reference groups for their continued engagement and learning (Weidman, 1989). Since the majority of time spent during college often involves engagement with one’s peers for study or discussion, it is not surprising that the peer group is found to function as the primary source of influence on students in college (Astin, 1993), often functioning as an ‘‘insulating subsystem’’ to prevent ongoing interaction with peers outside of one’s reference group (Levine, 1966). Understanding the give-and-take between students or career aspirants and their reference groups encourages us to see career development as a dynamic and shifting process. On one side of the scale, reference groups and the institutions organized by them exhibit characteristics and provide cultural cues about the characteristics that their members share. For example,
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one commonly observes work settings with either prescriptive manuals or informal mentoring structures to initiate new members into rites of passage to understand and adopt organizational practices promoting congruity and reducing attrition from the organization (Schneider, 1983). On the other side of the scale, individuals aspiring to a given reference group internalize the lessons learned from associations with referent group members, but individuals also act with agency to develop independent strategies for successful interaction (Bandura, 1997). These individuals use agency ‘‘to behave differently from what environmental factors dictate rather than inevitably yield to them,’’ building cognitive models that guide later decision-making and learning processes (Bandura, 1997, p. 35). It is by understanding the dynamic nature of interactions among individuals in reference groups or in organizations that we can develop more inclusive approaches to career guidance and systemic mentoring programs. Specifically, theories of person-organization fit (P-O fit) allows us to examine congruence between people and organizations when: ‘‘(a) at least one entity provides what the other needs, or (b) they share similar fundamental characteristics, or (c) both’’ (Kristoff, 1996, p. 50). These theories have broad applications to understand the combined influences of personal and situational factors on such outcomes as stress (Pervin, 1968), satisfaction (Olsen, Maple, & Stage, 1995), socialization (Chatman, 1991) and attrition (Schneider, 1983). P-O fit also provides us with a unique lens to examine how to provide inclusive frameworks to attract, mentor and support student development in STEM fields. P-O fit applied to science career development would translate to (1) individual aspirants understanding various career opportunities and engaging productively with mentors and STEM associates to gain personal insight on the rewarding careers available and (2) institutional members and organizations such as higher education laying the groundwork for long-term partnerships to inspire student career interest at earlier points in the academic pipeline and to provide advising, mentoring and skill development tools to ensure rigorous academic preparation among students at each point in the pipeline. The research and ideas discussed here concerning career development models are suggested as an overarching guide to researchers and practitioners in how they examine student transition across the entire educational spectrum in preparation for STEM careers. In addition, this chapter will identify the impact that policies will have on creating a healthier dynamic with groups currently underrepresented in STEM fields and the professional organizations that can facilitate their access and successful transition into STEM careers.
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FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH STUDENT PERSISTENCE IN STEM FIELDS As shown in many studies on U.S. talent development in the sciences, who stays in the academic pipeline to pursue STEM careers is often the result of who received early exposure to career possibilities in the sciences to prepare for successful transition across the academic pipeline for science participation (Astin & Astin, 1992; Oakes, 1990; Seymour, 1995). Trends on student performance in science and math show problematic academic preparation that contributes to successive attrition from STEM fields at critical points in the academic pipeline: from preparation and proficiency in elementary grades, and course completion and proficiency in secondary school, to matriculation and completion of degrees in undergraduate majors to help students transition to graduate study and professional work experiences. At the elementary school level, U.S. students perform slightly better than the international average in mathematics and science in 4th grade, but this international standing declines in 8th and 12th grades (National Science Board, 2004; U.S. Department of Education, 1995). Fig. 1 illustrates international assessments of math and science abilities, showing the number of countries with student scores lower than the U.S. declines by grade 12. Data show that STEM majors often complete more rigorous curriculum in high school but that issues of tracking and educational access exacerbate an achievement gap between minority and majority students (Oakes, 1990). Specifically, students who identify as African American, American Indian, Chicano and Latino often are not prepared in calculus, chemistry and physics for college pursuit of STEM majors because their performance, without support or adequate teaching expertise at points as early as elementary school, sorted them out of consideration for these college preparatory courses (Oakes, 1990). Women also may track out of STEM careers by taking fewer STEM prerequisite courses and losing interest in science as their career aspirations, although young girls show science aptitude similar to young boys through secondary school (Oakes, 1990). In general, research suggests that completion of more rigorous curriculum in secondary school (college preparatory courses) positively correlates with a variety of achievement outcomes, including higher scores on standardized college entrance tests such as the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) quantitative section (Alexander, Cook, & McDill, 1978) and more years of education completed (Jencks & Brown, 1975). Specific to students interested in STEM majors, rigorous curriculum taken in high school positively
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associates with STEM majors selected in college (Maple & Stage, 1991) and with undergraduate degree persistence (Hilton, Hsia, Cheng, & Miller, 1995). In degree selection, sophomore choice of field of study and senior math and science courses completed are significant predictors across majority and minority groups examined by gender, and having positive math attitudes was an additional factor positively associated in African American males and females (Maple & Stage, 1991). Educators have long recognized that secondary students may have different experiences and different access to rigorous course opportunities, particularly in math and science. The probability to achieve in STEM fields depends on student access and completion of rigorous gateway courses in math and science. Independent examinations of course-taking probabilities in high schools have shown that course placement generally matches student demonstrated abilities, but these probabilities varied widely by school (Garet & Delany, 1988). Moreover, general math tracking substantially impeded student access and enrollment in subsequent college preparatory courses (White, Gamoran, Smithson, & Porter, 1996). Garet and Delany (1988) suggest that in their specific study where tracking was not explicitly present, the findings suggested a ‘‘microstructure’’ in the stratification of high schools where positions (courses) were offered and students were sorted into these created positions (pp. 73–75).
THE IMPACT AND PROMISE OF COLLEGE ENVIRONMENTS TO INCREASE STEM PARTICIPATION College participation in STEM majors is a critical point where the supply and continued development of our talent pool for the sciences occur. Research suggests that poor academic advising, ‘‘chilly’’ campus climates toward women and minorities, and other negative characteristics associated with our academic institutions reduce the average number of students pursuing STEM majors in college from one in four to less than one in seven (Astin & Astin, 1992). While early preparation and achievement in science and math are fundamental for students to increase their interest, content knowledge and academic self-confidence to persist in challenging curriculum throughout and beyond high school, successful validating and anticipatory socialization experiences during college enable women and students of color to persist toward undergraduate completion in STEM majors.
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Among students in U.S. colleges and universities, growing cohorts comprise ‘‘second tiers’’ of students whose initial interests and abilities in the sciences decreased as a direct result of their campus experiences (Tobias, 1990). These students tell ‘‘war stories’’ where they identify feeling disconnected and even marginalized from their STEM majority group members, even when embracing shared values and passions for scientific inquiry (Seymour, 1995, pp. 451–452). Even research on graduate students pursuing STEM majors are rife with examples of how ‘‘different’’ persisters may feel from their reference group of peers once gender and race are considered. In one qualitative study on graduate women in mathematics, students readily describe the difference between their outlooks on life and the sexism encountered from peers and faculty at the undergraduate and graduate levels (Stage & Maple, 1996). In this sense, the very culture of STEM disciplines conflicts with student motivations to pursue science. Undergraduates who do persist toward degree attainment in STEM fields report stronger academic preparation buoyed by stronger intrinsic interest in their fields of study and more quality instruction received from experienced and knowledgeable STEM faculty than reported by non-persisting peers (Hilton et al., 1995). Undergraduate persisters in STEM majors also engage in scientific inquiry, via research and other experiences, and these activities broaden their knowledge base and strengthen their networking among colleagues across common interests. While potential for student achievement is associated with achievement demonstrated at earlier points in the academic pipeline, higher educational practitioners can adopt practices to increase the support services, mentoring and institutional responses to previously marginalized student groups to create more inclusive learning environments in the sciences. As an educator, I recognize that while student attrition is never good news, it is particularly poignant to hear perceptions from entire cohorts of students – women and minorities mostly – who admit to a ‘‘cultural disconnect’’ with how science is articulated and pursued at their institutions. Such poor fit on values can derail the most industrious student from his or her career pursuits, siphoning off in the process valuable resources of time, money and self-worth that neither student nor mentor may regain quickly. For the remainder of this discussion, I will draw upon findings from an earlier study of value congruence or P-O fit between STEM undergraduate majors and their peer environments. I believe that this examination, considered through the lens of the literature on career development and factors promoting positive outcomes for STEM majors, will highlight a framework for future study and policy action on this issue at postsecondary institutions.
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PERSON-ORGANIZATION FIT AND STEM PERSISTENCE In considering the specific circumstance of P-O fit, I examined how student value congruence with peers from their respective academic institutions would affect persistence to degree completion. A major consideration in considering diverse values represented among STEM and non-STEM majors revolved around the conscious actions and philosophies that guided student engagement on the campus. Given a specific interest to examine factors promoting educational persistence among students from African American, American Indian and Chicano/Latino origins, I quantitatively measured the level of social integration that often characterizes the ways in which students orient themselves to campus settings – connecting with peers with similar social consciousness that validates their beliefs in activism and other collective activities (Gurin & Epps, 1975). Similarly, I considered academic integration measures that contributed to the general interpersonal and academic skill sets required for all students to negotiate campus environments successfully while strengthening one’s content mastery and affiliations with their campuses to encourage persistence (Allen, 1992; Astin, 1993; Tinto, 1993). My study results showed that academic achievement (grades and standardized test scores) and degree aspirations as freshmen to major in STEM fields were positively associated with persistence in these majors as graduating college seniors, as were important measures of institutional climates and P-O fit (Bonous-Hammarth, 2000). In addition, Caucasian student persistence in STEM majors was negatively associated with social integration congruence. In other words, white students with value congruence to pursue activism, where this value was strong among peer groups on their campuses, were less likely to persist in STEM majors. Of equal importance, student persistence in STEM majors was negatively associated with highly selective institutional environments for African Americans, American Indians and Chicanos/Latinos. Forming the dynamic glue necessary to influence retention at postsecondary institutions are the formal and informal social values on which students align with their environments as well as the formal and informal academic engagement which characterizes the educational settings in which students learn (Tinto, 1993). Applied to my findings, this framework obviously suggests direct influences between student interest/motivation to persist in college (and to remain in STEM careers) and their environments to shape actual degree completion in desired majors. In addition, Tinto’s framework sheds further understanding on why an intrinsic connection to science may be particularly significant to increase retention among undergraduate students.
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In the case of African American, American Indian and Chicano/Latino students, a cultural disconnect, either from inadequate academic preparation or from perceptions that their selective institutions are ‘‘unwise’’ or skewed toward majority culture values, disrupts academic progress and retention for science careers. If the cultural disconnect stems from the former problem of inadequate preparation, academic interventions may resolve performance issues to help these students fit better into their respective learning communities. However, if students feel marginalized and disconnected from their respective campus values, these institutions have put their abilities under suspicion, deflected their ambitions, distanced them from their successes, and painted them with their failures. Black students on today’s campuses may experience far less overt prejudice than their 1950s counterparts but, ironically, may be more racially vulnerable (Steele, 1992, p. 15).
While the experiences of the Caucasian students who learned among strong activist peers did not match the experiences of the minority culture students at selective institutions, then face a type of disconnect with traditional ways in which we characterize science inquiry. The congruence that Caucasian students felt with their peers indicated such activism or other relevant social integration values detracted from degree completion in STEM majors. On the one hand, the results could suggest a need for better time management to help all students successfully engage in a range of activities associated with either scientific inquiry or activism. However, the findings also suggest examining the disciplinary cultures that may fail to promote social consciousness on a scale to help diverse students fit into their academic settings.
IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH AND POLICY ACTION As suggested by the literature, higher education may increase the production of STEM undergraduates by fostering early interest and rigorous academic preparation for these majors, and by implementing institutional strategies to facilitate a level of validation and congruence between students, particularly women and minorities, and their disciplinary pursuits. We know that students who select STEM majors seek credentials and development opportunities required for a range of highly skilled professions (e.g., medical and veterinary sciences, research, teaching). These students are socialized into future professional responsibilities through various interactions with faculty, practitioners and peers. However, if we develop a more
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inclusive view of career development, our institutions can also consider ways to foster understanding about diversity and to ensure representation of diverse voices that will nurture cultural competence among students. For example, Orfield and Whitla (1999) found that future lawyers valued and developed more extensive skills sets through inclusive training experiences with diverse clientele. The same would be true for future physicians, future researchers and a host of other professionals who benefit from global perspectives and global connections to shape their sense-making and approaches to scientific inquiry. Future research is challenged to better understand the particular and significant levels of influence from specific and general referent groups. Previous findings show that the strongest influence on students during college is the college experience itself. However, future research can determine if the specific type of influence from college subgroups (e.g., peers enrolled in current major, faculty teaching core classes, support group peers) and timing of influence (e.g., first year, graduating year) have the most potent effect on outcomes such as achievement and retention. Can positive influences from college subgroups be structured more effectively to provide advising and mentoring that facilitate value congruence and agency to improve student persistence and satisfaction? Future research should also differentiate shades of cultural disconnect originating from individual opinions in general and those derived from specific institutional cultures and climates that make learning in pluralistic societies untenable. Educators who want to encourage broader participation among women and minorities in STEM careers will need to understand the ways in which perceptions concerning ‘‘Eurocentric’’ views of science validate some individuals while marginalizing others to the point of disinterest or disengagement, even leading to pervasive institutional racism or sexism. As suggested by Harding (1992), a thoughtful appreciation of these postcolonial analyses could focus, for example, on ways in which the advance of science and of social justice are positively and negatively linked; characteristics of the rationality of individual belief sorters and of a particular scientific enterprise as a wholey[among other items] (p. 317).
If certain approaches to scientific inquiry are based solely on majority orientation, can we credit ourselves with exploring the best methods of scientific inquiry and knowledge application? Can we equip future generations of scholars with the tools they will need to function and address critical resource shortages, collaborative imperatives and increasingly complex research questions in a global village?
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The discussions on next steps for the research agenda naturally raise policy implications. In launching effective career strategies to impact precollege student preparation in a holistic manner, would higher education need to convey more collaborative and less hierarchical considerations? For example, an inclusive career strategy requires our members to prioritize intersegmental collaboratives at a time in U.S. policy when resources are more restricted than ever. If higher education will reap the benefits of more prepared students in the sciences, our expectation must be that everyone at the table is accountable and that everyone is at the table. An additional policy consideration must include approaching new efforts and initiatives with shared levels of openness and evaluation. Openness is required to ensure that untried strategies with demonstrated rationale gain the same funding consideration as proven strategies for majority students. For example, accepting a rationale for mentoring programs based on psychoanalytic feminist perspectives to female students interested in the social applications of science adopts a stance that dissolves the universal or one approach to problem solving (Rosser, 1998). Providing additional internship years or other opportunities for previously marginalized students to engage more fully in professional socialization should also be considered although its timing may be outside of traditional opportunities for undergraduate research and internship experiences. In short, the review of literature and discussion in this chapter highlights a need to move policy in multiple directions to address the increased complexity in career development in STEM fields. At a time when disciplinary lines are blurring and approaches to learning are mandated to expand globally, our institutions of higher education are equipped to move beyond traditions and practices set by an elite few (Zuckerman, 1977) and to open the borders that will increase student persistence and student satisfaction with science career values. Effective partnerships with elementary and secondary schools to promote interest in STEM careers and diligent advising and program efforts during the undergraduate years to promote information and preparation for graduate and professional study are key tactics to improve our responsiveness and to build human capital for current and future science participation.
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Allen, W. R. (1992). The color of success: African American college student outcomes at predominantly white and historically Black public colleges and universities. Harvard Educational Review, 62(1), 26–44. Astin, A. W. (1993). What matters in college? Four critical years revisited. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Astin, A. W., & Astin, H. S. (1992). Undergraduate science education: The impact of different college environments on the educational pipeline in the sciences. Los Angeles: UCLA Higher Education Research Institute. Attinasi, L. (1989). Getting in: Chicanos’ perceptions of university going with implications for freshman year persistence. Dissertation: University of Michigan, MI. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy. New York: W. H. Freeman & Co. Bonous-Hammarth, M. (2000). Pathways to success: Affirming opportunities for science, mathematics and engineering majors. The Journal of Negro Education, 69(1–2), 92–111. Chatman, J. A. (1991). Matching people and organizations: Selection and socialization in public accounting firms. Administrative Science Quarterly, 36, 459–484. Garet, M. S., & Delany, B. (1988). Students, courses and stratification. Sociology of Education, 61(2), 61–77. Gurin, P., & Epps, E. (1975). Black consciousness, identity and achievement of students in historically Black colleges. New York: Wiley. Harding, S. (1992). After Eurocentrism: Challenges for the philosophy of science. Proceedings from the biennial meeting of the Philosophy of Science Association (Vol. 2, pp. 311–319). Chicago, IL. Hilton, T. L., Hsia, J., Cheng, M. T., & Miller, J. (1995). Persistence in science of highability minority students: Phase IV second follow-up. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Service. Jencks, C. S., & Brown, M. D. (1975). Effects of high schools on their students. Harvard Educational Review, 46, 273–324. Kristoff, A. L. (1996). Person-organization fit: An integrative review of its conceptualizations, measurement and implications. Personnel Psychology, 49(1), 1–49. Levine, R. A. (1966). The American college experience as a socialization process. In: T. Newcomb (Ed.), College peer groups. Chicago: Aldine Publishing. Maple, S. A., & Stage, F. K. (1991). Influences on the choice of math/science major by gender and ethnicity. American Educational Research Journal, 28(1), 37–60. Merton, R. K., & Rossi, A. K. (1950). Contributions to the theory of reference group behavior. In: R. K. Merton & P. F. Lazarsfield (Eds), Continuities in social research (pp. 40–105). New York: The Free Press. National Science Board. (2004). Science and engineering indicators – 2002. Arlington, VA: National Science Foundation. National Science Foundation. (2000). Women, minorities and persons with disabilities in science and engineering – 2000. Arlington, VA: National Science Foundation. Oakes, J. (1990). Lost talent: The underparticipation of women, minorities and disabled persons in science. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. Olsen, D., Maple, S. A., & Stage, F. K. (1995). Women and minority faculty job satisfaction: Professional role interests, professional satisfactions and institutional fit. Journal of Higher Education, 66, 267–294. Orfield, G., & Whitla, D. (1999). Diversity and legal education: Student experiences in leading law schools. Cambridge, MA: The Civil Rights Project, Harvard University.
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Pervin, L. A. (1968). Performance and satisfaction as a function of individual-environment fit. Psychological Bulletin, 69, 56–68. Rosser, S. V. (1998). Applying feminist theories to women in science programs. Signs, 24(1), 171–200. Schneider, B. (1983). Interactional psychology and organizational behavior. In: L. L. Cummings & B. M. Staw (Eds), Research in organizational behavior (Vol. 5). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Seymour, E. (1995). The loss of women from science, mathematics and engineering undergraduate majors: An explanatory account. Science Education, 79(4), 437–473. Stage, F. K., & Maple, S. A. (1996). Incompatible goals: Narratives of graduate women in the mathematics pipeline. American Educational Research Journal, 33(1), 23–51. Steele, C. M. (1992). Race and the schooling of Black Americans. The Atlantic Monthly, 4, 1–17. Tinto, V. (1993). Leaving college: Rethinking the causes and cures of student attrition (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Tobias, S. (1990). They’re not dumb, they’re different: Stalking the second tier. Tucson, AZ: Research Corporation. U.S. Department of Education. (1995). Third international mathematics and science study. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Vetter, B. M. (1994). The next generation of scientists and engineers: Who’s in the pipeline? In: W. Pearson Jr. & A. Fechter (Eds), Who will do science? Educating the next generation (pp. 1–19). Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Weidman, J. C. (1989). Undergraduate socialization: A conceptual approach. In: J. C. Smart (Ed.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research. New York: Agathon. White, P. A., Gamoran, A., Smithson, J., & Porter, A. C. (1996). Upgrading the high school math curriculum: Math course-taking patterns in seven high schools in California and New York. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 18(4), 285–307. Zuckerman, H. (1977). Scientific elite. New York: Free Press.
SOUNDS AND SILENCES: GENDERED CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN THE COMMONWEALTH Louise Morley THE INTELLECTUAL BEGINNINGS OF THE STUDY This chapter aims to examine the nature of writing on gendered change in the Commonwealth higher education institutions and to outline the theoretical and historical contexts that have framed gendered changes. It considers how certain themes cohere around the mapping of conditions for women’s entry and achievement in higher education and attempts to analyse some of the issues that have emerged from scholarship and practice relating to women in higher education. The intellectual beginnings of this study were the observation that the intersection of gender, higher education and development has been a silence in terms of policy, literature and research studies. There is a lack of intertextuality between three distinct bodies of literature. First, the literature on gender, development and education rarely considers higher education. Gender has begun to be a category of analysis at basic level education in lower-income countries. For example, the Department for International Development’s (DFID) targets refer to ‘‘universal primary education in all Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 283–310 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05014-X
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countries by 2015’’ and ‘‘no gender disparity in primary and secondary education by 2005’’ (DFID, 1998, p. 3). These targets are essential for poverty reduction, sustainable development and indeed in creating a population appropriately qualified to enter higher education. Brock–Utne (2000) points out that post-Jomtien funding agencies have been encouraged to focus on basic education as this is where the greatest returns to education and the greatest educational need are perceived to be. Second, the literature on higher education studies – particularly in relation to new formations – rarely takes gender issues into account. Within the Commonwealth, as elsewhere, new competitions, markets and new sites of learning, including the workplace and the community, are emerging. The enterprise culture and the rapid expansion of private education are providing opportunities and threats. Internationally, private higher education is ‘‘one of the most dynamic and fastest-growing segments of postsecondary education at the turn of the 21st century’’ (Altbach, 1999, p. 1). The enormous expansion of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) throughout the 1990s began to change both the world economy and the place of higher education institutions in that economy. Debates on borderless universities, e-learning and the expanding global reach of higher education remains ungendered (Morley, Unterhalter, & Gold, 2003). The third body of literature is on women in higher education. There are few qualitative studies in the public domain denoting women’s experiences and engagements with higher education outside the West. Gender has entered some higher education discourses in high-income countries. There is some literature on equity and higher education in the UK (e.g., David & Woodward, 1998; Eggins, 1997; Morley, 1999); Australia (Blackmore & Sachs, 1999; Chesterman, 2002; Currie & Thiele, 2001); Canada (Acker, 1996); New Zealand (Brooks, 1997); South Africa (De La Rey, 2001); and in Singapore, Hong Kong and Thailand (Luke, 2001). All confirm the difficulties at the policy, institutional, organisational and micropolitical level of putting into place strategies for social inclusion in higher education institutions (HEIs). The nature of gendered change in higher education has not been systematically mapped across the Commonwealth, and there has been an absence of multilateral dissemination. The transcripts of women experiencing higher education, both as students and staff in the Commonwealth, remain relatively hidden. Lack of published literature does not imply lack of activity; rather, it can reflect the power relations embedded in publication and gendered and racialised gatekeeping practices.
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The absence can also relate to different organisational priorities and cultural traditions. The lack of intertextuality has created a policy gap. This means that there are limited opportunities to theorise structural and cultural barriers or indeed to analyse qualitative experiences of women in higher education on a transnational basis outside high-income countries. There is almost a hierarchy of needs approach, with higher education being perceived at the ‘‘luxury’’ end of the educational market. Yet the university has traditionally been a pivotal institution, linked to the reproduction of gender and class privilege. Additionally, the lack of research on gender and higher education is having a serious impact on knowledge production and dissemination, scholarship and literature in the field. It would be misleading to suggest that no work on women in higher education in the Commonwealth has been conducted. There have been published studies in the Commonwealth on quantitative indicators of change. The access agenda has dominated international debates. Course content, pedagogies and organisational cultures have barely been examined for the extent to which they engage with difference, diversity and strategies for transformation (Morley, 1999). Research conducted by the Association of Commonwealth Universities (Lund, 1998; UNESCO, 1995) and the Association of University Teachers in Britain (1992, 1996) indicates that women are seriously underrepresented in all sections of employment in HEIs. Studies have been undertaken about a number of aspects of gendered change, for example, women’s career development (Lund, 1998), women as higher education managers (Commonwealth Secretariat, 1999) or the gendered trends in student enrolment in particular regions (OECD, 1999; UNESCO, 1995). A major initiative for gender mainstreaming was undertaken in Makerere University, Uganda – the first in the Commonwealth (Bishop-Sambrook, 2000). Many of the studies have been conducted or funded by international agencies. To the best of my knowledge, there is no comprehensive overview of policies for gendered change, the practices that have accompanied these, and successes and failures. Moreover, scant work has been done on the theoretical frameworks that inform the published work to date. There have also been relatively few questions posed about the sustainability of changes. The lack of sustained published documentation of specific gendered interventions for change means that environmental scanning and widespread dissemination of initiatives for gendered change are problematic.
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BLACK, WHITE AND GREY STUDIES: EMERGING THEMES The lack of intertextuality, plus the lack of sustained publication of women’s experiences of higher education outside the West, led the author to undertake a search of ‘‘grey’’ (i.e., semi- or unpublished) literature in the field. This has been analysed alongside some of the published studies. The intention is to begin a dialogue across different bodies of literature in order to enrich the examination of issues relating to gender and higher education in high-, middle- and low-income countries. The literature was analysed to identify major themes and trends. Significant gaps were also noted. While the writing and statistical information surveyed are extensive, it is not comprehensive, as only secondary literature and published compilations of statistics have been used. Themes have emerged in writing from a range of sources across different regions in the Commonwealth. Sometimes, these formulations and associated silences articulate with international calls for gender equality in education. Some of the emergent sounds are, as follows: Purpose of university closely linked to nation-building, solving African social problems (Makhubu, 1998). Role of international interventions in bringing about change (e.g., Jomtien, Beijing, World Conference on HE, World Bank) and neo-colonial classifications (e.g., ‘‘favoured nations status,’’ Brock-Utne, 2000). Conceptual analysis and understanding of the purposes of university and policies for change tend to be Euro/western-centric (Kamoruao-Mbuende, 1999). Sexual harassment is widely reported and cited as a force that silences and disempowers women. On the other hand, the naming of these practices is seen as western (Tete-Mensah, 1999). Black and white women oppositionally positioned in a struggle to access opportunities (Kamoruao-Mbuende, 1999); men and masculinities are rarely problematised. Different explanatory frameworks for women’s underrepresentation (e.g., domestic responsibilities, structural discrimination, lack of mobility, Singh, 1999). The organisational culture of the academy alienates and excludes women (Morley, 1999; Onsongo, 2000). Career progress/ambition/self-interest are seen as ‘‘unfeminine’’ (Onsongo, 2000).
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Observations about women managers’ qualities/preferred styles of working (Lamptey, 1992). Micropolitics/the hidden curriculum/networks/socialising and homosociality (Morley, 1999; Singh, 2000). Hierarchies between women: class/caste; indigenous versus imported senior women (Kamoruao-Mbuende, 1999). Psychic narratives: gendering of self-confidence (Onsongo, 2000). There are a variety of discourses justifying change: affirmative action (Manya, 2000); redress and repairing damage/injuries to women (Samson, 1999); equal opportunities (Manya, 2000); and mainstreaming gender (Bishop-Sambrook, 2000). Analysis of the literature also suggested some major silences in terms of what is not discussed or what is not applied as explanatory frameworks. Structures of inequality – There is limited intersecting of gender with other forms of inequality (disability, ethnicity, social class, sexualities) in research studies, literature or policy documents. Gender is not the only axis of exclusion. Universal Subject – Writers have drawn attention to how discussions on the purpose of the university assume a universal subject. Qualitative indicators of change – Debates about women in universities tend to focus on quantitative representation rather than qualitative change. Colonialism means that elitist, patriarchal practices have been exported and reproduced throughout the Commonwealth. Normalised discursive framings of women in relation to their construction within the traditional family; norm-related explanations (e.g., assumption of heterosexual lifestyles for women). Sexual harassment is frequently alluded to but not systematically analysed in terms of policy interventions or codes of practice to bring about change. Only women are gendered, with no problematisation of men and masculinities. Gender differences are sometimes essentialised, with observations about women’s preferred styles of working. Writers draw attention to how lack of sustained qualitative data means that the complexities of organisational culture and gendered relays of power are unrecorded. Does enhanced access of women to higher education transform either the organisation or women’s role and rights in wider society?
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Both the studies and the data analysis are framed by policy discourses that shape higher education in a global context. Commonwealth higher education has been changing over the last 10 years in response to changes in the political economy and the emergence of new discourses. Rai (2002) points out that there are three different discourses through which the figure of the national woman has been defined: colonialism; nationalism; and feminism and the women’s movement. These have underpinned some of the rationalities for change. Interventions for gendered change in Commonwealth Higher Education Institutions have been initiated over at least three decades, but there are marked differences between and within different regions of the Commonwealth. Policy drivers for gender equity in higher education include a range of discourses and priorities: public sector reform; commitment to transparency in governance; human rights; economic and social development; poverty reduction; social justice and inclusion; the learning society and lifelong learning; new markets and the enterprise culture; international competitiveness; international development targets; partnerships with civil society; multilateral collaboration; state welfarism; democratisation programmes, for example, in South Africa; and macroeconomic management. Gendered change in higher education has been implemented across the Commonwealth in a context of uneven and changing ideas about democratisation, feminism and the relationship of higher education with a global political economy. Although, as will be discussed below, the contexts of higher education institutions vary considerably in different regions, generally in all regions over the last 10 years, there has been a movement to a somewhat more inclusive orientation in higher education. As these studies demonstrate, inclusivity has qualitative as well as quantitative implications.
FRAMING GENDERED CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS: DEMOCRATISATION, FEMINISM AND CHANGING GLOBAL CONCEPTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION Gender has tended to be discussed in terms of access to higher education. The access agenda has gained international policy attention and poses questions about structures and mechanisms for inclusion. The conditions that have driven these changes have not been uniform. The access agenda originally emerged at a time when 1960s and 1970s radicals were calling for
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relevance and empowerment (e.g., Freire, 1973). This has transmuted into the 21st century notion of consumer choice (Morley, 2003). Paradoxically, neo-liberal constructs of enhancing participation in an enterprise culture have produced some greater demographic shifts than the radical agenda (Morley, 1997). More recently, human capital theory and economic competitiveness have driven the access agenda. Recent UK policy documentation contains a combination of concern with social inclusion and participation of working-class students alongside economic considerations of skills gaps (see DFES, 2003). Access has traditionally privileged the male productive norm (Rai, 2002, p. 62). Some Commonwealth countries, notably Malaysia, South Africa and India, have encouraged increased enrolment in higher education in order to underpin increased international competitiveness and national prosperity. Inclusivity is fuelled on the one hand by debates and concerns with democracy, accountability and citizenship, and therefore the writing about gendered change in HEIs can usefully be located in relation to feminist and other radical democratic theorising concerning citizenship and justice. On the other, concerns about inclusion have emerged at a time of the engagement of virtually all HEIs with issues of globalisation, marketisation, and increasing the quantity and quality of high-level human resources due to economic policies regarding growth in particular sectors. In some regions, greater inclusivity has been linked with expanded programmes for social development – increased concerns with schooling, housing, health and improved economic developments for the poorest. Poverty is increasingly perceived as capability deprivation (Sen, 1997). Hence the access agenda is both democratising and economistic. Gender has not always been an explicit concern in policies of expansion and inclusion. Often the social development goals are interlinked with national and economic development, but sometimes they entail discourses of transformation. For example, Joshi and Pushpanadham (2001) describes how educational opportunities for women in India have brought transformational change in social and domestic relationships. Throughout, the Commonwealth Higher Education Institutions have been key organisations legitimating state authority. They fulfilled this role initially in the guise of establishing practices that equipped rulers to rule. They inducted elite groups into prevailing ideas of citizenship, enabling them to enact the ways in which civil, political and social rights were to be interpreted (Marshall, 1992). A motto for one African university is ‘‘Knowledge for Service.’’ In this guise, democracy was about distribution of rights from a government centre. Higher education has traditionally equipped a
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limited number of individuals to carry out this distribution efficiently. Jayaweera (1997) indicates how the heavy investment in higher education in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, for example, has allowed benefits to accrue to the affluent and middle class. As pivotal institutions, universities influence the occupational mobility, professional development, values and knowledge bases of a range of public and private sector employees. Writing on Kenya, Manya (2000) observes that the development and purpose of European universities was used as a model for those in Africa. African universities were established to nurture an African male elite, who would make possible a politics of independence that could relate well with the concerns of Europeans. Nwomonoh (1998) similarly describes African universities as western imports grafted on to existing societies, rather than being in a historically organic relationship with local and national communities. After independence in many countries in Africa and South Asia, the purpose of higher education came to be framed in terms of national development goals or serving the community (Ade Ajayi, Lameck, Goma, & Johnson, 1996). This did not destabilise older ideas concerning the role of higher education in relation to state legitimation or citizenship as inclusion. While new national governments might conceive a more pronounced role for social rights, the role of higher education remained to inculcate ideas about the origins of those rights and (what were considered) appropriate skills to ensure they were delivered. In this understanding of the link between higher education and citizenship, the social identities of students and teachers were not at issue. It was enough to state that higher education was, like citizenship, potentially open to all. Meritocracy, rather than social and cultural capital, was seen to influence participation. Moreover, the content of higher education or professional training was not at issue; it was, like the democracy it was seen to be part of, an unquestioned public and private good. An aspect of this was a form of national unity among elites schooled to take control of national development. However, in certain areas of the Commonwealth from the 1960s, but accelerating in the 1990s, has come to the theorisation of a different conception of citizenship and hence a different role for HEIs. Citizenship began to be perceived as multilayered, radically pluralised, concerned with the recognition of multiple identities, and associated new claims for the distribution and redistribution of the rights (Fraser, 1997a, b; Isin & Wood, 1999; Mouffe, 1996; Young, 1990, 1997; Yuval-Davis, 1997). This idea of citizenship has struggled with the older conception, not only at the level of theory, but also at the level of practice within higher education. Concerns
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about recognising subaltern identities (Spivak, 1995, 1999) – and therefore in some ways including, in the fullest sense, women and other subordinated groups such as students, teachers and managers – have been voiced. Moreover, the nature of what is taught in higher education, the pedagogies used (hooks, 1994), the formation of the institution and the ways in which it is reproduced have all come under scrutiny. The curriculum, forms of pedagogy and ‘‘best practice’’ have increasingly been perceived as value-laden, context-specific and norm-related (Morley, 2001). There have been specific interventions to introduce women’s disqualified knowledges into the curriculum throughout the Commonwealth (e.g., Abdulwahid, 2000). Engaging with changing meanings of citizenship requires new forms of understanding, particularly forms that can comprehend oppressions that literally write some groups of people out of history, economics or language. These two contrasting ideas concerning higher education and citizenship entail two contrasting approaches to equity agendas, particularly those concerned with gender equity. On one hand, linked to the first position, the view exists that higher education should more or less remain an elite institution transmitting higher-level knowledge, and knowledge of professional practices to a select few. There might be some small expansion of numbers of students and of particular kinds of students, for example, women or groups defined by race, religion or ethnicity. However, there is still the notion of a particular ‘‘body of knowledge,’’ or canon, to be transmitted to an elite ‘‘student body.’’ This body is charged with ensuring access to and participation in the ‘‘body politic’’ by the many who are not included in higher education. This age-old formula has not changed in many countries. In this context, gender equity agendas come to be framed in terms of counting women in. Much of the work in support of this approach is statistical in nature. Women are included as students, teachers or managers, but the different forms of knowledge or practice, which they or any similarly subordinated group might bring, is not given epistemic recognition. Gender equity is on set institutional terms. Power is not redistributed, even though the potential space for access to power might have been widened. By contrast, in a context where radical notions of democracy have had an impact on higher education, such as in South Africa or Uganda, the equity agenda is about transforming institutional power relationships, often taking account of feminist scholarship on the gendered formations and governance of institutions. This approach examines the legitimacy given to certain knowledges, taking on board the feminist critique concerning selections from knowledge, and scrutinises pedagogy and organisational culture for the power relations they relay and reproduce.
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On one level, the first position is the more limited transformatory project, concerned with gender equity only within set frameworks. It is concerned with women, not gender inequalities or feminism as theory or political practice. The second approach, because of its radical agendas of recognition, promises a more thorough transformation of gendered relations in the institution and the society. Recognition can entail both the recognition of difference and the making visible of women’s contribution to society. However, there are too few detailed institutional studies, or studies of policy change in practice over a long term to conclude this. Indeed a debate within feminist scholarship on democracy considers whether conferring recognition of subaltern identities – for example, through curriculum change in higher education – is in and of itself an adequate expansion of rights. If this is not at the same time accompanied with a redistribution of economic and political power in civil society, it may be a hollow form of ‘‘multiculturalism’’ or a token and limited recognition of gender inequality (Fraser, 1997a, b; Young, 1990, 1997; Phillips, 1997). This feature has been addressed in Uganda, where the establishment of the first University Department of Women’s Studies in Africa has been accompanied by the provision in the Constitution for women to have one-third representation on many public bodies (Bishop-Sambrook, 2000). A potent message is that change needs to focus on social transformation, rather than simply on cognitive restructuring and self-efficacy (Gore, 1993; Morley, 1998). However, Jayaweera (1997) points out how, in spite of being university-educated, many Asian women continue to internalise negative gender norms and passively accept oppressive social practices, including dowry deaths, and female feticide and infanticide. This raises important questions about the psychic life of power (Butler, 1997). The psychic operation of norms can impede political change (Butler, 1997). Gendered power relations can form the subject as well. Weakened by the effects of externally imposed power, individuals can internalise or accept its terms. Hence change needs to take place at structural, political and psychic levels. A further complication of the quantitative approach to gender equity is when numbers of women do increase moral panic about the feminisation of higher education and the exclusion of young men ensues, as in the Caribbean. Singh and Gill (2001) argue that the worry now in Malaysia is that in higher education, women are now outnumbering and outshining men in undergraduate studies. Over the years, from 1997 to 2000, the number of female undergraduates has increased to 58.3 percent females in comparison to 41.7 percent of males in the intake of public universities. There are also dangers of stratification or creating higher educations (Ball, Davies, David,
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& Reay, 2002). This is the practice of allowing underrepresented groups into non-elite organisations and can be theorised in terms of Bourdieu’s (1979) ideas on modes of distinction; that is, powerful members of society constantly evolve new means of differentiation to reinforce their status. The equality agendas in HEIs in the Commonwealth are influenced by global and international formations. There appear to be three periods of global political economy that each shape equality agendas in Commonwealth universities into a particular formation. The first period runs from approximately the mid-1960s to the onset of the debt crisis in the early 1980s. In this period, universities were concerned with teaching students how to minimise the effects of inequalities, which were seen to lie outside the institution. Thus, for example, Nwomonoh (1998) points out how in Africa, the university was seen as the pinnacle of the educational pyramid, pursuing, promoting and disseminating useful knowledge, conducting research, developing technologies, promoting regional and international understanding, producing high-level human power, stimulating economic growth and preserving and developing culture and heritage. In this guise, a social function of universities was to bring together, in limited numbers, men and women from different regions, ethnicity and social and religious backgrounds (Nwomonoh, 1998). Professionalism among the elite was seen as an element to ensure that they did not represent any one particular interest group, based on essentialised identities. Linked to positivist paradigms, this disembodied approach subscribed to notions of objectivity and scientific distance. However, as De Beauvoir (1972) and later Braidotti (1992) commented, the world was male but coded as universal. Looking back on this history, a number of radical commentators have pointed to the complicity of these professionals with the widening of poverty and inequalities. For example, in Papua New Guinea, Nagai (2000) describes universities as the pinnacle of the education system that served European purposes imposing notions of superiority and inferiority. This included assimilating or rejecting indigenous people. Similar points are made about Tanzania by Brock-Utne (2000). Neither of these accounts draws out the gender dimensions of these boundaries and binaries between professionals and ‘‘ordinary people.’’
