Handbook of Ugaritic Studies (Handbook of Oriental Studies)

+ y W +

?

1

0

H H

O

Ί

w

À

YY
? φ

y Φ

w

T

ν κ £D

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1

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o n

-o -

w

^

—

χ

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I

t f Ο Φ * -M e

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ι

oo

Λ7 V ï ? O 31

Λ« Ä : e m r H*

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4

λ

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-> 1

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6

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à 1 r t s

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(-Π)

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a . . . Ill- -»w V - n>rt ¥

û

ν u

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Saf.

ή

ζ -»a cr) r r É

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OSA Iih.

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-

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2

Southern alphabets

LONG ALPHABET

* }

1

>;

>

X IX

1 D3

t χ- -t

? I C

(P) fill)

Fig. 5

The Ugaritic script in relation to the Western and Southern scripts ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a, 102)

Fig. 6

Fig. 7

The Alphabet tablet from Beth Shemesh ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988a, 285)

Tablet with the South Arabic Alphabet (BORDREUIL

-

PARDEE

1995,

856)

Beth Šemeš Ugarit {J. Ryckmans

H L H M Q. w H L H M Q. w H L H M Q. w

Beth Šemeš

'

Ugarit

' '

{J. Ryckmans

'

Fig. 8

'

'

Š R Τ R Β

TS Κ N U Β [Š] F T D Š K N U S S Ρ

Š

T

S

Κ

T

Š

T

S/Z}

R

B(G)

Ζ

G

D

G

Τ

Ζ

D Τ

D

G

D

G

Τ

Ζ

Y

D

G

D

G(B)

Τ

Ζ

D Y

Ν

H

S

F}

Deciphered Alphabets of the South-Eastern A-/-^-m-Tradition

with the traditions of Beth Shemesh and Ugarit gives the following results (Fig. 8)—in the third line the South Semitic alphabet is given in brackets for convenience, as established by R y c k m a n s ( 1 9 8 5 ) from texts dating to the first millennium bce. This comparison shows clearly that the sequence of letters of the cuneiform alphabets attested in Beth Shemesh and Ugarit as well as the South Arabic-South Semitic alphabet reconstructed by Ryckmans show very few divergences. T h e fact that the signs, as shown by hand-copies and photographs, vary slightly as well, leads to the conclusion that the traditions, certainly not least in view of their geographical separation, must to some extent have developed independently. These divergences are basically so slight that their common origin never completely vanished from view. This report on the discovery of the two cuneiform alphabets as transmitted in Ugarit as well as their summary comparison should show that the commercial centre Ugarit in the third quarter of the second millennium was a turning point in the early history of the alphabet in two ways: 1. With the earliest recorded alphabet so f a r — w h e t h e r in the '-b-g sequence of the north west tradition or the h-l-h-m sequence of the south eastern tradition—we are quite unexpectedly—or rather, as was to be expected—at a point in its development which already has the appearance of the conclusion to a forerunner. Just when we thought we were close to the origin of the evolution of the alphabet and finally were able to propose a date for the 'discovery of the alphabet', we have to envisage a world with two alphabets (Fig. 9).

2. T h e origin of the cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit also reflects a history of two alphabets: a Levantine tradition with 22 letters was shall we say overlaid by an Arabic tradition so that, with some additions, a 30-letter alphabet was derived. T h u s we find ourselves in the midst of a historical process on which it is worthwhile to reflect a little: the inhabitants of a city who towards the middle of the second millennium had migrated from south eastern Palestine to the northern Levant, had developed a commercial ruling dynasty in Ugarit which in the history of literature and the art of the scribe had thus created a lasting monument, so that on arrival its native tongue could be inserted into an existing scribal school and writing tradition and thus the alphabet already discovered could be expanded. T h e authentic Ugaritic alphabet which arose in this way is ultimately to be perceived as a witness of inter-cultural activity with branches as far afield as Cyprus (Hala Sultan Teke). With the examination of the cuneiform alphabets transmitted in Ugarit we find that in terms of the history of the alphabet we are not, as many would argue, at its inception. Instead, we are once again at the conclusion of separate developments which nevertheless in terms of their significance represent an important step in universal history. Although we find ourselves in the mid-second millennium bce, we have still not yet reached a point at which we can speculate on the origin of the alphabet. (Translation:

W.G.E.

Watson)

.ArstaiTai© •Hamm W Bars®© ,8f*S© -Halet>/Ateppo •SfTre« • Äf is ö • Ris Šamrj/UqaritÍ

/larnaka/Kition· Hata Sultan Tekke •

Uj CQ • Palmyra/Tadncr

Neti Mwd/CLadeS.

Α· Sarafand/Sar»pta, #Ruweisah±

"•TK3md ei-LÛz/Kumidi •Damaskus

Sean©

Mountains of s G ILE AD

• Oer ΘΤ.0»$ί

A

•«HWj Heön»i J .Balu'an •

.QakSBarnea θ

Ugaritic cuneiform

ψ

Proto-Canaanlte Inscriptions

•

Ancient Canaanite Inscriptions

φ

Ancient Phoenician Inscriptions (up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)

©

Ancient Aramaic Inscriptions (up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)

β

Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions (up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)

0

is

ill

7S

100kw

drawing: G. Neuber

Fig. 9

The spread of cuneiform alphabets in the Eastern Mediterranean ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988a, 359: Map)

3

Ugaritic

Josef

3.1 3.1.1

Grammar

Tropper

Introduction

The classification of Ugaritic

Ugaritic, the local language of the city state of Ugaritic, is one of the Semitic languages. T h e classification of Ugaritic within Semitic is still a matter of dispute. T h e Semitic languages can be broadly divided into an East Semitic branch (Akkadian) and a West Semitic branch. West Semitic can be further divided into a South Semitic and a central Semitic branch (Canaanite, Aramaic and North Arabic). Of the central Semitic languages, Canaanite and Aramaic can be traced back to a common former stage which is called 'Northwest Semitic'. T h e r e is hardly any doubt nowadays that Ugaritic is more closely related to Canaanite and Aramaic than to North Arabic. 1 T h u s Ugaritic is shown to be a Northwest Semitic language. Since Ugaritic is closer to the later Canaanite languages than to Aramaic due to more important linguistic isoglosses, either it belongs to Canaanite or it is the (only) representative of a separate language branch of Northwest Semitic closely related to Canaanite.3.1.2

Current research in Ugaritic grammar

3.1.2.1 T h e four most important overall summaries of Ugaritic g r a m m a r published so far are: 1. C.H. G o r d o n , Ugaritic Grammar (Rome 1940) with two further editions: Ugaritic Manual (Rome 1955) und Ugaritic Textbook (Rome 1965). 2 . S . S e g e r t , A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1984).

' The opinion maintained in the early period of research that Ugaritic is particularly close to North Arabic can no longer be held today. The two most important arguments for this theory, the extensive phoneme inventory of Ugaritic and Ugaritic-Arabic isoglosses have been substantially modified by the results of recent research. 2 For most recent discussion see especially ISAKSSON 1989 and T R O P P E R 1994b.

D. S i v a n , Ugaritic Grammar (Encyclopaedia Miqra'it 9 ; Jerusalem 1993) [in Hebrew], 4. D. S i v a n , A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language ( H d O 1/28 Leiden, New York, Cologne 1997). 3.

By now, Gordon's summaries have been largely superseded. T h e later grammars listed merely present a concise grammatical outline of Ugaritic. As yet there is no complete, modern reference grammar of Ugaritic. In his Habilitation submission presented in 1997 at the Freie Universität Berlin with the dtie Untersuchungen zur ugaritischen Grammatik. Schrift- Laut- und Formenlehre3 the author has laid the foundation stone for such a grammar. 3.1.2.2 In spite of research spanning several decades, a large number of problems of Ugaritic g r a m m a r remain unsolved, due to the following factors: (a) Ugaritic is a dead language attested only in writing. (b) Closely cognate contemporary languages are known only sketchily. (c) T h e corpus of Ugaritic texts is recorded in a writing system without vowels, except for a few words in syllabic spellings. (d) T h e range of grammatically important Ugaritic texts is restricted. (e) M a n y texts are of uncertain interpretation. (f ) T h e corpus of Ugaritic texts contains a set of very different genres, each with its own grammatical features. 3.1.3

Aim of this grammatical outline

Here follows a brief grammatical outline of spelling, phonology, morphology and morpho-syntax of the Ugaritic language. It contains only the central topics of grammar. Facts on which scholars are widely in agreement are described without reference to secondary literature. However, areas where there are problems are provided with a short commentary. In this way the outline of grammar will describe the present state of research on Ugaritic grammar.

3

Research on Ugaritic Grammar. Script, Phonology and Morphology.

3.2 3.2.1

Orthography

The principles of consonantal orthography

T h e basic principle of the Ugaritic alphabetic script is that each consonantal phoneme of the language is equivalent to one sign in the script. By the introduction of the three additional signs of the Ugaritic alphabet, < i > , < u > and < s > , the principle is violated in two ways: the phoneme / V is represented in Ugaritic—depending on the following vowel—by < a > , < i > or < u > (cf. § 3.2); the phoneme / s / is represented by <s> or < s > . 4 Lengthened (doubled) consonants were not differentiated from single consonants. They can be determined only by comparative philology or on the basis of syllabic spellings. 3.2.2

The aleph signs

a. T h e most remarkable feature of the Ugaritic alphabet is that it has three different signs for writing the glottal stop / V , i.e. an a-aleph = < a > , an z'-aleph = < i > and a w-aleph = < u > . b. It is generally agreed that the three Ugaritic aleph signs are used in syllable-initial position: < a > represents the syllables Γa/ and /'ā/, < i > represents / V , Γ ΐ / , Γ ΐ Ι and probably also / W (shcwa) and lasdy < u > represents I'ul, Γū/ and /'0/. c. T h e way in which syllable-final, i.e. vowelless aleph is written is a matter of dispute. T h e r e are quite different theories. T h e extreme views are as follows: 1.) Any syllable-closing aleph is represented by . 2.) T h e choice of sign for syllable-closing aleph depends on the quality of the preceding vowel. 3.) Syllable-closing aleph is no longer expressed in Ugaritic: / û V becomes / â / , / f / becomes I I I and / u } / becomes / « / . T h e aleph signs < a > , < i > and < u > act as vowel letters (matres lectionis) for the resulting contracted vowel: / á / , lîl and IÛI?

4 For the phonetic value of this grapheme, which gained entry into the Ugaritic alphabet only at a later date, see S E G E R T 1 9 8 3 (<s> = [su]) and recently T R O P P E R 1995. Thus the grapheme <s> has the value ['s]. It was inserted after the Ugaritic phoneme / s / written with <s>, which originally (also) had the phonetic value ['s], had been deaffricated to [s] in certain phonetic contexts. 5 For the proponents of these theories see V E R R E E T 1983a, 2 2 3 - 6 .

d. T h e theory of the position of aleph defended here is more complex than the proposals mentioned above. 6 O n the one hand it envisages the possibility that the syllable-closing glottal stop in Ugaritic was not always strongly articulated (= quiescent aleph). O n the other hand it follows that in Ugaritic / a V after the loss of a syllable-closing glottal stop—most probably irrespective of stress—became either / â / or / 0 / (cf. Heb. näsä'tä < *naša>tā as distinct from Heb. roš < *ra>š ). O n this basis the following 'rules' can be formulated: the (articulated) syllable-closing glottal stop is written with an < i > , irrespective of the preceding vowel. If the glottal stop is not articulated, i.e. the aleph is quiescent, then the following applies: < a > stands for / â / < *a}; < i > stands for III < *i'; < u > stands either for /û/ < *u} or for loi < V . e. T h e graphic notation of a syllable-closing glottal stop is non-homogeneous in the corpus of Ugaritic texts, as some alephs evidendy represent a strong aleph, others a quiescent aleph. T h e former are phonemic spellings, the latter phonetic spellings: e.g. yihd lya'fyud-l 'he takes/took' ( K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+5.155 ν 1, etc.) againstyahd lyâhud-I <*ya}(}ud- ( K T U 4 . 4 4 = RS 9.453:28) or yuhd(m) lyôffVd-l <*ya'hud- ( K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+3.341+3.347 iv 16; K T U 1.22 = R S 2.[024] ii 17*; K T U 1.103+ = R S 24.247+: 17) and tuhd/tôfj. Vdl<*ta'hud- ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 40).7 Within a word there are more spellings with strong aleph, but at the end of words there are more with quiescent aleph. 3.2.3

Vowel notation

In principle, in alphabetic spelling vowels are ignored, apart from the aleph signs which in syllable-initial position express the vowel following an / V (as well) (§ 3.2.2b). Exceptions are rare. T h e sporadic use of < y > as a vowel letter (mater lectionis) for / í / is worth emphasizing, especially at word-close, e.g. ily ugrt /}ilī 3UgaritV/ 'the gods of Ugarit' ( K T U 2.26 = R S 16.264:4-5). 8

6

On this see T R O P P E R 1990b. Cf. Heb. yôhèz (18x; alongside 3 X ye"höz). 8 On vowel letters in Ugaritic see BI.AU - L O E W E N S T A M M 1970 and L O R E T Z 1973c. 7

DIETRICH

-

3.3 3.3.1

Phonology9

The consonantal phoneme system

According to the Ugaritic alphabet, which comprises twenty-seven 'ordinary signs' and three 'supplementary signs', there were at least 27 consonantal phonemes in Ugaritic. This relatively wide range of consonants can be subdivided into obstruents (plosives and fricatives), nasals ( / m / , / « / ) , liquids ( / / / , /r/) and semi-vowels (/w/, /y/). Depending on how they were articulated (unvoiced, emphatic, voiced) most of the obstruents can be arranged in rows of three columns, as follows: unvoiced labials dentals interdentals (alveolar) sibilants (palato-alveolar) sibilants velars uvulars pharyngeals laryngeal

3.3.2

/p/ /t/ /t/ /s/ /š/ /k/ / y /h/ /h/,

emphatic -

/t/ /z/ /s/ /q/ —

voiced /b/ /d/ /d/ /z/ 'g' igi /7

/7

Comments on uncertain consonantal phonemes

a. T h e Semitic phoneme / d ! is written consistently with < d > only in texts K T U 1.12 = RS 2.[018] and K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194. In the other texts it is written predominantly with the sign < d > — a p a r t from specific phonetic environments 1 0 —which indicates a conditioned coalescence of / d / and / d / in Ugaritic. b. Etymological / ζ / usually occurs in Ugaritic spelling as . However, there are a few words in which < g > stands for etymological / £ / . " Incontrovertible examples are ΛIngr, 'to guard', Vgm\ 'to be thirsty' and gr, 'mountain'.

9

On this topic see FRONZAROLI 1955b. Often in the vicinity of Irl (cf. UT § 5.3), /m/ and /n/. 11 See FRONZAROLI 1955b, 33-5, Ί / Τ § 5.7 and D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z , 1967, 312-4. RÖSSLER 1961 has a different view. 10

c. Ugaritic has four sibilants, i.e. / s / , / s / , / z/ and / š / . T h e first three phonemes stand out by their distinctive feature of affrication and should have been realised as ['s - 's5 - d z]. In contrast, /Š/ is a fricative palato-alveolar sibilant, i.e. [š]. d. T h e lateral phonemes /s2/ (= / š / ) and / / / attested in other Semitic languages are regularly represented in Ugaritic spelling by the graphemes <š> and <s>. Rarely—for instance in K T U 1.12 = RS 2.[012]—etymological / / / appears in Ugaritic as < ? > . 3.3.3

PS

Equivalence table of selected Semitic consonants12

OSA

Arab.

Ugar.

Heb.

Aram.

Eth.

Akk.

h

s s ζ s s Š d h

š s ζ s Š Š s h

c

<

early t ζ d s3 s1 s2 Š X y

t ζ d s 3 /s s'/s S2/Š d h g

3.3.4

t ζ d s s Š d h g

t ?» g* d, d s š Š s, z* b g

š s ζ s Š s s h c

late t t d

š s ζ s š Š q

s c

The vocalic phoneme system

Proto-Semitic has a) three short vowels, / á / , /Γ/, / « / , b) three long vowels, / ā / , / í / , / ū / , and two dipththongs, / a y / and /aw/. Ugaritic has preserved the primary vowels / a / , /i/ and /u/ as both long and short. T h e PS diphthongs *ay and *aw, however, have been contracted to monophthongs: *ay > /ê/\ *aw > /ô/ (see § 3.3.5.3a). 3.3.5

Sound changes

A large number of sound changes are documented in Ugaritic spelling following phonological rules. T h e most fundamental are set out here.

12

OSA — Old South Arabic; Arab. = Classical Arabic; Aram. = Aramaic; Eth. = Ethiopie; Akk. = Akkadian; PS = Proto-Semitic.

3.3.5.1

Consonantal sound changes

(a) Sound change *w > lyl at word-initial, e.g. \ybl < *wbl, 'to carry, bring'. 13 (b) Voicing—devoicing, 14 especially with labials, e.g. ybcl /yib'alu/ 'he makes' ( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 24; / t t / , e.g. aht /'ah(h)att-/ < *'ahadt'one' ( K T U 1.48 = RS 1.019:13 etc.); *nC > /CC, e.g. ap = syllabic spelling ap-pu /'appu/ < * 'anpu 'nose' ( K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 13 etc.); *IC > /CC/, only in Ίqh 'to take' (see § 3.4.4.4c). 3.3.5.2

Vocalic sound changes 1 ' 1

(a) Vowel harmony: *qattv\l > /qv\ttv\l/, e.g. ibr /'ibbīr-/ < *'abbīr 'bull' ( K T U 1.10 = R S 3 . 3 6 2 + iii 35 etc.); *>ViC.v2C(C) > ^V2C.V2C(C) ( V = short vowel), e.g. urbt /'urubbat-/ < *'arubbat'opening, hatch' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ ν 61, etc.), iršt Γirišt-/ < *>arišt- 'wish' ( K T U 1.104 = RS 24.248:1, etc.). (b) Vowel syncope: pretonic: (Cv)CvCvC.v > (Cv)CvCC.v (V = short vowel), e.g. rišt /ra'sat-/ < *ra'ašāt- 'heads' ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 23.24, etc.); post-tonic: C.vCvCvCv > C.vCCvCv or C.vCCvCvCv > CvCCvCCv (V = short vowel). 3.3.5.3

Sound changes in diphthongs and triphthongs 16

(a) Contraction of diphthongs: *aw > / / /î/\ >

*uw

/Û/.

(b) Preservation of some types of triphthong ( / u w a / , /iyv/, /aw/yā/, /vw/yv/) as opposed to the contraction of other types of triphthong (*awu> /û/\ *awï> /î/*ayu > /«/; *ayÍ > / f / ; *awa> /â/\ *aya > /á/; *uwu > /«/).

13

However, word-initial /w/ is preserved (a) in the conjunction w, 'and', (b) before the vowel lui (D-stem infinitives of the I-y < I-w roots, e.g. wld lwullad-1 'to bear (a child)' [KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ iii "48 etc.] and wpt-m lwuppat-1 'to insult' [KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 13]). 14 On this topic see G A R R 1 9 8 6 and V O I G T 1 9 9 1 . 15 For syllabic spellings see H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 268-83. 16 For syllabic spellings see H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 288-92.

3.3.5.4

Sound changes within syllables

(a) Prothesis (to avoid a word-initial consonant cluster): e.g. usbc/(')usbac-/ < *sibac- 'finger (pi.)' ( K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 iv 14, etc.). (b) Specific pausal forms: words at the end of a sentence occasionally have a phonetically altered form (e.g. reduction of the ending or special lengthening of the stressed syllable).

3.4 3.4.1 3.4.1.1

Morphology and morphosyntax

The pronoun T h e personal pronoun

a. Nominative forms: l.c.sg. ank — syll. a-na-ku Γanāku/ (longer form) or an /3anā/ (shorter form); 2.m.sg. at = syll. at-ta /}atta/ < *}anta; 2.f.sg. at /3atR/ < *'anti; 3.m.sg. hw = syll. ú-wa /huwa/ < *hu}a; 3.f.sg. hy /hiya/ < ^hi'a; 2.m.pl. atm /'attumü/ < *'antumü; 2.c.du. atm Γattumā/ < *'antumā; 3.c.du. hm /humā/.17 b. Oblique forms (gen./acc.): 3.m.sg. hwt /huwati/ ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014] vi 20 etc.); 3.f.sg. hyt /hiyati/ ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014] iii 10 etc.); 3.m.p1. hmt /humūti/ ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iii 9 etc.); 3.c.du. hmt /humāti/ ( K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] ν 20.30; K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 44). 3.4.1.2

Pronominal suffixes

l.c.sg. possessive suffix -0 or -y / - í / , -y /-ya/;ÌR l.c.sg. object suffix -η /-nī/; 2.m.sg. -k /-ka/; 2.f.sg. -k /-kï/; 3.m.sg. -h = syll. -û /-hü/; 3.f.sg. -h /-ha/; l.c.pl. -n /-na/(?); 2.m.pl. -km /-kurnu/; 2.f.p1. -kn /-kun(rì)a/; 3.m.pl. -hm /-humū/; 3.f.p1. -hn /-hun[n)a/; I.e.du. -ny /-nayā/; 2.c.du. -km /-kumā/; 3.c.du. -hm /-humā/. 3.4.1.3

Demonstrative pronouns

- 'this' (adjectival): hnd (many); hndn ( K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095:10). - 'this' (nominal): hndt ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iv 62; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031:12; K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140:7).

17

l.c.pl., 2-f.pl., 3 m./f.pl. and I.e.du. forms are not attested. After a short H-/ vowel and after various long vowels it is / -ya/, otherwise it is / I / . 18

- 'that' (adjectival): hnhmt ( K T U 3.3 = RS 15.128:8; perhaps also K T U 4.659 = RS 19.166:6). - 'that' (nominal): hnk ( K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402:23); hnkt ( K T U 2.41 = RS 18.147:13; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174:10). 3.4.1.4

T h e determinative pronoun (relative pronoun)

T h e forms of the Ugaritic determinative pronoun, which also functions as a relative pronoun, are: m.sg. d — /dû/ (Nom.), / d ī / (gen.), /dā/ (acc.) and d = /dī/ (only K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194:45 [gen.]); f.sg. dt = /dātu/, /dāti/, /data/; c(?).p1. dt /dūtV/. T h e r e is also an indeclinable variant d = /da/(?).19 3.4.1.5

Interrogative pronouns

- 'who?': my /mĪya/(?) (several occurrences); mn ( K T U 1.3 = RS 2.[014] iii 37; K T U 1.3 iv 4; perhaps K T U 1.5 = RS 2. [022] + iv 23. - 'what?': mh /mah(a)/ (several occurrences); mhy ( K T U 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]:9 only); mat ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ i 38 only); mn (uncertain occurrences: K T U 1.5 = RS 2. [022] + iv 23; K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140:25; K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124:22; in K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ ii 19.20 it means 'how many?'). 3.4.1.6

Indefinite pronouns

- 'anyone': mnk ( K T U 3.2 = R S 15.111:12 [mnk mnkm]); mnkrn ( K T U 2.19 = RS 15.125:12; K T U 3.2 = RS 15.111:13); mnmn ( K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271:22 [mr mnmn]);20 mnn ( K T U 5.9 = RS 16.265 i 2). - 'anything': mhk ( K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031:26); mhkm ( K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379:22; K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095:14 [mhkm]); mnm (many occurrences). - 'whatever' (adjectival): ay ( K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002:6; K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194:44).

19 It occurs only as a determinative pronoun before a noun clause or as a relative pronoun before a nominal relative clause. 20 Cf. Akk. mammon < *man-man 'anybody' as well as the expression mar marnmana(ma), 'anybody's son' (CAD M / l , 200-1).

3.4.2 3.4.2.1

The noun Noun formation

Several different patterns are used for the formation of nouns (nouns and adjectives) in Semitic: monosyllabic forms; polysyllabic forms; forms with lengthened components; forms with prefixes, infixes and suffixes. Most patterns can be assigned to specific classes of meaning. T h e r e are severe limitations on identifying nominal patterns in Ugaritic as the alphabetic spelling often permits no conclusions regarding formation. 21 T h e Ugaritic noun forms attested in syllabic spelling are rich in information. 2 2 3.4.2.2

Gender

T h e r e are two grammatical genders: masculine (masc.) and feminine (fem.). Masc. nouns are basically unmarked, whereas as a rule fem. nouns have a special ending. By far the commonest feminine morpheme is -(a)t. T h e choice of the m o r p h e m e variant -at instead of -t is largely dependent on syllable structure. T h e -(amending also denotes nomina unitatis (singular nouns), e.g. mnht '(single) gift' ( K T U 4.709 = R S [Varia 13]:6) in relation with the generic name mnh 'gift(s)' ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 38 etc.). Besides the feminine ending -t = /-{a)/ probably a rare feminine ending y — /-ayV/ is also attested: ncmy 'the (exceedingly) lovely' ( K T U 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ vi 6.28; K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ii 42). T h e r e are also grammatically feminine nouns without a feminine ending, e.g. um 'mother'. 3.4.2.3

Number

T h e r e are three numbers in Ugaritic: singular (sg.), dual (du.) and plural (pl.). T h e sg. is unmarked. T h e du. and pi. are denoted by special morphemes. In Ugaritic the du. is productive and is marked by the m o r p h e m e - 0 = / ā / which always coalesces with the case ending: nominative -a, oblique (gen./acc.) -e. In the absolute state the ending is lengthened by mimation: nom. -m — /-āmi/, obi. -m — /-êma/ (alternatively: /-êmi/). As a rule, the dual ending is added onto the singular 21

C f . SEGERT

22

On this topic see

1 9 8 4 § 4 3 ; SIVAN

1997,

HUEHNERGARD

60.

1987b, 302 17.

form. It comes after the gender m o r p h e m e -t — /-(a)t/ of (marked) fem. nouns. T h e pi. is marked by a m o r p h e m e which causes vowel lengthening. With fem. nouns the plural marker comes before the gender marker and the case endings: nominative /-ātu/, oblique /-āti/; in the masc. noun it merges with the case endings: nominative / - « / , oblique /-Ī/ (absolute state: /-ūma/, /-īma/). T h e nominal base of the pi. is mosdy the same as the sg. In certain nominal patterns and certain weak root classes, the plural basis differs from the base of the singular. It should be emphasized that -forms generally have a bisyllabic base in the plural (e.g. pi. rašm/1 /ra'as-/ of sg. ris / ra's-/). 3.4.2.4

Case

a. Ugaritic has three main cases: nominative (nom.), genitive (gen.) and accusative (acc.). They are marked by vocalic morphemes which follow the gender marker in fem. nouns. In the (masc. a n d fem.) sg. the three main cases are mostly differentiated by three different vowel endings: nom. -u, gen. -i, acc. -a (triptotic endings). Nouns of certain patterns (including certain personal names) have only two different case-endings in the sg.: nom. -u, gen./acc. = oblique (obi.) -a (diptotic). In the du. and masc. pi. the inflection is exclusively diptotic: d u . n o m . -ā, du.obi.-ê; m.pl. nom. -ū; m.pl. obi. -f.23 b. Besides the three main cases, Ugaritic has two further cases with primary adverbial function, i.e. the terminative and the locative. Both are comparatively little used. T h e terminative functions as an independent adverbial case, primarily for denoting direction. It is marked by the -Α-ending which, in connection with the so-called 'he locale (locative h) of Hebrew g r a m m a r is probably to be vocalised as /-ah/. T h e terminative ending is probably added on to the uninflected noun stem: arsh = /',arsah/ 'towards the earth' ( K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 29). It only occurs for certain in the abs. state. T h e locative is marked by the ending / - « / , e.g. sbu špš /sabVu/

23 Occasionally the oblique ending seems (already) to have assumed the function of the nominative ending, e.g. ily ugrt (= /ill UgaritV/) tgrk tšlmk 'may the gods of Ugaritic guard you (and) grant you well-being' (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008:4-6).

'at sunset' ( K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+:47.53). Examples are difficult to identify as the locative ending is only evident from spellings in forms of III-' roots. T h e r e seem to be several different functions of the locative. It denotes place (locative), time, the ablative, the instrumental, measure and quantity, final nuances (with infinitives or verbal nouns) and the paronomastic infinitive (e.g. bt krt bu tbu, 'she did enter Kit's house' [ K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 3]). c. T h e form of the noun in the imperative and in direct address— the vocadve—is expressed by various syntagmata: (a) by an unintroduced noun, (b) by the noun introduced by the particle /, (c) by a noun introduced by the particle y or (d) by a noun with a 1st pers. noun suffix. There is no explicit information on the case-endings of the vocative in Ugaritic in spite of a few occurrences of III-' radical nouns. It is uncertain whether a noun in all the constructions just mentioned (a-d) has the same morphological form. It is also uncertain whether the vocative has the same form as one of the three main cases. T h e r e are indications that in the singular the vocative can be expressed without any case-endings and that the accusative case serves as a vocative. d. In the corpus of Ugaritic texts there are occasionally m.sg. nouns without any inflection. 24 This could be a relic of what is known as the 'absolute case', 25 comparable with the 'absolute state' of Akkadian g r a m m a r (cf. GAG § 62 c-j). 3.4.2.5

State

T h e noun has two states which depend on the syntactic position of a noun: 1. the absolute state (abs. st.), 2. the construct state (cstr. st.). T h e abs. st. is unmarked in the singular and so is the same as the cstr. st. In the dual and plural it is sometimes marked by a final -m, known as nominal mimation. T h e cstr. st. is unmarked for all numbers and differs from the abs. st. in the dual and plural by the lack of mimation. Both states in Ugaritic have (the same) case-endings.

24 25

f o r syllabic spellings see H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 300-1. On the absolute case in Hamito-Semitic see SASSE 1984.

3.4.2.6

Determination/Indetermination

Ugaritic has no morphological marker for determination or indétermination. T h e r e is neither a definite article nor a specific determined case, and mimation on nouns has neither a determinative nor an indeterminative function. 26 3.4.3

Cardinal numbers

a. T h e cardinal numbers 1 - 1 0 are as follows: one' two' three' four' five' six' seven' eight' nine' ten'

ahd /'ah(h)ad-/;

aht/'ahhatt-/

in /tinā/ (nom.), /tinê/ (obi.); tt /tittā/ (nom.), /tittê/ (obi.) tit / talāf, tilt /talātat-/ arb'/'arba'-/; arb't /'arba'at-/ hmš /hamiš-/\ hmšt /ham(i)šat-/ It / M - / ; ttt //tittat-/ šb' /sab'-/; šb' t /sab'at-/ tmn / tamānû/ < *tamāniy-; tmnt /tamānît-/ ts" /tiše-/\ tš' t /lis'at-/ 'šr /'aš(a)r-/ < *Cašar-; 'šrt /Cas\a)rat-/

T h e uninflected (masc.) forms of the cardinal numerals 3 - 1 0 can be coupled with nouns of either gender. In the Baal Cycle, the Aqhat Epic and a few other poetic texts, however, fem. numerals are generally used with masculine countables (syntax with 'polarity of gender'). In prose, fem. numerals are used exclusively with the ellipsis of tql 'shekel' and ym 'day'. b. T h e numerals from 11-19 are made up of the units 1 - 9 and the expression for 'ten' (Cšr / Cšrt / esrh). T h e sequence is mosdy 'unit— ten', e.g. (a) hmš Cšr, (b) hmš Cšrh and (c) hmšt Cšrt '15'. Type (a) is only used together with masc. nouns. Type (b) occurs with fem. and masc. nouns. Type (c) is used only with the ellipsis of tql 'shekel' or ym 'day'—here as an ordinal numeral. Numerals 12-19 can also be constructed in the reverse sequence ('ten—unit'). In these cases the unit is always followed by the word kbd which can be rendered 'plus', e.g. csr arbc kbd '14'. c. T h e numeral 20 is formed from the dual or plural form of Cšr ' 10', the tens from 30 to 90 from the plural forms of the numerals 3 to 9: Cšrm, tltm, hmsm, ttm, sb'm, tmnym, ts'm. T h e cardinal numerals 26

Against

SEGERT

1 9 8 4 , §§ 5 2 . 6 ,

62.6,

73.21.

2 1 - 9 9 comprise two or at most three words: the ten, the unit and usually a word linking the ten and the unit, e.g. tt I ttm '66' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ vii 9) or tmnym tmn kbd '88' ( K T U 4.179 = RS 15.103:14). d. '100' is mit /mi't-/, '200' mitm (dual of mit). T h e hundreds from 300 are formed by connecting a unit and mat /ma'at-/ (pi. of mit), e.g. tit mat. e. '1,000' is alp /calp-/, '2,000' alpm (dual of alp). T h e thousands from 3,000 are formed from a unit and alpm (pi. of alp), e.g. hms alpm '5,000' ( K T U 4.181 = RS 15.106:2). f. T h e word for '10,000' (or 'myriad') is rbt or rbbt. 3.4.4

The verb

3.4.4.1

Introduction

T h e inflected verb differentiates gender, number, person, aspect/tense (imperfective or perfective; antecedent, contemporaneous, subsequent), mood (indicative or volitive [imperative, jussive]), diathesis (active, reflexive, passive) and aspect (e.g. factitive, causative). Gender, number and person are differentiated by various prefixes a n d / o r suffixes. Various verb stems differentiate diathesis and aspect (see § 3.4.4.3); aspect/tense and mood are differentiated by a) subtypes of the prefix conjugation, b) the imperative and c) the suffix conjugation. Alongside the genuine (finite) verbal forms two nominal (infinitive) categories occur in connection with the verb system, i.e. participles and infinitives. T h e y are morphologically and semantically directly related to verbal categories. Besides gender and number their inflection also differentiates diathesis and aspect. 3.4.4.2 3.4.4.2.1

Morphological classes of the basic stem T h e imperative

a. T h e imperative (impv.) is the mood of c o m m a n d in the 2nd pers. Morphologically, it is identical with the short form of the prefix conjugation without the prefix and phonemically monosyllabic, i.e. (V = / a / , / i / or / « / ; the same thematic vowel as in the prefix conjugation). As a word-initial consonant cluster is not tolerated, the impv. becomes bisyllabic, usually by insertion of an auxiliary vowel

after the first radical (— anaptyxis), generally / 2 / , m o r e rarely / « / : e.g. isp /}isfn/ < *'Vsupī{f.sg.) 'collect!' ( K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+:33 etc.); uhd /"hud/ < *>hud 'seize!' ( K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134:6). b. T h e inflected endings of the impv. are the same as the endings of the 2nd person of the short form of the prefix conjugation: qHVl·, f.sg. qHVlî·, m.pl. q'tVlû (f.pl. not attested); c.du. q'tVlâ. c. Besides the uninflected form of the m.sg. impv.—in line with H e b r e w — t h e r e is probably a lengthened ('emphatic') form qUVla, marked by the suffixed m o r p h e m e /-a/,'21 e.g. sa /sa'a/ < *sa'a (^Ins3) 'raise/lift up!' ( K T U 1.5 = R S 2.[022]+ ν 13; K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ ii 22). 3.4.4.2.2 T h e prefix conjugation a. 'Prefix conjugation' (PC) is the generic term for various different morphological subtypes which have differing verbal meanings. Inflection is by means of prefixes and suffixes. In morphological terms and functions the following subtypes of the PC can be distinguished (cf. § 3.4.4.2.5):

Form

short form extended short form long form

Function

a) perfective aspect, preterite b) 'jussive' mood jussive/cohortative mood imperfective aspect, present

Abbreviation

PC s p PC s j PC s e PC1

b. T h e prefix c o n s o n a n t s of the P C are: 3.m.sg. y-\ 3.f.sg. a n d 2.m./f.sg. t-; l.c.sg. 3.m.p1. t-/*y-;26 3.f.p1. and 2.m./f.p1. t-\ l.c.pl. 29 3.f.du. a n d 2.c.du. /-. «-; 3.m.du. y-/1-;

27

It is the same morpheme as occurs in the PCfe (cohortative mood); see § 3.4.4.2.2f. 28 Normally a /-prefix (see D O B R U S I N 1981). There was also a variant with a jy-prefix—probably attested only in two cases (KTU 1.4 = RS 2-1008]+ ν 17: yblk 'they should bring' || tblh, K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ ν 38.40:yblnn 'they brought'). This variant is no (longer) productive and only attested in grammatical parallelism with the 'normal' /-prefix form. 29 Forms with the y- and /-prefix both occur (with almost the same frequency).

c. T h e personal suffixes of the PC are the endings of the short form of the prefix conjugation (PC S ): 3.m./f.sg., 2.m.sg., l.c.sg./pl. -0; 2.f.sg. /-Ī/; 3./2.m.pl. / - « / ; 3./2.f.pl. /-«a/(?); 30 3./2.du. /-ā/. d. T h e PC in the basic stem of the underlying 'strong' roots has the following structure: (paradigm root Vqtl; C = any prefix consonant; V | = prefix vowel; V 2 = thematic vowel). T h e thematic vowel (TV) is / a / , / z / or / « / , the prefix vowel (PV) either / a / (before T V /u/ or til) or lit (before T V /a/). T h e following PCpatterns occur: , und .3] T h e choice of T V is essentially dependent a) on the semantic class of the root (roots with a fundamentally stative meaning usually have the T V / a / , roots with a fientic basic meaning have either t u l or t i t as a T V , b) and on the phonetic quality of the third and second root consonant (roots with gutturals in second or third position often have / a t as TV). e. T h e paradigm of the PC S is therefore (paradigm root ^lqtl, T V / u l ) :

Singular 3.m 3.f. 2.m. 2.f. I.e.

yaqtul-0 taqtul-0 taqtul-0 taqtul-ī c aqtul-0

Plural taqtul-ū taqtul-na(?) taqtul-ū taqtul-na(?) naqtul-0

Dual y/taqtul-ā taqtul-ā taqtul-ā

taqtul-ā (as masc.) - ( ? )

f. T h e forms of the PC S without endings have a morphological variant with the suffixed m o r p h e m e I-at instead of - 0 (= PC s e). 32 It is only attested in connection with jussive forms and so can be termed a lengthened or 'emphatic' jussive. T h e lengthened jussive is attested in an unequivocal spelling a large n u m b e r of times only in the 1st p. sg. In analogy with Hebrew this form can be called 'cohortative'. As the lengthened jussive is not attested for every person and is not in functional opposition to the ordinary jussive (= PC s j), it is not an

30

VERREET

1984, S

3 1 7 - 9 has a different view and postulates a P C L tqltn = /taq-

tulūna/ and a PC Iqtl = /laqtulū/ for the 3.f.p1. However, a PC-form of the 3.f.p1. without the -n ending does not exist. 31 For these vocalic sequences see already B A R T H 1894, 4-5. For the validity of 'Barth's Law' in Ugaritic see especially V E R R E E T 1983b. 32 It is therefore the same morpheme as probably also occurs in Ugaritic on the lengthened impv. (m.sg.); see § 3.4.4.2.1c.

autonomous grammatical category. In other words, unlike Arabic, Ugaritic does not have a specific 'yaqtula-mood'. g. T h e long form of the prefix conjugation (PC 1 ) differs from the PC S by an additional suffixed morpheme. Forms without an ending in the PC S have the ending / - u / in the PC1'; forms with a vocalic ending in the PC'S (except for the 3./2. f.pl.) have the additional ending -n = /-na/ or /-ni/ in the PC 1 :

Singular 3.m. 3.f. 2.M. 2.f. 1 .c.

yaqtul-u taqtul-u taqtul-u taqtul-īna 'aqtul-u

Plural

Dual

taqtul-ūna taqtul-na (?) taqtul-ūna *taqtul-naa (?) naqtul-u

h. In earlier research the question was hotly debated whether in Ugaritic there was also a long form of the prefix conjugation with the pattern , comparable to Akkadian iparrVs, Ethiopie y^qathl or similar formations in modern South Arabic languages. 33 F e n t o n (1970) and M a r c u s (1975, 75-104, esp. 97ff.) demonstrated independently, however, that this category does not exist in Ugaritic. T h e Ugaritic texts published over the last twenty years provide absolute proof of this. 3.4.4.2.3 T h e suffix conjugation a. T h e Suffix conjugation (SC) is not a homogeneous category in Ugaritic, as is also the case in other West Semitic languages. T h e r e is a fundamental difference between SC-forms with stative meaning and those with a fientic (perfective, mostly preterite) meaning. T h e former can be called 'statives', the latter 'perfects' (abbreviations: 'SCs' and 'SCp'). T h e subtypes mentioned also differ from each other morphologically by different thematic vowels (see § c). b. T h e paradigm of the suffix conjugation is as follows:

33

See

esp. GOETZE

1938,

296-309.

Singular 3.m. 3.f. 2.m. 2.f. I.e.

qatVl-a qatVl-at qatVl-ta qatVl-ti qatVl-tu35

Plural qat VI- ū qatVl-ā/ ū(?) qatVl-tum(Vf4 *qat Vl-tun(n)a *qat Vl-na/ ü

Dual qatVl-ā qatVl-tā qatVl-tumā

qatVl-tumā (also masc.) qatVl-na/iyā

c. T h e thematic vowels of the SC are / a / , / i / and / u / . / a / is reserved exclusively for the fientic-perfective subtype of the SC (SCp), / u / for the stative subtype of the SC (SCs). I i i occurs in both subtypes. In the fientic subtype, however, it is limited to roots with I I / III guttural, where the thematic vowel of the PC is / a / . T h e system of thematic vowels in the SC and their equivalents in the PC can be summarized as follows: SC qati/ ula - PC Ciqtal (stative); SC qatala PC Caqtu/il (fientic); SC qatila - PC Ciqtal (fientic II/III-guttural). 3.4.4.2.4 Finite Verb Forms with Energie Ending a. Besides the inflectional endings, finite verb forms—especially in poetry and in object suffixes—often exhibit a so-called energic ending,36 spelled either -n or -nn. At least two perhaps even three different alloforms of the energic m o r p h e m e can be distinguished (energic types I / I I / [ I I I ] ) . As the energic endings may occur, basically, on all finite verb forms, whether they are indicative or volitive, the energic is not a mood in the strict sense. b. By far the the most commonly attested allomorph of the energic is -n — /-(á)nnV/ (= energic type I). It may stand alone and or before the 3rd pers. sg. pronominal suffixes. In combination with 3rd pers. sg. suffixes, the ending is -nh, to be vocalised as I-anna-hüI or / -annaha/ respectively. c. T h e r e is also an energic allomorph: -nn = l-ninl(?) (= energic type II). It occurs exclusively in combination with 3rd pers. sg. suffixes. T h e initial consonant, I hi, of the pronominal suffix is thus

34 Alternatively /i/- vowel, i.e. / qatVl-tim(V)/. Similarly for 2.f.p1. (/qatVl-tin(n)ā/) and 2.c.du. (/qatVl-timā/). 35 Alternatively: /-til (as in Canaanite). In favour of /-tū/ however is that the independent personal pronoun l.c.sg. in Ugaritic also ended in / - « / (/'anāku/). 36 On this topic see especially V E R R E E T 1 9 8 8 , 7 9 - 9 8 and K R E B E R N I K 1 9 9 3 .

always assimilated to the second /n/ of the energic ending: -nn — /-nVnnü/ < *-nin-hu or /-nVnna/ < *-nin-ha respectively. d. Perhaps Ugaritic also had a third allomorph of the energic, i.e. -n = /-an/ (= energic type III). T h e orthographical proof for this allomorph has not yet been produced. 3.4.4.2.5 Aspect and tense Verbal aspects and (relative) tenses are mainly differentiated by the subtypes of the PC and the fientic variant of the SC. T h e functions of these categories can be set out in the following table (paradigm root ^lqtl, 3.m.sg.):

anteriority contemporaneous posteriority

yaqtul (PCsp) *yaqtul(a) (PC s j/e)

perfective

imperfective

qatala (SCp) *qatala (SCp) qatala (SCp)

yaqtulu (PC L ) yaqtulu (PC L ) yaqtulu (PC L )

All the fields on the right = imperfective column of the table are filled by the long form of the prefix conjugation (PC 1 ). T h e left = perfective column includes the short form of the prefix conjugation (PC S ) and the perfective-fientic suffix conjugation (SCp). In the field 'perfective anteriority', the P C s p and the SCp have practically the same function. T h e field 'perfective-contemporaneous' is empty because facts which occur simultaneously are essentially imperfective. Only a special function of the SCp, i.e. the function of the so-called 'performative perfect', 37 can be placed in this field. T h e field 'perfective-posteriority'—with reference to indicative statements—is only covered by the SCp. T h e function of the variants of the PC S also in that slot is exclusively volitive (jussive). T h e table shows clearly that the PC1· is always imperfective and the PC S is always perfective. As the PC L is used for simultaneous situations, this category is conventionally labelled the 'present'. As, on the other hand, the indicative P C s p generally expresses previous events, this category is conventionally called the 'preterite'. These labels, which suggest an opposition of tense between PC 1 ' and PC S , are not in fact correct, as the PC1- can also denote previous events, 37

E.g. I rgmt Ik Ί hereby surely tell you . . .' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 7).

provided that they are imperfective. An imperfective presentation is demanded especially for situations which are marked by the features of plurality or repetition. 38 T h e P C s p occurs for certain only in narrative verse and is used there as the usual narrative form for single and instantaneous actions of the past. 39 In other genres perfective actions of the past are obviously always expressed by the SCp. However, the SCp also occurs in narrative poetry, sometimes as a free variant of PC s p. 4 0 3.4.4.2.6 Moods In the Ugaritic verbal system the 'indicative' (= declarative mode) and 'volitive' (= wish and c o m m a n d mode) moods are differentiated. T h e categories PC s p, PC1- and SC (SCp and SCs) are used for indicative statements. 41 T h e following have volitive functions: a) the imperative, b) the PC S ] (jussive) and the PC s e (cohortative) as well as—relatively rarely—c) both subtypes of the suffix conjugation, i.e. SCp and SCs. T h e r e is no specific use of mood in subordinate clauses. Volitive moods, i.e. P C s j and PC s e, occur only in subordinate clauses with volitive (final) meaning. In Ugaritic there is no specific 'subordinating mood', comparable to the Akkadian 'subjunctive', which only occurs in dependent clauses. 42 3.4.4.2.7 Participles T h e pattern for the formation of the active participle of the basic stem (G-ptc. act.) is . For the passive participle of the basic stem (G-ptc. pass.) probably the pattern is generally used, as in Canaanite. 4 3 38 E.g. p'rih I tmgyn hdm / rišh I ymgy apsh 'His feet did not reach the footstool, his head did not reach as far as its (upper) end' (KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i 59-61 [general-continuing event, expressed by the PCL]). 39 See for instance 1šu ilm rašthm 'the gods lifted up their heads' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367+ i 29). The morpho-syntactic autonomy of the category PC s p is, however, questioned by some scholars; for discussion see M . S . S M I T H 1994, 39-41. According to Smith, PO s p and PC 1 —although in morphological contrast—are free variants. 40 On the parallelism between PC s p and SCp see M.S. S M I T H 1994, 49-51 and 1995, 797-9. On other functions of the Ugaritic S C see M . S . S M I T H 1994, 45-57 and 1995. 41 For the use of these categories see § 3.4.4.2.5. 42 For a different view cf. V E R R E E T 1 9 8 8 , esp. 8 - 1 0 . 43 Over the years scholars have repeatedly stated that in Ugaritic there could also or only be other patterns for the passive participle of the basic stem. The discussion centres on the patterns (G-Ptc. pass, in Aramaic) and <maqtūl> (G-Ptc. pass, in Arabic). So far, however, no proofs have been provided.

3.4.4.2.8 Infinitives/Verbal nouns As in Hebrew, an absolute infinitive and a construct infinitive may be differentiated. T h e former corresponds syntactically to a noun in the absolute state, the latter to a noun in the construct state or a noun after a preposition. T h e infinitive (inf.) of the basic stem generally has the pattern . Besides this there is in Ugaritic a series of differently constructed verbal nouns of the basic stem. T w o patterns are noteworthy. O n e is , which occurs several times in syllabic spellings, e.g. ni-ib-rù /nigru/ 'guard' (Ug 5, 137 = RS 20.123+ i 5').44 T h e other is , which occurs only in I - w / y roots and ^1hlk, e.g. sat /si'at-/ 'going out, expression' ( K T U 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vii 30.32); d't /dacat-/ 'knowlege' ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367+ i 16.32); Ikt /likt-/ 'going' ( K T U 1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 28, 29). Whereas the pattern is used for both the absolute and the construct infinitives, other patterns can only denote the construct infinitive. 3.4.4.3 T h e system of verbal stems: basic and derived stems a. T h e Semitic languages use a large number of different patterns to express aspect and diathesis, called 'verbal stems'. T h e simple basic stem of Semitic is morphologically unmarked. T h e 'derived' verbal stems are, instead, indicated by specific morphological markers. b. Ugaritic has the following ten verbal stems, which can be arranged as follows: symbol

stem

functions

G Gp Gt D Dp

basic stem passive basic stem reflexive basic stem intensive passive intensive

basic lexical function passive of G45 reflexive of G etc.46 intensive, factitive etc. passive of D

For further examples see H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 305-6. On occurrences of the Ugaritic Gp-stem see M A R C U S 1971. 4
see 47

KREBERNIK

1991.

In stative verbs the function is chiefly factitive/causative (e.g. 'be good': 'to make [someone/somethingl good'). In intransitive-fientic verbs the D-stem chiefly provides transitivity. In transitive-fientic verbs it strengthens or pluralizes the verbal

(table cont.)

symbol

stem

functions

tD Š

reflexive intensive Š or causative passive Š reflexive Š Ν or passive

reflexive of D etc. causative passive of Š reflexive of Š etc.48 reflexive, passive49 etc.50

p

l St Ν

Four of the ten patterns can be called 'cardinal stems': G, D, Š and N. G is unmarked (= Heb. qal); D is marked by gemination of the middle radical (ξ Heb. piel); Š is marked by the prefix /- (= Heb. hiphil in function); 51 Ν is marked by the prefix n- (= Heb. niphal). All the 'cardinal stems'—except for Ν—have both a passive and a reflexive variant. T h e reflexive forms have an additional element t\ in the Gt it comes after the first radical, in tD (= Heb. hithpael) before the first radical and in Št directly after the causative marker Š-. T h e passive forms, i.e. Gp, D p (= Heb. puai) and Šp (Ξ Heb. hophal in function) are differentiated from the corresponding active forms only by different vowels. As this characteristic is usually not expressed in the alphabetic spelling, in most cases examples of the passive stems can be determined only from syntax or context. Some authors 52 doubt 5 3 their existence in Ugaritic. c. T h e paradigm of the verb stems (forms are vocalized; finite forms are always 3.m.sg.; ptc. and inf. u n i n f e c t e d ; n.o. = no [certain] occurrences): meaning (plurality of agents or objects; repetition of an action). The D-stem is also used for denominative meanings. 48 On the Š, Šp and Št in Ugaritic see T R O P P E R 1990a, 2 1 - 1 1 1 . 49 Chiefly or only in prose texts. 50 E.g. reciprocal, ingressive and inchoative. 51 As non-sibilant causative morphemes occur in other Northwest Semitic languages (e.g. the causative marker h- in the Heb. hiphil), repeated attempts have been made by sholars over the years to prove these types of causative also occur in Ugaritic. The attempts in question have not been convincing, however (see T R O P P E R 1990a, 113-82). 52 The most uncompromising opponent of the existence of the passive stem in Ugaritic is V E R R E E T 1 9 8 5 , 3 2 4 - 3 0 . It should be noted, however, that all the central Semitic languages have passive stems. 53 There are no other verbal stems in Ugaritic. On the so-called 'lengthened stems' (L) see under § 3.4.4.4f and § 3.4.4.4h, on the so-called 'reduplicated stems' see under § 3.4.4.4i. In Ugaritic there are no stems corresponding to IX, XI or XII-XV of Arabic.

PC s j G Gp Gt D Dp tD Š St Ν

3.4.4.4

yaqtu/il yiqtal yuqlal yiqtati/ al54 yuqattil36 yuqattal ? yVtqattVl yušaqtil39 yušaqtal y Vštaqtil yiqqatilM

impv.

se

q1 tu/il q'tal

qatala qati/ula quti/ ala ('î)qtat(a)la qattila qutti/ala ? ('i)tqatti/ ala57 šaqtila šuqta/ ila

n.o. ('i)qtatil qattil

n.o. n.o. šaqtil

n.o. n.o. naqtVl ?

ptc. qātil (act.) qatül (pass.) —

muqtatil ? muqattil muqattal ?

inf. qatāl

ρ tVqtatil55 quttal

n.o.

n.o. šVqtVl

n.o.

musaqtil mušaqtal muštaqtil

naqtala

n.o.

naqtal

n.o. n.o.

Morphological peculiarities of the 'weak' verbs

a. Five I - ' verbs have irregular G-PC-forms of the type yuC2C3 — /yôCi VC3/ instead of or as well as yiC2C3 - /yaCC2 VC:ì/ (cf. § 3.2.2e): ^bd 'to perish', ^hb 'to love', ^hd 'to seize', Ψkl 'to eat', yl'sp 'to gather'. 6 1 b. I-h verbs usually have strong forms. Exceptions are verbs with / / / as the second radical, i.e. ^lhlk 'to go' and ^ìhlm 'to strike, hit'. Both verbs have G-PC-forms without /h/, e.g. ylk- /yalik-/ o r y l m - /yalum-/. Whereas the remaining forms from VA/m are strong (e.g. G-impv. him- /húum-/), ^Jhlk is weak in other ways, i.e. it produces forms without /h/: G-Impv. Ik- /lik-/; G-verbal noun Ikt /likt-/; Gt-PC ytlk /yitalik/. Š-PC-forms from ^lhlk are instead strong: ashlk Γašahlik/ ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2.[Ol4]+ ν 2, etc.).62 54

In forms with endings there was probably syncope of the corresponding vowel: /yiqlatlū/ < *yiqtatVlū (cf. § 3.3.5.2b). The same applies to other forms of the paradigm with similar syllabic structure. 55 Occurrences: Imthsh 'her fighting' (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ ii 19); trntbs 'fighting' (KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ ii 29); tljtsb 'quarrel' (KTU 1.3 ii 20.30). 56 /y/t/nuqattil/·, l.c.sg. but /'aqattil/ < *'uqattil (vowel harmony; see § 3.3.5.2a). 57 Alternatively: /taqatti/ala/. The only certain example: w Ikms /wa-t(a)kamm Vsa/ 'he fell to his knees' (KTU 1.12 = RS 2. [012] ii 54). Another possible example: tmz' (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 36.46). 58 Possibly /tuqattil/·, cf. the uncertain syllabic spelling: tu-a-pí-[ku(?)] /tuhappiku/ (ιUg 5 137 = RS 20.123+ ii 23). 59 /y/t/nušaqtil/\ l.c.sg. however /'ašaqtil/ < *'ušaqtil (vowel harmony). 60 < *yinqatil (chiefly undifferentiated by spelling). 61 The same verbs also have similar forms in Hebrew (verbs with 'weak aleph' as the first radical). On the topic see esp. T R O P P E R 1990b, 367. 62 On the morphology of I-h verbs see T R O P P E R 1990d.

c. In I-n verbs and Mqh 'to take', the first radical—when vowelless—is assimilated to the following consonant, e.g.ygr /yaggur-/ < *yangur- (Vngr 'to guard' G-PC) or yqh /yiqqah/ < *yilqah (Mqh G-PC). 6 3 In most I-n verbs the G-impv is formed without the first root, e.g. la/sa'a/ < *ša3a (^lnš' 'to raise', lengthened impv. m.sg. [ K T U 1.4 = R S 2.[008]+ viii 5]). šu /ša'ū/ (VraT, m. pl. [ K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 27 etc.]), sk /safā/ (<nsk 'to pour', f. sg. [ K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014]+ iii 16 etc.]) as well as qh/qah/ Çilqh, m. sg. [ K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008] + ii 32, etc.]). T h e verb ^lngr 'to protect' constitutes an exception: impv. m. sg. ngr /mgurā/ 'look out!' ( K T U 1.4 viii 14 [alternatively: N-impv. /naggVrā/ < *nangVra\). d. III- J verbs are—besides \\\-w/y verbs—of central importance for understanding the Ugaritic verbal system as in principle in such verbs the spelling allows verbal aspects and moods to be differentiated clearly. PC1· forms occurs with the spellingyC\C 2 u (3.m.sg); for forms of the PC S , however, the spellingyC\C 2 i (3.m.sg) is expected. In fact, though, the situation is more complex as in Ugaritic word-final aleph was no longer reliably pronounced. 6 4 O n this basis only verbs with the PC thematic vowel H / permit an unequivocal differentiation of the underlying classes: e.g. P Q· ysu /yasi'u/ 'he goes out' i^yf) versus PC S ysi /'yasiV (or /yasV/ < *yasï) 'he should go out / he went out'. In PC S forms with the thematic vowels / « / and / a / this differentiation is not given with certainty: spellings such as ybu (ynš') and yšu (ynš1) can be understood as PC 1, (/yabu'u/ or /yišša?u/), but possibly they could also be PC S forms (/'yabû/ < *yabu'·, /yisšá/ < *yinša').65 e. Verbs with /w/ or /y/ as the first, second or third radical present several forms which are irregular with respect to the forms of the paradigm of the 'strong verb', as the semi-vowels /w/ or / y / , depending on position in the syllable, can occur either as consonants or as vowels. f. T h e paradigm of I - w / y verbs, which in Ugaritic includes ^lytn 'to give', is characterised by the occurrence of forms both with and without a (consonantal) first radical. If the word begins with a semi-

63 However, there is no assimilation of / / / in the N-stem: SC nlqht /nalqahat/ (KTU 4.659 = RS 19.166:1). 64 See § 3.2.2d (quiescent aleph). 65 O n the grapheme < u > for / 0 / < *aJ see § 3.2.2d. There are no attested forms of the spelling ysi. On the topic see T R O P P E R 1990c.

vowel it is normally retained, as long as there no aphaeresis of the whole initial syllable occurs as in impv. G. As word-initial *w in Ugaritic generally becomes /y/ (see § 3.3.5.1a.), except before a / u / vowel (inf. D), it is not possible to distinguish I-w roots from I-y roots by spelling in most cases. In non-initial position the semi-vowel (Iwl) is retained only after a / « / - v o w e l (D-PC); in the other cases either it causes a lengthening of the preceding vowel (e.g. in forms of the Š stem) or it disappears unreplaced (e.g. G - P C forms). T h e function of the inf. cstr. is generally filled by verbal nouns of the pattern (see § 3.4.4.2.8). Significant forms of the paradigm for l-w verbs i^yrd < *wrd 'to descend'): 66 PC S G Gp Gt D S Ν

yarìd yurad yittarid yuwanid yusôridbl

impv.

SC

ptc.

inf.

nd

yarada

yārid

yarād

šoúd

sonda nôrada

musôrid

wurrad

g. In forms of II-w/y verbs, the second (weak) radical never occurs as a c o n s o n a n t but always causes a lengthening of the original preceding or following vowel, G"PC' 3.m.sg. /yaqûmu/ < *yaqwumu, G - S C /qâma/ < *qawama (yqurni).68 T h e thematic vowel of the Ο ΡΟ, is usually / « / in II-«; verbs (e.g. /yaqûmu/), in II-y verbs usually H/ (e.g. lyašîtuI). Instead of the ('normal') intensive stems (D, D p and tD), I I - w l y verbs form stems which are marked by lengthening the vowel between the first and second radical and reduplication of the third radical (= Heb. polel, polal, hithpolel). T h e y are conditioned variants of the 'normal' intensive stems (D, D p , tD) and have the same functions. H e r e they are denoted by the symbols D*, Dp* and tD*. 69

66

The paradigm for I-y verbs is still blank at many points due to the lack of significant forms. 6 ' However, l.c.sg. /'aš(md1. <>8 Conventionally vocalized as /yaqūmu/ or /qāma/. 69 These stems are conventionally called 'lengthened stems' and denoted by 'L', 'Lp' and 'tL'. The term 'lengthened stem' has been taken from Arabic but is

Significant forms of the paradigms for II-«; and II-y verbs i^qwm 'to rise' and ^Ìšyt 'to place'): 70 PC1

impv.(m.sg./pl.)

yaqûmun yašîtu yuqo/âmimu yuqô/ âmamu yitqô/ âmimu yuš(a)qîmu

G D* Dp* tD* Š

SC

ptc.

qum/ qûmū šit/šîtū qo/âmim

qâma12 šâta

qâm-(?)73 sat-(?) muqo/âmim-

šaqim/šaqîmū

šaqîma

muš(a)qîm-

inf. abs. qûm-(?)

JSJK?)

h. T h e paradigm of I I I - w / y verbs is marked by the occurrence of forms both with and without a (consonantal) third radical. In originally syllable-closing position (also when final) the weak third radical is always vocalic (contraction of diphthongs *iy > / î / , *ay > /ê/, *uw > /û/, *aw > /0/ [see § 3.3.5.3a]). In intervocalic position it is partly preserved as a consonant (e.g. ybky = /yabkiyu/ 'he weeps' [G-PC 1 · 3.m.sg.]), partly the relevant triphthong is contracted. Which triphthongs in particular remain and which are contracted is still not clearly explained 74 in spite of extensive research. 70 It seems that occasionally paradigmatically identical forms occur both with and without contraction. Forms III-«; and III-jy verbs are usually orthographically identical. Some indications of different paradigms of these two classes are provided however by forms such as atwt Γatawat/ (y'tw) 'she came' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2.[008]+ iv 32) versus mgyt /magayat/ ^mgy) 'she arrived' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ ii 23, etc.).

misleading. Ugaritic 'L'-stems correspond to the III and VI verbal stems of Arabic neither in form nor in function. 70 The II·? forms in the derived stems are the same as II-w forms. 71 Shortening of the long vowel between the first and third radical when the syllable in question is closed, e.g. PC * /yaqum/ and PC L/S 3.f.p1. /laqumnā/·, analogically, impv. m.sg. /qum/, PC S II-j /tašit/, impv. m.sg. U-y /šit/. 72 Before personal endings beginning with a consonant, either Iqam-I < *qâmor /qâ/ûmâ/ (cf. Heb. bīnātī [byn 'to understand', G-SC l.c.sg.]). The same applies analogously to the SC-forms of the derived stems. 73 Uncontracted forms of the type *qāyim or *qā'im are unattested. 74

75

See

SIVAN

1984

and

VERREET

1985,

330-41.

The rules concerning triphthongs in respect of noun forms (cf. § 3.3.5.3b) cannot be transferred to verbs without being modified.

O n the basis of comparative linguistics, one can conclude that in P C as well as in SC different thematic vowels existed (III-w: / u / and /a/; III^: /i/ and /a/). In III-y the commonest type was definitely *yaqtiy- (PC) versus *qataya (SC), in III-w *yaqtuw- (PC) versus *qatawa (SC). Significant forms of the lll-y paradigm, basic stem (ΛIbny 'to build'): PC yabmyu (PC1·); yabnf6 (PCS). impv. b'nî (m.sg.); ÏÏniyî or bvnî (f.sg.); bVniyū or bVnû (m.pl.).77 SC

ptc. inf.

banaya or (rarely) banâ (3.m.sg.); banayat or banât (3.f.sg.); banêta

(2.m.sg.); banayū (3.m.pl.). bāniyu/a (m.sg. nom./acc.); bāniyi (m.sg. gen.); bānît- (f.sg.).78 banāyu/i/a

or

banû/î/â.

i. T h e paradigm of weak geminate verbs (II-gem.) still presents m a n y uncertainties. In the basic stem they are both 'strongly' constructed forms, i.e. forms with reduplicated 2nd = 3rd radical, and 'weak' forms, i.e. forms with doubled 2nd = 3rd radical. Doubled consonants, when final, are reduced to a single consonant. T h e distribution of strong and weak forms is not as in classical Arabic. However, there are parallels with the H e b r e w paradigm for II-gem. Significant forms of the II-gem. paradigm, basic stem iysbb 'to go round'): PC

with endings: yasubb- (e.g. PC1· 3.m.sg. yasubbu).™ without endings: yasbub or yasub < *yasubb.

impv. SC ptc.

sub < *subb (m.sg.); subbū (m.pl.). sabba (3.m.sg.); sabbata (2.m.sg.);80 sabbanVyā (I.e.du), sābib-.

Forms of the derived stems—as far as can be ascertained—are strong throughout. In agreement with H e b r e w (pölel = pö c e c ) it is possible that instead of or alongside 'usual' D-stems (D, Dp, tD) the Ugaritic II-gem. verbs form so-called 'lengthened stems' (D*, Dp*, tD*), 8i e.g. 76 Analogously III-w: PC s j 3.f.sg. tdu /tad'û/ < *tad'uw 'she flew' (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 6.7). 77 Analogously III-w: du /ds'û/ (m.sg.) (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 28); di /diÎ/ < *ds'iyi (f.sg.) (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ ν 48); du /d$'û/ < *ds'uyū (m.pl.) (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 14). 78 Analogously III-«;: dit /dâ'ît-/ (KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:8). 79 II -gem. verbs which are also I-« provide an exception: all the forms have a reduplicated 2nd = 3rd radical, e.g. tlt/latutā/ < *lanlutā 'they (3.f.du.) trembled' (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii 33, etc.). 80 Cf. Heb. sabbotā < *sabbātā. 81 For the term 'lengthened stem' and the sigla see § g.

D*-PC *yusabib- instead of D-PC *yusabbib- (vowel lengthening instead of consonant lengthening). T h e orthography is ambiguous. j . Only a few Ugaritic verbs have four radicals. T h e three most important formations are Crr/l-C3-C4,82 b) Ci-C 2 -C r C 2 83 u n d c) Cr C2-C3-C3.84 T h e forms of types (b) and (c) are conventionally understood as 'reduplicated stems' (R-stems) of roots with three or two radicals. 85 3.4.5 3.4.5.1

Particles86 Adverbs

a. Adverbs of place: tm, tmt, tmn, tmny. 'there'; 7, cln 'above'; I pnm 'before'; b'dn 'behind'; atr '(directly) after'; pnm 'within/inside'. b. Adverbs of time: ht, htm, cnt 'now'; idk, ap(.)hn, apnk, b km 'then; thereupon; a!}r 'after(wards), later', atr '(directly) after'; ahrm 'in succession'(P); clm 'on the following/next (day)' (alternatively: 'further'). c. Modal adverbs: k, kd, kmt 'thus, in this way'; Ibdm 'alone'. d. Interrogative and indefinite adverbs: iy, i, 'where?'; an 'whither?'; ik, ikm, iky, 'how? why?'; Im 'what for? why?'. 3.4.5.2

Prepositions

T h e Ugaritic prepositions mostly denote an adverbial position but— in connection with certain verbs—can also be used directionally. T h e y can then fundamentally express both directions, terminative and ablative. 87 82
a. monoconsonantal prepositions: b (also: by), syll. bi-i /bĪ/ 'in, at, on, with, from'; / (also: ly), syll. le-e /ÏÏ/ (or / l e / ) 'towards, for, against; from; away from; to'; k /ka/ with the (lengthened) variant kmm 'as, like'. b. prepositions formed from bi- or triconsonantal roots: yd /yada/ 'next to, together (with)'; 'm /'imma/ '(together) with; towards'; bn /bêna/ 'between'; cd /cadê/('?) 'until'; 7 /Calê/â/ 'upon; towards; down from; away from'; tht /tahta/ 'under, beneath'; qdm /qudāma/(?) 'before; in front of'; b'd /ba'da/ 'behind'; atr /'at(a)ra/ 'in the wake of; (directly/immediately) after'; tk /tôkâ/(?) '(right) in the midst of; into'; qrb /qarba/ 'in the interior; into'. c. Composite prepositions: (preposition b or / + noun): bd /bâdi/ < *bi yadi ' i n / f r o m the hand of; from'; b tk /bi tôki/ 'in the midst of'; b qrb /bi qarbi/ 'in the midst of'. I p /li pî/ 'according to, in the m a n n e r of'; I pn /li panî/ 'to the front of; before; before (temporal); away from (spatial)'; I p'n /li paenê/ 'at (both) feet of; (low) before'; I ir /li iân/ 'on top of; on; onto (movement); from o f f / o n (movement)'; I bl /li balî/ 'without'. d. Prepositions can be lengthened by the enclitic particles -m or -η90 with no essential change in meaning. T h e forms b-m, k-m, l-m, cm-m, l-n und cm-n are attested. T h e y are especially favoured in poetry. 3.4.5.3

Conjunctions

a. coordinating: - w /wa/ 'and; but': copulative conjunction. p /pa/ 'and t h e n / t h e r e u p o n / c o n s e q u e n d y ' : copulative conjunction; it marks a temporal or logical sequence. 90 - ap (extended variant: apn) 'thus, just as; even'. 91 - u /'0/ < *}aw 'or': disjunctive conjunction. b. subordinating: - ahr 'after': to introduce a temporal clause. - id 'when; as soon as': to introduce a temporal clause. c d 'while; as long as; until': to introduce a temporal clause. 88 89 90 91

See § d. See § 3.4.5.9. On Ugaritic p see W A T S O N 1990e, 1994e. Also functions as an asseverative particle.

- hm /him/ with the phonetic variant im /'im/ 'if, in case': to introduce a conditional clause. k /kī/ (variant spelling: ky) 1. 'because': to introduce a causal clause; 2. 'that': to introduce an object clause; 3. 'as, when i f : to introduce a temporal or conditional clause. - km /kīma/ 'as; as soon as'. - him Ίο!; as; as soon as'. 3.4.5.4

Interjections

- Presentation particles ('lo!'): hn (extended variants: hnn\ hnny); hi (extended variants: him, hin, hlk); mk.92 - vocative particles: y /yā/\ l (cf. § 3.4.4.2.4c). i /'ī/ 'truly!' (only in oaths); an 'oh!' (exclamation). 3.4.5.5

Asseverative particles

- k, al, dm, I, mc: 'truly!; certainly!'. 3.4.5.6

Optative particles

- I /lū/ (alternatively: /la/): sive (PC s j/e). - ahl: 'alas!; if only!'. 3.4.5.7

proclitic optative particle before a jus-

Negatives

- / / l a / : for negating words and verbal clauses. 93 - al /'al/: for negating volitive verbal clauses (only before P C s j / e ) . bl /bal/ (extended variant: bit): for negating words and noun clauses; in verbal clauses only in an interrogative sense. 3.4.5.8

Existential particles

- it /'itê/ < *'itay: 'there is/are'. - in /'êna/ < *'ayna (extended variants: inm; inn): 'there is/are not'.

92

Alternatively: 'then, after that' (adverb of time).

93

WATSON

1991C.

3.4.5.9

Enclitic particles

T h e most important enclitic particles in Ugaritic are -m,94 -n, -y, -k and -t. T h e enclitics -m and -n, which are by far the most frequent, serve generally to emphasise certain constituents of a sentence. T h e enclitic -y obviously acts as a marker of direct speech; 95 -k and -t occur chiefly in connection with pronouns and adverbs. 96 (Translation: W.G.E.

94

Watson)

O n which see W A T S O N 1992c, 1 9 9 4 F . See T R O P P E R 1994a. 96 Note the special abbreviations: C = any consonant; c. = common gender; obi. = oblique case; PC = prefix conjugation; PC S = short form of the prefix conjugation; PC s e = lengthened short form of the prefix conjugation (cohortative); PC s j = short form of the prefix conjugation with jussive function; PC s p = short form of the prefix conjugation with perfective-preterite function; PC1' = long form of the prefix conjugation; PV = vowel of prefix; SC = suffix conjugation; SCp = fientic sub-type of the suffix conjugation; SCs = stative sub-type of the suffix conjugation; syll. = syllabic; T V = thematic vowel; V - any vowel. 95

4

U g a r i t i c

W i l f r e d

4.1

L e x i c o g r a p h y

G . E .

W a t s o n

Previous work

Not unexpectedly, the meanings of Ugaritic words have been a matter for discussion and analysis right from the earliest days of Ugaritic studies and it is due to the difficulties inherent in these texts that many words remain unexplained to this day. Several surveys of previous studies are available 1 and there is no need to repeat all this material here. As yet, the only complete dictionary is Aistleitner's Wörterbuch der ugarìtischen Sprache (1963, etc.). T h e only other comparable 'dictionary' is the glossary which formed part of Gordon's series of handbooks to Ugaritic: with each new edition, the glossary was revised as new texts were discovered and different solutions were proposed. 2 Like the Wörterbuch, Gordon's glossary listed all the words found in the Ugaritic texts discovered at the time, including personal and place names. Partial glossaries are to be found in Segert's g r a m m a r ( S e g e r t 1984, 175-205) and in the various translations of the Ugaritic texts now available. 3 Specialised glossaries are included in studies on the following: the hippiatric texts, 4 the ritual texts. 5 Also important are the studies of prepositions 6 and the particles 7 and in spite of its age, d e M o o r 1971 remains a mine of lexical information. Of particular interest are the study of terms connected with textiles used in the Ugaritic texts ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 ) and the discussion of terms for sheep and goats ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 9 3 , 1 8 3 - 9 7 ) and of terms for sacrifice ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 9 5 ) . Useful, too, are Pardee's listing of lexical items with bibliography ( P a r d e e 1987) and the studies of syllabic spellings. 9 T h e personal names of 8

1

DE M O O R

2

GORDON

3

DRIVER

not 4

TO

1 9 7 3 ; DEL O L M O L E T E 1965

1955;

(1967);

1940;

GIBSON

1978;

1947

SANMARTIN and

1988; WATSON

1995a.

1955.

DEL O L M O

LETE

1981;

TO

II

and

C A R T U

but

I.

COHEN

-

SIVAN

1983;

PARDEE

1985.

See

also

SANMARTIN

1988b

and

COHEN

1996. 5

DEL O L M O

6

PARDEE

LETE

1975,

7

AARTUN

1974,

8

See

review

9

HUEHNERGARD

the

1992a,

1976,

20-1

=

1999,

00-0;

XELLA

1981.

1979.

1978. b y DURAND 1987b;

SIVAN

1990. 1984a;

see review by

HUEHNERGARD

1987a.

Ugarit are also a source of lexical items even though their meaning may not have been noticed overtly either by those who gave them or by those who bore them. T h e classic collection by G r o n d a h l ( G r o n d a h l 1967) is a useful if somewhat dated reference work in this respect. Some recent studies have provided additional material. 10 T o p o n y m s also contribute lexical items but their origins are more difficult to ascertain." Several series of articles on Ugaritic lexical problems have been written by various authors, some of which are to be continued, 1 2 as well as sets of studies on Ugaritic semantics. 13 T h e r e are many notes and articles on individual words or groups of words which cannot be listed here. 14 It is very helpful when a study is devoted to words belonging to a particular semantic field: sociology ( R a i n e y 1963), fabrics and dyes ( v a n S o l d t 1990), sacrifice ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1995), crafts ( S a n m a r t i n 1995) and the army ( V i t a 1995a). For various reasons, some words receive more attention than others, for example, words which occur in the mythological texts. 15 A reverse glossary (English-Ugaritic) is provided in UT, 530-7. 1 6 In recent years actual dictionaries are starting to be published. O n e is the Diccionario de la lengua ugarítica (DLU) by del O l m o Lete and Sanmartin, a two-volume work of which the first volume has appeared and the second is at an advanced stage of preparation. Another is Cohen's Comprehensive Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language, as yet unpublished. 1 7 T h e third such lexicon (UHw), ] R which was initiated in Münster at Ugarit-Forschungen several years ago, will soon be ready for publication but is available in the form of a word-list 19 ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b). 1990a, 1990b, 1993, 1995b, 1996a.

10

WATSON

11

S e e ASTOUR

1 9 8 7 ; cf. §

12.2.

and D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z SANMARTIN; bibliography in SEL 5 1988, 2-12. Many of their studies are concerned with differentiating homonyms. 12

DIETRICH -

AARTUN

1968,

LORETZ

1984,

1985,

1 9 9 1 ; BERGER

1978, 1979, 1980, 1988;

XELLA

GREENFIELD 1 9 6 7 , BADRE

BORDREUIL

1984, WATSON 13

14

See

now

1978,

1 9 7 0 ; MARGAI.IT

1978b, 1980. See also MUDARRES

1 9 8 2 ; SANMARTIN DE

MOOR

1977,

1965, 1979,

AJJAN - V I T A L E 1 9 7 6 ,

RENFROE

etc.

DEL O L M O L E T E

1 9 8 4 ; SANMARTIN

1973.

See, for example, W A T S O N 1996c. 15 E.g. šlmm, which denotes a type of sacrifice, has 25 entries in P A R D E E 1987, 410. 16 A semantic glossary is provided in C A R T U , 177-92. 17 As mentioned in SIVAN 1997, xix. 18 Ugaútisches Handwörterbuch. 19 Supplemented by the extremely helpful 'glossary' in D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1996a, 543—926. Card indices of lexical material are also held in research institutes (see, for example, R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1985, 1 1 ) .

4.2

The texts

T h e texts under discussion are, of course, those in Ugaridc found at Ras Shamra, Ras Ibn Hani and elsewhere (conveniently collected in KTU'2), supplemented by more recent discoveries. T h e Akkadian texts are relevant chiefly for the lexical material they provide, either directly (as in the lexical texts) or indirectly (see K ü h n e 1974, 1975). O f particular interest is the treaty 20 ( K T U 3.1 = R S 11.722+) of which large sections in Ugaritic correspond to its Akkadian exemplars (RS 1 1.732, 17.227, 17.382; K n o p p e r s 1993 with previous bibliography). It can also be noted that some Ugaritic letters may in fact be translations from Akkadian, Egyptian and Hittite.

4.3

Problems

Aside from the large n u m b e r of words which are known from comm o n Semitic (um, 'mother', klb, 'dog', etc.)21 it is difficult to determine the m e a n i n g of m a n y lexical items in Ugaritic for several reasons. For one thing, the corpus is small and the range of significant contexts is accordingly quite limited. Also, vowels (aside from the use of the three aleph signs, 'a, 'i, 'u) are not indicated, and it is therefore not always easy to distinguish homographs. While prose and verse texts share much of the vocabulary (e.g. thm, 'message'), certain words are found only in non-literary contexts (e.g. gzl 'spinner' [ K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048:9]) whereas others occur only in verse (e.g klat 'both' [ K T U 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 10 etc.]; phi 'stallion' [ K T U 1.4 = R S 2.[008]+ iv 5.9.15, etc.]; rt 'dirt' [ K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ ν 29, etc.]). 22 M a n y words are difficult or obscure, or have uncertain etymologies, e.g. ilqsm, bnn, b^r, gml, gpr, ddym, dnt II, dqr, dnt, kb, kbm, kdr, kmlt, knh, kpsln, krln, cbk, cprt, crgz, ctrb, gb, gbt, gprt, šdmt,23 tkt, etc., and the meanings of others (aktn, agzr, aqhr, askrr, idm, idrp, idt, udbr, unk, Cšd, etc.) cannot as yet be determined. Some words occur in broken or difficult contexts, e.g. hkm, hnn, hsm, htn, kdt, gbz, gbt, gdm (see DLU for details). With the discovery of new texts, previously unknown words continue to be added to the lexicon but the meanings of these

20

O r letter accompanying a treaty ( K N O P P F . R S 1 9 9 3 ) . Even here there can be false assumptions, as SANMARTIN ( 1 9 9 6 ) has shown in respect of ahl which means 'town' (Akkadian alum) rather than 'tent' (as in Hebrew). 22 For the vocabulary of the Ugaritic letters see C U N C H I L L O S § 8.1.5. 21

23

But see WYATT

1992C.

can also be uncertain, e.g. udn, 'to give ear', ghr, 'to sound forth(?)', zb, 'to foam(?)', qnn, perhaps 'to stand up', in RS 92.2014 ( P a r d e e 1997a, 327-8)

4.4

Principles

In view of the vast literature on Ugaritic lexicography and the often conflicting or at least divergent conclusions reached by scholars, there have been several attempts to set out solid methodological principles for the determination of meanings. 24 These are discussed here briefly. O n c e the conect reading of the text has been established, the context is of crucial importance. In fact, all agree that context is the most important single element for ascertaining what a word may mean. Syllabic spellings must also be taken into account, 25 and finally, comparative philology can be used. For this approach to be valid a set of rules must be applied: context is more significant than etymology; without context, etymology can only uphold a hypothetical proposal; phonological rules should only be flouted with supporting evidence; words in another language may not necessarily have the same meaning in Ugaritic; homographs and homonyms should be assumed only as a last resort; syntagmata and idioms as well as words need to be compared; a distinction must be made between the (archaic) poetic texts and the language of the letters, rituals and administrative texts; in the poetic texts it is important to determine stichometry and parallelism; in general, the rules of g r a m m a r and syntax should be applied. Finally, non-linguistic evidence should not be neglected. Some illustration of these principles is provided below.

4.5

Use of cognate languages

Comparison with other Semitic languages can provide a significant contribution to determining the meanings of words, but a degree of caution is required. Healey has surveyed the contributions available from Hebrew, Phoenician, Arabic, Akkadian, South Arabian 2 6 and Ethiopie ( L e s l a u 1 9 6 8 ) , particularly Aramaic and Syriac 1 9 8 8 ) . 2 7

24

HELD

25

See S I V A N 1984a; H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b. See especially R E N D S B U R G 1 9 8 7 .

26

1959,

1 6 9 ; DE M O O R

1973,

98;

PARKER

1979-80.

His conclusion, though, is that context is 'the ultimate arbiter'. 2 8 Arabic has been much used (and misused) as a resource for determining the meaning of Ugaritic words. This approach has been examined in detail by Renfroe 2 9 who has shown that there are many genuine Arabic-Ugaritic isoglosses but an equal if not greater number of spurious ones. In many cases we may simply have to say that there is insufficient evidence for any firm conclusions. It always has to be remembered that the meaning of a word in a cognate language cannot simply be transferred to Ugaritic and at times is no more than a guide. T h e same applies to the contribution from Eblaite (Sanmartin

1991).

4.6 Methodolog)) T h e first task necessary before resolving the meaning of a Ugaritic word is to survey all previous attempts, which is often very timeconsuming, with no guarantee of complete coverage. T h e scholar must then establish the correct reading on the tablet, determine the context, perhaps use etymology based on established language laws, refer to a wide range of Semitic languages, if necessary, use other languages (including Egyptian, Hittite, Hurrian, and even Sanskrit and Sumerian) and avoid the multiplication of homonyms and homographs. These rules, however, are an over-simplification. In practice, several other factors need to be taken into account, as the following examples show.

4.7

Selected examples

Some examples can help to illustrate the above. Evidence from cognate (Semitic) languages can come from Phoenician ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 8 6 ) , Hebrew, Akkadian, Aramaic and Arabic as well as from such languages as Ethiopie 30 and even Syriac. For example, the verb nsr, parallel to bky 'to weep' ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 4-5), can be explained from Syriac n'sar/nasar, 'to sigh, groan, m u r m u r , howl, shriek, lament'. 3 1 Choice of the correct cognate is important; for 27

HEALEY

1988.

28

HEALEY

1988,

29

RENFROE

30 31

68.

1985, 1986a, 1986b, 1989, 1992. See D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 199Id on 'šr. H E A L E Y 1 9 7 6 ; SANMARTIN 1 9 7 8 , 4 5 1 . However, cf.

WYATT 1998C, 237,

n.

280.

instance in the expression b bz'zm ( K T U 1 . 8 0 = RS 1 5 . 0 7 2 : 4 ) which could mean 'from the booty of goats', in view of Heb. baz, 'plunder, spoil' (HALOT, 117). However, in the context—a list of sacrifices— it is more likely to mean 'a young animal from the udder of the goats', i.e. an unweaned kid, where Ugaritic bz is an isogloss of Arabic buzz, Jewish-Aramaic bīzzā3, etc. all denoting 'teat' ( S a n m a r t i n 1 9 7 9 , 7 2 3 - 4 ) . Extra-linguistic evidence can also help determine meanings, for example, glp may denote murex used as a body-dye, since this type of shellfish was common near Ras Shamra ( d e M o o r 1 9 6 8 ) . Correct syntactic analysis is important for determining the meanings of words as shown by Husser ( H u s s e r 1995) in respect of atr in I'pr dmr atrh K T U 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 2 7 - 8 (and par.). This expression has been understood in various ways but because of the parallelism with the previous line (lars mssu qtrh, 'who makes his spirit come out towards the earth'), which refers to correct burial, the preposition I also means 'to(wards)'. It is probably to be translated 'who protects his step towards the dust', and therefore atr cannot mean 'place', 'shrine' or even 'sanctuary'. T h e meaning of a word can depend on several factors including the structure of a text and recognition of the correct meaning of another word in the same passage. For instance, in K T U 4.392 = RS 18.130, prs means neither 'steering pole (of a chariot)' nor 'horse' but more probably a type of 'ration': Ihms mrkbt hmš csrh prs bt mrkbt, 'For the five chariots of the five divisions: ten />rí-rations from the chariot-house', since hmš C šrh does not mean 'fifteen' but 'five divisions (of the army)' followed by the numeral 'ten' ( V i t a 1996).32 It is also important to compare not just isolated words but syntagmata in Ugaritic with those in another (Semitic) language. Del O l m o Lete has provided a list of syntagmata common to Ugaritic and Phoenician. 33 O f interest, too, is the term hrs which occurs in the economic texts in connection with chariots (e.g. K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034:8-9) as a syntagm in the form w.hrs and means 'precisely, exactly', a usage borrowed from Akkadian. 34 T h e personal names provide a wealth of vocabulary, with many items not otherwise attested, e.g. rgln ( K T U 4.619 = RS 19.047:7),

32

T h e text remains difficult because the term šant (line 2) is not yet understood. 1986b, 46~7 = 1996a, 32-3. For comparison with a syntagm from Aramaic cf. W A T S O N 1992d. 34 DEL O L M O L E T E 1979; cf. V I T A 1995a, 57. 33

DEL O L M O L E T E

which is formed from the word rgl, 'leg'. T h e same applies to placenames such as bir, 'well' ( K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015:29, etc.). For both types of names syllabic spellings can be of use in determining meanings.

4.8

Lexical tablets

Of considerable importance are the polyglot vocabularies which have been found in Ugarit. These list the equivalents of words in four languages (Sumerian, Akkadian, Hurrian and Ugaritic) and in five of the eight tablets discovered so far, the Ugaritic column has been preserved (details in H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b, 21-3). According to Huehnergard, about 114 Ugaritic words have been vocalized in syllabic cuneiform spellings. For example: Sumerian

Akkadian

Hurrian

Ugaritic

Meaning

ŠUL EZEN

et-lu za-am-ma-rù35

uš-ta-an-ni hal-mi

ba-ah-hu-rù si-i-ru

'youth' 'song' 36

T h e sources for the vocalization of Ugaritic are (1) the three aleph signs, (2) syllabic spellings of Ugaritic words and to a lesser extent (3) comparative Semitics. T h e aleph signs give some indication of the associated vowels (or the absence of a vowel; see § 4.3.2.2). T h e syllabically written Ugaritic words and names are particularly helpful. T h e list of such items in v a n S o l d t (1991a, 301-8) has 156 entries. H u e h n e r g a r d provides a glossary with approximately 280 entries (Huehnergard 1987b, 103-94). Similarly, S i v a n 1984, 185-295, although his sources are not confined to texts found at Ras Shamra (see § 4.5). 3 ' Reference to other Semitic languages can only provide an indicadon of possible spellings and has to be used with caution.

4.9

Non-Semitic words in Ugantic

T h e city of Ras Shamra was a melting pot of several nationalities speaking different languages and both court and administration dealt with documents in several languages. In ritual, particularly, sections of text were written in Hurrian and Hurrian words occur liberally

As H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 97 notes, za-am-ma-rù stands for zamāru (the double -mm- is incorrect) and all the forms are nouns rather than infinitives. 36 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 7 4 7 - 5 3 : 'Appendix C : The lexical texts at Ugarit'. 37 See VAN S O L D T 1989d for review. 35

in the Ugaritic texts. It is not suprising, then, that m a n y words in the Ugaritic lexicon are in fact b o r r o w e d f r o m H u r r i a n , occasionally f r o m Hittite a n d m o r e rarely f r o m Egyptian or f r o m other nonSemitic languages. O v e r the years m o r e a n d m o r e such words have been identified. 3 8 T h u s , although most Ugaritic lexical items have a Semitic etymology, several are (or m a y be) of non-Semitic origin. S o m e of these words are listed here u n d e r the following headings: (1) H u r r i a n words, (2) Hittite words, (3) Egyptian words, (4) Sumerian words, (5) I n d o - E u r o p e a n words, (6) words from other languages. 4.9.1 H u r r i a n words include alhn, 'steward' ( K T U 4.392 = R S 18.130:4; cf. K T U 4 . 1 0 2 = R S 11.857:25; K T U 4 . 3 3 7 = R S 18.024:11) b o r r o w e d f r o m H u r r o - U r a r t i a n allae-hhi-nn, 'housekeeper', all, '(festive) g a r m e n t ' ( K T U 1.12 = R S 2.[012] ii 47, etc.), H u r r i a n alālu (Neu 1996, 314, η. 22); itnn, 'gift' ( K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244:74), Hurrian uatnannuf grbz, 'helmet' ( K T U 4.363 = R S 18.055:2), Hurrian gurpisi; hdm, 'footstool' ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2.[014] + ii 22, etc.), H u r r i a n atmû ( W a t s o n 1996b); hbrt, 'vessel, container' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008] + ii 9), H u r r i a n hubrushi; hptr, 'pot, c a u l d r o n ' (K TU 1.4 ii 8), H u r r i a n huppataru; hrd, 'warrior', Hurrian huradi/e ( S t i e g l i t z 1981); kht, 'throne' ( K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 23, K T U 1.4 vi 51 etc.), 40 probably H u r r o U r a r t i a n ; kkrdn, ' c h e f ' ( K T U 4.126 = R S 14.084:27); kmn, '(a surface measure)' ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014]+ iv 38 etc.), H u r r i a n kumānw, llh ( K T U 4.363 = R S 18.055:5) denotes part of trappings or harness, H u r r i a n lulahhi, (DLU, 245); gr, 'total', H u r r i a n heyarì; pg[n)dr, 'a type of fabric' ( K T U 4.270 = R S 17.111:10), H u r r i a n pahandam-f tbl, 'smith' ( K T U 4.790 = R S 86.2235:15), Hurrian tabid- ( D i e t r i c h L o r e t z 1990); tgpt, 'fe1t(?)' ( K T U 4.183 = R S 15.116 ii 10, etc.), H u r r i a n tahapše ( W a t s o n 1995c, 540); tkt, 'chariot' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ ν 7, etc.), H u r r i a n šukītu ( L o r e t z 1996). Note that some words are Semitic with H u r r i a n endings, e.g. hdgl, 'arrowsmith' ( K T U 4.138 = R S 15.016:2, etc.) which is a H u r r i a n form of U g . hz, 'arrow' with the Hurrian -(hii)li ending ( S a n m a r t i n 1995, 179). Others

38

See the list provided by DE M O O R 1973, 98. Not all are correct, of course. For additional material the indices of Ugarit-Forschungen and other periodicals may be consulted. For a survey see W A T S O N 1995c, 1996c. See also P A R D E E 1996. 30 Borrowed through Middle Assyrian utnannu: cf. VON S O D E N 1988. 40 However, cf. DEL O L M O L E T E SANMARTIN 1 9 9 5 . 41

DIETRICH -

LORETZ

1977;

RIBICHINI

XELLA

1985,

61.

are Semitic words in H u r r i a n guise, e.g. kid, 'bow' ( K T U 4.277 = R S 17.141:1) is a form of qaštu, 'bow' ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1978b). 4.9.2 Hittite words: ans, 'small of the back' ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014] + iii 3 5 ) , Hittite anašša ( d e M o o r 1 9 8 0 ) ; uiyn, '(an official)' ( K T U 6 . 2 9 = R S 1 7 . 3 6 4 : 3 ) , Hittite ur(/i]yanni; dgt, 'incense' ( K T U 1 . 1 9 = RS 3 . 3 2 2 + iv 2 3 , etc.), Hittite tuhhui-/tuhf}uwai-; htt, silver' ( K T U 1 . 1 4 = R S 2 . [ 0 0 3 ] + iv 1; K T U 1 . 1 4 ii 1 7 ) , Hittite (or Haitian) (fottu(š)-; hndlt, '(coloured wool)' ( K T U 4 . 1 8 2 = R S 1 5 . 1 1 5 : 1 7 ) , Hittite siGhandala; hsn, 'domestic' ( K T U 4 . 1 3 7 = R S 1 5 . 0 1 5 + : 1 . 1 0 ) , Hittite baššann-; mtyn, '(garment)' ( K T U 4 . 1 4 6 = R S 1 5 . 0 3 5 : 5 ) , Hittite maššiya—\a garment)' ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 , 5 2 ) ; spsg, 'glass' ( K T U 1 . 1 7 = R S 2. [004] vi 3 6 - 7 etc.), Hittite zapzagi-, which denotes precious stones or a mineral ( N e u 1 9 9 5 ) ; tpnr, 'chief scribe' ( K T U 3 . 1 = R S 1 1 . 7 7 2 + : 3 2 ; K T U 4 . 4 4 = R S 9 . 4 5 3 : 2 8 ) , Hittite tuppanuri, etc. 4.9.3 Egyptian words: 4 2 br, ' b o a t , (war)ship' ( K T U 4.81 = R S 11.779:2-3, etc.); ht, ' b r e a d ' ( K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:22), Egyptian ht3 ( W a t s o n 1995a, 223-4); htt, 'silver' (see above), Egyptian hd; kw, 'drinking vessel' ( K T U 4.691 = R S 20.010:6), Egyptian kb; krk, ' p i c k a x e ' ( K T U 4 . 3 9 0 = R S 18.119:8 etc.), E g y p t i a n grg 'pick' ( S a n m a r t i n 1987b, 151); ktp, '(weapon)' ( K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009] + ν 2); rrí, Ί p r a y ' (enclitic of entreaty; K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ i 20, etc.), tkt, 'ship' ( K T U 4.81 = R S 11.779; K T U 4.366 = R S 18.074); etc. 4.9.4 Sumerian words: ad, 'father' ( K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002:32 etc.); ilg, 'stone' ( K T U 4.751 = R S 29.096:11); ksu, 'seat, throne', ( K T U 1.3 vi 15 etc.), krs/su, '(a type of forage or fodder)' ( K T U 4.225 = R S 16.198 [a]+:16); plk, 'spindle' ( K T U 1.4 ii 3.4), etc. 4.9.5 I n d o - E u r o p e a n / I n d o - A r y a n words: agn, 'cauldron' ( K T U 1.23 = R S 2 . 0 0 2 : 1 5 . 3 1 . 3 6 ) m a y be cognate with Sanskrit agni 'fire'; mryn probably Indo-Aryan, e.g. Sanskrit marya, 'hero'; sm, 'king', ( K T U 1 . 2 2 = R S 2 . [ 0 2 4 ] i 1 8 ) ; ssw/ssw, 'horse' ( K T U 1 . 7 1 = R S 5 . 3 0 0 : 7 etc.), Sanskrit asva ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1 9 8 3 ) ; tnn, 'archer' ( K T U 4 . 3 5 = R S 8 . 1 8 3 + ii 1 1 etc.) a n d p e r h a p s others such as smrgt

42

WARD

1961

now needs updating.

'emerald', 43 Sanskrit marakata and Greek smaragdos (also found as maragdos), both meaning 'emerald' (WYATT 1 9 9 8 C , 9 1 , n. 9 0 ) . 4.9.6 Words from other languages: adr, 'door (?)' ( K T U 4.195 = R S 15.184:5), explained by anduru of uncertain origin; 44 irp, 'vase, container' ( K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014:20), is perhaps Hurro-Hittite, unless to be explained by Egyptian irp, 'wine' and therefore, possibly, 'wine-container'; utiyn ( K T U 3.1 = R S 11.772+:30 has the syllabic spelling uš-r[i-ia]-ni ( P R U 3 203 = R S 16.257+ iv 21) and may derive from Hurrian, Hittite or some other language (cf. DLU, 62). Generally speaking, in the case of some loanwords it is difficult to know whether they have been loaned directly, or indirectly through another language such as Akkadian, or even whether they are in fact Kulturwörter or Wanderwörter. Some words may even have been borrowed back from the language which initially borrowed them, e.g. kht, 'throne', from Hurrian keshi, itself a loan from Semitic ksu (DEL OLMO LETE - SANMARTIN 1995) and the same may apply to mgn, 'gift' and mryn, 'warrior' ( O ' C O N N O R 1989). T h e r e were also inner-Semitic borrowings, 45 and a distinction must be made between cognates and actual loans, such as nmrt from Akk. namurratu, 'splendour' (PARDEE 1988b, 115).46

4.10

Homonyms

H o m o n y m s can be distinguished by context, comparative philology and occasionally from syllabic spellings. Simple examples of homonyms are bt 'house' and bt ' d a u g h t e r ' , both nouns; from comparative Semitics and (where attested) syllabic spellings, it is possible to determine that the first word corresponds to / b ē t u / and the second to / b i t t u / (SIVAN 1984, 210.212). In the case of weak verbs it is also difficult to determine the correct form of the root (e.g. does gl derive from gll, gly or gyl?). Since the Ugaritic corpus is so small, it is quite possible that a 'word' which occurs only a few times may have as

43

K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ i 32, which is read mrfrt in KTU2. Listed as = daltu, 'door' in C A D A / 2 , 117; AHw, 51a ( C E C C H I N I 1984, 47). 45 Including loans from Ugaritic to Akkadian, e.g. Ug. mit, 'oar', which was borrowed by Ugaritic Akkadian ( V I T A 1995b). 46 In K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252:21.24; nouns with preformative n- are Akkadian, not Ugaritic, as P A R D E E notes (ibid.). 44

many different meanings. 47 Examples include b'r I, 'to burn', b'r II, 'to a b a n d o n ' (only in the D stem); 48 gl I, 'shout of joy', gl II, 'cup' and gl III, '(type of field)'; ptt I, 'linen' and ptt II, '(make-up) case' ( K T U 4.247 = R S 16.399:22; SANMARTIN 1987a, 54, n. 7). A clear example of the importance of distinguishing homonyms (and incidentally of correct word division) is provided by yrk tcl bgr She climbed the mountain by the flank, mslmt bgr tliyt by the incline, the immense mountain. wfl bkm ban She climbed bkm, Araru, bm an wbspn Araru, Sapūnu, bn'm bgr tliyt the fair, the immense mountain (KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ iii 27-31) Although the sequence bkm looks like the particle bkm, 'thereupon', this is impossible here as such particles are never postpositive: they always come first in the clause (RENFROE 1 9 9 2 , 58). Instead, here km means 'hill, m o u n d ' (as proposed by AARTUN 1 9 6 8 , 2 9 1 ) and it is preceded by the preposition b (as part of the syntagm cly + b, 'to climb'). 49 Hence the third line should be translated 'She climbed the m o u n d , Araru'. 5 0

4.11

Ghost words

Non-existent words are due to scribal error, false readings, incorrect analysis or incorrect word division. Examples of words written incorrecdy are any ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ i 7-8) which is to be read liny, a place-name and tdrs ( K T U 1.45 = RS 1.008+:5), to be read tdrq, 'tread'. T h e word ski, 'vizier' in K T U 3.1 = R S 1 1.772+:38 2 (KNOPPERS 1993) may have to be read skn (so KTU ). A classic example is ulp, taken by some scholars to mean 'noble, chief or the like', though it is really to be understood as u, 'and' + Ip, 'like' 51 or as u + / + p, 'whether from the mouth o f (see § 13.6.2). In some cases, the word division is uncertain, e.g. the sequence grbtil ( K T U 1.19 =

47

See especially the studies by

DIETRICH -

LORETZ

and

DIETRICH

-

LORETZ

-

SANMARTIN. 4,1

DIETRICH

LORETZ

49

Cf.

1975,

PARDEE

SANMARTIN

1975.

362.

50

However, cf. DLU, 107. Where tp is the preposition I + p, 'mouth'; cf. 2 9 1 - 2 , with bibliography. 51

DE M O O R

-

SANDERS

1991,

R S 3.322+ iii 47) could be analyzed as gr bt il 'resident in the house of Ilu', as grbt il, 'leprosy of Ilu' 52 or even as grb til 'may you seek asylum as a leper'; 53 kgmn may = k + gmn, 'like a funeral offering(?)' or kgmn = Hurrian 'three-year old'. 54 O n the other hand, in K T U 1.96 = RS 22.225:1, most scholars corrected cnn to cnt[ 'Anat', thus eliminating a previously unnoticed word which may mean 'evil eye'. 55

4.12

Future research

Although the core vocabulary of the Ugaritic texts is now understood to a large extent, there still remain many lexical items which either need to be determined or require further clarification. For example, in the Keret epic, msb'thn bslh ttpl, ' T h e seventh of them fell by (the) sW ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ i 20-1), it is uncertain whether the deaths described refer to his wives or to his children or indeed to the way the last victim died. T h e word slh could mean 'a throwing weapon', 'a sword', 'war', 'lightning', the god 'Salhu', 'parapet' or a disease which affects babies (Babylonian šulhu). If the last meaning applies, then this death must have affected Kirta's children, which in turn is significant for the meaning of the epic (WATSON 1997c). However, the task of determining the meaning and or etymology of individual words is not simply a luxury for students of Ugaritic. Scholars in other branches of Semitic studies or in other disciplines frequently need to consult reference works on Ugaritic for their own purposes. Examples include the compilers of DNWSI and HALOT or of encyclopaedias of various kinds or of comparative studies (e.g. H O C H 1994). It is important, therefore, to establish as accurately as possible what Ugaritic words mean. O u r main difficulties in understanding correctly many a difficult passage are principally that there is no similar passage in Ugaritic or that the context is uncertain. In other words, the Ugaritic corpus is simply too small owing to lack of texts. Future discoveries and continuing research are our only hopes in this exercise.

52

HILLERS

53

RENFROE

1985.

1986, correcting amd, the first word of the line, to tmd. See

WATSON

1989a, 47~8. 54

DIETRICH -

55

DEL

§ 6.5.3.

OLMO

LORETZ LETE

SANMARTIN

1992b;

LEWIS

1976.

1996,

WYATT

1998c, 375 n. 1. See

SPRONK

5

U G A R I T I C W O R D S IN SYLLABIC

JOHN

TEXTS

HUEHNERGARD

E m b e d d e d within the syllabic cuneiform texts written by scribes at Ugarit are over three hundred Ugaritic lexical items. These Ugaritic forms appear in all genres of Akkadian texts. In one group of syllabic cuneiform texts, those of the polyglot Syllabary A Vocabulary (Sa Voc.), the Ugaritic words were intentionally recorded by the scribes. T h e S a Voc. was a Mesopotamian lexical series in which columns of individual cuneiform signs, in a fixed order, were equated with one or more Akkadian words in a second column (LANDSBERGER - H A L L O C K 1 9 5 5 ) . This lexical series was imported to scribal centres in the west, including Hattuša, Emar, and Ugarit. T h e Ugarit exemplars of the S a Voc. are unusual in that they do not have merely the two columns of the exemplars found elsewhere; instead, they add either one additional column giving lexical equivalents in Hurrian 1 or, more often, two additional columns with equivalents in both Hurrian and Ugaritic. Six exemplars of this quadrilingual type are known (VAN S O L D T 1 9 9 0 , 7 2 8 - 3 0 ) , on which more than one hundred Ugaritic words are wholly or partly preserved. Thanks to the presence of Akkadian equivalents (and, when those are broken away, the fixed order of the cuneiform signs), the meanings of the Ugaritic words in the S a Voc. exemplars can be established with more precision and certainty than is the case with the Ugaritic lexical items attested in other text genres. Nearly all parts of speech are attested a m o n g these forms as the examples on p. 135 illustrate. Apart from the S a Voc. exemplars, Ugaritic words appear in Akkadian texts either (a) as parts of the names of local geographical features or plots of land or, much more often, (b) by chance, essentially lapsus calami in which the scribe either forgot the appropriate Akkadian word and substituted a Ugaritic form or thought that the (Ugaritic) form he was writing was proper Akkadian. T h e former group, which by their nature are substantives and adjectives, occur in legal and

1

R S 21.062 (Ug 5 no. 135); also R S 94.2939, discussed by M. S A L V I N I and B. A N D R É - S A L V I N I at the 45th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Cambridge, Mass., July 6 1998.

ω υ Ζ —

Ά

in ιΟ ιη IT) in LH LO ιΟ m 3 S» rc en á?.Ô S CO . -50 S? á? à? ûo áf cb (Μ Il C II :CM M II CM ^ II II CMà? CO &) II = II ; ~ Il n " sa "Φ + :3 + :S + :s + + := + a ïh σIl> 13 Oï C D C O ^ C O C O co C O ι-» I-03 o O O TtCMco CMco Tt- co Ζ CO § 2 - CO^ Ë - Ε - Ε - Β - Ë ^ CO co CO ο . Ο ~' Ο O o oM o oCM o öCM Ο o o o Ο ο CM C0 CMC οCM 0 CM QCM Q CM Q ο CM co CM C O CM C o CMC C o G C C C/} C/3 C/3
Ο ζ «J ja ζ o P < 0N 1 ΐ

Ì

3 Ζ

Λ ; 3 ja

π! j3 jC y 'Ja 5

ι3 T3

ο Ë

J3

»3 C 3 j3

3 C« IC Ί3

Λ -a

3 ε ΙΟ

aj > Λ

ja CL : χ: ο α- S

a 'S c

3 C _aM Q

2

3 'S.

Λ =3 3 α

g

3 'ci. D. jaaΛ

CL

CL

Ο-

•3

a •o.

-S

£

CL

ά

'3

ct •S I "3

•S», c

α α

£ aI a α £

a £

>s

Ο -D —! J

D Ζ

Q D

α •«a.

Ζ D

Q D

13

_3

ζoo a. χ

S -Si

Q.

H U ω

O

c — c ω >

aν

'Ço α ε aέ

a

Ζ ο c/3

^ λ js. o

=e jag

•—

% ο D

c -S

α 3 υ

α κ

α -S

J <

CQ

3 Ζ

Q

D

S3

Ζ ο οχ

1α.

economic texts; many of them correspond to designations attested in alphabetic texts, such that alphabetic gt X corresponds to syllabic A.ŠÀ (me5/1,i ' a) * or ( é ) AN.ZA.GÀR X (see H U E H N E R G A R D 1987a, 11 n. 51), as in gt gwl = A.ŠÀmeŠ (/guw(w)â1i/ 'circuit'); gt dpm = A.ŠA-,ia dì-ip-ra-ni-ma (/diprānrma/ 'junipers'); gt m'br = "AN.ZA.GÀR ma-ba-n (/ma'bari/ 'ford'); gt 'mq = [AN.ZA].GÀR: am-qa (/'amqa/ 'stronghold?'); gt gl = A.ŠÀ* 3 : hu-li (/gôli/ 'low ground?'). T h e largest n u m b e r of Ugaritic words in syllabic texts, however, are those that appear, seemingly at random, for an expected Akkadian form. About a fourth of the Akkadian texts contain one or more such Ugaritic words. T h e y are found in all genres, although they are, understandably, relatively u n c o m m o n in texts that are copies of Mesopotamian originals, i.e. lexical texts (other than the S a Voc.) and literary texts; note, however, the following examples: lexical Ú EME.UR.GI 7 = la-ša-nu UR.GI 7 meŠ 'hound's-tongue' (a plant name), with Ugaritic /1ašānu/ for Akkadian lišān(u) (RS 22.034 + 349 = MSL 10 107ff. A, 110); literary lip-hu-dú-ma 'may they fear' RS 17.155 = Ug 5, no. 17a r. 7', in which the root is Northwest-Semitic p-h/h-d 'to fear' (VON S O D E N 1969) but the form, as is usually the case in the few examples found in literary texts, has been made to conform to an Akkadian paradigm (here, precative). Ugaritic vocabulary is much c o m m o n e r in the many legal and economic texts written in syllabic cuneiform. Some economic texts contain several Ugaritic words, or even a preponderance of them (e.g. RS 19.071= PRU 6, no. 114). An extreme instance is R S 17.240 = PRU 6, no. 136, a list of men of different professions who are owed a shekel (of silver), in which it is likely that every syllabically-written word is Ugaritic; this text may be compared with the very similar alphabetic text K T U 4.99 = R S 11.845, in which most of the same terms occur, albeit in the plural and not in the same order: RS 17.240 = PRU 6, no. 136 r 1Ί GÍN UG[U IÚ 1 GÍN MIN 1ύ[ 1 GÍN MIN 1ύ[ 1 MIN '"Š[À.TAM] 5

1 MIN

pa-[si-lu]

iù

1 MIN '"SAN [GA]

KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845

pslm (line 17)

khnm (line 9)

1 MIN

^ma-h[i-sú]

1 MIN ^karbi-s[Ú] 1 MIN

10

ÌÙ

na-ffi-ru

mf}sm (line 15) kbšm (line 7) (cf. ngr krm in KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016.12)

1 MIN '> 5 (QA)-/a-%] 1 M I N xHa-si-[ru] 1 MIN

iÙ

ia-qí-š [u]

ysrm (line 11) or

iu

ia-si- [hu] — y shm

(line 19) yqšm (line 6)

1 MIN '"UGULA ma-š[i 1 M I N ^mur-ú [

15

1 MIN lùna-s[i-ku]

mru ibr^n* (line 12) and mru skn (line 13) nsk ksp (line 14)

As the examples cited thus far suggest, most of the Ugaritic forms that occur in Akkadian texts (except for the S a Voc. quadrilinguals) are nouns. A few finite verbs are also found, however, such as the following suffix-conjugation forms: G D

3ms ta-ba-'a /taba'a/ 'he departed' RS 19.032 = PRU 6, no. 77:1; 3mp sa-ma-tù /samatū/ 'they devolved' RS 16.147 = PRU 3, 90b: 13; 3ms šal/ša-li-ma /ša11ima/ 'it delivered' RS 20.012 = Ug 5, no. 96 passim·,

?N 3mp na-ap-ta-ru /naptarū/ 'they exchanged?' RS 15.123 + 16.152 = PRU 3, 89a:5. T h e syllabically-written Ugaritic words are usually not identified as such by any graphic device; they simply occur within an otherwise Akkadian context, as in ul-ma-tu GALmeä sa S'SMÁ '4 large ship's hammers' (/hu1mātu/)' RS 19.112 = PRU 6, no. 141:4; 'AN.ZA.GÀR TN η (kVìÌR<meŠ) (la) Šal/ša-li-ma 'the manor of TN has (not) delivered (/sallima/) η slaves' RS 20.012 — Ug 5 no. 96, passim·, ù ma-ša-ra sa TN 'and the tithe (/ma'šara/, acc.) of TN' RS 16.244 = PRU 3, 93b:7. 4

urudu

In many instances, however, the Ugaritic words are preceded by a special sign that is written with two small angled wedges. This sign, usually termed a 'gloss mark' ÇGlossenkàr), has several functions in the syllabic texts from Ugarit (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a, 204-8), but its most c o m m o n use is to mark the word that follows it as nonAkkadian (i.e. in all but a few examples, as Ugaritic). T h e gloss mark is indicated by a colon in transliteration: ŠEmcs-/w KAŠmeâ-Â sa : ma-a'-ša-ri-ša 'the grain and beer of its (sc. a TN) tithe (/ma'sari/)' RS 16.153 = PRU 3, 146-7:10-1 (compare the last example cited above);

i-na A.ŠÀ : ad-ma-ni 'in "redland (/'admāni/) field'" RS 15.145 = PRU 3, 122-3:8, 12; u É-tu4 PN a-na 'MÎJLUGAL'-ft : sa-ma-ta 'and PN's field devolved (/samata/) upon the queen' RS 15.086.15-16 = PRU 3, 51-2. Most of the syllabically-written Ugaritic words are also attested in alphabetic texts. O v e r one-fifth of the forms, however, are thus far unknown in alphabetic form. In the case of some presumably comm o n words, such as the first example cited below, the absence of an alphabetic attestation m a y be due to the poetic nature of m u c h of the Ugaritic corpus. ri-i\g]-lu /riglu/ 'foot' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137 i 10'; b[i]-f}i-ru UTUu-g[a-ri-it] 'the elite troops (/bihirū/) of Ug[arit]' RS 17.432 = PRU 6, no. 71:5'; [k]a-ma-'a-\lu) /kama'ätu/ 'truffles' RS 19.035B + Ε = PRU 6, no. 159:3'; ti-ib-nu /tibnu/ 'straw' RS 20.149 = Ug 5, no. 130 iii 17'.

kimc5

Several Ugaritic consonantal p h o n e m e s do not occur in Akkadian. T h e s e were generally represented in syllabic writings by signs whose consonantal c o m p o n e n t approximated that of the Ugaritic sound: / 0 / appears only rarely, as in i-zi-ir-\tu^\ /'iöirtu/ 'help' RS 20.149 = Ug 5, no. 130 iii 7'; / 0 / is written with Š-signs: mu-ša-bu /mo6abu/ 'seat' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137 iii 32"; ^šu-uq-du(-)ma /9uqdu/ 'almond' RS 19.035B + Ε = PRU 6, no. 159:4'; ma-áš-I}a-tu-ma /ma0hatūma/ '(cloths)' RS 19.028 = PRU 6, no. 126:1; / z / probably appears in: zu-ur-PI /zurwu/ '(aromatic) resin' EA 48:8; / h / and / g / are written with Η-signs: ha-ra-^šu} /harrašu/ 'artisan' RS 20. 189a + β ( L a r o c h e 1979b, 479) 7; fré-qu / h ê q u / 'lap' R S 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137) i 9'; ^ha-ma-ru-ú / g a m a r u - h u / 'his apprentice' RS 19.042 = PRU 6, no. 79, 11; /}u-ul-ma-tu4 /gu1matu/ 'darkness' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: üi 15'; / V , / h / , and / V are sometimes written with the Akkadian '-sign, as in m-1 a-tu /ni J ātu/ '(implements)' RS 19.135 = PRU 6, no. 142:2; &meisa-'a-tu /sā'ātu/ '(wooden) bowls' RS 19.064 = PRU 6, no. 163: r. 4'; ma-a'-sa-H /ma'sari/ 'tithe' RS 16.153 = PRU 3, 146-7:11; sometimes indicated by 'broken writings', as in ma-aš-a-li /maš 5 a1i/ •orac1e(?)' RS 15.092 = PRU 3, 54ff:25; tu-a-pÍ-[ku] /tuhappiku/ 'to be upset' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 23'; si-il-a /sil'a/ 'c1iff(?)' RS 16.249 = PRU 3, 96ff.:5; and sometimes, especially word-initially, not represented, as in a-na-ku /'anāku/ Τ RS 20.149 = Ug 5, no. 130: iii 12'; á-[P]I-[/]u 4 /huwātu/ 'word' RS 20. 189A + Β ( L a r o c h e 1979b, 479) 12; ab-du / ' a b d u / 'slave' R S 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: iii 4.

T h e greatest linguistic benefit of the syllabically-written words is the evidence they provide for the vocalization of Ugaritic. T h e y show, for example, that the patterns of some Ugaritic words differed from those of their Northwest Semitic and Arabic cognates, as in da-ab-hu / d a b h u / 'sacrifice' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: iii 6, versus Aramaic, Hebrew and Arabic *dibh\ : ma-ad-da-tù /maddatu/ 'measurement' RS 17.022 + 087 = Ug 5, no. 5:9, versus Hebrew middâ; a-du-rù /'aduru/ 'mighty' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 34', versus Hebrew 'addîr. A n u m b e r of phonological processes are also exposed by the vocalized syllabic forms. A m o n g these are vowel assimilation around gutturals: tu-ú-ru /tuhūru/ < *tahūru 'pure' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 1; [ u ' r u d u ' m e J W ^ ' - [ j ] ^ W m e ä /mihrsūma/ < *mahīsūma '(implements)' RS 19.135 = PRU 6, no. 142:4; ta-a-ma-tu4 /tahāmatu/ < *tihāmatu 'sea' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: iii 34"; raising of a and ā before w and y: [h]u-V\-tu^ /huwwatu/ < *hawwatu 'land' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 10'; hé-V\-ma /hiyyūma/ < *hayyüma 'life' RS 20.426c + 20Ιο = Ug 5, no. 131:6'; optional syncope of short vowels in open syllables: na-ba-ki-ma and : na-ab-ki-ma /nab(a)kīma/ 'springs' RS 16.150 = PRU 3, 47a: 16 and RS 16.263 = PRU 3, 49b:5;' [b]a-ma-ru-m[a] and 1ύ·meif}a-am-rumamei/gam(a)rūma/ 'apprentices' RS 15.042 + 110 = PRU 3, 196: i 1 and RS 25.428:6 (see PRU 6, 150 n. 3); Ä-W-[<]« 4 /šantu/ < *šanatu 'year' RS 20. 189a + b ( L a r o c h e 1979b, 479) 11 (see v a n S o l d t 1990b). T h e Ugaritic vocabulary attested in Akkadian texts has been studied in detail in B o y d 1975, S i v a n 1984a (see the reviews of H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b, v a n S o l d t 1989d), H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a (see the important review of v a n S o l d t 1990b), and v a n S o l d t 1991a. Several studies of individual lexical items have also appeared, including, recendy, Lambert 1988; S a n m a r t i n 1987b, 1992; v a n S o l d t 1989a; V i t a 1995b, 1996a; W e g n e r 1995; W i l h e l m 1992; X e l l a 1990.

UGARITIC STYLISTICS

1

Ugaritic

Meindert

1.1

Prose

Dijkstra

Introduction

It is rather difficult to give a precise definition of Ugaritic prose texts. In general, they include all those texts that are assumed not to be poetic texts, or at any rate do not reveal clear marks or criteria of poetry as found in the major Ugaritic myths and legends. However, the distinction between poetry and prose is rather clear, where poetic sections of myths and legends are interrupted by prose sentences containing ritual prescriptions, instructions for performance and recitation, or colophons ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ le.edge, K T U 1.6 = R S 2.[009]+ vi 5 4 - 8 ; K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ le.edge, K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] le.edge). For instance K T U 1.4 ν 4 2 - 3 : wtb Imspr. . ktlakn glmm 'and repeat the recitation that the lads were sent' and K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ vi. le.edge whndt.ytb.Imspr 'and this (passage) should be recited once more' (referring to the legend from iv 23 onwards). W e shall see that hndt is a typical prose word. A similar line of instruction is included in the myth of K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002.56 ytbn yspr 1hmš 1slmm* wyšr pf}r klat, ' O n e shall repeat the recitation five times before the images and the congregation together shall sing. . .'. K T U 1.23 is a good example of how prose ritual prescriptions are interspersed in a poetic text, particularly in the opening sections ( K T U 1.23.12, 14-5, 18-22), but in the expiation ritual K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002+.35 the instruction w.tb.lmpsr 'and start to recite again . . .' appears in a prose discourse. T h e majority of documents published in KTUX and 2 are prose texts. T h e largest group, the economic or administrative texts, usually contain lists of persons and cities, or villages, often introduced by a label or heading identifying the nature and purpose of the list and some-

times also preceded by the general marker spr. O f t e n only these headings permit some grammatical and syntactic analysis. Together with the letters, they may help to assess the criteria and character of the Ugaritic vernacular used during the years of Ugarit's final flourishing, basically the last fifty years following the reign of Ammittamru III, though some older documents survived ( K T U 3.1, 3.4, 7.65 = R S 11.772+, 16.191+ and 16.402[B]) mentioning such kings as N i q m a d u II and his son Niqmepa. It has been assumed that these latest texts reflect the m o r e developed language of everyday use (SEGERT 1984, § 13.1).

T h e purpose of this chapter is to review the different types of prose style and syntax found in distinctive prose genres such as letters, contracts, or rituals. Distinct use of a given verb form may occur in different types of discourse. Prose discourse is a constellation of functionally used verbal or noun clauses pertaining to a given type of prose. Discourse types may, for instance, be narrative, precative, persuasive, prescripdve or performative and each function implies the use of certain modes of verbs and noun clauses. This review starts from the assumption that each type of prose is, in effect, such a cluster of functionally and semantically used verbal or noun clause types ( L O N G A C R E 1 9 9 2 , 1 7 7 - 8 ) . It implies that reports are basically narradve, ritual and medical instructions prescripdve, and prose incantantions and letters persuasive. T h e borderlines between the different types of discourse are not always well defined; performative elements may also occur in rituals and incantations. Letters may contain narrative parts in so far as they function as reports. Such a functional approach related to context and genre for the study of verb and syntax in Ugaritic prose is more appropriate than the generic aspectual a n d temporal distinction made, for instance, by S E G E R T 1984 (particularly § 64.2, but see R A I N E Y 1987, 397; T R O P P E R 1993a, 389ff.). W e cannot deal extensively here with the function of perfect and imperfect in poetry in comparison with its function in prose, but there is more overlap between prose and poetry than Segert suggests. H e states that the perfect a n d imperfect acquired temporal character in the late Ugaritic vernacular (about 1200 BCE; S E G E R T 1984, § 64.21). However the perfect is used in poetry as a narrative m o d e describing a completed action in the past, whereas it still may a p p e a r in its constative and performative function in late Ugaritic prose depending on the context, for instance in contracts and rituals. Segert's assumption may in general apply to Ugaritic

correspondence and administradve texts, but the modes of use m a y be different for other types of discourse.

