This content was uploaded by our users and we assume good faith they have the permission to share this book. If you own the copyright to this book and it is wrongfully on our website, we offer a simple DMCA procedure to remove your content from our site. Start by pressing the button below!
y' 1\ 'AXt!..ij l, tOY a8avatl] teKe ).1';t1]p. '
the horses of the skilled grandson of hakos. They are hard for mortal men to subdue and to drive, for anyone other than Akhilleus, whom an immortal mother bore. Hektor is not to over-reach himself by competing with someone who has the advantage of a divine parent.24 Identification of a warrior is not limited to his father's or mother's name. Very rarely, a hero can be given a papponymic:
aA!..' eOci[l1] UltO xepcr\ ltOOcbKeoC; AiaKtOaO ev ltota[li?>, XPllcrOV 0' 'AXt!..e;'e; eKO[ltcrcre oa:(
52
Chapter Two he was defeated at the hands of me swift-footed grandson ofAiakos in me river, and sharpwitted Akhilleus seized me gold. of me other Danaans after me blarueless son ofPeleus. The spirit of me swift-footed grandson ofAiakos recog nized me and grieving spoke winged words.
Here Akhilleus' grandfather, Aiakos, is being recalled in two contexts which suggesr rhe poet's aim was variety in his names for the hero.25 The choices for Akhilleus do not often seem to reflect the needs of the story: the details of his grandfather's life are not relevant to the contexts in which the papponymic is applied to Akhilleus.26 Akhilleus has unparalleled riches in forms of the patronymic. No other hero has not only the adjectival phrases built around via, and ncd" but also an adjectival form in -io1], and in -irov, not to mention the alternate - "1;01],, as set Out in Table 2. 1 below.27Akhilleus is unusual because he is referred to by his father, his paternal grandfather, and even his mother,28 but this proliferation oHorms has remarkably few overlaps in metrical shape. The three forms of the adjectival genitives (l11]ledrov o" l11]ledoao, AiaKioao), for instance, all fit between different combinations of word shapes within the verse and overlap only when they OCCut at verse end, preceded by a word with a final vowel (e.g., 11 1 7. 1 9 1 , 24.465, 1 7.473, Od 24.23).29 In contrast to the main protagonist of the Iliad, the hero of the Odyssey does not exhibit a comparable range of patronymic forms (see Table 2.2). Indeed, the very paucity of those connected with the central figure of the Odyssey is striking, when set out next to Akhilleus'. Not only are there fewer patronymic alternatives for Odysseus than there are for Akhilleus, they are used very infrequently, compared to those for Akhilleus. Can we suggest any possible reaSons for this difference? There are very many metrical similarities between the two names and one of the pattonymics. Both 'Oov",,£u, and 'AX,AA£U<; begin with a vowel and have an internal consonant that can be single or double, allowing the poet to vary their shape, in the nominative, between - - and ; this flexibility is carried out through me oblique cases as well. 30 This similarity in the metrical shape and initial sound has its parallel in one form of the patronymic (see Table 2.3). Both l11]le1]lao1]<; and �
The Metrical Utility ofPatronymics
53
Aa£pna01]<; share shapes throughout the declension and begin with
a single consonant, although they diverge widely with regard to which cases are used and where in the verse. Only the genitive is used for Akhilleus while several caseS are for Odysseus, but both sets of forms show a dear preference for one of two locations, eimer before me hephthemimeral caesura or after the masculine. The genitive, l11]le1]laoao, a syllable longer, is the only form which occurs in two different places in the verse. Part of the reason for this localization may be related to the formula or complex formula in which the patronymic is used. The parallelism breaks down in the noun phrase, for l11]le110<; / l11]leEo<; v\a<; does not correspond at all in length or shape to v\o,
AaEpmo / AaEp,£ro.31
Among the gods, only Zeus receives almost as many and varied patronymics as those applied to Akhilleus (see Table 2.4).32 Wormy of note is a split in the paradigm: the later form, Kpovov is always applied to Zeus in patronymic formulae, while the earlier form, KpavotO, is restricted to Hera, in the formula "Hp1] . . . evya'1lP �eyaleoto KpavotO (Hera . . . daughter of great Zeus [11 5.721 8.383, 14. 1 94 243]).33 Also significant are some metrical variations: although the -t- of Kpovio1], is invariably short, creating the shape throughout that paradigm, the -t- ofKpovirov, always long in the nominative, can vary in the oblique cases, creating two different metrical shapes: (Kpoviovo<;) and (K pov irovo<; , Kpovirova, Kpovirov,). This alternation oflength is found in no other patronymic ending in -irov .34 These patronymics for Zeus give us the opportunity to study their potential relationship with another building block, sentence patterns. Kpovio1]<; is localized, appearing once from 1 \6, sixteen times from 3 1;2, and nine times from 5 112, and is not associated with any sentence patterns in either poem. Kpovtrov) in contrast, is regularly a part of two. In the first, a verb with any of five shapes precedes the patronymic, which occurs at verse end: =
=
�
v
�
�
�
-
�
Kdvov 0' aii Kat ofi..e6pov ""'£VeEa e11K£ Kpovirov. Od 3.88 Ka,ea'l'm, Aaou<; O£ leteov, 1toi1]O'£ Kpovirov · 1/ 24.6 1 1
v v
�oilvo<;' 'ou<; 0' IJ.AMV<; Ll.avaou<; E<pa�1]O'£ Kpoviro\'. 11 1 1 .406
-
�
v
Chapter Two
54 et 0' ail Ka\ 1tOA€).IOV 1tOe£V OPI1l]crEt£ Kpovirov Od 1 8.376
fix; E
The Metrical Utility ofPatronymics
Such instances are always in necessary enjambement, because verse end divides the subject and object from the verb.36 Patronymic formulae serve a variety of metrical and stylistic functions, particularly when part of a longer formula, for length and mobility are connected: the longer the formula, the less mobile it is. Of the over thirry proper noun + epithet formulae which begin at either of the two mid-verse caesurae in Homer, only two are mobile and both are patronymics associated with Akhilleus in the
Iliad'
""x£cn Aal11tO�£vo<; O:LVOV Ep �£<jlaAii<; Il11VtV a.1t8l1tOV'tO�
:,m
}
l1£yueu I10U ITllAeirovo<;
Thus he spoke, bur the son ofKronos did not grant his wish, Four of these five verb + patronymic units fill very clearly marked our sections of the verse, from the bucolic diaeresis (Od 3.88), the heph themimeral caesura (1124.61 1 , 1 1 .406), and from the feminine caesura (11 2.419); only in Od 18.376 does the verb, preceded by the enclitic 1tOe£V, begin at an unusual point in the verse, the beginning of the fourth foot.35 The second pattern utilizing KPOVlroV has leB (internal clause boundary) at the bucolic diaeresis, then a relative clause with the relative pronoun in an objective case and KPOVlroV completing the verse: p£la 0' aplYVOl'to<; yovo<; avepo<;
n&6ev &Ayea (he [Odysseusl suffered many griefs at sea [1.4]). This formula and others related to it are used repeatedly of Odysseus (1.4, 5.13, 362, 9.53, 1 0.458, 13.90, 263, 310, 19.170, 483, 20.221, 22.177), although it is not restricted to him and Telemakhos (compare the beginning ofMenelaos' autobiography to Telemakhos, 4.8 1-82). See also rhe poet's use of it in the simile comparing Eumaios' welcome ofTelemakhos to that of a father embracing his long lost son (16.17-21). 45. This manner of identification may remind us of Athena's self revelation to Telemakhos, not with her lying words, but with her action, departing like a bird (1.319-23). 46. Odysseus continues (21 .426-30):
. . .E'tt !lOt !l£vo� ell1teOOV (anv, OUX roe; !le !lVllO''tllP&; a'tl!l6:S0V'te� ovov'tat. vuv o' roPl1 Kat oopnov 'AXmOtO'lV 'te'tUK£O'Sm ev <pan. au'tap E1tel'ta Kat &AAroC; bvtaa.cr9m llOt...1tn Kat CPOPlllrYt· 1:(( yap 't' ava.6i}lla'ta Oat1:0C;. . . . there is yet power within me, not as the suitors disparaged and dishonored me. But now is the time for a meal to be readied for the Achaeans in the daylight, then for play with dancing and the lyre, for these ornament a banquet. Odysseus' desire for revenge does not surprise. but the language in which he expresses it may. The civilized delights of banqueting at first seem not to belong to the violent slaughter planned for the suitors, yet, in the Ody" e),> eating and destruction have more in common than perhaps first seen: meals with the Lotus-eaters. the Cyclops, Laestrygonians. and Kirke, and meals made of the cattle of the Sun all lead to destruction. Other meals, such as Odysseus' at the Phaeacians or with Eumaios, signal the acceptance of the stranger and the averting of violence. After the slaughter of the suitors,
Chapter Five
184
Odysseus will prevent premature discovery of the event by staging what sounds to outsiders like a wedding feast (23.1 33-52). The teunion of Odysseus and Laertes is followed immediately by a meal (24.384ff.). 47. As Katz obsetves, Telemakhos has also shown himself the son of Odysseus by "his capacity for duplicity" (Penelopes Renown 9). Norman Austin also discusses this in CSCA 2 (1969): 45-63. Penelope's trick with het weaving may be one of the ways in which she is presented as a worthy partner for Odysseus. 48, See the ironic words of Leokritos, who unwittingly predicts the general circumstances under which Odysseus will make himself known to the suitors, although he is wrong about the outcome (2.243-5 1). 49. This ethnic is applied to Odysseus only one other time, in Od 2.246, in a speech by Leokritos (see the previous note), 50. Anothet problem, that of Penelope's loyalty to Odysseus, disappeats as we see her in the palace, as retainers such as Eumaios report on her (16.37-39), as she is assisted by Athena, and as Odysseus tests her himself. He has good reason to be afraid, for he has learned much about homecom ings from Agamemnon when they spoke in the Underworld. With hind sight, Agamemnon realizes he was naive to imagine his homecoming as he did (1 1 .430-34). He condemns all women, but exempts Penelope, whom he praises. He imagines Odysseus' welcome by his son, Telemakhos (1 1 .447-5 1), then tells that he missed seeing his own son, Orestes, because Klytaimnestre killed him first ( 1 1 .452-53). Finally, Agamemnon offers Odysseus advice about his return (1 1.454-56):
&'A.Ao of. 'tOt Epero, cru o' Evl
Endnotes
1 85
Mav'ttvewv OE 0 ec; au'ti1v AOyoc; Dllv£A.01t11V CflTJalv un' 'Oouaaeror; Ka'ta:yvooa8eicrav roc; emcrnacr'tOUC; eaayaYOt'to er; 'tOY otiCOV, Kat Ctnon£ I-Hp8eiaav un' au1:Ou, 'to jl£V mxpau'tliCa er; AaiC£oalllova. O:n£'A.8eiv, XPovql oe ua't£pov eiC 'tilr; kno:p'tllC; er; Mav'ttvetav 1l£'totKTtam, Kat ol.'tou ptou 'tl,V teAru-ri'lv ev'taWa crullPllVat. The story is told by the Mantineans that Penelope was condemned by Odysseus for having let suitors into the house. She was sent away by him and immediately went to Lacedaemon, then some time later, moved house from Sparta to Mantinea. Here she came to the end of her life.