Neo-Liberalism and Identity Politics The second period of change runs from approximately the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s. This period, marked by neo-liberal economics and dramatically
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increasing levels of poverty, was also the period of the emergence of identity politics in various Commonwealth locations. Identity has related to various structural inequalities – for example, indigenous peoples in Guyana and Malaysia, to scheduled castes in India, to tribes in Kenya and to race in South Africa. A silence has been sexual identity or disability. In this period, there were some attempts within some HEIs to address some of the critiques of curriculum, pedagogy and admission procedures raised by some proponents of identity politics. Some results of these strategies were the reserved places, or quota systems, for women and scheduled castes in Indian universities, for Malay students in Malaysia, or the improved access to higher education through special programmes for working-class undergraduates or for indigenous peoples in Australia, New Zealand or Canada. More recently, the UK initiated a major policy drive to increase participation to 50 percent by 2010, with particular reference to the inclusion of lower socioeconomic groups (HEFCE, 2001). However, the extent to which these initiatives entailed a thoroughgoing overhaul of the institution was extremely limited given the prevailing orthodoxies in that period about higher education linked to elite formation. Surveying African universities generally in the early 1990s, Ade Ajayi et al. (1996) saw these as bastions of knowledge, guardians of the future and an indispensable tool of development. However, the point was made that most of the leaders of these institutions were male and did not see gender parity, as opposed to say national development, as an issue. Mullei (1995) drew on liberal education as well as supply side economics to describe the purpose of Kenyan universities. They are seen as the legitimate source of senior manpower (sic) and increasingly as the site for cultivating intellectualism. The latter is not gendered, or indeed racialised. This view of the university, therefore, does not imply any need to foreground concerns with gender equality, except possibly at the level of numbers. Makhubu’s (1998) writing about the history of the university in Swaziland points out how it was seen as a means by which social mobility could be achieved and, in this way, becomes a cornerstone of national development. Makhubu (1998) asserts that African universities have been shaped by factors such as the nature of their ancient institutions and western approaches introduced during colonialism. Historical accounts of ancient African universities make no reference to women. Commenting on social mobility, she states that education generally is seen as the means by which aspirations may be met. She believes that modern universities have become the cornerstones of nation building. However, once again, there is implicit consensus about shared values and objectives involved in nation building (Gray, 1999).
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It suggests that men’s and women’s interests are equally represented and that nation building is a politically neutral process and an unquestioned public good. By contrast, Barry’s (1995) work explicitly links the purpose of the university to equity and social responsibility. She uses the Freirian language of critical pedagogy alongside the notion of remediation for women. She describes how, in Guinea, the university is also seen as a way to nation build. However, she adds that it should also reduce inequality and generally bring about improvements in society. Interventions for gendered change are sometimes cited in the literature. In Guinea, plans for increasing women’s participation include encouraging research, granting scholarships and fellowships, conscientisation, and ‘‘extra help for females.’’ While the concepts of repair and redress recognise women’s inequality, they also imply that it is the women, rather than the organisations, that need to change (Edwards, 1993). In addition, a key question whether the provision of scholarships for individuals, for example, is a sustainable form of change for the collective good. In this period, the very limited transformations undertaken within particular universities were not unconnected with low levels of international concern with higher education. Generally international government organisations became concerned with either implementing or opposing structural adjustment policies. Basic education was also a major area of focus. Thus concern with conditions outside the university walls meant that there were few powerful international actors promoting change in higher education.
Globalisation The third period is roughly from the mid-1990s to the present. The era of globalisation, the end of the cold war, and the often fragile nature of economic growth in many regions have seen the emerging concern in international organisations with the slow pace of social change since World War II. The increase in networking through ICT has created new forms of social capital across national boundaries. Women’s networks have enabled a number of gender-oriented coalitions to form. Obejide (2001) notes the growth of professional networks on gender issues in Nigeria. Some are international like Gender and Science and Technology, and the Network for Gender Sensitive Educational Management in Africa; national like the National Association of Women Academics, Network for Women’s Studies in
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Nigeria and the Women’s Research and Documentation Centre; and local like Ahmadu Bello University Women’s Studies Group. These networks disseminate informed practices and facilitate challenges to received understandings about the purpose of the university. The notion of the global is both a threat – of competition of declining state sovereignty – and an opportunity for access to new ideas, new contacts, new international resources and new forms of solidarity through international declarations. Thus, for example, the UNESCO hosted the first World Conference on Higher Education in Paris in 1998. Representatives of 182 countries endorsed The World Declaration on Higher Education for the Twenty First Century: Vision and Action with its commitment to in-depth reform of higher education throughout the world. Article Four of the Declaration is specifically concerned with gender (UNESCO, 1998); the UNESCO conference had been preceded by concern within the Commonwealth on this issue. The Commonwealth Secretariat (1994) viewed the underrepresentation of women in Commonwealth universities as one of the most important issues facing universities. It was perceived as a human rights issue. A number of critical studies consider these international declarations as difficult to implement partly because of institutional politics (KamoruaoMbuende, 1999; Manya, 2000; Morley, 1999). Others point to some of the problematic formulations that emerge when a deconstruction of the discourse surrounding these declarations is undertaken (Unterhalter, 2000). However, it is undoubtedly the case that the international concern with equity and rights is a welcome development, opening the way for a deepening of democracy and the creation of discursive space for gender. It is in this context that new forms of scholarship looking critically at higher education as institutions, possibly complicit with inequity but also with the potential to change, have emerged. The notion of the purpose of the university has been contested in different periods and in different regions of the Commonwealth. On the one hand, the university has been viewed as ungendered, a site for knowledge to serve national interests and ungendered notions of citizenship. In this guise, it is open to primarily quantitative change with regard to including certain formerly excluded groups. On the other, the university may be viewed as an institution complicit with the social divisions of the society, but nonetheless open to qualitative change and transformations concerning gendered and other forms of inequity. Changing global formations have had an influence both on notions of the purpose of the university and on approaches to change. From the point of view of Commonwealth universities, global forces have been seen as (1) the midwife of national (ungendered)
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institutions, (2) a threat promoting forms of social inclusion to promote competitiveness and (3) as a critical friend in the task of transformation. In the next section, writings on gendered change in the Commonwealth are considered, with attention to what themes have emerged and which areas have been silenced.
THE QUESTION OF NUMBERS Much of the analysis of gender and management in higher education is concerned with counting and looking at the proportion of women in certain positions and the implications of this distribution for women’s career development. Gender equity is frequently reduced to strategies for transforming quantitative representation and participation, rather than an engagement with processes, power and dominant values. Hence, a key indicator of gender equality is often posed in numerical terms. Opportunities for women as academics and administrators have concerned several writers in the Commonwealth. Writing over 10 years ago Park (1992) concluded that ‘‘University women are about three times less likely to be professors than men when age and publication rate are taken into account’’ (p. 237). In Sri Lanka, nearly a decade later, Kalugama (1999) noted that women are concentrated in humanities and social sciences and that they occupy middle management rather than senior management roles. In 1991 they were 30 percent of the teaching staff in universities (37 percent of assistant lecturers), but only 13 percent of professors and associate professors. At Ruhuna, women constitute 39 percent of the academic staff: 69 percent of women are in junior-level positions and 31 percent at senior lecturer and above. Representation of women at senate and the council are 16.3 percent and 18 percent, respectively. Thirty-seven percent of the female respondents said they had been overlooked for promotion. There was no perceived difference in salary between men and women although there are differences in other financial benefits. In terms of obtaining further qualifications, 88 percent of women indicated difficulties compared with 45 percent of men. Women’s engagement and entry into research was seen as a crucial stage in academic career development. In South Africa, Ndungane (1999) notes that, despite the fact that race and gender were areas that the government was keen to address, the situation has not changed much since 1990. Research activities are central to selection, promotion and institutional status. In 1993 historically white universities employed 51 percent
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of permanently employed teaching and research staff, produced 83 percent of research articles and 81 percent of all masters and doctorate graduates. Some historically black institutions have developed research interests in areas such as outreach and basic community needs. In 1996, 34 percent of instruction and research fellows were women. Universities accounted for 79 percent. Manya (2000) records that at the University of Nairobi, women account for 7.1 percent of professors and 21 percent of chief officers; there are three female deans and no female directors, registrars nor finance officers. There is no clear scheme for advancement for administrators in middle management. Often these are entry-level positions. The university seems unaware that the lack of female representation in management is an issue that needs to be addressed despite the fact that many studies have reached this conclusion. In another Kenyan university, Onsongo (2000) notes how women are not represented in the professorial grade; they form 1.8 percent of assistant professors, 22.8 percent of senior lecturers and 47 percent of lecturers. They are concentrated at the lecturer grade and below. In certain locations, women might be entering the academy as students, but not as academics or managers. Makhubu (1998) observes how Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland have comparable ratios in female enrolment with those in Latin American universities, yet this is not carried through to female advancement or promotion. Singh (2000) indicates that today in Malaysia, there are more women undergraduates than men and that women are entering the academy in lecturing posts. However, they are not achieving higher levels of academic management and leadership. There are some significant trends across the Commonwealth. Lund (1998) saw that there is no real difference between high-income countries and low- and middle-income countries in the percentages of full-time academic staff employed. This is particularly so at the top of the hierarchy. For example, Barry (1995) described how in Guinea, women are underrepresented and their numbers are in decline. As lecturers, they represent 5 percent of the teaching staff. There are no professors and only one female associate professor. In Nigeria, women form 18 percent of the total staff population of federal universities and 9 percent of academic staff (Mbanefoh, 1995). There is horizontal and vertical segregation in the academy on a fairly global scale. Generally, women are concentrated in the care-giving and service areas. All these studies reveal that women are a minority in the areas in higher education where power is exercised and decisions are taken. What accounts for this?
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ACCOUNTING FOR THE GENDER DIVISION OF LABOUR IN HIGHER EDUCATION Many studies go beyond merely noting these inequalities and pose the question as to why there are no women in senior positions. Debates are extended to incorporate the complex world of micropolitics and informal practices. In Onsongo’s (2000) study, 69 percent of women and 92 percent of men felt encouraged to apply for the promotion. The sources of encouragement for men and women are different. Women rely on heads of departments while men are able to garner support from heads of departments, senior colleagues, family and friends. This could be related to socialisation, with career ambition considered unfeminine (i.e., it is greedy, pushy, individualistic and competitive). In other words, it is agentic, rather than communal behaviour (Miller, 1976). Onsongo discusses structural and psychological barriers to women’s advancement. She engages with the issue of the gendering of confidence and women’s psychic narratives (Morley, 1999), noting that organisational culture seems to dictate that one does not apply for the promotion until one thinks it is due. This raises the question of how confident female staff feel. In Onsongo’s Kenyan university, 21.4 percent of men applied for promotion even though they did not meet the criteria. It is worth noting that in some non-Commonwealth countries, such as Finland, in spite of evolved policies and codes of practice for gender equity, a highly gendered invitational system for promotion exists (Husu, 2000). This micropolitical relay of gendered power is notoriously difficult to capture. Singh (1999) offers three categories of explanation for the lack of women in management positions: person-centred, relating to psycho-social attributes; structure-centred, focusing on the social structure; and culturecentred, which links gender and organisational structure. She argues that gender roles are carried into the workplace. A number of studies question the nature of the gendered division of labour in higher education. The career pathways open for women academics often worked against their promotion prospects. For example, teaching was seen as compatible with female socialisation while research and the conditions of labour that accompany it were not. Lamptey (1992) points out that contrary to expectations, most women in Ghana reported that they did not face discrimination but could not advance because of the multiple roles that they perform. Teaching was perceived as compatible with traditional female roles but not research. Research was seen as insecure in terms of funding and requires fieldwork, which would not be compatible with the roles of wife and mother. It is worth noting that many of the explanations of women’s
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underrepresentation are posed utilising norm-related discourses of heterosexuality. While many women do not rise to leadership positions, those who do face many forms of discrimination. Questions have been raised internationally about women’s access to and engagement with power within hierarchical structures (Marshall, 1995; Morley, 1999). The subjects of women in leadership, gender and the professions, and women in management have been researched for several decades (Barnard, 1964; Dudovitz, 1983; Omar, 1993; Tanton, 1994). However, there is also qualitative lack with women in leadership positions being perceived as impostors, second-rate and fraudulent (McIntosh, 1985; Morley, 1999). Leadership is a concept that is often intertwined with the purpose of the university. In their report, the Commonwealth Secretariat (1993) claimed that the university is seen as the historical training ground for society’s leaders – a pinnacle of manpower (sic) planning. The use of gendered language here suggests that gender sensitivity is rather partial and incomplete and that leadership is inevitably linked with masculinities. Obejide (2001) argues that Nigerian society’s definition of leadership is masculine. She attributes this to Nigeria’s history of militarisation, which inextricably links leadership with authoritarianism, a quality that is not conceptualised as feminine. Obejide observes that the volatile nature of staff and student politics in Nigeria, which often involves physical and psychological violence, makes it easy for the community to designate university management as masculine territory. Leadership is frequently elided with control. In Sri Lanka, Gunawardena (2001) notes how discriminatory questions are often asked at appointment boards for senior posts, including ‘‘Can they control trade unions, student unions?’’ Leadership is also profoundly linked to social class and racialised privilege. Namibia is relatively progressive in Africa in terms of the proportion of women in parliament and government. However, Kamoruao-Mbuende (1999) makes the point that female professors in Namibia are all either white or other black nationals. So, it is important to ask which women are occupying leadership positions and to intersect gender with race, class and other structures of inequality. It can be seen that the reasons for the absence of women from senior positions are related to structure and agency, but many more studies stress women’s failures to advance themselves rather than institutional failures to address equality agendas. However, some studies exist of holistic strategies to address gender equity that do not go for a ‘‘single fix.’’ Mlama (1998) considers the pro-gender balance interventions that have been tried (e.g., affirmative action, which increased participation in Tanzania by
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13 percent). These include the introduction of gender studies, women’s studies, women in education programmes, a gender management committee and the gender dimension task force. The point is made that the socioeconomic crisis that the country faces is creating an environment that is not conducive to human development. The impact of this crisis is hitting women and girls disproportionately. The author also raises the issue of social and ‘‘cultural degeneracy,’’ increasing individualistic tendencies, and sexual harassment, which exists despite the existence of by-laws and disciplinary measures. Mlama claims that despite the long history of gender initiatives, the situation is poor. This subsection has identified some of the ways in which the gender division of labour in higher education has been analysed in writings across the Commonwealth. In the next subsection, a crucial area for institutional transformation is considered – that of higher education management.
WOMEN’S WORK IN EDUCATION MANAGEMENT Women’s work as managers in higher education remains underresearched, although key studies have been undertaken by Rosemary Deem and Jenny Ozga (2000). Tete-Mensah (1999) believes that in Ghana, the implication is that in the interests of equity more women should be in management positions; this would also strengthen their collective position and be a catalyst for change. However, in Sri Lanka, Gunawardena (2001) comments on the structural barriers, arguing that women have less access to leadership training, job-related administrative training and overseas scholarships. Manya (2000) suggests women are perceived as possessing potentially new management styles of use to higher education. Gill (2000) also explores gendered communication skills that could be useful as management tools. While gender socialisation can produce different interpersonal approaches, Gill points out that this is not inevitably the case for all women. There is a tendency by some writers to suggest that women innately possess more interactive, nurturing skills and that women are a homogenous group. There are clearly problems with this form of essentialising analysis. Lamptey (1992) tells how in Ghana, women are perceived as lacking in the social skills and personality traits that make up an effective manager. The model is male-biased. However, she believes that this situation seems to be changing as the manager’s role expands to encompass elements such as good interpersonal skills and intuitive capabilities previously considered feminine.
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It is debatable whether women managers are necessarily gender-sensitive or politically committed to represent women’s interests. Manya (2000) notes that despite the fact that the university in her Kenyan study employs many of the country’s leading advocates of gender equity (in the political and public sector), it is not vocal about the position of women within the university itself. Some authors report anti-feminist backlash, often without any analysis. Ade Ajayi et al. (1996) suggest that the earliest gender interventions (research and teaching) were made by ‘‘female militant types’’ and thus have been condemned and restricted to an ‘‘intellectual ghetto.’’ This expresses some of the negative perceptions of women in the university community generally. It is interesting that the study does not seek to dispute this assumption but instead implies that it is reasonable and offers some explanatory power for women’s marginalisation in the academy. The Commonwealth Secretariat collection (1993) detected variation in perceptions. Some view women as the same as men and use this as an argument for them to be treated in the same way. Others refer to the special qualities of women as human beings, which translate into a very different management style that, if encouraged, will have a positive developmental effect on management generally. The issue of gender-free cultural capital was raised. Nearly all of the authors report that women see their qualifications as the major factor contributing to their appointment. However, the women in De La Rey’s South African study (2001) frequently attributed their success to luck, chance and factors external to themselves. There is a powerful affective dimension to women’s entry into senior academic positions. For example, Mbanefoh (1995) mentions the lonely position in which women find themselves once they have achieved management status in a patriarchal system in Nigeria. In Australia, too, Ramsey (2000) argues that women managers may be good for the university, but the university is not always good for the women. She believes that women provide a new vitality and approach to problems. However, they are also more isolated and continually establishing and re-establishing their position. In the UK, De Groot (1997) claims that alienation, anxiety and accountability characterise academic work both generally and in a gender-specific way. Seniority implies visibility that can be dangerous for women who have been socialised into not drawing attention to themselves, their bodies and their femaleness. The visibility of women in patriarchal institutions is especially complex. Power is everywhere in the academy, in everyday transactions, coalitions, exclusions and networks. Gendered power is often subtle and difficult to capture. One area where it is tangible is sexual harassment. This was frequently cited as an explanatory factor for women’s
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silence and reluctance to make themselves visible in the academy. Sexual harassment is rife on campus and is increasingly being used to silence students and academics. Several authors noted sexual harassment, with some authors making the case for policy to be developed in specific areas such as sexual harassment. In Zimbabwe, Zindi’s (1998) study recorded that every respondent knew lecturers sexually exploiting female students, but 93 percent said that they would not report sexual harassment. The social construction of the masculinities that produce and perpetuate this unacceptable behaviour is rarely problematised in the literature. There have been creative interventions for change too. In 1994, the Pacific Women’s Charter was an outcome of the Pacific Workshop for Women Managers held in Fiji. The aims included helping women managers function more effectively; equipping them with strategies and resources to help them influence organisational change; providing them with a basis for ongoing cooperative affirmative action; and creating a network of continuing support for women in the Pacific region. This initiative, regionally located and with a specific strategy for gaining resources, not just personal advancement for individual women, makes it a unique initiative in the Commonwealth thus far. It can be seen that what writing exists on women’s aspirations for senior positions and work at this level stresses how difficulties with the gendered nature of the institution are not overcome as women move up the career ladder. Indeed, the token inclusion of women as managers accompanied by the absence of feminist politics may stand in the way of more profound transformations from occurring.
SOUNDS AND SILENCES The writing reviewed in this chapter highlights some of the quantitative and qualitative features of women’s exclusion from management in higher education, or some of the disabling terms on which women have been included. Generally, the literature has tended to locate problems, and therefore solutions, within institutions. They pay less attention to the highly discriminatory societies in which HEIs are located. This has led to some perplexing silences and assumptions. Many of the studies analysed, while sometimes demonstrating an engagement with liberal feminism and the need to bring women into senior positions, tended to perpetuate hegemonic, normative constructions of women and families. Sexual orientation was not mentioned and heterosexuality
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was an implicit assumption, as in the analysis that it was women’s ‘‘family responsibilities’’ that might account for discrimination. Moreover, there was little discussion of violence and sexual harassment as a feature of women’s exclusion from management. Sexual harassment seems widespread in Commonwealth universities, although the majority of studies of this focus on students’ experiences (e.g., Zindi, 1998). This silences and disempowers women; it problematises women’s bodies and sexuality in organisations traditionally dedicated to the life of the mind and the pursuit of abstract knowledge. There are many contradictions and complexities here. While women in Africa express outrage at sexual harassment, some also feel that the vocabularies for naming these negative experiences are western. In many of the studies, only women are gendered. Black and white women, indigenous and exogenous, ruling and working-class women are oppositionally positioned with men in the struggle to access opportunities. With the exception of gender sensitisation programmes, men and masculinities are rarely problematised or perceived in need of development and training. Furthermore, gendered differences are sometimes essentialised and placed within a normative framework. Sometimes a social constructionist approach is taken, particularly in relation to women’s career development. Career progress, ambition and self-interest are seen as unfeminine as they imply desire, greed and attention to the self (Walkerdine, 1990). References have been made obliquely to collective versus the individual or agentic versus communal approaches, reminiscent of Jean Baker Miller (1976). However, there are still many essentialised observations about women managers’ qualities and preferred styles of working (Lamptey, 1992). Different explanatory narratives for women’s underrepresentation have been offered – for example, domestic responsibilities, structural discrimination and lack of mobility. They all assume particular heterosexual, ‘‘mainstream’’ lifestyles for women. The lack of sustained qualitative data in virtually all the studies analysed means that the complexities of alienating organisational cultures are not always recorded. There are major issues about the gendering of research opportunities (Wenneros & Wold, 1997). Many of these studies, while pointing to important areas for future work, were unfunded, lone researcher investigations. There is an urgent need for studies in micropolitics, the hidden curriculum, networks and homosociality, giving epistemic privilege to women’s voices in Commonwealth universities. The review of writings and actions above highlights a number of questions and areas for future research. There are different discourses justifying change to be found in most accounts: affirmative action; repairing damage/
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injuries to women; equal opportunities; and mainstreaming gender. The different histories and implications of these different discourses tend not to be examined, but very interesting and in-depth understandings could flow from such accounts. Gender also tends not to be intersected with race, ethnicity, disability, class and caste or sexuality. Much of the work undertaken to date focuses on descriptive statistics of women and men in certain levels in the organisation. While this gives some outline account of institutions, there is very little work that utilises statistics to look at intersecting inequalities, or to track longitudinal processes. Lastly, many writers and development assistance agencies assume that gendered change entails understanding women constructed within a normreferenced framework. There are silences about masculinities, and the implications the forms masculinity takes for initiatives to change higher education. This chapter has tried to outline some intersections between theory, history, politics and practice in understanding the nature of gendered change in higher education. There have been both openings and closures. A politics of research and theory interfaces between policy and practice. Higher education in the Commonwealth needs to be more equitable and democratic. This cannot happen without expanding access and the resource base. A particular need exists for resources for research on gendered change. But as long as this research remains at the level of counting women in the ways in which inclusion might be transformatory, it will go unnoticed. Concomitantly, as long as transformation remains an idea at the level of theory, the ways in which it can be put into practice will be unknown. Unless there is an important shift in approaches to research and publication in the Commonwealth, the aspirations in the UNESCO Declaration will be met in only a limited and circumscribed form. This will be a numerical gendered change that will be ‘‘managed,’’ that is, (minimally) achieved but not managed in the sense of maximally exploring all possibilities for change. Complex accounts of institutions, the formations of inequality and the ways in which complex social processes affect strategies for change remain to be told.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks to the UK Department for International Development (DFID), the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Association of Commonwealth Universities for its sponsorship of this research project. Thanks also to colleagues Elaine Unterhalter, Anne Gold and Annik Sorhaindo.
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CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR ACHIEVING DIVERSITY: THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA Hugh Africa INTRODUCTION Education systems are subject to periodic reviews that may be undertaken as part of a process of quality enhancement or are necessitated by some shift in ideological orientation. In countries where social and political roles have remained more or less unchanged, these reviews rarely result in sudden and fundamental change. However, any change in a system engenders positive and negative reactions. In this day and age, there are examples of countries emerging from repressive systems of governments to relatively freer, more transparent and democratic systems. In order to keep pace with the new political dispensation and to ensure its survival, it becomes essential that the education system of such a state is transformed and reengineered to respond to and reflect the aspirations of the changing society. In 1994, South Africans went to the polls for the first time in the history of the country to elect women and men to parliament on the basis of one person, one vote. This event was truly momentous because this kind of participation by all South Africans had never occurred in all the recorded history of the country spanning more than three centuries. If we use this
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 311–328 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05015-1
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event as a point of departure, it can be said that South Africa’s history can be divided into two eras – the pre-1994 and the post-1994. In the pre-1994 era the social, cultural, economic and political structures reflected the policies and ideology of a repressive regime, which was bent on fragmenting the population of South Africa on the basis of race and ethnicity. The so-called race groups were African, Coloured, Indian and white. All services – be they social, cultural, legal or educational – were stratified to fit into the apartheid mould. A major challenge facing the new democratic government after 1994 was the reversal of this kind of fragmentation, which was enshrined through layers and layers of legislation. To a very large extent, the history of the post-1994 era is the story of this reversal.
BACKGROUND From as way back as 1652, the policies followed by central governments in South Africa were based on the principle of separate development. The cardinal pillar of this principle was that each racial group was to have its own ‘‘world’’ – in terms of residential areas, institutions of learning, health, social and cultural facilities. A series of Acts was promulgated to entrench this separation of the racial groups, and Acts such as the Group Areas Act, the Immorality Act and the infamous Bantu Education Act of 1953 had the force of deepening the racial divide. The conflict and opposition that were engendered by these discriminatory laws pitted white against black. The political and liberation movements that mobilised resistance to these laws were committed to the eradication and reversal of these practices, which were rejected by most South Africans and progressive international governments. In the late 1970s and mid-1980s, a turning point was reached in the affairs of South Africa when it was realised that the South African ‘‘problem of apartheid’’ was not irreversible. Internal and external pressures compelled the South African government to reassess its policies and in 1990, the thenPresident of South Africa Dr. F. W. de Klerk announced that prisoner Nelson Mandela would be released and that the government was prepared to enter into a power-sharing arrangement with the African National Congress, the most effective and influential liberation movement. This prepared the way for the 1994 elections, marking a watershed in the history of South Africa.
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THE HIGHER EDUCATION LANDSCAPE DURING THE PRE-1994 ERA It is generally accepted that education policy is informed by the political ideology espoused by a people and country. While this relationship may be indiscernible in certain systems, or denied in others, the educational system in South Africa was a direct product of the reigning political system and ideology. As way back as 1952 when Bantu education was introduced, its prime architect, the then-Minister of Native Affairs Dr. H. F. Verwoerd, had stated in unequivocal terms what the grand design of apartheid was. He had said that ‘‘native education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accord with the policy of the state’’ (South African Hansard, 1953). When introducing the Bill on Bantu education in the Senate, he had reiterated: ‘‘I will reform black education so that Natives will be taught from childhood to realise that equality with Europeans is not for them.’’ Then in the most damning of racist utterances, he proclaimed: ‘‘What is the use of teaching the Bantu child mathematics when it cannot use it in practice?’’1 This philosophy of education – Bantu education in this case – was informed by the political ideology of the government of the day, which was a separate development. Drawing also from the teachings of Christian National Education based on narrow, conservative Calvinist doctrine, the education policies put in place were frighteningly restrictive and did not support an open, transparent educational philosophy. General and higher education were victims of these dual forces, the pedagogical principles of Dr. H. F. Verwoerd, and the teachings of Christian National Education. The pre-1994 governments had fragmented the provision of services on the basis of race, and higher education was similarly stratified and balkanised. As a result of these practices in 1994, the higher education system was uncoordinated and was administered by eight different government departments. For the whole population of South Africa, estimated at the time as being 40,486,000, there were 36 institutions of higher learning, consisting of 21 universities and 15 technikons.2 Table 1 shows the different authorities and departments that controlled and managed higher education institutions. By the beginning of the 1980s, South Africa had been divided into five political and geographical areas: the Republic of Transkei; the Republic of Bophutatswana; the Republic of Venda; the Republic of Ciskei; and the Republic of South Africa. Apart from South Africa, the other four republics were described as being legally independent entities on par with
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Table 1.
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Public Higher Education Institutions in South Africa in 1994.
Responsible Authority House of Assembly (for whites) House of Representatives (for Coloured) House of Delegates (for Indians) Department of Education and Training (for Africans) Republic of Transkei Republic of Bophutatswana Republic of Venda Republic of Ciskei Total
Universities
Technikons
Total Institutions
11
8
19
1
1
2
1
1
2
4 1 1 1 1
2 1 1 0 1
6 2 2 1 2
21
15
36
South Africa. The world saw through this sham and none of these republics was recognised as a separate country. South Africa, however, set up structures to separate their citizens from those of South Africa. For example, there were immigration and border posts between the four republics and South Africa. In 1959, the Extension of the University Education Act established racially based universities for each of the African ethnic groups in the independent republics. The introduction of a new constitution in 1984 further entrenched the balkanization of higher education so that institutions were designated for the exclusive use of one or other of the ‘‘race’’ groups as defined by the South African government. This, in effect, meant that the country’s universities and technikons were designated for the exclusive use of either the African, Indian, Coloured or white race group. Allowance was made through a permit system for non-designated groups to attend institutions other than their own. According to Bunting (2002), the South African government regarded higher education institutions as ‘‘creatures of the state,’’ which existed only through the goodwill of the state.3 Their existence could thus be terminated at the pleasure of the government. This meant, in effect, that nearly all higher education institutions were rigidly controlled and directed. It should be remembered that in 1953, Dr. Verwoerd had argued, ‘‘The basic principle ought to be that if the State pays for Bantu education it should also control Bantu education’’ (South African Hansard, 1953).
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In this higher education landscape, there was little or no talk of the lofty ideals that normally inform the establishment of such institutions. Reference to the principles of academic freedom and institutional autonomy was added to the repertoire and discourse of higher education after the 1994 elections.
CATEGORIZATION OF PUBLIC HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS Stating simply that by 1994 South Africa had a total of 36 institutions does not adequately reveal the complexity of the fragmentation of the higher education landscape. Of the 36 institutions, 19 were for the white race group and 17 were for Africans, Indians and Coloureds. The national statistics of the South African population in 1991 is shown in Table 2. It can be seen from these statistics that the provision of higher education institutions for the black population group (Coloured, Indian and African) was woefully inadequate. This sector constituted more than 80 percent of the country’s population yet its share of higher education institutions was only 47 percent. The 36 higher education institutions are generally characterised as historically white – advantaged institutions – and historically black – disadvantaged institutions. This categorisation arose from the fact that the institutions were not permitted legally to admit students from other race groups except through a permit system. White institutions enrolled, in the main, white students only and black ones, black students only. This distinction is now blurred because there are large numbers of black students in white institutions and these categorisations now have ‘‘former’’ appended to them.4 We now speak of former historically advantaged institutions (HAIs) Table 2.
Population of South Africa 1991.
Race Group
Population
%
African Coloured Indian White
30,768,000 3,499,000 1,035,000 5,184,000
76.0 8.6 2.6 12.8
Total population
40,486,000
100.0
Source: Central Statistics Services, 1994 (excludes republics of Transkei, Bophutatswana, Venda and Ciskei – approximately 7.169 million).
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and former historically disadvantaged institutions (HDIs). The terms advantaged and disadvantaged refer to the practice of separate development, which theoretically was the basis for services for different race groups. These were separate but unequal, and some of these inequalities persist to this day. The white institutions could be further subdivided into 6 Afrikaans-medium and 4 English-medium universities with one university being dedicated to distance education. There were 7 white advantaged technikons and, as creations of the state, followed and supported the ideology of the rulers of the day. One of these was dedicated to distance education. As far as the black institutions are concerned, there were two subgroups. There were 4 universities for Africans controlled by the Department of Education and Training and 2 controlled by houses in the tricameral parliament. The second subgroup consisted of 2 universities, one for Indians and the other for Coloureds.5 In addition to these 6 universities, there were 4 other historically black universities located in the so-called independent republics of the Transkei, Bophutatswana, Venda and Ciskei – the TBVC countries. By far, the majority of students who attended these institutions were from the urban areas of white South Africa. Table 3 shows the total number of students in higher education institutions. In the universities, white enrolment was 41 percent of the total university population while in the technikon sector, it was 47 percent of the total technikon population. The other race groups accounted for 59 percent and 53 percent of the university and technikon populations, respectively. It will be noticed that though the African, Indian and Coloured race groups made up more than 80 percent of the South African population, they were underrepresented in the enrolment figures in higher institutions. These are some of the imbalances and inequities that the post-1994 era seeks to address.
Table 3.
Total Number of Students (Headcounts) in Institutions.
Race
Universities
Technikons
1994
%
1994
%
African Coloured Indian White
172,952 18,413 24,800 148,343
47 5 7 41
62,288 12,906 9,352 73,673
39 8 6 47
Total
364,508
100
158,219
100
Source: Adapted from Cooper and Subotzky (2001).
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317
THE SKEWED HIGHER EDUCATION LANDSCAPE The post-1994 challenge was how to undo the past, how to increase the participation levels of Africans in the system, and how to eliminate the race and ethnic elements in higher education. As the new government had committed itself to open and transparent governance, the policymakers embarked upon the transformation of higher education through a process of consultation. A process started in 1994 has only now reached some point of finality with the publication of a document approved by the government in November 2002.6 One of the urgent tasks undertaken by the newly elected people’s government in 1994 was the development of a strategy for redressing the inequalities of the past. This was contained in a document entitled The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP).7 A key concern of this document was the development of a broad human resources base and the recognition that South Africa had a shortage of skilled people. It was recognised that the current higher education system could not provide the skills and training required for the new South Africa and in order to reposition and reinvent the higher education system, a National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) was established by presidential proclamation in 1995. Its general terms of reference were: (1) the advising of the Minister of Education on what constitutes higher education; (2) the immediate and long-term national goals of the system of higher education; (3) the institutional types required by the system, their particular missions, their respective interrelationships and their relationships with the state, professional bodies, private sector, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), etc., be it national and or provincial; (4) the structures required by the Minister of Education or by any other relevant authority to provide ongoing policy advice on higher education; (5) the structures required to administer higher education; and (6) the steps required to establish the required advisory and administrative structures. Fourteen additional specific terms of reference and tasks were assigned to the Commission whose report was submitted in 1996 (NCHE, 1996). Now, however, with the advantage of hindsight, it is known that many of the Commission’s assumptions were erroneous. Nonetheless, this document did provide a new vision for higher education, and the Higher Education Act of 1997 incorporated a large number of its recommendations. The point of departure of the Commission was that the higher education sector is a major resource for national development and contributes to the
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worldwide advancement of knowledge. The Commission nonetheless recognised that the current system was ‘‘fundamentally flawed by inequities, imbalances and distortions deriving from its history and present structure’’ (NCHE, 1996, p. 1). Therefore, it proposed a system that was underpinned by ‘‘the key principles of equity, democratization, development, quality, academic freedom, institutional autonomy, effectiveness and efficiency’’ (p. 3). The report highlighted the need for the transformation of the system for several reasons. The current system, which was established to serve the purposes and goals of a discriminatory state, has profound deficiencies inhibiting its ability to meet the moral, social and economic demands of a new South Africa. In its current form, this system cannot seize the national and global opportunities of becoming part of the new knowledge society. Further, the current system perpetuates an inequitable distribution of access and opportunity for students and staff along axes of race, gender, class and geographic discrimination. The report identified three areas viewed as essential for the success of the proposed system: increased participation of students in higher education; greater responsiveness of the system to societal interests and needs; and increased cooperation and partnerships in the governance structures and operations of higher education. Increased participation rates of students in higher education have not been attained to the extent anticipated in the Commission’s Report. This notion was related to the expectation that the numbers of school-leavers would increase and that there would be a shift towards ‘‘massification’’ of the system and that the system would admit larger numbers of students from previously disadvantaged backgrounds. In fact, the opposite occurred. There was a marked reduction in the numbers of high school graduates, and the peak enrolment figures of 1995 have not been recaptured. The notion of massification relates not only to an increase in enrolments, but to a number of other concomitant changes. These relate to the composition of the student body, the diversification of programmes, curricula and qualifications, the introduction of multiple entry and exit points within the higher education system, and shifts in institutional functions and missions. Most of these changes are being implemented either through institutional change or through regulatory frameworks and mechanisms. The notion of greater responsiveness to societal interests and needs is based upon the recognition that the views of all members of a society should be taken into account, as a new higher education system is being put
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319
in place. This means, for example, that the conditions and views of the previously disenfranchised sections of the community must be taken into account. The new system must not be designed to cater only for the established middle-class and elite sectors of the society, but must recognise and respond to the aspirations of the economically disempowered sectors. Responsiveness in this sense, of course, is limited and affected by funding policies for higher education. Though the Commission Report made sound and strong recommendations in this regard, higher education funding in South Africa is still a highly controversial matter and no satisfactory solution has been found. The overall purpose of this principle of responsiveness is that the system should engage with the problems and challenges of its environment. At the systemic and institutional levels, there must be consultation and dialogue with local communities to ensure the relevance of programmes and curricula offered. The notion of increased cooperation and partnership in the governance structures and operations of higher education was a negation of the authoritarianism and control that characterised the pre-1994 era. It was intended that relations between the state and higher education institutions would be improved, as from 1976 formerly historically disadvantaged institutions were on a collision course with government. The state saw these institutions as breeding grounds of radicalism that were bent on overthrowing the state, and because of the non-existent relationship between the state and these institutions, there was mistrust on both sides. Through this principle, the Commission’s proposals sought to mediate the apparent opposition between state intervention and institutional autonomy. This cooperative relationship also has implications for relations between and within higher education institutions. As we move farther away from the realities of the pre1994 era, the implementation of some of these recommendations will have resulted in positive change at the institutional level. At the time that these recommendations were made, however, they were ushering in what were conceived as major shifts in the governance of higher education institutions. Currently there is some debate as to whether the structures set up in compliance with this principle of cooperative governance are necessary in this day and age.8 This Commission Report was the first substantive post-1994 publication that examined in some detail the state of higher education in the country and made recommendations for a new higher education system. As stated earlier, the legislation, regulations, structures and frameworks being proposed and implemented have their genesis in this document.