1.2 1.2.1

Classification of the prose texts

Administrative texts

KTU2 lists 792 texts as economic or administrative. T h e y are by far the largest group of prose texts. Not all of t h e m are administrative texts (e.g. K T U 4 . 6 6 9 + = R S 1 9 . 1 7 4 A B is possibly H u r r i a n [ D I J K S T R A 1 9 9 4 , 1 2 5 - 6 ] and 4 . 6 5 9 = R S 1 9 . 1 6 6 a sales contract for a female slave) a n d m a n y fragments are chips a n d bits that m a y in time be joined to other documents (e.g. K T U 4.412 + 545 + 518 + 512 = R S 1 8 . 2 5 1 + 1 8 . [ 4 7 1 ] + 1 8 . [ 4 3 5 ] + 1 8 . [ 4 2 6 ] ) . However, some texts listed as religious texts, letters or juridical documents would better be assessed as administrative documents (e.g. K T U 1 . 9 1 = R S 1 9 . 0 1 5 , l 2 . 2 7 = R S 1 6 . 3 7 8 A , 2 . 6 9 = R S 2 4 . 6 6 0 C a n d spr mnh bd mnny K T U 3 . 1 0 = R I H 8 4 / 3 3 , c o m p a r e also K T U 4 . 9 1 = R S 1 1 . 7 9 5 ) . 1.2.2

Letters

T h e second largest corpus of Ugaritic prose texts that are susceptible of basic linguistic analysis are letters ( K T U 2.1-83). T h e r e is some doubt as to the epistolary nature of some of the texts ( K T U 2.2 = R S 3.334, 2.5 = R S 1.020, 2.7 = R S 1.026+, 2.19 = R S 15.125 [manumission of a royal slave], 2.27 = R S 16.378A, 2.31 = R S 16.394, 2.60 = R S 18.[528], 2.62 = R S 19.022 and 2.69 = R S 24.660G). Quite a few letters are purely formal epistles, or contain only short messages apart from the usual airs and graces ( K T U 2.4 = R S 1.018, 2.10 = R S 4.475, 2 . 1 1 - 7 = R S 8.315, 9.479a, 11.872, [Varia 4], 15.007, 15.008, 15.098, 2.24 = R S 16.137 [bü\+, 2.26 = R S 16.264, 2 . 3 0 - 3 1 = R S 16.379, 16.394, 2.40 = R S 18.040, 2 . 6 3 64 = R S 19.029, 19.102, 2.68 = R S 20.199 a n d 2.71 = R S 29.095), or they are too broken for coherent translation ( K T U 2.1 = R S 3.427, 2.3 = R S 1.013+, 2.6 = R S 1.021, 2 . 8 - 9 = R S 1.032, 2.[026], 2.18 = R S 15.107, 2.20 = R S 15.158, 2.22 = R S 15.191 [a], 2.25 = R S 16.196, 2.35 = R S 17.327, 2 . 4 8 - 5 9 = R S 18.285[a], 18.286[ab], 18.287, 18.[312, 364, 380, 386, 387, 400, 443, 482, 500], 2 . 6 5 - 6 7 = R S 19.158B, 19.181 AB, 2 . 7 7 - 8 0 = R I H 7 7 / 0 1 , 77/21A, 7 7 / 2 5 , 7 8 / 2 1 and 2.83 = R I H 78/25). Only a few offer larger portions of prose to give an impression of the 13th century West Semitic per-

suasive m o d e of discourse used in diplomatic and business letters (KTU 2.33

2.10

=

RS

4.475,

=

RS

16.402,

17.434

and

17.434ba,

=

RS

18.113a,

2.45

2.36

2.23 +

2.38 =

RS

37 =

=

RS

+

73

16.078+, +

74

RS

18.031,

18.140,

2.70

=

RS

2.39 =

2.31

RS

=

=

RS

16.394,

17.435+,

17.438,

RS

29.093,

18.038, 2.72

2.42 =

RS

a n d 2 . 8 1 = R I H 7 8 / 0 3 + 7 8 / 3 0 ) . Twenty or so more letters were found in 1 9 9 4 in the house of U r t e n u ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1 9 9 6 ; D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1 9 9 7 ) , but are not yet available for analysis. 34.124

1.2.3

Ritual texts

Quite a large group are about fifty Ugaritic rituals and five lists of gods. With this group should also be mentioned about 26 completely or partially Hurrian ritual texts. T h e Ugaritic rituals include a series of monthly rituals as a kind of service book through the cultic year. T h e y contain prescriptions for daily sacrifices, seasonal festivals a n d prayers. T h e H u r r i a n texts include sacrificial lists, sacrificial agr hid. hymns a n d perhaps incantations: 1.2.3.1

Monthly rituals through the year

yrh rìšyn K T U 1.411| 1.87 = R S 1.003+, 18.056 and partial duplicates 1.39 = R S 1.001a.2-10|| 1.41 = R S 1.003+.11-9, 1.126 = R S 24.276.18ff.il 1.41.44-9; yrh sm[et] K T U 1.87.54ff.|| 1.46+ = R S 1.009+ [ D i j k s t r a 1984, 6 9 f f ] and partial duplicates 1.109 = R S 24.2531| 1.46+. 10-32, 1.130 = R S 24.284111.46+. 11-21, 1.58? = R S 1.047, 1.134? = R S 24.294; yrh n[ql] K T U 1.138 = R S 24.298; yrh ib'lt K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266; yrh hyr K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249, 1.112 = 24.256, 1.132 = R S 24.291 (partially Hurrian, continuation of 1.112? = R S 24.256), 1.148 = R S 24.643 rev?; yrh gn? K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+, partial duplicates 1.134 = R S 24.294 obv., 1.171 = R I H 7 8 / 1 6 . 1.2.3.2

Related texts with daily rituals a n d lists of sacrifices

K T U 1.48 = R S 1.019, 1.49 = R S 1.022, 1.50 = R S 1.023, 1.53 = R S 1.033, 1.57 = R S 1.046, 1.58 = R S 1.047, 1.76 = R S 6.215, 1.81 = R S 15.130, 1.91 = R S 19.015, 1.104 + 7 . 1 3 3 = R S 24.248+24.305 ( D i j k s t r a 1998, 280-2), 1.110 = R S 24.254 (Hurrian

with Ugaritic gloss bW pamt), 1.111 = R S 24.255 (obv. Hurrian); 1.134 = R S 24.294, 1.136 + 1.137 = R S 24.296ab, 1.146 = R S 24.253, 1.156 = 24.656, 1.159 + 1.160 = R S 28.059AB, 1.162 = R S [Varia 20], 1.165 = R I H 7 7 / 0 4 + 7 7 / 1 1 , 1.170 = R I H 7 8 / 1 1 , 1.171 = R I H 7 8 / 1 6 , 1.173 = R I H 7 8 / 0 4 , 7.46 = R S 1.042, 7.177 = R S 24.653B; id yph/ydbh mlk: K T U 1.41 = R S 1 . 0 0 3 + . 5 0 - 5 , 1.90 = R S 19.01311 1.168 = R I H 7 7 / 1 0 b + 7 7 / 2 2 , 1.115 = R S 24.260, 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + , 1.139? = R S 24.300. 1.2.3.3

Procession

rituals

km t'rb GM,Ν) bt mlk: K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005, 1.148 = R S 2 4 . 6 4 3 . 1 8 22, 1.139? = R S 24.300. 1.2.3.4

Occasional sacrificial festivals

K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015 obv. a catalogue of royal festivals; spr dbh φι K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126; dbh il bldn K T U 1.162 = 1.91.6 (= R S [Varia 20], R S 19.015.6); dbh spn K T U 1.148 = R S 2 4 . 6 4 3 . 1 - 1 2 , 1.91.3; dbh cttrt qrat.bgrn (partially H u r r i a n ) K T U 1.116 = R S 24.261; a lung model with ritual a n d sacrificial instruction K T U 1.127 = R S 24.277. 1.2.3.5

G o d lists

K T U 1.47 = R S 1.017, 1.74(?) = R S 6.138, 1.102 = R S 24.246, 1.113 = R S 24.257 (deified kings), 1.118 = R S 24.264+. 1.2.3.6

Expiation rituals

K T U 1.4011 1.84111.121 + 1.122 + 1.153 + 1.154 + 7.162? = R S 1.002 II 17.100[A]+ || 24.270a[b] + 24.650b + 24.652G+ + 24.652b?. 1.2.3.7

H u r r i a n rituals

K T U 1.26 = R S 1 - 1 1 . [ 0 4 8 ] , 1.30 = R S 1 - 1 1 . [046], 1.32 = R S 1.[066], 1.33 = R S 1.[067], 1.34 = R S 1.[076], 1.35 + 1.36 + 1.37 = R S 1. [069 + 070 + 071], 1.42 = R S 1.004, 1.44 = R S 1.007, 1.51 + 52 = R S 1.027 + 1.028+, 1.54 = R S 1.034+, 1.59 = R S 1.[049a], 1.60 = R S 2.[006], 1.64 = R S 3.372, 1.66 = R S 5.182, 1.68 = R S 5.200, 1.110 = R S 24.254, 1.111 = R S 24.255 (rev.

Ugaritic), 1.116 = RS 24.261, 1.120 = R S 24.269+, 1.125 = R S 24.274, 1.128 = R S 24.278, 1.131 = RS 24.285, 1.132 = R S 24.291, 1.135 = R S 24.295, 1.148 = R S 24.643.13-7, 1.149 + 150 = R S 24.644 + 24.644[a], 4.669+ = R S 19.174A. Administrative texts quite often also contain information about rituals, in particular when they deal with the distribution and allocation of wine, food and other commodities for the cult, e.g. hmšyn.bdbh mlkt bmdr' 'five (kd) of wine for the sacrifice of the Q u e e n in the sown land' ( K T U 4.149 = R S 15.039.14 6, see further K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015, 4.168 = R S 15.082, 4.182 = R S 15.115, 4.213 = R S 16.127.24, 4.219 = R S 16.179.2-3). Most ritual texts stem from the High Priest's house and the house of the Hurrian Priest (PH rooms 10-11) and just a few from Ras Ibn Hani. 1.2.4

Religious texts in literary prose

T h e r e is quite a large group of smaller texts and fragments which may be classified as literary religious texts, if not myths. Some of them were clearly composed as poetry (e.g. K T U 1.10 = RS 3.362+, 1.12 = R S 2.[012], 1.92 = RS 19.039+, 1.96 = R S 22.225 and 1.100 = RS 24.244), but some may be fragments of myths and incantations in prose or a kind of poetic prose ( K T U 1.9 = R S 5.229, 1.24 = RS 5.194, 1.25 = R S 5.259, 1.45 = RS 1.008+, 1.65 = R S 4.474, 1.82 = RS 15.134, 1.83 = R S 16.266, 1.96 = RS 22.225, 1.107 = R S 24.251+, 1.151 (?) = R S 24.647 and 1.169 = R I H 78/20). T h e r e are also occasionally prayers, one in poetic form ( K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266.26-36), but also in prose ( K T U 1.65 = R S 4.474 and 1.123? = R S 24.271), a blessing or dedication ( K T U 1.77 = R S 6.411), a small collection of fables ( K T U 1.93 = R S 19.054) and, perhaps, a wisdom text ( K T U 2.21| 2.5? = R S 3.334, 1.020). With this group, we may also mention the few Akkadian .n/?íM-prayers in Ugaritic alphabetic script ( K T U 1.67 (+) 1.69 = R S 5.199 + 5.213, 1.70 = R S 5.156+, 1.73 = R S 5.303fc, 7.50 = R S 5.157, 7.52 = RS 5.196 and 7.55 = R S 5.218). 1.2.5

Other miscellaneous prose texts

Minor groups of prose texts are the juridical texts, medical prescriptions and omens. T h e juridical texts are mainly found in K T U Section 3, but see also K T U 2.19 = R S 15.125 (manumission of a slave) and K T U 4.659 = R S 19.166 (sales record of a female slave?)

a n d the custom licences (or h a r b o u r dues?) a n d caravan licences (KTU

4.172 =

RS

15.093, 4.266

=

RS

17.074, 4.336

=

RS

18.023

and 4 . 3 8 8 = R S 1 8 . 1 1 3 ) . As sealed documents, the licences can be considered a kind of juridical contract. T h e distinction between legal documents and administrative records is not always clear. K T U 3.7 = R S 1 8 . 1 1 8 and 3 . 1 0 = R I H 8 4 / 3 3 are rather administrative lists, though they deal with legal charges such as ^ - o b l i g a t i o n s and debts, as do K T U 4 . 3 3 8 = R S 1 8 . 0 2 5 and 4 . 3 4 7 = R S 1 8 . 0 3 5 + . Medical prescriptions are found in K T U 1 . 1 7 5 = R I H 7 7 / 1 8 . T h e y are sometimes included in other texts K T U 1 . 1 1 4 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 8 . 2 9 - 3 2 (an incantation for medical treatment of delirium) a n d 1.124 = R S 2 4 . 2 7 2 (an oracular report), a n d also perhaps the fragment K T U 1 . 8 8 = R S 1 8 . 1 0 7 . T h e s e prose texts and sections are related to the hippiatric medical text of which four copies have been discovered (KTU

1.71 =

RS

5.300,

1.72 =

RS

5.285+,

1.85 =

RS

17.120

and

T h e large corpus of ancient N e a r Eastern o m e n literature was also represented in Ugarit by a d r e a m book (spr hlmm K T U 1 . 8 6 = R S 1 8 . 0 4 1 ) , a collection of astronomical omens ( K T U 1 . 1 6 3 = R I H 7 8 / 1 4 ) and birth omens of the summa izbu type ( K T U 1.103+ = R S 2 4 . 2 4 7 + a n d 1.140 = R S 24.302: D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a); also omens inscribed on fields of lung and liver models ( K T U 1 . 1 2 7 = R S 2 4 . 2 7 7 , 1.141-4 = R S 24.312, 2 4 . 3 2 3 , 2 4 . 3 2 6 , 2 4 . 3 2 7 and 1 . 1 5 5 = R S 2 4 . 6 5 4 ) and a report of an astronomical o m e n ( K T U 1.78 = R S 12.061). T h e r e is, perhaps, also a protocol of n e c r o m a n c y with some ritual prescriptions ( K T U 1.124 = R S 2 4 . 2 7 2 : D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a). 1.97 =

RS

23.484; C o h e n

1.3

1996).

Administrative prose

By far the largest group of prose texts are the administrative texts, which include census lists of persons, guilds and cities, p a y m e n t rolls, receipts and records of received or distributed commodities. T h e y are a main source for private n a m e s a n d also a lexicographic goldmine, though m a n y words are still poorly understood. For the structure of the language they are less informative, since their syntactical structure and style is often very simple. M a n y texts only have a simple label as heading mentioning a guild (hrtm 'ploughmen', K T U 4.65 = R S 11.602, 4.122 = R S 13.012; tnnm a kind of soldier, K T U 4.66 = R S 11.656; mrynm 'knights', K T U 4.623 = R S 19.049[b]; nqdm, 'sheep breeders', K T U 4.681 = R S 19.180; mdrglm 'guards ? ', K T U 4.751 = R S 29.096; khnm, 'priests', K T U 4.761 = R S 34.123)

or a village/city/gentilic. T h e s e guild markers themselves are listed as such too ( K T U 4.29 = R S 3.320, 4.38 = R S 8.272, 4.47 = R S 10.043, 4.68 = R S 11.716.60ff., 4.99 = R S 11.845, etc.); likewise geographical markers in topographical lists (K TU 4.63 = R S 10.052, 4.232 = R S 16.355, etc.). Both serve as headings in texts which contain persons grouped by trade, profession or provenance ( K T U 4.35 = R S 8 . 1 8 3 + , 4.69 = R S 11.715+, 4.71 (+) 72 = R S 11.721, 11.722, 4.103 = R S 11.858, 4.183 = R S 15.116, 4 . 4 1 2 + = R S 18.251 a n d 4.633 = R S 19.086A). T h e different p a r t s of these simple syntactical structures are: (1) heading (with or without introductory spr); (2) lists of persons, towns, etc. (together with n u m b e r , commodity, etc.); (3) s u m m a r y or total (with or without tgmr). T h e s e sections are often extended by descriptive, or restrictive remarks in relative clauses. T h e style is usually concise in the extreme, leaving out self-evident terms a n d phrases (e.g. tql, kbd, dd, tgmr, etc.). F r o m such texts, only a few prose sections can be gleaned, in particular f r o m texts such as K T U 4.145 = R S 15.034, which is a small report revealing the p o o r condition of the king's chariotry: (1) tmn.mrkbt.dt. (2) 'rb.bt.mlk (3) yd.apnthn (4) yd.hzhn (5) yd trhn/ (6) w.l.tt.mrkbtm (7) inn. utpt/ (8) w.tlt.smdm.w.hrs (9) apnt.bd.rb.hršm (10) d.šsa.hwyh Eight chariots, which entered the royal palace with their wheels, their ax1es(?), their bearings(?), but two chariots have no quiver; and of three two-horse carriages(?), the wheels are in the hands of the chief smith, who took (them) out for repair. It is a good example of the descriptive style found in administrative texts (also K T U 4.136 = R S 15.013). T h e nature of the d o c u m e n t s is often indicated by the w o r d spr, while the subject m a t t e r m a y be persons, trades a n d professions, or commodities, tribute, rations a n d fields u n d e r these headings extended with different types of relative sentences: spr npš d.crb bt.mlk w.b spr.l.st, 'List of people w h o entered the royal palace, but who were not put into the list. . . ' ( K T U 4.338 = R S 18.025.1-3). Usually, clusters with construct nouns do not exceed three nouns or names, such as spr argmn špš ( K T U 4.610 = R S 19.017); spr ksp mnny ( K T U 4.791 = R I H 8 4 / 0 4 ) ; but cf. spr hpr.bns.mlk ( K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016), spr hr's qst iptl ( K T U 4.215 = R S 16.130). D o c u m e n t s often have no h e a d i n g and start in médias res. C o m modities listed and other entries are occasionally extended by descriptive relative n o u n clauses or participles: ktn.d.sr.phm.bh, '. . . a robe

that has a string(?) of carbuncles on it' ( K T U 4.132 = R S 15.004.4); w.lpš. d sgr.b/ι, '. . . a garment that has a fibula' ( K T U 4.166 = R S 15.078); tit mrkbt spyt.bhrs [.] f ir[.] smdm.trm.d[.l.s]py/w.trm. ahdm. spym/tit mrkbt d.l.spy, 'Three chariots covered with gold, ten pairs of tr which are [not co]vered and a doub1e(?) set of tr covered, three chariots that are not c o v e r e d . . . ' ( K T U 4.167 = R S 15.079.1-7), but also verbal clauses: yn d.ykl.bd.k[hnm] (2) b.dbh.mlk, 'Wine that is delivered into the hands of the pr[iests] for the sacrifice of the king' ( K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015.1-2; T R O P P E R 1991b, 355); qmh. d.kly.ksh.illdrm bd.zlb[n], 'Flour that was completely spent according to the order(?) of Illdrm into the hand of %b[n] . . . ' ( K T U 4.362 = RS 18.052.1-2), ksp.d.slmyrmn.'l.bt, 'Silver that Yrmn paid for (the mortgage on?) the house . . . ' ( K T U 4.755 = R S 31.080; also K T U 4.95 = R S 11.836+, 4.166 = R S 15.078, 4.213 = RS 16.127, 4.290 = R S 17.297 and 4.348 = R S 18.036) and . . . prs qmh d nšlm, '. . . a /w-measure of flour that has been paid for' ( K T U 4.328 = R S 18.008.1). In relative noun clauses the expression for existence it is often added ( K T U 4.235 = RS 16.369, 4.422 = R S 18.293, 4.617 = RS 19.044, 4.752 = RS 29.097 [ S E G E R T 1982, § 55.7]), and the usual negation in such relative noun clauses is in(n) ( K T U 4.53 = RS 10.090, 4.180 = R S 15.105, 4.214 = R S 16.128 and 4.379 = R S 18.098). Ugaritic scribes seem to have used two conventions to sum up the totals of their administrative documents, either by writing the totals (ŠU.NÍGIN = napharu/gabbu) in cuneiform Sumero-Babylonian shorth a n d ( K T U 4.48 = RS 10.045, 4.63 = R S 10.052, 4.68 = R S 11.716, 4.69 = RS 11.715+, 4.71, 4.72 = RS 11.721, 11.722, 4.90 = R S 11.797, 4.93 = R S 11.776+, 4.100 = R S 11.850, 4.102 = R S 11.857, 4.165 = R S 15.076, 4.219 = RS 16.179, 4.232 = R S 16.355, 4.299 = R S 17.345, 4.308 = RS 17.386, 4.340 = R S 18.027, 4.435 = R S 18.[306], 4.610 = R S 19.017, 4.704 = R S 21.002, 4.745 = R S 25.417, 4.754 = R S 31.043, and 4.784 = R S [Varia 38],2; VAN S O L D T , 1995, 485-6) or in Ugaritic tgmr, and sometimes even both ways (e.g. sb'.mat ttm kbd/7 me-at 60 H I . M E Š , K T U 4.340 = RS 18. [027]). As with the headings, the pattern of such totals is not consistent. Usually the tgmr of the commodity received or distributed, or the group or city is mentioned first (e.g. K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015, 4.67 = R S 11.714, 4.156 = R S 15.053, 4.269 = R S 17.106 and K T U 4.151 = R S 15.044, 4.179 = RS 15.103, 4.777 = R I H 8 3 / 0 7 + respectively), but it may also follow the total a m o u n t ( K T U 4.230 = R S 16.341, 4.764 = R S 34.176 and 4.137 = R S 15.015+, 4.141

= R S 15.022+ and 4.173 = R S 15.094 respectively), but the word tgmr is also often left out ( K T U 4.164 = R S 15.075, 4.344 = RS 18.030, 4.427 = RS 18.299, 4.163 = R S 15.073.15ff, and 4.174 = RS 15.095 respectively). T h e style of these texts is basically descriptive and strongly paratactic. Complex syntactic structures with subordinate clauses are almost absent.

1.4

Literary prose of incantations, stones and reports

Everybody knows, or rather thinks he knows the difference between prose and poetry ( W a t s o n 1984d [1995] 44). T h e problem is to establish sound criteria. We cannot deal here with this question in extenso (see P a r d e e 1993a). T h e criteria often used to distinguish prose from poetry in Hebrew literature, namely the absence or rarity of prose elements such as the relative marker }"ser (less often the relative pronoun), the definite article, the object marker and the narrative waw, are not very helpful for Ugaritic prose. T h e existence of a narrative waw discourse in Ugaritic is still disputed and indeed, if it is not to be found in the context of the incantation K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244.67-8: mgy.hrn.l bth w (68)ystqilh^rh, ' H o r o n reached his house, and he entered his court', it occurs, perhaps, in a few prose texts such as, for instance, the report about a necromantic inquiry ( K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272): ky mgy.adn (2) ilm rbm.'m dtn (3) wysal.mtpt.yld (4) w/ny.nn.dtn (5) t'ny. . . uymg (11) mlakk.'m dtn (12) Iqh mtpt (13) uy'ny.nn dtn . . .' W h e n the Lord of the Great Gods came to Ditanu and asked for the boy's (oracular) decision, Ditanu answered him: "You will a n s w e r . . . and your messenger to Ditanu arrived after he received the (oracular) decision." T h e n Ditanu answered:. . .' As long as no vocalized narrative texts are available, the question will remain undecided. O n the other hand, the use of parallelism or parallelizing style in Ugaritic texts is not confined to poetry. As in the Hebrew Bible, it is also found in many prose texts. T h e greater use of relative pronouns and particularly, a set of demonstratives (hnd-hnk/hndt-hnkt/hnhmt, including the definite article hn-, R a i n e y 1971, 160; C u n c h i l l o s 1983b) and interrogative pronouns (mn(m)-mnk(m); mh-mhkm, etc.) in prose texts such as economic texts, letters, contracts, etc. ( W a t s o n 1984d [1995], 62) is a fairly clear criterion, but not the only one. Several texts show a mixed style of prose and poetry. It is hard to say whether these literary texts are prose containing poetic elements, or a kind of poetry in which the rules of poetic parallelism are weakly

used. T h e r e can be no doubt that m a j o r works from Ugarit such as the Ba'al Cycle, the legends of Aqhat and Keret, the astral myth of Shahar and Shalim were composed as oral poetry, in which inserted prose elements clearly stand out in their context. Some minor myths and incantations were also composed in the concise prosody of the major works ( K T U 1 . 1 0 = R S 3 . 3 6 2 + , 1 . 1 2 = R S 2 . [ 0 1 2 ] , 1 . 8 3 = R S 1 6 . 2 6 6 and 1 . 9 2 = R S 1 9 . 0 3 9 + ) , but a few are in prose, or have prose sections alternating with mythical passages in poetry. For instance, K T U 1 . 1 0 7 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 1 + clearly opens with a mythical poem ( K T U 1 . 1 0 7 . 1 - 1 4 ) , but the poison-expelling charms on the reverse are in prose ( K T U 1 . 1 0 7 . 3 2 - 4 5 ) . T h e incantation text K T U 1 . 8 2 = R S 1 5 . 1 3 4 , so far as it is readable and understandable, is also couched in prose. Its sections are marked by quick changes of subject and by subordinate clauses in persuasive style, but no clear parallelism can be traced: \y\mhs.bcl [xxjy.tnn.wygl.wynsk.'d [x] [x]xy.lars[.id\y.alt.I ahš.idy.alt.in ly [x\b/dt.b'l.hz.rsp.bn.km.yr.klyth.wlbh [xx]x.pk.b gr.tn.pk.bhlb.k tgwln.šntk [xx]wšptk.l tsšy.hm.tgrm.l mt.brtk [xx]hp.an.arnn.qlJpš.hw.btnm.uhd.bClm [wa]tm.prtl.l rišh.hmt.tmt. Let Ba'al smite the breed(?) of Tunan and reveal and pour out the . . . (2). . . on the earth. Then I shall not feel the curse, then the curse will not for me be (3) harmfu1(?). The archer Reshef (is) between the two of you. He will shoot at his kidneys and his heart. Let your mouth . . . in the lowland, let your mouth resound in the woods, when you grind(?) your teeth (5) [against him]. And your lips will surely rejoice, if you keep until death your covenant. (6) [I shall ] myself, I shall ring out with the Sun's voice: the life of the serpents I shall take away, Ο Ba'al, and nail down the iron pole on his head (KTU 1.82.1-7) Likewise the minor myths of Yarikh and Nikkal ( K T U 1.24 - R S 5 . 1 9 4 ) , Astarte the Huntress ( K T U 1 . 9 2 = R S 1 9 . 0 3 9 ) a n d El's drunkeness ( K T U 1 . 1 1 4 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 8 ) show a mixed style of prose and poetry. Of the last text the medical prescription is entirely in prose ( K T U 1 . 1 1 4 . 2 9 - 3 1 ) . T h e first text has a narrative framework in prose, whereas some of the speeches are couched in verse. This may also be true of the fable K T U 1 . 9 3 = R S 1 9 . 0 5 4 ( D I J K S T R A 1994,

125):

(1) arh td.rgm.b gr (2) b py.t'lgt.b 1šn[y] (3) gr.tyb.b npšy.rg[m] (4) hzvt.b'l.ištm['.y gr'] (5) M ly.y pš. i[k(?)] (6) hkr(.b]Šry[ } . . .

The Cow let out a cry against the Mountain: 'In my mouth is stammering, on [my] tongue is agitation, in my throat rolls "thun[der]". Heed the word of Ba'al [O Mountain!] Listen to me, you braggart! Why this distress of my [bo]dy . . . ? . . . ' K T U 1.92 and 1.114 contain prosodie phrases and epic formulae borrowed from the major myths ( D i j k s t r a 1 9 9 4 , 1 1 6 ) , but the narratives are basically prose compositions despite this poetic flavour. For K T U 1.92, one has to assume that many verses have been shortened to monocola, if it was a piece of narrative poetry. In K T U 1 . 1 1 4 , the sequences of perfect (with inversion of the subject) and imperfect forms suggest the transformation of poetically structured verses into prose sentences (so also K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225.Iff.). Consider il dbh . . . sh . . . tlhmn.ilm.wtstn . . . After El slaughtered . . . called . . . the gods ate and drank . . . After he rebuked El his father, b il.abh.gcr. ytb il.. . El sat down . . . After El sat down at his il.ytb.b mrzhh yšt. . marzeah, he drank . . . After El wanted to go home, il.hlk I bth . . .y'msn.nn . . . they carried him . . . A similar mixed style is also present in the ritual K T U 1.161 - R S 34.126, the incantation K T U 1.169 = R I H 7 8 / 2 0 and the prayers K T U 1.65 = R S 4.474, 1.108 = R S 24.252 and perhaps 1.123 = R S 24.271. W e observe in these texts a certain repetitive style, even chains of adverbial clauses and comparisons: k qtr.urbtm.k btn. cmdm (3) kyim.zrh.k Ibim.skh, 'like smoke from a chimney; like a snake from a pillar; like a mountain-goat to the hill-top; like a lion to a lair' ( K T U 1.169.3-4); il hš il add (10) bcd spn bcd[ (11) ugrt (12) b mrh il (13) b nit il (14) bsmd il (15) b dtn il, etc., Ό El, hurry! Ο El, stand up, on behalf of Saphon, on behalf of Ugarit, with the javelin of El, with the spade(?) of El, with the span of El, with the threshings1edge(?) of El, etc.' ( K T U 1.65.9-15); b mrmt (8) b miyt.bzlm.b qdš, '. . . on the heights, in the lowland, in darkness and in the sanctuary' ( K T U 1.169.7-8); b cz (22) [rpi.] mlk.'lm. b dmrh.bI (23) [anh].bhtkh.b nmrth . . ., 'in the safety [of the Healer], the eternal king, in his protection, in his strength, in his dominion, in his benevolent power . . .'

( K T U 1.108.21-3; also 1.108.4-5). C o m p a r e also the chain of adverbial p h r a s e s a n d //^-greetings K T U 1 . 1 6 1 . 2 2 - 6 (with tht), 3 1 - 4 and the chain of epithets in K T U 1.100.1: um phi ph.lt bt.'n.bt.abn. bt.šmm.wth. . ., ' T h e m o t h e r of the he-ass, the she-ass, daughter of the spring, daughter of the stone, daughter of heaven and flood . . .'. Similarly, the chains of epithets and participial predicates in the liturgical prayer K T U 1.108.Iff. T h e y are all instances of poetic prose with repetition and even occasional parallelism within a prose context. Despite these poetic elements, such passages as K T U 1.65.9ff. and K T U 1.108.Iff. form one extended prose sentence, bursting the bounds of an originally poetic structure. Even the small fragment K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266, p e r h a p s part of an incantation (DE M O O R 1987, 181-2), shows this mixed style: . . . [ts]un. b ars (4) mhnm. trp ym (5) 1šnm.tlhk (6) šmm. ttrp (7) ym dnbtm. (8) tnrí. I šbtn (9) ist. trks (10) I miym Ibnm* (11) pi. tbtn. yymm* (12) hmlt.

ht. ynh*[r] (13) itph. mk* [ ] (14) thmr. [ ] . . . (text newly collated by PITARD

1998,

263

. . . [She we]nt out into the land of Mahanayim to vanquish(?) Yam with the forked tongue that licks the sky. She vanquished Yam with the forked tail, Tunan she muzzled. She bound him onto the heights of Lebanon (saying): You swill no longer humiliate me, Ο Yam. Mankind may be scared, Ο River (but) you will not see [me] collapse. You may foam [. . .] Related to the persuasive prose style of incantation is the prose of letters and an occasional wisdom text such as K T U 2.2 = R S 3.334 (II 2.5? = R S 1.020), perhaps dictated as a scribal exercise: (1) (2) (3) (4)

[/] rHšSyyš[al] [š]lm.brtš.yšl[m.rn\ \s\gr.l šlmt.šl[m] b*th.p šlmt.p* šlm

(5) b*t.lbnš.trgm*[?] (6) / stmt.I šlm.b[tk] (7) by.šnt.mlit.t[mla] (8) (9) (10) (11)

ymgyk.bnm.ta[rš] bnm.wbnt.ytnk* [bYLbny.šht.w\x.x.] [wš]h*t.msgr.bnk[ ]

(12) [wh]n.thmM[ ]

First of all, my friend, one should a[sk] for [p]eace. A man should keep the bolt(?) secure. (If) it is not safe, will its house be at peace? When it is safe, then the house will have peace. To a man you should say: 'It is not safe, so [your] house will not be at peace!' Believe me, after a full year has surely [passed] children you asked for will come to you. Sons and daughters will Ba'al give you. My son, spoil (it) and . . . you will have [spoi]1ed the bolt(?) of your children. [And 1o]ok, the word of Ba'al. . .

1.5

The prose of letters

Letters form the most interesting group in which to study the syntax of Ugaritic prose in the latter days of its floruit. W e shall not deal here with the well known formulae of sender and addressee (thm X rgm l Y), the airs and graccs (yslm Ik, ilm tgrk tšlmk, with its variants), the prostration formula (lpen PN[šbCd šbCd/tnid] mrhqtm qlt/qlny), enquiries about health (šal šlm formula), requests for an answer (wrgm [t]ttb l/cm-PN), to reply or to pay attention to the message (wbcly. . .ydc [rgmh]), or even the closing remark to reassure somebody (wap mhkm b Ibk al tst, etc.). These have all been thoroughly and properly studied in the past ( A h l 1 9 7 3 ; K r i s t e n s e n 1 9 7 7 ; P a r d e e 1 9 8 4 ; P a r d e e Whiting 1987; C u n c h i l l o s 1983a, 1989a). Here attention will be paid to the larger passages of prose only in so far as they are preserved and help to give a glimpse of late colloquial Ugaritic. Characteristic of this Ugaritic 12th-century written vernacular is the increased use of plene writing with -y in prepositions by, ly, ky, iky, construct state: ily ugrt and verbal forms tmgyy, etc., but also an increase in enclitic - j as a marker of direct speech, in particular in letters ( T r o p p e r 1994d, 474-5). T h e difference between plene written -y and enclitic -y is not always easy to detect ( T r o p p e r 1994d, 480-1). O t h e r changes in vocalization and phonology include the quiescent aleph, sbcd < šbC,id, yrš < yarš, etc., though also incidentally found in poetry, cbdnn < acbdnn; cdbk < a'dbk ( K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + ii 21; 1.18 = R S 3.340 iv 22);ytmr < yitmr ( K T U 1.3 = RS 2. [014] + i 22), the shift of ' < h, for instance in im < hm ( K T U 2.15 = RS 15.007.8; 2.72 = RS 34.124.9, 10, 17; 3.9 = RS [Varia 14].6; T r o p p e r 1989b, 421-3); vowel harmony ulp (*ullupi) < alp (*allupi); ihy and uhy < ahy, ibr (Hbbiru) < abr (*abbiru). See further below § 8.1. T h e g r a m m a r and syntax of this late Ugaritic prose are enriched by the use of the article and demonstrative element hn, rarely independent in hn Ws, K T U 1.40 = R S 1.002 (perhaps also 1.114 = RS 24.258.28 and in assimilated form in K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093.15-6, w.hwt (16) hbt, 'and I repaired the house'), but frequently as part of a set of demonstrative pronouns: masc. hnd—hnk; fem. hndt—hnkt pi. hnhmt. Morphological developments may include the loss of diptotic plural and the occurrence of imperatives with prothetic aleph i: ibky, išhn ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126; T r o p p e r 1993a, 391-2); igr ( K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402.1); or aleph a: add ( K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474.9). Furthermore, we may note the wider use of the absolute infinitive

with separate personal p r o n o u n to continue a finite verb or imperative, wtbc ank ( K T U 2 . 1 7 = R S 1 5 . 0 9 8 . 6 ) ; w.ttb.ank ( K T U 2 . 3 8 = R S 1 8 . 0 3 1 . 2 3 ) ; wrgm hw/ank ( K T U 2 . 4 2 = R S 1 8 . 1 1 3A. 1 9 , 2 5 ) ; hbt hw (6) hrd w.sl hw (7) qrt, '. . . it eliminated the guard a n d pillaged the c i t y . . . ' ( K T U 2 . 6 1 = R S 1 9 . 0 1 1 . 5 - 7 ) ; w.ybl.hw ( K T U 2 . 7 2 = R S 3 4 . 1 2 4 . 2 7 a n d passim), though this is incidentally also attested in poetry ( S E G E R T 1 9 8 4 , § 6 4 . 4 2 ) . T h e variation in the use of the conjunction p(m)- is significant, a n d greater than in poetry (DE M O O R 1969, 2 0 1 - 2 ; K T U 2.2 = R S 3.334.4, 2.3 = R S 1.013+.19, 2.10 = R S 4.475.12, 2.14 = R S [Varia 4].12, 2.15 = R S 15.007.7, 2.23 = R S 16.078+.17, 2.26 = R S 16.264.7, 2.33 = R S 16.402.28, 2.70 = R S 29.093.27, 2.71 = R S 29.095.11 [pm], 2.72 = R S 34.124.1 1, 22, 42, 2.73 = R S 17.434.14; W A T S O N 1990e, 1994e) a n d the occurrence of pi and pn 'lest, you may not' ( K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266.11, 1.114 = R S 24.258.12). Also new, specific verbs such as dhl, 'to be afraid' ( K T U 2.16 = R S 15.008.12, 2.31 = R S 16.394.21); hbt, 'to knock down, eliminate' ( K T U 2.4 = R S 1.018.19, 2.47 = R S 18.148.16, 2.61 = R S 19.011.5), or verb forms like štn cm/l 'put something at the disposal of P N ' ( K T U 2.36+ = R S 17.435+.6, 13, 2.45 = R S 18.140.19, 2.50 = R S 18.287.16, perhaps also 2.32 = R S 16.401.7, 10, 2.39 = R S 18.038.35, 2.79 = R I H 77/25.3), presumably a Š-stem ofy/ntn; Š-stem 'hr 'to withhold, keep back (things)' ( K T U 2.42 = R S 18.113A.11, 2.79 = R I H 7 7 / 2 5 . 4 ) a n d the Gt-stem sal 'to make a request, e n q u i r e ' (2.17 = R S 15.098.15, 2.42 = R S 18.113A.23, 2.70 = R S 29.093.12, 2.71 = R S 29.095.10). Further, we may note the continued use of bl in compounds like blym, 'never' ( K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140.23; 4.272 = R S 17.118.7), bl bns, 'nobody' ( K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140.25), l.bl.hrb || Ibl ks, 'without a knife, or cup ( K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225.4-5) a n d bl sml ( K T U 1.169 = R I H 78/20.7), though also used in poetry: bl spr/hg ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ ii 37-8); blmt, 'immortality' ( K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] vi 27, etc.), the increased use of the perfect or participle Nstem ntkp ( K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475.14); nšUi (2.34 = R S 17.139.13); nskh (2.38 = R S 18.031.15); nmkr ( K T U 2.48 = R S 18.285[A].5); nplt (2.82 = R I H 7 8 / 1 2 . 4 , 11); also in administrative and legal texts: nkly ( K T U 4.213 = R S 16.127.24, 4.230 = R S 16.341.15; 4.280 = R S 17.236.6, etc.); night ( K T U 4.659 = R S 19.166.1) a n d nšlm ( K T U 4.328 = R S 18.008), but also a new preposition like ml(y), 'opposite (me)' ( K T U 2.50 = R S 18.287.12; 2.75 = R S 34.148.11). T h e r e is no

clear evidence that a special subjunctive m o o d was maintained in prose texts ( T r o p p e r 1991b, 3 5 3 - 5 , pace V e r r e e t 1988). T h e deictic or a n a p h o r i c use of -n, in p a r t i c u l a r in the apodosis of o m e n s ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 104; T r o p p e r 1994c, 466-7), but also elsewhere ( K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272.14, 2.37 = R S 17.438.10, 2.39 = R S 18.038.21, 2.42 = R S 18.113a.6, 10, 26) may suggest influence of the H u r r i a n 'article' -ni (but see T r o p p e r 1993b, 468). It is inherent in the nature of letters that we find narrative parts (reports using the perfect, e.g. K T U 2.38 = R S 18.031) and prescriptive sentences (instructions); but the f u n d a m e n t a l convention is that of an oral message exchanged between parties. This means that the m o d e of discourse in letters is usually persuasive, a m o d e of discourse couched in a kind of virtual verbal exchange between sender and addressee, but from the temporal perspective of the writer. A m o d e of discourse that varies with the field (diplomacy, international commerce, royal bureaucracy) and tenor (grade of social relationships between parties, see also P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l 1992, 711). Letters are essentially a verbatim account of verbal exchanges between parties w h o argue their case. As part of the discourse the words of the other party are quite often quoted or referred to ( D i j k s t r a 1987). This style of persuasion is marked by statements accentuated with particles or adverbs such as ap/ p/ hn, emphatic use of the separate personal pronouns, interrogative particles and pronouns, such as ik, 'how', Im, 'why', my/mn(m), 'who(ever)', mndc, 'whoever knows, perhaps', rhetorical questions and other turns of speech introduced by ht, 'now', hm . . . p/w/zero, ' i f . . . then', etc. If we are aware of the sequence of inferences and thrust for persuasion m a d e coherent by a set of characteristic phrases and other cohesive devices in gramm a r and style, the letters are essentially a genre of persuasive discourse, even if stories are told, oaths are sworn and instructions are given within such a persuasive m o d e of discourse. Unfortunately only a few of the m o r e elaborate letters are complete or have a passage that allows for coherent translation and rhetorical analysis. Any translation given below admits that other translations are possible in some instances, but I a m concerned here only with the mode of discourse and the general thrust of a given passage. An example of such a dialogical discourse of persuasion including an oath is K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475.5-15, . . . trgds (6) w.l.klby (7) šrrít.hti (8) nhtu.ht (9) hm.inmm (10) nhtu.w.lak 'my.wyd (12) ilm.pkmtm (13) 'z.mid (14) hrn.nlkp (15) m'nk

(11)

. . . from Trgds and Klby I have heard that we suffered a heavy defeat. However, if we did not suffer a defeat, send me a message and, as for the hand of the gods, it will indeed be as strong as Death (against you) if your answer be negative(?). Letters often include reports. A good example is the letter from the king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit about the shipwreck of a Ugaritian fleet sent to Egypt, but there are also short reports such as K T U 2.17 = RS 15.098, 2.30 = RS 16.379, 2.33 = RS 16.402.4ff., 2.40 = RS 18.040, 2.61 = RS 19.011 and 2.75 = RS 34.148. We often find here as a typical report marker the formula 'the king my lord may know it/his word!' ( K T U 2.17, 2.33, 2.40, 2.75; perhaps also 2.35 = RS 17.327), or advice not to fear or to worry too much about the reported developments ( K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008, 2.30, 2.38 = RS 18.031 and 2.71 = RS 29.095). (10) anykn.dt (11) likt.msrm (12) hndt.b.sr (12) mtt.by (14) gšm.adr (15) nškh.wìb.tmtt (17) lqh.kl.dr'\ 18) bdnhm.w.ank (19) kl.npš (20) kMm.bd.rb.tmtt.lqht (21) w.Ub.anUhm (22) wanyk.lt (25) by.'/cy.'ryt (26) w.ahy.mhk (27) b.lbh.al.yšt This fleet of yours, which you sent to Egypt, was shipwrecked at Tyre. It was hit by a heavy storm. And the master of shipwrecks took all the cargo from their holds. However, I in turn took all their cargo, all the livestock for their provision from the hand of the master of shipwrecks and returned it to them. And your second fleet is in for repair(?) at Acre, but my brother should worry about nothing. (KTU 2.38.10-27). In particular, the mode and tenor of the discourse in international diplomatic letters becomes very persuasive, if not suggestive. In many instances we are here perhaps dealing with drafts and translations of official letters, of which the originals were sent and received by the royal chancelleries in official Akkadian. They negotiate about tribute, settle border disputes and deal with conflicting interests and loyalties. Consider the following anthology: ky.hkt. bt. mlk. thmk. hin [y] (6) \lj\rs.a rgmny [ .\'m. špš. štn ,\ank\ (7) [w]at.m[h]r.k[x] t.d.štt.b.ms[mt] (8) \ht\.Iqdm.udh.mgt.wmlkn.[χχ] (9) [m]hrt[.]nib.'mnkm.I.qrb.[xx] (10) [xj.i[x]t.w.at/my.l.mgt.[xY.] (11) [w.]mÌa[k]tk/my.l.likt ([12) [x] χ.km.šknt.ly.ht.hln.hrs.[xx] (13) | xxx] Jtnt.Cmy.'m.špšJtn[t] When you sent your message to the royal palace (saying), 'Herewith I put the gold of my tribute at the disposal of the Sun', [as for] you, the equivalent of the . . . as was settled in the trea[ty], you should present it now! Its payment(?) is due. And the king [said?], 'Tomorrow we shall return to you to deliver the . . ., but you have not come to me [. . . nor] did you send your embassy to me. [Now was this] as

arranged with me? So, the gold [of your tribute that was] put here at my disposal, I shall put (it) at the disposal of the Sun. (KTU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+.5-13) Li[th]dn.špš (6) ad[nk.'] bdk.ukJkn (7) k.'[bdm.]sglth.hw (8) w.b[nh].uk.ngr (9) rg[mh.l]adny.l.yfysr (10) w.[ap.y]d'.l.ydet (11) ht[.hm].l.špš.belk (12) 'b[dm.]sglth.at (13) ht[.hm].špš.b'lk (14) yd'm.l.yd't (15) 'myJps.b'lk (16) šnt.šntm.lm.<.>l.tlk Did not the Sun his father and his servant make an agreement(?) either that he would record that he and his sons would be servants of his own property, or that he would keep his promise (saying): 'My father will not lack anything' and [also]: Ί acknowledge you fully'. Now, if to the Sun your lord, you are servant of his own property, so then, if you recognize the Sun your lord fully, why did not you come to the Sun your lord for one, for two years? (KTU 2.39 = RS 18.038.5-16) Likewise K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+. T h e tenor of such letters is often haughty, if not aloof on the part of the Great King, his queen and his officials. T h e Great King speaks about himself in the third person, the greetings are curt and there is no love lost, whereas the attitude of the vassal king is submissive and the airs and graces are elaborate, if not exhaustive. More than half the letter from Ammittamru to the Egyptian Pharaoh is filled with the repeated string of royal tides: špš.mlkJb.mlλ.mpm.mlkMcm.mlk.sdq.mlk.mlL·LbΊMI^wt msrm . . . , ' . . . the Sun, the great king, the king of Egypt, the benevolent king, the righteous king, the king of kings, lord of the whole country of Egypt . . .' ( K T U 2.81 = R I H 7 8 / 0 3 + ; see somewhat less tediously K T U 2.23 = R S 16.078+, 2.76 = RS 34.356.1-2, 9 - 1 0 [a draft?]). All along, the writer repeatedly praises his overlord as benevolent king, trying to negotiate a lower tribute: [mtn.ì]gm.bCly.nCm.hn.ksp.d.šsen (25) ['bdk.bš] nt.qdm.alpm.mznh (26) [ht. cbdk.] yirš.snp.ln.dym.hw, '. . . Another matter, Ο my benevolent lord. Look, the silver which [your servant] has paid for many years, two thousand (shekels) is its weight. (Now your servant] asks, will two thirds be sufficient for us? . . .'. Another flower of such submissive speech is K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+. 15-24: w.an[k.cbdk.]d (16) arš[.hym.lšp]š (17) mlk.r[b.b'l}y.p.l. (18) hy.np[šh. «]/í (19) /./w.//[/.] spn.b'ly (20) w. urk.ym. b'ly (21) l.pn.amn.w.l.pn (22) il.msrm. dt.tgm (23) npš.špš [.]mlk.rbMy . . . And I am [your servant] who begs [for life to] the Sun, the great king, my lord. Then do I not pray for the life of his soul before Ba'al Saphon my lord, and length of days for my lord before Amun and

before the gods of Egypt who protect the soul of the Sun, the Great King, my lord? In the exchange of messages between the king a n d officials, we sometimes find such elaborate phrases in addition to the usual formulae of submission, ankn.rgmt.l.b'l.spn. (7) Ups.'lm.l.'ttrt (8) l.'nt.l.kl.il.alty (9) nmiy.mlk.'lm, ' . . . I pray to Ba'al Saphon, to the eternal Sun, to Astarte, to Anat, to all the gods of A1ašia for the splendour of an everlasting kingship!' ( K T U 2.42 = R S 18.1 13a.4-9). N o t only are developments reported, but problems are also discussed a n d instructions given in the same persuasive sort of style. T h e U g a n d a n king reports violations of his territory by Egyptian caravans, a n d the Hittite q u e e n , probably in consultation with the Hittite deputy-king of C a r c h e m i s h , instructs him to direct t h e m past Q a d e s h through the valley of the O r o n t e s ( K T U 2.36+ = R S 17.435+ .16ffi; D I J K S T R A 1989, 142-4). An interesting instance is the letter f r o m G e n e r a l Iwri-tarruma ( K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402), reporting an attack by the kings of Mugišhe (Alalakh) a n d , p e r h a p s , Nuhašši against N i q m a d d u II. After some explanations a b o u t the course of strategy taken, he c o m e s with a m a z i n g e l o q u e n c e to the subject of reinforcements: w.mlk.b'ly (23) ImJkn.hnk (24) l.'bdh.alpm.sswm (25) rgmt.Hy.lh.lm (26) l.ytn.hm.mlk.'ly (27) w.hn. ibm.šsq.ly (28) p.l.ašt.atty (29) riry.lh.l pn.ib (30) ht.hm.yrgm.mlk (31) b'ly.tmgyy.hn (32) alpm.ššwm. hnd (33) w.mlk.b'ly.bnl (34) bnny.'mn. (35) mlakty.hnd (36) ylak.'my (37) w(l.lh.hn (38) [a]lpm[.]ššumi (39) [x].l.[yx]xs/l.w.ib And the king my lord, why did he assign such a thing to his servant? Two thousand horses, you said, would come soon! Why has the king, my lord, not provided them yet? Look, the enemies are pressing me hard, but I cannot put my womenfolk and children just in front of the enemy! Now, if the king my lord orders it, they will arrive here, those two thousand horses. And the king my lord may also send to me mediators(?) with this my embassy. And let them come up soon hither, the two thousand horses [and] let him not [. . .] and withdraw! (KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402, 22-39) Fragments of such eloquent pieces of prose, in which someone is pleading his case, are also found, for instance, in K T U 2.41 = R S 18.075, 2.42 = R S 18.113A, 2.45 = R S 18.140, etc., but unfortunately they are too broken for their lines of reasoning to be followed in detail. In K T U 2.70 = R S 29.093, we find a complaint a n d a request. Obviously one of the senders of this letter is a w o m a n (as also K T U 2.11 = R S 8.315):

hlny.bn.'yn ( 12) ystal.'m.amtk (13) lak.lh.wkhdnn (14) w.ank.hrš ( 15) Iqht.w.hwt (16) hbt.wlm.tb (17) bn.'yn (18) w.lqh.tqlm (19) ksp.bd.amtk tn.'bdk (21) tmt.'mnk (22) k I On.akl.Uun (23) w.k tšal (24) bt.'bdk (25) w.kymgy (26) ebdk.l ihn (27) 'mk.p.l.ysb' I (28) hpn.l b'ly (29) mnm.it.l 'bdk

Here, the son of Ύη came to request (silver) from your handmaid. It was sent to him, but he hid it. I enlisted a contractor and I repaired the house. Why has the son of Ύη returned to take the two shekels of silver from the hand of your handmaid? And two of your servants are there with you in order that you may give food to them. Now if your servants ask for accommodation and if they arrive in peace to you, will not then a handful satisfy them? T o my lord belongs everything that your servants own. (KTU 2.70 = RS 29.093.11-29) Letters evidently often react to messages received about information, allegations of disloyalty, requests for help or neglect to pay outstanding debts a n d tardiness in fulfilling obligations. T h e r e is nothing new u n d e r the sun! M a n y of the letters refer to messages received and even quote from them (examples in D i j k s t r a 1987a, 3 8 - 9 to which K T U 2.36+ = R S 17.435+ passim, m a y be added). lm.tlikn.hpt.hndn (11) p.mšrrít.mlk (12) inn.im.bn.qln* (13) im.bn.alyy.im (14) msm't.mlk (15) wtlkn.tn. tnm (16) 'my.wttbm.lby (17) wlht.bt.amr (18) ky.tdbr.umy (19) l.pn.qrt (20) im.ht.l.b (21) msqt.yt_bt (22) qrt.p.mn (23) likt.ank.lht (24) bt.mlk.amr (25)ybnn.hlk (26) 'm mlk.amr (26) w.ybl.hw.mit (28) hrs.w. mrdt.l (29) mlk.amr.w.lqh.hw (30) šmn.b.qrnh (31) w.ysq.hw.l.riš (32) bt.mlk.amr (33) mnm.ht[at.brt]

Why did they release these two, as if they were not subordinate to the king? Either being the son of Qln, or the Son of Alyy, or a subordinate of the king, these two should have come to me together and should have broken my heart. As for the letter about the daughter of the king of Amurru—when my mother speaks on behalf of the city: 'If now the city will not go on to live in anxiety, who then must I send with the letter about the daughter of the king of Amurru?' Let Yabninu go to the king of Amurru and let him bring a hundred (shekels) of gold and the repudiated woman(?) to the king of Amurru and let him take oil in his horn and pour it on the head of the daughter of the king of Amurru. Whatever sin [she] committed [she will be free?] . . . ' (KTU 2.72 = RS 34.124.10-33) It is characteristic of this m o d e of prose to construct complicated sentences in an elaborate rhetorical, often conditionally phrased style. For instance, the passage quoted from K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038.1 1 - 6 is probably one long sentence. Sentences introduced with conditional

hm, temporal k(y)- (preceded or followed by the conjunction p(m)-, but often also simply the copula w-, K T U 2.10 = R S 4 . 4 7 5 . 9 - 1 0 , 2.31 = R S 16.394.16ff., etc. or without connection, K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402.30-1) are numerous, as are statements a n d conditional sentences emphasized with hn, ht and ap (e.g. ht hm . . . K TU 2.10.8-9, 2.33.30, 2.39.1 I f f ; wap ht... 2.3 = R S 1.013+.20; wap.ank.. . 2 . 1 1 = R S 8.315.13, 2.33.15, 2.41 = R S 18.075.19), and rhetorical a n d real questions with or without ik(y), mh(y), e.g. w.k tšal bt cbdk w k ymgy c bdk l šlm cmk pi ysbc Ihpn, 'And if your servants ask for a c c o m m o d a tion and if they reach you safely, would not a handful be sufficient?' ( K T U 2.70 = R S 29.093.23-8, also 2.23 = R S 16.078+. 17ff. and perhaps, 2.39.5ff). Quite often in the prose of letters and elsewhere (e.g the narrative K T U 1.114 = R S 24.258, the ritual K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256.6-7) the preferred word order V S is changed to SV: wum tsmf} mad. . ., 'and my mother should rejoice g r e a d y . . . ' ( K T U 2.16 = R S 15.008.10); whn.ibm. šsq.ly . . ., 'And look, the enemies are pressing m e hard . . .' ( K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402.27), perhaps for emphasis (other examples T R O P P E R 1994c, 467-70). A related interesting p h e n o m e n o n in this m o d e of prose is casus pendens or nominative absolute ( W A L T K E O ' C O N N O R 1990, § 4.7), e.g. in the oath-sentence: wyd ilm p kmtm cz mid hm ntkp m'nk, 'as for the h a n d of the gods, it will indeed be as strong as Death, if your answer is negative(?)' ( K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475.11-5); note the incongruity of yd (f.) and cz (m.)5 but this seems to be the idea (pace P A R D E E 1987; W A T S O N 1990, 8 1 - 2 , 1994, 495); [w].b.ym.k.ybt.mlk (15) [t]ydr.w.ap.ank (16) [i]hd.lgr. amn, '[And] as for today, if the king stays in [T]ydr, I for my part took hold of M o u n t A m a n u s . . . ' ( K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402+. 15-6; for the geographical n a m e ty[n\dr, see D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1994, 65-7); wmlk bcly Im skn hnk rbdh 'and as for the king my lord, why did he assign such a thing to his servant?' ( K T U 2.33.22-4); hn.mrt d štt ašsu b Idtk, 'Look, the patrimony which was (legally) settled, I shall release after you have given birth' ( K T U 2.34 = R S 17.139.32-3); cmy špš b'Ik snt sntm Im Itlk, 'to the king your lord, why did you not come for one or two years? ( K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038.15-6); wlht akl Iy likt cm špš bclk ky akl bhwtk. inn. špšn tubd, 'As for the tablet about food, when you sent to the Sun the message that there is no food in your country, the Sun was indeed d i s h e a r t e n e d . . . ' ( K T U 2.39.17ff). T h e r e are m a n y other examples, for instance, in administrative texts: mlbš.trmnm (6) k.ytn.w.b.bt (7) mlk.mlbš (8) ytn.lhm, '. . . As for the clothing of the

trrnnm-gods when it is old, then in the house of the king clothing should be given to them' ( K T U 4.168 = RS 15.082.5-9).

1.6

Performative and prescriptive prose

In this group I would include the medical texts, omens, rituals and contracts, though a distinction from other prose texts is not always easy. For instance, the protocol of necromancy through the medium Dtn, one of the royal deified ancestors, contains as a report an amalgam of narrative discourse, ritual and medical prescriptions ( D i e t r i c h L o r e t z 1990a, 212, 216). T h e Ugaritic liturgical prayer K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252 is an interesting amalgam of performative ritual language and descriptive hymnic prose with occasional parallelism. Though the style of contracts is basically performative and very formal, lym hnd RN mlk ugrt ytn bt/šd. . ., ' O n this day, R N the King of Ugarit gave the house, the field . . ( K T U 3.2 = RS 15.111; 3.5 = RS 16.382); lym hnd iwrkl pdy . . ., ' O n this day, Iwrikalli redeemed P N . . . ' ( K T U 3.4 = RS 16.191+), we occasionally find instances of persuasive style complete with metaphor: . . . l.yihd stqšlm (2) b unt.km.špš (3) d brt.kmt. (4) br stqšlm (5) b unt cd clm, 'No one shall take Stqšlm in corvée-service. As the Sun who is free, so Stqšlm is free from corvée-service for e v e r . . .' ( K T U 2.19 = RS 15.125). T h e largest category in this section comprises rituals. They are written with an exasperating concision ( P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l 1 9 9 2 , 709). Many of the ritual texts look like administrative texts: a list of gods and the sacrifices administered to them. Some of them are even simple onomastica of gods ( K T U 1 . 4 7 || 1 . 1 1 8 ; Akkadian RS 2 0 . 2 4 , N o u g a y r o l , 1 9 6 8 , 4 2 6 4 ) , perhaps a kind of canonical list of gods. Excerpts from this list and others, are extended in the rituals by sacrifices administered to them. This may happen by simple juxtaposition of name and sacrifice, e.g. b'l i, atrt s tkmn wšnm š 'nt š, ršp /, etc. ( K T U 1 . 4 1 = RS 1 . 0 0 3 + . 15-6, with parallels), but also with a dative I (wtn sm lbclt bhtm, csrm lins ihn, K T U 1 . 4 1 . 5 , see also 1 . 8 1 = RS 1 5 . 1 3 0 ; in H u m a n texts dative -d/-da, plural -tt/-asta). These lists can be preceded by date formulae of months and days: byrh ris yn. bymhdt. . . btltt esrt, 'In the month Risyn (First Wine) on the day of the new moon . . . on the 13th day . . .' Occasionally, and often interspersed between this lists of sacrifices, we find references to processions and other cultic rites to be performed. A basic question remains as to whether these rituals were meant to be 'prescriptive'

or 'descriptive' ( L e v i n e 1963; P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l 1992, 709). M y own preference is to see the references to ritual activities as habitual. This is consonant with the frequent use of imperfects indicating an incomplete action, if not an action to be performed, i.e. a jussive mode, or a prescriptive imperfect ( P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l 1992). This prescriptive nature of the rituals is also consonant with the fact that some rituals have complete or partial duplicates. T h e ritual prescriptions usually mention or imply the king and the priest as officiants: btltt 'srt. yrtfis. mlk.brr, 'on the 13th day the king shall wash himself clean' ( K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+.3 a n d passim)·, wynt qrt/db I cnt walp wš l il wb urbt y tk gdlt ilhm, ' a n d he shall p r e p a r e a city-pigeon before Anat, a cow a n d a sheep for El a n d in the chimney he shall p o u r out (the blood o f ) the cow for the ancestor-gods(?)' ( K T U 1.41.10 a n d passim)·, wtlhm. att. . . kl lylhm bh . . . , ' . . . a w o m a n m a y eat (from i t ) . . . nobody should eat f r o m i t . . . ( K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260.8, 10).;. . .yšt.rpu.mlk.Clm. wyšt (2) [/] gtr.wyqr. . wtst.'nt.gtr. . ., '. . . let the Healer, the eternal king, drink a n d let [the god] G a š r u - a n d - Y a q a r u d r i n k . . . a n d let A n a t of G a š r u d r i n k . . .' ( K T U 1.108 = R S 24.252.1-2, 6). This prescriptive prose style is particularly clear in the ritual where the king a n d the officiant priests celebrate together: id[.yd]bh.mlk l.prgl.srqn.b.gg (51) ar[b]'.arb'.mtbt.azmr.bhJJr[p] (52) al[p.]w.š.šlmm.pamt.šb'.klbh (53) yr[gm.]mlk.sbu.špš.w.hl.mlk (54) w.l[bí]n.spm.w.mh[y pn]h.t[t]tbn (55) b.b[t].w.km.it yš [u.l.]smm. yd[h] Then the king shall sacrifice to PRGL SRQN on the roof, on which there are four by four dwellings of foliage: a sheep as a burnt offering and a cow and a sheep as a peace-offering. Seven times the king shall say whole-heartedly (the prayer): 'Host of the Sun and army of Maliku'. Clothe him with covers(?) and wipe his face, and let him return to the temple; and when he is present, he shall raise his hands to heaven. (KTU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.50-5) . . . [ s]l[m.uš]hiy ylbš (23) mlk.ylk.lqli.ilm (24) atr.ilm.ylk.p'nm (25) mlk.p'nm.yl[k.] (26) šb' pamt.lklhm . . . [the] sta[tue of Uš]hari one shall dress. The king shall proceed to accompany the gods, people shall go behind the gods barefoot. The king shall also go barefoot, seven times for both(?) of them. (KTU 1.43 = RS 1.005.22-7) A n o t h e r instance of performative style in ritual, but in the second person plural, is the sacrificial ritual of the ancestor cult ( K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126). T h e perfective forms have been u n d e r s t o o d as prescriptive narrative (as also in the H e b r e w Bible Lev. 8 - 9 ; d e M o o r

1976, 335; H E A L E Y 1978b, 85), but performative or precative perfects:

I

would suggest that they are

spr dbh ζΐτη (2) qritm.rpì.a[rs] (3) qbitm.qbs.d[dn] (4) qra.ulkn.rp[a] . . . tqdm C sr (31) šlm.šlm 'mr[pi] (32) wšlm.bn/ìJlm.tiyl (33) šlm.bth.šlm.ugrt (34) šlm.lgrh Book of the Sacrifice of the 'Shades': Y o u shall n o w invoke the Healers of the E a r t h , you shall n o w s u m m o n the Assembly of D D N : 'Invited be U L K N , the H e a l e r . . .' Y o u shall a p p r o a c h the festive assembly by saying the peace: Peace to A m m u r a p i ; p e a c e to his sons; p e a c e to Tryl\ p e a c e to his house; p e a c e to Ugarit; p e a c e to its gates.

Performative imperatives and jussive imperfects 2nd person sing, and plur. also occur in rituals: b tšC Cšrh (2) trbd.'rs []pd-{?>)-iy.b št.mlk.. . (25) I pn ll.trír (26) V/. . ., ' O n the 19th day, you shall prepare the nuptial bed of Pidriya in the suite of the king. . . before the night, you shall shake up the b e d . . . ' ( K T U 1.132 = RS 24.291.1-3, 25-6). Note also the poetic prose incipit of the prayer in K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266: k gr 'z.tgrkm.qrd (27) hmytkm.'nkm.lb'l.tsun, 'When a strong one attacks your gates, a warrior your walls, you shall raise your eyes to Ba'al (saying:)...' (R.P. G O R D O N 1991, 161-3). Such performative style is characteristic of Ugaritic rituals, just as for ancient Near Eastern rituals in general. A last good example is the expiatory ritual K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002 found in several mutilated copies: A n d present a y o u n g he-ass to obtain the re1ease(?) of the Ugaritians a n d the expiation of the sojourners within the walls of Ugarit, the expiation of Tman, the expiation of crmt, the expiation of Ugarit a n d the expiation of N i q m a d d u . W h e t h e r y o u r faithfulness d e p a r t e d f r o m the Q a t i a n clans, the D a d m i a n clans, the H u m a n clans, the Hattic clans, the A1ašian clans, the clans of Gbr, the clans w h o r o b b e d you, the clans of y o u r faithfu1(?), the clans of Qrzbl—whether y o u r faithfulness d e p a r t e d either because of y o u r a n g e r or because of y o u r i m p a tience, or because of the quarrels you h a d , w h e t h e r your faithfulness d e p a r t e d for sacrifices a n d oblation, o u r sacrifice we should sacrifice. T h i s is the oblation we oblate, this the offering we offer. Let it rise to the F a t h e r of the gods, let it rise to the family of the gods, to T u k m a n a n d Š u n a m , this he-ass. ( K T U 1.40.26-34)

T h e omen texts show a fixed pattern of prose sentences and syntax, like their Mesopotamian counterparts. Obviously, this type of literature derived from Babylonian tradition. Fragments of a dreambook ( K T U 1.86 — RS 18.041) and a collection of astronomical omens ( K T U 1.163 = R I H 78/14) have been preserved. T h e birth omens are represented by two main groups: the summa izbu 'If an abortion'

( K T U 1.103+ = RS 24.247+) and the šumma sinništu (.. .) ulid 'If a woman gives birth to a . . .' omens ( K T U 1.140 = RS 24.302). T h e former is the better preserved collection and shows the well-known protasis-apodosis k tld X . . . Y(-rì) structure. Characteristic of omens is the subject (+«) verb order in the apodosis ( T r o p p e r 1 9 9 4 c , 469-70): O m e n s of small livestock. [If] a ewe(?) bears a stone, then the m a j o r ity in the land will fall victim; (if) a snake follows after it, the y o u n g of its cattle will be weak, (if) also a . . .; famine will be in the land, (if) it has no . . ., the country wall be destroyed; a n d (if) [its belly] is open, a famine will be in the land . . .

Certain omens were checked by a second opinion of the haruspex ( K T U 1.78 = RS 12.061), but inspection of the omina also drew forth ritual activity to eliminate the effects of bad omens. T h e lung model K T U 1.127 = RS 24.277, for instance, reveals an interesting instance of relationship between omen interpretation and ritual. It may have been an instruction model, but this is far from certain, since parallels are still lacking ( M e y e r in D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 270-1). Nevertheless certain parts arc marked by 'borders' containing small texts with ritual instructions, seemingly derived from omina observations. T h e most interesting instance is the instruction of a scape-goat rite to eliminate the danger of a city taken or a plague (Dietrich L o r e t z 1990a, 32-38, 270-1): hm qrt tuhd.hm mt y'l bnš (31) bt bn bus yqh

c

z (32) wyhdy mrhqm

If a city is besieged (and) if plague attacks a m a n , the citizen's household will take a goat a n d banish it to the remotest parts.

(KTU 1.127.30-2) However not many other examples of such characteristic prose can be gleaned from the rituals. T h e style is often extremely concise and many phrases are still poorly understood, for instance Crb.špš. whl.mlk ( K T U 1.87 = RS 18.056.56-7; 1.46+ = RS 1.009.9-10, 44, 1.112 = RS 24.256.9, 1.119 = RS 24.266.4, 2 3 - 4 , 1.126 = R S 24.276.23?, 1.132 = RS 24.291.27-8), variant sbu špš (whl ym crb špš) whl mlk ( K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+.47-8, 5 3 - 4 , 1.112.14-5), also ttb rgm (bgn) whl mlk ( K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+.23-4, 33). T h e context suggests a kind of morning or evening prayer spoken by the king.

2

Ugaritic

Wilfred

2.1 2.1.1

G.Ε.

Poetry

Watson

Introduction

Scope

Almost from the very beginning of Ugaritic studies, account was taken of the verse component, 1 but as yet there has been no fullscale description of Ugaritic poetry nor has there been an exhaustive examination of the principles involved, although several partial surveys are available. 2 T h e best and fullest account so far is P a r k e r (1989, 7-98) 3 while a very detailed analysis of parallelism including phonological features in only one short passage ( K T U 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ i 2~25) has also been completed ( P a r d e e 1988c, 1-67). In view of this state of affairs, the presentation here is not systematic; instead, it sets out a number of related topics under several headings. First, though, some account is required of the nature of the material under consideration and the problems it entails. 2.1.2

The texts

T h e corpus of Ugaritic poetry is fairly easy to define: it includes all the mythological and epic texts, which are mostly in narrative verse, and excludes letters, legal and economic texts as well as most of the ritual texts as non-poetic. 4 Some texts, however, are borderline, e.g. K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266:28-36); K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 ( P a r d e e 1993a) and some verse texts contain prose elements ( C r o s s 1974) e.g. K T U 1.113 = R S 24.247:1-11 = verse; 12ff. = prose list. Some

1

DUSSAUD

1935,

1 9 3 6 (19412); GASTER

1933,

GINSBERG

1936,

OBERMANN

1936,

as well as C O P P E N S 1 9 4 6 , Ρ Α Ί Τ Ο Ν 1 9 4 4 , Y O U N G 1 9 4 8 , 1 9 4 9 , etc., though inevitably the relationship to Hebrew poetry was to the fore. 2 T / T § 1 3 , K O S M A L A 1 9 6 6 , 1 7 2 - 6 ; G R A Y 1 9 6 5 passim·, S E G E R T 1 9 7 9 ; 1 9 8 3 ; 1 9 8 4 , 109-10;

DEI. O I . M O LF.TF. 1 9 8 1 ,

3

31-62;

AVISHUR

1994,

13

25.

For a critique cf. DEL O I . M O L E T E 1990, esp. 190-4. 4 'Features known as parallelistic may also occur in prose texts. Some Ugaritic epistolary formulae exhibit parallelism, and even some of the expressions in the body of the letters are arranged in parallelistic structures. This criterion alone cannot determine whether the text is poetry or prose. The other distinguishing feature of a poetic text is its division into prosodie units of approximately the same length' (SEGERT

1979,

730).

speech introductions are extra-colonic but others comprise an integral part of the verse (see § 5.2.4.1). T h u s , the corpus includes the Baal Cycle (KTU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2. [014]+, 2. [008]+, 2.[022]+, 2.[009]+); the 'Stories' of Keret and Aqhat ( K T U 1.14-16 = R S 2.[003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+; K T U 1.17-9 = RS 2. [004], 3.340, 3.322+); the Rapi'uma texts ( K T U 1.20-1.22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019], 2.[024]); a wedding poem ( K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194); incantations ( K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134; K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225; K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244; K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+); a prayer ( K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266:28-36; see d e l O l m o L e t e 1987, W a t s o n 1996); a mythic marriage ritual ( K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002; cf. W a t s o n 1994a); a funeral ritual ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126; see P a r d e e 1993a) and various fragments. 5 A broad distinction can therefore be made between longer texts (mosdy narrative) and relatively short texts (the remainder), with K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244 occupying a mid-posidon. O n the whole problem see § 5.1.4. 2.1.3

Problems in studying Ugaritic verse

Apart from the poor condition of some tablets which readings uncertain as well as leaving large gaps in the and the fact that the corpus is relatively small, certain culties combine to make the analysis of Ugaritic verse

makes many poetic texts, specific diffiproblematic.

• Principally, for most of the tablets the stichometry is uncertain or at least not made clear.6 Exceptions include K T U 1.10 = RS 3.362+ (and to some extent K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002), where the verse-line corresponds to tablet line (cf. d e l O l m o L e t e 1991a, 463 and n. 3, W a n s b r o u g h 1983 and W a t s o n 1982). Occasionally, stretches of text are written with correct stichometry (e.g K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 1-23, with 23 consecutive verse-lines which match the lines on the tablet) and some of the worst sections are in Aqht. • At times, the vocabulary poses difficulties (e.g. gmn in K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 19ff.). Generally, this is not particularly an obstacle to determining poetic structure. However, when whole passages which are repeated are not entirely understood, (e.g. K T U 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii 14-7 and par.) problems do arise.

5

E.g.

MARGALIT 6

See

1.8 = R S 3.364; K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266—see P I T A R D 1998, DEL 1996; K T U 1.92 = R S 19.039+—see DE M O O R 1985, D I J K S T R A 1994, 1989b; K T U 1.93 = R S 19.054—see D I J K S T R A 1986.

K T U

OLMO LETE

LORETZ

1976,

1986,

KOTTSIEPER -

LORETZ

1987.

• T h e lack of vocalization and in general the absence of a tradition of pronunciation (although syllabic spellings are of some help where available) mean that we do not know how this poetry was recited or sung and there is no indication of metre (see below), especially as it is not known for certain where the stress lay. • T h e r e are several scribal mistakes; in addition, very often lines appear to be omitted (as is apparent from comparison of nearparallel passages) 7 but it is not always clear when this was intentional (see § 5.7 on expansion/contraction) and when not (see d e M o o r 1978a, 130-1). • Almost all Ugaritic narrative is in verse, with no strictly comparable material in prose. Exceptions are the letters and to some extent the ritual texts, but these have their own special styles and to some extent Akkadian influence is evident in the letters, some of which were translations (see, e.g. M a r q u e z R o w e 1 9 9 2 ) . It is, for instance, difficult to describe 'normal' syntax and then compare it with the syntax of poetry, due to the lack of material ( S i v a n 1 9 9 7 , 2 1 0 ) (however see § 5 . 2 . 3 . 3 and § 5 . 2 . 3 . 5 below on verb forms and ellipsis). 2.1.4

Approaches

O n the positive side, some assistance is provided by the tablets and several factors make study of Ugaritic verse easier. Quite often, as has been noted, whole passages of verse are repeated. Sometimes the correct stichometry is used and as has been said, the corpus is reasonably well-defined. Enough of the texts is understood for a degree of certainty in describing their poetic aspect and information from similar traditions (Akkadian, Hebrew, Phoenician) can be of some help. Also, text editions with translations now tend to include comments on poetic structure. 8 M.S. Smith, who provides vocalization, semantic parallelism, word-count, syllable count, comments: Some remarks bearing on various sorts of parallelism—syntactic, morphological and sonant. . .—often follow the presentation of cola, although syntactic parallelism is not treated according to any specific system. Rather, it has been my interest to indicate how these sorts of

7

See, e.g.

8

DEL O L M O L E T E

MARGALIT

ROSENTHAL

1939.

1991, P A R D E E 1988a, S M I T H 1994a, W Y A T T 1998c, etc.; see also 1980b (with the critique by DEL O I . M O L E T E 1983) and M A R G A L I T 1989a.

parallelism may bind and contrast cola, especially in the absence of apparent semantic parallelism (M.S. S m i t h 1994a, xxxiv).9 2.1.5

Metre

It is now generally accepted that Ugaritic verse is not metrical. Young discussed the possible existence of metre in Ugaritic verse and concluded: 'If there is any metric [i.e. metrical] system in Ugaritic, it should show itself in some regular manifestation observable in the texts themselves without our trying to fit any system into t h e m ' (YOUNG 1950, 124). T w o factors led him to this conclusion: (1) 'there is no consistency in the sequence of similar stich combinations within a poem or within sections of a poem, much less a consistency of an accent-per-word pattern for the successive stichs themselves' (YOUNG 1950, 124) (2) 'if an accentual meter existed at Ugarit, it might be seen in consistency between parallel passages within single poems, if meter were important to the composer, singer, or reciter of the poetry. N o such consistency is found' (YOUNG 1950, 128). He added: Ά poetry in which the outstanding feature is parallelism of thought; a poetry written in a language in which the majority of words are of one, two, or three syllables, and in a language in which almost any clause can be couched in from two to four words, is a poetry which naturally lends itself to the creation of lines of uniform metric length' (YOUNG 1950, 132). His conclusions have been accepted by Pardee who states that since there is no 'regular, predictable or at least observable recurrence' of rhythmic units in Ugaritic poetry it has no metre (PARDEE 1981, 116) and PARKER (1989, 9-10) provides additional arguments. 1 0 It has been suggested by de M o o r that Ugaritic verse is written in free rhythm to match its musical accompaniment. Such music was probably led by a soloist and would fit the short stichoi of ancient West Semitic poetry. T h e fact that consecutive lines had a degree of regularity can be explained by the poets' 'pursuit of symmetry' (DE M O O R 1978a, 132). Ultimately, 'parallelism was the primary structural principle of Ugaritic poetry and . . . length

9

T h e aspect of literary translations of these texts cannot be discussed here; cf.

SEGERT 10

1979,

MARGALIT

259-72).

738,

HORWITZ

cf. SEGERT

PARKER

1975,

1979,

1973, 730

1990 and

LEWIS

1996.

endorsed by Z E V I T 1 9 8 3 (but cf. P A R D E E 1 9 8 1 - 2 , argues that the word-divider had a metrical function, but

1995, 215; (on

K T U

1.24

=

RS

5.194)

and

WANSBROUGH

1983.

of line was only prescriptive in the general principle of approximation' ( P a r d e e 1 9 8 1 , 1 2 6 ) .

2.2

Language

In general, the language of Ugaritic verse is archaic ( P a r d e e 1 9 8 1 - 2 , 267) and to some extent it also has its own vocabulary (see above). In respect of verb forms, the rules followed are unlike those for prose. T h e use of the qtl (or qatala) form in Ugaritic verse is distinctive: 'While *qatala constitutes the characteristic form for past narration in the prose texts, its poetic usage is more restricted; the prefix forms [yqtl, etc.] arc the norm for poetic narration' ( M . S . S m i t h 1 9 9 5 , 7 8 9 , following F e n t o n 1 9 7 3 ) . " Besides being used for the stative, reporting the past, continuing other perfects, the pluperfect, subordination and the performative, there arc three usages specific to Ugaritic verse. These are 'contrast with prefix forms', 'report of action c o m m a n d e d in the imperative' and 'delimitation of a section' (M.S. S m i t h 1 9 9 5 , 7 9 0 , with further references). Different or identical verb forms can occur in parallel lines (see § 5 . 2 . 3 . 3 ) . Little research has been carried out on syntax, but for the Story 12 of Keret, it has been shown 'that word and sentence order remains completely unaffected by the type of verbal form present' ( W i l s o n 1 9 8 2 , 3 1 ) . 1 3

2.3 2.3.1

Parallelism and the verse-line

General

T h e basic component of Ugaritic verse is the verse-line which can be divided into two (parallel) half-lines or provided with a parallel line to form a bicolon. It is generally accepted, then, that parallelism is a fundamental component of Ugaritic verse, and it differs from prose precisely because parallelism is so prevalent." T h e r e are several 11

However, cf. § 4.4.2.5. According to G I B S O N 1975, Keret is a myth and Ai/liai a folktale. On literary forms in Ugaritic cf. DEL O I . M O L E T E 1984b. I;! W I L S O N ( 1 9 8 2 , 3 1 ) concludes: 'Such interchangeabilitv of verb forms with no appreciable effect on word order or sentence structure may well indicate a "frozen" state for some poetic passages, in which word order is fixed and immovable. Such passages could be inserted at any point of a narrative with only the necessary change of verbal form in the new context'. See also SIVAN 1 9 9 7 , 2 1 0 - 4 . 14 'There is little disagreement that the most obvious and pervasive convention of the Ugaritic poems is parallelism' ( P A R K E R 1989, 7, cf. 10).

types of parallelism, depending on meaning (i.e. semantic parallelism which can be synonymous—including numerical parallelism, antithetic or contrasting, alternating), syntax (grammatical; nominal and verbal; chiastic) and the lines (or parts of lines) comprising parallelism can have various degrees of separation (standard or near, internal, and distant) and can be grouped into bicola, tricola, etc. These types may or may not overlap. 2.3.2

Semantic parallelism

T h e r e are various sub-types of semantic parallelism. 2.3.2.1

Synonymous parallelism

This is the standard form of parallelism, 15 where line A and line Β say virtually the same thing: (A) They ply with gifts Lady Athirat of the Sea, tmgnn rbt atrt ym tg zyn qnyt ilm (B) they implore the Progenitrix of the gods (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 25-6) 2.3.2.2

Numerical parallelism

Since numbers have no synonyms, synonymous parallelism involving numbers takes the form of η || η + 1 (where η is an integer), as in hm tn dbhm ska b'l lit rkb crpt dbh bit wdbh dnt wdbh tdmm amht (KTU 1.4 iii 17-21)

For two sacrifices Baal hates, three, the Cloud-rider: a sacrifice of shame and a sacrifice of prostitution and a sacrifice of handmaidens' lechery

T h e r e are several other examples. 16 2.3.2.3

Antithetic parallelism

Although relatively rare, contrasting or antithetic parallelism does occur, 17 e.g.

P A R K E R 1974, P A R D E E 1988b, S E G E R T 1984, 109. See the bibliography in W A T S O N 1991b, 241, n. 2 and 242, n. 3, esp. 1973 and 1981 and L E E 1973. 17 W A T S O N 1986 = 1994b, 468-77. 15

16

AVISHUR

št špt lars špt 1šmm set a lip to the earth, a(nother) lip to the sky (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:61-2)18 and, in spite of the missing text: [A1]oud did Anat laugh, [g]/n tshq cnt wblb tqny [. . .] but in her heart she was hatching [a plot?] (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 41-2) 2.3.2.4

Alternating parallelism

More problematic is the existence of what appear to be non-parallel bicola (SEGERT 1983, 300). Such non-parallel lines can be explained in several ways. For example, a line such as hm it Ihm wtn wnlhm, 'If there is food, then give so that we may eat' appears to be prose, but in view of its counterpart, the lines are evidently in alternating parallelism (indicated by A / A ' and B/B'): hm [it 1 ]hm (A) If there is food, wtn wnlhm (B) then give so that we may eat hm it [yn] (A') If there is wine, \yi\tn. wnšt (B') then give, so that we may drink (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:70-2). 19 Elsewhere the overriding pattern of parallel couplets tended to generate non-parallel couplets. 2.3.3

Grammatical and syntactical parallelism

A complete match in grammatical terms is evident in šlhm ššqy ilm Give food, drink to the gods, sad kbd hmt wait on, honour them (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ν 19-20).21 T h e verbs in the parallel giving rise to types such etc. 22 O n qtl in Ugaritic Note also that a verbal

WO* WO

lines of a couplet can be in various 'tenses', qtl || qtl, qtl || yqtl, yqtl || qtl and yqtl || yqtl verse see above. clause can be in parallel with a noun clause:

18

See MERLO

19

adduces K T U 1 . 1 9 = R S 3 . 3 2 2 + iv 4 6 5 0 . V = 'verb'; Ο = 'object'. Parallel to K T U 1 . 1 7 = R S 2. [ 0 0 4 ] ν 2 9 - 3 0 , perhaps with hendiadys here.

20 21 22

DE M O O R

CASSUTO

WATSON

1996.

1993, 2 0 4

1971,

FENTON

1969,

1989 = 1994c, 240-9.

1973,

HELD

1962,

1965,

M.S.

SMITH

1994,

al tšrgn ybtltm Do not delude me Ο Virgin, dm Igzr srgk hhm for your delusion to a hero is sheer rubbish. (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ vi 34-5) Perhaps chiastic parallelism belongs here, as in sb ksp Irqm turned had the silver into sheets hrs nsb llbnt the gold had turned into bricks (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 34-5) where the components of line 1 are switched around in line 2. 23 O n chiasmus see W e l c h ( 1 9 7 4 ) . 2 4 2.3.4

Parallelism based on degree of separation

Internal or half-line parallelism occurs when only one line is involved, for example: rgm cs 1hšt abn Word of tree and whisper of stone (KTU i . 3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 22-3 and par.). Here, the two halves of the line are in parallel. 2 ' 1 Standard or near parallelism is none other than the couplet formed by adjacent lines (see above). In distant parallelism, which serves to bind together longer sections of text, there is a gap between the lines involved ( P a r d e e 1988c, 193-201, esp. 199-200). In general, the standard verse pattern comprises two sequential lines, as if parallelism were the accepted norm, although it is not always present. Quite often couplets can be formed from two (formulaic) monocola ( P a r k e r 1989, 23). 2.3.5

Ellipsis and ballast variant

Ellipsis (or gapping) is the absence of one or more elements (e.g. a verb) from a line which would be expected but is or are understood to be present. 26 For example, the verb tbl (+ suffix) is taken to be present in the second line of tblk grm mid ksp May the mountains bring you plenty of silver, «tblk» gb'm mhmd hrs the hills «bring you» choicest gold27 (KTU 1.4 (= RS "2. [008]+) ν 31-3) 23

S e e WATSON

24

Note also 'gender-matched parallelism' (on which cf. W A T S O N 1981a). See W A T S O N 1984b, 1985, 1988b = 1994b, 104 44. K O R P E L - DE M O O R 1998, 11. See S I V A N 1997, 215-6. The 'missing' element is indicated by « » (DE M O O R 1993, 200).

25 26 27

1 9 8 3 C , DE M O O R

1993,

193.

A ballast variant is the use of a longer expression (usually in the seco n d line) for its corresponding a n d evidently shorter equivalent (usually in the first line) a n d is related to ellipsis. ' T h e principle of ellipsis in poetry is the converse of (and goes h a n d in h a n d with) the principle of ballast variants.' (UT § 13.105). For example: wykn bnh bbt Sired be a son for him in the house, «wykn» 1rs bqrb hklh «Sired be» a scion within his palace (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-6 || 42-3) H e r e , the ballast variant of bbt in the first colon is bqrb hklh in the second colon, which compensates for the the ellipsis of wykn in the second colon Similary, zbl b'l ars is the longer equivalent of aliyn bcl (matching the ellipsis of widc) in: wid' khy aliyn b'l kit zbl b'l ars

Then I shall know that Mightiest Baal lives, «I shall know» that the Prince, Lord of the Earth, exists. (KTU 1.6 iii 8-9; also K T U 1.17 i 36-7; K T U 1.18 iv 17-8). Ellipsis in the first colon is rare, occurring almost exclusively in 'staircase parallelism' (see § 5.2.4.2): ht ibk b'lm «tmhs» Now, your enemy, Ο Baal, «do strike», ht ibk tmhs Now, your enemy strike etc. (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 8-9) As A l t e r (1985, 23-6). has explained, such ellipsis frees space in the second line for some elaboration of a parallel item in the first line a n d also isolates the e x p a n d e d topic for attention. 2 8

2.4

Verse

paragraphs

Lines of verse can occur in relative isolation (monocola) or clustered in sets varying f r o m two (couplets) to seven or more. T h e s e combinations of cola 29 are described here.

28

See also G R E E N S T E I N single word in K T U 1 . 2 = 1.14

=

2. [ 0 2 4 ] 1.3 = 29

RS

i RS

2. [ 0 0 3 ] +

21-4,

RS

iv 4 2 - 3 ;

SIVAN 3.367

K T U

i

YONA 20-1;

1.16 =

1983,

iv 302;

39-40. 1984,

108 §

71.32.

(1998,

K T U RS

and ellipsis of an expression in

2. [ 0 1 4 ] +

SEGERT

1983.

404-5)

1.3 =

3.325+ K T U

vi 1.2

RS

discuss ellipsis of a iv 5 ; K T U

2.[014]+

11-2; =

RS

K T U

1.22

3.367

iv

6;

=

RS K T U

2.4.1

Monocola

Although the standard strophic form is the couplet, single lines or monocola occur very frequently. T h e y appear as introductory monocola drawing attention to speaker and in this form are prose, e.g. šrrí Imtt hry 'Listen, Ο Lady Hurriya' ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 16-7). W h e n expanded to a bicolon or tricolon (see section on expansion/contraction), they are verse. Several are speech-openers. It is sometimes difficult to determine whether a line of verse forms part of a longer unit (bicolon, tricolon, etc.) or is entirely separate, e.g. e

d Ihm sty ilm While they ate the gods drank. (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 55) Is this line a monocolon or an introduction to the next two lines? T h e function of the monocolon is to open and close sections of verse. T h e y can also mark a climax, as in sgrthn. abkrn The youngest of them I shall make the firstborn (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 16). Some monocola exhibit inner parallelism 30 and so conform to the prevailing feature of Ugaritic verse. An example is the standard formula balp Id rbt kmn

by the t h o u s a n d šiddu, the m y r i a d kumānu

(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iv 38 and many times elsewhere). 2.4.2

The tricolon

T r u e tricola, where all three lines are in parallelism (AAA"), are rare, e.g. I ys' alt tbtk Surely he will I yhpk ksa mlkk Surely he will I ytbr ht mtptk Surely he will ( Κ Τ υ Ί . 6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 27-9

remove the prop of your seat, upset the throne of your kingship, smash the sceptre of your rule. (and par.).

Some comprise a monocolon followed by a bicolon (ABB'): She prepared a lamb in flour tcdb imr bphd hps ktr whss for the appetite of Kothar-and-Hasis 1brlt hyn dhršydm for the craving of Hayin, skilful with both hands. (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ν 22-5)

30

See

WATSON

1984b, 1985a, 1988b = 1994b, 104-44.

or, have the reverse formation (AA'B): ydd wqlsn He stood and insulted me, yqm wywptn He got up and spat on me, btk phr bn ilm right in the gathering of El's sons (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 12-4). A special type of tricolon, called 'staircase parallelism', where the initial line is interrupted by a vocative and then repeated in complete form, occurs several times, 31 e.g. irš hym laqht gzr Ask for life, Ο Hero Aqhat, irs hym watnk Ask for life I and I shall give it to you, blmt waslhk for non-death, and I shall grant (it) to you. (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 26-8) O n e function of tricola is to slow the pace of the narrative which then requires more attention ( P a r k e r 1 9 8 9 , 1 6 ) . 2.4.3

The quatrain or tetracolon

T h e r e are various forms of the four-line strophe, including AAA" A' " Her father set the beams of the scales, her mother, the trays of the scales. Her brothers settled the pointer, her sisters, the stones of the scales. (KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194:33-7) adnh yšt msb mznm umh kp mznm ihh yt'r mšrrm ahth labn mznm

AA'BB' tšmh ht atrt wbnh Let Athirat and her sons now rejoice, ilt wsbrt aryh the goddess and the throng of her kin, kmt aliyn b'l for dead is Mighty Baal, khlq zbl b'l ars expired has the Prince, the earthlord (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 39-43) Some are formed when one couplet is inserted into another, as in dnilysb palth Daniel went round his blighted land, bsql yph bpalt he saw a stalk in the blighted land, bsql yph byglm he saw a stalk in the weeds, bsql yhbq wynsq he hugged and kissed the stalk. (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 12-5).32 31

See

281-309.

AVISHUR

1972,

GREENSTEIN

1974,

1977,

LOEWENSTAMM

1969

=

1980,

'Staircase parallelism' is more correctly analysed as apostrophe plus ep-

analepsis ( W A N S B R O U G H 1 9 8 2 ) . 32 As identified by D I E T R I C H

-

LORETZ

1973a (but cf. 1973b) and

DEL O I . M O

LETE

2.4.4

The pentacolon

An example is: bh p'nm ttt On her, her feet quake, e behind her, her loins burst, b dn ksl ttbr 'In pnh td' above, her face perspires, tgs pnt kslh the joints of her loins quiver, ans dt irh the muscles of her back. (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ii 16-20; || KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii 32ff. Κ KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 44ff.) Again, much like the quatrain (see above) pentacola arise when a tricolon is inserted into a bicolon, as in Who sings and plays dyšr vuydmr bknr wtlb with lyre and flute, btp wmsltm with drum and cymbals, bmrqdm dsn with ivory castanets bhbr ktr tbm in the company of sweet(-voiced) Kothar. (KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:3-5)33 2.4.5

Longer sequences

Hexacola are relatively rare in Ugaritic (cf. L o r e t z 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e following comprises an introductory line and a five-line speech: tm ydr krt t' itt There Keret the votary vowed a gift:34 atrt srm wlilt sdynm 'Oh, Athirat of Tyre, and goddess of Sidon, hm hiy bty iqh if I take Hurriy to my house, asr'b glmt hgry and bring the damsel into my dwelling, tnh kspm atn twice her mass in silver shall I give, wtltth hrsm and three times her mass in gold!' ( K T U Ί . 14 = RS 3.343+ iv 36-43) O t h e r hexacola may be K T U 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 3 - 8 a ; K T U 1.3 iv 4 8 - 5 3 (Ι) ν 3 9 - 4 4 || K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ i 12-8; iv

1981a, 34 and DE M O O R 1978a, 137, n. 41. Other examples in W A T S O N 1997a, 30-5 and 1997b. 33 For another example cf. D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1 9 8 2 . 34 The meaning of iitt (= i + lit?) is disputed (cf. DLU, 1 and 60); here I follow W Y A T T 1998C, 2 0 0 - 1 ; see esp. nn. 115 and 117. Another possible translation is 'The gift of 'Atiratu of Tyre, the goddess of Sidon (is this):' ( P A R D E E 1997a, 336). For yet another translation cf. M A R G A L I T 1997.

50-7); K T U 1.12 = R S 2. [012] ii 5 8 - 6 1 ; K T U 1.17 = R S 2.[004] vi 43-5. 3 3 O t h e r sets are heptacola, K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ ν 11 - 9 and its near-parallel K T U 1.6 ii 31 -5,36 the eight-line sequence K T U 1.5 = R S 2.[022]+ i 14-22 and the nine-colon set K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+ 3 8 - 4 4 .

2.5

Strophe and

stanza

A stanza is 'a fixed . . . or variable . . . grouping of lines that is organized into thematic, metrical, rhetorical, musical, or narrative sections' ( M e y e r s - S i m m s 1989, 288), though whether this definition would be recognised by the poets of Ugarit is a moot point. T h e only p o e m with an a p p a r e n t sequence of strophes or stanzas 37 is K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244 which is divided into 14 sections by ruled lines. O f these, sections 2 - 1 1 have the same n u m b e r of verse-lines (i.e. 10) due principally to almost wholesale repetition. T h e first section ( K T U 1.100:1—7) has 14 lines because the initial couplet has been expanded to a quatrain (see W a t s o n 1997a, 3 5 ) . 3 I ! T h e last two sections differ completely from all the others. T h u s , although these sections are actually marked off on the tablet, as P a r d e e (1978, 104) comments: 'this is unquestionably o w i n g . . . to the extra-poetic structure of the text and the comparable length of the sections is owing to the repetition within this structure' and 'any attempt to find strophes in Ugaritic poetry as a prosodie or poetic e l e m e n t . . . is d o o m e d to failure'. 3 9 Analysis is limited to identifying shorter or longer sets of verse-lines (couplets, tricola, quatrains, etc., as above), with no regularity or predictability. 40 Even so, this remains a useful exercise, and Ugaritic poetry can be segmented into sections based on content, sometimes marked off by features such as certain particles (apnk, etc.)

35

KORPEL -

DE M O O R

1986,

190-1

36

=

1988,

30-1.

See previous note. Cf. VVYATT 1998c, 1 3 5 n. 8 3 and 1 4 1 n. 108. 37 The terms 'strophe' and 'stanza' as denoting lines of verse grouped into sets are used almost interchangeably (cf. C U D D O N 1 9 9 2 , 9 1 5 - 6 , 9 2 1 ) , although stanza is more correct. On strophe, M E Y E R S - SIMMS 1 9 8 9 , 2 9 1 note: 'In contemporary usage, the term usually refers to any stanzaic unit containing irregular lines'. 38 Each 'stanza' has 10 lines (= 1 + 9); the first has 14 (4 + 1 + 2 + 7). 39 See also P A R D E E 1993a, 208, n. 2 (ruled lines do not mark off'strophes'). 40 A very interesting attempt at dividing the Story of Keret into (three) chapters, each further subdivided into 6 cantos of 5 canticles or strophes, has been made by S P R O N K 1 9 8 8 , although the incomplete form of the original text precludes cast iron conclusions. See also LICHTENSTEIN 1 9 6 6 . On a smaller scale cf. D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1 9 7 8 , HUSSER

1995,

KLEVEN

1988.

a tricolon, peculiar syntax ( d e M o o r 1993, 197-200), speech introductions and the like, though these generally reinforce what has already been indicated by the meaning of the passage concerned (see, for example, the headings in d e l O l m o L e t e 1991a, 158-235, etc.).41

2.6

Repetition

Repetition takes on various forms. Repetition of sound takes the form of end-rhyme, alliteration, assonance and wordplay and is discussed below (§ 5.2.10). Repetition of words can occur at the beginning of a line (anaphoric), at line end (cataphoric), as immediate repetition of words (epizeuxis), and in the form of identical word pairs 42 (or repeated over several cola, as keywords). Sometimes whole lines (or sets of lines) are simply repeated, which in terms of strophe and stanza, results in envelope figure and refrains. Lasdy, complete passages recur, sometimes unchanged, sometimes in altered form (see § 5.2.7; P a r k e r 1989, 26-52). A selection of these types of repetition is considered here. 43 2.6.1

Repetition of words

For example, repetition of one word at line-initial, as in idk al ttn pnm Then you shall set off towards Mount Trgzz, 'm gr trgzz c m gr trmg towards Mount Thrmg, towards the two hillocks at the edge of the earth 'm tlm gsr ars (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ viii 1-4) T h e function here is apparently to depict a long journey. Repetition of a word consecutively occurs rarely and most examples come from a single text ( K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002). O n e function may be to d e m a n d attention or convey urgency: J n k r n S r pÛ Hey! Watchman! Watchman! Open! (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:69-70) Similarly, y mt mt, O h , husband, husband!' ( K T U 1.23:40 and 46); y ad ad and ad ad, 'Father, father!'; urn urn, 'Mother, mother!'. M o r e

41

For an attempt along these lines cf. S A U R E N - K E S T E M O N T 1 9 7 1 , although their scheme was much too rigid. 42 See especially B O R N E M A N N 1 9 7 0 . 4:í On repetition in Ugaritic see Z U R R O 1 9 8 7 and H E N S - P I A Z Z A 1 9 9 2 .

striking is the repetition of six consecutive lines beginning tld pgt. . . 'She shall bear a girl. . ( K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 7-12). 44 2.6.2

Repetition of lines

ytlk llbnn ufsh They went to Lebanon and its trees, 1šryn mhmd arzh to Siryon (and) its choice cedars; hn llbnn w'sh Yes, Lebanon and its trees, 1šîyn mhmd arzh to Siryon (and) its choice cedars. (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 18-21) Again, the purpose of the repetition, perhaps, is to depict a long journey. 2.6.3

Repetition of passages

Ugaritic narrative poems are constructed using passages which are repeated, sometimes verbatim, sometimes with slight variations. 43 Sets that recur several times include the list setting out the six duties of the model son ( K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] i 2 6 - 3 3 and par.; H u s s e r 1995); the 'gift-list' in the Keret Story ( K T U 1.14 = RS 2.[003] + iii 2 2 - 5 and par.; H e n s - P i a z z a 1992) and the 'peace-offering ritual' ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2.[014]+ iii 14-7). Typically, a passage comprising a ' c o m m a n d ' is then repeated for the 'performance' or fulfilment of that c o m m a n d , e.g. K T U 1.14 ii 6—iii 19 and K T U 1.14 iii 52-iv 31, or else an invitation ( K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] iii 2~4) and its acceptance (lines 5 - 8 ; see d e l O l m o L e t e 1981a, 58-60) It is significant, perhaps, that segments of verse (couplets, etc.) could occur in different sequences, for example, in K T U 1.14 ν 4 0 - 2 (restored) || vi 10-2, the couplets A

wng mlk Ibty rhq krt Ihzry al tsr udm rbt wudm trrt udm ytnt il wusn ab adm

B C

And depart, Ο king, from my house, go far, Keret, from my dwelling! Do not besiege Greater Udum, or Lesser Udum; Udum is a present of El and a gift of the father of Man

come in the sequences ABC ( K T U 1.14 iii 27-32), BCA ( K T U 1.14 ν 40-5) and ACB ( K T U 1.14 vi 10-5) and in addition, the word 44

According to P A R D E E 1997a, 338, n. 51 this may be a list of the daughters' names, now lost. 45 Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1991a, 58-62, P A R K E R 1989, 26-52.

pair ng II rhq is inverted the last two texts. Unless due to dictation error, this indicates that verse was composed in formulaic passages, perhaps orally.

2.7

Expansion and contraction

In Ugaritic the poets were free to expand single lines to bicola and in turn form tricola from bicola. T h e process could also be reversed, with longer strophes becoming shorter. It is certainly the case that a line can be expanded to a couplet, as in: šrrí rrí latiyn b'l Listen, please, Ο Mightiest Baal! (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 4) which becomes šm' laliyn b' I Listen, Ο Mightiest Baal, bn Irkb 'rpt understand, Ο Cloud-rider! (KTU 1.4 ν 59-60)46 A single line can also be extended to a tricolon. For instance, Pughatu's core epithet is tkmt mym '(she who) shoulders water', and it can occur alone ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iv 28); it can also be expanded by two further epithets: hspt Is'r tl, 'scooping dew from the barley' and yd't hlk kbkbm, 'knowing the course of the stars' (cf. M a r g a l i t 1989a, 364-5). T h e prose formula wrgm Ikrt t' thm pbl mlk,47 'And say to Krt the Noble, "Message of King P b l " ' ( K T U 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ ν 32-3), which derives from everyday usage, is expanded by applying parallelism to each half to form two bicola: wrgm Ibn ilm mt And say to divine Mot, tny lydd il gzr Repeat to El's beloved, the hero thm aliyn b'l "Message of Mightiest Baal, hwt aliy qrdm The word of the Mightiest warrior". (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [014]+ viii 29-35)48 However, it is sometimes difficult to determine whether a poet has intentionally added or omitted a line (or lines) or whether these are accepted variants. For example, in

46 47 48

See L O E W E N S T A M M 1980a = 1992, 230-9, Restored from similar formulae. L O E W E N S T A M M 1980b, 256-61.

DE M O O R

1978b, 1980.

sh hrn bbhtk Call a caravan into your house, c dbt bqrb hklk merchandise into the midst of your palace. tblk grm mid ksp The rocks will bring you much silver, gb'm mhmd hrs the hills attractive gold. yblk udr ilqsm let the quarries bring you choice gems. (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ν 15-6 and KTU 1.4 ν 38-40) T h e last line is present in the two parallel passages but has been omitted in K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ ν 31-3. Is this a mistake or a deliberate contraction? Since it is of little significance, it was probably left out unintentionally. However, in the two club-naming passages, it is only when the c o m m a n d line yprsh ym wyql lars May Yam crumple and fall to earth (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 22-3) is given to the weapon that it is effective and achieves the intended result (line 26); this line does not appear either in the previous n a m ing or in the unsuccessful previous attempt, which indicates its omission there to be intentional. Each case has to be judged carefully because the copyists 49 did occasionally leave out lines by mistake but generally speaking the poets could expand or contract as they saw fit.

2.8

Word pairs

It has been noticed that there seems to be a large set of word pairs which recur in Ugaritic verse and that many have equivalents in other verse traditions of the ancient N e a r East. 50 T h e problem then arises: Did the poets have a sort of 'dictionary of word pairs' on which they drew to compose their verse, which was probably originally oral, 51 or were these pairs the side-effects of their use of parallelism and of (oral) formulaic language?'' 2 As is evident from the following, the matter is unresolved. In such word pairs, the Ά - w o r d ' is usually c o m m o n e r than the 'B-word', e.g. klb || inr, 'dog' || 'puppy' ( K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 12; K T U 1.114 = RS 24.258:13) and any particular Α-word may

49

50

See

HORWITZ

1974,

1977,

1979.

Cf. AVISHUR 1984, D A H O O D 1972, 1975, 1981, DEL O I . M O L E T E 1984a, W A I T E R S 1976. However, see the cautionary remarks of VAN DER L U G T DE M O O R 1974. 51 See P A R D E E 1988a, 160, D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1980b. 52 Another possibility is that they arose through word association (BERLIN 1 9 8 3 ) , but see below.

be paired with several different B-words (e.g. ib, 'enemy' || srt, 'adversary' or qm 'one who rises against' or šnu, 'hater'). 5 3 Often a word pair is related to a theme, e.g. ars || šd, 'earth' || 'field', and is connected with fertility as in n'm lars mtr b'l Pleasant to the earth is Baal's rain, wild mtr 'ly and to the field the rain of the Most High. (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iii 5-6, 7-8) as also in K T U 1.3 = R S 2.[014]+ iii 16-7 and par., K T U R S 2. [022]+ ν 18-9; K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ ii 16-7, 19-20. word pairs are bound to a formula or formulaic expression fewer that are non-formulaic and m a n y of these are repeated as Aitken has shown for the Aqhat Narrative. H e comments:

1.5 = Most with pairs,

This calls into question the notion of the word pair as a compositional device, functioning independently of the formulas and formulaic expressions or of a thematic or/and formulaic context within the tradition. While there are indications that a narrator could 'learn' a word pair as a word pair in one context and use it quite independendy in another, this was the exception rather than the rule. In the overwhelming majority of examples, the repository of word pairs is the formulas and themes of the narrative tradition, and their appearance in the narrative is a spontaneous reflex of the formulary and thematic habits of that tradition, and not of the production and manipulation of word pairs. Neither spontaneous word association, nor the 'learning' and subsequent deployment of 'generally useful' word pairs has played a significant part in the generation of recurrent word pairs within the narrative 54 ( A i t k e n 1989b, 38). Very rarely, word pairs are reversed, generally to denote some form of reversal of events. C o m p a r e al tšt urbt bbhtm You shall not install a window in the mansion, hin bqrb hklm an aperture within the palace. (KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ ν 64-5 || 61-2; vi 5-6, 8-9) with the reversal of urbt || hin, which matches the sense, in ypth hin bbhtm Let an aperture be opened in my mansion, urbt bqrb hklm a window within the palace. (KTU 1.4 vii 17-9 II 25-7).55

53 54 55

Cf. AVISHUR 1984, 344-9 and S E G E R T 1984, 108. See also K U G E L 1981, 27-40. See W A T S O N 1981b = 1994b, 262-6.

W o r d pairs, then, were an integral part of the poet's composing technique and the very traditional character of versification in Ugaritic resulted in most pairs remaining 'fixed'.

2.9 2.9.1

Formulae and formulaic patterns

Formulae

T h e Ugaritic poems were composed using traditional formulae, sometimes with modifications or complete transformations. 5 6 A c o m m o n type of formula is the one which introduces speech and it can take many forms. Typical examples are wy'n Itpn il dpid Answer did Lutpan, kindly god (KTU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 13) where the slot Itpn il dpid could be filled by the appropriate name or epithet, and yšu gh wysh

He raised his voice and exclaimed

which can be altered to suit gender and n u m b e r where necessary. T h e r e is a whole range of such formulaic introductions. 5 . It was also accepted convention that such introductions could occasionally be omitted, either because they were implicit or for dramatic effect.'' 8 2.9.2

Formulaic patterns

T h e formulaic patterns to portray the passing of time are of two types. T h e first has as its core two expressions, one denoting time and the other an activity, as in the single line: hn ym ysq yn Behold, for a day they pour wine (KTU 1.22 = RS 2.[024] i 17) and either or both expressions can be extended to cover more time (up to a sequence of seven days) or further activity (cf. K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 21-4; K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] ii 30-40). In the second pattern, the time expression denotes a period of days, months or years and activity is continuous, e.g. 56

See

57

WATSON

1 9 8 1 , also M E I E R 1 9 8 6 . 1983a = 1994b, 414- 24; 1992a. Some of them had elaborate preambles; cf. W A T S O N 1994d. 5B W A T S O N 1990 = 1994b, 425-30. WHITAKER

ym ymm yt'qn A day, two days elapse, lymm lyrhm from days to months, rhm 'nt tngth Maid Anat (still) looks for him. (KTU 1.6 = RS 5.180+ ii 26-7). O n c e again these patterns can be extended. They are used for themes such as making a journey ( K T U 1.14 iv 31-5), preparing a banquet ( K T U 1.22 = R S 2.[024] i 21-6) or to depict a ruling monarch ( K T U 1.6 ν 5 - 1 0 ; K T U 1.16 vi 21-4). T h e y also have other functions within the wider framework of the narratives. 59

2.10

Sound patterns

In spite of the lack of vocalization, some idea of the patterns of sound exploited by the poets can be gained from the texts and a few examples are provided here. 2.10.1

Alliteration

Particular words and forms were often chosen for reasons of alliteration although this feature should not be exaggerated. 6 0 First comes the simple word-initial type, as in ap ank ahwy aqht gzr I too shall revive Hero Aqhat (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 32-3). Quite often consecutive lines of verse began with the same letter which may indicate they were intended to be read as well as performed. An example, with line-initial i- twice, is in b'l bbhth Baal is not in his mansion, il hd bqrb hklh the god Hadd, in his palace. (KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 4-5) 1980 = 1994c, 431-4). In addition, multiple alliteration seems to have played a part in longer sections of verse as has been shown by P a r d e e ( 1 9 8 8 c ) .

(Watson

5N A I T K E N 1987. See also LOEWENSTAMM 1965 = 1980, 192-209, P A R K E R 1989,46-52 ('Repetition with a numerical framework'), T R O P P E R 1995 and YVHITAKER 1969. On theme cf. A I T K E N 1990, 1991a, H I L L E R S 1973, L L O Y D 1990 and on motif, W A T S O N 1984a. 60 M A R G A L I T 1975, 310-3, 1979, 1980a.

2.10.2

Wordplay

Undoubtedly, plays on words formed part of Ugaritic verse but because our knowledge of the language is limited, many puns escape us.1'1 A few examples can be given, however. ytt nhšm mhrk I hereby give you a snake as your bridal gift bn bin itnnk a serpent's son as your present. (KTU 1.100 = RS 24.244:75-6) Here, the use of the rare word itnn is apposite as it evokes tnn, the mythical serpent monster, and the wordplay between itnn ('present') and nhš || bn btn, both denoting 'serpent' is transparent. Another example is 'ζ ym lymk Yam was strong, he did not sink. (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 17) T h e play between Ym (probably pronounced yammu) and the verb form ymk (yamukku) is self-evident. Another verb such as yql, 'he fell', would have been less effective. 62

2.11

Figurative language

Ugaritic poetry is relatively rich in figurative language and includes similes, metaphors and metaphorical expressions, personification and apostrophe 6 5 as well as imagery. Occasionally it is difficult to know where to draw the line between mythological language (as in 'the rain of the Cloud-Rider', which refers to Baal) and extravagant expression (e.g. 'rain with which the stars anointed her'). Here, examples are provided under appropriate headings, though it is not always easy to make clear-cut distinctions. 64 2.11.1

Simile

In similes, the particle k (or km), 'like', is used, as in tit kyn udm't She drinks tears like wine (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 10)

61 62 63 64

For a complete survey see W A T S O N 1999. 'Janus parallelism' is another form of wordplay; cf. See, e.g. W A T S O N 1984c = 1994b, 460-4. See, in general, K O R P E L 1 9 9 0 .

NOEGEI.

1995.

though it can be omitted through ellipsis. Similes rarely come singly, as they are mostly in sets of two, for example: klbs km 1pš dm ahh

He was clothed like a mantle in his brothers' blood, km all dm aryh like a cape, in his kinsmen's blood. (KTU 1.12 = RS 2.[012] ii 46-7) 65 or in sets of three: thth kkdrt rc[/] Beneath her like balls were hea[ds], lh kirbym kp above her like locusts were palms, kqsm grmn kp mhr like grasshoppers in a swarm, warrior palms. (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ ii 9-11) c

and once, a set of four: K T U 1.169 = R I H 7 8 / 2 0 : 3 - 4 . Similes can be drawn out at length (as extended similes), indicative, perhaps of an oral, improvising style, e.g. km tdd cnt sd Just as Anat hurries to the chase, (and) sets the birds of the skies soaring away, tštr cpt smm tbl} alpm ap sin (so) they butchered oxen as well as sheep, šql trm wmri ilm felled bulls and the fattest of rams, etc. (KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] i 10-4).66 Only one cumulative simile has been identified: klb arh I'glh Like a cow's heart for its calf, klb tat limrh like a ewe's heart for its lamb, so is Anat's heart after Baal. km lb cnt atr b'l (KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009] ii 6-9) 2.11.2

Metaphor

M e t a p h o r is little used in Ugaritic verse. For example, fertility is expressed metaphorically as šmm šmn tmtm Let the heavens rain oil, nhlm tlk nbtm the wadis run with honey. (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ iii 6-7; M a n y metaphorical expressions are used such as dm csm 'blood of trees', for grape juice and tl šmm 'dew of heaven' for rain. In some metaphors the mythological meaning may be muted, e.g. wytn qlh b'rpt, 'and may he (Baal) give his voice in the clouds' ( K T U 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ν 8). 65 66

For another example cf. W A T S O N 1991a. See also I R W I N 1983, but cf. P A R D E E 1988a, 127-9.

However, 'the lack of comparable contexts in Ugaritic prose makes the recognition and evaluation of these and other poetic figures difficult and uncertain' ( S e g e r t 1 9 7 9 , 7 3 3 ) . 2.11.3

Imagery

Besides expressions such qr cnk 'the well of your eyes' ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ i 26) to denote tears, weapons are said to fly off and strike like birds of prey ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 13-7), a tree stands for descendants ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iii 53-4; cf. P a r d e e 1997a, 354, n. 121), Mot's domain is described as being a town (qrt) called 'Miry' {hmiy), in a land called 'Filth or M u d ' {fih: K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ viii 12-4 || K T U 1.5 = R S 2. [022]+ ii 15-6), a mountain weeps (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 7) and so on. Occasionally the imagery is obscure due to our lack of knowledge (e.g. K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 5 7 - 8 ; K T U 1.17 = R S 2.[004] vi 36-7). Hyperbole also occurs ( W a t s o n 1979 = 1994b, 452-60). T h e use of abstract for concrete is extremely rare, perhaps only srt, 'adversary' (see above) and t'dt 'legation' 67 ( K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 22; cf. G r a y 1965, 22, n. 6).68

2.12

An example

In order to illustrate some of the poetic structures, rhetorical techniques and expressive language described above, a passage is set out here in tabular form, with analysis, comments and discussion. 2.12.1

A king is chosen ( K T U 1.6 = R S 2.[009]+ i 43-65)

description

text

line translation

introd. to sp.

"gm ysh il 44 Irbt alrt ym

01 02

Aloud shouted El to Lady A.Y.

non-par. bicolon

šrrí ''Irbt alrt ym

03

"Listen, Ο Lady A.Y.

monocolon

Give (me) one of your mlk sons so I can make him king!"

monocolon

speech: El

In 46ahd bbnk amlkn 04

67 68

As aptly translated by M . S . S M I T H 1994a, 2 6 6 . For an example of imagery cf. W A T S O N 1992b.

keyword ||m

(table cont.) description

text

line translation

introd. to sp.

[7

wt'n rbt atrt ym

05

And Lady A.Y. replied

keyword ||m monocolon

speech: Athiratu

w

bl nmlk yd' yIhn

06

'Shall we not make a person of intellect king?'

introd. to sp.

n

uy'n Itpn il dpid

07

And El, merciful god, replied

monocolon

dq anm lyrz

08

tricolon

h[

09

'One feeble of strength cannot run (or) like B. release the javelin like the son of Dagan '

11

And Lady A.Y. replied

monocolon

'Shall we not make Awesome Athtar king? Let Awesome Athtar be king!'

speech: El

'm b'l ly'db mrh

b2

'm bn dgn ktmsrn 10

introd. to sp.

M

speech: Athiratu

51

bit nmlk 'ttr 'τζ

12

5i

ymlk 'ttr 'rz

13

narrative

w'n rbt atrt ym

mlk

mlk

monocolon

bicolon

mlk

56

apnk 'ttr 'τζ j7 bsrrt spn

14 Then Awesome Athtar 15 went up to the heights of Sapūnu, ™ylb Ikht aliyn 59b'l 16 he sat on the throne of Mighty Baal;

tricolon

p'nh Itmgyn a)hdm

his feet did not reach the footstool, his head did not reach its extremity.

bicolon

monocolon

57

rilh lymgy

61

aps/i

17 18

introd. to sp.

uy'n 'ttr 'τζ

19

And Awesome Athtar said:

speech: Athtar

,a

20

Ί shall not be king in the heights of Sapūnu'

narrative

lamlk bsrrt spn

m

yrd 'ttr 'rz

yrd "'Mt aliyn b'l K

'uymlk bars il klh

Awesome Athtar came down, 22 came down from the throne of Mighty Baal, 23 and was king in all the vast earth.

mlk

21

monocolon tricolon

mlk

2.12.2

Comments

T h e following selective remarks are set out in the sequence of topics adopted above, and there is a brief overall evaluation (on the whole passage see now X e l l a 1996a). General T h e passage is a combination of speech and narrative, linked by the formulaic introductions to speech which are all monocola (except for 0 1 - 0 2 which is a non-parallel bicolon). Stichometiy In 13 of the 23 lines, the verse-line corresponds to the line on the tablet (i.e. 05-16, 0 9 - 1 5 and 20-23). Lines 14-18 could be analysed in several other ways (e.g. monocolon + two bicola) or one could argue that they form a pentacolon. fiy O n the other hand, although amlkn (04) could be a single-word separate line, it would seem to belong to tn ahd bahk amlkn, like the corresponding expression tn ahd bahk ispa (see below). Similarly, some scholars argue that ktmsm (10) comprises a separate line, 70 although this view has not been accepted here. Others argue that 0 8 - 1 0 comprises a couplet.' 1 Language Difficulties are caused by the lack of a clear translation, especially of 0 8 - 1 0 (survey: d e l O l m o L e t e 1984, 77). T h e expression bars il klh has been translated in various ways. 72 T h e epithet ydc ylhn, perhaps 'he knows, he understands', may be a hendiadys and occurs only here. Also unique is aps, 'edge' and the form nmlk is found only here (twice);73 on bit, see below. T h e verb form amlk is used elsewhere only in K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 37, 53, also in the context of a failed would-be usurper to the throne. T h e formula tn ahd bahk, 'Give (me) one of your brothers (so that I may . . .)' occurs later in this text ( K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ ν 19-20, where Mot is speaking to Baal), but nowhere else.

69 70 71

According to M A R G A L I T (1980b, 143), lines 01 13 are all 'monostichs'. See e.g. G O O D 1994, P A R D E E 1997a, 269, n. 246. K O R P F . I . - DE M O O R 1 9 8 6 , 1 8 0 = 1 9 8 8 , 12. For a different approach see

EMERTON 72

1965, 441

2.

E.g. 'la terre dont il est maître', by X E L L A 1 9 9 6 , 3 8 7 , discussion 3 9 0 - 1 . 73 T h e first occurrence (06) could be an N-stem, but this verb form is rare and here it is causative, probably D (SIVAN 1 9 9 7 , 1 1 6 . 1 3 5 ) .

Parallelism T h e best examples are 12-13 and 17-18. In many 'couplets' it is absent (eg. 01-02); 'staircase parallelism' is present in lines 21-23. Antithetic, distant parallelism is effected by lines 16 and 22 (_ytb Ikht aliyn b'l—yrd Ikht aliyn b'l) and lines 20 and 23 (lamlk bsrrt spn ymlk bars klh). Strophes and stanzas T h e strophic sequence of monocola, bicola and tricola is unpredictable, 74 and inasmuch as there is any demarcation into stanzas or sections, these seem to be 0 1 - 0 6 , 0 7 - 1 3 , 14-18 and 19-23. T h e only clear division is signalled by the combination of apnk and a tricolon (14-17). Repetition T h e title rbt atrt ym, 'Lady Athirat Yam', occurs 4 times in 23 lines, c ttr crz, 'Awesome Athtar', occurs 5 times, but mlk occurs 6 times. In view of the content, which primarily concerns kingship, the keyword here, then, is mlk, 'to rule, be king'. Crucially, it is missing from the first narrative section (14-18), where Athtar attempts to sit on Baal's throne and fails miserably (mlk - 0). However, in the second narrative section, where he actually rules over the earth, it does occur, only once but to effect. It is interesting that when bl is repeated it takes on a form with enclitic -t which is found only here ( A a r t u n 1974, 27).75 Sound patterns Consecutive lines beginning with the same letter are 0 9 - 1 0 ( f ), 15-16 (y) and 2 1 - 2 2 (y again). Alliteration also occurs in the n a m e + epithet sequences, notably 'ttr 'rz, and perhaps in the obscure yd' ylhn; see also srrt spn. T h e r e is probably wordplay between 'rz and yrzWord pairs These include p'n || ris (found only here) and the repeated pairs / || I, mlk Κ mlk, mgy || mgy and 'm || 'm. Figurative language Apart from the comparisons in the difficult tricolon where the wouldbe king is compared to Baal, there is virtually no figurative language, but Athtar does perform a symbolic act (descent from the throne). ' 4 It is possible that lines 2 0 - 2 3 form a split couplet with inserted bicolon; cf. 1997a, 3 1 . 75 For a similar usage in respect of enclitic -m see W A T S O N 1992c, 238-9.

WATSON

2.12.3

Discussion

T h e passage demonstrates the difficulties caused by uncertain stichometry and obscure language, especially in 06 and 08-10. Also, it is not always clear how lines were grouped together to form couplets or higher units. However, overall the structure is quite evident and there are no textual problems to complicate matters. T h e mix of speech and narrative is fairly typical and the use of repetition and stock formulae is offset by the presence of rare vocabulary and grammatical forms. T h e interpretation of the passage is quite clear (no suitable successor to Baal has been found) 76 and is reinforced in particular by the keyword (mlk), while of course the passage forms part of a larger whole (the Baal Cycle).

2.13

The character of Ugaritic poetry

M u c h of the above is concerned with techniques and rhetorical devices, 77 but this does not mean that the aesthetic dimension is absent. Even though we do not know who the poets of Ugarit were nor for w h o m they composed their verse, it is evident that they were masters of the language and well able to manipulate it in a variety of ways, attracting and holding the attention of their listeners or readers. 7 " T o do justice to such aspects would require detailed study of each composition for which there is no space here. 7u Enough has been provided, one hopes, to whet the appetite for closer reading. As in some other ancient N e a r Eastern verse traditions, perhaps the most salient feature of Ugaritic poetry is its unpredictability, a feature which runs right across the board from prosodie structure to complete compositions. This means in effect that, with a few exceptions, length of line, whether two lines will be parallel or not and if so, the type of parallelism adopted, whether a speech will or will not have an introduction and whether the introduction will comprise one line or several, sequences of bicola, tricola and so on, how

76

For a nuanccd approach cf. W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 1 3 2 , n. 7 5 . Though the survey has not been exhaustive, e.g. rhetorical questions have not been considered (cf. H E L D 1969). 78 See, for instance, W A T S O N 1988a = 1994b, 434-45 on delaying devices in Ugaritic verse. 7 '' For examples of close analysis see H E T T E M A 1989 90, M A R G A L I T 1989a, T S E V A T 77

1986,

VERREET

1987.

many lines there are in a 'strophe' or 'stanza', etc., are all completely variable. Generally speaking, studies of Ugaritic poetry pay considerable attention to similarities with other verse traditions, particularly ancient Hebrew (e.g. A v i s h u r 1 9 9 4 , P a r k e r 1 9 8 9 ) . While this is useful, especially when features from other traditions can throw light on Ugaritic, it is also of interest to determine in what respects Ugaritic differs from such verse traditions. T h e question to be asked is: what is unique or special to Ugaritic verse? According to S e g e r t ( 1 9 7 9 , 7 3 1 ) , 'The most prominent feature of Ugaritic poetry is its parallelistic structure. It can be said that no other literature of the ancient N e a r East, Semitic or non-Semitic, exhibits such consistent application of this structure'. O t h e r features which could be mentioned include the use of verse for narrative (which though rare or virtually unknown in Hebrew or Phoenician, is common in Mesopotamian tradition) and a general lack of hymns (though this could be due to chance). In addition, there is a tendency to alter repeated (parallel) passages slightly. Special verse patterns such as 'staircase parallelism', and its combination with anadiplosis (notably in K T U 1.10 = RS 3.362+), the use of word pairs in fixed sequences, with variation and inversion rare, the use of chiasmus to show two or more individuals acting as one (e.g. K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] ν 10-1) and the split couplet 80 all seem to be peculiar to Ugaritic. Also, unlike Hebrew and Akkadian verse, there is no clustering of similes or of lines with inner parallelism. 81 However, descriptions of actions as preludes to speech and lengthy introductions to speech are c o m m o n e r in Ugaritic than in Hebrew verse, whereas abrupt or unmarked speech is rare. 82 'If there is a specific contribution made by Ugaritic to a poetic tradition . . . [it] seems to lie in injecting originality into a well-worn, stereotyped body of versification . . . T h e single copies of the Ugaritic tablets that have been found are, perhaps, the work of a single school which re-worked stock and static verse and made it sparkle with new life'. 83

80

WATSON

81

WATSON

82

WATSON

83

WATSON

1997a, 1985b 1994d, 1983b

1997b. = 1994b, 157. cf. W A T S O N 1990 = 1994b, 425-30. = 1994b, 68.

ΓΗ Ε U G A R I T I C L I T E R A R Y T E X T S

1

T h e

Mythological

John

1.1 1.1.1

C.L.

Texts

Gibson

The Baal cycle

The tablets

T h e Baal mythological cycle is the largest text from ancicnt Ugarit, taking up six tablets ( K T U 1.1 6: 1.1 = RS 3.361, 1.2 iii = R S 3.346, 1.2 i—iv = R S 3.367, 1.3 = RS 2.(014]+, 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+, 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+, 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+) and comprising in its surviving portions around fifty per cent of the contents. Each tablet is written on both sides and usually has six columns, although 1.2 has only four and 1.4 has eight. K T U 1.6 has the heading 'of Baal' and, although the other tablets have their tops missing and it remains a conjectural point, this was probably written on them all and is the title of the whole composition. K T U 1.4 has a note on the edge, ' T h e scribe is Ilimilku, the master, Niqmad being king of Ugarit', while K T U 1.6 has at the close a full colophon, giving the information that Ilimilku was not only the scribe but a student or assistant of a high religious officer of King Niqmad, probably the second of that name. So the composition was officially approved. At a banquet scene in K T U 1.3 i there is talk of chanting and singing and of a minstrel (n'm). This suggests a possible Sitz im I^ben in the royal palace, though equally possible is some festival in the temple of Baal, in the library of which the tablets were inscribed. No doubt the king himself was often present. For a translation and full bibliography consult W y a t t , 1998c, 33 146. 1.1.2

The contents

T h e plot or story-line centres around a contest (under the overall supervision of El) for the kingship over gods and men, and divides itself usefully into three parts, cach consisting roughly of two tablets.