5 1 . On Penelope's decision to appear before the suitors and its significance, see Katz, Penelopes Renown, ch. 5. Katz discusses the Odyssey from a much more literary perspective than mine, but some of the connexions she makes between scenes I find very convincing. 52. As Katz observes, Penelope here tells her own story in the first.person, as does Odysseus (Penelopes Renown 26). 53. Perhaps this recalls the fame of Cretans as bowmen in the ancient world and foreshadows Odysseus' own use of that weapon. 54. A young man kills someone, often a relative, and must go into exile: Tlepolemos killed his great-uncle, then went into exile (112.661-65), Patroklos' ghost reminds Akhilleus that Menoitios brought him to live in Phthia after he had killed another child in a quarrel over a game (11 23.85-88), Eumaios recalls a stranger from Aetolia who had killed someone and lived a wandering life ever since (Od 14.378-85), Theoklymenos is being pursued by those who wish to to take revenge on him for killing a relative (Od 1 5 .224, 272-78), and Penelope reminds Antinoos that Odysseus had taken his father in when his father was a fugitive from his own people (Od 1 6 .424-30). See also 11 13 .695-97 1 5 .334-36, 1 5 .432, =
16.573-74. Odysseus uses this pattern when he warns Telemakhos after they have slaughtered the suitors that their troubles are still not over. He says that a man who has killed just one other has to flee the dead man's relatives, so their own situation is all the worse, since they have killed the finest young men of Ithaca (23. 1 1 8-22). Phoinix plays with a variation of this when he attempts to persuade Akhilleus to rejoin the fighting by telling him of his own flight from his father's home: Phainix had to flee after he slept with his father's mistress, was cursed by him, and prevented from killing him by relatives who then threatened his own life (11 9.447-83). Ajax follows Phoinix's speech by noting an alternative to murder followed by flight: the victim's family can accept restitution (1tOlVl}V) from the murderer, who then does not have to flee (119.632-36). Compare one of the scenes on Akhilleus' shield (11 1 8.497-508).
186
Chapter Five
This story pattern is not restricted [0 Homer. Herodotus tells of Adrastos, who arrives at Kroisos' court and asks for shelter and purification because he has killed his brother. Although the murder was nbt intended, he has been pursued by his father (1 .35). 55. Recall Theoklymenos' similar story to Telemakhos. 56. Compare Idomeneus' genealogy, which he gives on the battlefield as he confronts Oeiphobos (1/ 1 3.449-54): Odysseus does not alter the family tree given there, except to add himself as the younger son of Deukalion. 57. What are we to make of this name, " Shining"? In Homer, it is given to one of Akhilleus' horses (11 8 . 1 85) and in the feminine form-Ate� applied to Agamemnon's mare (11 23.295). As an adjective, it characterizes metals. objects made of metal, lions, oxen, horses, and an eagle. Gregory Nagy discusses its use by Theognis, who once declares. Aterov !lE-v 'YevaC:, ei!!l (I was born Aithon [ 1209-10]), and proclaims himself an exile from his homeland. Nagy compares this to Odysseus' use of the name and suggests that atSrov can connote "burning [with hunger]," a quality shared by poets who sing in order to be fed and by strangers ( Theognis ofMegara: Poetry and the Polis [Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 1985): 76-78). 58. There may be a minor theme ofthe thwarted messenger running through these books. When Telemakhos asks Eurnaios to go to his mother to announce his safe arrival, the swineherd wonders whether he might also bring the good news to Laertes, who has suffered greatly in his grandson's absence; Telemakhos tells him not to, but to ask his mother to send someone in his place ( 1 6 . 1 30-53). Then Eurykleia is prevented from telling Penelope of Odysseus' arrival (19.476-94), but takes it on herselfto do so after the suitors' deaths (22.480-23.84). Finally, OoHos asks whether he shouldn't carry the good news of Odysseus' arrival at Laertes' to Penelope, but is silenced (24.400-7). 59. Note 23.35: v��£pre, eVI(J�£, (you have spoken to the point). 60. Recall Athena I Mentor's words to Telemakhos, 2.274-75, quoted above. 6 1 . Before the first conversation between the disguised Odysseus and Penelope, he has already sent Telemakhos up to bed, telling him he will stay behind to rouse up the serving girls and Penelope, so that she will question him (19.44-46). 62. Note the verb introducing their stories-EvEnoV't'E (23.301)-which is used elsewhere of poets performing their poems. 63. Menelaos, when he sees Telemakhos cry after mention of Odysseus. debates whether to let him remember his father or to test him- � npoo't' £�tpeOt'to iftcu(HO: 'Ce nelp1wal't0 (4. 1 1 9). Homer has just used this verb to describe Penelope in her reunion with Odysseus (23. 1 8 1 ) . 64. Unlike the false name b y which Odysseus identifies himself to Penelope, At80lv (Shining [ 1 9 . 1 83)), these names have clearly significant etymologies: Odysseus claims to be Strife, son oflord Neglect, son of Many griefs. We may see a double meaning in 'A
Endnotes
187
"to take no care for, neglect," on the othet. See Peradotto's discussion of these names, Man in the Middle Voice 144. Depending on the meaning of 'A
aAA n 'tOl KetVO<; �EV £1tlcr�uyep&r; cme'Ctcrev, 00<; ayueov Kat naioa Ka'Ca
CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSION Naming, recognition, and identity are irrevocably linked in the Homeric world of heroes. Because humans cannot recognize each other instinctively by seeing through physical appearance, as can gods (Od 5 . 77-80), they must depend on other ways of learning the identity of someone they encounter, whether at home, abroad, or on a battlefield. When Odysseus has unknowingly arrived on Ithaca, a disguised Athena teases him for not recognizing her, although he is the best of all mortals in counsel and speaking (PpotiOv OX' &p\<Jto<; a"avtrov / POUAji Kat }.I1'SotcrtV [Od 1 3.297-98]). Odysseus defends himself by declaring that it is hard, even for the most knowlegeable man, to recognize her because sbe can assume all shapes (Od 13.31213). Without this divine ability for instinctive recognition, for piercing through someone's appearance, humans must depend on other methods for knowing whom they face. Characters and poet alike grant naming much power: the name given by characters to a child expresses the nature and qualities that the child is hoped to inherit from a parent, usually the father. A name given by the poet may reflect the real nature of the child or its parent. Thus, for example, Hektor's son is Astyanax and Menelaos' is Megapenthes. As Gregory Nagy comments in his discussion of Pindar's Isthmian 8,1 the kleos ofthe victor's ancestors is realized in the victor's own name, Kleandros. The victor Kleandros is living proofthat the kleos, the very identity, of his family is predicated on the achievements of its members. . . .A person's name, which he is given at birth on the basis of his ancestty, commits him to his identity. A name conveys more information in the Homeric world than in ours. To aid in recognition, a hero must join his name and patronymic to deeds. Because heroic status is displayed by physical qualities appearance) accomplishments, and possessions-rather than understood through any sense of inner worth, to be recognized by 189
190
Chapter Six
another as someone's son on the basis of physical similarities or abilities is crucial, particularly if one's father is a man noted for his deeds. The type-scenes of naming which are used in battles in the Iliad and in xenia in the Odyssey depend on this for their significance. These patterns of naming show uS that the family is of primary importance to one's identity in this world. In the upper classes, a man's identity depends on being accepted as the son of the father he claims as his own and a woman's identity depends first on her father and then her husband. One sign of being among the lower classes is the lack of a name or patronymic and the identification by a mere job title. Characters such as Eumaios and Eurykleia, who contradict this pattern, may have undergone some sort of tragedy which has removed them from the upper classes into which they were born. Part of the significance of family is ancestry. Some warriors trace their lineage all the way back to a god, and others can point to a father or grandfather with many victories. Such a glorious ancestty, however, can be used as a cudgel on a hero who does not live up to standards and can also contribure to the common lament that the world is deteriorating, that sons are no longer living up to the standards of their fathers. One ofthe conclusions to be drawn from this study is the particular importance of naming in the Odyssey, especially for the central characters Odysseus, Penelope, Telemakhos, and Laettes. As he travels from Troy to Ithaca and then describes that journey, the crafty Odysseus turns the conventions of naming into a rechnique for survival. He delays identifYing himself. provides false identificarions, and even denies his existence as he encounters hosrs and hosresses to whom he fears to declare his true identity. Others unwirtingly conspire to help him in this, eirher by repeating his false stories, or by not recognizing him, or by doing so only when it is too late to threaren him because ofir. Not only does Odysseus avoid naming himself. but those who have lost the mosr by his absence avoid it also, though from different motives. For Penelope, Telemakhos, and Eumaios, his name has become almost talismanic and too frightening or depressing ro utter. They identifY him by circumlocution only, until absolutely forced ro say his name. Odysseus and Telemakhos have related problems about their identity: Odysseus must be accepred by Laertes as his son and Telemakhos musr be accepred by orhers as rhe son of Odysseus before their proper identities and positions in the world are secure. When we first see him, Odysseus' son is reluctant to identifY himself as "Telemakhos, son