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RESPONSE TO CHALLENGES In its report to the Minister of Education, the Commission stated that it sought to advise him, among other things, on the goals and values of higher education in South Africa; the types of institutions and nature of the system which could best realise those goals and values; and the specific measures necessary to eliminate inequalities of access, inequitable and inefficient allocation of resources, and historic failure to respond to the economic and social needs of the majority. The first in a series of documents to give life and meaning to the Commission Report was Education White Paper 3: A Programme for Higher Education Transformation (Department of Education, 1997, 2001a, b). In typical government fashion, this document was preceded by the release of a ‘‘green paper’’ and a draft white paper in 1997. White Paper 3 outlined the framework for change of the higher education system. Its main thrust was that higher education should be planned, governed, and funded as a single, national, coordinated system. Notice was given through the publication and release of this document that the practice of the past of seeing higher education institutions as enclaves for one or other race group was not welcome and, in fact, constituted a violation of human rights under the new constitution of the country. In four comprehensive chapters, it gave specific guidelines and principles on the challenges, vision and principles of the new higher education system; the structure and growth of the system; the governance model; and the funding. Each of these areas was derived from the Commission Report but was now cast in a regulatory framework forming the basis for the Higher Education Act, which was promulgated in 1997. The Act of 1997 had far-reaching effects because for the first time, there was a legislative framework and instrument for creating a single, national, coordinated higher education system. This Act also supercedes the individual institutional Acts that established universities as autonomous bodies with their own charters and private Acts. In effect, before the passage of this Act, no regulation made by the Minister or the Ministry of Education had any legal force on universities, which frequently adduced the principle of institutional autonomy to resist change. Provision is made in this Act for the establishment of a Council on Higher Education (2000, 2002a, b), with the Higher Education Quality Committee as its permanent standing committee. These two innovations constitute a marked improvement in the democratization of education because Council members represent various interest groups and are nominated through an open process. Before this Act, no national body existed to supervise, monitor and promote issues of quality in
Challenges and Prospects for Achieving Diversity
321
higher education. Therefore, both the Council on Higher Education and the Higher Education Quality Committee may be seen as milestones in the transformation of Higher Education. The principle of mergers was introduced for the first time in this Act, presaging the announcement of November 2002, which reduced the total number of higher education institutions from 36 to 23 through the mechanism of mergers and incorporations. An important innovation in the Act was the establishment of Institutional Forums. These statutory structures set up in each institution are responsible for cooperative partnerships between management and all stakeholder groups. Their main function is to advise institutional councils on matters of common interest and to participate in decisions related to the transformation of institutions and higher education. They are meant to provide a platform for internal institutional debate and discussion. This structure was designed to offer opportunities for open, transparent decision-making and was to be a noticeable shift from the authoritarianism characterised by higher education institutions in the past. Though laudable as a concept, cooperative governance is now more observed in the breach and may have outlived its usefulness. Though it was recognised that the higher education system in its present form, which reflected a discredited past, could not deliver the quality higher education required for the 21st century, no concrete steps were taken to bring about fundamental change. Further, as is the case with practices and systems that gain respectability with the passage of time, the once disliked and discredited institutions and systems were espoused and defended by erstwhile detractors. To overcome this impasse in the year 2000, the Minister of Education invited the Council on Higher Education to provide him with a ‘‘set of concrete proposals on the shape and size of the higher education system.’’ This invitation marked the beginning of a series of studies and reports on higher education. For two years, debates, consultations and conferences were held, all concerned with finding a response to the question posed by the Minister. All sectors of society, both private and public, took part in this exercise. Put simply, the question was ‘‘What should constitute the higher education system in South Africa, and how many institutions should there be?’’ There were those who argued that higher education should encompass more than just universities and technikons, that colleges of education, nursing and agricultural colleges should be part of the system. As far as the number of institutions was concerned, it was argued that to keep abreast of
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worldwide trends, more rather than fewer institutions should be established. If the determinant for the size of the system were to be quality, then it was patently clear that there were only a handful of world-class universities in the country and these should be retained. It was also argued that the country obviously could not afford to maintain the large number of mainly formerly historically disadvantaged institutions that were mismanaged and were a drain on the country’s resources. Often the positions taken in these debates adumbrated the practices and decisions of the past and had little to do with the objective assessment of future needs and the potential of a higher education system that was flexible and inclusive. The Council on Higher Education submitted its report to the Minister in June 2000 and spelt out in concrete terms recommendations for the future higher education landscape. It stated in very unambiguous language that higher education must help erode the inherited structural inequities and provide opportunities for social advancement through equity of access and opportunity. The document submitted to the Minister recommended that the number of institutions be reduced, thus nullifying the racial basis for the system, and that the mandates of institutions be differentiated where some may offer undergraduate programmes only and others both undergraduate and postgraduate programmes. Some institutions would be accorded the status of research institutions whilst others would be feeder institutions. It was also recommended that the binary divide between universities and technikons be maintained, at least for the foreseeable future. It was argued that a blurring of this divide at this stage would result in academic drift, which would work against increased participation rates in higher education. This document engendered a great deal of discussion and debate, but no changes were effected as a result of its publication. In February 2001, the Ministry of Education produced a document entitled ‘‘The National Plan for Higher Education.’’ This document was a business and action plan, listing tasks to be undertaken with fixed time frames for specified tasks. For the first time since 1994, a document designed to transform higher education was tabled and the public was invited to engage with it. In all the documents on higher education produced since 1994, the weaknesses and flaws of the current system are adequately identified. The goals, vision, mission and values for a future system are equally stated with impressive clarity. The National Plan provides the strategic framework for reengineering the higher education system for the 21st century and seeks to build in both flexibility and diversity into the system.
Challenges and Prospects for Achieving Diversity
323
The following are some of the more significant provisions in the Plan: the proposed increase in participation rate from 15 percent to 20 percent; the establishment of indicative targets for the size and shape of the system; the shift in the balance in enrolments among the humanities, business and commerce and science, engineering and technology from the current ratio of 49%:26%:25% to 40%:30%:30%, respectively; ensuring diversity through mission and programme differentiation; and investigating the feasibility of a more rational arrangement for the consolidation of higher education provision by reducing, where appropriate, the number of institutions but not the number of delivery sites on a regional basis.9 As provided for in the National Plan for Higher Education, a National Working Group was duly established in March 2001 and it submitted its report in December of that year. The brief of this group was ‘‘to investigate and advise the Minister on the appropriate institutional structures on a regional basis to meet regional and national needs for higher education, including mergers and/or other forms of combination.’’ The National Working Group set about its work and consulted widely, knowing that its report would determine the shape and size of higher education for the foreseeable future. As was the custom with other groups and task teams seeking to make recommendations on the higher education system, this group rearticulated the weaknesses and flaws of the system and in particular drew attention to the following: (1) the need to overcome the apartheid-induced fragmentation, inequalities and inefficiencies, which distorted the development of the higher education system and its ability to address the knowledge, human resource, and social and economic needs of the country; and (2) the challenges of reconstruction and development in the context of globalization and its impact on knowledge and skills development, as well as on the world of work. There were two critical elements considered by the National Working Group. First, if the system of higher education had not been developed on the basis of race or ethnicity, the current location of institutions would not have occurred. Second, the academic curricula and professional offerings of institutions in close proximity would not have been duplicated in a wasteful manner. Third, the current system was not designed as a single, national coordinated system. In its submission, the National Working Group recommended the reduction of the higher education institutions from 36 to 21 to eliminate duplication of teaching areas and to eradicate the apartheid divide based on race. It also proposed the maintenance of the binary divide
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between technikons and universities but created a new kind of institution – the comprehensive institution, which offers both technikon and university programmes.10 The transformation of higher education from the pre-1994 to the post1994 landscape is now nearing finality with the publication of the document Transformation and Restructuring: A New Institutional Landscape for Higher Education in June 2002 and the statement of the Minister of Education of 9 December 2002.
PROSPECTS FOR DIVERSITY Since 1994, the higher education landscape has been reconfigured to achieve a greater degree of diversity at several levels. At the systemic level, the binary division between technikons and universities has been maintained but the creation of a new type of institution, the comprehensive university, ensures greater diversity within the system. About four institutions have been given the opportunity of offering academic programmes that are career-focussed in the mode of technikons as well as university programmes. Institutions of this type are being afforded the opportunity of being grounded in the communities where they are located. To ensure the relevance of programmes offered at any one institution, the participation of external community members is encouraged. The capacity to offer both kinds of programmes will inevitably promote greater diversity in the curriculum. There are specific targets stipulated for the choice and balance in enrolments over the next five to ten years among disciplines. It is now required of all institutions that there be a balance among the humanities, business and commerce and science, engineering and technology. It was recommended that all colleges, nursing, education and agriculture should be incorporated into universities and technikons. Part of this exercise has been concluded, and this move cannot but result in the diversification of the curricular offerings. The participation rates in higher education are to be increased from 15 percent to 20 percent and the targetted population groups are the formerly disadvantaged population groups. It could be argued, of course, that these interventions by the government show a disregard for institutional autonomy and academic freedom. However, when a system is still on a
Challenges and Prospects for Achieving Diversity
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developmental trajectory, support of any kind is welcome, and it should be acknowledged that the South African higher education system required redirection. The composition of enrolments at all higher education institutions has changed phenomenally over the past decade. The representation of black students in former white universities and technikons has increased dramatically, thereby changing the ratio of white: black participation in higher education. A cause for concern, however, is the declining number of white students in the system. Table 4 shows the overall growth of participation in the higher education sector, while Table 5 shows the levels of participation of each of the race groups. An examination of the enrolment patterns of individual institutions will show that the most noticeable change in the composition of student representation has occurred in the former white institutions where there are more black students than in the former black institutions.11 There was rapid growth up to 1996 after which there has been a decline.
CONCLUSION The higher education landscape has changed dramatically since 1994. There are increased levels of participation in both universities and technikons. The incorporation of other tertiary institutions (colleges of education, nursing and agriculture) into the higher education sector is on track, and higher education is poised to play its role in developing the intellectual capital of South Africa. With the implementation of mergers, incorporations and the creation of a new type of institution – the comprehensive – the higher education system is sufficiently robust, flexible and diversified to become the engine of development for the country. For the people of the continent of Africa, and indeed for the whole world, higher education is the instrument for promoting individual and collective growth. It is the key to a whole new world and can provide solutions and answers to some of the problems bedevelling us as a world community. In South Africa, the stage has been set through legislative frameworks, the participation of business and the private sector, and the constant mediation of civil society for universities and technikons to assume their rightful place in creating a diverse, multilingual, multicultural nation committed to the pursuit of knowledge and excellence.
1984
University 198,675 Technikon 40,000 Total
1988
83% 283,330 17% 57,345
Participation Figures in Higher Education.
1993
83% 349,056 17% 133,690
326
Table 4.
1994
72% 364,508 28% 158,219
1995
70% 374,131 30% 188,243
1996
67% 382,348 33% 191,247
1997
67% 368,329 33% 193,790
1998
66% 351,786 34% 194,827
% % Increase Increase 82–93 93–98 64% 36%
23 133
1 34
238,675 100% 340,675 100% 482,746 100% 522,727 100% 562,374 100% 573,595 100% 562,119 100% 546,613 100%
42
11
Source: Adapted from Cooper and Subotzky (2001).
Table 5. Participation Figures of Each Race Group in Universities and Technikons. Race
1984
African 42,856 Coloured 13,300 Indian 17,749 White 164,770 Unknown 0
18% 97,485 6% 22,716 7% 24,270 69% 196,204 0% 0
1993 29% 199,197 7% 28,648 7% 31,842 58% 223,048 0% 11
1994 41% 235,240 6% 31,319 7% 34,152 46% 222,016 0% 0
1995 45% 275,636 6% 33,184 7% 36,931 42% 216,623 0% 0
1996 49% 308,165 6% 32,293 7% 36,622 39% 195,924 0% 591
1997 54% 313,590 6% 30,836 6% 36,396 34% 180,937 0% 360
1998 56% 308,878 5% 28,664 6% 36,757 32% 171,866 0% 448
57% 5% 7% 31% 0%
238,675 100% 340,675 100% 482,746 100% 522,727 100% 562,374 100% 573,595 100% 562,119 100% 546,613 100%
Source: Adapted from Cooper and Subotzky (2001).
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Total
1988
Challenges and Prospects for Achieving Diversity
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NOTES 1. For an extended discussion of Bantu education, see National Assembly Debates in South African Hansard, Thursday, 17 September 1953. 2. Technikons were creations of the South African government and were established in the 1980s as institutions whose essence was technology and were to offer career-focussed tuition and conduct little or no research. They complemented universities but their role was not to create and generate new knowledge but to apply it. 3. For a comprehensive account of the pre-1994 fragmentation of higher education, see Bunting (2002) and Cooper and Subotzky (2001). 4. According to current statistics, there are more black students in the former historically advantaged institutions than in black institutions (see Cooper & Subotzky, 2001). 5. In 1984, South Africa introduced a new constitution, which divided the national parliament into three chambers (tricameral parliament): one for the representatives of white voters; one for the representatives of Coloured voters; and one for the representatives of Indian voters. No provision was made for the representatives of Africans. For a more detailed account of these institutions and their histories, see Bunting (2002). 6. In March 2001, the Minister for Education appointed a National Working Group, which submitted its report to the Minister in December 2001. From January 2002 to November 2002, there were consultations and representations on the future of higher education. The total number of higher education institutions has been reduced from 36 to 23. See press statement issued by Minister of Education 9 December 2002. 7. This very ambitious plan was quickly relegated towards the late nineties as the government would not have been able to raise the finance to implement it. The separate government ministry set up to implement this programme was integrated into existing government departments. See The Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994). 8. See studies on governance being undertaken by the Council on Higher Education, Ministry of Education, Pretoria, 2001. 9. For a full account of these proposals and implementation strategy see the National Plan for Education, Ministry of Education, Pretoria, 2001. 10. For a full account of the recommendations of the National Working Group, see the Report of the National Working Group, Ministry of Education, Pretoria, December 2001. 11. See working documents of the National Working Group and the annual statistics of the Department of Education.
REFERENCES Bunting, I. (2002). The higher education landscape under apartheid. In: N. Cloete, R. Fehnel, P. Maasen, T. Moja, H. Perold & T. Gibbon (Eds), Transformation in higher education: Global pressures and local realities in South Africa (pp. 58–80). Cape Town: Juta and Company.
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Central Statistical Services. (1994). South African statistics. South Africa: Pretoria. Cooper, D., & Subotzky, G. (2001). The skewed revolution: Trends in South African higher education 1988–1998. University of the Western Cape: Education Policy Unit. Council on Higher Education (CHE). (2000). Towards a new higher education landscape: Meeting the equity, quality and social development imperatives of South Africa in the 21st century. South Africa: Pretoria. Council on Higher Education (CHE). (2002a). Annual report 2001–2002. South Africa: Pretoria. Council on Higher Education (CHE). (2002b). Policy report: Promoting good governance in South African higher education. South Africa: Pretoria. Department of Education. (1997). Education white paper 3: A programme for the transformation of higher education. South Africa: Pretoria. Department of Education. (2001a). Annual report. South Africa: Pretoria. Department of Education. (2001b). Restructuring of the higher education system in South Africa: Report of the national working group to the Minister of Education. South Africa: Pretoria. National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE). (1996). A framework for transformation. South Africa: Pretoria. South African Hansard (17 September 1953). National assembly debates. Cape Town, South Africa. The Reconstruction and Development Programme. (1994). The African national congress. Johannesburg: Umanyano Publications.
AFFIRMATIVE ACTIONS AND THE SCHEDULED CASTES: ACCESS TO HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA G. G. Wankhede INTRODUCTION Importance and relevance of formal education continues to be a significant factor in social development and change. This is particularly important in developing countries like India, which has been traditionally and historically driven by the principle of inequality and hierarchy through religion and a caste system. Education has been a monopoly of few upper castes (especially Brahmins) whereas majority masses have been denied access to education. Education underwent significant change only after the advent of British. Although the Britishers’ goal of introducing modern education was limited to their vested interests, it was secular in nature and open to all and therefore it could reach the castes other than Brahmins. Supported by modern system of education, the industrial revolution brought modern values of life, such as equality and humanity, to India. For the first time in the history of India’s education, these castes could access formal education.
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 329–342 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05016-3
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The Scheduled Castes The term Scheduled Castes1 (SCs) is of recent origin based on legal and constitutional connotations (Article 341), broadly covering the castes (or outcastes) that have been treated as untouchables until independence, measuring to 16.33 percent (Census 1991) of India’s total population. However, they have also been known by different names like Exterior Castes, Outcastes, Depressed Classes, Harijans, Ex-untouchables, and Dalits2 in the current situation. In addition to the Scheduled Castes, there are 8.8 percent Scheduled Tribes (STs) (Census 1991, Article 342[1]). There also exist Other Backward Classes (not untouchables), forming 52 percent of the total Indian population, who are constitutionally recognized for the purpose of providing special facilities for their upliftment. These communities are spread all over the country, mainly in rural areas. Previously, these castes had no right to education, property or occupation of their choice and suffered from various disabilities. It was the British officials who, for the first time, employed the ex-untouchables as domestic servants. This was further supported by their entry into modern and secular occupations, for example, as servants, construction workers, messengers and in the military service. Thus, the traditional social suppression of these communities, although to a little extent, was diminishing due to these factors. During the British period, we find some evidences of educational enrolment among the Scheduled Castes.
Role of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar While analyzing the educational situation of the Scheduled Castes, it is relevant to recognize the contributions made by Dr. Ambedkar and his movement towards the upliftment of the downtrodden in general and the SCs–STs in particular. Born as an untouchable himself, he was the first highly western educated thinker, leader and activist who devoted his entire life for the cause of these communities. After independence, Dr. Ambedkar was appointed as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution and was made responsible for making various legal provisions available in the Constitution. He was also the first Law Minister of the free India. Dr. Ambedkar fought single-handedly all through his life despite strong opposition from all leaders and political parties, including M.K. Gandhi. Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of the upliftment, justice and equality for all deprived sections can be seen through his political efforts, social movement, religious conversion and
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education as key to liberation. The origins of Affirmative Actions3 in India lie in the staunch struggles lodged by Dr. Ambedkar.
Affirmative Actions: Evolution and Implications In the Caste Disabilities Act of 1850, the British Rulers in India first introduced the principle of equality before law. In 1885, the provincial government of Madras made a provision for education of children from disadvantaged groups. Around this time, only the Madras Government reserved positions for non-Brahmins in government services. Another significant development came in 1902 when the Maharaja of Kolhapur announced 50 percent of positions to be reserved for downtrodden (i.e., non-Brahmins). The Montague–Chelmsforde Reforms of 1919 envisaged representation of deprived groups in several local governments and public bodies. Further, the Government of India Act of 1935 provided for the reservations of seats in provincial legislative assemblies for the depressed castes. Reservations for Scheduled Castes were made for the first time in 1943, when a government order was issued reserving 8.3 percent of vacancies in government service for them. The reservation quota was raised to 12.5 percent in 1946 to correspond with the proportion of their population. Special assistance to the backward classes was offered in education as well as through a programme of scholarships introduced in 1945 for Scheduled Castes and extended 3 years later to Scheduled Tribes. The Indian Constitution promises equality to all its citizens and provides special provisions for the realization of equality to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, who have been specially identified as a marginalized and weaker section of Indian society. Further, the Constitution envisages India as a welfare state and this ideology is most supportive of positive discrimination policies because it emphasizes equality, social justice and egalitarian values. Specifically, the Fundamental Rights (Chapter III of the Constitution) and the Directive Principles of State Policy (Chapter IV of the Constitution) emphasize these provisions. Article 46 of the latter provides that the state ‘‘shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of weaker sections of the people and in particular of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.’’ This chapter examines the role of Affirmative Actions in determining the access to higher education and thereby its implications on the development of the deprived sections of Indian society (i.e., Scheduled Castes).4
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Special Provisions The Constitution provides special provisions for the Scheduled Castes and Tribes under the Affirmative Action Policy.5 These provisions are: 1. Political reservations both in parliament and state Assemblies according to their population proportion. 2. Reservations in employment in public sectors and all other organizations funded by the governments according to their population proportion. 3. Reservations of seats for admissions to all the levels of education including higher/technical/professional education besides material and non-material facilities. 4. Establishment of statutory bodies like National Commission for SCs and STs. 5. Various planned and unplanned programmes for social and economic development. 6. Provision of law against practice of untouchability and social discrimination. It may be noted that all these provisions are placed under the Directive Principles of State Policy of the Constitution and are ‘‘not enforceable’’ by any court. All the reservation of seats in education and employment are enforceable in government and semi-government departments/organizations and private sectors have, in no way, obligations to implement the provisions. Articles 15(4), 29, 30, 45–46 and 350-A are the relevant provisions in the constitution pertaining to educational development of the people, including SCs and STs. However, Articles 15(4) and 46 have been specially provided to protect the interests of the SCs and STs. Various commissions on education in independent India explicitly stated the commitment mandated by the Constitution. Education was viewed as an instrument for promoting social equality for all backward communities and this objective was shared by two commissions (Kalelkar, 1956; Mandal, 1980). The Mandal Commission, however, succeeded in defining the Other Backward Classes and recommended 27 percent of government jobs that was implemented in 1990, despite strong protests and resentment by upper castes.
Special Educational Facilities Under constitutional mandate, Article 15(4) provides for promotion of education of the SCs and STs. Accordingly, both Central and State
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Governments have introduced various special facilities for educational development of these communities at all levels. These facilities are mainly in two forms: material and non-material. Material facilities include scholarships and freeship; hostels with boarding/non-boarding facilities; books, uniforms up to elementary level; Ashram schools (mainly for tribals); special nominal financial incentives for girls; overseas scholarships; and research fellowships. Non-material facilities include special remedial coaching; developing language skills (especially English); pre-exam coaching for medical, engineering and administrative services; 5-percent relaxation for admission to professional/technical courses like medical, engineering and management; reservation of seats in admissions with their population proportion. All of the facilities require fulfilment of certain eligibility criteria. Further, the schemes are not implemented in a uniform way as the education falls in the state list. Therefore, each state follows its own method of provision of budget, utilization and actual implementation, and disbursement. At higher levels of education, the material facilities are less except for post-matric scholarships. The higher educational policies and programmes are implemented through the University Grants Commission (UGC), a statutory body.
PASSAGE TO HIGHER EDUCATION: CONSTRAINTS AND CONSEQUENCES Considering the SC’s poor socio-economic background and struggle for daily survival with greater dependence on upper castes and being ruralbased, most of them are deprived of education at primary and elementary levels only. This deprivation is supported by their lack of awareness, discrimination, lack of access due to distance, lack of affordability, and lack of motivation resulting out of social background. Regarding schools, the poor quality of educational content, teaching methods, and teachers’ and fellow students’ discriminative and unattractive atmosphere result in poor enrolment, poor performance and high dropout rate among the children. This leads to creation of imbalances among and between regions, castes and gender. Various studies and survey reports have endorsed these constraints and their consequences. As preparatory ground for higher education, these levels are crucial to understand and must be taken into consideration when discussing higher education. Table 1 shows the enrolment of all categories and SCs at Primary Stage to Senior Secondary Stage from 1980 to 2000.
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Table 1. Enrolment of Scheduled Castes at Primary, Middle, High/Post Basic Stage/Senior Secondary Stage. All India Level (Figures in 000) Year
Enrolment of All Categories Boys
Girls
Total
SC Enrolment Boys
Girls
% of SC Enrolment
Total
Boys
Girls
Total
16.18 16.87 16.76 17.53 18.42
13.40 14.96 14.77 16.04 17.42
15.11 16.10 16.10 16.89 17.98
12.21 13.99 13.18 14.82 15.47
9.16 10.83 11.36 13.42 14.24
11.20 12.87 12.50 14.27 14.98
Primary State (Class I–V) 1980–81 1985–86 1990–91 1995–96 1999–2000
44,576 51,732 58,095 62,361 64,103
28,112 34,733 41,023 47,373 43,509
72,688 86,465 99,118 109,734 113,612
7,213 8,727 9,737 10,935 11,809
3,768 5,194 6,057 7,601 8,625
10,981 13,921 15,794 18,536 20,435
Middle Stage (Class VI–VIII) 1980–81 1985–86 1990–91 1995–96 1999–2000
13,278 18,132 20,844 24,971 25,082
6,568 9,992 12,439 16,043 16,983
19,846 28,124 33,283 41,014 42,065
1,621 2,537 2,747 3,701 3,881
602 1,082 1,413 2,153 2,419
2,223 3,619 4,160 5,854 6,300
High/Post Basic State (Class IX–X) 1980–81 1985–86 1990–91 1995–96 1999–2000
4,953 8,029 9,678 10,711
2,189 3,588 4,862 6,069
7,142 11,617 14,540 16,780
653 1,046 1,236 1,472
209 351 488 657
862 1,397 1,724 2,129
13.18 9.55 12.07 13.03 9.78 12.02 12.77 10.04 11.86 13.74 10.89 12.69
290 413 614 1,217 4,039
8.27 3.44 7.01 8.78 5.15 7.72 10.80 7.23 9.66 16.28 12.45 15.00 14.84 13.48 14.32
Sr. Secondary Stage 1980–81 1985–86 1990–91 1995–96 1999–2000 Total
3,061 3,780 4.26 5,396 17,246 46.27
1,077 1,573 2,032 2,713 10,968 53.96
4,138 5,353 6,358 8,109 28,214 49.35
253 332 467 879 2,560 64.34
37 81 147 338 1,479 73.24
67.77 74.30 83.38 77.65
Source: Selected Educational Statistics, MHRD, Government of India.
Higher Education: Plight and Limitations Despite the last five decades of Affirmative Action, the representation of the Scheduled Castes in higher education remains insignificant. This is a matter
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Table 2. Year 1978–79 1988–89 1995–96 1996–97
335
Total Enrolment of Scheduled Castes in Higher Education. Non-Scheduled
Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Tribes
Total
2,337,221 (91.35) 3,448,087 (90.90) 5,532,998 (89.24) 5,898,407 (89.49)
180,058 (7.03) 279,720 (7.29) 496,872 (8.01) 512,291 (7.77)
41,081 (1.6) 69,169 (1.8) 170,239 (2.74) 180,142 (2.73)
2,558,360 (100) 3,836,976 (100) 6,200,109 (100) 6,590,840 (100)
Source: Twenty-Eighth Report of the Commissioner for SC/ST, 1986–87, Government of India, New Delhi, 1987; Select Educational Statistics: 1988-89, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, New Delhi, 1989; Annual reports – 1996–97 and 1997–98, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, New Delhi, 1997 and 1998.
of serious concern since higher education is closely linked to better jobs, higher income and social mobility. Therefore, it is pertinent to understand and analyse their situation in higher education. Table 2 provides a comparative picture between non-Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Castes pertaining to their enrolment in higher education. So far, studies have revealed that higher education and good-quality education are available in urban centres but they are very expensive and instruction is done mainly in the English language. Education is highly inaccessible to girls due to existing social traditions and customs; moreover, various studies revealed that very few of them get into higher education. Typically, they cluster around sub-standard institutions and enrol into general education because it is less expensive and does not require special skills or guidance (see Tables 3 and 4). Girls perform poorly and take a longer time to complete their education. Since its implementation in 1986, the New Education Policy follows the pattern of 10+2+3 years of education across the country along with new and modern contents of education. The three subjects that the majority are unable to clear at Xth standard are New Maths, Modern Science and English language. At XIth they can choose Science, Commerce or Arts stream. Higher education is considered from XIth standard onwards. Students need to migrate to cities or towns where higher education is available but they find it very difficult to access lodging and boarding facilities since most of the educational institutions do not provide these facilities.
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Table 3.
SC/ST Students in Elite Technical/Engineering Institutions (1994–95).
Total Seats
IIT Delhi
IIT Kanpur
IIT Kharagpur
IIT Chennai
IIT Mumbai
UG
PG UG
PG
UG
PG
UG
PG
UG
PG
2457
483
375
53
527
450
348
261
408
422
355 176
72 36
53 26
19 10
28 3
67 33
57 29
40 20
61 31
17 9
Number of candidates selected SC 132 ST 20
21 3
19 3
14 0
28 3
54 7
28 3
48 13
32 4
0 0
21.4 100
0 0
19.5 78.8
51 90
Number of seats reserved SC ST
Shortfall percentage SC ST
62.82 71 88.64 92
64.2 88.5
Excess 20% 35
48.6 87.1
100 100
Note: UG ¼ undergraduate; PG ¼ post graduate Source: Report on the Reservation for Employment of SC/ST in IITs Including Reservation for SC/Scheduled Tribes in Admissions therein. Standing Committee on Welfare of SC/ST-Fifth Report (1998–99), Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi, pp. 21, 23, 25, 27, 29.
Table 4. Enrolment of Scheduled Castes to Total Enrolment and Growth Rate. Group
Percentage of Scheduled Castes Enrolment to Total Enrolment 1978–79
Arts Science Commerce Education Engineering and technology Medicine
Growth of Enrolment
1996–97
UG
PG
UG
PG
UG
PG
9.85 4.44 4.76 6.24 6.16
10.54 2.93 5.42 3.42 1.92
10.65 6.94 4.97 11.67 7.31
13.62 7.35 7.09 N.A. N.A.
0.8 2.5 0.21 5.43 1.15
3.08 4.42 1.67 N.A. N.A.
9.98
3.69
8.82
N.A.
1.16
N.A.
Note: UG ¼ under graduation; PG ¼ post graduation; N.A. ¼ not available Source: Compiled from 27th Report for the Commissioner for SC–ST, Govt. of India and Selected Educational Statistics 1996–97, Govt. of India.
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Social Discrimination and Prejudice At the level of educational institutions, the teachers, fellow students, and administrators carry their biases and prejudices and treat these students badly. As a result, these students fall victim to various forms of discrimination, humiliations and negligence. The following narrations pertain to social discrimination and prejudice experiences in education and employment. A professor teaching at a premier institute says: (1) My daughter scored 80.5 percent marks at Xth Board Exam in 2002. She is brilliant and very sharp. Aspires to become medical doctor; so tries to get admission in good college for Science (Biology) stream. It is very difficult to get admission in good colleges for all including the reserved quota candidates. Minority colleges are excluded from adopting the reservation policy so the admissions become more difficult for reserved category students. The students are admitted on merit basis and the difference between open and reserved quota candidates’ percentage of marks is very little – between 5–7 percent. My daughter does not get admission in any college of choice. The next good college is located in Chembur wherein the Hindutva ideology is dominant and anti-dalitanti-reservation lobby is strong and active. However, the management is forced to implement reservation quota as per government directives. There are two sub-streams within science at XIth, i.e., vocational and biology. According to the college management, it is unbelievable that the Government has reserved 50 percent of the seats for SCs and STs. So the college management tried first to put all the SC–ST students for vocational stream irrespective of their merit and their choice. Accordingly, my daughter was forcefully told to choose the vocational stream and was denied biology stream although she was eligible for it and seats were available. Both the parents and the girl tried to request, pursue and convince the admission in-charge persons to admit her for the stream of her choice. The persons-in-charge were senior teachers of the college sitting on the benches in a hall and dealing with procedures. There was a long queue of students accompanied by parents. When our turn came, these fellows bluntly refused to listen to us and started openly and loudly passing sarcastic comments against reservations and its beneficiaries. They accused the reserved category persons of availing everything ‘free’ with no efforts and thus becoming ‘‘Pampered’’! This was done repeatedly for two days. Both my wife and I got shocked and felt humiliated beyond tolerance but could say nothing as the child’s admission was
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more important. The girl started crying. We all were found to be helpless. Then some known contact persons intervened and finally the girl was admitted for science (biology). After few days, we came to know that it was necessary for the college to admit some students in the vocational stream for getting the grant from the government. So the college was trying to admit all SC–ST students in that stream as the general students do not show any interest for this stream. Such lack of interest develops as it is taken to be low and non-prestigious. Eventually, the scheme of vocational education at +2 level was evaluated by myself in the states of Maharashtra, Gujarat and Goa for the Government of India. After college opened and the classes started, one fine day someone from among the students took away (stole) my daughter’s purse which contained some cash and the train-pass. She reported the incident to the principal and her class teacher. Nevertheless, it was not at all taken seriously. Second time on 5th August, 2002, again she lost her purse from the table where students leave their bags before entering the Lab for experiments. This time the purse contained Rs.350/- and the train pass. She realised it immediately. Again she went to the principal and to the class teacher. She called up her mother and me. Then I personally went and met the principal. The principal is Marathi Brahmin, the college is run by Sindhis. The principal tried to patch-up. Ordered to check students’ bags. I was angry but was controlling anger. I told the principal that I would go to the police station and then I should not be blamed for spoiling the name of the college. Surprisingly, both the teacher and the principal were accusing the girl to be careless. I walked out till the exit gate. I was soon called back by the principal and was shown the purse that was found in between the time of meeting and walking till the gate. During the conversation, the principal was repeatedly telling, ‘‘From the time we started implementing reservations in the college, such incidents are taking place frequently.’’ I was surprised and shocked but helpless to assert. I told her politely it may not be so. This is not to say that the students did it on the basis of caste but certainly the comments of the teacher (principal) tell us many things – the mind, the attitude, the biases, discrimination and so on. My professorship in Sociology of Education was proved to be totally useless! (2) This came from a scientist who is employed at an internationally reputed atomic energy research organization. He is also a chief promoter of an upcoming housing society in New Mumbai. He belongs to an upper caste. He visited the house of a senior social scientist of a reputed social
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science institute. After finding the social scientist’s house to be so dirty and shabby that he could not sit there even for 5 min, he exclaimed, ‘‘He must be a Scheduled Caste; Saala.’’ He didn’t know my identity as a dalit. My face was worth seeing. The person against whom this remark came belonged very much to the general category! The following is an experience of an eminent and internationally reputed scientist, a Scheduled Caste, in the field of construction engineering. Dr. Mahesh (name changed) served as a scientist in construction engineering in USA, Israel and Malaysia with standing invitations to work in many other countries. After serving abroad for several years, Dr. Mahesh considered returning to India to serve the country. He delivered several talks at IITs that were appreciated greatly and finally, he was formally invited by IIT Chennai to join. A post was specially created for him by the ministry. He put in the application where in there was a column on caste which filled in by mentioning his caste. Nobody knew his caste till then. He kept waiting for the appointment letter for 6 months. Finally, he met the IIT director and then the ministry official; neither gave him a satisfactory answer. Dr. Mahesh ultimately realized that his caste was causing this delay and avoidance. He felt humiliated and highly demoralized and, leaving matters half-way through went back. He is now doing his best there with no regrets. Thus, academic performance is judged with caste biases. This is especially true of professional/technical education where they have internal assessments and practicals (e.g., medical, engineering). Consequently, these students suffer from alienation and isolation, various complexes and mental– emotional blocks resulting in poor performance, stagnation or dropout. The provision of facilities is inadequate and has stigma of caste and of being inferior attached to it. Most of the SCs are first-generation learners and find it difficult to cope with rising educational standards and the negative educational climate. They are also challenged by their parents’ lack of experience with formal education because of their own limited educational mobility. In addition, most of them are forced to work hard labour to earn for themselves as well as for their families.
AFFIRMATIVE ACTIONS: ISSUES AND PROBLEMS While the issue of equality and justice has gained high relevance in contemporary societies, the goal of equality cannot be achieved without special
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planning and programmes. This is especially true for those communities that have been traditionally/historically deprived on various grounds of race, ethnicity, caste or gender. Social deprivation is universal but methods of combating it vary for different societies. Most democratic countries have adopted the special measures to remove deprivation and introduced policies and programmes to achieve equality in social and economic spheres. In many cases, the social and economic development is directly linked to higher education and employment. However, growth of higher education in India has taken place more in response to political pressures and demands from the upper sections of the society than to cater to the development need of the nation as a whole (Aikara, 1994). India has completed 50 years of experimentation with the policy of Affirmative Action and it is time to review its gains and drawbacks. The conclusion emerging from various studies is that the situational constraints highlighted by the various studies should be removed through an integrated programme for the dispersal of the benefits. The benefits of the protective discrimination should not be allowed to become concentrated; rather, they should be dispersed to cover their total population to prevent the creation of a sub-elite among the Scheduled Castes and Tribes (Ahmad, 1978). The issues and problems emerged during the last five decades pertaining to the Affirmative Actions are manifold: political, social, economic and educational. Studies have revealed that the policy has certainly contributed to the educational progress of the Scheduled Castes but the progress is steady and minimal in higher education. This is due to the drawbacks within the system itself. Moreover, the socio-economic background that has direct links to educational access, retention and performance has been thoroughly ignored. Consequently, a few urban-based families/castes within the Scheduled Castes have benefitted. This led to regional and caste-to-caste imbalances. With reference to implementation of the provisions, it has been very poor due to bureaucratic attitude of upper castes, lack of will power and politicization of the issue; on the other hand, these communities generally lack awareness and political power. The people in general are prejudiced against the Scheduled Castes because of inherent feelings of superiority, resulting into anti-reservation protests and litigations. It is also argued by some sections of people that the caste criteria should be replaced by economic criteria with certain time limits for such provisions. And very importantly, there has been an argument that the reservation policy lowers the quality and standards. However, a small section of educated Scheduled Castes elites has emerged, falling victim to new forms of discrimination and crisis.