1.1.2.1

Baal and Y a m - N a h a r ( K T U 1.1-2)

T h e first part leads up to Baal's defeat of his rival Prince Yam (sea), also called J u d g e N a h a r (river), with the help of two maces constructed for him by the divine craftsman, Kothar-and-Hasis, a story told in the last column of 1.2 (iv). T h e evidence of what happened prior to the battle is, however, not at all so clear, since 1.1 is very imperfectly preserved. But near the beginning (1.1 ii) a message is sent from the supreme god, El, to Anat, Baal's sister, calling on her to perform what seems to be some kind of ritual, which involved setting an offering of war in the earth (perhaps the burying of weapons) and, following this, offerings of love and peace. This ritual may originally have had to do with ceremonies for the cessation of hostilities; but it was not, as far as we can tell, performed by Anat, so it is more likely that the passage uses ritual language to express a wish on El's part that the notorious goddess of war and love should a b a n d o n her more savage ways and, in particular, not employ them in her brother's support. It is an important indication of the way El desires things to work out. Thereafter in 1.1 iii Kotharand-Hasis is summoned to El's distant abode, perhaps as an ally of Baal, to be given a similar warning; for clearly Y a m - N a h a r is at this point being favoured by El, since in 1.1 iv he accords him royal status in a kind of ceremony of coronation. By 1.2 i, however, Y a m - N a h a r is worried; for he sends an embassy to the divine assembly, complaining that Baal has been reviling him and demanding his surrender. El appears to sympathize but Baal, who is present, objects strongly and sends an angry reply back to Yam-Nahar. In 1.2 iii, a large fragment (perhaps out of place in its present position), El instructs Kothar-and-Hasis to build a palace for Y a m - N a h a r , and the claims of a minor rival, Athtar, are dismissed. W h e n , after a sizeable gap, the text resumes, the battle between Baal and Y a m - N a h a r is joined, Baal with the encouragement of Kotharand-Hasis wins and, though it is not according to his plans, the supreme god has presumably to accept that Baal is now king. 1.1.2.2

T h e Palace of Baal ( K T U 1.3-4)

These tablets concern the building of a palace for Baal, from which he may exercise his newly achieved kingly power. After a victory banquet (1.3 i), the goddess Anat resumes her warlike ways and

mercilessly slaughters the inhabitants of two u n n a m e d towns, thereafter repeating the process with a n u m b e r of soldiers and guests in her own mansion (1.3 ii). At the beginning of the next column (1.3 iii) she sings of her affection for her brother, but Baal, perhaps like El before him, perturbed by her behaviour, sends messengers to her requesting her to perform the same 'ritual' for peace as El had previously asked for, but also tells her to visit him and help him search for the secret of the lightning. She has to be reassured that YamN a h a r and his cohorts, w h o m she had worsted in the past, had been finally dealt with and were no longer a threat to Baal (1.3 iv); but she decides to call on him to find out for herself what is really worrying him. It transpires that what Baal has set his mind upon is to have a palace like other gods, and she herself goes to El's abode to press Baal's suit, which she does in too threatening a m a n n e r and apparendy has it turned down (1.3 v). A new plan has to be concocted, the working out of which takes up the last column of 1.3, all of 1.4 i-iv and half of 1.4 v. This involves the preparation of gifts for El's consort, Athirat, and the enlisting of her intercession with the supreme deity. T h o u g h we know from elsewhere that she is no friend of Baal's, she persuades him to let Baal have his palace. Anat takes the good news to Baal, and he immediately summons Kothar-and-Hasis to build a palace for him on his sacred mountain Saphon (1.4 ν 27ff.). At the end of of colu m n ν the divine craftsman suggests that it should have windows in it, but at the beginning of column vi Baal refuses to entertain the idea lest, it seems, his old enemy Y a m - N a h a r may gain entrance and again wreak havoc on earth. The house is soon finished and a celebratory feast held (1.4 vi). Column vii tells how Baal then marches through the surrounding territory, annexing a large n u m b e r of cities and towns and thereby forming an empire for himself. Returning home flushed with success, he puts away his former fears and resolves that after all he will have windows in his palace. H e thunders out of them; the earth reels and people far and near are terrified, his enemies cling to the rocks in dismay, and he openly taunts them: would anyone, prince or commoner, now dare to resist his royal power? Column 1.4 viii nicely leads into the third main division of the cycle as Baal sends messengers to the underworld abode of Mot inviting him to a feast to acknowledge his sovereignty.

1.1.2.3

Baal and Mot ( K T U

1.5-6)

Mot's embassy back to Baal dismisses this invitation contemptuously (1.5 i). Rather Baal, just as he once transfixed Yam-Nahar, will soon be descending to Mot's subterranean domains where he will be swallowed down and torn limb from limb by him. Baal, now in dread of Mot, sends an abject reply (1.5 ii). In 1.5 ν (after two very poorly preserved columns) Mot's messenger is advising Baal to take his wind and cloud and his other attendants down to the underworld and assume the condition of the strengthless dead. Baal obeys, but on his way he has connexion with a heifer, who is delivered of a boy w h o m Baal clothes in his own robe. 1.5 vi relates how the substitute's dead body was found at the edges of the earth and El, on hearing the news in his mountainous home, descends from his throne and wallows in sackcloth and ashes, wondering what will now become of Baal's followers. In K T U 1.6 i Anat and the sun-goddess Shapsh together bury the surrogate corpse, and Anat goes on to the abode of El to inform Athirat and her brood that they can now rejoice because Baal is dead. A short interlude follows in which Athirat proposes Athtar for the vacant kingship, but on proving unfit to take Baal's place he resigns. In K T U 1.6 ii Anat, seemingly now aware of what has happened, goes to the underworld to search for the real Baal. She confronts Mot and summarily slays him, and then (1.6 iii) returns to El to inform him that Mot is no more. She invites El to have a dream, in which he sees the heavens raining oil and the valleys running with honey; this shows that Baal still lives. In 1.6 iv Anat is invited by El to speak to Shapsh, and they make plans for Baal's return. K T U 1.6 ν and vi tell of Baal's restoration to full vigour in the world above, and also of Mot's recovery after seven years. T h e y argue threateningly with each other, at least some of the time on Mt Saphon, and finally fall to fighting. T h e y butt and gore like wild animals, and both fall exhausted to the ground. At this juncture the goddess Shapsh arrives to warn Mot that fighting with Baal is useless, for El is now on Baal's side. Mot, at last afraid, picks himself up and declares that Baal is rightfully king. 1.1.3

Interpretation

Since the early days of Ugaritic research the Baal cycle has nearly always been interpreted as a ritual and seasonal text, either enacted

dramatically at Ugarit's New Year festival in the autumn or, more broadly, as reflecting ritual events that took place at certain points of the Syrian agricultural year (see e.g. H v i d b e r g 1962 [1938], G a s t e r 1950, d e M o o r 1971, 1972). Such views, in various shapes, are still influential in ancient Near Eastern, including Old Testament, studies, but over the years they have been increasingly and quite severely criticised ( F o n t e n r o s e 1966, G r a b b e 1976, M . S . S m i t h 1986, W y a t t 1996a, 1998a). Few would argue today that where we have a myth, a ritual basis must be assumed or that the proper ordering of the seasons and their role in natural, or even h u m a n fertility were the only or even the chief interests of Ugaritic mythology. A good example of an agrarian meaning being read into a passage is the description of Anat's destruction of Mot in K T U 1.6 ii 3Iff., which speaks of her threshing him with a 'blade', winnowing him with a sieve, burning him with fire, grinding him with millstones, and then throwing his remains into the open fields for the birds to eat. Commentators have seen in this a mythological counterpart of a ritual ceremony held each year at the time of the grain harvest. H o w Mot's discomfiture at this time is to be equated with his normal role later in bringing about the summer dryness, or with his ongoing role in swallowing h u m a n bodies, is not said. M u c h more likely is the view that the whole scene is metaphorical ( L o e w e n s t a m m 1972); cf. the not dissimilar language used of the destruction of the golden calf in Exodus 32:20. In other words, Anat destroys Mot thoroughly; there is nothing more to it than that. O f late it has been argued (e.g. by W y a t t 1996a, 1998a) that some of the themes in the Baal cycle, notably the Chaoskampf, are much more archetypal than merely agricultural, and that they may really be referring to issues of kingship and the exercise of power in the ancient world. T h e way the gods behave is a mirror image of the way rulers in this world behave or should behave. Approaches along these lines could be much more fruitful. T h e part played in the story of the cycle by the supreme god El is particularly revealing here (see further G i b s o n 1 9 8 4 ) . T h e three great deities (and one minor candidate), whose exploits fill the cycle, are battling essentially for supremacy over the earth. T h e kingship to which they aspire is, as El's viceregent, to control the earth, YamN a h a r through the waters which surround it and are the source of its streams and rivers, Baal through his rains and thunder and the air which people breath, Mot through the droughts and dryness he

can cause. Baal is the victor in the contest, becoming the 'prince, lord of earth' ( K T U 1.3 i 3 - 4 ; 1.5 vi 10; 1.6 iii 9; 1.6 iv 29), holding at bay the unruly waters from outside and bringing the dry season to an end by his rains. But there is much more than these naturalistic roles to the three of them. Y a m - N a h a r also engenders moral chaos or evil in the lives of mankind, Mot eventually finishes everyone off, while Baal by his control of the atmosphere can be regarded as the life-force in the world of Ugarit. H e did not only secure year by year the ordered succession of the seasons, but every day of every year he had to wage a constant battle against evil and death in the lives of humanity, so that the one did not cause too m a n y depredations or the other gain too m a n y victims too soon. T h a t was really why Baal became the favourite god of the people of Ugarit. But he became this in the last resort u n d e r the supervision, indeed by the connivance of El reigning from his distant abode beyond the earth. From the standpoint of people on earth, looking around them in fear and trembling, the encounters between the negative and positive forces in their environment were tense and awesome affairs, and Baal's victory was always in the balance and never certain. But the people of Ugarit could also take comfort from their belief that beyond the squabbling powers that impinged so insistendy on their everyday lives stood a remoter but by no means disinterested figure, the god El, who had fathered the gods, the nice and nasty both, and had created the universe, contrary powers and all, who must therefore have planned it that way and built both good and evil into its very fabric, and who could for that very reason be trusted to uphold its equilibrium. For all his mistakes, his choosing the wrong side, his blustering, his pleading, his changes of mind, his putting up with impertinence from his underlings, his—if you will—lack of power, he was the one ultimately in charge, whom the other gods had to visit for approval whenever they had an enterprise planned, and whose was the final decision, which, however reluctandy, they had to accept. And perhaps most remarkably of all, he masterminded the balance he sought, not by calling on openly superior force but by relying upon an engaging mixture of diplomacy and conciliation, sharpness and persuasion. H e arranged it so that usually good and life triumphed, but even evil and death were his 'darling' and 'beloved' children ( K T U 1.1 iv 20; 1.4 viii 23~24) and had, as it were, their rights too. This is the view of reality espoused by the people of

Ugarit, their explanation of the divine ways with the universe and with h u m a n beings, their estimate of power and the m a n n e r it is exercised; it is, for all the fancifulness with which ancient peoples in their myths expressed themselves, mature and not lacking either faith or irony. It may have involved naturalistic reasoning, but it involved a great deal more besides.

1.2

Other mythological texts

T h e r e are in KTU quite a few other mythological texts or at any rate partly mythological texts, that is, passages embedded in legends, hymns or rituals. T h e larger of these, like Keret ( K T U 1.14-16 = R S 2.[003]+, 3.343+ and 3.325+) and Aqhat ( K T U 1.17-19 = R S 2.[004], 3.340 and 3.322+) which some may prefer to call legends or sagas, or the Rpum texts ( K T U 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019] and 2.[024]), are given separate treatment later in this chapter (§§ 6 . 2 - 4 below). M a n y of the rest are mere fragments, e.g. extracts from the Baal cycle used probably for scribal practice ( K T U 1.7 = RS 5.180+, K T U 1.8 = R S 3.364, and K T U 1.133 = R S 24.293). I concentrate here on the most intriguing and (relatively) well preserved texts. They are all commented on, with up-to-date bibliography, in W y a t t , 1998c. 1.2.1

Baal and Anat ( K T U 1.10 = R S 3.362+)

This tablet has three columns of text on one side of the tablet only. O f the first column little readable text survives, but at the beginning of the second Anat calls on Baal (also called Hadd) in his palace. O n being told that he is out hunting in the Shamak marsh, she follows him there, and is warmly welcomed. She sees a cow giving birth and is apparently seized with passion, as is Baal who mounts her before returning to his sacred mountain. As a consequence she gives birth to a bull and, on her taking the news to Baal, he rejoices. Some scholars attach the tablet to the Baal cycle, but it is more likely that it belongs to a series recounting his dalliances with his sister (e.g. K T U 1.11 = R S 3.319 and K T U 1.13 = RS 1.006). It is not obviously théogonie, ritualistic or seasonal. 1.2.2

The Devourers ( K T U 1.12 = R S 2.[012])

This difficult text survives in two columns. T h e first tells of the conception of monstrous creatures by the handmaids of the deities Yarih

(the moon-god) and Athirat (the wife of El), who complain to El that they are being caused distress by carrying them. T h e head of the gods, doubtless their begetter, is amused by this, and instructs the handmaids to go into the desert to bear their offspring. In his naming of them they are likened to bulls and steers. Baal is present, and he expresses a great interest in them, perhaps for hunting purposes. In the second column, after a long gap, the offspring, called the 'devourers', set upon and destroy Baal, who falls into a swamp, after which the earth suffers a drought for seven or eight years. H e is eventually found by his brothers and and restored. At the end of the text a few lines tell the king to perform a water ritual, presumably to guard against the disaster caused by the 'devourers'. This disaster cannot be a seasonal disaster but is a long-lasting one. T h e real point does not seem to be about Baal but about El fathering such dangerous creatures. 1.2.3

Hymn to Anat ( K T U 1.13 = RS 1.006)

A hymnic text, interesting mythologically for its portrayal of the complex character of Anat, called the 'virgin' in the Baal cycle, and in the final lines here described as voracious to bring forth, although her w o m b had not known conception. T h e r e is no need to connect the hymn with any specific ritual, e.g. an incantation against infertility. 1.2.4

The Gracious Gods ( K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002)

A quite substantial text, written on both sides of a single column tablet and nearly complete. It is clearly a cultic tablet, most of the obverse consisting of little hymns, blessings on the king and queen and the ministerial personnel, instructions about repeating certain lines, about niches for the gods, about incense offerings, and so on. T h e r e are also citations from a few mythological texts, in some cases merely a heading, but in two cases rather fuller; in 11. 8 - 1 1 , there is a short excerpt about Mot-and-Shar ('death and the prince', a byname of the god of death), and in 11. 3 0 - 7 6 a longer story about El's seduction of two w o m e n (perhaps the goddesses Athirat and Anat), who give birth to Shahar and Shalim and then to the gracious gods as a whole. Mot-and-Shar holds in his hands the sceptres of bereavement and widowhood, and is felled by the 'pruners of the vine'. His removal from the scene makes it possible for El,

the progenitor of the gods, to father offspring on the two women. It is interesting that the first deities to be born are S h a h a r and Shalim, whose names mean 'dawn' and 'dusk'; we may compare the beginning of Genesis where the division of day and night is the first act of creation. But it is the behaviour of the gracious gods after birth that is worth remarking on. T h e y open their mouths greedily to swallow the birds of the air and the fish of the sea, and are sent off by El with their mothers into the desert where for seven or eight years they hunt for food. T h e y eventually come upon someone callcd the 'watchman of the sown land' who invites them in to continue their eating and drinking. Is the meaning of this myth that the gods are not satisfied with the natural provision of the open country, but require in addition the offerings of the cultivated land which h u m a n beings bring them? It is unlikely that such a profound observation, in effect that though mankind are clearly dependent on the gods, they in their turn are dependent (or at least partially so) on mankind, would be confined to one particular ceremony, agricultural, fertility-angled or otherwise. Doubdess this myth found expression on numerous liturgical occasions at Ugarit. It is a not untransparent theogony or explanation of how and why the gods came into existence. 1.2.5

Nikkal and the Kotharat ( K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194)

T h e mythological portion of this text, written like the last one on two sides of a single tablet, relates how a deity called Hirhib, king of summer, who behaves like a typical eastern marriage-broker, arranged the betrothal of a lunar goddess Nikkal to the moon god Yarih. It is probably, like the second narrative in the previous text, an extract from a fuller théogonie myth. This tale is preceded and followed by hymns of praise and invocation to Nikkal, Hirhib and the Kotharat, who are the sages-femmes of the Ugaritic pantheon. In the first hymn the Kotharat are summoned to oversee the birth of a son to the two moon deities. T h e last lines of the second hymn with their allusions to incantations to the Kotharat, betray the purpose of the whole poem, which is to secure for a h u m a n girl Prbht the same blessing and protection in her forthcoming marriage as had been enjoyed by the goddess Nikkal in hers. Probably, with the necessary change of the girl's name, the text was regularly recited at ceremonies of engagement and courtship.

1.2.6

Shapsh and the Mare ( K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244)

This is a long and excellently preserved but difficult text containing in the opinion of most commentators a charm against snake-bite. T h e daughter of the sun-goddess Shapsh (or perhaps simply a mare, as her n a m e may be translated) calls on her to carry a message to El, Baal and various other deities in order to obtain help from them in curing the malady. Only when the god H o r o n (apparently a chthonic deity) is a p p r o a c h e d is a positive response forthcoming. According to others, however, the text is chiefly a mythical narrative, not a charm and the serpent mentioned represents some cosmic disaster which is removed by H o r o n . 1.2.7

El's Banquet ( K T U 1.114 = R S 24.258)

This is description of a banquet to which El invites the other gods and at which he falls outrageously drunk. T h e last lines on the reverse contain an incantation for the cure of a disease or perhaps, as has been suggested, a hangover. T h e texts assembled here, some of recent discovery, give us a glimpse of the diversity of Ugaritic mythology but, apart from the Baal cycle and other larger texts like Keret and Aqhat, their extent is not very great. W e have some way to go before a comprehensive account is possible. Perhaps the only things we can say is that myths are not always, if much at all, connected with ritual, and especially that Near Eastern, including Ugarit, mythology is not always, if much at all, obsessed with matters of seasonal agriculture or fertility.

2

The

Legend

Baruch

2.1

of

Keret

Margalit

The history of the text: discovery, publication, editions

2.1.1 T h e poem of Keret is one of the three major literary works which gifted Canaanite poets of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500-1200 bce) bequeathed serendipitously to 20th century civilization. Excavated at modern Ras Shamra on the northern Mediterranean coast by a French archaeological team in the early thirties (1930-31), the poem was published in three u n e q u a l instalments by the Assyriologist V i r o l l e a u d , beginning with a monographic study in 1936 and concluding several years later with a series of articles in the periodical Syna (vols. 22-23) published during the war. Accordingly, only the monograph was widely known and accessible before 1945, although a great deal of interpretation, much of it fanciful, was current in the interim. 2.1.2 After the war, the text was republished or re-edited several times. G o r d o n reproduced Virolleaud's text in the successive editions of his Ugaritic G r a m m a r . A new and critical edition was published by H e r d n e r in 1 9 6 3 . This much acclaimed two-volume work consists of all the alphabetic texts, literary and other discovered in the thirties, together with photographic plates and autograph facsimiles. Generally abbreviated as CT[C)A, this edition established the by-now standard numeration of the Keret text as 1 4 - 1 5 - 1 6 , corresponding to Virolleaud's IK-IIIK-IIK respectively. 2.1.3 CT[C)A was followed by a new edition published in 1976 by a team of Ugaritic specialists affiliated with the University of Münster (Westphalia) headed by Oswald Loretz. Entitled Die Keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarìt (KTU), it contains (in transliteration only) all the alphabetic texts discovered up to 1970. In this edition the Keret poem appears as K T U 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 - 1 6 = RS 2.[003]+ 3.343+ 3.325+, the initial cipher indicative of its classification as a literary-poetic text. A revised edition appeared in 1995. It too has the transliterated text only. 2.1.4 T h e text of the poem, labelled krt by the ancient scribe after the royal hero of the story, is distributed over three rectangular clay

tablets of similar size (21x17 c m ; 15x17 cm; 2 3 x 1 7 . 5 cm). Each tablet comprised originally six double-ruled columns, three on each side, a n d altogether contained a p p r o x i m a t e l y a t h o u s a n d lines of compactly written text. O f the three, only K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003] + is relatively well-preserved, a n d with the aid of the m a n y duplicate passages in this portion of the p o e m can be restored nearly to its pristine state. Most Ugaritic specialists hold that the extant tablets never comprised the entire p o e m a n d assume that one or m o r e tablets have been lost, especially at the conclusion ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3 . 3 2 5 + vi); this despite the colophon at the end of K T U 1.16 = R S 3 . 3 2 5 + vi n a m i n g the scribe Ilumilki w h o committed the p o e m to writing (spr). 2.1.5 Since its discovery, Keret has been translated m a n y times a n d into several languages, either as part of an anthology of Ugaritic literary texts or m o r e broadly of ancient N e a r Eastern texts. T h e m a j o r translations, a n d the most widely cited, are the ones by (a) G i n s b e r g , first in his A S O R m o n o g r a p h ( 1 9 4 6 ) a n d subsequently as part of P r i t c h a r d ' s anthology (AJVET); (b) G . R . D r i v e r ( 1 9 5 6 ) later substantially revised by G i b s o n ( 1 9 7 8 ) ; (c) H e r d n e r , in a work jointly p r o d u c e d with C a q u o t a n d S z n y c e r (TOi) in 1 9 7 4 , a n d (d) d e l O l m o L e t e in 1 9 8 1 , where the Spanish translation is a c c o m p a n i e d by extensive analytical discussion a n d a unique synoptic presentation of alternative translations. 1 2.1.5.1

2.2

The history of (misinterpretation

2.2.1 T h e history of the p o e m ' s interpretation during the past sixty years can be divided into three phases. Initially it was the subject of extravagant claims of historicity a n d 'biblicization'. 2 T h e hero was thought to have been a Phoenician king whose legions, including m e m b e r s of the Israelite tribes of Asher a n d Zebulon, waged w a r in the N e g e b region of Palestine a n d in E d o m . Progeny or devotees of the biblical T e r a h , the father of A b r a h a m , were also thought to be involved. However, rapid progress in Ugaritic philology p u t a 1

Also noteworthy are G O R D O N 1977, 34-59; DE M O O R 1987, G R E E N S T E I N 1997, 9 - 4 8 ; L O R E T Z 1997 and P A R D E E 1997a, 333-43. See also W Y A T T 1998C, 175-243. 2 Uncannily reminiscent of the Eblaite euphoria some 40 years later; plus ça change. . . .

quick and merciful end to this euphoric era and to the fata M o r g a n a of biblical persons and tribal entities. O f the alleged geographical allusions, only the shrine of Asherah in the environs of Tyre and Sidon would survive the debacle; and even this determination was destined not to go uncontested (Cf. A s t o u r 1973, 29-39). 2.2.1.1 Still, there is wide if not consensual agreement today that two fundamental insights of this early era in Ugaritic studies retain their validity, viz., (a) Late Bronze Age Keret, like Aqhat, reflects a literary genre qualitatively different from the mythological tales of Baal, Anat, and the members of the Ugaritic pantheon generally—this notwithstanding the prominent roles of divine actors in both poems; (b) the main works of Ugaritic literature—Baal-Mot, Keret and Aqhat— are 'classics' of Late Bronze Age Canaanite civilization and culture and as such were known in Iron Age C a n a a n generally and in ancient Israel specifically. 2.2.2 A second and similarly fleeting phase in the interpretation of Keret was introduced by the Scandinavian, secondarily British, Myth and Ritual School, represented—at its most extreme—by the publications of Engnell and Mowinckel. T h e former considered the poem 'a ritual for the Ugaritic sukkot festival' ( E n g n e l l 1967, 149) T h e wedding party for Keret and his bride described in K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ is characterized as 'originally the [ιερός γάμος] of the god and goddess, celebrated annually and co-experienced by the participants as they watched the cult-drama and also when indulging in sacral prostitution' ( E n g n e l l 1967, 148). For Mowinckel, on the other hand, the poem exemplified myth attenuated as legend; behind the portrait of the hero as a Phoenician king stands the figure of Adonis: '[in Keret] the god is . . . strongly anthropomorphized; the original god has become the dynastic founder, the mythic first ancestor of the royal family . . . the poem is no longer a real myth, but a mythic hero-legend.' 3 2.2.2.1 If the shortcomings and misconceptions of the French historical school were the result of inadequate philology, those of the myth-ritualists were the product of faulty methodology. By means of

3

MOWINCKEL

MOWINCKEL

1954,

1941, 142-3, as translated by 52-5.

ENGNELL

1967, 148. See further

careful selection and tendentious interpretation of certain model texts, 'evidence' is created proving the existence of 'an organic [ANEastern] culture . . . whose special feature is the domination throughout by the divine kingship idea' ( E n g n e l l 1967, 2). This 'pattern' is then applied to other texts assumed a priori to reflect this 'pattern'. T h e explanatory value of this theory is commensurate with its (non-)falsifiability. Basic to this approach, which breathed its last in Ugaritic studies with G r a y ' s monograph in the mid-fifties, 4 is the axiom that any ancient N e a r Eastern literary text, be it myth or legend, is necessarily 'functional', and almost invariably so in the cultic sphere where the ancients are presumed to have spent all their leisure time. In Gray's words, 'the t e x t . . . was not an aesthetic exercise'—presumably the author's understanding of literary creativity—'but served a practical purpose in the community where it was current to achieve some desired end or to conserve . . . all the social conventions and the social order'. 5 2.2.2.2 It is also typical of this approach that its advocates do not feel constrained to demonstrate precisely how this 'conservation of values' is actually implemented in the poem or how an audience might infer such a conclusion. It never occurs either to Engnell or to Gray to query whether the story might not be understood by at least some readers or listeners in a quite different, even opposed, manner, e.g., as underlining the perilousness of a social order predicated on the health of an individual, mortal king supported in turn by a bunch of rather inept gods; or that the author of Keret, far from preaching the doctrine of divine kingship, might in fact be condemning it by means of a lethal dose of parody. In the final analysis, the failure of the Myth and Ritual school lies in its denial of the literary ontology of the text. 6 revised and attenuated in G R A Y 1 9 6 5 . 4 - 5 . In all fairness it should be noted that he concedes that the poem 'was not deliberately [so] designed' (ibid., 5). But nowhere are we informed what this 'original' design may have been, since it surely was not a mere 'aesthetic exercise'. This concession, however, contradicts the Myth-Ritual postulate of a cultic 'Sitz-im-Leben' for all texts with divine characters and in fact heralds the school's demise. 6 Contrast the astute observation of DE L A N G H E 1 9 5 8 , 1 3 1 , citing B A U M G A R T N E R ( 1 9 4 1 , 8 9 - 9 1 ) that 'aesthetic interests stand side by side with religious interests' in the Ugaritic literary texts. However, very few specialists in Ugaritic have taken this admonition to heart, either before or after. This is true even of B E R N H A R D T ( 1 9 5 6 ) , who is at pains to criticize—very successfully—the Myth-Ritualists but whose own 4

GRAY

1954,

5

GRAY

1954,

2.2.3

O n e cannot take leave of the 'pre-historic' era of Ugaritic studies without taking note of the important study by the Danish Semitist P e d e r s e n . Published in 1 9 4 1 with only V i r o l l e a u d ' s monograph at hand ( 1 9 3 6 ) , Die Krt Legende is probably the only study of this era whose influence abides to the present. This influence has unfortunately perpetuated a basic misconception in the interpretation of the poem. 2.2.3.1

to his credit, rejects outright the Myth-Ritual interpretation of M o w i n c k e l — E n g n e l l ' s study ( 1 9 6 7 ) had yet to app e a r — w h e n he states categorically that Keret 'ist nicht der Ausdruck kultischer Vorgänge und ist kein Mythus' ( P e d e r s e n 1 9 4 1 , 6 4 ) . Methodologically he stands close to the French School. He assumes that we are dealing with a historiographie work whose historical kernel is heavily overlaid with legend—'wie der israelitischen Passahlegende' ( P e d e r s e n 1 9 4 1 , 6 4 ) . T h e hero 'ist ein Urkönig, Gründer einer Dynastie' ( P e d e r s e n 1 9 4 1 , 6 5 ) — i n reality, not just in the plot; and the principal theme is 'die Sicherung der Dynastie durch N a c h k o m m e n schaft' ( P e d e r s e n 1 9 4 1 , 6 4 ) . In other words, Keret is at heart a work of propaganda commissioned by a royal house and executed by a poet with the soul of a priest. 2.2.3.2

Pedersen,

2.2.3.2.1 T h e theme of divinely sanctioned dynastic kingship, moreover, is deemed to reflect a society 'deren Königsgeschlecht schon als eingewurzelt betrachtet werden kann', analogous to the Israelite society which spawned the Davidic royal ideology: 'hier wie dort handelt es sich u m Legenden welchen den festen Bestand der herrschenden Dynastie bestätigen und begründen' ( P e d e r s e n 1 9 4 1 , 1 0 4 ) . T h e author of Keret is so to speak a 'kept w o m a n ' of the political authorities. His hand is free to write but his soul is in bondage. O n e does not normally take the work of such writers seriously, whatever their technical virtuosity.

2.2.3.3 This view of the Keret poem as a work of royal propag a n d a — b y implication if not explicitly, by the ruling house of the

position is merely a re-statement of PEDERSEN'S: 'Richtiger wird man jedoch von einer Bestätigung der Erwählung der Keret-Dynastie sprechen' {ibid., 119). This is the raison d'être of a political manifesto, not a work of art.

kingdom of Ugarit whose dynasty Keret is presumed to have founded— is very widespread in contemporary Ugaritic scholarship; and it is hugely mistaken. 7 2.2.3.3.1 T h e curious omission, on these assumptions, of any reference to K e r e t — o r his son and heir Yassib—as king(s) of Ugarit has long been noted. It is reinforced by a similar omission in the so-called 'Ugaritic king list' ( K T U 1.113 = R S 24.257). However, the real shortcoming of this view is that it fails to distinguish the substance of the plot from the authorial intention, the creation from the creator. T h e statements placed in the mouths of the characters are naively taken as the author's own point of view. 8 2.2.3.4 In fact, a close, methodologically unbiased scrutiny of how the author of Keret depicts his characters must surely lead to the conclusion that far from endorsing sacral dynastic kingship the poet actually ridicules it. T h e opening scene, for example, portrays the king as a hapless soul who has gone through seven wives—the first of w h o m simply 'walked out' (tbc) on him!—and who can think of no better expedient than, like a baby, to cry himself to sleep (only the soothing lullaby is missing. . .). Subsequently he will conscript all the men of his kingdom—including the disabled and the newly-wed— for a 'historic' military campaign to the Bashan for the grand purpose o f . . . obtaining a wife! It is inconceivable that this entire scenario should have evoked from a contemporary audience anything but gales of laughter. 9

7

Cf. e.g., B E R N H A R D T ( 1 9 5 6 , 1 2 0 ) : 'der text [steht] in enger Verbindung mit der durch Keret begründeten Herrscherdynastie . . . und [hat] als Tendenzdichtung die Aufgabe . . . die besondere göttliche Erwählung gerade dieser Dynastie ganz augenfällig darzustellen.' Cf. also above, η. 6. 8 Thus, even if it be true 'dass wir in Keret einen typischen Vertreter des altorientalischen Sakralkönigtums vor uns haben' ( B E R N H A R D T 1 9 5 6 , 1 1 6 ) , it does not follow that this is an ideology which the author either espouses or wishes to propagate. Can one legitimately infer from the detailed description of the Persian monarchy in Esther that the author is desirous of propagating an ideology of oriental despotism? Indeed, but for the strong nationalistic motives attributed to its (supposedly) Jewish author, the book of Esther might well have been understood as political satire. 9 T h e fact that the latter stratagem is concocted by Keret's divine patron—with Baal nowhere in sight!—does not make it more 'respectable'; it merely adds to the scope of the ridicule. El in Late Bronze Age Ugarit is a museum piece and a soulbrother of Shakespeare's Falstaff.

2.2.3.5 But the most telling refutation of the dynastic interpretation comes from the final scene of the poem (a scene unknown to Pedersen at the time of his essay) in its portrayal of Yassib, the king's eldest son and divinely-ordained (as well as politically confirmed) heir. It is difficult to imagine a less favourable comment on dynastic kingship or a more incongruous endorsement of a royal line supposedly founded by Keret. 2.2.3.5.1 In short, there is altogether too much comedy ody in Keret for it ever to have served as propaganda for but the joy of living. For the author of Keret, not even the sacred, much less the political institution of kingship. His devotion are given unconditionally only to his art." 1

and paranything gods are love and

2.2.4 2.2.4.1 G i n s b e r g ' s short monograph published in 1946, inaugurated a new era in the poem's interpretation—or rather, explication. O n e of his severest critics, Gaster, hailed it as 'a marked and revolutionary advance in our understanding [of the text]' ( G a s t e r 1947, 385). Ginsberg's was the first study to have addressed the material in its (extant) entirety: K T U 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 - 1 6 = RS 2. [003]+ 3.343+ 3.325+, are fully at his disposal and will be so henceforth for the scholarly world to study and analyse. It is Ginsberg's contribution to have been the first to establish the narrative coherence of the text. However, Gaster—a dues-paying m e m b e r of the Myth and Ritual school—took Ginsberg to task for 'his obvious lack of acquaintance with c o m m o n facts and methods of comparative religion, anthropology, and folklore . . . This leads . . . to an egregious disregard for the cultural context and background of the narrative.' ( G a s t e r 1947, 286-7). 2.2.4.1.1 But Ginsberg consciously and deliberately eschewed 'metaphysical' interpretation; he was a devout positivist. His strength lay lu

In a recent interview to a Montreal newspaper on the occasion of his 85th birthday (The Gazette, Mar. 7/97), Irving Layton—Canada's (unofficial) poet-laureate— offered the following assessment of his life in the service of his art: 'Poetry never let me down. My worry is, have I ever let poetry down? I should like to think that I've never dishonoured poetry or turned my back on it. . . . A world without poetry would be just intolerable. Unbearable.' O n e cannot mistake the (unintentional) piety of this inveterate God-baiter and iconoclast. T h e ancient Canaanite bard would surely have given this credo his unqualified assent.

in his philological dexterity at the level of grammatical analysis. H e was primarily interested in words and how they combine to form grammatical structures. T h e ideational content is secondary and the literary craftsmanship incidental. Nevertheless, Ginsberg took a definite stand on several 'metaphysical' issues (without however making them a part of his discussion or interpretation). H e considered it 'probable' that the story 'contains a certain core of history'; he also deemed it 'probable' that text K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ was preceded 'by one or more lost tablets'. Probability becomes certainty on the question of the poem's alleged non-conclusion in K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+." 2.2.4.2 For all his skill in explicating the text, Ginsberg either misconstrued or overlooked several key elements in the plot, beginning with the mistaken notion 12 of Keret as the victim of the catastrophic loss of countless children deemed to have perished in bunches: a third, a fourth, a fifth, etc. 13 H e is completely unaware that the real reason for convening the nobility of Bêt-Hbr ( K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iv-vi) is to confirm Yassib as Keret's successor. In fact, Ginsberg's translation of K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ v-vi lacks the thread of narrative coherence. This in turn leads him to wonder whether K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ i is the direct continuation of K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+. 2.2.4.2.1 T h e r e are also some incongruities in Ginsberg's rendering of K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+. T h e phrase pnh. tgr. ysu ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ i 52-3), referring to the king's daughter 'Octavia' as she emerges from the gateway of her (convent) residence, is under" The assumption of a story with large gaps before, within, and after the extant tablets is very useful for the philologist operating exclusively with the microscope of comparative grammar. If we possess only a half of the original work, then we obviously are severely handicapped, if not outright precluded, from interpreting it macroscopically on the metaphysical level. It is also something to fall back on when one's interpretation of a given section, at the philological level, seems literarily vapid or even inconsistent with that of a preceding or following section, whether in terms of characterization or plot. It is not without irony that one notes the common ground shared by Ginsberg and the myth-ritualist: neither takes seriously the poem of Keret as literature or its author as artist. Both approach the text as so much grist for the grinding. 12 Corrected early on by Cassuto but ignored by Ginsberg, even in his later work. 13 Here loo one senses how the lack of esteem for the pagan as poet enables the Western scholar to attribute to him such a literary inanity, not to say moral obtuseness, in so quantifying human beings. Surely the biblical prejudice of the idolatrous Canaanite and his 'debased' culture is here subverting the scholarly enterprise.

stood to mean 'Its sheen (i.e., of brother Ilhu's lance \mrh\) lights up the gateway'. H e makes no effort to translate K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ ii 2 4 - 3 4 , although the text is quite well preserved; and he passes over in silence the sudden a p p e a r a n c e of Octavia in her father's bed-chamber in lines 5 0 - 1 . In col. iii, 8 - 9 , the language tnnth . . . tltth does not evoke in Ginsberg's mind the association with Keret's vow in K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+, and his understanding of the Ša C tiqat episode (v 28-vi 14) is both faulty and incomplete; especially curious in his failure to render yqrs, while citing the analogy with Gilg. I ii 34 and its reference to tīta iqtaris. Finally, the curse which concludes K T U 1.16 — R S 3.325+ (vi 54-8) is deemed by Ginsberg to be 'unintelligible', in which case one wonders at the certitude which informs his opinion as to the non-conclusion of the poem at this point. 2.2.4.3 T h e foregoing critique, be it noted, is based not on Ginsberg's early translation ( G i n s b e r g 1946) but rather on his contribution to P r i t c h a r d ' s anthology, first published in 1950 and subsequently (unrevised!) in 1955 and 1969. T h e authority of Ginsberg's name— he was widely considered to be the 'doyen of Ugaritic studies' in the fifties and sixties—and the popularity of Pritchard's anthology, which soon became a standard reference work for biblical and ancient Near Eastern studies, go a long way towards explaining the rather limited progress made subsequently in the elucidation of the poem at the most basic level of narrative explication. T h e unspoken if not also unconscious assumption is that short of a windfall discovery of additional copies, Ginsberg's translations of the major Ugaritic poetic texts ( K T U 1.1-6 = R S 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+, 2.[008]+, 2.[022]+, 2.[009]+; K T U 1.14-16 = R S 2. [003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+; K T U 1.17-19 = RS 2.[004], 3.340, 3.322+) have defined the limits of what scholars can ever hope to know of them. 2.2.5 2.2.5.1 A new phase in the study of Keret is introduced by M e r r i l l ' s short essay ( 1 9 6 8 ) , marking the first serious attempt to deal with the poem as a literary œuvre and providing the inspiration for an important essay by P a r k e r ( 1 9 7 7 ) nearly a decade later. 2.2.5.2 ' T h e hypothesis of this paper', writes Merrill, 'is that the poem . . . points to the 'house of Keret' as the basic issue. Every part

of the narrative finds its focus and delineation in this motif.' ( M e r r i l l 1968, 7). T h e story, it is supposed, 'begins with the ruined and impoverished house of Keret. T h e king stands alone, without heir, wife, or progeny.' ( M e r r i l l 1968, 9). By the end of K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+, 'the narrative of the king who has lost his 'house' and regains it appears to be complete in itself. It has a beginning, a middle, and an end . . .'; and with mild surprise, 'yet the story continues' ( M e r r i l l 1968, 9-10). T h e 'fact' that the story continues beyond its 'logical' conclusion leads Merrill to the conclusion—taken up and elaborated subsequently by Parker—that the unfulfilled vow to Asherah, and her ensuing wrath, 'become the basis for the addition of the other 'narratives' which are woven around the central concern for the 'house of Keret' and find their sub-themes in the three areas of fertility, salubrity, and sovereignty.' Keret, on this hypothesis, is a composite work, although Merrill stops short of assuming multiple authorship. 2.2.5.3 It is the merit of Merrill's essay to have dealt with the story in its own terms and with a vocabulary drawn from the field of literary criticism rather than comparative religion or Semitic linguistics. Implicit at least is the assumption of an author who has something interesting, perhaps even important to say, and who commands the necessary tools of the trade which he employs with the skill and imagination worthy of an artist. This approach also implies an audience who can appreciate such a work, not as a cultic libretto or a catechism of theological-political indoctrination, but as an artistic endeavour, which, like good wine, is to be savoured and enjoyed. 2.2.5.3.1 But for all the freshness and originality of its approach, Merrill's essay, like Parker's subsequently, goes astray in its effort to determine what the author is trying to say, as well as the specific techniques which he has chosen for this purpose. T h e hypothesis of a composite work, and a fortiori of multiple authorship, is symptomatic of a basic misconception, or rather, misperception. 2.2.5.4 T h e view of an ancient work of Semitic literature as composite comes easily to scholars trained primarily in Old Testament exegesis, as their partiality to myth-ritualism and cultic solutions generally tends to reflect their roles as (practising) theologians in the Judaeo-Christian tradition. But it is nonetheless a view quite unfounded

here in Keret and in Ugaritic literature generally. 14 T h e r e is no evidence for a 'history' of any of the m a j o r Ugaritic poems, although such is not to be precluded a limine.^ 2.2.5.4.1 T h e vow-to-Asherah episode, it must be insisted, is absolutely central to the plot of the story for the simple reason that it alone supplies the story with its dramatic quality. Without the vowepisode the story is a tale not worth the telling, much less the price of admission to its performance. T h e absence of a corresponding instruction in the dream-episode does not prove the vow to be secondary: if someone were intent on tampering with the original by 'grafting' on the vow episode, he would have had little difficulty making the necessary emendation in K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+. 1 6 2.2.5.4.2 T h e omission, on the other hand, speaks volumes for the authorial intention. T h e r e is nothing more characteristic of the (male) dramatis personae in Keret than their personal shortcomings and imperfections—including most definitely the head of the pantheon who (like Y H W H in the Garden-of-Eden story) fails to anticipate his clientservant's initiative. 1 ' 2.2.5.4.3 However, there is a second and more basic problem in Merrill's theory, viz., his initial assumption that the well-being of 14

It would be inappropriate in this connection to cite in rebuttal the complicated history of the Gilgamesh epic for obvious reasons related to the chronological spans of the respective works. 15 One should also not wish to deny the existence of 'parallel traditions' in Ugaritic literature, notably the stories dealing with the construction of Baal's palace (KTU 1.3 II 1.4). However it has yet to be demonstrated (though often assumed) that 1.3 and 1.4 belong to a single literary work or that they constitute a consecutive narrative. 16 T o be noted in this connection are the ill-preserved conversations of the Udumite king, first with his wife Na'amat (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ ν 14-23) and subsequently with his messengers, commissioned to scale Mt Inbb and offer sacrifice to the gods {ibid., 24-9; cf. Margalit, 224 31), both of which are unforeseen in Keret's dream. Since no authorial design can be discerned in their omission from the dream, and since nothing in the sequel would seem to presuppose these conversations, the theoretical possibility of a 'second hand' can be entertained here. However, as presently constituted the scene has the positive effect of 'humanizing the enemy', a sentiment very close to the (original) author's heart, as is evident from the emotional departure-scene which follows shortly at the beginning of K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+. 17 It should not be overlooked that once Keret awakes, El 'disappears' from the story. He will return as a guest at the wedding reception, but he cannot be supposed to have monitored his client's actions in the interim.

KereCs dynasty stands at the centre of the poet's concern and creation. It is simply not true that the king is portrayed at the beginning of the poem as impoverished note how easily Keret dismisses El's offer of 'silver and gold' in the dream, and the king of U d m ' s bribe subsequently during the siege. H e lacks progeny, but not for having been bereaved; like Dan'el, he lacks a male heir for not having sired one! N o w just as the birth of a son in Aqhat does not signal the completion of the story but more nearly its commencement, so too does the birth of Keret's offspring provide the impetus for moving the story to its climax. T h e truly important developments in the story come after the birth: in the case of Aqhat, the lad's treacherous m u r d e r by the goddess Anat and her Sutean mercenary, followed by the homicidal act of blood-redemption by the hero's sister. In the case of Keret, the 'meat' of the story is the king's illness and the behaviour of his offspring in response. T w o of them, without aspirations to the throne, are devoted, loving, and obedient. T h e third, predesdned by birth as heir-apparent, is the spoiled-brat antithesis. T h e attempted putsch by Yassib and the thunderous curse called down on his head by his enraged father ( K T U 1 . 1 6 = R S 3 . 3 2 5 + vi) bring the story full circle as it drives home the principal message: Keret is miserable at the beginning of the story for want of a son and heir; he is equally miserable at its conclusion precisely because of his son and heir. If the curse were not so funny—Yassib examining his teeth in the cup of his h a n d — t h e ending would indeed be sad. This is the essence of the poem as tragi-comedy, mixing the tears of laughter with those of pain. 2.2.5.4.4 T h e fate of the 'house of Keret' is thus of no particular interest either to the poet or his audience. T h e real 'star' of Keret is neither the king nor the gods but the invisible Moira who like the poet delights in irony and makes the h u m a n life-experience at once fascinating and unpredictable—the very qualities required of a good story! 2.2.6 For P a r k e r ( 1 9 7 7 , 1 6 7 ) , the poem of Keret is a conflation of three originally independent stories executed by different poets at different times and with variable degrees of editorial skill. ' O u r conclusion . . . is that the first section [= A] of Keret originally stood on 2.2.6.1

its own, and the material dealing with Keret's sickness [= B] was attached to it by the insertion of the promise [= vow] passage into the journey to U d m . . Λ 18 U p to this point Parker is echoing Merrill. But he goes further in positing multiple authorship and in his understanding of the Yassib episode ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi) as an 'originally independent story . . . tacked [iic] onto section B' ( P a r k e r 1977, 169). 2.2.6.1.1 T h e alleged 'third story' (C) is of course quite incomplete, and is assumed to have continued on (a) no longer extant tablet(s). It follows accordingly that 'we are scarcely in a position to speak of the theme or function of the whole work' ( P a r k e r 1 9 7 7 , 1 7 4 ) . Here too (cf. critique of Ginsberg above) the assumption of incompleteness serves as a safeguard against criticism based on literary considerations; the 'answers' to difficult questions can be conveniently assumed to lie in the unattested and empirically unverifiable 'hereafter'. 2.2.6.1.2 E.g. it would be most surprising if a literary work which had evolved in this 'tacky' way could be shown to have a unifying theme or structure. Yet according to Parker, the combination of story A and the 'neatly grafted' story Β yields, remarkably, a unified theme described by him as 'the vulnerability and helplessness of the king on the one hand, but also the benevolent power and wisdom of El on the other." 9 2.2.6.2 We have discussed earlier some of the weaknesses in Merrill's argument for the secondary nature of the vow episode. In his monograph P a r k e r ( 1 9 8 9 ) tries to meet one of these objections, but in so doing actually reinforces it. 2.2.6.2.1 Parker acknowledges that (a) the reason for suspecting the vow is its absence from the list of detailed instructions in the dreamtheophany of K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ which the king subsequently

IB

'The poets [TTD] who thus extended the poem . . (PARKER 1 9 7 7 , 167). 1977, 174. In P A R K E R 1989 he claims to have discovered significant structural differences between A and B. But at best these differences do not necessitate a distinction of authors. They are certainly consistent with the stylistic versatility and literary virtuosity of a single writer. 19

PARKER

carries out to the letter and which include, incidentally, a sacrifice to the god Baal, presumably to enlist his support for the venture; (b) a good 'grafter' would accordingly have encountered little difficulty in making the necessary adjustment. Therefore (c) the omission was motivated ideologically, viz., by reverence for El's reputation. T h e grafter did not want to make El responsible for the subsequent debacle. 2.2.6.2.2 Setting aside the conjectural and suspiciously ad hoc nature of this latter supposition, it is surely clear that it effectively undermines the case for multiple authorship. T h e same pious concern for El's reputation could as easily have motivated the original author of the poem! In other words, the vow-episode loses through this 'explanadon' its entire value as an empirical indication of multiple authorship. 2 0 2.2.6.3 T h e case for viewing the Yassib episode as secondary— Parker's own contribution to the hypothesis of a composite work— is devoid of even the prima facie evidence supporting the secondariness of the vow episode. O n e suspects that the very idea owes its birth to the widely held view of the poem as lacking, in its extant form, a conclusion, and hence needs have been continued elsewhere. It seems improbable that Yassib would make his one and only appearance at the end of the story. T h e missing conclusion, it is supposed, will have described how Yassib was punished for his insolence by forfeiting his claim to the throne in favour of his younger sister Octavia, the favourite of El and the gods (.sgrthn. abkm. etc.). 2.2.6.3.1 Were such a denouement actually attested, it might well be taken to support a theory of compositeness and multiple authorship, for it would totally contradict, in substance and spirit, much of what has transpired in the poem up to this point. 2.2.6.3.2 T h e fear is however unfounded. In point of fact, the role of Yassib is much more firmly rooted in the story than is readily apparent from his single appearance in K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi. Parker's hypothesis appears to antedate the realization that the baro-

20 Here too the influence of O.T. scholarship is readily apparent. Bible scholars commonly assume 'pious glosses' in the text originating with 'pious Jews' of the post-exilic era.

niai council in K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ v-vi was only ostensibly convened to 'weep for Keret', and tbat its agenda was secretly political: to confirm Yassib as successor in the event of Keret's demise— a decision ultimately taken, albeit after stormy debate. 2 ' With this 'certificate' in hand, Yassib has no reason to challenge his father during the latter's illness (as Parker suggests he ought to have done if his role were original); he need but bide his time until the king's imminent demise. It is only when his expectations are frustrated by Keret's miraculous recovery that he makes a pathetic attempt to unseat him. Yassib, for whose confirmation so m u c h energy had been expended but whose true character the author has skillfully concealed up to this point in the story, is now revealed at the conclusion for the 'wimp' that he is! 2.2.6.4 T h e r e are two points to be emphasized in connection with Parker's hypothesis: (a) that story Β the king's illness—is securely tied to the figure of Yassib and his succession and can never have existed independently thereof; (b) that the case for the Yassib episode as an independent story C hangs entirely on the assumption that the poem is not concluded at the end of K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi. 2.2.6.5 T h e final point to be m a d e against Parker's case is the catastrophic consequences which the deletion of the Yassib episode has on the literary structure and message of the poem. 2.2.6.5.1 If Keret were a typical 'happy ending' narrative, the story (Parker's story Β in particular) ought to have ended with the king's recovery (much as Merrill's 'original story' ought to have ended with the wedding reception in K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+!). For if at the beginning ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+) the king is alone and in tears, and then subsequently, facing death, he is tearfully embracing—possibly for the last time—his beloved 'blossom' Octavia ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ ii 50ff.), he is surely smiling from ear to ear, surrounded by his faithful wife and adoring children, at the feast described (laconically) in K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 15-21; and his resumption of

21

The language of the council's decision can be presumed identical with the resolution presented by its president, the šrk-il (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ ν 18-21): 'rb. špš. lymg19 krt/sbia. špš'10 b'lny/uymlkn [ j ] ^ ( . ) 'In 'When Keret arrives at the western horizon (i.e., dies)|Our lord, at the setting s u n | T h e n will [Ya]ssib rule over us'. Cf. M A R G A L I T 1982, 425; 1995, 252-2.

work as king of Bêt-Hbr (ibid., 11. 22-4) ought to have been greeted with much fanfare and public celebration. 2.2.6.5.2 T h e 'addition' of the episode of filial infidelity—a sin punishable by death in the Bible and which the very name 'Aqhat' (lit., 'the-obedient-one') attests to as heinous in ancient Canaanite society—turns this would-be happy ending on its head at the same time as it brings the story full-circle to tragi-comic conclusion. In K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ Keret is miserable for want of a son and heir; at the end of K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi he is miserable for having obtained a son and heir. Nothing more can or need be said. 2.2.7 2.2.7.1 But a word should be said, in conclusion of our critique, on vestiges of the historical approach to the poem still current. 2.2.7.1.1

Parker writes:

I would see the origin of the poem in a story about a king who undertook a campaign against another king to claim the king's daughter as his bride. Negotiations between the king resulted in the ceding of the woman in question, and hence in the marriage of the two and the birth of children. . . . It is this much that forms the most solid basis for those who claim that die poem reflects historical events . . .' ( P A R K E R 1 9 8 9 , 39) 2.2.7.2 This statement, I submit, is as true (or false) of Keret as it is (mutatis mutandis) of Hamlet, Julius Caesar, or Antony and Cleopatra, none of which can be considered 'historical' works reflecting historical events. T h e y are works of the imagination, pure fiction, in which historically attested personal a n d geographical names, scraps of history, social and religious customs are expertly utilized as trappings for the plot and its characters by craftsmen minutely knowledgeable in historical arcana and—all importandy—masters of disingenuity in the service of artistic integrity. 2.2.7.2.1 But even if the poet be inspired by a 'real event'—which in the case of Keret one is entitled to doubt—this determination is no more consequential for understanding the poem and its author, than is the Danish chronicle which inspired Shakespeare's Hamlet. At most, such knowledge can produce some learned footnotes to the text, enhancing its appreciation by cognoscenti but irrelevant and boring for poet and audience alike.

2.3

The story in outline, the message in detail

2.3.1 Although there is no hard evidence to indicate that the poem of Keret was ever the subject of dramatic presentation in a theatre or like setting, it is useful, and certainly not misleading to summarize its contents as if it were. T h e material is most amenable. 2.3.1.1 T h e 'prologue' in the opening lines of K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+, now largely defective, introduced the hero, Keret, as king of Bêt-Hbr, situated '[by the se]a'. T h e king is a man of valour ([gbr. hyl]) and a devotee of El (glm. il) who is his 'patron' (ab); but he is wretched for want of wife and children to fill his 'naked' (crwt) palace. Seven dmes was Keret wed, but each marriage ended abrupdy, for the most part tragically with the death of the spouse; in one case, in childbirth. T h e absence of a (male) heir apparent causes his seven brothers to cast greedy eyes on his throne. Comment: (1) 'Bêt-Hbr by-the-sea' ([gblt. y]rrì) is a pseudonymic riddle to be solved by the audience in the course of the p o e m / p l a y . (2) By presenting the king as a devotee of El—in contrast to the Baalworshipping poet and his audience—the author conveys the message that the story is about a historical figure of long-ago, the era of the ancestors. 22 Keret is thus a 'patriarchal narrative'. T h e members of the hero's clan (lim || umt) are to be found roaming the steppelands between the (Phoenician) coast and the Euphrates ([ f ]
22

For the author of Keret, this 'patriarchal era' began with Ditanu (Ug. dtn, var. ddri) cited obliquely in K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2 - 3 || 13-5) thought to have lived in the early MBA (ca. 2100 BCE; cf. K I T C H E N 1977, 131-42; H F . L T Z E R 1981, 1 10) and developing into an eponymous ancestor. It needs be emphasized however that Keret's Ditanu-ancestry does not make him a direct ancestor of the Ugaritic kings Niqmaddu and Ammittamru ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126). Like Abraham, Ditanu is 'the father of many [Amorite] nations'. This much however can be said: the city-state kingdoms which speckled the Phoenician and north-Syrian coastline in the early 2nd millennium BCE were all ruled by classes of Amorite stock. The dynastic houses of Byblos and nearby Ugarit in particular could accordingly have been related by ties of blood a n d / o r marriage, and both of them to clans residing in Bashan (cf. K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252: 23-4). T h e phrase qbs. dtn, roughly 'union of Ditanu' (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2 - 3 || 13-5), like its parallel rpi. ars (ibid.·, K T U 1.108) denotes the transnational aspect of this consanguinity, the word ars 'land' contrasting with socio-political terms like qrt 'city' and mlk 'kingdom'. (This usage of ars [Heb. 'eres] survives in the Hebrew Bible in the phrase 'am-hā-'āres, denoting an institution of landed gentry who can 'make or break' a king. Cf. provisionally M A R G A L I T 1995, 255-6.)

the El-worshipping, Harran-based patriarchs of the Bible, one of whom complains bitterly that he is without (legitimate) heir and who subsequently sends his trusted servant to obtain a wife for his son in the 'old country'. 2.3.2

Act 1, Scene 1

2.3.2.1 T h e curtain rises on the king about to retire for the night to his sleeping c h a m b e r which he enters shedding tears of self-pity. Curled up in bed in a foetal position, he falls asleep. His patron deity now appears in his dream, having heard the heart-rending sobs of his valiant servant. Wise but not omniscient, El inquires as to the cause of the king's distress. Ever the jester, he speculates whether Keret, dissatisfied with the modest extent of his kingdom, has designs on his own; or perhaps, he wonders aloud, the king is short of money to cover his regal expenses. In reply, the king assures his patron that he wants for nothing material, and that his only wish, and the panacea to his pain, is to sire a family, sons in particular. 2.3.2.2 El is sympathetic; and the remainder of the dream (and scene) is devoted to divine monologue wherein the deity issues a series of detailed instructions as part of an elaborate plan for the hero to realize his ambition. At the centre of the plan is the full mobilization of the kingdom for a military expedition to the (Bashanite) kingdom of Udum(u), to be followed by a siege and ultimatum to its king: surrender your eldest daughter, the fair Hry, to be Keret's wife (or face the consequences). 2.3.3

Scene 2

2.3.3.1 T h e King awakens with a start, but with total recall of the dream which he immediately begins to implement to the letter. He attends first to his person—washing (for cleanliness) and rouging (for war) then to the gods to w h o m he offers sacrifice, and then to the business of war. Comment: (1) El's oneiric thcophany is part and parcel of n o m a d i c / Amurritic religion centering on El and his consort Asherah. El resides in the subterranean fresh-water deep which feeds the palm-trees of the oasis where the n o m a d pitches camp. W h e n the latter retires for the night and sets his sleepy head down to rest, he is lulled to sleep

by the gurgling stream nearby. It is both logical and natural that El, residing close by, should pay him an occasional visit in his dream, especially when the nomad is troubled. (2) Again, the correspondence with the biblical tradition-complex (in its Ε and Ρ versions particularly) is uncanny. T h e El(-Shaddai)-worshipping patriarchs receive their divine visitations in nocturnal dreams. T h e same is true of the Elworshipping Aramean clairvoyant Balaam of the D A P T . Y H W H , by contrast, never appears in a dream to his servant Moses, 23 and there are no dream-theophanies in the Hexateuch outside Genesis and N u m . 2 2 - 4 . (3) T h e characterization of both El and his protégé is parodical. T h e valiant warrior of the prologue is totally deconstructed by the pathetic king crying himself to sleep like a baby. Crying is womanish (2 Sam. 1:24; Lam. 1:2, etc.) and a sign of weakness in men except in well-defined special circumstances. It never occurs to the biblical author to depict A b r a h a m as weeping in Gen. 15; nor does the son-less Dan'el weep when petitioning for a son (1.17). Both are in contrast with the similarly situated H a n n a h (1 Sam. 1:10). T h e proverbially wise El (by dint of age and experience) is parodied by means of the patently ridiculous plan which he concocts: the total mobilization of the kingdom, including the sick, the blind, and the newly-wed normally exempt from military draft, and a strenuous and very expensive seven-days march to the hinterland region of Bashan for no better reason or exigency than to obtain (yet) a(nother) wife for the king. Were this not enough, the poet will subsequently inform us that Pbl, the king of Udum(u), is himself a devotee of El, and his kingdom a 'gift' (ušn) from this same deity ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ vi 12-4). All El need have done was to send an oneiric message to Pbl and the fair princess would have been on her way to Bêt-Hbr. 2 4 This contrasting of exaggerated means utilized for trivial ends is of course a staple of comedy and burlesque (cf. the M a r x

23 Cf. Num. 12:6 8. A later tradition, no longer familiar with the religio-historical presuppositions of the patriarchal faith, attributed this fact to the uniqueness of Moses' prophetic status. 24 H e could also have spared U d u m the pains of siege, and its monarch the pangs of uncertainty, by revealing himself in a dream to Pbl and thereby confirm Keret's ultimatum as indeed inspired and supported by divine degree. But then El would be seen to be truly wise and compassionate rather than the comical dotard intended by the poet.

brothers), a contrast further accentuated here by the disparity between the normally peacable and compassionate El (Itpn. dpid) advising, and devizing, a strategem of war. 25 (4) T h e use of parody at this early stage in the story must be understood as setting the tone for all that ensues. It is the dramaturgic equivalent of Shylock's 'poundof-flesh' bond contracted (ostensibly) 'in a merry sport', and to the over-reaction of foolish king Ahasuerus (Est. 1) to the queen's refusal of a royal summons (itself a parody of a king 'ruling from India to Ethiopia'). It serves notice that the poem of Keret is a species of 'mock epic', perhaps the oldest of its kind in recorded history. 2.3.4

Scene 3

2.3.4.1 T h e a r m y of Bêt-Hbr marches in battle array to U d m (= U d u m u in the land of G a < s h u - > r u [EA 256]). T h e march is broken up into two more or less equal segments: 3 days from BêtH b r to Tyre, where Keret pays an unscheduled (or at the least unanticipated in the dream) visit to the shrine of Asherah, El's wife, where he takes a vow (cf. Gen. 28) that if his mission be successful (one senses clearly the insecurity of this valiant warrior) he will pay to Asherah's shrine 'twice [his bride's] weight in silver, thrice in gold'. 2.3.4.2 T h r e e days later, on the seventh day of the campaign, Keret's army arrives at U d u m and camps outside its walls after having cleared the countryside. T h e r e follow the futile efforts of Pbl, king of U d u m , and his queen N a ' a m a t to relieve the siege, first by offering Keret a bribe of silver, gold, three horses and chariot (with attendant squire), and, simultaneously, sending messengers to offer sacrifice atop nearby Mt. Inbb, the mythological abode of the (war-)goddess Anat. T o no avail; Keret is a d a m a n t (and the gods, by implication, unresponsive): only the surrender of beautiful H r y — in the description of whose (as yet unseen) beauty (he has only El's word for it) the king waxes poetic—will suffice to remove the siege (cf. mutatis mutandis 2 Sam. 20:14-22). T h e scene concludes with Hry taking tearful leave of her family and friends as she sets out for Keret's c a m p and her new life as queen of Bêt-Hbr.

25

O n e may note the uncanny if fortuitous resemblance of El's plan with that of Portia's 'virtuous father' (The Merchant of Venice), mocking the 'holy men [who] at their death have good inspirations'. El's plan is similarly 'inspired'.

Comment: (1) O n the identifications of U d m and Mt. Inbb respectively, cf. M a r g a l i t 1995, 2 2 5 - 4 3 . (2) Although formally a married couple, El and Asherah do not live together (cf. K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ iv).26 (3) T h e fact that the king's initiative, for all its good intentions, eventually lands him in hot water could—if Keret were a 'serious' piece of literature—be taken as implying the futility of human endeavour and the advisability of resignation to divine will. But if, as I maintain, Keret is tragi-comical, then the crisis precipitated by the king's ill-fated initiative (the result, be it recalled of his absentmindedness) can and should be seen as contributing to his portrayal as a pathetic figure, a 'Schlemiel' or 'Sad-Sack' who can do no right, a master bungler. Keret, like Dan'el, is a 'talker', not a 'doer'. (4) This characterization of the king is underscored by Pbl and Na'amat's reluctance to become Keret's in-laws. After all, such an attitude is not self-evident given Keret's credentials. A king of the backwater kingdom of U d u m would normally have given his eye-teeth for a liaison with the royal house of Bêt-Hbr, alias Byblos. However, Keret's reputation as a matrimonial 'jinx' has preceded him to Udum. 2.3.5

Act II

2.3.5.1 Scene 1. T h e reception celebrating the marriage of Keret and Hry is attended (i.a.) by the gods, including El and Baal. Asherah is conspicuous by her absence. During dinner, Baal prompts El to toast the newly-wed couple. El is glad to oblige: raising his wineglass, his blessing consists of a promise that Keret's wife will bear him multiple offspring (cf. Gen. 15:5, etc.): seven || eight boys and a like n u m b e r of girls. T h e eldest of the boys, to be named Yassib, will be Keret's heir (poetically, he will be nursed by goddesses); the youngest of the girls, 'Octavia', will be El's favourite (bkr, literally, 'first'). Comment: (1) T h e senior gods arrive at the party in pairs; the 'assembly', consisting of the minor (younger) and anonymous gods,

2I

' The separation of El and Asherah on the mythopoeic level is surely a reflection of the transformation of their originally pastoral-nomadic cult following the sedentarization of their worshippers. El is put out to pasture in the Upper Jordan Valley, his domain extending from the foot of Mt Hermon near Dan as far as the Sea of Galilee. But his consort starts up a new career among Tyrians as rbl. alrt. ym 'Lady Asherah-of-the-Sea' where she is presumably worshipped as the patroness of fishermen (cf. her attendants qdl. wamrr described (KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ vi 10-1; K T U 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iv 2-4) as dgy. rbl. alrt. y m 'fishermen of Lady Asherahof-the-Sea'.

arrive in threes. T h e absence of Asherah is accentuated by pairing El with Baal. Anat (here labelled 'Rhmf [Heb. rehem]) is accompanied by the similarly bellicose Reshef. Kathir-and-Hasis, sporting a binomial n a m e , escorts himself (our poet is a 'kibitzer'). (2) T h e choice of R h m y as an alias for Anat is motivated by two considerations: (a) the alliteration with Rip; (b) the synonymity with ( c )Anat, both referring to the female genitalia. 27 2.3.5.2 Scene 2. T h e scene shifts to the (unspecified) domicile of Asherah. Seven years, and several birth-days, have elapsed and Keret's pledge is still unpaid. With the king now in default, Asherah takes her own vow: to make Keret pay . . . with his life! Comment: 'Heaven has no rage . . . nor hell no fury, like a woman scorned'. Cf. also Ps. 50:14, Eccl. 5:3. 2.3.5.3 Scene 3. A party in Keret's h o m e — m o r e precisely, his atr— for the nobility of Bêt-Hbr, its 'Bulls' and 'Stags' in the poet's saucy language. In preparation, the king instructs his queen to 'dress-up like a maiden' (km[.n]crt) by hiding her bulges, doing up her hair, and manicuring her fingernails. T h e ostensible purpose of the party is to 'weep' (ritually) for the ailing Keret. But the secret agenda is political, viz., to confirm the juvenile Yassib as heir and successor to the throne of Bêt-Hbr upon the king's supposedly imminent demise. O n c e this political purpose is made known to the guests at the party, a furious debate erupts, accompanied by shouting and clenched fists, in the course of which the 'president' (irk. il, lit., 'chief member') stands up to speak and pledges the support of the assembly for the young prince. T h e ailing king replies. Invoking the private parts of the president's wife, he blesses him for his support. H e then informs the council that he expects to die within the month, blaming his misfortune on Athirat's abiding hatred for his kingdom. His personal fault he passes over in silence. However, the king's remarks, far from stilling debate, add fuel to its fire, in the course of which both the king and his queen are forced to intervene to restore order. T h e king accuses his opponents of 'drinking his blood', while the queen reprimands her guests for their indecorum as well as for their insin-

27

Cf. D E E M 1978; M A R G A L I T 1995, 241 2. T h e basic meaning of 'nh is 'open up', normally of speech. Its use with sexual activity (cf. Ex. 32:18b) reflects a perceived symmetry between oral and vaginal anatomy (cf. Prov. 30:20).

uation that the king might be feigning illness in order to obtain an endorsement of the crown-prince as successor to the throne. Hry assures the noblemen that Keret's illness is, unfortunately, neither dream nor fantasy; and he has the body sores and fever to prove it! T h e conclusion of the scene is lost, but a political victory for the royal family is a necessary inference. 28 From this moment on, Yassib is heir-apparent in fact as well as in theory, and his enthronement evidently a matter of days. Comment (1) T h e location of the banquet in a tent (hmt) set up in the family atr or burial-ground (cf. K T U 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i-ii)— points to a kispum or mrzfi, i.e., a feast associated with the cult of the ancestral dead (dbh. ilm). This would furnish a convenient pretext for convening the nobles and a suitable occasion for 'beweeping' the sick king. It also is consistent with the all-male guest list as well as the king's instructions to his wife to dress appropriately (cf. K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ iii 10-22). This banquet is definitely a 'stag affair'. (2) T h e scene implies the existence of a political group whose authorization the king requires to transfer power to his son and thus establish a dynasty. This council of barons is a fcudalistic body whose duties, and prerogatives, are to 'advise and consent'. Neither servile nor rubberstamping, it can make or break a king. A residue of tribal confederation, this group of grandees may be seen as the sociopolitical equivalent and 2nd-millennium precursor of the biblical 'am-hä'äres. (3) It is further implied in this scene that while the legitimacy of the dynastic principle is acknowledged, its cultural roots are shallow indeed. T h e tribal tradition of charismatic leadership, understood in terms of military prowess, is still very much alive, and it goes far towards explaining the fierce opposition to the blankcheque endorsement of the king's son, still very young and untried in battle and leadership. (4) Keret is in all likelihood (portrayed as)

28

T h e spirit and circumstances of Keret's speech are strongly reminiscent of the speech delivered by Hattusi1iš before the pankuš-assembly: 'Behold I have fallen sick. . . . Behold, Mursilis is now my son . . .' It may not be too venturesome to suggest accordingly that the missing portion of Keret's speech may have been formulated in a vein similar to the continuation of Hattusilis' address: 'In the hour when a call to arms goes forth . . . you . . . must be [at hand to help my son]. When three years have elapsed he shall go on a campaign. . . . If you take him (while still a child) with you on a campaign, bring [him| back [safely].' (Translation apud GURNEY

1990,

171).

the first m e m b e r of his family to have occupied a throne, which he may well have seized by overthrowing an incumbent ruler. His rise to p o w e r — a n d this is probably the extent of the story's historicity (which in any case is only presupposed by the narrative)—would have been a model Idrimi who, with a b a n d of ruffians and outlaws, conquered Alalakh and set himself up as king. Like Keret's El-religion and his affiliation with a clan dispersed in the Syrian steppeland, the present scene reflects the political ethos of an earlier epoch, viz., the formative stages of Amorite settlement in Phoenicia and N. Syria and the struggle to establish the legitimacy of dynastic kingship in a society barely weaned from non-hereditary charismatic leadership and tribal organization. 2.3.6

Act III

2.3.6.1 Scene 1. As the scene opens, preparations are underway for Keret's funeral (although the king is still quite alive). T h e sound of caterwauling w o m e n — t h e poet prefers the comparison with howling dogs and coyotes—fills the royal mansion. Overcome emotionally by these depressing sounds and by the realization which they spur of his father's imminent demise, the loving and devoted son Ilhu approaches the king's bedside. With tears rolling down his pubescent cheeks, he queries his father in disbelief (in the process giving expression to the current ideology of divine kingship in Canaan): 'Is Keret, the divine offspring of El and Athirat, not immortal?! D o gods die?!' 2.3.6.1.1 T h e compassionate Keret responds with words of comfort to his distraught son; and by way of occupational therapy counsels him to set out on a mission to sister Octavia, residing elsewhere, and to bring her home. T o spare her sensitive feelings, the pretext is to be an invitation to a family feast rather than a funeral. (But since Keret's funeral will doubtless be followed by a lavish wake— cf. K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ i 18-31—the lie is truly lily-white.) Ilhu obediently complies and takes his leave. Comment: T h e text at this point is in disarray, resulting in the dism e m b e r m e n t and dislocation of Ilhu's speech. T h e awareness of this disturbance by a subsequent copyist led to its rewriting; but the corrected version unfortunately found its way into the second column of K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+, causing yet another disturbance. (2) W e are not informed here either as to the reason for Octavia's residence away from home or its location. If this information was not forth-

coming in a no longer extant part of the preceding text (e.g., at the end of K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii), the poet left it to the audience to fathom the answers from the continuation. 2.3.6.2 Scene 2. After climbing a mountain and praying there (to Baal!) for a safe journey, Ilhu sets out. Arriving at Octavia's convent-residence (hmh<m>), he squats on a nearby hillock, with the gateway-entrance in view, to await his sister. As she emerges from the gate, on her way to fetch water, Octavia espies her brother. In her excitement, she drops (more likely, hurls) the encumbering vessel in her hand and makes a dash to embrace Ilhu, her head now nestling tenderly in his shoulder. But it does not take long for Octavia to collect h e r s e l f a n d to sense that brother Ilhu has not just droppedby for a chat. Her female intuition tells her that something is awry, possibly relating to her father. T o her query, 'is father ill?' Ilhu replies that, of course, all is well with the king, and that he has come to invite her to a family party. Sensing her incredulity, Ilhu unfolds his cover-story with lavish improvisation: it will be a sumptuous affair, attended by the gods and the who's-who of Bêt-Hbr; musical entertainment will be provided by nubile lasses singing songs 'to set one on fire'. He himself, Ilhu continues in his prevaricating best, was asked by the king to go out and trap birds as delicacies for mother Hry and brother Yassib; 'and since father knows that my hunting would take me near where you live, he thought it might be nice to extend you an invitation. So here I am!'. 2.3.6.2.1 Octavia's response leaves no doubt as to her incredulity. First she asks her brother to pour a cup of wine from his portable jug. After removing the plug, Ilhu obliges. She now turns to her brother and, in a tone mixing hurt pride with barely concealed anxiety, she asks: 'Why do you make a fool of me? H o w long has father been ill?' 2.3.6.2.2 Faced with such precocity, Ilhu breaks down and proceeds to tell his sister the sorry truth. Upon hearing this, the heartbroken Octavia cries out and shudders (V hi); she commences a funereal song-and-dance around her brother. She then repairs with him to the parental home. 2.3.6.2.3 Upon arrival, Octavia enters, silently and abashcdly, her father's bed-chamber. Approaching his bed, she kisses him affectionately

on his feverish forehead. She is his little 'blossom' (ib). She leaves shortly thereafter, heeding her father's request to climb a mountain and pray there for his recovery. 29 Comment: (1) T h o u g h not expressly stated, it is a reasonable inference from this portion of the narrative that Octavia has become a nadītu-priestess, or nun, residing in a cloister and in the service of the sun-goddess, Shapsh. A m o n g other things, this hypothesis will explain (a) why Octavia is residing away from her parental home; (b) why Ilhu does not even consider entering the gateway to notify his sister of his arrival. As a female retreat, it is presumably off-limits to men. (2) Octavia's funereal song-and-dance, encircling her brother, is described in language similar to that used by Ilhu to describe the wailing-women in Keret's house. This may help to explain the intrusion here of extraneous material originating as a (corrected) version of Ilhu's plaintive speech to his father. (3) It is typical of Ugaritic epic literature to portray w o m e n as superior in intellect a n d / o r courage to men; 30 and the present encounter of brother and sister is certainly no exception. El compares unfavourably with Athirat, Dan'el with his daughter Pughat, and Ilhu with Octavia. 31 2.3.7 2.3.7.1 Scene 3. T h e text of this scene is very fragmentary, and its contents consequently are obscure. T h e king's illness, like Aqhat's murder, has resulted in drought, and the stocks of grain, wine, and oil are depleted. A set of obscure ritual acts, intended presumably to induce rainfall, is followed by a delegation of farmers to the king, presumably (since the continuation is lost) to apprise him of the situation and to ask for help.

29

A considerable part of the text summarized above is missing, and the summation at certain points presupposes the correctness of the restorations. Cf. the discussion in M A R G A L I T 1 9 9 5 , 2 6 4 - 8 9 for this and other matters relating to this passage. 30 It is also not uncommon in O.T. literature: Adam is clearly inferior in intellect to wife Eve (which is why the 'wily' snake takes her on first). The same holds true for Isaac and Rebekkah, Barak and Deborah, Sisera and Jael, Haman and Esther, etc. A notable exception is David and Michal. The latter is possibly the most 'trag(ed)ic' figure in the entire Bible: bright, beautiful, and courageous—and an habitual 'loser'. 31 Anat is only seemingly an exception: for while nominally female, she acts and dresses like a (violent) man, and is therefore the villain of Aqhat. She contrasts both with her virtuous brother Baal and the heroine Pughat; and the poet does not stop short of ridiculing the penis-envy of this self-hating goddess by depriving her of the coveted bow once acquired (KTU 1 . 1 9 = RS 3 . 3 2 2 + i).

Comment: W e have here another expression of the 'ideology of divine kingship': the illness of the king induces a paralysis of Nature. However, there is no more reason here than in the previous instance to assume that this ideological stance reflects the authorial point-ofview. Like the portrait of the sick hero, and (shortly) the inept gods, this ideology is also subject to satirization, as if what is true of the great Baal ( K T U 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ ii 5-7) is true of the pathetic king of Bêt-Hbr. 2.3.7.2 Scene 4. T h e desperate situation created by the king's illness sets the stage for a curious development: the artisan god, Kathirwa-Hasis, whose wisdom (say the gods) is second only to El's, is approached by a delegation of the divine assembly—'El's sons' ((dt. bn. il)—and asked to take an urgent message to a hitherto and otherwise unknown character named lis and his (characteristically unnamed) wife, bearing the title ngr(t) of the H o u s e / T e m p l e of El, (var. Baal). In the message promptly delivered by the hobbler Kathir-waHasis—described by the poet as running with the grace of an ass— lis is instructed to go up to the tower and to shout at the top of his lungs—'like a waterfall || like a bull' to the inhabitants of the city. T h e sequel is lost, and with it presumably the statement of purpose, viz., a call to prayer and supplication on behalf of the dying king and the drought-imperiled kingdom. Comment T h e present scene, if correctly interpreted, brings the satirical tone of the poem strongly to the fore; indeed, the satire comes close to becoming farce. El is in deep trouble: his plan for his protégé has miscarried, and the protégé himself and his famished kingdom are teetering on the brink of disaster. El's distress signal (which one may presume to have been lost in the lacuna at the beginning of K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iv) has been picked up by the assembly of his sons which now goes into (pathetically ineffectual) action. In their infinite divine wisdom they turn to the wise but crippled Kathir to deliver an urgent message to the temple crier (ngr) or mu'addin32—and for good measure, to his wife—to summon the 32

The semantic correspondence of Ug. ngr and the Arabic mu'addin (< 'dn (II) 'cause-to-hear, announce') is very close indeed. T h e Ugaritic term is cognate with Akk. nagaru 'Ausrufer, Herold' (.ΑΗιν, 711). The translation 'herald' in the present context is, however, misleading in that it implies a palace functionary charged with making public pronouncements. Ils is rather a temple functionary; and since his j o b is to summon the faithful to prayer, he is necessarily (a) mortal, and (b) a BronzeAge Canaanite precursor of the Islamic mu'addin.

faithful to prayer and supplication, without which the gods can do nothing to save Keret and his kingdom. From here it is surely but a small step to the conclusion that the 'sons of EP (notably excluding heroic and virtuous Baal) can do nothing because they are good for nothing. 2.3.7.3 Scene 5. T h e race is on to save Keret's life, for which purpose El has convened the divine assembly in emergency session. El arrives accompanied by wife Athirat. H e opens the session with a plea to his consort to spare Keret's life. Asherah replies that the king's life 'is in the hands of his wife Hry': she (now that the king is incapacitated) has to pay Athirat 'twice her weight in silver, thrice in gold' (with the interest waived) if Keret is to be cured. 2.3.7.3.1 Even El cannot apparently raise such a sum, much less Keret, whose kingdom is down at the heels. T h e 'father of m a n ' turns accordingly to his sons for help; but they remain deafeningly silent, either because they are cowed by the presence of their mother or they are simply at a loss for ideas. El is now left with no choice but to deal personally with the problem. 2.3.7.3.2 His solution: to create a female exorcist named Š'tqt (< etq '(cause to) remove'), the details of which are obscured by the tablet's poor state of preservation. But they are not beyond recovery. El creates his creature, in primordial fashion, from (red) clay (cf. J o b 33:6), inserts snake-poison into her vagina (to thwart reproduction?), christens her over a cup of sanctified wine, and then brings her to life by 'pouring' into her mouth '[the soul] of a god and the blood of a [human]'. Fortified by El's blessing and directed by his detailed instructions, Sctqt flies off to Bêt-Hbr. Comment: (1) T h e divine assembly, as we learn from K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ ii, is m a d e up of the minor deities consisting of the sons—not including daughters—of El. It corresponds, one may assume, to the 'council of princes' reflected in 1 Kgs. 12:8ff. T h e presence of Athirat is thus a breach of protocol warranted by the emergency as well as by the divine mother's direct responsibility for creating it. (2) Athirat's offer at first sight seems to hold the key to a satisfactory resolution of the crisis. However, it must be remembered that after fifteen births and nursing periods, the once streamlined Hry is now bulging at both waist and bosom (cf. above, § 2.3.5.3 [= K T U

1.15 = R S 3.343+ iv 10-3]). (3) T h e echoes of cosmogony in this scene are part of the parody. Like the exaggerated mobilization in K T U 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+, the creation of S'tqt is a case of mockheroic 'overkill'. W h a t S'tqt does for Keret could, and would, have been done by any run-of-the-mill exorcist in Bêt-Hbr. El, says the poet, may be very wise (who else knows how to create life?); but he is sorely lacking in c o m m o n sense. 2.3.7.4 Scene 6 describes how S'tqt saved Keret's life. U p o n arrival, she immediately gets down to business. She fastens a string to the patient's navel and places a wreath of medicinal leaves on his feverish head, while repeatedly wiping his brow of sweat. She then opens his mouth and forces him to eat—we are not told w h a t — a n d presto! the king is well. A rejuvenated Keret promptly orders wife H r y to slaughter a fading lamb for dinner to celebrate his recovery. Comment T h e poet's feminist bias finds expression here once again. Just as the w o m a n Athirat foils the male El's plan, so the female S'tqt saves the day (while foiling the foiler). But woman's superior intelligence, courage, and enterprise are, alas, not enough to alter the existential 'female condition': S'tqt, like Athirat, is subordinate and subject to El. T h e 'tree' of Athirat cannot exist without El's fertilizing water, and S'tqt will die, without fruit, once her mission is accomplished, as will Pughat, whose heroism is recounted in a tale n a m e d for her b r o t h e r (in marked contrast to the 'book of Esther'). 2.3.7.5 Scene 7. T h e crown-prince and heir-apparent, whose birth, heralded by the gods, fulfilled his father's most fervent wish, makes his first—and last—appearance in this scene, as if to say: if you meet him once, it is enough for a lifetime. Obviously displeased and disappointed by his father's dramatic recovery—Yassib, be it recalled, is still an adolescent!—he decides to act. Encouraged by 'the fiend at his elbow', he enters the throne-room where his father is seated and orders him to step down, on grounds of incompetence in the discharge of his royal duties. Keret's reaction is a mixture of rage and anguish; and as the curtain falls there resounds a curse, at once fearsome and funny, called down by the king on the head of his perfidious son. Comment: (1) Keret's recovery obviated a tragic end to the story; but the finale is its tragi-comic equivalent. For upon hearing his son's

words, the king might well have wished he were dead. (2) Yassib is 'instructed' (V wsr) by his jinn (Ug. ggrì)—he is a school-boy listening to the wrong teacher. (3) T h e charges laid by Yassib against his father are instructive for the insight they provide to the Canaanite view of kingship. T h e most important task of the king is not to lead in battle (which is precisely what Keret does in K T U 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+) but to administer justice fairly and compassionately (something he is never seen to do). 33 T h e Canaanite king is first and foremost a 'judge', in contrast to his Amorite counterpart whose claim is based on personal charisma as a warrior proven in batde (gibbôr hayyil). In this sociological sense, Aqhat is older than Keret, in that the former describes its (male) heroes, young and old, in terms derived from the military lexicon. Keret is a mlk,H Dan'el a gzr. (4) In addition to ferocity and hilarity, the curse also contains the most important clues, suitably and cleverly embroidered into the finale, to the identity of pseudonymic Bêt-Hbr, lit., 'House-of-Union'. 3 5 T h e king calls on 'Astarte-name-of-Baal'—i.e., Baalat—and Yassib's dislodged teeth are to fall out 'altogether', for which the poet chooses the rare (b)gbl (Palmyrene-Aramaic gbl — 'community', M H e b . gbl 'to mixtogether (as porridge)', which plays on the original form of 'Byblos', i.e. G B L / G u b l a (Heb. Gëbaï).

2.4

The moral of the story (in sum)

2.4.1 T h e moral of the story is clear, a proud and praiseworthy testimonial to the venerable Stoic tradition c o m m a n d i n g the allegiance of the wise throughout the ages:

33 Contrast the description of the (non-royal!) judge Dan'el! For all their impudence, Yassib's words thus contain a germ of truth. This motif of 'truth from the mouth of babes' is especially prominent in Aqhat (cf. M A R G A L I T 1989, passim). Noteworthy too is Absalom, like Yassib motivated by a desire to depose his father, who sets himself up as a judge in the gateway, intercepting his father's 'clients', in order to establish his credentials for kingship. 34 As well as £ (Heb. sô'a) a title which he (presumably) shares with the other members of the Bêt-Hbr nobility. 35 Cf. Akk. /)ibru(m), a Canaanite loanword denoting 'clan' (OB) and 'in gathering (of fruit)' (LB)—cf. AHw, 344. In the 11th cent. Egyptian Wen-Amon story, f}-b-r denotes a joint commercial venture (AJVET 27, n. 17). ^l(fbr and ΛIgbl are thus fully synonymous terms.

2.4.1.1 G r a n d the plans of gods and man, But when the day is done— Bones broadly scattered dry in the sun, For ironic Moira the fray hath won. And nought remains for Apollo's progeny, But to sing her praise In comic agony. 2.4.2 'Life', not 'kingship', stands at the centre of Keret as it does in Aqhat and Baal-Mot. But whereas Baal-Mot focuses on the uncanny dialectic of Life and Death on the (awesome) cosmic plane, Aqhat and Keret focus on the (absurd) human-life condition, the former on its tragic aspect, the latter on the tragi-comic ('if it weren't so funny, it would be sad . . .'). If Aqhat is a C a n a a n i t e Hamlet, Keret is a Canaanite Merchant of Venice. Like his great English counterpart, the Canaanite bard is a master at manipulating emotion; but to mistake him for a 'politician' (or a 'preacher'), and his art for propaganda (or a sermon), is at once an insult and a betrayal. 2.4.2.1 O u r poet- indeed any poet (of integrity)—writes (or sings) for an audience which is 'free', not 'captive'. He is by nature the foe of tyranny, be it of the body or of the mind. He is anathema equally in Plato's Republic and in Augustine's 'City of God'. He kneels (only) in the Temple of Moira, at the feet of Apollo. 36

36 What J. H U I Z I N G A (Homo loudens) has said of 'play' is equally true of writing poetry: 'all play is a voluntary activity. Play to order is no longer play; it could at best be a forcible imitation of it. By this quality of freedom alone, play marks itself off from the course of the natural process. It is something added thereto and spread out over it like a flowering, an o r n a m e n t , a g a r m e n t . ' (Beacon ed., 1955, 7). Elsewhere (ibid., 132) he rightly observes that poetry as such is a form of play.

3

The

Story

of

Aqhat

Nicolas

3.1

(KTU

1.17-19)

W y a t t

Introduction

Tablets R S 2.[004], 3.340 and 3.322+349+366, discovered in the 'High Priest's House' on the acropolis at Ras Shamra-Ugarit in 1930 and 1931, 1 were quickly established as constituting the same literary work.- T h e mention of Danel by name in another third-season find from the same location, R S 3.348 (IV D = 1 R p = U T 121 = C T A 20 = K T U 1.20), led to the initial incorporation of this tablet in the series, but its successor Rpum tablets were never thus regarded, and for practical purposes it too was eventually discarded from the sequence. 3 N o authorship is mentioned on any of the tablets. However, the lower edge below K T U 1.17 vi reads [ ]prln, (KTU2 prln) and is generally restored on the basis of K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 5 4 - 5 as [spr.ilmlk.šbny.lmd.atn.]prln, thus restoring the n a m e of Ilimilku, the scribe to w h o m K T U 1.1-6 = R S 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+, 2. [008]+, 2. [022]+, 2. [009]+ and K T U 1.14-16 = R S 2. [003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+ are attributed (with colopha at 1.4 viii lower edge, 1.6 vi 5 4 - 8 and 1.16 vi 59 lower edge). RS 92.20 1 6 4 (as yet unpublished) also apparently bears the name of Ilimilku. In the case of the published tablets, the script is similar in all the tablets at-

1 See B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E ( 1 9 8 9 , systems for the texts are as follows:

26, 30-32).

The most widely used numbering DIETRICH -

RS

VIROLLEAUD

GORDON

HERDNER

2. [004]

2D

3.340

3 D

3.322+

1

2 Aqht 3 Aqht 1 Aqht

C T A 17 C T A 18 C T A 19

D

LORETZ -

SANMARTIN

K T U 1.17 K T U 1.18 K T U 1.19

T h e tablets are located as follows: K T U 1.17, 19 in the Louvre (AO 17. 324 and A O 17.323 respectively), K T U 1.18 in the British Museum (AO 17.325 = BM L84). 2 Published by V I R O L L E A U D 1936a (Editio Princeps). 3 Typical expressions are 'clearly at least one further tablet must have followed': G I B S O N 1 9 7 5 , 6 6 . 'At least four tablets': DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 , 2 2 4 . P A R K E R 1 9 9 2 , 9 9 , 1 3 4 - 5 , still evidently had a fourth tablet in mind, but refrained from identifying it with K T U 1 . 2 0 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 . See also P A R K E R 1 9 9 7 , 4 9 . 4 Provisionally K T U 9.432. See C A Ç U O T 1992, B O R D R E U I L 1995a, 2.

tributed to Ilimilku, so that the identification is reasonable. 5 As will be clear from the synopsis below, considerable portions of Aqhat are missing. K T U 1.17 is a tablet originally of six columns, of which two are entirely missing, while the beginning and end of the four surviving columns are missing (an estimated twelve or so lines in all on the recto, and on the verso, with a shearing break down the upper surface, perhaps twenty or so), with the wedgeshaped breaks on columns i and vi resulting in even further loss. K T U 1.18 is a tablet of four columns originally, of which two are entirely missing. Again, the beginning a n d end of the surviving columns are missing (some twenty-five lines or so), and wedge-shaped breaks further reduce the surviving text, with no complete lines in col. i, and only nine complete in col. iv. K T U 1.19 is the best preserved of the three; the only substantial losses here result from friable edges along the three sections into which the tablet has broken, with the additional loss of a central section in col. i, the bottom right hand corner of col. ii, the top corner of col. iii, and a small vertical section in the lower part of col. iv. T h e surface is also eroded at the beginning of col. i and in the upper central section of col. iv. At a rough estimate, from these three tablets slightly over half the lines are missing, say approximately 430 from an original 840 (fourteen columns of ca 60 lines each), or fifty-one percent. While these figures are not set in stone (or clay), any adequate interpretation of the text must remain provisional, having to take into account the fact that it can never tell more than half the story.

3.2

Synopsis of the story

Substantial portions of the text are missing, as we have noted. T h e following narrative sequence can however be understood. 17

5

i

Danel has no son and so performs devotions to obtain divine assistance. For six days he sacrifices to the gods, apparently spending every night in the temple. O n the seventh day Baal intercedes for him, asking El to provide a son who will perform all the filial duties necessary for a father to be blessed. El blesses Danel and promises . . .

For recent discussion on the programme of Ilimilku see W Y A T T 1997, 1998a and below in this chapter. I also enlarge on his significance at § 13.4.2 below.

ii

iii iv ν vi

18

i

ii iii iv

19

i

ii

iii

a son. T h e son is probably born in the missing section between the columns, and news is brought to Danel, who rejoices and holds a feast in his palace for the goddesses of childbirth. missing missing Kothar arrives, bringing a composite bow as a gift. He is feasted/' and the bow is given to A q h a t . . . A feast is apparently taking place. Anat asks Aqhat to give her the bow. H e tells her to take the raw materials to Kothar: he will make her one. She persists in her demand, and offers him immortality. Aqhat tells her to stop lying, and says that a bow is in any case a man's weapon. She departs to El in a rage, accusing Aqhat of impiety. Anat threatens El that she will be violent if she does not get her way, and he gives her a free hand. She approaches Aqhat, seemingly mollified, inviting him to go hunting with her. missing missing After a successful hunt, Anat summons Yatipan, instructing him to assume the form of a falcon, and pounce on Aqhat, killing him. H e does so . . . and the bow falls into the river and is shattered. Anat mingles regret for the bow with a savage assault on Aqhat's corpse, which she tears in pieces. Back in his capital, unaware of what has happened, Danel sits to dispense justice; Pughat sees the withering of the plants, and sensing a disaster, rips Danel's cloak. H e utters a curse. Danel, still evidently not appreciating the situation, wishes that his son would harvest the now shrivelling grain. T w o messengers arrive and tell of Anat's complicity. D a n e l . . . then curses the falcons. As each falls from the sky in turn he examines its entrails. Those falcons found to be empty are healed. Finally he finds Aqhat's remains in Sumul's stomach, and buries him. H e then goes round the country,

6 This is the folk-tale idiom for worship with sacrifices, but uses the figure of face to face, person to person, communication between deity and devotee.

iv

cursing all the villages in the vicinity of the murder. Aqhat is mourned for seven years, Danel concluding the rites with a sacrifice. Pughat then dons a r m o u r beneath her woman's clothes, and sets off to find Yatipan. Already half drunk, and thinking that she is Anat, he demands wine, and while she plies him with it boasts of his exploit. . J

As can be seen from this synopsis, there are tantalizing gaps in the narrative. Particularly u n c l e a r — a n d consequently open to variations in reconstructive guesswork—is the sequence of events in K TU 1.18. T h e synopsis above represents this author's reading of the story. Again, the last column of K T U 1.19 breaks off at the most inopportune moment. It is commonly supposed that Pughat went on to kill Yatipan, which would provide a relatively satisfying dénouement, but would leave Anat, the true villain of the piece, unscathed. O n the other hand, as pointed out below, 8 this is to apply our moral expectations to a divine power, and may misread the author's intention. W h e t h e r or not K T U 1.20-22 = R S 3.348, 2.[019], 2.[024] have any close relationship with Aqhat must remain an open question. But while they are narrative in form (and they appear to be three versions of substantially the same narrative, though Pitard opines below—§ 6.4—that tablets K T U 1.21 and 1.22 = RS 2. [019], 2. [024] may be two parts of one whole), we cannot assume that the mention of Danel proves a link, since a n u m b e r of stories may have been attached to the same figure.

7

T h e following translations have been published: V I R O L L E A U D 1936a, G A S T E R 1936, 1937, 1938. 1950, 257-313, 1961, 316-76, C . H . G O R D O N 1949, 84 103, 1977, 9-29, FRONZAROLI 1955a, D R I V E R 1956, 48-67, J I R K U 1962, 115-36, AISTLEITNER 1964, 65-82, G I N S B E R G 1969, 149-55, C A Ç U O T - S Z N Y C E R 1974, 401 58, C L E A R 1976, 5 0 - 6 9 . X E L L A 1976, 1982, 193-216, G I B S O N 1978, 103-22, C O O G A N 1978, 27-47, M A R G A I . I T 1989a, DEL O L M O I J Î T E 1981a, 327-401, DE M O O R 1987, 224-66, A I T K E N 1990, BALDACCI 1996, 333-65, P A R D E E 1997a, 343-56, PARKER 1997, 49-80, W Y A T T 1998c, 245-312. Other studies include CASSUTO 1938, BARTON 1940, STOCKS 1943, GINSBERG 1945a, 1945b, O B E R M A N N 1946, H E R D N E R 1949b, G R A Y 1957, 73-91 = 1965, 106-26, EISSFELDT 1966, K O C H 1967, K A P E L R U D 1969, 70-82, H I L L E R S 1973, DIJKSTRA DE M O O R

1976,

1975,

DRESSLER

1975,

1979,

1983,

GIBSON

1 9 7 5 , WATSON

1976,

ΧΕΙ.Ι,Α

1979, M A R G A I . I T 1981a, 1983a, 1983b, 1984a, 1984b, 1989a, DEL O L M O I J Î T E 1984a, 115-42, CAÇHJOT 1985, 1987, 1990, PARKER 1987, 1989, 99-144, C O O P E R 1988, DE M O O R 1988a, A I T K E N 1989a, 1989b, 1990, HUSSER 1995, 1996. For a fuller bibliography down to 1988 see M A R G A L I T 1989a, 503-6. R See § 13.3.2.1. DIJKSTRA

3.3

History of interpretation*

published the editio púnceps of the Aqhat tablets. H e accepted Ilimilku's authorship of the present narrative, whatever their antecedents, 1 0 and dated the tablets to the mid-fourteenth century ( 1 9 3 6 , 8 2 ) . O n genre he was imprecise, referring to 'legends' ( 1 9 3 6 , 8 3 ) and to 'mythological texts' ( 1 9 3 6 , 8 5 ) , or even both together ( 1 9 3 6 , 1 0 9 ) without demur. By ordering them as he did (n. 1) he inevitably missed the logical progression which was subsequently recognized. M a n y of his explanations of the vocabulary have had to be revised, but his study is not to be underestimated as important pioneering work, however m u c h may now be of primarily historical interest. An interesting instance is his discussion ( 1 9 3 6 , 8 7 - 9 6 ) of the names of the characters. H e concluded (p. 96) that Aqhat is 'a member of the family of the god of death; he is, in effect, one of the gods who dies . . .'; he resumed this argument later (p. 110), claiming that Mot 'personifies the ripe ear of wheat', with the result that Aqhat is also supposed to be 'the harvest-genius'. T h e r e was an unfortunate tendency to draw conclusions of this kind in early Ugaritic scholarship, which it took decades to escape. Everything was allegorical! T h e result was the wholesale application of various permutations of the seasonal interpretation (a variant on the myth-and-ritual theme) to all the larger compositions, with a consequent delay in the recognition of more balanced assessments. Virolleaud also understood the terms qst ('bow') and qs't ('arrows') to mean 'chalice' and 'vases' respectively," which rather destroyed the symbolic centrepiece of the whole story. Virolleaud

(1936)

in a brief note on the text, placed the tablets in what is now regarded as the correct order, and recognized Aqhat's h u m a n nature. B a r t o n 1 9 4 0 drew attention to the apparent links Cassuto

9

1938,

There is insufficient space to offer a complete survey here, and much of the earlier discussion is in any case now outmoded. I shall therefore merely oudine one or two salient features of early discussion, and concentrate on later work. For literature before their respective publication dates see also the surveys in CAQUOT SZNYCER - HERDNER 1974, 401-15, DEL OLMO LETE 1981a, 327-401, and MARGALIT 1989a, 3-92. 1(1 He writes of them being 'redacted in the fourteenth century' and of a considerable lapse of time between their original formation and reduction to writing by Ilimilku (VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 83). This dating is now in course of modification. See PARDEE 1997c, 376 n. 2, and below, § 13, nn. 284, 289, 311. 11 VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 117, 203-5.

of the narrative with the Galilee region, 12 while G i n s b e r g 1945a, 1945b, recognized that Danel was a king, and in his detailed treatment of a n u m b e r of key passages broadly set Aqhat studies in their present mode. Gaster developed his views through a n u m b e r of articles and two editions of Thespis ( G a s t e r 1936, 1937, 1938, 1950, 257-313, 1961 [1966 printing], 316-76). We may take his final account as his considered view. H e treated Aqhat as myth, and classified it as 'the disappearing god type'. It is a purely literary work as it stands, but with its roots in ritual drama: 'it was, au fond, nothing but an artistic transformation of the time-honored seasonal drama'. 1 3 After offering a synopsis of the narrative, in which the reader may feel uncomfortably that he is being led more by rhetoric than by hard facts, he launched into his interpretation (1961 [1966], 320-7). 'If our basic approach is correct,' he averred, 'this story will go back to a primitive seasonal myth relating how a mortal huntsman challenged the supremacy of the goddess of the chase and how his subsequent execution for this impiety caused infertility upon earth.' H e went on to invoke T a m m u z , Osiris, Adonis 'and the like'. We can see the patterning process at work. Only the prior assumption of some seasonal theory (probably also misrepresenting fundamental elements in these traditions too) could justify a parallel treatment. More substantial, however, was his invocation of the Orion myth. This is indeed a widespread tale (in my view possibly quite independent of T a m m u z and company), of the hunter who confronts and insults a goddess or is in some way brought to her attention. 14 Unfortunately, Orion is the subject of a large n u m b e r of myths, and not one of them corresponds very closely to the plot of Aqhat. It requires a synoptic approach to discern any extensive parallels between what are essentially variations on a theme. Furthermore, Orion is inseparable from the constellation of the same name, while Aqhat

12 O n e of the grounds for considering that the rulers of Ugarit were originally from the Hauran-Galilee region lies in the familiarity of the tradition with the toponyms of the region. See discussion, with further references, in M A R G A L I T 1989a,

14-7. 13

GASTER

1961 (1966), 316.

See also G R U P P E 1 9 0 6 , i 6 9 - 7 0 (cited Gaster), i 1 5 1 - 4 ( 4 1 ) , and A S T O U R 1 9 6 7 , 1 6 3 - 7 5 (discussed below). Graves' explanation of Aqhat ( 1 9 6 0 , i 1 5 3 - 4 ) , apart from calling it a Hittite (!) myth, interprets it astronomically. 14

GASTER

1961

(1966)

320-6.

FONTENROSE 1 9 8 1 , G R A V E S 1 9 6 0 ,

has no obvious links with the stars; 15 and while it would be nice to find them, we should beware of assuming them on the basis of 'parallels' some centuries younger. But Gaster's work on this aspect deserves more extensive re-evaluation as our knowledge of the stellar dimension to U g a n d a n religion, now known only fragmentarily, develops further. But even establishing a stellar basis does nothing for the explication of a text from which any such putative elements are now clearly missing. 16 D r i v e r (1956, 8) gave only a slight treatment of the significance of the story. H e stated that the theme of Aqhat 'is a righteous king's need of a son', but a couple of paragraphs later wrote that 'the main theme of the myth is clearly the death and resurrection of Aqhat', thus introducing a new perception of what concerned the narrator, before concluding that in view of the damaged condition of the material 'no satisfactory interpretation of the myth is possible'! This final assessment is certainly the most cautious. But it should be noted that Driver raised two interesting issues: the problem of whether Danel was a king, and the death and resurrection motif.

(1967, 163-75) referred to Gaster's treatment of Aqhat in relation to Orion, but, without discounting it and noting its Mesopotamian antecedents, argued that a much closer figure for fruitful comparison is the Greek Actaeon. H e noted that Actaeon's mother Autonoë was daughter of C a d m u s and H a r m o n i a , thus evincing a Semitic pedigree, since C a d m u s and the whole Boeotian tradition reflect West Semitic influence. H e argued (p. 165) that the two names, Aqhat and Actaeon, are related, and that not only are both torn asunder, one by 'eagles' (rather falcons), 17 the other by dogs (falcons and dogs are animals in the service of hunters), but (p. 167) that in both stories there is a seasonal element, the fifty hounds of Actaeon representing the cycle of the year, while Aqhat's death provokes a severe drought. Like Gaster, he went on to suggest a stellar element behind the Orion parallels (p. 168), and noted that the latter's name, too, is susceptible of a Semitic etymology (y'Sr, 'ûr) and may even appear in the form aryn as an Ugaritic personal name. 1 8 Astour

|R> G A S T E R ' S (1961 [1966], 322) linking of the bow with the constellation of Canis major is certainly intriguing! "' T h e only hint at a richer background is Pughat's epithetal yd't hlk kbkbm, 'who know(s) the courses of the stars', K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 2 - 3 etc.

17

WYATT 1998C, 2 8 4 a n d n .

18

Cf.

GRONDAHI.

151.

1967, 27, 220,

365.

'Hurrian?': DLU,

54.

He further argued for a link between Sumul {ml), 'mother of the eagles (falcons)' and Greek Semele. 19 C a q u o t - S z n y c e r ( 1 9 7 4 , 4 0 9 ) drew attention to the incomplete state of the text and advised caution in interpretation. Critical of mythological and seasonal interpretations, they insisted (p. 413) that the story was neither history, not historical epic, nor myth, and was not the subject of seasonal, national or exceptional recital. T h e y found a definition of its genre elusive, but compared it with Gilgamesh, Adapa and Etana, ragarding it as an Ugaritic 'classic' (conveniently vague!). They did not use the term, but to judge from their treatment (p. 414) appear to have assessed it as wisdom literature. 20 G i b s o n ( 1 9 7 5 ) set out to clarify thinking on the nature of myth and other genres. Noting that one of K i r k ' s ( 1 9 7 1 , 2 6 8 ) features of myth was the fantastic dimension, he noted such features in Aqhat (and Keret), but added that 'a speculative or perhaps better, an ideological bias' (p. 62) should be present for a narrative to qualify as myth. But he denied any link between the present narrative and Ugaritian royal ideology. T h e scenes such as the confrontation between Anat and Aqhat, which he considered to have an ideological dimension, he regarded (p. 67) as 'secondary, supplying for all their vigour only the backcloth against which Daniel's piety is put to the test'. H e further opined that the bow too was a secondary feature, and that in a putative fourth tablet Aqhat was finally restored to life.

dealt briefly with Aqhat in the broader context of ancient Near Eastern tales. Her treatment was too cursory to contribute much to the discussion, but she served the useful purpose of highlighting the conventional folklore motifs to be found in the story.- 1 In his edition of the texts, d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 8 1 offered an extensive analysis of Aqhat. H e classified it as 'epic', along with Keret, and ran through the scenes, analyzing the literary sub-type of each episode, drawing on parallels in biblical and other ancient Near Eastern literatures. In reverting to a general statement of the text's 'sense and function' (pp. 3 5 4 - 6 4 ) , he reiterated its epic nature, judging it however Irvin

19

(1978,

ASTOUR

76-78)

read the

D N

sml at

K T U

1.39

=

RS

1.001.14,

but this is now dis-

counted. 20 M A R G A L I T 1989a, 58, characteristically summed up their exposition as an account of 'a pastor or a priest. . . [who] teaches platitudes'! 21 She identifies them according to T H O M P S O N 1 9 5 5 - 8 .

more 'mythical' than Keret, since the deities are more involved as dramatis persona, and not merely invoked in conventional religious terms. ' T h e gods avenge themselves' in response to Aqhat's insolence, he stated (p. 355), discerning a general theological argument here, and the supreme god 'has to yield to the caprice of an inferior deity'. 22 This theological quality makes it difficult to estimate a historical basis for the story, as though that were desirable. Del O l m o Lete attempted to give a serious theological account, but his assessment of 'the caprice of the gods, their amoral conduct' (p. 356) seems to me to misconstrue the significance of mythological 23 action. H e later (p. 358) drew attention to another theological point, the contrast between Danel who is obedient to the gods and receives a positive response, and Aqhat who confronts them and is accordingly rebuffed. But while this is true in terms of narrative device, and of psychology and pastoral theology, it perhaps disguises the real problem on a purely metaphysical level, which is that the different deities encountered in the story are quite differently motivated in their relationships with humans. T h a t is, the deities as reifications of certain metaphysical principles are credited with their own motivation, which operates independently of immediate h u m a n motivation. Anat is after all, as goddess of war and hunting, by nature vicious, pitiless and scheming. T h a t is the role she is constructed to play. We are left feeling that no a m o u n t of diplomacy on Aqhat's part would have saved him. Certainly no a m o u n t of piety on Danel's part does him any good. Margalit has written a n u m b e r of studies on Aqhat, culminating in his large-scale commentary ( M a r g a l i t 1981a, 1983b, 1984c, 1989), the first study on a single narrative from Ugarit on this scale. 24 This is extremely thorough, but is a very difficult volume to work with, in view of its division into separate blocks dealing with the same

22 For my slightly different assessment of the general theological principles at work see below, § 13.3.2.6. 23 I am writing here of the mental disposition rather than the literary genre, though the two naturally overlap. As though grappling with this issue, del Olmo Lete (p. 356 and n. 90) writes that Aqhat is 'nearer "myth" than the "epic of Kirta"', and (n.) '[Aqhat's] intermediate position between saga and myth is recognized'. 'Caprice' is also a term appearing in de Moor's assessment (below). For further observations on the adequate assessment of myth see § 13.4 below. 24 The studies on the Baal cycle by DE M O O R (1971) and VAN Z I J L (1972a) are not formal commentaries in the same sense, and in any case the Baal material is altogether more heterogeneous than Aqhat or Keret.

materials from different perspectives and no adequate cross-referencing aids. Trying to achieve this during use is a taxing occupation. It begins (pp. 3-92) with a useful survey of previous work, though this is perhaps excessively negative, not to say waspish, in its assessment of others' efforts. 25 T h e r e follows a prosodie analysis (pp. 93-105), separated by nearly four hundred pages from the appendix on the principles of Ugaritic prosody (pp. 495-502). It is fair to say that Margalit has ploughed a lonely furrow on this topic, for few have expressed support for his approach, or are as optimistic as he that he has solved the considerable problems the topic raises. Following the initial position-statement on prosody, he offered a textual analysis (pp. 107-14), followed by a text layout (unvocalized, pp. 117-41); this is followed in turn by a translation (pp. 143-66), then by textual and epigraphic notes (pp. 167-246), and finally by a literary commentary, prefaced by short units of the unvocalized text (again!) and punctuated by excursi on various topics (pp. 2 4 7 469), before an exegetical overview, a brief statement on Ugaritic literature and the Hebrew Bible and the final appendix. T w o theoretical positions dominate the work, the non-royal nature of Danel (on which see further below), and the so-called 'Kinneret hypothesis', according to which the narrative is at home in the Galilee region. He even considered the Kinneret to be an actor in the drama (p. 411: 'the personified Kinnereth, "unwilling" to disclose the identity of the assailant, must be punished as "accessory after the fact"'). This seems a trifle excessive. Parker has written two studies ( P a r k e r 1987, 26 1989, 99-144) on Aqhat. In the former, he deplored the atomistic nature of previous philological approaches to the poem, and the patternistic bias of religious approaches. T h e time had come for a literary approach. While caution must be urged in view of the fragmentary nature of the text, a useful approach, on essentially form-critical terms, was the establishment of the types of traditional material employed. 27 'Hypothetically

25

The treatment of K A P E L R U D 1969 encapsulates this rather well: 'Author (sic) states at the outset (p. 70): "The Aqht text is still an enigma, and so far no satisfactory solution of its problems has been found". Had he limited himself to this statement, the net balance of author's contribution would have been more positive than it is in fact.' Some put-down! 2li Published in the M.H. Pope Festschrift ( M A R K S - G O O D 1987). Given as an SBL paper in 1980, and discussed briefly in M A R G A L I T 1989a, 7 1 6 . 27 Cf. discussion of del Olmo Lete above.

any consistent thrust uniting those peculiarities may be treated as the theme of the whole' (p. 71). H e isolated five main sections, and treated each in turn. These are as follows, in his treatment. A), the birth of Aqhat, deals with the familiar theme of the childless hero who appeals to the god for help; the god responds, and the child is born. T h e Egyptian tale of the Doomed Púnce and the Hurrian Appu story, the story of H a n n a h and Samuel in I Samuel, and the Ugaritic Keret story, are cited as comparable examples of the type. B), the bow of Aqhat, describes the making and delivery of the bow. T h e account of Kothar's visit has analogues in Genesis 18:1—16 and 19:1-16. Sharing certain traits is 2 Kgs 4:8-17, and a modified version of the form appears in 1 Kgs 17:9—16. C), the death of Aqhat, describes Anat's coveting of the bow, her overtures to the hero, and confrontation with El when rebuffed, culminating in her being given a free hand in accomplishing Aqhat's death with Yatipan's help. Comparison is made with the hero with Ishtar in Gilgamesh, both episodes deriving from an older Vorlage, and also with Anat's dealing with El in K T U 1.3 ν = R S 2.[014]+. 2 8 D), the consequences of Aqhat's death. Parker noted that the narrative movement almost comes to a standstill in this section, apart from describing a n u m b e r of ritual activities which accompany the inevitable environmental consequences of Aqhat's murder. Awareness of Aqhat's death (as the cause of drought) dawns only slowly, and then Danel's curses are directed towards the birds who have devoured his son, 29 and to the cities held responsible for unresolved homicides in their neighbourhoods. N o similarly extended parallels from ancient near eastern literature are cited. E), Pughat's mission of vengeance. Comparisons scholars have made with the stories of J u d i t h and Jael and Sisera are noted. While the latter connection is discounted, extensive similarities with the former are discussed.

28 P A R K K R 1 9 8 7 , 7 7 , notes that while the language in Baal and Aqhat is remarkably similar, the theme of the goddess' insubordination before the high god is far less apposite in the former. He adduces a closer relationship between Aqhat and Gilgamesh. 29 P A R K E R 1 9 8 7 , 7 9 , appears to hold the father of the raptors responsible. In fact it is their mother, Sumul, who is so described, in K T U 1 . 1 9 iii 2 8 - 3 9 . The birds are identified as vultures, p. 78. For the present author they are rather falcons.

Parker concluded that Aqhat would have originally ended with an account of the fulfilment of Pughat's vengeance, and a return of fertility to the land, 30 but with no reference to Aqhat's restoration to life. H e ended with an assessment in which the mythological emphasis drawn by previous scholarship was played down, while the social dimension was highlighted as the main theme of the author's intention. H e made some interesting observations on gender roles, contrasting Anat's 'innate and blatant masculinity' with Pughat's 'assumed and concealed masculinity' (p. 82). his conclusion raises a n u m b e r of questions (expressed rhetorically) rather than providing answers for them. H e saw the possibility of a critique of the values of the contemporary monarchy and administration. Useful as this analysis of the structures and congeners of the Aqhat story are, it does not actually tell us much about the moral or ideological dimensions which may lie behind it (that is, the author's intention). If his final questions had been answered, we might have some clear idea where Parker stood. Margalit, though too harsh in his judgment, 3 1 is perhaps justified in complaining that this tells us more about comparative literature than about Aqhat. It certainly shows the relatively sterile nature of analysis which gives no account of why an author works in this or that way, beyond the fact that it all boils down to 'traditional themes'. Parker returned to the topic in a further study ( P a r k e r 1989). Here he set out the broad characteristics of Ugaritic narrative verse, as it was evidenced in particular in the Keret and Aqhat stories. H e then turned to Aqhat itself (pp. 99-144), and outlined much the same discussion as above. His conclusion was extended to a demonstration of how, while drawing on common mythic and legendary themes, the author(s) ('composers') have, 'by adopting, transforming and combining several different traditional narratives, produced a larger work of striking unity' (p. 142). Again he emphasized the familial values promoted in the story, as distinct from conventional mythological themes, raised the question of authorial motive, and now suggested that as a piece of 'classical' literature in Ugarit, Aqhat may

30 Does he mean an element of the 'fertility cult' here? He does not say. At most, what can be said is that fertility represents divine blessing, while sterility is the outcome of a curse, and in broad terms fertility also has to do with royal power and its effective implementation. The loss of a prince is a threat to a kingdom. However, P A R K E R notes ( 1 9 8 7 , 8 3 ) the lack of overt emphasis on royal issues. 31 M A R G A L I T 1989a, 72.

have afforded its readers and hearers the opportunity of seeing themselves mirrored in the world of the story, 'a satisfying portrayal of life in an idealized past era, a life with its own tragedies, but also with its own orderly and beautiful institutions that in the end prevailed' (p. 143). In his translation of the texts, d e M o o r 1 9 8 7 , 2 2 4 - 6 6 , made a n u m b e r of comments on the literary features of the story. In keeping with his broader assessment of Ugaritian theology, 32 he saw Aqhat as dealing 'with life and death, and with the fate of m a n who all too often appears to be the victim of divine caprice'. Read in the light of his earlier and later treatments of Ugaritic theology, this is not a perspective to be taken seriously, since he appears to have envisaged a culture incapable of the moral insight to question its own bankrupt theology. T h e authors are thus as benighted as their literary characters. At best Ilimilku reflects a disillusioned and pessimistic oudook supposedly typical of the Late Bronze Mediterranean world. 33 Into this scenario d e M o o r (1990, 97 = 1997, 99) wove an argument developed some years earlier ( d e M o o r 1988a), discerning in Aqhat a further outworking of the seasonal pattern he had previously argued to be the foundation of the Baal Cycle ( d e M o o r 1971). In the 1988 article he expressed the principle thus: 'Ilimilku . . . deliberately wove a seasonal pattern into the Legend of Aqhatu out of his conviction that life on earth revolves according to a circular pattern that had been laid down in the pristine age of myth' (p. 61). H e then proceeded to fix episodes in the narrative in sequence through the calendrical year in the same m a n n e r as had been done for the Baal cycle. T h e substantial objections raised by some scholars to the seasonal interpretation were dismissed as of no consequence ( d e M o o r 1988a, 75 n. 6). (1990) 34 offered a very thorough analysis of the narrative from a folk-literature perspective, drawing on the work of Propp, Dundes and Dolezel. H e saw the narrative structure in terms of a series of different thematic levels, and of alternating patterns; 'lacks' Aitken

32 D E M O O R 1986b, 1990, 42-100 (= 1997, 41-102). For my views on this issue see § 13.3 below. 33 See DE M O O R 1990, 99 (= 1997, 101). In my view the observations made here result from a mistranslation of K T U 1.19 ii 34-36. For my translation see W Y A T T 1998c, 301. 34 This is the published form of an Edinburgh PhD dissertation from 1978. The latest entries in the bibliography are from 1984.

being 'liquidated' (not the most apposite term in view of Aqhat's liquidation!) as desires were met or situations reversed (e.g. a son for the hero, a bow for the hero, the bow for Anat, and so on) or a status quo maintained. A m o n g the oppositions a set of equivalences (called 'the synonymous sequence') is also developed, and periodic repetition (e.g. searching the falcons' gizzards for the remains of Aqhat maintain tension and development to a climax. Aitken was able to achieve this, quite legitimately, in spite of the considerable gaps in the narrative, and showed the tight construction of the surviving text, and, as he put it (p. 206), 'of the skill and artistry of its narrator, the Ugaritic teller of tales'.

3.4

Some recurrent and unresolved issues in Aqhat

A n u m b e r of individual episodes and themes in the story have been the subject of particular discussion. 3.4.1

The Incubation theory

Like O b e r m a n n (1946), Gaster interpreted the temple episode ( K T U 1.17 i) as an incubation scene, 35 as did Gray, 3 6 del O l m o Lete 37 and Parker. 3 8 This view has however been persuasively challenged by M a r g a l i t 1989a, 2 6 0 - 6 , and by H u s s e r 1992, 2 9 - 6 2 , 1996, 9 3 - 5 , who marshall substantial arguments against the incubation interpretation. Margalit, citing H a m i l t o n ' s (1906) study, observes that none of the conditions required is fulfilled: chthonian gods are not involved, no illness is involved, there is no reason to think that Danel's sleeping is part of the ritual, there is no direct theophany, and no cultic personnel are involved. Furthermore, no other ancient Near Eastern candidate fulfils the conditions either, and we are left with a late hellenistic institution with no obvious points of contact. Husser's original discussion was complex and extended, taking Oberm a n n on at every juncture. His later paper summarized his main findings, broadly in accord with Margalit. H e noted that it was gaps in the text, filled out in academic imagination, which appeared to justify the incubation interpretation. Furthermore, it was not to Danel

35 36 37 38

GASTER 1 9 6 1 , 3 1 6 . GRAY 1 9 6 9 , 2 9 6 . D E L OLMO LETE 1981a, 3 3 2 - 3 , PARKER 1 9 8 7 , 7 2 ; 1 9 9 2 , 1 0 0 .

1984a, 119 2 0 , 1984b.

that Baal drew near (in a theophany), but to El, to whom he speaks about Danel in the third person. If 'incubation' is to be used to describe the scene, it requires a considerable extension of the classical meaning of the term. 3.4.2

The occasion of Aqhat's birth

W h e n was Aqhat born? T h e conventional interpretation of K T U 1.17 ii has been that it is part of the build-up to the account of the birth of Aqhat, which must have been narrated in the gap following. This is explicitly stated, for instance, by M a r g a l i t 1989a, 147, and in some other discussions appears to be assumed, though not spelt out (e.g. P a r k e r 1987, 73). But a convincing case has been m a d e by Caquot - Sznycer, and developed further by Husser, that the birth must have taken place in the gap between the end of col. i and the beginning of col. ii.39 T h e later presence of the Kotharat is to be understood, no doubt, as for that purpose, but they evidently delay for some days after, perhaps to confirm a safe birth and the healthy state of the child. O n this alternative interpretation, the arrival of the Kotharat and the counting of days and months in K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] ii refer not to conception and pregnancy, but to the immediate post-natal period and the child's infancy. 40 3.4.3

Aqhat's encounter with Anat

T h e encounter between Anat and Aqhat in K T U 1.18 i (in particular 1. 24) has also given rise to much discussion. T h e key part of the text reads at.ah.wan.x[ ]. It has been frequently restored, to read at.ah.wan.a[htk].41 Was there a sexual encounter between Aqhat and Anat? This was asserted by A l b r i g h t (1944, 33-4), but rejected by G i n s b e r g (1945b, 19). T h e best argument against the c o m m o n view, i.e. that there was, is that of D r e s s l e r 1979, followed by X e l l a 1984b. I have accepted this view. 42

39

N.

CAÇ>UOT -

SZNYCER

1974,

405,

425

n.

f.,

HUSSER

1996,

WYATT

1998C,

262

50. 40

Note the pluperfect sense of 'rb bbth ktrt, 'the skilful goddesses had entered his house', in K T U 1 . 1 7 ii 2 6 : H U S S E R 1 9 9 6 , 9 1 - 2 , W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 2 6 4 and n. 6 1 . 41 Thus KTU1. 42 Instead of 'You are my brother and I am your sis[ter]', the passage is to be read 'Come, brother, and I shall [ ]'. The putative reading a[htk\ is impossible. See WYATT

1998C, 2 7 9

and

n.

132.

3.4.4

Danel's social status

There has been some debate as to whether Danel is a king. G i n s b e r g (1945a, 4 n. 6) noted that Danel sits at both threshing-floor and city gate to dispense justice, citing 1 Kgs 22:10, 2 Chr. 18:9 as parallels, and also noting the widespread ancient Near Eastern use of the royal theme of caring for widows and orphans. G i b s o n (1975, 66) remarked that 'Danel is only once called a king', as though apologizing for the author's loose use of language! He preferred to see in Danel a patriarch of the J o b a n or Abrahamic kind. T h e formal royal view has not gone unchallenged, as noted above. M a r g a l i t (1989a, 2 5 3 - 4 , 278, 292-3, 309, 361 2, 410, 424-7) in particular has been most persistent in arguing that Danel is not to be seen as a king. His arguments (1989a) were as follows, though the case was m a d e more by assertion than by demonstration. A premonarchical society was envisaged by Margalit (p. 309), in which 'notables' dispensed justice. Danel's 'political status is that of unus (doubtfully primus) inter pares. H e is one of the "city elders" . . . ' (p. 361). Finally, he did not recognize the sense 'king' of mlk in K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 46. He construed it (1989a, 163, 410) as 'your down-course' (Ar. may I). In view of Gibson's comment, it is worth noting that with substantial portions of the text missing, not too much should be made of the apparent hapax appearance of mlk here. Margalit's case can hardly be said to be very strong, and much rhetoric and repetition can hardly substitute for reasoned discussion. T h e counter-arguments are as follows. Firstly, the title mt rpi, however it is taken, has a royal significance. In my translation (1998c, 250 n. 5) I have taken it in the sense ' m a n (i.e. ruler) of R a p h a ' . T h e alternative sense is to take it as a promise of Danel's later (postmortem) incorporation into the rpum (deified dead kings of high rank). T o this cf. the element in the blessing of Keret which foresees his inclusion a m o n g the rpum, K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ iii 2 - 4 , 13-5). Secondly the blessing formula restored at K T U 1.17 i 3 4 - 6 , on the strength of K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ ii 16-20, is to be construed as explicitly royal in its object. As Jackson and Dressier have noted, there is a close affinity between the scene described and the Ugaritian royal seals. 43 Within this formula, the form cbd reappears (pace Margalit), with reference to Danel, at K T U 1.17 i 36 (previously

43

JACKSON -

DRESSLF.R

1975. See also WYATT 1997, 787-9.

misread as .bdh, with preceding word-divider), and this too is an explicitly royal title.44 Thirdly, Danel also performs an action reminiscent of El himself at K T U 1.17 i 10-11, in placing his feet on his footstool. This is to be understood as an accoutrement of royal rank (cf. Ps. 110:1). Fourthly, the description in K T U 1.17 i of Danel 'enrobed' (uzr) for the performance of his devotions may be an allusion to the ritual garment in which Ugaritian kings are shown robed in various representations. 4 5 Fifthly, as already observed by Ginsberg (above), Danel's sitting at the city-gate to judge, at K T U 1.17 ν 4 - 8 , 19 i 19-25, and particularly the reference to widows and oiphans as the beneficiaries of his dispensation of justice (a cliché for royal justice throughout ancient Near Eastern literature; contrast Keret at K T U 1.16 vi 3 3 - 4 , 45-50!) is the fulfilment of a specifically royal duty. Margalit's attempt to democratize this is without substance. Sixthly, the use of hkl at K T U 1.17 i 26, 43, ii 25, is most reasonably to be construed as denoting a royal palace. T o accept it as less is to require that the term is used as a sustained hyperbole. T h e former alternadve is altogether the more natural. While it is of course the pair-word to bt, it is used elsewhere in the Ugaritic corpus only of kings' and gods' 'houses', that is, palaces in the first instance and temples in the second. Finally, the form mlk occurring at K T U 1.19 iii 46 is most reasonably to be taken to m e a n 'king', with reference to Danel himself, as the subject of the verb in the sentence. T h e syntax raises no problems, and an appeal to Arabic cognates is unnecessary. These pieces of evidence represent a prima facie case for Danel's kingship, and it can only be the prior assumption that he is not a king which can challenge their cumulative force. O n the other hand, the anti-monarchical case requires the demolition of the whole argument, point by point. T h e royal status of Danel is not necessarily an essential element in the broad interpretation of the story, for the heroes of tales are often kings or the sons of kings, and it merely adds an aristocratic gloss to the narrative; but it also lends some support to the view expressed below that the story has been given

44 A king is 'bd DN, 'servant (or "gardener"—WYATT 1990b) of DN'. Thus with Judahite kings 'bdyhuoh, 'servant of Yahweh', or 'gardener of Yahweh'. 45

See

WYATT

1998C,

251

n.