Conclusion
191
o f Odysseus" and one o f the pleasures i n reading the Telemachy is to see him grow more confident in that identity. This sense of identity comes from without: as figures important in Telemakhos' world Athena I Mentes, Nestor, Helen, and Menelaos-recognize him as Odysseus' son, only then can he identifY himself as such. Belief that he is indeed the son of Odysseus effects a noticeable change in his behavior on his return to Ithaca. Because a hero is as a hero looks and does, Laertes' physical surroundings and appearance belie his status in the Homeric world. Having lost his wife and son, he retreats from the world in which his home, possessions, and physical appearance announced him as a man of power and posirion, and takes on the attribures of a farmer, even a farmer's slave. In Od 24, not only does Laertes provide the final and crucial recognition of his son, but he too is restored to his rightful status: Athena reinvigorates him, then grants his prayer as he throws his spear in the battle against the suitors' families. Just as his son regains his position on Ithaca, so too does Laertes. Penelope's position is very different from the males in her family. Although she exerts some control over her life and fate, she is pressed by the desires of those around her, even to the extent of naming: for their own ends, the suitors wish to identifY her as "Penelope, daughter ofIkarios," rather than "Penelope, wife ofOdysseus," but she resists. Unlike Eurykleia, she does not recognize her husband, despite her sharp questioning of the beggar about his identity, but finally provides her own, unique test designed to discover whether he is, indeed, Odysseus. Others have debated at just what point she recognizes her husband, but that is irrelevant in this context: what matters is her decision to test him and then to do so in the way she does. In the almost exclusively male world of the Iliad, naming takes place in public events, primarily battles. Because of the importance of accomplishments and possessions to a hero's identity, combat with warriors lacking either in genealogy or in valuable weapons is worthless. Consequently, knowing the identity of one's opponent and identifYing oneself to an opponent are central to fighring. The big, set pieces in the Iliad-Diomedes v. Glaukos, Aineias v. Althilleus, for example-demonstrate this, as do the smaller battles in which lesser heroes fight each other or a prominent warrior is described removing a whole series of heroes from the other side. Both Homer and the heroes themselves provide identifications. Sometimes these identifications are simply narrative convenience: we
192
Chapter Six
need to know who is doing the killing, who is being killed, who is speaking, who is replying, or who leads in a race. Particularly when a local hero is singled out, giving him his name, patronymic, and ethnic has no more significance than simple identification. Other heroes, such as Menelaos, Agamemnon, Diomedes, Nestor, Akhilleus, or Odysseus, do not need to be identified by their patronymic, but it may be included to recall for both the audience and the poem's characters that hero's ancestry, the demands which his genealogy makes on him, or the implications his ancestry has for the speaker. Their identification by patronymic (or metronymic) carries emotional weight in the context of the scene.2 Thus, both Apollo and Hektor are mindful of Akhilleus' link with the gods when they refer to him by his very unusual metronymic. The elements which help to create these naming scenes belong both to the poetic ttadition and to the individual poet within that tradition, as well as to the traditions and beliefs ofthe culture in which these poets sing their songs. Their world believed in the etymological significance of names and the importance of knowing a man's ancestry and town in placing him in society, and desired great deeds to be remembered after a hero's death, so poets made use of these beliefs. Formulae, type�scenes) metrical patterns, and sentence structure are all tools of vatying types and are employed for different tasks which poets in this tradition have placed upon them or place upon themselves as they tell theit stories. In their use of these traditional tools, we may be able to see something of poetic personality and creativity, though we are vety restricted without any other Greek epics with which to compare the Iliad and Odyssey. This has been a stumbling block for those who have desired to place the poems in the context of an oral tradition ever since Parry proposed it.3 We can speculate on places where this poet may have added characters (in battle scenes and the scenes on Scheria) or may have provided significant names (redende Namen), patronymics, or genealogies for various characters, perhaps as he expanded on their roles in the story. The poet may also have changed epithets into names, connecred names with etymologies, and played with the sounds of words as he told the traditional tale and made it his own.
ENDNOTES 1. Gregory Nagy, Pindars Homer: The Lyric Possession ofan Epic Past, (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Up, 1990): 206. 2. Here we might apply Bakker's concept of "nuclear" and "peripheral" in a slightly different way from that which he intends. A "nuclear" use of a patronymic might be one in which the figure is simply identified, while a "peripheral" use does not identifY a hero but provides an emotional overtone to the scene. For a discussion of Bakker's work, see ch. 2 above. 3. Following John Miles Foley, I would characterize rhe Homeric epics as "oral-derived" ( Traditional Oral Epic 5-8).
193
APPENDIX
THE GENEALOGY OF OBJECTS Humans are not the only possessors of genealogies in the Homeric ep ics. Often, their valuables-both inanimate and animate-are identi fied with this information. We learn who made, owned, stole, and gave as a gift treasured pieces of armor or the genealogy of gifts given as part ofxenia or in order to win a bride. The genealogy ofvalued horses may take two forms: we are told not only their bloodlines but the history of their ownership. In a world which regards display as a visible mark of invisible value, whether the display consists of actions, words, or pos sessions, the ownership of a beautiful, old object, particularly one as sociated with important figures from the past, conveys importance. Agamemnon's seepter, his <J1cijntpov natpromv, a'l'9ttov aid (aneestral scepter, un-withering forever [112.46, 186]), may be the most famous of such objects. Homer describes its history as he portrays Agamemnon leading a meeting of all the Achaean warriors (112.100-8):
. . . avcdihpdrov 'Aya�£�vrov eO'TIl O'lcil1t'tpov excov, 'to jlev "H<patcn:o.; KO:JlE 'tEUXroV. "H(tOtE TI8A.OlV sanc' 'AtpfC, 1tot}lEVt 'Aa&V ' 'AtP£ll<; OB 9vUO'KroV Vcl1tEV noA.uapvt Gu£O'tll, a1Jtap " (1)t£ Gu£O't' 'Aya�£�vovt A.Elne (popijvat, 1tOMnO'LV vitcrOtCJt Kat "APYEt navtl avaO'(JEtV, . . . Powerful Agamemnon rose, holding the seepter, the one which Hephaistos had crafted. Hephaistos gave it to the lord Zeus, son ofKronos, then Zeus gave it to the runner Argeiphontes. Lord Hermes gave it to Pe!ops, striker of horses, and Pe!ops in turn gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the people. Atreus, when he died, left it to Thyestes rich in sheep, then Thyestes left it to Agamemnon to carry, to rule over many islands and all Argos.
195
196
Appendix
This scepter was originally a possession of the gods, made by Hephaistos for Zeus, who gave it to Hermes. Only when Hermes passed it on to Pelops did the scepter come into human hands, but we do not know the reasons for its transfer in these instances. We learn more about the circumstances of the last two times it changed ownership, from Atreus to Thyestes and then to Agamemnon. In both cases, the verb describing the transfer is no longer OtoroiJ.t(to give), bur Adnro (to leave), and we are expressly told that Atreus, when he died, left it to his brother.' The scepter may originally have been a sign of kingship,2 but often in the context of the Iliad and the Odyssey, the warrior who holds it has the right to speak.3 Hephaistos, appropriately, is named as the maker of this valuable object and others in Homer. To him alone are the epithets KA1Ho " 'XVllS and KADtoepyos (famed for his skill, famed for his work) applied,' and it is to him that Thetis appeals when she needs armor for her son (II 1 8.369-482, 19. 10, 368).5 In the Iliad, in addition to Agamemnon's scepter and the armor of Akhilleus, Hephaistos is identified as the maker of houses for the gods (1 .607-8), Zeus' house (20. 10-12), and Diomedes' corslet (8.195). Hephaistos gives an aegis to Zeus, one which Apollo wears and which brings fear to men (ts <po�ov avopiilv [/1 1 5 .3 1 0]). In the Odyssey, Menelaos describes him as the maker ofa bowl given to him by Phaidimos and which he wishes to give to Telemakhos (4.6 1 7 1 5 . 1 17).6 In later centuries it seems that to declare something made by Hephaistos was to imbue it with special qualities, or at least to attempt to do so. Pausanias finds in Chaeronea a scepter purported to be that described in /12. 100-8 and, after summarizing those lines from Homer, provides the scepter with a post-Trojan War history (9.40 . 1 1-12): =
"0\"0 oily "0 aJciimpov a£�o1lacrt 8:' bd. 'tol<; opale; Ctu'tOOV Kat TIaV01tErov 't(DV ev 'tn (l>roKtOt eUpe8flv(1l, auv Oe aiHCf> Kat XPU(JOV Eupaa8at 'tour; (1)(01(8<;. a roKtOa uno 'HAt�pas"lis 'AyaiJ.£iJ.VOVOS nd90flat. vaos OE atne EeJ'ttV au't<$ orlllOOt'tt nErcOtllIlEVOC;. a'A:Aa Ka.'ta £'[0<; EKao'tOV 0 lEpOOIlEVOr; EV oiKTtllan eX£t 'to GKTpt'tpOV ' Ked Ot Sucrtat av&. n&aav1)jlEpaV eDOV'tCi.t, Kat'tpunEsa napaKEttat nav"ooaniilv Kpeiilv Kat neflfla"rov nAf]PllS.