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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Protective discrimination policy as a special measure for equality and justice of the marginalized sections in India is a constitutional commitment and has been in operation for the last five decades. Studies have revealed that the policy is not being implemented properly with full commitment and strong will and, as a result, very few actually benefit. Although education continues to a play key role in development, the Scheduled Castes continue to lag behind the general population in education, particularly higher education, due to the drawbacks in the system. The Scheduled Castes are not homogenous and have differential socio-cultural backgrounds and regional/situational representation. The scheme of reservations in educational institutions and the public sector have been directed to individuals and not focused on groups. Therefore, the beneficiaries of the scheme have been individuals and their families. Further, the scheme lacks centralized focus and approach. This trend has led some sociologists to argue that the benefits of protective discrimination should not be allowed to become concentrated; rather, they should be dispersed to cover their total population to prevent the creation of a sub-elite among the Schedule Castes. Educational opportunities cannot be equalized nor can education equalize opportunity unless society is reasonably equal (Ahmad, 1978). Recently, the process of globalization and privatization has posed a serious threat to the Affirmative Action Policy and thereby to the basic constitutional commitment of social equality and justice. Globalization demands merit and excellence that will suit the economic interests of the corporate sector. The merit and excellence would come from quality education that has been the monopoly of few upper castes/class people. A fresh empirical probe in the era of new challenges of globalization is proposed, considering its implications on the Affirmative Action Programmes.
NOTES 1. Under the Scheduled Castes, there are 1092 caste groups, which all belong to ex-untouchable communities unlike Tribals and Other Backward Classes. 2. Recently the new term Dalits has been coined by this group, meaning all the oppressed and suppressed. This is taken as an outcome of their prolonged struggle for new secular identity. 3. In India, there are different terms used for Affirmative Actions: positive discrimination, protective discrimination, reverse discrimination, reservation policy,
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special privileges, special facilities preferential treatment. Of these terms, Reservation Policy is widely used and accepted. I have used these terms interchangeably. 4. Affirmative Action Programme in India broadly covers three areas: political representation, education and job reservations. This chapter deals with only educational area. 5. Besides Scheduled Castes, there are other communities like Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes covered under the Affirmative Action Policy. However, this chapter analyzes the issues pertaining only to the Scheduled Castes.
REFERENCES Ahmad, K. (1978). Towards equality: Consequences of protective discrimination. Economic and Political Weekly, XIII(2), 69–72. Aikara, J. (1994). Social context of education in India. Journal of Education and Social Change, 8(2,3), 25–34. Kalelkar. (1956). Commission report of the Backward classes commission. Govt. of India, Delhi. Mandal. (1980). Commission report of the Backward classes commission. Govt. of India, Delhi.
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INNOVATION AND DIVERSITY: NEW HORIZONS IN HIGHER EDUCATION Walter R. Allen, Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth and Robert T. Teranishi INTRODUCTION Innovation within a bureaucratic University requires broad collaboration from all agents – those internal as well as external – to promote institutional goals for positive outcomes in novel yet compelling ways. As suggested by the preceding set of chapters, the environment, particularly the cultural values in higher education institutions, can either facilitate change outcomes to support or limit diversity efforts. The same momentum that compels agents within higher education to adopt or adjust their cultural values, also contributes to discourse within the University about intertwined goals related to curriculum, academic programs and other endeavors. Thus, postsecondary institutions with genuine goals to promote diversity will have these goals reflected in their activities and at core layers of the organization to influence institutional plans and actions. What are important considerations to facilitate positive and innovative actions in a University’s diversity efforts? The various chapters found in this section focus on considerations required in policy, curricular and administrative arenas to foster change that supports more inclusive and diverse learning communities. Rather than think that diversity occurs apart from Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 345–348 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05029-1
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the real business of the academy, the only way to influence positive change on the institution is to integrate diversity perspectives within all other University business. In this section, Carol Camp Yeakey adopts such a vital perspective in considering recent policy initiatives and their actual impact on diversity in higher education. As she suggests, broad policies that do not consider all implications on practice do more harm than good to achieve diversity and equality in our educational systems. But how to show important inconsistencies and contradictions between policy and practice? Mitchell J. Chang and Erica Yamamura discuss novel ways to view the organization and creatively consider the quantitative statistics so often discussed to demonstrate access and equity. Their analysis suggests more refined identification to reflect actual diversity levels in specific learning communities. While quantitative analysis always will be germane to examine the success of key diversity initiatives, qualitative reflection enables us to tease out current and future best practices. The observations by William Trent and Yuqin Gong in this section consider the impact of academic programs in producing positive learning outcomes for students. As suggested by their analysis, major program efforts that introduce students to University settings and focus them on the major activity of the University – generating and assessing new knowledge through research – provide incoming students with effective models for their subsequent college student roles. But how do we as educators know when we have met our diversity goals? What indicators confirm our beliefs that the organization has broadened its access and extended opportunities to all members of its community? Carol Petersen uses a unique medium to confirm that seeing is believing. Her use of photography in new and compelling ways helps the organization to answer ‘‘How are we doing?’’ relevant to diversity outcomes. Her works provide immediate connections between the subject and the viewer, reflecting the complex faces of diversity in the University today. What is evident in all the analyses discussed in this section is the prerequisite that the organizational members adopt multiple ways of seeing and understanding the current conditions in higher education. Morgan (1997) suggests that organizations adopt a ‘‘law of requisite variety’’ to have the capacity to ‘‘embrace complexity of the environment being faced’’ (p. 377). The current and future studies on diversity in higher education require us to use these multiple lenses to understand where we are and where we must go to fulfill the social contract with learners. The Du Bois (1903) statement about the enduring problem of the color line remains true, albeit more complex to examine since the line appropriately
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extends in the 21st century to include considerations of gender, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation and power relationships. The continued relevance of race, class, gender and other aspects of the self in society demand that educators remain diligent in their pursuits to innovate and engender institutional priorities concerning diversity. Today’s attitudes concerning diversity are multifaceted. However, even amid our growing understanding about the benefits of diversity, there are disturbing, yet persistent perceptions among majority-culture students to adopt culturally pathological stereotypes – perceptions about minorityculture students that are reactionary and racist in nature (Bowman & Smith, 2002, p.114). While the academy is known as a place of scholarly debate, the schisms caused from individual stereotypes and from the lack of institutional priorities focused to increase diversity threaten the core of our academy. As noted by Altbach, Lomotey, and Rivers (2002): Campus race relations concern not only the underrepresented groups but also everyone involved in the academic enterprise. First, racial issues have great potential for precipitating campus disruption. More important, racial issues pervade the entire University – from debates about the curriculum to relations in dormitories, from intercollegiate sports to key decisions on admissions (p. 24).
Discussions on race relations and the broader landscape of diversity issues lay at the foundation of who will forge and nurture our civil societies of the future. Taking the specific example of postsecondary education in the U.S., we understand that even at a basic level, the University is viewed as one of our best tools to develop human capital. However, even economic analyses on this point show disparities by race, by gender and by other characteristics on rates of returns for college graduates, and these disparities suggest factors beyond ability that influence these outcomes (Becker, 1993). To remain at its most engaging level, higher education must forge new policies and practices to educate and develop its students, faculty and staff to the best of their abilities to serve broader community goals.
REFERENCES Altbach, P. G., Lomotey, K., & Rivers, S. (2002). Race in higher education. In: W. A. Smith, P. G. Altbach & K. Lomotey (Eds), The racial crisis in American higher education: Continuing challenges for the twenty-first century (pp. 23–41). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Becker, G. S. (1993). Human capital: A theoretical and empirical analysis with special reference to education. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
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Bowman, P. J., & Smith, W. A. (2002). Racial ideology in the campus community. In: W. A. Smith, P. G. Altbach & K. Lomotey (Eds), The racial crisis in American higher education: Continuing challenges for the twenty-first century (pp. 103–120). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Du Bois, W. E. B. (1903). The souls of Black folks. Chicago, IL: A. C. McClurg & Co. Morgan, G. (1997). Images of organization. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage,.
WHO SHALL BE EDUCATED? GOVERNMENTAL POLICY INFLUENCES ON EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY$ Carol Camp Yeakey yand this is the crime of which I accuse my country and my countrymen, and for which neither I nor time nor history will ever forgive them, that they have destroyed and are destroying hundreds of thousands of lives and do not know it and do not want to know ity. But it is not permissible that the authors of devastation should also be innocent. It is the innocence which constitutes the crime. (pp. 15–16) Color is not a human or personal reality in America, it is a political reality. (p. 139) James Baldwin The Fire Next Time (1963)
During the 1930s, W. Lloyd Warner and Allison Davis offered the seminal conceptual framework in which black/white relations were seen as a color caste system that framed social, economic and political relations in American $
Presented at the International Meeting, ‘‘Achieving Diversity in Tertiary and Higher Education: Challenges and Prospects’’ sponsored by UCLA’s 21st Century Project at the Rockefeller Study Center, Bellagio, Italy, March 2003.
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 349–367 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05017-5
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society. Such a system was reinforced constitutionally by the legal order. Since the initial findings of Warner and Davis (1939), volumes have been written on the collaborative relationship between race and class and their impact on educational opportunity. Among the most notable are the works of Drake and Cayton (1945), Hollingshead (1945), Warner, Havighurst and Loeb (1944), Dollard (1949), Davis, Gardner and Gardner (1941) and Davis and Dollard (1940). Of course, the class Marxist study by Oliver Cox (1948) analyzed the racial stratification system as an exploitative one grounded in the economic order and in a society’s socio-political and cultural alignments that distribute power, prestige and privilege disproportionately, a point to which we will turn later in our discussion. There are a host of researchers – too numerous to mention – who have extended and embellished upon this topic, both nationally and internationally, including Frankfurt School theorists and notable American researchers. But perhaps no volume more poignantly captures the topic of my chapter than the 1944 publication of Warner et al. entitled Who Shall Be Educated? which examined the significance of race, class and family background on schooling achievement and subsequent educational opportunity. While Warner et al. focused on elementary education primarily, my focus is on the current challenges to equalizing educational opportunity in postsecondary education. In this study, educational opportunity will be viewed along a continuum, from preschool through postsecondary. Inherent in this approach is an appreciation, as well as understanding of, the interlocutory relationship between all levels of schooling. Specifically, this chapter will examine key government policies that impact educational opportunity. Particular focus will be upon the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, the Higher Education Amendments Act of 1998 and the unusual confluence of educational opportunity, crime and punishment, and state budget policy influence amidst the increasing privatization of a public good, higher education.
RACE MATTERS Many years ago, the amazing literary giant and social critic James Baldwin was never more profound when he noted that ‘‘Color is not a human or a personal reality in America, it is a political reality’’ (Baldwin, 1963, p. 139). If we ever had any doubts about the currency of Baldwin’s commentary, we have only to remember the remarks by Senator Trent Lott (R-Mississippi) and his subsequent resignation as Senate Majority leader, in the U.S.
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Congress. Lott was under criticism for his remarks at a party celebrating the 100th birthday of Senator Strom Thurmond (R-South Carolina), who ran unsuccessfully for president in 1948 on a segregationist platform. At the birthday celebration, Lott said the nation would have been better off had Thurmond won that election. The damages in Senator Lott’s comments are not simply that they are offensive as a characterization of our national past. The damage is that his words imply an intention or acceptance of racial segregation as the continuing reality of America’s future. Lott’s remarks are but reflective of the Southern Manifesto or the Nixonian strategy, often called the ‘bubba factor.’ The strategy was to reclaim the south by appealing to the fears of southern white men. This blatant Confederate viewpoint was furthered and joined by conservative scholars and activists who developed the counterattack programs to dismantle the civil rights agenda and social programs, aimed at equalizing educational opportunity. The code word was ‘‘reverse discrimination.’’ Simply put, race matters (Shaw, 2002). For years, it was a common fallacy of conventional economists in American society to assess racial discrimination in employment, or the lack thereof, without analysing as well the extent to which racial discrimination affects the factors they hold constant. The revisionist economists have told us that such methodology obfuscates reality for on an operational level, the various forms of discrimination are indistinguishable. The resource allocation of city schools; residential segregation and housing quality; the location, structure and placement of transportation systems; hiring and promotion practices; disproportionate criminal sentencing for the same crime; academic underachievement of students of color; recurrent challenges to educational access and opportunity; availability of decent health care; behavior of policemen and judges; stereotypical images of persons of color presented in the media and school curricula; morbidity, mortality and longevity rates; lack of political clout and effective legislative representation – these and a myriad of other forms of social, political and economic discrimination concurrently interlock to determine the status, income and welfare of persons of color (Yeakey, 1979). Such factors cannot be considered inconsequential to one’s social mobility in the larger economic arena for such processes are not simply additive, but are mutually sustaining and reinforcing. Noneconomic factors neatly interlace with economic factors, becoming operationally inseparable on a systems level. What are the implications of the foregoing for equalizing education, post Brown v. Board of Education (1954)? Let us examine our first government policy, No Child Left Behind, to help us address the question.
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NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND One of the most profound pieces of legislation that will impact access and diversity in tertiary and higher education is the No Child Left Behind Act (hereafter cited as NCLB), signed into law by President Bush on January 8, 2002 (NCLB, 2001). The bill is the reauthorization of the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Act (ESEA), providing specific guidelines for states and local school systems in their efforts to improve academic achievement for underprivileged children. The key focus of the new legislation appears to be the closing of the achievement gap between underserved students of color and their white peers. While this Act builds upon the former ESEA law, there are some notable changes relative to standards, assessment and accountability. To put it mildly, the standards are confusing. The formula and language used to identify underperforming schools are so unwieldy and byzantine that President George Bush described a Michigan elementary school he visited as ‘‘excelling’’ just three months before it was declared below standard. Moreover, NCLB is largely an unfunded mandate, for while the law hopes to add $77 per student in federal aid, it creates $575 per student in obligations. Key problems are inherent in the definition of proficiency. The fact that each state will define proficiency is a problem in and of itself, for in effect we have 50 different proficiency standards. In addition, since each state defines proficiency, those that set standards high make it harder for their schools to avoid the ‘‘needs improvement’’ label. Below is an examination of law’s impact on a few subgroups and a discussion of some of the more sobering aspects of the law. Most states have filed their plans for boosting student achievement. However, the real test comes when those states submit blueprints showing how they plan to get a highly qualified teacher in every class by the year 2006. The teacher qualification standard discusses rigorous tests for knowledge of content. This provision is one of the most crucial parts of the law and the most politically difficult for the states. Given the high level of retirement of seasoned teachers and the high turnover of new teachers, especially in lower socioeconomic areas, some universities will need to close down or reform colleges of education that are little more than degree mills. Poor rural schools have not met testing and assessment requirements of the Comprehensive Education Reform Act of 1994. Yet the new law, NCLB, has increased federal oversight. For example, at one rural school
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in Demopolis, Alabama, in Alabama’s rural Black belt, its library is a trip back in time, with books that ponder how the Vietnam War will turn out (Schema, 2002). Other texts speak of landing on the moon as an ambitious dream, and yet others explain disagreements among scientists over how long satellites can stay in orbit. To earn the equivalent of an academic diploma, which will allow them to attend a university, Alabama’s students must master a foreign language. But in schools with no foreign language teacher, high school students take Spanish on their own, going through decades-old textbooks to learn conjugations and to grasp the subjunctive. The conditions are even more appalling for subjects like science and math. While some hope that NCLB will channel more attention to rural schools, in much of the south, the law that calls for breaking down student achievement by race and income level will give taxpayers an X-ray of neglect. Some urban inner-city schools will not fare much better than their rural counterparts. What about the children in Indian country? When we hear about NCLB, consider the Indian youngsters at Wounded Knee District School in Wounded Knee, South Dakota (Whirlwind Horse, 2002). Windows at the school are boarded up, restricting air circulation and forcing students and teachers to sit on the floor during the hot spring and fall terms. Trailers are rolled in to remove children from unsafe conditions. Last year, according to evidence obtained from the Interior Department, there was a known backlog of two billion dollars in critical repair needs in tribal schools nationwide. Lacking maintenance and capital improvement funds, tribes are forced to use their strapped education budgets to put band-aids and gauze on buildings – money that should go to teacher salaries and supplies. One does not need to tell Indian students that they have a right to a decent education. They know from their elders that under nearly every treaty, the federal government is expressly obligated to provide both teachers and schools for Indians. As part of a recent federal lawsuit, a judge in Arizona examined the conditions in one Indian school and declared that it was not fit for human habitation, not even for the detention of federal prisoners. Recently, President Bush reported that for FY 2003, the allocation of $120 million is to replace six of the more than 200 Indian schools nationwide. Under NCLB, English Language Learners (ELLs) are at risk. The fastest growing student population in the U.S. in primary and secondary schools are approximately 5–10 million students whose first language is not English. There is a misconception that the problem of learning standard English is largely confined to the Latino population. In several school
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systems across the country, more than 25 different foreign languages are the primary languages of students in one school system. NCLB requires that all students in grades 3 through 8 be tested annually in English, in reading and in math. These standardized results will determine whether a school is labeled a success or a failure under the law. Critics suggest that the law ignores how children learn a second language by promoting the notion that most ELLs can learn academic English in three years. Also, just a small influx of non-English speakers can skew overall test scores so much that a school doing well can be labeled failing. At issue is how long it takes to learn academic English as opposed to playground English, and what programs work best with diverse populations is central to the debate. Poor students in chronically low-performing schools need extra help quickly. Therefore, the idea was written into the law that public schools were ordered to arrange private tutoring services for these children. However, the sheer task of finding approved tutors in math, reading and language arts has proven to be a monumental task. Complicating matters is the sheer cost of paying for profit enterprises, such as Sylvan Learning Systems. This aspect of the law begins after a school has not made adequate annual progress. One of the most glaring omissions of the NCLB is any notion of understanding what is called ‘‘the whole child’’ concept – that is, his/her personal and emotional development and the social, economic and political conditions under which early childhood development or the lack thereof takes place. In effect, if one examines the early work of Urie Bronfenbrenner (2005), James Comer (2004) and Comer, Joyner, and Ben-Avie (2004), their considerable bodies of work suggest that learning and development are inextricably linked, that the acquisition of basic academic skills grows out of human development, which in turn provides the platform for higher order learning. Unfortunately NCLB and other federal education policies look at schooling and the cultivation of skills episodically, as though predeterminants of skill acquisition take place solely during school hours, from 8:30 am to 2:30 pm. Excellence as measured by test scores alone is too narrow a frame to analyze child development. To prepare our young to become productive citizens necessitates the whole child concept. This means effectively dealing with a host of handicapping conditions that often preclude a youngster’s academic success no matter how well prepared the teachers or how sound the curriculum. The ‘‘Texas Miracle,’’ a phrase utilized by President Bush during his 2000 presidential campaign, has been largely discredited. The Texas Miracle
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was an approach to education that claimed to show miraculous results in poor schools, in the reduction of dropout rates and in the increase in achievement/test scores. Further evidence revealed that such claims were not only exaggerated, but decidedly false (The ‘Texas Miracle,’ 2004; McNeil, 2000). As stated before, we know the success of early childhood education programs; however, for poor youngsters, such federal programs as Even Start and Head Start fund less than one fourth of the youngsters eligible to receive such services. Yet President Bush in FY 2004 budget is now giving governors the option of taking over Head Start as well as determining which programs can receive Head Start monies (Yeakey, Richardson, & Brooks Buck, 2005). The key strategy in the Bush program is to refocus Head Start on literacy programs. Head Start, the nation’s leading preschool program for the poor, is designed to help children prepare for school academically, and to send them to the dentist, doctor or mental health professional, or teach them how to hold a fork and to utilize facilities. Further, Bush’s proposal comes at a crucial time when states are facing huge deficits and are already cutting prekindergarten programs. States will be greatly tempted to use the Head Start monies for other things. Compare the foregoing developments to more financially well-off families, where wealthy parents enroll their children not for day care but for preschool, while their children are still in the womb – so significant is the impact of early head start in life. Worse still, tucked away in Bush’s proposed budget is a call for greater documentation of the incomes of parents whose children participate in the federal school lunch program, which feeds an average 28.4 million children each day (Yeakey et al., 2005). Children from families that cannot provide pay stubs – not so easy when poor, troubled or non-English speaking families are involved – might not get lunch or breakfast as we attempt to catch what I term ‘‘school lunch cheaters.’’ The burdens that such requirements place on school systems and the possibility that some children might lose access to the only full meal they receive during the day contribute to the growing evidence that Bush’s NCLB Act is more of a bumper sticker than a well-conceived government policy designed for the welfare of children. It is almost too obvious to state that students cannot learn on empty stomachs but the issue is deeper than just the price of the lunch. The number of children eligible for reduced-price or free meals has long been used to determine federal funding for reading and other academic programs. Fewer students needing the meal subsidy means reduced funds for other school programs as well.
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While I am in agreement with many of the concerns raised by our leading citizenry, allow me to place these concerns with some of my own within the broader social, political and economic contexts in which they intersect. While we speak to the notion of school standards, we really embrace a broader question, that is, how a society cares and prepares all of its citizens, and more importantly, how a society plans for its future. What impresses me most about NCLB and its proposed standards is their extraordinary ordinariness, that is, the misguided notion of making the educational experience, in both form and content, the same for all. This notion is what Futrell calls a type of ‘‘pantyhose pedagogy,’’ a one-size-fits-all approach to schooling, which distorts the highly stratified, the highly diversified and highly pluralistic nature of American society (Futrell, 1988). The inclination for making schooling the same for all penalizes those individuals who lack both the aptitude and interest necessary for pursuing a college degree, but who are more disposed to a vocational course of study. It also penalizes youngsters who, though gifted, have greater potential in the creative arts. Perhaps one of the more blatant shortcomings of these standards is their disregard for the crises facing our burgeoning underclass. Given the correlation between income and achievement, and recent data showing young families living in poverty, the silence with respect to these youth is deafening. In effect, NCLB’s standards treat validity through assumptions, or rather what researchers call assumptive bias. These standards assume commonality and homogeneity at the very time when our school – indeed our society – are confronted with increasingly diverse and pluralistic demands on resources. The question remains: How are these assumptions influenced by issues of race, class, gender, language, or by those with physical and handicapping conditions? The flaws in NCLB area so substantial that the law has undercut its promise (Duncan, 2005). The debates over the law are so vociferous that many states have sued the Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings, alleging that the law illegally imposes more than $50 million in unfunded costs on respective states and many more millions on local communities (Broder, 2005). In effect, this new law asks us to subscribe to the discredited education notion that all students, irrespective of their social status, racial, ethnic or religious background, will be treated equally by being held to the same academic standard. We are left with the absurdity that treating people the same is the same as treating them equally. This fact is very critical. Let us be clear: there are broader social consequences and sanctions in our society for being different, for the failure to adapt
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to normative behaviors and socialization. For a society that does not prioritize child development and social development on the front end will pay the price for social control on the back end. And, if our population projections are correct, we will experience the fruits of a second baby boom and will, at least, double our population of the very youth who are presently being underserved in our school system and overrepresented in our criminal justice system. Increasing masses of low-achieving students and a climate of zero tolerance lead to rather telling consequences for youth of color (Yeakey, 2003).
HIGHER EDUCATION AMENDMENTS ACT The issue of social control brings us to our next major piece of federal legislation, the Higher Education Amendments Act of 1998, in attempting to address the equalization of educational opportunity in the post Brown era. Many American students with limited economic means as well as those from urban minority communities are at risk of losing access to student financial aid (Brown, Lane, & Rogers, 2002). A key provision in the 1998 Amendments of the Higher Education Act of 1965 states that A student who has been convicted of any offense under any federal or state law involving the possession or sale of a controlled substance shall not be able to receive any grant, loan, or work assistance under this title during a period beginning on the date of such conviction (y484, p. 1).
The law most dramatically affects individuals who are prosecuted for drug offenses – the poor and racial minorities (Brown et al., 2002, p. 233). Ironically, this portion of the Higher Education Amendments Act serves to delimit educational opportunity and access to the coagulated population in greatest need of the access, opportunity and social mobility acquired through higher education. ‘‘The Drug-Free Student Aid provision is an unusually complex entanglement of federal criminal policy and educational finance practices. These two disparate conceptual and practical arenas combine to create a significant threat to educational opportunity.’’ Embedded in this law is a policy that prohibits individuals from accessing federal student aid if they have ever been convicted of possessing or selling illegal drugs (Burd, 2002). ‘‘The intent of the policy was to dissuade students and other citizens from engaging in the use or trade of illicit drugs while receiving aid. The reality of the program is that it removes access to one of this nation’s primary mechanisms of social mobility from those individuals who may be using higher education as a means to escape cyclical dynamics
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of drugs and its concomitant companions – race, poverty and disadvantage’’ (Brown et al., 2002, p. 234). The 1998 version of the Higher Education Amendments signals a retreat of the federal government’s policy on increasing access to higher education. Until the most recent edition of the Amendments, all federal aid programs sought to create an educational system of equal access for all individuals who were able and who desired a college-level education (Brown, 2002; Hannah, 1996; St. John, 1994). Dating back to the initial act in 1965, millions of dollars and resources have been invested in academic and fiscal programs that increase enrollment and persistence, particularly for low-income and underrepresented racial minorities (Heller, 1997). King (2002) utilizing data, from the National Center of Education Statistics (NCES) data, demonstrates that almost all classifications of minority students, with the exception of Asian American/Pacific Islanders, are much more likely to receive federal financial aid than white, non-Hispanic students, thus increasing the number of minorities with opportunities to pursue a college education. The passage of the drug-free clause and the Bush administration’s recent enforcement of the measure have sparked protests and countermeasures at several universities (Anti-Drug Law Backfires, 2002). Of pivotal concern is the contradictory nature of the clause. The classic irony is that while one student may have to postpone college because of a conviction for possessing marijuana, another may still receive aid even if she/he is convicted of rape, extortion or drunk driving. The provision was written to discourage young people from engaging in the use or sale of drugs, yet it reduces their chances of earning a college degree (Brown et al., 2002; Sen, 2005). The problem is that the new law most directly impacts individuals convicted of drug charges, not necessarily those who consume drugs. ‘‘Further, in addition to being a deterrent to individuals who currently receive financial aid (it has yet to be proven that the provision has resulted in a decline in drug use), the law retroactively punishes individuals for crimes for which they have already paid their debt to society’’ (Brown et al., 2002, p. 235). Such a punitive policy discourages the belief that convicted criminals are salvageable (Burd, 2002). The national preoccupation with drug crime in particular has allowed our court prison network to be transformed into a statute life scheme. Historically an individual convicted of a crime would be sentenced using court-selected procedures; she/he would spend time in a staterun prison and ultimately be released to re-enter society as a rehabilitated and reformed person (Brown et al., 2002). Now, under prosecutorial discretion with mandatory minimum sentencing, convicted persons are released to a life of continued restitution and punishment through violent offender programs,
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three strikes laws, recidivism reduction monitors and permanent withdrawal of voting and citizenship rights (Brown et al., 2002; Yeakey, 2003). The nationwide shift in the execution of criminal justice has created an atmosphere where it is permissible to create policies that disenfranchise, disadvantage and discriminate. The shift in criminal justice policy also includes a marked distortion in drug policy (Russell, 1998). Despite the neutral assumption of the law and the belief that all are equal under the law, it appears that some are less equal than others. The existence of discrimination in criminal justice policy is evident. As Russell (1998) relates, about half of all crack cocaine users are White, yet they account for only 4 percent of the defendants convicted under the federal crack law. Blacks who make up 38 percent of all crack users account for more than 85 percent of the federal crack convictions (Russell, 1998; Yeakey, 2003). This racial disparity illustrates one of the problems with current measures of racial discrimination in the justice system. After serving one’s time, the purpose of prison release is that one has paid their debt to society and is attempting to become a law-abiding contributing member of society. Unfortunately, the 1998 Higher Education Amendments Act bars students convicted of selling or possessing illegal drugs from receiving federal financial aid for a fixed time. In addition, a de facto exclusion not explicitly stated in the amendment, but adopted by the Department of Education, applies to individuals who fail to answer the question regarding the applicant’s drug conviction record. If the applicant fails to respond to the question, regardless of the criminal record, the Department of Education subsequently refuses aid to that individual. It is clear that the Drug-Free Student aid provision is inherently biased against racial minorities and the economic underclass. As Brown (2002) has observed, if the stated intent of the law was to motivate individuals to abandon and/or abstain from participation in substance abuse, why were alcoholrelated offenses excluded from the law, given the disproportionate number of alcohol-related deaths to drug-related deaths annually? As previously noted, the majority of all drug-related convictions are issued to racial minorities and impoverished persons, while the majority of individuals convicted of drunk driving are White males (The Sentencing Project, 2002). On a national level, there are approximately 94,000 alcohol-related deaths annually, not including an estimated 25,000 deaths caused by drunk drivers. Compare these numbers with the fact that there are 21,000 drug-related deaths including overdose, disease and general violence associated with the drug trade. The question becomes, why are controlled substances the only target of the law? While some universities are attempting to utilize internal funds to assist students who have been impacted by the drug-free clause, such policies have
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been developed at highly selective institutions such as Yale University and Swarthmore College, among others. However, the bulk of students caught by the law’s provisions are primarily students in our nation’s community colleges and in less prestigious college and universities. As such, these minority and impoverished students will rarely attend the colleges and universities attempting to ameliorate the draconian effects of the law. Closely related to the policy of incarceration of persons of color is a state funding policy for incarceration as opposed to funding for education. A recent study released by the Washington Think Tank, the Justice Policy Institute (JPI, 2002), provides a fiscal guide to state spending over the past 15 years, as the public attempts to balance the needs of the nation’s universities against those of the prison system. Data reveal that funding for higher education has been sacrificed to an expanding and costly corrections system (JPI, 2002). Given the structure of state financing, the funding for prisons and universities has collided in the same part of the states’ discretionary funding pot. With about half of state monies being restricted to deliver key services, build projects and operate basic programs, the remainder of state funding (approximately 50 percent) is discretionary, meaning one program may be cut to fund another. It is this discretionary pot of money that is referred to as a state’s general fund. Higher education funding and spending for corrections have generally come from the general fund. Consequently, as prison populations quadrupled over the last two decades, corrections’ share of the general fund grew, decreasing the number of dollars to fund programs like higher education. From the 1950s to 1980s, the share of state and local spending on colleges and universities doubled (from 3.5 percent in 1952 to 8.0 percent in 1980). In the 1980s, in response to public concern about safety amidst a climate of zero tolerance, we began to see a much larger prison population than had existed historically. Between 1980 and 2000, the American jail and prison population quadrupled from 500,000 to 2 million prisoners. A prison building boom occurred as states, counties and cities built hundreds of prisons, hired thousands of workers and spent billions to feed new prisoners. Prison derbies were held by rural states to warehouse prisoners from other states as a source of revenue funding. As a result, the cost of expanding corrections systems became a larger share of state and local spending. On the average, state spending on corrections grew at six times the rate of higher education spending (JPI, 2002). Idaho increased its prison budget by 424 percent, followed by Pennsylvania (413 percent), Colorado (366 percent), Texas (345 percent) and Oregon (314 percent). Forty-five states increased spending on corrections by more than 100 percent during the period,
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and 18 states increased their spending by more than 200 percent. By contrast, only one state (Nevada) experienced a 100 percent increase in spending on higher education. A third of the states either spent less or experienced less than a 16 percent increase in spending for higher education (JPI, 2002). Bear in mind that while funding for higher education is on the decline, as a result of a downturn in the economy, and our national political focus is on wartime as opposed to a peace-time economy, the burden for the loss of funding is borne disproportionately by poor students and students of color. ‘‘Losing Ground: A National Status Report on the Affordability of American Higher Education’’ published by the National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education (2002) recently found that for low-income families, the cost of paying the tuition at a 4-year public institution increased from 13 percent of median family income in 1980 to 25 percent in 2000. At the same time, federal support for students through Pell Grants has not kept pace with tuition increases. In 1986, the average Pell Grant per recipient covered 98 percent of tuition but by 1998, it covered only 57 percent. In the 1990s, federal financial aid shifted from grants to loans, increasing the debt load carried by poor students. It is impoverished minority students who are disproportionately affected by rising college and university costs. In 1999–2000, there were more African American men under the jurisdiction of state prison systems than in college in 13 states: Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Missouri, Michigan, Ohio, Delaware, Wisconsin, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Texas and Alaska. Over the last 2 decades, 38 states were estimated to have added more African American men to prison than were added to their respective enrollment in their higher education systems. Upon close examination, how states are choosing to spend their scarce dollars disproportionately on the incarceration of African American men is alarming. It would appear that whatever progress has been made in improving Black access to college has been eclipsed by the growth of the nation’s Black male incarcerated population. The primary reason for the rise in incarceration of African American men is disproportionate sentencing for crack as opposed to powder cocaine. The next topic to which we turn is state funding policy and its implications for equalizing educational opportunity post Brown.
STATE FUNDING POLICY As noted before, states are facing their worst fiscal crisis since World War II, as governors and legislatures struggle to close budget shortfalls totalling $57
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billion. Standard & Poor, a credit rating agency, has warned of a possible downgrade for bonds issued by nine states, including California, Indiana and Arizona. The recurring topic is the state of the economy, the federal government’s role in causing much of the problems the states are facing, and the deep concern over the federal government’s lack of a response. A report by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (cited in Schema, 2002; Blumenstyk, 2003) pointed to the fact that between 1994 and 2001, 43 states enacted major tax cuts. Those tax cuts are now costing the states $40 billion in lost revenue each year. States also made the choice to expand social programs and the reach of Medicaid, the costs of which are now exploding. On the spending side, governors are struggling to fund new burdens imposed by the federal election reform law, homeland defense requests and education testing requirements – all of which were supposed to be financed in whole or in part by the federal government. State and local fire, police and medical rescue units were supposed to receive $3.5 billion to finance homeland security programs that Washington wants; so far, states have seen none of it. The NCLB education law envisioned spending nearly $28 billion on educational testing and teacher training. So far, Congress has approved nothing. Because of the loss of public funding, more and more colleges are turning to the private sector to enhance funding opportunities, but at what cost? The terms often heard relative to the growth of private corporate influence in higher education is the commodification of the academy, or the increasing corporatization of higher education. The key question is what will be the import of privatization on issues of access and opportunity at public flagship universities? A long tradition extolled by Thomas Jefferson, to John Dewey to C. Wright Mills was the importance of education as essential for a free democratic public life. Today universities are responding to the demands of the marketplace, as knowledge is being used as a form of venture capital and where professors are labeled as academic entrepreneurs. Richard Hofstadter, the noted American historian, observed the peril that corporate values posed to education and stated that the best rationale for supporting higher education ‘‘lies not in the services they performybut in the values they represent’’ (Hofstadter, cited in Press and Washburn, 2000, p. 54). For Hofstadter, ‘‘it was the values of justice, freedom, equality and the rights of citizens as equal and free human beings that were at the heart of what it meant for higher education to fulfill its role in educating students for the demands of leadership, social citizenship and democratic public life’’ (Giroux, 2002, p. 433). According to some social critics, the growing influence of corporate culture on university life in the United States has served to largely undermine the
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distinction between higher education and business that educators such as Hofstadter wanted to preserve. So, how is corporate culture manifested in the life of the academy, and at what social cost? (Yeakey, 2005). As universities become financially strapped for cash, corporations are more than willing to provide the needed resources, which often come with strings attached. Corporations increasingly dictate the very research they sponsor and business representatives are appointed to sit on faculty committees that determine how research funds are to be spent. More troubling is the number of academics who own stock in the companies which support their research. As large amounts of corporate funding flows to the universities, those areas of study in the university that do not translate into substantial profits get either marginalized, underfunded or eliminated. What is occurring is both a downsizing in the humanities and the increasing refusal on the part of universities to fund research in services such, as public health, that are largely utilized by people who cannot pay for them. Similarly, programs that focus on areas such as critical theory, literature, feminism, cultural studies, ethics or a concern with social issues will be either eliminated or technicized because their role in the market will be judged as ornamental. The new corporate university values profit, control and efficiency, which outweigh considerations about pedagogy or the role of the university in the preservation and enhancement of social responsibility and social democracy (Giroux, 2002). The wide-scale brandnaming of the university is also evident in the number of endowed chairs funded by major corporations and rich corporate donors. The funding of endowed chairs often gives business an opportunity to play a significant role in selecting the appropriate faculty member. In this way, they can influence what kind of research actually takes place. Probably the consequences of transforming university research into a commercially driven enterprise can be seen most clearly in the profitable bioscience and pharmaceutical industries (Giroux, 2002). As David Trend points out, ‘‘the overwhelming majority of research investment in the pharmaceutical industry has gone not to saving the lives of millions of people in the developing world, but to what has been called ‘lifestyle drugs’ that treat such maladies as impotence, obesity, baldness and wrinklesy(even though) malaria, tuberculosis and respiratory infections killed 6.1 million people last year’’ (Trend, 2001, p. 59). While pharmaceutical companies have spent more than $24 billion in research working with universities to develop high profit drugs such as Viagra, only $2 billion will be spent on drugs used to combat deadly diseases such as malaria, even though the disease is expected to kill more than 40 million Africans alone in the next 20 years. We also see
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the perilous effects of the complex connections between universities and corporations concerning intellectual property rights, licensing income and patenting agreements (Giroux, 2002). Similarly, management models of decision-making are replacing faculty governance. Accountability and the tendency to hire non-tenure line faculty have given the academy a new meaning. The language of educational reform has become divorced from broader considerations of social responsibility, of equity and equality. In the administrative sphere, management has become a substitute for leadership, as university presidents become CEOs. Matthews (2001) argues that today’s college presidents are known less for their intellectual leadership than for their role ‘‘as fundraisers and ribbon cuttersyfilling a slot rather than changing the world’’ (Matthews, 2001, p. B1). His comments hark back to the days when university presidents were national luminaries, influencing social equality and intellectual and political life. Benjamin Mays, Mordecai Johnson, Charles Eliot, Mary McCloud Bethune, James Conant, Robert Maynard Hutchings, Father Theodore Hesburgh, Clark Kerr, Kingman Brewster and others played both intellectual and social roles in transforming not only their institutions, but the social relations and social democracy of the larger society.Social critics suggest that the aftermath of the U.S. recession and the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001 was when many colleges and universities experienced financial hard times. A downturn in economic conditions and dwindling government-financed projects, coupled with a sharp reduction of state aid to higher education, only aid to financial hard times. The larger point is that higher education should serve a nobler calling, a nobler purpose, that it should be safeguarded as a public good to be held by all of society’s citizenry (Giroux, 2002). Situated within a broader context of issues concerned with social responsibility, ethics and social justice, higher education is being challenged to offer both its students and its faculty the opportunities to involve themselves in the deepest problems of society, to acquire the knowledge, skills and vocabulary necessary for critical dialogue and forms of broadened participation that affirm scholarship borne of commitment. Higher education is being called upon to represent the conscience of the society and transform the social landscape. As Giroux reminds us ‘‘Programs in many universities that offer remedial courses, affirmative action, and other crucial pedagogical resources are under massive assault, often by conservatives who want to eliminate from the university, any attempt to address the deep inequities in our society, while simultaneously denying a decent education to minorities of color and class’’ (Giroux, 2002, p. 453). The fact is that the corporate culture has played a
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role in the reallocation of social values to corporate principles of efficiency, accountability and privatization. Such principles have not created new jobs but in most cases have eliminated or outsourced them to foreign countries, with over 75 million jobs lost since 1973. While students across the country are mobilizing against corporate influence in the university, social critics are calling for faculty to learn from their students about how to mediate the tensions between the public values of higher education and the commercial values of corporate culture. In sum, social critics are warning us that dangers lurk for public institutions traveling too far down the road to privatization. Will flagship public institutions lose focus on serving students from low-income families? Will the considerable salary gap between professors in the humanities and those in the sciences grow even larger? Lastly, how much influence will major donors have over university affairs, as we attempt to educate students not solely for the extrinsic value of schooling, but for the intrinsic values of social responsibility and critical citizenship in a democratic society? At the heart of it all is the meaning of higher education, and what purposes it will serve and for whose interests.