6.

an ideological twist by Ilimilku. Quite apart from its interpretative significance, the fact remains that Danel's kingship appears to be taken for granted. 3.4.5

The bow

Dressier and Hillers have both drawn attention to the significance of the bow in the story of Aqhat. It is evidently of some considerable importance, since the desire for it motivates Anat to murder the hero. In the broadest sense it is a symbol of power. But what else is it? H i l l e r s (1973) argued that it was in effect a phallic symbol. Its theft by Anat would constitute an act of emasculation. He read into this a n u m b e r of modern psycho-literary insights. D r e s s l e r ( 1 9 7 5 ) countered that much of Hillers' argument centred on damaged text (and its restoration), hardly a sound basis for far-reaching hermeneutical claims. T h e bow was indeed a masculine symbol, but not a phallic one. T h a t is, it pointed to manly virtues, but without explicidy sexual innuendo. He drew attention to H o f f n e r ' s ( 1 9 6 6 ) discussion of gender-symbols in defence of his own restrained view, and rebutted each instance of an ancient literary allusion to bows, arrows and quivers in which Hillers had discerned a sexual innuendo. 3.4.6

What becomes of dead men?

T h e retort offered by Aqhat to Anat's offer of eternal life in exchange for the bow has long puzzled scholars. M a r g a l i t ( 1 9 8 9 , 3 0 7 - 1 0 ) , while having nothing to say on the specific matter of post-mortem existence, presents Aqhat's observations in K T U 1 . 1 7 vi 3 6 - 3 8 as an allusion to the Neolithic liming of skulls attested at Jericho. T h e idea that a LBA text would be preserving ritual details of a very specific kind (and long discontinued, to judge from mortuary evidence throughout the intervening period) seems most unlikely to me, and may be discounted. The further idea that LBA people might discover such ancient skulls (lying in shallow deposits) and contemplate their meaning (p. 309), while a charming idea, is scarcely a sufficient basis for postulating a systematic anthropology of death. T h e more general issue of the nature of beliefs regarding the afterlife has been dealt with at some length by S p r o n k ( 1 9 8 6 ) , who takes a maximalist line, much in the tradition of D a h o o d ( 1 9 7 0 ) , who cited the present passage in

his argument for a positive view of the afterlife, and even attributed a firm belief in a beatific vision to the psalmists. T h e following translation of K T U 1 . 1 7 vi 3 6 ~ 3 8 4 6 represents my rather less fulsome view of the matter. T h e key word in the problem of translation has been hrs occurring in 1. 37. I have explained it as representing perhaps a misspelling of the more c o m m o n hrs, 'gold'. D i j k s t r a - d e M o o r ( 1 9 7 5 , 1 9 0 ) offered the same explanation, considering hrs however as a parallel form, d e M o o r ( 1 9 8 7 , 239) later abandoned this view in favour of 'potash', but I consider that his initial insight was to be preferred. Man, (at his) end, what will he receive? What will he receive, a man (as his destiny? Silver will be poured on his head, gold on top of his skull, [and] the death of all I shall die, and I shall surely die. As I read this, Anat does indeed voice the possibility of a life after death, probably based on the beliefs held regarding dead kings, all of w h o m are 'divine' in some sense (cf. K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257. 13-26, where each R N is prefixed by il). Some dead kings (though to judge from the evidence, legendary rather than historical figures, since no members of the king-list apparently qualify) are even given the accolade rpum (cf. § 6.4), which I understand to denote dead and deified kings, comparable perhaps to the heroes of the Greek cult. However, while this idea is here broached, and Ilimilku may indeed be floating the idea through the agency of Anat's speech, he also offers through the medium of Aqhat's wholly negative answer a sound critique of such unrealistic views. 46 Cf. W Y A T T 1998C, 274 and n. 115. I have modified the third colon here. T h e colon begins spsg, translated in 1998c as 'a precious substance ? ', and variously translated as 'glaze' (|| 'quicklime': G I B S O N 1978, 109), 'enamel' (|| 'whitewash': DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 378), 'glaze' (|| 'potash': DE M O O R 1987, 239), 'a coating' (|| 'limeplaster': M A R G A I . I T 1989, 151). 1 noted (1998c, 274 n. 115) that this is reminiscent of Prov. 26:23, where the expression kesep siggim, was read by G I N S B E R G (1945b, p. 2In. 55) as k-spsg\ym\, 'like glaze' on the strength of the Ugaritic. But this argument may be regarded as circular, in which one unknown is used to interpret another. Perhaps the original kesep is to be retained in Proverbs, and restored to the Ug. text as spsg || hrs/*/j'rs. T h e -sg(ym) remains unexplained in both cases, but that is another issue. But Ugaritic is relatively stereotypical in its use of regular word-pairs, and ksp || for s is fairly commonplace, occurring many times in the repertoire. Furthermore, the Heb. term is pi. in form, while the Ug. is sg., thus reducing the appearance of a seemingly identical terminology.

3.5

New angles on Aqhat

T h e present author has attempted 4 7 to inteipret the work of Ilimilku overall, as motivated in all probability by the concerns of his office as priest and sacrificer of the king. Such a substantial amount of material ( K T U 1.1-6, 1.14-6, 1.17-9, perhaps 1.10, and now 9.432 = R S 92.2016, still unpublished as this goes to press) by one named person, however we apportion his editorial and compositional input, is quite remarkable in the Late Bronze, and we may at least ask whether he did not have some broad ideological concern to express. Working on the basis of the view, now under challenge, that the N i q m a d d u of the colopha is N i q m a d d u II, it is proposed that we have in this substantial opus a legitimization of the new king, whose reign may have begun in inauspicious circumstances (death of a prior claimant? usurpation?), whose claim required every kind of support available in a hearts and minds campaign. T h e place of Aqhat in this hypothetical p r o g r a m m e was almost circumstantial, since the weighty arguments were already spelt out in the Baal myths and in Keret. But it would tend to reinforce some features of the Keret story: thus the restitution of the blessing episode to the text would tend to confirm the author's view that Danel is indeed a king. This in turn would highlight the significance of the magnificent bow, fit for a god, and of course of its function as a royal weapon (the king as hunter is an analogue of the king as warrior), and thus attach a peculiar importance to Aqhat, the hapless recipient of this wonder. While not in the same form as the search for Baal and the allusion to it in searching for help for Keret, Danel's search for Aqhat's remains is perhaps intended to invoke the same theological associations, as though Baal's death is a type of a king's, here a future king, with an aspiration to some happy hereafter. This of course is what Anat offers the prince, but which he sharply rejects. Are we to see in the raising of such questions a grappling with issues which tradition has indeed sanctified by habit, but whose answers are no longer regarded as good enough? Ilimilku might thus be seen as one of O'Shaunessy's poets, the movers and shakers of the world. In attempting to identify the poet's motivation (as well as to quantify his personal input into a representation of essentially traditional

W Y A T T 1997, 1998a. See also notes to the text in 1998c, 3 4 - 6 , 1 7 6 - 8 , 2 4 6 - 8 (written before 1998a), where I initially explored some of the ideas in question. 47

material), I am of course entering into a mode as subjective as that which I have implicitly or explicitly criticized above in other scholars' work. But there seems to me to be a world of difference—however difficult it may be to achieve it—between attempting to foist on an ancient author one's contemporary prejudices and discovering what were indeed his own concerns in the matter. In the matter of the 'caprice' of the gods, mentioned by two authors cited, I think we have an example of the all too c o m m o n tendency to allow m o d e r n theological values, already c o m m o n l y imported into the Hebrew Bible, and declared to be resident there, to affect the agenda. Not content with an invented 'biblical world view' which is more often that of the post-reformation period, there seems to be an attempt to make Ilimilku himself an early reformer! Yet I see no tension at all in broad matters of metaphysics between Ilimilku and his world. So far as the internal and traditional theology of Aqhat is concerned, and which there is no reason to believe is under attack by Ilimilku, the kind of perspective outlined below (§ 13.4.2) is to be discerned: polytheistic theory at the same time offers a coherent overall structure at the macrocosmic level for the maintenance of meaning and value in the world, and in the interaction of its particular deities accommodates the microcosmic realities of individual problems, individual decisions and their consequences, and the tensions which are bound to exist between the real and the ideal world. Anat's behaviour is predictable, and in no way a reflection of inadequate or immoral theology. As the embodiment of precisely the dysfunctional aspect of the world, represented by all forms of killing (hunting and war), she is a terrible power to encounter. Aqhat's brisk rebuttal of her overtures, while c o m m a n d i n g our respect, inevitably brings on his own head the whole weight of the traditional sanction on those who blaspheme (sc. question the divinely ordained order of things). T h e r e is a degree of tragedy and of awful inevitability, as the sequence of automatic cursing and automatic revenge is set in train, but this does no more than express in graphic terms the principle of accountability. O n the matter of genre, there has been much discussion on that of the Keret and Aqhat stories. Are they myths, legends or sagas? W h e n myth is defined as 'stories about the gods' (e.g. by Gunkel and Eissfeldt), then the presence of h u m a n characters in the story compromises any attempt to categorize the story as myth. Since no such inhibitions seem to affect discussion of mythology in any arena

other than the biblical one (where also it is arguably an inappropriate basis for classification, since it really belongs to a polemic rather than a detached analysis), it may be regarded as irrelevant to serious discussion of the Ugaritic texts. More to the point is perhaps the matter of authorial intention. If myth be defined, as it is likely to be in social scientific terms, as stories bearing an ideological (which may include a religious) or paradigmatic message to their public, then the issue of the nature of the characters, divine, h u m a n , or even animal, is secondary. These elements are important. Fables, folk and fairy tales, though they contain characters drawn from myth, have lost the absolute imperative of the ideological norm, which demands obedience to a conventional set of values, duties and taboos, and effectively authorizes sanctions against non-conformists. But an element of freedom in the development of a tradition exists. T h u s the myth (e.g. the Chaoskampf, which is integral to the maintenance of royal ideology) may slowly evolve into other forms, such as 'St George and the dragon', which retains vestiges of ideology, and the 'Celtic dragon myth', which does not. T h u s genre is not absolute, as a given narrative may be developing from one genre to another. We noted above del O l m o Lete's and Parker's remarks on the matter of genre. These highlighted, to my mind, the inadequacy of the 'genre' approach, in so far as it seeks to establish literary types, each with its own distinctive mental disposition, attitude to history, to religion, and so on. These divisions are part of our need to structure our thoughts on such issues, and all too frequently bring a sledgeh a m m e r to crack a nut. Absolute categorizations, of the 'saga', 'legend', 'myth', 'epic' kind, are always subjective, if only because no one agrees on definitions, and merely cut off various avenues of retreat from the absolute judgments which each genre is felt to entail. I prefer like many scholars to speak more neutrally of the 'story' of Aqhat (and of Keret), noting different tendencies on various issues. This avoids hostages to fortune, and still leaves narrators free to indulge in a degree of eclecticism, perhaps drawing on different, or even hybrid genres, and us free to estimate the broad mental stance of the tradition, unencumbered by the demands imposed by arbitrary classification. T h e most obvious starting-point for an assessment should be the global one of the LBA Weltanschauung of Ugaritian culture, as established through broad studies of its cosmology, theology, mythology and ritual forms. I am entirely happy to call this 'mythological', in

the sense in which a modern religious response in devotion, scripturereading and cult remains mythological, since it operates on a different level from the purely empirical. 'Mythological' is the more useful in that while it relates to myth, it may also denote quasi-mythic features in other genres, such as deities featuring as characters, the suspension of empirical laws for narrative effect, and so on. 48 Aqhat is to be seen as a story, built up as Parker showed around a n u m b e r of motifs, and as Aitken showed around a n u m b e r of themes, motifs, formulae and word-pairs. T h e stages of its literary prehistory are no longer recoverable, partly on account of the considerable skills of the tradents, partly because no one motivation seems evident in its construction; but in the hands of Ilimilku there is a case to answer that the poet pressed it into service in the interests of royal propaganda. T o this extent it has become an ideological text. And in so far as Ilimilku has brought an ideological element into traditional material, he has blurred the distinction between genres, and produced composite works.

3.6

Some observations on style

A n u m b e r of commentators have remarked on the 'patriarchal' characterization of Danel, undoubtedly with an eye to similarities in the presentation of the patriarchs of the Genesis narratives. T h e r e too a domestic, almost bucolic gloss is given to narrative themes which address the most urgent needs of h u m a n societies, their very physical survival, expressed most typically in the yearning of a m a n for a son, who will support him in his declining years and perform his obsequies. T h e r e is a surprising tautness to the text (well illustrated in Aitken's treatment), with no word too m a n y and an action that proceeds deliberately, its pace tailored to the various levels of meaning requiring weaving into the whole. T h e fourfold repetition of the duties of the pious son, for instance, is no mechanical overkill by a poetaster, but a skilful development of one of the main themes of the story. While it is unprovable, it is worth suggesting that this is one of Ilimilku's own insertions into the traditional Vorlage, since it is so germane to his own concerns, if my analysis is correct. In K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] i 2 6 - 3 3 the for-

48

Much biblical historiography is 'mythological' in this sense.

mula is voiccd by Baal, interceding on Danel's behalf with El. In 1.17 i 42~7 (and the missing conclusion) it is repeated by El in his response to Baal. These two narrations therefore take place in heaven, in the divine abode. As 1.17 ii becomes legible in 11. 1 - 8 the formula is already being repeated in a message by an unnamed deity to Danel, confirming the promise of the birth that has now taken place, and finally, the fourth instance, in 1 . 1 7 ii 1 6 - 2 3 , Danel himself repeats the formula as guarantee of divine blessing. Not only is this a classic instance of the 'semantic rectangle' ( J A M E S O N 1 9 7 2 , 1 6 3 - 7 ) in use as a literary tool, but it shows a clear progress from an idea deliberated a m o n g the gods and only finally, via a revelation, appropriated by the h u m a n recipient. T h e theological weight this confers on the text goes far beyond the merely folkloric. A similar technique is used in the episode of Danel searching the gizzards of the raptors. In the three successive scenes in K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii (edge and) l - 1 4 a , 14b-28a and 2 8 b - 4 0 a we see Danel progressively home in on the place where his son's remains lie. Firstly a rather unfocusscd look a m o n g falcon-gizzards in general; then an examination of Hargab's gizzard, and finally the discovery in Sumul's gizzard of fragments of the hero. This time there is only a threefold repetition; but this too is masterly, for with the semantic rectangle incomplete it leaves the reader with a sense of tension, of a search not really brought to a final conclusion. This is further heightened by the consequent threefold treatment of the cursing of localities held responsible. Again, the sense of tension. The reason for this is surely that the real culprit is still at large. W e may see the problem resolved on one level with the probable vengeance wrought on Yatipan by Pughat, appropriately disguised as Anat, as the final column breaks off. O n another level Anat is of course to blame, and yet as a goddess she must remain above formal, or at any rate articulated suspicion. It is on account of no weakness, and certainly of no theological bankruptcy, that the goddess appears to emerge unscathed. While her cruelty is not perhaps to be compared in too facile a m a n n e r with Yahweh-El Shaddai's inscrutability in J o b , we are faced with the same fruitless search for the fulfilment of h u m a n expectations in the face of the divine nature. 4 9

49

For further comments on Anat's theological significance see below, § 13.4.

In both contexts too, in Genesis and Aqhat, we discern ideological concerns either overtly expressed, or simmering beneath the surface. T h e patriarchs are royal and priesdy ancestors, and Danel is a king, whose fecundity determines the future of his kingdom. T h e domestic flavour is deceptive: in their final form both traditions are pregnant with ideological power.

4

The

Wayne

4.1

RPUM

T.

Texts

Pitard

Introduction: the tablets

T h e so-called "Rpurrí or 'Rephanrí texts, K T U 1.20 = RS 3.348 (CTA 20, U T 121), K T U 1.21 = R S 2.[019] (CTA 21, U T 122) and K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] (CTA 22, U T 124, 123), are three small fragments of at least two large, multi-columned tablets.' T h e y preserve in very broken form a portion of a narrative concerning a group of beings called rpum.'1 While extremely problematic and ambiguous, these texts have played an important role in the discussion of Ugaritic and Canaanite concepts of death and the afterlife, as well as in the reconstruction of the Ugaritic political and social order. T w o of the fragments ( K T U 1.21 = R S 2. [019] and 1.22 = R S 2. [024]) were found during the second season of excavations (1930), either inside the House of the High Priest on the acropolis or in the rubble directly outside the southern wall of the house. 3 T h e third 1

K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 was first published in V I R O L L E A U D 1936a, 228-30, in his editio pnnceps of the Aqhat Epic. T h e other two, K T U 1.21 + RS 2. [019] and K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024], along with a réédition of K T U 1.20, first appeared in V I R O L L E A U D 1941a. Besides the transcriptions in the standard collections (CTA and KTU, KTU2 = CAT), a recent edition of the texts, with extensive photographs, may be found in P I T A R D 1992. Major translations include V I R O L L E A U D 1941a, 1-30; D R I V E R 1956, 66-71; A I S T L E I T N E R 1964, 83-86; C A Q U O T etat. 1974, 461-80; G O R D O N 1977, 29-31; C O O G A N 1978, 48-51; L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 129-59; DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 405-24; S P R O N K 1986, 163 77; DE M O O R 1987, 266-73; D I J K S T R A 1988, 35-51; L E W I S 1996b, 128-31; L E W I S 1997, 196-205; W Y A T T 1998C, 316-23. 2 T h e meaning of the word is usually related to the root rp', which means, 'to heal'. T h e correct pronunciation of rpum in Ugarit remains controversial. T h e two most popular proposals are (1) räpi'üma, vocalizing it as a participle, which would mean, 'healers', and (2) rapi'ûma, a stative form that can be rendered, 'the healthy, hale ones'. See the discussion of the possibilities in L ' H E U R E U X 1 9 7 9 , 2 1 5 - 2 1 ; P A R D E E 1981-82, 3

266;

and

NACCACHE

1995.

Unfortunately the inventory lists for the first two seasons were lost, probably during World War II (cf. B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1 9 8 9 , 1 3 ) . It is known that these tablets were registered with topographic points that were marked on ground-plans that still exist. T h e tablets of the second season were numbered with points 2 1 0 - 6 4 . Unfortunately, excavations that year took place all along the western side of the house, in the street along its southern boundary, in the room to the west of the southern entry, and in a room to the east of the larger interior courtyard. So these topographic points are scattered throughout the house (see the plan in B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1 9 8 9 , 2 5 ) . Because the third fragment and most of the other literary texts were found in the entry room or just outside the doorway, it seems probable that

was discovered the following year in or near the house's southern doorway, in the same area where the Keret and Aqhat epics emerged, along with some of the Baal tablets. Of the three texts only K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] preserves some complete lines. K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 contains parts of two columns on one face. T h e left column is m a d e up of the right halves of eleven lines of text, while the right column preserves somewhat over half of twelve lines. K T U 1.21 = RS 2.[019] preserves part of a single column on one face (the right two-thirds of thirteen lines), but only the last five letters of one line on the other side. T h e largest of the three fragments, K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024] preserves a left column of twenty-eight lines, twenty-two of which are complete, and a badly broken right column of twentysix lines, with only about one-third of each line preserved. O n the other side of the latter tablet are two identifiable letters, plus fragments of two others, each the first letter of a line. We thus have an aggregate of 95 attested lines, only 22 of which are complete, while an additional 24 are somewhat more than half-preserved. K T U 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and 1.22 = R S 2. [024] may come from a single tablet. T h e scripts of both appear to have been written by the same scribe, probably Ilimilku, who also produced the other major narrative texts in the archive. O n the other hand, K T U 1.20 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 seems to belong to the work of a different scribe (cf. P i t a r d 1992, 75, n. 8), and thus presumably to a separate tablet. Since the literary tablets found in this archive range in size from about 200 to about 500 lines, we may conclude that the 95 lines attested on the rpum texts are probably no more than a quarter and perhaps only one-tenth of the lines that would have existed on the two tablets when intact. In the entire collection of narrative poetic texts from Ugarit few are as obscure and difficult to interpret as the rpum fragments. Rarely have the ambiguities of a vowelless script and the piecemeal preservation of so many damaged lines conspired so powerfully to frustrate attempts at drawing decisive conclusions about a text. T h e broad context within which the action depicted in these fragments occurs is quite obscure, a n d only a few things about the events described in the preserved lines can be discerned with certainty. It is clear that the characters called the rpum (also designated with the parallel terms ilnym, 'godly ones', and ilm, 'gods') are invited to a banquet. At least one invitation seems to be given by the king of the gods, Ilu ( K T U 1.21 = R S 2. [019] ii 8), but virtually identical

invitations are offered five other times in the three fragments, each in a broken context that does not allow us to confirm whether these come from the same deity. Each invitation seems to be followed by a description of the journey to the banquet.' Both K T U 1.22 = R S 2.[024] and K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 seem to describe the arrival of the group at a threshing floor, where the banquet is apparently given, and K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] i 10-25 describes the feast as lasting for a week. O n the seventh day, it appears that the god Baal arrives. But his function in the story, and indeed the purpose of the gathering of the rpum for the banquet remains unclear, and the text breaks off at this point. Beyond these few elements of the story, little certainty about the plot of the narrative and its meaning is possible. Not only is the larger context of the fragments lost, but the broken nature of the narrative makes it impossible to ascertain even some of the basic elements of the preserved story line. For example, not only is it uncertain whether all six invitations are offered by the same character, but it is also unclear whether the invitation is addressed to the same set of rpum, or whether different groups of rpum are being invited to the feast. Further, the fragments contain almost no information about the characteristics and identity of the rpum. In fact, about all we can say with certainty about them is that they travel by chariot and that they eat heartily at the feast. O n e passage in the more complete column of K T U 1.22 = RS 2.[024] (col. i, lines 4-10), seems to describe a company of rpum who arrive at the banquet, but the text, though completely preserved, is frus-

K T U 1.21 = RS 2.[019] and K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024] were discovered either in the street or in the room west of the entry. 4 Four of the five versions of these lines in K T U 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and K T U 1.22 = RS 2.[024] appear to read (with the possibility of some variation) atrh. rpum. lldd I atrh.ltdd.ilnym, while the last version of these lines, which directly precedes the description of their arrival at the banquet, drops the I before the one preserved Idd. This is also the case in K T U 1.20 = RS 3.348, where the lines appear in col. ii 1. The ambiguity of the I has encouraged several interpretations of the lines. Some take it as an emphatic particle, and thus render these lines with the understanding that the rpum are travelling in each case; thus, for example, 'After him the shades verily proceed' ( G O R D O N 1977, 30-31). Others propose that the I is a precative particle and that the lines should be translated with jussive force, either as part of the invitation (e.g., S P R O N K 1986, 169 72: 'May the rpum flutter to the holy place'), or as an expostulation of the poem's narrator (e.g., L E W I S 1996b, 129: 'To his shrine, Ο shades, hasten'). DIJKSTRA 1988, 4 1 - 4 3 and others have argued that the / is best understood as a negative particle. They suggest that the rpum refuse to hasten until they are finally convinced by the fifth invitation (thus, 'After him the shades did not move').

tratingly ambiguous. O n e finds critical words here that may be interpreted either as proper names of the rpum, or as verbs describing actions taken by some of the story's characters. 5 In other cases, one cannot be sure whether certain construct nouns are to be construed as singular or plural. T h u s the mhr b'l, mhr ent, and rpu b'l, in lines 8 - 9 , may be titles of individual characters (i.e. 'the warrior of Baal', 'the warrior of Anat', and 'the rpu of Baal'), 6 or they may designate large numbers of persons (i.e. 'the warriors of Baal', 'the warriors of Anat', and 'the rpum of Baal'). 7 T h e ambiguity here makes it impossible to use this section to help define the nature of the rpum. O t h e r problems arise. H o w is one to understand the relationship between the three fragments? Since K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] and K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 both describe the arrival of the rpum at the threshing floor where a banquet is served, is it best to assume that the two fragments are separate versions of the same scene, fortuitously overlapping, 8 or are they describing two different banquets? T h e latter interpretation is possible since K T U 1.20 = R S 3.348 depicts the banquet as being hosted by a h u m a n , Danel, a character also known from the Aqhat epic, while the banquet of K T U 1.22 = R S 2.[024] may be hosted by Ilu. Since the former text almost certainly comes from a different tablet, it may actually be part of a completely different narrative that just happened to have a similar convocation of the rpum as a story element. In addition, what is the relationship between K T U 1.22 = R S 2.[024] and K T U 1.21 = R S 2.[019]? 9 D o they belong to a single

Beyond this problem of interpretation, the translations just quoted also point up another major ambiguity in these lines. T h e word alrh may be analyzed as a preposition with a suffix, 'after him', or it can be understood as a noun, atr, 'place, shrine' with a possessive pronoun, 'to his shrine', or simply a directional marker, 'to the place/shrine'. 5 For example, is tmq in line 8 a verb (as translated by D R I V E R 1956, 69; L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 152-53; C A Q U O T 1974, 474-75; S P R O N K 1986, 171; DE M O O R 1987, 272; L E W I S 1997, 203) or the proper name of a character (as translated by AISTLEITNER 1964, 85; DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 423; DIJKSTRA 1988, 47; W Y A T T 1998c, 321 n. 38)? The same question arises concerning the word yhpn in line 9. Some commentators take it as a proper name (AISTLEITNER 1964, 85; DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 423; DIJKSTRA 1988, 47; W Y A T T 1998c, 321); others as a verb ( G O R D O N 1966, 141; D R I V E R 1956, 69; L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 152-53; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE M O O R 1987, 272; L E W I S 1997, 203). 6 Rendered thus by D R I V E R 1956, 69; C A Q U O T et al. 1974, 474-75; DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 423; DIJKSTRA 1988, 47; W Y A T T 1998C, 321. 7 Translated thus or similarly in G O R D O N 1 9 6 6 , 1 4 1 ; A I S T L E I T N E R 1 9 6 4 , 8 5 ; L'HEUREUX 8 9

E.g. See

1 9 7 9 , 1 5 2 - 5 3 ; SPRONK 1 9 8 6 , 1 7 1 ; DE M O O R

DE M O O R DIJKSTRA

1987b, 267; DIJKSTRA 1988, 35-39. 1987b for a discussion of this issue.

1 9 8 7 , 2 7 2 ; LEWIS 1 9 9 7 ,

203.

tablet, or may they belong to two separate ones, once again overlapping in the part of the story recounted? T h e latter possibility cannot be ruled out, since the vast majority of the lines in K T U 1.21 = RS 2. [019] i are repeated in K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii. In particular, the former preserves two invitations to the rpum, followed by two descriptions of them making the journey toward the shrine or palace, while the latter has a threefold appearance of the same basic lines. Would such an extraordinary amount of repetition in two small fragments of a single tablet be plausible, or is it better to identify them as duplicates? Again, there is no definitive argument for either interpretation. T h e a m o u n t of repetition is indeed surprising in such a small n u m b e r of preserved lines. O n the other hand, multiple reiterations are well attested in the Ugaritic poems, 1 0 and it is possible to develop scenarios of the story that would allow for so m a n y recurrences of the invitation (e.g., that different groups of rpum are being invited to the feast). And finally, is there a relationship between these fragments and the Aqhat epic? T h e appearance of Danel in K T U 1.20 = RS 3.348 has led a n u m b e r of scholars to argue that the rpum texts are the remains of a fourth tablet of the Aqhat narrative." T h e y interpret the banquet as a preliminary to the restoration of Aqhat to life or some similar dénouement which would have brought the story to its conclusion. T h e problem with this proposal is that, apart from the presence of Danel in this text, there is nothing in the rpum texts that suggests that the action described in these fragments relates in any way to such a proposed scenario. Others have pointed out that Danel may have been the subject of more than one narrative at Ugarit, and that his presence here does not require that the fragments be related to the other known narrative in which he plays a role. 12 At this point it seems best not to insist on a relationship between them and the Aqhat story.

4.2

The Identity of the R p u m

Undoubtedly the biggest hindrance to gaining a proper understanding of these texts is the uncertainty about the nature of the rpum, 10 See for example the four-fold repetition of the duties of an ideal son in the Aqhat epic (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-33; 42-7; ii 1-9; 14-23). " For example, S P R O N K 1986, 160-1; C A Q U O T et al. 1974, 463; DE M O O R 1976, 332; M A R G A L I T 1989a, 464-5; G R A Y 1965, 126-9. 12 E.g. P I T A R D 1992b, 73; D I J K S T R A 1988, 36; and L E W I S 1996b, 119.

the primary characters in the narrative. In spite of their appearance not only in these texts, but also in a few others, 13 scholars have been unable to reach a solid consensus on their identity. T h e primary proposals include the following: (1) They are ghosts of the dead, most likely the spirits of deceased kings, and perhaps of the nobility. Several scholars argue that these spirits were thought of as deified. (2) T h e y are a group of deities who join Ilu in special gatherings and who are called upon to protect the king and his city. (3) T h e y are living m e m b e r s of the aristocracy, perhaps an elite group of chariot warriors, or perhaps a group of priests involved in rituals of fertility. In this context the term may be viewed as a tribal name, probably related to another tribal designation, Ditanu, which appears in parallel with rpum in the Keret epic and in K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126. (4) A n u m b e r of scholars argue that the term may in fact be used to designate more than one of these three groups. 4.2.1

The r p u m as spirits of the dead

T h e most commonly-accepted proposal is that the rpum are spirits of the dead. 14 There are several good reasons to support this identification. (1) T h e cognate of rpum in biblical Hebrew, r'pâ'îm, has as its primary meaning, 'spirit of the dead, ghost'. T h e same meaning attaches to the word in Phoenician. (2) K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126, in which the rpu ars, 'the rpum of the earth', and the rpim qdmym, 'the ancient rpum\ appear in the context of a funerary ritual, suggests that they have a relationship to the dead. In this context they are summoned to take part in the funeral of N i q m a d d u III of Ugarit (late 13th century) and perhaps to bless the new king, 'Ammurapi. In the ritual, the summons of the 'ancient rpum' is followed immediately by the invocation of the spirits of two identifiable, deceased kings of Ugarit (not explicitly referred to as rpum, however). Scholars have argued that the 'rpum of the earth' 13

They are also mentioned in K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126, a funerary ritual text; in the Keret epic (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 3 and 14); at the conclusion of the Baal cycle (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 46), and perhaps in K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252.23-4 and K T U 1.82 = RS 15.134.32, both of which are damaged. 14 See for example, C A Q U O T 1960; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z - S A N M A R T I N 1976c; P O P E 1977; S P R O N K 1986, 161-96; F O R D 1992; W Y A T T 1998C, 3 1 5 n. 1.

and the 'ancient rpunÎ are royal ancestors of 'Ammurapi from the distant past. Since the word, ars, 'earth', was sometimes used to designate the netherworld, one can render rpu ars, 'the rpum of the netherworld'. (3) A passage at the end of the Baal epic K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ vi 45-9) contains two bicola in which the four words rpim, ilnym, ilm, and mtm may be understood as synonymous with one another: špš rpim.th.tk \ špš thtk.ilnym | 'dk.ilm \ hn.mtm.'dk. This may be translated as 'Shapshu (the sun goddess), you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu, you rule over the godlike ones. | T h e gods are your company, | See, the dead are your company'. It should be noted, however, that these interpretations of K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ are by no means certain (see below). T h e y cannot be considered decisive for favouring this identification of the rpum. 4.2.2

The r p u m as deities

M u c h of the same evidence can be used to argue that the rpum are better understood as deities, rather than spirits of the dead. 1 5 Some scholars would identify them specifically as minor netherworld deities, closely associated with Baal. Others have proposed that the term may designate any deity, major or minor, who is called upon by Ilu to perform a special function. Arguments for identifying the rpum as deities include the fact that the term rpum is several times paralleled by the term ilnym, 'godlike or godly ones', quite plausibly a divine title, and perhaps by the term ilm, 'gods' as well."' Arguments against identifying them as the dead (as described above) and for seeing them as deities instead also include the following: (1) Later meanings of words do not always parallel earlier meanings of the cognates in other languages. T h u s the Hebrew and Phoenician

15 See S C H M I D T 1 9 9 4 , 8 3 - 9 2 and L ' H E U R E U X 1 9 7 9 , 1 1 6 - 9 for a history of this view. L ' H E U R E U X also argues that the rpum of our texts are deities, not spirits of the dead, though in other passages the word may designate such spirits. See ibid. 2 0 5 - 6 , 2 1 5 - 3 0 . The idea that the rpum are deities should be distinguished from the view of those who argue that the dead are deified at Ugarit and thus can be identified as both spirits of the dead and gods. 16 The occurrences are: K T U 1 . 2 0 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 i 1 - 2 ; K T U 1 . 2 1 = RS 2 . [ 0 1 9 ] i 3 - 4 , 11-2; K T U 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii 5 - 6 ; all relatively certain, but all in broken contexts, and in K T U 1 . 6 = RS 2 . [ 0 0 9 ] + vi 4 5 - 9 . Parallels with the word dm, 'gods', probably occur in K T U 1 . 2 0 = RS 3 . 3 4 8 ii 1 2 and 8 - 9 , both, however, in very broken contexts.

cognates are far from decisive. T h e context of a word like rpum within the local literature is more significant for its interpretation. However, nothing in our three rpum texts specifically points to a ghostly identity for the rpum. In fact, there is no hint in any of the fragments that the regular habitation of the rpum is the netherworld. T h e only clear action tells of the rpum preparing their chariots, travelling to a threshing floor and having a feast, none of which particularly hint that the beings are spirits of the dead. Near Eastern evidence for spirits of the dead travelling from the netherworld in horse-drawn chariots is nil, while such transportation for deities, whether from the netherworld or elsewhere, seems quite reasonable. T h e lack of netherworld indications in the rpum texts might suggest that, while K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126 indicates a connection between the rpum and funerary activities (see below), their sphere of activity may not necessarily be restricted to that realm. (2) Although the rpu ars and rpim qdmym of K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126 are involved in a funerary context, this does not mean that they are necessarily spirits of the dead. T h e y may also be identified plausibly as deities. T h e names of the beings specifically identified in K T U 1.161.4-7 as rpum are not attested as royal names of Ugarit (or elsewhere), but in fact resemble divine names more than h u m a n ones (see particularly the composite name, sdn-w-rdn, (lines 6, 23) and tr 'limn (lines 7, 23-4). W h e n the two recognizable, deceased kings of Ugarit are named (lines 11-2, 25-6), each is designated as mlk, 'king', rather than rpu. T h u s those who are obviously spirits of the dead appear to be given a different designation in the text. In sum, the evidence from this tablet does not compel one to identify the rpum as ghosts. (3) T h e reference to the rpum in the Baal Epic ( K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] vi 45-9), which can be interpreted as equating the rpum with the dead, is in fact ambiguous, because the word, mtm, often translated 'the dead' in this passage, could actually be a h o m o n y m well attested at Ugarit that means 'humans'. In this case, the passage may be translated, 'Shapshu, you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu, you rule over the godlike ones. | Gods are your company, | See, humans are your company'. 1 7 If this is the correct rendering, there would be no direct parallel connection between the first bicolon and the second, as assumed by those who suggest that all four words refer 17

See

SCHMIDT

1994,

84-8.

to the dead. Rather, the two extol the importance of Shapshu in her relations with various elements of the world order—the rpum/ilnym, minor gods, perhaps related to the netherworld; then ilm/mtm, the divine and h u m a n spheres as a whole. Although none of the three points made here disproves the identification of the rpum with the dead, they each emphasize the fact that none of the arguments for such identification is fully compelling. O n the other hand, while the texts are compatible with the view that the rpum are deities, none of them require that meaning to make sense. 4.2.3

The r p u m as living persons

Some scholars have argued that at least certain of the Ugaritic references to the rpum are best understood as referring to living persons. 18 In this interpretation, they are usually identified as an elite group of chariot warriors who had strong connections with the king. Those who support this idea argue primarily from the passage in the Keret epic, K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ iii 2 - 4 and 13-5 in which Keret is praised by Ilu himself: 'Greatly exalted is Keret in the midst of the rpum of the earth (or land), | in the gathering of the assembly of Ditanu'. Supporters argue that 'rpum of the earth' in this passage can hardly refer to the spirits of the dead, since it would be inappropriate in the context of the exaltation of Keret to proclaim his preeminence a m o n g the dead. 1 9 T h e 'assembly of Ditanu' (qbs dtn), the phrase that is parallel to rpu ars in the passage, can plausibly be identified as a designation for the leaders of the Ditanu clan. This suggests an earthly, political and social context for the rpum. T h e military imagery of our three rpum texts (especially the use of chariotry and the appearance of what seems to be a military host in K T U 1.22 = R S 2. [024] ii 4 - 1 0 ) fits reasonably into this reading as well. Most scholars who identify the rpum as living humans

18 See L ' H E U R E U X 1 9 7 9 , 1 2 0 — 7 for a history of this type of proposal. More recently see S C H M I D T 1 9 9 1 , 7 1 - 1 2 1 for a detailed defence of the argument, including a number of new elements. G R A Y 1 9 4 9 argued that the rpum were elite leaders, perhaps heads of clans, or perhaps priests, who accompanied the king in rituals designed to insure fertility of crops. This view has generally not been followed. 19 Those who believe that the rpum are spirits of the dead or deities dispute this, arguing that since the rpum play an important role in the preservation and support of the king, Keret's exaltation in the midst the ancestors is a reasonable image to use in the story. See P O P E 1 9 7 7 , 1 6 6 - 7 ; F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 7 3 - 6 .

also assume that even after these chariot warriors died, they continued to be called rpum, so that there were both living and dead rpum. This would explain the origin of the usage of the term for the dead. Note is often made of the fact that the Bible refers to an ancicnt tribe of giants, located in northern C a n a a n and Transjordan before the establishment of Israel, as rephaim (Gen. 14:5, 15:20; Deut. 2:11, 20; 3:11, 13; Jos. 12:4, 13:12; 17:15). K n o w n for their military prowess, these rephaim are thought to be a dim memory of the elite warrior class of that name in the Late Bronze Age. So again we find some plausible arguments, but again none of the texts used to support the interpretation provide irrefutable evidence. Plausible, alternative interpretations of each of these passages have been made. T h u s in the final analysis, no decisive conclusions about the identity of the rpum can yet be drawn. It is quite possible, as several scholars have argued, that the word had more than one meaning in the Ugaritic texts and that different contexts require different meanings. O n the other hand, other scholars have made plausible cases for seeing all the occurrences of the word as referring to a single group of beings, either spirits, gods, or humans. Only further discoveries of texts relating to the rpum are likely to improve the present situation. From the preceding discussion, it is clear that these texts are exceedingly ambiguous and that great caution should be used in drawing upon them to reconstruct aspects of Ugaritic or Syro-Palestinian culture. In many cases such caution has not been employed, so that the rpum texts have been used extensively as the basis for elaborate descriptions of Ugaritic concepts concerning afterlife by scholars who identify the rpum as spirits of the dead. 20 A similar situation has also occurred in some of the reconstructions of the Ugaritic military and

20

For example, DE M O O R 1 9 7 6 , 3 2 9 - 3 3 and S P R O N K ( 1 9 8 6 , 1 5 5 - 6 , 1 7 0 - 4 ) , using K T U 1 . 2 2 = R S 2 . [ 0 2 4 ] ii 5 - 7 and K T U 1 . 2 1 = R S 2 . [ 0 1 9 ] i 5 - 6 as their primary sources, reconstruct an event at the Ugaritic New Year Festival in which the deceased nobility, the rpum, are brought back to life, along with Baal, their patron. But such a reconstruction relies for its foundation upon the identification of the rpum as spirits, which remains uncertain, alongside problematic readings of both key passages. Their interpretation of the first passage is based on questionable renderings of two problematic verbs, the first of which (his ytbš, which occurs twice here) is based on a misreading of the text (the verb is y'bs, instead), and the second, qym, more plausibly rendered as a noun than a verb (see VAN DER T O O R N 1 9 9 1 , 5 2 ) . In the second passage, they must reconstruct both of the critical verbs needed for their interpretation.

its relation to the royal house by those who view the rpum as living elite warriors. 2 ' It is important not to place too much interpretational weight on ambiguous and problematic texts such as these. Before they can be used as sources for dealing with the wider issues of Canaanite religion and society, a clearer understanding of the texts themselves is necessary.

21

See, for example,

GRAY

1952,

39-41.

5

THE

INCANTATIONS

KLAAS

5.1

SPRONK

Introduction

T h e incantation can be defined as 'rhythmic or formulaic words of power to accomplish a desired goal by binding spiritual powers'.' A n u m b e r of Ugaritic texts written in alphabetic script unearthed in Ras S h a m r a and Ras Ibn H a n i fit, completely or in part, under this heading. In none of these texts, however, do we find a word specifically denoting the incantation, like Akkadian siptu.2 This word is attested at the end of a syllabic Akkadian incantation found in Ras S h a m r a 'against fire' (RS 17.155). 3 We do find the more general indication mnt? This has an equivalent in Akkadian minûtu. In Akkadian incantations it is used next to siptu. It seems to refer in the first place to the act of reciting and repeating the incantation, because it is derived from the verb manû,b 'to count' (cf. Hebrew mnh). In K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194:46-7, mnt denotes the enumeration of goddesses listed in the following lines. It is paralleled by spr, 'list'. In K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134:20 and K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244 it is used in texts that as a whole can be labelled as incantations. In other 'pure' incantations, like K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225 and K T U 1.169 = R I H 7 8 / 2 0 , this or another general term for the genre is missing. It appears to be impossible to distinguish the 'Ugaritic Incantations' sharply. 6 Also, the calling of divine beings by their names at the end of K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194 may have had some kind of magical purpose. T h e same can be said of other parts of some of the mythical or ritual texts. Add to this, firstly, that is often difficult to distinguish

1

2

LUDWIG

1987,

151.

For the much larger corpus of Akkadian incantations see the surveys by F Ä R B E R 1981, 1984 and 1987. 3 Cf. A R N A U D 1995a. Within the context of the incantations' 'fire' can be regarded as a reference to demons; cf. K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 3, where the demoniacal helpers of Yam are described as 'one, two fires'. 4 See on mnt P A R D E E 1 9 8 8 , 2 0 6 - 8 . According to DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 , 2 4 8 the masculine mn is attested in K T U 1 . 1 9 = RS 3 . 3 2 2 + i l l . 5 Cf. the expression manû šiptu, 'to recite an incantation', in Akkadian, cf. CAD Š, III, 89. 6 Cf. J E F F E R S 1 9 9 6 , 1 8 , facing the same problem with regard to the more general theme of magic and divination.

a prayer from an incantation, in the second place, that as a rule magical and related texts are difficult to interpret, and that, finally, many of the tablets concerned are damaged, then it comes as no surprise that in the editions of and commentaries on Ugaritic texts we find different proposals for classification: • According to Avishur the only texts which 'can clearly be classified as incantations' are K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244; K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+; and K T U 1.169 = R I H 78/20. 7 • Xella lists under 'preghieri ed incantesimi': K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474; K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271; K T U 1.100; and K T U 1.107. 8 • DE M O O R comes to five incantations as 'more or less independent prayers without ritual prescriptions', next to incantations 'embedded in rituals': K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134; 1.83 = RS 16.266; K T U 1.169; K T U 1.93 = RS 19.054; and K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252. 9 • Dietrich - Loretz come to eight alphabetic texts that in their view are representative of this 'Gattung', leaving out two thematically related but heavily damaged texts. T h e y subdivide these eight texts into four categories: (1) 'Evokationen königlicher Ahnen': K T U 1.124 = RS 24.272 and K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126; (2) 'Beschwörungen gegen Krankheit, Unfruchtbarkeit, D ä m o n e n , Folgen von Trunkenheit und Totengeistern': K T U 1.13 = R S 1.006; K T U 1.82; K T U 1.114; K T U 1.169; (3) 'Beschwörung gegen Schlangengift': K T U 1.100; (4) 'Beschwörung gegen die schädliche Naturkräfte': K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002.'° • C a q u o t lists K T U 1.82; K T U 1.114 = RS 24.258; K T U 1.100; K T U 1.107; and K T U 1.169 under the heading 'tablettes mythicomagiques'."

7

B ,J

AVISHUR XELLA

1981,

13.

1981, 207-50.

DE MOOR 1987,

175-90.

1988b, 328-7. In KTU1 the following texts are also marked as possible incantations: 1.20-22 = RS 2. [024], 2. [019], 2. [024]; 1.65 = RS 4.474; 1.86 = RS 18.041; 1.96 = RS 22.225; 1.107 = RS 24.251+; and 1.123 = RS 24.271. Apparently, these belong to the 'damaged' or 'related' texts referred to by Dietrich - Loretz. " C A Q U O T 1989, 51-123. It is remarkable that he pays no attention to these texts in his survey in C A Q U O T 1979b. 10

DIETRICH -

LORETZ

• In his description of Ugaritic religious practices in daily life del O l m o Lete mentions as 'conjuras': K T U 1.100; K T U 1.107; K T U 1.82; K T U 1.96; and K T U 1.169; 12 and as 'recelas mágicas': K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272:13-5 and K T U 1.114:29-31. 1 3 • A recently published survey of documents from the biblical world contains as examples of Ugaritic incantations: K T U 1.100; K T U 1.169; K T U 1.114; and R S 92.2014.' 4 Apparently the old Ugaritic texts on these matters cannot be clearly classified. It is better in this situation not to put too much weight on our modern definitions and choose a more general approach to the Ugaritic texts about h u m a n efforts to have an influence upon the supernatural, from raising one's hands in prayer to binding hostile spiritual powers by magic. This means that the boundaries between 'literary' and 'cultic', and those separating 'myth', 'incantation', 'ritual', and 'god lists' are not always as clear as editors of a handbook might want them to be.

5.2

Speaking to the gods in hymns and prayer

T h e genre of prayer appears to be rare in the texts of ancient Ugarit. 15 O n e should not, however, conclude from this that the people of Ugarit did not have deep religious feelings or that they were reluctant to address their gods direcdy. T h e lack of separate hymns or prayers is simply due to the fact that praising the gods or seeking their favours is usually set in a larger context. Recitation of the great myths can be seen as a means of expressing respect for the gods and their glorious deeds. For instance, telling each other about Baal's victory over Yam and Mot with the words of the myth of Baal expresses one's confidence in the power of the supreme god over chaos and death. T h e hymn addressed to the sun-goddess Shapash at the end of the myth ( K T U 1.6 = R S 2.[009]+ vi 45-53) is put in the mouth of Anat, but it is also a way in which the people of Ugarit thankfully praise the sun-goddess for watching over the boundaries between night and day, the world of the living and the world of the dead. Hymnic elements can also be found in the second part

12 13 14

15

1992a, 241-60 = 1999, 359-87. 1992a, 261 = 1999, 388. H A L L O 1997, 295-8; 301-5; and 327-8. Cf. W A T S O N 1984a, 360 and M I L L E R 1988. D E L OLMO LETE

DEL OLMO

LETE

of the much debated text K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252, , e which is discussed below together with texts related to necromancy. Hymns also seem to have formed a standard element in Hurrian prayers accompanying incense offerings ( K T U 1.44 = RS 1.007; K T U 1.51 = R S 1.027; K T U 1.54 = RS 1.034+; K T U 1.128 = RS 24.278; K T U 1.131 = RS 24.285). 17 In the legend of Aqhat we hear of his father Daniel praying (Ug. sly) for rain ( K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 38 46). He calls on the name of Baal, as 'rider of the clouds', and on his 'delightful voice', that is of the thunder heralding coming showers. In a subsequent scene, Daniel beseeches (Ug. sly)™ the gods that the small stalks in the dry land may shoot up ( K T U 1.19 ii 15-25). It is more c o m m o n for prayer to be part of ritual actions, as we can see in the legend of Keret. T h e c o m m a n d to raise the hands (in prayer) is paralleled by a reference to a sacrifice to El ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+ ii 22-3). W e can also find this combination in the ritual text K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+, with prescriptions about the annual celebration of the grape harvest in the month 'First of the Wine'. T h e text ends with the same call for prayer as in the legend of Keret. In K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056, a copy of K T U 1.41, these last lines containing the reference to the king's prayer are missing. T h e action described in K T U 1.41:50-5 is situated in another place: not in the temple, but on its roof; and it refers to a sacrifice offered to an unknown deity (prgl sqrn). This is probably a deity of Hurrian origin. So the expansion of the text can be explained as due to later Hurrian influence upon an older Ugaritic ritual. T h e king is said (or prescribed) to offer a recitation (yrgm mlk), but we hear nothing of its contents. Perhaps building on the assumption of Hurrian influence one should think here of something like the Hurrian incense prayers mentioned above. These texts all follow a similar pattern: after the heading we read the names of the gods to w h o m the prayer is addressed, together with a short hymn. T h e gods are asked to come and receive the offerings and then to do something on behalf of the suppliant. T h e texts end with mention of the messenger and in some

16 A V I S H U R 1994, 297-8 even speaks of the entire text as a 'hymn in honor of EF, because of the striking similarity with Hebrew psalms and its vocabulary being reminiscent of that found in hymns. 17

18

Cf.

DIETRICH -

MAYER

1994.

Cf. DE M O O R 1987, 252, n. 190 and interpretation of 'ahl see DEL O L M O L E T E

MARGALIT -

1984b, 140-1; for a different 1996, 16.

SANMARTIN

cases with promises of new offerings and a final doxology. T h e words spoken by the king according to K T U 1.41:53, on the roof of the temple, could have been something like this calling up the gods and asking their favours. Because the tablet is damaged here, it is not clear whether this invocation is accompanied by the king wiping his face (mh pnh)i9 or by clapping his hands (mh ydh).20 T h e reference to prayer in line 55, back in the temple, could be related to the closing hymn in the Hurrian incense prayers. In the older secondary literature K T U 1.65 = R S 4.47 4 21 has been interpreted as a prayer to El and the assembly of the gods. 22 More recently commentators of the text appear to be reluctant to classify it. Xella points to the resemblance of the first lines (naming El, the sons of El, the family of the sons of El, the assembly of the sons of El, and tkmn-w-snm) with the repeated address of the ritual text K T U 1.40 = R S 1.003+. H e assumes as a working hypothesis that K T U 1.65 is some sort of prayer. 2 3 Dietrich - Loretz take this text as a scribal exercise. 24 In his elaborate study of this text Avishur also concludes that the old view (of H.L. Ginsberg) that this text is a prayer, seems to be closest to the truth. Comparison with the Q p m r a n W a r Scroll (chapters 4 - 6 and 9, about names with Ί as a second element to be written on banners and weapons) leads him to classify it as a list of war banners. 2 5 Because these banners are 'battle cries intended to arouse the deity to assist the warriors', this text resembles a prayer. Although m u c h remains uncertain, one should not rule out the possibility that this is indeed the text of a prayer, related to sacrifices as mentioned in K T U 1.40, calling up the gods (lines 1-5), appealing to the consideration of the supreme

19

C f . DE M O O R

1987,

159,

20

165, a n d

DE T A R R A G O N

1989,

154,

159.

Cf. L E V I N E DE T A R R A G O N - R O B E R T S O N 1 9 9 7 , 2 9 9 , 3 0 1 . On the clapping of hands serving 'to intensify the accompanying words and perhaps even to effectuate the action' see Fox 1995. 21 Cf., for instance, B E R N H A R D T 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versammlung der Götter'. See on this text A V I S H U R 1994, 308-9, who also lists and discusses previous research. 22 Cf., for instance, B E R N H A R D T 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versammlung der Götter'. 23 X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 2 1 3 : 'almeno come ipotesi di lavoro, una sorta di "preghiera"'. 24 D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1 9 8 1 , 6 4 - 7 ; in their translation of this text in 1 9 8 8 they call it 'Opfer für El und seine Repräsentanten'; note also the problems with classifying this text in ATI/ 2 , 91: 'scribal exercise?, invocation of II?, prayer?, incantation?'. 25

AVISHUR

1994,

326,

525,

gods by referring to their noble character (6-9) and naming places and divine attributes in and with which these words have to be recited (lines 1 Off.). Del O l m o Lete sees it as a 'cultic invocation of the divine panoply and to its apparent presence in the sanctuary'. 2 6 In his opinion this primarily concerns Baal's weapons, celebrated in mythology. A more generally accepted example of a prayer in alphabetic Ugaritic is the end of the ritual text K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266. 27 This text starts as a common prosaic ritual prescription about the right time, place, and sort of sacrifice to the right god. In line 26 there is a transition to a direct address to Baal by referring to the problem of a strong foe attacking the gates of the city. T h e style changes here from prose to poetry. 28 T h e prayer (sit, line 34; cf. the verb in K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 39) is introduced by the command: 'raise your eyes to Baal' (line 27). T h e request to drive away the enemy is accompanied by a n u m b e r of vows and sacrifices by the suppliant, in exchange for Baal's help. T h e text ends with the statement, repeating the words at the beginning, that Baal will hear the prayer. K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271 29 is probably best described as a benediction,'" because of the repeated šlm in the opening lines, followed by a n u m b e r of divine names. T h e text seems to end in a similar way, the last word being again slm. Lines 14ff. mention righteousness and mercy. This is reminiscent of K T U 1.65 and can be interpreted in the same way as expressing the hope for and confidence in a positive attitude of the gods towards the one saying these words. However, any interpretation of this text in its present severely damaged state must remain uncertain.

26

D E L OLMO LETE

341-3

and

WATSON -

1992C, 255; cf. also WYATT

DEL O L M O L E T E

1992a, 228-9 = 1999,

1997.

27 See on this text X E L L A 1981, 25-34; W A T S O N 1984d, 360-2; DE M O O R 1987, 171-4; M I L L E R 1988; DEL O I . M O L E T E 1989; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 197-205 = 1999, 292-306; P A R D E E 1993, 213-7; AVISHUR 1994, 253-6; W A T S O N 1996b. 28 O n this phenomenon see especially P A R D E E 1993a. 29 Cf. X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 2 1 6 - 3 , with references to the older literature. 30

DE MOOR

1 9 7 0 3 1 2 ; RAINEY

1974,

191. CAQUOT

1979,

1404 and

suggest that it is a scribal exercise. KTU1, possible genre: 'prayer, liturgy?, scribal exercise'. LORETZ

1981,

74-5,

135,

DIETRICH

-

gives as the

5.3

Binding hostile supernatural forces by incantations

T h e texts discussed under this heading are the ones that best fit the narrow definition of an incantation given at the beginning. It concerns independent texts with words of power used against evil forces from the realm of gods and demons. T h e interpretation of these texts is very difficult, not only because of the state of conservation of most tablets, but also because of the genre of the texts, with unknown vocabulary and often without a clear structure or line of thought. T h e best example of an Ugaritic incantation is K T U 1.169 = R I H 78/20. 3 1 Although there is much difference of opinion a m o n g the interpreters about many details, it is generally accepted that we are dealing here with a spell to drive off evil powers causing sickness, with the help of Baal, H o r o n and Ashera. It is not clear which disease is meant here, 32 nor which power is causing it; according to some it is indicated by dbbm in lines 1 and 9, although it is translated in different ways: 'flying demons' (de Moor), 'tormenters' (Pardee), or 'accusers' (Fleming). Others (Dietrich - Loretz, Caquot) relate it to Akkadian dabābu, 'word', and interpret it as a reference to the words spoken to expel the (unnamed) demon. This difference of opinion returns in the interpretation of kspm (line 9) as 'sorcerers' indicating the black magic of demons, but according to others the magic with which one can expel the forces of evil.33 T h e r e is more consensus about the verbs used in connection with the expelling magic : ydy (line 1), 'to drive off', and gr/(line 9), 'chase away'. Both are used in the legend of Keret in the repeated question 'who a m o n g the gods is able to cast out {ydy) the disease, to expel (grs) the illness?' ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 10-28). In line 10, in close connection with ksp and grs, we find the root hbr. This is reminiscent of the use of hbr in the H e b r e w Bible and Akkadian abāru, 'to bind', in Mesopotamian incantations. Avishur points to Deut. 18:10-11 and to Isa. 47:9 with the word pair hbrym || kšpym, 'enchantments 11 spells', and to a similar pair in the Akkadian Maqlû-

31

Cf.

A V I S H U R 1981; DE M O O R , 255-7; DE M O O R 1987, 183-6; D I E T R I C H 1988, 333-6; C A Q U O T 1989, 53-60; FLEMING 1991; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 2 5 9 - 6 0 = 1999, 385-6; P A R D E E 1993, 211-3; FLEMING 1997; W Y A T T 1998C, 442~9. 32 D E M O O R 1980b, 257, and 1987, 184, n. 13, assumes that the patient suffered from a 'cataleptic or epileptic seizure', Pardee thinks of 'male sexual disfunction'. 33 According to J E F F E R S 1 9 9 6 , 6 7 - 8 , one can leave open both possibilities. LORETZ

incantation. 3 4 So here hbr would denote the negative influence of evil spells. Avishur translates: 'Horon will expel the binders and the Youth soothsayers', relating the last word (dctm) to Hebrew yd'ny. Dijkstra interprets these terms in a similar way, but he assumes a positive meaning: ' H o r o n be the enchanter, and the Young M a n the one who provides knowledge. 35 In the hymn at the end of the Baal myth this word pair hbr || dct ( K T U 1.6 = R S 2. [009]+ vi 49-50) would have the same meaning. Most commentators, however, prefer the more c o m m o n meaning of hbr, 'friend', and d't, 'intimate'. 3 6 In the text we hear of the one who has to recite the incantation: 'the /^-priest' (line 3). This title is also used in the colophon of the Baal myth ( K T U 1.6 vi 57) and seems to refer to a high-ranking teacher. 37 In K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002:32 we find the related verb parallel to dbh, 'to sacrifice'. According to some interpreters this officiant used a staff as a magic device, 38 but the meaning of the word ht denoting it (line 5) is, again, disputed. 39 This person executing the incantation by word and probably also by gestures and other ritual activities can be compared to the Mesopotamian incantation priest called āšipu. It is interesting to note that this exorcist is often mentioned in the colophon of the incantation texts as a scholar who wrote and checked the tablet. 40 O t h e r correspondences with Mesopotamian incantations are the use of similar metaphors, especially the spirits being said to leave 'like smoke' 41 and the naming of gods acting on behalf of the oppressed against the evil spirits. In some Mesopotamian rituals the incantation priest even says that it is not he himself who speaks, but that it is an incantation of Ea 42 or Ninkilil, 'lord of the incantation. 4 3 This

1981a, 22-3.

34

AVISHUR

35

DIJKSTRA

36

C f . DEL O L M O L E T E -

1985,

150. SANMARTIN

1996,

126-7

and

172. DIETRICH -

LORETZ

1988b, 335 translate 'Genossen || Komplizen'. According to J E F F E R S 1 9 9 6 , 33 both suggested meanings of hbr are related: 'comrades can be linked together by sworn words, oaths and the like'. 37

C f . VAN S O L D T

38

1988 and

FLEMING

1991,

146.

Cf. F L E M I N G 1991, 148-50. 39 Cf. D E L O L M O L E T E - S A N M A R T I N 1996, 202-3. 40 See the texts mentioned in CAD A, II, 434, s.v. āšipu a. 41 See, for instance, Maqlû V: 166-169 (translation by F Ä R B E R 1987, 265). Cf. A V I S H U R 1981, 18; F L E M I N G 1991, 146; and W A T S O N 1994b, 405-6. 42 Cf. CAD Α, II, 431-2, s.v. āšipu a.2; CAD Š III, 90, s.v. siptu e.2'. 43 Cf., for instance, the recently discovered incantation against Lamaštu, discussed by

MICHEL

1997.

can be compared to K T U 1.169 = R I H 7 8 / 2 0 beginning with the statement that it is the breath of Baal which drives out the evil spirits. Unfortunately, the text is broken here. Next to Baal a special function seems to be reserved for H o r o n (lines 9 - 1 0 ) and Ashera (line 16). A n u m b e r of these basic elements of K T U 1.169 are also found in another clear example of an incantation in alphabetic Ugaritic script: K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134. 44 This seems to be a collection of six different incantations, to be recited on different occasions, but also sharing c o m m o n elements (such as the reference to the snake in lines 6 and 35). T h e fourth part is explicitly introduced as an incantation with the technical term mnt (see p. 270) in its first line (= line 20). Like K T U 1.169, this text is difficult to interpret, but it gives us more information about the gods invoked to help and especially about the demons to fight. T h e benign gods are Baal (lines 1 and 6), his consort Anat (line 11 and twice in line 39), and the sun-goddess Shapash (line 6). T h e evil forces they have to destroy are: • T u n n a n (line 1), known from the myth of Baal ( K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [014]+ iii 40) as a monstrous helper (dragon) of Yam, the god of the sea, one of Baal's prime opponents. According to the myth T u n n a n is slain by Anat. H e also seems to have been mentioned in the small fragment K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266, next to Yam, 'bound (by c Anak?) on the heights of Lebanon'. 4 5 This reference to T u n n a n , however, is uncertain, not only because of the poor state of conservation of the tablet, but also because it is based on a correction of the text in line 8, reading tnn instead of t'an.*6 • Reshep (line 3), the god of pestilence, who is mentioned next to the 'lads of Y a m ' in the legend of Keret as the god who caused the death of one of the king's wives ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+ i 19). • Mot (line 5), the god of death. Next to Yam he is the other powerful opponent of Baal ( K T U 1.5 = R S 2.[022]+).

44

Cf.

VAN

ZIJL

1972,

1974,

1975;

DE

MOOR

-

SPRONK

1984;

CAQUOT

1988

1988, 336-9; C A Q U O T 1989, 61-70; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 251-5 = 1999, 373-9. 45 Cf. P I T A R D 1 9 9 8 ; DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 , 1 8 1 - 2 assumes that this text was part of an incantation. 46 C A Q U O T 1 9 8 9 , 2 8 - 3 0 states that tnn is the key term of the text, but he ignores the fact that for this interpretation the text has to be changed. DIETRICH

-

LORETZ

• Serpents (lines 6 and 35), who are the prime object of another Ugaritic incantation ( K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244 and K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+; see below). • Creatures of H o r o n (line 13). This reading is uncertain, but the name of Horon, who is the lord of the demons, returns in lines 27 and 41. Horon is mentioned in the legend of Keret as a threatening power in a curse: 'may H o r o n break your head' ( K T U 1.16 = 3.325+ vi 56-7; this phrase can also be restored in the broken text K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 7-8). In the Ugaritic incantations H o r o n plays an ambivalent role: on the one hand he is a fearful threat, on the other h a n d he can be called u p o n to take the demonic threat away (cf. K T U 1.100 and K T U 1.169). • In the second part of the text the evil forces are indicated more 'poetically' as 'creatures of agitation' (lines 18 and 41), 'creatures of insanity' (line 18), 'sons of disease (or: terror)' (line 23), '1egions(P)' (line 26; cf. Mark 5:9), 'flies (or: accusers)' (line 26), 'those of the flood(?)' (line 27), 'stupor(?)' (line 28), 'the fugitive' (line 38; cf. K T U 1.5 = R S 2. [022]+ i 1, where it is used as epithet of a seamonster related to Yam). It is not clear what is precisely the nature of the distress caused by these evil forces. In the first lines there seems to be reference to problems of a girl with her menstruation, that is with her fertility. T h e names of the demons in the second part of the text point in more general terms to disease and insanity. W h a t is clear is that these evil forces have to be driven out (grs, lines 12 and 40; see also K T U 1.169:9) or have to be b o u n d (rky, lines 10 and 38). Both verbs are c o m m o n terms in this genre. For the place of this and other incantations within the religion of Ugarit it is important to note the close relation with the myth of Baal. T h e batde described there of Baal and Anat, supported by Shapash, against Yam, Mot and their helpers does not appear to be something from a distant past. It has its repercussions on daily h u m a n life. T h e victory over the forces of evil has to be gained time and again. As was remarked above, Horon takes a central place in K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244. 47 Fortunately, this text is well-preserved. It is in itself not

47

See on this text especially the elaborate study of references to previous studies. Cf. also DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 ,

PARDEE

1988,

193-226,

1 4 6 - 5 6 ; DIETRICH -

with

LORETZ

a pure incantation, but can be classified as a ritual in mythological form. It contains, however, a n u m b e r of brief incantations indicated as mnt. T h e text tells of a mare, 'the mother of the stallion'. She is probably a goddess acting on behalf of her worshippers. W e are told that she seeks support from the great deities of the Ugaritic pantheon against venomous serpents. T h e sun-goddess Shapash is indicated as her mother and acts as an intermediary. Each request ends with the same incantation in order to charm (lf}š; cf. the use of Akkadian lahāšu, 'to whisper', together with siptu, 'incantation', 4 8 and the use of Hebrew 1hš, specifically related to the charming of snakes i n j e r . 8:17; Ps. 58:5-6; Q o h . 10:11; and Sir. 12:13), expel (ydy) and bind (ytq) the snake and its poison. Apparently, this incantation was repeated eleven times, each time on the basis of another authority. T h e twelfth, Horon, responds in a different way. With a magical rite, using a m o n g other things a tamarisk and 'the tree of death', he succeeds in letting the poison 'become weak and flow away'. This climax of the text is, as is appropriate in magic texts, described with a n u m b e r of puns. 49 T h e text ends with a dialogue between a groom and a bride; apparently these are H o r o n and the 'mother of the stallion'. T h e y speak about marriage with the serpents (a phallic symbol?) as bride-price. A clearly related text is K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+. 5 0 Here the snake is called 'devourer', a c o m m o n designation of demons (lines 10 and 20).51 In the more elaborate mythological part of the text Shapash plays a more active role. 32 T h e r e can be no doubt about H o r o n being viewed here in a positive way, be it that he is clearly not the first choice. T h e eleven incantations preceding the final invocation seem to be meant to show that no other choice was left than to go to Horon's 'fortress', probably an indication of his hardly accessible residence in the nether-

1988, 345-0; L E V I N E - DE T A R R A G O N 1988; C A Q U O T 1989, 79-94; P A R D E E 1997a and W Y A T T 1998C, 378-87. 48 Cf. CAD Š, III, 90, s.v. siptu A.e.3'. 49 Cf. G R E A V E S 1994 and P A R D E E 1997a, 298, n. 26. See on this phenomenon in Mesopotamian incantations F Ä R B E R 1986. 50 Cf. X E L L A 1981, 241-0; P A R D E E 1988b, 227-56; and C A Q U O T 1989, 95-100. 51 Cf. DE M O O R 1 9 8 1 - 2 , I 1 0 . He refers, among other things, to the clear representation on a Phoenician amulet from Arslan Tash (seventh century BCE) of a demoniacal man-eater. 52 O n this part of the text and a number of resemblances with the story of the Garden of Eden according to the Hebrew Bible, see DE M O O R 1988b.

world. O n e demons by It is also and ritual. liturgy.

can compare this to Jesus being accused of casting out Beelzebul, the prince of demons (Mark 3.22). important to note the combination of myth, incantation, This appears to be a c o m m o n feature of the Ugaritic

O n e of the new Ugaritic texts discovered in 1992 is the incantation R S 92.2014, 5 3 which is in many respects similar to K T U 1.100, K T U 1.107, and K T U 1.169. As in K T U 1.169 the offending evil force remains unnamed: dy lyd\ 'the one not known'. H e is presented as a foaming snake and as a scorpion and is exorcised in a magic rite with 'bits of sacred wood'. This is reminiscent of the action taken by Horon against snakebite according to K T U 1.100 and K T U 1.107. In this way he prevents the serpent from coming up (ely) and the scorpion from standing up (a new Ugaritic root qnrì). T h e second part of the text (lines 8-13) is an incantation against dbbm and kšpm. These words are also used in K T U 1.169. In R S 92.2014 they are mentioned next to rs\ 'the evil m a n ' and bn nšm, 'son of m a n ' , which seems to be an indication of all possible men. T h e incantation is directed against any evil word spoken: 'may they pour it to the earth'. T h e incantation is dedicated to Urtenu, the holder of the archive to which this tablet belongs: 'for his body (gb), for his members (tmntf. These two words also occur in K T U 1.169:5-6. T h e incantation has a function in securing the physical well-being of Urtenu. O n e final text to be mentioned within this framework of independent incantations is K T U 1.96 = RS 22.225. This is usually interpreted as a short mythological text about Anat literally or, what seems to be more likely, figuratively devouring Baal. 54 T h e reference to Anat was found in the first word of the tablet. New collations, however, show that the first letters are cnn, not W.55 In the first edition of K T U it was suggested that cnn is a scribal error for cnt, but in the second edition this 'rectification' was left out. A n u m b e r of scholars now suggest that cnn is related to the repeated reference to 53 It is briefly described by B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1995, 2 8 and 3 1 ; a first translation was offered by P A R D E E 1997a. 54 Cf. DE M O O R 1 9 8 7 , 1 0 9 - 1 0 ; and A S T O U R 1 9 8 8 , with a survey of previous research. 55 See now L E W I S 1996a, with excellent photographs and drawings.

c

n, 'eye', in lines 5 - 1 3 and explain the text as an incantation against the evil eye. 56 This is a well-known object of incantations in Mesopotamia. 5 7 A clear example is also found in a later Phoenician incantation against 'the coming of the big eye' and with m a n y other descripdons of the evil eye, just as in the second part of K T U 1.96. 58 Even more interesting within this comparison is that on the tablet of the Phoenician incantation we see a drawing of a demon devouring the one he attacks. In the heading the d e m o n is called mzh, 'sucker', namely of blood. This has a counterpart in K T U 1.96:4-5 which states that the demoniac power eats the flesh and drinks the blood of his victim.

5.4

Conjuring up the spirits of the dead

T h e demons to be driven out with the help of incantations are associated with death and the netherworld. As we have seen above, some of them are represented as helpers or satellites of Yam and Mot (cf. K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134:1, 5, 27, 38). It is very likely that as in Mesopotamia the people of Ugarit feared the influence of malign spirits of the dead. 5 9 From Mesopotamia we know many incantations with the object of expelling them. In Ugarit we hear more of their positive counterpart: invoking the dead to ask their advice and help. 60 This was also an act of veneration. By offering their sacrifices and honouring them by calling their names, they hoped to prevent hostilities from the dead towards the living. T h e interpretation of the texts concerned is a matter of much dispute. According to some scholars there is not enough evidence to speak of a cult of the dead. In their view there was probably no more than a funerary cult intended to offer a good burial for the deceased, helping them on their way to the netherworld; which is to be clearly distinguished from any belief in supernatural power of

56 Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 255-9 = 1999, 379-84, and 1992b; his interpretation is accepted by W A T S O N 1992b, 367, n. 5; W A T S O N 1994b, 237; L E W I S 1996a, 118 and W Y A T T 1998C, 375-7. T h e suffixed -n is usually explained as a deictic element, comparable to Hurrian -ne\ cf. D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a, 104. 57

C f . THOMSEN

58

O n this seventh century incantation from Arslan Tash see

1992.

111. 59

C f . BOTTÉRO

60

Cf.

SPRONK

1983 and

1993.

1986, 145-206 and

LORETZ

1993, 287-30.

DE M O O R

1981-2,

the dead. 61 This is not the place to enter that discussion. M a n y of these texts are already discussed elsewhere in this handbook. Within the present context the survey can be confined to the elements related to the incantation texts. K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126 62 is a ritual text associated with the burial of a king of Ugarit. It reports the invocation of all possible ancestors, with many names of former kings, but also with more general indications such as 'rephaim of the earth' and 'rephaim of old'. Apparently, one was anxious not to forget any of the important deceased ancestors. This can be compared to a similar p h e n o m e n o n in the 'Genealogy of the H a m m u r a p i Dynasty' 6 3 listing all spirits of the dead that are considered important to the well-being of the living king: the royal dead, the heroes and also the spirits who might become hostile, namely 'any dynasty which is not recorded on this tablet, and any soldier who fell while on his lord's service, princes, princesses, all humanity, from the east to the west, who have no one to care for them or to call their names'. 6 4 T h e idea behind this was that the dead who remained u n n a m e d and uncared for could become a threat to the living. So especially the unknown spirits of the dead (cf. dy lydc, 'the unknown one' in R S 92.2014) were feared. Also the fact that in K T U 1.161 of the great gods only the sun-goddess Shapash is mentioned, is reminiscent of the incantations. She appears to be the most important intermediary between the living and the dead. T h e Rephaim texts ( K T U 1.20-22 = R S 3.348, 2. [019], 2.[024]), only partly preserved, seem to describe a similar invocation and actual gathering of the spirits of the dead. T h e state of the tablets hardly allows any conclusion on their function. 6 5 T h e relation with the legend of Aqhat suggests that the rephaim may have been called up by the father of Aqhat on the occasion of the burial of his son. T h e fact that the rephaim come together on the threshing floor may indicate that they could be of help in restoring the fertility which was lost at the death of Aqhat.

61

Cf. S C H M I D T 1994, 47 1 3 1 and P A R D E E 1996a. See on this text especially B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1 9 9 1 , 1 5 1 - 6 3 , and also the recent study of T S U M U R A 1 9 9 3 . A survey of recent research can be found with 62

LORETZ

1993,

296-300.

63

C f . FINKELSTEIN

64

Cf. on this part of the text also L A M B E R T 1 9 6 8 . Note the call for a 'minimalist' approach by P I T A R D 1992a and

65

1966. LEWIS

1996b.

K T U 1.108 = R S 24.252 can be regarded as an example of the belief in ancient Ugarit that the spirits of the dead could be invoked to help and bless the living. 66 Baal seems to be presented here as the first of the rephaim. Together with Baal and other gods these spirits of the dead enjoy a banquet presented to them in order to propitiate them. In K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272 we may find another way in which the spirits of the dead could support the living. 67 T h r o u g h a mediator they give precise advice on how to cure a sick child. If this interpretation is correct, it would offer a good illustration of the spirits of the dead acting according to the probable meaning of their name: rp'um, 'healers'.

5.5

Elements of incantations in other texts

We have already come across the phenomenon of incantations embedded in other texts. Some of these also deserve our attention. K T U 1.13 = R S 1.006 is interpreted by Dietrich - Loretz as an incantation against infertility: 68 a hymn to Anat is followed by a prayer for fertility, which is answered by a mythological fragment about Anat and Baal solving a similar problem. In particular, the urgent call for supernatural assistance (lines 23-29) can be regarded as an incantation. Note also the special role in this context of 'messengers from heaven' (ml'ak smm, lines 21-22). T h e y belong to the class of divine beings who, standing in between humans and the great gods, often play a prominent role in incantations, either as helpers or as offenders. A combination of myth and ritual can also be found in K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002. Although there is no consensus about the interpretation of this text, there can be no doubt about the relation to the question of fertility. 69 T h e text is associated by Dietrich - Loretz with the incantations because of its beginning: }iqr'a, Ί invoke (the

66

See for a survey of previous research on this 'Zankapfel der Ugaritologen' 1993, 293-5; cf. also P A R D E E 1988b, 75-118, and A V I S H U R 1994, 277-307. 67 See on this text D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a, 205-40; L O R E T Z 1993, 289-93; and, for a different interpretation, P A R D E E 1988b, 179-92. 68 D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 339-42 with a reconstruction of the ritual; cf. also DE M O O R 1980a. For a different interpretation see DEL O L M O L E T E 1981b and M A R G A L I T 1995, 231-8. LORETZ

69

C f . SEGERT

1985

and

DE M O O R

1987,

117-8.

gracious gods)'. In their opinion it is an incantation against malign forces of nature. 7 0 Also the part of the text dealing with mt w sr, 'death and evil' (lines 8-11) resembles the incantations; in particular the reference to the binding (smd, line 10) of the demon-like god points in this direction. K T U 1.114 = RS 24.258 is labelled by Dietrich - Loretz as an incantation for the medical treatment of drunkenness. 7 1 T h e text describes El drinking himself nearly to death and two goddesses finding a remedy to cure his sickness. T h e remedy seems to be described in the last lines as a recipe for humans with the same problem. 7 2 This and similar texts (cf. K T U 1.23; K T U 1.100; K T U 1.107) can teach us something about the use of myths in the daily life of ancient Ugarit. Apparently, it was believed that reciting the right story on the right occasion, combining it with the right prayer and cultic acts, had magical power. Interpreted in this way, K T U 1.114 is related to 'pure' incantations. T o this can be added that in lines 19-20 we hear of a demon-like figure threatening El in his drunkenness (lines 19-20). This hby is described as 'the one with two horns and a tail'. T h e name itself can be translated as 'crawler' and seems to refer to a scorpion." In Ugaritic incantations this is a common indication of the evil force to be expelled. In the myth about the moon-god Yarikh obtaining his bride Nikkal ( K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194) we find some elements related to the incantations in the second section of the text (lines 40-50), which is separated from the rest of the text by a horizontal line. It concerns a hymn to goddesses called the Kathirat, daughters of the new moon Hilal. T h e y are described as birds settling down on the trees. T h e singer calls them by their names, stating that 'their list' (mnthn] cf. the use of mnt in K T U 1.82:20 a n d K T U 1.100) is on his lips. According to this text the Kathirat can be regarded as lower goddesses who are especially related to marital affairs. Their status is comparable to that of demons and (deified) spirits of the dead, who just like the Kathirat, are often compared to birds. 74 Calling their

1988b, 3 5 0 - 7 . 1988b, 342-5; cf. also P A R D E E 1988b, 13-74; 1997a; and C A T H C A R T 1996; W Y A T T 1998c, 4 0 4 - 1 3 . 72 Cf. W A T S O N 1990a. 70

DIETRICH -

71

DIETRICH

-

LORETZ

LORETZ

73

C f . CATHCART

74

C f . SPRONK

1996,

1986,

5.

100.

PARDEE

names at the end of the myth about a divine wedding probably functioned as a way to invoke their blessings on the occasion of a h u m a n wedding. For the sake of completeness another two texts deserve some attention. In the second edition of K T U the genre of tablet 1.86 = R S 18.041 is indicated as 'myth?, ritual?, incantation?'. 7 5 Recently, it has been demonstrated that it is likely that we are dealing here with a hippiatric text about breeding. 7 6 K T U 1.93 = RS 19.054 is listed by de M o o r a m o n g the incantations, interpreting it as a prayer to Anat for help in reciting his incantation properly, that is, without stammering. 7 7 If this interpretation of the short and damaged text is correct, 78 then it would illustrate the importance of incantations in the religious life of the people of Ugarit.

75

KTU\

76

C f . DEL O L M O L E T E -

77

DE

78

106. MARQUEZ

1987, 186-7. For other interpretations see

ROWE

1995.

MOOR

CAQUOT 1989, 3 7 - 9

and the literature listed there.

C H A P T E R SEVEN

THE UGARITIC CULTIC TEXTS

1

Paolo

1.1

T h e

M e r l o

Rituals

-

Paolo

X e l l a

The problem of the ritual documents

T h e Ugaritic texts which can be classed as ritual texts or have a ritual background did not at first attract the attention of scholars to the same extent as the mythological texts, on which an enormous bibliography has emerged. T h e very formal characteristics of these documents have contributed to discouraging any approach to them. T h e y are mostly schematic texts, written in a concise and technical language which proceeds by allusions, using an accurate and precise liturgical vocabulary which cannot be studied with the help of, for example, the parallelism characteristic of poetry. In addition, there is the frequent use of stereotyped formulae, the understanding of which depends on actually identifying the rites to which they allude. Lastly, the focus of the syntax is extremely difficult because 'prescriptive' rubrics and 'descriptive' sections alternate with no obvious criteria and are accompanied by long lists of gods followed (often asyndetically) by the victims or offerings intended for them. A good stimulus to the study of ritual texts, which have been neglected for so m a n y years (apart perhaps from a couple of specific contributions) 1 came from the article by Levine 2 on the possibility of identifying prescriptive and descriptive rituals, even if this distinction now seems applicable only to a limited extent. This is either because 1 9 5 5 . Cf. also U R I E 1 9 5 9 . 1963. The distinction he proposes between 'prescriptive' rituals and 'descriptive' rituals is only acceptable in broad outline since it is clear that even a description is significantly prescriptive in nature (libretto for ceremonies; cf. the use of the imperfect/future). It is, thus, a spurious problem. Cf. also L E V I N E 1965; 1974, 8ff. and 1983. 1

DE

2

LEVINE

GUGLIELMO

several texts do not, strictly speaking, belong to either of the two categories or else because the descriptive texts are also standard and are also often devised and written down as m e m o r a n d a . However, the situation has improved markedly over the last twenty years, which have seen the first monographs on these documents as well as a series of minor studies devoted to analysing the lexicon, structure and function of the various texts, their implications for the history of religions, the divinities involved in the rites, the typology of the rites, etc. If we limit ourselves here only to wide-ranging works, first of all comes the publication in 1979 of a long and excellent comprehensive t r e a t m e n t of the ritual texts in the Supplément au Dictionnaire de la Bible written by Caquot. 3 T h e n , at the beginning of the eighties, there appeared the first monographs on the topic by de Tarragon 4 (which is more discursive) and by Xella 5 (which is more systematic). Besides a large n u m b e r of other minor studies (which appeared chiefly in Ugant-Forschungen), a new wide-ranging contribution appeared in the section written by de T a r r a g o n in the book edited by Caquot, de T a r r a g o n himself and Cunchillos (TO 2) which was published in 1989 (although written a few years earlier) even though it did not provide any remarkable new interpretations (in a few rare instances even marking a regression). With del O l m o Lete's monograph, 6 substantial progress has been achieved in spite of the way the author has chosen to present the material (in practice it is a comprehensive study of the religion of Ugarit). In this survey can also be noted the translations m a d e by Dietrich and Loretz of a certain n u m b e r of ritual texts in the collection TUAT and elsewhere 7 as well as the inclusion of several cultic documents in the anthology of de Moor 8 and in the study by Pardee of texts which he curiously called 'para-mythological'. 9

1.2

Classifications of form and content

T h e ritual texts supply direct and extremely valuable information about religious practices (chiefly but not exclusively royal and pub3

CAQUOT

4

D E TARRAGON

5

XELLA

6

DEL OLMO

7

DIETRICH -

8

DE

9

PARDEE

1979. 1980.

1981.

MOOR

LETE

1992a

LORETZ 1987.

1988b.

=

1988b,

1999. 1990a.

lie) of ancient Ugarit, even if we reiterate that the material is difficult, to be approached with caution, using clear methodological principles. Apart from attempts to consider these documents as a specific 'literary form', the main fixed points of departure for analysis are as follows. In terms of the history of religions, they have an undoubtedly cultic character, while in terms of linguistics, they belong to a form of linguistic expression that can be defined as 'chancellery language', 10 which places them on the same level as the economic and administrative texts and the hippiatric texts. As for their being documents with a religious purpose, the ritual texts have to be studied against the background of all that we know about the beliefs and cults of Ugarit during the Late Bronze Age, with the proviso of also using, to the greatest extent possible, the archaeological data from Ras S h a m r a and Ras Ibn Hani in order to provide a better framework as to how the rites functioned, and who were their participants and the recipients of the various ceremonies. O f course, local mythology also has to be a constant and fundamental reference point for understanding the rites and their underlying ideology. T h e objection (which is often raised) that the 'literary' texts reflect a stage of Ugaritic religion which is different and older (than the ritual texts) in fact has very little foundation, for it is based only on the formal opposition between poetic language and the nonpoetic or non-literary language" in which the ritual texts are cast. In terms of the history of religions it is true that in some cases there is a certain divergence, for example between the rank and personality of the divine figures described in the myths and those venerated in the cult. However, the history of religions teaches us that the mythic dimension has its own laws, times and coordinates, such that the actions or features of a god in the mythological narratives need not necessary have an exact equivalent in the ritual universe regulated by man in terms of his own needs (even such banal and practical needs as the eating and [re-]distribution of meat by means of ritualizing immolations and celebrating religious feasts). T o cite only one striking case, it is precisely in the 'later' ritual texts that the god El—incorrectly considered by some to be in decline with the passage of time—occupies a position of undoubted pre-eminence over all the other deities. 12

10

FRONZAROLI

11

LIVERANI

12

Cf.

XEI.LA

1975.

1964.

(forthcoming).

If, instead, we consider the content of the texts rather than their outward form, mythology and culdc documentation comprise two complementary and fairly organic aspects of Ugaritic religion which, as in all the cultures of the ancient world, is expressed differently at different levels. Lastly, as regards the matter of the relationships between myth and ritual, which are inextricably connected, it is sufficient to r e m e m b e r the existence of texts such as K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002, correctly defined as 'cultic myth'; 1 3 or, the fact that recitations, prayers, exorcisms and incantations are religious acts which can all be projected into the mythic dimension (while the recitation of a myth is itself a rite!). Besides these considerations, another important fact to keep in mind in the study of the Ugaritic rituals is the comparative dimension within the religious traditions of Syria-Palestine and Northern Mesopotamia. With the increase in our knowledge of the religion and sacrificial system of centres such as Ebla, 14 Emar 1 5 as well as Mari (with the requisite changes), 16 it is necessary to get away from the usual and repeated references to the Bible in order to reconstruct the religious tradition peculiar to Syria, the consistency and essential continuity of which are perceptible. It should also be r e m e m b e r e d that additional and often direct information on the cult and on various rites, both sacrificial and non-sacrificial, can be gained from other types of text, i.e. the economic and administrative texts, 17 the letters and the mythological texts. T h e most famous example in the last category comprises the rites carried out by Keret ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ ii 50ff. and parallels) which, though to some extent awaiting proof, are undeniably connected with cultic practice. However, it is understandable how, faced with a mass of documents sharing a definite (and more or less direct) connection with the cult, but without uniform formal characteristics, specialists have attempted to sort this material, proposing classifications and subclassifications of various kinds. In a monograph written in 1 9 8 1 ( X e l l a 1 9 8 1 ) one of the authors set out a subdivision of the texts as follows: 1) monthly liturgies and 13

14 15 16 17

D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 15 = 1999, 15. Cf. in general F R O N Z A R O L I 1993 and P O M P O N I O - X E L L A 1997. Cf. especially F L E M I N G 1 9 9 2 and, for example, D I E T R I C H 1 9 9 0 . An excellent synthesis in D U R A N D 1 9 9 5 . DEL OLMO LETE S A N M A R T I N 1998. On these aspects see below.

lists of offerings; 2) divination texts and oracles; 3) prayers; 4) incantations; 5) atonement sacrifices; 6) liturgies for kings; 7) votive texts; 8) lists of gods. 18 This proposed classification has largely been followed by G . del O l m o Lete ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a = 1999) with a series of additional subdivisions which refine the original grid still f u r t h e r , even for example distinguishing prescriptive rituals into sacrificial or non-sacrificial, pure or mixed, single or multiple, etc. 19 T h e table proposed by the Spanish scholar is undoubtedly a good theoretical grid for classification, provided that it is not taken rigidly as a formal reference point. In this Handbook, which has a more general approach, we shall retain the distinction between prescriptive and recited rituals. Whether the sacrificial action does or does not involve blood is a further classification which, in some sense, cuts across the others and can connote a n u m b e r of other ceremonies. Likewise, whether the ritual actions are more or less complex, the length of time they take and where they are performed, are factors which do not alter the basic typology. Ultimately it has to be said that our as yet imperfect knowledge of the sacrificial vocabulary of Ugarit and our continuing ignorance of the deep structures of Syrian religion in the Bronze Age should put us on guard against claims of elaborate classification which are too detailed and too systematic.

1.3

Rite and sacrificial material: terminology and

typology

As indicated above, to describe or record various actions of the cult, the Ugaritic ritual texts use a series of technical terms which sometimes have a more generic meaning and sometimes are very technical. Even if we are still very far from having resolved all the problems of interpretation, the meanings of some terms have now been determined with enough certainty. 20 T h e word dbh is a prime

X E L L A 1 9 8 1 ; in fact there is also a section on Hurro-Ugaritic rituals, due only to the bilingualism marking these documents, recently studied in a systematic way particularly by M. Dietrich, W. Mayer and M. Dijkstra in various publications (chiefly UF and A O A T / A L A S P ) . 19 A different approach has been adopted by D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 300ff., which however is also reductive because it is determined by the anthological nature of the series (TUAT) in which it appears. 20 X E L L A 1989; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 19-22 = 1999, 20 1; 1995. Nevertheless there are still quite a few disputed or even completely enigmatic cases, for example, 18

example of a term to denote the sacrificial ceremony which is both specific and generic at the same time. O f as yet unknown etymology, 21 dbh (generally attested as a noun although it also occurs in verbal form) is a key term in the Ugaritic sacrificial lexicon. It has been suggested that a whole series of terms (for example,ytn, kbd, nkt, np, nrr, nša, ntk, ql, qrb, šlm, št (?), t'y) should be considered essentially as its synonyms, 22 but each of t h e m — a p a r t from proven cases of functional synonymity—is of course distinct and must be investigated separately as a specific element of a highly technical lexicon. In fact, dbh is a polysemantic term, as noted already by Aistleitner, 23 who correctly distinguished between (a) the meaning 'schlachten/Schlachtopfer' and (b) the meaning 'Gastmahl essen/Mahl'. T h e Ugaritic term is not semantically related to Hebrew zbh (verb and noun) but instead to Akk. zību, 'food offering', which in turn is synonymous with naptānu (originally an accounting term used for food rations, used in the cult but also in non-cultic texts). T h e so-called polyglot vocabulary of Ug 5 (137 iii 6)24 gives the equivalents EZEN = i-si-nu = e-\l]i = da-ab-hu, from which can be deduced the clear meaning 'feast', 'soirée'. This meaning is abundantly confirmed by the use of the term in the ritual texts. It is a sacrificial meal, i.e. a sacred banquet, as has been proved by several terms which are parallel or actually synonymous to it—dgt, msd, trm, esrt. However, the meaning of the word sometimes seems to be more generic (precisely 'feast' in general), 23 since dbh sometimes includes not only foodstuffs (for example, cf. oil and honey in K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+:20-l) but also objects, clothes or metals. T h u s it is an offering in a generic sense even if, as seems to be the case, the gift par excellence to the gods is still food (cf. the implicit equivalence dbh — kispum in K T U 1.142 = R S 24.323). 26 An excellent example of a grandiose and complex dbh is provided by K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643, 27 the dbh of Sapunu, which seems to

cf. terms such as iyn, m'rb (in spite of its apparently clear etymology), sin, trmt and others as well. 21

FRONZAROLI

1965.

1992a, 2 0 - 1 = 1999, 21-3, although he notes that the synonymy refers only to the basic meaning of 'to offer'. 22

DEL OLMO

23

AISTLEITNER

24

Cf. H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 117; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 303. Cf. § 4.5. Cf. for example the opening line of K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126: spr. dbh. zlm. Cf. DLU, 128a for the references. D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 88-91 = 1999, 129-33. (with previous bibliography).

25 26 27

LETE

1974, §

722.

include a whole series of different rites within the ceremony. In this case, however, it seems that the iZmm-sacrifice does not form part of the general typology of the dbh, but it cannot be excluded completely that in the first section of this text the offerings are to be considered as performed as a /r/?-sacrifice (which was not mentioned because it was implicit). A text such as K T U 1.170 = R I H 7 8 / 1 1 shows that the dbh included sacrifices such as the srp, as is also indicated by the semantic field of the Hurrian term athl, sometimes used as equivalent to dbh and sometimes as equivalent to srp.2* If, out of several possible cases, we consider the so-called atonement ritual K T U 1.40 + 84 + 121 + 122 + 154 = RS 1.002,29 significandy, the terms dbh and tc denote the inner cultic sphere in which the Ugaritic homo religiosus has committed sin. Above we have referred to attempts at formal classification of the ritual texts. Without going into over-precise subdivisions, we note that the ritual actions can be simply classed into the following categories: 30 ritual blood sacrifices, bloodless sacrificial offerings, processions, enthronements-investitures, cultic meals. T o these can be added texts or parts of texts comprising recitation (including prayers). T h e first category is thus represented by ritual actions involving blood. A m o n g these, the designation attested most often in the rituals of Ugarit is provided by the brace of terms srp and šlmm, which almost always occur together in close succession. These are two specific terms for sacrifice, the first of which is evidently connected with the action of 'burning' the victim (as the root *srp shows) as is the case in the other Semitic languages (although this does not mean that it was always a holocaust); the second term, šlmm, is possibly to be translated 'communion sacrifice' or 'peace sacrifice', based on etymology and also on comparison with H e b r e w šelamîm.U Explicit confirmation that (with the requisite modifications) in Ugarit also it is a communal meal of the offerers, comes from K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260:9-10: š l il bt šlmm kl l y Ihm bh, 'a ram to the god of the (royal) house as a //mm-offering; all eat it'. 32

2R

DIETRICH -

MAYER

1995,

12-3.

1981, 251-76; DEL O L M O L E T E , 1992a, 9 9 - 1 0 9 = 1999, 1 4 4 - 6 0 ; DE M O O R - SANDERS 1991; W Y A T T 1998C, 342-7. 30 D E T A R R A G O N 1980, 55-129; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 28-32 = 1999, 3 4 - 4 0 ; cf. also DEL O L M O L E T E 1995, passim. 31 Current views and bibliography in DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 3 0 - 1 and n. 81 = 29

XELLA

1999, 32

37-40

XELLA

and 1981,

n.

82.

1 0 8 ; DEL O L M O L E T E

1992a,

177

81

= 1999, 257-64.

Also part of the other actions of the blood ritual is the act of 'immolation' (nkt) or 'slaughter' (qll) of the victim. Nevertheless, the ritual texts provide evidence of further types of sacrificial offerings of which the meaning is not always precise, as in the cases of šnpt (related perhaps to Hebrew tenûpâ),33 tzg (which may denote either the victim or the rite)34 and also t'y, mentioned already, a polysemantic term which also seems to denote an offering connected with the royal cult. 35 Besides rites involving blood, the Ugaritic texts also mention bloodless ritual actions. A m o n g the ceremonies which do not involve the sprinkling of blood can be mentioned here the fairly widespread practice of performing 'libations' (the verb *ntk or the derived noun mtk), especially of water and wine, documented in several texts (cf. for example, K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+:12; K T U 1.107 = RS 24.251:46; K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266:25), although they provide no information about the details of the ceremonies. T h e bloodless offerings also include, of course, offerings of vegetable food, and of various types of object, metal or cloth, which are amply documented in the ritual texts as well as in the economic and administrative texts. 36 A further category of ritual actions comprises the processions, identifiable by a series of terms (for example, yrd, hlk, Iqh, cly, crb, etc.) and correcdy included by G. del O l m o Lete among the 'non-sacrificial liturgies'. 37 T h e processions mentioned in the Ugaritic rituals have in fact as a central point a series of ceremonial actions in honour of divine statues, 38 in which, as usual, the role carried out by the king and his family is completely in the foreground. In this connection, the ritual K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005 can be mentioned which is focussed completely on the procession of divine statues. 39 It begins with k t'rb* 'ttrt. hr. gb/bt mlk 'When 'Attart of Hurri 4 0 enters the gb of the royal palace', and has the important conclusion (lines 24-26): mlk. ylk. Iqh. ilm || atr. ilm. ylk. penm./mlk. p*c*nm. yl[k]/sbc pamt. Iklhm, 'the king will go to take (the statues o f ) the gods || behind (the stat33

34

MILGROM

1972.

1981, 39-40. 35 D E L O L M O L E T E 1988a; cf. also F R E I L I C H 1992. 36 D E L O I . M O L E T E - SANMARTIN 1998; cf. in general 1999, passim. 37 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 96 = 1999, 1 4 0 - 1 . 38 D E T A R R A G O N 1 9 8 0 , 9 8 - 1 1 2 ; in general D I E T R I C H 39 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 189-94 = 1999, 282-91. 40

XELLA

C f . BONNET -

XELLA

1996.

DEL O L M O L E T E

-

LORETZ

1992.

1992a =

ues o f ) the gods he will go on f o o t / t h e king will go on foot/seven times with all of them'. Further references to ceremonies of transporting statues are also given in K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015, a key text (classed as administrative) which lists concisely various rites which can be identified in more detail in other documents. 4 1 Line 10: k t'rb. cttrt. šd. bt m[lk] 'When 'Attart of the steppe enters the royal palace' (cf. K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:18-22) and in line 11: k t'rbn. ršpm. bt. mlk, 'When the Rašaps enter the royal palace' (cf. K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+, as well as K T U 1.43 = RS 1.005:9ff.). K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256: 42 6 - 9 , where images of the deities (genuine gods and divinized ancestors) are moved around in various cultic installations as part of the dynastic cult, is not exactly of the same type. Another category of ritual actions is that of investiture-enthronement.4:i Here we are referring, for example, to actions described by verbs such as ytb 'to sit (down)' or lbs 'to dress/be dressed' (for the semantic field of clothes or ritual dressing cf. especially azr and nps, as well as other terms) but which, in a religious context, refer to specific ceremonies the details of which are unknown to us. A clear case of royal investiture can be identified, for example, in K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:53-5, sbu. špš whl mlk/w l*[bš]n. spm. w mh[pn]h* t*[t]tbn/b. b*\t\ w km. ity[šu. L] šmmyd[h] 'the sun sets and the king is desacralized and, robed splendidly and with his face cleansed, they shall enthrone him (lit. they shall make him return) in the palace and once there, he shall raise his hands towards the sky'. 44 Although it mentions the royal throne, the expression 'and at night the throne is prepared' alludes to a ritual action which is not completely clear in K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+:26~8 (w III tcr[k] ksu). Important moments in the liturgies, apparently without involving blood, can be recognized in the invocations, recitations and prayers (cf. for example dn (?), nsa + yd, pth. + yd (?), sh, qra, šr), in acts of divination and oracles (phy (?), rgm, šr, ttb + rgm, etc.) and in expiation rites (cf. K T U 1.40 + 84 + 121 + 122 + 154 = RS 1.002, cited already and marked by its peculiar structure and lexicon).

1979; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 173-7 = 1999, 257-64. Rites to be celebrated in the month of tjyr (likewise K T U 1 . 1 0 5 = RS On the passage quoted cf. X E L L A 1 9 8 8 . 43 D E L O I . M O L E T E 1992a, 96 = 1999, 1 4 1 . 44 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5. 41

42

XELLA

24.249).

Finally, a m o n g the ritual actions, communal meals can be mentioned (cf. what has been said above concerning dbh and šlmrrì) which frequendy acquire religious significance, and include the consumption of drinks (specified by terms such as kly, Ihm, nsl (?), (db, Cšr, sty), either as a convivial occasion which joins together men, the gods and the spirits of the ancestors, or else as a ritualized and regulated occasion where food (especially meat) is eaten. As for the sacrificial material, 45 in rites involving blood, the offerings of animals were substantially similar to those known in the other religious traditions of the ancient N e a r East. T h e animals offered most frequently are bovidés (the ox, alp, the bull, tr, the cow, gdlt, lit. 'female head of cattle'), ovines, denoted genetically as sin (the ram, i, the sheep, dqt, lit. 'head of small catde' or tat, she-goat, cz), birds, called generically csr, with the dove, ytnt or the turtle-dove, tr specified. However other kinds of animals also occur such as donkeys, V and also fish, dg. Besides complete animals, the various parts of the victim were offered, limbs and entrails (ap, nps, lb, kbd, mtnt are the easiest to identify) as studied in detail by G. del O l m o Lete. 46 Animal offerings are certainly not the only ones attested in the Ugaritic rituals and several times gifts were dedicated to the gods either of vegetables such as wine (yn), oil (šmrì), e m m e r (ksm), flour (qmh) honey (nbt), or else of precious metals such as silver (ksp) and gold (}}rs) or even objects in c o m m o n use including articles of clothing and crockery.

1.4

The role of the king

By now it is well known that the king had a role of particular importance within the Ugaritic cult and was by far the principal officiant. 47 T h e texts of Ugarit, in fact, show not only how the palace has control over the personnel appointed to the cult but how the king himself is often the main celebrant within a liturgy and how frequently the ceremonies take place in locations and internal buildings actually within the royal palace. Moreover, the importance of the dynas-

45 Cf., for example, 1999, 40-2.

1980, 31-54;

DEL O L M O L E T E

1992a, 32~3 =

L E T E 1989b. 1984; Y O N 1985; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 115-95 = 1999, 166-291; L E T E 1993b; A B O U D 1994, 123-92.

4,1

DEL OLMO

47

HEALEY

DEL O L M O

DE T A R R A G O N

tic cult together with the veneration of the divinized royal ancestors has emerged as one of the most typical aspects which characterize the religion of Ugarit in a peculiar symbiosis between the living a n d the d e a d for the c o m m o n good. 4 8 T h e high n u m b e r of rituals f o u n d in Ugarit testify to a series of liturgies where the ritual actions clearly refer to the king, expressed frequently by the use of fixed 'ritual formulae' which indicate his state of (ritual) purity a n d refer to special m o m e n t s in the day. 49 T h e best known and best attested form of ritual action where the king is seen as the protagonist is the one concerning his ritual purification. This must certainly have been achieved by means of special ablutions, expressed by the f o r m u l a yrths mlk bn 'the king washes < a n d is> purified'. This formula often introduces a series of ceremonies in which the king takes part, at the close of which there occurs, connected with nightfall or sunset (sba/u špš, crb špš) the further formula whl mlk 'and the king is desacralized'. T h u s the purification of the king seems to be a prerequisite for him to be able to p e r f o r m , assist at or take part in the ritual (cf., for example, K T U 1.119 = R S 2 4 . 2 6 6 : 4 - 6 ; K T U 1.112 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 6 : 1 0 - 5 , etc.). A n o t h e r series of 'formulae' which are quite similar to each other even if not exactly identical, allude to the king's role in oracle practice (mlk brr rgm y ttb/rgm y ttb mlk bn, ttb rgm whl mlk) probably acting as mediator for the replies a n d always in conditions of ritual purity. 0 " T h e r e are m a n y other examples of the sovereign being involved in the cult. A m o n g the most i m p o r t a n t a r e K T U 1.119 = R S 2 4 . 2 6 6 : 1 3 - 4 in which 'the king sacrifices in the temple of ΕΓ, or K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 2 b + ' W h e n the king sacrifices in the hmn (i.e. the palace chapel)'; the king takes part in processions, as in K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005:23-5, cited already; a cantor has to sing in front of the king, w h o has his h a n d s spread out: K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+: 15-7; the king's throne is p r e p a r e d at night, probably to allow him to be seated d u r i n g the p e r f o r m a n c e of nocturnal rites: K T U 1.106 = R S 2 4 . 2 5 0 + : 2 7 - 8 , a n d so on.

48

Restated by D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 130 4 = 1999, 192-8 (in respect of K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126) and passim, where five whole chapters (3- 6) are devoted to the religion and cult of the king. 4 " X E L L A 1984c. 50 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 22 = 1999, 24.

T h e ceremony described at the end of K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003:505 is particularly interesting; here the cultic role of the king is very obvious: the rite, which is still difficult to identify exactly, is performed in the month of rišyn and takes place on the terrace of the royal palace (it is less likely that it was a temple); it exhibits remarkable similarities with the H e b r e w ritual of the New Year which was also celebrated on the day of the full moon in the first month of the year, at the season of the wine harvest, with the construction of huts. 52 51

Also worthy of mention is the possible sacred marriage ceremony mentioned in K T U 1.132 = R S 24.291, studied again recently (with new proposals) by Dietrich and Mayer, 5 3 in which it seems that the union of the king with the goddess Pidrayu was celebrated. She was the daughter of Baal and evidently must have embodied the ideal wife at the highest level. 54 Besides the rites in which the king took part, the locations where the liturgy took place were often included within the palace complex and the chapels attached to it. O n e of the places in which ritual actions involving the king's presence were often performed is the hmn, undoubtedly a chapel reserved for the royal and dynastic cult, a raised and covered structure, a sort of earthly projection of the heavenly dwelling, which forms part of the royal palace and was used chiefly for the royal dynastic cult. 55 T h e r e are other places in which the rituals were performed and probably must have belonged to the king's residence such as the 'terrace' (gg) mentioned above or the 'garden' (gn). This second term, which is also a name for a m o n t h in the Ugaritic calendar when an impressive n u m b e r of ceremonies are performed, is already attested in the texts from Ebla' 6 and denotes a cultic area inside the royal palace which was a sort of cemetery, the location for funerary rites intended for the ancestors and the chthonian deities. 37

51

Lines 50-55 of this tablet are separated from lines 1-49. Only the latter have a duplicate in K T U 1.87 = RS 18.056. 52 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5. 53 D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1996a; cf. the new proposal to read bb*t mlk instead of bit mlk in line 3. 54 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 1 4 3 = 1999, 212. 55 D E L O L M O L E T E 1984d; X E L L A 1991, I69ff. and passim. 5,I X E L L A 1995c. 57 Cf. for example S P R O N K 1986; L E W I S 1989; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 149-56 = 1999, 219-32. For a more reserved critical attitude cf. VAN DER T O O R N 1991.

T h e reference to gn brings us to the ceremonial role of the king in his capacity as principal celebrant, a role exercised even more within the funerary cult in honour of the dead and deified kings of the dynasty. This fundamental aspect of Ugaritic religion is attested in a whole series of indications and texts (three, in particular K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252, K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257 and K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 which, although their general meaning and many details are still disputed, throw considerable light on the phenomenon which seems to be peculiar to the Syrian region). T h e first of these documents ( K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252) 58 seems in fact to attribute to the dead king the title of rpu mlk clm 'Rapiu, eternal king' (lines 1 and 21-22). Unfortunately, the break and the theoretical possibility of attributing the title rpu to a god (in this case Baal) rather than to the king makes the interpretation of the whole text very uncertain. K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257 (see § 7.2) is a clear testimony that the dead kings were considered as divine. Lastly, K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 59 is introduced as is known as the 'liturgy of sacrifice of the shades [= protective spirits]' (spr dbh zlm), i.e. a 'libretto' of the funeral celebration which was performed to accompany the descent of the dead king into the underworld. T h e liturgy begins with the invocation of the Rapiuma, the ancestors belonging to the dynasty, after which we are present at a lament with a ritual meal followed by the c o m m a n d given by the goddess Šapaš to the dead king (here probably Niqmaddu III, line 26) to descend into the underworld. T h e text then continues with the sacrifice of a bird (probably as an offering for the dead king) performed seven times and it ends with a propitiatory blessing of well-being towards the king, the ruling house and the whole city of Ugarit. It is precisely this final blessing which shows us the purpose of the cult of the ancestors which the Ugaritic kings carried out: it expresses in fact the concern for obtaining prosperity, protection and oracular responses 1 '" from the Rapiuma, fittingly honoured for that purpose. 61 Finally, it can be noted that the role of the royal house in Ugaritic liturgy does not seem to have been strictly confined to the king. 1988b, 75-118; ( C A Q U O T - ) DE T A R R A G O N (CUNCHILLOS) 1989, 1 1 1 - 8 ; 1992a, 126-30 = 1999, 184-92, W Y A T T 1998C, 395-8. 59 D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 130-4 = 1999, 192-8, with previous bibliography. See also W Y A T T 1998C, 4 3 0 - 4 1 . 60 T R O P P E R 1989a; L O R E T Z 1993. 61 T h e 'minimalist' position recently adopted by P A R D E E 1996a, 281 does not seem completely justified. 58

PARDEE

DEL O L M O L E T E

Already K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256 studied above shows that the whole royal family took part in ritual actions. In addition, K T U 1.170 = R I H 7 8 / 1 1 , even in a broken context, seems to show the existence of a sacrifice carried out by the queen, which is confirmed by the administrative text K T U 4.149 = R S 15.039:14-6 which records quantities of wine for the sacrifice by the queen on sown field.62

1.5

Other cult personnel

Besides the foreground role performed by the king as officiant, we also know of other personnel appointed to the cult even if, surprisingly enough, neither khnm nor rb khnm ever feature in the ritual texts, apart from a the doubtful reference to a 'throng of priests', tltt khn[m], in the second broken incantation against serpents' venom, K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251 + : 18. Otherwise note can be taken of a 'cantor', sr, in K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+: 15, a qdl χη K T U 1.112 = R S 24.246:21, a category which can perhaps be defined as 'purifiers', mhllm in K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266:23, whereas a certain exorcist termed mihi is the h u m a n protagonist in the great incantation against serpents, K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244. All this personnel belongs to the category of dependents of the royal house (bnl mlkf3 and therefore, strictly speaking, a class of priests independent of the king is not attested in Ugarit. 64 T h e rare mention of personnel with religious functions in the cultic texts is partly completed by references which can be derived from the administrative and economic texts, 65 although there is no mention of their cultic duties. In this category of documents we find several references to 'priests', khnm (in the Akkadian texts: l u . m e s s a n g a ) ; individually or collectively, in 'community', dr khnm ( K T U 4.357 = R S 18.046:24), with their 'chief' rb khnm (in the Akkadian texts: l ù . u g u l a 66 s a n g a ) , a title which occurs also on the famous hatchets and in the colophon to the 6th tablet of the Baal cycle mentioned above.

62

Already noted in X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 1 4 9 . Cf. for example H E L T Z E R 1982, 131-9; LIPINSKI 1988. 64 According to the colophon of the tablet K T U 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 55-7, even the high priest Attanu-prln was a dependent of king Niqmaddu, albeit at the highest level. T h e title nqd can be related to the cult only hypothetically. 63

65

DEL

66

See most recently

OLMO

LETE -

SANMARTIN BORDREUIL

1998, 1998.

176-84.

T h e r e are also the 'consecrated ones', qdšm, for w h o m a divinatory function has also been proposed, hypothetically, 67 and then the 'singers', šrrn, personnel connected in various ways with music in the cult and perhaps also outside the cult and lastly the 'water carriers of the sanctuary', šib mqdšt, a function which has parallels in the Hebrew world, in Hcllenistic-Roman Syria and elsewhere.

1.6

The times of the celebrations

As is almost the general rule in the ancient Near East, the calendar 6 8 of Ugaritic liturgical celebrations is based on the lunar cycle and therefore the days in which the cult takes on greater importance are evidently at the beginning or middle of the month, corresponding to the new moon (ym hdt, i.e. the first day of the month) or the full moon (ym mlat, i.e. the fifteenth day of the month). O n these days great sacrifices are carried out, accompanied by the usual rite of purification of the king, as shown for example by K T U 1.46 = RS 1.009, K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253 and K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+. However, there are also other liturgies for other days of the month, often in 'weekly' cycles (i.e. a quarter of a month), but also on several other days of the month. And then some rites took place in the evening or at night, as can be deduced from the indications I II and Ipn II. With regard to the annual cycle of the cult, however, unfortunately we are not yet completely certain of the exact sequence of the months of the Ugaritic calendar since the local names are considerably different from the standard names of Mesopotamian tradition. And comparison with what we know of the months of various Eblaite calendars from over a millennium earlier does not help much either. Some scholars have tried to reconstruct a particular seasonal liturgical sequence on the basis of the mythological texts, 69 but this attempt has not been accepted by scholars. As far as the strictly ritual texts is concerncd, we know of liturgical texts related to certain

S A N M A R T I N 1 9 9 8 , 1 8 0 - 1 . On the root cf. X E L L A 1 9 8 2 . 1980, 17-30; D E L O I . M O L E T E 1992a, 2 2 - 4 = 1999, 2 4 7 ; C O H E N 1993, 3 7 7 8 3 ; A R N A U D 1993b. For chronological indications to the cult which can be obtained from the economic and administrative texts cf. DEL O L M O L E T E - S A N M A R T I N 1998, 186-8. 6fl Especially DE M O O R 1971. Cf. also DE M O O R 1972 and 1988a. 67

DEL OLMO

68

DE

LETE -

TARRAGON

specific m o n t h s such as the m o n t h s of ib'lt ( K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266:1-17), nql ( K T U 1.138 = R S 24.298) and hyr, the second m o n t h of spring corresponding to A p r i l / M a y ( K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249 and K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256). In addition we are acquainted with the ritual of the m o n t h of ris yn ( K T U 1.41 = R S 1 . 0 0 3 / K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056). This last m o n t h ('first of the wine') fell in the time of the wine harvest and corresponded to the month S e p t e m b e r / October; it was probably the beginning of the cultic year in Ugarit. Its ritual, with an extremely long list of sacrifices, is marked by an initial and highly symbolic offering of a bunch of grapes, undoubtedly to be understood as firstfruits, to the god El.

1.7

The places for the celebrations

T h e Ugaritic liturgy certainly did not only take place in the temples. In fact the ritual texts mention several sacred places, some of which have been confirmed from archaeology whereas others still remain unidentified. 70 For reasons of completeness it is necessary to note, however, that certain 'cult places', identified on the basis of archaeological evidence, actually have no equivalents in the specific terms of the ritual texts. 71 T h e temple of Baal, identified with one of the two great temples on the acropolis, takes on a foreground role in the ritual texts ( K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266; K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249:19; K T U 1.104 = R S 24.248:13; K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:11), a n d also in the mythological texts (especially K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+; but see also K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] i 31). It is built on a platform which is approached by means of a monumental stairway; it comprises a vestibule which comes before the naos (or inner cella) and, in the southwest corner, is preceded by a structure which can be explained as the holy of holies. In front of the entrance, within the court surrounding the sanctuary to the south, there is a structure measuring 2 x 2 metres, usually explained as an altar (it is thought that it may be the altar

70

The first of these is the so-called sanctuary of the Hurrian gods close to the royal palace, the nature and cultic function of which seem to be certain; the second is the so-called sanctuary of the rhyta, located in the residential area of the city; cf. Y O N 1 9 9 6 . 71 On cult places in Ugarit cf. generally Y O N 1984; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 2 4 - 8 = 1999, 27-34; DE T A R R A G O N 1996; DEL O L M O L E T E - S A N M A R T I N 1998, 184-6.

mentioned in K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+:41 mdbh b'l). It is interesting to note that the raised structures mentioned as the 'tower of Baal of Ugarit' ( K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266:12) and the 'terrace' (gg in K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+:50), where sacrifices were offered, are probably confirmed from archaeology by the enormous width of the foundation walls of the temple of Baal and in the purported existence of a stairway on the eastern side of the temple. Archaeology has brought to light a second great temple on the acropolis. Due to the finding of the two inscribed stelae K T U 6.13 = RS 6.021 and K T U 6.14 = R S 6.028 in its vicinity, it has been considered as dedicated to the god Dagan. However, unfortunately the Ugaritic ritual texts never mention a temple of Dagan, 7 2 so that it seems more reasonable to attribute this temple to the god El in agreement with the evidence from the ritual texts K T U 1.87 = RS 18.056:42 and K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266:13-4 and with the mythological texts K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ i 3 1 - 2 and K T U 1.5 = R S 2. [022]+ iv 21. This temple also, like the other one dedicated to Baal, is built on a platform, has massive foundations which suggest the existence of a very high upper storey and is subdivided into a vestibule and a cella. Besides these temples which have been identified archaeologically, the ritual texts also mention the temple of Ilat ( K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:24 mdbh bt ilt 'altar of the temple of Ilat') and the 'temple of the lady of the high t e m p l e s ' (ibid. 37 [b]t b'lt bt[m rmm]). Unfortunately, nothing worthwhile can be said about these two temples given that the context provides nothing useful regarding their description. From the texts in prose we know of the existence of a temple dedicated to El (cf. above on the hypothesis regarding Dagan), a temple to 'Attart ( K T U 4.216 = R S 16.165:2), a temple of Rašapgn (ibid, line 3) and other sacred structures dedicated to Iiis ( K T U 4.781 = R I H 8 3 / 2 8 + 31 + 8 4 / 1 5 + 26:2) and to the unknown deity dml (the letter K T U 2.26 = RS 16.264:6). Besides the temple structures, a whole series of names of other specific places of cult are known. T h e most important of these is the hmn, which has already been mentioned, i.e. the palace chapel dedicated chiefly to the dynastic cult (and comprising perhaps qdš, c ly and kbm, i.e. a small sacred area, steps and other unidentified 72 Cf. N I E H R ing in KTU1.

1994,

and on

K T U

1.104

=

RS

24.248:13

cf. also the new read-

structures). But there are also other places about which nothing certain is known, such as the 'garden' (gn) already mentioned, cited for example in K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+:22~3, or else the gb ('sacrificial pit'?, 'cistern' ? or 'platform' ?, cf. K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005:1-2), the urbt, the cgml, the gb and others as well (such as the 'tower' mgdl, the 'staircase' (?) m'lt, etc.). In spite of the lacunae and the uncertainties, the combined use of textual, archaeological and comparative data makes the ritual system of Ugarit certainly the best known within west Semitic religions with the prospects of further knowledge in connection with excavations which continue uninterruptedly.

2

T h e

Offering

Lists

and

Gregorio

del

O l m o

2.1

the

G o d

Lists

Lete

Introduction

T h e 'list' as a literary form is well known in the scribal practice of the ancient N e a r East 1 and is well represented in its archives. T h e s e provide us with canonical series which comprise a sort of universal encyclopaedic vocabulary arranged by theme, together with other lists of similar origin. These lists, which come from administrative archives, record different products a n d items that ' c o m e into' or 'leave' the public warehouses, evidently for the purposes of accounting. In principle, their fate is irrelevant as far as accounting goes, which m e a n s that there is no need for a special category for recording products intended to be consumed in the cult as sacrificial victims. In fact, in the archives of Ugarit, such account records occur mixed together with others which have all kinds of destinations ( d e l O l m o L e t e - S a n m a r t i n 1998). However, we are able to identify t h e m and given their syntactic structure, consider them to be cultic texts. This structure is set out as the attribution of an offering to a divine recipient following various grammatical models ( d e l O i . m o L e t e 1992a, 1 3 20 = 1999, 11—21 ); such an attribution implies a cultic action even though its model does not need to be m a d e explicit. As a result, in their simplest form these texts a p p e a r as a series of two juxtaposed lists, one of offerings a n d the other of gods. T h e y can be analysed separately or in relation to each other, in both cases providing some information on the development of cultic practice in this community. It is clear that in such a case the 'list of gods' determines the origin and a r r a n g e m e n t of the ritual, either implying the existence of cultic p a n theons or using other p a n t h e o n s which originated outside the cult. In terms of administration, t h o u g h , the i m p o r t a n t element is the record of offerings. However, this concise form of cultic list is not the only one; there are others which supply information a b o u t the m o m e n t , place or

1

OPPENHEIM

1 9 7 7 , 244FF.; L A M B E R T 1 9 5 7 - 7 1 , 4 7 3 - 9 ; C A V I G N E A U X 1 9 8 0

3,

609-41.

type of cultic act, even providing descriptions of it, which suggests that at least some of these texts are rather more than mere account 'records' ( d e T a r r a g o n 1995a, 104). Even so, in principle the references to the recipient or sacred m o m e n t of offering, even to the rite, seem to have the purpose of merely certifying or justifying delivery, issue or expense in the accounts, just like their civil counterparts concerning the moment or method of a business transaction. Thus, they do not seem to be accounts which strictly tabulate items but rather they all seem to be tinged with contextual references. This is possibly connected with the formation and function of the scribe, Quite often the development of these facts takes on an informative value which transcends mere accounts and becomes a more or less schematic description, in space and time, of a complex cultic action. Given the importance of the cult in ancient cultures, it is legitimate therefore to suppose that these texts were produced as meta-economic texts, with their own sacral meaning, and have been analysed as such. 2 Keeping this in mind, it is often quite difficult to determine when the text is merely a list for accounts (list) and when it is descriptiveprescriptive (ritual). It all depends on what is implied by the information as a whole. Here we shall discuss basically texts which seem to be pure lists or largely lists, i.e. in which the other information can be considered (merely) circumstantial. Texts which lie outside this frame of reference are left to be analysed as a whole as rituals, i.e. examples of the liturgy of Ugarit, and from them we shall extract here only the series of offerings and divine names they provide. O n the other hand, these elements (offering and recipient) which are supplied together in the lists mentioned, could be recorded quite separately. This happens especially in the pantheons or n a m e lists of gods, whereas the possible lists of products or offerings can easily be camouflaged a m o n g texts which we consider to be strictly administrative if there is no indication of their use or purpose (del Olmo

2

Lete

-

Sanmartin

1998,

192-4).

This has been the approach adopted by us (DEL and earlier by DE T A R R A G O N 1980 and X E L L A 1981.

OLMO

LETE

1992a = 1999),

2.2

God Lists

We shall begin with the lists of gods, given the importance this literary form acquired in ancient near Eastern religion: from the beginning, the principal entities to be listed were the gods. These lists could have functioned merely as templates with which to fill the records of delivery or lists of offerings, but they also undoubtedly had a meaning transcending their practical use. This is suggested by the n u m b e r of copies that were made and their translation into Akkadian, as we shall see below in connection with List A of the gods. This is a process of systematization which combines profession of faith in the divine person with the invocation of his name, elements basic to all ancient Near Eastern religions. Apart from the 'List Αηιΐ, which is arranged in the Mesopotamian style and so is foreign, there were at least two indigenous lists, originating in a different period and a different ideology, both translated into Akkadian and occurring together in the cult in the lengthy text K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643 ( P a r d e e 1997b, 67-71). T h e palace shared in this religious process of systematic theology in respect of the divine universe providing its own 'pantheon', also for cultic use. Besides these and other name-lists or exempt lists we shall provide next those to be found in ritual contexts, sacrificial and non-sacrificial. 2.2.1 2.2.1.1

Lists of divine names T h e List Ann

T h e Ugaritic fragments of this classic list of Mesopotamian gods copy their model faithfully and are a witness to how venerable and widespread they were throughout the ancient N e a r East, no doubt together with the school tradition of the literature of lists. However, as such, they provide nothing new or important about the religion of Ugarit. For that topic we refer to the bibliography. 3 More important as part of the same scholarly tradition is the information provided by the polyglot vocabularies since they allow us to trace the equivalences made in Ugarit between the Sumerian-Akkadian and

3

On the Mesopotamian list Anu in general cf. the fundamental article by W E I D N E R 1929 and the bibliography provided later by B O R G E R 1975, I I I 64-5; also L I T R E 1958. For this list in Ugarit cf. N O U G A Y R O L 1968a, 2 1 0 - 3 0 , 246 9, 324. Another new fragment has been published by A R N A U D 1982a.