The Genealogy ofObjects
197
They worship the scepter, calling it "Spear." And that it is something divine is shown in no little fashion by the fame from it for these people. They say that it was found at their border with the Panopeians in Phocis and that the Phocians found gold with it, but they were pleased to have the scepter instead of the gold. I believe that it was carried to Phocis by Elektra, daughter ofAgamemnon. No temple has been built for it by the public, but throughout each year a priest keeps the scepter in his house. Sacrifices are offered to it daily and a table is furnished full of meats ofall kinds and sweetmeats. Although Pausanias accepts this artifact as genuine, he comments on the many frauds which he has also encountered in his travels (9.41. 1):
01tocra oe dvat '[mv 'H<palcr'tou 7tOtf\tat '"Cl:: q;oouO't Kat ,[cOv aye pamrov it KOAou811 Kev n qnl 1111 1:o,)'t(ov , O'tt Jl.� 'to 'Ayafl8flvovOS aJciimpov, aAAo ye ouoev a�tOxperov tanv E<; nl(Htv. j
Of the other things which the poets sing about and people's subsequent tales claim to be by Hephaistos, nothing other than the scepter ofAgamemnon is worthy ofbelie£ He then offers examples of what he believes to be counterfeit. Among those artifacts which Pausanias condemns as fakes are pieces of jewelry identified as gifts from the suitors to Penelope (9.41.5). Their gifts are prompted by Penelope herself, who informs the suitors that she will follow what she quotes as Odysseus' final words to her in receiving offers of marriage, bur she reminds them that they have not behaved as they ought: instead of eating the prospective bride out of house and home, they should furnish supplies for the feasts and give beautiful gifts to her (ayA.aa oiilpa Otoo\iGtv [1 8.279]). With the disguised Odysseus rejoicing at Penelope's cleverness, the suitors accept Penelope's word and gifts are delivered. Homer iqentifies only four of all the presents-a robe elaborately worked with gold fastenings from Antinoos, a gold necklace from Eurymakhos, earrings from Eurydamas, and another necklace from Peisander ( 1 8.29 1 -30 1). Noticeably absent from this list, however, is any description or genealogy of the objects: are we to understand that they are not to be highly valued because they have no history?
Appendix
198
Other such gifts do come with pedigrees, as those from Menelaos to Telemakhos reveal. Menelaos first offers his visitor three horse$, a chariot, and a beautiful drinking cup with which to pour libations (4.589-62), bur Telemakhos politely declines the horses, as Ithaca has no suitable open spaces for them (4.601-8). Menelaos praises the thinking of his guest, obliquely suggesting that he reveals himself to be his father's son (a1fla10<; d<; aya90to [4.6 1 1 ]), and offers an alternative present (4.6 1 5-19 1 5. 1 1 5-19): =
owcrro 10t KP'l11lpa 1£1UYflevov ' ap-yUpeo<; oE E0'ttV &1ta�, xpuacp O' Ent xet?u::a KeKpaav'tUt· £Pr0v 0' 'H<palmow' 1tOP£V oe ealOtflo<; llPro<;, LtOOvlrov �aCJtA.EU<;, 09 ' EO<; OOflO<; afl
oropov 'tOt Kat f:yID, 'tEKVOV
I also, dear child, give you this gift, a memento from Helens hands, for the time ofyour much desired marriage, to give to your wife. Let your dear mother keep it in the palace.
The Genealogy ofObjects
199
Are we to understand this as a sinister gift? What are the implications of a gift to Telemakhos' future wife from a woman who has not been a faithful spouse?? Unlike his son, who has politely but firmly rejected objects which he feared he could not easily transport or use once home, Odysseus has gladly accepted everything offered by the Phaeacians. As his guest prepares to depart, Alkinoos arranges for the nobles each to give him a tripod and cauldron, in addition to the clothing and gold already packed for him (Od 13. 10-15). Such is the Phaeacian generosity that Poseidon is led to complain to Zeus that Odysseus has done better than ifhe had gone straight home from Troy (Od 13. 1 35-38). None ofthese possessions is accompanied by any genealogy of its ownership or manufacture. Although Telemakhos refuses Menelaos' offer in the Odyssey, warriors in the Iliad value horses. Odysseus and Diomedes steal Rhesos' horses, animals much admired by Nestor on their return to the Greek camp (1/ 10.435-37, 498-50 1 , 544-53) and Diomedes enters the chariot race with the horses he rook from Aineias (11 23.29 1-92). The pedigree of divine horses is often given or referred to, suggesting their great value. Homer gives the bloodlines of Althilleus' horses (1/ 16.148-5 1):
1ro OE Kal AU10fleorov u1tay£ �uyov ,"Keas 11t1tOUS, 8&v90v Kal BaAlOV, 10, ii.fla 1tVOtucrt 1t£1f.cr9r]V, 10U<; £l£K£ Z£
200
Appendix For they are immortal: Poseidon gave them to my father Peleus, who, in rurn, bestowed them on me.
These horses have been in Akhilleus' family since Poseidon, or the gods generally, gave them to Peleus, perhaps as a wedding present.8 The great value of these animals can be seen in Dolons desire to have them as a reward should he return from his night raid (1/ 10.392-93), but, as Odysseus observes, immortal horses are difficult for mortal men to control, except for Akhilleus,
The Genealogy of Objects
Warriors can be marked by distinctive possessions." Akhilleus' spear gotten from his father and his weapons from Hephaistos, as well as his divine horses, are visible tokens of his great power. Ajax's shield distinguishes him (11 7.21 9-25):
=
=
. . . 'to jl£v ou ouvcct' &AAo� 'AXatrov 1taMEtV, &)),..6. J.ltV O\oS £1tt(Ha
20]
o
Alas a' Eyy{J9EV �A9E CjlEPOlV O'aKos TtI-J" 1t1,pyov, XeXA.K80V €1t'ta�6£tov , (5 01, TuX{o� K&Jl€ 't£UXrov, O"K1YCO'tOIl(OV ox' &ptcr'tO�, "YA.n EVt oilda vatrov ' 0<; Ot E1tohW8V (jOKOC; aiOA-DV bt'ta�6£wv
In these verses, the physical appearance of the shield is described and its maker identified, with perhaps some play with his name: Tukhios' name may have the root of 'teuXffi , the Homeric verb meaning "to make, build," in it. In the Odyssey, Odysseus is distinguished for his ability to use a bow so special to him that he does not take it to war. Homer describes how he acquired it from Iphitos, when they met on a journey (Od 2 1 .3 1 38):
. . . '(81)crfit O'wTtnE
Appendix
202
. . . he [Iphitosl encountered Odysseus and gave him the bow, which before great Eurytos had carried. He to his son . left it when he died in his lofty home. To him Odysseus gave a sharp sword and stout spear, the beginning of a close guest-friendship. But at the table they never knew each other, for before that, the son of Zeus killed Iphitos, son ofEurytos, like the gods, who gave him the bow. The death of the bow's giver arises ftom a violation ofxenia, as Heraldes kills Iphitos, though he was a xeinos in his house. In the larger tale of the xenia offered to Odysseus and often violated, this small story illustrates Odysseus as a good xeinos and another figure, a famous one, as a bad xeinos. That it tells of his acquisition of the bow, central to his being recognized as the master of his own palace and family, reinforces this central theme of the poem. We also see Odysseus acquire the hat which later becomes a distinctive attribute ofhis. In 11 10, he and Diomedes equip themselves in borrowed clothing and weapons for their night-time expedition into the Trojan lines. Odysseus puts on a 1ItA.o<; (hat) given him by Meriones (11 10.266-71):
'DV {la "0" e� 'E1cerovo<; 'Aj.l\mopo<; 'OpJ.l':vtoao e�eA.e,' AinOA.UKo<; 1IUKWOV 06j.lov aVtl'OPDcra<;, LKaVOetav 0' apa OroKe Ku!hjpttp 'Aj.l
The Genealogy o/Objects
203
again mentioned in Homer, it becomes a distinctive part of Odysseus' garb in later Greek art. We see, then, that the Homeric world treasured possessions as much for their ancestry as for their intrinsic value. The makers and owners of horses, armor, and clothing transferred something of their own nature or valor to them. In a world which valued display, the display of words and deeds could be joined by the display of possessions.