CONCLUSION The question of who shall be educated is as consequential today as it was when it was first proposed. Exclusion and a lack of access and opportunity embrace a host of contemporary social and cultural problems that are almost always more complicated than conventional wisdom allows. When President George W. Bush, our first president with a business school degree, sees America, he sees the majestic view from the White House – the Mall, the monuments and further on, the stately Potomac River, the Shenandoah Valley and the historic Virginia countryside. What a pity that he never bothers to look the other way. With his mind’s eye, President Bush might see impoverished schools, unprecedented racial polarization, a society more diverse yet more segregated along racial lines, a festering drug problem, a bankrupt corporate sector whose mantra is ‘‘greed is good.’’ He might also see slum housing, a shameful infant mortality rate, a society in which a child is born into poverty every 34 seconds and 30 million people suffer chronic hunger. He might also see a U.S. economy in the worst hiring slump in 20 years, with approximately 8–10 million young people, ages 16–24 left behind in the labor market without jobs and without prospects. The Bush administration
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consumed with a war with Iraq and tax cuts for the wealthy continues to look the other way. Is it sheer coincidence that so many problems have worsened in 4 years? Can America spend less on education, on welfare, public housing, environmental protection and public health, yet expect more? Questions remain: Who will be educated and what will happen to our uneducated masses? Who will volunteer to work in the inner cities? Who will care for the elderly and the infirmed? These are among the crucial questions we entrust to our next generation. At issue is what kind of government shall we have, in what kind of society shall we live, and with what kind of involvement, for whom and on whose behalf? These are not inconsequential questions – they go to the heart of inclusion, access, social justice and social responsibility in a truly democratic society.
REFERENCES Anti-drug law backfires. (2002). USA Today, 10A. Baldwin, J. (1963). The fire next time. New York: Dell. Broder, D. (2005). No-Child disputes are small potatoes. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, B7. Bronfenbrenner, U. (2005). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Brown v. Board of Education. (1954). Brown v. Board of Education. 347 U.S. 483. Brown, M. C. (Ed.). (2002). Equity and access in higher education: Changing the definition of educational opportunity (readings on Equal Education, Vol. 18). New York: AMS Press. Brown, M. C., II, Lane, J. E., & Rogers, K. R. (2002). Walking a policy tightrope: Balancing educational opportunity and criminal justice in federal student financial aid. Journal of Negro Education, 71(3), 233–242. Burd, S. (2002). Seeking redemption for a drug law. The Chronicle of Higher Education, Al7–Al9. CBS News. (2004). The ‘Texas Miracle.’ http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/01/06/60II/ main591676.shtml. Retrieved August 28, 2004. Comer, J. P. (2004). Leave no child behind: Preparing today’s youth for tomorrow’s world. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Comer, J. P., Joyner, E. T., & Ben-Avie, M. (Eds) (2004). Six pathways to healthy child development and academic success. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cox, O. (1948). Caste, class and race. New York: Doubleday. Davis, A., & Dollard, J. (1940). Children of bondage. New York: Harper & Row. Davis, A., Gardner, B., & Gardner, M. (1941). Deep South. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Dollard, J. (1949). Caste and class in a Southern town. New York: Doubleday. Drake, St. Clair., & Cayton, H. (1945). Black metropolis (Vols. I and II). New York: Harper & Row. Duncan, G. A. (2005). No child left behind and America’s future. Washington University in St. Louis Magazine, 1–2. Futrell, M. H. (1988). Bienvenido, Mr. Secretary. The Washington Post, C5.
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Giroux, H. (2002). Neoliberalism, corporate culture and the promise of higher education: The university in a democratic public sphere. Harvard Educational Review, 72(5), 425–463. Hannah, S. B. (1996). The higher education act of 1992: Skills, constraints and the politics of higher education. Journal of Higher Education, 67(5), 498–527. Heller, D. E. (1997). Student price responses in higher education: An update to Leslie and Brinkman. Journal of Higher Education, 68(6), 624–659. Higher Education Act of 1965, as amended in 1998. 20 USC.y 1091 et. Req. Hofstadter, R. (2000). Cited in Press, E. and Washburn, J. The kept university. Atlantic Monthly, March 20, p. 54. Hollingshead, A. (1945). Elmtown’s youth. New York: Wiley. Justice Policy Institute (JPI). (2002). Cellblocks or classrooms? The funding of higher education and corrections and its impact on African American men. Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute. King, J. (2002). Crucial choices: How students’ financial decisions affect their academic success. Washington, DC: American Council on Education, Center for Policy Analysis. McNeil, L. M. (2000). Contradictions of school reform, educational costs of standardized testing. New York: Routledge. No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. Public Law No. 107–110. Russell, K. K. (1998). The color of crime: Racial hoaxes, White fear, Black protectionism, police harassment and other macroaggressions. New York: New York University Press. Schema, D. J. (2002). Poor rural schools try to meet new federal rules. New York Times, Retrieved December 3, 2002, from http://www.nytimes.com/2002/12/02/education Sen, S. (2005). Law targets student aid for drug crimes. Washington Post, A15. Shaw, T. M. (2002). Race still matters. Washington Post, A19. St. John, E. P. (1994). Assessing tuition and student aid strategies: Assessing financial strategies in higher education (ASHE-ERIC Higher Education Reports, Rep. No. 3). Washington, DC: George Washington University. The Sentencing Project. (2002). Does the Punishment Fit the Crime: Drug Users and Drunk Drivers, Questions of Race and Class. Retrieved from http://www.sentencingproject.org/ pdfs/9040smy.pdf Warner, W., & Davis, A. (1939). A comparative study of American caste. In: E. Thompson (Ed.), Race relations and the race problem. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Warner, W. L., Havighurst, R. J., & Loeb, M. B. (1944). Who shall be educated? The Challenge of Unequal Opportunities. New York: Harper. Whirlwind Horse, J. (2002). No Child Left Behind? Come to Indian Country. Washington Post, A21. Yeakey, C. C. (1979). A Review Essay. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 49(2), 353–359. Yeakey, C. C. (2003). From classrooms to cellblocks: African American juveniles in the justice system. In: C. C. Yeakey & R. D. Henderson, (Eds), Surmounting all odds: Education, opportunity and society in the new millennium. (Vol.I,II) Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Yeakey, C. C. (2005). Corporate philanthropy as a public good? Promise or peril in American higher education. Paper presented at the International Institute of Sociology, Stockholm, Sweden. Yeakey, C. C., Richardson, J. W., & Brooks Buck, J. (2005). In: C. C. Yeakey, J. W. Richardson & J. Brooks Buck (Eds), ‘Suffer the Little Children’: National and International Dimensions of Child Poverty and Public Policy (pp. 1–39). Oxford, England: Elsevier Inc.
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QUANTITATIVE APPROACHES TO MEASURING STUDENT BODY DIVERSITY: SOME EXAMPLES AND THOUGHTS Mitchell J. Chang and Erica Yamamura There are currently many different approaches to measuring the composition of an undergraduate student body. The approaches differ not only by their operational definitions but also by their conceptualizations of ‘‘diversity.’’ The central purpose of this chapter is to describe some statistical approaches for capturing the student body racial composition. Another goal is to conduct exploratory analyses of those different measures in order to examine their relationships among one another and whether they are interchangeable and/or mutually exclusive. We limit our discussion to what can be described as ‘‘racial diversity’’ because this is our primary area of research and thus the area that we know best. This narrow focus, however, is not intended to minimize other critical facets of campus diversity, which include addressing differences associated with ethnicity, gender, class, sexual orientation, and physical ability. Some of the approaches to be discussed can be easily adapted to measure other facets of diversity. For whatever facet is to be captured, a necessary key for making such calculations is to collect or have in possession large-scale systematic data. For the purpose of postsecondary educational research,
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 369–386 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05018-7
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perhaps the single most important level of data for calculating racial diversity is institution-level data. Fortunately, for researchers in the United States, a data source collected by individual institutions for the federal government is accessible to the public. The most systematic and current data on racial composition are compiled by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) in the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS). NCES established the IPEDS as its core postsecondary education data-collection program. IPEDS is a single, comprehensive system designed to encompass all institutions and educational organizations whose primary purpose is to provide postsecondary education. The IPEDS system is built around a series of interrelated surveys to collect institution-level data in areas such as enrollments, program completions, faculty, staff, and finances. Data are collected from approximately 9,900 postsecondary institutions in the U.S. The enrollment data by race/ethnicity are ultimately based on selfreported information by students, which are then aggregated by individual institutions and reported to NCES. IPEDS data use slightly different categories than census data. Presently, IPEDS data classify students as either (1) non-resident aliens (foreign students), (2) Black, non-Hispanic, (3) Native American/Alaska Native, (4) Asian/Pacific Islander, (5) Hispanic, (6) White, non-Hispanic, and (7) unknown. Our conceptualization of ‘‘racial labels’’ is consistent with that of Franz Fanon (1967). That is, we view these labels as a historical phenomenon that result from both symbolic and material conditions. Although the labels themselves do not capture either natural/ permanent traits (i.e., biological, cultural, social) or universal experiences of any particular group of individuals, they are not arbitrarily constructed and are believed to configure hierarchically individual experiences and opportunities. For this reason, sociologists often refer to such group categorizations as social constructs because they serve immediate societal purposes, although any category is mutable and somewhat imprecise for describing a group of individuals. Thus, rather than referring to these constructs as racial groups, which tends to suggest a natural, precise quality about them, we prefer to refer to them as racial groupings, which emphasizes their social construction and limited usefulness. Early monitoring of student racial composition during the 1960s, particularly in relation to the enforcement of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act1 was mostly concerned with charting the increase or decrease of certain clearly identified minority populations on campus. The obvious statistical measure for monitoring such changes is to track the number and proportion of total enrollment for each racial grouping, which serves as ‘‘access
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indicators.’’ The calculations can be conducted at different levels to target more precisely certain interests and concerns, such as reports for individual states, institutional types, academic departments, and college majors. Some good current examples of this approach to enrollment monitoring are reported by the Office of Minorities in Higher Education of the American Council on Education (ACE) in their annual status reports (see, e.g., Wilds, 2000). Those reported figures, especially when viewed in light of historical trends, continue to be essential for providing a broad sense of racial disparities concerning postsecondary educational opportunities. Along with monitoring the increase and decrease of certain racial groupings, there has been growing interest in studying the racial composition of a student body as a whole. Certainly, the composition of the U.S. undergraduate population is much more diverse than it was in the 1960s. These changes can be attributed to a number of factors that include, but are not limited to, anti-discrimination laws and policies, shifts in immigration patterns, availability of financial aid, economic pressures to obtain college degrees, and increase in the numbers of postsecondary institutions, particularly community colleges. Paralleling these demographic changes on college campuses are developments in ‘‘multiculturalism’’ and ‘‘diversity-related initiatives.’’ Simply put, those developments, which have had a profound effect on curriculum, co-curricular activities, types of services provided on campus, outreach, residence halls, ‘‘town/gown’’ relationships, to name a few, encouraged researchers to think in more complex ways about the composition of a student body and its relationship to educational experiences and opportunities (see Chang, 2002 for discussion). Of particular interest regarding campus environments is to understand better the ‘‘racial climate’’ (i.e., the degree to which environments are welcoming of or hostile to students of color) and its effects on the college adjustment of various groupings of students (Hurtado, 1992; Solo´rzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2001). Another driving force for examining the racial composition of student bodies is immediate and pressing policy concerns, most notably the use of race in making admissions decisions. Presently, the legal foundation for race-conscious admissions practices rests on the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1978 Regents of the University of California v. Bakke decision. Although the Supreme Court was deeply splintered over this landmark case, the general outcome was that the Court prohibited racial quotas but allowed race to be used as a ‘‘plus factor.’’ Because Justice Lewis Powell played a pivotal role in this decision, his opinion on Bakke is now regularly cited to defend raceconscious admissions practices. Justice Powell essentially reasoned that consideration of race is permissible when admitting students because there
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are educational benefits associated with a diverse student body, and the First Amendment allows a university the freedom to make its own judgments as to education. This opinion, however, has been the focus of intense legal and public debate. More recent lower court decisions regarding separate race-conscious admissions practices, for example, have both supported and rejected Powell’s educational argument about the benefits of diversity (see Liu, 1998; Olivas, 1997 for a discussion). Because this controversy revolves around researchable educational assumptions, researchers have begun to conduct more studies to inform this debate. Even though the U.S. Supreme Court ruling of Grutter v. Bollinger in June, 2003 basically left the door open for colleges and universities to continue to consider race in admissions, this controversy will not likely disappear altogether. The Court implied that race-sensitive admission practices ought to be reviewed again if not eliminated within 25 years after their landmark ruling. As such, appropriately measuring student body racial composition is key to understanding whether and how undergraduate students might potentially benefit from a racially diverse student body.
DIVERSITY MEASURES The simplest approach to measuring racial composition is to calculate only the proportion of White students in the total undergraduate enrollment (%White). This was the most common approach in earlier studies of student body racial diversity (see, e.g., Astin, 1993).2 A slightly different alternative, at least conceptually, is to calculate the percentage of students of color or racial minorities (students who reported their racial/ethnicity to be nonWhite). Recent studies are more likely to use this alternative (see, e.g., Antonio, 2001; Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002; Terenzini, Cabrera, Colbeck, Bjorklund, & Parente, 2001). This measure centers the focus of analysis on students of color and thus may be more advantageous than ‘‘%White’’ for interpreting findings. Still, the basic assumption underlying both approaches is that as the proportion of White students decline and by definition the proportion of students of color increase, the student body necessarily becomes more diverse. Accordingly, these approaches presume a zero-sum game for diversity on college campuses, where gains for one group come at the expense of other groups. Another shortcoming with the above approaches is that they are not sensitive to proportional differences within the broad racial grouping of
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students of color and, subsequently, may mischaracterize two campuses as being identical in composition even though there might be meaningful differences. To illustrate, consider two hypothetical campuses, both enrolling exactly 30 percent students of color, or 70 percent White students. Suppose for one campus, the breakdown for students of color is 10 percent Asian/ Pacific Islanders, 10 percent Hispanic,3 and 10 percent African Americans, whereas for another it is 25 percent Asian/Pacific Islanders, 4 percent Hispanic, and 1 percent African Americans. If differences in the composition of students of color mediate certain diversity-related opportunities, such as cross-racial interaction, then it may not be altogether appropriate to treat the above two campuses as having similar levels of racial diversity. Likewise, the experiences of African American students, for example, may be qualitatively different depending on their proportional representation on a campus (see, Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen, & Allen, 1998 for review). This issue, related to discussions about ‘‘critical mass,’’ may have implications for students’ feelings about their sense of belonging and isolation. Also, failure to differentiate groupings within the broader students of color label may overestimate an institution’s success in enrolling certain underrepresented groups. Of the two examples above, the first institution is arguably more successful than the second one in enrolling students from two nationally underrepresented groups, African Americans and Hispanics. A more sophisticated measure would need to differentiate between the compositions of these two hypothetical campuses. Toward addressing legally driven debates about diversity, one of the authors of this chapter has measured the racial composition of a student body in other ways. In his 1996 doctoral dissertation, Chang (1996) employed three measures using 1986 IPEDS data. Each measure was calculated based on the following undergraduate enrollment percentages for each institution: %Asian/Pacific Islander, %Hispanic, %African American, and %White (non-Hispanic). One measure (Diversity Range) was defined as the difference between the lowest and highest of those four percentages at an institution. So, if White students composed the largest proportion of the student body and African American students was the smallest, then Diversity Range ¼ %White %African American. This measure basically reflects the skewness of the racial distribution. Since this was an inverse measure (the greater the difference, the less diversity), the reciprocal of this value was used as the measure of Diversity Range. Another measure calculated the variability of the four percentages (Diversity Variability), using a formula similar to that for calculating
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standard deviation (square root). sffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi ð%Asians mÞ2 þ ð%Hispanics mÞ2 þ ð%Blacks mÞ2 þ ð%Whites mÞ2 1 4
The mean (m) was calculated by dividing the sum of the four percentages at an institution by four. Similar to Diversity Range, this was also an inverse measure so its reciprocal was used. The above two diversity measures were expected to be highly correlated because they both measured variance. For example, if the percentages of the four groupings were very close (e.g., 25 percent, 25 percent, 30 percent, 20 percent), then an institution would have a very small range and a very low standard deviation and thus a high level of diversity. Whereas, if there were a great deal of variability among the four percentages (e.g., 80 percent, 5 percent, 0 percent, 15 percent), an institution would have a large range and a large standard deviation and, therefore, a low level of diversity. Although the two measures were expected to be strongly associated, each was slightly different in its emphasis. Diversity Range measured skewness and accounted for only the two most extreme percentages, whereas Diversity Variability measured the variance across all four racial groupings. The third measure (Diversity Heterogeneity) was designed to assess the heterogeneity of the student body or the extent to which one grouping accounted for most of the students. Diversity Heterogeneity was defined by the difference between 100 and the highest percentage at an institution. If the proportion of White students, for example, is very large (i.e., 95 percent), then the difference (10095 ¼ 5) would by definition be small. Conversely, if White students are still the largest grouping but the proportion is relatively smaller (i.e., 75 percent), then the difference (10075 ¼ 25) would be larger and the student body would be considered more diverse. Note that Diversity Range and Diversity Heterogeneity differed mainly in terms of the smallest grouping – it was used to define the former but not the latter. Perhaps the most simplistic of the above three measures is the last one, Diversity Heterogeneity. This still has an advantage over even simpler calculations described earlier. Unlike using just the proportion of White students, the Diversity Heterogeneity measure does not assume that the White student population will always be the largest racial grouping on every campus. Even though among American four-year institutions, with the exception of tribal colleges, historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) and Hispanic serving institutions (HSIs), it is still rare that another racial
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grouping is proportionally larger than Whites. However, this does indeed occur and some institutions have been identified by the federal government as HSI and the term Asian serving institutions (ASI) is also being considered. For example, Asian Americans are the largest racial grouping in the student body at U.C. Irvine, U.C. Riverside, and the University of Hawaii (Manoa), whereas Hispanics are the largest at the University of Texas (El Paso), University of Houston (Downtown), and Florida International University. When Whites are not the largest racial grouping, the Diversity Heterogeneity measure is better equipped than simpler calculations for assessing the racial diversity of a student body. Another way to approach the calculation of racial composition is to measure levels of segregation. The dissimilarity index is one of the most commonly used measures of segregation between two racial groupings. It is typically used when analyzing census data to measure the relative separation (high dissimilarity) or integration (low dissimilarity) between two groupings across neighborhoods within a city or metropolitan area. The index indicates the percentage of one grouping that would have to move across neighborhoods to be distributed the same way as the second grouping. Because it is a symmetrical measure, this interpretation can be applied to either grouping in the calculation. The index ranges from a value of 0 (complete integration), indicating that both groupings are distributed in the same proportions across all neighborhoods, to 100 (complete segregation), indicating that the members of one grouping are located in completely different neighborhoods than members in the second grouping. The formula used to calculate the dissimilarity index for two racial groupings within the same city (or metropolitan area) is as follows: n 1X P1i P2i D¼ 2 i¼1 P1 P2 where P1 is the citywide population of Group 1, P2 the citywide population of Group 2, P1i the neighborhood i population of Group 1, P2i the neighborhood i population of Group 2, and n the number of neighborhoods in city. The exposure index is also popular for analyzing relationship between racial groupings using census data. Unlike the dissimilarity index, which is a comparison of the degree of segregation between two groupings, the exposure index measures a single grouping’s average exposure to all other groupings, including itself. More precisely, it measures exposure in the form of a weighted average depicting the racial composition of the neighborhood
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of the average person of a given racial grouping. This calculation is then compared to the racial distribution for the city or metro area as a whole in order to gauge whether different groupings are relatively evenly spread out over the city or, conversely, clustered into neighborhoods where one grouping tends to be disproportionately represented while others are underrepresented. In making these calculations, the exposure index basically accounts for two factors: (1) the portion of the metropolitan area’s total population of a given racial grouping that lives in a specific neighborhood, and (2) the racial makeup of that neighborhood. The concentration of a given racial grouping in a neighborhood affects how heavily the racial composition of that neighborhood will be weighted when calculating the exposure index for the metro as a whole. Exposure between two racial groupings can be derived using the following formula: P¼
n X P1i P2i i¼1
P1
Ti
where P1 is the citywide population of Group 1, P1i the neighborhood i population of Group 1, P2i the neighborhood i population of Group 2, Ti the neighborhood i total population, and n the number of neighborhoods in city. Both the dissimilarity and exposure indices require two levels of data. The above examples, which apply to census data, require both citywide and neighborhood-level data. It is not altogether clear how these two indices can be adapted for postsecondary educational research. The issue is not so much creating multiple levels of data, as other data sources can be easily merged with IPEDS data; instead, the issue is whether to treat IPEDS data as citywide or neighborhood data in the formula. If student-level data about the racial composition of a student’s friendship group were merged with IPEDS data, then it would make sense to substitute IPEDS data for citywide data and student data for neighborhood data into the formula. Yet if we were to do this, how would n or in this case the number of friendship groups in an institution be calculated? Would this number be the total number of students enrolled at the institution or just those who reported the racial composition of their friendship group? Even if multiple levels of data can be obtained, researchers would need to think carefully about how to apply these indices to measure either levels of segregation or exposure. As it stands, they are not easily adaptable, which perhaps explains why they are
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not widely used in higher education research, yet finding a sensible way to apply them will be worthwhile. Another index that has gained in popularity, largely because it is used by a high profile ranking of postsecondary institutions conducted by U.S. News and World Reports, is the ‘‘Diversity Index.’’ Created in 1991 by Philip Meyer and Shawn McIntosh for USA Today, this index measures racial and ethnic diversity with a single number. The Diversity Index calculates the probability that any two randomly selected students will be in the same racial grouping – in other words, the probability that both are White, Black, Native American, Asian, or Hispanic. The calculation for this index is based on two basic principles of probability theory: (1) the probability that all of several independent events will occur and (2) the probability that at least one of several independent events will occur. To illustrate better the calculation for this formula,4 consider the Fall 2002 undergraduate enrollment figures at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) (approximates to equal 100 percent): 41 percent White, 39 percent Asian/Pacific Islander (Asian), 15 percent Hispanic (Hisp), 4 percent African American (Black), and 1 percent American Indian (NatAm). When these percentages are converted into decimals, they report the probability that one student chosen at random will be of that racial grouping. The probability that two students chosen at random will be of that particular grouping is simply the single probability multiplied by itself (squared). For example, the probability that one randomly selected student from UCLA will be Asian is 0.39 and the probability that two randomly selected would be Asian is 0.152 (0.392). The probability that two students are of the SAME racial grouping is the sum of the squared probabilities for the separate racial groupings or %ðSAMEÞ ¼ %ðWhiteÞ2 þ %ðAsianÞ2 þ %ðHispÞ2 þ %ðBlackÞ2 þ %ðNatAmÞ2
Using enrollments from our hypothetical campus, the calculation would be %ðSAMEÞ ¼ 0:412 þ 0:392 þ 0:152 þ 0:042 þ 0:012 or 0:168 þ 0:152 þ 0:023 þ 0:002 þ 0:00 %ðSAMEÞ ¼ 0:345 To calculate the probability that any two randomly chosen students are of DIFFERENT racial groupings, subtract the probability of their being of the same racial grouping from one: %ðDIFFERENTÞ ¼ 1 %ðSAMEÞ
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Inserting figures from our example: %ðDIFFERENTÞ ¼ 1 0:345 ¼ 0:655 Finally, to simplify, the above calculation can be multiplied by 100 to get an integer for the diversity index (e.g., Diversity Index ¼ 65.5). Thus, the higher the number, the more racially diverse the student body. This index is especially useful for studies that focus on cross-racial interaction because the index captures the probability for having such interaction on campus. Unlike the dissimilarity and exposure indices, which are typically used with census data, the diversity index does not require multiple levels of data and IPEDS enrollment figures will suffice. As with all of the formulas presented so far, they can be slightly modified to address specific research questions and aims. For example, one of the chapter’s authors has tried a version of the Diversity Index for a study that examined the relationship between opinion diversity and the proportion of underrepresented students (African American, Hispanics, and Native Americans). Given the current affirmative action admissions debates, he was particularly interested in how the inclusion of proportionally more underrepresented students affected the dispersion of opinions held by a student body on a particular issue. As such, he modified the index to calculate the probability at an institution that of any two randomly selected students, one of them will be an underrepresented student and, if both are underrepresented, the likelihood that each would be of a different race: 1[(%Black)2+(%Hisp)2+(%NatAm)2+ (%Whites+%Asian)2]. The difference in calculation between this index measure and the Diversity Index is that the former combines the percentages of White and Asian American students into one grouping so that the probability of encountering an underrepresented student can be more accurately gauged. Plugging in the enrollment figures from the previous example, the Underrepresented Index for UCLA would be 0.335, compared to a Diversity Index score of 0.655. Thus, even though UCLA is quite diverse, the probability of encountering an underrepresented student is comparably lower. After running several analyses using the above index measure, however, we settled in the end on using just the sum of the percentage of underrepresented students (%Black+%Hisp+%NatAm) at each institution. Since the correlation between this and the index measure was 0.93, it was much more intuitive and easier to explain the straight percentage calculation than the more complex index one.
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Table 1. Diversity Measures that can be Calculated Using Only IPEDS Data. Diversity Measure
Formula
%White %Students of Color Diversity Range Diversity Variability Diversity Heterogeneity Diversity Index Underrepresented Index %Underrepresented Students
# White students/total enrollment %Asian+%Black+%Hisp+%NatAm 1 (%largest grouping %smallest grouping) qffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi 2 2 2 2 1 ð%AsiansmÞ þð%HispanicsmÞ4þð%BlacksmÞ þð%WhitesmÞ 1 %largest grouping 1[(%White)2+(%Asian)2+(%Hisp)2+(%Black)2+(%NatAm)2] 1[(%Black)2+(%Hisp)2+(%NatAm)2+(%Whites+%Asian)2] %Black+%Hisp+%NatAm
SUMMARY Ten different measures of racial composition were described and only the dissimilarity and exposure measures cannot be calculated using just IPEDS data. Of those that can be calculated with only institution-level enrollment data by racial groupings (see Table 1), some measures consider all available racial groupings in the calculation (i.e., Diversity Index), whereas others consider only one grouping (i.e., %White). No doubt, researchers will need to consider carefully their research interests and aims when choosing a measure. There are obvious differences between them, but we were curious about whether those conceptual differences amount to actual statistical differences.
EXPLORATORY ANALYSES OF DIVERSITY MEASURES To explore whether or not the different diversity measures are interchangeable, we drew from data collected by the Higher Educational Research Institute (HERI) at the UCLA to conduct some cursory analyses. The 1994 IPEDS enrollment data were used to calculate the measures listed in Table 1. To further assess the compatibility of the measures, we utilized student survey data that were collected at two different time points: at the time of initial entry to college in 1994 and four years later in the spring of
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1998. For our analyses, we excluded two-year colleges and HBCUs universities, so as to minimize potential confounds in interpreting findings. Our final longitudinal sample comprised of approximately 21,239 students who entered 262 different four-year colleges and universities. We first examined the relationships among the diversity measures and Table 2 shows that the measures are highly correlated with one another. The measure %White appears to be nearly completely interchangeable with six of the other seven measures. Its relationship with Diversity Heterogeneity (r ¼ 1.00) suggests that the proportion of White students was the largest of all groupings for this sample of institutions. Comparatively, the %Underrepresented Students measure has the weakest set of correlation coefficients, although those figures also suggest relatively strong statistical relationships. The small range and variance associated with this variable most likely contribute to its generally weaker statistical relationships with other measures. Indeed, of all the diversity measures, %Underrepresented Students has the smallest range and variance. Also noteworthy is that the measures %White and %Students of Color are not perfect inverse measures of one another. This may be due to the proportion of students who do not state their race or state more than one race. The latter is a growing trend due in part to sharp increases in interracial marriages. Limitations related to the sample may also contribute to the high correlation among the measures. For example, most of the students in the sample did not attend an institution that can be described as having a diverse student body. Nearly all students (90 percent) attended institutions with student bodies composed of at least 80 percent whites and a quarter of the sample attended institutions composed of at least 95 percent whites. Only 21 percent of the students in the sample attended an institution composed of fewer than 50 percent whites. Thus, when measuring diversity for this sample, the distributions of scores on all measures were skewed toward little to no diversity. That most students attend four-year institutions with student bodies composed mostly of white students, may be a general reflection of U.S. higher education, yet this reality reduces the statistical value of measures that are sensitive to more complex racial compositions. Next, we examined the predictive robustness of these measures by conducting an ordinary least square (OLS) regression analysis. The outcome of interest was students’ 1998 report of their ‘‘frequency of cross-racial interaction in class’’ (coded as a 3-point scale; 1 ¼ not at all, 2 ¼ occasionally, and 3 ¼ frequently). For this analysis, we controlled for several key variables in two different blocks before testing the effects of student body composition (see the Appendix). Even after controlling for these key student
Diversity Measures
Table 2. Correlation Matrix for Diversity Measures (N ¼ 21,239).
%White %Students of Color Diversity Range Diversity Variability Diversity Heterogeneity. Diversity Index Underrepresented Index %Underrepresented Students
%White
%Students of Color
Diversity Range
Diversity Variability
Diversity Heterogeneity
Diversity Index
Underrepresented Index
% Underrepresented Students
1.00 –– –– –– ––
0.827 1.00 –– –– ––
0.992 0.838 1.00 –– ––
0.988 0.872 0.980 1.00 ––
1.00 0.827 0.992 0.988 1.00
0.982 0.777 0.975 0.980 0.982
0.908 0.616 0.901 0.880 0.908
0.656 0.899 0.678 0.697 0.656
–– ––
–– ––
–– ––
–– ––
–– ––
1.00 ––
0.924 1.00
0.593 0.567
––
––
––
––
––
––
––
1.00
381
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MITCHELL J. CHANG AND ERICA YAMAMURA
background and institutional characteristics (R2 ¼ 0.07), the diversity measures contributed significantly to explaining the variance in the frequency of cross-racial interaction in class. As shown in Table 3, all eight measures are significantly correlated (po0.001) with the cross-racial interaction outcome and continue to show a relatively strong relationship as shown by the coefficients, even after controlling for other key variables. Most likely, if only one of the eight measures was used, it would have entered this regression equation. Surprisingly, more than half of those measures entered as significant predictors (po0.001). The measure %Students of Color was the first of the diversity measures to enter the regression, suggesting that it is the strongest of the five significant predictors. The following measures also entered the regression in order: Diversity Index, Diversity Heterogeneity, Diversity Range, and Diversity Variability. Altogether, the diversity measures accounted for an additional 4 percent of the total variance. Given the multi-collinearity among diversity measures with respect to the outcome, it is very difficult to interpret the implications of those additional diversity measures in the model. One would, however, expect the relationship of other measures to be greatly weakened after the first measure entered the regression, but this did not occur here. At the very least, the fact that Table 3. Partial Beta Coefficients for Diversity Measure after Controlling for Relevant Student Background and Institutional Characteristics (N ¼ 21,239). Diversity Measure
%White %Students of Color Diversity Range Diversity Variability Diversity Heterogeneity Diversity Index Underrepresented Index %Underrepresented Students
Outcome Measure: Frequency of Cross-Racial Interaction in Class Simple r
Partial beta
0.223 0.237 0.223 0.237 0.223 0.230 0.183 0.193
0.182 0.199a 0.179b 0.201b 0.182b 0.192c 0.146 0.170
Note: All coefficients listed are significant at the 0.001 level of confidence. a Entered first. b Entered the regression equation. c Entered second.
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383
more than one diversity measure made a statistically significant contribution to predicting the variance of students’ level of cross-racial interaction in class suggests that after controlling for other relevant variables, any one diversity measure may not fully explain the relationship between student composition and this outcome.
CONCLUSION The exploratory analyses conducted in this chapter only begin to provide a glimpse into the challenges of empirically assessing student body composition. The findings of this study should be interpreted with caution because it is certainly not free of limitations. One limitation is that the unit of analyses in our study was really the student rather than the institution, even though we were most interested in institution-level effects. Using a multilevel modeling approach to analyze student-level effects may provide a more accurate estimate of standard errors and reduce aggregation bias when the main interest is institutional effects such as student body racial composition. Given this and other limitations, we are thus quite careful about not overstating the findings. Still, the exploratory findings show that those diversity measures are significantly related to one another, even though each may be conceptually unique. The general lack of student body diversity associated with the institutions attended by students in our sample explains in large part the high compatibility among measures. If researchers have limited access to data and are utilizing a sample of institutions with student body compositions skewed toward little or no diversity, the correlation findings suggest that it is not statistically inappropriate to substitute one diversity measure for another. If this is pursued, however, one should keep in mind the conceptual limitations of their measure when interpreting the findings because the strong statistical relationships among diversity measures do not tell the whole story. The findings from the OLS analyses suggest that even after controlling for other relevant student background and institutional characteristics, no one diversity measure captured all of the unique variance student composition contributed toward explaining this particular outcome. In our case, the measure Diversity Index, for example, remained significant even after %Students of Color entered the regression. Utilizing additional diversity measures may well have its advantages, especially when interpreting the findings. For example, if student composition were being measured solely by
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%Students of Color and this measure proved to predict cross-racial interaction, this finding would suggest that increasing the proportion of students of color contributes to cross-racial interaction. This interpretation, however, is somewhat imprecise as it might also suggest that increasing the proportion of only one of the groups aggregated within the Students of Color label is just as effective as increasing all groups within that label. In other words, just including only Asian Americans would be sufficient. The addition of the Diversity Index measure in our analyses seems to inform educational policy. Its predictive significance suggests that broadly enhancing levels of cross-racial interaction is not only a function of enrolling larger proportions of students of color as most institutions are predominantly white, but also a mix of students of different racial and ethnic backgrounds that enhances all students’ probability of having cross-racial contact. Simultaneously considering these two measures may lead to a better understanding of the dynamics in U.S. higher education and to more precise policy formation. In short, this chapter reminds us that in order to advance the precision and practical usefulness of research regarding student composition, researchers will need to think more carefully about how student body composition is operationalized and whether or not including additional measures would be beneficial. Each measure is associated with certain conceptual and statistical strengths and weaknesses, which ought to be accounted for in the final interpretation of the findings.
NOTES 1. Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act subjects all institutions that receive federal funds to any court determinations as to what constitutes ‘‘discrimination.’’ 2. Until after the 1980s, it made little sense to measure the racial diversity of undergraduate enrollments because the numbers and proportions of students of color on nearly all four-year institutions were very small and therefore there was very little variance across a national sample of institutions. Instead, it made more sense for earlier studies to just dummy code institutions as 0 for historically black campuses and 1 for other (see, e.g., Allen, 1992). 3. We use the label Hispanic here instead of Latino/as to correspond with the IPEDS groupings. 4. Description of the calculation draws from personal correspondence with Ron Feemster, who in the fall of 2000 was writing an article about this index for University Business magazine.
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REFERENCES Allen, W. R. (1992). The color of success: African American college student outcomes at predominantly White and historically Black public colleges and universities. Harvard Educational Review, 62, 26–44. Antonio, A. L. (2001). The role of interracial interaction in the development of leadership skills and cultural knowledge and understanding. Research in Higher Education, 42(5), 593–617. Astin, A. W. (1993). Diversity and multiculturalism on the campus: How are students affected? Change, 23, 44–49. Chang, M. J. (1996). Racial diversity in higher education: Does a racially mixed student population affect educational outcomes? Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Los Angeles: University of California. Chang, M. J. (2002). Preservation or transformation: Where’s the real educational discourse on diversity? The Review of Higher Education, 25(2), 125–140. Fanon, F. (1967). Black skin, white masks. New York: Grove Press, Inc. Gurin, P., Dey, E. L., Hurtado, S., & Gurin, G. (2002). Diversity and higher education: Theory and impact on educational outcomes. Harvard Educational Review, 72(3), 330–366. Hurtado, S. (1992). Campus racial climates: Contexts of conflict. Journal of Higher Education, 63, 539–569. Hurtado, S., Milem, J. F., Clayton–Pedersen, A. R., & Allen, W. R. (1998). Enhancing campus climates for racial/ethnic diversity through educational policy and practice. The Review of Higher Education, 21(3), 279–302. Liu, G. (1998). Affirmative action in higher education: The diversity rationale and the compelling interest test. Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review, 33, 381–442. Olivas, M. A. (1997). Affirmative action: Diversity of opinions. University of Colorado Law Review, 68(40), 1065–1122. Solo´rzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2001). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60–73. Terenzini, P. T., Cabrera, A. F., Colbeck, C. L., Bjorklund, S. A., & Parente, J. M. (2001). Racial and ethnic diversity in the classroom: Does it promote student learning? The Journal of Higher Education, 72(5), 509–531. Wilds, D. J. (2000). Minorities in higher education 1999–2000: Seventeenth annual status report. Washington, DC: American Council on Education.