Hurrian pantheons and their own; however little of the text has been preserved ( N o u g a y r o l 1968a, 246-9). 2.2.1.2 List A ( K T U 1.118 = RS 24.268+, K T U 1.47 = RS 1.017, K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, R S 20.24) T h e basic text of the principal or canonical list (A) is K T U 1.118 = R S 24.268+, whereas K T U 1.47 = RS 1.017 which has the addition of il spn at its beginning, is very damaged, and can be reconstructed from the other text. O n the other hand, the good condition of the Akkadian text RS 20.24, a version of the previous text, is of inestimable value for determining what the Ugaritic names/epithets mean and their relation to the Mesopotamian pantheon ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1986a, 293-9; H e a l e y 1985, 115-23; 1988a, 103-12). In turn, K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:1-9 confirms the fixed character of this canonical sequence in the cultic domain: its first nine lines give us a simple listing of the gods of List A, followed by the victim allotted them in the festival of Sapunu (cf. below). This first section is repeated in lines 10-12 as a sort of summary, in accordance with the two sets of offerings required by the šrp wšlmm ritual. RS

20.24

DINGIR a-bi Hum*"m ci da-gan A adad be-el huršān ha-zi A adad II A adad III A adad IV d adad V A adad V I A adad V I I D

IDIM

A

Ù IDIM

sa-sú-ra-tum A sin A l}uršan ha-zi A é-a %é-bat A aš-ta-bi d huršanumrì u a-mu-tu[m] aš-ra-tum A a-na-tum A šamaš

K T U

1.118

ilib il dgn b'l spn b'lm b'lm b'lm b'lm b'lm b'lm ars wšmm kt[r]t \y)rh [s]pn kir pdry 'ttr grm w\'mqt] WW 'nt špš

1.47

1.148:1-9

il spn [il spn] ilib [ilib] i[l] il dgn [dgn] b'l spn b'l spn] b'lm b'lm b'lm [b'lm] b'lm b'lm b'lm [b]'l[m] [b]'lm [b'lm] [b'l\m [ars] wšmm ars wšmm [ktr]t klr[t] yrb Μ] spn [spn] klr m pdry [pdry] m [grm w'mqt] grm w'mqt atrt [alrt] 'nt M špš [špš]

d

al-la-tum iš-ha-ra d is'tar"lm HlāmT* til-la-ad Aadad d nergal d dá-ad-mi-iš d pu-lfur ilānimes d tāmtum d

dDU(

dgis d

'BUR.ZI.NÍG.NA

ki-na-rum

MA.LIK.MEŠ

d

sa-li-mu

arsy ušhry 'ttrt il t'dr b'l r[Š]p ddmš phr ilm ym utht km mlkm šlm

[a]rsy [u]šhry ['] ttrt il t'dr b'l ršp ddmš phr ilm ym knr mlkm Ilm

arsy 'ttrt ušhry il 't'dr b'l ršp ddmš phr ilm ym utht (k]nr

Leaving out the addition of the reinterpretative title (il spn), the structure of this list provides the following elements: a) It begins with a 'triad' which to some extent defines the personality of the s u p r e m e god u n d e r three cultically distinct epithets: ilib, il, dgn (see also K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271:1-3: ab wilm. . . il. . . il šr dgn . . .). Very probably they suppose a development (il as 'father' of the divine family) of his personality a n d an attempt at combining p a n t h e o n s , as a reflection of myth, portraying Baelu as 'son of Dagānu' a n d considering Ilu to be his 'father' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 56 n. 77 [1999, 74 n. 78] with bibliography). b) A similar process is assumed in the case of Ba'lu a n d (H)ad(a)du, 4 H e is the great C a n a a n i t e god of the second millennium, the protector of Ugarit (b'l ugrt), defined in principle by the attribute of his residence spn, specified by the Akkadian version as '(H)Adad, lord of M o u n t H a z ï . In his sevenfold epithet are concentrated all the m a n y (local) e p i p h a n i e s (b'l ugrt, hlb . . .)} In K T U 1.118 = R S 24.264+, a line separates this group f r o m the following heading. c) T h e descriptive series invoking Ba'lu is followed by a g r o u p of seven deities, h e a d e d by the dual divinity 'Earth a n d H e a v e n ' , a p p a r endy 'chthonian-astral' or cosmic in nature, in chiastic relation (stellar/

4 Akkadian makes a clear distinction between the proper noun Adad (IM) and the common noun be-el, 'lord', which are combined in Ug. b'l (cf. line 4: ''adad be-el t}uršan fra-zi = b'l spn). The Ug. epithet hd of myth is not used here nor is add of ritual (cf. K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474:9), in spite of the Akkadian translation. But it is possible that d IM was not read as AAdad in Ugarit; the Akkadian version is a Ugaritic interpretation (interpretatio) for 'foreigners' (DIETRICH - LORETZ 1981, 67-8). 5 In this context K T U 4.15 = RS 9.469 must be considered, which is possibly a list of local or family epithets (stelae?) of Ba'lu.—On divine 'heptads' in Mesopotamia cf. the bibliography given by BORGER, above, n. 2.

terrestrial deities) with this polar pair which heads the group (ktrt,6 yrh, 'ttr || spn, ktr, pdry). d) T h e next group, again of seven deities, is also headed by the dual name/divinity 'Mountains and Valleys'. It is combined with six goddesses (1 + 6 ) , apparently arranged hierarchically and related to the male gods of the previous groups. This separation of the sexes confirms the absence of 'pairing' in the Ugaritic pantheon. e) T h e last group is different in each of the various texts. T h e most complete list is provided by K T U 1.118 = R S 24.264+ and the Akkadian version, whereas the others omit one or other element. Here too the series is introduced by a composite divine name, 'the helper gods of Ba'lu'. T o it corresponds another composite epithet, 'the assembly of the gods', equivalent to 'the family of Ilu'J At all events, this last group is somewhat of an appendix and possibly contains later additions. In it is developed the process of 'divinizing' objects (utf}t, km) and persons (mlkm).8 T h e final result is a pantheon of 33 divine invocations, excluding the title added in K T U 1.118 = R S 24.264:1 (and K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:1). T h e hierarchical principle governing the composition of this 'god list' is not clear; they do not seem to be arranged according to 'personal' importance. Even so, it is possible to say that the 'canonical list' (A) does in fact include the group of principal gods of Ugarit, exacdy as they appear in myth and the official cult ( K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9]. It represents a mythologizing expansion which tends to make organic distinctions between the gods and at the same time to assimilate other foreign pantheons within its own religious framework, from the multiple cultural influence which affected Ugarit: Amorite, Hurrian, Hittite, Sumerian and Akkadian.

6 This is an overall term for a group of 'seven' deities, as we know from K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194:47-50 (DEL O I . M O LETE 1991, 74-5). 7 Cf. K T U 1.123 = RS 24.271:32 which refers to drm ilm, 'the two divine families' (?); K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002:25 and par.; and K T U 1.65 = RS 4.474:2-3, with its invocation of dr/mpl}rt bn it. 8 In the cult a small reduction of the standard list as it has come down to us in its final form, is evident: from a pantheon of 33/34 epithets it has become a group of 28/29, a number which is 'cultically' determined in K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, in all likelihood, by the clays of the month, as will be apparent in the fifth section (lines 23-45). One b'lm as well as 'ttr, uhtt, mlkm and šlm are omitted and the sequence of ušf)iy and 'ttrt is inverted.

2.2.1.3

List Β ( K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:23-45; R S 26.142)

K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:23-45, instead, provides us with a new list of the il hyr, 'gods of the (month) Hiyaru. W e have no separate Ugaritic version of this text, but it is evidently a fixed and canonical list as is shown by the coincidence of the cultic use with the independent Akkadian version (RS 26.142). As both texts are d a m aged, we lack a complete list of gods. 9 W e now set out both texts arranged in order (the Akkadian text follows the recent reconstruction by A R N A U D 1994, 107-9) a n d their Ugaritic equivalents: RS 26.142 1. dingir [a-bi\ d Ki [à clidim] dingir-[/M4] d Nin.mah x? [ d 5. Da-gan d U Hal-bi d U d hur.sag Ha-zi d 'Iškur' tur d [XX]X 10. [ d hur.]sag Ha-zi [ d É]-a ΓáAš-ta-bv. dBe-el]'šul-ba)-ad-da

K T U 1.148 23. ilib ars wšmm 25. il a/ktrt dgn b'l hlb b'l spn trty yrh spn 30. ktr 'ttr atrt šgr witm ršp idrp ]gšr gl]mt 35

15. 'dingir.meš giš.sag.kul' dingir.meš da-ad-me-na

9

km ] mšr 40. il m[ [...] w thmt [...] xmr [z7] sk[r] \il.d\dm

Interpretation ilib Earth and Heavens Ilu Nin.mah [ ] Dagānu Ba'lu of Halba. Ba'lu of Mount Hazi. Ba'lu the second (?) [£]» (?). [Moun]t Hazi. Ea 'Attaru Atiratu Sagru and Itmu ρ Rašpu of idrp ? The Damsel ? ρ ρ Kināru Mišāru The god of [...] and Tihāmātu Gods of the bolt Gods of Dadmena

As yet unpublished texts may perhaps help complete and identify them (BORP A R D E E 1995, 31). P A R D E E (1992, 167) suggests that K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643 is an incomplete tablet which does not reproduce the full god list RS 26.142.

DREUIL -

DINGIR.MEŠ la-ab-a-na dug bur.zi.ni.naga.t! d giš"ZA.MÍM 20. d U d U d U d d

d

u

Ma-[lik. mes] 25. d D[I

il.lb[n]n

[...] b'lm 45. [....]

Gods of Labana Incense burner (?) Lyre Ba'lu Ba'lu Ba'lu Ba'lu Mali[kuma] ?

In our view this is yet another pantheon used in the cult. As in the case of K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, it is very probable that this is also a modification of an earlier pantheon, reduced to 28 deities, in line with the monthly nature of the ritual. 10 Everything indicates that K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:23ff. is to be considered a ritual connected with the 'funerary' cult of the month of Hiyaru, which is older than the 'festival of Sapunu' (lines 1-9). 2.2.1.4 List C ( K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246; K T U 1.139 = R S 1.001:13-9) W e have to consider the list of gods provided by K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-14 along the same lines (exempt list and cultic use). It is a list (C) used in the cult in K T U 1.139 = R S 1.001:13-9, i.e. this is a standard list not a casual one. Thus, the group of 14/16 deities mentioned there presupposes a selection which in n a m e and number largely agrees with the one provided by the group of texts which we call 'dynastic' (cf. below). 1. il bt ušhry ym.b'l yrf} 5. ktr pdry dqt trt 10. r'sp 'nt f}bly 10

T h e 'month' would only be a pattern, without necessarily implying, on the other hand, a daily celebration in honour of each one of the gods. Also, comparison with RS 26.142:16 suggests correcting ktrt to atrt (nin.mah) in K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:25, so written probably because of the sequence šmm w ars ktrt in list A (but cf. atrt in line 31; Pardee reads [-]-rt).

špš pgr iltm hnqlm yrh kty

This 'list of gods' contains a group of deities exclusive to the quoted texts (trmn, dqt, trt and the epithets cnt hbly, špš pgr, iltm hnqtm; yrh(m) kty also occur in K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271:7), and also includes the major deities of Ugarit [b'l, ym, yrh, ktr, cnt, špš). 2.2.2 2.2.2.1

Lists of names of divine kings List D ( K T U 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28)

T h e dynastic nature mentioned above explains why the list of K T U 1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14 is continued on the reverse of the tablet by another (D) of theophoric names, to which in K T U 1.39 = RS 1.001:19" correspond the references to glmt, bclt bhtm, ins ilm. This suggests that these theophoric names are also divine names, actually of the kings of Ugarit, of their ins ilm, 'divine peoples', of which K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250:3-5 already provides proof (three: ydbil, yaršil, cmtr) as recipients of offerings and the colophon K T U 1.6 = R S 2.[009] vi 58 assigns one (yrgb.bcl) to king Niqmaddu of Ugarit. 12 This interpretation, however, has incurred some opposition, although alternative suggestions are not convincing. 13 Consequently, we consider K T U 1.102 = RS 24.246 to be one list or single pantheon which belongs to the dynasty with its gods and divinized dead, which as such (ins ilm, gtrm, rpum) are only listed globally in the c o m m o n standard patheon under the official title of mlkm. These divine names are:

11 Understood in this way, K T U 1.39 = RS 1.001 is a 'generic' royal ritual which closes by invoking the ins ilm, specified in K T U 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28, and as such could be added to it together with the sacrificial element thus supposed, e.g. in K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+:2-5 (gdlt). V1 On K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246 in general cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1968, 594; DE M O O R 1970b, 326-7 (see 1990, 241); H E R D N E R 1978, 3-7; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z SANMARTIN 1975b, 545-6; C A Q U O T 1979b, 1404; S T A M M 1979, 753-8; X E L L A 1981, 328-31; D E L O L M O L E T E 1986a, 282-5; 1987:43-6; 1992a, 117-20 = 1999, 168-75. 13 Cf. P A R D E E 1996b, 273-87; S C H M I D T 1994, 71; 1996, 300; the reply by DEL O I . M O L E T E 1996b, and the counter-reply by P A R D E E 1998b.

15. y(r)gbhd yrgbb'l ydbil yaršil yrgmil 20. 'mir ydbil yrgblim 'mtr yaršil 25. ydbb'l yrgmb'l 'zb'l ydbhd 2.2.2.2

List Ε ( K T U 1.113 = R S 24.257)

A supplementary text, possibly with a similar pattern to the one cited, is K T U 1.113 = R S 24.257 on the reverse of which (lines 13-26) we have the list (Ε) of the proper names of the (dead) kings of the dynasty of Ugarit. 14 It reflects the same royal ideology as supposed in the previous text, providing us with the list of 'personal' names of the kings of Ugarit preceded by the determinative il. It is, therefore, a classification of them as 'divine beings' or divinized beings, 15 as already dead of course, and reigning in the 'Underworld', for we have no indications that the kings of Ugarit were deified in their lifetime, in spite of the possible proleptic use of these names while a king was still alive. T h e reverse seems to be a hymn or evocation, whereas the obverse is a text divided into two columns, as is evident from the traces of a double vertical line before the last lines on the right. T h e text has been studied in detail by Kitchen and interpreted as a 'rising' or

14

Cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1962, 94~5; 1968. 561-2; K I T C H E N 1977, 131-42; X E L L A 1981, 288-91; D E L O L M O L E T E 1987a, 47-9, 68; 1992a, 121-3 = 1999, 176-80; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1983a, 496f.; P A R D E E 1988b, 165-78; L E W I S 1989, 47-52; Y O U N G E R 1997, 356-7; W Y A T T 1998C, 399-403. 15 An interpretation opposed to the divinization of kings, following an earlier proposal by Liverani, is defended by S C H M I D T 1994, 67fT.; 1996, 289-304; however cf. P A R D E E 1996, 276. L E W I S 1989, 49ff., instead, suggests a weakened 'divinization' of the kings of Ugarit which in our opinion does not do justice to all the ritual texts which give abundant evidence of the cult of dead kings and their entry into the 'pantheon', though this does not necessarily mean they were worshipped as the 'great' gods were; nor were the other 'minor' gods of the pantheon worshipped in that way either.

'retrograde' list of the kings of the Ugaritic dynasty, starting with the predecessor of 'Ammurāpī, the last king of Ugarit, under whose c o m m a n d this list of divinized ancestors was drawn up. Inevitably, the various possible reconstructions of the text leave a wide margin for hypotheses and there is no use trying to insist on any particular one. T h e text is as follows: 12. [ [ [ 15. [ [

[ [il [il 20. [il [il [il [il [

25. [ [

] ] ]

'mttm]r nqm\ d arhi]b[ nq]mpC[ 'mt]tmr nq]md ] ]

¥

]xx[ ] il 'm]ttmr il n]qmp' il Cmpi il ibm il/drd il tiqmp' il ibm i]l 'mrpi il] nqmpC il ibm il nqmp' il ibm il nqmd il yqr

Elsewhere we have suggested reading this list in descending order. T h e left-hand column, which ended with the historical sequence Ar-H alba/Niqmepac/cAmmittamru/Niqmaddu (lines 2 4 - 2 6 are written on the edge) continued with the last three names on the right which corresponded to the last three kings of Ugarit Ibiranu/Niqmaddu/ Taqaru, with the last name applied to the ruling king, CAmmurāpi, bearer of the dynastic seal inscribed with that name. 1 6 Each king is the 'new' Yaqaru,]1 in this case the last sovereign of Ugarit. Even so, we do not know the structure of the names in the left-hand column and their possible relationship to those on the right. 16

Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 123 = 1999, 179. See also the new combined reading of both columns and their comparison with the names of K T U 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28, proposed by DE M O O R 1990, 2 4 0 - 1 . For a general discussion of these matters cf. A B O U D 1994, 3-11. 17 Cf. N O U G A Y R O L 1955, X L X L I I I ; L I V E R A N I 1962, 137; C A Q U O T 1978a, 574f.; X E L I A 1983, 404; R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1979, 155-6.; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 123 = 1999, 179. This in turn would explain why the determinative il is placed before yqr and not before the personal name of the ruling king, which would imply some 'divinization' in his lifetime. T h e king would undoubtedly be supposed as having divine 'character' in his lifetime, at least for reasons of protocol and in anticipation as is apparent from K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 9 1 1 , 20-3, and from his epithets adn (ilm rbm), b'l (?) and trmn (cf. K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] vi 58).

2.2.3

Lists which are litanies of gods' names

A couple of texts, which seem to be prayers in the form of litanies, each provide lists of divine names which are completely strange in respect of their formal characteristics and the sequence of epithets, which also seem unrelated to each other. Whereas the first list keeps to the list of known deities, the other list has a series of divine names otherwise unknown in Ugaritic literature. Perhaps this is an expression of social religion which lies outside the 'official' systematic arrangement. K T U

1.65

il bn il dr bn il mphrt bn il tkmn wšnm il watrt il hš il add b'l spn b'l ugrt il ( 7 )

1.40

ab bn il dr bn il mphrt bn il tkmn wšnm

1.123

il wilm il il šr dgn wb'l tt wkmt yrh wksa yrhm kty tkmn wšnm ktr whss thr wbd 'ttrt 'ttpr šhr wšlm ngh wšrr 'd wšr sdq mšr hn bn il dn kbd wnr

ilqds mlk kbd dil gd[ mr mnmm bmn aryn a^hn tlyn atdb wtr qdš wamn ktr hss il bt il hst ršp ins ilm drm ilm

These texts which are prayers in the form of litanies have a set of characteristics in c o m m o n which are extremely interesting: a) First of all, they all have a clear preference for double invocations, either of the 'construct' type (bel spn) or of the 'copulative' type (il watrt). This predominant use of a particular linguistic construction possibly has cultic reasons and is perhaps connected with the correct use of the ' n a m e ' of the god and his proper match as an expression of his particular personality and therefore of his invocation. This match follows criteria which are not 'matrimonial', apart from a few exceptional cases (il watrt). Criteria of ethnic and functional origin are more prevalent (bcl-dgn, 'nt-'ttrt, yrh-ršp . . .). (DE M O O R 1970a, 227).18

18

On the possible merging of pantheons implicit in such double names cf. DEL L E T E 1992a, 40 = 1999, 52.

OLMO

b) In this type of cultic text there is also a marked persistence of fixed sequences. A text such as K T U 1.65 = R S 4.474, possibly also a 'litany', begins with the same sequence which forms the concluding invocation, repeated 5 or 6 times, of the long expiation text K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002+. It comprises, undoubtedly, a cultic sequence of prayer or general invocation of the supreme god and of all 'his family', the pantheon, in a nutshell, which ends in the first text by the invocation of il watrt, as a suitable literary and genealogical inclusio. More surprisingly, instead, at first is the mention in this series, as a single specific deity (or as separate deities), of tkmn wšnm, about whom we have no exact information, 1 9 although, as is clear from this series, they are connected specifically to the supreme god (cf. K T U 1.114 = R S 24.258:18-9.) and to the pantheon in general. Accordingly, the hypothesis can be put forward that they are 7/m's 'messengers' or 'dioscuroi', in parallel with qdš amn (cf. the reference to both pairs in K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271:26), the messengers of Atirat according to mythology. 2.2.4 2.2.4.1

Cultic lists of gods Lists of gods in sacrificial texts

Most of the cult texts of Ugarit are provided with rubrics which prescribe or describe the sacrificial ritual to accompany the various festivals or days of the month. T h e literary plan (cf. d e T a r r a g o n 1980, 55ff. who analyses the cult vocabulary; for the syntax of the texts and their formulae cf. d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 19ff. = 1999, l l f f . ) is extremely simple and it invariably specifies, as said above, the victim of the offering or sacrifice and the divinity to whom it is offered, together with directions for the ritual to be performed on it, but without spelling out the details. These texts, therefore, comprise the best evidence of the cultic and official pantheon of Ugarit and of the catalogue of gods of liturgical practice in its most generic and popular form: sacrifice. T h e other texts belong to rarer and more specific events (divination, atonement, royal cult). T h e texts considered here are as follows, omitting a long series of fragments which are inconclusive in this respect and add nothing new: K T U 1.39 =

19 They occur in other ritual texts, but are unknown in mythology and in the Canaanite pantheon; cf. P A R D E E 1988b, 195 9.

R S 1.001, K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+, K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005, K T U 1.46 = R S 1.009, K T U 1.48 = R S 1.019, K T U 1.49 = R S 1.022, K T U 1.50 = RS 1.023, K T U 1.81 = R S 15.130, K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056, K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249, K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+, K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253, K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256, K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260, K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266, K T U 1.126 = R S 24.276, K T U 1.130 = R S 24.284, K T U 1.139 = R S 24.300, K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643, K T U 1.162 = R S [Varia 20], K T U 1.163 = R I H 7 8 / 1 4 , K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + , K T U 1.165 = R I H 7 7 / 0 4 + , K T U 1.168 = R I H 7 7 / 1 0 B + , K T U 1.170 = R I H 7 8 / 1 1 , K T U 1.171 = R I H 7 8 / 1 6 , K T U 1.173 = R I H 7 8 / 0 4 (for other fragments cf. X e l l a 1981, 128-68; d e T a r r a g o n 1989, 222-3). Besides the separate lists reproduced above, these cultic texts of Ugarit have preserved for us stable and repeated sequences which presuppose the existence and persistence, at least in the cult, of fixed series of divine names, transmitted in these 'lists of offerings' (cf. below) a n d are thus indirectly 'lists of gods'. However, most, of KTU 1.41/1.87 KTU 1.39 il b'lt bhtm ins ilm t' ils t'm ilhm t'm2i ym ilh ilh ilhm ilhm ilhm ilhm b'l b'l atrt atrt ikmn wšnm tkmn wšnm 'nt 'nt ršp ršp dr il wphr b'l dr il wphr b'l šlm šlm ilhm b'lm ilhm b'lm spn b'l spn glmt ilt mgdl yrh ilt asrm nkl b'lt bhtm ins ilm ilhm špš

KTU 1.41/1.87 'nt il ilhm tkmn wšnm ršp ršp ilh ilhm il tkmn wšnm ilt bt b'l spn spn b'l ugrt ilib [atrt] ridn atrt ins ilm b'l spn b'l ugrt 'ttrt

KTU 1.39 il ilhm tkmn wsnm ršp

KTU 1.39: b'l spn spn b'l ugrt ilib

b'l ugrt 'nt spn

these sequences of recipients of offerings are not fixed a n d seem to be somewhat h a p h a z a r d , although in fact they were not a n d this impression is due to lack of documentation. 2 0 In any case, it is irelevant n o w to call it a 'list' of gods. O n l y in a few cases does the repetition of the sequence in different texts or in different sections within the same text prove it to be normative. In fact, several of t h e m must be split up in different series, as they represent different cultic actions or the repetition of the same action on different days. T h u s we have in K T U 1.41/1.87 = R S 1 . 0 0 3 + / 1 8 . 0 5 6 , K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001 a n d K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253 a significant a n d important list of divine n a m e s (or rather, a set of sub-sets) which we can consider standard in the cult. Apparently, this sequence is related to the ' c o m m u n i o n ' sacrifice (šlmm), which is expressly mentioned. Within this sequence can be noted several repeated sub-sections (e.g. il/h, ilhm, (il), tkmn wsnm || (il), bclt bhtm, ins ilm, (ils), ilhrrì). It is possible that each g r o u p or section of the list belongs to a specific ritual. T h e d a m a g e d condition of the texts makes proof difficult. Smaller sections also occur in other sacrificial texts such as: b'l spn, rmŠ, šlm, b'l spn, spn (cf. K T U 1.46 = R S 1.009:12-5; K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253:5-10; b'l ugrt, ilib, il, b'l, 'nt, spn, pdry (cf. K T U 1.46:16-7; K T U 1 . 1 0 9 : 1 1 - 4 ; cf. DE M O O R 1970a, 221); b'l ugrt, b'l hlb, yrh, 'nt spn, pdr(y) (cf. K T U 1.130 = R S 2 4 . 2 8 4 : 1 0 - 5 ; K T U 1.109:16-8). Yet other sections or even couples are very stereotyped a n d not very relevant, e.g. the beginning of K T U 1.46 or the end of K T U 1.130. Lasdy, some texts such as K T U 1.50 = R S 1.023, K T U 1.81 = R S 15.130 a n d K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266, have completely a n o m alous sequences both f r o m the canonical a n d the cultic points of view. O t h e r s again are too broken for a n y conclusions to be drawn, e.g. K T U 1.48 = R S 1.019, K T U 1.49 = R S 1.022, K T U 1.90 = R S 19.013, etc. As an example of the incongruity of the lists of gods in the ritual texts see some of the sequences provided by the subgroup of texts which, however, as their tenor is royal or of the palace, are to some extent pertinent ( K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005, K T U 1.46 = R S

20

Cf. P A R D E E 1997b, 68: 'les listes divines que l'on peut tirer des rites sacrificiels . . . sont, potentiellement au moins, innombrables', DE M O O R 1970a, 2 0 4 1 6 , provides a table arranging the gods in 38 sets; it is hardly relevant. 21 Other scholars consider the term to denote a generic type of 'offering'.

1.009, K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249, K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+, K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253, K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256, K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260, K T U 1.162 = R S [Varia 20], K T U 1.165 = R I H 7 7 / 0 4 + , K T U 1.168 = R I H 7 7 / 1 0 B + , K T U 1.170 = R I H 7 8 / 1 1 , K T U 1.171 = R I H 7 8 / 1 6 , K T U 1.173 = R I H 78/04). KTU 1.112 b'lt bhtm ins ilm 'ttrt hr gtrm il b'l spn b'l ugrt atrt btbt il msd(?) btbt

1.106 1.105 b'lt bhtm rsp b'l 'rkm ins ilm btbt ydb il b'l yarš il 'mtr spn ršp bbt ršp ins ilm ins ilm ršp mlk pdry b'lt bhtm ilm ars ktr arsy

T h e r e is no fixed group seen above, ushr, bbt, hlmi, qlh ( K T U 1.43 = R S ( K T U 1.105 = RS R I H 78/16); ršp, 19.015:14-5).

1.43 ('ttrt) il(m) ktr (gtrrrì) špš yrh gtr 'nt špš yrh gtr ilt bt gtrm 'ntm 'ntm šlm(?) ušfyiy(?)

1.115 ušhr hlmz bbt il bt hlmz qlh il bt att il bt bbt ushr hlmi qlh

1.139 ilib b'l il t'tr b'l 'ttrt glmt pdry(?)

1.162 ilib z(!)/ b'l dgn yrh ym il t'dr b'l 'nt hbly a$.)rt22 dr il wphr b'l spn

order in these sequences of deities, but as in the within the same text, some sections are repeated: ( K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260); špš, yrh, gtr, 'nt/ilt bt 1.005); and some of two names only: ršp, ins ilm 24.249, K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+, K T U 1.171 = b'lt bhtm(?) ( K T U 1.105; cf. K T U 1.91 = R S

T h e only conclusion in this case is the strong dynastic or palatine nature of these series of deities (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 4 4 - 5 ; 1999, 58-9.). Here also there is the shortened group of the great gods of the official pantheon, not always in dominant position. Arranged hierarchically, we can set them out followed by the index of their frequency: ilib (4), il (5), dgn (2), b'l (5), b'l spn (3), b'l ugrt (1), atrt (3), spn (3), ktr (2), s'ps (2), yrh (3), 'nt (4), 'ttrt (1?), pdiy (2).

22

Cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1 9 9 7 , 164ff. Note that this list agrees both with List A (beginning: ilib, il, b'l, dgn) and the dynastic List C (where dgn, ym, 'nt f}bly are specifically mentioned).

From all this it can be deduced, as was already apparent in the separate lists, that within standard orthodoxy the palace, the royal family, has a special cult of particular or selected deities. Some are dynastic in type and almost all of them are foreign to the original Semitic pantheon of the city; these dynastic gods correspond, perhaps, to what the letters call 'gods of the king/queen'. Others are 'tutelary' deities of the palace and as generic epithets can occur in other rituals as protectors of the 'house' of each of the faithful. Lastly, others still are 'ancestral' and correspond to the cult ancestors. T u r n i n g to the general group of sacrificial texts, their series of divine names have the following features: a) T h e r e is consistency in the heading to the texts, in the main occupied by Ilu, in one or other epithet (il, ilib), followed by Ba'lu in one of his epithets (b'l, b'l spn, spn). b) Starting with the initial position, in any case, the sequence does not always follow the hierarchy expected from mythology (most often it does in the three or four first positions). T h e order is now determined by different criteria from importance and function in the pantheon; perhaps the criteria are patronage and cult specialization. c) T h e absence of a vertical order is also corroborated by the lack of a horizontal one: in these lists there are no sequences of divine 'pairs', a lack already noted in myth. d) Some local epithets retain their meaning in these texts (b'l ugrt, b'l hlb, 'nt hlb, 'nt hlš[?]), as well as b'l spn, 'nt spn from mythology. e) Some deities, who frequently feature in the dynastic and divinatory pantheons in special forms, also appear here (gtr[rri\, 'ttr, 'ttpr, bbt[m], b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), clear testimony to the introduction of the palace cult into the town cult. f ) T h e absence of Môtu as a recipient of sacrifices may be noted, although he is known as a harmful deity against whom one has to take precautions (cf. K T U 1.127 = RS 24.277:29). Statistically, in terms of their occurrence in various literary genres (DE M O O R 1970a, 217; above, n. 20) the principal gods of the culticsacrificial pantheon of Ugarit, those receiving the most offerings are: 1. 2. 3. 4.

ill dgn b'l/hdd 'nt ršp

5. yrh. 6. ktr 1. 'ttr 8. tkmn wsnm

9. 10. 11. 12.

špš šlm ins ilm b'lt bhtm

13. 'ttrt 14. ušhry 15. alrt 16. pdry 17. arsy

2.2.4.2

Lists of gods in non-sacrificial texts

Another series of texts of ritual practice refers to non-sacrificial cultic actions, in which the worshipper addresses a divinity with the word or goes in search of it. These actions may be accompanied by sacrifices, although they remain marginal and these texts do not have the form of stricdy sacrificial offerings to a deity. As they comprise a uniform category, to a certain extent, due to the language or life-setting which they share, it is worth considering the divine recipient of such rituals, although we shall not analyse them in detail. These texts are: K T U 1.40 = R S 1.002+, K T U 1.65 = R S 4.474, K T U 1.78 = R S 12.061, K T U 1.82 = R S 15.134, K T U 1.90 = R S 19.013, K T U 1.96 = R S 22.225, K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244, K T U 1.103+ = R S 24.247+, K T U 1.104 = R S 24.248, K T U 1.107 = RS 24.251+, K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271, K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272, K T U 1.127 = R S 24.277, K T U 1.140 = R S 24.302, K T U 1.141 = R S 24.312, K T U 1.142 = R S 24.323, K T U 1.143 = R S 24.326, K T U 1.144 = R S 24.327, K T U 1.155 = R S 24.654, K T U 1.169 = R I H 78/20. Others in this category (divinatory and oracular) do not mention gods, an extremely important fact, which emphasizes the specific nature of magical liturgy in contrast to sacrificial liturgy. T h e result is as follows, divided into two categories: b) incantation-magic

a) divination-oracle KTU

Ipl ršp

1.78

KTU

1.124

adn ilm(?) dtn dtn

KTU

1.100

(.pi) (phlt) (šps') il b'l dgn 'nt w'ttrt yrh rip 'ttrt ZZ wkmt mlk ktr whss Ihr wslm hm

KTU

1.107

hm( 3) IpI(3)

il whm b'l wdgn 'nt w'ttrt yrh wrsp 'ttr 'ttpr ZZ wkmt mlk b'ttrt ktr whss Ihr wslm

In the divination and oracle texts, as noted above, the scant reference to deities and then basically only in descriptive terms (cf. K T U

1.124 = RS 24.272:2), as granting omens, not as recipients of offerings, is evident, a d a t u m which highlights the importance of 'magical liturgy' in contrast to sacrifice. O n the other hand, texts of magic and incantation, like the litanies discussed above, have a long series of double deities in almost the same sequence. T h e standard double series is given in K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+. This text and K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244 also invoke hrn and špš in a special way, as the principal deities in incantation. Again, the repetitive sequence (partly reflected in K T U 1.123 = R S 24.271; cf. above) exhibits a fixed cultic structure of curse-prayer with possibly a magical and thus unalterable meaning. Several of these couples are already known in mythological literature (šhr-šlm, ktr-f}ss and to some extent, cnt-cttrt, bcl-dgn); others occur determined by cultic-magical use (il-hrn, yrh-rsp); and others still need to be studied more closely to explain the meaning of the relationship ('ttrt-'ttpr, ZZ-kmt; for mlk-bettrt cf. K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252:1-2). Otherwise, apart from these last deities or invocations/epithets, the remainder belong to the mythological pantheon. As a whole, then, the pantheon of these texts is evidently very fixed and sequential, with a preference for 'double' and 'paired' names, as expressed in K T U 1.100 = R S 24.244 and K T U 1.107 = R S 24.251+.

Appendix:

T h e

Lists

of

Hurrian

Gods

T h e influence of Hurrian religious, mythological and cultic tradition in Ugarit is strong and is attested by the many texts written in that language found in various archives ( K T U 1.26 = RS 1-11.[048], K T U 1.30 = R S 1-11.[046]·, K T U 1.32 = R S 1.[066], K T U 1.33 = R S 1.[067], K T U 1.34 = R S 1.[076], K T U 1.35 = R S 1.[069], K T U 1.36 = RS 1 .[070], K T U 1.42 = R S 1.004, K T U 1.44 = RS 1.007, K T U 1.51 = RS 1.027, K T U 1.52 = R S 1.028+, K T U 1.54 = RS 1.034+, K T U 1.59 = RS 1. [049 a], K T U 1.60 = RS 2.[006], K T U 1.64 = R S 3.372, K T U 1.66 = RS 4.474, K T U 1.68 = RS 5.200, K T U 1.110 = RS 24.254, K T U 1.116 = RS 24.261, K T U 1.120 = R S 24.269+, K T U 1.125 = R S 24.274, K T U 1.128 = RS 24.278, K T U 1.131 = R S 24.285, K T U 1.135 = RS 24.295, K T U 1.149 = RS 24.644) as well as some bilinguals, for

example K T U 1.111 = R S 24.255 and K T U 1.132 = RS 24.291, in which the Semitic and Hurrian epithets are mixed ( X e l l a 1 9 8 1 , 303-21; P a r d e e 1997b, 66ff.). Besides this evidence from liturgical practice, the Hurrian pantheon in Ugarit was also known through canonical lists (?), as shown by texts such as K T U 1.26 = R S 1 - 1 1 . [048] (broken; note the attributive m o r p h e m e -d) and is included in others of a ritual nature such as K T U 1 . 1 1 0 = RS 2 4 . 2 5 4 and K T U 1 . 1 1 6 = RS 2 4 . 2 6 1 (cf. K T U 1 . 1 4 8 = R S 2 4 . 6 4 3 : 1 3 - 7 ) . By combining the various series it is possible to sketch out the following list of the Hurrian pantheon exacdy as it was known and used in Ugarit. Little is known about its actual meaning, for which reference may be made to discussion of Hurrian religion. 2 ' It is given here together with a normalized transcription (in Akkadian) ( L a r o c h e 1 9 8 0 ; W i l h e l m 1 9 8 2 = 1 9 8 9 ; for the Hurrian normalisation cf. D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1 9 9 4 , 1 9 9 7 ) . KTU 1.110

KTU 1.116 KTU 1.132 KTU 1.111

in tin/Eni Salanni in atn!Eni attanni il/Ilu ttb/ Teššub/p kdg/ Kušuh irw prz/(?) kmrw/Kumarw/bi

'ttrt tutk kzg in hmn nnt kit nbdg bbt/Bibita tutk/ Sawuška in Ilm in atn il ttb tutk kmrb kzg

iy/E(y)a attb/Aštabi 'nt/'Anatu tmg/ Simike

attb in ard in hmn

in tin hbt šbdr dqt hdn Ijdlr hnng nbdg

in atn il ttb kmrb kdg in prz nkl yrh

tgn kid

in sin il ttb

Ugaritic Pantheon ilib il dgn b'l yrh mlk nkl yrh

kmrb kdg iy iy attb in ard tmg

'ttrt špš

23 Cf. V I E Y R A 1970, 5 3 8 - 6 6 ; V O N S C H U L E R 1965a, 141-215; W I L H E L M 1982, 6 9 - 1 0 5 ('Götter, Mythen, Kulte und Magie') = 1994, 49-76; D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1994, 7 3 - 1 1 2 ; (1995, 7 42); M A Y E R 1996, 2 0 5 - 1 1 ; P A R D E E 1997b, 63-80; D I E T R I C H M A Y E R 1997, 161-81. T h e r e is a great deal of material in the first two volumes in the series Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Winona Lake, IN 1981/1987.

nkl/Nikkalu in ard/(?) nbdg/Nub adig

nbdg 'nt tmg pddph/Pišašaphi hbt/Heb/pat dqt/D/ Taqitu hdn/Hud/ tena hdlr/Hud/ tellura išhr/ Išhara aln/Allani nkl/Nikkalu nnt/Ninatta klt/ Kulitta adm/Adamma kbb/Kubaba

T h e first series of the Hurrian pantheon of Ugarit (in tin, in atn, il, ttb, kmrb, kdg, iwr prz, nkl, tutk) corresponds to the beginning of the Ugaritic canon and in fact represents the group of the great Hurrian gods, repeated with remarkable consistency in K T U 1.110 = RS 24.254:1-5; K T U 1.111 = RS 24.255:3-5, 8 - 1 0 ; K T U 1.116 = RS 24.261:11-4, suggesting a certain established sequence in which the position of certain deities can fluctuate and Sawuška is not always present. T h e mother goddess Hebat is missing. This series, in which Teššub does not occupy a privileged position, is in fact an adaptation of the classical Hurrian pantheon to the canon of Ugarit. A second series (cf. K T U 1.110 = R S 24.254:6-10; K T U 1.111 = R S 24.255:10-2; K T U 1.116 = R S 24.261:14-7) includes the following deities: iy / Eya attb / Aštabi 'nt / 'Anatu in ard / (?) in hmn / (?) tmg / Simegi nbdg / Nubadig

Kotaru(?) 'Attar(t)u 'Anatu (?) (?)

Sapšu

(?)

These two series are completed by the list of gods provided by texts such as K T U 116 = R S 2 4 . 2 6 1 : 1 8 - 2 3 a n d K T U 1.132 = R S 24.291:4-12, already difficult to square with the Semitic pantheon. This is, in principle, a cultic pantheon known from the sacrificial texts. However, the syntax used for listing some of them makes them equivalent to a 'god list'. W e are unable, however, to decide whether

the lists are canonical or simply functional. T h e same problem is presented by K T U 1.42 = R S 1.004, a cultic text in which seventeen repeated records list as many Hurrian deities in this sequence: 1. 2. 3. 4.

in atn il kmrb ttb lb iy kdg

5. 6. 7. 8.

ddmš Íu[k] ]nd attb

9. hdn f}dlr 10. tgrbn pddph 11. tmg 12. irxxi/hdrp

13. cnt 14. ibnkl pdgl 15. nbdg 16. in k[]l/d in trhn in atthn ttb 17. bbt

These are the same gods just quoted but in a different order.

2.3

Lists of offerings

As was noted above, most of the texts labelled as 'cultic' or 'ritual' are really only 'lists of offerings' where the divine recipient is noted. T h e y can thus be considered as administrative accounts which entail descriptive ritual elements. Their classification will be along similar lines to those used before: first we shall consider lists which are independent and then those which form part of more or less complex cultic contexts. We shall only consider data that are certain; disputed or purely hypothetical elements are dealt with in a description of the Ugaritic cult as a whole. 24 2.3.1

Lists without offerings

2.3.1.1 Record of sacrificial material ( K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015, K T U 1.48 = RS 1.019, K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056) a) Perhaps the clearest and purest example of a 'list of offerings', in terms of administration, is provided by K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015. 23 T h e introduction (lines 1-2), specifies the product (yrì) and the occasion of its generic use in the cult (dbh mlk). Next there follows the only example we have of a 'record of rituals' (lines 3-20), referred to by their keyword or brief description of the basic ceremony (del O l m o L e t e 1992a, 174-7; 1999, 2 5 9 - 6 4 , for its identification and comparison with extant rituals). O n the reverse (lines 21-34) are

24

Cf. in general DEL O L M O L E T E 1999, 7-23. Cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1965, 7-10; F I S H E R 1970, 49Iff.; DE M O O R 1 9 7 2 / 1 1 , 26-8; X E L L A 1979, 833; 1981, 335-6; D E T A R R A G O N , 1989, 174-7; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988, 321-2; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 171-7 = 1999, 254-64. 25

noted the places which are to provide the product mentioned, even distinguished as to category (jyn: msb/hsp). T h e final section (lines 35-36) gives the sum total of what has been provided. Although not really a ritual, it provides information about the elements of ritual (time, type, subject, predicate, object/material) and so forms part of the corpus of cultic literature. From it can be deduced clearly, unless the contrary is stated, that everyday wine of ordinary quality, the so-called msb was used even in the cult. As confirmed by the administrative texts ( d e l O l m o L e t e - S a n m a r t i n 1 9 9 8 , 1 9 2 - 4 ) , this was a product normally used in the Ugaritic cult and will again be mentioned in other lists of offerings considered here. Wine to be consumed . . . in the king's 'sacrifices': the 'sacrifice of Sapunu', Ibnm (shall provide) ten ('gallons') of wine hlb gngnt " " three " " of wine bir ( " " ) ten (kdm) of mz[b (wine) and two] kdm of hsp (wine) hpty " " two kdm of m^b (wine) Total (amount of) wine . . .".: sev[enty four kdm], and of hsp (wine): two, as one lot. (KTU 1.91 = RS 19.015:1-4, 21-36) As it is an administrative text, its interest lies in the material and the provider. Even so, it is not possible to be deceived about the value of this type of text. Not only do such texts give information but they also define a fiscal-cultic situation, and as such have prescriptive value, both for what refers to the centres providing material and for its use in the rituals mentioned. As such, the text could belong either to the archive of the civil or palace warehouse, or to the cultic or temple archive. In fact, there was only a single economy in these kingdoms. 26

26

T h e text was found in room 81 of the South-Western archive of the royal palace of Ugarit; cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1 9 6 5 , 7. On the relationship between both administrations in general cf. LIPINSKI 1 9 7 9 .

b) Similarly, K T U 1.48 = R S 1.019 27 records one material for offering, in this case 'birds' (csrm), intended for a particular type of sacrificial ritual ([dbh] tph bcl), noting in one case the divine recipient and in others the type of ritual use in it, and also noting at the end a pair of centres which provide it (lines 18-19). It does not preserve, however, the strict nature of a record which the previous text had, but instead is already close to the lists of cultic offerings to be seen below. We do not think, then, that it is a ritual of popular cult, (it was found in the house of the 'High Priest'), nor is it from a small group with meagre resources ( X e l l a 1984a, 165-8; P a r d e e 1988c, 185, n. 19). It is rather an administrative record related to the official cult, determined by the importance which birds had as an offering to the ins ilm, 'the divine peoples' in a sacrifice of a dynastic type (tph b'l) ( P a r d e e 1988c, 185; d e l O l m o L e t e 1987a, 66). T h e mention of the respective rituals and their divine recipients gives the text its 'ritual' character, at least as an 'agenda'. It is a pity that the poor state of preservation does not permit more definite conclusions. [Book-keeping record] of birds [(for) the sacrifice] of the stock of the 'Lord'/sovereign: 28 three birds for29 the 'Lady of the Mansions', three [. . .] for Dagānu, [ . . . . ] [ . . . .]; one tpš sn't game bird, one tr bist30 bird whose owner put hgm ρ [ ]rf;31 27

Cf. X E L L A 1981, 113-6; 1984a, 165-8; P A R D E E 1988b, 173-91; 1989, 43, n. 10; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 167-8; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 6 8 - 9 = 1999, 89-90. 28 Here, b'l is a royal title whereas in Ugaritic, the 'family of Ba'lu is pf)r/dr b'l. For the empirical meaning of Iph/s'ph cf. K T U 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ i 24 (= bt, line 7). 29 P A R D E E , 1988c, 178, 186, suggests the restoration [/] before the I. Although not impossible, reference to a 'ram' would be strange if our text is understood as a record of 'birds'. 30 They would be two unidentified types of birds, with feminine adjectives ('disagreeable', 'foul-smelling'), the grammatical gender denoted here by the noun 'sr\ cf. X E L L A 1984a, 168; P A R D E E 1988C, 188. However, reference to a 'bull' would be odd in this and the other cultic texts, although the translation 'a bull which his master placed on the fire (b išt)' cannot be excluded; cf. DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 168, η. 89. 31 Possibly an unidentified type of plant which 'sweetens' 'wild' birds for offerings and sacred repast. T h e restoration l[al]rt would fit the context but is purely hypothetical; cf. P A R D E E 1988c, 182, 188.

two32 [birds] for [ . . . . ] ; one in the hmn [ . . . . ] two(?). On the (very/same) day of the sacrifice of the stock of the 'Lord': one for the 'libation'" of [. .], one for the offering to the [divine ]34 mountain, four birds, the 'estate' of trmn\ one, Salhu. c) It is probable that K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056:58-61 (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 69 = 1999, 91) is also an account record in which are noted the contributions to the cult made by individuals, although this time we do not know what type of offering was involved. T h e fact that it is added to text K T U 1.87 (but not however to its duplicate K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+), indicates the purely administrative value put on these texts and allowed them to be supplemented archivally with other notes of similar significance when space on the tablet allowed. d) A list of multiple offerings as a simple record with no divine recipient is also provided by K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:18-22 (cf. below). T o complete the picture of pure cultic records, the various administrative texts have to be cited (category 4 in KTU) which record material for offerings, since they do not differ in genre and scribal structure from those above mentioned; they also mention festivals and gods who receive the offerings (cf. K T U 4.149 = RS 15.039 (wine; cf. K T U 4.213 = R S 16.17:24), K T U 4.168 = R S 15.082 (clothing), K T U 4.182 = R S 15.115 (clothing), K T U 4.219 = R S 1 6 . 1 7 9 : 1 - 3 , K T U 4 . 2 7 9 = R S 17.156(?), K T U 4 . 2 8 0 = R S 17.236:13-4 (silver), K T U 4.284 = R S 17.285:5-6(?) (wine and oil), K T U 4.781 = R I H 8 3 / 2 8 + : 1 - 2 (oil). However the accepted

32

Cf. P A R D E E 1988c, 182, 188; cf. G O R D O N , UT, 4 3 - 4 , on the ambiguous use of tn in respect of agreement of gender. 33 In view of the context and perhaps its parallelism with mkt, the meaning of which is quite definitely 'immolation' (cf. K T U 1 . 4 0 = R S 1 . 0 0 2 : 2 4 and par.; X E L L A 1981, 116), I prefer to understand mzy as referring to a type of offering, although difficult to justify etymologically (cf. Akk. maza'u, 'to squeeze', Arab, mazza, in connection with sour or semifermented drinks; cf. VON S O D E N , AHW, 6 3 7 ; CAD M / l , 4 3 9 ; L A N E , AEL, 2 7 1 0 ) ; see also D I J K S T R A 1 9 9 5 . In any case, the presence of a P N here is hardly likely in terms of context and morphology; cf. P A R D E E 1 9 8 8 C , 1 8 8 9 . There are several possible restorations for the end of the line; e.g. bn [il(m)/bt]. 34 Cf. K T U 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 29 (btk gry il spn).

distribution of the texts obviates that; texts which we have otherwise grouped together and analysed elsewhere ( d e l O l m o L e t e - S a n m a r t i n 1998). 2.3.1.2 Lists of assigned offerings ( K T U 1.90 = R S 19.013, K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + , K T U 1.168 = R I H 7 7 / 1 0 B + , K T U 1.162 = R S [Varia 20], K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643, K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249, K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253, K T U 1.46 = R S 1.009, K T U 1.130 = R S 24.284, K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005, K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+, K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056). However most of the lists of offerings are to be found a m o n g the texts labelled rituals, the ritual nature of which is generally reduced to listing victims and offerings for each deity, with a generic description (in the heading or beginning of each section) of the cultic occasion and even the place where the offering takes place. This implies that these texts are basically lists of offerings and lists of gods (cf. above). a) As an intermediate stage between pure records of offerings and lists of assigned offerings can be cited a series of texts which in their fragmentary condition give offerings to one or two deities only: K T U 1.90 = R S 19.013, K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + , K T U 1.168 = R I H 7 7 / 1 0 B + . T h e y belong to the genre of 'visits'(?) (id yph mlk) and thus are close to the group of divination texts and oracular consultations in which we have already noticed a reduction in the number of gods mentioned. T h e king is expressly m e n t i o n e d as the officiant of the ritual. Otherwise, the texts do not specify the place of worship ( K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + 1: b hmrì), which has to be assumed, as does its moment in the cultic calendar. As most of the texts come from Ras ibn Hani, it is taken for granted that these rituals are celebrated in the cultic installations of the palace. 35 T h e textual agreement a m o n g them is surprising, with only the relevant verb (ydbh/yph) changing. T h e initial, single introductory offering is followed by the double šrp/šlmm ritual, all dedicated to the deity w h o m the king 'visits'/ 'sacrifices', sometimes accompanied by others in the repetition šlmm: ršp, cnt, ilib || -, cnt, ins ilm, il, šmn(?). T h e r e is also great uniformity 35

For a general bibliography on the texts from RIH cf. 212 n. 74 = 1999, 316 n. 75.'

DEL O L M O L E T E

1992a,

in the the distribution of the victims in the parallel sections of these texts: hgb/slh/0, ap wtips, ksp whrs || 0/hi, alp ws || / [ csrm\. K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + , which does not apparently pertain to a visit but to a sacrifice, is the one showing the greatest variation within the same pattern. T h e bad state of preservation does not allow all the information which these texts provided concerning Ugaritic liturgy in its various rituals to be extracted. O n l y K T U 1.164 = R I H 7 7 / 0 2 B + : 19-20 and K T U 1.90 = R S 19.013:20-2 provide the end section, which in both cases seems to refer to the desacralization process and the conclusion of the king's liturgical activity, a moment whose precise definition was seemingly important. b) O n e of the most outstanding examples of this type of offering list is provided by K T U 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], Here, the syntactic structure used (/ + D N + X), except in the first offering (to ilib), forces the series of divine names (cf. above) into first position, followed by the list of victims: invariably one ' r a m ' (s), except in the first case ('two head of cattle and two rams' to ilib) and the last ('one calf', to Sapunu). T h e beginning and end of the text provide ill-defined ritual elements. Entitled dbh il bldn, it quite definitely deals with one of the dbh mlk enumerated in K T U 1 . 9 1 = RS 1 9 . 0 1 5 (cf. line 6 : il bldn), possibly known as nskt qlc (cf. line 2 ) (DEL O L M O L E T E 1998a, 164-7). c) However an even more striking and complete example of a 'list of offerings', sacrificial in type, is provided by K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643, as is shown when set out as a table (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 8 9 - 9 1 = 1999, 131-3). 36 T h e text is complex and contains several rituals, in the m a n n e r of the familiar anthology genre found in other texts of this type. Horizontal lines separate the said rituals. T h e chief concern of this a r r a n g e m e n t of the text into sections a n d cultic moments is the attribution and recording of the offerings. This does not prevent it from also providing important supplementary information concerning ritual (type of sacrifice, place, occasion . . .). T h e syntax is asyndetic (DN + X), which gives the 'god list' pride of place. 36

Cf.

1966, 279-82; V I R O L L E A U D 1968, 580 4; L A R O C H E 1968a, 517-518; 1970b, 306-12; F I S H E R 1970, 493-4; M I L A N O 1977, 23-4; C A Q U O T 1979, 1406; DE T A R R A G O N 1980, 109-10, 201 (index); 1989, 224-8; X E L L A 1981, 91-312; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 305 8; P A R D E E 1992, 153-70; D E L O I . M O L E T E 1992a, 88-94 = 1999, 130-8; W Y A T T 1998c, 427-9. ASTOUR

DE M O O R

T h e first section, corresponding to the dbh spn (lines 1 - 9 + 10-12; cf. K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015:3) presents the series of divine names which we call 'List A' (cf. above) and undoubtedly corresponds to the principal liturgy carried out by the dynasty in honour of the gods of Ugarit. T h e corresponding offerings are divided into three groups: 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp wš) for the first four invocations, as well as for the following seven of Ba'lu\ for the remaining gods of the p a n t h e o n , 'one r a m ' , with an addition, with no specific recipient, of 'two head of catde, two birds and one cow'. T h e repetition šlmm (lines 10-12) mentions only 'one r a m ' for ilib and ilu, and 'one head of cattle for the other six b'lrrì (alp, kmm), but the logic of this distribution is not evident. Probably this second section represents only one incipit and the ritual šlmm included identical victims (alp) for the rest of the pantheon. 3 7 T h e following festival, 'when 'Attartu of the steppe enters the royal palace' (lines 18-22; cf. K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015:10) provides a simple record of offerings, with no divine recipient, apparently ceremonial rather than sacrificial in nature ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 93 = 1999, 136):38 articles of clothing and vegetable products. Lastly, the section on the reverse (lines 23-45) is a unit corresponding to the ritual of the 'gods of (the month) Hiyarvü and in this case the series of divine names corresponds to list B (cf. above). T h e victim offered is basically the 'ram', alternating with 'head of cattle and r a m ' offered to Ba'lu(?) (lines 26-45). e) Tablet K T U 1.105 = R S 24.249, 39 also concerning a ritual of the month Hiyaru, has the clear structure of a 'list of offerings'. Aside from the possible inverted order of the two faces, it presents a series of blocks of offerings distinguished by place, time and type of offering. However this is not a 'list of gods'. By the interchange of semantic patterns, victims are assigned to various gods and in particular, many 37 The third section (lines 13 17) is written in Hurrian, which is unusual for a mere account listing offerings, although the Hurrian insertion does not seem to be one. 38 The kind of offerings makes this section coincide partly with the one presented by the ritual of the 'Entry of 'Attartu of the tomb(s)' (KTU 1.43 = RS 1.005:1-5), although there animal victims were also offered. 39 Cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1968, 588-92; H E R D N E R 1978, 11-5; C A Q U O T 1977, 461-2; 1979b, 1408-9; F I S H E R 1970, 485-501; 1975, 142-7; DE M O O R 1970b, 318-22; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z - S A N M A R T I N 1975b, 158; DE T A R R A G O N 1980, 21-2, 165-76, 201 (index); 1989, 181-4; X E L L A 1981, 35-42; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 314-5; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 206-8 = 1999, 307-10.

others are recorded without any specific assignment, in terms of the cultic installation in which the sacrifice takes place. Accounts are thus given for the following victims, according to cultic situation (including the purification of the king) and various recipients: on the day of the new moon, 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp wš) to the b'lt bhtm; day 14, two 'rk-m ('puff-pastry cakes'[?]) to Ba'lw, [the 18th] in the gb of Sapunu as a /^-sacrifice, 'gold and silver' for t', 'two rams' for btbt as a holocaust, 'one head of cattle' as a peace-offering for Ba'lu, 'one bird' for Sapunu, 'one (piece o f ) offal' and 'one r a m ' for Raspu, 'two birds' for the ins ilm and (for another deity) 'two ewes'; in the gb of ršp, as a holocaust 'one r a m ' and 'one white ewe'(?); in the gb of Hiyaru, '38 sheep' (sin) and 'seven head of cattle'; in the temple of Ba'lu, 'two rams' (to the same?), 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp ws) to Raspu, 'rams' from three different places to the b'lt bhtm and 'two rams' to Kôtaru as a tzgsacrifice, 'two rams' and 'one bullock' (pr) from a specified place. T h e gods venerated do not form any particular list. T h e restricted and domestic nature of the deities commemorated is striking. In this respect, the agreement with K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+ and K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256 is impressive: b'lt bhtm, btbt, ins ilm, on the one hand, and ršp, b'l, spn [+ ktr], on the other. It belongs, therefore, to the range of palatine texts with their own pantheon and in connection with celebrations which are strongly funereal in nature. This was already to be assumed not only from the place of the offerings (gb), but also from the name of the month (hyr). f ) According to the heading, the Ugaritic text K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253 is a list of offerings made during the full moon in various sacred locations and according to a different type of sacrifice, 40 preceded by the well known ritual of 'purification of the king'. T h u s we have in this full m o o n ritual the well known multiplicity of sacrificial units on the same day in various sacred places, in palace

40

Cf.

1968, 592-3; C A Z E L I . E S 1969, 505; DE M O O R 1970b, 322 6; 1978, 16-221; X E L L A 1981, 49-54; D I J K S T R A 1984, 69-76; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 316 8 ; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 188-91; DEL O I . M O L E T E 1992a, 182-5 = 1999, 271-7. T h e most important study of these texts (KTU 1.109 = RS 24.253 and K T U 1.46 = RS 1.009) is by Dijkstra, who completes it with other fragments (KTU 1.28 = RS I 11[021], K T U 1.56 = RS 1.044, K T U 1.31 = RS 1-11 [022], K T U 1.27 = RS 1.[064]; and perhaps K T U 1.134 = RS 24.294 and K T U 1.160 = RS 28.059); K T U 1.130 = RS 24.284 is a duplicate/partial variant of them. CAQUOT

VIROLLEAUD

1977, 462;

HERDNER

and town, mostly, also in this case, to the great tutelary gods of the dynasty and with the cult of the 'dead' predominant. T h e text, with alternating syntax (X + / + D N type of sacrifice D N + X), is arranged into two sections, separated epigraphically by a horizontal dividing line and defined by two 'types' of 'generic' cultic action which incorporate c o m m o n and known sacrificial actions. T h e first, of the 'šrt type (line 5), includes two series of sacrifices srp wšlmm (lines 10, 15), identical in one case (kmrrì) and different in the other. This twofold series, most probably carried out in two different sanctuaries (palace and town), closes with another šlmm-sacrifice (line 23), celebrated in a particular installation in an unknown sacred place (burbt, line 19). Whereas the second section, of the šnpt-type (line 24), also includes a repetitive series of srp wslmm-sacrifice (line 28, kmrrì), which in turn is followed by what can be considered a new series of šrp wslmm (lines 36-7), with an interlude (lines 29-31) in a new cultic installation of unspecified location (qgrt tlhn, lines 29-31). This ritual symmetry forces us to take into account the specific nature of the generic Cšrt/šnpt rituals, which should not therefore be placed at the same cultic level as the 'sacrificial' rituals. T h e y represent 'ceremonies of ceremonies', mixed rituals. Accounts for the following sets of victims are given: as a holocaust (srp): 'two cows one month old' (yrh) for Ba'lu of Sapunu, along with 'two ewes' and 'one dove' for Ba'lu; 'two loins' and 'one r a m ' for rml; 'one liver' and 'one r a m ' for šlm; 'one liver of one head of cattle' and again 'one r a m ' for Ba'lu of Sapunu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu. As a peace offering (šlmm), the same again. Again, as a holocaust: 'two livers' and 'one (piece o f ) offal' (for Ba'lu?); 'one cow' for ilib; for Ilu, Ba'lu and Pidrayu, 'one r a m ' each; for 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp wš). As a communion sacrifice: for ilib, Ba'lu of Ugarit, Ba'lu of hlb and Tarhu, one ' r a m ' each; for 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one head of cattle and one ram'; for Pidrayu and ddms, 'one r a m ' each. A new series of communion victims includes: 'one r a m ' for each of the gods ilib, Dagānu, il t'dr b'l, Ba'lu, 'Anatu and Rašpu, as well as 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' for Ba'lu. T h e first series of the šnpt ritual includes: 'one r a m ' for Ilu, 'two rams' for 'Anatu of his; and for the gtrm, 'the left gsb of two head of cattle' plus 'one head of cattie and one ram'. T h e second part, besides 'thirty rams' spiced with 'tamarisk' for Ba'lu in 'the burner of the table of the Lady/ies of the Mansions', includes by double entry (kmrri), holocaust and communion: 'two calves [?]' (7m) for Ba'lu of Sapunu; 'one r a m ' for il bt[(?), Sapunu and Ba'lu of Ugarit, one each;

'one cow' for ilib·, and for Ba'lu of Ugarit and 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' jointly. However, the smaller n u m b e r of deities c o m m e m o r a t e d in this liturgy is evident, with emphasis on the three great deities: Ilu, Ba'lu, 'Anatu, under various invocations. In the first section they are canonical deities (+ rms), whereas in the second section gtrm, il bt and b'lt bhtm are mentioned, invocations which place us squarely in the context of the dynastic ancestor cult (on the relationship of this series of gods occurring in these texts, K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253, K T U 1.46 = RS 1.009, K T U 1.130 = RS 24.284, cf. above). g) O n the other hand, the fact that the full moon ritual included in K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:1-14 occurs literally in the sequence of a menology (K TU 1.46+ = R S 1.009+) shows the solid structure of each cultic unit, which remains unchanged. K TU 1.46:10-7 is, then, a word for word repetition of K T U 1.109:1-14, as we have just seen. Instead, the beginning ( K T U 1.46 = R S 1.009:1-10) belongs to another cultic unit, indicated by time (new moon) and is, more clearly than the following, a pure list of offerings. 41 It tells us nothing, however, about the local situation of the rites. Otherwise, the literary structure and the syntax are like those of the previous text ( K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253). O n the 1st day we have, apparently, the classic duo šrp wšlmm: 'one sltf and 'one (piece of) offal' (npš) for t' and 'two livers' for the 'god of the mansion' (il bt); equivalently, 'one r a m ' for ilib, Ilu, Ba'lu and Dagānu; 'one cow' for 'ttr-'ttpl and 'Anatu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu; several other victims are dedicated to recipients now missing. And also on the 3rd, this time with absolute clarity, and by double entry (kmm): 'one r a m ' for ilib, Ilu, Ba'lu, Atiratu and Yammu; 'one cow' for b'l knp and another missing deity, as well as 'one ewe' for Sapunu. O n this day in addition, a 'supplement' to the standard dual pattern, as was the case in K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:19ff: '[one ram and] one head of cattle' for b'l and 'ttrt; 'two birds' to the ins ilm; 'two cows' to the two bbtm. In the group of deities mentioned in this coda to the 3rd day there occur the ins ilm, the deified dead of the dynasty, honoured by their habitual offering of 'two birds' (esrm), corresponding to the gtrm who occur in K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253:26. Reference to the bbt-m, which follows immediately, also gives the ritual the significance

41

Cf. GRAY

1989, 164-6;

1 9 6 5 , 9 0 - 2 ; XELLA DEL O L M O

IJÎTE

1 9 8 1 , 5 5 - 8 ; DIJKSTRA

1984, 69

1992a, 186-7 = 1999, 278-80.

7 6 ; DE T A R R A G O N

of royal cult which we had noted in this text, and mention of te (line 1) only corroborates this. h) Unfortunately fragmentary, K T U 1.130 = RS 24.284 42 is considered by Dijkstra to be a schoolboy copy of K T U 1.46 = R S 1.009:11-7 || K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253:3-18 and he suggests reading the sides of the tablet in reverse order. T h e sacrificial sequence of K T U 1.109 supports this. In spite of their variants, these texts are interesting inasmuch as they can throw light on the royal character of these rituals. These texts, then, fix the liturgy of the most sacred days of the lunar calendar, new moon and full moon, carried out in various sacred places of the Ugaritic cult, the urban and palace sanctuary, under the highest officiant, the king. T h e basic rite described here is that of sacrifice, in its various forms, accompanied as is usual by the purification/desacralization of the officiant. W h a t is not clear in this ritual, as in other rituals, is the principle which determines the choice of deities and their epithets, as well as the reladonship between each type of victim and the deity to whom it is offered. i) Another text which is, in fact, a pure list of offerings, apart from the non-sacrificial ritual elements at its close, is K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005. 43 T h e whole text is a single ceremonial procession in honour of various deities ('Attartu, the gtrm) who 'enter' the palace where they receive the offerings and a banquet is held (Cšrt). This 'processional' aspect connects it with K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643:18-22, where another rite of the same kind occurs. K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015:10-1 refers to these texts as dbh mlk rituals and our text could be one of them. T h e nature of the offerings are in line with this ritual, mosdy of the type 'clothes' or 'precious metal', as we have seen (cf. above), whereas the animal victims seem to be relegated to the background. Because of this we saw a reference to it perhaps in K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015:8 (izr) ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 175 = 1999, 260).

42

C f . M I L I K 1 9 7 8 , 1 3 5 - 8 ; X E L L A 1 9 8 1 , 1 0 1 - 4 ; DIJKSTRA 1 9 8 4 , 7 4 - 5 ; DE T A R R A G O N

1989, 43

216-8;

DEL O L M O L E T E

C f . FISHER

1970, 4 9 2

TARRAGON 1 9 8 0 , 9 8 - 1 0 7 ,

8 6 - 9 0 ; DE M O O R O L M O LETE

357-9.

1992a,

1992a,

188-9

4; DIETRICH 111, 113; 1989, =

1999,

280-2. SANMARTIN

1975g,

525-8;

1 6 1 - 3 ; CAQUOT 1 9 7 9 , 1406; XELLA

1987, 1 6 8 - 7 1 ; DIETRICH 189-94

=

LORETZ -

1999, 2 8 2 - 9 1 ;

LORETZ

1988b, 3 2 6 - 7 ; 1 9 9 1 , 8 7 ;

PARDEE

1993, 301

17; W Y A T T

DE

1981, DEL

1998C,

T h e inclusion of the genre (kt'rb) in K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015 already guarantees its royal character, which is also clear from the actual text as it mentions the place where the rite takes place (lines 2, 10: bt mlk) and from the behaviour of the king at its close (lines 23-26). This ritual colophon provides the situation and defines the 'genre' of the preceding cultic actions. T h e y are processions in which the king takes part, 'following' and 'carrying' the 'gods' (statues), going out to meet them and accompanying them as they are moved to the chapel or palace cultic installation, when they 'enter' the palace. These, then, are rituals, though we cannot say whether they are successive or separate, of procession or transfer of sacred images from their usual place (the temple) to the royal palace; rituals which are accompanicd, as is usual, by sacrifices and other offerings, once the gods have arrived and been enthroned in their new quarters. However, they do not provide us with an indication of the 'moment' of this ritual (or these rituals), no doubt well known to those using them as significant moments of the annual liturgical cycle, like Mediterranean pilgrimages and patronal feasts, which need no further specification in the calendar. T h e structure of the ceremonial supposed in the text is very clear, arranged into two explicit rites and another six which are merely mentioned, presumably partial repetitions of the second (double) rite. Of these eight rituals, the first (lines 1-8) forms a separate unit, with its own final rubric (lines 7-8: repetition 'seven times') which marks it off and makes it parallel to the seven other sections, which in turn are given this rubric at the end of the text (line 26: repetition 'seven times'). It all refers to the gtrm or cntm (the seventh is fragmentary). In its first section (lines 1-8) the ritual supposes three different types of offering-rite (Cšr, trmt, šlmm), directed to the (astral) gods and to Kôtaru (or Gataru), seven times to each of the two groups. It is strange to find that there are also 'seven' elements or materials for the offerings indicated here (lbš, ktn, ušpgt, hrs, s, alp, sin), which may not have any special significance, although it could correspond to the series of 'seven' offerings, instead of supposing a sevenfold repetition of the whole thing. In that case, the rubric would be explanatory. T h e 'time' (parrì) refers to the action and not to its object, as has also to be supposed in line 26. This way of glossing the sacrificial rite and the listing of its elements in the other rites where they are mentioned should be borne in mind as a peculiarity of these Ugaritic rituals.

It is most probably, then, a procession ritual which takes place in the cultic installations of the palace when the goddess ' 'Attartu of the tomb(s)' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1996a, 47-52) makes her 'entrance' into them. This invocation, in connection with the following section centring on the gtrm, as well as the reference to the 'Temple of the astral gods' make this text parallel to K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256, with its reference to the 'ascent' of the gods and of the royal family to the hmn of the palace' seven times' ( K T U 1.112:6-8), the offering to the goddess "Attartu of the tomb(s)' ( K T U 1.112:13; the only two references to this goddess in Ugaritic literature) as well as the appearance of the gtrm on the day of the full moon ( K T U 1.112:18). T h e second section of the ritual (lines 9-16), also an 'entry rite', has a clear twofold structure with respect to the deities (špš-yrfo, gtrc nt/ilt bt) and offerings (fors, ksp, ap-nps). W e do not know whether the final sacrificial element (alp wš) refers to the previous text, as a complementary peace offering, or to the following damaged text. T h e first hypothesis seems the more likely. At all events, it is clear that the epicentre of this section focuses on the gtrm and that in principle there are 'two' of them, which occasions the repetition of the ritual. This repetition of the ritual enables us to reach the number of seven cultic actions presupposed by line 26 and also mentioned in the first ritual (lines 7-8). With this it also partly agrees in the 'material' for the offerings (precious metals and animals, hrs/alp-š), besides the peculiarity of the funerary offering typical of holocaust, ap wnps. However, the type of offering is not specified, and nor of course, is the moment, although it is included as in the previous ritual, in the occasion commemorated ('When the . . . e n t e r . . .'). Instead, the place remains the palace, i.e. the ritual continues to be royal, as the deities celebrated indicate. In what remains of the lines in the second part of this section (lines 17-21) the repetition of the previous ritual is stated (without elaboration) twice more per pair, six in all (plus the cultic action presupposed in line 21). Finally, with line 22 a ritual of royal behaviour begins (lines 22-26), the third part of the second section of the text, which complements the previous section on offerings. Syntactically, the heading and the ending are predicative in structure, (DF. T A R R A G O N 1980, 98, 110), whereas the central section is of the standard nominal type: X + I, I + X, type + X. This double syntactic pattern agrees with the twofold sacred action or rite which makes up this ritual: procession and sacrifice.

j) A virtually 'pure' list of offerings with a duplicate (a rare phen o m e n o n in Ugaritic literature) is provided by K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+ and K T U 1.87 = RS 15.130, with slight indications of time, place and ceremonial type; 44 they comprise one of the clearest witnesses of a monthly liturgy or menology (a sequence of sacred, especially sacrificial, celebrations, corresponding to particular days of one month), which has been transmitted to us among the rituals of Ugarit. It refers to the month of rišyn ('of the first/new wine') and of course has the format of a firstfruits ritual ('bunches/clusters are cut for Ilu') of 'New Year' (autumn). However, this aspect is blurred in the sequence of sacrificial rites. Unlike other texts of the same genre, here there is a surprising confusion and mix of the parameters temporal and local by which it is usually organized. Thus, for example, the numerical sequence of days is not followed. T h e reason here could be that attention has been given to the importance of the rites, which here as elsewhere correspond above all to ceremonies celebrated on the d a y / n i g h t of the 'full moon', and these have therefore been placed in first position. Full moon and new moon appear to be decisive dates for the 'temporal' parameter, whereas, the computation of the week also retains its significance, as we shall see, as is evident in other menological texts. Within this to some extent temporal confusion, the parameters of time and type of offering acquire special significance for understanding the overall structure of the text. It is divided into 6 sections and 2 appendices, which differ in each text; the one of K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003:50-5 is a sacrificial ritual text; the one of K T U 1.87 = R S 15.130 is, in turn, twofold: lines 5 4 - 5 7 , sacrificial ritual, lines 5 8 - 6 2 , a record (cf. above). T h e list of offerings is the following, distributed over the days of the month (is it one of the hdtm of K T U 1.91 = R S 19.015?): on the 1st day: 'one bunch of grapes (utkl)' for Ilu and 'two rams' for 'Attartu (cf. line 49; apparently in different ceremonies). T h e 14th day comprises 4 or 5 sacrificial rites of different type and recipient, accompanied by another group of non-sacrificial cultic actions, with the king as officiant, although the sacred place where they occur is not specified. It opens (lines 4 - 6 ) with the 'offering of the firstfruits' (ris argmn), possibly to the gods in general,

44

Cf. 157-65;

1963, 105ff.; DE M O O R 1972, 13-7; 1987, 1975e 143-6; X E L L A 1981, 5 9 - 7 5 ; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 311 4; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 152 60; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 72-87 = 1999, 96-128; L E V I N E - DE T A R R A G O N 1993, 76-115; L E V I N E DE T A R R A G O N R O B E R T S O N 1997a; W Y A T T 1998C, 348-56. HERDNER

DIETRICH

1956, 104-12; -

LORETZ

-

LEVINE

SANMARTIN

or to the supreme god Ilu, and refer no doubt to the products of the season of the year, primarily to wine (cf. lines 1~2: ris yn || ris argmn). It is accompanied (lines 5 - 6 ) by a fourfold sacrificial offering to the same n u m b e r of deities, according to standard alternating syntax (X + I + D N ; X + DN), with a total of 'six' victims ('four rams' and 'two birds'). 45 M o r e significant, however, is the group of these deities: b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, ils, ilhm (cf. above for their sequence and relationship to what is offered in K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001). If we except ils, who is apparently out of place (? absent in lines 23-39), the other invocations are typical of the 'palace' liturgy, a n d are inserted into the cult of the dead and deified kings and transformed into gods of the palace. T h e r e follow two rituals of the king, one of expiation and one of proclamation of this great day of the full moon of the month of ris yn, with no ritual of offerings specified. Next we have a new sacrificial act (srp) in the 'gml and the urbt; the second installation is already known from other texts. T h e recipients of the sacrificial victims are five or six deities: the great gods (?), Ilu and 'Anatu, on the one hand, and again the ilhm, together with tkmn wšnm and Rašpu, on the other, in two distinct groups, thus forming the same series that appears in K T U 1.39 = RS 1.001:2-4, clearly a palace text. Next (lines 13-17), the corresponding sacrificial action of the šlmm type is introduced, as in K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001:4-8. T h e r e follows a simple listing of a series of offerings and recipient deities, using the syntactic patterns X + D N , D N X, which alternate. O n c e again the most striking aspect is the reappearance in pride of place of the invocation ilh/ilhm, now forming an opening 'triad' (ilh, ilhm, ilhm), with five items of offering ('two ewes', 'one head of catde and one ram', 'one cow'). T h e r e follows a list of eight deities/invocations, 4 6 with seven victims ('five rams' and 'two cows'), which in fact represent a synthesis or summary of the official 'pantheon' in its various sections (cf. 'List A', above): b'l/atrt, 'nt/ršp, dr il, phr b'l, šlm, with the ubiquitous tkmn wsnm included a m o n g the goddesses, which does not occur there. Possibly it is a type of sacrifice of 'general communion', offered to the whole pantheon, as is made clear in K T U

15 T o these animal victims must be added 'the cruet of oil', so that we would have 'seven' units of offering, as a group complementing the offering of 'firstfruits'. Curiously, here dr il and pfrr b'l are grouped together whereas they are separate in the official 'pantheon'; cf. 'List A', above.

1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9. T h e precedence given to ilh or ilhm only attempts to ensure the ancestral meaning: positioned at the head of the other gods, ilh is here synonymous with ilib, just as ilib is synonymous with il at the head of the pantheon; the primordial 'divine being' of the gods and so of the actual divinized dynasty or mlkm, also present in the pantheon. T h e unity and peculiar nature of the following ritual action (lines 17-19) is confirmed as a new type of sacrifice by K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001:8-10, whereas in both texts we have different continuations. This time the sacrifice of 'burning' (urm) and the three combustible materials (entrails, cereal or early grass and grain) are again offered to the ilhm, this time called b'lm, who thus retain pre-eminence as recipients of offerings in the five sacrificial actions of this section. In this case the syntactic pattern is X + D N + X. new type of offering (m'rb) ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z - S a n m a r t i n 1975e, 145; X e l l a 1981, 66; L i p i n s k i 1985, 216-7; d e M o o r 1972, 15 n. 47; 1987, 161, n. 36)47 also begins the third ritual section (lines 19-22), comprising a dbhw of vegetables (oils and bread) in unspecified quantities, and of animal produce (honey and dove), remarkably unusual in Ugaritic liturgy and not dedicated to any particular deity. It is a global offering which yqh bt mlk, to be understood as a 'tribute-offering which the palace takes'. A

This meaning is confirmed by the next rite (lines 22-23), which specifies that another offering of the same vegetal kind 'wine and flour', and perhaps as part of the same m'rb sacrifice, has to be poured out, without indicating to which deity, in the gr. T h e offering of 'wine' returns us to the beginning of the text and together with the 'flour' 49 provides a suitable funerary communion offering. This closes the series of rites—seven in all—which are celebrated on the 14th day of the month in the palace and its cultic installations.

4/ Related to the root *'rb, Heb. ma'arāb, Akk. irbu, aibtu, the word seems to mean approximately 'entry', in a commercial sense; however it could also have a 'funerary' connotation in connection with the 'setting' said of the 'sun' which 'enters' (the underworld). 48 Here dbh denotes the type of offering, intended for a 'festal banquet'. Text and context are reminiscent of the dbh mlk of K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015:2; cf. DE M O O R 1987, 161, η. 38; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 155, η. 54; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 172 = 1999, 256. 4!) In the previous line 'leavened loaves' were mentioned, their correlative, just like wine is the correlative of oil-honey.

Next, the text takes us to another cultic scenario on the same date, the temple of the 'goddess'///«^, on the 'steps' of whose altar (lines 23-38) three series of sacrificial rituals take place. T h e first sacrificial ritual (lines 23-9), expressed according to the syntactic patterns X + / + D N || X + D N , comprises twelve sets of victims ('two birds' twice, 'two rams', 'four cows' and 'one ewe') and nine divine recipients: spn/glmt, yrh/nkl || b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, ilhm || sps, rsp. Even so, the particular meaning of the group and reason for each offering elude us; the second sequence repeats the beginning of the text, lines 5 - 6 , but without ils. T h e second series (lines 29-33) has the syntactic pattern X + D N and five deities celebrated with six victims ('two cows' and 'four ewes'): ilh, ilhm, il, tkmn wsnm, ilt, like that of lines 10-13, with 'nt for b'lt bhtm and without rsp. T h e sacrificial series closes with the offering of two victims ('ewes') with no recipient expressed, perhaps omitted by mistake, although the precise place of the ceremony is indicated and the sacrificial series is divided into two. In the third series (lines 33-38), there are again five/six recipient deities for the offerings: b'l spn, spn, b'l ugrt, ilib, atrt, ri-(?), to which six or seven sacrificial units correspond ('two cows', 'one ewe', 'two birds' and ' o n e / t w o rams'), assigned according to syntactic pattern X + / + D N . T h e group of gods is almost the same as in the following section, but in a different sequence and with some variations: in this last section Ilu has to be supposed for Ilib, as is usual, and considered as being offered the 'shekel of silver'; in line 41 Sapunu has been omitted. This section divides the sequence into two subgroups in respect of the place of offering: il, atrt, ins ilm, b'l Spn, Spn, b'l ugrt, who also occur in K T U 1.109 = R S 24.253:32-5. T h e break in the text prevents us being able to determine how the surprising remark 'thirty times' (which comes next and occurs in other texts) is connected with the preceding. In all likelihood it refers only to the last sacrificial offering, as can be inferred from the multiple parallelism with K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001:20-2, a parallelism which probably suggests reading the damaged In- as l(r)i[nš ilm], to w h o m inevitably there correspond 'srm, 'two birds'. T h e triple series closes with a unit of ritual which again mentions (lines 36-8) the sacred place in which it occurs and refers us back to the beginning (lines 23-4), a perfect literary inclusio: the altar of the temple of the 'Lady/ies of the Exalted Mansions'/Ilatu. T h u s far,

the rituals which take place on the 14th day, the day of the full moon, the sacred climax of the month ris yn, in two cultic locations: the palace sanctuary and the temple of Ilatu (possibly also located within the palace). T h e final section (lines 38-48) records the offerings corresponding to the first week of the month, on its last days, which are 'festive' days: the 5th, 6th and 7th. T h e ritual of the 5th day takes place (lines 38-45) in the temple of Ilu, so going back to the heading of the text, which presupposed the offering of the firstfruits to that god. T h e text is broken, but a first series of offerings is discernible: 'one shekel of silver' and various animal victims offered to Ilu, Atiratu and to the ins ilm, with the known pattern X + / + D N . T h e series next continues on 'the altar of ^a'/w'-presumably in the same temple (?)-with a series of sacrifices ('one cow' and 'two ewes') offered to various invocations of that deity, using the same pattern. T h e correlation of this series with the one occurring in lines 3 3 - 6 is surprising: both reproduce the two groups of deities, of Ba'lu and of Ilu, but in reverse order, and in both, the repetition of its last element a specified n u m b e r of times (30/22) is assumed, with or without a particular recipient. In this case it seems that the offering which has to be repeated is specified: 'one ram', 'one cruet of oil' and 'one cow'; an offering which is taken up again on the 6th day (lines 45-6): 'two cruets of oil' and 'one cow'. T h e only new element is a reference to the exact culdc installation, the cly, the 'sacrificial (place)', in which the ceremony is carried out and which has already occurred before (line 37), in connection with the temple of Ilatu/'hady of the Mansions', the location of the previous series of ritual actions. T h e sacred and sacralizing ritual ends on the 7th day (lines 47-48) with the desacralization of the (feast) day and of the king officiating at sunset. This refers us back, by literary inclusio and ritual sequence, to the new purification, which will take place on the 13th and 14th days (lines 3 and 6-7), and to the following 'proclamation' of the day (lines 7-8), related to the beginning of our text. We have already anticipated above how this ritual ends (lines 48-9) with the return to the ceremonial of the 1st day of the month (new moon) in order to complete all its elements (lines 1-2), thus closing the text almost as a literary unit with a final inclusio. T h e liturgy of the month of ris yn is thus outlined in its first two weeks between the climactic limits of new moon and full moon. T h e rites of the first week (1st, 5th, 6th and 7th days) take place, apparendy,

in the temple of Ilu, whereas those of the end of the second week (13th and 14/15th days) take place in the cultic installations of the palace and in the temple of Ilatu/'Lady of the Mansions', possibly part of them. T h e appendices K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:50~5 and K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056:54-7 include two specific rituals which simply mention the victims required. T h e first describes with sufficient detail, 'the Canaanite ritual of huts' in which are offered 'one r a m ' in holocaust and as a peace offering 'one head of cattle and one r a m ' (alp ws), seven times, to an unknown deity (prgl.sqrn) (on this cf. d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 84 = 1999, 123-4). T h e second simply notes the offering of 'one r a m ' on the 14th day of a certain month (for K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056:58-61; cf. above § 7.2.2.1.1 'Record of sacrificial material', c). As a whole, this text has the structure of a multiple and complex mixed sacrificial ritual (temporal-local-typological), i.e. an ordo mensualis or ritual 'menology' of the 'New Year' liturgy in Ugarit. 2.3.1.3 Lists of offerings in context ( K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256, K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260, K T U 1.43 = R S 1.001, K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+) a) Instead, in the ritual K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256 50 the offerings are set within more explicit cultic contexts. Only lines 2 2 - 7 are in the nature of a 'list of offerings' which have been allocated, with a syntactic variant. T h e text is a collection of ceremonies which take place also 'in the month of Hiyaru(?Y, and within it, ten 'feast days' are specified. These, calculated from the new moon ( d e V a u x 1961, 468ff. ' T h e Liturgical Calendar. T h e new moon'), are the 1st, 3rd, 7th, 8th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th days. In this text, various rituals of a sacrificial nature, of offerings, are joined with others which are non-sacrificial, such as rituals of purification, procession or oracle, which require special consideration. T h e first fact that stands out is that each type of offering ritual (hdrgl, iyn, šnpt) begins on the first day of the corresponding first three weeks of the m o n t h (1st, 8th, 15th). 50

Cf. H E R D N E R 1978, 21-6; X E L L A 1981, 43-8; 1989, 197-9; D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1988b, 315-6; DEL 1999, 232-53.

1980, 113-36; 1992a, 156-70 =

DE T A R R A G O N OLMO LETE

T h e offerings are arranged into three categories: animals (sheep, cattle, birds), vegetables (grain/bread, wine), minerals (silver, pottery), with a clear tendency to grouping them into sets of 7 and 3 units of offering ( 7 / 3 / 7 / 7 / 1 4 / ? / 3 ? ) . 5 1 T o this cultic and sacrificial arithmetic must be added the 7 'ascents' made by the king's sons on the first day of the month, perhaps in connection with the 7 sets of offering. Distributed according to their recipients, these offerings correspond to the tutelary gods of palace and dynasty. In reality they receive, as we have seen, the offerings of the royal family on the 1st day: b'lt bhtm, the 'Lady of the Mansion(s)' ( d e M o o r 1970a, 199 ('Anatu?); 1971, 8 5 - 6 n. 4, 95 ('Mistress of the Mansion'); d e T a r r a g o n 1980, 163ff.),52 'one shekel (of silver)' and 'one platter', as well as 'one r a m ' and 'two birds' t o / f o r the ins ilm.™ T h e 8th day: the offering of 'grain/bread', 'one shekel (of silver)' and '(one j a r of) wine' is directed to 'Attartu hr, whereas on the 14th day the mysterious gtrm receive 'two rams' ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 161-2 = 1999, 239-40.), most probably belonging to this sphere of dynastic deities. O n the 15th day, the climax of the festival, the following are offered from the sacrificial hecatomb: 'one r a m ' to each of the gods Ilu, Ba'lu of Sapunu and Ba'lu of Ugarìt; 'two' to btbt and the same n u m b e r to Atiratu; lastly, to the il msd/ilt mgdl, 'one platter/one ram' (depending on the reading), plus 'seven cows' and 'fourteen ewes'. O n the 16th day, 'one r a m ' is again offered to btbt (there follows a lacuna in the text). Finally, on the 17th day, the deity iln receives three(?) unspecified offerings. As is evident, the deities venerated form a small group, even if the lost sections of the text arc taken into account. Apart from the classic group of the great gods of Ugarit (Ilu, Atiratu, Ba'lu, 'Attartu], we also have a collection of deities, generally under obscure descriptive names, who form part of what we may call the 'tutelary gods' of palace and dynasty (cf. List C above): b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, gtrm, btbt. This limitation of divine recipients in turn corroborates the 'private', 51 Similar series of 2 / 7 / 1 4 animal victims can also be noted in the Hebrew Bible (cf. e.g. Num 29:2ff.) and in other Ugaritic texts; on this, also in connection with the materials for offerings (silver, grain/bread, wine), cf. DE T A R R A G O N 1980, 34ff., 43ff. Of course here 'bread' and 'wine' stand for the respective unit, as specified elsewhere: 'one measure/loaf o f . . .', 'one jar o f . . .'. The offering of king Keret also includes bread and wine (cf. K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 16-9). 52 O n the other hand, the empty space in line 2 suggests that another deity received the two rams mentioned first. 53 For the various interpretations of this epithet cf. D E L O L M O LF.TE 1987a, 66; 1992a, 92 n. 134, 160 n. 68 = 1999, 134 n. 167, 239 n. 70.

palace nature of this ritual ( d e l O l m 5 9 - 6 2 ; d e T a r r a g o n 1980, 162-9).

o

L e t e

1992a, 4 4 - 7 = 1999,

b) K T U 1.115 = R S 24.260 5 4 has particular importance for the information it provides about the royal pantheon, as well as for its clear structure, which almost suggests that this text is literary. Ultimately, however, it is a list of offerings in a clear context. This royal ritual takes place in the palace, more specifically, in its sanctuary (line 7: qdš), as we already know from other texts. It is of the dbh type (line 1) and includes two banquets (lines 8 / 1 9 : t/ylhm), one connected to a hll y dm-ritual (lines 6-8) and the other forming part of a slmm sacrifice (lines 9-10). T h e m o m e n t is given in the opening statement ('When the king sacrifices to Ušharayú'), although we do not know when it actually took place. Its basic syntax is sacrificial, with alternating patterns: X + / + D N / X + / + D N + type / X + type / / + D N + X , with two prescriptive-explanatory verbs: ydbh, t/ylhm. T h e most striking and peculiar thing about this ritual is its dedication to only one pair of deities (usfyr, bbt), who seem to be connected with the palace cult as tutelary or 'patron' gods of the palace, whereas they do not belong to the official pantheon of Ugarit (del O l m o L e t e 1992a, 5 4 - 8 = 1999, 71-8) with the specific invocation under which they are c o m m e m o r a t e d here. However, they are the first two deities of the dynastic pantheon (list C; K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-2). This divine couple is the structural element of the text, which is arranged in repetitive series in a concentric chiasmus. T h e text shows a marked concentric structure with a symmetrical twofold distribution of offerings, like the one seen in K T U 1.43 = R S 1.005, there centred on the deities gtr and 'Anatu: 'ram', 'dove', 'ram' || ' r a m ' || 'ram', 'ram', 'dove'. T h e ritual ends with an indication of time which claims to specify, in line with the normal semantics of ahd, the occurrence of the double sacrificial-banquet rite on one and the same day.

54

Cf. V I R O L L E A U D 1965, 586-8; F I S H E R 1969, 197-205; 1970, 49Iff.; 1975, 139-41; DE M O O R 1970b, 316-7; L E V I N E 1974, 9-11; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z - SANMARTIN 1975i, 1975j; C A Q U O T 1979, 1407; J A N O W S K I 1980, 246-9; DE T A R R A G O N 1980, 87-91; 1989, 200-2; X E L L A 1981, 105-8; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1981, 85-8; 1988b, 319-20; A A R T U N 1984, 6-7, 18-9, 24-5, 32-3; 1985, 21; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 177-8 = 1999, 264-6.

c) K T U 1.39 = R S 1.001 provides various series of'sacrifices', holocausts and communion sacrifices, probably offered to the dead kings under their various invocations: t\ ilh, ilh b'l, and of course, ins ilm. T h e r e is an actual moment, 'the night of Sapšu pgr wtrmnm' (of the ' d e a d / f u n e r a r y offering' and of the 'sovereigns'), in which these trmnm are honoured with a sacrificial ritual which involves all the gods of the dynastic pantheon, as we saw above (List C; lines 12~9). It is a text-list of sacrificial liturgy in which a series of offerings/ victims is itemized following the known formulae of sacrificial syntax. 55 T h e r e are very few temporal and local parameters and they are of no help in determining clearly the structure of the text. At all events, from line 12 it seems to be divided into two parts each with the same n u m b e r of lines, which in respect of the cultic ' m o m e n t ' and the list of gods which the second provides, are structurally and intentionally different. T h e ritual of the second part (lines 12-22) takes place III, 'at night', and in bt mlk, 'the palace'. These specifications and the systematic use of the god list of K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-14, referred to above, indicate that the whole thing is a royal dynastic ritual of the funerary cult, presented autonomously, independent of the day of the month in which it is to be celebrated. Instead, the text has another parameter which is much better for determining its structure. This is the one connected with the ritual typology which is specified with unusual precision and in this matter is very like K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256. Its first part, (lines 1 - 9 , 9 - 1 0 , 10-11) is thus arranged according to four different types of offering/sacrifice (šrp-šlmm, urm, šnpt), each one with its particular series of gods, some even repeated, as might be expected a prion. This sequence has a parallel in K T U 1.41 = R S 1.0034:11-17, 17-19, which gives it its 'standard' character (cf. above 'Lists of gods in sacrificial texts' § 2). T h e second part (lines 12-19, [19]-20-22), instead, with a list which is itself already a unit, as we have seen, presents one single type of sacrifice, unspecified. T h e end of the text (lines [19]-20-22, reverse of the tablet) is a supplementary ritual, which could be understood as the 'thirty times' repetition, i.e. over a ' m o n t h ' (pgr?), of the offering/sacrifice to 'two' new deities (b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), and thus as an extension of the standard

55

Cf. D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z - S A N M A R T I N 1975e, 1 4 1 - 3 ; X E L L A 1979-1980, 147ff.; 1981, 76-80; DE T A R R A G O N 1980, 65ff.; 1989, 135-9; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 3 0 8 - 1 0 ; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 145-9 = 1999, 213-9.

list of K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-14, as a synthesis of the royaldivine list of the reverse (cf. above 'List of Names of Divine Kings'). T h e distribution of offerings is as follows. As a burnt sacrifice: to the t\rri) as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one dove', 'two loins and one liver from a head of catde'; to Ilu, 'one ram'; 'one cow' to the ilhm·, 'one ewe' to tkmn-šnm and another to Raspu. As a peace offering: to the ilhm as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one head of cattle', 'one ram', 'one cow'; to Ba'lu, Atiratu, tkmn-šnm, 'Anatu and Raspu, 'one r a m ' each; 'one cow' to the groups dr il and phr b'l and another to šlm. In a burnt sacrifice (urm): to the ilhm b'lm, 'a burnt heart' and 'fifteen measures of forage and spelt'. 56 In a sacrifice of 'presentation' (half of it?): one ' r a m ' each to b'l spn, b'lt bhtm, ilt mgdl and ilt asrm. Lastly, as a /)gr(?)-sacrifice: to the pantheon of K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246:1-14, 'one cow' to ten of its deities, 'one ewe' to another four, 'one r a m ' to one deity and two unspecified offerings (dbhrrì) to two others, without it being possible to determine the meaning and significance of this variety of victims. In the final 'coda': 'thirty times one cow' to the b'lt bhtm and 'two birds' to the ins ilm. W e can, then, understand this text as a 'sacrificial agenda' which lists the various types of sacrifice related to the royal funerary liturgy: šrp-šlmn, urm, šnpt, pgr and the 'daily sacrifice', with the time and place of celebration unspecified. d) K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+ is also a royal funerary ritual of a particular month, the month of gn;57 there victims are offered to all the 'divine peoples' and to some dead kings (the most recent?) in particular, under their 'divine' names: yarsil, ydbil, 'mtr (cf. 'Lists of Names of Divine Kings', above § 7.2.2.2). T h e sacred time corresponds to days 8, 22 and 25 (cf. lines 18, 24, 25-26). This implies that the ceremonies mentioned in lines 1 - 1 7 (18) took place on the first or on subsequent days of the first 'week' of the month in question. As for the sacrificial rite, we have the known type šrp, '(as a) holocaust' (cf. lines 2 and 7), repeated twice, apparently corresponding to the twofold mention of the recipient deities (ršp/ ins ilm/group of three || ršp/inš ilm/[?]), and of the victim (hgb/npš wš + 'srm). T h e 56 This sacrificial offering is unique in all the cultic literature of Ugarit. On the meaning of the types of rituals termed urm and šnpt and their possible relation to šrp wšlmm cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1 9 9 5 , 4 5 , nn. 4 9 , 5 1 . 57 Cf. H E R D N E R 1978, 26-30; X E L L A 1981, 8 1 - 5 ; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 324-5; DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 185-7; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 149-56 = 1999, 219-32.

remainder or second part of this initial ritual of sacrifice has elements remarkably in parallel with those in K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256: 1) the participation of the royal family, 'sons' and 'daughters', and then of the king himself (cf. lines 9 - 1 0 , 17); 2) the performance of the cultic action in the cult installations of the palace: the sacrifice of 'one r a m ' to Pidrayu and 'seven ewes' in the hmn, 'one r a m ' in the qds/'ly/hmn of Nikkalu, another in the kbm and 'one cow' 'at the door of the royal mausoleum' ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 153 = 1999, 227); 3) the sevenfold rhythm of the ceremonial (cf. K T U 1.106 = R S 24.250+: 12-3; K T U 1.112 = R S 24.256:6-7); 4) in both texts the 'cantor' takes part (lines 15—7), and there is an 'oracular response' (ttb rgm) in both, at a later stage (cf. lines 23 and 32). Also in both, but at different times, the desacralization/ purification rite of the king is mentioned, although this fact is not of itself significant. O n the 8th day the sacrificial rite includes, together with the usual victims numbering 'seven cows', 'fourteen ewes' and 'one (piece o f ) offal' (cf. K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256:26-7), a new class of offering, unknown in the other rituals of Ugarit: 'fish stew' (šbšlt dg). Similar ritual elements recur and close the cultic action of the third week (cf. lines 32-3). T h e decisive day of the ritual is the 25th. It comprises a sacrificial-banquet) at night before the king, seated on his throne, in honour of and in communion with arsy and 'gods of the underworld' (ilm ars) with 'provisions' (šlhmt) selected and prepared beforehand (cf. lines 25 and 28: 'nine ewes', 'one head of cattle' a n d 'one goose'), offered to the gods, and 'two ewes' and 'one cow' offered to the goddess. As for place, the cultic action shifts on day 8 from the cult installations of the palace mentioned in lines 13-4, to a new sacred location, known only from this text and giving its name to the month of the ritual: the 'garden' (gn) ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1996a, 103-4, for the identification of the gn), which fits in well with the 'infernal'/'funerary' nature of the deities honoured in this ritual. Apart from the sacrificial moment (lines 1 - 1 5 , 19—22, 30-31) in honour of and communion with deities either specifically mentioned or assumed, it also includes the desacralization/purification rite of the king, already known from other texts (lines 24, 26, 34), and two

new royal ceremonies, which can be considered peculiar to it and to which we have already referred: the singing before the king and the preparation of the funerary banquet. Its interpretation must, however, be left for another systematic analysis which goes beyond consideration of the text as 'list of offerings and gods'. e) Together with mere lists of offerings like those above, a text such as K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266 58 provides a more complex context, a mixture of list a n d elements of recitation; more specifically, a psalm of prayer in the event of a national threat, the only one in any text of this type. It poses the question, at least in this case, of whether they are administrative (cf. above). However it has to be remembered that the tablet was found in the 24th campaign (1961) in the library of the priest bn agptr, i.e. in principle in an archive more concerned with ritual than with administration. T h e relationship of this cultic element to the foregoing list of offerings is not clear. A 'list' which itself already provides 'rituals' that transcend the simple record of a victim: exact sacred place and time, type of ceremony and in particular, repeated mention of the royal desacralization rite, which may or may not have included some sort of victim to justify the allusion in a simple record of offerings. N o r can we be sure whether both sides of the tablet belong to the same text or to two different texts. T h e second (the reverse) could quite well be an authentic liturgical ritual, even though it also begins like a list of offerings (lines 18-22). In fact the lower part of the tablet is broken, which means that we have two separate texts, obverse and reverse, corresponding perhaps to two separate rituals, either of the same m o n t h or of different months. T h e obverse (lines 1-17) has a list of offerings which corresponds to the sacrificial ritual of the month of ib'lt, specified for various days: 7th, 17th and 18th; this datum divides the text into three sections: lines 1 - 4 , 4 - 1 1 , 11-17. T h e first two are clearly distinguished by the sequence desacralization/purification of the king, which means that between days 7 and 17 the king does not celebrate ritually, whereas the ceremony of days 17 and 18 forms a single unit. This

58

Cf. H E R D N E R 1973, 693-703; 1978, 31-9; A V I S H U R 1978, 254-62; X E L L A 1978, 127-36; 1981, 25-34; D E T A R R A G O N 1980, 17ff.; 1989, 206-11; M A R G A L I T 1981b, 62-83; S A R A C I N O 1983a, 263-369; 1983b, 3 0 4 - 6 ; DE M O O R 1983, 251-2; 1987, 171-4; M I L L E R 1988, 139-55; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988b, 819; D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a, 197-205 = 1999, 292-306; P A R D E E 1997a, 283-5; W Y A T T 1998C, 416-22.

liturgy takes place in the temple of Ba'lu, bt b'l ugrt (lines 3, 9-10), mgdl b'l ugrt (line 12), and then moves to the temple of Ilu, qds il, bt il (lines 6, 14) for the second and third rituals. Even the various areas of the temple of Ba'lu where the offerings are made are specified, which will not be discussed here. Also specified are the various sacrificial actions of the syntactic pattern ' X + I + D N [+ type of offering + officiant'] with, exceptionally, more verbal than nominal syntax. Victims: besides the usual ones (large and small flocks: ram, cow, bull, lamb), there occur others which are rarer or specific ([piece o f ] offal, dove, donkey). T h e officiant: when specified, he is the king, also the subject of other non-sacrificial rites (purification). However the strangest datum of this text comprises the (divine) recipients of the offerings, together with their type, an element which is by no means clear. In the first section (lines 1-4) 'two rams' are delivered for b'l and sacrificed in the temples mentioned. In the second section (lines 4-11) 'three cows' are delivered to the sanctuary of Ilu and to the b'lm and to the 'hero' (glrri), 'two sheep' ('ewes') and 'one cow' to the Damsels (glmt), plus 'one lamb' and 'one dove' which 'are burned (tmr) It',59 in the testimonial of the temple of Ba'lu of Ugarit'. As in other cases, the ritual of the 17th day forms a continual unit with the ritual of the 18th day, section three (lines 11-17), and so the desacralization of the king is not specified. O n this day the offering of 'one head of cattle' (alp) is made in the temple of Ba'lu; in the temple of Ilu, 'one (piece of) offal' (npš) for Ušharayu(?), another for Ba'lu and 'a donkey' for whom or why we do not know. T h e fourth section (lines 18-36, reverse) has two clearly differentiated parts: a ritual (lines 18-24 + 25) and a prayer (lines 26-36). In it are noted the victims which correspond to a 'week' of offerings (apparently reserved for Ba'lu), of which have been preserved those of the 'two birds' (twice), 'one liver' and 'one "little chain"(?) of a liver'. This complex of victims ('srm, kbd, ššrt) belongs more to divination or summoning rituals. It is possible, then, that although it takes place in the same sacred place, the ritual on the reverse is completely 59 This lexeme, t'(y), has normally been given the meaning of 'offering' in one of its types (which is not defined); however closer analysis makes it preferable to see here and in other texts a divine-cultic title of the dead and divinized kings of Ugarit, a title which is already attributed in epic to the legendary King Keret ( K T U 1 . 1 6 = R S 3.325+ i 24 and par.); cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1988a. Cf. Wyatt 1998c, 200 n. 115.

different from the ritual on the obverse. It is not sacrificial, but a magical entreaty, with the king as subject in both functions. T h e weekly sequence of this section has a structure like that of the 'graded numerical sequence' in myth and epic ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1981a, 60-1), with a climax on the seventh day. T h e syntax is nominal as usual, on days (3 and) 4 and 5 (and 6) together (num. + X + [/ + D N + specification of place]), whereas it is verbal (ykbd) on days 1 and 2; on the 7th, also, as a recitation, not as sacrificial (dn). Analysis of these elements is left to the discussion of these texts as 'ritual' as are the place and mode of the action. T h e same applies to the fifth and final section (lines 26-36), which is a prayer. As a whole, this double complex ritual refers to only a limited range of 'deities' to w h o m offerings are presented (b'l, il?, b'l?/il?, b'lm, glm, glmt, t'/b'l?, isf}iy?/b'l? ? ?/b'l). From this point of view, the ritual is largely 'related to Baal' in respect of recipient and 'royal' in respect of officiant. At all events, this whole set of ritual and recited elements has already appeared in other Ugaridc texts, those called 'cultic myths' ( K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002, K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194; 'mythological rituals' instead are K T U 1.108 = R S 24.252 and K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126). In practice, this mix of cultic elements was probably c o m m o n e r than appears from their inadequate distribution in literature and cult (a category which is largely a matter of lists). Some scholars already speak of the character of myths as recitations, an element of ritual, and m a n y cultic texts must have had elements which presumably were recited, as is the case in the text analysed here. Ritual was never movement without speech, nor was 'myth' recited without movement: gesture and speech belong together. Here we conclude this survey of the texts of cultic practice in Ugarit in respect of 'lists of gods and offerings', a literary form under which many of them are given, although it allows glimpses of a more complex liturgy than the act of sacrifice sketched out in these lists and was its culminating sacred act. In this handbook another section is devoted to disentangling and explaining the complex ritual involved in the liturgy of Ugarit (see § 7.1). (Translation:

W.G.E.

Watson)

3

T h e

O m e n

P a o l o

3.1

T e x t s

X e l l a

Mesopotamian tradition

T h e great M e s o p o t a m i a n tradition of divination was well known a n d accepted in Ugarit, a city whose archives have preserved several tablets (mostly in alphabetic cuneiform) which belong to the same f a m o u s tradition. In particular, we have on the one h a n d some texts with teratological omens which concern predictions derived f r o m deformed or monstrous births of animals or h u m a n beings. O n e fragm e n t a r y d o c u m e n t instead reports several astrological omens, while a short tablet concerning an eclipse of the sun m a y also be noted; there are also several small models of livers a n d an inscribed model of a lung which derive f r o m the practice of extispicy. In general one can say that in Ugarit M e s o p o t a m i a n tradition was followed quite slavishly, even if there are some indications of adaptation and specific formulations connected with local requirements, both political and social. O n e significant fact, in this respect, is that it was sometimes felt necessary to compose the texts of the o m e n s in the local language, as witness to a certain desire for cultural appropriation.

3.2

The teratological omens

T h e teratological omens, that is, those which contain presages d r a w n f r o m the observation of d e f o r m e d births (or abortions) of animals a n d h u m a n s , are represented in Ugarit by three alphabetic texts, K T U 1.103+ = R S 24.247+, K T U 1.145 = R S 24.328A+ a n d K T U 1.140 = R S 24.302. T h e y all c a m e to light to the south of the acropolis, in w h a t has been called the Cella aux tablettes, which was part of the house of a famous diviner (here, incidentally, were also f o u n d models of livers a n d of a lung as well as the difficult [necromantic?] text K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272). T o this can be a d d e d a f r a g m e n t of a tablet in syllabic cuneiform (RS 7.001 = A O 18.892), as yet unpublished, which was f o u n d on the surface. 1

1

Essential bibliography: Η KRONER 1978;

DIETRICH

LORETZ

SANMARTIN

1975d;

This small group of texts is of the greatest interest because it documents translation into the local language of a type of divination text which is typically Mesopotamian (the Babylonian series Summa izbu studied by Leichty). 2 T h e documents in question, which are approximately contemporaneous with those found in the great Syrian archive of Meskené-Emar, 3 also allow us to examine further the history of the spread of this genre. In fact they date back to a period earlier than the corresponding documents in Akkadian and Hittite found at Bogazköy ( R I E M S C H N E I D E R 1 9 7 0 ) and represent the most direct chronological link with the Old Babylonian tablets which circulated in series before their final 'canonization' in 24 tablets, evidence for which is provided from Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh. T h e Geburtsomina of Ugarit are typologically related to those from Bogazköy and, if we follow the classification proposed by Riemschneider, 4 these too can be divided basically into two types: K T U 1 . 1 0 3 + = R S 2 4 . 2 4 7 + and K T U 1 . 1 4 5 = R S 2 4 . 3 2 8 A + refer to anomalous animal births (which are to be set alongside Tablet V of the canonical series), whereas K T U 1 . 1 4 0 = R S 2 4 . 3 0 2 concerns h u m a n births (and seems to derive from Tablets I - I V of the canonical series). T h e teratological omens from Ras S h a m r a are a fairly faithful reflection of the 'principles' 5 of what is termed deductive divination, such as the classic opposition right—left, where the right refers to everything concerning the country and its inhabitants, whereas the left concerns the king and enemy countries. 6 In this perspective, every defect or anomaly found on the right comprises an unfavourable omen, but if it is found on the left it is interpreted favourably. Every 'increase'—even if strange or monstrous—of the right side, therefore, corresponds to events which are positive for the king and his kingdom. T h e absence of limbs or organs seems instead to portend bad omens.

XELLA

-

CAPOMACCHIA

1990a, 87-165; = 1999, 353-9.

LORETZ 2

LEICHTY

3

Cf.

4

RIEMSCHNEIDER

1979;

XELLA

DIETRICH -

1981, 191-206;

LORETZ

PARDEE

1986;

DIETRICH

1990C; DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 2 3 7 - 4 1

1970.

1985-87, V I / 1 - 2 and V I / 4 , 686-93. 1 9 7 0 , who correcdy distinguished on the basis of the protasis, texts introduced by the clause lák-ku-zu SAL-ζα . . . a-a-ši (human births) from those introduced by the clause ák-ku IZ-BU (animal births). 5 See, in general, B O T T É R O 1 9 7 4 . fi Cf. W Y A T T 1996c and below, § 13.2.2. ARNAUD

In line with the typology of these omens in the earliest period of their circulation, there are no references to the individual and private sphere: every prediction is of an official nature and in fact always refers to the king or the country. In the Ugaritic omens also one catches a glimpse of this association of ideas based on analogy: note for example the interpretation of certain bodily features of the foetus. A m o n g the examples that can be adduced the following can also be noted: if the foetus looks like a bird the prediction is that the gods will fly away from the land; the head of the foetus symbolizes the king or the governor of the land; missing or deformed feet or paws (which therefore prevent walking) are interpreted in the sense that the land will not be able to progress as usual in its existence due to epidemics or internal strife. In Ugarit, then, the dichotomy between (a) anomalies and malformations, and (b) similarities with animals has also been adopted. From the limited material available it is not possible to verify the presence and consequences of multiple body-parts and of a whole range of cases of deformity a n d / o r defects, but even so everything suggests complete agreement with the Babylonian model. In Ugarit as in Bogazköy there was, then, full acceptance of Mesopotamian tradition, even if the Old Babylonian originals were certainly slightly adapted for local needs which were exclusively of public concern. W h a t are called the 'stock apodoses' display a limited range of events which evidently reflects military politics on a small scale, as in Ugarit.

3.3

Astrological omens

Already attested in the Old Babylonian period, the Mesopotamian collections of astrological omens ( W e i d n e r 1 9 4 1 - 4 , 1 7 2 - 9 5 ) were circulated widely around the mid-second millennium bce and as a result we find copies scattered in 'peripheral' centres such as Bogazköy, Alalah, E m a r and even Ugarit. 7 At Ras Shamra in particular, besides a few as yet unpublished syllabic texts (RS 2 3 . 3 8 , R S 2 5 . 4 4 0 A and RS 2 5 . 1 4 1 + 4 5 4 f ) , a broken tablet in alphabetic cuneiform has been found in the northern palace of Ras Ibn Hani ( K T U 1.163 = RIH 7 8 / 1 4 ) . 8 It contains presages based on meteorological observations, 7 8

Detailed bibliography in D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1990a, 165 95. B O R D R E U I L - C A Q U O T 1980, 352; D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1990a, 165-95 (cf. 168-70);

of the sun and the moon, and is connected with the Mesopotamian series Enûma Anu Enlil ( W e i d n e r 1941-44). As usual, the sentences comprise a protasis and an apodosis and the presages concern the well-being of the king, the ruling house and their possessions. T h e text is too broken to supply information or provide specific parallels with the omens of Mesopotamian tradition. T h e most detailed analysis available, also at the comparative level, is by D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z (1990a) and for the time being it is not possible to progress further. T h e widespread belief in astrology in Ugarit is documented not only by references to the '(divine) stars' in some ritual texts and from allusions in texts such as K T U 1.23 = R S 2. [024] and K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322 + ii 1-3, 9 but also by an unusual document, K T U 1.78 = R S 12.61. It concerns an eclipse of the sun, the simultaneous appearance of the planet Mars and the presages derived from it.10 This astral conjunction seemed to take on a fatal and dangerous character, confirmed by the consultation of livers expressly carried out. At all events, the precise date of the event (probably March 5th, 1223 bce) is still debated by specialists and there is no unanimous opinion." T h e exceptional nature of the document, which lies halfway between astrology and hepatoscopy, further complicates its translation and interpretation. T h e translation provided here is still provisional and hypothetical: 1 2 3 4 5 6

bit. ym.hdt hyr 'rbt špš Igrh ršp kbdm tbqrn skn

DEL O L M O L E T E

-

LORETZ

In the si1ence(?)12 (of the month) hyr down went the Sun: her gatekeeper was Rašap. (For this) (1/2) liver(s) was/were examined: danger!

1992a, 236 = 1999, 352;

DIETRICH

LORETZ

1988b, 94-5;

DIETRICH

1990C.

9

As correctly noted by DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 236, n. 68 = 1999, 352, n. 69. Essential bibliography: DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 235 = 1999, 350; D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z - SANMARTIN 1974b, 464-5; F U L C O 1976, 38ff.; X E L L A 1981, 171; D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z , 1988b, 99, 100; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a, 39-85. 10

11

KUDLEK -

1987-8;

MICLER

1989;

1 9 7 1 ; SAWYER -

STEPHENSON

1 9 7 0 ; DE J O N G -

VAN S O L D T

1990a, 2 8 1 - 5 (contribution by W . C . S E I T T E R - H . W . D U E R B E C K ) . P A R D E E - S W E R D L O W 1993; W Y A T T 1998C, 366-7. 12 For a discussion of b It see D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a, 50ff.; the meaning proposed here is hypothetical. WALKER

DIETRICH

-

LORETZ

3.4

Extispicy

Also typical of Mesopotamian divination tradition are the texts of omens written on some models of livers and on one model of a lung, found in the house of the so-called diviner-priest (which was probably also a sort of school), also quite an important person in his official capacity. T h e five models of livers we now have ( K T U 1.141 = R S 24.132; K T U 1.142 = R S 24.323; K T U 1.143 = R S 24.326; K T U 1.144 = RS 24.237; K T U 1.155 = RS 24.264) 13 report on the results of hepatoscopic analysis concerning various events and it cannot be excluded that they record independent developments in respect of the tradition from which they come. Whereas K T U 1.155 = RS 24.654 is too damaged to provide any information at all, the other texts are very interesting. K T U 1.141 = RS 24.312 refers to the acquisition of a youth (a slave? gzr) from an Alashiote (= a Cypriot) by Agptr, a well-known person in Ugarit; 14 K T U 1.142 = RS 24.323 mentions a sacrifice—dbh—in honour of a dead person (a sort of kispum?), on the occasion of which the commissioner asks the diviner for a response. T h e contents of K T U 1.143 - RS 24.326, on the other hand, are rather vague, as the text refers only to the performance of an extispicy requested by someone, without going into the causes which led to the sacrifice. Finally, K TU 1.144 = RS 24.327 is an omen which was probably requested by a prince with regard to the hupsu-mcrcenanes who must have caused worries at the political level ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 15). T h e model of a lung ( K T U 1.127 = RS 24.277), which merits a separate study, is also connected with a Mesopotamian tradition. 15 T h e incised text is divided into sections marked off" by lines which probably correspond to the anatomical regions of the lung. It seems likely, nevertheless, that the various parts of the text are connected to each other and comprise a unity, even if it is difficult to understand (cf. for example the uncertainty concerning the term nat which

13

Essential bibliography: 1990a, 24 Iff.; DEL

LORETZ 14

O n

15

KRAUS

him

liography in 1999, 91-5.

cf. COURTOIS

1985, 185 7; DIETRICH

XELLA OLMO 1979,

MEYER LORETZ

1981, 184-90; M E Y E R 1987, 218ff.; 1992a, 232-4 = 1999, 347-9.

DIETRICH

-

LETE

1271.

in D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1990a, 255ff. Specific bib1990a, 18; add DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 69 72 =

could even be translated 'removal'). 16 T h e most plausible hypothesis is that this model has been inscribed with several divination exercises, performed at different times, but concerning the same event and with the same aim: to avert the danger of an enemy attack by means of a series of rites, including also a ceremony belonging to the well-known typology of the 'scapegoat' (lines 29-32). It should be stressed, then, that the lung model provides us with evidence of the fusion of two different religious traditions, one of Mesopotamian divination and the other of West Semitic atonement ceremonies, for which the oldest documentation is now supplied by the texts from Ebla in the 24th century b c e ( X e l l a 1996b). (Translation: W . G . E .

16

DIETRICH -

LORETZ

Watson)

1990a, 25Íf., with a discussion of the various hypotheses.

CHAFFER

EIGHT

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF UGARIT

1

T h e

U g a r i t i c

Jesus-Luis

1.1

L e t t e r s

C u n c h i l l o s

Introductory

T h e origin of letter-writing is most probably to be sought in oral messages transmitted through an intermediary. By the mid-second millennium bce, communication by letter had developed considerably. Likewise, the role of the intermediary between sender and recipient. D e p e n d i n g on the culture, the intermediary would be called mar šiprì in Akkadian, wpwty2 in Egyptian and ml'P in Northwest Semitic. T h e intermediary carried a short written text which served him as a letter of accreditation in the presence of the recipient a n d allowed him to expand the message, replying to any requests for explanation the recipient might pose. 1.1.1

The texts

T h e 86 letters or fragments written in alphabetic cuneiform and in Ugaritic with their various collations are as follows: K T U 2.1 = R S 3.427, K T U 2.2 = R S 3.334, K T U 2.3 = R S 1.013 + 1.043, K T U 2.4 = R S 1.018, K T U 2.5 = R S 1.020, K T U 2.6 = R S 1.021, K T U 2.7 = R S 1.026 + 2.[025], K T U 2.8 = R S 1.032, K T U 2.9 = R S 2. [026], K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475, K T U 2.11 = R S 8.315, K T U 2.12 = R S 9.479a, K T U 2.13 = R S 11.872, K T U 2.14 = R S [Varia 4], K T U 2.15 = R S 15.007, K T U 2.16 = R S 15.008, K T U

1

1956, 68-110; B O T T E R O 1977, 333-4, 233-6 and 211 sub 3; 1964, 212-3; O T T E N 1964, 213-4; L U K E R 1968, 55-77; H O L M E S 1975,

MUNN-RANKIN

EBELING

376-81. 2

S e e VALLOGGIA

3

CUNCHILLOS

1976.

1981a, 1982, 1991.

2.17 = R S 15.098, K T U 2.18 = R S 15.107, K T U 2.20 = R S 15.158, K T U 2.21 = R S 15.174, K T U 2.22 = R S 15.191 [a], K T U 2.23 = R S 16.078+, K T U 2.24 = R S 16.137[bis]+, K T U 2.25 = R S 16.196, K T U 2.26 = R S 16.264, K T U 2.27 = R S 16.378a, K T U 2.28 = R S 16.378b, K T U 2.29 = R S 16.378c, K T U 2.30 = R S 16.379, K T U 2.31 = R S 16.394, K T U 2.32 = R S 16.401, K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402, K T U 2.34 = R S 17.139, K T U 2.35 = R S 17.327, K T U 2.36+ = R S 17.435+, K T U 2.38 = R S 18.031, K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038, K T U 2.40 = R S 18.040, K T U 2.41 = R S 18.075a, K T U 2.42 = R S 18.113A, K T U 2.43 = R S 18.113[b], K T U 2.44 = R S 18.134, K T U 2.45 = R S 18.140, K T U 2.46 = R S 18.147, K T U 2.47 = R S 18.148, K T U 2.48 = R S 18.285[a], K T U 2.49 = R S 18.286+, K T U 2.50 = R S 18.287, K T U 2.51 = R S 18. [312], K T U 2.52 = R S 18.[364], K T U 2.53 = R S 18.[380], K T U 2.54 = R S 18.[386], K T U 2.55 = R S 18.[387], K T U 2.56 = R S 18.[400], K T U 2.57= R S 18.[443], K T U 2.58 = R S 18.[482], K T U 2.59 = R S 18.[500], K T U 2.60 = R S 18.[528], K T U 2.61 = R S 19.011, K T U 2.62 = R S 19.022, K T U 2.63 = R S 19.029, K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102, K T U 2.65 = R S 19.158b, K T U 2.66 = R S 19.181a, K T U 2.67 = R S 19.181b, K T U 2.68 = R S 20.199, K T U 2.69 = R S 24.660G, K T U 2.70 = R S 29.093, K T U 2.71 = R S 29.095, K T U 2.72 = R S 34.124, K T U 2.75 = R S 34.148, K T U 2.76 = R S 34.356, K T U 2.77 = R I H 7 7 / 0 1 , K T U 2.78 = R I H 7 7 / 2 1a, K T U 2.79 = R I H 7 7 / 2 5 , K T U 2.80 = R I H 7 8 / 2 1 , K T U 2.81 = R I H 7 8 / 3 + 30, K T U 2.82 = R I H 7 8 / 1 2 , K T U 2.83 = R I H 7 8 / 2 5 , K T U 5.9 = R S 16.265, K T U 5.10 = R S 17.063, K T U 5.11 = R S 17.117. 4 T o date we know of 20 other unpublished letters. 5

1.1.2

Structure

Usually, a letter comprises heading, m a i n message a n d ending. T h e study of letters written in Ugaritic has not progressed m u c h since C u n c h i l l o s 1989a; see there for lengthier discussion of matters raised here.

4 C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1993a, 239-306, 8 6 3 - 4 ; the texts, in corrected form are available in Sapānu, Publicaciones en Internet, at http://wwvv. labherm.filol.csic.es. 5 See M ALB R A N - L A B A T 1995a, 103 n. 2.