205
Endnotes
ENDNOTES 1 . We might wonder, given the history of relations between this pair, why Atreus would leave the scepter to Thyestes. Why does Thyestes then leave it to his nephew, Agamemnon? See Kirk's summary of the evidence in his note on It 2.1 0 1-8. Pat Easterling discusses this seepter in ''Agamemnon's Skeptron in the Iliad," in Images ofAuthority, eds. Mary Margaret Mackenzie and Charlotte Roueche (Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Sociery, 1989): 1 04-2 1 . She explores both the context in which this genealogy of the scepter is placed and the description of the scepter itself. 2. As we have seen in Glaukos' remark about Proitos and Argas, Zeu� yap ol uno '''''In
aA')..' <xvoprov revoe", eate ototpeq:u300v �a(nATtrov
O''KTl1t'touxrov, £1t€l OU 1(£ KO'.KOt 1:otoucroe t€'KOtev. but you are of the family of Zeus-cherished kings, seepter-holding. since no base ones could have borne such as you.
The formula has also been conllated with owTt<; po",),.eu<;, localized to verse end. 3. See Thalmann, TAPA 1 1 8 (1988): 10. Not every stick called aJcii n<pov is as exalted as this one. Sticks can be carried by rulers, heralds. or priests, but also by travellers to aid them in their walking. The disguised Odysseus, for instance. loses his o"KTl 7t'tpOV when he is set upon by Eumaios' dogs (14.30-31). Easterling argues that the scepter serves "not only as a symbol (of themis, authotity, etc.), but also as a rhetorical marker of the things being said," and that the scepter might even function "metaphorically. . . in this way within the poem" ("Agamemnon's Skeptron in the Iliad" 1 1 5). Again, see Kirk's note on 11 2. 1 09. 4. K),.u<0<exvTj<;-11 1 .571, 1 8. 143, 3 9 1 ; Od 8.286. K),.u
is compared to that portrayed on the shield of Akhilleus by Hephaistos (11 18.590-92) and Tukhios, maker of the distinctive shield of Ajax (11 7.220) and possessor of an etymologically significant name (see below). In the Greek world generally. the Sidonians were recognized as makers of beautiful objects, including the silver bowl offered by Akhilleus as a prize in the footrace (1123.740-43) and the peploi taken by Paris from Sidon, later given in vain by Hekabe ro Athena (11 6.289-93). 7. Compare the gifts from Aineias ro Dido in the Aeneid (1 .647-55), gifts snatched from the ruins o f Troy (munera . . . Iliacis erepta ruinis), including some clothing worn by Helen, given her by Leda, which she had when she sought an illegal marriage (cum peteret inconcessosque hymenaeos). There is also the clothing and tiara given ro Glauke by Medea, and the shirr which was a present from the centaur Nessos to Deianeira. Better, one might imagine. would be the gifts which Andromakhe presems to Ascanius. asking him to receive them as witnesses to the enduring love of Andromakhe. wife of Hektor (fongum Andromachae testentur amorem, / coniugis Hectoreae [Aen 3.487-88]). 8. Akhilleus comments to his mother about the occasion on which Peleus received the armor and horses from the gods: Tllla:n 'tip on: O'E ppo'tou avepos £�po),.ov euvj1 (on the day when they [the gods) placed you in the bed of a mortal man [/1 1 8. 8 5 ] ) . Other references in the Iliad do not state the occasion for rhe gift ( 1 6.381 867, 17.1 95-96). Apollodorus is explicit (3.13.5): =
yallii bE ev 'tip OTjAiq>, KO:KEt 8EOt 'tOY yO:llov eUWXoU�Ot KUGUJlV11crav. Kat ot6rocrt Xdprov OTlAet oopu Jlev..tVOV. nOOetorov DEl1t1tOUs BUA-lOV Kat 3uv8ov ' &8uva'tOt OE �crav OtJ'tOL He [Peleus} married [Thetis] on Pelion and there the gods celebrared the marriage and feasted. Aud Kheiron gave Peleus an ash spear. Poseidon the horses Balios and Xamhos. These were immortals. See Janko's remarks about 11 16.867a, at 1 6.867. Agamemnon, too, has a mare who is identified by name, Atfu] (Shining), and a genealogy of ownership: Ekhepolos, son of Aukhises, gave her to Agamemnon so that he would not have to go to Tray. There is a hint that the mare may have been a gift originally from Zeus, as Ekhepolos is described as receiving riches from that god. She runs in the chariot race as part of Agamemnon's team (1123.293-300). 9. And, ifJanko is correct in his interpretation 6fPedasos the trace-horse as "a major victim" for Sarpedon, by contrast with Patroklos when he wears Akhilleus' armor and goes into battle with Akhilleus' horses. Though Janko makes an interesting point about the fate of the mortal trace-horse, the
206
Appendix
contrast is not complete. as divine arm or saves neither Patroklos nor Akhilleus (see Janko on Il I 6. 1 41-44, 1 52-54). 10. In describing it, Homer seems to have given himself up to play with sounds: nat..AElv, nTJAlaOa, and flTlA.tou begin successive verses, while other words with similar sounds are scattered within. 1 1 . The bow with which Pandaros breaks the battlefield truce is given in a brief genealogy by the poet (I! 4. 105-1 1). Nestor reminisces about his victory over Ereuthalion when he was a very young man and includes a genealogy ofEreuthalion's weapon, a c1ub which had originally belonged to Areithoos. Areithoos lost the weapon when Lykoorgos cleverly trapped him in a spot too narrow to swing the club (l! 7. 1 36-149).
BIBLIOGRAPHY COMMENTARIES
Leaf, Walter. The Iliad. 1900-1902. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 197 1 . Kirk, G.S., gen. ed. The Iliad· A Commentary. Cambridge: Cambridge Up, 1985-1993. /1 1-8: G.S. Kirk /1 9-12: J.B. Hainsworth /1 1 3-16: Richard Janko /1 1 7-20: Mark W. Edwards /1 21-24: Nicholas Richardson Stanford, W. B. The Odyssey a/Homer. Houndmills: St. Martins, 1965 ( 1 947). Heubeck, Alfred, gen. ed. A Commentary on Homers Odyssey. Oxford: Oxford Up, 1988-1992. Od 1-4: Stephanie West Od 5-8: J. B. Hainsworth Od 9-12: Alfred Heubeck Od 13-16: Arie Hoekstra Od 17-20: Joseph Russo Od 21-22: Manuel Fernandez-Galiano Od 23-24: Alfred Heubeck Richardson, N. J. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1974. West, M. L. Hesiod· Theogony. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1966. .. Hesiod: W'tirks and Days. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1978. .. Greek Metre. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982.
-----
. The Hesiodic Catalogue a/Women: Its Nature, Structure, and Origins. Oxford: Oxford Up, 1985.
---
Bibliography
208 BOOKS AND ARTICLES
Austin, Norman. "Telemachos Polymechanos." California Studies in Classical Antiquity 2 ( 1 969): 45-63. Bakker, Egbert J. "Homeric Discourse and Enjambement: A Cognitive Approach." Transactions o/theAmerican PhilologicalAssociation 120 (1 990): 1-2 1 . Bakker, Egbert J . and Florence Fabbricotti. "Peripheral and Nuclear Semantics in Homeric Diction: The Case of Dative Expressions for 'Spear.'" Mnemosyne44 ( 1 991): 63-84. Bakker, Egbert and Nina van den Houten. "Aspects of Synonymy in Homeric Formulaic Diction: An Investigation ofDative Expressions for 'Spear.'" Classical Philology 87 (1992): 1-13. Barnes, Harry R. "The Colometric Structure ofHomeric Hexameter." Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 27 (1 986): 125-50. Beekes, R. S. P. "On the Structure of the Greek Hexameter: 'O'Neill' Interpreted." Glotta 50 ( 1972): 1-10. Beye, Charles Rowan. "Homeric Batde Narrative and Catalogues." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 68 (1 964): 345-73. ---. "Male and Female in the Homeric Poems." Ramus 3 (1 974): 87- 1 0 1 . Boyd, Timothy W. "A Poet on the Achaean Wall." Oral Tradition (forthcoming, 1994). Broadbent, Molly. Studies in Greek Genealogy. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968. Brown, Calvin. "Odysseus and Polyphemos: The Name and the Curse." Comparative Literature 1 8 ( 1 966): 193-202. Buck, Carl Darling. Comparative Grammar 0/ Greek and Latin. Chicago: The U of Chicago P, 1933. . The Greek Dialects. Chicago: The U of Chicago P, 1955. Burkert, Walter. Peter Bing, trans. Homo Necans: The Anthropology 0/ Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth. Berkeley: The U of California P, 1983. Carpenter, Thomas H. Art and Myth in Ancient Greece. London: Thames and Hudson, 1 99 1 . Chantraine, Pierre. Grammaire Homerique. Paris: Editions Klincksieck, 1973. Vol. 1 of Phonetique et Morphologie. Clader, Linda Lee. Helen: The Evolutionfrom Divine to Heroic in Greek Epic Tradition. Mnemosyne Supplement 42. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976. Clay, Jenny. "The Planktai and Moly: Divine Naming and Knowing in Homer." Hermes 100 ( 1 972): 1 27-31 . ---
Bibliography
209
. "Demas and Aude: The Nature of Divine Transformation in Homer." Hermes 102 ( 1974): 1 29-36. Dimock, Jr., George E. "The Name ofOdysseus." Homer: A Collection o/CriticalEssays. Eds. George Steiner and Robert Fagles. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1962. 106-21 . Easterling, Par. "Agamemnon's skeptron in the Iliad." Images 0/ Authority. Eds. Mary Matgaret Mackenzie and Charlotte Roueche. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 104-2 1 . Edwards, Mark W. "Type-Scenes and Homeric Hospitality. " Transactions o/the American PhilologicalAssociation 105 (1 975): 5 1-
---
n.