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APPENDIX List of Control Variables (Surveyed in 1994 Unless Noted Otherwise). Block 1: Input characteristics Gender: Coded as 1 ¼ male and 2 ¼ female Race: Coded as a dummy variable indicating race of student (White); 1 ¼ yes and 2 ¼ no Working part-time on campus: Coded as 1 ¼ no and 2 ¼ yes, surveyed in 1998
Working part-time off campus: Coded as 1 ¼ no and 2 ¼ yes, surveyed in 1998
High school GPA: Coded as an 8point scale from 1 ¼ D to 8 ¼ A or A+ Mother’s and Father’s educational levels: Each coded as an 8-point scale from 1 ¼ grammar school or less to 8 ¼ graduate degree Opinion regarding importance of: Helping to promote racial understanding. Coded as a 4-point scale from 1 ¼ not important to 4 ¼ essential Living in college dormitory, fraternity, or sorority house: Coded as 1 ¼ no and 2 ¼ yes, surveyed in 1998
Block 2: Environmental characteristics Number of undergraduate full-time enrollment: Number of enrolled undergraduate at an institution. Figures drawn from 1994 IPEDS enrollment data Selectivity: Average SAT Verbal+SAT Math scores of entering freshmen
Control: Coded as four dummy variables (Public university, Public four-year college, Private university, and Private four-year college); 0 ¼ no and 1 ¼ yes
ACHIEVING JUSTICE AND EQUALITY IN U.S. HIGHER EDUCATION: AN EXEMPLARY PROGRAM TO INCREASE THE PARTICIPATION OF UNDERREPRESENTED STUDENTS OF COLOR William Trent and Yuqin Gong INTRODUCTION It has been an increasing concern in American education that students of African American, Mexican American, and Native American origins are not well served by the American educational system. In higher educational institutions, these groups are underrepresented among both students and faculties. Students in these groups in higher educational institutions have been more alienated and thus their experiences in college have been far more discouraging than students of other groups (J. Anderson, personal communication, April 2001). Although there have been some affirmative efforts in assuring access to and participation in higher education by these groups Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 387–420 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05019-9
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and considerable progress has been made, people of color continue to remain substantially underrepresented in colleges and universities. They accounted for only 12.9 percent of all full time faculty and 9.6 percent of full professors in 1995y. Tenure rates for tenure-track faculty are also much lower for faculty of color than for White faculty (American Council on Education, 1998, p. 41).
The daunting and persistent challenge confronting U.S. higher education is how to increase significantly the participation of African Americans, Latinos and Native Americans. This chapter assesses the effectiveness of the Summer Research Opportunities Program (SROP) as a mechanism to help increase the representation of African Americans, Latinos and Native Americans among the nation’s college students and faculty. Recent works like The Shape of the River (Bowen & Bok, 1998) have played a very influential role in shaping the current policy debate regarding the presence of students of color in higher education, especially in highly selective colleges and universities. In their book Faculty of Color in Academe: Bittersweet Success, Turner and Myers (1999) chronicle the principal reasons for underrepresentation of African American, Latino/a, Native American, and Asian faculty on our nation’s campuses. These include low overall rates of doctoral degree recipients, uneven access and participation across the disciplines, low rates of success in the hiring process, and a host of factors that reduce retention rates once hired and the tenure clock begins. The resulting numbers dramatically limit the availability of faculty of color to serve as role models to shape knowledge production and to mentor future faculty. Beyond the composition of the professorate, other major forces shaping the marketplace make earning the doctorate a critical accomplishment in this society. The current Bureau of Labor statistics report forecasting the fastest growing occupations from 1996 to 2006 makes it clear that a substantial proportion of jobs in this category require the Ph.D. or the First Professional degree (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1998). The identified occupations include biological scientists, medical scientists, mathematicians and all other mathematical scientists, physicians, and veterinarians and veterinary inspectors. Each field currently plays a critical role in society from the economy to our public and environmental health. These fields continue to exhibit substantial underrepresentation of people of color and women (Trent, 1991; Trent et al., 2003). While considerable progress has been made over the past four decades in assuring access and participation equitably to these fields, higher education remains far from meeting our best aspirations and is quite a distance from parity. This condition of
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underrepresentation and lower participation is further exacerbated by the current attacks on affirmative efforts to enhance participation. Moreover, we currently have limited knowledge of how to create programs that will produce greater numbers of minority doctoral recipients. The Summer Research Opportunities Program (SROP) is an early intervention program designed to engage underrepresented minority students in research experiences with faculty mentors, to accelerate each student’s socialization into the discipline, and to foster the creation of a community of scholars among all the participants. It is intended to better prepare students for and encourage them to pursue graduate study and academic careers. Some pilot studies have shown that the program has been effective in achieving its objectives (Eatman, 2001; Foertsch, Alexander, & Penberthy, 2000; Gong, 2002). In their longitudinal study of the programs’ outcomes, based on participants’ data from 1986–1996 and interview data, Foertsch et al. (2000) concluded that the program has been successful in recruiting its participants to graduate schools. They found that three-quarters of graduated participants of the first 11 years have continued to graduate schools or professional schools, which is three times the national average for all college graduates in the U.S. and more than four times the average for minority college graduates. In her quantitative evaluation of the program at one of the 15 campuses, Gong (2002) found that participation in the program significantly increased the likelihood of enrolling in graduate college at the same campus, especially for Hispanic males and African American females. Using SROP participants as subjects, this study will not only provide insights into the career attainment process for minority students, but it also has the potential to identify factors that make an intervention program effective in increasing participation and persistence of underrepresented groups in academe and other desirable occupations.
BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF SROP In recognition of the need for inter-university cooperation to increase graduate enrollment from those underrepresented groups, the Committee on Institutional Cooperation (CIC), an academic consortium of the Big Ten Universities and the University of Chicago, established the Summer Research Opportunities Program in 1986. As an intervention program, SROP intends to provide sophomores and juniors from the targeted groups opportunities to develop and explore their own research topic under the guidance of a faculty member in the student’s discipline during the eight to ten
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weeks in summer, by which to interest talented undergraduate minority students in academic careers and to enhance their preparation for graduate study (http://www.cic.uiuc.edu/programs/SROP/SROPProgramDescription. shtml). The overall objective is to increase the number of undergraduate students who enter graduate programs and eventually pursue academic careers. Each participant has the freedom to choose one of the 15 participating campuses as his/her host institution. The program consists of three components. The primary component is a Mentored Research Project, which is designed to immerse participants in intensive, in-depth research experiences where they work one-on-one with faculty mentors during an eight- to ten-week summer session. Each student works through every phase of the research process from proposal writing and conducting research to the formal presentation of the results at a campus symposium attended by mentors, family, and other students. The second component is Educational Experiences, which is a set of weekly campus-based educational enrichment activities during the summer session, such as seminars and workshops, designed to broaden the students’ view of graduate education and research and to strengthen their technical skills so that they will be better prepared for graduate study. The seminars conducted by faculty members and graduate students all intend to expose participants to a wide range of fields of study and research. The workshops inform participants about graduate admission procedures, financial aid opportunities, and university resources and help to develop their skills in test taking, speaking, and writing. Additionally, there are informal social gatherings to provide a relaxed setting for participating students and faculties to exchange ideas and share experiences. The third component, the annual SROP Conference, brings all of the participants from all CIC universities together at the end of the program. Students have the opportunity to present their research projects with peers who are conducting research in the same area of study, attend research presentations given by peers, meet CIC graduate students, and participate in discussions on the rewards and sacrifices of careers in academe. The Conference also provides an opportunity for the students to meet with campus representatives from the 15 CIC campuses to discuss specific academic programs. The SROP Conference allows them to meet others interested in academic careers and reinforce one another’s commitment to pursue graduate study. While many of the other CIC institutions rely on external funding to support the program participants, some institutions have been supported by annual recurring university funds, which greatly enhance the stability of the program and enable the program to grow.
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On each participating campus, a designated program coordinator helps to identify and assist students who are interested in SROP. Applicants are required to have a certain GPA level, which varies from campus to campus and has a minimum of 2.75. While some campuses emphasize more on attracting students of science and mathematics majors, others are equally open to students of all majors. Table 1 displays the number of SROP placements from 1986 to 2003 by host institution and year and the distribution of SROP placements in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).
Characteristics of SROP Participants Students of color who are participants in the CIC SROP program are drawn from myriad backgrounds and educational experiences, including CIC universities, historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), Hispanicserving institutions (HSIs), and tribal colleges. While data collection for SROP participants of all cohorts is still ongoing and it is not applicable at present to get a description of the characteristics of all cohorts, the characteristics of SROP 2002 cohort are available and may serve as a snapshot. Table 2 and Figs. 1–4 present selected characteristics of this cohort. Table 2 shows that SROP participants primarily consist of Black and Hispanic students, which is consistent with the program’s mission. Females comprise 70 percent of total participants, which is consistent with the overall gender trend in higher education among Blacks and Hispanics as indicated by Harvey and Anderson (2003). In terms of family background, slightly over one-half of them are from families with income of less than $50,000. Roughly 1 in 3 participants reported parents’ income below $30,000; while about 1 in 8 reported family income above 100,000 (see Fig. 1). About 30 percent of the 2002 participants have parents who have an educational level of high school graduate or less, while about 20 percent have parents with educational level of more than bachelor’s degrees (see Fig. 2). The information on family background suggests that the program serves both those who came from less privileged families and those who came from more privileged families. It is important to realize that no matter what background they are from, these are students with good academic achievement. Figure 3 displays their educational background in terms of the type of undergraduate institutions attended. Established by and housed in CIC campuses, nearly 2 in 5 participants come from CIC institutes, consisting of
392
Table 1. Number of SROP Placements by Host Institution and Year, 1986–2003. 86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
00
01
02a
03a
All years
Univ. of Chicago UIC UIUC Indiana Univ.-Bloomington IUPUI Univ. of Iowa Univ. of Michigan Michigan State Univ. Univ. of Minnesota Northwestern Univ. Ohio State Univ. Pennsylvania State Univ. Purdue Univ. Univ. of Wisc.-Madison Univ. of Wisc.-Milwaukee
4 6 10 6
7 18 23 13
24 17 36 18
44 20 46 21
3 18 14
15 41 16 13 16 31
16 54 25 24 18 55
19 75 30 19 18 69
34 36 73 23 10 25 64 48 38 29 69
56 42 91 29 10 35 74 73 45 26 64
14 5
19 13 8
22 18 11
33 14 11
34 33 23
47 24 23
47 18 76 47 10 36 84 90 19 30 50 17 45 34 17
43 24 84 38 14 39 60 101 19 33 66 28 52 80 27
40 40 83 43 11 29 57 122 41 14 34 30 45 75 28
35 14 72 33 14 24 58 114 14 12 34 26 33 74 22
35 24 60 42 10 21 51 80 26 13 28 16 34 94 9
31 18 70 30 14 29 62 84 25 14 22 15 49 49 6
23 42 88 35 28 23 55 76 26 12 30 22 55 44 20
25 62 96 0 30 19 60 74 27 16 24 33 64 41 21
26 58 96 3 30 17 55 68 25 17 16 32 60 40 6
23 72 107 9 23 13 47 70 24 21 19 36 38 40 21
17 47 85 9 19 13 37 45 17 18 24 52 39 30 7
8 37 80 4 23 17 31 47 16 19 22 25 33 48 14
522 595 1276 403 246 393 983 1177 418 330 672 332 716 756 274
99
233
338
419
539
639
620
708
692
579
543
518
579
592
549
563
459
424
9093
Total students
4 15
WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
All disciplines
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98b
99
00
01
02a
03a
Univ. of Chicago UIC UIUC Indiana Univ.-Bloomington IUPUI Univ. of Iowa Univ. of Michigan Michigan State Univ. Univ. of Minnesota Northwestern Univ. Ohio State Univ. Pennsylvania State Univ. Purdue Univ. Univ. of Wisc.-Madison Univ. of Wisc.-Milwaukee
2 4 6 2 0 2 7 7 0 0 8 0 11 2 0
2 7 7 5 0 9 14 7 3 1 17 0 12 4 1
5 6 10 7 0 6 18 10 10 4 28 0 10 3 3
13 4 12 4 0 3 27 11 7 6 27 0 22 4 4
6 11 22 7 4 12 22 23 13 6 24 0 24 10 9
18 11 29 8 3 10 24 27 31 7 24 0 33 4 6
13 5 29 15 5 7 32 43 4 5 18 17 31 17 7
12 12 32 18 5 16 27 36 1 8 37 23 38 50 10
11 17 28 18 5 12 20 52 10 6 13 26 33 48 5
13 3 26 13 7 12 26 38 4 5 13 23 27 62 4
12 12 17 17 5 11 10 30 15 1 12 15 24 64 1
15 5 17 9 5 11 22 38 13 5 7 13 42 34 1
0c 4 10 2 16 0 4 9 3 0 0 3 15 4 1
10 23 36 0 24 4 28 30 11 10 8 20 54 33 6
13 27 33 1 26 8 34 19 14 10 8 21 52 24 2
4 25 45 9 17 5 26 28 9 13 2 28 35 32 6
2 13 30 2 13 7 22 13 7 11 5 25 32 24 1
1 15 31 1 15 4 13 14 7 9 8 15 24 36 2
152 204 420 138 150 139 376 435 162 107 259 229 519 455 69
Total STEM
51
89
120
144
193
235
248
325
304
276
246
237
71
297
292
284
207
195
3814
a
Total
Information about year 2002 and 2003 are based on the survey of 490 participants of 2002 and 431 participants of 2003, while for other years it is based on all participants. Some respondents did not provide their host institution and major information. b Major information for this year is incomplete. c No major information is available for UC participants this year.
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STEM Majors
393
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WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
Table 2.
Race/Ethnicity and Gender Composition of the Sample of 2002 SROP Participants.
Black, not Hispanic N (%) Male Female Total
Hispanic N (%)
White, not Hispanic N (%)
Asian N (%)
Native Other N American (%) N (%)
Total N (%)
67 (14.0) 194 (40.5)
43 (9.0) 96 (20.0)
9 (1.9) 12 (2.5)
12 (2.5) 18 (3.8)
2 (0.4) 7 (1.5)
3 (0.6) 16 (3.3)
136 (28.4) 343 (71.6)
261 (54.5)
139 (29.0)
21 (4.4)
30 (6.3)
9 (1.9)
19 (3.9)
479 (100.0)
Note: Total ¼ 490; 11 missing on either gender or ethnicity or both.
25
20
%
15
10
5
0 Less than $1,000
Fig. 1.
$1,000 9,999
$10,000 – 19,999
$20,000 – 29,999
$30,000 – 49,999
$50,000 – 74,999
$75,000 – $100,000– $150,000– $200,000 or 99,999 149,999 199,999 more
Distribution of Parents’ Combined Annual Income at High School Senior Year.
the largest category. The next biggest category is HBCUs, where slightly less than 1 in 4 of all participants come from these institutions. A fair percentage (14.1 percent) of participants are from HSI. Only 2 out of the 475 come from tribal colleges, consisting of the smallest category.
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30 Father’s education Mother’s education 25
%
20
15
10
5
co lle
re
e
ee
eg
gr
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oc
to
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La
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ee
ol ho sc ad
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ge
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te
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an
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N
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Fa
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th
ol
er
gr
/M
ad
ot
ua
he
r
te
0
Fig. 2.
Highest Level of Parents’ Education at High School Senior Year.
45 40 35 30
%
25 20 15 10 5 0
Fig. 3.
CIC Institutions
HBCU
Hispanic Serving Institution
Tribal Institutions
Other
Types of Undergraduate Institution Attended by SROP 2002 Participants.
396
WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG 25.0 Male Female
20.0
%
15.0
10.0
5.0
ld
s
e er
fie
nc th O
Sc ie
lo
al So ci
yc
ho
ie Ps
Sc al ic
ys Ph
gy
e nc
irs Af ic
bl Pu
H
ea
lth
Pr
En
of
gi
es
ne
si
er
fa
on
s
g in
n io at uc Ed
si
ne
e nc ie Sc
al ic og
Bu
re ul tu ric Ag ol Bi
Fig. 4.
ss
0.0
Declared Undergraduate Major of SROP 2002 Participants.
Science (biological science and physical science) and psychology are the highest concentrated declared undergraduate majors while public affairs, agriculture, and business are the least concentrated majors (Fig. 4). There are decided gender differences in major choice: Males are more likely to be engineering majors than females (20.0 percent vs. 7.9 percent), while females are more likely to be in psychology (21.7 percent vs. 12.3 percent), biological science (20.1 percent vs. 13.9), or health professions (7.9 percent vs. 1.5 percent). It is interesting to note the institutional differences that might contribute to persistence. Available data enable us to examine within-group differences among African American students who have attended HBCUs and their counterparts who are enrolled in traditionally White institutions (TWIs). Comparable studies is conducted for Latino/a students from HSIs and TWIs. Differences in major choice and frequency of major change as well as perceptions of their undergraduate programs are presented below. Students from HBCUs or HSIs are more likely to be majoring in science, engineering or psychology than those who are from TWIs, as indicated in Table 3. They are also less likely to have changed their major, at least for African Americans from HBCUs (see Table 4).
Achieving Justice and Equality in U.S. Higher Education
Table 3.
397
Declared Undergraduate Major by Race/Ethnicity and Institution Type. African American N (%)
Agriculture Biological science Business Education Engineering Health professions Public affairs Physical science Psychology Social science Other fields
Latina/o N (%)
HBCU
Non-HBCU
Total
HSI
Non-HSI
Total
3 (2.9) 27 (26.0) 3 (2.9) 5 (4.8) 11 (10.6) 4 (3.9) 1 (1.0) 13 (12.5) 19 (18.3) 6 (5.8) 12 (11.5)
1 (0.7) 13 (9.3) 5 (3.6) 5 (3.6) 6 (4.3) 19 (13.6) 1 (0.7) 2 (1.4) 26 (18.6) 21 (15.0) 41 (29.3)
4 (1.6) 40 (16.4) 8 (3.3) 10 (4.1) 17 (7.0) 23 (9.4) 2 (0.8) 15 (6.2) 45 (18.4) 27 (11.1) 53 (21.7)
1 (1.6) 20 (32.8) 1 (1.6) 0 (0.0) 15 (24.6) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 9 (14.8) 13 (21.3) 1 (1.6) 1 (1.6)
0 (0.0) 11 (15.1) 1 (1.4) 3 (4.1) 8 (11.0) 0 (5.5) 0 (0.0) 2 (2.7) 16 (21.9) 12 (16.4) 16 (21.9)
1 (0.8) 31 (23.1) 2 (2.2) 3 (2.2) 23 (17.2) 0 (3.0) 0 (0.0) 11 (8.2) 29 (21.6) 13 (9.7) 17 (12.7)
Table 4. Frequency of Major Change. Have you ever changed your undergraduate major?
All respondents African American respondents
Respondents from HBCUs Respondents from Non-HBCUs
Yes N (%)
No N (%)
173 (36.0)a 29 (26.6) 61 (40.1)
308 (64.0) 80 (73.4) 91 (59.9)
Note: Distribution reported by institution type is statistically significant at a ¼ 0:05: a Among those who ever changed their major, 62 percent changed only once and only about 15 percent changed more than twice. The mean for those 173 respondents is 1.68.
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WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
PARTICIPANTS’ EVALUATION OF SROP Figure 5 and Table 5 display the opinions of the 2002 cohort about SROP. They showed that most of the participants had positive experience with SROP and spoke highly of the program. SROP increased their confidence level and positively influenced their thinking about future possibilities; in addition, it helped to define the participants’ research interests in various ways such as strengthening their understanding of their chosen field and exposing them to new research area. These benefits of SROP can be easily transferred into a better chance of being accepted and therefore enrolled into graduate study. The effect of SROP is also demonstrated by participants’ ratings of different components of the program (Table 6). The research element and the mentoring element are important or very important to the highest percentage of participants. About 90 percent of the participants indicated that the research-related elements (e.g., research guided by an expert, to learn what it means to teach and do research at the
Strongly agree Agree Disagree Strongly disagree 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% SROP is among the most significant educational experiences
Fig. 5.
Would recommend SROP to my friends
SROP SROP positively increased my confidence influenced my level in my thinking about my future academic career ability possibilities
SROP 2002 Participants’ Overall Evaluation of SROP.
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Table 5.
399
SROP Helped to Define My Research Interests. Strongly disagree N (%)
By introducing me to a whole new field of research By providing African American me with suggestions Latino/a for a particular line Other (White, of research Asian American, Native American By helping me understand of field I have chosen in a more complete and concrete way By encouraging me to add another major/minor to increase my breath and marketability in a given field By exposing me to a research area in my field that I was not originally interested in pursuing By discouraging me from going into research although I was still interested in the field I had chosen By making me assess whether or not I should consider pursuing another field altogether
Disagree N (%)
Agree N (%)
Strongly agree N (%)
Total N (%)
20 (4.2) 7 (2.7) 3 (2.2) 13 (2.7)
94 (19.5) 26 (9.9) 28 (20.1) 73 (15.2)
225 (46.7) 140 (53.4) 59 (42.5) 232 (48.3)
143 (29.7) 89 (34.0) 49 (35.3) 162 (33.8)
482 (100.0) 262 (100.0) 139 (100.0) 480 (100.0)
24 (5.0)
95 (19.6)
191 (39.4)
175 (36.1)
485 (100.1)
67 (13.8)
203 (41.9)
122 (25.2)
92 (19.0)
484 (100.0)
52 (10.8)
135 (28.1)
184 (38.3)
110 (22.9)
481 (100.1)
198 (40.9)
180 (37.2)
72 (14.9)
34 (7.0)
484 (100.0)
127 (26.3)
156 (32.3)
138 (28.6)
62 (12.8)
483 (100.0)
university, exposure to academic work at a research university) are important or very important. Similarly, about 90 percent of participants indicated that the opportunities to work with a faculty mentor on a one-to-one basis and to network with leaders in their fields are important or very important. About 80 percent of participants indicated that exposure to information about graduate school or about graduate training is important or very important.
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Table 6. The Importance of Different Elements of SROP. Element of SROP
Not at all Not too Somewhat Important Important Important Important N (%) N (%) N (%) N (%)
Research guided by expert To learn what it means to teach and do research To meet other students like me To work with students with similar interests Exposure to academic work To work with mentor one-toone To network with leaders in own field GRE preparation Male Female Total Information about graduate school Information about graduate training Summer stipend Male Female Total To take a course Male Female Total
1 (0.2)
5 (1.0)
3 (0.6)
7 (1.4)
9 (1.9)
114 (23.5)
349 (72.0)
45 (9.3)
127 (26.2)
303 (62.5)
28 (5.8)
43 (14.0)
161 (33.2)
219 (45.2)
7 (1.4)
33 (6.8)
90 (18.6)
153 (31.2)
202 (41.7)
4 (0.8)
9 (1.9)
33 (6.8)
125 (25.8)
313 (64.7)
2 (0.4)
8 (1.7)
28 (5.8)
120 (24.7)
327 (67.4)
0 (0.0)
15 (3.1)
35 (7.2)
116 (23.9)
319 (65.8)
23 29 52 19
26 58 84 49
38 79 117 125
36 147 183 274
14 33 47 18
(10.2) (9.5) (9.7) (3.7)
(16.8) (8.4) (10.8) (3.9)
18 (3.7)
21 (4.3)
6 2 8 21 66 87
7 9 16 28 40 68
(4.4) (0.6) (1.7) (15.3) (19.2) (18.1)
(5.1) (2.6) (3.3) (20.4) (11.6) (14.1)
16 (3.3)
Very Important N (%)
(19.0) (16.8) (17.4) (10.1)
54 (11.1) 15 34 49 39 76 115
(10.9) (9.8) (10.1) (28.5) (22.1) (23.9)
(27.7) (22.8) (24.2) (25.8)
(26.3) (42.5) (37.9) (56.5)
138 (28.5)
254 (52.4)
35 97 132 25 76 101
75 204 279 24 86 110
(25.4) (28.0) (27.3) (18.3) (22.1) (21.0)
(54.4) (59.0) (57.6) (17.5) (25.0) (22.9)
Note: Responses by gender are presented when significant gender difference is found.
Crystallizing Graduate Study Aspirations All these elements of SROP that were rated highly important are related to graduate study. The research experience, network with leaders in one’s own field and information about graduate programs all intended to increase and
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help realize graduate study aspirations. In the dataset, four questions measured participants’ educational aspirations. First is a 4-scale question (Q5c) asking the extent to which they agree with the statement ‘‘I hope to be a professor at a college or university.’’ It measured occupational aspiration directly but also measured educational aspiration indirectly, considering the credentials required for the occupation (see Fig. 6). Overall, about 2 in 3 participants agree or strongly agree with the statement about becoming professors. Black male participants are significantly more likely to agree or strongly agree with the aspiration to become a professor than Black female participants (3 in 4 vs. slightly over 1 in 2). The second question asked students directly about the likelihood of going to graduate or professional school (Q31 g). Figure 7 showed that most of the participants believe that they will go beyond the bachelor’s degree, indicating that the SROP attracted and reached students of targeted groups with higher educational aspirations or/and expectations. About 85 percent of participants stated that they are very likely to go to graduate/professional school. Only about 1.5 percent stated that they are not likely to go at all. No significant race or gender differences were found. Participants were also asked to indicate the extent of their agreement with the statement ‘‘Q24d: I may NOT go to graduate school.’’ More than 4 in 5 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Male (N = Female (N Male (N = Female (N Male (N = Female (N 65) = 194) 42) = 95) 24) = 52) Black, not Hispanic*
Hispanic or Latino/a
Strongly agree
Agree
Disagree
Othera
Overall (N = 483)
Strongly disagree
Fig. 6. I Want to be a Professor. Note: *Significant gender difference within the racial group is observed at alpha level of 0.05. aOther is comprised of White (21), Asian (30), Native American (9), and multi-racial (19).
402
WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG 100 84.5
80
%
60
40
20 14.1
1.5
0 Very likely
Fig. 7.
Some what likely
Not at all likely
How Likely are You to Go to Graduate/Professional School (N ¼ 483).
60 53.1 50
%
40 29.2
30 20
14.6 10 3.1 0 Strongly disagree
Fig. 8.
Disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
I may not Go to Graduate School (N ¼ 486).
SROP participants disagree or strongly disagree (Fig. 8). This is consistent with the response to the likelihood of going to graduate/professional school. Again, there is no significant racial or gender difference. The responses to Q24d and Q31 g diverge to some extent from responses to Q5c in that fewer
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70
63.2 60 50
%
40 30 20 10
14.3 5.3
0.9
0 Not sure
Fig. 9.
Two or more years of college
0.9 Bachelor's degree
15.3
0.2 PostBaccalaureate certificate
Master's degree
First professional degree
Doctoral degree
Highest Degree that SROP 2002 Participants Expect to Receive (N ¼ 470).
participants want to be professor than those who want to go to graduate school, which is reasonable considering the availability of various career and academic opportunities. There is yet another question addressing educational expectation: Q34 asked participants about the highest degree they expect to receive. A disproportionately higher percentage (63 percent) of participants expects to receive doctoral degrees (Fig. 9). Roughly the same percentage of participants expects to receive master’s degrees as first professional degrees (14 percent and 15 percent, respectively). An overwhelming proportion of participants, more than 9 in 10 participants, expect to receive advanced degrees. Taken together, these items confirm that this group of SROP students has distinguishably higher educational aspirations and expectations. Next, we will explore the sources of motivation and support they enjoy which might distinguish them from their peers.
SOURCES OF SUPPORT, EXPECTATIONS, AND MOTIVATION Perceived Family Expectation and Support At least 9 in 10 participants perceive (agree or strongly agree) that their families expected them to go to college, encouraged them to stay in college, and expect them to do well in college (Fig. 10). Overall, about 9 in 10 participants credited their family support as instrumental to their academic
404
WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% My family My family has Support of my expected me to encouraged family has been go to college me to stay in instrumental in college my academic success
Strongly agree
Fig. 10.
Agree
Disagree
My Family My family expects me to expects me to do well in go to graduate college college
Strongly disagree
Perceived Family Expectation and Support.
success. It is not surprising to see the large proportion of participants who report that their families expect them to go to graduate college. Still this proportion is dramatically smaller than those who answer ‘‘yes’’ to the item ‘‘My family expected me to go to college.’’ More specifically, the proportion of those who strongly agree that their families expect them to go to graduate school is only about half of that for family expectation for college. Despite the pronounced drop, about 2 in 3 report that their families expected them to go to graduate school. Some interesting gender or racial differences in perceived family support or expectation are also revealed (Figs. 11 and 12). Black participants are more likely to strongly agree that their families expect them to go to graduate school than Hispanics or other racial groups. Family expectations of graduate study for Blacks are either perceived more favorably by their children, or they are actually higher than other racial groups considered here. Among African Americans, there are significant gender differences in perceived family expectations and support (Fig. 12). Females are more likely to strongly agree that family support is important in their academic success than males. They are also more likely to strongly agree that their families expect them to stay in college. Whether this reflects the actual difference or merely difference in perceptions, this gender difference may be related to gender differences in educational achievement and attainment.
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50 Strongly agree Agree Disagree Strongly disagree
40
%
30
20
10
0 Black, not Hispanic
Hispanic or Latino/a
Other
My Family expects me to go to graduate school
Fig. 11.
Family Expectation of Graduate Study by Race/Ethnicity.
Peer Influence About 3 in 4 participants indicated that most of their friends are in college. More than 9 in 10 reported that their friends expect them to do well in college. This group of students enjoys great positive peer influence from friends who are also in college and who hold positive expectations of them (see Fig. 13). Individual Belief and the Role of Sense of Responsibility The majority of participants believes in the instrumental role of spirituality in individual success, has a great sense of responsibility to siblings or peers or other people in their community, and feels the need to demonstrate their worth to others (Fig. 14). Blacks, however, are more likely to profess strong religious beliefs compared to other groups. They are significantly more likely to strongly agree with those statements. The stronger sense of connection with other people in their community and stronger belief about spirituality distinguish Black participants from others. Moreover, Black females are more likely to strongly agree with the instrumental role of spirituality than Black males (67 percent vs. 49 percent). Hispanic females are
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WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
Strongly disagree Disagree Agree Strongly agree 100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Black Male
Black Female
Black Male
Black Female
Support of my family has been My family has encouraged me instrumental in my academic to stay in college success
Fig. 12.
Gender Difference for Blacks in Perceived Family Support/Expectation.
more likely to strongly agree that their community is counting on them to do well than Hispanic males (43 percent vs. 14 percent). The stronger sense of responsibility to community or spirituality may have to do with gender difference in educational achievement or attainment. Institutional Support Figure 15 shows that slightly fewer than 9 in 10 participants thought that their undergraduate institutions are supportive. About 3 in 4 thought that faculties at their undergraduate institutions credit them appropriately. Basically, these students have positive experiences with their undergraduate institutions. Institutional support or perceptions of that support may be reasonably expected to differ by institutional type and we found this to be the case for Black participants (Fig. 16). Blacks from HBCUs are significantly more likely to strongly agree that their undergraduate institutions are supportive than those from non-HBCUs (5 in 10 vs. 3 in 10). Moreover, those from HBCUs are significantly more likely to strongly
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407
Strongly agree Agree Disagree Strongly disagree 60 50
%
40 30 20 10 0 Most of my friends are not in college
Fig. 13.
Most of my friends expect me to do well in college
Peer Influence.
100% 80% 60% 40% 20%
Spirituality has been instrumental in my academic success*
Other
Black, not Hispanic Hispanic or Latina/o
Other
Black, not Hispanic Hispanic or Latina/o
Other
Black, not Hispanic Hispanic or Latina/o
Other
Black, not Hispanic Hispanic or Latina/o
0%
It is important for me People in my It is a priority for me to to set an example for community are demonstrate my worth my siblings or peers* counting on me to do to other people well*
Strongly agree
Agree
Disagree
Strongly disagree
Fig. 14. Spirituality and Sense of Responsibility. Note: *Significant racial difference is observed at alpha level of 0.05.
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WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
Strongly agree Agree Disagree Strongly disagree 50 40
%
30 20 10 0 In general, I view my The faculty at my undergraduate institution institution does not credit as supportive of my me for being as good of a educational aspirations student as I am
Fig. 15.
Perceived Institutional Support.
disagree with the statement that faculties do not credit them enough (1 in 2 vs. 1 in 5). Blacks from non-HBCUs are twice more likely to agree or strongly agree with the above statement than those from HBCUs. This finding indicates that HBCUs are perceived to be more supportive for Blacks than are non-HBCUs. Similar difference is not found for Hispanics among those from HSIs and non-HSIs. This group of participants seems to enjoy strong support and expectation from their families, peers, community, and institutions. They also hold stronger personal beliefs and sense of responsibility. All together, they are highly motivated to do better and go further in their education.
PARTICIPANTS’ SELF-CONCEPTIONS Participants were asked to evaluate their self-esteem, locus of control and academic esteem using a set of standard scale items (see Table 7). Overall, these participants did not seem to be burdened by a lack of selfesteem. More than 90 percent of all participants endorse the statements that measure positive self-esteem although as much as 35 percent of them agree
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409
Strongly disagree Disagree Agree Strongly agree 100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0% Black from HBCUs
Black from NonHBCUs
Black from HBCUs
Black from NonHBCUs
In general, I view my undergraduate The faculty at my institution does not credit me for being as good of a institution as supportive of my student as I am educational aspirations
Fig. 16.
Institutional Support by Type for Black Participants.
with some of the statements indicating negative self-esteem. While there are some racial differences in self-esteem, the gender difference within race, especially among Blacks, are more noteworthy. Black females are more likely to strongly agree that they were of equal worth to others and were satisfied with themselves than their male peers (see Fig. 17). As with self-esteem, the participants feel a rather high degree of locus of control, a measure of belief of one’s own actions and efforts in determining one’s fate. At least 87 percent are ‘‘almost certain’’ that when they make plans, they can make them work. Only small percentages agree with statements suggesting lack of locus of control. For example, only about 8 percent agreed that good luck is more important than hard work and their plans hardly ever work out. As with self-esteem, gender differences within Blacks are hard to overlook. Black females feel a significantly higher degree of empowerment than their male peers. Black females are significantly less likely to agree with almost every statement indicating lack of locus of control.
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WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
Table 7.
Self-esteem
Participant’s Self-Esteem, Locus of Control, and Academic Esteem by Race/Ethnicity.
Positive On the whole, I am satisfied with myself I feel good about myself I feel I am a person of worth, the equal of other people I am able to do things as well as most other people Negative I feel useless at times At times, I think I am not good enough to make it I feel I do not have much to be proud of Locus of control
Hispanic
Other
Total
88.33 95.72 94.90
92.80 95.68 92.70
94.74 97.40 98.72
90.68 95.98 94.90
92.97
96.40
93.50
94.07
27.35 32.28
26.28 33.82
33.33 43.59
28.03 34.61
15.24
10.79
7.69
12.68
87.90
88.41
87.18
87.92
17.90
14.39
12.82
16.04
8.70
7.30
8.97
8.30
16.47
16.55
12.99
15.92
8.56
10.22
1.28
7.83
20.70
20.15
28.21
21.78
89.06
84.78
75.33
85.57
12.50
15.11
11.84
13.17
28.17
24.26
21.79
25.97
17.51
21.74
35.14
21.53
a
Positive When I make plans, I am almost certain I can make them work Negative I don’t have enough control over the direction my life is taking In my life, good luck is more important than hard work Every time I try to get ahead, something or somebody stops me My plans hardly ever work out, so planning only makes me unhappy Chances and luck are very important for what happens in my life Academic esteema Positive I expect to be an honor student Negative Students like me do not usually do well in my home school I could get higher grades in a major that suited me better I am afraid I may not make it in college/ graduate school a
Black a
Percentage agreeing with statements.
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411
100% 80% 60% 40% 20%
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
0%
I do not have In my life, I could get Every time I Chances I feel that I am On the good luck is try to get and luck are higher grade in a person of whole, I am enough control over the ahead, very important a major that satisfied with more worth, the for what suited me direction my something or important than myself equal of other
Strongly Agree
Fig. 17.
Agree
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Gender Difference in Self-Conceptions among Black Participants.
Due to the fact that SROP is selective, it is not surprising that these program participants have strong academic esteem. Overall, 85 percent of our respondents expected to be honor students. Only 13 percent agree that students like them do not usually do well at school. Larger percentages are willing to endorse the statements that they may not make it in college and they could get higher grades in a different major that suited them better. Again, Black males are more likely than Black females to agree that they would get higher grades in a major that suited them better.
REGRESSION ANALYSIS OF ACADEMIC CAREER ASPIRATION Participants were asked to what extent they agree with the statement ‘‘I hope to be a professor at a college or university (Q5c)’’ based on their current or most recent SROP experience. Logistic regression was used to analyze the relationship between the academic career aspiration and selected variables including demographic variables, with a primary interest in identifying how SROP experience is related to the aspiration (see Table 8). Those who agree or strongly agree with the statement is coded as 1 and those who disagree and strongly disagree as 0 for the dependent variable in the regression.