1.2

Heading

T h e heading, also called the introduction, comprises the address, proskynesis, greetings a n d wishes. 1.2.1

The address can take on various forms:

(a) / recipient rgm + thm sender (b) thm sender + I recipient rgm T h e n a m e of the more important person preceded the name of someone of lower rank, unless out of politeness the n a m e of the recipient had to come first ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1328). In other words, the second formula shows that the sender has higher rank than the recipient, whereas the first formula shows the higher rank of the recipient or else is an indication of politeness between persons of the same rank. If this is the case, Ugaritic usage would be the same as in other regions ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1328 with bibliography). However, not all scholars share this opinion. For some, hierarchy is the only criterion that explains the precedence of the n a m e in both cases ( K n u t s o n 1975, 199; K r i s t e n s e n 1977, 144-5; C a q u o t 1979b, 1414). Ugaritic usage would then differ from that of other areas, except for El A m a r n a ( K n u t s o n 1975, 199). As we shall see later on (§ 8.1.2.2), proskynesis occurs only when the first formula is used. This is the one, then, that is used when an inferior addresses a superior. T h e personal names of both the sender and the recipient are quite often replaced by terms denoting relationship. For example, adty, 'My L a d y ' , occurs in K T U 2.12 = R S 9 . 4 7 9 a . 2 ; K T U 2.24 = R S 16.137[bis]+:2; K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402:1; K T U 2.56 = R S 18.[400]:1; K T U 2.68 = R S 20.199:1; K T U 2.82 = R I H 78/12:2; adtny 'our Lady', K T U 2.11 = R S 8.315:1, adny 'my lord', K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102:2; b'ly 'my lord', 'my master', K T U 2.40 = R S 18.040:1; K T U 2.42 = R S 18.113 a: 1 ; K T U 2.61 = R S 19.011:2; K T U 2.63 = R S 19.029:1; K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102:10; bclh 'his master', K T U 2.47 = R S 18.148:2; b'lny 'our master', K T U 2.70 = R S 29.093:1; b'lkm 'your (pi.) master', K T U 5.10 = R S 17.063:3; umy 'my mother', K T U 2.11 = R S 8.315:1; K T U 2.13 = R S 11.872:2; K T U 2.16 = R S 15.008:2; K T U 2.30 = R S 16.379:1; K T U 2.34 = R S 17.139:2; K T U 5.10 = R S 17.063:3; K T U 2.82 = R I H 78/12:1; buy 'my son', K T U 2.14 = R S [Varia 4]:3; φ 'my brother', K T U 2.14 = R S

[Varia 4]:3; K T U 2.38 = R S 18.031:2; ihy 'my brother', K T U 2.44 = R S 18.134:2; ahty 'my sister', K T U 2.21= R S 15.174:3; ahth 'his sister', K T U 5.10 = R S 17.063:1; 'bdk 'your servant(s)', K T U 2.11 = R S 8.315:4; K T U 2.12= R S 9.479a.5; K T U 2.24 = R S 16.137[to]+:4; K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402.2; K T U 2.40 = R S 18.040.4; K T U 2.42 = R S 18.1 13a:3; K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102:12; K T U 2.68 = R S 20.199:3; K T U 2.75 = R S 34.148:4; K T U 2.81 = R I H 7 8 / 0 3 + 30:5), bnk 'your son', K T U 2.13 = R S 11.872:4; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379:3; K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102:5; ahk 'your brother', K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031:3. T h e terms 'father', 'mother', 'brother' and 'son' do not have the literal meaning of blood-relationship a m o n g those concerned. T h e y are terms of respect. T h e king is called 'father' and the queen, 'mother' (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 247-8). T h e noun thm, 'message', differentiates the Ugaritic formula from contemporary Akkadian formulae (El A m a r n a and even Ugarit itself) which begin with umma, 'thus'. 6 Sometimes an unbroken line separates the address from what follows (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249). N o account is taken of this line by epigraphists, except for TU. T h e unbroken line is one of the punctuation marks of Ugaritic. It corresponds to our full stop, new paragraph (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 248-9) except when it is used as a writing guide. In that case it recurs regularly in all or nearly all the lines of the text. I.2.2 The proskynesis is a formula of prostration and respect towards the recipient. It is used only with the first type of address formula as given above. T h e r e are four different types. T h e simplest is / p'n Ν qlt, 'at the feet of Ν (the recipient) Í fall' ( K T U 2.13 = R S I I . 8 7 2 : 5 - 6 ; K T U 2.30 = R S 16.379:4-5; K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102 obverse:6-7; K T U 2.79 = R I H 7 8 / 3 + 30:5-6; K T U 2.80 = R I H 7 8 / 1 2 : 2 - 3 ; see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 26). Somewhat more

6

It occurs in K T U 2.4 = RS 1.018; K T U 2.10 = RS 4.475; K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315; K T U 2.12 = RS 9.479A; K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872; K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174; K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[to]+; K T U 2.26 = RS 16.264; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379; K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402; K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139; K T U 2.39 = RS 18.038; K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040; K T U 2.42 = RS 18.113A; K T U 2.44 = RS 18.134; K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147; K T U 2.49 = RS 18.286+; K T U 2.61 = R S 19.011; K T U 2.63 = RS 19.029; K T U 2.64 = RS 19.102; K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095; K T U 2.76 = RS 34.356; K T U 2.78 = RIH 7 7 / 2 1a.

distant is I pcn Ν mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet of Ν I / w e fall from afar' K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315:5-7; K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402:3-4; K T U 2.45 = RS 18.140:11-2 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 27). More solemn is / pen Ν tnid sbcd mrhqtm qlny 'at the feet of Ν twice seven (times) I / w e fall' K T U 2.64 = R S 19.102 obv. 13-16; K T U 2.70 = R S 29.093:8-10. O r also I p'n Ν šbCd wsb'id mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet of Ν seven and seven (times) from a distance I fall' K T U 2.12 = RS 9.479a:6-11; K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[Äw]+:5-7; K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040:5-8; K T U 2.42 = R S 18.1 13a:4-5; K T U 2.51 = R S 18.[312]:2-3; K T U 2.68 = R S 20.199:4-7 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 29). T h e two last expressions could have the same meaning although it is not completely certain and they could have different nuances (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250). Ί fall' is a translation of qlt from Vqyl, cognate with Akkadian qâlu (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250). 'From afar' is a translation of mrhqtm or mrhqm, an adverb derived from Vrhq. 1.2.3 Greetings. T h e sender usually greets the recipient with a jussive: yšlm I- 'Peace to N ! (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 251 and n. 3 6 ) , which occurs in several letters.' Its variants a r c y š l m ly8 and InyšlmP T h e nominal use of šlm cannot be excluded in some cases. 10 1.2.4 Wishes. T h e greeting can be followed by a wish with a religious content as expressed by the sender in favour of the recipient. W h e n both elements are present, the action seems to be progressive. Indeed, with the greeting the sender wishes the recipient to enjoy good health when receiving the letter, while with the wishes he expresses the hope that the gods may continue preserving the recipient's good health. T h e same progression is glimpsed in the body of the letter. T h e greeting, then, can be differentiated from the wishes or

7

K T U 2.1 = RS 3.427; K T U 2.4 = RS 1.018; K T U 2.6 = RS 1.021; K T U 2.10 = RS 4.475; K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872; K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379; K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402; K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031; K T U 2.41 = RS 18.075; K T U 2.44 = RS 18.134; K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147; K T U 2.52 = RS 18.[364]; K T U 2.63 = RS 19.029; K T U 2.67 = RS 19.181B; K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095; K T U 2.81 = RIH 7 8 / 3 + 30. 8 K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379; K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402; K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199; K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124. See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 252. 9 K T U 2.79 = R I H 7 8 / 3 + 3 0 . 6 , see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 2 5 2 ~ 3 . 10 K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093; K T U 2.72= RS 34.124; K T U 5.10 = RS 17.063.

expression of wish/desire 1 1 although there are different opinions (see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 2 5 3 - 4 ) . T h e religious expression normally used in the wishes (see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 2 2 9 - 3 4 ) is ilm tgrk tslmk, ' M a y the gods protect you and keep you healthy!'.1'-' Ugaritic uses two verbs because two actions are meant to be represented (see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 254). T h e verb tgr, ΛIngr, denotes the action of 'protecting'. 1 3 Theoretically, tšlm could be the šaphel causative or the intensive D stem. However, both Akkadian and H e b r e w normally use the verb Sim in the intensive stem. Ugaritic probably does the same. 1 4 T h u s , the expression manifests the wish that the gods continue preserving the health of the recipient. T h e formulation of the wishes or desires can change. T h e letter writer has freedom of expression which is evident, for example, in K T U 2.16 = R S 15.008:4-6, when he writes ily ugrt tgrk tslmk, ' M a y the gods of Ugarit protect you a n d keep you healthy!', an expression which has its equivalent in the Akkadian of Ugarit: ilānu ugarit ana šulmāni lissurūka or else ilānu sa ugarit ana šulmāni lissurūka (see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 256). T h e a u t h o r of the letter K T U 2.4 = R S 1.018 sends wishes to the High Priest ilm tslmk tgrk t'zzk, ' M a y the gods keep you healthy, protect you and keep you hardy!' (lines 4 - 6 ) . A longer version occurs in K T U 5.9 = R S 16.265:2-6: ilm tgrk tslmk t'zzk alp ymm w rbt šnt b'd clm, ' M a y the gods protect you, keep you healthy, keep you hardy for a thousand days a n d ten thousand years for ever!'. Finally, there is the formula b'lysul šlmk, ' M a y Ba'al take care of your health!' of K T U 5.11 = R S 17.117:2, which becomes intelligible if c o m p a r e d with the H e b r e w expression THWHys'l Islmk, of Arad Letter 18 a n d the Akkadian expressions ilānu šulumka . . . lisal of EA 9 6 : 4 - 6 , ilānu lišalū šulumka of T a a n a k 1.5-6 and Aramaic clhyc yšlw šlmk of A P 56:1 (see C U N C H I L L O S 1983a).

11

Further details and discussion in C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 2 5 1 - 2 . With some variations it occurs in K T U 2.1 = RS 3.427:1-2; K T U 2.4 = RS 1.018:4-5 (ilm tslmk tgrk)· K T U 2.6 = RS 1.021:5-6 (ilm tgrkm ts'lmkm)·, K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315:7-9; K T U 2.13 = RS 1 1.872:7-8; K T U 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]:4-5; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174:5-6 (ilm tslmk tgrk)] K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379:6-7; K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139:3-4; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031:4-5; K T U 2.41 = RS 18.075:1-2; K T U 2.44 = RS 18.134:4-5; K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147:4-5; K T U 2.63 = RS 19.029:5-6; K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199:9-10 (collation: Pardee); K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093:6-7; K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095:4-5 (ilm tslmk tgrk); K T U 2.75 = RS 34.148:6. 13 Others consider the root to be gyr; see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 2 5 5 . 14 See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 254-5; T R O P P E R 1990a, 164. 12

1.3

Body of the letter or message

1.3.1 Structure of the message. T h e second part of the letter is laid out in dialogue form, marked in some cases 15 by the adverbs hnny, 'here' and tmny, 'there' (further details in C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 257, n. 66). Generally (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 258, n. 68) the sender uses hnny,lfi or its equivalent hlny17 to open the section where he provides news of his circumstances, limited to the expression 'everything is (very) fine with 18 (me/us)'— ( mn(y) kll (mid) šlm in various forms (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 259, n. 70). T h e term tmny is used to begin the expression (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 259, n. 73) by the sender that all may go well with the recipient cm Ν mnm šlm. T h e two expressions introduced by hnny and tmny in the body of the letter are the counterpart of the greeting and wishes in the structure of the text. T h e greeting, like the expression introduced by hnny, denotes the situation as at present, whereas the wishes, like the expression introduced by tmny, are set in the future. In both cases there is an element of progression. In cm Ν mnm šlm, the verbal form Sim is probably an optative qatala, and in cmn(y) kll (mid) šlm the qatala is in the present. 19 1.3.2 Syntax. Within the dialogue section, the key to the wording and of course to understanding is syntax. Unfortunately, this is the least known part of Ugaritic grammar. T h e research undertaken by us in Madrid has not yet provided results. T h e key to syntactic structure frequently lies in particles which are still largely not understood, although their mysteries have been penetrated to some extent. Thus,

15 In K T U 2.1 = RS 3.427; K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315; K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174; K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[£w]+; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379; K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139; K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031; K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147; K T U 2.56 = RS 18.[4001; K T U 2.65 = RS 19.1 58B; K T U 2.67 = RS 19.181B; K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199; K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093; K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095; K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124; K T U 2.76 = RIH 7 7 / 2 1a; K T U 2.83 = R I H 78/25. 16 K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315:10; K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031:6; K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147:6; K T U 2.56 = RS 18.[400]:4; K T U 2.65 = RS 19.158 b:1; K T U 2.71 = RS 29.095:5; K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124:4. 17 K T U 2.1 = RS 3.427:3; K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872:9; K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174:7; K T U 2.24 = R S 16.137 [Aw] + :8; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379:8; K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+:2; K T U 2.47 = RS 19.181 B:4; K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093:11; K T U 2.76 = RIH 77/21a:4; K T U 2.83 = RIH 78/25:2. 18 See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 258, n. 69. 19

See

CUNCHILLOS

1986,

259

60; 260,

n.

75.

ht, usually translated by 'now' 2 0 has the peculiarity of always marking the passage to the second part of the discourse 21 or argumentation. It means 'also', in the first case and 'but' 2 2 when followed by the conditional particle hm, 'if'. O t h e r particles, such as w which begins an apodosis, also contribute to the recognition of structural elements. 23 Ugaritic w, as in Hebrew, can also denote the beginning of a conditional clause or a subordinate conditional clause. 24 In this way, step by step the syntax is revealed, but the picture is still incomplete. If we consider the letter as a whole and not just the body of the message, we can add that epistolary style may be marked by the use of a large n u m b e r of jussive, imperative and optative forms. T h e third person jussive is used frequentiy, for example in yslm Ik in the greeting and ilm tgrk tslmk in the wishes, but also in the body of the message, for instance in tmny mnm šlm and sometimes throughout the whole letter as in K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008. Perhaps this is one of the characteristics of epistolary style,25 which is due to the involvement of a third person in the communication, an intermediary who reads the written message aloud. Scholars who do not accept the role of the mlak have great difficulty in understanding the use of the third person. 2 6 It cannot be excluded that the use of the third person is an expression of respect. 1.3.3 Literary aspects of the letters. T h e letters are the work of various authors preserved in a single copy, as short unvocalized texts full of hapax legomena which allude to contexts which are unknown to us. These are the historical contexts in which the letters were written, the archaeological contexts in which they were found. We also lack the essential communication link of the 2nd millennium BCE, the maVak who held the key to interpretation, the additional explanations d e m a n d e d by the text so as to be fully understood by the recipient. So much for the inherent difficulties of the letters. However, it

20

See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 262, n. 77; DLU, 169-70. For example in K T U 2.4 = RS 1.018 and K T U 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]. See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 273 n. 6 and 295 n. 12 respectively. 22 See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 337, n. 36; 278, n. 10. 23 C U N C H I L L O S 1989b, commentary on the letters K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475; K T U 2.30 = RS 16.379; K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402. 24 See C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 338 n. 4 0 . 21

25

PARDEE -

26

KRISTENSEN

WHITING 1977,

1987. 145

in respect of

K T U

2.47

=

RS

18.148.

has to be accepted that on the other h a n d it presents several advantages c o m p a r e d to other literary genres. T h e letter has spatial boundaries which cannot be said of more complex literary texts such as myths and legends. This factor assures us b e f o r e h a n d that if the tablet is intact, the m e a n i n g of the letter will be complete. It has been claimed that the correspondence in Ugaritic is only a translation f r o m Akkadian texts. T h e arguments for and against have been set out elsewhere. 2 7 T h e r e is a strong possibility that Ugaritic correspondence was original.

1.4

Closing formula

T h e body of the message is followed by a request for information concerning the recipient and his surroundings. T h e formula is usually rgm ttb I-, 'Send a reply to (lit. return a word to)!'. T h e verbal form ttb is a Shaphel imperative of the verb twb, with assimilation of the p h o n e m e / š a / typical of the Shaphel to / t a / . W h e n the letter is written in the third person, tttb is used in the closing formula, 3rd pers. fem. sing, jussive: ' M a y she return a word to her servant!'. This occurs in K T U 2.12 = R S 9.479A: 1428 and K T U 2.16 = R S 15.008:19. 29

1.5

Conclusion

Historical and social importance of the correspondence. T h e sender of most of the letters preserved is a k i n g / q u e e n or a prince/princess. Some seem to come f r o m lesser court officials. O f all the letters preserved, the one by queen Pudugibat or Puduhepa ( K T U 2.36 = R S 17.435+), is undoubtedly the most interesting for its historical significance, but also for the information it provides on diplomatic relations and even on the political tactics used by Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit. P u d u h e p a was the wife of Hattusilis, the m o t h e r of Tudhaliya and a c o n t e m p o r a r y of Ramesses II. T h e kingdom of Ugarit was a vassal of Hatti, and the king of Ugarit was obliged to present himself each year in the Hittite court, bringing a tribute established beforehand. As the letter shows, the king

27 28 29

See See See

CUNCHILLOS CUNCHILLOS CUNCHILLOS

1989a, 264-7. 1989a, 286 n. 6. 1989a, 3 0 2 n. 2 5 .

of Ugarit had to bring a quantity of gold for the House of the king, but the same a m o u n t also for the House of the queen. N i q m a d d u sent the required a m o u n t of gold that was due to the king by adopting the ruse of sending it to the House of the queen. Similarly, Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit, had to send a certain quantity of precious stones which had been worked in his kingdom to the Hittite court. N i q m a d d u pretended not to have any gem cutters. In the rest of the letter, he asks the Hittite court for help in assuring that the caravans going to Egypt would pass through Ugarit, no doubt thinking of the benefits such commercial traffic would entail. In another letter, ( K T U 2.38 = R S 18.031), the king of Tyre informs the king of Ugarit that the fleet he had sent to Egypt found itself in the middle of a great storm which forced the fleet to split, half going to Tyre and the other half to Acre. T h e fleet was carrying wheat. T h e captain m a d e them take the wheat out of the amphoras and lay it out to dry, but first he delivered it to the king of Tyre, the one responsible on land. T h e king of Tyre informed the king of Ugarit that the cargo had again been loaded on the boats and that the fleet had resumed its journey. Another letter, ( K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199), by Urfctešub, seems likely to deal with the old Hittite king who had fallen into disgrace and had had more than friendly relations with Ugarit. Each of the letters is a remnant of someone's life and reflects the society to which he belongs.

1.5

Appendix: the vocabulary of the letters

Α . - T h e total n u m b e r of Words with their Morphological Display (or WMD)30 in the Ugaritic corpus published so far is 6521. 31 T h e n u m b e r of WMD exclusive to a single literary genre is as follows: Administration: 2031; Myth: 1164; Epic: 495; Ritual: 438; Correspondence: 332; Assorted Fragments: 81; School Exercises: 44; Law: 44; Inscriptions: 40; Hippiatric texts: 37. 876 of the 6521 WMD contained in the published Ugaritic texts occur in the Correspondence. Of these, 544 are also c o m m o n to other genres, leaving 332 as exclusive to the Correspondence.

30 Palabras en Alorfologia Desplegada or PAID in Spanish. Here the English abbreviation is used for convenience. See § 16.2.2. 31 C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1993a, 1-2191.

B . - T h e Vocabulary of the C o r r e s p o n d e n c e shared with other literary genres: 1.- C o r r e s p o n d e n c e and Administration: adc; adty, ahty, alyyn; anyt; argmnm; atlg·, ibm\ iwrdn; iwdr, iwrpzn; ihy; lytlrrv, ilšpš; iltkm; itn; ittl; ubr'y; ully; urgttb; bdhm; blym\ bcly\ bclyskn\ b'rm; gzl; gib; grgs; dym; dmn; drdm, drm; hyil; hpr.; hlpn·, hpn\ hpnm; ybnn; ymz', kbr.; ky, kkr, klby; ksphm; ktt; Iby; Iqht; mz'/m; wz^wA; mkr, mlbš] mly; mlkytn; mrdt, sny; cbdbcl; cbdyrh; cbdm; c yn; 'ky, 7; 7r, 7«; cttry, plsy, pm\ psn; spy, rhbrv, škn; šlmy; šml·, sm't; s't, stn; tyt; tlmyn; tmtt; fry; trgds; trtn; tby; tpbtcl\ tpn. 2 . - Correspondence and Myth: ad\ adnh; ahš; ams\ arš; ilak; iph\ irstk; bnk\ dbr, dtm; hdd; hdt\ hin·, hmk\ hš; hsri\ y bit, ycmsn\ klm\ kpr, lah, lit, lp\ mla; mlak; mgt; mrt, mtt; n'mm; sip", cbdk\ cnn\ pcnk; slm; qbt, qdt, qlh\ qlt; qmh; rgmt, šbCd, šdt; škb; šntm\ špr, thmk) tm; t'tqn; tgrk; tttb; tbh\ tmt. 3 . - C o r r e s p o n d e n c e a n d Epic: adnk; ahtk; amrk; argm\ aškn; aštn; ikm; itt; bClny; d'\ dt\ hndt, ytbC mndC\ Crym\ tadnv, tdbr, tmgy; ta; tqb; tnnth. 4 . - C o r r e s p o n d e n c e a n d Ritual: ατηπ, aspt\ dbhn\ dr'·, hwth] hrdh\ htm] y dbh; ysal; mzn\ mit.; msqt, mrhqm·, ndr, si. 5 . - C o r r e s p o n d e n c e and Law: iky, brt; mgsh, cmnk. 6 . - C o r r e s p o n d e n c e and Assorted Fragments: hdr·, mli; tzn; tsc. 7 . - C o r r e s p o n d e n c e and School Exercises: h; t; mtr. 8.— C o r r e s p o n d e n c e a n d Vocabularies: ikt. 9 . - C o r r e s p o n d e n c e and the Hippiatric Texts. C . - Vocabulary exclusive to the C o r r e s p o n d e n c e , as has been seen, comprises 332 WMD. A preliminary analysis results in the following: Verb forms: Λlabd 'to be eternal', 'to perish': tubd. Vahb 'to love': ihbt.

\lawd 'to weigh, pay': udh\ tud. ^1awš 'to make a gift, give': nul. ^azr 'to gird': yšizr. ^lahd 'to grasp, seize': did] didn. •Jahr 'to delay': yšihr; tšiffrhm.

^aty 'to come': nitk. ^arš 'to ask, desire': aršt; yirš.

^lbll 'to moisten, ferment': iblblhm. V67 'to work, make': ysb'l·, ib'ltn. •Jb'r 'to burn', 'to abandon, destroy': ibcr; b'r·, yb'm. ylbqt ' to seek': bqt\ ybqj.

yIbtt 'to move away', S 'leave aside': ybt\ ušbt\ ušbtm. ^lgd' 'to cut': agdc.

ΛIgrr 'to move': igr.

Adhl 'to fear, be scared': tdhl. ΛIdhs 'to be excited/nervous': tdhs. \Ihbt 'to humble, demolish': hbt; yhbt\ thbt. 1 ihdy 'lacerate, gash oneself': hdy. ^lwhl 'to be discouraged': twhln. "Jwzn 'to weigh': yzn. •Jwpt 'to spit': pt?2 Vzwd 'to provision, supply', Nifal 'to be provisioned, supplied': nzdt. Ahdy 'to see, look', 'rejoice': hd. λIhwy 'to prostrate oneself, 'to live': hw, hytn. "Jhlq 'to perish', 'to be absent': hlqt. yhpn 'to cover, protect, wrap': yhpn. 'to snatch, conquer, defeat': hti; nhtw, f}tat. •Jycf 'to know': yd'm; Idc.33 ^y'b 'to be spacious': y'b. Λlysa 'to go out': assu; yssa; šsu. ylyra 'to fear, be frightened': yritn. \lyrd 'to descend': yrdnn. yytn 'to give, sell': atnnk) ytnh, ytnnn; štnt; štnth; štntn. ^lytb 'to sit, dwell in': ytbt; ytbtn. *ikwn 'to be establish', Š 'to create, make preparations': tšknn·, tšknnnn\ yškn. ^lkhd 'to erase', 'to hide': khdnn. Mhm 'to eat', 'to fight', 'to be suitable': ilhmn. vlik 'to entrust with, commission, send': ilakh, labrr, likt, lut, tlikr, tlikn. λÍlwy 'to follow, enclose, go round': aslu (?). Mwt 'to mould (clay)': Itt (Gt). ymkr 'to trade': amkrn.

^lmla 'to fill': mlit (part. act. G. fem.pl.). >Imgy 'to arrive, come, reach': ymgyk; mgyy; mgyk\ tmgyy. ^lnad 'to raise': nitk. yinhr 'to cause to flow': /Ar.34 ^nw' 'to move', 'ask, request': n'kn. AIns' 'to uproot': //«. ΛIngr 'to protect': tgrkm; tgm. ΛIntb 'to pull up': ntb. Vsyr 'to travel': syr. yspr 'to write, tell, relate': yspm. Vewr 'to be naked', 'to go blind', 'to worry': t'wr. "J'zz 'to be strong, prevail', D 'to preserve strength': t'zzk. Vemt 'to hit, tie, wrap': cmt. VVy 'to empty, unload', 'to turn': cryt. " Hapax. It comes from a pupil's exercise. Hapax. Text in bad condition, but it is a preposition + inf. const, of yd'. 34 Hapax. Possible but not certain. 33

V'/r 'to invite': t'sr. Vctq 'to pass, move forward', 'to become old': tctq\ s'tq. ^gzr 'to fortify': agzr. ^lphy 'to discern, see, perceive, experience': iphn\ phn'\ phnn. •4pit 'to set free, save': npl. Vsba 'to grow, to rise (of the sun)', 'to decrease, to set (of the sun)': sb\ \Iswq 'to squeeze': šsq 'to press'. AIshq 'to laugh': tsshq. \Ispy 'to cover, put on', 'observe, keep guard': aspy\ tspy. ΛIqwr 'to flow', 'be curved': šqr. ^qyl 'to fall': qlny. ^lqšr 'to knot, join': qšr; tqšr. ^Jqty 'to end': tql. ylrhl 'to worry, travel': trhln. ^lriš 'to swell up, have a headache': rus. vrws 'to be poor': yrs. TO 'to destroy': yrs. všay 'to wait, lie in wait': asi. ^šal 'to deal with, watch over/supervise': yšul. ^Išil 'to question, ask, request': šil; silt·, išai, išalhm·, tšal; yštal; yššil. ^lšivr 'to besiege, enclose': yšm. •Jšyt 'to place, set': ištn. 1 1škh 'to meet/find': tškh; nškh. yšlh 'to send', 'to found, build': nšlh. y Ilm 'to be well, be in peace': šlmt; šlmtn\ tšlmk; tšlmkm. ^lšmh 'to rejoice': ššmht. ^lšm' 'to hear': sm'fi; tšrrínv, mšrrít. ^lšqp 'to strike, break': yšqp. 4šty 'to drink, taste': ištn. yltbr 'to break, smash': ttbrn. ^ltkp 'to be demolished, resist, repel': ntkp. Vt'y 'to correct, inspect', 'to offer': tt'y. Nouns: adn 'Lord, father, master, foreman': adny; adnty. idn 'permission, consent': idn. adt 'Lady': adtny. az 'fringed carpet': azt. amt 'maid, maidservant, slave; forearm, elbow': amtk. any 'fleet': anyk\ anykn. argmn: 'tribute' argmny. ins 'people': inšk. udr 'nobility, the most noble'; 'camels'; 'slope, skirt (of a mountain)': udrh\ udrk. udr 'courier, messenger'; 'salvation': udrh. u/} 'brother': uhy. un 'sorcery, magic': unk.

urk 'length': urk. bnny: bnny (or preposition bn 'between' + suff. -ny 'us'). bs 'linen': bs. g 'voice': gy. gšm 'rain': gšm. dbr 'plague, pestilence; thing, word'; 'pastureland, pastures, hut': dbrm. dn 'receptacle, amphora': dnh\ dntm. dr' 'arm'; 'wheat seed': dr'hm. hwt 'life'; 'house, dynasty, country, territory, district, region'; 'animal, serpent': hwtk, hwtm. hmy 'wall'; hmy. hbt 'freeman, fugitive'; 'soldier, proletarian': /)btm. hrd 'guard, sentinel'; 'part of the conscript army': hrdk. kw 'liquid measure': kw. ksu 'throne': ksiy. ksp 'silver': kspym 'silversmiths'. lb 'heart': Ibk. lbs 'garment': Ibsk. Ig 'gallon': Igk.35 Idt 'receptacle, cellar': Idtk. Ih 'cheek, jaw, snout, fauces'; 'tablet, writing, dictation, message': Ihy. mid 'abundance': midy. md 'surveyor': mdym. mhr 'surveyor'; 'dung'; 'courtier'; 'coat, cloak': mhrk. mkr 'trader': mkrn. mlakt 'mission, assignment, embassy': mlakt] mlaklh\ mlakly; mlaktk. mli 'full, complete' (qatil ν mla 'to fill'): mlit. mlg 'a type of sacrifice': mlgt. msgr 'casde, fortress': msgr. m'n 'reply': m'nk. mrdt 'carpet': mrdtt. mrkbt 'chariot': mrkbtk. mtn 'repetition, reply': mtnn. n'r 'boy, lad, soldier, knight/horseman, cadet'; 'a type of roasted or dry flour'; 'mix, mixture': n'ry. npš 'throat, cheeks, desire, person, animal, living being': npšy. npšn 'abundance'; interjection: 'by (my) life!'. npt 'type of offering': nptn. nr 'yoke': nrm. nt 'inner part': nt; nty. sglt 'property': sglth. shl 'driller (of precious of semi-precious stones)': shlk; sf}lm. 'ps 'frontier': 'ps. 't 'moth, louse': 'tty.

Hapax. T h e text is very corrupt.

gb 'sacrificial pit': gbny. gl 'depression, hollow', 'reedbed': glhm. qnu 'lapis lazuli': qnim; qnuym. qrt 'city': qrtn. rgm 'word, speech, matter, claim, complaint': rgmh; rgmy. rc 'shepherd', 'friend, companion': r'. M 'field': sdk. sin 'gift, peace offering': sink. šlm 'peace, appeasement, peace offering'; 'satisfied'; 'victim of communion sacrifice': šlmk. šm 'name': šmy. ty 'water, river': ty; th; 0>ny.'iR thm 'errand, resolution, decree, message': thmhy. Personal names: agzr] ahtmlk; ibrkd; iwrphn; ihqm; illdr; irrtrm; gnryn; ddyn: yrmhd: ytrhd; nmy\ nmry; 'bdmlk; pgn; pdgb; pzy\ pzy, plz', pnht\ pgsdb\ ptmy\ ttyy. Divine names: atrty, 'Athirat'. Toponyms: grgms 'Carchemish'; Iwsnd 'Lawasantiya'; mgšh 'Mukiš'; ngt 'Nuhašše'; gblm 'Byblos' (unless it is a gentilic: 'Byblians'); ns. Gentilics: ugrtym 'Ugaritians'; šmny: smnyk. Names of professions: kspym 'silversmiths'; mdym 'surveyors'. Numbers: snp 'two-thirds'. Personal pronouns: ankn T . Demonstrative pronouns: hndn\ hnt, hnkt. Indefinite pronouns: mhy; mhk\ mhkm\ klklhm\ kllh. Adverbs: ikmy; inm\ innm; hnny; midm; mrhqt; mrhqtm; sb'id 'seven times'; tmny; tnid 'twice'; 'šrid 'ten times'. Prepositions: 'mrv. 'mny; 'mnkm; 'Un 'against'; gmt 'according to, in accordance with'; bn 'between': bnny (with suff. -ny 'us'). Conjunctions: uy; uk; uky. Excluded from the above classification are: 1. T h e WMD which are susceptible to different analyses. T h e list is as follows: akin, ally, ankm, ptn, tittm, tbt, tnlh, ttk. 2. Also excluded from the previous grammatical classification are the WMD for words which as yet remain unexplained. T h e list is as follows: ahnnr; itrhw; ul'nk; us'nk; bas; bby; bnptn; hzb; hhb; hkm; htm; ysin; ysunn; stn; t'pr; pkdy; prhn; tlhmy.

36

Hapax. It occurs in K T U 5.11 = RS 17.117.

T h e next step is to determine whether other noun or verb forms, i.e. the same noun with different suffixes or other forms from the same root are attested in other literary genres besides Correspondence. T h i s a n d other supplementary information can be found in the Concordance of Ugaritic Roots, in preparation (see § 16.2). (Translation:

W.G.E.

WATSON)

2

T h e

Akkadian

John

2.1

Letters

Huehnergard

Introduction

Some 354 letters or fragments of letters have been found at Ras Shamra. O f these, 134, or just over one-third of the total, were discovered during the 1994 season of excavations in the 'House of Urtenu', and have not been published as of this writing. 1 Of the 220 letters or letter fragments found before 1994, 24 remain unpublished; thus, the total n u m b e r of letters available for study is 196. While many of the published Akkadian letters were written within the kingdom of Ugarit, many others were sent to Ugarit from cities and states across the Near East. Perhaps as m a n y as 43 of the letters may be said with some degree of confidence to have originated within Ugarit itself, or to be copies of letters sent from the Ugaritian court. But about twice that number, roughly 85 of the letters, give some indication of their point of origin outside Ugarit, and a m o n g these at least 17 places of origin are attested: A1ašiya, Amqu, Amurru, Assyria, Aštate, Beirut, Carchemish, Egypt, Hatti, Mari, Mukiš, Parga, Qadesh, Sidon, Siyannu (and Ušnatu), Tarhudašše, and Tyre (perhaps also Alalah, E m a r and M a ' h a z , as well as a second town n a m e d Beirut/Bi'rut; see the listing at the end of this chapter). It is not surprising, perhaps, that the largest numbers of letters come from Ugarit's overlord, Hatti, and Hatti's provincial capital, Carchemish. O f course, there are a great many letters between individuals, in which the sender did not specify his or her location at the time of writing, or in which in any case such information can not be recovered.

2.2

Format and Formulae

Most of the Akkadian letters exhibit a c o m m o n format (see A h l 1 9 7 3 ; Y a m a d a 1 9 9 2 ) . T h e y begin with an address, which gives the identities of the sender and the addressee, in the form of a c o m m a n d to the scribe/messenger: in its simplest form, 'Say to [the addressee];

1

See

M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995; L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a; and especially 1995b for overviews of the 1994 Akkadian tablets.

BORDREUIL -

MALBRAN-LABAT

thus/word-of [the sender]' or the inverse, 'Thus/word-of [the sender]; say to [the addressee]'. Normally the party that appears first in the address is the one with a higher social rank ( N o u g a y r o l 1955, 2-3). T h e r e usually follows a salutation, which may contain any or all of the following elements: a statement of obedience if the sender is of lower social rank than the addressee; a wish for the well-being of the addressee; an invocation of divine blessing. A salutation is omitted in letters from the Hittite overlord. Following the salutation there may be a stereotyped statement of the sender's well-being and a polite request for news of the well-being of the addressee. T h e n comes the body of the letter. These various elements—address, salutation, statement/inquiry of well-being, body—are often separated from one another on the tablet by a ruled horizontal line. T h e scribe may also use such a line to mark off separate topics in the body of the letter. T o illustrate the introductory formulae, the following letters may be presented. In the first, R S 20.238 = t/g 5 no. 24, the king of Ugarit writes to a king of superior rank; after the address, there is a statement of obedience (prostration) and a lengthy wish for the well-being of the addressee and his household; then follows the body of the letter. Ana šar mat Alašiya abi-ya qibi-ma; umma šar mat Ugarit māri-kā-ma:

Say to the king of the land of A1ašiya, my father; message of the king of the land of Ugarit, your son:

Ana šēpī abī-ya a[mq]ut. I f[a1]1 at my father's feet. Ana muf}hi abī-ya lū šulmu. Ana bītātī- May my father be well. May your ka hīrātī-ka sābī-ka, ana gabbi mimmû houses, your wives, your army, everyša šar māt Alašiy[a] abī-ya d[a]nniš danništhing of the king of the land of lū šulm[u]. A1ašiy[a], my father, be v[e]ry, very weip]. Abī, anumma eleppētu ša nakrī Ulaka; ālānī-ya ina išāti išairip, u amāt [Í]ā banīta \in\ a libbi māti īte[p]šū. Abūya ul ī[d]e kī gabbu sābī . . . -ya ina māt Hatti ašbū u gabbu e[lepp]ētū-[y]a ina mât Lukkâ ašbu? \Ad~\īni ul ikšudan-ni. U mātu kâm-ma nadât. Abū-ya amāt annīta lū īde. Inanna 7 ekppētu ša nakrī ša illakan-ni, u amāt mašikta ītepšū-nâši. Inanna šumma elepp[ētu] ša nakrī šanâtu

My father, now then, the enemies' ships have been coming; they have been setting fire to my towns, and so they (the enemies) have do[n]e something [u]np1easant [i]n the land. Does my father not know that all my . . .—troops are situated in Hatti and all [m]y s [hip] s are situated in Lycia? They have not [ye]t reached me. The land could be overthrown

ibašši-mi, tē[m]a \ayy\akâmma šupr[a]nni, u lü īde.

this way. M y father should be aware of this. N o w the enemies' ships that have been coming against me are seven, and they (the enemies) have done something heinous against us. N o w , if there are more of the enemies' ships, send [m]e ne[w]s [so]mehow, that I may know.

In the next letter, R S 19.070 = PRU 4, 294, the king and queen of Ugarit write to a man of lesser rank; after the address there follow a brief expression of well-wishes and an invocation of divine blessing. Message of the king of the land of Umma šar mat Ugarit u šarrat mat Ugarit] Ugarit and the queen of the land of ana Kila'e abī-ni qibī-ma: Ugarit; say to our father Kila'e:

Lu šutmu ana muhhi-ka. Ilānū ana šulmāni lissurū-ka.

M a y you be well. M a y the gods keep you in good health.

W e have sent herewith our mesAnumma Ili-milku mar-šiprī-ni ana senger ΙΐΓ-milku to inquire after the šc?āli Mmi ša šatri bētx-ni naltapar-šu. [. . . welfare of our lord the king. [ . . .

Finally, a letter to the king of Ugarit from one of his agents, R S 17.383 = PRU 4, 22Iff., illustrates the stereotyped statement of the sender's well-being and inquiry concerning that of the addressee; we quote here only the introductory part of the letter: Ana šar mat Ugarit beh-ya qibi-ma; umma Taguhli ardī-kā-ma:

Say to my lord the king of Ugarit; message of your servant Taguhlu:

I fall at my lord's feet from afar Ana šēpī bēlī-ya ištu rūqiš šinîšu sebîšu amqut. twice seven times. N o w then all is well with the king Enūma itti sarri u ittī-ya gabba šulmu. and with me. Is everything well diere Ašranu itti šarri bēlī-ya mīnummê šulmānu? with my lord the king? M a y news Tema litenūni. be sent back to me.

2.3

Topics of the Letters

A wide range of topics is addressed in the Akkadian letters. Most of the letters from Ugarit's overlords, Hatti and Carchemish, concern military and political matters, such as movements of enemy troops; requests for troops, arms, or information; border disputes; the activities of merchants; and other legal matters. Others, however, have to do with the sending of gifts and tribute, or accompany the sending of a high official. Letters from other courts often discuss gift exchange, alliances, and good relations, or present requests for commodities. Letters between individuals concern economic matters, offer or request news, or simply bear a greeting from sender to addressee, with a request for a return letter.

2.4

Grammar

T h e letters found at Ras Shamra, like the other Akkadian texts, are for the most part written in the western peripheral type of Middle Babylonian that is termed Hurro-Akkadian or Syro-Anatolian. This type of Akkadian usually exhibits a certain a m o u n t of confusion in the writing of stops and sibilants; an enclitic particle, -me, which tends to replace normative Akkadian -ma on prepositions, conjunctions, adverbs, and pronouns (e.g., in the conjunction kīmê instead of kīma; the adverb anummê instead of anumma\ and the indefinite pronoun mannummê instead of mannumma); the frequent appearance of the conjunction u to introduce main clauses after protases of conditional sentences, after relative clauses and other subordinate clauses, and after instances of casus pendens. Peripheral Akkadian texts also tend to exhibit an admixture of several core Mesopotamian dialects into the Middle Babylonian matrix, such as Old Babylonian and Old and Middle Assyrian forms. T h e y also betray substrate influence, i.e. features of the scribes' native languages, including lexical items, phonological and morphological patterns, and syntactic structures. Finally, the peripheral texts also show a certain a m o u n t of grammatical simplification and reduction, the result of creolizing tendencies as the scribes attempted to write their imperfecdy-learned Akkadian. T h e features just listed are common to all Syro-Anatolian Akkadian texts, including the Ras S h a m r a Akkadian letters. Texts written in a particular locale, however, will exhibit each of the various features to a greater or lesser extent than texts written elsewhere. In

other words, the g r a m m a r and orthography of peripheral texts vary according to their provenance. For example, letters from Sidon tend to have a large n u m b e r of Assyrian forms ( A r n a u d 1 9 9 2 ) , as in the following: RS 34.149 = RSO 7, no. 38. Umma Adad-isme šar māt Sidūni;

Message of Adad-išme king of the land of Sidon;

ana šar mat Ugarit ahi-ya qibi-ma:

say to the king of the land of Ugarit, my brother:

Alterne lā [išp]ura ahu-ya an[a muhhi]- I have heard that my brother [wro]te t[o m]e: '. . .' ya: . Ittalak ana āl Sid[ūn]a ilī-ya ana' epāš' šipn-šu. Aptiqis-su ina aklē ina bēt[ē -s]u ina ūmē ša [uši]b annaka. A[numm]a ana muhhī-[ka utta"]er-šu.

He arrived at Sid [on], to me, to produce his message. I provided him with bread in [h]is hous[e] for the days that he [stay]ed here. [I have now retur]ned him to [you].

T h e following distinctions between texts written at Ugarit proper and texts written at Carchemish have been noted, inter alia ( H u e h n e r g a r d 1979):

UGARIT

CARCHEMISH

sporadic instances of incorrect broken writings intervocalic / w / written either <W> or <M> š does not always > I before dental; utu and ultu inandin, less often inaddin attu- does not occur 3fs prefix normally t-, rarely isubordination marker -u virtually absent mixing of Ill-weak forms: ileqqe/ ilaqqe, iqtabi/ iqtebi many clauses not verb-final yānu is common lū is rare preterite and perfect interchangeable for past tense

unexpected broken writings virtually absent intervocalic / w / written <M> only š > I before dental always, except for iltu (never ultu) inaddin, never inandin attu- does occur 3fs prefix i- (t- in one text only) subordination marker appears about half the time Ill-weak forms all normative Babylonian nearly all clauses verb-final yānu unattested lū is common perfect in main clauses, preterite in subordinate

T h e following two letters, the first from the king of Carchemish and the second from the king of Ugarit, illustrate several of these distinctions: RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193. Umma sarrim-ma; ana Ibīrāni šar Ugarit qibī-ma:

Message of the king; say to Ibīrānu king of Ugarit:

Lu šulmu ana muhhi-ka.

May it be well with you.

Enūma Misra-muwa ašrānu itti Kuzvšarru-ma ašābi illaka. U atta ištu zīttīšu kī tābiš lū tēteneppuš-šu. Appūnama ana sisî-šu â tibna lū tattanaddin-ma. Summa atta ul tīdē-šu, ahū-šu ša Upparmuwa šūt; mār šanim-ma šūt. U ištu ZĪttî-šu kī tābiš lū tēteneppuš-šu.

Now then, Misra-muwa is coming there to stay with Kuzi-Sarruma. You must treat him consistently well, according to his due. In addition, you must keep his horses supplied with grain (and) straw. In case you do not know him, he is the brother of Uppar-muwa; he is the king's own son. So you must always treat him consistently well, according to his due.

RS 20.184 = Ug 5 no. 28. Say to my lord Hešmi-Teššup; message of your servant Ammištamru: I fall at my lord's feet. Ana šēpī bēlī-ya amqut. May my lord be well. May your Ana muhhi bēlī-ya lū šulmu. Ana bītīka hīrātī-ka, ana gabbi mimmu ša bēlī- house, your wives, everything of my lord's, be very, very [well]. ya danniš danniš lū [šulmu]. Ana Hešmi-Teššup bēlī-ya qibī-ma; umma Ammištamri ardī-kā-ma:

Bēl-ī, enūma kī ušebbal šarru bēlī-ya My lord, now then, whenever my sisî ana ardī-šu ina qāti ša Taguhli [...], lord the king would send horses to u hataddi arad-š[u . . .]. Kī šaknak- his servant in the charge of Taguhlu k[u. . .?]. [...], h\is\ servant would always be glad [...]. How does it seem toyo[u? ...] Now, horse [s . . .] Inanna sis[û. . .] . . . several lines missing. . . . . . several lines missing . . . [Anumma'] Amu[tara' ana mu]/}hi šarri [Herewith] I have sen[t] Amu[taru bēlī-ya altap[ar]. Bēlī-ya Amutara [ana\ t]o my lord the king. May my lord pānī šani bēlī-ya lušmbšu. Amātē-šu kī present Amutaru [t]o my lord the ša tābiš bēlī-ya ana pānī šarri bēlī-ya king. May my lord discuss his conlidbub u kī damqiš lišēr[ibšu]. cerns before my lord die king as well as possible, and prese[nt him] as properly as possible.

U bēlī-ya ana pānī šani bēlī-ya liqbi u 2 sisî damqüti u 1 qašta damiqta sa māt Hanigalbat lušēbûa ana ardī-šu ina qāti Amutari Š(arKu pānī-ya.

Also, may my my lord the king, two good horses from Hanigalbat the charge of my

U atta bēl-ī 1 qašta damiqta ša mat Hanigalbat šūbila ana ardī-ka ina qāti Amutari ^arKu pānī-ya. Anumma ana šulmāni bēlī-y[a] ištēn kitâ rabītu damiq[tu] u ištēn kitâ šanû damqu ultēbilakku.

Also you, my lord, send one good bow from Hanigalbat to your servant in the charge of my .. . Amutaru. Herewith, as a greeting gift for m[y] lord, I have sent you one goo[d] large linen garment and one other good garment.

Such grammatical peculiarities exhibited by be used as evidence for the provenance of origin is otherwise uncertain, or at least, in gest that a given letter is probably not from

2.5

lord speak before that he may send and a good bow to his servant in . . . Amutaru.

individual dialects m a y a letter whose point of some instances, to suga given place.

Akkadian Letters according to Place of Origin

Letters discovered at Ras S h a m r a before the 1994 season are listed below according to where they were written. T h e assignment of provenance is frequently uncertain; this is reflected in the list by ? or ?? before a R S n u m b e r . Letters for which the place of origin is unknown a p p e a r at the end of the list. 2.5.1

Alalah

Perhaps R S 4.449 ( V i r o l l e a u d also B u n n e n s 1987. 2.5.2

1936a, 23ff.): Mukiš or Alalah?; see

Alasiya

R S 20.018 = Ug 5, no. 22; perhaps also R S [Varia 16] ( R S L 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or Carchemish; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y a m a d a 1992. 2.5.3

Amqu

?RS 17.424e + 397b = PRU 4, 2 1 9 - 2 0 .

2.5.4

Amurru (see

Izre'el

1991)

?RS 15.024 + 050 = PRU 3, 18b; ?RS 16.111 = PRU 3, 13-4; ??RS 16.116 = PRU 3, 10b; R S 17.116 = PRU 4, 132ff; R S 17.152 = PRU 4, 214; R S 17.286 = PRU 4, 180; ??RS 19.006 = PRU 6, no. 1; ? R S 20.033 = Ug 5, no. 20; see I z r e ' e l - S i n g e r 1990; R S 20.162 = Ug 5, no. 37; R S 23.023 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 35-6); R S [Varia 27] ( F a l e s 1984). 2.5.5

Assyria

??RS 6.198 ( T h u r e a u - D a n g i n 1935); ??RS 34.165(+) = R S O 7, no. 46; perhaps also R S 18.054a = PRU 4, 2 2 8 - 9 : Assyria or Sidon; see M a y e r 1971, 2; A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5.4). 2.5.6

Aštate

?RS 34.134 = R S O 7, no. 31; ??RS 34.141 = R S O 7, no. 32; ??RS 34.173 = R S O 7, no. 33. 2.5.7

Beirut

R S 11.730 = PRU 3, 12-3; R S 34.137 = R S O 7, no. 37; R S 8 6 . 2 2 1 2 (unpublished; see A r n a u d see also the next entry. 2.5.8

1992,

192

(3.5));

Bi'rut

R I H 8 1 / 4 ( A r n a u d 1 9 8 4 , who suggests that this Bi'rut is the Ugaritian port rather than the Phoenician city). 2.5.9

Carchemish (see

Huehnergard

R S 8.333 = PRU 3, 7 - 8 ; R S 15.077 = PRU 3, 6 - 7 ;

1979)

R S 16.003 = PRU 3, 3 - 4 ; ?RS

17.078

=

PRU

4,

196-7;

R S 17.289 = PRU 4, 192; RS

17.292

=

PRU

4,

188;

R S 17.385 = PRU 4, 194; R S 17.423 = PRU 4, 193; R S 20.022 = Ug 5, no. 2; ?RS 20.174a = Ug 5, no. 25; ??RS 20.182c = Ug 5, no. 63; ?RS 20.216 = Ug 5, no. 35; R S 20.237 = Ug 5, no. 31; ?RS

25.461

(Lackenbacher

1989,

317-9);

R S 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7; R S 34.138 = R S O 7, no. 8; ?RS 34.143 = R S O 7, no. 6; R S 34.145 = R S O 7, no. 9; R S 88.2013 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39); perhaps also R S 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemish or Hatti; perhaps also R S [Varia 16] ( R S L 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or Carchemish; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y a m a d a 1992. 2.5.10

Egypt

86.2230 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 181 η. 6); R S 88.2158 (unpublished; see L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b); perhaps also R S 26.158 = Ug 5, no. 171: Hatti or Egypt. RS

2.5.11

Emar

?RS [Varia 26?] (Latakia 88) = R S O 7, no. 30; see 105 with n. 33. 2.5.12

Hatti (see

Hagenbuchner

1989)

?RS 15.033 = PRU 3, 15-16; R S 17.130 = PRU 4, 103ff. (letter/treaty); R S 17.132 = PRU 4, 35ff); R S 17.133 = PRU 4, 118-9 (letter/legal); ??RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6; R S 17.247 = PRU 4, 191; ?RS 17.429 = PRU 4, 2 2 7 - 8 (letter?);

Arnaud

1982a,

R S 18.003 = PRU 4, 103ff. (letter/treaty); R S 20.212 = Ug 5, no. 33; R S 20.255A = Ug 5, no. 30; R S 34.129 = R S O 7, no. 12; ?RS 34.133 = R S O 7, no. 36; ??RS 22.216 ?RS 88.2009 perhaps also perhaps also perhaps also perhaps also 2.5.13 ?RS

Ma'fraz

10.046

2.5.14

(unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 36); (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39); R S 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemish or Haiti; R S 17.383 = PRU 4, 221ff.: Hatti or Ugarit; R S 17.422 = PRU 4, 223ff.: Hatti or Ugarit; R S 26.158 = Ug 5, no. 171: Hatti or Egypt.

(Virolleaud

1941,

1-2;

see also PRU

3,

9-10).

Man

?RS 34.142 = R S O 7, no. 47. 2.5.15

Mukiš

R S 20.003 = Ug 5, no. 26; perhaps also R S 4.449 ( V i r o l l e a u d 1936a, 23ff.): Mukiš or Alalah?; see also B u n n e n s 1987. 2.5.16

Parga

R S 15.019 = PRU 3, 13b. 2.5.17

Qadesh

R S 20.016 = Ug 5, no. 38; R S 20.172 = Ug 5, no. 39; ?RS 20.200b = Ug 5, no. 40; R S 34.146 = R S O 7, no. 15; R S 80.387 ( A r n a u d 1982a, 221-2). 2.5.18

Sidon (see

Arnaud

1992)

R S 11.723 = PRU 3, 9b; RS

25.430a

RS

34.149

RS

86.2208

(unpublished; see =

R S O

7, n o .

Arnaud

1992,

193

(5.7));

Arnaud

1992,

193

(5.11));

38;

(unpublished; see

RS

86.2221

Arnaud

+

86.2225

1992,

+

+ 8 6 . 2 2 4 0 (unpublished; see much of text transliterated and trans-

86.2226

1 7 9 - 9 4 (5.12);

lated in footnotes); ?RS 8 6 . 2 2 3 4 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 3 ( 5 . 1 3 ) ) ; perhaps also R S 1 8 . 0 5 4 A = PRU 4 , 2 2 8 - 9 : Assyria or Sidon; see M a y e r

2.5.19.1

1971,

2; A r n a u d

1992,

193

(5.4).

Siyannu

RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216; R S 17.143 = PRU 4, 217-8; ?RS 17.288 = PRU 4, 215; R S 17.425 = PRU 4, 218b; ?RS 20.017 = Ug 5, no. 43; RS 20.021 = Ug 5, no. 42; ??RS 21.183 = Ug 5, no. 41. 2.5.19.2

Siyannu/Ušnatu

R S 34.158 = R S O 7, no. 16; perhaps also R S 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44: Ugarit or Siyannu. 2.5.20

Tarhudašši

R S 34.139 = R S O 7, no. 14. 2.5.21 R S

Tyre

[Varia 25] = Latakia

2.5.22

Ugarit (see

7 (Arnaud

H u e h n e r g a r d

1982b).

1989)

Aphek 5 2 0 5 5 (TA 8 , 7 - 8 [ O w e n ] ; see also S i n g e r ?Ber1in 1690 (EA 48); Berlin 1692 (EA 45); ?Ber1in 1693 (EA 47); ?Ber1in 1694 (EA 46); Cairo 4783 (EA 49); ? C K 7 (private collection; unpublished; see A r n a u d ?RS 15.011 = PRU 3, 19; ?RS 15.014 = PRU 3, 5; ??RS 15.063 = PRU 3, 20a; RS 16.112 = PRU 3, 4b;

1983);

1992,

192

(3.6));

?RS 17.239 = PRU 6, no. 8; R S 17.455 = PRU 6, no. 3; R S 19.070 = PRU 4, 294; ?RS 19.080 = PRU 6, no. 2; ?RS 20.013 = Ug 5, no. 49; ??RS 20.015 = Ug 5, no. 53; ??RS 20.019 = Ug 5, no. 48; ?RS 20.023 = Ug 5, no. 54; ??RS 20.141b = Ug 5, no. 34; ?RS 20.158 = Ug 5, no. 51; R S 20.168 + 195p = Ug 5, no. 21; R S 20.178 = Ug 5, no. 55; ? R S 20. 182a(+)b =

Ug 5 , n o .

36;

R S 20.184 = Ug 5, no. 28; R S 20.200c = Ug 5, no. 29; ??RS 20.232 = Ug 5, no. 58; R S 20.238 = Ug 5, no. 24; ?RS 20.239 = Ug 5, no. 52; ?RS 20.243 = Ug 5, no. 32; ??RS 22.347 (unpublished; see

Malbran-Labat

?RS

25.131

(Lackenbacher

1989,

?RS

25.138

(Lackenbacher

1989,

318,

in 1995b, 35);

320);

318-20);

?RS 32.204 = R S O 7, no. 19; ?RS 34.135 = R S O 7, no. 17; ?RS 34.140 = R S O 7, no. 11; ?RS 34.150 = R S O 7, no. 10; ?RS 34.151 = R S O 7, no. 13; ??RS 34.153 = R S O 7, no. 35; ?RS 34.154 = R S O 7, no. 18; ?RS 34.180,17 (34.180f) = R S O 7, no. 26; ?RS [Varia 10] (1957.2) = A n O r 4 8 , 2 3 - 4 ; perhaps also R S 17.383 = PRU 4, 22 Iff.: Hatti or Ugarit; perhaps also R S 17.422 = PRU 4, 2 2 3 f f : Hatti or Ugarit; perhaps also R S 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44: Ugarit or Siyannu. (Ušnatu: see Siyannu § 2.5.23 RIH RS

8.2.5.19)

Provenance unknown

77/17 1.056

(Arnaud-Kennedy

(Virolleaud

1929,

1979, pl.

318);

76/1);

R S 1 .[057] ( V i r o l l e a u d 1929, pi. 76/2); R S 1-11.[028] = A O 19.952 (unpublished; pardal transliteradon in n. 1); PRU 3, R S 11.794 = PRU 3 17-8; (letter?); R S 11.834 = PRU 3 17b; R S 12.005 = PRU 3 16-7 R S 12.033 = PRU 3 1 4 - 5 R S 15.018 = PRU 3 1 1 - 2 ; R S 15.108 = PRU 3 2 0 - 1 (letter?); R S 15.124 = PRU 3 21b (letter?); R S 15.178 = PRU 3 8 - 9 ; R S 17.142 = PRU 6 no. 4; R S 17.148 = PRU 6 no. 7; R S 17.315 = PRU 4 111; R S 17.390 = PRU 6 no. 10; R S 17.391 = PRU 4 226a; R S 17.393 = PRU 4 2 2 6 - 7 ; R S 17.394 + 427 = PRU 4, 220b; R S 17.398 = PRU 6 no. 11; R S 17.428 = PRU 6 no. 9; R S 17.451 = PRU 6 no. 12; R S 17.452 = PRU 6 no. 5; R S 17.456 = PRU 4 228b (letter?); R S 18.057 = PRU 6 no. 13; R S 18.089 = PRU 6 no. 15; R S 18.268 = PRU 4 229b; R S 18.281 = PRU 6 no. 17 (letter?); R S 19.050 = PRU 6 no. 14; R S 19.053 = PRU 6, no. 18 R S 19.115 = PRU 6, no. 19 RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS

20.095 = Ug 5, no. 65; 20.130 = Ug 5, no. 46; 20.141a = Ug 5, no. 76; 20.150 = Ug 5, no. 56 20.151 = Ug 5, no. 50 20.159 = Ug 5, no. 74 20.182d = Ug 5, no. 67; 20.189d = Ug 5, no. 73; 20.191 = Ug 5, no. 75; 20.194 = Ug 5, no. 62;

RS RS RS RS RS RS

20.196d = Ug 5, no. 77 (letter?); 20.200A = Ug 5, no. 78; 20.2 1 4 d = Ug 5, no. 79; 20.225 = Ug 5, no. 45; 20.227 = Ug 5, no. 57; 20.242 = Ug 5, no. 72;

20.244 = Ug 5, no. 61 (same tablet as 1974]); R S 20.246 = Ug 5, no. 68; R S 20.248 = Ug 5, no. 59; R S 20.426,14+ = Ug 5, no. 70; R S 20. [438] = Ug 5, no. 47; R S 21.006c? = Ug 5, no. 80 (letter?); R S 21.007c = Ug 5, no. 71; R S 21.054b = Ug 5, no. 66; RS

RS

21.063f

1974]); R S 21.064 R S 21.072 R S 21.201 R S 22.006 RS RS RS RS

RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS RS

=

= = = =

Ug 5, no. 60 (same tablet as

RS

RS

21.063f?

[Kühne

20.244?

[Kühne

Ug 5, no. 64; Ug 5, no. 69; PRU 6, no. 20; PRU 6, no. 16;

23.031 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 23.365 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 2 3 . 3 6 8 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 28.017 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 34.070 = R S O 7, no. 29; 34.152 = R S O 7, no. 40; 34.155 = R S O 7, no. 21; 34.160 = R S O 7, no. 24; 34.161 = R S O 7, no. 22; 34.163 = R S O 7, no. 39; 34.164 = R S O 7, no. 34; 34.167 + 175 = R S O 7, no. 25; 34.170 = R S O 7, no. 23; 34.171 = R S O 7, no. 20; 34.174 = R S O 7, no. 41; 34.180,12 (34.180e) = R S O 7, no. 28; 34.180,5 (34.180g) = R S O 7, no. 42; 34.180,60 = R S O 7, no. 27; 88.2011 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t

in in in in

1995b, 37); 1995b, 35); 1995b, 3 7 ) ; 1995b, 35);

in 1995b, 39);

RS RS RS RS RS RS

86.2216 (unpublished; see R S O 5 / 1 , 357); 86.2232 (unpublished; see R S O 5 / 1 , 359); 86.2236 (unpublished; see R S O 5 / 1 , 359); 86.2241a (unpublished; see R S O 5 / 1 , 360); 86.2249a (unpublished; see R S O 5 / 1 , 360: letter?); [Varia 34] = A O 29.507 (unpublished; see R S O 5 / 1 , 381).

C H A P T E R NINE T H E

L E G A L

T E X T S

Ignacio

1

1.1

F R O M

M a r q u e z

U G A R I T

Rowe*

Introduction

Definition and scope

What constitutes a legal document? And what is the difference between a legal and an administrative text, both often associated and sometimes even confused? These are two basic questions we should attempt to answer before we begin to discuss the evidence. Strictly speaking, a legal document serves mainly as written proof that a transaction has taken place. Since the transaction itself can be validated if, and only if, it is performed before a body of witnesses, the legal document, as opposed to administrative records, must mention the n a m e or names of the witnessing party. It should also be noted in passing that although the practice of signing or sealing, i.e. affixing a personal mark, is almost a prerequisite in the composition of a legal document (for it provides the proof that the person who signs is present or has assumed the obligation undertaken in the transaction) it is by no means confined to this genre (administrative texts or letters may also bear such marks). However satisfactorily these definitions may have answered the opening questions, anyone who has dealt with this kind of source knows well that the problem is not so simple. Indeed, the dividing

* I wish to express my most sincere thanks to Pierre Bordreuil and Dennis Pardee, epigraphists of the Mission de Ras Shamra, who kindly made available to me their transliterations and copies of the unpublished Ugaritic texts discussed in this paper. I am also grateful to Mme Florence Malbran-Labat, also epigraphist of the Mission de Ras Shamra, who kindly provided me with the contents of the newly excavated Akkadian legal documents as well as with her transliterations and copies of other unpublished texts. My especial thanks go to Dennis Pardee, who read critically an earlier draft of this paper, making several corrections and annotations. It goes without saying that any mistakes remain my own responsibility.

line between a legal and an administrative document is far from ideal. For example, as early realized, bills and receipts that are usually classified a m o n g administrative records may sometimes mention that the act has been performed before witnesses; and, on the other hand, some contracts may unexpectedly omit any reference to them. This general problem is also found in the corpus of legal texts from Ugarit. As already remarked by Nougayrol in publishing the first important group of clay tablets of legal content unearthed at Ras Shamra, three out of his thirty-eight texts lay in fact 'à la limite du domaine juridique'. 1 As a result of these attested cross-reladonships (in addition to the uncertain identification of badly damaged fragments) the n u m b e r of legal documents of Ugarit obviously varies in accordance with the individual scholar's point of view. Although this is no place to discuss every controversial case, mention will be made here of the criteria followed and the consequent inclusion or exclusion of documents. Given the broad scope of a handbook it has been considered more convenient here to frame our material not according to its linguistic provenance but rather according to its find-spot. This means that we shall include not only the m a j o r group of domestic legal texts (over 250 texts and fragments) but also the international legal documents comprising edicts and treaties (about 100 texts and fragments) that have been found at Ugarit, which stem namely from the courts of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru, Siyannu as well as that of Ugarit itself.2 Regardless of the place of the composition of the texts, legal documents found so far at Ugarit are inscribed without exception on single clay tablets (and called accordingly in Akkadian tuppu, and in Ugaritic spr) without envelopes.

1.2

The find-spot

Due to the ever-increasing corpus of texts excavated at Ras Shamra, only a general, but not complete, picture of the archaeological distribution of the written material of Ugarit can be attempted. Another

1

2

NOUGAYROL

1952,

182 n.

2.

This same scope was also applied in the last survey of the legal texts published by D . Pardee and P . Bordreuil in the ABD article on Ugarit ( P A R D E E - B O R D R E U I L 1 9 9 2 , 718FF.). In contrast, in the corresponding contribution to SDB, Sznycer dealt only with the legal texts written in the Ugaritic language (SZNYCER 1 9 7 9 , 1417FF.).

limit to the interpretation of the archaeological context of tablets and fragments is the presence of stray finds: intrusions a m o n g the different archives of Ugarit do exist as shown by joins between far distant pieces. 3 T h e bulk of the legal texts of Ugarit was unearthed from the royal palace archives at Ras S h a m r a (around 300 texts and fragments). It was soon observed after the excavation of the palace that the concentration of these records followed a deliberate pattern according to their genre. Indeed, the royal domestic legal texts, in which the king appears regularly either as the person presiding or as one of the parties of the transactions, come mainly from the so-called 'central archive', while legal texts dealing with international affairs were kept as a rule in the palace 'southern archive'. Several private archives outside the royal palace have also yielded legal material. Each of them contains a relatively small n u m b e r of texts (they rarely exceed 10 records) and apparently deal with the private business of the owners of the households over some generations. As reported from the last epigraphic finds, the archive in the house of Urtenu kept copies of three international legal documents. 4 In this regard, one should note that the owners of these archives were presumably high officials of the kingdom of Ugarit, so that both the existence and content of the archives may be explained to a certain extent on account of their political and social status.

1.3 Chronology Dating texts was not practised at all by Ugarit scribes. Strictly speaking, not even legal records were dated, in contrast to the c o m m o n legal tradition. This is also true of the international documents drawn up by scribes of the courts of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru or Siyannu. T h e only chronological reference is the n a m e of the king (obviously normally attested in royal documents) or a possible prosopographical connexion, such as for example the name of the scribe. In any case, the most accurate date we can give for any document stands grosso modo for the span of one particular reign. T h e chronological frame of our material covers the reigns of seven successive kings, from N i q m a d d u II down to c Ammurapi', in all like3

Cf.

4

MALBRAN-LABAT

VAN S O L D T

1991a, 50. 1995b, 1 1 0 - 1 1 .

lihood the last m o n a r c h of Ugarit. T h i s means that this corpus belongs to a period, in absolute terms, of about 150 years, from around 1330 bce down to the destruction of Ugarit. 5

1.4

Language and script

N o doubt Ugarit has provided us with very rich textual material, both in n u m b e r and variety, attesting up to seven different languages and five different scripts. Scribes at Ugarit, however, were mainly biscriptal:6 they basically wrote Ugaritic, their own tongue, in alphabetic cuneiform, and Akkadian, the lingua franca of the time, in syllabic cuneiform. W h a t was noted for the archival distribution of the legal texts is also true for the language and script. T h e genre in question seems to be closely connected with the language employed. Indeed, except for a few cases, legal texts are drawn up in Akkadian in syllabic cuneiform. T h e few exceptions correspond to several Ugaritic documents and one Hittite text. T h e reason why the treaties and international legal documents found at Ras S h a m r a were composed in Akkadian can be easily explained on account of the aforementioned diplomatic nature of the language. Concerning the domestic texts, however, the explanation has to be sought elsewhere, especially because scribes did chiefly choose Ugaritic to write their local administrative records. Admittedly, this question seems to be intimately related to the genre of the material. In coining the expression and discipline of 'cuneiform law' Koschaker m e a n t to make clear that the strong appeal of Mesopotamian or, more exactly, Babylonian law to other cultural centres of the ancient Near East was fixed at a formal level, of which script and language constituted the basic aspects.' A closer look at the internal evidence shows furthermore that the few Ugaritic examples are fully influenced by their Akkadian counterparts. Because the division of legal texts in this section is made according to the language of the texts the order will follow the linguistic conventions of this genre in Ugarit.

5 6 7

We follow here the absolute dates proposed by VAN S O L D T (1991a, This designation was coined by VAN S O L D T (1995a, 186). KOSCHAKER

1935,

27.

1-46).

2

T h e

Akkadian

Legal

Texts

W e have mentioned above that Akkadian was the language par excellence of legal documents. W e also stated that this Akkadian corpus consists of two main different genres or sub-genres, namely records dealing with domestic affairs and records that concern foreign affairs. Accordingly, we propose here to deal with them separately. It should be noted that scribes at the royal court of Ugarit were probably familiar with this distinction; not only because of the content of the documents they could read or the characteristic physical aspect of the tablets (such as their shape or seal impressions) but also because they deliberately filed them separately within the royal archives, as pointed out above.

2.1

The domestic legal texts

Texts dealing with domestic transactions, and thus written at Ugarit, are by far the major group of legal documents. Nougayrol suggested classifying these records according to the nature of the witnessing party (as we have seen, the main defining element of this genre). H e distributed them into three different categories: 1) acts performed before witnesses, 2) those performed before the king and 3) acts of the king, in which no mention of the witnessing party is made. 8 Concerning the latter type, it is generally agreed that the active role of the king must have rendered unnecessary the mention of witnesses in the text. In other words, one must assume that the king presided over these transactions too. This, as we shall see, can be supported by the seal impression of the tablets in question. As a result, we suggest dividing the domestic legal texts of Ugarit into two main groups: 1) records describing acts presided over by or performed before the king, and 2) records describing acts performed before witnesses. In spite of this division, both royal and non-royal documents were written by Ugaritian scribes (in fact, we know of scribes who wrote both kinds of texts) and present, therefore, several c o m m o n features that distinguish them from other, foreign texts. At first sight, it is possible to distinguish a legal text composed at Ugarit on the basis 8

See

NOUGAYROL

1952,

182ÍT. a n d

1955,

23.

of both the shape of the tablet and the sealing practice. T h e prototype is the c o m m o n tablet (about 90 x 70 m m , the thickness exhibits more variation, reaching sometimes about 40 mm) with one single seal impression placed on top of the obverse, hence at the head of the text (sometimes divided by a ruling). A close look at the tablets shows that the seal was rolled (very seldom stamped) before the text was written. T h e text, on the other hand, also presents several characteristic features of this local legal practice. N o doubt the most typical example is the invariable opening adverbial phrase 'From today' (ištu ūmi annîm).

2.2 2.2.1

The royal legal texts

Definition and scope

This group consists of those legal texts in which the king of Ugarit presides, explicidy or not, over the transactions involved. These 'actes royaux', as Nougayrol called them, are as a rule characterized by one main feature: they consistently bear the same seal impression, that of the so-called 'dynastic seal' of the kings of Ugarit. This feature is of course essential to define a legal text, for the presence of this impression implies that the owner of the seal, i.e. the king, was present at the transaction. Therefore, the preservation of the royal seal impression, or the corresponding seal identification formula, quickly characterizes a royal document. O f course, the form and content which describe the nature of the transaction are also good indicators for identifying these texts. I have counted altogether about 170 texts and fragments in Akkadian that describe domestic transactions presided over by the king. 2.2.2

Find-spot

All but three of the documents were found within the walls of the royal palace. This should not be surprising when dealing with royal documents. Most significant, however, is the distribution of these texts within the palace proper. O f the approximately 170 texts and fragments, at least 147 come from the same royal archive, n a m e d by Schaeffer 'les Archives Centrales'. A closer look at the archaeological context has shown that these records were in all likelihood stored on file in a room located on the upper floor of the northern

wing of this area. 9 Also of interest is the fact that almost all the legal texts discovered in this archive are royal documents. Therefore it is reasonable to assume that this archive was probably meant to keep royal domestic legal documents. 2.2.3

Form

T h e physical characteristics of these documents have been referred to above. O n e should note, however, the existence of exceptionally large tablets like the Sammelurkunde R S 15.109+. W e also mentioned that the seal impressed at the head of these tablets, except for just a few cases, is the 'dynastic' or state seal of Ugarit. This cylinder seal, as the legend reads, belonged to 'Yaqarum, son of N i q m a d d u , king of Ugarit', very likely the Amorite ancestor and founder of the Ugaritic dynasty. All the members of the dynasty from N i q m a d d u II down to the last monarch c Ammurapi' used as a rule this seal as well as an official replica of it to sign their records. O t h e r royal seals did exist and were occasionally impressed on royal documents like the stamp ring-seal of N i q m a d d u (presumably N i q m a d d u II) on RS 17.147. T h e form of the royal documents follows a very regular and concise pattern. T h e first section consists of a description of the completed part of the transaction; it is thus phrased in the past (preterite or perfect) and in objective style. For example, the king has granted, the buyer has purchased. Characteristic of this part is the opening adverbial expression 'from to-day', mentioned above, usually combined with the closing expression '(and) for ever' (ana/adi dāntim is the most frequent formula). T h e king appears then after that introductory phrase either as having presided over the transaction, 'before R N ' (ana pāni RN), or as first and active party. Apart from the king the other parties involved are properly identified too by name with or without further qualification. Sometimes a summary or the result of this event marks the end of this section. Next follow the so-called 'final clauses'. These deal with the presentfuture stipulations or obligations of the transaction such as the guarantee, eviction or services inherent to the contract, and are therefore phrased regularly in the durative, also in objective style. For example,

9

See

VAN S O L D T

1991a, 88-93.

no-one will take the estate granted or purchased from the grantee's or buyer's hands; the grantee will or will not have to perform the ilku/pilku-servìce. Finally, the document closes with the formula that identifies the dynastic seal, either as '(great) seal of the king' or as 'seal of R N ' , often followed by the name of the scribe who is sometimes qualified as witness. Schematically, then, the structure of royal d o c u m e n t s can be described as follows: 10 a) b) c) d)

dynastic seal impression, operative section, seal identification formula, name of the scribe.

O n the other hand, a royal document can describe one or more transactions. These c o m p o u n d transactions deal as a rule with the same party involved as beneficiary. At least in some cases it seems that each of them may have been previously written in one single document (the most illustrative example is the above mentioned document RS 15.109+, already qualified as Sammelurkunde). These transactions may belong to the same category, called accordingly by Nougayrol 'actes multiples homogènes' (e.g. RS 15.109+, RS 15.122, RS 16.248), but also to different ones. O n e example of the latter 'actes multiples hétérogènes' is RS 15.85 which contains a royal transaction (in lines 1-10) beside a non-royal one, i.e. performed 'before witnesses' (in lines 11-21). Before closing this chapter, it should be noted that the legal practice of Ugarit hardly had any recourse to the divine action against transgressors of contracts; on the other hand, there are no examples of promissory oaths. 2.2.4

Content

Almost all the royal documents that preserve a more or less complete and intelligible text are deeds of conveyance. Gifts (e.g. RS 15.88, RS 15.145, RS 16.142, RS 16.150), sales (e.g. RS 15.136,

10

196

Other schemes have been proposed by N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 5 , 2 4 , H A A S E 1 9 6 7 , (for the sale documents), K I E N A S T 1 9 8 0 , 5 3 3 (also for the sale documents) and

KIENAST

1979,

433.

R S 16.137, R S 16.156), purchases (e.g. R S 15.119, R S 16.284), barters (e.g. R S 15.123+, R S 16.158, R S 16.246) or divisions of inheritance (e.g. R S 15.90, R S 15.120), and even royal verdicts that concern litigations on landed property (e.g. R S 16.254c, R S 16.356) record the resulting transfer, usually heritable, of title to real estate. Real estate in the legal texts of Ugarit basically consists of houses and land which include, as the most characteristic cultures of this Mediterranean area, vineyards and olive groves. T h e description of the property conveyed is as a rule very concise providing only the name of the previous tenant; no measurements or boundaries are given and sometimes a brief geographical reference of its location is mentioned. By far the largest group of documents is composed by deeds of royal gifts, with or without countergift (i.e. in return for a sum of money like R S 15.126, R S 16.135, R S 16.167 or R S 16.174). In a few records the gift concerns entire villages (e.g. R S 15.114, R S 15.147) a n d / o r some of their taxes (e.g. R S 16.153, RS 16.244). A m o n g the few transactions that do not concern, strictly speaking, the law of property one should mention several deeds of adoption (e.g. R S 15.92, R S 16.200, R S 16.344) and manumission (e.g. R S 16.267) as well as grants of privileges like franchises (e.g. R S 16.238+) or promotions (e.g. R S 16.348). As for the parties involved in these transactions, no doubt the king stands as the main protagonist. Documents from the time of c Ammittamru II are by far the most attested. T h e donees of royal gifts are often found not only benefiting from several grants but also as the contracting parties of deeds of sale, purchase and barter. Accordingly, Nougayrol grouped these records under different 'dossiers'. Among these individuals, who are not always well identified, we find members of the royal family and officials of the court of Ugarit. 2.2.5

An example

Transactions described in royal deeds obviously differ from text to text, not only in contents but also in form due to the particular style of each scribe. Nevertheless, for the sake of illustration, we have chosen one of these documents, namely R S 16.275, a gift of real estate from N i q m a d d u II to his brother Nuriyānu, to show the pattern described above.

Obv

Impression of dynastic seal

is-tu u4-mz [an-ni-(i-)im] l

d

níq-ma- iškur

dumu

['Ammittamru] aru lugal u-ga-n-i[t] it-ta-ši é-/[tt]

5

Rcv

sa lpa-be-y[i] i-na uru lul] -l[a-mi] ù id-d[in-šu] a-na ^nu-r[i-ia-na] ù a-na dumu.me[š-rá]

10

a-na da-n-tim[-ma] ma-am-ma-an la-a i-l[eq-qè(-šu)] is-tu šu-ti lnu-n-ia-[na] ù iš-tu šu-ft dumu[.meš-iu]

a-na da-n-tim-rn[a ] 15

na4

kišib s'a 1uga[Ī]

2.3 2.3.1

From today Niqmaddu, son of 'Ammittamru, king of Ugarit, has taken the house of P N (which is located) in T N and has given it to Nuriyānu and to his sons for ever. No-one will take it from the hands of Nuriyānu or from the hands of his sons ever. Seal of the king.

The non-royal legal texts

Definition and scope

This second group of domestic legal texts consists of those records which describe transactions p e r f o r m e d before witnesses a n d that were not presided over by the king. As opposed to royal deeds, these documents are regarded as 'private deeds'. Following o u r definition above, we have excluded f r o m this corpus m e m o r a n d a (e.g. R S 15.41) or bills (e.g. of personal security like R S 15.81 or R S 16.287) in which no mention of a body of witnesses is m a d e . O n the other h a n d , a text like R S 16.354 which recapitulates a series of debt-notes with their respective testimonies, lies precisely on the borderline of the legal domain. All in all the material consists of about 65 relatively well-preserved d o c u m e n t s a n d of several fragments. 2.3.2

Find-spot

As one would expect, most of these d o c u m e n t s have been f o u n d in private archives. T h e m a j o r concentrations c o m e f r o m the so-called 'Residential Q u a r t e r ' : nine d o c u m e n t s f r o m the house of R a s a p ' a b u a n d eight m o r e or less complete d o c u m e n t s a n d several fragments f r o m the house of R a p ' ä n u . O n e should also mention the recently

discovered archive of Urtenu which counts now some seven Akkadian legal records. O f interest is the fact that the royal palace has also yielded private documents. T h e reason for this find-spot is not easy to explain. It has been suggested that the king was highly involved in the legal life of Ugarit. But other explanations are also possible. It is plausible, for example, that some of the documents could actually belong to court officials or other personnel closely connected with the palace. In this regard, one should note that three of these deeds (RS 17.86+, RS 17.102, RS 17.325) belonged to the queen's 'dossier' and at least two of them (RS 11.856, R S 15.182) to the sākiniCs. 2.3.3

Form

As already mentioned above, the physical appearance of these tablets is not essentially different from that of royal documents. T h e seals impressed at the head of the documents were usually anepigraphic cylinder seals and belonged to the private people involved in the transactions, especially those undertaking obligations. A small number of deeds, however, are without seal impression (e.g. RS 11.856, R S 20.176) and some of them show the sealing space in blank (like R S 20.146). T h e schema and form of these texts are also similar to the ones described above for royal documents, and as was mentioned above, we know of scribes like Nu C me-rašap, Iltahmu or M u n a h h i m u who wrote down both royal and private transactions. T h e text begins with the phrase 'from to-day', followed by the mention 'before witnesses' (ana pāni šībūti) which thus determines the 'private' character of the deed. After these introductory expressions the operative section describes in the past and in objective style the fulfilled part of the transaction. Next follow the obligation clauses drawn up in the durative and also in objective style. N o stipulations on services are attested in private deeds; on the other hand, penalty clauses occur rather frequently in these texts. T h e note that identifies the seal impression and the list of witnesses, which often includes the scribe, close the document. T h e following scheme can be outlined:"

" See previous note.

a) b) c) d)

private seal impression operative section seal identification formula list of witnesses (often including the n a m e of the scribe)

2.3.4

Content

Private archives contain a relatively restricted n u m b e r of deeds and they are concerned with the activities of the members of the family. A m o n g them we find deeds of conveyance like sales of land (e.g. RS 15.182, R S 17.61) and persons (e.g. RS 11.856, RS 20.236), purchases (RS 15.37, R S 17.22+) and gifts especially in contemplation of death (RS 8.145, R S 17.38, R S 17.378a). As with royal documents, houses and lands are described in a very concise m a n n e r (note the exceptional reference to measurements in RS 17.22+). Very c o m m o n a m o n g such family transactions are deeds that concern the law of persons, such as deeds of emancipation (e.g. RS 8.279bis, RS 16.129, RS 20.176, RS 27.53) and deeds of adoption (RS 17.21, RS 20.226, R S 21.230, R S 25.134). Little is known of the identity of the contracting parties. As we have already mentioned, the queen appears in some of these documents (deeds of sale) and one can argue that many of the other contractors must have belonged to the relatively high social class in Ugarit. O n the other hand, the n u m b e r of witnesses is not uniform; three to five witnesses seems to have been the general tendency but examples of texts with as few as two and as many as fourteen witnesses (e.g. R S 14.16) are attested. 2.3.5

Publication and studies

T h e majority of these Akkadian texts was published by Nougayrol in three volumes of the French Mission de Ras Shamra: N o u g a y r o l 1955, 1968 and 1970. T h e former contains most of the royal legal texts and also includes an excellent study of the material. In the same volume, B o y e r (1955) offers a juridical interpretation of the documents as compared to other cuneiform legal sources. O t h e r scattered non-royal texts were published by T h u r e a u - D a n g i n (1937), V i r o l l e a u d (1941c no. I I , 1951 no. V I ) and, more recently, L a c k e n b a c h e r (1991) and Malbran-Labat ( B o r d r e u i l et al. 1991, no. 29). A few still remain unpublished. Apart from some scattered partial studies, two dissertations have

dealt with the legal texts of Ugarit, chiefly those written in Akkadian: M i l l e r 1 9 8 0 and L i b o l t 1 9 8 5 . T h e former basically consists of an English translation with a brief commentary of all the domestic legal documents (including also some administrative records); and the latter exclusively deals with the royal land grants, presented in transliteration and translation in chronological order, and aims at determining the evoludon of Ugaridan society through a thorough examination of the changes in language, namely the clauses on heritability in these texts. A study by the present author of both the language and the content of the royal deeds of conveyance is forthcoming.

2.4 2.4.1

The international legal texts

Definition and scope

U n d e r this category we include all legal documents unearthed at Ugarit that are concerned with international matters such as treaties, edicts, verdicts or any other transactions that involve parties of more than one state. This material consists of approximately one hundred texts and fragments. More often than not it is the state or states proper that are involved, in which case the parties stand for the rulers themselves or also sometimes their plenipotentiaries. Therefore the division of the evidence in accordance with the witnessing party corresponds mutatis mutandis with the palace, viz. the court of the state of origin. A verdict promulgated by the Hittite suzerain usually took place at his own court, and the same holds true for arbitrations or agreements drawn up by the scribes of the kings of Carchemish, Ugarit, A m u r r u or Siyannu (the provenance of a small n u m b e r of texts and fragments cannot be determined due to the obscure or fragmentary context). 2.4.2

Find-spot

International documents found at Ugarit obviously concern in one way or another the state of Ugarit proper. Therefore, as one would expect, most of these records have been discovered in the archives of the royal palace. As we have already mentioned, the distribution of these texts follows a clear pattern. Over three quarters of this material come from the same concentration of tablets, the so-called 'southern archive'. Like the domestic royal legal texts found in the palace central archive, international documents were probably stored

on file on the upper storey, 12 and they seem to have been kept there separately. Moreover, some of them were identified by means of labels or tags attached either to the tablets themselves or the baskets in which they were placed. 13 Although some of the few finds outside the royal palace could have been misplaced, it is nonetheless probable that several private archives belonging to high state officials would also have contained some of the international legal documents (as is certainly true of the epistolary material). This seems indeed to be the case of the archive of Urtenu which, according to the last epigraphic report already mentioned above, has yielded three documents of Hittite origin.

2.5 2.5.1

The texts from Hatti

Definition and scope

It goes without saying that the nature of the foreign records found at Ugarit is intimately connected with the political and diplomatic relations existing between the states involved. Indeed, the fact that Ugarit was annexed to the Hittite empire as a vassal state during the reign of Niqmaddu II explains why the approximately thirty legal documents stemming from the Hittite court discovered at Ras Shamra basically consist of vassal treaties, edicts and verdicts establishing Ugarit's foreign relations. Dated texts range from the days of the annexation of Ugarit by Suppiluliuma I down to the reign of T u d haliya IV. In opening the section on legal texts we referred to the general problem of drawing the line that divides legal texts from administrative records. With Hittite documents the controversy is further raised mainly due to the form of the texts. As is well known, Hittite scribal practice often opens the text with the epistolary Akkadian formula umma P N / R N 'Thus (says) P N / R N ' , regardless of the basic nature of the document (e.g. in treaties or annals). Furthermore, the use of subjective or objective style in the body of the text is not conclusive either since both are attested in letters and legal documents, and they may also occur side by side in the same text. As a matter of fact, one may wonder whether the Hittite Great King made

12 13

See VAN S O L D T 1991a, 97. See labels nos. 27-32 in VAN

SOLDT

1989b.

any distinction at all: he decreed and proclaimed, the document was issued, and next it was presented or sent to the vassal king. Therefore, what really mattered was the point of view in which the text was couched (and accordingly sealed) rather than the formulae used. O n e should recall here the three duplicates of a text called by Nougayrol 'lettres-édits' (RS 17.130 and dupl.). T h e introductory formula ana R N qibīma, 'speak to R N ' , leaves no doubt about the epistolary character of the documents; the text, however, describes Hattusili Ill's regulations conccrning the business activities of the merchants of U r a in Ugaritic territory. T o the same domain of ambiguity belongs the suzerain's letter-verdict R S 17.133 sealed with queen Puduhepa's seal about a litigation over a shipwreck. Finally, RS 17.132 should be mentioned, a letter containing the early proposal from Suppiluliuma I to N i q m a d d u II for a military alliance which includes the legal stipulations following the description of the contractual agreement. 2.5.2

Form

In spite of these concurrent problems of definition, a Hittite tablet of legal content is in principle not very difficult to identify at first sight. O n e can even speak of prototype if by this we understand the more c o m m o n appearance of documents. This would be a relatively large tablet (larger than the prototype of Ugarit: the thickness averages some 40 mm) and 'cushion'-shaped showing a highly raised surface on the centre of the obverse where the deep impression of the stamp seal (in our corpus especially the T a b a r n a seal) is to be found. O t h e r types are of course attested; the above mentioned verdict and edict-letters, for example, bear the seal impression on a sort of appendix protruding from the left upper edge (or 'shoulder', as Nougayrol would put it) of the tablet. T h e exception to this kind of tablets are the duplicates of the treaty between Murši1i II and N i q m e p a ' (RS 17.79+ and dupl.), which possibly represent copies of an original metal tablet kept at Hattuša (in fact, some of the duplicates could have been made at Ugarit). Their shape is already unusual: they are extraordinarily large and flat on both sides; also exceptional is their fine script as well as the absence of any seal impression. As for the text, apart from the already mentioned c o m m o n opening letter-formula (in documents issued by the Great King we normally find umma Samši R N 'thus [says] "the S u n " R N ' followed by

his titles and filiation), one should mention the usual recourse to divine action to secure and guarantee the undertaken agreements. 2.5.3

Content

O f course the basic 'binding' text (Akk. tuppu ša nksi/úkilti) for the above-mentioned international state of affairs is the vassal treaty. T w o such texts have been found at Ugarit. O n e is the treaty between Šuppiluliuma I and N i q m a d d u II (RS 17.340, RS 17.369), and the other is the one already mentioned between Murši1i II and Niqmepa'. Like other Hittite vassal treaties, the stipulations contained in these texts concern the extradition of fugitives, the frontiers of the kingdom of Ugarit, military assistance and the vassal's loyalty. O t h e r documents complete this main agreement, for example the edict establishing the detailed inventory of the tribute due to the Hittite overlord (RS 17.227 and dupl., cf. also R S 17.380+) or the decree regarding extradition of fugitives concluded by Hattusili III (RS 17.238). Complaints of, or disputes between vassal states concerning one of these basic stipulations were arbitrated by the Hittite Great King himself; so the decision given by Murši1i II on the dispute of border territory between Ugarit and Mukiš (RS 17.62+ and par.) and between Ugarit and Siyannu (RS 17.235+ and par.), or also the above mentioned verdict promulgated by Hattusili III regulating the business activities of the merchants of U r a in Ugaritian territory. Problems concerning the dynastic succession of the kings of Ugarit also belonged to the jurisdiction of the Hittite overlord; so, for example, the case of divorce of 'Ammittamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru, who was also niece of the Hittite king (RS 17.159, RS 17.365+), or the case of conspiracy against this same king apparently plotted by the sons of the queen of Ugarit (RS 17.35+-), both adjudicated by Tudhaliya IV.

2.6 2.6.1

The texts from Carchemish

Definition and scope

N o doubt, the role of the king of Carchemish as viceroy of the Hittite Great K i n g — a n d thus overlord—of the Syrian vassal states accounts not only for the considerable n u m b e r of documents issued from this court and found at Ugarit, namely about thirty texts and

fragments, but also their significant nature: most deal with inter-state arbitrations. Although a few are dated to Ta1mi-Teššub most of the material belongs to the reign of his father Ini-Teššub. Here also special reference should be made to one text that may defy classification. Like R S 17.132, R S 17.334 opens with the expression umma šarrima 'thus [says] the king' and contains the proposal from Šarru-kušuh to N i q m a d d u II for a military alliance against the king of Nuhašši and includes the resulting stipulations of the agreement. O f particular interest is the fact that this text is preserved in a copy sealed by Ini-Teššub of the original, broken document. 2.6.2

Form

Characteristic of the legal texts from Carchemish is their physical appearance. All arbitrations and most other deeds are written on oblong formatted tablets and the cylinder-seal is rolled in the middle of the reverse. O n the other hand, the text of verdicts begins invariably with the formula 'before P N ' or more often 'before R N ' (ana pāni RN). Only three records (RS 17.146, R S 17.230, R S 18.19) differ from this pattern and the three are shaped after the Hittite prototype (note that they are all deeds of agreement). T h e difference, however, is that the name and titles of the king of Carchemish are not introduced by umma. Arbitrations of lawsuits are phrased after a clear standard pattern. After the opening formula 'before R N / P N ' , the two litigant parties coming to court are n a m e d and the statement of one or both of them is presented, usually in subjective style. Next the verdict of the king is mentioned also in subjective style, followed by the result or execution of the royal decision phrased this time in objective style and in the past. T h e text ends with the clauses that forbid any future claims coming from either of the two parties and the final clause that states the irrevocable character of the document. Deities are invoked in only one of the deeds of agreement as guarantors of the transaction. 2.6.3

Content

By far the largest group of documents from Carchemish concern international arbitrations. Almost all these transactions are presided by king Ini-Teššub. A m o n g the parties involved one should mention the king of Ugarit and his sākinu as well as the whole community

of Ugaritian citizens. These verdicts concern different matters such as, for example, an action for a debt (e.g. RS 17.314, R S 17.346) or a complaint about the death of a prisoner (RS 19.63); but the most frequendy attested are cases of assault, theft and especially the murder of merchants in Ugaritic territory (e.g. RS 17.128, RS 17.145, R S 17.158, R S 17.234). This major problem is precisely the subject of the four preserved deeds of agreement between the states of Carchemish and Ugarit (RS 17.146, RS 17.230, R S 18.19, R S 18.115). O n the other hand, the role of the king of Carchemish as viceroy of the Hittite Great King over Ugarit is reflected in other inter-state arbitrations such as R S 17.59, in which Ini-Teššub presides and enacts Tudhaliya IV's exemption of 'Ammittamru II from his military obligations in the war against Assyria, or the same cases that were presided by the Hittite suzerain himself, such as the divorce between 'Ammittamru II and the daughter of the king of A m u r r u (RS 17.396, RS < 2 0 . > 1957.1) or the family conspiracy against the same king of Ugarit (RS 17.352).

2.7 2.7.1

The texts from Ugarit

Definition and scope

Scribes at Ugarit also drew up transactions undertaken by parties from different states and some of these documents (around ten) have been found at Ugarit. T h e problem, however, is again one of definidon, for a few of them are said to have been presided over by foreign officials. T h e fragmentary verdict R S 17.371+, for example, which is written by Nu'me-Rasap, the well-known scribe of domestic legal texts of Ugarit, is arbitrated by the kartappu of Carchemish. How, then, are we to classify these records? Admittedly these cases do not agree with the criterion stated above, namely correspondence between witnessing party and place of composition of the tablets. T h e r e seems to be little doubt that in these arbitrations the court of the overlord (Hatti or Carchemish) was transferred for some reason to the seat of the vassal (note e.g. that in R S 17.371+ one of the parties is the king of Ugarit); in such cases the overlord himself would then appoint at least one of his officials as authorized arbitrator. Following in a strict sense the tide of this chapter we have resolved to include these documents here.

2.7.2

Form

T h e main physical characteristics of documents composed at Ugarit have already been described above. It is interesting to observe that R S 16.170 in which the king of Ugarit acts as overlord is shaped and styled in exactly the same way as any other royal legal document (one should further note that this document was found a m o n g the royal documents in the palace central archive). By contrast, the documents that describe acts presided over by a superior, foreign authority at Ugarit significantly show a distinctly eclectic aspect. For example, R S 18.02 in which the king of Ugarit redeems certain people from the Hittite priest of Istar of Zinzaru, is shaped after the Carchemish fashion (i.e. an oblong tablet) and sealed with the Hittite stamp seal of the priest in the Hittite fashion (i.e. in the middle of the obverse); nevertheless, since the scribe is N u ' m e - R a s a p the text clearly follows the local form of Ugarit (as in, for example, the opening phrase 'From to-day'). 2.7.3

Content

In spite of its fragmentary state, R S 16.170 describes in all likelihood a verdict of king N i q m e p a ' concerning the long-standing conflict of border territory between the kingdom of Ugarit and Siyannu, then its vassal state, thus previous to its defecdon to the king of Carchemish. O n e tablet that belongs to the large dossier of the divorce of king 'Ammittamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru (RS 16.270) bears the impression of two seals of 'Ammittamru, the dynastic seal and his personal one, and seems to have been written by a scribe of Ugarit. As for the arbitrations of foreign commissioners at Ugarit, RS 17.371+, which is somewhat damaged, probably refers to a litigation involving the merchants of Ura, and R S 18.02, as already stated, is a deed of redemption. O t h e r deeds written at Ugarit record private international transactions. For example, R S 16.180 and R S 17.251 are deeds of sale; the former records the sale of a horse from the huburtanūru of the king of Carchemish to the king of Ugarit (note the possible badly preserved Ugaritic summary at the end of the text), 14 and the latter, written by Burqānu, describes the sale of an individual by two Hittite brothers to the sākinu of Ugarit. 14

See

MARQUEZ

ROWE

1996a, 457f.

2.8 2.8.1

The texts from Amurru

Definition and scope

A few legal texts written by scribes from the chancellery of A m u r r u have been found at Ugarit. T h e two matters that are recorded reflect on the one h a n d the neighbouring situation of both kingdoms and, on the other, the intermarriage that was relatively frequently practised between both dynasties. T h e former is represented by one text, R S 19.68, a treaty between N i q m a d d u II and Aziru, which is possibly one of the oldest agreements—if not the oldest—recovered from the royal palace archives. T h e latter is constituted by four documents that belong to the large dossier concerning the divorce ease between ' A m m i t t a m r u II and the daughter of Bentešina and sister of Šaušgamuwa. 2.8.2

Form

Some formal features of the treaty R S 19.68 have led to the origin of the tablet being called into question. Indeed, the mention throughout this parity agreement of the royal n a m e N i q m a d d u in first position as well as the interference of subjective style within the text phrased from the viewpoint of the Ugaritic king could suggest that the text was composed by a scribc of the royal court of Ugarit. O n linguistic and epigraphic grounds, however, it seems more likely that A m u r r u was the original provenance of the scribe; 15 on the other h a n d , the seal impression at the head of the text corresponds to the cylinder seal of Aziru. T h e later documents of his descendant Šaušgam u w a show the strong Hittite influence that developed through the years. Indeed, not only are the tablets in the 'cushion' shape but, more significandy, the cylinder seal of Aziru gives way to Sausgamuwa's stamp seals inscribed with Hittite hieroglyphs, of which the impression can be found in the middle of the raised surface of the obverse of the tablets (so in 'tablette G. Badr',' 6 R S 17.228, R S 17.318+, and R S 17.360a+, which also bears the cylinder seal impression of Aziru on top of the obverse). As for the text, the scribes of the chancellery of A m u r r u , like the ones of Ugarit, used the formula 'from to-day' to open the d o c u m e n t

15

See

16

Edited by

NOUGAYROL

1956,

ARNAUD

281,

- SALVINI

and

IZRE'EL

1991-2.

1991,

21.

(RS 17.228, R S 17.360A+, R S 19.68). Divine curses are attested only in the treaty R S 19.68. 2.8.3

Content

T h e treaty between N i q m a d d u II and Aziru describes the latter's r e n o u n c e m e n t of the f o r m e r claims of A m u r r i t e rulers to adjacent Ugaritian territory (including Siyannu); the text declares that Aziru accordingly received satisfaction, namely 5,000 shekels of silver. Furt h e r m o r e , military aid f r o m the A m u r r i t e king in case of an e n e m y attack against his n o r t h e r n neighbour is stipulated. T h e divorce between 'Ammittamru II and the daughter of Bentešina obviously provoked a serious international diplomatic conflict. This, as we have seen, is well reflected not only by the n u m b e r of records that were needed to regulate the affair but also by the authorities w h o h a d to supervise it, such as the Hittite e m p e r o r (who was in turn the divorcee's uncle) or his viceroy in Syria, the king of C a r c h e m ish. T h e documents that were issued a n d sealed by the king of A m u r r u a n d b r o t h e r of the divorcee describe his obligations in the agreem e n t : 'tablette G . B a d r ' concerns her expulsion, a n d R S 17.228, R S 17.318+, a n d R S 17.360A+ concern her final extradition (for execution) a n d resulting compensation of 1,400 shekels of gold.

2.9 2.9.1

The texts from Siyannu

Definition and scope

O n l y two legal d o c u m e n t s stemming f r o m the court of Siyannu have been f o u n d at Ugarit. T h e y are both related to the long-standing disputes of b o r d e r territory between both states (see above the verdict of king N i q m e p a ' or the final reguladons decreed by the e m p e r o r Mursiii II). R S 18.01 was issued by king Padiya a n d R S 17.123 by king 'Abdi-Ninurta. 2.9.2

Form

T h e physical a p p e a r a n c e of both tablets is hardly distinguishable f r o m the Ugarit prototype (possibly as a result of political influence). T h e cylinder seal impressed by Padiya at the head of the d o c u m e n t is that of his predecessor, Sassi (used thus as a 'dynastic seal'); c Abdi-

Ninurta, in turn, rolled another, anepigraphic one. Also like the documents composed at Ugarit, they are introduced by the opening phrase 'from to-day' and they are couched in objective style. 2.9.3

Content

Both deeds concern real estate property. More precisely, they describe the final result and state of affairs after litigation concerning the ownership or jurisdiction of land that belonged to frontier districts between Ugarit and Siyannu. This is explicitly mentioned in R S 17.123 in which the arbitrator was the Hittite overlord. T h e districts involved in this case are Šukši and H a r m a n a . Vineyards of the former frontier district are also the object of partition in R S 18.02, this time between the religious associations (marzihu) of Ugarit a n d Siyannu. 2.9.4

Publication and studies

T h e bibliographical picture is almost the same as we have seen for the domestic texts. T h e great majority of the international material was magisterially published by Nougayrol in two volumes of the French Mission de Ras S h a m r a : N o u g a y r o l 1956 and 1970. T h e former contains most of the documents as well as an excellent study of them. O t h e r scattered texts have been published by F i s h e r (1971), Malbran-Labat

( B o r d r e u i l et al.

1991, no.

1) a n d A r n a u d

-

Salvini

(1991-2), and a few still remain unpublished. T h e treaty between Murši1i II a n d N i q m e p a ' was thoroughly analysed by d e l M o n t e (1986), and B e c k m a n (1996c) has recently provided us with a h a n d b o o k of Hittite international documents. Mention must also be m a d e of two other m o n o g r a p h s that offer a c o m p r e h e n s i v e picture of the international relations as described a m o n g others by the documents of Ugarit: K e s t e m o n t 1974a (more restricted to the juridical aspects) a n d L i v e r a n i 1990.

3

T h e

Ugaritic

Legal

Texts

Since Akkadian was the language par excellence of legal documents it is hardly surprising that this genre is far less represented in the Ugaritic corpus. This is illustrated, for example, by the fact that the chapter of legal texts in the standard edition of this corpus (indexed

with the digit ' K T U 3.') runs to barely six pages. 1 ' Indeed, we should regard these few legal documents written in alphabetic cuneiform as exceptions. Probably on this account and also because the phraseology of some of the d o c u m e n t s was obviously inspired by the Akkadian pattern, it has been suggested that these texts could be translations of Akkadian originals. 18 This seems to be true of the one international document, namely the edict that establishes the inventory of the tribute due to the Hittite overlord. However, this is not so obvious for the rest of the material, not even for royal documents that clearly show a parallel phraseology. 19 Indeed, concerning the latter, how could one explain that the so-called 'translated copies' were found a m o n g other original Akkadian documents in the palace central archive? And where, then, were the Akkadian 'originals' accordingly kept which, on the other hand, have so far not been found? In fact, it seems reasonable to ask why scribes who were admittedly biscriptal would not have written, if only exceptionally, legal texts in Ugaritic (note that Burqānu, for example, drew up at least three documents in Akkadian [RS 8.145, R S 25.137 and R S 17.251] and one in his own tongue [ K T U 3.8 = R S 19.066]). 20 T h e fact that these texts are written in Ugaritic implies that they were most likely drawn u p at Ugarit. In this chapter we shall follow the plan proposed for the Akkadian corpus. Accordingly we shall divide Ugaritic legal documents into two sub-genres: on the one hand, the domestic texts and, on the other, the one international document.

3.1

The domestic legal texts

All Ugaritic legal texts but one deal with domestic transactions. According to the nature of the witnessing party these documents can be classified into two categories, the same ones by which we classified the Akkadian domestic texts, namely the royal and the non-royal documents.

17

One should note that in spite of the corrections and additions to this edition LORETZ SANMARTÎN 1 9 9 5 ) that will be pointed out throughout this paper this preliminary appreciation is not significantly changed.

(DIETRICH 1R

19

See

KIENAST

1979, 433,

444,

or

LIBOLT

1985,

359.

For the parallel phraseology see e.g. N O U G A Y R O I . 1962, 29, R A I N E Y 1969, 132ff., K I E N A S T 1979, M I L A N O 1980, 182ff. 20 Of course one may still question with VAN S O I . D T (1991a, 2 7 n. 213) whether this text is not a Ugaritic copy of an Akkadian original.

3.2 3.2.1

The royal legal texts

Definition and scope

As defined above, this group consists of those legal texts in which the king of Ugarit presides, explicitly or not, over the transactions involved. These royal documents (in Ugaritic: spr mlk as attested in K T U 2.19:13 21 include four published examples ( K T U 2.19 = RS 15.125, 22 K T U 3.2 = RS 15.111, K T U 3.4 = R S 16.191+ and K T U 3.5 = RS 16.382) and one unpublished text (RS 94.2168) found in the recently excavated archive of Urtenu. From this same archive came another unpublished record (RS 94.2965) arranged similarly, and containing clauses typical of royal legal documents; although no reference of the witnessing party is made and no royal seal is impressed (nor is there a space left free on the tablet for sealing) it is possible to understand implicitly that the king presided over this transaction. (One should note that R S 94.2168 also does not bear the royal seal impression: were these two documents actually private 'copies'?) Furthermore, an unclassified fragment ( K T U 7.63 = R S 15.117) that has often been taken to list the royal tides of N i q m e p a ' could also belong under this category. 23 3.2.2

Find-spot

As already mentioned, one or two royal documents have been found outside the royal palace, namely in Urtenu's house. T h e other four deeds (as well as the fragment K T U 7.63 = RS 15.117) come from the palace archives. O f interest is the fact that these four tablets come entirely from the same concentration, the so-called palace central archive where, as we have seen, most Akkadian royal domestic legal documents were kept ( K T U 7.63 was discovered in the palace eastern archive).

21 V I R O L L E A U D ( 1 9 5 7 , 15FF.) used the designation 'actes royaux' differently, for he also included royal letters. 22 Although still included under the epistolary category with the resulting digit in D I E T R I C H LORETZ S A N M A R T I N 1 9 9 5 , 1 6 8 , it is now generally agreed that this fragment is of legal content (see already K I E N A S T 1 9 7 9 , 4 3 3 , 444ff). 23 Note that VAN S O L D T (1991a, 5 6 4 ) suggests cataloguing the text as epistolary or legal.

3.2.3

Form

We have referred to the fact that royal legal texts drawn up in Ugaritic reflect, and presumably imitated the Akkadian pattern. Actually it is reasonable to assume that the same scribes shaped and wrote both the Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets. For example, as regards the shape of tablets, it is interesting to observe that although written in the shorter alphabetic script Ugaritic royal documents have the same average measurements attested for their Akkadian counterparts (e.g. K T U 3.5 = R S 16.382 measures 90 x 70 x 35 mm). T h e sealing practice is also identical: the royal seal impression is placed on top of the obverse and could be divided from the text by a ruling. Note that the dynastic seal of the kings of Ugarit was rolled on K T U 3.2 a n d K T U 3.5, whereas the ring-seal of N i q m a d d u (presumably N i q m a d d u II) was stamped twice in order to fill the sealing space in K T U 3.4 (although not preserved, K T U 2.19 was certainly sealed by the king as stated in 11. 6ff.).24 As for the text, the phraseology clearly reproduces the Akkadian formulae. Thus, the text begins with the temporal expression 'From to-day' (I ym hnd), which could also be combined with the closing expression '(and) for ever' ('d 'Irri). T h e first section of the text describes the completed part of the transaction, obviously phrased in the past (perfective) and in objective style. T h e king appears in first position either as active party (so in K T U 3.2 and K T U 3.5) or as having presided over the transaction (so in R S 94.2168, omitted in K T U 3.4), introduced by the preposition 'before' (/ pn—perhaps to be restored before the royal n a m e in K T U 7.63:1). Next follow the final clauses that deal with the obligations of the transaction, phrased this time in the future (imperfective) and also in objective style. Although the seal identification clause is only preserved in K T U 2.19, its restoration at the end of texts K T U 3.2 and K T U 3.5 seems very plausible. Perhaps the same holds true for the name of the scribe which is not attested in these texts. T h e scheme of the Ugaritic royal documents is thus not very different from their Akkadian counterparts. 3.2.4

Content

T h e contents of these texts is as follows: K T U 3.2 = R S 15.111 and K T U 3.5 = R S 16.382 are both deeds of royal gift; R S 94.2168 24

As shown after collation, the upper part of the fragment K TU 7.63 is lost.

concerns the rights of succession of c Abdi-milku's children and in particular the inheritance of the property he received from the king; and R S 94.2965 lists estate property acquired by a Yabninu together with the rights and obligations b o u n d to it. K T U 2.19 = RS 15.125 is a deed of franchise (note the Ugaritic designation spr d tbrrt in lines 9-10), namely from the ?7/t«-service (called in Ugaritic unt). T h e final document, K T U 3.4 = RS 16.191+, concerns the redemption of seven persons from the Berutians by one Iwrikili for 100 shekels of silver and the resulting obligations imposed on them. As for the parties involved, 'Ammittamru II is the donor king of K T U 3.2 and K T U 3.5 as well as the donor and guarantor of the rights of succession in R S 94.2168, and N i m q a d d u (II/III) is the grantor of privileges in K T U 2.19. Unfortunately it is difficult to idendfy the other contracting parties due to the want of more solid prosopographical evidence. Still, it is possible to relate some of the Ugaritic documents to the Akkadian 'dossiers'. For example, amtm, the donee's father in K T U 3.2, could be identified with the wellattested Amutarunu. And the c Abdi-milku whose inheritance is the topic of RS 94.2168 is very likely the homonymous main party of one of the largest dossiers identified by Nougayrol; moreover, we learn from this Ugaritic text that he was married to the king's daughter. This explicit information supports the assumption that many of the beneficiaries of these dossiers were members of the royal family as well as court officials (with this regard, one should note that the protagonist of the fragment K T U 7.63 = RS 15.117 is the sākinu of the palace and door-keeper of the king). 3.2.5

An example

In order to illustrate the similarities in the scheme and form between these Ugaritic documents and their Akkadian counterparts, we present here in transliteration and translation the royal document K T U 3.5 = R S 16.382: Impression of dynastic seal

5

I ym . hnd 'mttmr . bn nqmpc . mlk ugrt . ytn šd . kdgdl

From today 'Ammittamru, son of Niqmepa', king of Ugarit, has given the field of P N h

uskny . d . b šd[y] Lo.E.

10 Rev.

15

20

x m χ χ . [y\d gth yd . zth . yd . [A] rmh . yd [k]lklh w ytn.nn I . b'ln . bn kltn . w . 1 bnh . 'd [.] 7m Ihr . elmt bnš bnšm I . yqhnn . bd bcln . bn . kltn w . bd . bnh . ed 'lm . w . unt in . bh

from TN ι, (which is located) in the territory of TN 2 , together with its factory, and its olive grove, and its vineyard, and whatever belongs to it, and he has given it to PN2, son of PN:), and to his sons for ever. In the future no one will take it from the hands of PN 2 , son of PN3, and from the hands of his sons ever. And there is no service on it.

(end broken off)

3.3 3.3.1

The non-royal legal texts

Definition and scope

W e include under this second group of domestic legal texts those records which describe transactions performed before witnesses (Ugaritic yph) and that were not presided by the king. Such definition immediately excludes from our corpus texts like K T U 3.3 = R S 15.128, a bill concerning personal security, K T U 3.7 = R S 18.118, a list of Egyptian persons entering the ilku (Ugaritic «n/)-service, 25 and K T U 3.10 = R I H 8 4 / 3 3 , a list of debtors, 26 in which no mention of a body of witnesses is made. O n the other hand, K T U 3.6 = R S 17.[468] is too fragmentary for classification. 27 As a result, only two other K T U 3. series texts can be included under this category, namely K T U 3.8 = R S 19.066 and K T U 3.9 = R S [Varia 14] = R S 1957.702, which do list the witnesses of the transaction. In addition,

25

See more recently M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1993b. Note that it partially duplicates K T U 4.791 (see B O R D R E U I L 1995a, 4-5) listed thus within the administrative records; other debts lists are e.g. K T U 4.123 = RIH 8 4 / 0 4 obv., K T U 4.283 or K T U 4.310. 27 Note that even D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z - S A N M A R T I N ( 1 9 9 5 , 2 0 2 ) admit that its content is 'uncertain'; the presence of the sequence (> yph [?]) at the end of 1. 2 is in a completely fragmentary and obscure context. 26

reference should be made to other texts that have been classified as administrative and could in fact lie on the borderline of the legal domain. Like the above mentioned Akkadian text RS 16.354, K T U 4.386 = RS 18.111 (restoring [y]ph at the beginning of 1. 3 and also possibly [yp]h at the beginning of 11. 7 and 9), K T U 4.632 = R S 19.073, K T U 4.778 = R I H 8 3 / 1 2 with its duplicate K T U 4.782 = R I H 84/08, 2 8 K T U 9.477 = R I H 8 3 / 3 9 + 2 9 and perhaps also K T U 4.258 = RS 17.007+ (sec 1. 5) record a series of debt-notes together with the witnesses involved. As a matter of fact, the explicit mention of witnesses is what distinguishes these texts from other debtnotes tablets like K T U 3.10. Significantly, the same holds true for K T U 3.8 vis-à-vis K T U 3.3. Both are bills of personal security and use a similar phraseology (also parallel to the Akkadian counterparts RS 15.81 or RS 16.287 referred to above). 30 However, as already stated, neither the latter nor the Akkadian texts mentions any witnesses. 31 Stronger doubts about the legal nature of K T U 3.8 and also K T U 3.9 have been expressed basically because both lack seal impressions and do not use phrases typical of legal texts (like the introductory formulae 'from to-day' or 'before witnesses'). As a result, it has been suggested that these texts should rather be identified as 'memoranda'. 3 2 Despite the doubts of classification, which may indeed question once more the accuracy of our definitions, both documents will be included under this category following thus our basic premise, viz. the more or less explicit mention of witnesses in the texts. 3.3.2

Find-spot

Very little can be said about the find-spots of K T U 3.8 and K T U 3.9. T h e former was found in the open space between the royal palace and the so-called 'southern palace'. As recently pointed out,

28 See B O R D R E U I I , 1987, 29 ΗΓ. Note that some of the debt-notes in this text do not mention the witness. 29

30

See

B O R D R E U I L et at.

1984,

430.

See M I L A N O 1980, 186ff. and H O F T I J Z E R - VAN S O L D T 1991a, 189ff. 31 The list of persons on the reverse (11. 10ff.) correspond to the sureties (cf. 1. 1 : spr. 'rbnm, see most recently H O F T I J Z E R VAN S O L D T 1 9 9 1 , 1 8 9 ) and not to the body of witnesses (as stated by M I L A N O [ 1 9 8 0 , 1 8 8 ] ) . 32 So K I E N A S T 1979, 432f, with critical comments upon the former inclusion of this and other K T U 3. series texts within the category of 'Verträge' in D I E T R I C H LORETZ SANMARTIN 1976a (see also S Z N Y C E R 1979, 1 4 1 8 ) .

tablets unearthed in this area 'could have come from different parts of the surrounding buildings', 33 which means either from the palace or from a private house. As for the latter, it is almost certainly from illegal excavation at Ras Shamra. 3 4 It is not without interest that all witnessed debt-notes come from the palace archives and that two of them (the two duplicates) were found in the palace at Ras Ibn Hani. 3.3.3

Form

We have already mentioned that K T U 3.8 and K T U 3.9 lack some of the characteristic features of legal documents. T o begin with, neither of them bears a seal impression. O n the other hand, the formulas that usually introduce a legal text, like 'from today' or the one attested in the Akkadian counterparts 'before witnesses', are absent. Nevertheless, examples with these same atypical features can be found within the Akkadian corpus (compare also the Ugaritic royal document R S 94.2965). R S 11.856, for instance, describes the transaction without any such introductory formulas, lists the witnesses at the end of the text after a ruling and bears no seal impression. These are exactly the same characteristics and scheme as in K T U 3.8 (significantly, the unusual shape of both tablets is similar). 35 As for the text itself, K T U 3.8 follows the general pattern of legal documents. It is phrased in objective style, the completed part of the transaction is in the past (perfective) and the final clauses in the future (imperfective). After listing the three witnesses, the name of the scribe is mentioned at the very end of the document. T h e text of K T U 3.9, on the other hand, is exceptional in that it combines both objective and subjective style, an unusual feature in domestic contracts. T h e names of two witnesses close the document. 3.3.4

Content

K T U 3.8 is a deed of security: five persons assume surety for two debtors. K T U 3.9 concerns the inauguration of a religious associaV A N S O L D T 1991a, 146. Note that it has recently been possible to trace back the find-spot of another Claremont Ras Shamra tablet, namely from the palace archives ( A R N A U D - SALVINI 1991-2, 8 η. 5). 35 Viz. they are small and nearly square: K T U 3.8 measures 48 X 42 X 28 and RS 11.856, 40 χ 40 χ 22 mm. 33

34

tion (mrzh) by a Š a m u m a n u and stipulates the binding obligations for both its founder and leader and the rest of its members.

3.4 3.4.1

The international legal text

Definition and scope

It is hardly surprising to find only one Ugaritic text, K T U 3.1 = RS 1 1.772+, under this category since Akkadian was not only the legal but also the diplomatic language par excellence at that time in the N e a r East. As a matter of fact, what is truly surprising is precisely the very existence of one d o c u m e n t written in alphabetic cuneiform that describes a transaction between two states, namely Hatti and Ugarit. T h e discovery in the palace southern archive of the Akkadian parallel text, namely the edict that establishes the inventory of the tribute of N i q m a d d u II owed to his overlord Suppiluliu m a I (RS 17.227 and dupl., see above § 9.2.5.3), clearly showed that we are dealing here with an Ugaritic version. 36 This interpretation, however, has been recently challenged arguing that the language and formulae of K T U 3.1 do not correspond to a legal document but, rather, that they reveal the epistolary nature of the text. 37 This opinion, however, takes into consideration neither the ambiguous language used by Hittite scribes (as discussed above under § 9.2.5.1), also present in the Akkadian original edict, nor proper Ugaritic epistolary structure. 38 3.4.2

Find-spot

T h e different fragments of this tablet were found scattered within and around the palace western archive. O f interest is the fact that the Akkadian tribute list RS 11.732[β] was discovered at this same archive and that the content thereof is predominantly administrative. O n this account, it has been reasonably suggested that the Ugaritic version of the edict was kept there for administrative purposes. 39

36

See e.g. 1990a, 354ff. 37

38 39

NOUGAYROL

1956, 37ff.,

DIETRICH

LORETZ

K N O P P E R S 1993, followed by T R O P P E R 1995b, 235. See also the remarks of P A R D E E ( 1 9 9 8 ) . See VAN S O L D T 1991a, 57-8.

1966a, or

VAN

SOLDT

3.4.3

Form

As already m e n d o n e d , the text is preserved from several fragments (RS 11.772+11.780+11.782+11.802). T h e original tablet must have been relatively large. Unlike the Akkadian duplicates, however, K T U 3.1 is not 'cushion'-shaped and its width, namely 30 m m , and rather flat surface seems to rule out a prion the original presence of the Hittite seal impression in the lost middle part of the obverse. T h e scheme of the text corresponds to the Akkadian original, the first preserved paragraphs to the historical introduction, and the following to the detailed definition of the tribute. Although not preserved, the end of the text may have contained the invocation to the gods as witnesses and guarantors of the agreement, as in the Akkadian text. Finally, it has been pointed out that the order of some of the tribute items as well as that of the Hittite officials follows the text of the treaty of Murši1i II (RS 17.380+) rather than the edict of Suppiluliuma I.40 3.4.4

Content

T h e historical introduction so typical of Hittite edicts and agreements relates how N i q m a d d u II refused to take part in the antiHittite coalition and thus stresses his loyalty towards his overlord Suppiluliuma I. T h e text then describes in detail the inventory of the tribute that as a result the king of Ugarit owed to the Great King, the queen his wife, as well as his high officials.

4

The

Hittite

Legal

T e x t

T h e excavations at Ras Shamra have so far yielded only two cuneiform texts written in the Hittite language. O n e is part of a trilingual literary composition (RS 25.421+) and the other is a complete legal document (RS 17.109). T h e latter, with which we are here concerned, is thus unique in that it is the only Hittite original document found at Ugarit. Shortly after its discovery, Hittitologists, too, agreed with the uniqueness of RS 17.109 for not only was this tablet the first Hittite legal document discovered outside the Anatolian core of 40

See

VAN S O L D T

1990a, 341.

the Hittite empire but also the only source which could shed light on the form of Hittite private legal practice.

4.1

Definition

R S 17.109 was catalogued by E. Laroche with the n u m b e r C T H 296 as one of the Hittite 'procès' within the brief chapter of law. H e titled it 'témoignage écrit de Pallariya'. Indeed, the text describes the tesdmony of a witness of an inter-state transacdon, namely between Hatti and Ugarit; the deposition is made before two witnesses and properly authenticated by means of a seal impression. O n epigraphic, linguistic and also prosopographic grounds, the tablet can be safely dated to the second half of the 13th century bce, and thus it fits into the general chronology of the Ugarit archives. O n the other hand, the fact that the text is written in the classical script of Bogazköy does not necessarily mean that the tablet was drawn up at the Hittite capital. As we have already seen, it is possible, and in this case even probable, that Hittite officials would arbitrate international affairs in foreign states or courts like Ugarit.

4.2

Find-spot

T h e tablet was found in the palace southern archive. This find-spot agrees well with the nature of RS 17.109 since, as we have mentioned in several occasions, this royal archive was meant to keep the legal documents concerned with foreign affairs.

4.3

Form

T h e shape of RS 17.109 is rather peculiar. In fact, it belongs to a category of Hittite tablets we have already seen above (§ 9.2.5.2). T h e tablet bears a kind of appendix that protrudes from the middle of its upper part, on top of which the stamp-seal impression is to be found. Also typical of Hittite scribal practice (and of deposition documents), the text opens with the word umma (here as an Akkadogram). In this case it introduces the statement of one of the parties involved. T h e n his witness declares, also phrased in subjective style and in the past. Next follow the clauses that settle the affair and validate the written document, mainly provided for the other, absent party.

After a ruling, the mention of the two witnesses (of whom one probably acted as judicial officer) close the text.

4.4

Content

As catalogued by Laroche, R S 17.109 is a deed of deposition. It contains the declaration of Pallariya, the witness of a transaction, namely the receipt of a large a m o u n t of silver by the Hittite tax collector from the sākinu of Ugarit. T h e same state officials, especially the latter, are often protagonists in other international legal cases that were most often arbitrated, as we have seen above (§ 9.2.6), by the king of Carchemish.

4.5

Publication and studies

T h e tablet was published in transliteration and translation by L a r o c h e (1968b no. 1); recently, S a l v i n i (1995a) has provided us with the copy and photos, and also a few reading improvements. Apart from Laroche's first interpretation, one should also mention the contributions by H a a s e (1971), v o n S c h ü l e r (1971) and M a r q u e z R o w e (1999).

T H E

E C O N O M Y

Michael

O F

U G A R I T

H e l t z e r

T h e economy of the kingdom of Ugarit is considered here under three headings: the administrative texts, commerce and crafts and industries.

1

T h e

Administrative

1.1

Texts

General

T h e administrative texts written in both Ugaritic and Akkadian belong to the time span from the middle of the 13th century bce to the destruction of the kingdom in about 1180 bce or a few years later. It is impossible to separate the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts, for they deal with the same issues, and often the same persons are mentioned in the texts in both languages. It is also impossible to determine the exact n u m b e r of the texts, for (a) there are hundreds of tablet-fragments, which rarely can be used to explain anything; (b) many texts and text fragments in the administrative economic field are still unpublished. 1 T h e r e is also the problem of dividing the texts according to content. Some of the administrative texts are economic, others are agrarian, etc. In all, we possess approximately 550 clearly and fairly legible texts of this kind in Ugaritic and 160 in Akkadian, a ratio of 7:2. We can divide these texts, albeit not absolutely, into primary tablets made on the spot or at the time of the administrative (economic or fiscal) act, and tablets which are monthly or even annual summaries.

' For the overall number of the texts and their editions, cf. TEO. The Akkadian texts are generally cited according to their publication in PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5. Other occasional publications are quoted separately. On unpublished texts cf. KTU2, 9.

In some instances it is also difficult to draw a dividing line between administrative and commercial texts (in cases when the prices of the goods are not given). W e also include here the texts excavated in the territory of the kingdom of Ugarit (Ras-ibn Hani (RIH)). In general, all these texts reflect the structure of Ugaritic society, which was divided into two sets. O n e comprised the 'sons of Ugarit' (Akk. mârēM Ugarìt), i.e. the villagers, who had a certain communal organization ( H e l t z e r 1976). T h e other comprised the 'servants of the king' (Ug. bnš mlk, Ugaritic Akk. bunusu milki, Akk. ardēU šarri) or royal servicemen, who received various deliveries for their service from royal stores and also, for performing their duties, land allotments on c o n d i t i o n a l h o l d i n g ( H e l t z e r 1982). T h i s social stratification is known from the text PRU 4, 107 = R S 17.238, which also mentions the 'servants of the servants of the king' (Akk. ardeU¥& ardêm'& šarri). From this text, as well as from the administrative texts, it is clear that some of the royal servicemen were in a position to have underlings. T h e royal servicemen were organized into professional groups and at the head of every group stood a royal nominee-official or rb (lit. 'great', 'big'). They performed their duties (taxes, conscription and corvées). 2 T h e various professions of craftsmen, agricultural workers, different military groups, priesdy professions, officials and palace personnel were organized in groups sometimes of ten.