Emlyn-Jones, Chris. "The Reunion ofPenelope and Odysseus." Greece and Rome 3 1 (1 984): 1-18. Fenik, Bernard. 7Jpical Battle Scenes in the Iliad· Studies in the Narrative Techniques 0/Homeric Battle Descriptions. Hermes Einzelschriften 2 1 . Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1968. --- . Studies in the Odyssey Hermes Einzelschriften 30. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1974. Fitzgerald, Robert, trans. Homer: The Odyssey Garden City: Anchor Books, Doubleday and Co., 1963. Foley, John Miles. Traditional Oral Epic. Berkeley: U of California P, 1990. Fontenrose, Joseph. The Delphic Oracle. Berkeley: U of California P, 1978. Fowler, R. L. "AIr- in Early Greek Language and Myth." Phoenix 42 (1 988): 95-1 13. Frame, Douglas. The Myth o/Return in Early Greek Epic. New Haven: Yale UP, 1978. Friis Johansen, K. The Iliad in Early Greek Art. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1967. Goldhill, Simon. The Poets 10ice: Essays on Poetics and Greek Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge Up, 1 99 1 . Griffin, J. "Homeric Words and Speakers." Journal o/Hellenic Studies 106 ( 1 986): 36-57. Hainsworth, J. B. The Flexibility o/the Homeric Formula. Oxford: Oxford Up, 1968. Hansen, Petrus Allanus. Carmina Epigraphica Graeca Saeculorum VIIl VA. Chr.N. Berlin: Waiter de Gruyter, 1983. Higbie, Carolyn. Measure and Music: Enjambement andSentence Structure in the Iliad Oxford: Oxford UP, 1990.
210
Bibliography
Hoekstra, A. Homeric Modifications of Formulaic Prototypes. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1964. Ilievski, P. Hr. "Some Structural Peculiarities of Mycenaean-Greek Personal Names." Res Mycenaeae. Akten des VII. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Nlirnberg vom 6.-10. April 1 9 8 1 . Eds. Alfred Heubeck and Glinter Neumann. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1983. Kamptz, Hans von. Homerische Personennamen: Sprachwissen schaftliche und historische Klassifikation. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1982. Katz, Marylin A. Penelopes Renown: Meaning and Indeterminacy in the Odyssey. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1 99 1 . Lefkowitz, Mary R. The Lives ofthe Greek Poets. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 198 1 . . WOmen in Greek Myth. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 1986. McDonough, Jr., James T. The Structural Metrics ofthe Iliad Diss., Columbia Universiry. 1966. Marquardt, Patricia. "Clytemnestra: A Felicitous Spelling in the Odyssey." Arethusa 25 ( 1992): 241-54. Martin, Richard P. The Language ofHeroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1989. Muellner, Leonard Charles. The Meaning ofHomeric EYXOMAI through its Formulas. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Sprachwissenschaft, 1976. Mlihlestein, Hugo. Homerische Namenstudien. Frankfurt am Main: Athenaum, 1987. Nagler, Michael. "Dread Goddess Endowed with Speech." Archaeological News 6 ( 1 977): 77-85. Nagy, Gregory. Comparative Studies in Greek and Indic Meter. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1 974. . The Best ofthe Achaeans. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Up, 1979. . "Theognis and Megara: A Poet's Vision ofhis Ciry." Thomas J. Figueira and Gregory Nagy, eds. Theognis ofMegara: Poetry and the Polis. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Up, 1985. 22-8 1 . ---.. Pindars Homer: The Lyric Possession ofan Epic Past. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Up, 1990. O'Neill, E. G., Jr. "The Localization of Metrical Wordrypes in the Greek Hexameter." Yale Classical Studies 8 ( 1942): 1 05-78. ---
---
---
Bibliography
21 1
Palmer, Leonard. The Interpretation ofMycenaean Greek Texts. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1963. Parry, Anne Amory. Blameless Aegisthus. Mnemosyne Supplement 26. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973. Parry, Milman. Ed. Adam Parry. The Making ofHomeric Verse: The Collected Papers ofMilman Parry. Oxford: Oxford Up, 1971. Pedrick, Victoria. "The Hospitality of Noble Women in the Odyssey." He/ios 1 5 (1988): 85- 1 0 1 . Peradotto, John. Man in the Middle Voice: Name and Narration in the Odyssey. Princeton: Princeton Up, 1990. Puhvel, Jaan. "Devata-Dvandva in Hittite, Greek, and Latin." American Journal ofPhilology 98 (1 977): 396-405. Rank, Louis Philippe. Etymologiseering en Verwante Verschijnselen Bij Homerus. Assen: Van Gorcum & Co., 1951. Risch, Ernst. WOrtbildung der homerischen Sprache. 2nd ed. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1974. Schwyzer, Eduard and Albert Debrunner. Griechische Grammatik. Munich: Beck, 1934-50. Scott, John A. "Eurynome and Eurycleia in the Odyssey." Classical Quarterly 1 2 ( 1 9 1 8) : 75-79. Scott, William C. The Oral Nature ofthe Homeric Simile. Mnemosyne Supplement 28. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1 974. Shive, David. Naming Achilles. New York: Oxford Up, 1987. Skutsch, Otto. "Helen, her Name and Nature." Journal ofHellenic Studies 107 ( 1 987): 1 88-93. Slatkin, Laura M. "The Wrath ofThetis." Transactions ofthe American Philological Association 1 1 6 ( 1 986): 1-24.
---. The Power ofThetis: Allusion and Interpretation in the Iliad.
Berkeley: U of California P, 1991. Stanford, W. B. Ambiguity in Greek Literature. New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1972 (1 939). Suter, Ann C. Paris!Alexandros: A Study in Homeric Techniques of Characterization. Diss., Princeton U. Dissertation Abstracts, 1984. Thalmann, William G. Conventions ofForm and Thought in Early Greek Epic Poetry. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 1984. ---.. "Thersites: Comedy, Scapegoats, and Heroic Ideology in the Iliad." Transactions of the American PhilologicalAssociation 1 1 8 ( 1988): 1-28. Tyrrell, William Blake. Amazons: A Study in Athenian Mythmaking. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins UP, 1984.
2 12
Bibliography
Ventris, Michael and John Chadwick. Documents in Mycenaean Greek. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1973. Webbet, Alice. "The Hero Tells His Name: Fotmula and Variation in the Phaeacian Episode of the Odyssey." Transactions o/theAmerican Philological Association 1 19 (1 989): 1-13.