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WILLIAM TRENT AND YUQIN GONG
Table 8. Logistic Coefficients from the Regression of Academic Career Aspiration on Selected Independent Variablesa (N ¼ 307). Independent Variables
Model 1
Model 2
Model 3
Model 4a
Model 4b
Rs father’s educational attainment
0.014 (0.048) 0.033 (0.058) 0.089 (0.075) 0.346 (0.362) 0.344 (0.401) 0.714 (0.283)
0.011 (0.048) 0.031 (0.058) 0.101 (0.078) 0.304 (0.369) 0.351 (0.402) 0.687 (0.285) 0.03 (0.184) 0.074 (0.086) 0.001 (0.058)
0 (0.049) 0.024 (0.061) 0.139 (0.081) 0.405 (0.394) 0.361 (0.432) 0.753 (0.291) 0.033 (0.190) 0.037 (0.089) 0.016 (0.061) 0.036 (0.291) 0.008 (0.109) 0.870 (0.267)
0.003 (0.049) 0.041 (0.062) 0.131 (0.082) 0.489 (0.402) 0.514 (0.448) 0.778 (0.297) 0.038 (0.191) 0.036 (0.089) 0.007 (0.062) 0.082 (0.293) 0.038 (0.116) 0.859 (0.269) 0.019 (0.066) 0.067 (0.056)
0.004 (0.049) 0.022 (0.061) 0.106 (0.083) 0.432 (0.399) 0.351 (0.436) 0.781 (0.294) 0.069 (0.195) 0.06 (0.092) 0.000 (0.062) 0.051 (0.299) 0.021 (0.111) 0.799 (0.271)
Rs mother’s educational attainment Family income Black Hispanic Male Spirituality Frequency of attending religious service Family support MSI (HBCU or HSI) Institutional support Science major Locus of control Self-esteem Mentoring relationship Research experience with SROP Constant
1.810 (0.817)
Change in G2 due to added variables Change in degree of freedom due to added variables
11.447 6
1.593 (1.169)
1.915 (1.300)
1.628 (1.350)
1.128 3
11.756 3
1.979 2
0.208 (0.346) 0.110 (0.048) 1.085 (1.562) 6.027 2
Note: 1. Numbers in parentheses are standard errors. 2. Significant improvement of model fit due to added variables is indicated by *. a Refer to Appendix A and Appendix B for the constructions and descriptions of the variables. po0:05; po0:01; ***po0:001:
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Variables constructions and descriptions are presented in Appendices A and B, respectively. In order to assess the relative contribution of different variables in predicting academic career aspirations, hierarchical logistic regression is performed. The results are presented in Table 8. Due to missing values for variables, 307 observations were included in the regression analyses. Among them, Black males account for 15.0 percent; Black females, 43.9 percent; Hispanic males, 8.6 percent; and Hispanic females, 19.3 percent. This composition is very close to the overall distribution of all participants presented in Table 2. Three interesting findings are observed from the analyses. First, males are more likely to want to be a professor than females. The contribution of being male in predicting academic career aspiration did not change much after controlling for more variables. The magnitude of the coefficients of the variable is quite stable in the five models. The odds of males’ wanting to pursue an academic career are about 2 times (exp (0.687) to exp (0.781)) the odds for females. Second, those majoring in science or engineering are less likely to want to be a professor. Information on major significantly improved the model in predicting academic career aspiration. The odds of wanting to be a professor for those majoring in science or engineering are less than half of the odds for those in other majors (exp (0.799) to exp (0.870)). Finally, the more positive one’s experience with SROP is, the more likely one would want to be a professor. The odds of wanting to be a professor for those who had the most positive research experience with SROP (i.e., those who strongly agree with all five statements measuring their experiences with SROP, refer to Appendix A) is exp ð0:110 15Þ ¼ 5:2 times of the odds for those who had the least positive experience with SROP (i.e., those who strongly disagree with all of the five statements), after controlling for all other variables.
CONCLUSIONS The Summer Research Opportunities Program won the Presidential Award for Excellence in Science, Mathematics, and Engineering Mentoring in 1999. This descriptive study of SROP first presented who participated in the program and then examined what its participants say about the effect and importance of SROP on their research interests. It showed that SROP has attracted those high-achievement and highly motivated students and that the program seems to meet their need and embrace these motivations. Participants’ aspirations or expectations to go to graduate study seem to well
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match the mission of the program and are thus nourished by the program. The positive effect of SROP on its participants suggests that well-designed supportive programs like SROP can increase access to academia for those who typically have much more limited opportunity to go. The researchrelated elements and mentoring elements are the most attractive features of the SROP and they may be responsible for the positive effect identified by pilot studies. The non-remedial nature of the program may help break the stereotype of deficiency associated with programs designed for minority groups and help build a positive self-concept for its participants. However, the selectivity of the program based on demonstrated academic performance may prevent its benefits from reaching the most needed undergraduates of the minority groups although it might be more cost effective to serve merely the more academically advantaged.
REFERENCES American Council on Education. (1998). Office of Minorities in Higher Education. Status report, minorities in higher education. Washington, DC: American Council on Education Office of Minority Concerns. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (1998). Employment outlook, 1996–2006: A summary of BLS projections. U.S. Department of Labor. Eatman, T. K. (2001). Becoming a member of the research community in academe: Determinants of postbaccalaureate success for traditionally underrepresented students. Dissertation. University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign. Foertsch, J. A., Alexander, B. B. & Penberthy, D. L. (March 2000). Summer Research Opportunity Programs (SROPs) for minority undergraduates: A longitudinal study of program outcomes, 1986–1996. Council on Undergraduate Research Quarterly, 114–119. Gong, Y. (2002). Evaluation of the Summer Research Opportunity Program at a mid-Western research university, 1986–1999. Working paper. Harvey, W. B., & Anderson, E. (2003). Minorities in higher education: 2001–2002. Nineteenth Annual Status Report. Center for the Advancement of Racial Equality, American Council on Education, Washington, DC. Trent, W. T. (1991). Focus on equity: Race and gender differences in degree attainment 1975– 76; 1980–1981. In: W. Allen & E. Epps (Eds), College in black and white: African American students in historically Black and predominantly white public universities, (pp. 41–59). Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Trent, W. T., Owens-Nicholson, D., Eatman, T. K., Burke, M., Daugherty, J., & Norman, K. (2003). Justice, equality of educational opportunity, and affirmative action in higher education. In: M. J. Chang, D. Witt, J. Jones & K. Hakuta (Eds), Compelling interest: Examining the evidence on racial dynamics in colleges and universities, (pp. 22–48). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Turner, C. S. V., & Myers, S. L., Jr. (1999). Faculty of color in academe: Bittersweet success. Needam Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
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APPENDIX A. CONSTRUCTIONS OF SELECTED VARIABLES USED IN THE REGRESSION ANALYSES.
Scale Scores Item Self-Esteem On the whole, I am satisfied with myself I feel good about myself I feel I am a person of worth, the equal of other people I am able to do things as well as most other people I feel useless at times At times, I think I am not good enough to make it I feel I do not have much to be proud of
Response Range
Minimum
Maximum
Strongly disagree to strongly agree Strongly disagree to strongly agree Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
0
3
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly agree to strongly disagree Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0 0
3
Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0
3
Total Cronbach’s Alpha
0
21 0.786
Locus of Control I don’t have enough control over the direction my life is taking In my life, good luck is more important than hard work Every time I try to get ahead, something or somebody stops me
Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0
3
Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0
3
Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0
3
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APPENDIX A
(Continued ). Scale Scores
Item My plans hardly ever work out, so planning only makes me unhappy When I make plans, I am almost certain I can make them work Chances and luck are very important for what happens in my life
Response Range
Minimum
Maximum
Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly agree to strongly disagree
0
3
Total Cronbach’s Alpha
0
18 0.762
Family support Support of my family has been instrumental in my academic success My family has encouraged me to stay in college My family expects me to do well in college My family expected me to go to college My family expects me to go to graduate school Total Cronbach’s Alpha
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree Strongly disagree to strongly agree Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
0
3
0
3
0
15 0.717
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(Continued ). Scale Scores
Item
Response Range
Minimum
Maximum
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
Strongly disagree to strongly agree
0
3
SROP research experience Introduced me to a whole new field of research Provided me with suggestions for a particular line of research Helped me understand the field and specialty I had already chosen in a more complete and concrete way Encouraged me to add another major or minor to increase my breadth and marketability in a given field Exposed me to a research area in my field that I was not originally interested in pursuing Total Cronbach’s Alpha
0
15 0.651
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APPENDIX B. DESCRIPTION OF VARIABLES USED IN THE REGRESSION ANALYSES.
Rs father’s educational attainment
Highest level of formal education respondent’s father or primary male guardian attained at respondent’s high school senior year. Less than high school ¼ 11; high school graduate ¼ 12; some college/ vocational school ¼ 14; Bachelor’s degree ¼ 14; some graduate school ¼ 17; Master’s degree ¼ 18; law degree, medical degree, or doctoral degree ¼ 21.
Rs mother’s educational attainment
Same as father’s educational attainment except for it is regarding respondents’ mother or primary female guardian.
Family income
Respondents’ best estimate of parents’/ guardians’ combined annual beforetax income during respondents’ high school senior year. Less than $1,000 ¼ 1; $1,000 – $9,999 ¼ 2; $10,1000 – $19,999 ¼ 3; $20,000 – $29,999 ¼ 4; $30,000 – $49,999 ¼ 5; $50,000 – $74,999 ¼ 6; $75,000 – $99,999 ¼ 7; $100,000 – $149,999 ¼ 8; $150,000 – $199,999 ¼ 9; $200,000 or more ¼ 10;
Black
Respondent’s race/ethnicity status. Black ¼ 1; Hispanic or other ¼ 0,
Hispanic
Respondent’s race/ethnicity status. Hispanic ¼ 1; Black or other ¼ 0.
Male
Respondent’s gender. Male ¼ 1; female ¼ 0.
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APPENDIX B. (Continued ) Spirituality
4-Scale responses to the statement ‘Spirituality has been instrumental in my success’. strongly disagree ¼ 1; disagree ¼ 2; agree ¼ 3; strongly agree ¼ 4.
Frequency of attending religious service
Everyday ¼ 1; more than once a week ¼ 2; about once a week ¼ 3; two or three times a month ¼ 4; once a month ¼ 5; a few times a year or less ¼ 6; not at all ¼ 7.
Family support
Respondents’ perceived family expectations and support. It is the sum of responses to the five items which are listed in the table of construction of variables. Range from 0 to 15.
MSI (HBCU or HSI)
Type of respondent’s undergraduate institution. HBCU or HIS ¼ 1; else ¼ 0.
Institutional support
Respondents’ perception of their undergraduate institution and faculty in supporting their educational aspiration. It is sum of responses to two items. Each item ranges from 0 to 3 with 0 being strongly disagree and 3 being strongly agree that the institution or faculty is supportive. Range from 0 to 6.
Science major
Respondent’s declared undergraduate major. Science, engineering or health profession ¼ 1; else ¼ 0.
Locus of control
Sum of the responses to the items measuring locus of control. See the table of construction of variables for these items. Range from 0 to 18.
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APPENDIX B. (Continued ) Self-esteem
Sum of the responses to the items measuring self-esteem. See the table of construction of variables for these items. Range from 0 to 21.
Mentoring relationship
Whether respondent has a mentoring relationship. Yes ¼ 1; No ¼ 0.
Research experience with SROP
Sum of responses to the items measuring perceived effect of SROP in respondent’s research experience. Range from 0 to 15.
SEEING AND BEING SEEN: USES OF PHOTOGRAPHY TO IMPROVE CAMPUS CLIMATE FOR DIVERSITY Carol Petersen In the mid-1990s, the Regents of the University of California passed resolutions ending the use of affirmative action in university admissions, employment, and contracting, except as required for eligibility for federal funding. Before the votes were taken, the UC Student Association created iridescent orange-and-black stickers that read ‘‘RECLAIM YOUR EDUCATION.’’ At a Regents’ meeting I attended, students in whiteface wore these stickers over their mouths, hoping to influence the votes. The students were in whiteface to indicate their potential invisibility if the proposed actions were to reduce the numbers of underrepresented students in the university, and they covered their mouths to represent their silencing. I photographed those student protests and, as the struggle to achieve and sustain diversity in the University of California continues, I feel that photography itself has a place in addressing some of the needs conveyed symbolically and powerfully during those protests – the needs to be seen and to be heard. A university committed to campus diversity confronts these essential and interrelated challenges: (1) to develop a community of students, faculty, and staff characterized by diversity, as that term is understood on campus, and (2) to create conditions encouraging the energetic participation of all
Higher Education in a Global Society: Achieving Diversity, Equity and Excellence Advances in Education in Diverse Communities: Research, Policy and Praxis, Volume 5, 421–436 Copyright r 2006 by Elsevier Ltd. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1479-358X/doi:10.1016/S1479-358X(05)05020-5
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members of the academic community. When the UC Regents ended affirmative action in admissions, we heard that some potential applicants and community members felt our campuses were no longer welcoming places. The problem is circular: If, for example, Blacks and Latinos hesitate to apply, their numbers will decline, exacerbating the fear that they are not welcome. Numbers and perceptions of the environment are dynamically related, and inherent within this dyad are issues of presence and visibility. Some of the ways in which photography is implicated in addressing matters of presence and visibility are obvious; others are perhaps unsurprising but more subtle. My photos of our at-least-relatively diverse campus population have found places in exhibits, installations, and websites, contributing in their own ways to the campus climate. My work with student, faculty, and other professional artists has become the subject of my courses for entering undergraduates, adding new components to the curriculum. In addition, these artistic collaborations have profoundly influenced me as a member of the university community. I come to photography with training in literature and long experience in administration and teaching, and my university work has increasingly focused on diversity. The liberation I feel in creating visual images rather than working only within the constraints of language is profound. In addition, my experience of photography has taught me much more about our diverse academic community and our city of Los Angeles than I could ever have known just through administration and teaching. Presence and visibility can never be fully established by counting, as these are fundamentally matters of humanity. The work I present often focuses on those who have so long been underrepresented in higher education and disadvantaged in U.S. society. Yet, I am offended by some official university photos – in publications and brochures – that are obviously intended to show the diversity of a campus. These are generally photos of happy people – Black, Latino, Asian, White, and sometimes Native American too. In my view, the more effective admissions and public relations materials have a narrative style. They suggest that students have lives and families and home communities, bringing some depth to the notion of campus diversity. When I review my own work to choose photos for presentation, I am drawn repeatedly to images of dignity and grace; to moments of creativity, achievement, or reflection; and to framing that suggests relationship and context. My photography takes human dignity, the uniqueness and value of each human life, as its central theme. Here, in fact, is the essential link between my photography and my university career, which has been deeply influenced
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by my commitment to equity and justice. While the conjunction between photography and higher education has come about in my life and work as if by coincidence, there is a natural, even a profound, connection to be noticed here. Knowledge is always held; it is made incarnate in specific individuals who bring their own experiences, insights, and perspectives to bear on the subjects at hand. For this reason, campus diversity enriches the educational process. Campus diversity is also a matter of human rights, a matter at the core of a democratic society. Photography has the capacity to show those who are involved in the educational process, those who are claiming their rights to participate in learning, expanding knowledge, and teaching others. It can itself enter the dance of life, becoming a testimony and response to the essential human spirit. Importantly, photography is more than the images that are its product – it is a dynamic, reciprocal process. Taking photos means, first of all, seeing who stands before the lens; it means, in turn, being present to the person who is there in just that moment. To me, photography is a curious and paradoxical phenomenon that gives me unusual access to others’ lives and circumstances and changes me in the process. I am changed by being present to those I photograph, by witnessing their own presence, performances, and achievements. The center shifts, the roles reverse when I become a member of a student’s film crew, when I am on my knees to record the work of students and colleagues at UCLA and in the community. Such personal shifts and reversals are themselves elements of the transformations that can be brought by openness to difference. Though the university is slow to change, its people are the agents of change, and photography – like other art forms – has the capacity to help effect change in the academy and in its relations to the communities it serves.
INSTALLATIONS At my retirement luncheon (July 2004), a colleague described the effect of my photography in a way that has special resonance for a discussion of campus diversity. I had recently installed three photo composites in UCLA’s Ashe Student Health Center. These are collections of about 50 photographs each, presented in the form of the I Ching hexagrams for creativity, inner truthfulness, and community. Ronni Sanlo, director of UCLA’s Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) Campus Resource Center, said that at a meeting of the Queer Alliance, students talked about seeing my new work in the Ashe Center. With my photos in place, they now feel welcome there.
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This response explains why the campus environment needs steady attention, so that the people of a college or university can recognize it as their own. Ronni’s next words emphasize this need. Pointing to the bare walls of the residential commons building where we were having lunch, she said, ‘‘Look at these walls. Who’s welcome here?’’ In developing the Ashe composites, I included photos from the opening of the LGBT Center in a new location; a gay wedding in UCLA’s Bruin Plaza; and a photoshoot with two colleagues in residential life, lesbian partners dreaming of being married in Brazil. I included these photos because they represent important moments and relationships characterizing campus life. In 2003 when I prepared a set of 100 photos for installation in De Neve Podium, the commons building in a new residential complex on campus, I looked for photos that would suggest, in Kenneth Burke’s terms, ‘‘representative anecdotes’’ describing UCLA’s people, life, and extended family. For example, a set of 19 individual black-and-whites on the wall outside an auditorium for teaching and campus events begins with affirmations of rights, moves through moments of engagement and performance, and ends with Raza Grad, the annual event celebrating Latino students’ graduation. When I showed the Director of Residential Life small copies of the proposed layout, he looked closely at one featuring a banner hung from the balcony of Royce Hall, UCLA’s signature building. He asked what was written on the banner. ‘‘Education, Not Discrimination – Defy 209,’’ I read to him. The students were challenging the 1996 ballot initiative ending affirmative action in California except as required for eligibility for federal funding. ‘‘Now that’s making a public statement,’’ the director said. ‘‘Just as we would want our students to be able to do,’’ I answered. ‘‘You’re right,’’ he said, and he moved on to the next photo. Another of my installations focuses directly on student protests and related activities during the debates over affirmative action in UC during the mid-1990s. On one side of a 50 70 photoquilt called ‘‘Instead of Crying’’ are 99 black-and-white photos cut and displayed in a quilt-like design on a piece of blue-grey silk. On the other side are a series of pink memos, the cover sheets that our Chancellor’s Communication Service prepares for copies of articles and correspondence distributed to members of the administration – in this case, items relating to the Regental resolutions on affirmative action. I called it ‘‘Instead of Crying’’ to honor women’s creative response to pain, their ability to stitch and knit and weave objects of beauty from lived experience. My photos imply my personal opposition to California’s Proposition 209 and the earlier Regental resolutions on affirmative action. However,
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my purposes in presenting these images publicly are broader: to show our students engaged in public and private demonstrations of their own vitality as intellectual, social, political beings with passions, commitments, and relationships that become evident on campus and to show our campus as a place for engagement, for learning, and for growth.
EXIHIBITS Throughout the academic year, temporary exhibits offer sites and occasions for increasing the visibility of individuals and groups who make the campus community what it is. Their photos can be incorporated into campus observations of special days and months, presented in association with academic conferences, and shown in campus and local museums. Lived experience was the subject and source of inspiration for the first exhibition of my photos at UCLA, ‘‘Into the Arena: The Story of the First U.S. Paralympic Equestrian Team.’’ It was presented in Kerckhoff Hall, a building central to student activities, during Disability Awareness Month in 1996. The exhibition was sponsored by UCLA’s Office for Students with Disability. I included photos of riders taking part in national trials, working at training camps, entering the Olympic Arena for the opening celebration, competing, and winning honors in the Paralympic events. For the exhibit I wrote, This team’s story is one of talent, spirit, courage, and grace. Helping to record it has shown me much about human achievement. Working with the team has also shown me much about our society and common notions about what ability means. From this project have come friendships and experiences that will profoundly influence my life and my work.
To address issues confronting women on campus, the University of Michigan held a conference entitled ‘‘Shaping a National Agenda for Women in Higher Education’’ (March 22–29, 2000). I developed and, with colleagues Frances Olson and Suzanne Seplow, co-chaired a UCLA committee that, in this context, created an initiative called UCLA Women 4 Change. Now an annual week-long event, its purposes are to celebrate women’s achievements and to identify and help address the challenges for women on campus. For the first UCLA event and for the Michigan conference, I developed an exhibit called ‘‘Imag(in)ing a Future: Women Students at UCLA.’’ In proposing it, I placed it in this context:
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The UCLA campus is as diverse as any, yet the problems of underrepresentation and discrimination persist here as throughout the academy and U.S. society. A recent campus report shows women to be dramatically underrepresented in departments campus-wide and ethnic minorities, particularly African Americans and Chicanos/Latinos, yet to be very few in number. Even as we receive this report, we are struggling with the implications and effects of policy decisions imposed by our Regents and the people of California, decisions threatening the diversity that has been achieved. The responses on campus have been many, ranging from vigorous resistance and calls for repeal through silences that could mean – variously – satisfaction, indifference, or despair. In this context, we are advancing a campus-wide diversity initiative that emphasizes our capacities and responsibilities as a public urban institution. In this context, too, the presence, visibility, and action of our students continually give reason for hope. They help us all envision – and they themselves represent – the future. My exhibit focuses on women students as creative individuals and engaged members of the academic community and the larger communities we serve.
In this exhibit I presented photos of students in the writing course I was teaching in our Transfer Summer Program. This program had long served members of historically underrepresented groups and, even then, with modified selection criteria, it continued to serve many students from these groups. Those students, along with the families and communities they represented, inspired and encouraged me. I also included images of UCLA graduate students in the arts, producing films and presenting dance concerts with strong autobiographical elements and incisive social commentary. Since then, UCLA has made an art exhibit a regular component of its annual celebration of Women 4 Change. I have included work in each of these shows, drawing on my work with students in the arts and other artistic colleagues as well as my visit to Bellagio, Italy, for the first conference on Achieving Diversity in Tertiary and Higher Education (March 17–23, 2003). I have also shown work at the UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History. To increase understanding and appreciation of the world’s diverse peoples, cultures, and religions, this museum presents exhibitions that focus largely on Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and the Americas. My exhibit, ‘‘The House of the Gospel/La Casa del Evangelio’’ (July 4–October 17, 2001) focused on art by Mario Sebastia´n Vargas Avila. In the text for the show I described Avila’s work and my experience of it in this way: Avila, who lives in Tepoztla´n, Morelos, Me´xico, is making his home into an artwork, integrating light and air into its concepts and space and echoing the forms of the surrounding Tepozteco mountain range. As he shapes figures on the ceilings and walls of his home and as he designs its spaces, he takes inspiration from the Gospel of St. Mark. Avila feels that this Gospel offers a new way to see and live the relationship each of us creates with human beings and with everything surrounding us.
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The act of photographing Avila’s work is itself very much about relationship. He welcomes my photographic views of his sculpted home and the individual pieces that fill it, and he says that through these photos he sees his own work in new ways. Through our first interactions we learned that, though we work in different media, we share the same experience of creativity: we each know it to be an empty moment before discovery. Photographing Avila’s work has brought new dimensions to my life and to my art.
The Fowler Museum encourages campus activities focused on current exhibits, and during this show we arranged a special program for students living in residence on campus. As a member of UCLA’s Faculty in Residence program, I worked with student program assistants in my hall to develop an art walk for our residents. In addition, I invited members of my Transfer Summer Program class to attend the art walk conducted by Mario Avila during his visit to Los Angeles for the show. While he was here, Avila also attended my class to talk with students about his life experiences and his artwork.
DIVERSITY WEBSITES As Director of Academic Affirmative Action at UCLA, I coordinated the development of two campus diversity websites and provided the photos for them. Opened in 2003, the sites are described in UCLA’s Academic Affirmative Action Plans.
Diversity Web The Office of Faculty Diversity has developed a Diversity Web (http://diversity.ucla.edu) for the Chancellor’s Advisory Group on Diversity. Chancellor Albert Carnesale, welcoming visitors to the site, explains its purpose: ‘‘As a public university, we are dedicated to creating an academic environment that celebrates the rich diversity of our campus and the communities we serve. This website maps programs and resources available across campus that contribute to achieving that goal.’’ The Diversity Web provides 156 links to relevant campus sites. For easy navigation, these links are organized both by type (e.g., academic programs) and by constituency (e.g., undergraduate students). The Advisory Group’s membership, statement on campus diversity, and annual report are also posted here. The site has incorporated into its design an image strip of seven or eight photos appearing at the top of the page – and changing each time the viewer moves from page to page or refreshes the screen. The images are drawn randomly from a pool of 200 photos, primarily of UCLA students, taken by Director Petersen1 (UCLA Chancellor’s OfficeFaculty Diversity, 2004, p. 36).
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Faculty Diversity Web The Office has also opened a UCLA Faculty Diversity Website (http://faculty. diversity.ucla.edu). Again, the design features a changing image strip at the top of each page. Here, the photos are drawn from a pool of photos of UCLA faculty in their environments. Director Petersen has, to date, photographed more than 60 faculty members, showing them in their offices, outdoors on campus, or in their homes. It has been our goal to create a useful resource for faculty and administrators across campus, making relevant information available and easily accessible. The section on affirmative action, for example, presents availability data for faculty searches. The data, drawn from a variety of sources, is tailored to our departments, reflecting the fields of specialization of our current faculty (UCLA Chancellor’s Office-Faculty Diversity, 2004, p. 36).
We felt it was important to incorporate photos of our students and faculty into these sites to give them centrality in our discussions of diversity and to suggest the vibrancy of the campus. Photographing students and faculty for these sites was valuable to me for giving me direct contact with them as individuals in their own environments.
TEACHING Curricular reform and development are central to a university’s efforts to achieve excellence and diversity and to create an inclusive academic community. The process requires attention to core courses and to area- or population-specific programs and offerings. There is also benefit in developing or taking advantage of existing rubrics for special topics courses. In the category of special offerings, our campus has developed a Fiat Lux one-unit seminar program, designed to bring first-year students into dialogue on topics in faculty members’ areas of expertise. The seminars take their name from the University of California’s motto, meaning ‘‘Let There be Light.’’ This program has given me the opportunity to bring my experience as a photographer into the classroom.
‘‘The Biography of Mexican Painting: A Mural by Rau´l Anguiano’’ This seminar focuses on the mural painted by Maestro Rau´l Anguiano at East Los Angeles College (ELAC) in 2002. The mural traces Mexican art from the Mayan period through the 20th century, interweaving images from Anguiano’s life and celebrating his association with major artists of recent
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decades. It features portraits of the three pillars of Mexican muralism – Jose´ Clemente Orozco, David Alfaro Siqueiros, and Diego Rivera – and other important Mexican painters. I photographed the work as it progressed and the event celebrating its unveiling and the 87th birthday of the artist, and I later visited him at his home in Mexico City. In this seminar, we study this mural and do some research on the muralists and other painters represented in it. During the first offering of the class in winter 2003, we were honored to have Maestro Anguiano visit our class to discuss the mural and to have his colleague Bill Anderson, who also contributed to the work, visit our class with the Maestro and then accompany us on a visit to ELAC to view and discuss the mural. These interactions have contributed not only to the UCLA curriculum but also to our outreach programs intended to strengthen our connections with community colleges. As a result of this association, in fact, I came to teach an English 101 course at ELAC in spring 2002, learning much about our own transfer students and their academic backgrounds and developing a warm appreciation for the work being done on the ELAC campus.
Stage and Screen: Works by UCLA Students in Theater, Film, and Dance This seminar, first offered in winter 2004, addresses works created by students in the Departments of World Arts and Cultures, Film, and Theater. The course has developed from the intersection of my work as a photographer for nine years with that of my experience, variously, as a UCLA student, teacher, and administrator over a period of 31 years. In the syllabus, I explain the source and nature of the course: I’ve shot production stills for more than a dozen film students, and I’ve been extremely impressed with their work on UCLA sound stages and on locations throughout Los Angeles and in Viet Nam. I’ve photographed many rehearsals and performances for dance students in the Department of World Arts and Cultures, and I’ve delighted in the strength and beauty of their work. I’ve also photographed theatrical work produced through the Department of Theater or independently, and I’ve valued the imagination, courage, and control shown by the playwrights and actors. My experience working on these stages and sets has deepened my own understanding of UCLA’s diverse academic community, and it has brought me into neighborhoods across the city. I’ve invited a number of colleagues to show their work and discuss their purposes, strategies, and experiences with us.
Student choreographers and directors visit our class to discuss their artistic media and to show clips of their performances and films. We also discuss
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photos I have taken during rehearsals and production. I am especially interested in considering the social context and purposes of each person’s work, but our discussions can range from artistic collaboration through mentoring and influence to filmmaking techniques. The students’ knowledge, interests, and curiosities help shape the course. The seminar calls for individual contributions and for a collaborative effort to develop new insights and perspectives. Especially valuable to the first year’s course was a visit by graduating students Miles Gregley, Rafael Agustin, and Allan Axibal, who talked about and previewed segments of Nigger, Wetback, Chink. They created this piece of speech theater to tell the stories of their own lives and the friendship and collaborative relationship they have developed. The piece directly challenges the stereotypes carried by the derogatory terms of its title. Gregley, Agustin, and Axibal have had enormously successful sold-out performances at UCLA. They have since taken their work to downtown Los Angeles, earning standing ovations at the Los Angeles Theater Center, and they are touring nationally in 2005–2006. Their visit to our class provoked intelligent, focused discussion of race issues critical to U.S. society and experienced personally by members of the class.
COMMUNITY SERVICE My work often shows or implies a context, relating individuals to their environments and communities and suggesting that the university, too, exists in a network of relationships. Reciprocally, my work directly with the community often results from and reflects friendships, associations, and shared commitments that have developed on campus. These interweavings enrich my work and continue opening new possibilities for collaboration. For example, I began working with the United Farm Workers (UFW) in Oxnard, California, because my friend Richard Castaniero, an MFA candidate in UCLA’s film directing program, was making a video documentary for them. From my photos of UFW members and activities, I made a 40 70 photoquilt with black-and-white photos arranged in the shape of the UFW eagle on the fabric used for making union flags. The photoquilt was shown first at UCLA at an event honoring Luis Valdez, Artistic Director of El Teatro Campesino, with the Ce´sar Cha´vez Spirit Award (April 9, 2003). I described the work – entitled ‘‘Orgullo, Dignidad, y Poder’’ – in this way:
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This photoquilt is a tribute to the United Farm Workers in Oxnard, California. It shows moments in their lives over the past year and a half as they have met, bargained, marched for the Governor’s signature, and celebrated the signing of bills SB 1156 and AB 2596, providing the means for obtaining better working conditions, wages, and benefits. It marks the presence and leadership of UFW Co-Founder Dolores Huerta and UFW President Arturo Rodrı´ guez, the support of legislators and community leaders, and the steady engagement of families and colleagues in these efforts. It honors the legacy of Ce´sar Cha´vez as evidenced in this continuing struggle for rights and this continuing demonstration of pride, dignity, unity, and power.
After the UCLA event, the photoquilt was moved to Oxnard, where it has been installed in the UFW offices. For me, the act of taking these photos has been as important as the visible result. It has taken me into the community of California farm workers, aligning me with a community I deeply respect as an important source of college and university students in this state and as a force for social change.
PUBLICATIONS Photos showing the diversity of campus populations, activities, and community involvements have a natural and valuable place in published materials used in classrooms and otherwise distributed on campus. University colleagues have used my photos in a variety of publications, including textbooks, campus newspapers and newsmagazines, and program materials. Here are a few examples: In preparing the sixth edition of Racial and Ethnic Relations in America McLemore et al. (2001), Harriett Romo of the University of Texas at San Antonio asked to see photos that might introduce chapters addressing the experience of particular racial and ethnic groups on campus. She and her colleagues are using my photos to introduce these chapters: ‘‘Mexican Americans: From Colonized Minority to Political Activists’’ (p. 187), ‘‘African Americans: Protest and Social Change’’ (p. 269), and ‘‘Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination’’ (p. 419). For a new edition of (Hodge & McLain, 2005) Play Directing, a textbook widely used in theater programs, UCLA colleague Michael McLain reviewed my photos of work directed by Jose Luis Valenzuela. McLain has included photos drawn from performances by Valenzuela’s Latino Theater Company (p. 122) and from UCLA students participating in the 2002 Chicano Theater Festival (p. 123). When UCLA hosted a Chicano Theater Festival for theater students from the University of California and community college campuses (June 25–30,
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2002), I photographed artwork by influential local artists Solomon Huerta and Magu. These images were used in the festival program and on posters signed by the artists at the opening event. I then photographed all the festival performances and workshops, documenting a unique event that explored the creative forces in early Chicano theater. Fem, a newsmagazine published at UCLA, has carried my photos of several campus events, including ‘‘Maquiladora Murders, or Who Is Killing the Women of Jua´rez?’’ (Ng, 2003). Sponsored by UCLA’s Chicano Studies Center under the leadership of Alicia Gaspar de Alba, this conference brought together scholars, artists, lawyers, legislators, and media representatives as well as mothers of young women murdered in Jua´rez, to engage in, several intensive days of discussion, performances, and events. The event was held October 31 through November 2, 2003, coinciding with the Mexican Days of the Dead and marking a decade since the murders began. ELAC included some of my photos in its ELAC (2002–2003) General Catalog (front and back covers, pp. 59, 63) and its ELAC (2002, Spring) Schedule of Classes (front and back covers). These are photos of Rau´l Anguiano painting a 70-foot mural, ‘‘The Biography of Mexican Painting,’’ in ELAC’s Ingalls Auditorium and of a visit to the campus by UCLA’s Chancellor Albert Carnesale and colleagues, described as ‘‘the historic first ELAC visit by any University of California Chancellor’’ (2002–2003, p. 63).
REPORTS Photos have potential for improving communication about a university’s mission and practices and, in this connection, to convey its commitment to diversity. Photos of faculty, students, and staff help convey the human element that is central to the work of the academy. A project now underway illustrates this point. Annually, the UC reports to the California Legislature on faculty teaching and undergraduate education. Given the variety and range of teaching situations and the difficulty of conveying the character of teaching, the reports become long and rather unwieldy. A UC task force has recommended a new rubric, Total Instructional Effort (TIE), to describe the full range of faculty instructional activity and its impact on students. The new rubric emphasizes that three levels of instruction are essential components of a research university education, whether undergraduate or graduate. The levels are identified as transmitting the knowledge base, initiating intellectual independence, and emphasizing independent inquiry. Paula Lutomirski,
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UCLA’s Associate Vice Chancellor for Institutional Planning, envisioned a photographic representation of these three levels. She believed that such pictures, coupled with short descriptions, could simultaneously convey faculty commitment and student learning – literally, each picture being worth a thousand words. To pilot this approach, I photographed the three levels of teaching in each of four UCLA departments (Chemistry and Biochemistry, English, Political Science, and Psychology) in spring 2004. In developing plans for the project, we took into account the university’s commitment to diversity among faculty and students and in academic programs. The report shows this commitment through photos of actual classrooms without explicit commentary on the issue of diversity. The task force has recommended that the next UC report to the Legislature feature these photos to convey effectively the richness of university teaching. In this example, photos are integral to a formal report. They can, of course, also be appended as supplements to a report or provided simply as an informal record of a project or event. When I participated in a team visit to the University of California, San Diego, in spring 2003 to address issues of campus diversity, I photographed our meetings and the Diversity Summit concluding the visit. Our team, led by Walter Allen of UCLA, presented a report on our findings and, separately, I sent a CD with selected photos from the visit. Given the current interest in documentation and the accessibility of digital photography, there are many creative ways of using photos to report on academic conferences and other proceedings.
PHOTO RELEASES I would like to stress the critical need to anticipate how photos taken on campus might be used, particularly if they might be published or posted on the web. In many instances, photo releases are required. As I took photos for the Diversity Web and the Faculty Diversity Web, I asked for signed releases. In connection with the TIE project, we distributed explanatory letters and release forms to faculty and students before photographing their classes. We also identified a campus administrator to keep these releases on file and to make the photos available on request to faculty members, department chairs, and others for university-related uses. I recommend including photo releases in conference registration or other materials going to all participants. It is essential to understand and observe all requirements for protecting individuals’ rights and also to become fully informed on campus
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guidelines and policies concerning campus photography. For clarification on the need for releases or for other permissions to photograph on campus, I strongly recommend consulting with campus legal counsel.
FINAL REFLECTIONS A vibrant academic community takes its character from the people who bring it into being and sustain it, and changing demographics will – over time – be reflected in its basic endeavors and its culture. This larger notion of change influences UCLA’s Statement on Diversity, developed by the Chancellor’s Advisory Group on Diversity in 1999 and now posted on the Diversity Web (http://www.diversity.ucla.edu/cagd_statement.html): At UCLA, a public university located in one of the most heterogeneous regions in the world, diversity is an indispensable element of academic excellence. We are fundamentally committed to including and integrating within the campus community individuals from different groups as defined by such characteristics as race, ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic background, religion, sexual orientation, age, disability, and intellectual outlook. This commitment requires efforts to attract to the campus members of historically under-represented racial and ethnic groups. However, to create a rich academic experience and intellectual and cultural environment for everyone, we extend our concern beyond representation to genuine participation. Our commitment to diversity entails devising strategies and programs to realize its benefits fully in education, research and service. This commitment inevitably means an openness to change – indeed, to transformation.
Photography, in my view, has unusual potential for marking and encouraging such change in an academic community. While campus photography certainly has formal components, including studio portraits of students and faculty, the photography that particularly interests me is situational, sometimes even happenstance. My faculty portraits posted on UCLA’s Diversity Web, for example, are environmental photos taken in natural light. The work I have exhibited and installed on campus shows students, faculty, and staff engaging in their lives, their creative work, and their relationships with energy and spirit. Such documentary work carries the immediacy and vitality of those present in it. It is this strong presence, this visibility and engagement, that I consider essential to improving campus climate for diversity. In practical terms, there are unlimited possible uses of photography for identifying who makes up an academic community and suggesting how that community works. Values attach to the choices that are made in putting photos on websites, walls, and printed pages. So, too, the images used in
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academic programs convey attitudes, interests, and expectations. If diversity is indeed valued on a campus, the characteristics understood to constitute diversity will be evident in campus venues and materials, as in its structure, programs, and operations. Photography done for other purposes or for its own sake can contribute to the cause of advancing campus diversity. I did not set out to take photos for use on campus, but my work has become valued and is aligned with UCLA’s commitment to diversity. From early presentations of my work on campus have come more requests and opportunities. I feel that its very lack of intention helps give my work its character and force. This awareness suggests to me that valuable sources of photos to improve the campus climate for diversity are students, faculty, and staff given to photography and themselves representing diverse perspectives. These are just the people whose work should be widely represented on campus. Because photography is an art form and interpretive act, matters of perspective are essential to it. I am interested now in learning whether photography might find a place in international programing and research to improve campus climate for diversity. The results might be jointly sponsored exhibitions, installations, publications, or websites. One such project might feature student performances on campuses in different countries. In their creative work, the students I photograph often address basic issues of personal and ethnic identity, draw deeply on cultural traditions, and challenge societal norms and expectations. A single mirror could reflect students’ work on various campuses, each with its own demographics, traditions, and cultures to show contours of difference and points of connection. Such a project would honor the diverse creative energies found on individual campuses and reinforce our awareness of living in a global – and highly visual – society.