1.2

Classification of the administrative texts

T h e r e is some difficulty in classifying the administrative texts as they are largely of mixed contents, but in general it is possible. 1.2.1

Lists of villages

We shall begin with the lists of villages (Ug. qrt, Akk. âlu). This category contains the texts which merely provide the names of villages (since the numbers which follow them are sometimes broken, as are the first and last lines, where the purpose of a text was given). 3 T h e y can be further classified as:

2

Therefore it is impossible to define them as 'guilds', as this would presuppose at least some degree of internal self-government which is not apparent in the bnl mlk texts. 3 K T U 4.94 = RS 11.832; K T U 4.303 = RS 17.370[B]; K T U 4.365 = RS 18.073; K T U 4.414 = RS 18.251 [c]; K T U 4.621 = RS 19.048[A]; K T U 4.622 =

a) Lists of mobilization of villagers for military purposes (or sometimes for the corvée); sometimes arms were delivered to them: 'bows' (qstm), 'shields' (Akk. gabābūMEè), 'slings' (qlcm) and 'spears' (mrhm).4 b) A list of payments of tribute in silver to the Hittite king (professional groups of bnš mlk also appear in this text, K T U 4.610 = R S 19.017). c) Payments by the villagers—not individually but as a unit—of silver, wool, cereals, olive oil, wine and cattle to the royal treasury. 3 d) Tablets recording the distribution of 'food' (akl) or 'rations' (hpr) to the villages in corpore at the time of performing their corvée and other texts where the villages are listed ( K T U 4.41 = RS 8.280). 1.2.2

The gt

W e learn from the administrative texts that there was a well developed royal economy in the kingdom ( H e l t z e r 1979a). It was divided into units (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtuf which were dispersed over all the kingdom. 7 Here too certain groups of texts shed light on the economic activities on the gt's. Texts include:

19.048[B]; K T U 4.629 = RS 19.061; K T U 4.661 = RS 19.167A: K T U 4.676 = RS 19.174i; K T U 4.684 = RS 19.257; K T U 4.685 = RS 19.258; K T U 4.686 = RS 19.259; K T U 4.693 = RS 20.157; K T U 4.770 = RIH 77/27; PRU 6, 97 = RS 19.118; PRU 6, 169 = RS 18.279; Ug 5, 102 = RS 20.207A; 103 = RS 20.143B; 104 = RS 20.144; etc. 4 K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 3, = RS 11.841; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.35A; cf. also K T U 4.63 = RS 10.052 where mobilized people of various villages receive their arms; PRU 6, 95 = RS 19.74; K T U 4.683 = RS 19.256; and Bordreuil 4 = RS 34.131 etc. 5 K T U 4.73 = RS 11.724+; K T U 4.93 = RS 11.776 + 11.800; K T U 4.95 = RS 11.836+; K T U 4.108 = RS 12.003+; K T U 4.113 = RS 12.018; K T U 4.232 = RS 16.355; K T U 4.267 = RS 17.103; K T U 4.308 = RS 17.386; K T U 4.553 = RS 18.[479]; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.611 = RS 19.018; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.830; PRU 3, 191 = RS 11.841 [a]; PRU 3, 191 = RS 15.020; PRU 3, 191 = RS 15.179: PRU 3, 192 = RS 15.183; etc. PRU 6, 104 = RS 19.43; PRU 6, 105 = RS 19.117; PRU 6, 106 = RS 19.119; Ug 5, = RS 19.80; Ug 5, 111 = RS 19.129; Ug 5, 113 = RS 19.26; Ug 5, 187 = RS 19.27 (although it is not always certain whether these are payments or deliveries). 6 T h e literal meaning of gt is 'oil or wine press' ( H E L T Z E R 1979b). 7 T h e texts concerning the more than 70 royal gts are: K T U 4.89 = RS 11.796; K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840; K T U 4.97 = RS 11.841; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858:45; K T U 4.110 = RS 12.006; K T U 4.122 = RS 13.012; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001; K T U 4.139 = RS 15.017; K T U 4.141 = 15.022+; RS 4.142 = RS 15.023; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.200 = RS 15.189; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395; K T U 4.271 = RS 17.115; K T U 4.296 = RS 17.031; K T U 4.297 = RS 17.326; K T U 4.307 = RS 17.384; K T U 4.313 = RS 17.399; K T U 4.320 = RS 17.444: K T U 4.345 = RS 18.033; K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048; K T U

a) T h e tablets concerning villagers, villages and royal service people whose service fields were in the area of a certain gt and connected with it, who had to deliver their share of their own produce to the gt,a where it was processed. b) Texts concerning stocks of agricultural tools on various gts.9 c) Lists of the state of cattle on the gts. These include beasts of burden (oxen and donkeys), cattle for fattening (mrì) and poultry, 10 listed together with the working teams. d) Texts concerning agricultural products (cereals, wine, oil, etc.) which are at the gt, including fodder and products delivered by the villagers and (non-agricultural) craftsmen to the gt stores. Sometimes the name of the month is given, in which case these are monthly reports." e) Tablets concerning 'royal servicemen' (bnš mlk), who had agricultural professions: 'ploughmen' (hrtm),12 'vine dressers' (gpnym), '(sheep-) shearers' [gzzm), 'shepherds' (nqdm and r'ym), and other personnel who were partly referred to as ' m a n of the gf (bnš gt) and 'belonging to the gf (bdl gt).n 4.365 = RS 18.073; K T U 4.380 = RS 18.099; K T U 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K T U 4.386 = RS 18.111; K T U 4.397 = RS 18.136; K T U 4.400 = RS 18.139; K T U 4.405 = RS 18.143[c]; K T U 4.409 = RS 18.146 bis; K T U 4.424 = RS 18.296; K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045; K T U 4.625 = RS 19.052; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; K T U 4.638 = R S 19.100B; K T U 4.750 = RS 29.094; PRU 6, 122 = RS 21.203; Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12, etc. 8 K T U 4.110 = RS 12.006; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396; K T U 4.643 = RS 19.105, etc.; cf. also L I V E R A N I 1979c. 9 K T U 4.625 = RS 19.052; K T U 4.632 = RS 19.073, etc.; cf. also PRU 6, 141 = RS 19.112 (?). 10 K T U 4.89 = RS 11.796; K T U 4.128 = RS 14.176; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.275 = RS 17.125; K T U 4.296 = RS 17.140; K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048; K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076; K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01. 11 K T U 4.143 = RS 15.031; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U 4.271 = RS 17.115; K T U 4.345 = RS 18.033; K T U 4.397 = RS 18.136; K T U 4.400 = RS 18.139; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097. 12 K T U 4.65 = RS 11.602:1. 13 K T U 4.35 = RS 8.183+; K T U 4.65 = RS 11.602; K T U 4.71 = RS 11.721; K T U 4.87 = RS 11.789; K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.106 = RS 12.001; K T U 4.122 = RS 13.012; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.129 = RS 15.001; K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K T U 4.153 = RS 15.046; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U 4.296 = RS 17.031; K T U 4.307 = R S 17.384; K T U 4.320 = RS 17.444; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+; K T U 4.355 = RS 18.045; K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048; K T U 4.374 = RS 18.082; K T U 4.378 = RS 18.087; K T U 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K T U 4.440 = RS 18.[317]; K T U 4.491 = RS 18.[389]; K T U 4.493 = RS 18.[391];

f ) M a n y texts also deal with the deliveries from the gts for certain persons. T h e goods are wheat, emmer, wine, oil, wood, cattle, textiles, metal artifacts, etc. 14 At times it is difficult to differentiate between storage stocks and deliveries. It should be noted that these texts may overlap with commercial ones and we cannot draw a clear dividing line. Furthermore, many of the texts are of mixed content and it is sometimes impossible to classify them precisely. 1.2.3

The royal servicemen

These are texts dealing with the 'royal servicemen' (Ug. bnš mlh, Akk. ardē šani) according to their professional groups. Again the divisions are not definitive. a) Texts where the professional group is mentioned as a unit, the personal names of its members not being given, and where the whole group receives deliveries of some kind. 1 ' b) Lists of royal servicemen of different professions (hrs anyt, 'shipwrights', hrs bhtm 'house-builders', nskm '(metal) casters', etc.) where each professional is listed and identified only by his name plus his father's name, or by his father's n a m e alone (bn X 'son of (PN) X'). Sometimes they also receive certain deliveries in silver, or in kind and sometimes in these texts give a total of the amount of the delivery. These texts also tell us in which village of the kingdom of Ugarit they resided. 16 K T U 4.608 = RS 19.014; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045; K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; K T U 4.729 = RS 24.301; K T U 4.740 = RS 24.660e; PRU 6, 118 = RS 18.116; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012. 14 K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272; K T U 4.128 = RS 14.176; K T U 4.131 = RS 15.003; K T U 4.144 = RS 15.032; K T U 4.149 = RS 15.039; K T U 4.153 = RS 15.046; K T U 4.175 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.216 = RS 16.165; K T U 4.230 = RS 16.341; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395; K T U 4.263 = RS 17.049; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042; K T U 4.377 = RS 18.086; K T U 4.378 = RS 18.087; K T U 4.387 = RS 18.112; K T U 4.495 = RS 18.[394]; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062; K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; K T U 4.705 = RS 21.056, etc. 15 K T U 4.105 = RS 13.014[Aw]; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.139 = RS 15.017; deliveries: K T U 4.29 = RS 3.320; K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.217 = RS 16.176; K T U 4.312 = RS 17.397[A]; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252; K T U 4.485 = RS I8.[381]; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417 and K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001 (cereals); K T U 4.216 = RS 16.165 (wine); K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016 (hpr monthly 'ration's); K T U 4.610 = RS 19.017 (argmn špš 'tribute to the Sun', i.e. the Hittite king). 16 K T U 4.35 = RS 8.183+;' K T U 4.43 = RS 9.011; K T U 4.44 = RS 9.453; K T U

c) T h e bnš mlk can be considered as a special category, designated as being at the disposal of the king, queen (or queen-mother), the 'vizier' (Ug. skn, Akk. sākinu) or other functionaries who are defined as overseers. T h e formula here is generally spr bnš (mlk) dt bd (mlkt, skn, or a PN), 'list of the (royal) men who are at the disposal of (the queen, the sākinu or a PN)'. 17 Furthermore, these texts sometimes note particular work in a village, on a gt or work of another kind. d) As noted above, the professional groups had their nominated rb, 'chief' or 'elder'. 18 Data have not survived regarding all the groups, but we know that there were rbs in the following groups: nqdm 'shepherds', 19 hrsm 'craftsmen', in this case 'cartwrights', 20 note also the rb khnm 'chief priest', 21 etc. In some cases there could be an 'overseer' ngr (Akk. ākilf2 instead of the rb. 4.66 = RS 11.656; K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+; K T U 4.471 = RS 18. [363]; K T U 4.90 = RS 11.797; K T U 4.92 = RS 11.799; K T U 4.98 = RS 11.844; K T U 4.114 = RS 12.027; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001; K T U 4.128 = RS 14.176; K T U 4.134 = RS 15.006; K T U 4.155 = RS 15.051; K T U 4.177 = RS 15.101; K T U 4.181 = RS 15.106; K T U 4.187 = RS 15.157+; K T U 4.188 = RS 15.169+; K T U 4.201 = RS 15.192[d]; K T U 4.215 = RS 16.130; K T U 4.217 = RS 16.176; K T U 4.230 = RS 16.341; K T U 4.261 = RS 17.023; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106; K T U 4.272 = RS 17.118; K T U 4.286 = RS 17.290; K T U 4.310 = RS 17.392; K T U 4.321 = RS 18.005; K T U 4.322 = RS 18.007a; K T U 4.355 = RS 18.045; K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076; K T U 4.370 = RS 18.079; K T U 4.374 = RS 18.082; K T U 4.378 = RS 18.087; K T U 4.379 = RS 18.098; K T U 4.422 = RS 18.293; K T U 4.440 = RS 18.[317]; K T U 4.485 = RS 18.[381]; K T U 4.545 = RS 18.[471]; K T U 4.561 = RS 18.[549]; K T U 4.617 = RS 19.044; K T U 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][c]; K T U 4.633 = RS 19.086A; K T U 4.655 = RS 19.158A; K T U 4.681 = RS 19.180; K T U 4.690 = RS 20.009; K T U 4.714 = RS 22.231; K T U 4.761 = RS 34.123; K T U 4.772 = R I H 78/06; PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 6, 143 = RS 21.200; PRU 6, 147 = RS 19.127; PRU 6, 148 = RS 17.97; PRU 6, 149 = RS 15.354. 17 We must distinguish between the '(grand) vizier' sākin māti 'sākinu of the land' (i.e. of the kingdom) and the sknm 'sākinus' of various villages of the kingdom, i.e. the 'elders of the settlements' (Akk. ffazannu). 18 K T U 4.110 = RS 12.006; K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K T U 4.144 = RS 15.032; K T U 4.223 = RS 16.194 (?); K T U 4.264 = RS 17.052; K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076; K T U 4.379 = RS 18.098; K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096; spr rb 'šrt 'list of elders (overseers) o f t e n (men)' ( K T U 4.714 = RS 22.731:1) and K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016. In K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + vi 56. 20 K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034:9. 21 K T U 6.6 = RS 1.[051]; K T U 6.7 = RS 1.[053]; K T U 6.8 = RS 1.[054]; K T U 6.9 = RS 1 .[055]; K T U 6.10 = RS 1 .[052]. 22 ngr mdr' 'guard of the sown' ( K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 16); ngr krm 'guard of the vineyard' ( K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:12'; K T U 4.618 = RS 19.045:6); ākil narkabti 'overseer of the chariots' or 'chariotry' (PRU 3, 84 = RS 16.157; PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250:17); lXjākil s'angi 'overseer of the priests' (PRU 3, 168 = RS 16.186:13').

e) T h e 'elder' (rb), it seems, is also connected with the distribution of raw materials to the royal artisans. It was his responsibility to deliver their produce to the treasury (and possibly to the gt). Another type of these texts shows us the delivery of materials for repairing military equipment (chariots). 23 f ) Like the villages mentioned above, the professional groups— both military and non-military—participated in the formation of the army and were subject to conscription. Naturally, the military professionals were obliged to fulfil their periodic guard service as hrdm (Akk. hurādu) 'watchmen' or 'mobilized men'. They received everything from the royal stores—arms, chariots, horses, even caparisons (horse-cloths) and other items of their equipment. These military professional groups appear in the texts as mrynm (Akk. maryannu) 'charioteers'; mdrglm (Akk. u n . t u ) 'watchmen, guards', tnnm (Akk. šanannū) 'warriors' and others. 24 Soldiers of foreign origin (Ug. trtnm Akk. šerdana) as is evident from the texts, had to serve under the same conditions, and, received the same kind of deliveries and lands in conditional holding. 25 Naturally, our knowledge here is also limited by the fragmentary state of the administrative tablets. g) As noted, there are texts on tribute delivered to the Hittite king to which the professional groups of all specializations contributed together with the villages. T h e same applies to the small n u m b e r of

4.145 = R S 15.034; for a different interpretation cf. V I T A 1995a, 42-7. K T U 3.7 = RS 18.118; K T U 4.33 = RS 5.248; K T U 4.53 = RS 10.090; K T U 4.54 = RS 10.103; K T U 4.58 = RS 11.[902]; K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+ (also bdt mrynm and bdl mdrglm 'subjects of the maiyannu/mdrglm')·, K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K T U 4.149 = RS 15.039; K T U 4.152 = RS 15.045; K T U 4.162 = RS 15.067+; K T U 4.163 = RS 15.073; (also bn mrynm'sons of the maiyannu'·, K T U 4.170 = RS 15.084 (also n'r mrynm 'youths of the maiyannu')·, K T U 4.173 = RS 15.094 (also bn mrynm)·, K T U 4.174 = RS 15.096; K T U 4.179 = RS 15.103; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116; K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127; K T U 4.216 = RS 16.165; K T U 4.230 = RS 16.341; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396; K T U 4.322 = RS 18.007A; K T U 4.379 = RS 18.098; K T U 4.387 = RS 18.112; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252; K T U 4.485 = RS 18.[381]; K T U 4.528 = RS 18.[448]; K T U 4.561 = RS 18. [489]; K T U 4.623 = RS 19.049[Β]; K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096; K T U 4.751 = RS 29.096; PRU 3, 192 = RS 12.034+12.043; PRU 3, 123 = RS 15.123 + 16.152; PRU 3, 118 = RS 15.155; PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136; PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 96 = RS 16.249; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B + 16.257 + 16.258 + 16.345; PRU 6, 31 = RS 19.98; PRU 6, 90 = RS 19.114; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240; Ug 5, 68 = RS 20.246. Cf. also H E L T Z E R 1979C. 25 H E L T Z E R 1979d; see in general V I T A 1995a, 93 129. 23

24

K T U

archers, w h o m the villages and the professional groups had to contribute to the guard, according to K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716. h) A very important part of the administrative texts are the agrarian tablets, mostly in alphabetic cuneiform or Ugaritic. In contrast to the legal agrarian texts, written in Akkadian, which list individual cases in which the serviceman (military or civilian) receives land grants in conditional holding from the king for his service, these are administrative documents simply recording the delivery of a field to a person or its transfer from one person to another. Sometimes the texts record the service fields (or vineyards) in certain villages. In the Ugaritic texts these fields are called ubdy, updt or ubdit. T h e word is of Hittite origin, meaning 'carrying out, performing obligations' ( I m p a r a t i 1974, 107) and has the same meaning as the Akkadian word pilku, known only from Ugarit ( H e l t z e r 1981; W a t s o n 1995c, 542). T h e texts are composed in general according to the following formulae: sd ubdy (name of profession) dt b (name of gt x), ' T h e service field of the professionals X, who are at the gt. . .' O r : šd/krrn ubdy P N b (name of village), 'field/vineyard ubdy of PN in (name of the village)'. T h e r e are also other formulae with slight variations. In some cases we read simply sd bd PN, 'a field in the hands of PN'. A number of texts list several fields as at the disposal of one person. Often the title of the passage of the text where several persons are mentioned with their fields denotes the profession of the servicemen who had the fields (or vineyards) at their disposal. T h e r e is also an example of the redistribution of fields. In this case the formula is as follows: sd X bd Τ ' T h e field of (PN) X to the hands (i.e. at the disposal) of (PN) Y'. Possibly it designates the fields of the nayyālu, persons who did not fulfil their obligations, which were given to other servicemen ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 2 , 1 9 - 2 2 ) . Last, but not least, a very interesting feature here is the distribution or transfer to certain persons of fields designated as sbr (possibly an abbreviation for (sd) sbr, Akk. eqel sibbiru, 'communal (or public) field'); this has a possible parallel in the early R o m a n republican ager publicus.26

26

T h e « ^ - f i e l d s are said to belong to the following classes: trrm 'the trrmprofessionals' (KTU 4.7 = RS [Varia 18]T); mdm 'friends (of the king)' (KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858:1) miynm 'marjwmu-warriors' (line 8); τηήτη 'liaison men' (line 20); 'šrm 'overseers of ten men' (line 30); mri ibm 'liaison men of (prince) Ibirānu' (line 37); tgrm 'gatekeepers' (line 39); šrm 'singers' (line 41), nqdm 'shepherds' (line 44); mdrglm 'watchmen' (line 54), etc.; sd ubdy Ilštm' dt bd skn 'Ubdy 'fields in the (village) llistam'i, which are at the disposal of the sākinu' (KTU 4.110 = RS 12.006:1-2); zt ubdym

i) A n u m b e r of texts are devoted to pasturing cattle, a n d the important thing here is that the royal servicemen 'shepherds', r'ym, were engaged in this. At least some of these had their 'youth(s)' sgr(rrì) or 'apprentices' (Imdm). T h e y worked not only in the royal economy on the gts but took cattle for pasture from the villagers of the kingdom of Ugarit, as well as from various professional groups of royal servicemen. 27 T h e r e is also a particular tax from villagers and royal servicemen known as, kaspu ša maqqadi, 'silver for pasturing'. 2 8 1.2.4

Cadastral texts

T h e r e is a group of cadastral texts, but it is not absolutely clear whether the persons mentioned in them are villagers living in the communal framework or royal servicemen. They are mentioned in the same text as living in different villages. Besides the head of the household (or family) are listed his wife (or wives), sons, daughters (in one case even his son-in-law) and male and female slaves ('bd, amt). Some persons designated as gzr 'youth' and pgt 'girl' figure here. Possibly these are children, teenagers or dependent members of the family. 29 'ubdy olive groves' (KTU 4.164 = RS 15.075:3); also K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116; K T U 4.222 = RS 16.193; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396; K T U 4.282 = RS 17.246; K T U 4.340 = RS 18.027; K T U 4.344 = RS 18.030; K T U 4.356 = RS 18.046; K T U 4.357 = RS 18.047; K T U 4.389 = RS 18.117; K T U 4.399 = RS 18.138; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252; K T U 4.423 = RS 18.295; K T U 4.424 = RS 18.296; K T U 4.425 = RS 18.297; K T U 4.692 = RS 20.145 ubdy yshm—'the ubdy fields of heralds'. And according to K T U 4.631 = RS 19.072 a number of ubdy-fields in the village are distributed among various persons. In addition there is mention of the handing over of the field I qrt 'to the village', which received the field under its collective responsibility (lines 4 - 6 , 6, 9, 14, 16, 17, 21, 23-24). The sibbiru-ūelds are mentioned in PRU 3, 143 = RS 16.137; and PRU 6, 55 = RS 18.022; cf. also K T U 4.375 = RS 18.084 (jér-fields in various villages). 27 H E L T Z E R 1 9 8 2 ; texts: K T U 4 . 7 5 = R S 1 1 . 7 3 5 + ; K T U 4 . 1 2 5 - R S 14.001; K T U

4.129=

K T U

4.243

=

RS

K T U

4.391

=

RS

K T U

4.618

=

RS

RS

15.001;

K T U

16.395;

4.153

K T U

18.129; K T U 19.045;

=

4.374 4.440 =

K T U

4.729

RS

=

RS

RS =

15.046;

K T U

4.175

=

RS

18.082;

K T U

4.378

=

RS

18.[317]; K T U

RS

24.301;

K T U

15.096; 18.087;

4.493 =

RS

18.[391];

4.740

RS

24.660E;

=

these mention /ym ('shepherds') and their sgr(m) and Imdm. In PRU 6, 118 = RS 18.116 the /ym receive cattle for pasturage from various persons; the delivery of cattle into the charge of certain persons is recorded in PRU 3 , 1 8 8 = R S 1 6 . 2 9 0 ; PRU

3, 2 0 5

=

RS

16.155;

PRU

6,

=

RS

19.69;

28

119

PRU

PRU

6, 6,

115

120 =

=

RS

RS

17.37;

19.116;

PRU PRU

6, 6,

117 121

= =

RS RS

17.136; 19.141.

PRU 6, 116 = R S 17.64 ( M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1995a). K T U 4.80 = RS 11.778; K T U 4.295 = RS 17.312; K T U 4.360 = RS 18.050; K T U 4.417 = RS 18.258; K T U 4.419 = RS 18.289; K T U 4.432 = RS 18. [303]; KTU 4.519 = RS 18.[436]; K T U 4.644 = RS 19.106. Cf. also H E L T Z E R 1976, 84-90. 2!l

1.2.5

The navy

T h e maritime location of Ugarit gave rise to the engagement of its inhabitants in building ships, manufacturing equipment for ships and joining their crews. As mentioned, we know of 'shipwrights' (hrš anyî) who were royal ardsans. But whether the ships crews were royal servicemen or mobilized villagers is uncertain, though the latter seems more probable. T h e texts refer to various types of ships and naval equipment at the royal stores, and even to shipbuilding. 30 Documents on foreign trade involving ships are not considered here. 1.2.6

Deserters

W e have observed that there are m a n y texts concerning various obligations of the population of Ugarit of various social positions. But not everyone was able or willing to fulfil his obligations. Apart from the legal texts, where villagers and royal servicemen were proclaimed nayyālu (cf. above), some administrative texts mention 'deserters' (amêlū MEŠ mu-un-na--tu-ti; PRU 6, 76 = R S 17.361) and another tablet lists six men from various villages who la-li-ku sa il-ki 'did not perform the ilku (corvée)'. 31 1.2.7

The bdlm

T h e foregoing (cf. § 10.1.3.1 on the ardēMEè ardēMEè šarri, a n d § 10.1.2.3 on the sgrm and 1mdrrì) leads us to texts concerning persons who were the subjects of royal servicemen and who also received rations and deliveries from the royal stores. T h e y too belonged to the bnš mlk the 'royal servicemen', but as the delivery texts indicate, they were of a lower category. In this connection there arises the question of the Ug. bdlm (Akk. bidalūma), who appear in the admin-

30

Ship's crews from various villages K T U 4.40 = RS 8.279 and PRU 4, 138 = RS 19.46 with an indication that the ships belong to the king (anyt mlk) appears on tablet K T U 4.421 = RS 18.291; various types of ships belonging to (or used by) coastal villagers of the kingdom. K T U 4.81 = RS 11.779; K T U 4.366 = RS 18.074; K T U 4.371 = RS 18.080A; PRU 6, 73 = RS 19.1 07A, equipment for ships PRU 6, 141 = RS 19.112 together with food {PRU 6, 150 = RS 18.101A and possibly PRU 6, 164 = RS 19.90). Ships of the king of Carchemish in Ugarit. R S O 7 § 5, 23-5, RS 34.147; cf. also H E L T Z E R 1976: 2 1 - 4 ; H E L T Z F . R 1982: 1 8 8 - 9 1 and V I T A 1995a, 159-76. 31 PRU 6, 77 = RS 19.032; cf. also Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012, where besides mentioning 'servants' (arrff M ) who performed (Mima), also mentions 16 persons la sal-lima 'who did not perform their duties'.

istrative texts. T h e y are first mentioned in alphabetic and syllabic texts as bdl mrynm/maiyannu bi-da-lu-ma. T h e y also a p p e a r after the reference to the tamkars 'traders, merchants', and there are also bdl of mdrglm ' w a t c h m e n ' and of qrtjm ( K T U 4.85 = R S 11.786) etc. T h e bdlm/bidalūma noted in PRU 3, 199 = R S 16.126b + 16.257 + 16.258 + 16.345:12 f e a t u r e t h e r e as a g r o u p after the tamkārū (LÚ Ml'ŠDAM.GÀRM ), Rainey and Astour understand this term to m e a n ' m e r c h a n t ' ( R a i n e y 1963, 136-7; A s t o u r 1972a). Heltzer, instead, argues that if we add together the bdlrn/bidaluma of all groups of the servicemen, they a m o u n t to approximately one-third of the total and so it is not possible for all of them to be merchants or traders. 32 Heltzer explains the word not from the Akk. badālu, 'to trade' but as bd + /, 'into the hands o f ' . T h u s , they must have been the auxiliary personnel of the maryannu, lamkāru, etc. ( H e l t z e r 1978a, 122, n. 10). Sanmartin proposes that bdlm m e a n s 'substitutes, reservists', or even 'subjects'. 3 3 T h e word bdlm, written in syllabic cuneiform as bi-da-lu-ma, appears in the same text (PRU 3, 199 = R S 16.126b + 16.257 + 16.258 + 16.345) as the Akkadian word tamkārū a n d by analogy with lXJMEèmuš-/ce-nu-tum LU M a-ši-ru-ma 'the muškēnūtum of the aširu ('šrm "overseers o f t e n " ) ' (PRU 3, 199 = R S 16.126b + 16.257 + 16.258 + 16.345 iii 30) and LÚME5muš-ke-nu-tum L Ú M E Š u n . t u 'muškēnūtum of the u n . t u (i.e. mdrglm)' (ibid., iv 20), they have to be considered as 'substitutes' or 'subjects' of the people to w h o m they belonged. In all the other texts from Ugarit where the bdlm a p p e a r they are not connected with trade. 34 W e mention this discussion here to demonstrate that not all questions of interpretation of Ugaritic terms have been definitely settled. 1.2.8

The clergy

A n u m b e r of texts are devoted to the clergy. First of all come the khnm (Akk. šangū) 'priests' a n d the qdšm (Akk. bārū) 'diviners'. Besides the temple personnel there are, presumably, lists from local sanctuaries. 32 Cf. also H E L T Z E R 1 9 8 2 , 1 1 4 . According to K T U 4 . 6 9 = R S 1 1 . 7 1 5 + ii 6 - 1 0 bdl mrynm are listed after the mrynm, K T U 4 . 1 3 7 = R S 1 5 . 0 1 5 + : 4 ; K T U 4 . 1 7 3 = R S 1 5 . 0 9 4 : 5 and K T U 4 . 1 6 3 = R S 1 5 . 0 7 3 : 8 bn mrynm 'sons of maiyannu·, K T U 4 . 1 7 9 = R S 1 5 . 1 0 3 n'r mrynm, lit.' 'youth of the maiyannu'. Naturally, the subjects of the maiyannu are mentioned very often. 33 S A N M A R T I N 1988a, 1 7 1 - 4 ; 1991, 183-4. R E N F R O E (1988, 2 2 1 7) comes to a different conclusion. 34

K T U

K T U

4.85

4.116 =

= RS

RS

11.786;

K T U

12.048:20; K T U

4.86

=

4.134 =

RS RS

11.788;

K T U

15.006; K T U

=

RS

11.840;

4.214 =

4.96

RS

16.128.

T h e khnm and qdšm, like other temple personnel, belonged to the royal servicemen (bnš mlk), and the texts do not indicate whether the clergy exercised strong political or economic influence. T h e r e are texts recording the presentation by the king of fields to the priests in conditional holding, as well as distributions of natural products to them. 3 5 As noted above, there was also a 'high priest' (rb khnm).36 1.2.9

Mobilization

W e mentioned above the lists concerning about mobilization of villagers and royal servicemen into the army, and also deliveries to various people in military professions, who according to the administrative texts did not differ formally from other professional groups. T h e villagers and servicemen, as noted, also received arms for their military or guard duty. 37 T h e r e are also texts listing various groups of royal servicemen, always stating that they performed their service 'at the royal house (palace)'. 38 1.2.10

Administrators

A n u m b e r of very important sections, although not the longest, from texts concern the royal administrators, who are also mentioned in letters, and in legal and international political texts. T h e r e are deliveries of silver (?), flour and garments to the sākinu, namely, the sākinu of the country. 39 Information is also available about the family of the skn/sākinu.*0 Moreover, some tablets shed

35

K T U 4.29 = RS 3.320; K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208:1; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272; K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716:72; K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+ vi 22-37; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:9; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084:6; K T U 4.282 = RS 17.246:5; K T U 4.357 = RS 18.047:24; K T U 4.412 = RS 18.251 [A] ii 1 - 5 (the beginning of the column is broken but the qdšm follow and usually they were preceded by the khnm)·, K T U 4.41 = RS 18.252:6; K T U 4.633 = R S ' 19.086A:4-14; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417:5; K T U 4.761 = RS 34.123; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii 37-55; PRU 3, 168 = RS 16.186:13; PRU 6, 43 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 27 = RS 17.001; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240. 36 K T U 6.6 = RS 1.[051]; K T U 6.7 = RS 1.f053]; K T U 6.8 = RS 1.[054]; K T U 6.9 = RS 1.[055]; and some non-administrative texts in Akkadian and Ugaritic. 37 PRU 3, 191 = RS 11.841 [A]; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A which documents a consignment of arms. 38 K T U 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K T U 4.163 = RS 15.073; K T U 4.173 = RS 15.094; K T U 4.174 = RS 15.095; K T U 4.179 = RS 15.103. 39 K T U 4.342 = RS 18.028[a] K T U 4.361 = RS 18.051; K T U 4.132 = RS 15.004:5; cf. also LIPINSKI 1973. 40 K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857:16.

light on the difference between the skn/sākinu of the country and the local skns who were the royal nominees as governors of certain vil-

lages (Ug. skn qrt, Akk. sākin āli or ha?jinnu āh).4] O t h e r administrative personnel such as the 'šr(m) (Akk. aširu), 'overseers) of (teams) of ten', also feature in the administrative texts. These, together with the maryannu and others, receive large quantities of oil,42 as well as other products, possibly on a yearly basis, including lands in dependent holding. T h e administrative texts make it possible to distinguish different groups of the mrum (Akk. mur'u), possibly of the king; mr'u skn (Akk. mur'u sākinu); and mr'u ibm (Akk. rnur'u ibirāna (apparently, when Ibirā-

nu was the heir to the throne). Similar is the mr'u utryn (Akk. mur'u ušriyanni) 'the mr'u of the heir.' All the texts listing deliveries to them, together with their appearance in non-administrative texts, show them to be some kind of liaison-officers 43 of the king, the heir to the throne and the sākinu. T h e administrative texts hardly mention scribes, unlike the other texts from Ugarit. 44 However, the 'friends of the king', Ug. md(m) (Akk. mūdu), are often also mentioned in administrative texts. 45

1.2.11 Ancillary palace personnel T h e auxiliary palace personnel likewise finds a place in the administrative archives of Ugarit. We believe that at least the gatekeepers

41 K T U 4.63 = RS 10.052; K T U 4.288 = RS 17.293; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:11. 42 PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii B; cf. also K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001; K T U 4.392 = RS 18.130; K T U 4.415 = RS 18.251 [Β]; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.064; PRU 6, 131 = R S 19.035A:3; PRU 6, 72 = R S 19.065 and other texts; cf. V I T A 1995a, 145-7. Note also the rb 'šrt 'chief of ten' ( K T U 4.714 = RS 22.231). 43 HELTZER 1982: 154-6; K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043; K T U 4.48 = RS 10.045; K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+; K T U 4.92 = RS 11.799; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U 4.105 = RS 13.014 [bis]; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K T U 4.163 = RS 15.073; K T U 4.173 = RS 15.094; K T U 4.174 = RS 15.095; K T U 4.179 = RS 15.103; K T U 4.207 = RS 16.006; K T U 4.212 = RS 16.107; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+; K T U 4.410 = RS 18.250BA; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417; PRU 3, 162 = RS 16.348; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B + 16.257 + iv; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.64; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.35A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240. 44 K T U 4.89 = RS 1 1.796. 45 H E L T Z E R 1982, 161-3; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043; K T U 4.54 = RS 10.103; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U

of the palace belonged there. Thus, the texts even mention the 'gatekeeper of the king' (,tgr mlk) and 'the gatekeeper of the palace' (tgr M/). 46 Some texts refer to the palace 'fowlers' (yqšm, syllabic ya-qišu-má),47 Also mentioned are 'tailors' (IX,TUG.LA),48 an 'acrobat' ( ]V huppu) for performing, a 'jester' (aluzinnu)49 and a 'seal-cutter' ( u parkullu).M A 'singer' (LÛnâru), a 'cook' (l u nuhatimmuf 1 and a 'cymbalist' ( L l masi-lii) appear in the same text. 52 It is also interesting that a m o n g the 'royal servicemen' (bnš mlk) a 'barber' (gallābu) figures once also. 1.2.12

The royal stores

W h a t is known about the royal stores is derived almost exclusively from the alphabetic texts. Note that we do not know about the distribution of these products, for they are neither staple foods nor wine or oil. Naturally they were a m o n g the goods made by local artisans or imported by the authorities. But due to the lack of information on the prices of these products, and since tamkārs are not mentioned in connection with them, we cannot ascribe them to the commercial texts. Even so, they provide us with a wealth of economic data. Thus, various textiles and garments are listed, including pgndr,53 kndw 'net', 5 4 kndpnt (?),55 hpn 'a kind of blanket', 56 pld (Akk. palidu), some

4.188 = R S 15.169+; K T U 4.245 = R S 16.397 i and ii; K T U 4.387 = R S 18.112; K T U 4.690 = R S 20.009; PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131. 4,1 K T U 4.224 = RS 16.195; K T U 4.63 = RS 10.052; cf. also K T U 4.195 = RS 15.184 and K T U 4.103 = RS 11.258; K T U 4.126 = R S 14.084; K T U 4.128 = R S 14.176; K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K T U 4.195 = R S 15.184; K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016: 7.63 and PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131. 47 K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.114 = RS 12.027; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12. 48 PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:17. 49 PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:21, 22. 50 PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:24. 51 PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:24-25. 52 PRU 6, 136 = R S 17.240:10. 5:1 Hurrian pa/fandari, and in our opinion, Mycenaean pekitira, some kind of cloth or blanket; K T U 4 . 4 = R S 2 . [ 0 3 2 ] : 1 - 2 ; K T U 4 . 3 7 0 = R S 1 8 . 0 7 9 : 1 0 ; PRU 3 , 2 0 6 = R S 1 5 . 1 3 5 ; (Ribichini - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 , 6 1 ) . 54 K T U 4.4 = R S 2. [032] :4 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41). 55 K T U 4.4 = RS 2.[032]:2; PRU 3, 206 = R S 15.135:13 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41). 56 K T U 4.4 = RS 2.[032]:3 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41). K T U 4.4:4; K T U 4.148 = RS 15.038:19; K T U 4.152 = R S 15.045:5; K T U 4.156 = RS 15.053:5; K T U 4.166 = RS 15.078:2; K T U 4.182 = RS 15.115:35; K T U 4.190 = R S 15.171 a:4; K T U 4.270 = RS 17.111:7; K T U 4.363 = R S 18.055:3; K T U 4.765 = RS 34.180,10:4; K T U 5.11 = R S 17.117:16 (Ribichini - XELLA 1985, 39).

kind of cover, 57 hlpn, possibly a kind of tunic, 58 nps, more probably a set of clothing, as the text concerns textiles, 59 lb/pš 'garment', 6 0 mrdt 'carpet', 6 1 kdwt (?),62 ktnt 'tunic.' (Akk. kitu), rt, possibly a 'linen garment', 6 3 kst some kind of cover, 64 mlbš,65 possibly a variant of 1pš 'garment', 6 6 sk 'garment', 6 7 and hpn, m a d e of linen, used as a blanket both for humans and horses. 68 Textiles and garments are also mentioned in other types of text which mostly concern stores, though many of the terms remain obscure. 69 T h e r e are also texts concerning chariots, one of which ( K T U 4.145 = R S 15.034) mentions their components, 'wheels' (apnt), 'arrows' 'quivers' (utpt) and so on, whereas other involve complete chariots. 70 T h e r e are also data about furniture a n d wooden architectural items, 71 unusual containers used for perfumes and other items. 72 Likewise, there are various spices such as mastic (ζην)Ί3 and aromatic oils

57

K T U

15.045; RS =

4.4

K T U

=

1 8 . 0 5 5 ; PRU RS

58

2.[032]:4; =

6,

RS

128

=

K T U

16.004:7; RS

4.117 = R S

4.721

19.104:3;

=

RS

12.060; K T U

23.028:1,

K T U 4.166 = RS 15.078:1;

60

K T U

23.028;

4.166

=

RIBICHINI -

K T U

4.270

=

RS

XELLA

4.205 = R S

RS

15.078:3; 1985,

RS

PRU

15.035:7;

=

6,

RS

127

=

K T U

17.115:8; RS

4.152

K T U

19.57:3;

=

RS

4.363

PRU

6,

= 129

4.192 = R S

RIBICHINI K T U

15.176; K T U

4.630 =

XELLA

1985,

XELLA

1985, 54.

4.205

=

RS

RS

19.062;

38).

16.004;

K T U

4.721

=

RS

44-6.

cf. also mrbd

1 6 . 0 0 4 : 6 ; RIBICHINI - X E L L A 1 9 8 5 , 5 0 - 1 ;

K T U

17.111:11.

62

K T U

4.205

=

RS

16.004:19;

6:I

K T U

4.203

=

RS

16.001:8;

64

K T U

4.206

=

18.055:1; K T U 1985,

=

4.270

e t c . (RIBICHINI -

59

61

4.146 K T U

19.133A:5.

K T U

K T U

RS

4.205

RS

4.402 =

16.005:1; RS

RIBICHINI K T U

4.206

K T U

XELLA =

4.337

18.142; K T U

RS =

RS

4.721 =

1985,

40-1.

16.005. 18.024;

K T U

4.363

R S 2 3 . 0 2 8 : 1 ; RIBICHINI -

=

RS

XELLA

43-4.

65

K T U 4.206 = RS 16.005:5; R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1985, 42. 66 K T U 4.257 = RS 17.[473] [b]:5; Cf. K T U 4.182 = RS 15.115:63 and Akk. malbašu from Ugarit; R I B I C H I N I XF.I.LA 1985, 49. 67 K T U 4.270 = R S 17.111:6; (cf. K T U 4.525 = R S 18.[445]:1); R I B I C H I N I XELLA 68

=

1985,

K T U

RS

55.

4.270

=

34.180,10:4,

RS

17.111:7;

etc. Cf.

K T U

RIBICHINI -

4.363

=

XELLA

RS 1985,

18.066:3-4,

6-7;

K T U

4.765

39.

69

So far, the best example of the organization of the textile industry remains the large tablet on distribution of raw material to weavers: T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1 9 3 4 . 70

K T U

18.[402]; 71

72

K T U

4.167 K T U 4.195

=

RS

4.602 =

=

RS

15.079; RS

K T U

4.447

=

RS

18.[325]+;

K T U

4.500

=

RS

18.[551].

15.184.

sp(m) 'cup(s)' (KTU 4.34 = RS 6.216) spl 'cup' (KTU 4.385 = RS 18.110:3; K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014:17); K T U 4.123 = RS 13.0141 also lists irpm 'vases' (20) trqm (meaning unknown) (20) and mqhm 'pincers' (possibly for perfume) or 'tongs' (21). 73 K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:22 kL ζην; K T U 4.402 = RS 18.142:10-11 'Šr kat (read ktt) ζην 'ten flasks of balsam'.

such as 'myrrh oil' (šmn mr),u 'spiced oil' (smn rqh)75 and even 'lamp oil' (šmn nr),16 possibly a kind of olive oil treated in a special way. 77 T h e r e are also texts listing various metal implements, though it is not completely clear whether they were used for agriculture, for shipbuilding or for military purposes. 1.2.13

Descendants

In a large n u m b e r of tablets, especially those in alphabetic cuneiform, the names of persons, villagers or professional royal dependents are listed, followed by wnhlh, 'and his descendant(s)', sometimes with the addition of wnhlhm, 'and their descendants'. 78 T h e 'descendants' receive deliveries and fields in conditional holding together with the royal dependents (bnl mlk). 1.2.14

Labels

T h e r e is also a relatively large n u m b e r of bullae or labels which were sometimes added to various delivered goods and described their contents. 79

1.3

Conclusion

This brief description of the administrative and economic texts in the alphabetic Ugaritic script and in syllabic Akkadian from the kingd o m of Ugarit provides an insight into the social and economic history of this kingdom at least during the 13th and u p to the early 12th century bce. 80 Naturally, it is impossible in this brief summary 74

RS 75

KTU

4.14 = R S

11.797:14; K T U

1 . 0 1 2 : 2 , 7 , 1 5 ( h o w e v e r , c f . SANMARTIN 1 9 9 0 ) ; K T U 4.786 =

RS

[Varia

4.91

=

22]:14.

K T U 5.10 = RS 17.063:7-8; K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:21. K T U 4.786 = RS [Varia 22]:8 kd smn nr 'a jar of lamp oil'. 77 K T U 4.670 = RS 19.174B; PRU 6, 142 = RS 19.135. 78 It is impossible to list such texts here as there are scores of them; cf. K T U 4.35 = R S 8.134 i 20, 22, 26, ii 5 - 6 , 20; K T U 4.631 = RS 19.072:2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 12, 15, 18-19, etc. 79 K T U 6.11 = RS 5.262 kd []yn I prt 'one jar of wine to Prt'; K T U 6.12 = RS 5.269; K T U 6.20 = RS 15.097 1 nsk *[sp] 2'šrt 3w ns[p] 'To the jewellers (lit. "silver-casters") ten and a half'; cf. also K T U 6.21 = RS 15.192A; K T U 6.22 = RS 15.226; K T U 6.24 = RS 17.072; K T U 6.26 = RS 17.318B; K T U 6.27 = RS 17.361B, etc. See, in general, VAN S O L D T 1989b. 80 It seems that these short and concise documents were often unbaked and not kept for very long, in contrast to the royal archives containing legal and political texts. 76

to give a full description of the texts, study of which can yield so much information. A m o n g the texts cited but not included in this short account may be noted many small fragments of texts. Clearly they provide meagre information. However, sometimes new finds and the publication of tablets, if there are parallel or similar texts, make it possible to reconstruct some texts which has been done to some extent in the existing publications. M a n y tablets remain unpublished 81 and we must hope that this situation will change. We must also bear in mind that the classification of the texts in various categories, as given above, is somewhat artificial, but may be the basis for further studies.

2

2.1

C o m m e r c e

Ugarit as a trade centre

Ugarit was an important centre of international trade in the latter half of the second millennium bce, and possibly there was also internal trade on a smaller scale. O u r knowledge of Ugaritian commerce comes from archaeological documentation, especially from the excavations in the port of Ugarit, m o d e r n Minet-el-Beida. By the 18th century bce, Ugarit was already an important commercial centre, with connections in one direction with Mesopotamia (Mari) and in the other with Crete and the Aegean area. T h e information about the visit of the king of Mari, Zimri-Lim, to Ugarit, and his commercial activities provides good evidence for this claim. 82 T h e flourishing period of this international centre, however, was from the 14th to the beginning of the 12th centuries bce. We find here something similar to a royal monopoly of foreign trade: mutual regulation by political agreements between neighbouring countries and states concerning their trade. We learn much about prices, payments and transportation conditions of total overland and maritime trade as well as about mutual coordination a m o n g various 'national' metrological units, a necessary precondition for international trade.

01 K T U category 9, unpublished texts (CA Τ 569-603) listing 529 tablets and fragments of tablets. Note that only alphabetic texts are mentioned. K T h e text ARA IT 23 No. 556, edited with comments by V I L L A R D 1986. On the general problems of Mari trade with the Aegean via Ugarit, see H E L T Z E R 1989a.

2.2

The tamkari

In practice, trade was in the hands of the tamkārs (Ug. mkrm, Akk. tamkāruMh&, Sum. d a m . g a r ) , who were the royal commercial agents of Ugarit and its neighbouring countries, although they sometimes managed their own commercial operations, too. T h e tamkārs (mkrm), like the other professional groups of royal dependents (bns mlk), received land allotments as conditional holdings for their tamkārūtu-service.83 T h e tamkārs (mkrm) as a professional group are known from a n u m b e r of Ugaritic (alphabetic) and syllabic Akkadian texts. 84 Together with members of other professional groups the tamkārs also had to participate in guard service as archers and, together with these other professional groups, received deliveries in kind. 85

2.3

International treaties

T h e most i m p o r t a n t trade relations g u a r a n t e e d by international treaties, as well as by orders of the Hittite king, were established between Ugarit and the Hittite Empire and with the latter's vassalkingdoms, Carchemish, E m a r and others (cf. A b o u d 1 9 9 4 , 9 1 - 1 0 3 ) . T h e r e are international texts concerning trade based on reciprocal agreements. T h u s we know of the declaration of Initešub, the king of Carchemish, 8 6 that in cases when the tamkārū sa mandatti87 of the king of Ugarit, who maintain their commercial activities in Carchemish, or the tamkārs of the king of Carchemish, with their activities in Ugarit, are killed and robbed, the culprits shall be found and punished. Restitution of property has to be made. If the murderers are not found, the people of the territory where the m u r d e r

83

PRU 5, 130 = R S 18.285 ( K T U 2.59 = RS 18. [500]) in which a certain Abdihagab receives land allotments and for this ''pit-k[a]-šu "'/α LÙMES tamkāru-ut-ti U ú-ub-bal 'the service of tamkārship he shall perform.' 84 K T U 4.36 = R S 8.208; K T U 4.38 = R S 8.272; K T U 4.68 = R S 11.716; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084; K T U 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K T U 4.163 = RS 15.073; K T U 4.173 = R S 15.094; K T U 4.174 = R S 15.095; K T U 4.179 = RS 15.103; K T U 4.214 = R S 16.128; K T U 4.217 = RS 16.176; K T U 4.263 = RS 17.049; K T U 4.369 = R S 18.078; K T U 4.430 = R S 18.301 [β]; K T U 4.745 = R S 25.417; K T U 6.17 = RS 14.023; PRU 3, 20 = R S 15.063; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16. 126B + 16.257 + 16.258 ii 1-36; PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:3, etc. 8f ' K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716 and K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208; K T U 4.38 = R S 8.272. 8,i PRU 4, 154 = R S 17.146; H E L T Z E R 1978a, 126-7; also Y A R O N 1969, 70-9. 87 T h e tamkārs are the trade-agents of the king or those who pay him taxes.

was committed had to pay 3 minas of silver as compensation. 8 8 We also know that such cases occurred and that compensation for the life of the tamkār was paid. 89 Some of these texts are also written as agreements between the peoples of Carchemish and Ugarit. Another important text is a dccrce (or déclaration) of the Hittite king Hattusilis III made to Niqmepa, king of Ugarit. 90 T h e former reacts to the complaint of the king of Ugarit that the stay of the tamkārs of U r a (the seaport of the Hittite Empire) in Ugarit for a full year is a heavy burden. T h e Hittite king declares that the tamkārs of Ura have to leave Ugarit in wintertime. T h e tamkārs even had the right to take all the moveable property of their debtors, as well as their families and even the debtors themselves, but the lands of the debtors had to remain in the hands of the king of Ugarit. 91 From another text we learn that objects in an olive grove belonging to the tamkārs of Ura were stolen, and then returned. 9 2 And in yet another text the tamkūrs of U r a are required to leave Ugarit in wintertime (i-na ku-us-si), and not stay there and the same applies to the 'sons of the city of Kutupa'. 9 3 It is clear from these texts as well as from others that commercial relations, especially in foreign trade, were bound by international law. Again, U r a appears in the texts on international commercial relations at the end of the Hittite Empire, as does Ugarit about 1200 bce. According to Ug 5, 33 = R S 20.213, the Hittite king orders the king of Ugarit to transport 200 kur (ca 500 tons) of grain on his ships to the Hittite country via the port of Ura. 9 4 2.3.1

Trading partners

T h e commercial texts may be classified into several categories depending with which country or countries Ugarit was trading.

88

See also PRU 5, 76 = RS 18.045 and PRU 4, 160 = RS 18.019. PRU 4, 106 = RS 17.229 and PRU 4, 153 = RS 17.230. 90 PRU 4 , 103 = RS 17.130; also H E L T Z E R 1978a, 127-8; Y A R O N 1969, 71-2. 91 Duplicates PRU 4, 154 = RS 17.461 and RS 18.003 (mentioned PRU 4, 103). 92 PRU 4, 182 = RS 17.319; possibly a similar text is the fragment PRU 4, 190 = RS 17.316. 93 T h e location of this city is unknown. Text: R S O 7, No. 1 = RS 34.179. 94 See also the fragment Ug 5, 145 = RS 26.158; H E L T Z E R 1978a, 153 5. 89

2.3.1.1

T r a d e with C a n a a n

Certain texts pertain to the relations between Ugarit and the cities of the Canaanite coast which concerned maritime trade. Thus, according to PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.029, a n u m b e r of pieces, 95 25 in all, are handed over to a certain Abihili 'to Byblos' (a-na gu-ub-li). Another text ( K T U 4.338 = R S 18.025) mentions a sum of "°540 "shekels of silver; this is the silver of the ships l2 that was pledged a m o n g the ships l3 for the king of Byblos, l 4 and 15the king of Byblos took 50 (shekels) of silver l6 as the property (cargo) of his ship'. 96 Possibly, too, there were maritime commercial relations with Sidon. 97 Information is available about maritime connections with Tyre (sr).98 It also seems that in addition maritime relations were maintained with Ashdod and Ashkelon on the south coast of Canaan. 9 9 2.3.1.2

T r a d e with Egypt

Naturally, the commercial texts have a great deal to say about Egypt. A letter concerning a ship b o u n d for Egypt has been mentioned above. PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050 is devoted to commercial trips to Egypt and Hatti. An interesting text from many aspects is Ug 5, 42 = R S 20.21. T h e king of neighbouring Ušnatu, connected with Ugarit, writes to the king of Ugarit that he had a treaty with him. H e relates that he sent a certain Ba'aliya with other persons and property. Also, that this person, possibly Ba'aliya, 'gave over this person, his companion, to the sons of Egypt, and left him there', 100 but took his property. This is not the only such text. Another text is R S O 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158. Again, the king of Ušnatu writes to Uzzinu, who was the sākinu (of the land of Ugarit). H e says that one of his servants, (i.e. a Ugaritian) 'handed over the

95

subāti^ elippātiMfcS ma-as-fra-tu-ma '7 garments of ships' (possibly sai1s(?)). hmš m't arb'm 11 kbd ksp anyt nd 'rb.banyt l3/ mlk gbl Hw. bmšm ksp i5lqh mlk gbl 16 lbs anytk. See also H E L T Z E R 1978a, 143; M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1993a. 97 Cf. PRU 6, 81 = RS 19.182. Byblos is also mentioned in this text. 98 K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031 and K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040. In a letter, the Tyrian king reports that a ship bound for Egypt is still in Tyre. Akko is also mentioned there. 99 K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096; PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042:4. Arwad is also mentioned in this text; PRU 6, 96 = RS 19.91:4; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.020. 100 15 e-nu-ma amēla ša-a-ši 16LU tap-pi-šu "ip-šu-ru-un-mi ,Ha-na mâr N " S mi-is-r[i-i] Ì9 Ù iz-za-ab-šu. 96 W

slave (or servant) to the sons of the land of Egypt'. 101 Later in the text, he makes the accusation that the culprit is Ba'aliya, who was mentioned in the previous text. T h u s we even learn about criminal activities in commercial relations with Egypt. T h e r e are also other texts about more regular trade relations with Egypt, including the fact that some tamkārs were combining their efforts. T h e tablet K T U 3.8 = R S 19.066 is an account of this. According to this tablet, a few persons combined their capital and efforts and go together on a tamkār-trip to Egypt. 102 R S O 7, 71-2 No. 33 = RS 34.173 possibly shows us other existing commercial relations with Egypt. 2.3.1.3

T r a d e with Cyprus

A n u m b e r of texts also tells us about maritime trade with Cyprus (Akk. alasiya, Ug. ally). According to RS 34.153:31-5, 1 0 3 the king of A1ašia has to receive two horses from the king of Ugarit. Text K T U 4.352 = R S 18.042 mentions 660 jars of oil. 104 Ug 5, 21 = R S 20.163, also mentions a Cypriot tamkār. T h e text K T U 2.42 = R S 18.1 13a provides evidence of trade relations with Egypt, Cyprus and Ugarit. 2.3.1.4

T r a d e with Anatolia

We also have information about maritime trade relations with other countries of the Hittite zone of influence in Anatolia. For example, in the text of a litigation before Initešub, king of Carchemish, between the tamkār Arišimiga, servant of the king of Tarhudašši, and the 'sons of Ugarit'. 105 Commercial transactions between Ugarit and Tarhudašši are also noted at the time of the last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi. 1 0 6 2.3.1.5

T r a d e with Crete and Carchemish

W e cannot end this section without considering the trade relations between Ugarit and Crete (Kapturi). O n e of the chief tamkārs of 101

H-pa-ša-ar IR 8 [ώ] 1 [x]-le-'1 U a a-na mâreMtS Kmmi-is-rì. H E L T Z E R 1978a, 139 4 2 . For a different opinion, see LIVERANI 1969. 103 R S O 7, No. 35, 75-6. 104 The kd 'jar' of Ugarit had a capacity of ca 22.5 litres ( H E L T Z E R 1989a). 105 PRU 4, 169 = RS 17.158; Cf. also PRU 4, 171 = RS 17.042, where the matter of compensation for the life of a lamkār who has been killed is debated. ,0
Ugarit, Sinarānu, son of Siginu, was freed to pay to the 'palace', (i.e. to the authorities) any tax payments and exemptions from performing service obligations. 107 Taking into account his land transactions, he was one of the richest persons in Ugarit. 108 Naturally, trade relations with Carchemish were overland. T h e same is to be said about Qadesh (Kinza). It seems that responsibility for the regularity of relations and the payment of all duties by tamkārs was in the hands of the sākinu109 (the 'vizier' of the country), the mākisu ('customs official')," 0 and the [ lJākil kari ('overseer of the quay'). 111 W e learn from the texts that there was also a bureaucratic apparatus overseeing trade activities in this kingdom. Overland transportation to Carchemish and its vicinity, the vassal states and Emar, was undertaken by donkey caravans. W e learn this from an interesting text (PRU 4, 176 = R S 17.346), in which the king of Ugarit is accused before the king of Carchemish 'that the king of Ugarit has stolen the caravans of the tamkārs'.n2 According to PRU 4, 150 = R S 17.059, the king of Ugarit had to transport the payment of his tribute to the Hittite king 'on 10 caravans'." 3 W e also have information about other caravans going to the country of the Hittites and Egypt. 114 Ug 5, 57 = R S 20.227 mentions a caravan route to E m a r in the southernmost part of the land of the Euphrates." 5 Commercial relations with E m a r are also known from a n u m b e r of letters." 6

107

PRU 3, 107 = RS 16.238. Crete occurs in line 10. O n the commercial activities and buying of lands by Sinarānu, Son of Siginu, the tamkār ^tamkāru) PRU 3, 106 = RS 16.206 see H E L T Z E R 1988a. 108 H E L T Z E R 1978a, 132-3. 109 PRU 4, 215 = RS 17.288; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148, etc. 110 PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135 + 17.360B + 1 7.360[d]; PRU 4, 202 = RS 17.371 + 18.020; PRU 4, 239 = RS 17.232, etc. 111 PRU 182 = RS 17.424; Ug 5, 13 = RS 17.469. 112 5 . . . ma-a šar KllRU-ga-ri-it f}anānêm* sa LL M tamkäreME& [il]-ta-na-ri-iq-mi. 113 12 iš-tu 10 (fa-ar-ra-ni. 114 PRU 6, 14 = RS 10.050. 115 Possibly, commercial caravans are mentioned in Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.15; PRU 6, 137 = RS 19.27; PRU 4, 138 = RS 19.46. 116 R S O 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26]; No. 31 = RS 34.134; No. 32 = RS 34.141; No. 33 = RS 34.173, etc.

2.3.2

Exchanging gifts

From primitive times, a certain kind of commerce or commercial exchange involved the exchange of gifts. This feature is also widely known from the ancient Near East from the 15th to the beginning of the 12th cent. bce. We know that it took place between rulers of equal rank, between queens and between high officials of various ranks. Also 'gifts' from abroad from persons of lower rank or from vassals to the ruler, queen, or official of higher rank were sent to Ugarit, and vice versa}17 T h e r e is a large international correspondence in this field. T h e objects are mostly called by the term 'gift' (nāmurtu and šulmānu).US (Here we do not consider the official 'tribute', mandattu, which appears in a number of texts). As for the 'gifts', these include silver, even gold, precious stones, metal vessels and utensils, horses, donkeys, various textiles and garments, and many other items. There are many texts in which various goods are mentioned which, without any doubt, were used for trade, for foreign trade of the first rank. We cannot define them as commercial goods when their prices are not given or at least when it is not written that they were a 'gift' (Ug. mnh) or when they concern the trading of cattle, food products, and artifacts, where the equivalent of the exchange is given. 2.3.2.1

Slaves

We can begin with the slave trade. T h e amounts involved were not large, even if we consider the price of redeeming a slave. From some of the texts" 9 it is clear that the price of a slave (male or female) was between 14.3 and 120 shekels of silver,120 and the average price of a slave was about 33 shekels (see § 11.1.6.6). 117

The exhaustive work on this question is ZACCAGNINI 1 9 7 3 . PRU 3, 14 = RS 12.33; PRU 4, 191 = RS 17.247; PRU 3, 194 = RS 17.385; PRU 4, 214 = RS 17.152; PRU 4, 221 = RS 17.383; PRU 4, 223 = RS 17.422; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 7A and Β = RS 17.148; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239; PRU 6, 13 = RS 18.057; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050; PRU 6, 16 = RS 22.006; PRU 6, 149 = RS 17.354; Ug 5, 21 = RS 20.168; Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 39 = RS 20.172; Ug 5, 46 = RS 26.130; Ug 5, 48 = RS 20.19; Ug 5, 50 = RS 20.151; Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015; Ug 5, 56 = RS 20.150; Ug 5, 57 = RS 20.227; Ug 5, 62 = RS 20.194; Ug 5, 67 = RS 20.182D, etc. 119 K T U 4.36 = RS 8.208 (THUREAU-DANGIN 1937); PRU 4, 238 = RS 17.231; PRU 4, 236 = RS 17.251; PRU 4, 109 = RS 17.028; PRU 4, 109 = RS 17.108; PRU 4, 201 = RS 18.002; K T U 3.4 = RS 16.382; K T U 4.659 = RS 19.166; Ug 5, 10 = RS 17.067. 120 On the Ugaritic shekel of 9.4 gr. cf. PARISH 1981. 118

2.3.2.2

Food a n d agricultural products

' W h e a t ' (ht), sold according to the pansu measure (ca 90 litres), cost 1 shekel for 1 pansu, a n d 1 pansu bought 0.2 jars of (olive) oil = 4.5 litres. 121 'Barley' (/V) was measured by the ^/-measure, as was ' e m m e r ' (ks/sm or kfrm)m a n d 'oil' (zt [šmn]). In Ugarit, olive oil was sold at a price of 1.5 shekels per j a r (22.5 litres). 123 M a n y texts mention the sale of oil, but the state of the texts does not permit exact calculations. 124 T h e price of 'wine' (jyn) cannot be calculated. 1 2 5 ' H o n e y ' (nbt), 'dried figs' (dblt), a n d 'raisins' (smqrri) were also commercial goods, as were 'cheese' (ga m e S ), 'black c u m i n ' (sbbyrì) a n d other products. 1 2 6 As for catde, we know that the price of an ox was between 10 a n d 17 shekels. 127 Sheep were priced at of 1 - 1 . 5 shekels each 128 and horses were sold for 2 0 - 3 0 0 shekels each. 129 Donkeys and mules were also objects of commercial transactions. 1 3 0 2.3.2.3

Textiles a n d dyes

Textiles a n d garments played an important role in the c o m m e r c e of Ugarit. Besides 'flax' ( p t t ) n 1 the texts also mention 'wool' (šCrt), the price of which was f r o m 1 - 7 shekels of silver p e r talent (ca 30 kilos).132 T h e r e are also texts mentioning 'blue (violet) purple wool'

121

The 'jar' (kd) was a standard measure of ca 22.5 litres. ( H E L T Z E R 1989b); the texts are KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11-12; K T U 4.60 = RS 11.[913] and KTU 4.402 = RS 18.142:7-8. 122 KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11 (although KTU2 read kst). 123 K T U 4.31 = RS 5.197+:11. 124 PRU 3, 197 = RS 16.181; PRU 6, 155 = RS 19.07; K T U 4.91 = RS 11.795:2-3; K T U 4.150 = RS 15.040; K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014; K T U 4.158 = RS 15.062:3; K T U 4.341 = RS 18.028:20-21; K T U 4.402 = RS 18.142:9. 125 K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014:22-23. 126 Not all the words denoting the products can be translated exactly ( H E L T Z E R 1978a, 19-21). 127 PRU 4, 38 = RS 17.356:6; K T U 4.337 = RS 18.024:21; cf. also K T U 4.402 = RS 18.142:5: '5 pairs of oxen'. 128 KTU 4.337 = RS 18.024:22; K T U 4.709 = RS [Varia 13]: 5; also K T U 4.34 = RS 6.216:4, 9. 129 K T U 4.158 = RS 15.062:6; PRU 3, 41 = RS 16.180; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148; Cf. also Ug 5, 28 = RS 20.184; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.148 and RSO 7, No. 21 = RS 34.155 where the price of the purchase is not given. 130 PRU A, 176 = RS 17.346; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.030; Ug 5, 36 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015. 131 KTU 4.182 = RS 15.115:8; K T U 4.168 = RS 15.082:11; K T U 4.206 = RS 16.005:4. 132 KTU 4.158 = RS 15.062:17-8; KTU 4.341 = RS 18.028:4-5, 14-15; KTU

(Akk. uqnu—takiltu) and 'red purple wool' (Akk. šīpat uqnu husmānu, Ug. phm). Large quanddes of these types of wool are mentioned but no prices are given.' 33 A large n u m b e r of tablets concern dyes, perfumes, and vessels for them. 134 A great variety of garments and other textile artifacts existed. 135 2.3.2.4

Metals, minerals and wood

T h e precious metals, gold and silver, are important, although gold was relatively cheap in Ugarit. According to the texts, its ratio to silver was 1:3-4. 136 We can also calculate the prices of other metals: 'tin' (Akk. a-na-ku [ a n . n a ] ; Ug. brr),[37 with a tin-silver price ratio of 200:1, which seems to be realistic,13" and 'copper' (Akk. en2, 'bronze' Akk. sipanu, Ug. tit)—this could possibly mean that their ratio to silver must have been 200-235:1. 1 3 9 O t h e r commercial items—artifacts—are often mentioned: golden and silver cups (ks hrs, ks ksp),H0 and artifacts of copper (bronze), which have an important place in trade. T h e exact price of these items is unknown. 141 Various stones and minerals appear as trade objects in the commercial texts. Sometimes they consist of beads, alum, possibly even as rare an item as glass (? me-e-ku PRU 6, 6 = R S 17.144:40) also 'carnelian' [šmÎ), 'lapis-lazuli' (iqnu), etc. 142 T i m b e r

4.337 = R S 18.024:9-10; K T U 4.707 = RS 21.1 84A: 15-8; K T U 4.721 = R S 23.028:9, 14; and a large number of other texts. 133 Cf. H E L T Z E R 1978a, 23-7. 134 H E L T Z E R 1978a, 27-8. 135 Cf. R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1 9 8 5 , in which an exhaustive analysis of all textiles known from Ugarit, is given. 136 H E L T Z E R 1978a, 28-9; K T U 4.341 = R S 18.028:1-2, 5 - 6 , 10, 16-7, K T U 4.337 = RS 18.024:20. But the scarcity of data makes this rate questionable. See V A R G Y A S 1980, esp. 106-7, and S T I E G L I T Z 1979. 137 Ug 5, 12 = RS 17.150+; 38 = R S 20.16; PRU 6, 155 = R S 19.07; K T U 4.337 = R S 18.024:4-5. 138 H E L T Z E R 1978a, 2 9 - 3 0 , V A R G Y A S 1980a, 110. 139 H E L T Z E R 1978a, 3 0 - 1 , V A R G Y A S 1980a, 108. 140 No account is taken here the artifacts that were paid as tribute to the Hittite king: K T U 3.1 = R S 11.772+; PRU 3, 181 = R S 11.732[B]; PRU 4, 40 = R S 17.227; note also PRU 3, 12 = R S 11.730, PRU 3, 33 = RS 16.114:5; PRU 6, 158 = RS 19.024; Ug 5, 12 = R S 17.150+ (copper cups). 141 K T U 4.123 = RS 15.115:17, 21; K T U 4.385 = R S 18.110:3, 5; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.50; PRU 6, 158 = RS 19.24; PRU 6, 163 = RS 19.64; Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.16. 142 K T U 4.182 = RS 15.115:10, 12, 16, 17, 27; K T U 4.158 = RS 15.062:14-15; K T U 4.206 = RS 16.005:6; K T U 4.337 = R S 18.024:25; PRU 3,20 = RS 15.063; PRU 3, 39 = R S 16.359; PRU 3, 187 = RS 15.043; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144:40;

from various trees and reeds were objects of commerce, 1 4 3 as were wooden artifacts. 144 Naturally, the list of all such objects of trade could be extended, but space does not allow this. 2.3.2.5

Weights and measures

O n e very important feature also needs to be taken into account in the commercial life of Ugarit: its metrological system and its adaptation to the conditions of international trade. As mentioned above, the Ugaritic mina consisted of 50 shekels of 9.4 grams, almost equalling the Egyptian kit of 9.2-9.3 grams. As Parise has pointed out, 145 for trade with Mesopotamia, the Ugaritic mina was divided into 60 shekels, and then the shekel was weighed according to the Mesopotamian standard of ca 8 grams. For transactions with the Hittites, the mina was divided into 40 shekels according to the Hittite system, and a shekel weighed 11.75 grams. Naturally, this 'exchange rate' eased commercial relations. T h e r e is one other important matter. From the texts of Ugarit, we also know of another metrological unit, the f t (,fdt), ša-i-tu in Ugaritian Akkadian. 146 W e have reached the conclusion that in Ugarit it was γ2 of the kd 'jar' of 22.5 litres, and that this unit of measure comes from Egypt, where it was ^ of the Egyptian deben of 9 2 - 9 4 grams, and known as š't, š\t), sniw. This adaptation of metrological units facilitated trade relations with Egypt. 147

3

C r a f t s

and

Industries

Ugarit was an important centre of developed crafts in the second millennium bce, especially from the 14th to the beginning of the

PRU Ug

6, 5,

143

RS

RS

K T U

4.247 5,

133 =

12 =

1 8 . 0 5 7 : 3 ; PRU

17.150

4.91

=

+

RS

11.795:7,

=

RS

16.399:29,

12 =

RS

17.150+:8-32.

144

K T U

4.123 =

4.385

RS

6,

19.64; 145

PARISE K T U

RIH RS

PRU

1981, 4.778 =

78/2:5-8;

K T U

RS

15.062:7; K T U

8;

4.402

RS =

HELTZER

RS

K T U =

RS

19.36:5;

19.020:3;

Ug 5 , 4 8 =

RS

20.019:11;

etc. 4.158

RS

4.127

Ug

=

RS

15.062:12,

1 8 . 1 4 2 : 3 ; PRU

1 8 . 1 1 0 : 1 0 ; PRU

6,

5, 2 8

=

RS

158 = =

RS

6,

158 =

14.129:2; K T U RS

20-22; RS

K T U

19.24;

4.158

1 9 . 2 4 : 9 ; PRU

3,

= 163

Ug RS =

20.187:10.

156. RIH

K T U

83/12:5; K T U

4.150

=

RS

20.425:10. 147

156 =

13.014:21; K T U

=

162

6,

17.034:5-50,

1 9 9 4 ; CASTLE

1992.

4.782 =

15.040:5;

RIH

84/8:7-8 and K T U

only once in Akkadian, Ug

4.771

=

5, 9 5

=

12th centuries. Archaeological material found there can sometimes add to our knowledge when we can establish a connection with professions or artefacts mentioned in the written sources. 148

3.1

Royal service

T h e craftsmen of all branches of production belonged to the 'royal (service) m e n ' (bnš mlk - Akk. bunūšu milki). From royal stores in various parts of the kingdom they received rations and where necessary, raw materials for processing. T h e y also received land prebends (sd. ubdy) as conditional holdings. T h e group known as bns mlk performed their professional duties as their 'corvée obligation' (pilku) (see § 10.2.3). This type of centralised system for the whole economy, including crafts, is also known in other countries of the ancient near East. However, the organization most like it is documented in the Linear Β tablets of Mycenaean Greece.

3.2

Crafts and industries

Unfortunately, we know almost nothing about the existence of private artisans, or of private crafts which must have been practised within families. This includes weaving textiles at home, home-made pottery and other activities. Crafts and industries can be classified as follows: 3.2.1

Collective work

By collective work is meant shipbuilding, chariot construction, the construction of houses and other buildings. This type of work often required various components m a d e by craftsmen of different kinds such as 'house builders' (Ug. hrš bhtm, Akk. itinnu), who are documented in many texts' 49 and 'shipwrights' (Ug. hrš anyt; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.002:1). 150 Naturally, the shipyards were in the coastal villages. 148

O n archaeology cf. S C H A E F F E R 1939a, 1949, 1956. Also the archaeological reports by Schaeffer in Syria from 1929 onwards. Cf. also C O U R T O I S 1979. 149 K T U 4.35 = RS 8.183+ i 16; K T U 4.38 = RS 8.272:6; K T U 4.47 = RS 10.043:10; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116; K T U 4.376 = RS 18.085; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:18; K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062:8-9; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:11; PRU 6, 131 = RS 1 9.035A: 1; Ug 5, 99 = RS 10.15:12. Cf. H E L T Z E R 1982, 80ff, esp. 86-7; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, esp. 178. 150 H E L T Z E R 1982, 85-6; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 177-8.

Some tablets also mention components of ships, including masts (trn) ( V i t a 1995a, 137-76). Mention is also made o f ' c h a r i o t - m a k e r s ' (hrs mrkbt) and 'cartwrights' (hrš Vi/).151 Using information from these texts it has been possible, to some extent, to reconstruct the technology of chariot making ( C a l d e r s 1977). In addition, chariots were repaired in the workshops for which the workers received materials of various kinds, including hrs, 'gold' ( K T U 4.167 = R S 15.079:1-2). 3.2.2

Agriculture

Olive oil was a very important product and is listed in deliveries of rations. T h e peasant farmers, it seems, had to supply olives for the production of oil to the gCs which comprised the basic units of the royal economy. Olive oil was produced in large quantities ( H e l t z e r 1996) but as yet no installations from the Late Bronze Age for the production of olive oil have come to light. However, the industry was so developed that, according to PRU 3, 99 = R S 16.257+, 220 persons in royal service received at least 502 'jars' (Ug. kd, Akk. karpatu) of oil, i.e. about 11,030 litres. 152 Delivery on this scale seems to have been yearly. Refined oils are also attested, including smn mr, 'myrrh oil', smn nr, 'lamp oil' and smn rqh, 'aromatic oil' (on these see § 10.1.2.13). O n rqh see below. Wine also played an important role and there were, of course, wine makers. Information on wine is derived chiefly from the lists of the royal stores and from deliveries m a d e to individuals, to the court and for cultic purposes ( H e l t z e r 1990). Here, mention may be made of the professions within the bnš mlk connected with the processing of cereals. These are 'millers' (Ug. alhnm, Akk. alahhinu) attested a few times. 153 T h e existence of a bt alhnm 'house of the quartermaster (lit. "miller")' ( K T U 4.392 = R S 18.130:4) shows that we are dealing with an organization. It is possible that the ksdm154 were also

151 H E L T Z E R 1982, 87-8; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 178; K T U 4.46 = R S 10.035:13-4; K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043:8; K T U 4.98 = R S 11.844:6, 8; K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 20; K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 12; K T U 4.243 = RS 16.395:2; K T U 4.339 = RS 18.026:16; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; K T U 4.743 = R S 25.140; PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:13. Cf. V I T A 1995a, 35-72. 152 O n e kd/karpatu = 2 0 - 2 5 litres. 153 K T U 4.102 = R S 11.857:25; K T U 4.337 = R S 18.024:11; PRU 6, 70 = R S 17.050:11, although these are P N N ; cf. H E L T Z E R 1982, 80; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 175-6. 154 K T U 4.99 = R S 11.845:16; K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001:8; K T U 4.126 = R S 14.084:16; K T U 4.186 = R S 15.156:1, 9; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+: 18.

'millers' ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 2 , 9 0 ; DLU, 2 2 6 ) . T h e 'bakers' or 'cooks' (Ug. apy, Akk. 11 nuhatimmu\ Ug. kkrdn, Akk. 11 kakardinnuf" also belonged to the bnš mlk and received rations and allotments of land. 3.2.3

Metal-working

T h e role of metal-working, in both copper and tin, was very important. T o begin with there are the nskm, '(metal-)casters' 1 5 6 (Akk. nāsikūma).]37 We do not know why there is no term for their specialization in these texts (but see next paragraph). O n e reason is supplied, perhaps, by K T U 4.261 = R S 17.023, which has the heading: spr argmn nskm 'list of the tribute of (metal) casters', where every person mentioned in the text had to deliver 2 0 0 - 5 0 0 (shekels?) as tribute (argmn) which the king of Ugarit had to pay the Hittite king, his overlord. Here belongs the large group of nsk tit 'copper (or bronze) casters" 5 8 (Akk. nāsiku u r u d u ; PRU 3, 195 = R S 15.009 β: 1 and lú(MEŠ)SIMUG

U R U D U )

PRU

3, 2 0 4 = R S

1 5 . 1 7 2 a : 1 0 ; PRU

6, 9 3 =

RS

2

17.133:23). A sample passage is Hit. d. ysa bd. šmmn ^largmn Hnskm tmn. kkrm balp. kbd '[m]itm. kbd ' C o p p e r (or: bronze) which was delivered by Š u m a m ā n u to the casters for tribute, eight talents, one thousand two hundred (shekels)' ( K T U 4.43 = R S 9.011). From this text we see that Š u m a m ā n u distributed about 250 kilos of copper (or bronze), for processing or for making the final product, which had to be paid to the Hittite king. Š u m a m ā n u seems to be the 'elder' (rb) of the casters. D

T h e r e were also different types of metal-worker, for example, nsk him/hdm,159 'arrowsmiths' ( K T U 4.630 = R S 19.062:14). Arrow production was the work of several specialists (see below). O n e profession involved in metal-working was the hrš qtn who were makers of

155

156

RS

S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 176,180; K T U 4.126 = The root is nsk, 'to pour, found, cast' (KTU

11.844:17; K T U

= RS

4.133 =

RS

15.005:3; K T U

RS 4.43

14.084:27. = RS 9 . 0 1 1 : 4 ; K T U

4.261 =

RS

17.023:1; K T U

4.98

=

4.310

K T U 4 . 3 9 6 = RS 1 8 . 1 3 5 : 2 0 ) . We do not accept the opinion of that the verb means 'to forge'. 157 PRU 6, 136 = R S 17.240:15; cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 1 8 1 2 . 158 H E L T Z E R 1982, 93-4; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 182; texts: K T U 4.35 = R S 8.183+ ii 8; K T U 4.43 = RS 9.011:4; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084:18; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 27; K T U 4.222 = RS 16.193:8-11; K T U 4.181 = RS 15.106; K T U 4.272 = RS 17.118; K T U 4.310 = RS 17.392. 159 In K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:25 him is the Hurrian spelling of hZm. 17.392:2, 5;

DOHMEN (1983)

sickle-bladed swords. 160 T h e r e is a problem in connection with copper artifacts and the production of bronze at Ugarit since there were no local sources of metal ( Z a c c a g n i n i 1970). It seems that metalworking had a long tradition in Ugarit since we know that when Zimrilim, king of Mari, visited Ugarit, all along his route he distributed large quantities of tin to rulers and in particular to Cretans living in Ugarit ( V i l l a r d 1986). 3.2.4

The textile industry

Raw materials in the form of 'flax' (ptt) and 'wool' (scrt) were available locally in sufficient quantities, for treatment. It is possible that spinning was a home industry, but at least four 'spinners' (gzlm) are listed a m o n g the bnš mlk.161 'Weavers' (Ug. mhs, Akk. māhisu and usparuf62 are also mentioned in many texts. 163 Although there were many terms for textiles and garments, it is not always possible to determine what they mean ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 ) In one text purple-dyed wool is distributed to weavers for f u r t h e r treatment ( T h u r e a u - D a n g i n 1934). A wide spectrum of minerals and herbal dyes was used which involved complex treatment ( v a n S o l d t 1990a). A m o n g those who treated textiles were the 'fullers' or 'dyers' (kbsm/kbsm).

160 H E L T Z E R 1997; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 182; K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043; K T U 4.98 = R S 11.844:9; K T U 4.183 = R S 15.116 iii 16; K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016:23; K T U 4.630 = R S 19.062:12; K T U 4.370 = RS 18.079:35; K T U 4.742 = RS 25.139:12; K T U 4.745 = R S 25.417:18. Note that the yshm ( K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043:7; K T U 4.68 = R S 11.716:67; K T U 4.99 = R S 11.845:19; K T U 4.105 = R S 13.014[iw]:2; K T U 4.126 = R S 14.084:10; K T U 4.147 = R S 15.036:5; K T U 4.151 = R S 15.044 ii 1; K T U 4.207 = R S 16.006:5; K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016:9; K T U 4.626 = RS 19.056:1; K T U 4.692 = R S 20.145:1, 8) were 'workers in bronze' ( S A N M A R T I N 1987; 1995a, 185). 161 H E L T Z E R 1982, 9 6 - 8 and 123-4, where the mf}sm were mistakenly considered to be military personnel; cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 1 8 1 : R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1985, 2 0 - 1 . Texts: K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845; K T U 4.102 = RS 11.115; K T U 4.107 = R S 12.002; K T U 4.123 = RS 13.014; K T U 4.124 = R S 13.020; K T U 4.128 = RS 14.176; K T U 4.158 = R S 15.062; K T U 4.182 = RS 15.115; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116; K T U 4.266 = R S 17.074; K T U 4.332 = R S 18.010+; K T U 4.338 = R S 18.026; K T U 6.48 = R S 20.401 AB; PRU 3, 204 = R S 15.172; PRU 6, 10 = R S 17.390; Ug 5, 99 = RS 20.425. 162 AHw, 581; CAD M / l , 102; AHw, 397; CAD I/J, 255-6. Texts: PRU 3, 205 = R S 15.172 A:7; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:23; Ug 5, 99 = R S 20.425:5. 163 K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:15; K T U 4.103 = R S 11.858:57; K T U 4.121 = RS 13.009:1; K T U 4.125 = R S 14.001:9; K T U 4.128 = R S 14.176:5; K T U 4.182 = R S 15.115:56; K T U 4.187 = R S 15.157+:1; K T U 4.269 = R S 17.106:8; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+-: 14 7; K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096:7; PRU 6, 166 = R S 19.099; cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 181.

T h e b'l tgptm was the ' m a k e r of h o r s e - c l o t h s ' or ' m a k e r of caparisons' 164 and there were other textiles which could be used in chariot making, shipbuilding, the manufacture of weapons, etc. (see next paragraph). T h e only term for 'leather-worker' known is Akk. aškāpu] he made objects for both military and civilian use. Even the relatively scarce material provided here is indicative of the important role textile production had in Ugarit, partly for the purposes of foreign trade. 3.2.5

Weapon production

T h e manufacture of military equipment and weapons was important to the economy which was fully controlled by the palace authorities and run by the bnš mlk system, although individual work was possible. T h e b'l tdtt were 'makers of breastplates'. 165 T h e production of arrows was complex. Besides the 'arrow casters' (nsk h^m) there were also 'modellers of arrows' (psl hzyn, also termed hdglm)m who apparently p r o d u c e d / m a d e the non-metallic part of the arrow and placed it on the arrowhead. 167 T h e evidence for this comes from K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016 which a m o n g other professions lists by name three hdglm (line 16) and eight nsk hdm (line 25; cf. η. 159). Similarly, those involved in the construction of bows were called hrš qšt 'bow-maker' and psl qšt 'bow-modeller', which would point to composite bows since they had to have an aesthetically pleasing form. Craftsmen from other professions such as htbm 'woodcutters' or even possibly 'carpenters, furniture makers'. Although the term firs was usually specified further, as we have seen (hrš bhtm, hrš qšt and hrš qtri), sometimes hršm occurs on its own in the texts and it is impossible to determine its precise m e a n i n g ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 177). See also § 11.4.7.

164 H E L T Z E R 1982, 82-3; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 176-7; texts: PRU 3, 15 = R S 15.033; PRU 3, 77 = RS 16.142; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:14, PRU 6, 109A = RS 19.131:5; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A:8; Ug 5, 83 = RS 20.146:20. 165 Akk. tudittu, 'pectoral'; H E L T Z E R 1982, 8 3 - 4 ; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 177; K T U 4.608 = RS 19.016:35-39. IG6 H E L T Z E R 1982, 92; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 179.; K T U 4.609 = R S 19.016:25; K T U 4.630 = RS 19.062:14. L(J 167 H E L T Z E R 1982, 84; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 183, possibly Akk. sa-si-nu ( K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 19; K T U 4.134 = RS 15.006:2; K T U 4.150 = RS 15.040; K T U 4.188 = RS 15.169+; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:16).

3.3

Other crafts

Pottery, or the art of ceramics, was also an important craft. T h e Ugaritic word for 'potter' isjyjr (Akk. wya-si-ru-ma, LVpahhāru).m T h e expression for jeweller in Ugaritic is nsk ksp, lit. 'silver caster' (kutimmu in Ugaritic Akkadian). 169 Also documented are the pslm, i.e. 'sculptors, carvers, engravers', 170 who most probably worked in stone. T h e only occurrence of Akk. parkullu 'seal cutter', is in PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:24 (as l u b a r . g u l ) . 1 7 1 In addition there was the profession of 'pharmacist' (Ug. rqh) who also mixed ointment or prepared perfume. 172 Naturally, we do not have a complete picture of all the arts and crafts in Ugarit, but only the sample given here, which is sufficiently representative.

168 H E L T Z E R 1982, 89-90; S A N M A R T I N 1995a, 185. Texts: K T U 4.46 = R S 10.035:11-2; K T U 4.87 = RS 11.789:3; K T U 4.93 = RS 11.776+:11; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084:28; K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076:18; K T U 4.339 = RS 18.026:2-4; K T U 4.338 = RS 18.025:10; PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.172; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240:11. 169 H E L T Z E R 1982, 92-3; SANMARTIN 1995a, 183; Texts: K T U 4.47 = R S 10.043:5; K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716:74; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; K T U 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 22; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:32; K T U 4.745 = RS 25.417:7; K T U 5.20 = RS 24.281:1; PRU 6, 70 = RS 17.050:4; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035a:29. 170 H E L T Z E R 1982, 96; S A N M A R T I N 1988, 183; texts: K T U 4.68 = R S 11.716:63; K T U 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858:36; K T U 4.126 = RS 14.084:8; K T U 4.207 = RS 16.006:7; K T U 4.370 = RS 18.079:45; K T U 4.412 11 = R S 18.251 iii 9; a possible Akk. parallel is iadimmu\ cf. S A N M A R T I N 1995b, 455, n. 2. 171 On seal cutting see S A N M A R T I N 1995b. 172 S A N M A R T I N 1988, 183-4; texts: K T U 1.41 = R S 1.003+:21; K T U 1.87 = R S 18.056:22; K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:21; K T U 4.31 = RS 5.197+:2, etc.

C H A P T E R ELEVEN

THE SOCIETY OF UGARIT Juan-Pablo

1

Peoples,

1.1

Cultures

and

Vita

Social

Movements

The size and demography of the kingdom

1.1.1 T h e kingdom of Ugarit covered a territory of considerable size.1 It covered about 5,425 km 2 when its expansion was greatest and 2,200 km 2 without the additional territories granted by Suppiluliuma I of Hatti ( A s t o u r 1995, 55). According to several studies ( G a r r 1987; H e l t z e r 1976, 103-12; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1319-20), the population of the kingdom was between 31,000 and 33,000 people, approximately, with 6,000-8,000 in the capital and about 25,000 in the rest of the territory. However, the archaeological evidence available at present counsels the greatest prudence in calculations of this kind ( Y o n 1992; C a l l o t 1994, 199). 1.1.2 T h e Ugaritic 'atonement' ritual K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002 (and parallels; d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 9 9 - 1 0 9 = 1999, 146-60) is addressed to all the people of Ugarit, to w h o m the words 'sons/daughters of Ugarit' refer. It is the same as the term used for Ugaritians in international juridical texts. 2 As will be seen in the following paragraphs, this people came from a range of different cultures.

' The final version of this chapter was prepared while staying at the Altorientalisches Seminar of the Freie Universität, Berlin, thanks to a research grant provided by the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung. I would like to thank Prof. Dr J . Renger for the friendly welcome he extended to me and for the facilities he made available for my research at the above institute. 2 For example, PRU 4, 107-8 = RS 17.238; PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341.

1.2

The Semitic component

1.2.1 T h e basic c o m p o n e n t of Ugaritian culture is Semitic, as attested by the local language (Ugaritic), its alphabet, a high proportion of the personal names, or by the religion reflected in the indigenous myths, legends and rituals. T h e alphabet normally used in Ugarit, with its a£g#-sequence, shows the fusion of various Semitic traditions ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a). In terms of form, a considerable n u m b e r of the signs in the Ugaritic alphabet can be linked to Semitic alphabets of the western type; a second group, with a smaller n u m b e r of signs, can be connected with southern alphabets; finally, a third group corresponds to both traditions. T h e mixed origin of the signs could be an indication of the southern origin of part, at least, of the historical Ugaritian population, where it might have taken on elements from both traditions (western and southern) for the formation of its own alphabet. 1.2.2 This last hypothesis is strengthened by the recent discovery in Ugarit of a cuneiform alphabet which follows the hlh sequence, i.e. the one peculiar to the South Arabic alphabet ( B o r d r e u i l — P a r d e e 1995a). T h e cuneiform alphabet in the South Arabic sequence found at Beth Shemesh ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a, 277~96; P u e c h 1991; S ass 1991) would comprise the geographic link between the South Arabic alphabet of the south and the South Arabic alphabet of Ugarit. 3

1.3

The Human component

1.3.1 As attested by the onomasticon and a significant n u m b e r of texts in Hurrian found in Ugarit, Hurrian is the second ethnic, linguistic and cultural component basic to the kingdom. O n the one hand there are documents which belong to the world of the scribes (for example, polyglot vocabularies); on the other, documents which are religious in nature, including texts with musical notation ( L a r o c h e 1 9 7 9 ; S a l v i n i 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e y were written using both the syllabic system and the local alphabet.

3 O n the relationships among the various alphabets of the South Arabic type and the alphabetic sequence attested in Egypt see T R O P P E R 1 9 9 6 . See § 4.2.

1.3.2 It should be stressed that the only successful adaptation of the Ugaritic alphabet to another language, in a significant way, was to Hurrian.' T h e Hurrian documents written in this way are cultic in character ( D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1994; 1995). Sometimes, Hurrian and Ugaritic alternate within the same document, which shows that some scribes may have been bilingual ( P a r d e e 1996b). Hurro-Semitic syncretism is also reflected in the mix of divine names from both traditions found in some of the rituals, a genre which shows to what extent the Hurrian pantheon was known in Ugarit ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 6 2 - 5 = 1999, 8 2 - 6 ; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1997b). 1.3.3 Everything, therefore, points to a high level of integration of the Hurrian element, as a living culture, within Ugaritic society. 3 T h e supposition of a limited use of Hurrian as a spoken language in Ugaritian society ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 519; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1995, 38-40) has to be revised in view of texts such as RS 23.031, an (unpublished) letter in which Akkadian and Hurrian alternate in a sort of mixed language, used perhaps in commercial transactions (Malbran-Labat 1995c, 37).6 At all events, the ritual K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002 (§ 11.1.1.2) seems to suggest that at least in the period of King Niqmaddu the Hurrians had not yet been integrated fully 7 ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1321; P a r d e e 1996b, 76).

1.4

Foreigners in Ugarit

1.4.1 T h e ritual K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002 (§ 11.1.1.2; cf. § 13.6.2) mentions other groups of foreigners in Ugarit, such as Hittites and Cypriots and refers, in general, to the 'guests of the walls of Ugarit'. T h u s it is a reflection of Ugarit in its known role as a meeting-place where languages and cultures interchange." 4

With the exception of the few examples of texts in Akkadian written using the alphabetic system (SEGERT 1 9 8 8 ) . 5 In this context, note the coexistence of Semitic and Hurrian personal names within the Ugaritic royal family (LIVERANI 1979a, 1322). 6 Elements of Hurrian influence are also evident in the Akkadian of Ugarit (HUEHNERGARD 1989, 281 2; VAN SOLDT 1991a, 521-2). As for Ugaritic, it contains a significant contribution of words with a Hurrian origin (WATSON 1995c, 533-41; 1996a, 701-4). 7 A king mentioned in K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002:28; K T U 1.84 = RS 17.100 [A]+:40; K T U 1.121 = RS 24.270A:9; the Hurrians are mentioned in K T U 1.40:29, 37 (restored in lines 12 and 20); K T U 1.84:4 (restored in lines 15 and 20). O n the historical moment in which the text can be set see DEL OLMO LETE 1992a, 108 = 1999, 157. 8 An interchange which, at the lexical level, is expressed in the presence of a

1.4.2 T h e historical relationship between Ugarit and Hatti is well documented. 9 It is not surprising, therefore, that the Ugaritian administrative texts mention Hittites in connection with food rations from the palace. 10 T h e most famous episode, however, concerns the presence of Hittite traders in Ugarit. At the request of N i q m e p a of Ugarit, Hattusili of Hatd stipulated, by decree," that the Hittite merchants from the Cilician locations of Ura 1 2 and Kutupa 1 3 operating on Ugaritian soil were to carry out their activities only in summer, and were required to leave Ugarit during the winter. Perhaps it was a political decision by the king of Ugarit, in an attempt to limit the massive buying up and export of Ugaritic grain and thus to maintain economic stability and social peace ( V a r g y a s 1 9 9 5 ) . In turn, the intense political relations between Ugarit and the Hittite kingdom of Carchemish led to the signing of agreements about financial compensation should the citizens of one country be assassinated in the other country (§ 11.1.4.6). 14 T h e person called Takhulinu was at a different level, if it is accepted that besides being mudû of the queen of Ugarit, 15 he was kartappu of the king of Carchemish (so N o u g a y r o l 16 1 9 5 5 , 111; but see S i n g e r 1 9 8 3 ; cf. § 1 1 . 1 . 5 . 1 ) . By means of a series of documents, King Ammittamru II allows him to buy lands and villages in Ugarit; however, these properties seem to be conditional on the loyalty of Takhulinu and his descendants to the Ugaritic crown. 17 1.4.3 Political relations between Ugarit and Cyprus are attested since the conquest of the island by Hatti and its later inclusion in

considerable number of foreign contributions to the indigenous language ( W A T S O N 1995c; 1996a). For a possible reference to Assyrians in the texts from Ugarit see K T U 4.230 = R S 16.341:3 (alr[y\m\ cf. the personal name atry, C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, no. 534) and Ug 5, no. 56 = RS 20.150:7. There is a discussion of the term ubru, probably a foreigner of some sort attested in Ugarit, in V A R G Y A S 1995. 9 See, most recently, LEBRUN 1995; N E U 1995b. See also § 15 below. 10 K T U 4.149 = RS 15.039:4; K T U 4.216 = RS 16.165:9. 11 PRU 4, 103-5 = RS 17.130 and its version R S O 7, No. 1 = RS 34.179. T h e second text mentions the people of Kutupa. 12 On Ura and its possible location see LEMAIRF. 1 9 9 3 . Merchants of the Hittite king native to Ura also appear, as witnesses, in international juridical texts found in Ugarit; cf. PRU 4, 1 9 0 = RS 1 7 . 3 1 6 ; PRU 4, 2 0 2 = RS 1 8 . 2 0 + . 13 A place mentioned in R S O 7 , No. 1 = R S 3 4 . 1 7 9 ; see MALBRAN-I^ABAT 1 9 9 1 , 1 5 , n. 4 . 14 PRU 4, 153 = RS 17.230. 15 PRU 3, 113 = RS 16.353. I(i PRU 3, 44 = RS 16.273. 17 PRU 3, 113 = RS 16.353.

a common defence system (§ 11.5.4.3). T h e abundance of Cypriot pottery, 173 the Cypro-Minoan texts found in Ugarit ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1322-3) as well as letters 18 and administrative texts, 19 are also witness to relationhips between the two communities at both the cultural and the commercial levels. Some Cypriots (ally, altyy, DLU, 33) receive from the Ugaritian administration food and clothing, 20 others belong to the guild of craftsmen. 21 O n the other hand, from its structure the administrative text K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857 seems to be a list of prisoners of war, or of persons detained for some reason, who come from Cyprus ( V i t a 1995a, 108). An unpublished letter found in Ras Shamra in 1994, which reports the dispatch of an emissary of the king of Cyprus to Ugarit to deal with the freeing of Cypriots detained on Ugaritic soil,22 could support this hypothesis. 1.4.4 T h e correspondence which has been preserved shows that political relations between Ugarit and the coastal centres of southern Syria and Palestine were, in general, smooth and cordial. 2 ' Within a common cultural area ( X e l l a 1995b) commercial relations and the exchange of persons took place at the same level as political relations. 24 T h e presence in Ugaritic administrative texts of persons from Tyre, Byblos, 25 Sidon, Beirut, 26 Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon or Ashdod 27 17A IB

=

YON 1984b, 430. K T U

RS

2.42 =

RS

1 8 . 1 1 3 A (KNAPP

1983);

Ug 5 , 2 1

=

RS

20.168;

RSO

7,

35

34.153.

19 K T U 4.390 = RS 18.119:1 (restored). See also K T U 1.141 = RS 24.312, an inscribed model of a liver, concerning someone buying a person from a Cypriot (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 232 = 1999, 347). 20 K T U 4.149 = R S 15.039 (on the possible cultic nature of the text see SANMARTIN 1989, 341; K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042; K T U 4.705 = RS 21.056. 21 K T U 4.155 = RS 15.051; cf. also K T U 4.343 = RS 18.029. 22 Personal communication of F . M A L B R A N - L A B A T . 23 List of sources in A R N A U D 1992, 192-4, completed by X E L L A 1995, 257-60. Add the letters CK 7 (ARNAUD 1991a, 219) from Beirut, and PRU 4, 219 = RS 17.424c+ from Tyre (cf. A R N A U D 1996, 63 η. 94). 24 See, for example, PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.28; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.20; K T U 4.338 = RS 18.025 ( M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1993a). On the content of documents which are still unpublished see M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995a, 445; 1995b, 104. 25 On Ugaritic kblbn (KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:6) as possibly meaning 'Byblian',

s e e SANMARTIN 2I

1989,

341.

' On the possibility that in the Ugaritic texts the toponym 'Beirut' denotes the present locality of Ras Ibn Hani, see A R N A U D 1 9 8 4 , but also VAN S O L D T 1 9 9 4 , 3 6 8 with n. 20 (Ras Ibn Hani = Ra'su). 27 PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042 (Tyre, Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon); PRU 6, 81 = RS 19.182 (Bvblos, Sidon, Acre); K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840 (Ashdod, gent. aiddy)\ K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042 (Ashdod, gent. adddy)\ KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096 (Ashdod, gent. adddy)\ K T U 4.778 = RIH 83/12 (Tyre, gent. siy)\ K T U 4 · 7 8 2 = RIH 84/08

is not suprising, therefore. O n some occasions their presence is due to circumstance, 28 but at other times there seems to be a greater degree of integration into the Ugaritian administrative structure, with people who work in palace farms (gt; cf. § 11.4.1,2) 29 or are referred to as 'apprentice' (gamaru).30 1.4.5 In broad outline, Ugarit moved from the sphere of Egyptian influence to become, by treaty, part of the political system of the Hittite empire. However, as the correspondence shows ( K T U 2.36 = R S 17.435+; K T U 2.38 = R S 18.031; C u n c h i l l o s 1989b), commercial relations between both countries remained the same and at its final stage, Ugarit seems to have resumed relations with Egypt at the highest level ( F r e u 1988; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b). T h e historical ties linking both these states 31 are reflected in the significant presence of Egyptians in Ugaritian society in which they seem to be very much integrated. Together with Ugandans and foreigners of all kinds, persons described as 'Egyptians' or 'from Egypt' work on palace farms, 32 and receive food and clothing from the administration. 3 3 Also, as the juridical text K T U 3.7 = R S 18.118 shows ( H o f t i j z e r - v a n S o l d t 1991 a, 206; M a r q u e z R o w e 1993b), they can be found in various villages of the kingdom, perform military functions such as that of mdrgl (§ 11.5.3.4) and fulfil obligations of the unuššu (unt) type. O t h e r Egyptians enjoyed a social position which was no doubt more influential, even receiving various properties from the king of Ugarit without any compensation at all.34 However, the ambiguity in respect of the possible Egyptian origin of certain persons said to be Egyptian in Ugaritic administrative documents even affects persons of the social standing of Sipti-Ba'alu ( V i t a - G a l â n 1997; cf. § 11.2.6.1).

(Tyre, gent, sry)·, K T U 4.321 = RS 18.005 (Byblos, gent, gblji); KTU 3.4 = RS 16.191+ (Beirut, gent. pi. birtym). 28 For example, the reference to shipowners from Sidon and Acre in ships from Carchemish anchored in Ugarit (RSO 7, 5 = RS 34.147). Both references could also be understood as personal names (cf. also the case of adddy in K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042:9). 29 K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840:3. 30 PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.42:9. 31 On relations between Egypt and Ugarit see, recendy, H E L C K 1 9 9 5 . 32 K T U 4.96 = RS 11.840:6 (gent. msiy). 33 K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042:2 (msrm 'Egypt'). 34 See the case given in PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136.

1.4.6 Life in Ugarit was not exempt from dangers for foreigners. Several international juridical documents deal with the murder of traders. 35 T h e y are bilateral agreements (with Carchemish) on monetary compensation for the m u r d e r of traders on each other's soil as well as resolutions concerning the robbery and murder of foreign merchants in the kingdom of Ugarit ( K l e n g e l 1 9 8 0 ) . T h e defence of crown interests and the protection of international trade were sought in equal measure. Actual cases were resolved between the king of Ugarit and the community to which the murderer belonged (§ 1 1 . 3 . 8 ) . T h e resolution of the conflict was brought a b o u t by payment of a customary a m o u n t of money and not by the death of the guilty party. 36 T h e non-application of the death penalty is observed also in cases of serious crime in which actual persons (not communities) are implicated, 37 although some instances of execution are also known. 5K 1.4.7 T h e kingdom of Ugarit also accommodated groups of people who were basically not sedentary and were identified by their own names. O n e of these groups was the hapirū,39 also attested in Mesopotamia and Palestine. Broadly speaking, the term denotes individuals of foreign extraction, ethnically and socially displaced, who frequently formed roving and dangerous bands, but who could end up being integrated to some extent within society ( B o t t é r o 1 9 7 2 - 7 5 ) . T h e latter is the situation that seems to apply to Ugarit. T h e references to various categories of personnel under the c o m m a n d of the 'chief of the hapirū' (rb cprm)w and to a hapiru in connection with 35

The unsafe nature of routes and roads could affect those of the highest rank, as shown by the abduction of a Hittite princess on Ugaritian soil (Ug 5, 108 = RS 20.216). Other cases of murder in Ugarit in PRU 4, 173= RS 17.234 and Ug 5, 94 = RS 20.022. See § 10. 36 As is clearly shown by lines 14-23 of the letter KBo I 10+ ( K L E N G E L 1980; H A G E N B U C H N E R 1989, 285, 291-2) from the Hittite king Hattusili to KadašmanEnlil II of Babylonia, which deal with the death of Babylonian merchants in Ugarit and Amurru. 37 Cf. PRU 3 , 9 6 = RS 1 6 . 2 4 9 : counterfeiting the royal seal and documents; the penalty imposed is not death (envisaged in line 22) but exile. See also the episode of intrigue led by two Ugaritic princes, dealt with in PRU 4 , 1 2 1 - 4 = RS 1 7 . 3 5 2 , 1 7 . 0 3 5 + , 1 7 . 3 6 2 and 1 7 . 3 6 7 , which also seems to be settled by the exile of those guilty ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 1 2 0 ) . 3 " Cf. PRU 3, 68 = RS 16.269; cf. § 11.3.2.2. 39 Mentioned in Ugaritic and Akkadian texts; Ug. 'prm (plural; C U N C H I L L O S V I T A 1995a, no. 4506); Akk. fra-pi-ri (PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.99:5); Sum. SAG.GAZ (and variants; B O T T É R O 1972-75, 20); DIU 85. 40 Cf. K T U 4.752 = RS 29.097:1.

oil rations 41 show that there was some degree of organization within the group alongside its integration within the administration of the kingdom, without losing its identity. 42 T h e mention of a place called 'Hill of the hapirüm in administrative d o c u m e n t s seems to indicate that, as in n e a r b y Hatti, 4 4 the g r o u p h a d a geographical location. At times the hapirū were the direct cause of friction with foreign countries either over legal matters 4 5 or d u e to b o r d e r conflicts. 46 1.4.8 Besides the hapirū, the Ugaritian sources m e n d o n other groups. A label with the inscription 'for the chief of the ktkymH1 a n d an administrative text with personal n a m e s belonging to this category 4 8 suggest the (controversial) possibility t h a t t h e r e was a g r o u p of Kaskaeans in Ugarit, a n o r t h Anatolian people d o c u m e n t e d chiefly in Hittite sources (.DLU, 231). T h e p r o b a b l e presence in Ugaritic society of groups belonging to the so-called 'Sea Peoples', in particular the šerdanū, is also controversial ( L o r e t z 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e various kings of Ugarit also h a d to deal with n o m a d i c peoples such as the ummān-manda, in conflicts which in the last resort h a d to be resolved by diplomacy. 4 9 T h e inclusion of the various groups m e n t i o n e d as mercenaries in the a r m y of Ugarit cannot be discounted. 1.4.9 In wartime, the contribution of foreigners to Ugarit could be d u e to the taking of prisoners or the arrival of fugitives. Both circumstances were foreseen at an international level. T h e treaties signed by Ugarit with Hatti 5 0 or Carchemish 5 1 usually envisaged the possi-

41 42 43 LUMES

44

PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.099.5. See also PRU 3, 102 = RS 15.109+.54-5; cf. also PRU 3, 233. Ug. H lb 'prm ( C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, No. 4506), Sum.-Akk. SAG.GAz/'apunma)·, DLU,

85,

ffalbi

191.

PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238. PRU 3, 3 = RS 16.003, a letter from the king of Carchemish to king Ammittamru concerning the case of f)apirū. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238, an edict of Hattusili III on fugitives from Ugarit in the territory of the ffapirū of H a t t i (§ 11 -4.2.2). 46 PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341, on border problems between Ugarit and the southern kingdom of Siyannu. Note also the reference, in a negative context, to the term 'bapiru' in a scribal exercise (PRU 3, 213 = RS 16.364). 47 K T U 6.3 = RS [Varia 5] (l rb ktkym). 48 K T U 4.319 = RS 17.443. 49 PRU 4 , 180 = R S 17.286; V I T A 1995a, 18-9. 50 PRU 4 , 5 2 = R S 1 7 . 3 6 9 A , a fragment which according to N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 5 2 , must form part of the agreement PRU 4 , 4 8 = R S 1 7 . 3 4 0 . In connection with this agreement see the letter PRU 4 , 3 5 = R S 1 7 . 1 3 2 . Cf. also the treaty PRU 4 , 17.341. 9 6 = R S 1 7 . 0 7 9 + and the international verdict PRU 4 , 1 6 1 = R S 51 PRU 4, 54 = RS 17.334. 45

bility of acquiring prisoners from third-party countries in the event of war as well as keeping in their territory fugitives from these same countries. 52 As bilateral agreements, the obligation of the signatories to repatriate fugitives from both countries who had settled in the neighbouring country could be stipulated. 53

1.5

Ugandans abroad

1.5.1 T h e presence of foreigners in Ugarit corresponded to the departure of Ugaritians beyond its frontiers. Sometimes they are Ugaritians who travel abroad while carrying out their duties or profession. T h e international relations of the Ugaritic court, for example, required the constant exchange of ambassadors and messengers. Takuhlinu, the best known ambassador of Ugarit, carried out his duties in Carchemish ( S i n g e r 1 9 8 3 ; cf. § 1 1 . 1 . 4 . 2 ) . 5 4 T h e king and queen of Ugarit tried to foster the work of their envoys by means of personal contacts in the court in question. 55 In turn, the envoys had to give an account of their mission by means of written reports. 56 1.5.2 Because of their profession, Ugaritian traders also went abroad often. Running the same risks as their colleagues in other countries (§ 11.1.4.6), their business ranged from E m a r to Egypt, passing t h r o u g h C y p r u s , U š n a t u a n d the ports of the Levantine coast (§ 11.2.6.1). T h e scribes also had some degree of mobility, by profession (§ 11.2.7). O n e of them, from Cyprus, requests his lord, the king of Ugarit, to send five chairs and a table ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995a, 445; 1995b, 104). However, as shown by the episode of the 'great sin' 57 which occurred in Sidon ( A r n a u d 1992, 185, 189-91; X t l l a 1995, 259), the residence of Ugaritians beyond its frontiers was not always free of conflict. A group of Ugaritians desecrated the

52 The military history of Ugarit ( V I T A 1995a, 1 1 3 1 ) suggests that there was no lack of occasions on which the clauses concerning prisoners and fugitives could be put into practice. 53 Cf. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238. In this respect see also, for example, the treaties A T 2 ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1997) and A T 3 signed by Alalah. 54 In connection with Hatti see the Ugaritic letter K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008 (CUNCHILLOS 1989b, 297-302). 55 PRU 4, 294 = RS 19.070, Ug 5, No. 28 = RS 20.184, both in connection with Carchemish. See also R S O 7, No. 38 = RS 34.149, in connection with Sidon. 56 Ug 5, No. 44 = RS 20.219; R S O 7, No. 10 = RS 34.150. 57

FT-TA GAL; c f . A R N A U D

1992,

190, η.

54.

temple of the Sidonian storm-god. As a result, the culprits, the people and the king of Sidon had to perform a meticulous and expensive reparation ritual to all the deities of Sidon over a period of four days. Some of the culprits agreed to pay the cost of the ritual and those who refused ran the risk of being executed. 18 1.5.3 O n other occasions it was not professional reasons but war or economical circumstances which forced some Ugaritians to leave the country (§ 11.1.6.7).

1.6

Social mobility

1.6.1 As the legal and administrative documents from Ugarit show, the inhabitants of the kingdom could belong to different social classes. It was a very structured society with a pattern quite different from the one reflected in the texts from nearby Alalah ( S e r a n g e l i 1978; G a à l 1988), but comprised permeable strata. Different circumstances could bring about a change in a person's class, such as a royal decision, marriage or one's own economic situation. T h e differences between Ugaritians in general and those within the same class in particular ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1334; V a r g y a s 1988, 117), were also economic in character. 5 9 T h e variations in the social and economic position of the Ugaritians are also reflected in the archaeological remains of tombs ( S a l l e s 1995) and houses ( C a l l o t 1994, 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 ) found in the city of Ugarit, which also show clearly the social disparity between the capital and the rest of kingdom. O n the lowest rungs of the social ladder there were a certain number of servants, slaves and fugitives (§ 11.1.6.6-7). 1.6.2 Certain social classes, such as the maiyannū and the mudū, had their own structure and were directly connected with the crown. In Ugarit, the term maryannu,m which is well known in ancient Near Eastern sources of the second half of the 2nd millennium b c e (Wilhelm 1 9 8 7 - 9 0 ) , did not denote a type of soldier of the war5

" See also A R N A U D 1982b on a business dispute in Tyre. Note also the existence of properties which were free of obligations (for example, PRU 3, 90 = RS 16.147) as compared with others, the acquisition of which entailed various economic and social obligations (for example, PRU 3, 62 = RS 16.167). 60 Ug. mryn, pi. miynm ( C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3726 and 3727). 59

chariot in the strict sense but a social group, a status or class ( R e v i v 1 9 7 2 ; V i t a 1 9 9 5 , 9 3 1 0 9 ) . Its members formed a well-defined group within society, 61 occupying a distinct social position but without comprising the controlling elite of the kingdom ( V a r g y a s 1 9 8 8 , 1 2 1 ) . Distributed in various places, 62 they were connected economically with agriculture. 63 Some of their members were military personnel connected with chariots, 64 but they are neither the only members of Ugaritic society intended for the chariot squad, nor did all the maryannū have to carry out that duty. 63 As for the term mudû,66 it denoted the scribe of the village (§ 1 1 . 2 . 7 . 2 ) but was also the name for a kind of courtier, the 'expert', either of the king or the queen ( S a n m a r t i n 1 9 8 9 , 3 3 7 - 4 1 ) . T h e maryannū were also connected with the crown. O n the one hand, as in Alalah, 67 the king had the power to grant an individual the status of maryannu,68 which was surely hereditary. 69 O n the other hand, again as in Alalah ( N a ' a m a n 1 9 8 0 , 1 1 2 ) , they comprised various categories, one among them being that of 'maryannu of the king'. 70 T h e same person could function in both categories, maryannu and mudû at the same time. 71 Nevertheless, the category of maryannu must have been superior, j u d g i n g f r o m the economic benefits it entailed and because it was a more restricted class ( R e v i v 1 9 7 2 , 2 2 1 ) . Accordingly, maryannu and mudû could have been the highest social classes. 1.6.3

61

See, for example, the lists of maryannu, K T U 4.322 = RS 18.007A and K T U 4.561 = RS 18.[489]; also perhaps K T U 4.623 = RS 19.049[B]. 62 Cf. PRU "i, 192 = RS 12.034+; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396:16; K T U 4.772 = RIH 78/06:5. 63 K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252:1; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396:16. 04 Cf. PRU 3, 192 = RS 12.034+ and the dependence of the maryannu on the 'overseer of (the) chariot(s)' ( L U U G U L A G I S G I G I R ; PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:31-3). 65 As shown, again, by PRU 3, 192 = R S 12.34+. Thus, the theory of RF.VIV 1972, 228, according to which the maryannu gradually lost their connection with chariots during the second half of the 2nd millennium, is very probable. They were being integrated into spheres which were more civil than military and their place in the army was gradually taken by members of the lower classes. 66 Ug. md, pi. mdm ( C U N C H I L L O S V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3 3 6 1 and 3 3 8 2 ) . 61 A T 15; A T 91 ( N A ' A M A N 1980, 111-2; D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1996b, 184-7). 68 PRU 3, 140 = R S 16.132; H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 173. At Emar, instead, this power could belong to an individual, cf. R E 66 (BECKMAN 1996b, 85). 69 Cf. K T U 4.561 = RS 18. [489], 7(1 maryannu LUGAL (PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:17). Also attested are the n't mrynm 'lads/ cadets of the maryannumd and bn mrynm 'sons of the maryannūma ( V I T A 1995a, 105-9). 71 Cf. PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239!

1.6.4 C h a n g e s in status by royal decree could involve other classes, such as the qdš, mur'u a n d aširu. Traditionally understood to m e a n 'commanders', 'officials', the mur'û were in turn subdivided into 'mur'u of the king', 'mur'u of the crown prince' a n d 'mur'u of the prefect'. 7 2 By a decision of A m m i t t a m r u II, a m a n a n d his sons moved f r o m belonging to the mur'û of the crown prince (Ibiranu) to form part of the mudū of the queen, a change which entailed a series of financial privileges. 73 In the case of a n o t h e r person, the same king decrees his transfer f r o m āširun to 'mudû of the king', a position which entailed the p a y m e n t of a sum of m o n e y but also exemption from certain obligations. 7 ' It can be supposed, therefore, that both cases involved a rise in social standing. 1.6.5 C h a n g e s were also possible horizontally, as the juridical document PRU 3, 78 = R S 15.Y seems to suggest. 76 In the case of women, the changes of status attested are related to marriages (§ 11.1.6.6). 1.6.6 As in other societies of the period, 7 7 people in Ugarit could be bought and sold. 78 As a result, in Ugaritic society there was also a servant class, 79 which one joined chiefly through financial debts 80 (cf. § 11.1.6.7). Servants f o r m e d part of a property on the same level Ug. mru mlk/Akk. mur'u LUGAL, Ug. mru ibm/Akk. mur'u Ibirana, mur'u ušnyāni and Ug. mru skn/Akk. mur'u I L MASKIM respectively. Bibliography and discussion ('fatteners', 'quartermasters') in V I T A 1995, 145-7; C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995b. 73 PRU 3 , 1 6 2 = R S 1 6 . 3 4 8 . According to N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 3 6 n. 4 , it is very likely that the person in question was the recipient of the queen's letter Ug 5, 136 = RS

20.013.

74

A category of uncertain meaning, cf. DLU, 92 (Ug. 'šr). PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137. 76 The document provides two examples of a change: by decision of king Niqmepa, a person moves from being a 'tanner' (aškāpu) to being a 'lancer' ( LL ZAG.LU; cf. H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 67; § 11.5.2.3) and the other, instead, moves from a 'lancer' to a 'tanner'. 77 On Emar see A R N A U D 1 9 8 1 and the references in D I E T R I C H 1 9 9 0 . 78 Cf. PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341; PRU 4, 238 = RS 17.231; Ug 5, No. 10 = RS 17.067; Ug 5, No. 85 = RS 20.236; K T U 3.4 = RS 16.191+. The Egyptians seem to have played an active role in this enterprise, cf. KTU 3.8 = RS 19.066; PRU 3, 19 = RS 15.011; Ug 5, No. 42 = RS 20.021; RSO 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158. 79 Masc., Ug. 'bd (CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 4289, 4296, 4306, 4310; DLU, 68, which distinguishes between 'bd I 'slave' and 'bd II 'servant'), Sum. ÎR, Akk. ardu (cf. polyglot vocabulary Ug 5, No. 137 = RS 20.123 iii 4; H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 96, 158). Fem., Sum. GEMÉ, Ug. amt (CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 270, 287, 289; DLU, 36). For references to prisoners (Ug. asr, Akk. asîru) in the texts from Ugarit cf. DLU, 55. 75

80

Cf.

103-5

=

K T U RS

3.8

=

17.130.

RS

19.066

(HOFTIJZER -

VAN S O L D T

1991,

191-2);

PRU

4,

On the appropriateness of speaking of'servitude' rather than

as lands, houses, animals and d o m e s d c furniture, 8 1 and thus could be transferred a n d exchanged for other servants. 82 For the state they carried out agricultural tasks on the royal farms (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtu; § 11.4.1.2). 83 Being a servant was not necessarily for life, as shown by the cases of w o m e n w h o d r o p their status as servants as a first step before marriage (§ 11.3.1.4), 84 or by the possiblity of personal freedom, with a servant left in one's stead. 83 1.6.7 Finally, Ugarit had to deal with the problem of fugitives. As is known, the pursuit and extradition of fugitives was an important matter in the international relations of the ancient N e a r East. Ugarit, like other states in the period, confronted this situation by m e a n s of bilateral treaties and internal legal mechanisms ( H o f t i j z e r - v a n S o l d t 1991). Since the nayyalu or r u n a w a y could not fulfil the economic obligations towards the administration («'/^-obligations, pilku),86 he was pursued and lost his lands in favour of third parties ( H e l t z e r 1976, 5 2 - 7 ; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1343; S a n m a r t i n 1995c, 135-6). 87 It was another possible way of becoming a servant (§ 11.1.6.6).

2

The

Royal

Family,

2.1

Administration

and

Commerce

Dynasty and succession

According to the textual evidence, only one dynasty ruled in Ugarit. T h e royal titularies of the juridical texts show that succession was

'slavery' in Ugaritic society, see B O Y E R 1 9 5 5 , 2 9 9 ; N O U G A Y R O L opposite view cf. LIVERANI 1 9 8 2 , 2 5 7 . 81 For example, PRU 3 , 5 6 = R S 1 5 . 1 2 0 ; Ug 5 , No. 8 1 = No.

49

=

RS

17.378A;

RS

8.145

(THUREAU-DANGIN

1937,

1955, 3 1 - 2 ; RS

21.230;

for the PRU

6,

249).

82 Ug 5, No. 56 = RS 20.150; PRU 6, No. 45 = RS 18.021; R S O 7, No. 56 = RS 34.170. 8:1 K T U 4.636 = RS 19.097; Ug 5, No. 96 = RS 20.012. Cf. also H E L T Z E R 1982,

64-5; 84

LIVERANI PRU

DANGIN

3, 1937,

1982,

85

=

253;

RS

257. 16.250;

PRU

partially in PRU

3, 3,

110 110)

=

RS

16.267;

RS

8.208

(THUREAU-

where the husband pays a certain

amount of money. 85 R S O 7, No. 23 = RS 34.170. 86 See p. 485 n. 194. Cf. also abyn 'bankrupt' in K T U 4.70 = RS 11.720:6 (.DLU, 7; KTU1, 237; tflq 'missing' [DLU, 192]). 87 The generic term for 'fugitive', also attested in Ugarit, is munnabtu. The label PRU 6, No. 76 = RS 17.361A, which deals with fugitives, was probably attached to the agreement between Suppiluliuma and Niqmaddu, PRU 4, 52 = RS 17.369A,

from father to son. T h e only exception was N i q m e p a ' , son of Niqm a d d u II, who succeeded his brother Arhalba. 8 8 T h e king was free to choose the crown prince, although the king of Hatti reserved for himself the right to intervene in the royal succession. 89 In the event of the m o n a r c h being a minor, the queen-mother ( L i v e r a n i 1974, 336; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a, 75) or the prefect could act as regents.

2.2

The king

T h e king, as head of state, was at the pinnacle of the political, administrative and religious system of the kingdom. T h e royal palace, in the capital of the kingdom ( M a r g u e r o n 1995), was a clear expression of his sovereign position. H e was constantly present in external politics, as shown by the treaties, juridical documents and copious international correspondence. O n the other hand, he was the supreme c o m m a n d e r of the army, a function which he exercised to effect (§ 11.5.1.2). In religion, the king occupied a central position. A large n u m b e r of the rituals preserved ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a = 1999) are royal in character: they are carried out in the palace, are directed towards the tutelary gods of the dynasty, focus on the king's person or show him to be the principal officiant. Some rituals where the king officiates show the m o n a r c h as protector of the kingdom and some stelae represent him functioning as a priest, as beneficiary of divine protection and as its intermediary between god and kingdom (Yon 1991, 292-7). O n c e deceased, the kings then became divine beings and continued to watch over the dynasty and the kingdom. Ugaritic royalty, therefore, is very m u c h in line with royalty elsewhere in the ancient N e a r East at the time and differs sharply from the types of royalty of contemporary Syrian centres such as E m a r ( F l e m i n g 1992a).

2.3

The prefect

T h e administration of Ugarit was not monolithic but a partitioned system. T h e superior position of the m o n a r c h was tempered by the which also regulated the problem of foreign fugitives who reached Ugarit (VAN SOLDT 1989b, 384). 88 Also a son of Niqmaddu. This atypical succession was due to the direct intervention of the Hittite king Murši1i II following the Syrian revolt led by Nuhašši and Qadesh (cf. PRU 4, 85 = RS 17.338; LIVERANI 1979a, 1306). 89 Cf. PRU 4, 126 = RS 17.159. See also PRU 4, 124 = RS 17.367 and PRU 4, 128 = RS 17.348; YARON 1963, 29-30; PINTORE 1978, 131.

existence of administrative nuclei or nuclei of power headed by the prefect, the queen and the court nobles (cf. also § 11.2.5).90 T h e 'prefect' (sā/ànu), at the head of a 'House of the prefect', 91 complemented the king in every aspect of government, whether internal or external, political, commercial or juridical ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1337; M a l b r a n L a b a t 1995b, 109). H e was also the king's deputy when he was outside the kingdom 9 2 and acted as regent if the king was a minor. 9 3

2.4

The queen

2.4.1 T h e queen ( v a n S o l d t 1985-6; A b o u d 1994) occupied a separate administrative and political position. In the context of the role played by princesses in the international politics of the period (Pint o r e 1978; S i n g e r 1991b, 335), the foreign origin of some queens of Ugarit 94 pardy explains this position. Another cause was her secure financial position. Queens brought a substantial dowry to a marriage, 95 control of which they retained in the event of divorce. T h e y could increase their possessions by direct intervention of the king, 96 by the acquisition of new properties 97 and by the activities of her own merchants. 9 8 T h e y managed her patrimony with complete freedom, 9 9 and its business activities are reflected in various genres. 100 90

The king's relatives also had considerable influence. T h e documents show them as increasing their personal patrimony thanks to the direct intervention of the king, as in the case of Niqmaddu's family, i.e. his brother Nuriyani (PRU 3, 45 = RS 16.140) his sister Dalaptum (PRU 3, 52 = RS 15.085), his daughter Apapâ (PRU 3, 69 = RS 16.276). 91 bt skn, for example in K T U 4.361 = RS 18.051 (cf. C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, No. 4174). 92 R S O 7, No. 37 = RS 34.137. 93 R S O 7, No. 12 = RS 34.129. 94 From Amurru: Ahatmilku (VAN S O L D T 1985 6, 70; S I N G E R 1991a, 159) and the princess called 'daughter of the Great Lady'. From Hatti: on the divorce of Ammurapi and his Hittite wife see § 11.3.2.3. From Egypt: on the 'marriage vase' of Niqmaddu II and the problem of identifying the woman depicted see VAN S O L D T 1985-6, 69-70. 95 As shown by the list of the effects of Ahatmilku, Niqmepa"s wife (PRU 3, 182 = RS 16.146+). 96 PRU 3, 53 = RS 15.089. 97 Ug 5, 262-4 = RS 17.86+, RS 17.102, RS 17.325. Thus they disposed of properties of the gt/dimtu type (cf. § 11.4.1.2), cf. the letter K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174 ( C U N C H I L L O S 1981b), the administrative text K T U 4.143 = R S 15.031 and the juridical text Ug 5, 264 = RS 17.325. 98 PRU 4, 189-90 = RS 17.314, RS 17.449. 99 PRU 3, 50-1 = RS 16.277, RS 15.086; PRU 3, 53 = RS 15.89. 100 Letters: PRU 3, 14 = R S 12.033 (VAN S O L D T 1985-6, 71) and K T U 2.34 = R S 17.139 ( C U N C H I L L O S 1989b, 345-7). Administrative texts: oil ( K T U 4.143 = R S

Financial independence went h a n d in h a n d with her own administrative structure which was called ' T h e House of the Queen'. 1 0 1 In matters of religion, rituals and administrative texts reflect the queen's cultic activity. 102 2.4.2 O n the basis of the economic and administrative infrastructure described, the queen extended her activity to every sphere of the realm, retaining up to her death both her title and most of her influence. Like other queens and princesses of the period, 103 the queen of Ugarit took an active part in the foreign policy of the kingdom. By means of her scribes and messengers, 104 she maintained direct connections with the principal courts of the period. 105 T h e letter R S O 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145 shows the range of aspects covered by the queen's activity abroad. An indication of the position she held in the diplomacy of the kingdom is the letter PRU 4, 294 = R S 19.070, the presentation of a Ugaritian ambassador to a personage from the Hittite court, signed jointly by the king and queen. T h e king, in turn, kept the queen informed of his activity during his journeys outside the court. 106

15.031), vineyards and wine ( K T U 4.219 = RS 16.179:12; K T U 4.244 = RS 16.396:9; K T U 4.246 = RS 16.398:2-3; perhaps K T U 4.230 = RS 16.341:4.5), wheat (PRU 3, 188 = RS 16.151; perhaps Ug 5, 198 = RS 20.220), barley for the queen's animals ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995a, 446). T h e juridical texts PRU 3, 119 = RS 16.204 and PRU 3, 143 = RS 16.138 mention the 'service (pilku) of the queen's sons'. 101 bīt šarrati, an administration comprising 'the queen's men' (bnš mlkt, K T U 4 . 2 2 = R S 1 . 0 4 1 : 3 - 4 ) in the election of whom she could intervene directly, cf. for example, PRU 4 , 2 3 8 = R S 1 7 . 2 3 1 ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 3 6 n. 5 ) . The sākinu is the most important official connected with the queen, cf. PRU 3 , 1 1 0 = R S 8 . 2 0 8 , PRU 102

3, 5 3

=

RS

15.089,

Ug 5 , 2 6 4

=

RS

17.325,

K T U

2.21

=

RS

15.174.

Ritual K T U 1.170 = "RIH 78/11 ( C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1993a, 225: 1.174); administrative texts: K T U 4.149 = RS 15.039:14-15; K T U 4.219 = RS 16.179:12; K T U 4.230 = RS 16.341:4.5; K T U 4.246 = RS 16.398:3 (XELLA 1981, 345). 103 See, for example, the letter EA 26, from Tušratta to Teye of Egypt, or the character of the Hittite queen, Puduhepa ( C U N C H I L L O S 1989b, 363-421). 104 Cf. RS 6.198 ( T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1935), R S O 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145:21; K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139:5 ( C U N C H I L L O S 1989b, 343). 105 Egypt: EA 48 ( M O R A N 1992, 120 n. 1); Assyria: R S 6.198 ( T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1935; LIPINSKI 1981, 87-8); Amurru: PRU 3, 13 = R S 16.111 ( S I N G E R 1991a, 160); Hatti: R S O 7, No. 18 = RS 34.154; Carchemish: R S O 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145. O n the queen's contacts with the Hittite world see also B O R D R E U I L 1995b, 449. It is probable that the letter K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199 records direct contact between the queen of Ugarit and the dethroned Hittite king Mursiii III (Urhitešub; CUNCHILLOS 1989b, 360 η. 3). IOfi K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872; K T U 2.33 = RS 16.379; K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139.