INDEX LOCORUM THE ILlAD
1.280-8 1: 115 1 .361: 36 1 .488-89: 50-51 1 . 540: 144 2.26: 181 2.46: 195 2. 1 00-8: 195-96 2.216: Il 2.258-6 1 : 159-60 2.319: 67 2.419: 54 2.559-68: 87-88 2.612-14: 46-47 2.620-2 1 : 122-23 2.671-73: 55-57 2.870-7 1 : 56-57 2.874-75: 51-52 2.876-77: 141 3.39: 16 3.64: 127 3.143-44: 30-31 3.177: 85 3.200-1 : 106 3.204: 86 3.238: 141 3.329: 127 4.176-82: 18-19 4.353-55: 159-60 4.370-75: 96 4.399-400: 96-97 4.405: 97 4.440-41 : 38
5.59-61: 12-13 5 . 1 08-9: 48-49 5 . 125-26: 97 5.144-65: 90-92 5.412: 131 5.428-30: 142 5.537: 43-44 5.635-39: 94 5.721: 23, 53 5.800-1: 97 5.812-13: 98 5.8 1 5: 98 5.892: 38 6.12-19: 89-90 6.21-25: 21-22 6.1 19: 94 6.139: 67 6.1 52-54: 95 6.1 59: 204 6.215: 95 6.255-56: 16 6.298-99: 136 6.395-97: 55-56 6.403: Il 7.87-9 1 : 18 7. 122: 102 7.21 9-25: 201 7.392: 127 7.403-4: 98 8 . 1 1 9-20: 8 8.185: 37 8.190: 143
214
Index Locorum THE ILIAD
8.281: 49 9.32-35: 98 9. 57-58: 99 9.79: 99 9.145: 11-12 9.1 65-66: 49-50 9.368-69: 45-46 9.389-90: 142 9.450: 125 9.502: 38 9.56 1-64: 25 10.67-69: 9-10 10.266-71: 202-3 10.316: 32-33 10.392-93: 50 10.402-4: 51 1 0.404: 115 10.413: 87 10.425: 87 1 1 . 1 07-8: 43-44 1 1 . 177: 45 1 1 .270-71 : 38 1 1 .406: 53-54 1 1 .527: 1 1 1 1 .624-27: 113 1 1 .709-10: 123 1 1 .739-41: 121 1 1 .750-52: 122 12.9 1-92: 31 12.94-96: 55-56 1 3.54: 138 13.225-27: 19-20 1 3.242-43: 54-55 13.298-99: 38 13.345: 23, 48 13.354-55: 38 13.363-67: 121 13.374-82: 121-22
Index Locorum THE ILIAD
13.746-47: 35 13.775-77: 119 13.825-27: 119 14.69-70: 19-20 14.1 10-18: 99-100 14.269: 125 14.324: 137 14.442-45: 21-22 14.50 1-5: 124-25 15.63-64: 49-50 1 5 . 1 87-88: 23 1 5.641-42: 40 16.33-35: 105 16.58-59: 45-46 16.14 1-44: 200 16. 1 48-5 1 : 199 16.423-24: 106 16.737-38: 8 16.860: 50-51 17. 1 15: 48-49 17.214: 55 17.720: 36 1 8.39-49: 30 18.54: 16 18.85: 205 18.226: 55 18.257: 35 18.615: 180-81 19.75: 55 19.91: 38 20.1 05-7: 116 20.206-9: 116 20.304: 67-68 21.84-88: 117-18 21.94-96: 118 2l. l08-10: 117 2 1 . 1 53: 55 2 1 .207-8: 49-50
21.216: 67 22.414-15: 16-17 22.437-38: 137 23.277-78: 199-200 23.349: 48-49 23.470-72: 108 23.514: 48-49 23.638-42: 123-24 24.44-48: 118-19 24.337-38: 65 24.379-80: 86 24.387: 86 24.407: 86 24.460-61 : 86 24.6 1 1 : 53-54 THE ODYSSEY
1 .4: 183 1 . 1 69-73: 149-50 1 . 1 73: 76 1 . 175-77: 76 1 . 1 79: 179 1.206-9: 150 1 .2 1 4-20: 150-51 1 .222-23: 151 1 .296-302: 151-52 1.32 1-22: 152 1. 359-60: 104 1.420: 152 1.429: 8, 141 1 .433: 125 2.225-27: 145 2.270-80: 152-53 2.386: 12 3.71-74: 153 3.77-78: 154 3.81-85: 154 3.83-84: 179
215 THE ODYSSEY
3.88: 53-54 3.95: 138 3.98: 154 3 . 122-25: 155 3 . 1 90: 49 3.1 95-200: 187 3.263-66: 114 3.264: 129 3.352: 179 3.45 1-52: 112 3.464-65: 1 12 4.14: 142 4.26-29: 155 4.60-64: 156 4.63-64: 204 4.94-96: 179-80 4. 1 1 0-12: 156-57 4.1 19: 186 4. 141-44: 157 4.207-8: 54-55 4.240: 181 4.277-79: 17-18 4.343: 30, 48, 136 4.365-66: 112 4.584: 158 4.615-19: 198 4.797: 22, 144 5. 1 1 8-20: 120 5.333-35: 24-25 5.334: 139-40 6.16-17: 111-12 6.25: 120 6. 1 94-96: 1 1 1-12 7.7 1 : 35 7. 1 53: 178 7.238: 73, 78, J70 7.243: 78 7.244: 105, 134
Index Locorum
216 THE ODYSSEY
8. 1 1 1-16: 7, 13 8.472: 34 8.550: 165 8.572: 70-72 9 . 1 9-21: 165 9.21: 79 9.259-64: 162-63 9.364-67: 1 63 9.502-5: 163-64 9.530-3 1 : 164 10.14-16: 161 10.81-82: 22 10.1 05-6: 112 1 0 . 1 36: 104, 139 10.319: 17-18 10.325-32: 77-78, 16162
10.378-79: 104 10.401: 181-82 1 1 .216: 182 1 1 .227: 140 1 1 .233-34: 140 1 1 .454-56: 184 1 1 .470-72: 51-52 1 1 .603-4: 38 12.176: 65 1 2 . 1 84: 104 12.1 89-90: 28 1 2.249-50: 17 12.449: 104 13.254: 72 1 3.297-98: 189 13.312-13: 165-66 13.324: 166 13.332: 132 1 3.422: 158 14. 144-47: 179 1 5 . 1 25-28: 198-99 1 5.263-64: 72
1 5.266: 72 15.266-68: 159 16.23: 149 16.99-101: 178 16. 1 13: 72 16.1 17-20: 147-48 16.1 87-89: 166-67 16. 194: 167 16.202-6: 167 16.239: 167 16.243-44: 169 16.435: 130 17.1 52: 130 17.218: 142 17.487: 82 17.553-54: 180 18.5-7: 14-15 18.73: 14-15 18.1 25-29: 10-11 18. 140: 10 1 8 . 1 60-62: 169 1 8.265-70: 133 1 8.279: 197 1 8.376: 54 19.1 04-5: 169-70 19. 105: 82 19. 1 08: 170 1 9 . 1 16: 82 1 9 . 1 62-63: 82-83, 170 19. 165: 170 19. 171-72: 83 1 9 . 1 72: 134-35 1 9.260: 15 19.269: 83 2 1 . 1-2: 132 21 .31-38: 201-2 2 1 . 1 57-58: 144 2 1 . 1 72-73: 120 2 1 .4 1 5 : 48
Index Locorum
217
THE ODYSSEY
21 .424-26: 168 21 .426-30: 183 21 .432: 168 22.45: 168 22.287: 33 23.27-28: 172 23.35: 186 23.85-87: 172 23.97-99: 15-16 · 23 . 1 10: 173 23. 1 8 1 : 173 23.21 5-'24: 129-30 23.228: 113 23.260-62: 173 23.364-65: 173 24.93-97: 20 24.1 94-95: 129, 132 24.216-18: 174 24.240: 174 24.256-70: 174-75 24.297-98: 175 24.305-6: 175 24.321: 176 AESCHYLUS, Agamemnon 689-90: 36 ApOLLODORUS 3 . 1 3.5: 205 Epitome 3.2: 127
Certamen Horn. et Hes.
36-40: 3
DI0 CHRYSOSTOM 1 1 .22-23: 39-40 1 1 .23: 27
HESIOD,
Theogony
147-49: 36 453: 137
Works and Days
1 53-54: 37 frngments (M-W) 176: 128
Homeric Hymn
III
Homeric Hymn
III
Aphrodite
1 1 1 : 138-39 1 98-99: 33, 139
18: 35 21: 35
Derneter
PAUSANlAS 8 . 1 2.6: 184-85 8.14.9: 141 9.40.1 1-12: 196-97 9.4 1 . 1 : 197 10.26.4: 25-26, 40 PLATO,
Cratylus
395a-b2: 108 SOPHOCLES, 416-17: 41
Philoktetes
STESICHORUS 223: 128 THEOGN1S
1209-10: 186
THUCYDlDES 7.69.2: 32
SUBJECT INDEX Agamemnon 9-10, 1 8-20, 38, 96-99, 108, 133, 144, 160, 162-63, 179, 1 8 1 , 184, 1 86; daughters 1 1 , 142; 1
Alexander / Paris 1 19, 126-27; EAeVll<; noats Tjii1<6lLOtO 127, 137 Alkinoos70-72, 78-79, 82, 165, 180, 187, 199; etymology of name 14 Alkyone / Kleopatre 25 Amphinomos 10 Andromakhe 137, 143, 205 Antenor 86, 142, 179 Antikleia 182 Antilokhos Nl1A�IoS, Nea,optOl1S. Nea,opo<; uios 6, 48-49 Antinoos 82, 85, 120, 130, 133, 144, 168, 176, 185, 187, 197 Aphrodite 1 1 5-17, 1 26-28, 130-31, 142, 143; Kunpts. KuBepeta 143; ancestry 2324; mother of Aineias 1 1517, 1 38-39 Apollo 51, 107-8, 1 18-19, 139, 192, 200; Apollo I Lykaon 1 1 6-17; ancestry 23-24; patronymics 24, 64 Arete 76-77, 78-79, 134-35, 1 4 5 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 9-70, 1 87; etymologies of name 14, 35 Arnaios /Iros 14-15 Artemis 130-3 1 , 139; ancestry 24 Astyanax / Skamandrios etymo logyofnames 11; 25, 33, 189 Athena 83-84, 97-98, 1 20, 126-27, 131, 142, 158, 16567, 169, 170-71, 173, 176, '
'
'
fijax86, 1 85-86; namingpatterns 7, 36, 138; shield 1 1, 201;
TeAa!lffivlOs, TeAaiLOlvta/ln<; 7,
48-49 Akhil!eus 40, 93, 105, 142, 181, 185-86, 191; naming patterns 7, 30; I111Aeiol1<;, I111Al1l&ol1<;, I111A dOlV, I111A\ioS uio<;, 30, 49-52, 65, 178; 0enoosnal<;, 30, 50-5 1 , 1 92; Aia1
Subject Index
220
179, 189; Athena / Mentes 72, 74-76, 149-52, 153, 180; Athena / Mentor 1 52-55; patronymics 23-24, 64, 98, 143; mother 38; epithets 39, 143
Bakker, E. 29-30, 62, 193 Briseis 1 1 3, 1 1 5, 125 Brown, C. 164
Catalogue ofShips 6, 30, 87-88, 122-23, 124, 138, 160, 1 8 1
Clader, L. L. 30, 127 Clay, ]. 140
Daidalos 204-5 Demeter 38, 1 14, 183 Demotfokos 12, 34, 180 Diomedes 10, 87-101, 106, 107,
1 79, 1 9 1-92, 1 9 9 , 202; patronymic 10, 87-88; genealogy 10, 32, 99-100, 108 Dios Apate 1 14, 127 Dolon 33, 86-87, 1 1 5, 1 1 7, 200; etymology ofname and patronymic 12 Doloneia 86-87, 93
Edwards, M.