NOTE 1. Photos by the author will become available at this address: http://photocp.com.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT Herbert Morris provided insightful commentary on this chapter, and he has given valuable counsel and encouragement for work described here.
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REFERENCES Chancellor’s Advisory Group on Diversity. (1999). UCLA statement on diversity. Retrieved July 23, 2004 from http://www.diversity.ucla.edu/cagd_statement.html East Los Angeles College (ELAC) general catalog. (2002–2003). Monterey Park, CA: East Los Angeles College. East Los Angeles College (ELAC) schedule of classes. (2002, Spring). Monterey Park, CA: East Los Angeles College. Hodge, F., & McLain, M. (Eds). (2005). Play directing: Analysis, communication, and style (6th ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. McLemore, S. D., Romo, H., & Baker, S. G. (Eds). (2001). Racial and ethnic relations in America (6th ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Ng, E. (2003). Factory femicide. Fem Newsmagazine, 26(Fall), 6–7. Petersen, C., Photography. Available at http://photocp.com UCLA Chancellor’s Office – Faculty Diversity (2004). UCLA academic affirmative action plan (2004–2005). Retrieved October 14, 2005, from http://faculty.diversity.ucla.edu/ affirmative_action/docs/2004–2005%20AAP.pdf UCLA diversity web. Available at http://diversity.ucla.edu UCLA faculty diversity web. Available at http://faculty.diversity.ucla.edu
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2003 CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS, THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION STUDY AND CONFERENCE CENTER (BELLAGIO, ITALY)
Hugh Africa Walter R. Allen Florence B. Bonner Marguerite BonousHammarth Peary Brug Mitchell J. Chang Kai-Ming Cheng Kris Gutie´rrez William Harvey Sylvia Hurtado L. Adele Jinadu Alberto Martinelli Louise Morley Gary Orfield Sarah Ouaja Carol Petersen Deborah A. Phillips Peter Ratcliffe Andrey V. Rezaev Harriet Romo Ricardo Romo Renata Siemien˜ska
The Council on Higher Education, South Africa The University of California – Los Angeles, USA Howard University, USA The University of California – Irvine, USA St. Mary’s College – University of Surrey, UK The University of California – Los Angeles, USA The University of Hong Kong, China The University of California – Los Angeles, USA The American Council on Education, USA The University of California – Los Angeles, USA The Centre for Advanced Social Science, Nigeria The University of Milan, Italy The University of Sussex, UK Harvard University, USA The University of Paris V, the Sorbonne, France The University of California – Los Angeles, USA The University of Leeds, UK The University of Warwick, UK St. Petersburg State University, Russia The University of Texas at San Antonio, USA The University of Texas at San Antonio, USA The University of Warsaw, Poland 439
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Robert T. Teranishi William T. Trent G.G. Wankhede Carol Camp Yeakey
2003 CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS
New York University, USA The University of Illinois at Urbana– Champaign, USA Tata Institute of Social Sciences, India Washington University in St. Louis, USA
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Hugh Africa returned to South Africa in July 1994 after an absence of 30 years. His deep involvement at all levels of education – from basic to university – covers almost four decades. After obtaining the B.A. and B.A. (Hons) degrees from the University of Natal, he completed the M.A. degree at the University of Leeds and received his Ph.D. at the University of Toronto. He also holds a Natal Teacher’s Diploma. Between 1964 and 1972, Dr. Africa held positions as a teacher and headmaster at several secondary schools in Zambia. From 1973 onwards, he has held senior positions at a number of universities and at the United Nations Institute for Namibia; and served as a Consultant to the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Namibia (1991–1994), in which capacity he assisted in the establishment of that institution and served as Dean of Studies. He served as Senior Advisor at the Technikon Southern Africa with the broad mandate of assisting the transformation process (1994–1995). Dr. Africa serves on the Council of Higher Education, the Board of the Institute for Global Dialogue, and the Provincial Board of ABSA, and he is the Chairperson of the Higher Education Quality Committee. He is the past Vice-President for Africa on the International Council for Distance Education and served on the Board of the Commonwealth of Learning’s Editorial Advisory Group. He retired as the Vice-Chancellor of Vista University in December 2000 and served as interim Vice-Chancellor at the University of Zululand. He has received a number of prestigious awards and prizes, including a United Nations Fellowship during 1968–1969 and a UNESCO Fellowship from 1977 to 1980. He has published widely in Southern Africa and overseas and has frequently been a speaker at conferences in Europe and North America. Dr. Africa believes that South African higher education institutions must be regarded as national assets and that their rational development as centers of excellence must be a priority. Walter R. Allen is a Professor of Education and the holder of the Allan Murray Cartter Chair in Higher Education at the Graduate School of Education and Information Studies in the University of California, Los Angeles. He is also Professor of Sociology at UCLA and Co-Director of CHOICES, a longitudinal study of college access and attendance among African Americans and Latinos in California. Dr. Allen’s research and teaching focus on comparative race, ethnicity, and inequality; diversity in higher education; social inequality; and family studies. His degrees in the field of Sociology are 441
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from Beloit College (B.A., 1971) and the University of Chicago (M.A., 1973; Ph.D., 1975). Dr. Allen has held teaching appointments at the University of Michigan (1979–1989) and the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill (1974–1979) as well as Howard University, Duke University, University of Zimbabwe, and Wayne State University. He has also worked as a consultant to courts, communities, foundations, business, and government. Dr. Allen’s publications include The Color Line and the Quality of Life in America (1987); Enacting Diverse Learning Environments: Improving the Climate for Racial/Ethnic Diversity in Higher Education Institutions (1999); College in Black and White (1991); Black American Families, 1965–1984 (1986); Beginnings: The Social and Affective Development of Black Children (1985); Stony the Road: The Black Struggle for Higher Education in California (2002); and African American Education: Race, Community, Inequality, and Achievement (2002). He was also guest co-editor of ‘‘Comparative Perspectives on Black Family Life,’’ Journal of Comparative Family Studies, and ‘‘Affirmative Action in Higher Education,’’ Journal of Negro Education. His numerous articles appear in the Harvard Educational Review, Journal of Marriage and Family, Phylon, Sociological Quarterly, Journal of Negro Education, Signs, Social Science, and Medicine, Journal of General Internal Medicine, and Research in Higher Education. Florence B. Bonner is Professor and Chairperson of the Sociology and Anthropology Department at Howard University, Founder of the African American Women’s Institute (AAWI); and Senior Fellow at the National Science Foundation (NSF) fall 2001–spring 2002. Professional degrees include M.A. and Ph.D. in Behavioral Science from Rice University in 1975 and 1978, respectively. Research interests are in Race, Class and Gender, Urban Sociology, and Sociology of the Family. Dr. Bonner’s publications include ‘‘Black Women and Historically Black Colleges’’ (co-author, Beverly Guy-Sheftall), Clark-Hines, D. (Ed.), Black Women in America, 2nd ed. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, May 2005; ‘‘New and Continuing Challenges and Opportunities for Black Women in the Academy’’ (co-author, Veronica Thomas), Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 70, No. 3, summer 2001; Women of Color, The On Campus with Women, Association of American Colleges and Universities, Vol. 29, No. 3, spring 2000; ‘‘Cancer Among Black Families: Diffusion as a Strategy of Prevention and Intervention,’’ Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 29, No. 1, and Vol. 29, No. 2, fall 1998; Health Promotion & Cancer Intervention, Training Handbook for African American Communities, National Cancer Institute (NCI), 1995.
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Recent research awards focusing on women and education include four grants from the National Science Foundation; one Ford Foundation; and one National Cancer Institute. Offices held in professional organizations: Secretary/Treasurer, American Sociological Association, 2001–2002; Chair of Finance and Budget Committee for the Society for the Study of Social Problems (SSSP); Associate Editor, National Journal on Race; Associate Editor of Race and Society, JAI Publishing Co., the Official Journal of the Association of Black Sociologists (ABS), 1993–1995; Vice President of Sociologists for Women in Society, 1990–1992; President of the Association of Black Sociologists, 1990–1991. Marguerite Bonous-Hammarth is the Director of Admissions and Relations with Schools at the University of California, Irvine. In her current position, she oversees implementation of systemwide and campus policies related to undergraduate admissions. Dr. Bonous-Hammarth has worked in higher education research and administration for more than 15 years, in such areas as fundraising, communications, continuing education, and implementing several grant projects that are focused on student development and successful transition along the academic pipeline. Her current research and teaching interests focus on understanding the factors that influence achievement and career success for ethnic minority students and for undergraduates in science and mathematics. Specifically, she examines the influence of fit between individual values and organizational norms on outcomes for students (i.e., persistence, satisfaction and degree completion) and for other members of the academic community (i.e., faculty productivity and satisfaction). Dr. Bonous-Hammarth also examines the factors that help to sustain change in organizations and the organizational transformation process in higher education. Her publications include Testing a New Approach to Admissions: The Irvine Experience (with Susan A. Wilbur), and Value Congruence and Organizational Climates for Undergraduate Persistence. She received her Ph.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles, in Education. Peary Brug holds a Ph.D. in Education, with a background in social psychology. He is interested in issues related to race/ethnicity and intergroup relations, particularly among adolescent populations in Western Europe and the United States. His research is particularly concerned with the issues related to the understanding of race and ethnicity and how they play out in society as it pertains to the individual. Dr. Brug’s recent work focused on psychological well-being among ethnic minority adolescents in Greater
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London. This work follows his earlier research in the Netherlands on the relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem as well as other research that investigated the perceptions of ‘‘others’’ and attitudes toward multiculturalism. He is currently involved in a new project that seeks to develop a better understanding of how race plays out across Western nations, both on the individual and societal level. Dr. Brug is a senior lecturer in Psychology in the School of Human Sciences at St. Mary’s College – University of Surrey. He has previously worked as a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at Royal Holloway, University of London and prior to that he spent time lecturing and conducting research in the Netherlands in conjunction with the Utrecht University. Mitchell J. Chang is Associate Professor of Higher Education and Organizational Change at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) and a faculty advisor for the Asian American Studies program. Chang started his career in education as a school evaluator for the Alum Rock Elementary School District in San Jose. Since receiving his doctorate from UCLA, he has held academic appointments at Loyola Marymount University where he was Associate Dean in the College of Liberal Arts and Director of Asian American Studies, and at the University of Massachusetts, Boston, where he was Assistant Professor of the Graduate College of Education. He also briefly worked at Stanford University as Executive Director of a national project that addressed the racial dynamics of higher education, which was jointly sponsored by the American Educational Research Association and the Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity at Stanford. He has served on the editorial boards of The Review of Higher Education, Liberal Education, APA Policy, Practice, and Community, and Equity and Excellence in Education, and was the book review editor for Amerasia Journal. Chang’s research focuses on the educational efficacy of diversity-related initiatives on college campuses and how to apply those best practices toward advancing student learning and democratizing institutions. He has written over 30 articles and book chapters, and served as the lead editor of Compelling Interest: Examining the Evidence on Racial Dynamics in Higher Education (with D. Witt, J. Jones, & K. Hakuta, 2003: Stanford University Press; http://www.sup.org). This book was cited in the U.S. Supreme Court ruling of Grutter v. Bollinger, one of two cases involving the use of race sensitive admissions practices at the University of Michigan. He received a National Academy of Education/Spencer Fellowship in 2001 and was awarded the Outstanding Outcomes Assessment Research Award, 1999–2000 by the American College Personnel Association.
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Kai-Ming Cheng is currently Chair Professor of Education and Senior Advisor to the Vice-Chancellor at the University of Hong Kong (HKU). He was Dean of Education from 1992 to 1996 and Pro-Vice-Chancellor at HKU from 1997 to 2002. Trained as a mathematician at HKU, he taught Physics and Mathematics in secondary schools and was a school principal for nine years. He obtained his Ph.D. from the University of London Institute of Education. Dr. Cheng’s research interests revolve around the study of education policies. He has undertaken extensive research and consultancies commissioned by major international organizations, working mainly on education in rural China, but he has also worked on India and other parts of Asia. He has included in his research agenda higher education reforms and the impact of information technology on education. His study on workplace changes has attracted many invitations for keynotes around the world. He has also developed courses in qualitative research and the cultural perspectives in education, which he teaches both at HKU and at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Professor Cheng serves on various academic editorial boards and is a Visiting Professor at major universities in China. Among others, he is a Fellow of the London Institute of Education and Fellow of the Commonwealth Council for Educational Administration and Management. Locally, he serves on the Education Commission, chairs the Advisory Committee on Teacher Education and Qualifications, and is an education columnist. Yuqin Gong is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Educational Policy Studies at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and a Senior Researcher at the Illinois Education Research Council. Her research interests include educational attainment, transition from high school to college, equality of educational opportunity, policy analysis, and school effect. Sylvia Hurtado is Professor and Director of the Higher Education Research Institute at UCLA in the Graduate School of Education and Information Sciences. Just prior to coming to UCLA, she served as Director of the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education at the University of Michigan. Dr. Hurtado has published numerous articles and books related to her primary interest in student educational outcomes, campus climates, college impact on student development, and diversity in higher education. She has served on numerous editorial boards for journals in education and served on the boards for the American Association of Higher Education (AAHE), the Higher Learning Commission and was president-elect of the Association for the Study of Higher Education (ASHE). Black Issues In Higher Education named her among the top 15 influential faculty whose
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work has had an impact on the academy. She obtained her Ph.D. in Education from UCLA, Ed.M. from Harvard Graduate School of Education, and A.B. from Princeton University in Sociology. Dr. Hurtado has coordinated several national research projects, including a U.S. Department of Education-sponsored project on how colleges are preparing students to achieve the cognitive, social, and democratic skills to participate in a diverse democracy. She is launching a National Institutes of Health project on the preparation of underrepresented students for biomedical and behavioral science research careers. She has also studied assessment, reform, and innovation in undergraduate education on a project through the National Center for Postsecondary Improvement. L. Adele Jinadu is a Professor of Political Science and Acting Executive Director for the Centre for Advanced Social Science. He also serves as President of the Nigerian Political Science Association. He was Vice President of the International Political Science Association; Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences at Lagos State University in Ojo, Nigeria (1997–2001); and President of the African Association of Political Science (1997–99). Dr. Jinadu received his B.A. (Honors) degree in philosophy, politics, and economics from the University of Oxford (Brasenose College) in 1969, and his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1973. His current research interest is in comparative federalism, comparative ethnic politics, and social science and development. His most recent publication is ‘‘Ethnic Conflict and Federalism in Nigeria’’ in ZEF Discussion Papers on Development Policy (Center for Development Research, Bonn, 2002). Ian Law (B.A., Ph.D., University of Liverpool) is Founding Director of the Center for Ethnicity and Racism Studies (CERS) since 1998, and Reader in Racism and Ethnicity Studies in the school of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds. Key publications include Racism, Ethnicity and social Policy (Harvester, 1996), Race in the British News (Palgrave, 2002) and an edited collection Institutional Racism is Higher Education (Trentham, 2004 with Turney and Phillips). Recent research includes an HEFCE Innovations Project looking at the public policy implications of racism and ethnicity for Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) with web-based output; Building the Anit-Racist HEI: A Toolkit, www.leeds/cers/toolkit/toolkit.htm (2002 with L. Turney and D. Phillips). Alberto Martinelli is Professor of Political Science and Sociology (since 1969) and former dean of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences at the
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University of Milan (1987–1999). In 1998–2002 he was President of the International Sociological Association. He is the author of well known studies in political and sociological theory, entrepreneurship, complex organizations, modernity and development, comparative social and political systems, global governance. In 1996–1998 he was advisor for social policies to the Italian Prime Minister. He has been member of Italy’s National Council of Science and Technology for its whole duration. His works in English include The New International Economy, Sage, 1982; Overviews in Economic Sociology (with N. J. Smelser), Sage, 1990; International Markets and Global Firms, Sage, 1991; Recent Social Trends in Italy, McGill-Queens University Press, 1999; Global Modernization: Rethinking the Project of Modernity, forthcoming. He was Section Editor for Organization and Management Studies of the New International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioural Sciences, Elsevier, 2002. Louise Morley is Professor of Education at the University of Sussex, UK. Her previous posts were at the Institute of Education, University of London, the University of Reading and the Inner London Education Authority. Her research and publication interests focus on quality, equity, gender, power and empowerment in higher education. She has recently directed a DFID/ Carnegie funded research project on gender equity in Commonwealth higher education (www.ioe.ac.uk/efps/GenderEqComHE). Recent publications include Researching Women: An Annotated Bibliography on Gender Equity in Commonwealth Higher Education (2005) (with Annik Sorhaindo and Penny Burke); Theorising Quality in Higher Education (2004) Institute of Education; Quality and Power in Higher Education (2003) Open University Press; Organising Feminisms: The Micropolitics of The Academy (1999), Macmillan; School Effectiveness: Fracturing the Discourse (1999) (co-authored with Naz Rassool), The Falmer Press; Breaking Boundaries: Women in Higher Education (1996) and Feminist Academics: Creative Agents for Change (1995), both edited with Val Walsh and published by Taylor and Francis. Sarah Esther Ouaja is doctoral student at the University of Paris-Sorbonne (Paris V), doing her research on Identity and Discrimination (GEPECS). As a teaching assistant at Paris V University, her topics include social justice and social stratification. Her current research interests focus on understanding how to meet diversity and tolerance, comparing the North American and the French context. Her Ph.D. dissertation is a comparative study between the Chicanos in the United States and the North Africans in France (with Professor Bernard Valade in co-direction with Professor Walter Allen).
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Carol Petersen is a Los Angeles photographer who focuses on artistic, cultural, social, and educational activities directed toward social justice. Her work has been exhibited at the UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, the Harriet and Charles Luckman Fine Arts Gallery, and the Skirball Cultural Center in Los Angeles. Together with artist Mario Avila, she has exhibited work at the Centro Cultural Ollin Yoliztli in Mexico City. Petersen’s photos have appeared in various publications, including Emergences: Journal of Media and Composite Cultures, Nexos, Los Angeles Times, Atlanta Journal-Constitution, and Austin Statesman. Petersen serves as Faculty in Residence at UCLA, where she teaches in the Fiat Lux seminar program. In July 2004 she retired from her position as UCLA’s Director of Faculty Equity. Earlier, she served as vice provost of UCLA’s College of Letters and Science (1986–1996) and director of UCLA writing programs (1982–1985). Deborah A. Phillips is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Geography at the University of Leeds, UK, and Deputy Director of the Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies at Leeds. Dr. Phillips has researched widely in the field of ethnicity, ‘‘race’’ and social policy, particularly in relation to housing and education. Recent activities in the field of higher education include the development of an on-line toolkit (with Laura Turney and Ian Law, University of Leeds) for tackling institutional racism in the university sector (http:// www.leeds.ac.uk/cers/toolkit.htm). She is co-editor of Institutional Racism in Higher Education (Trentham Books, 2004) with Law and Turney. Dr. Phillips’s research interests include social and cultural geography, studies in ethnicity and racism, housing issues, and social deprivation and exclusion. She is also chair for the Citizenship and Belonging research cluster at the University of Leeds. Peter Ratcliffe is Professor of Sociology at the University of Warwick. Author of over 80 books, research monographs, and academic papers, he also has extensive experience as an independent consultant, advising the Commission for Racial Equality (UK) and various government departments on matters of urban and social policy in relation to ‘‘race’’ and ethnicity. Dr. Ratcliffe has been prominent in national and international debates on questions of ‘‘social exclusion’’ and the building of an ‘‘inclusive’’ society. His books include (with J. Rex, S. Tomlinson and D. Hearnden) Colonial Immigrants in a British City: A Class Analysis (1979); Racism and Reaction: A Profile of Handsworth (1981); Ethnic Discrimination: Comparative Perspectives (ed. with J. A. Diaz and A. Bacal, 1992); ‘‘Race,’’ Ethnicity and Nation: International Perspectives
Biographical Sketches of Contributing Authors
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on Social Conflict (ed., 1994); Social Geography and Ethnicity in Britain: Geographical Spread, Spatial Concentration, and Internal Migration (ed., 1996); ‘‘Race’’ and Housing in Bradford (1996); The Politics of Social Science Research: ‘‘Race,’’ Ethnicity and Social Change (ed., 2001); and Breaking Down the Barriers: Improving Asian Access to Social Rented Housing (2001). Following research into the use of public sector procurement to enhance ‘‘racial’’ equality in employment, he has recently written (with Michael Orton) Working for an Inclusive Britain (2003). Andrey V. Rezaev is Professor of Sociology and Director of the International Center for Comparative and Institutional Research (InterComCenter) at St. Petersburg State University, Russia. Dr. Rezaev graduated from Leningrad State University, Russia (Faculty of Philosophy, 1981) and Central European University, Hungary (Political Science Department, 1997); he earned his Ph.D. in Social Philosophy from Leningrad State (1984) and his Habilitation Degree, Doctor of Philosophical Sciences (History of Ideas and Social Philosophy) at St. Petersburg State University (1993). His academic career started in Leningrad Medical Institute and continued in Ivanovo State University of Chemistry and Technology (Positions: Assistant Professor, Senior Lecturer, Associate Professor, Full Professor of Philosophy). He was twice elected as a Chairperson of the Philosophy Department at Ivanovo State University of Chemistry and Technology. Since 1997, Dr. Rezaev was Sociology Professor at the Faculty of Sociology, St. Petersburg State University; Professor of the Social Sciences (part-time) at several universities in Russia; Visiting Researcher at the University of Western Ontario, Canada (2001–2002); Visiting Professor at the Institut D’Etudes Poitiques in Lille, France (2002–2003); and Senior Research Fellow of Special and Extension Programs, Central European University, Hungary (February–April 2003). Professor Rezaev continued a research topic he has started at the CEU in 1997: ‘‘Profile and Foundations for Higher Education Studies: Reflections on the Experience of the Former State Socialism Country.’’ Professor Rezaev has been a Fellow of USIA Program, Boston University, 1994/1995, and a Fulbright Scholar in Residence, USA, 2005–2006 academic year. In July 2000, he was a Salzburg Seminars Fellow, University Project Session. He has also organized under the auspices of the HESP/OSI a series of Summer Schools on New Institutionalism in the Social Sciences in St. Petersburg. His research interests include New Institutionalism in the Social Sciences, Philosophy, and Sociology of Higher Education, Theoretical Sociology, Methodology of the Social Sciences, Theory of Human Interaction, Sociology of South–East Asia.
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He is an author of more than 50 publications (in Russian and English), including Paradigms of Human Communication. Social Philosophy Approach (St. Petersburg State University Press, 1993); Reflections on the Three Ps of Russian Higher Education: Philosophy, Practice, Prospects (ISACT, 1996); and Ideokracy: The Possibility and Reality of Socio-Political Ana´lisis (St. Petersburg State University Press, 1999). Renata Siemien˜ska is Professor and Chair of the Department of Sociology of Education of the Warsaw University; director of the Institute for Social Studies of the Warsaw University; head of the Interdisciplinary Research Division of Gender Studies at the Institute; and chairholder of the UNESCO Chair ‘‘Women, Society and Development,’’ Warsaw (Poland). She has lectured as visiting professor at several American and Canadian universities and served as president of the UN International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW), as expert of UN, UNESCO and the Council of Europe. She has published several books and essays on comparative cross-national value systems, ethnic relations, women’s public participation and socialization. Among Dr. Siemien˜ska’s recent publications are (ed.) Portraits of Women and Men in Mass Media and School Textbooks (1997); ‘‘Women and Men in Elites: Cross-National Study’’ (1999); ‘‘They Do Not Have Opportunities, They Do Not Want, They Are Unable, Do They? About Attitudes and Women’s Political Participation in Poland’’ (2000); and (ed.) Education at the Time of Globalization (2001). Robert T. Teranishi is Assistant Professor of Higher Education at New York University in the Steinhardt School of Education. Dr. Teranishi received his B.A. in Sociology from the University of California, Santa Cruz and his M.A. and Ph.D. in Higher Education at the University of California, Los Angeles. His research interests aim to examine issues of access, equity, and diversity in higher education. Professor Teranishi is currently heading a study on the impact of racial segregation in California public secondary schools on college opportunities and a study on the impact of campus racial climate on student persistence, adjustment, and outcomes. He is also a Senior Research Associate with the Alliance for International Higher Education Policy Studies. Dr. Teranishi’s work has been published in the Review of Higher Education, Teachers College Record, Journal of Equity and Excellence, and the Journal of Negro Education. William T. Trent is Professor of Educational Policy Studies and Sociology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He was a Fulbright Senior
Biographical Sketches of Contributing Authors
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Scholar for 2003–2004 and a Visiting Scholar at the College Board for 2003– 2004. Bill’s research centers on K-12 and postsecondary educational inequality. He is chair of the AERA-IES Postdoctoral Fellows Committee and also serves as a member of the Research Advisory Committee for the GATES Millennium Scholarship research program and a member of the Social Science Research Council’s Postsecondary Transitions Project. Bill is currently principal investigator for a three-year, IES funded project examining pathways to careers in the academy for students of color and a member of the Board of trustees of the Higher learning Commission. Laura Turney currently leads the Gender & Mainstreaming Equality Team in the Equality Unit at the Scottish Executive in Edinburgh. Dr. Turney’s doctoral work explored the question of Eurocentrism, identity, ethnicity and equal opportunity policies in education. She has a longstanding interest in the politics of identity and equality issues, which she has explored by looking at the arenas of higher education, educational policy and practice, art education as well as looking at the art world more broadly. Dr. Turney was a research fellow at the University of Leeds until 2002. G. G. Wankhede (M.A., B.Ed., M.Phil., Ph.D.) was born into an untouchable, extremely poor family in a remote village of India. He became the firstgeneration literate in his family and completed his Ph.D. in Sociology. He is currently a Professor of Sociology and heading the Unit for Child and Youth Research at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India. He is actively engaged in several academic and social activities besides teaching and research in the area of Education and Development of Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Dr. Wankhede has authored several research projects, published two books and several articles in leading journals. He has also participated in and organized several seminars, workshops and conferences at national and international levels. Erica Yamamura is a fourth-year doctoral student and a UC ACCORD Dissertation Fellow in the UCLA Higher Education and Organizational Change program. She holds an M.A. in Higher Education (2003) and a B.A. in Political Science and Asian American Studies (2001) with minors in Public Policy and Labor and Workplace Studies from UCLA. At UCLA’s Higher Education Research Institute (HERI), she is a research analyst on the Atlantic Philanthropies Project, studying the long-term effects of service learning on civic engagement. Erica serves as a Teaching Fellow for the UCLA Early Academic Outreach Program and Education Coordinator for
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the UCLA Center for Community Learning to connect UCLA students with the greater Los Angeles community to address issues of educational (in)equity. Her research interests include urban college access, diversity in higher education, and university–community partnerships Carol Camp Yeakey is Professor of International and Area Studies, American Culture Studies and Urban Policy, on the Faculty of Arts & Sciences at Washington University in St. Louis. She is also the founding Director of the Washington University Center on Urban Research and Public Policy. Previous to her appointment at Washington University, she served on the graduate faculty of the Curry School of Education at the University of Virginia. She received her Ph.D. in Organizational Theory and Public Policy from Northwestern University. Born in Chicago, Illinois, she was initially a public school teacher and administrator in the Chicago Public Schools. Prior to her appointment at the University of Virginia, she served on the graduate faculties of Purdue University, Rutgers University and Teachers College, Columbia University. Among her research awards and fellowships, she has been a Rockefeller Fellow and a Bush Fellow at the Bush Center for Child Development and Social Policy in the Department of Psychology at Yale University; a Ford Fellow of the National Academy of Education; and a Dartmouth Fellow at the Center for the Study of Comparative Politics and Inter-group Relations in the Department of Sociology at Dartmouth College. Her areas of research are organizational politics and social welfare policy as said policy pertains to children, young adults, and families. Having published extensively in national and international social science research journals, she has served as Senior Research Scientist at the Kellogg Foundation, the Children’s Defense Fund, the College Board, the Josiah Macy Foundation, and the Educational Testing Service, among others. Similarly, she has presented her research at national and international venues as well, including but not limited to Oxford University, Oxford, England; University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa; Universidad Complutense de Madrid, in Madrid, Spain; Universita de Bologna, Bologna, Italy; The Universidad de Havana, in Havana, Cuba; and the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki in Thessaloniki, Greece, among others.
SUBJECT INDEX academic integration 277 access 200–201, 285–289, 291, 294, 296, 300–301, 304–305, 318, 320, 322, 329, 331, 333, 335, 340, 346, 387–388, 414 achievement gap 352 admissions 8, 25, 27–29, 104, 132, 134, 137–140, 145, 229, 232, 234, 371–372, 378 adult education 98, 102–103 Advanced Placement 186 affirmative action xix–xx, 34–35, 38, 40–46, 203–206, 209–213, 216, 218, 224–225, 249–250, 329, 331–335, 337, 339–342, 421–422, 424, 427–428 African 311–317, 325, 327 African Americans 41, 162, 178, 194, 206, 214, 223, 388, 396, 404 African National Congress 312 anti-racist ‘‘toolkit’’ 230, 239 anticipatory socialization 271, 275 Antilleans 149–150, 152–153, 155 apartheid xx, 312–313, 323 Arab 33, 45 arts 426, 429 Asian xviii–xix Asian American 209, 212, 214–223 Asian Pacific Americans 181 Asian/Pacific Islanders 373 aspirations 388, 400–401, 403, 413 assimilation 35, 135, 145 autochtone 150, 154, 156 Bakke v. California Board of Regents 204 balkanization 314 best practices xv
Bantu 312–314, 327 Black 182–183, 186–194, 203–213, 215–217, 219–220, 222–225, 228–237, 239, 241–246, 370, 377, 385 Black African 41 black/white relations 349 borderlands xiv Brown v. Topeka Board of Education 204 California State University (CSU) 182 campus climate 205, 207, 213, 215, 421–422, 434–435 capitalism 117–118 caste 329–335, 337–342, 349 Chicano 223, 225 citizenship 289–291, 296 civic engagement 250, 258 civil rights 351 class 4–5, 51–54, 60, 87, 350, 352, 356, 364 class domination 36 cognitive skills 249, 258, 264–265 college access 182, 192 college preparatory 184, 273, 275 color-blind 213 coloured 312, 314–316, 327 Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) 137–138, 143, 145 Commonwealth higher education 283, 288–289 Communist 53, 55–56, 66, 75, 87, 117, 123 community college 182, 185, 190–191 comprehensive university 324 cooperative governance 319, 321 453
454 corporate culture 362–365 counter spaces 215, 221–222 cultural deficit theory 134, 216, 220 cultural hybridization xxxi cultural pluralism 135 culture 426, 429, 434–435 curricular reform 428 curriculum 91, 93–97, 287, 291–292, 294, 304, 345, 347 Dalits 330, 341 decentralisation 4, 92–93, 99, 105–106 degree completion 191–192 deliberate disparity 99 democracy 289–292, 296 democratization 318, 320 Department for International Development (DFID) 283–284 discrimination xvii–xix, 34, 36–38, 44– 47, 49, 203, 205, 213, 215, 218, 224, 286, 299–300, 304, 331–333, 337–338, 340–341, 351, 359 disparities xiii–xv, xvii–xviii, xx diversity xiii–xxi, 91, 93, 95–99, 101–106, 200–201, 249–255, 257, 259, 261–265, 267, 345–347, 369–375, 377–385, 421–423, 426–428, 431–435 dominance 223 Dred Scott 204 dual citizenship 12 Eastern Europe 110 economic xiii–xv, xviii, xx educational mobility 192, 194 educational opportunity 349–351, 353, 355, 357, 359, 361, 363, 365, 367 educational pipeline 127–128 English Language Learners (ELLs) 353 environmental protection xxix equity xiv–xvi, xviii, xx, 200–201, 284, 288, 291–292, 295–297, 299–302, 346 ethnic groups xiii, xvi–xix, 7–10, 12–14, 17, 19, 21–22, 149, 152–153
SUBJECT INDEX ethnicity xiv–xv, xix–xx ethnic markers 10 ethnic minorities 149–157 Eurocentrism 114, 230–231, 244, 246 European Education Commission (EC) 174–175 European Union (EU) 45, 49 family roles 84 federalism 4, 7–10, 12, 15, 21, 29–30 feminism 5, 288, 292, 303 feminist critique 291 feminist scholarship 291–292 feminization of professions 55, 57 feminized faculties 77–78 fighting words 205–207, 225–226 financial aid 357–359, 361 fractured or differentiated citizenship 7–8, 12 free market 59, 66, 116, 120 gatekeeping 284 gender xiv–xx, 4–5, 283–289, 291–297, 299–302, 304–305, 333, 340 gender discrimination 82 gender enrollment 175 gender equality in education 128, 286 gender inequality 167 gender roles 299 gender studies 301 gendered change 283–285, 288–289, 295, 297, 305 gendered power relations 292 globalism xiv globalization xxxi, 111, 115, 182–183, 323, 341 global culture xiii global political economy 288, 293 gongban 101 governmental policy 349, 351, 353, 355, 357, 359, 361, 363, 365, 367 Gratz v. Bollinger 203 Grutter v. Bollinger 203
Subject Index hierarchy 329 higher education xiii–xx higher learning institutions 108 Hispanic 216 Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSIs) 374, 391 Historically Advantaged Institutions (HAIs) 315 Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) 169, 171–172, 178, 374, 391 Historically Disadvantaged Institutions (HDIs) 316, 319, 322 Hopwood v. Texas 210 human capital xiii human rights xxix ideology 34–35, 37–38, 43, 47, 96, 105 ideology-based education (IBE) 108, 112 immigration 35–36, 43 indigeneship 21, 25, 29–30 inequality xvi–xviii, 204–205, 207 institutional autonomy 315, 318–320, 324 Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) 370 integration 35–36 International Non-Governmental Organizations xxix International Sociological Association xxxi international students 103 intersectionality xiv labor force 160, 165 labour market 52, 59, 67–69, 76, 86–88, 136–137, 142–143 Latina 214–220, 222–223 Latino xviii–xix, 41, 181–182, 186, 189, 203–204, 207–213, 216, 218, 222–223, 225–226, 388
455 liberal feminism 303 LSAT 209–212 market forces 117, 120–121 market-dominant minorities xv matrix of domination xiv massification 318 maternal roles 84 merit 20–22, 25, 27–28, 337, 341 meritocracy 290 microaggressions 218, 223–224 minban 101–102, 104, 106 minorities xv, xvii–xx, 12–13, 131–133, 135, 137–138, 142–144, 146, 162, 181, 195 minority ethnic groups 132, 134, 228, 231–232, 245 Moroccans 149–150, 152–153, 155, 157 multi-ethnic diversity 7 multicultural education (MCE) 135 multiple citizenship xxxii Muslim 46–48 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) 370 nationalism 4 Native Americans 370, 377–378, 388 nativist 21–22, 29 neo-liberalism 132, 137, 293 New Civil Rights Movement 225 New Institutionalist 112, 116 new university 132, 139, 232 Nigerian Constitution 9, 12–15, 17, 21–22, 27, 31 No Child Left Behind Act 350, 352 North Africans 37, 39 occupational disparity 165 occupational hierarchy 160 Other Backward Classes 330, 332, 341–342
456 pedagogy 291, 294–295 Pell Grants 361 persistence 191, 194, 389, 396 photography 346, 421–423, 433–435 Plessy v. Ferguson 204 pluralistic democracy 249–253, 255, 257, 259, 261, 263–265, 267 Poland 52–53, 56–57, 62, 64, 66–69, 72, 76–78, 82, 88–90 polytechnics 132 Post-compulsory Education (PCE) 132 poverty 284, 288–289, 293–294, 356, 358, 365 private education 284 private institutions 104 privatization 341, 350, 362, 365 Project 211 99–100 Proposition 209 41, 424 provincial institutions 99, 104 psychological disengagement 156 psychology of domination 9 public good xix–xx public-private partnership 98 public secondary schools 182, 192 quantitative approach 369 quotas 12–13, 26–27, 56 race xiii–xvi, xviii–xx, 35–38, 41–43, 45, 203–207, 209–212, 215–217, 219–222, 224, 350–351, 353, 356, 358 racial labels 370 racial segregation 129, 184–186, 189, 192 racism 35–38, 40, 43, 227, 229–231, 233, 235–238, 242–243, 245–247 representativeness 25 republicanism 34 reservation quota 331, 337 retention 188, 388 reverse discrimination 351
SUBJECT INDEX Scheduled Tribes (STs) 330, 332, 337 Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) 185–186, 211, 273 sciences, mathematics, and engineering (SME) xxi science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) 269 Scheduled Castes 330, 332–333, 340 segregation 208–209, 224, 375–376 Separate But Equal 204 sex-role expectations 56 sexual harassment 286–287, 301–304 silence 219–220 socialism xvii–xviii social class xvi, xx social inclusivity 132, 143, 145 social integration 277–278 social justice 331 social sciences xxix, 60–61, 67, 75, 77, 86 socialization 389 Soviet-type economy (STE) 108, 116 state funding 360–361 stereotype threat 156 stereotypes 347 student protests 421, 424 students of color 128–129, 371–373, 379–384, 387–388, 391 Surinamese 149–150, 152–153, 155 Swann Report 136 teacher development 97 teacher tenure 188 technical education 56 tenure 20, 22–24, 388 Title IX 168 traditional female roles 299 transfer rate 191 Turks 149–150, 152–153, 155, 157 tutoring 354
Subject Index underrepresentation 128, 152, 155–156, 286, 296, 300, 304, 388–389 unemployment 53, 64, 82, 88 UNESCO xvi–xvii, xxxi, 285, 296, 305 United Nations xiii University of California (UC) 182 untouchables 330
457 Western xiii–xv whiteness 230–231, 233, 242, 244–245 Willink Commission 12 women xvii–xix, 52–53, 55–61, 63–65, 67–78, 82–90, 159–160, 162, 164–165, 167–169, 171–172, 174–175, 177–178, 283–289, 291–305, 424–426, 432
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