W 30, 32, 35, 63,
107, 1 80-8 1, 204
Elektra 179, 197 E/penor 182 etymology 4-5, 20-23; of names
and patronymics 4-5, 12-15; of gods' names 23-25 Eumaios 8, 74-76, 125, 142, 147, 167, 170-71, 179, 1808 1 , 183, 186, 190; gene�ogy 8; patronymic 31
Eurykleia 8, 35, 83, 125, 141,
160, 167, 171-72, 173, 186, 190; genealogy 8, 141 Eurymakhos 85, 130, 1 52, 168, 182, 197 Eurysakes etymology ofname 1 1
Fenik, B. 34, 69-70, 78, 84, 103, 105, 1 06, 1 1 3, 1 40, 145, 182 Fitzgerald, R. 1 3 Foley, ]. M. 69, 193 Frame, D. 28-29, 34, 37, 137
Glaukos 94-96, 1 9 1 , 204;
genealogy 9 5 , 1 24, 1 78 ; patronymic 94 Goldhill, S. 36, 178 grieving I l l , 1 24-25 GrtiP�]. 32, 35-36, 136
Hades gene�ogy 23 Hadrian 3, 26 Hainsworth, f. B. 14, 24, 44-45 Hekamede 1 13 Hektor 1 1 , 1 6, 1 8 - 1 9 , 33,
5 1 , 104, 1 18-19, 143, 1 92, 200; charioteers 8; horses 37; lack of a divine mother 1 19 Helen l04, 126, 137, 138, 15758, 160, 1 8 1 , 182, 1 98-99; naming patterns and epithets 39, 127-28, 143; gene�ogy 26, 141--42; name 36; patro nymics 40; Teichoscopia 8586, 1 8 1 Helenos 8, 40, 1 8 1 Hephaistos 195-97, 198, 20020 1 , 204-5; genealogy 38; epithets 196
Subject Index Hera 23, 38, 1 1 9, 126-27, 144;
9"yo,",lP l-leyaAOtO KpovotO 23, 53; 'ApyetTJ 127; epithets 36, 143
Herakles 94, 202; patronymics
24; genealogy 137 heralds 9, 31 Hermes 39, 76, 86, 126, 1 8 1 , 1 96 ; genealogy 24; false genealogy 86 Hermione 142, 179 Herodotus 37, 141, 186 Hesiod 23-24, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 137, 142 Higbie, C. 62, 64 Hoekstra, A. 56, 138 Homer genealogy and birthplace 3, 26-27; etymologies ofname 3--4, 37 -
Idomeneus 93, 108, 1 21-22 Ilion 1 5 Ino / Leukothee 24-25, 1 3940
Janko, R. 205-6 Kalkhas 9 Kalypso 78, 104, 120, 139--40, 161
Katz, M. 103, 185 Khryseis 1 1 3, 125 Kirk, G. S. 24, 34, 102
Kirke 76-78, 104, 120, 139--40, 1 6 1-62, 1 8 1 , 1 82; AiatTJ 143 Klytaimnestre 26, 1 28-29, 1 33, 143; KA,,"atI-lV�cr"PTJ / KA""atl-l�cr"PTJ 1 43-44; patronymics 40, 141; genea logy 26, 1 26; 'Ayal-leI-lVOVf:r]V
221
iiAOXOV 65, 1 14, 129; epithets 129, 144
Ktesippos 85; patronymic 33 Laertes 1 25 , 1 3 3 , 1 76- 77,
1 86, 1 90-9 1 ; reunion with Odysseus 72, 84, 174-76, 187, 190 Leaf, W 13, 37, 124 Lefkowitz, M. R. 124 Leto 1 14 Lykaon 1 1 7-18
Marquardt, p. 143--44 Martin, R. P. 36, 180 matrilineality 122-24 McDonough, Jr., ]. T. 63 Menelaos70, 144, 1 55-58, 160,
179-80, 186, 196, 198, 204· 'A1piiliTJ<; 30 Mentor 145 metronymics 122-24, 192 Muellner, L. 138, 182
'
lVagy, G. 4, 12, 28, 33, 34, 35, 40, 128, 137, 139, 186, 189
naming 5-6, 9-12, 15-20, 18992; patterns within xenia 73-
85; patterns in the Iliad 8587; patterns for Diomedes in theIliad87-101; patterns for women 1 1 1-15, 132 lVausikaa 78, 120; etymology of name 14; patronymic 1 1 1-12 lVeoptolemos / Pyrrhos 25-26, 40 lVereids 30 lVestor 6, 99, 1 2 1 , 1 22-24, 1 5 3-5 5 , 1 78, 1 8 2 , 1 87, 206; NTJA�io<;, NTJAdliTJ<;, NTJATJialiTJ<; 48--49; naming
222
patterns of female relatives and connexions 1 1 2- 1 3 ; descendants 3 ; patronymic 88, 1 38 Odysseus 10-1 1 , 17-18, 70, 72, 74-85, 87, 99, 1 0 1 , 1 04, 1 07, 1 1 7, 130, 1 32-33, 140, 142, 144, 1 45, ch. 5 passim, 189, 190-9 1 , 1 97, 199; genealogy 26, 41, 138, 147-48; patronymics 5253, 59, 88, 106, 138, 160, 164; '0811crcrevs / '08ucrevs 52, 66; epithets 66-67, 1 04 ; TT]AejJ.aXOto 1tcm] P 1 59-60; naming patterns 1 07, 1 59-60; possessions 201-3; descendants 3, 26; lies 1 0-1 1 , 72, 74, 76, 79, 82, 83-84, 1 4 1 , 1 63, 1 6 5-66, 1 70-7 1 , 175, 1 90; naming patterns of Telemakhos 148, 168 ONei/l jr., E. 44, 63 Orestes 15 1-52, 176, 179, 184, 187; patronymics 6 Orsilokhos 108, 178 Othryoneus 121-22 Parry, M. 43-44, 62, 192 Patroklos8, 105, 185, 200, 2056 patronymics 6-7, 10, 43, 45-47, 90; forms ofin Greek dialects 47-48; forms of in Homer 48-54; formulae 55-57 Pausanias25-26, 40, 185, 19697
Subject Index
Peisistratos 157, 204; N"" op i8ns, Nl;cr,opoS llioS 6 Pene/ope 26, 76-77, 79, 82-83, 104, 1 25, 126, 12935, 139, 1 44, 1 5 1 , 1 6974, 1 84, 1 85, 1 90, 197; etymologies of name 4-5; naming patterns 1 30-32, 1 44, 170, 1 8 0-8 1 , 1 9 1 ; patronymics 40; genealogy 26, 126 Peradotto, f 4-5, 34, 35 Phemios 74; etymology ofname and patronymic 12 Phoinix 25, 26, 38, 125-26, 185-86 Polyphemos 78, 82, 153, 1 6265, 182; etymology of name 12 Poseidon23, 38, 108, 1 17, 12224, 138, 162, 164, 199, 200; patronymic 23 Priam 16-17, 92, 181; daughter 33; AuojJ.e80vna8T]S, Aup8uvi8T]S 7, 1 7 8 ; Teicho scopia 85-86, 1 8 1 Quintus Smyrnaeus 32 redende Namen 12, 108, 192 Russo, j 5 Sarpedon 93-94, 106, 1 1 7, 1 24, 205; patronymic 94, 1 4 1 ; genealogy 124, 141 Sirens 161 Sokrates 29, 33, 37, 40, 108 Stanford, W. B. 139-40 Sthene/os Ku1tuvT] ta8T]S ,
Subject Index
Ku1tuv1\toS (aYAaOS) llios 4849
Talthybios 9 Teichoscopia 85-86, 179, 181 Teiresias 9, 70 Telemakhos 10, 15-16, 72-76, 87, 1 03-4, 1 38, 147-60, 166-69, 172-73, 176-77, 179-80, 182, 183, 1 86, 187, 196, 198-99, 204; genealogy 147-48, 150-53, 157, 176, 190-9 1 ; naming patterns 148-49 Teukros TeAujJ.roVtOS 7, 49; naming patterns 7, 30; etymology of name 1 1-12, 140 Theano 8, 89 Theoklymenos 3 1 , 72-73, 87, 103, 130, 158-59, 180, 185, 186; genealogy 8 Thersites 1 1, 33, 160; genealogy 1 1 , 32; etymology of name 32-33 Thetis 1 6, 40, 1 1 7, 1 20, 137, 138, 196, 200; naming patterns 180-81 Thucydides 32 Timandra 143 Ttepolemos 93-94 Tukhios 201, 205 type-scene 69-70, 84, 100-I, 190, 192 West, 5. 4 West, M. L. 36, 38, 67, 140-41 Xanthos 139
223
Zeus 82, 138, 142, 1 8 1 , 196; KPOVOll 1tais / 1tatS or llioS 23, 48, 6 1 , 67; Kpovirov, Kpovi8T]S 23, 48, 53-55, 61, 67-68; patronymics 23, 61, 67; 1tU'1\p 67; catalogue of lovers 1 14; I;piy80111tOS 1tocrtS "HpT]S, 1tocrtS "HpT]S �iiKOjJ.OtO 127, 137; offspring 38, 141