2.5

Administrative centres

A series of residences outside the palace with archives which can be dated to the second half of the 13th cent, bce show that, at least in the final stage of the kingdom, affairs of state were administered in various centres. These are what are known as the 'houses' of Rašapabu ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 1), R a p ' a n u ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 42) Yabninu ( C o u r t o i s 1990) and Urtenu ( B o r d r e u i l 1995; M a l b r a n L a b a t 1995a; 1995b; Y o n 1995), the names of nobles of the kingdom. T h e archives of the so-called 'House of Urtenu', for example, date to the end of the 13th cent, and the beginning of the 12th cent, bce (the last two reigns of Ugarit); as a whole, they are more recent than the palace archives. Political, diplomatic and military affairs are the equal concern of both archives, which also share the same more important recipients, i.e. king, queen and prefect. Despite this, in the correspondence of the 'House of Urtenu', commerce is the principal topic, and it displays a wider geographical horizon than the palace, ranging from Cyprus and the Hittite world to as far away as Egypt and the ports of the Palestine coast. Nevertheless, the exact purpose of these residences within Ugaritic administration has yet to be determined. A comparative examination of the international correspondence kept in the royal palace and in the houses of Rap'anu and Urtenu ( L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a) does not reveal the criteria which governed the classification of a document in a particular archive and so determine the specific nature of this archive.

2.6

Power and economy

2.6.1 T h e various administrative centres show the close relationship that existed between power and economy. T h e Ugaritic royal family played an active part in the economics of the kingdom. T h e kings obtained important financial benefits from their relations with traders. 107 O n e of these, Šipti-BaCalu ( A r n a u d 1982b; 1991b, 6 5 - 6 ; Vita - Galân 1997), the director of an international network of traders who operated from Emar to Egypt, passing through Cyprus and the Levantine ports, belonged to the royal family as the king's son-in-law 108 and supervised the running of the queen's estates. A 107

For example, Sinaranu and Amtarunu (PRU 3, 101-8 = RS 15.138+, 15.109+, 16.206, 16.238+, 16.251; PRU 3, 124-6 = RS 15.163+, 15.147, 16.162). 108 R S O 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26],

considerable number of juridical documents show the king's intervention in the exchange and the buying and selling of lands, either intervening directly in the operation 1 0 9 or sanctioning operations between individuals. 110 T h e politics of collecting taxes on the merchandise which circulated in the kingdom also depended in the final instance on the king ( A r n a u d 1 9 9 6 , 6 1 - 2 ) . 2.6.2 The same relationship between power and economy can be seen in the residences outside the palace (§ 11.2.5). Yabninu, for example, who was at the head of a vast administration in the period of Ammittamru II, also organized commercial trips to Egypt ( C o u r t o i s 1990). Various business networks gravitated around the 'house of Urtenu' ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995a, 446; 1995b, 105), the best known of which was directed by Sipti-Ba'alu (§ 11.2.6.1). 2.6.3 T h u s the palace administration, understood in its widest sense, controlled a large p a r t of the commercial activity of the kingdom, as is also shown by the frequent reference to traders in the administrative documents'" and the existence of a ' m e r c h a n t / t r a d e r obligation'. 112 T h e palace supplied the merchants with a quantity of merchandise 1 1 3 or money to carry out their operations, and once concluded, it then proceeded to calculate the balance of the results gained ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1330; 1979b)." 4

2.7

The scúbes

2.7.1 T h e scribes were a central element in the administration. Various genres are witness to the which the Ugaritic scribes received. They were were generally bilingual or, at least, biscriptal

109

functioning of the type of formation professionals who (in Ugaritic and

See, for example, the case of the family of Abdu (PRU 3, 78-86 = RS [Varia 7], 16.239, 16.254D, 16.143, 16.157, 16.250).' 110 For example, PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.090, PRU 3, 87 = RS 15.119, PRU 3, 71 = RS 16.356. 111 For the alphabetic texts cf. C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3 4 8 2 - 3 4 8 3 . 112 PRU 6, No. 30 = RS 18. [500]. 113 PRU 6, No. 156 = RS 19.020; cf. also, for example, PRU 4, 154 = RS 17.146:6-7. 114 On the dangers incurred by traders in the exercise of their profession see § 11.1.4.6. O n traders in general and their various classes, see also H E L T Z E R 1978a; ARNAUD

1996,

62-3.

Akkadian; v a n S o l d t 1995; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1996; D a l i x 1996). Expressions of the type 'servant of Nabu and Nisaba', which they claim in some colophons," 3 show that the Ugaritic scribes were aware of belonging to a guild with its roots in Mesopotamia. T h e documents they used in their formation show, in fact, a deep familiarity with Mesopotamian culture as well as a certain degree of independence and originality in respect of their models ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 199-200; A r n a u d 1979, 1357). 2.7.2 T h e profession of scribe was usually passed down from father to son, and at least two scribal dynasties are known. T h e existence of a hierarchy within the corps can be deduced from the references in colophons to literary and lexical texts, to titles such as 'apprentice' (,Imd) and others the precise meaning of which has yet to be determined ( v a n S o l d t 1995). Besides the scribes of the palace organisation it is likely that there were street scribes who offered their services in fields such as magic, divination or simple mathematics ( S a n m a r t i n 1989, 337-41).

2.8

Administration and territory

2.8.1 T h e work carricd out by the scribes helps us to know, in broad outline, other components of the administrative structure of Ugarit. At the head of each section of administration ( H e l t z e r 1982) there was an official called the rabû.m His actual functions are unknown on most occasions, but titles such as 'chief of the palace' (rab ekallim),n~' 'chief accountant' (rb nkšy),U8 'chief of the craftsmen' (rb hrsrri),"9 'chief of the chariots' (rab narkabti),m 'chief of the field' (rb šdm/rab eqlātî),m or (always with reference to people) 'chief of ten' (rb csrt),m 'chief of a hundred' (rb mit),m 'chief of a thousand'

115 116 117 118

See, for example, Ug 5, 252, 283. On the reading rabû of the ideogram UGULA, cf. ARNAUD 1996, 61 η. 85. PRU 3, 165 = RS 16.386. K T U 6.69 = R S 7.25:3-4 (BORDREUIL 1986, 294; CUNCHILLOS - VITA 1995b,

390). 119 120 121 122 123 124

KTU PRU KTU PRU KTU KTU

4.145 = RS 15.034:9. 3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 83 = RS 16.157. 4.160 = RS 15.065:12. 3, 134 = RS 15.137. 4.609 = RS 19.016:2, 5, 7, 8; K T U 4.714 = RS 22.231:1. 2.42 = RS 18.1 13A:3.

(rab lim),125 as well as the existence o f ' j u d g e s ' (dayyānu),126 give a good idea of the ramifications and complexity of Ugaritic administration. 2.8.2 T h e lists of toponyms show that, for administrative purposes, Ugaritic places formed units which correspond approximately to the natural geographical divisions of the kingdom ( A s t o u r 1995, 62-3). Acting in coordination with the principal prefect were the provincial prefects, 127 and several places had a 'mayor' (hazannw, 11.3.8.2) or local representative of the central administration ( H e l t z e r 1976, 8 0 - 1 ; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1337, 1342).' 28 T h e functionaries entrusted with control over the commerical frontiers of the kingdom, on land and at sea, were the 'tax collector' (mākisu)129 and the 'harbourmaster' (rab kārì)m ( A r n a u d 1996, 61-2). T h e central administration also managed directly part of the financial resources of the kingdom by means of a system of farms (§ 11.4.1.2).

2.9

The priests

Although they had their own financial resources ( L i p i n s k i 1 9 8 8 ) , the priests belonged to the administrative ambit of the palace ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 2 , 1 3 2 - 3 ) . It is not known what the functions of the khnm (Sum. S a n g a ) and qdšm (Sum. n u . g i g ) were, frequently associated in the administrative texts, 131 but perhaps they may have been '(clerical) administrators' and 'priests, consecrators' respectively ( A r n a u d 1 9 9 6 , 5 4 - 8 ; see f u r t h e r d e l O l m o L e t e - S a n m a r t i n 1998, 177-81). Evidence of the priestly organization and hierarchy are the existence of a 'college of khnm' (dr khnm)132 and the reference, in documents of

125

PRU 6, 52 = RS 19.078. PRU 3, 61 = RS 16.156:20; see also PRU 3, 141 = RS 16.132:26. On Ug. trtn as possibly meaning 'supreme judge' cf. SANMARTIN 1989, 345-8. 127 N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 139 n. 4; Ug 5, No. 51 = RS 20.158; K T U 4.160 = RS 15.065:6; K T U 4.288 = RS 17.293:2-5; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016:10-11. 128 PRU 3, 134 = R S 15.137; Ug 5, No. 26 = R S 20.003; R S 25.134 ( L A C K E N BACHER 1991b). 129 PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135+; PRU 4, 237 = RS 17.066; PRU 4, 239 = RS 17.232. 130 PRU 4, 219 = RS 17.424c+; Ug 5, No. 13 = RS 17.465; A R N A U D 1982b, 126

1 0 2 . C f . NOUGAYROL 131

CUNCHILLOS

-

1968, 2 0 η. VITA

2.

1995a, Nos. 2927 and 5071; PRU 6, No. 93 = RS

17.131:26-7. 132 K T U 4.357 = RS 18.047:24.

various genres, to a 'chief of the khnrrì (rb khnm),133 a person of high social and financial position ( L i p i n s k i 1 9 8 8 , 1 2 6 - 3 1 ) . 1 3 4

3

The

Family

3.1

and

the

Collective

Marriage

3.1.1 As in other societies of the ancient Near East, marriage in Ugarit was considered to be a contract ( B o y e r 1955; M a r r a s s i n i 1984). T h e mechanics of matrimony in Ugarit are very like those of contemporary Syrian societies such as E m a r ( B e c k m a n 1996a, 69) and Alalah, to a large extent already documented in Babylonia ( W e s t b r o o k 1988). 3.1.2 T h e woman brought to the marriage a sum of money known as the terhatu, which came from the patrimony of her own family. 13 ' T h e terhatu and the goods given her by her father as a dowry comprised the material contribution of the woman to the marriage. 136 It is possible that the term terhatu on its own denotes the dowry 137 ( Z a c c a g n i n i 1 9 7 3 , 2 5 n. 60), but perhaps, as in Alalah I V , terhatu and dowry were two separate items. In Alalah, before the wedding, the groom presents the woman's father with an amount of money called terhatu.™ From the sequence of events it can be deduced that 133 C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, No. 2927; PRU 3 , 168 = R S 16.168; PRU 6, No. 9 = RS 17.428. 134 O n the personnel connected with the cult see also, in general, DE T A R R A G O N 1980, 131-44. 135

PRU

3, 5 4 =

RS

1 5 . 0 9 2 ; PRU

3, 6 0 =

RS

1 6 . 1 4 1 ; PRU

3, 6 2 =

RS

16.158

could show that the ter/jatu also consists of landed property (BOYER 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 1 ) , but the passage dealing with the matter is uncertain (MARRASSINI 1 9 8 4 , 6 7 ) . 136 p u i j 3 t [32 = RS 16.146+ shows how rich a queen's dowry could be (Ahatmilku; N O U G A Y R O L 1955, 178; B O Y E R 1955, 301). Similarly, Ugaritic epic ('Keret') and myth ('The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal') have preserved the verb trfy 'to marry, pay the bride-price' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981, 639; cf. MARRASSINI 1984, 68), as well as the noun mtrf(t 'spouse, wife' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 586); see C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 6139 and 3803 respectively. 137 T h e meaning 'dowry' of Ug. mtg (mtghy, K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194:47) is uncertain, cf. DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 578; see similarly mhr 'dowry, bride-price' in the 'The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal' (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 639; cf. MARRASSINI 1984, 72). See also W Y A T T 1998C, 338 n. 15, 341 n. 30. 138

AT

AT

9 2 (WESTBROOK

1 7 (SPEISER

1954, 23)

1 9 9 4 , 2 7 9 ; b u t s e e ZACCAGNINI

only nidnu 'gift' is mentioned.

1985, 598-9); A T

93.

In

the bride's father presented the new couple with the terhatu together with his daughter's dowry. T h u s returned, the terhatu became the indirect contribution of the husband to the marriage. Since relations between both societies are so well documented, a procedure much as in Alalah can be presupposed in Ugarit. 3.1.3 W h e n the groom (or his family) presented the terhatu to the bride's family, she was not yet fully a wife (Ug. att, Akk. aššatu) but instead had gained the status of kallatum (Ug. kit) and as such starts to become part of the political family. 140 In the event of the engagement being broken off 141 or of widowhood and the need to leave the conjugal hearth, 142 the woman retained control of this money. T h e letter K T U 2 . 7 2 = RS 3 4 . 1 2 4 ' 4 3 and the juridical document R S 8 . 2 0 8 1 4 4 mention the anointing of a woman with oil. It is a ritual gesture attested in the context of marriage, especially in the El-Amarna letters ( M a l u l 1 9 8 8 , 1 6 1 - 7 9 ) . T h e first case seems to be a marriage between the king of Ugarit and a princess from Amurru. In the second, a high official of the queen anoints a female slave as a preliminary step to her emancipation and the later marriage of both (§ 11.1.6.6). 3.1.4

3.2

Divorce

3.2.1 T h e juridical documents provide us with some aspects of divorce in Ugarit, both within the royal family and outside it.145 In one case, a man declares that his wife has taken her share of the goods and has left the hearth. 146 T h e reasons for the divorce are not given, but the fact that the couple had at least one son excludes the

139

PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141. As the administrative text in Ugaritic, K T U 4.80 = RS 11.778 shows. On a similar situation in Emar, cf. RE 6 (BECKMAN 1996b, 9). 141 PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141. 142 PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092. 143 R S O 7, No. 88. 144 THUREAU-DANGIN 1 9 3 7 , 2 5 3 (partially in PRU 3 , 1 1 0 ) . 145 The formula for divorce used in Ugarit must have been the same as in Emar, 'you are not my wife/husband'; cf. ARNAUD 1 9 8 6 , No. 1 2 4 . It is the same formula as used in the Old Babylonian laws, perhaps pronounced in front of witnesses (WESTBROOK 1 9 8 8 , 6 9 ) , as was the case in Nuzi (BRENEMAN 1 9 7 1 , 2 4 5 ) . 146 PRU 3, 81 = RS 16.143. 140

woman's infertility as a cause. 147 In fact, the husband does not resort to polygamy as is foreseen in cases of barrenness (§ 11.3.3.2) and another document shows him as having a new wife.148 Generally speaking, the woman reclaimed her dowry in the event of the marriage being dissolved. 149 3.2.2 Within the royal family, the best documented case of divorce is that of king Ammittamru II from a daughter of Bentešina, king of Amurru ( S i n g e r 1991a, 174-5; A r n a u d - S a l v i n i 1991-92).' 50 T h e woman appears to be the guilty party and so the husband takes the initiative in the lawsuit. At first the reason for the divorce is said to be that the woman was trying to prejudice the king in some way.151 T h e woman leaves the hearth and takes away her belongings,' 32 but only what she brought as a dowry, since she is obliged to forego the goods acquired during the period of marriage in her husband's favour. 153 Although the lawsuit is international in character, the result reflects the characteristics of a private divorce ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 125 n. 1). Later on, the woman is accused of having committed a 'great sin' (hītu rabītu), a vague term which included various types of offence, 154 and finally she is executed. 3.2.3 In the separation of goods which follows the divorce of the king Ammurapi from a Hittite princess, which is not so well documented ( A s t o u r 1980), 1 5 5 the king takes back a property which he

147

T h e fact that the woman could take away the money of the terhatu and the rest of the goods could indicate, judging from A T 92, that the husband caused the separation for no justifiable reason. In the case envisaged in PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141, the woman certainly reclaims the terhatu because the matrimonial contract was not completed. 148 PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250. 149

PRU

3, 81 = R S

1 6 . 1 4 3 ; PRU

4, 126 = R S

1 7 . 1 5 9 ; PRU

4, 2 0 9 = R S

17.355;

cf. also the case of PRU 3 , 6 2 = R S 1 6 . 1 5 8 and ZACCAGNINI 1 9 8 5 , 5 9 9 . 150 The princess is a daughter of the so-called 'Great (Lady)', possibly Gaššu1iyawiya, Great Princess Ū f Hatti (SINGER 1991b, 3 3 4 - 5 ) . 151 PRU 4, 126 = RS 17.159. 152

153

PRU

4,

126 =

RS

17.159.

PRU 4, 127 = RS 17.396. 154 Counterfeiting a royal seal and tablets (PRU 3, 96 = RS 16.249), sacrilege (ARNAUD 1992, 189-90). T h e ambiguity of the expression is also evident in M E 21 which comes from the region of Emar (ARNAUD 1991a, 40). 155 PRU 4, 208 = RS 17.226; PRU 4, 209 = RS 17.355; PRU 4, 227 = RS 17.429 and, perhaps, Ug 5, No. 35 = RS 20.216.

had given his wife and the princess retains the goods she brought with her at the time of marriage. 156

3.3

The family unit

3.3.1 T h e union of a man and a woman manifested by a matrimonial contract allowed legitimate children to be born. In general, the documents seem to show a very low birth rate ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1321), rarely more than three children to a single couple. 157 It is possible, even so, that the administrative texts only record persons able to work in some way, and exclude, for example, old people and small children ( H e l t z e r 1976, 88) and that the juridical documents only mention legitimate children with inheritance rights. 3.3.2 Although the data are not conclusive, polygamy must have been well established in Ugaritian society ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1320), especially in the upper classes ( B o r d r e u i l 1995, 4 4 8 ) . 1 5 8 T h e situation cannot have been different from the one known in Alalah IV 159 and Emar, 160 where polygamy was accepted, especially when the wife was barren. 161 3.3.3 O n the other hand, the Ugaritian concept of family seems not to have been restricted to parents and children but could include other relatives. 162 T h e average number of members per family, there-

156

On this episode see also

BROOK

1994,

N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 2 0 6 - 7 ; PINTORE 1 9 7 8 , 7 5 - 8 ; W E S T -

279.

157

Cf. K T U 4.80 = RS 1 1.778; K T U 4.295 = RS 17.312; K T U 4.417 = RS 18.258, described as 'census by household' (KTU'1, 651). Other administrative texts corroborate this low percentage, for example K T U 4.339 = R S 18.026 (LIVERANI 1979a, 1321), K T U 4.360 = R S 18.050 ( H E L T Z E R 1976, 89-90), PRU 4, No. 115 = RS 17.037. 158 Cf. also tnglyt in K T U 4.339 = RS 18.026:10 ('second wife' in this context?; on the term see also W I L H E L M 1970, 278). On the other hand, the existence of levirate marriage in Ugarit, on the basis of a single possible witness (PRU 3, 76 = R S 16.144) is a debated matter, cf. SKAIST 1980-83, 607-8; W E S T B R O O K 1991, 89. 159 A T 91 ( N A ' A M A N 1980, 112; D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1996b, 184-7), A T 92 (MENDELSOHN 1959, 356-7), A T 93, A T 94. 160

ARNAUD

161

As in Babylonia

2 9 0 ; NEGRI 162

1986, Nos.

1984,

31,

216.

(WESTBROOK

1988,

107-9)

and Nuzi

(BRENEMAN 1 9 7 1 ,

23-4,

60).

Cf. K T U 4.80 = RS 11.778, which mention future daughters-in-law (kaltatu/ kit) among the members of three families (cf. § 11.3.1.3) as well as the father's brother in another family and a son-in-law (t}tn) in another.

fore, could have been between five and six persons ( G a r r 1987, 34), a number which in some cases could be higher due to the presence of servants ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1319). Archaeological studies on houses and residential areas of Ras Shamra support the possibility of polygamy or a high number of dwellers in certain houses, but they also counsel prudence when figures on this topic are proposed (§ 11.1.1.1).

3.4

Changes to the family unit

Several juridical texts deal with adoption ( B o y e r 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 2 - 5 ; M i l l e r 1 9 8 0 ) . In broad outline, such a document mentions the persons involved in the adoption and stipulates the financial conditions of both joining and possible separation. Those adopted are adopted as sons' 63 or brothers 164 and, unlike at Emar, 1 6 5 they are always adults. 166 T h e act of adoption is carried out in the presence of the king,167 who could also sanction the act retrospectively 168 or else in front of other authorities 169 or witnesses whose names are not mentioned in the documents. 170 3.4.1

3.4.2 T h e adoption was preeminently financial in nature, with a variety of motives such as a widow looking for financial security,''' the keeping of patrimony within the same family,' 72 or both at once.' 73 In cases of looking for financial security, the obligation of the adoptee seems to be restricted to the financial support of his new family by contributing money and goods. In return he received important benefits in the event of separation, either in the form of property' 7 4 163 PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092, PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200, PRU 3, 70 = RS 16.295, PRU 6, No. 37 = RS 17.088, Ug 5, No. 2 = RS 17.021; Ug 5, No. 82 = RS 20.226. 164 PRU 3, 75 = RS 16.344, Ug 5, No. 8 1 = RS 21.230 ( W E S T B R O O K 1 9 9 1 , 130-2), RS 25.134 (LACKENBACHER 1 9 9 1 ) . 165 For example, A R N A U D 1986, No. 256; BECKMAN 1996a, 62. 166 Other types of adoption are attested in Late Bronze Age Syria; see BECKMAN 1996a, 63-8, 76; M I L L E R 1980, 2 2 7 - 8 . 167 PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092; PRU 3, 70 = RS 16.295; PRU 3, 75 = RS 16.344. 168 PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200. 169 The hazannu in RS 25.134 (LACKENBACHER 1991). 170 PRU 6, No. 37 = RS 17.088; Ug 5, No. 82 = RS 20.226; Ug 5, No. 2 = RS 17.021; Ug 5, No. 81 = RS 21.230. 171 PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200. 172 PRU 3, 70 = RS 16.295. 173 Ug 5, Nos. 2 and 3 = RS 17.021 and 17.033 ( N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 3). 174 PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200.

or money. 171 Adoptions into brotherhood, perhaps by their very nature, could result in more equitable conditions between the two parties.

3.5

Private property and inheritance

3.5.1

Private property is well documented in Ugaritian society ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 4 ; S a n m a r t i n 1995c, 1 3 3 - 4 ) . It was acquired in various way, chiefly by royal grants, buying, business, legacies, goods brought to a marriage or on adoption. In general, as the juridical documents show, a person disposed freely of his property, even in legacies. 3.5.2 In the case of inheritance in respect of sons, Ugaritian tradition distinguished between the firstborn (rabi2)176 and all the other sons. 17 ' Following a practice customary in the ancient Near East (Davies 1993),178 the firstborn is usually the son to be favoured in the distribution of goods. 179 T h e type of family, therefore, is patrilinear. Despite this, as RS 8.145 180 shows, the father could set the conditions of inheritance as he chose. In this document the father names his wife as heiress to the goods and grants her the faculty of freely

175 PRU 3 , 7 5 = RS 1 6 . 3 4 4 (adoption as a brother); PRU 3 , 5 4 = RS 1 5 . 0 9 2 (adoption of a son), where, in addition, on the death of the father it was the adoptive son, not the widow, who disposed of the family property; the woman does not seem have become an adoptive mother and the transaction, as in PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200 seems to have been more a type of property transaction in favour of the adoptee (BOYER 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 3 ) . ,7( ' The Ugaritic term used for 'firstborn' in the literary texts is bkr, cf. CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 1 1 4 0 - 1 ; DLU, 107. 177 R S 14.016:6 ( V I R O L L E A U D 1951, 174); R S 8.145:15 ( T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1937, 249); PRU 6, No. 85 = RS 19.079: obv. 15'; Ug 5, No. 7 = RS 17.036:4-5; Ug 5, No. 8 = RS 17.038:6'. T h e meaning of Ugaritic nhl, usually translated 'heir', must be different (LIVERANI 1979a, 1339). Attested only in administrative texts (CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3918-9) it must be a technical term in administration, with the result that a single person could have various 'heirs' all at once (cf. W A T S O N 1992C, 238; § 11.4.3). 178 On the nature of the firstborn at Emar see also VAN DER T O O R N 1994, 42-52. 179 As shown particularly by Ug 5, No. 7 = RS 17.036. Furthermore, in a more broken context, Ug 5, No. 8 = RS 17.038. PRU 3, 56 = RS 15.120 also seems to include a division of property among sons, but due to the condition of the text, the details concerning the primogeniture are unknown. In Ug 5, No. 81 = RS 21.230, a contract of adoption into brotherhood (cf. § 11.3.4.1), the parties expressly stipulate that 'there is no firstborn or youngest among them' (a similar expression in Emar, cf. A R N A U D 1996, No. 93:8), confirming the situation as unusual. O n the youngest son as the firstborn in the 'Epic of Keret' ( K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 7-16) see DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 260; DAVIES 1993, 188-9. 180

THUREAU-DANGIN

1937,

249.

appointing either of her two sons as heir ( K l i m a 1957a, 658).181 T h e explicit conditions for the sons to gain the inheritance were not to file proceedings against their mother and to honour her. These are some of the principles which had to guide the behaviour of a good son, its literary reflex being given in the 'Epic of Aqhat'.' 8 2 However, a son could also receive part of his inheritance while the father was still alive, and immediately after could leave the family group. 183 3.5.3 From RS 8.145 it follows, therefore, that the woman could inherit the family goods within marriage (§ 11.3.5.2). In other cases, instead, an adopted person could become an heir to the goods of the adopter to the detriment of the widow. T h e position of the woman as heiress of the paternal goods is not so clear, although it can be supposed that, as in other ancient Near Eastern societies and under certain conditions,' 84 she could be named as heiress by her father.

3.6

The status of women

3.6.1 As has been seen, the queen of Ugarit held an eminent social, political and administrative position (§ 11.2.4). Her financial position was sound. She approached marriage supported by a substantial dowry, the control of which she kept in the event of divorce, and she disposed of various means to increase her possessions. She had her own administrative organization and played an active part in the foreign policy of the kingdom. T h e queen's position can be understood as an extended form of a woman's status in Ugaritian society. 3.6.2 In a patriarchal and patrilinear society such as in Ugarit, the woman moved from the guardianship of her family, with the father 181

For Emar see, for example A R N A U D 1 9 9 6 No. 9 3 . The opposite case could also be provided for, with the husband as heir to the wife's goods in the event of her death, cf. PRU 3 , 1 1 0 = RS 1 6 . 2 6 7 . 182 KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 and parallels (DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 334 5; B O D A 1993; O T T O 1996, 269-71). Cf. § 6.3. 183 PRU 3 , 3 2 = R S 1 6 . 1 2 9 ( B O Y E R 1 9 5 5 , 3 0 5 ; M I L L E R 1 9 8 0 2 7 5 ; contra D A V I E S 1993, 86

1 8 8 ) ; PRU

=

RS

184

Cf.

6, N o . 4 3 =

RS

1 7 . 0 7 7 ; PRU

6, N o . 5 3 =

RS

27.053;

Ug 5 ,

No.

20.176.

1980; 1988; W E S T B R O O K 1991, 157-64; M O R R I S S E T T E 1993; 1994; BECKMAN 1996a, 72. Ug 5, No. 6 = R S 17.149, in spite of being interpreted by B E N - B A R A K 1980, 24-5 as an example of a woman inheriting, should be understood only as a purchase of lands; see the same author's moderated view in 1988, 88. BEN-BARAK

KÄMMERER

at the head, to the guardianship of the groom's family (§ 11.3.1.3) to move, finally, to the guardianship of the husband. Within this framework there were a series of mechanisms, financial and familial, for the social protection of a woman. From the financial aspect, in the event of divorce or widowhood, the woman regained control of the goods she had brought to the marriage (§ 11.3.2.1), goods which had become part of the conjugal patrimony without losing their identity as the wife's possessions. T o these goods could be added those she could inherit from her husband in the event of widowhood (§ 11.3.5.2). In terms of the family, the woman could rely on the possibility of returning to her father's family. 185 T h e husband could also provide for the widowhood of his wife by stipulating in his will the sons' obligation to support their mother, an indispensable condition for their being in turn appointed as heirs of the paternal possessions (§ 11.3.5.2). There was also the possibility of resorting to the procedure of adoption in the search for the necessary financial support (§ 11.3.4.2). T h e various mechanisms could be combined in a variety of ways, none excluding the others. 3.6.3 T h e woman could also depend on some degree of action and social initiative. In the matter of property she could own, buy and sell properties, either alone or as a co-owner ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 4 , 1 7 5 ) . In a lawsuit with a man over a matter of properties she could obtain a royal verdict in her favour. 186 Within the family, she could not only be named as heiress but she also had the facility to appoint an heir among her sons.187 Likewise, she could take the initiative in the matter of adoption and divorce, if it is accepted that the formula used in Ugarit for the latter eventuality was not substantially different from what is documented in Emar (§ 1 1 . 3 . 2 . 1 n. 1 4 5 ) . 1 8 8 3.7

Family piety

Personal piety in daily life and popular beliefs, is known in broad outline ( C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 1 9 5 - 2 3 4 ; d e l O l m o L e t e 1992a, 217-62 = 1999, 324-88). This does not apply, however, to the religion of the

185

PRU

3, 5 4

=

RS

15.092.

18,1

PRU

3, 9 4

=

RS

16.245.

187

RS

188

On the status of women in Ugarit see also

8.145

(THUREAU-DANGIN

1937,

249). KLÎMA

1957b.

family. Archaeological and textual data are of uncertain interpretation and refer only to the urban population of the city of Ugarit ( S a l l e s 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e approach to the question, therefore, has to be indirect. T h e construction of tombs underneath a great number of the houses ( C a l l o t 1 9 9 4 , 1 6 8 - 7 6 ) could be an indication of a cult focusing on family ancestors. 189 Epic and some of the rituals could have preserved reflexes of this type of cult in which the dead person is conceived as belonging to the divine world and as receiving cult regularly. From the same genres it can be deduced that alongside the ancestor cult there was a cult of family deities (van d e r T o o r n 1 9 9 6 , 1 5 3 - 7 5 ) . Family piety in Ugarit, therefore, would be similar to what is documented in Emar ( v a n d e r T o o r n 1 9 9 4 ) .

3.8

The community

3.8.1 A group of families formed a village or community. According to the theory of a bipartite society (§ 11.4.2.2), the communities comprised the 'free' sector of the population as against the palace dependents or 'men of the king' (bnš mlk). They worked on the land and with livestock, owned lands in common, the means of production and the produce from their labour kept both them and the palace dependents. Fiscally and juridically they comprised a single body ( H e l t z e r 1976, 63-74; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1333-4, 1342; 1989, 127-8). 3.8.2 T h e legal representative of the community was a college of 'elders' (šibūtū) or 'fathers' (abbū) ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1342; H e l t z e r 1976, 79), an institution which existed in other ancient Near Eastern societies. Despite this, the prominent position of the king in Ugaritic society (§ 1 1.2.2) restricted the prominent role of the 'elders' in Syrian societies of the time, such as Emar ( B u n n e n s 1989, 29-31; A r n a u d 1991a, 15; F l e m i n g 1992b, 103-4) or Ekalte ( M a y e r 1990, 58-60; 1992). In Ugarit, the 'elders', who could be controlled by a single family, 190 represented their communities particularly in cases of collective responsibility for crimes committed in their respective territories by someone unknown ( K l e n g e l 1980, 193). As an institution,

189

For VAN DER T O O R N 1996, 194, the ancestor cult would not be domestic but celebrated in the sanctuary. 190 Cf. Ug 5, No. 52 = RS 20.239.

they co-existed with the fyazannu or 'mayor', who depended on the central power (§ 11.2.8.2).

4

4.1

Crafts

and

Professions

Economic geography and the professions

4.1.1 There was a wide range of different geographical locations in the kingdom of Ugarit ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1316-7; A s t o u r 1995, 58-62). A considerable strip of the Mediterranean coast limited the kingdom to the west, and enabled fishing, activities such as the purple industry and the development of maritime trade. T o the north, mountainous regions and wooded hills provided the wood required for the construction of houses, ships and for export. Further south, rivers, fertile plains and uneven terrain favoured the cultivation of cereal crops, vineyards, olive groves, fig-trees and fruit trees. T h e geographical location of the kingdom made it suitable not only for trade by sea but also for overland trade ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1329), with the resultant exchange of raw materials and finished products. 4.1.2 T h e range of terrain, products and raw materials gave rise to a variety of financial activities and capitalization of resources. At the same time, various kinds of labour activities were being developed and organized in rural as well as urban areas. T h e distinction between both economies, rural and urban, is not always sharp, as is shown by the sectors of farming and animal husbandry. T h e hamlets and villages of the kingdom cultivated some of these activities (Liverani 1979a, 1317; cf. § 11.3.8.1); others, instead, were controlled directly by the palace by means of farms called gt or dimtu, which used manual labour, specialized into various grades ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1317-8; 1982; 1989; H e l t z e r 1982, 49-79). However, agriculture and animal husbandry are also fully part of life in the most urbanized centre of the kingdom, the capital Ugarit, as is evident from the finds made by archaeologists within the city, of silos for cereal, sickles and installations for making oil and keeping animals ( C a l l o t 1994, 190-6, 201-2). 4.1.3 As for the palace, as court and administrative and religious centre, it favoured the emergence of new functions and occupations.

As a good reflection of the society which produced them, the texts of Ugarit mention a large number of professions and crafts, some of which are discussed in what follows.191

4.2

The profesmns and the administration

4.2.1 T h e administrative documents correspond to the genre which best reflects the world of the professions and other labour activities.192 They show the existence of groups or 'guilds' of professions organized and controlled by the central administration, from which they received, for example, food, 193 and with which they negotiated matters concerning money and taxes, 194 lands' 95 or the army. 196 T h e administration also controlled specific individuals, either by drawing up lists of persons according to group, 197 documents which enable, for example, readjustments to be made in them, 198 or else by registering the presence of professionals in various economic dependencies of the palace and villages in the kingdom. 199 T h e professionals also maintained connections with the administration outside the profession, as is shown by various types of lists in which occasionally an individual's activity is indicated. 200 4.2.2 T h e various professions, together with other categories mentioned in the texts, were given the common title 'men of the king' (bns mlk). In a bipartite model of Ugaritian society, and in contrast

191

On traders and scribes see §§ 11.1.4.6, 11.6.6 and 11.2.7. A compendium of Ugaritic sources on the professions is given in SANMARTIN 1995c, 152. Texts which mention work tools also provide, indirectly, information on the activity of workmen; cf. SANMARTIN 1987b; PRU 6, No. 157 = R S 19.023; PRU 6, No. 163 = RS 19.064; PRU 6, No. 168 = RS 21.199. Cf. also § 10.3. 193 For example, K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001; K T U 4.609 = RS 19.016; Ug 5, No. 99 = RS 20.425. 194 For example, K T U 4.71 = RS 11.721, PRU 6, No. 136 = RS 17.240. On the taxes called itku, pitku and unuššu see H E L T Z E R 1982, 19; SANMARTIN 1995C, 133-5; cf. M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1993b, 1995. 195 For example, K T U 4.103 = RS 11.858; K T U 4.416 = RS 18.252. 196 K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A. 197 For example, K T U 4.124 = RS 13.020; K T U 4.187 = RS 15.157+; K T U 4.412 = RS 18.251. 198 Cf. § 11.1.6.5 and the juridical document PRU 3, 77 = RS 16.142. 199 For example, K T U 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K T U 4.332 = RS 18.010+; K T U 4.358 = RS 18.048. 200 For example, K T U 4.46 = RS 10.035; K T U 4.98 = RS 11.844; K T U 4.382 = RS 18.106+. 192

with the 'free' sector of the population organized into village communities, the 'men of the king' would shape the social sector of persons dependent on the palace. They would carry out tasks which demanded a certain level of specialization and specific formation, receiving from the palace both the means of production and subsistence. This model of Ugaritian society, based on documentation within the kingdom, would seem to have outside confirmation thanks to the so-called 'Edict of Hattusili III' concerning the bapīrū (PRU 4, 107-8 = RS 17.238; L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1333; H e l t z e r 1982). However, the theory of a bipartite society as well as the interpretation of RS 17.238 should not be considered as proven facts since other kinds of interpretation are possible ( V a r g y a s 1988; Z a m o r a 1997).

4.3

Internal organization

It is possible to determine, in broad outline, the type of internal organization of the 'guilds' or professional groups. T h e reference to a 'chief of the craftsmen' {rb hrsmf0i allows the supposition that similar officers existed in the other professions, as well as 'assistant chiefs' for each of the separate activities (§ 11.2.8.1). O n the other hand, the existence of 'apprentices' (Imdm,202 talmīdū,203 gam(a)rūma)20* within each professional group ensured the continuance of the various occupations. 205 It is also probable that the various offices were largely passed on from father to son, 206 and that this is how the term nhl 'heir' is to be understood in the administrative texts ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1339-40; H e l t z e r 1982, 100).

4.4

The textile industry

T h e basic elements of the Ugaritian textile industry are known. T h e administrative documents mention certain raw materials, the names of certain professions and a large number of textiles and manufactured products ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1 9 8 5 ; v a n S o l d t 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e products

201 202

203 204

205 206

K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034:9. V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3265-9. R S O 7, No. 25 = RS 34.167+:20. H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 165. Cf., for example, K T U 4.125 = RS 14.001:8-9. As was the case with scribes, cf. § 11.2.7.2. CUNCHILLOS -

m a d e out of wool were initially produced by 'shearers' (gzzm); their function was seasonal and they received rations from the palace during their period of work. 207 Specialists such as 'spinners' (gzlm),20B 'weavers' (u/išparu, mhs/māhisu),m 'fullers' (kbsm/kbsm210 /kābisu)211 and 'makers of tgpt-covers' [b'l tgpt)m were involved in successive stages of transforming the raw material. T h e dyeing process is documented by references to 'bronzesmiths' (yshm; S a n m a r t i n 1987a) and wools in various colours ( T h u r e a u - D a n g i n 1934; v a n S o l d t 1990, 335-41). It is also possible to deduce the existence of personnel devoted to the tailoring and the confection of clothes ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1985, 21-2). T h e textile industry is one of the few crafts which have provided material evidence of their activity, both in Ugarit and in Minet el-Beida ( C a l l o t 1994, 190).

4.5

Hard materials, precious stones and metals

4.5.1 Various terms denote the professions connected with the cutting of stone or hard materials. T h e administrative documents mentioning them provide no additional information about the circumstances of their activity, although the objects which are the result of that activity have come down to us. T h e y are the professions of 'seal cutter' (parkullu; S a n m a r t i n 1995b) 2 ' 3 and 'sculptor', 'carver' (psl, zadimmu) 214 ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 183). This last category, which is generic, can be subdivided into more specialized activities such as 'carver of arrowheads (from stone)' (psl hzm) and the 'notcher of bows' ( psl qšt/saúnnu; cf. § 11.4.7.2). 4.5.2 O t h e r professions refer to the carving of precious and semiprecious stones. These were for use within the kingdom of Ugarit

207

K T U 4.213 = RS 16.127:30; K T U 4.269 = RS 17.106:4, 26.

208 K T U 209

4 358 = R S

13 048:9.

PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.152:7; PRU 6, No. 93 = RS 17.131:23; PRU 6, No. 1 6 6 = RS 19.099 (ιmāhisu); Ug 5, No. 99 = RS 20.425:5. Ugaritic references in C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 3444 and 3446. 210 C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 2887-90. 211 PRU 6, No. 136 = RS 17.240:8. 212 H E L T Z E R 1982, 83; R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1985, 68; SANMARTIN 1995a, 176. 213 On the possible existence of workshops for the making of seals in the city of Ugarit, see C A L L O T 1 9 9 4 , 1 8 8 . 214 See the remarks by C A L L O T 1 9 9 4 , 1 8 8 - 9 on the lack of the 'workshop of the sculptor of stelae' in the city of Ugarit.

but were also sent to Hatti, as described in several letters 215 and lists of tribute. 216 T h e fourth section of the letter K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+, from Queen Puduhepa of Hatti to King Niqmaddu III of Ugarit, mentions three types of specialists: the 'engraver' or 'polisher' (mly), the 'borer' (shl) and the 'worker in lapis lazuli' (qnuym). Archaeology illustrates some facets of their activities: in Ras Ibn Hani a workshop has been found with a large quantity of corundum used as an abrasive in the polishing of precious stones and what may be another workshop where chalcedony was worked to make perforated beads ( C u n c h i l l o s 1989b, 417-20). 4.5.3 T h e texts from Ugarit mention a considerable number of metals, such as gold, silver, copper, bronze, tin or iron. T h e handling and transmutation of metals was the competence of the 'smith' or 'metal caster' (nsk/nāsiku; S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 1 8 2 - 3 ) . Depending on the metal involved, the 'smiths' were subdivided into categories such as 'caster of precious metals' (nsk ksp, kutimmu) and 'copper-smith', 'boilermaker' (nsk tlt/nāsiku erê\ nappāh. ere). Depending on the final product, there were a 'caster of (metal) arrow-heads' (nsk him/hdm) and a 'jewe11er(?)' (risk qtn).2U

4.6

The construction of houses, ships and chariots

4.6.1 T h e generic term for 'craftsman' is harrāšu (Ar/).218 In practice, it denotes a person who constructs objects by assembling various components ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 177). Although the archaeological evidence is weak ( C a l l o t 1994, 189-90) the documents show a wide range of craftsmen, whether mentioned in the plural as a generic name (hršm 'craftsmen') or distinguished according to the specific product made. It can be noted that wood, cut by 'woodcutters' (ihtbm),219 was a basic raw material for this type of worker.

215 K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ ( C U N C H I L L O S 1989b), PRU 4, 221 = RS 17.383, PRU 4, 223 = RS 17.422, Ug 5, No. 30 = RS 20.255A. 216 K T U 3.1 = RS 1 1.772+ and its Akkadian versions ( K N O P P E R S 1993). 217 O n the possible metal-working in the capital of the kingdom and its surrounding see C A L L O T 1 9 9 4 , 1 8 6 - 8 . O n qtn see also n. 222a. 218 C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 1950-1. 219 C U N C H I L L O S - V I T A 1995a, Nos. 1844-5.

4.6.2 Both the characteristic techniques which distinguish the royal palace of Ugarit ( M a r g u e r o n 1 9 9 5 ) and study of the construction systems used in the residential areas of the capital of the kingdom ( C a l l o t 1 9 9 4 ) show the skill which marked the work of those called 'builders of houses' (hrš b(h)tm, ìtinnu) and their co-workers. 220 In general the buildings were well suited to the activities and lifestyle of city dwellers. 4.6.3 As a coastal country and open to the sea, the texts from Ugarit mention several villages located on the coast ( A s t o u r 1995) a n d show the existence of quite a variety of boats ( V i t a 1995a, 164-7). T h e craftsmen entrusted with boat-building were the 'shipwrights' (hrš anyt). T h e administrative document K T U 4.689 = R S 20.008 lists various elements m a d e by this class of worker: oars, a top, a mast, mooring ropes, a gangway ( X e l l a 1982). Another administrative text mentions some tools specifically used for this kind of work, such as 'sickles for boats' and 'large h a m m e r s (or axes) for boats'. 2 2 ' 4.6.4 Carts were absolutely necessary for transport and commerce. T h e Ugaritic texts d o c u m e n t the existence of wagons, with four wheels (crq) and lighter carts, with two wheels (mrkbt), suitable for military purposes (§ 1 1.5 . 3).222 T h e craftsmen who built them were the 'makers of chariots' (hrš crq, hrš mrkbt/naggār narkabtï). At times the process was complex. T h e construction of a war chariot, for example, required a combination of various materials and objects produced by other craftsmen ( V i t a 1995a, 41-72). It can be supposed, therefore, that the 'builders of (war) chariots' came at the end of a process of craftsmanship and of administration which did not differ considerably from that known in Mycenae ( L e j e u n e 1968). 4.6.5 O t h e r craftsmen devoted themselves to the creation of small pieces of jewellery (hrš qtn, S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 179)222a or, as is seen in the next section, the making of weapons.

220

Cf. agrü in Ug 5, No. 99 = RS 20.425:111 (Ug 5, p. 102 n. 1). PRU 6, No. 141 = RS 19.112. 222 On the distinction between these terms see HELTZER 1982, 87 n. 23. 222a Unless they were 'producers of swords (sickle-swords)' (HELTZER 1997). 221

4.7

Weapon production

4.7.1 Some types of workers dedicated to the making of weapons have already been mentioned (§ 11.4.5.1, § 11.4.5.3). They are usually given Semitic names which sometimes have a H u m a n i z e d synonym. 4.7.2 T h e bow was a characteristic weapon of the infantryman and of the crew of the war chariot (§ 11.5.2.2). It is very probable that the composite bow was also used in Ugarit ( V i t a 1995a, 60-2). Various craftsmen were involved in the making of this weapon. T h e 'carver of bows' (psl qšt/sasinnu) dealt with the non-metallic components. T h e task of the 'bow assembler' (hrš qšÍ) may have been to finish off the job, assembling the metallic and non-metallic (chiefly wooden) components. T h e place-name kttglm represents the Hurrian version of hrš qšt ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 1 8 0 , 1 8 3 ) . 2 2 3 4.7.3 T h e arrowheads could be of stone—the work of the psl him (§ 11.4.5.1)—or of metal—a product of the nsk h^m (§ 11.4.5.3). T h e name for the second profession also occurs under Hurrian influence in the form nsk hdm ( H e l t z e r 1982, 92; cf. § 10.3.2.3). Archaeology has supplied quantities of bronze arrowheads from Ras S h a m r a ( S c h a e f f e r 1951, 11-2), perhaps the material mentioned in the administrative text PRU 6, No. 133 = RS 19.152 in connection with arrows. T o finish the product was the j o b of the 'arrow assemblers' (jhdglm, also a term of Hurrian formation; S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 179), taking into account that the body of the arrows was usually made of wood or cane. 4.7.4 O t h e r weapons used in the army of Ugarit were 'lances' (imrhm) and 'javelins' (srdnnm\ cf. § 11.5.2.3, § 11.5.3.2) for combat on foot or in the chariot. Among the bronze objects found in Ras Shamra are what may be javelin tips ( C h a v a n e 1987, 357). T h e texts mention at least one type of craftsman in connection with this kind of weapon, the 'maker of bronze lances' (shrdn\ S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 184).224

223

Note also the existence in Ugarit of the toponym ffrbglm 'sword-makers'

(SANMARTIN 1995a, 180). 224 The one called 'assembler of the arkd' (hrs arkd) also belonged to this type of craftsman, perhaps (SANMARTIN 1995a, 178).

4.7.5 T h e 'tanners' (aškāpū) performed their task not only with textiles but also in connection with weapons. Leather was a material needed for the manufacture of cuirasses for horses and quivers for soldiers and chariots. It was also used for other components of the war chariot such as the parapet, the base of the body and straps for lashing the steering-pole to the parapet and the yoke to the steeringpole ( V i t a 1995a, 7 8 ) .

4.8

Pottery

Several administrative documents mention, individually or as a group, the profession of 'potter', either using the local n a m e yāsiru22:1 (Ug. jyjr)226 or the Akkadian term pahhāru.227 For the m o m e n t archaeology has not located workshops dedicated to this activity ( C a l l o t 1994, 189), although there are large amounts of pottery.

4.9

Food

4.9.1 T h e texts from Ugarit contain information about types of grain, fruit, animals and other foodstuffs. Products made from grain surely formed the basic foodstuff. After being harvested, the grain was stored in silos, attested archaeologically in Ugarit (§ 1 1.4.1,2). 227a Later, the grain was treated by 'millers' (ksdm/kšdm, H e l t z e r 1982, 90). It is probable that the term alhn, which also means 'miller', really denotes a high administrative official with various responsibilities connected with supplying foodstuffs ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 175; Vita

1996,

698).

4.9.2 In connection with hunting, the texts mention 'fowlers' or bird-catchers (yqšm/yāqišūma\ H e l t z e r 1 9 8 2 , 1 7 3 ) . M e a t from game or domestic animals was then treated by the butchers, and the reference to a 'cattle knife' in an administrative document may be a vestige of their activities. 228 Fishing is represented only by the epithet

PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009B i 12; PRU 6, No. 136 = RS 17.240:11. V I T A 1995a, Nos. 2681 and 2683. 227 PRU 3, 204 = R S 15.172:9; R S 22.233:19 (unpublished; cf. SANMARTIN 1995a, 185). On Ugaritic pfir 'potter' in literary texts, cf. DE M O O R 1979, 647-8. 227a According to B O R D R E U I L 1984a, 427, the grain remained under the control of the official called kkrdn·, but see § 11.4.9.2 228 mamsar būli (PRU 6, 110 = RS 19.112:2). 225 226

CUNCHILLOS -

'fisherman' (dgy) in the myth of ' T h e Palace of Baal' 229 ( d e l O l m o 1981a, 535). T h e 'cook' (apy/āpiyu, nu/jatimmu) and the 'pastryL e t e cook' (kkrdn) ( S a n m a r t i n 1995a, 176, 1 8 0 ) then prepared the food for consumption. 4.9.3 Most of the foodstuffs mentioned in the texts from Ugarit was intended for feeding those living in the palace and persons dependent on its administration. However, no doubt part was consigned as sacrificial offerings for the various rituals which took place throughout the year both in the palace and in the temples which were dependent on the palace administration. 2 3 0 For performing the rituals a large quantity of foodstuffs was needed, the transport of which is accurately reflected in the administrative documents (Sanm a r t i n 1990). It is an aspect of palace economy which is also clearly illustrated in the rituals from E m a r ( F l e m i n g 1992b).

5

5.1

T h e

A r m y

Ugarit and the army

5.1.1 Ugarit, a thriving Syrian state both economically and commercially, was a kingdom involved in the politics of Syria of its time. Politically, it had to adapt its behaviour to the circumstances which in Syria favoured the great powers of the period, Egypt, Mittanni and Hatti, throughout the second half of the second millennium bce. However, as a rich kingdom, of m e d i u m size and on which lesser kingdoms depended, the political weight of Ugarit at regional level was considerable, especially after Hittite intervention in the area. Although acting as an important element for the stability of the Hittite political and military system in Syria, it did not forego acting on behalf of its own interests within the margins it was permitted as a vassal of a great power. Various historical events show that Ugarit had available an efficient army of considerable military impor-

V I T A 1995a, No. 1 4 9 8 . Besides the priests (§ 1 1 . 4 . 2 . 9 ) , other personnel connected with the cult were undoubtedly singers (šr, nâru\ PRU 6 , No. 9 3 = R S 1 7 . 1 3 1 : 2 4 ) and cymbalists (mslm, masillu; K T U 4 . 1 2 6 = R S 1 4 . 0 8 4 : 3 0 ; PRU 6 , No. 9 3 = R S 1 7 . 1 3 1 : 2 5 ) ; cf. DEL 229

CUNCHILLOS -

2,0

OLMO

LETE -

SANMARTIN

1998,

176-84.

tance. T h e army was one of the instruments which enabled Ugarit to carry out its own politics and assure the survival of the kingdom as an independent state until its disappearance at the beginning of the 12th century b c e ( V i t a 1995a, 11-31). 5.1.2 T h e army of Ugarit, whose supreme commander was the king (§ 11.2.2), comprised infantry soldiers and chariot units. It is possible that, like other armies of the time, it also used mercenaries. It is difficult to make an approximate calculation of the number of men making up the Ugaritic army, either in time of war or of peace. Initially H e l t z e r (1969) proposed that Ugarit was able to mobilize between 7,000 and 9,000 men. Later on, in another publication ( H e l t z e r 1971, 130) he lowered the number to about 5,000 men on the basis of calculations concerning the number of villages in the kingdom and the inhabitants per village, a number which Liverani (1979a, 1341) reduced still further to 4,000 men. It is still a matter to be resolved, strictly related to studies on the demography of the kingdom of Ugarit (§ 11.1.1). In his latest discussion of the topic, Heltzer (1982, 127) is more cautious in his estimates, leaving the question open for future research. 5.2

Recruiting and infantry

5.2.1 Troops formed by means of conscription or recruiting were given the name hrd'm (Akk. hurādu\ H e l t z e r 1982, 106-7). The administrative texts show that this h u m a n contingent was formed from forces supplied by the various villages of the kingdom and that the administrative control of the process was carried out by district. 232 Military service was temporary; 233 after a period, the length of which is unknown to us, the recruits returned to their villages and normal occupations (cf. § 11.4). A similar situation of armies composed of conscripts and regular troops is found in other states contemporary with Ugarit ( V i t a 1995a, 1 4 3 - 4 ) .

1995a, Nos. 2155 7. 19.256; K T U 4.777 = RIH 8 3 / 0 7 + ( B O R D R E U I L 1984b); K T U 4.63 = RS 10.052; K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716; K T U 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][c]; PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A. 231

232

CUNCHILLOS 4583 =

Κ Χ Υ

VITA R S

233 As is shown by the use of the verb la'ika 'to commission' in K T U 4.777 = RIH 8 3 / 0 7 + (on the exact meaning of the verb see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 177 85).

5.2.2 Several administrative texts refer directly or indirectly ίο archers. The war chariots deployed this type of soldier but it is probable that not all the archers mentioned in the texts acted as soldiers in chariots. Thus, as in other armies of the period, at least part of the Ugaritian infantry deployed archers. These, who were normally in ail kinds of professions, were recruited from various villages of the kingdom234 and received a η average of ten arrows per person.235 This relatively small number of arrows and other weapons mentioned in the texts in connection with bows, especially shields,236 seems to indicate that the archers were prepared to use hand-tohand fighting, once the barbs had been used up, thus forming a sort of light infantry. 5.2.3 The soldiers supplied with bows could also be given one or more 'lances' (mrhm),237 a weapon carried by warriors represented on several cylinder-seals from Ugarit ( A M I E T 1 9 9 2 , 1 2 5 and 1 4 1 ) . Furthermore, the lance was the main weapon of the 'lancers' ( L Ù M E S Z A G . L U - Ô ) . 2 3 8 The kit could also be completed by the 'sickle' or curved sword (j}rmtt), m attested in Ugarit both archaeologically ( S C H A E F F E R 1 9 3 6 , 1 4 5 and plate X V ) and on cylinder-seals ( A M I E T On the other hand, the reference to cuirasses241 1 9 9 2 , 1 2 7 and 1 4 1 ) . 242 and helmets for soldiers in some administrative documents indicates the possibility that there was also heavy infantry.243 240

234

K T U 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A. PRU 6, No. 133 = RS 19.152; R S O 7, No. 79 = RS 34.180:9. Elsewhere, the average seems to have been higher, cf. V I T A 1995a, 151 n. 2. 236 Cf. K T U 4.63 = RS 10.052; K T U 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][CJ; PRU 6, No. 131 = RS i 9.035a. 237 K T U 4.624 = RS 19.049 [A][c]. 235

238

PRU 3 , 7 8 = R S 1 5 . Γ ; HUEHNERC-ARD 1 9 8 9 , 6 7 . K T U 4.670 = R S 19.174B; the term is well documented,

cf. CUNCHILLOS 1995a, No. 2166; PRU δ, No. 141 = RS 19.112:3. 240 Although in general it is not stated that all the soldiers bore all these weapons, K T U 4.624 = RS 19.049 [A] [c] does show that the 'shepherds' (nqdm) with which the document deals had a very full kit, comprising bows, quivers, shields and spears. 241 K T U 4.i69 = RS 15.053:6 (írm). On finds of scales from cuirasses iii Ras Shamra-Ugarit see, for example, SCHAEFFER 1938, 316; 1951, 13. 242 The grbz (gurbizu)-helmet is attested ir. Ugarit in connection with human beings, cf. K T U 4.363 = RS 18.055:2; PRU 6, No. 132 = RS 19.085:5 (HUEHNERGARD 1989, 348), PRU 6, No. 140 = RS 19.092:1 (HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 117) not horses, although it was common to both. 243 See also the apparel of the warriors on the Ugaritic seal RS 8 . 2 5 9 (AMIET 239

VÎTA

1992,

125).

5.2.4 It is quite probable that besides the conscript troops (§ 11.5.2.1), part of the Ugaritian army was formed from regular soldiers. Among this type of soldier are included war charioteers (§ 11.5.3.4) and those who were connected with the protection of the king, the court, the palace and its possessions. T h e Ugaritic texts mention at least two classes of personnel, surely military, directly connected with the sovereign: the 'subordinates of the king' or 'royal guard' (mšrrít mlk)244 and the 'king's lancers' (mrhy mlk).243 T h e 'guard' in a wide sense, called massartu (Sum. un) could also act as police. 246 Some terms which are difficult to understand or are of doubtful meaning could denote officers of the army. 247 5.2.5 T h e possibility has to be discussed whether the Ugaritic army used cavalry of some kind. T h e r e is no agreement on the existence of military cavalry in the second millennium bce; nevertheless, the existence of horse riders before the first millennium is proved by written documents form places such as Ur, Mari, Nuzi, Hatti or Tell Leilan ( B e a l 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 0 - 8 ; E i d e m 1 9 9 1 , 1 3 1 - 4 ) . In Ugarit, a fragment of a Mycenaean krater was found, undoubtedly produced locally, with a frieze of horse riders, one of them armed with a sword ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 4 9 , 1 5 9 ) ; it could be an indication of the use of horses for military purposes apart from the war chariot. T h e reference to two thousand horses in the letter K T U 2 . 3 3 = R S 1 6 . 4 0 2 ( C u n 1989b, 3 2 5 - 4 0 ) would be a further indication of the existchillos ence in Ugarit of light military cavalry, or perhaps rather mounted infantry ( V i t a 1995a, 7 5 - 6 ) .

2+4

K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124:7.11 (XELLA 1980, 452; BORDREUE. - PARDEE 1991, 144). K T U 1.103+ = RS 24.247+:7.47; K T U 1.40 = RS 1.002:10 (restored); discussion in V I T A 1995a, 154 6 (but see TROPPER 1994c, 459). Cf. the 'men of the golden lance' and 'men of the heavy lance' of the royal guard in Hatti (BEAL 1992, 212-31) and 'the king's brothers who bear the bronze lance before the king' in Emar (Msk 7356:4-5, ARNAUD 1986, No. 17). 246 Cf. PRU 3, 97 = R S 16.249; RAINEY 1965a, 24; HELTZER 1982, 119-21; V I T A 1995a, 156. 247 Cf. Hn in K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008:3 (CUNCHILLOS 1989b, 301, n. 20), rb mil 'chief of a hundred' (if this restoration of rb mi[. . .] is accepted in K T U 2.42 = RS 18.1 13A:3; cf. HOFTIJZER 1995-6, 73-4), ākil lim 'chief of a thousand' in PRU 6, No. 52 = RS 19.078:4, 9 and Ug 5, No. 52 = RS 20.239:27, mru (Akk. mur'u) 'commander', 'officer', but perhaps also 'fattener' and in some contexts 'quartermaster'. See, in general, VITA 1995a, 144 -7. 245

5.3

The war chariot

5.3.1 Chariot units of the Ugaritic army, under the c o m m a n d of officials such as the 'overseer of chariots' (ākil narkabti)248 or the 'chief of the chariot drivers' (rb kzym),u9 were quartered in various villages of the kingdom, an arrangement which implies that the soldiers whose function was to fight from the chariot were dispersed geographically. As in Alalakh, Nuzi and Hatti, 249a the chariot units defended strategic points of the kingdom, such as for example, access routes to the interior. 5.3.2 T h e Ugaritic texts mention the large structural components which technically comprised a chariot: 250 body (mrkbt),231 wheels (apnt) and steering-pole (tr)P2 T h e textual information is complemented iconographically by the so-called 'hunting plate' ( S c h a e f f e r 1949, 1-23; A m a d a s i 1965, 51-3; cf. § 14) and the representations of chariots on cylinder-seals ( A m i e t 1992). T h e references to material for chariots 253 is restricted to 'gold' (fors) and a type of leather, 254 information partially supplemented by finds of pieces of a yoke, alabaster pommels and ferrules worked in alabaster and ivory ( C a u b e t 1990).255 T h e chariot was completed by the following defensive and offensive weapons wielded by the crew ( V i t a 1995a, 60-72): 'shield' (qlc), bow (qšt),256 'arrow' (hz),2hl 'barb' (ntq) and 'javelin' (srdnrì), 'sword' (mdrn) 'lance' (mrh) and 'knife' or 'axe' (msfot). T h e equipment was completed by the 'quiver' (utpt)258 for missiles. Archaeological finds and representations on cylinder-seals illustrate this variety of weaponry. 248 PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:31; PRU 3, 83 = RS 16.157:22; PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250:17. 249 K T U 4.222 = R S 16.193:3. 2493 V I T A 1995a, 87. 250 Information on the Ugaritian war chariot from a material point of view is provided by the administrative texts K T U 4.145 = RS 15.034; K T U 4.167 = RS 15.079; K T U 4.169 = R S 15.083 and K T U 4.180 = R S 15.105 ( V I T A 1995a, 41-53). O n the chariot in the ancient Near East in general see LITTAUER - C R O U W E L 1979. 251 It is very likely that mrkbt, the normal Ugaritic term for 'chariot', refers in some cases to its body or coachwork (DEL O L M O L E T E 1978, 49); the interpretation would fit K T U 4.167 = R S 15.079:1 and K T U 4.180 = R S 15.105:3 ( V I T A 1995a, 54). 252 It is likely that some of the chariots, before they were used, were kept stored with their wheels off. See, in general, V I T A 1995a, 53-8, 83-7. 253 In the administrative text K T U 4.167 = RS 15.079. 254

255

msg

d tbk,

c f . SANMARTIN

1989,

342.

There is no reference in the texts to wood, the most important material in the construction of a chariot (cf. LITTAUER - C R O U W E L 1979, 81, 346). 256 Vocalized qaštu in RS 20.189A+B:9 ( H U E H N E R G A R D 1987b, 25). 257 In Sumerian »KAK.KUM.TAG.GA (PRU 6, No. 133 = RS 19.152). 258 Vocalized is'patu in PRU 6, No. 162 = RS 19.036:5. In Sumerian é.AMAR.RU

5.3.3 Some scholars, on the basis of a passage from the 'Epic of Keret' 259 and in the letter RS 4.449, 260 have suggested that in Ugarit the war chariot was drawn by three horses ( S u k e n i k 1948; R a i n e y 1965, 22). However, the administrative texts 261 shows that it was usual for Ugaritic chariots to have pairs of horses ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1978, 49). O n the other hand, it is the more usual proportion in war chariots of the period ( V i t a 1995a, 74-5). 5.3.4 At least at one moment in their history, the chariots of the Ugaritian army seem to have had a three-man crew. Some passages in the 'Epic of Keret' could point in this direction. 262 It is the proportion of men carried by the chariots of Hatti in the battle of Qadesh ( B e a l 1992, 148-9). A passage in the Egyptian 'poem' on the battle expressly mentions the Ugaritic chariots as carrying three men, a proportion which can be confirmed in the documents of that kingdom. Its members come from three different groups, the maryannū (§ 11.1.6.2-3), the kzym (probably as chariot-drivers) and the mdrglm26:i ( V i t a 1995a, 93-125).

5.4

Ships and war

5.4.1 It is certain that the kingdom of Ugarit never had a real war navy, but documents from Ugarit and Hatti show that at least some of the Ugaritic boats could have had a military function. It is probable that the boats were used for commerce and, when occasion arose, for the transportation of troops and for armed engagements on the high seas.264 Evidence of military use of Ugaritic boats comes from the final period of the kingdom and show the boats of Ugarit operating under the control of Hatti. However, the documents supply {PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A). K T U 4.204 = RS 16.002 mentions two types, 'arrow quiver' (utpt him) and probably, 'javelin quiver' (utpt srdnnm). 259 K T U 1 1 4 - R s 2. [003]+ ii 2 - 3 and parallels. 260

O n this document see A R N A U D 1 9 9 6 , 4 7 - 5 4 . Ug 5, No. 105 = RS 20.211+; K T U 4.169 = RS 15.083 (in contrast to a single cuirass for a man, the text allocates pairs of cuirasses to horses, no doubt pullers of chariots). Perhaps K T U 4.582 = RS 18. [522], which is very broken, points in the same direction. 262 K T U 1 . 1 4 = R S 2.[003]+ ii 2 - 3 and parallels (DEL O I . M O L E T E 1984a, 2 0 9 - 1 1 ) W Y A T T 1998c, 190 n. 62. 263 However, see a different interpretation of mdrglm in H E L T Z E R 1982, 115-21. 264 Generally, the crews of Ugaritic boats were recruited not only from villages close to the sea (so H E L T Z E R 1976, 21) but in villages close to where the boats operated, either the sea or important rivers like the Orontes (VITA 1995a, 168-72). 261

no information about the organization of a Ugaritian war fleet or about the type of boats used. 5.4.2

T h e first column of the Hittite historical text KBo XII 38 1 9 6 7 ) recounts the conquest of A1ašia (Cyprus) by Tudhaliya IV; the third column relates a later naval victory by Suppiluliuma II over assailants from Alasia. T h e text gives no details about the composition of the Hittite troops, but it can be assumed that in both actions at least a part of the fleet under Hatti comm a n d comprised boats from Ugarit. T h e control of the island was an important factor in the security of the Hittite and Syrian coasts against armed incursions by foreign peoples. (Güterbock

5.4.3 After its conquest by Hatti, Cyprus then became part of a defence system shared jointly by Hatti and Ugarit, as is clear from the correspondence exchanged between the courts of Ugarit and Alasia. T h e letter Ug 5, No. 24 = RS 20.238, 265 from the king of Ugarit 266 to the king of Cyprus, is the most explicit witness available of the fleet from Ugarit in a war engagement. It also proves that the Canaanite kingdom, in the closing moments of its existence, made a last military effort in collaboration with Hatti in an attempt to repel the attacks which threatened both states. In connection with this episode, the letter Ug 5, No. 22 = RS 20.018, from Alasia, seems to communicate a naval defeat of the Ugaritian fleet in Asia Minor.

265

The letter Ug 5, No. 23 = RS L. 1 has usually been set in close relation to RS 20.238. However the finding of tablets from Cyprus in Ras Shamra during the 1994 campaign shows that, from epigraphy and content, RS L. 1 cannot come from that island (personal communication of F. Malbran-Labat). 266 Almost certainly Ammurapi, the last king of Ugarit; cf. L I V E R A N I 1979a, 1 3 1 2 .

C H AFTER T W E L V E T H E

1

O N O M A S T I C S

O F

Richard

Hess

Personal

Names

S.

and

U G A R I T

Prosopography

T h e study of personal names from Ugarit includes three general areas: (1) the publication of the texts and the identification of the personal names found in them; (2) the linguistic analysis of the personal names; and (3) prosopographical matters related to the name bearers. 1 Although some studies combine two or three aspects of this research, it is important to separate these categories because they represent distinct fields of study. T h e first, that of the publication and identification of personal names, is the logical antecedent to all further onomastic research. T h e linguistic analysis of the names and the prosopography of the name bearers are independent of one another. Analysis of the name focuses on the name itself as a linguistic datum both among other names of a similar linguistic group and within the literary context of the texts in which such names occur. T h e prosopography asks questions about the name bearer in the society of Ugarit or elsewhere.

1.1

The identification and publication of personal names from Ugarit

Personal names are part of the textual dimension of Ugarit. They occur in many genres of texts. Even the mythological, which may be thought limited to divine names, can include personal names in colophons that designate the scribe or copyist. For example, the names of ilmlk the scribe and of Niqmaddu III the king of Ugarit, occur at the end of several mythological tablets. 2

1 I thank Dr. Josef Tropper and Dr. W.G.E. Watson for reading and commenting on this section of the chapter. 2 K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008] + 3.341 + 3.347; K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + 5.155, K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325 + 3.342 + 3.408, K T U 1.17 = RS 2.[004].

Texts from the cosmopolitan centre of Ugarit are written in a variety of scripts and languages, including Sumerian, the syllabic cuneiform of Akkadian, Hurrian and Hittite, the alphabetic cuneiform of Ugaritic and Hurrian, the hieroglyphic writing of Egyptian and Hittite and the distinctive Cypro-Minoan script. With the exception of Sumerian, texts from each of these languages include personal names. With so many potential sources for personal names at Ugarit it is perhaps surprising that no comprehensive list of all personal names found in the published texts from Ugarit has ever been produced. Although highly desirable for purposes of onomastic research, the absence of such a publication forms a significant gap in the study of Ugaritian personal names. Collections of personal names and related studies have focused on the texts written in the alphabetic and syllabic scripts, above all on the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts which constitute the majority of published texts from Ugarit. T h e identification of personal names in Akkadian and other syllabic cuneiform texts is assisted by specific markers, the familiar dis sign preceding masculine names and the MÍ sign preceding feminine names. In addition, the d u m u logogram, meaning, 'son of', can indicate that a personal name will follow. This logogram itself can sometimes form the first part of a personal name. However, it can also precede a place name or gentilic and indicate the origin of the person so designated. In such cases and others where there is no textual marker to signify a personal name, it must be identified by its context. In letters, personal names often appear at the beginning and identify the sender and the recipient. In contracts, those making the agreement are identified. T h e list of witnesses at the end of the document also contains personal names, each one often preceded by the igi logogram, which is the Akkadian šību 'witness'. In order to specify the witnesses they often are given their patronyms, indicated by d u m u . Personal names also appear in census and inventory lists of all types. T h e simplest are those that merely list the persons. Others indicate places of origin, food rations or other items associated with each person. Some lists introduce or conclude by designating all those named as members of a particular social group or as citizens of a single town. Personal names are identified in similar ways in the alphabetic Ugaritic texts. However, these normally contain no markers similar

to the d i s and m í signs. 3 T h e Ugaritic bn 'son' replaces the d u m u logogram. Witnesses to contracts and other economic texts are indicated by the personal names organised in a list at the end of the Ugaritic tablet. However, they possess nothing similar to an introductory igi logogram. O t h e r names can be identified according to the title or profession of the person so named. Both syllabic and alphabetic cuneiform texts may also indicate the scribe responsible for the document. In contracts the scribe's name often follows the list of witnesses at the end of the document. In lists, mythological and ritual texts, it also occurs at the end of the text. In the syllabic cuneiform texts it is normally identified by the logograms, d u b . s a r (Akkadian tupšamì), which follow the personal name. In the alphabetic cuneiform texts the Ugaritic spr can appear before or after the scribe's name. Royal figures, including kings, queens and members of the royal household, priests, administrators and members of special warrior and other social groups are identified by the name of their rank or group following their personal names. Although the publication of cuneiform texts from Ugarit is considered elsewhere, it is appropriate to summarise their relevance for the study of personal names. Those texts first published individually or in small groups often have individual names noted. Where of interest to the editor, the names are discussed in the commentary that accompanies the initial publication. T h e larger text collections can be divided into two groups, those that provide a separate and comprehensive list of all spellings and occurrences of personal names and those that do not. PRU 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 each include indices that list the personal names found in the texts published in the respective volume. T h e same is true of Ug 5, R S O 7 and Analecta Orientalia 48 (the Claremont texts). Where collections include both alphabetic and syllabic cuneiform texts, the two types of texts each have their own list of names. No indices of personal names are found in the collections of CTA, KTU, CAT ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z - S a n m a r t i n 1995), Ug 7 or the Ras Ibn Hani texts. Text editions of Driver,

3

A possible exception to this rule may sometimes occur. See, for example, the vertical stroke preceding the high priest's name in the alphabetic axehead inscription, K T U 6 . 1 0 = RS "l. [ 0 5 2 ] . S e e G I N S B E R G 1 9 5 0 , 1 6 0 .

Gibson (CML) and G o r d o n 1965 contain personal names as part of their glossary but not in the form of a separate list. Important lists of personal names are found in the Ugaritic dictionaries of both A i s t l e i t n e r 1 9 6 3 and G o r d o n 1 9 6 5 . Both list personal names as separate lexical items organised alphabetically along with the other lexemes in the dictionary. G o r d o n ( 1 9 6 5 , 5 0 8 - 1 3 ) adds a separate list of all the Ugaritic personal names at the end of his glossary. A reverse index accompanies it as well (513-19). This is useful for restoring partially preserved names. Although Gordon includes comparisons with related syllabically spelled names from Ugarit, neither dictionary systematically lists or studies the personal names from syllabic texts. S i v a n ' s 1 9 8 4 grammar and glossary includes many of these syllabic names. However, it does not treat names from Ugarit separately nor does it consider the alphabetic names. As is clear from the recently published concordances ( B o r d r e u i l CAT), P a r d e e 1989; C u n c h i l l o s 1990; v a n S o l d t 1991a, 525-671; neither the text collections nor the dictionaries survey all the published cuneiform texts from Ugarit. This is true for both the earlier and the later excavations. Therefore, it is necessary to examine additional publications in order to obtain a list of all the personal names. This has not been done. T h e result is that all studies of personal names from Ugarit suffer from the limitation of partial evidence. As more and more texts are published this weakness will become increasingly significant. V a n S o l d t ' s (1991a) study has come as close as any to counting all the published names. Although he has not listed them, he has observed the frequency of their occurrence in the texts ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 39-40). 1,737 different masculine names occur only once, 373 occur twice and 165 occur three times. This number diminishes as the number of occurrences grows, e.g., only nine masculine names occur thirteen times. Fewer feminine names occur: 105 appear once, eleven occur twice and only one occurs three times. This datum attests to the masculine domination of the roles and responsibilities that are recorded in the texts. It also provides a hint at how large a population existed at Ugarit whose names have not been recorded.

1.2

The linguistic analysis of personal names from Ugarit

T h e personal names from Ugarit can be divided into two groups: those found in the epic and mythological texts and those found in

other texts. T h e divine, semi-divine and heroic figures of the mythological texts have not been systematically classified and studied, neither as a group of names on their own nor as part of the larger onomastic corpus from Ugarit. T h e personal names found outside of this literature, which is largely distinct from it, have received the focus of attention. Although most publications of individual texts or groups of texts, include the grammatical analysis of personal names at the point in the commentary that corresponds to where they occur in the text, the systematic study of larger groups of personal names has been limited to a few publications. T h e first one was U y e c h i ' s 1961 Brandeis University Ph.D. dissertation, Ά Study of Ugaridc Alphabetic Personal Names'. This work is available only in dissertation form. It appeared at a time when only PRU 2 and the 1955 edition of Gordon's Ugaritic Manual provided substantial collections of non-mythological alphabetic texts. Nevertheless, in his 1967 dissertation, Ά Study of the Personal Names in the Akkadian Texts from Ugarit', Kinlaw saw his work as a supplement to the earlier study of Uyechi. In fact, both works were written at Brandeis University under the supervision of Cyrus Gordon. Kinlaw's work took into consideration the published texts of PRU 3, 4 and 5 as well as those from Ug 5. In addition, published texts not contained in these collections were included. 4 O f course, the same personal names were rendered into both alphabetic and syllabic cuneiform by scribes at Ugarit. A study of both could combine the advantages of each system of orthography, allowing vocalization with the syllabary and greater phonemic precision with the alphabetic script. This was realised with the 1967 a p p e a r a n c e of G r o n d a h l . ' s Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit. Written under the supervision of J o h a n n e s Friedrich and Einar von Schüler, this remains the most complete study of the personal names from Ugarit. Its listing of names incorporated PRU 2, 3, 4 and 5 as well as Ug 5. This provided the most complete listing available. However, even Grondahl's work did not include all the published names. In part, this was no doubt due to the absence of a listing of the names occurring in the texts published in CTA. Personal names appearing in a few of the published alphabetic cuneiform texts were

4

They are listed in

KINLAW

1967, 380. This includes the Latakia text.

not recorded. 5 In addition, Grondahl's list of syllabic names did not include all those that had been published. T h e names from some of these texts do appear in K i n l a w 1967, however. 6 T h u s Kinlaw's list remains an essential supplement to that of Grondahl. For her linguistic analysis, G r o n d a h l 1967 classified more than two thousand occurrences of names according to the language families which their etymologies reflected: Semitic, Hurrian, Anatolian, Indo-Aryan, Egyptian and names with no apparent etymology. There was also a category for gentilics and other place names that function as personal names. T h e largest category of names, the Semitic names, received the most complete grammatical analysis with notes on orthography, phonology, single-word, construct and sentence names, hypocoristic names, feminine names, theophoric names and verb and noun formations in the names. Every category included a glossary listing all name elements. In addition to Uyechi, whom she criticises for lack of rigour ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 2-3), Grondahl used a variety of published linguistic, onomastic and religious studies to assist in her analysis. Above all, H u f f m o n ' s 1965 study of the Amorite names from Mari and G e l b et al.'s 1943 work on the Nuzi names served as models for her study on the great majority of names from Ugarit, the Semitic and Hurrian names. Studies by L a n d s b e r g e r 1954, L a r o c h e 1966 and M a y r h o f e r 1960; 1965 dominate the sections on Anatolian and Indo-Aryan names. 1967 study generated numerous reviews. 7 As may be expected for a work of such detail, there were many items that faced criticism. T h e following represent some of the salient criticisms by reviewers dealing with matters of structure and analysis: (1) difficulties in identifying the same name in both the alphabetic and syllabic cuneiform indices ( N o u g a y r o l 1966); ( 2 ) difficulties in dealing with multiple alphabetic and syllabic principles of organization in the glossaries and indices ( S c h u l t 1969); ( 3 ) the need to compare this collection of names with those from a nearby archive such as Alalakh ( A r o 1971, d e M o o r 1969b); ( 4 ) the concern that the feminine Grondahl's

5

For example, K T U 6.15 = RS 6.223 and K T U 4.72 = RS 11.722+, where names not recorded in G R O N D A H L appear. 6 For example, those found in RS 6.345 and the Latakia text. 7 A R O 1971; B E R G E R 1969-70; D O N N E R 1968-9; H I L L E R S 1970; L I V E R A N I 1968; DE M O O R 1969b; N O U G A Y R O L 1968b; R I C H T E R 1970; S C H U L T 1969. See also C A Q U O T 1969, 254-62.

Semitic names should not be separated from their masculine counterparts and analysed separately ( D o n n e r 1 9 6 8 / 9 ) ; (5) the combination of Hurrian and Semitic suffix elements and the presence of 'double suffixes' on some names ( R i c h t e r 1 9 7 0 ) ; ( 6 ) the need to distinguish Akkadian from West Semitic in the study of the Semitic names ( R i c h t e r 1 9 7 0 ) and the subsequent problem of using this combined data to describe the Ugaritic language ( H i l l e r s 1 9 7 0 ) ; (7) the failure of the glossaries to distinguish probable lexical derivations from those that are hypothetical ( H i l l e r s 1 9 7 0 ) ; ( 8 ) the absence of relevant comparative information from the Ugarit lexical texts (de M o o r 1 9 6 9 ) ; ( 9 ) some of the theophoric elements should be otherwise identified ( C a q u o t 1 9 6 9 ) , and ( 1 0 ) the absence of many names from published texts as well as the tendency to list separately the same n a m e spelled when spelled slightly differently (e.g., different values of the same phonetic sign or the use of logograms in place of syllabic spelling; B e r g e r 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 ) . Later publicadons have emphasized the lexical and semantic aspects in their linguistic analysis of the personal names from Ugarit. Special note should be m a d e of J i r k u ' s 1969 study which introduced new names of animals and occupations that occur in personal names from Ugarit but not in other textual sources from the city. 8 In the same year D i e t r i c h and L o r e t z 1969 published a study of a Hurrian element, fant/fent- and its occurrence in personal names. However, the most important studies of collected personal names from Ugarit, after Grondahl, are those of S i v a n 1984, P a r d e e 1987, 1988, 1 9 8 9 / 9 0 and W a t s o n 1990c, 1990d, 1993b, 1995b, 1996c. S i v a n 1984 included analysis of the personal names from Ugarit in his study of Late Bronze Age West Semitic as revealed by the syllabic cunciform texts. By incorporating proper nouns from Alalakh, T a a n a c h and A m a r n a , as well as Ugarit, Sivan was able to provide a more complete comparative analysis of the names than had been previously available. In addition, his use of c o m m o n nouns as well as verbs, prepositions, adverbs and other particles provided a thorough study of Late Bronze Age West Semitic. T h e same was true of the glossary which brought together and systematically studied

8

A. J IRK υ 1969 adds examples of new uses of verbal and noun forms in personal names. P . D . M I L L E R , J R . 1 9 7 0 , 1 7 1 8 6 adds examples of animal names used in titles and the names of social groups.

and compared a mass of evidence previously available only in diverse publications. As important and useful as S i v a n ' s 1984 work is, three observations should be made regarding the limitations of its method. First, the grammatical and lexical constructions of proper names are not necessarily identical to the language of the texts in which those names occur. Sivan carefully distinguishes between proper names and all the other forms throughout his study. However, the distinctive grammatical and lexical aspects of proper names tend to be ignored in such a methodology. For example, the use of case endings in personal names is summarized but one has no clear sense of which texts and names, if any, use case endings. 9 A second comment concerns the work's focus on the West Semitic evidence. This is valuable and necessary given the vast amount of material surveyed in the study. However, it means that not all of the names from the syllabic texts from Ugarit are studied. Thus Sivan's study does not supersede the works of K i n l a w 1 9 6 7 and G r o n d a h l 1 9 6 7 . Furthermore, because Sivan focuses on West Semitic, some names that might be better analysed as Hurrian or otherwise are assumed to be West Semitic. For example, ha-an-ya is probably Egyptian, ÌR-ir-šap and ικ-ir-šap-pa are probably Hurrian, ki-li-ia is probably Hurrian and tu-tu may be Egyptian ( H e s s 1 9 9 3 , 7 2 ~ 3 , 9 1 , 98-9,

163).

Sivan's selection of materials from Ugarit provokes a third area of comment. Because he chooses to study only syllabic cuneiform sources, there is no systematic comparison or use made of the alphabetic cuneiform sources, including the proper names. In addition, the difficulties of reading the Ugaritian syllabary are not eased by full interaction with the polyglot vocabularies from Ugarit. This point is emphasised by H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a in his review of S i v a n 1984. H u e h n e r g a r d ' s 1987b; 1989 studies of the vocabularies and of the Akkadian texts from Ugarit address this matter. Of special interest is H u e h n e r g a r d ' s 1989, 3 5 1 - 4 1 5 sign list which discusses the readings of many syllabic personal names. Among the many studies in subjects related to Ugaritian personal names, L a y t o n ' s 1 9 9 0 work deserves special mention. 10 It is an at9

See the further discussion by L A Y T O N 1990, below. For other studies of onomastics related to, but not necessarily from, Ugarit, see the bibliography of H E S S 1 9 9 3 , 2 4 9 - 9 2 . 10

tempt to identify several archaic features in Semitic personal names f r o m the H e b r e w Bible. In the course of his discussion, Layton makes frequent reference to the evidence from the Ugaritian names. H e demonstrates the existence of the enclitic -m a n d the feminine suffix -at, in names f r o m Ugarit. H e does not find evidence of mimation or of the hireq compaginis. Layton also considers the evidence for case endings in personal names. G r o n d a h i . ' s 1 9 6 7 , 5 1 assertion that, when they decline, most Semitic n a m e s do so with diptotic forms, is challenged in the review of S c h u l t 1 9 6 9 , 1 9 9 . However, he presents no evidence. L i v e r a n i 1 9 6 3 identifies diptotic declensions in the Akkadian names. L a y t o n 1 9 9 0 , 4 3 - 4 4 furthers the discussion with an example from the letter, R S 15.89 (PRU 3, p. 53), where a feminine n a m e appears once in the nominative as a-foa-tum-lugal, a n d twice in the oblique/genitive as a-ha-ti-ixsGAL. If this is a personal name, this evidence should be added to that of the A m a r n a correspondence ( H e s s 1 9 9 1 ) . Some names f r o m sites south of T y r e and A m u r r u do operate with case vowels. However, with the exception of Byblos, there is no clear evidence to the north of this region that case vowels were used with personal names. If the names also decline at Ugarit, it m a y be that the absence of evidence for case vowel declension is just that, a n d not evidence that case vowels did not decline. Pardee's recent contributions to the onomastic research of Ugarit include a study of the theophoric elements in the personal names a n d their relationship to what is designated as the canonical pantheon list f r o m Ugarit ( P a r d e e 1 9 8 8 ) . O f the twenty-eight different names in this list, fourteen are attested as elements in personal names from Ugarit. T h e distribution of divine names in personal names a n d in various genres of texts is not predictable nor are their occurrences in genres related to their appearances in personal names. T h e divine names in personal names f r o m Ugarit m a y suggest deities w h o are the objects of clan or family veneration. T h e o p h o r i c elements in the Ugaritic personal n a m e s are u p d a t e d in a list published by Ribichini

-

Xella

1991.

A second onomastic study by Pardee is part of a larger bibliography of words a n d n a m e s f r o m Ugaritian texts that he has published ( P a r d e e 1 9 8 9 - 9 0 ; see also P a r d e e 1 9 8 7 c ) . This includes forty pages of bibliography devoted to publications that discuss n a m e s f r o m Ugarit and appeared as late as 1990. T h e bibliography is divided into alphabetic a n d syllabic sections a n d organized according to personal names. U n d e r each n a m e listed there are bibliographical

references relevant to it. T h e s e regularly contain a brief s u m m a r y of the analysis of the n a m e m a d e by the author of the study. Although Pardee does not evaluate the merit of these summaries, the data provided allow the interested reader to follow u p on the discussion. Listed at the beginning of both the alphabetic and syllabic sections are i m p o r t a n t studies of collections of names, including personal n a m e studies f r o m other archives a n d significant reviews of those studies. It is not always clear how m u c h of this material is incorporated into the individual entries in the bibliography. For example, the list of general references at the beginning of the section on syllabic personal names includes both Kinlaw's dissertation on the syllabic names from Ugarit as well as one of Watson's studies (see below). However, in the individual entries for each of the syllabic n a m e s , K i n l a w is never m e n t i o n e d while W a t s o n often appears. Nevertheless, this bibliography is the most important s u m m a r y of i n f o r m a t i o n on onomastics f r o m Ugarit since the publication of G r a n d a h l ' s work. If Pardee's bibliography brings together m a n y of the relevant published studies on Ugarit names, Wilfred Watson's work provides an e x a m p l e of those studies ( W a t s o n 1990c, 1990d, 1993b, 1995b, 1996c)." Unlike other onomastic studies, which tend to focus on a single n a m e , the names in a single text or a single element that features in names, Watson has applied recent linguistic research from a variety of sources to the linguistic analysis of m o r e than 360 personal names. Only alphabetic names are listed and studied, although relevant syllabic spellings are brought into the discussion. In addition, Watson discusses subjects such as bird names, the unpredictable nature of word dividers within personal names, alternative p h o n e m e s and spellings of the same n a m e , the use of bt 'daughter o f ' and ah 'brother o f ' before names, the optional occurrence of the suffix -n on the same name, the interchangeability of qtl a n d yqtl forms in the same n a m e , the use of /-prefixed verbs in n a m e s a n d possible H u r r i a n elements in names. H e also incorporates recent studies that relate personal n a m e s to Ugaritic grammatical features ( T r o p p e r 1994b; 1995c) and to n a m e s found in Eblaite, M y c e n a e a n , Egyptian and biblical H e b r e w sources ( S a n m a r t i n 1991; W e s t 1995; H o c h 1994; H e s s 1996a; 1996b). 1 ' These studies have grown out of Watson's involvement in the Ugaritic dictionary project at the University of Barcelona.

1.3

The prosopography of personal names from Ugarit

Each of the indices of personal names in the PRU volumes as well as Ug 5 contain prosopographical information including family relationship to other known name bearers, occupation, citizenship of towns or villages, and sometimes a brief description of the role of the name bearer in the contract or other document. T h e indices of RSO 7 and A n O r 48 do not provide this information although it can be gathered from the commentary on the texts where the names appear. T h e lists of names in both K i n l a w 1967 and G r o n d a h l 1967 also provide this information, dividing each name into as many different name bearers as may be described by the prosopographical information. T h e reviews of Grondahl's work included two elements of criticism that relate to prosopography: (1) in the lists of the names there is no distinction between the names in texts from foreign sources and those of local origin ( C a q u o t 1 9 6 9 ) , and (2) the lack of statistical analysis of social groupings according to the linguistic etymology of the name, e.g., do Hurrian-named individuals predominate in certain professions or classes and not others? ( N o u g a y r o l 1 9 6 8 ) . In fact, some of this information is easy to obtain from Grondahl's work. Although B e r g e r ' s 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 severe criticisms of the analysis cannot be overlooked, Grondahl's analysis remains the most comprehensive and detailed opportunity to examine linguistic origins. Given these concerns and Grondahl's expressed uncertainty about double or even triple possibilities for some etymologies, an approximate quantification can still be performed with the following results:

Linguistic O r i g i n

Syllabic PNs

Alphabetic PNs

All Names

Semitic Hurrian

43% 26%

Anatolian Indo-Aryan

16% 1/2% 1/5% 2% 12% 1000

55% 21% 7%

50% 23% 10% 1/3% 1/6% 2% 15% 2400

Egyptian Place Names Uncertain T o t a l (Approx.)

1/5% 1/10% 2% 16% 1400

A few observations are in order. First, half of the identifiable names are Semitic. These represent the major onomastic group at Ugarit.

Since n o distinction has b e e n m a d e b e t w e e n West Semitic a n d Akkadian names, it is not possible to further divide this group. Second, H u r r i a n and Anatolian names together comprise 3 3 % of the total n u m b e r of identifiable names. This is a significant percentage, though somewhat lower than Semitic names. H u r r i a n and Anatolian n a m e s together represent northern names. 1 2 T h e y are in a minority at Ugarit. T h i r d , the difference between syllabic a n d alphabetic names is most significant when c o m p a r i n g the ratios of Semitic n a m e s to northern names. A m o n g the syllabic n a m e s , nearly as m a n y are n o r t h e r n (42%) as are Semitic (43%). However, the alphabetic n a m e s indicate a two to one ratio of Semitic n a m e s to northern names (55% to 28%). T h e p r e p o n d e r a n c e of Semitic names a m o n g the alphabetic names suggests that the documents written in this native Ugaritic script and language tended to be used a n d applied m o r e to Semitic people than to people w h o possessed northern names. T h a t distinction does not pertain to users of syllabic Akkadian texts. N a m e lists are the most important source for the study of prosopography at Ugarit. In addition to lists preserving only personal names, Dietrich - L o r e t z - Sanmartin 1 9 9 5 , 6 5 5 - 8 have identified 1 1 0 types of lists in the alphabetic cuneiform texts. T h e s e lists are divided according to the information associated with the persons a n d their names. P a r d e e 1 9 9 2 has divided this variety of information into three general areas: family terms of relationship, geographical terms of place of origin or citizenship, a n d occupadonal a n d social grouping terms. T h e s e classifications can be extended to include letters, contracts a n d other genres of texts. V a n S o l d t 1991a, 4 0 finds that 1,386 persons, or 23.2 per cent of those n a m e d , have some sort of family relationship indicated. As noted above the most c o m m o n terms of relationship are 'son o f ' (bn) and, less frequently, 'daughter o f ' (bt). Also associated with personal n a m e s are terms describing a 'brother o f ' s e s (ofy), a n d a 'relative o f ' (hatni). n T h e designation 'son of,' where a female n a m e follows can also occur. T h e s e can describe adoption as well as blood relationships. This raises the issue of inheritance. References to 'his heir' (nhiH) or 'their heirs' (nhlhm) can occur in documents referring to the

12

This could also include Indo-Aryan names although at Ugarit the number of these is insignificant. 13

3, P.

RS

1 6 . 2 5 0 (PRU

3, p . 85) 4 - 5 , K T U

1 4 2 ) 5 . S e e RAINEY

4.103 = R S

1 9 6 5 C , 2 2 ; PARDEE 1 9 9 2 ,

713.

11.858.5, R S

16.136

(PRU

rights a n d obligations of persons n a m e d . T h e more general family term, 'household o f ' (bt) also occurs. Families were listed according to the father's n a m e , suggesting a patriarchy. In K T U 4.153 = R S 15.046 some m e n are designated as ' o w n e r / h u s b a n d of a wife (or wives)' (b'l att) or 'owner of a concubine(s)' (b'l ššlmt). W o m e n could be designated as 'wife' (att) or 'noble wife' (att.adrt), while 'girls' (n'rt) could be 'lasses' (pgt) a n d 'boys' (n'rrri) could be 'warriors' (gzrm), terms also occurring in military contexts ( R a i n e y 1965c, 11). Pardee esdmates that the documentation from Ugarit covers seven or eight generadons and an onomastic 'population' of 150,000-300,000 names. Unlike other archives, there is n o systematic study of all family relationships at Ugarit (cf. F r i e d m a n n 1987 for Nuzi). v a n S o l d t 1991a, 4 0 - 1 records fourteen names for w h o m he is able to trace sons and grandsons, in addition to the royal line. H e observes that p a p p o n y m y was not followed, except in one possible case where ' A d d u n u occurs as the n a m e of both the grandfather a n d grandson. M a n y personal names and lists of personal names identify their figures according to place or people group. An individual m a y be identified as f r o m a particular town, or a list may be introduced by a heading indicating that the names that follow originate from a particular place. For the latter, the gentilic suffix, -y, is often added to the place n a m e ( P a r d e e 1992, 714). Some 938 persons, or 15.7 per cent of those n a m e d , come from outside of Ugarit ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 40). In addition to family relationship a n d places of origins, a third area of prosopographical study considers the social groups a n d professions. This is the most difficult area to understand because the precise m e a n i n g of and relationship between the social a n d professional terms is not clear. For example, lists of guards and other professions a p p e a r to use H u r r i a n terms that are imperfectly understood but related to similar Hurrian social and professional groups at nearby Alalakh ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1 9 6 4 - 6 6 ) . 1 4 T h e s e groups are important as some of t h e m provide lists of personal names that recur in n u m e r o u s texts. 15

14 On pp. 1 9 7 - 2 0 1 , D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z discuss Ugaritic professions which they classify together according to their suffix element: hdgl, kttgl, mdrgl, tdgl. 15 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 33, list eight such texts where the same names of mdrglm occur (KTU 4.33 = RS 5.248, K T U 4.50-53 = RS 10.087-090, K T U 4.54 = RS 10.103, K T U 4.55 = RS 10.109, K T U 4.69 = RS 11.715+).

Study of professions a n d social groupings considers the countryside of Ugarit's kingdom as well as the palace ( L i v e r a n i 1988, 938). H e l t z e r 1976 devoted a special study to the economic structure of the rural regions. D u e to the limited nature of the evidence, however, definite conclusions are difficult to achieve. 16 T h e villages of Ugarit were taxed both in silver and commodities and in labour and military service ( H e l t z e r 1987). Lists that b e a r witness to labour indicate the villages and the a m o u n t of service d u e for the people n a m e d ( K T U 4.40 = R S 8.279). People e n g a g e d in the corvée received food rations ( K T U 4.41 = R S 8.280). At the top of the social structure was the royal family. T h e palace archives preserve c o n t e m p o r a r y records of seven kings, six queens and other m e m b e r s of the royal family ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 2-19). As leaders of Ugarit these figures initiate and are n a m e d in legal and contractual documents as well as in local a n d international correspondence. A famous case, consisting of m o r e than a dozen documents, records the divorce of A m m i t t a m r u II and the daughter of Benteshina, king of A m u r r u ( A r n a u d - S a l v i n i 1991-2). Within the royal family sons and daughters of the king were n a m e d . A brother of N i q m a d d u II, Nuriyanu, is attested in several texts as exercising unusual influence in the royal court. Special royal associates are n a m e d a n d designated as mūdû šani (RS 16.239). Four of the five people n a m e d as belonging to the latter group, 'friends of the king,' were f r o m a single family ( R a i n e y 1962, 82~8). G r o u p s of personnel could be assigned to the service of a m e m b e r of the royal family or one of the palace officials. 17 Key figures in the royal court, as well as m u c h of society, were the scribes (tupšarru, spr). In the midst of a sophisticated society, these scholars read a n d wrote the texts that were essential to its function ( R a i n e y 1969). Forty-eight n a m e s of different scribes have been preserved, including fathers a n d sons w h o were scribes as well as teachers a n d their pupils ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 19-32). S o m e scribes are known for specialist areas of work: Ili-milku for mythological texts a n d Y a n h a m u for lexical texts. A n o t h e r scribe, Y a t a r m u , was executed for his part in a rebellion against N i q m a d d u ( R a i n e y 1969, 145-6; L i p i n s k i 1986b).

16

In addition to

17

PARDEE

own observations, see, for example, V A R G Y A S 1980a. notes the example of K T U 4 . 6 3 5 = R S 1 9 . 0 9 6 , where personnel (bnšm) are assigned to the king, the queen and other officials. HELTZER'S

1992, 714

T h e administration of Ugarit, both at the palace and elsewhere in the kingdom, was handled by 'personnel of the king' (bnš mlk) or royal dependents. T h e higher officers were awīlu ša šarrì or awīlū rabûtu ( R a i n e y 1962, 8-89). T h e many other titles attested as part of the structure of Ugarit society are discussed elsewhere, as are the names of social groupings ( R a i n e y 1962; 1975; H e l t z e r 1969a; 1976; 1982; 1988b; V a r g y a s 1988). Yabninu is an example of the extent of power and influence that could be achieved in the higher offices of administration. As chief administrator of the South Palace, the archive records how he controlled peoples and trade throughout the kingdom of Ugarit and all along the Levantine coast ( C o u r t o i s 1990). Royal dependents worked in the palace's agricultural holdings, called gt, as well as in various professions relevant to the palace economy. They often possessed their own organisation and received payment as well as food for their services ( H e l t z e r 1987, 240-4). In the larger society, the other citizens of Ugarit could also be identified by their professions. Lists of personal names from Ugarit include (a) those where each person is identified by a different profession, (b) those where names are grouped together according to the same profession of the n a m e bearers and (c) those who are grouped both according to their profession and according to some other item, such as their place of assignment or their ethnic origin. 18 Examples of areas of society for which lists of persons occur and in which individuals could attain significant positions include religious, military and trade. Where it can be determined the religious organization appears under the control of the palace ( H e l t z e r 1 9 8 2 , 1 3 1 - 9 ) . T h e highest ranking official was the high priest or 'chief of priests' (rb khnm). Of those who are named, Lipifiski has studied hrsn and atn.prln ( L i p i n s k i 1 9 8 8 ) . T h e name of hrsn appears on an axehead that forms part of the foundation deposit of the high priest's house between the two main temples on Ugarit's acropolis. 19 If this is the same Hurāsānu as that mentioned on two property transactions from Ugarit, then the high priest held houses and lands elsewhere in the city and kingdom. 20 T h e library found in the house contained 18

PARDEE 1992, 714-5 notes examples of (a) K T U 9.458 = RIH 83/02, (b) K T U 4.134 = RS 15.006, K T U 4.129 = RS 15.001, K T U 4.374 = RS 18.082, and (c) K T U 4.367 = RS 18.076 and K T U 4.355 = RS 18.045 for place of assignment and K T U 4.635 = RS 19.096 for ethnic origin. 19 K T U 6.10 = RS 1.[052]. See now BORDREUIL. 1998. 20 RS 15.109 + 16.296 and RS 15.155.

numerous Hurrian texts, lexical texts and many of the most famous mythological texts. Atn.prln is designated both as the high priest and as the 'chief of shepherds' (rb.nqdm). This may reflect both the business interests of the priestly class and also a source for the animal sacrifices in the temples. V a n Soldt notes that the names of a dozen priests (Akkadian l u . m e s sanga, Ugaritic khnm) recur in one syllabic text and as many as three alphabetic cuneiform texts. 21 T h e military structure of Ugarit included named leaders (mru) as well as special classes of warriors ( R a i n e y 1962, 130-46). A special and well-known class of chariot warriors were called maiyannu, an Indo-Aryan term. 'First-class, experienced fighting men' (rírm) appear ( R a i n e y 1962, 138). Classes of warriors such as the sanannu also occur at Alalakh. T h e mdrglm have already been mentioned. Although trade took place inland with other cities, Ugarit's speciality was maritime trade as attested by its port of M a ' h a d u and the numerous texts describing royal, private and foreign trade. 22 Ships with their owners and crews are named in several texts. 23

1.4

Future prospects

It is clear from this survey that, despite the publication of much important work related to personal names from Ugarit, a great deal remains to be done in each of the areas discussed. Some of these matters may be listed here. It may be unrealistic to call for the listing and publication of all personal names identified in inscriptional material from Ugarit. However, it is a desirable goal because it provides the essential component for as complete an analysis of these names as possible. Such a list would lend itself to electronic storage and access. This list, along with others from archives and individual texts of the Late Bronze Age West Semitic world, would provide a useful source for analysis of grammatical and lexical features in the language groups represented by the names. T h e inclusion of prospographical infor-

21 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 34, texts R S 16.126B+ Β i: 37-8, R S 11.715+ ( K T U 4.69), RS 19.86a ( K T U 4.633), RS 34.123 ( K T U 4.761). 22 In addition to the general studies of H E L T Z E R and R A I N E Y (already mentioned), see L I N D E R 1970; 1981; A S T O U R 1970a; 1972b. 23 For example, RS 8.279 ( K T U 4.40) and RS 11.779 ( K T U 4.81).

mation would also allow for more accurate investigation into the society of the n a m e bearers. A step in this direction has been m a d e by D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b, which now provides a list of all personal a n d place names occurring in CAT.'H A m o n g important questions of linguistic analysis that remain to be answered, the following might be included: (1) a closer analysis of the non-Semitic, n o n - H u r r i a n a n d non-Egyptian names with a view to their origins, (2) when do case vowels operate and on what sorts of names, (3) what divine names are present, a n d (4) what sort of patterns do the variations in the spellings of identical names suggest about the phonology. A m o n g unsolved questions regarding prosopography, the following issues should be noted: (1) is there any relationship between the linguistic affiliation of the personal n a m e s and the social status or other social groupings a m o n g the n a m e bearers in Ugarit's population, a n d (2) how do the names, their language affiliations and their divine elements c o m p a r e with the onomastica of nearby archives such as Alalakh and E m a r ? These a n d other questions await further investigation of the personal names from Ugarit.

2

Ugaritic

Place

Names

T h e identification of place names in the texts from Ugarit is helped in the case of the Akkadian (and other syllabic cuneiform texts) by the presence of determinatives, such as k u r , ki and u r u , which signify that what follows (or in the case of κι, sometimes what precedes) is a land, place and town, respectively. Otherwise, context must be used to identify place names. For the alphabetic texts, n o such determinative normally exists. H e r e context plays an important role. Place names must be distinguished from gentilics, which often a p p e a r in the same contexts. Gentilics often have a final -y, although this letter can also occur at the end of bona fide place names. Distinctions can be m a d e by comparisons with other spellings of the same place n a m e / g e n d l i c ( R i c h a r d s o n 1 9 7 8 ) .

24

See also

CUNCHILLOS

VITA

1995a.

As in neighbouring kingdoms, at Ugarit administrative texts tend to list some place names in the same recurring sequences. This may suggest geographical proximity of the places appearing side by side. In any case, it provides assistance in the reconstruction of partially preserved names ( R i b i c h i n i 1982, X e l l a 1982d).

2.1

Site identification

T h e study of place names at Ugarit has focused on site identification and linguistic analysis of the names themselves. T h e study of place names and their locations has been carried forward in numerous articles published by several scholars, especially A s t o u r . 2 5 T h e result has included the identification of places named from outside the kingdom of Ugarit as well as those from within. Those named within the kingdom of Ugarit are often difficult to locate as they occur in administrative lists with little additional information about them. 2 6 T h e major means of identifying such sites is through the use of modern Arab names in the regions. T h e work of W . H . v a n S o l d t ( 1 9 9 4 ) has identified repeated patterns in which some place names are listed. This recurrence of certain groups of place names has also been identified in the recently published Alalakh text A T 457 ( W i s e m a n and H e s s 1994, 503-504). This phenomenon can be related to border towns as listed in the treaties between Ugarit and Mukiš to the north and between Ugarit and Siyannu-Usnatu to the south ( H e s s 1994b). T h u s it is possible to associate some of the town groupings with border areas and thereby to project that groupings of other place names should be located in other identifiable regions throughout the kingdom ( v a n S o l d t 1994, 366-8).

2.2 2.2.1

Linguistic analysis

Sources from syllabic texts

T h e linguistic analysis of the place names from Ugarit has been studied by S i v a n 1984. His work examines the West Semitic elements found in those names. This study will use Sivan's analysis as a start25

In addition to

1966 a n d 2(

ASTOUR

VAN S O L D T

1994,

in the general bibliography, see 1996,'

BORDREUIL

1988,

LEWIS

1998.

' Note the comment of P A R D E E - B O R D R E U I L toponymy is, however, still in its infancy.'

1992,

715:

'The study of Ugaritic

ing point to consider the question of the relationship of the place names in the kingdom of Ugarit with other place names, specifically those found in the neighbouring kingdom of Mukiš or Alalakh to the north. T h e question to be examined is the degree to which the place names in different regions of the West Semitic world use the same elements and thus duplicate themselves and the degree to which they are distinctive. In addition, consideration will be given to the cultural ramifications of this study, with special reference to the cultures of Alalakh and Ugarit. Alalakh as a neigbour to the north with a Late Bronze Age archive, provides a useful foil for purposes of comparing the linguistic makeup of the place names at Ugarit. In order to examine this question it is necessary to take a sampling of names from each region and to compare and contrast them. T h e criteria chosen here are those names that possess West Semitic elements. Using this sample it will be possible to observe where there are similarities between the different groups of names and where the names diverge from one another in terms of their etymologies. This may suggest information about place naming practices and also imply something about the degree of similarity of place names that one may expect between regions. T h e following list represents the Alalakh and Ugarit place names listed by vocable. Slight variations in the spelling of what is otherwise the same place name are not distinguished. T h e note, 'etc.,' indicates that one or more additional attestations occur at the archive: 2 '

Vocables

Ugarit Place Names

Alalakh Place Names u r u a-bi± κι (290,16) a-bi-na (287,1 etc/

'abu

uru

'adānu

uru

i g i - a - ^ [ a ] -na-a (PRU 6, 80,7)

'admu 'addādu 'aggānu

áš-da-di (PRU 6, 156,3) uru a-ga-na

'ag[i)mu

uru a-gi-mu

uru ad-mu (341,11) uru

(PRU (PRU

6, 102,10 etc.) 3, 11.841,13' etc.)

21 All Alalakh texts are identified according to their catalogue number as located in W I S E M A N 1953. For ζΑ 60 see D I E T R I C H LORF.TZ 1970. RS numbers given after PRU 3 and 4.

Vocables

Ugarit Place Names

'ahnāpu

URU af}-nap-pí {PRU 3, 15.122, 18 etc.) uru a-ha-tu (PRÙ 6, 105,6' etc.) kür a-mur-ή {PRU A, 17.82,9 etc.) uru ap-sú-na {Ug 5, 12,20 etc.) uru a-ra-ni-ya {PRU 3, 10.044,3' etc.) uru ar-dá-at κι (Ug 5, 20 v.5') uru ar-mi-li (PRU 6, 78,16) u r u α-ri (Ug 5, 99,3 etc.) uru a-ru-tu (PRU 6, 95,3 etc.) uru a-ru-a-di-ya (PRU 6, 79,7,8) uru ar-zi-ga-na (Ug 5, 27 etc.)

'ahātu 'amurru 'apsu 'arānu 'ardat(u/a) 'armīlu 'āru 'arwādu 'arzu

Alalakh Place Names

uru ap-sú-na (181,21)

uru a-ra-(e) (68,8)

uru ar-zaya (298,16) 'atqālāna 'ayyalu 'emar

uru áš-qu-lu-nu (PRU 6, 79,9 etc.) HUR.SAG.MEŠ Šū Ū-Ìa-lÌ (PRU 4, 17.62+,20') k ü r . u r u e-mar (PRU 4, 17.143,13 etc.)

'bz 'ilu

uru

e-mar

κι ( 1 6 1 , 1 4

etc.)

uru u-hi-zi (298,45) uru i-li-mi-il-ki (ZA 60 191,14) uru ma-ra-il$ (.PRU 3, 11.830,10) [ a ] . š À . [ m e š ] e-la-ya (PRU 6, 29,5)

'π 'ubur'u 'ubūsu 'ugarìtu 'uhrāyu J

ummu

a-ru-ri-e κι (85,4 etc.) uru u-bur-a (PRU 6, 118,6' etc.) uru u-bu-sú (PRU 3, 11.830,11 etc.) uru u-ga-rì-it κι (PRU 6, 24,v.8' etc.) a . š À . m e š la uh-ra-a-ya (PRU?,, 15.85,18)

uru ú-ga-ri-it (4, 11 etc.)

uru um-mu κι (179,13 etc.)

Vocables

usnu

Ugarit Place Names

u r u uš-na-ti (PRU

C

akkā 'ammu

Alalakh Place Names

4, 17.382,16 etc.)

u r u a-ki-ya (PRU 6, 79,18) u r u am-mi-ia (166,19 etc. u r u am-mi-šá-bU (PRU

uru

6, 78,15)

[i]a-ku-na-mi

(PRU

4, 17.62,13' etc.)

amqu

u r u am(?)-qí

'anu

u r u ha-[n]i (Ug 5, 95,11)

{PRU 4, 17.424,2)

u r u ha-zu-ta (191,2)

'azzūtu C

u r u he-en-sú-ri-ya

ēnu

'ēnuqap' at(u) 'imqu/'amqu c c

b

ny

e

u

(PRU 17.62,13') u r u igi-qàp-at (PRU 3, 10.044,6' etc.)

u r u am(?)-qi (PRU 4, 17.424,2) u r u ya-aHi) (PRU 6, 102,7) u r u ia-a'-ni-ya (PRU

uru

4, 17.62+, 19' etc.)

mu-α-ή

(PRU

3, 11.790,32' etc.)

baq'at(u)

u r u ba-aq-at

basīru bētu

u r u ba-si-ri (PRU 3, 11.790,29') u r u bé-ta-hu-li (PRU 4, 77,6 etc.) u r u bi-i-n (PRU 3, 16.244,7) k u r bi-ru-ú-ti

(PRU

bi'ru

(PRU

3, 11.790,12' etc.)

4, 17.341,14' etc.)

dé-lu-ya (408,4)

dallu dūmatu

u r u du-ma-tu

damīru

u r u du-ma-tĪTqi-[id-ši] (PRU 6, 78,6 etc.) u r u za-mi-ir-ti

(PRU

(PRU

dimmāru

uru

6, 105,5' etc.)

4, 17.340,7' etc.)

zi-ini-ma-ή

(PRU

4, 17.366,13' etc.)

gabru

k u r gab(?)-ù-n[i(?)]

galbu

u r u gal-ba

(PRU (PRU

6, 96,2') 3, 16.170,10' etc.)

Vocables

Ugarit Place Names

galīlu

uru ga-li-li-tu-ki-ia (.PRU 6, 78,9) [uru] ga-mil-ti (.PRU 6, 53,v.9') uru ga-ni-a {PRU 6, 70,17 etc.) uru ar-zi-ga-na (Ug 5, 27 etc.) uru gi^-b&la (PRU 4, 17.335+, 19) uru gu-ub-li (PRU 6, 126,10) uru gul-ba-ta (PRU 4, 17.340,v.6' etc.) uru ul-la-mi κι (PRU 3, 16.665,5 etc.) uru ul-mu-ya (PRU 4, 17.62+, 12') uru ha-la-n[i] (PRU 6, 96,3') uru bar-kà-na-a (PRU 6, 77,5) uru ha-ar-ma-na (PRU 3, 16.170,4' etc.)

gamiltu gan(n)i(a)'u gannu gib a'lu gubla gulbatu him

ha lu harku harmānu hasīlu himullu haballū halbu

uru ha-si-lu-uh-e (161,14 etc.) uru hi-mu-li (PRU 4, 17.340 rev.7' etc.) ur[u] ha(?)-ba-a[l(?)-l]a(?) (Ug 5, 45,1') uru hal-bi (PRU 6, 118,4' etc.) uru hal-bi-ni (RS 1929.1,13 etc.)

hôtamu huldu hurru

kappu kibūru

Alalakh Place Names

uru hal-ba (161,9 etc.)

uru hu-tam-me-(na) (152,1 etc.) uru Ifu-ul-da (PRU 3, 15.132,7 etc.) uru hu-ur-su--i (Ug 5,102,14') uru hu-n-ka (PRU 3, 11.790,25' etc.) [uru] kap-pa (133,35) HUR.SAG ki-bu-ή (PRU 4, 17.62+,8' etc.)

Vocables

Ugarit Place Names

KUR ki-in-a-ni (£A 60 188,F

kitia'nu

kumru lab(a)nu liblānu ma'hadu ma'qabu ma'rabu magdalu marìātu marru massibat(u)

maškanu matqab(u) mirāru mitru mār[a)tu mulukkū

KUR ki-na-hi (Ug 5, 36,Β,6' etc.) URU ku-mu-n-'a (PRU 6, 164,4) URU la-ba-na (PRU 6, 36,11) HUR.SAG li-ib-la-ni (Ug 5, 20,19) r ma-a-ha-di (PRU 3, 15.09 A,6 etc.) URU ma-a'-qa-bu (PRU 3, 11.841,15' etc.) URU ma-ra-bá κι (PRU 3, 16.247,6 etc.) URU ma-ag-da-la (PRU 4, 17.62+,6' etc.) URU ma-ή-α-ύη (PRU 6, 102,3) URU ma-ra-ilb (PRU 3, 11.830,10 etc.) URU ma-SI-bat (PRU 3, 11.830,8) URU ma-sa-bu (PRU 3, 11.841,24') URU ma[š(?)]-kà(?)-na (PRU 6, 110,2) URU ma-at-qab (PRU 3, 11.830,9) URU mi-ra-ar (PRU 4, 17.62+, 12' etc.) HUR.SAG ma-at-ra-ni (PRU 4, 17.62+,10') URU mu-ur-ša-a (PRU 6, 78,7) URU mu-lu-uk-ku (PRU 6, 131,6 etc.)

na'mu nah(a)ru

URU la-ba-ni (17,1 etc.

URU mu-tu-e

mutu mwk

Alalakh Place Names

URU ICI-ma-ka

(PRU 3, 11.800,9' etc.) URU \i\a-ku-na-mi (PRU 4, 17.62+, 13' etc.) ÍD na-ha-[r]a (PRU 3, 16.135,4 etc.)

60 185,13)

(table cont.) Vocables

Ugarit Place Names

Alalakh Place Names

napku napšu

uru na-pá-ki (Ug 5, 12,35) uru na-ap-ša-ti (PRU A, 17.62+, 17') nidābu uru ni-da-bi (PRU 4, 17.62+, 14') uru na-qa-bi nqb (PRU 3, 11.790,19') pagalu uru pa-ga-lu\?] (PRU 6, 80,9) pa-ni-ìš-ta-a (Ug 5, panūma 26,16 etc.) pašarātu uru pa-ša-ra-ti7 (PRU 6, 102,1) pi'du or pi'tu uru pí-[d]i (Ug 5, 95,18 etc.) pugūlu uru pu-gul-e (PRU 4, 17.62+, 18' etc.) qadūmu qamānuzu uru qa-ma-nu-zu (PRU 6, 105,7 etc.) uru qa-ra-tu qarìtu (PRU 6, 95,1 etc.) qatnu qidšu (see dumatu) uru qi-im-si (PRU 6, 78,11) qimsu rakbu uru ra-ak-ba (PRU 3, 11.800,22 etc.) riqdu URU ríq-di (PRU 6, 55,22' etc.) uru ra-a-ša-sa-ir (PRU 6, 10,8') rāšu uru ta-n-bu (PRU 3, 11.800,32') ryb uru sà-al-ha (PRU 6, 20,8') salhu s'r see rāšu u r u [.«]-il-ha-na siïu (PRU 3, 15.138,23 etc.) siyan(n)u uru si-ia-an-ni (PRU 6, 45,8 etc.) sld uru sú-la-di (PRU 6, 118,2 etc.) su'ru or suhru uru sa-a'-qu sa'qu (PRU 3, 11.790,11' etc.) u r u sa-'i (PRU 6, 78,13 etc.) sâ'u sibbīru sidöna [ku]r si-du-[na] (PRU 3, 11.723,2 etc.) sinnāru uru si-na-n (PRU 6, 93,19 etc.) uru sa-ú-nu (Ug 5, 102,12') sn

uru qa-du-mi (145,2 etc.)

uru qa-tá-na κι (259,16)

uru su-ú-ri (223,4)

uru si-bi-ra (343,22)

Vocables

Ugarit Place N a m e s

Alalakh Place N a m e s

subu'u see hurru surru see Cēnu URU su-H-ya (PRU 6, 79,6) ša-al-ma (PRU 4, 17.62+,23' etc.) šal(i)mu [U]RU šàm-na šamnu (PRU 4, 17.368,v.3' etc.) URU ša-ha-qi šhq {PRU 6, 118,5' etc) URU ši-gi-bi-ti7 (185,13) šigibītu URU DINGIR-iš-tam-i šmC (PRU 6, 131, ν. Γ etc.) URU šu-ya-a (PRU 6, 111,13) šû URU šu-qa-lu šuqalu (PRU 3, 11.800,29' etc.) URU šu-ra-šu URU su-ra-se šur(a)šu (PRU 3, 11.830,5 etc.) (ZA 60 185,2 etc. tāku see galīlu URU tu-na-a-na tunnānu (Ug 5, 95,20) URU tá-ba-ya (342,3) tābu tallu URU tá-lu-ya (408,4) URU ti-ba-qu tibāqu (PRU 3, 11.800,12' etc.) URU tú-hi-ya (Ug 5, 102,11') tūhūya URU šá-am-ra-a tamrāyu (PRU 6, 77,7 etc.) tf see panüma URU am-mì-šá-bi\ twb (PRU 6, 78,15) URU

ya ru yaldu yammu yarqānu yēnu yld ypr ytr

/à-^a-'î-DINGIR

(PRU 6, 78,12) URU ia-ar-tù (PRU 3, 11.841,12' etc.) URU ia-al-da (PRU 4, 17.62+, 11') URU

DINGIR^(2-mz'

(PRU 6, 144,7 etc.) URU ia-ar-qa-ni (PRU 4, 17.366,15' etc.) uRujtf-ra (PRU 6, 119,2) URU ia(?)-la-di (PRU 3, 15.20,3 etc.) URU ia-pa-ru (PRU 3, 11.800,23 etc.) URU e-tar-dam-[. . .] (165,3)

T h e following statistics pertain. There have been 148 vocables identified as contained in place names. 134 different place names from Ugarit possess one or more of these vocables. However, in some cases alternative readings require caution to be used in assuming the identification proposed. Huehnergard's review of Sivan's study includes the following four proposals ( H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a, 723-5): u r u gi^-bá-la may not contain the vocable giba'lu but may instead reflect u r u kibá-la. u r u ha-ar-ma-na, associated with harmānu, should perhaps be read as u r u ' ar^-ma-na and be normalized as 3armānu, related to Hebrew 'armon 'plane tree.' id na-ha-[r]a may be associated with the alphabetic form, nhr(y), rather than with nah[a)ru. Finally, u r u sa-ri-nu may be better associated with im than with srr. However none of these suggestions changes the essential identification of the 134 different place names from Ugarit with vocables from the West Semitic world. 31 different place names from Alalakh possess one or more of the West Semitic and related vocables. T h e smaller number from Alalakh certainly reflects the fewer texts that have been discovered and published from that site. Of the 31 different place names from Alalakh, 23 do not occur at Ugarit. 17 vocables are used for forming place names at Alalakh but not at Ugarit. Seven place names from Ugarit and Alalakh are similar; eight if one counts the name of ' C a n a a n ' , that is spelled in slightly different ways at the two sites. This means from 23% to 26% of this sample of names from Alalakh have duplicates at Ugarit. However, closer inspection reveals that, in addition to C a n a a n , Ugarit and E m a r can be included among those place names that are found in both archives. T h u s the number of attested parallel names from within the borders of Ugarit and Alalakh shrinks to five: ap-sú-na, α-ή (Alalakh a-rì-è), hal-bi, la-ba-na and šu-ra-šu (Alalakh šu-ra-šé).

2.2.2

Sources from alphabetic texts

1996b provide a comprehensive list of place names occurring in the published alphabetic Ugaritic texts. T h e Ugaritic alphabetic texts contain the following place names that may have syllabic parallels at Alalakh. Only those places not already identified and not obviously located outside of the two kingdoms are listed:28 Dietrich

28

-

Loretz

The Ugaritic list derives from a survey of the glossary of

GORDON

1965.

Ugaritic Place Name

Alalakh Place Name

an (KTU 1.10 iii 30 etc.) ull (KTU 4.68:19 etc.) mid (KTU 4.346:5) W (KTU 4.355:36)

a-ru-n-e (85:4 etc.) ul-la (308a: 8) ma-al-la-ti (121:4) ar-ma-(at)-te (146:22 etc.)

T h e first site in Ugaritic, απ, may occur in a mythological text, though it is also known as a site in the southern district of Ugarit ( P a r d e e - B o r d r e u i l 1992, 716). However, the remaining sites occur in administrative documents. T h e y can be identified with places in the region of Ugarit ( A s t o u r 1981a, 6, 9). 2.2.3

Place names along the border

In addition to well known international sites such as C a n a a n , E m a r and Ugarit itself, the name of the same site can occur in both texts when the two archives preserve names of places along or near the border between the two kingdoms. A s t o u r 1981a, 7 - 8 identifies several place names along or near the border between Alalakh/Mukis and Ugarit that are found in both texts. These include:

Ugarit Place Name

Alalakh Place Name

midh ayly kmkty sallurba sulhana salhe arutu

ma'adhi baq'at-ala, aüa-ma'ad kamkatiya šanurhe sulhana! salhe arutuši

Since none of these overlaps with the already identified place name parallels, it suggests that the parallels already noted are authentic citations of different places within the two kingdoms rather than citations of the same place along or near the border. An examination of all place names found on the border descriptions of the two kingdom also reveals little in the way of overlap. Indeed, only one additional name, halpi/halbi/halba, is found in both archives. However, even if the Alalakh texts refer to the site on the border of the two kingdoms, not all of the occurrences in the texts from Ugarit refer to this border site. T h e r e are four halba's that occur

and some of them are found in the southern parts of the kingdom. 29 A further source may be found in A T 457, a text from Alalakh Level IV that did not appear in Wiseman's catalogue and could not be considered by Sivan. This is because, unlike some of the texts originally published by Wiseman and later by Dietrich and Loretz, it was published only recently ( W i s e m a n - H e s s 1 9 9 4 ) . A T 4 5 7 is a lengthy text of at least 68 lines of which 54 are legible. It is a census list of personal names followed by their place of origin. Four place names occur and are new to Level IV at Alalakh. O f four place names attested for the first time from Alalakh Level IV, only one, i\s-iū-QT-k(i-\ni~\, corresponds to a place name from texts at Ugarit. It occurs on line 48. At Ugarit documents that define the border between Ugarit and Alalakh list u r u i-ia-ar-qa-ni as lying on that border. 3 0 In this case it is probably the same place, lying at the border of the two kingdoms. T h u s no new place names found at Alalakh are also attested at Ugarit for a separate site within that kingdom.

2.3

Conclusions

Having examined these texts a few observations may be made. First, the actual n u m b e r of duplicate names is small. T h e r e are at most nine names that occur both at Ugarit and Alalakh and that may designate separate towns within the borders of both kingdoms. T h u s the relation of the two kingdoms in terms of place names appears to be limited. This is surprising as the two kingdoms border one another and might be expected to exhibit similar cultures with similar naming practices. In fact, they do not and the place names are only one sign of this distinction. Various pieces of evidence that betray West Semitic naming practices are found at Ugarit but not at Alalakh. For example, the texts from Ugarit include place names compounded with alphabetic gt or syllabic gi-ti/gin-ti. These are common in place names from the Palestine and Syria of the Amarna texts and from the biblical texts ( A s t o u r 1974, 274-7; S i v a n 1984,

P A R D E E - B O R D R E U I L 1 9 9 2 , 7 1 6 list three place names from Ugarit where homonymy occurs. In addition to the four different fjatba's, there are at least two places named 'ar(y) and two named ayah. In both of these examples, one is in the north of the kingdom of Ugarit and the other is located in the south. 30 PRU 4, 66 and 70 = RS 17.62+, 66 and RS 17.366, 15'. 29

220.). N o example of a place n a m e containing this c o m m o n West Semitic vocable occurs at Alalakh. T h e same is true for place names beginning with cn. All these occur at Ugarit and in biblical sources but are absent in the place names f r o m the kingdom of Alalakh (Astour

1974, 309; Sivan

1984, 206,

210).

T h i s is not to assert that West Semitic influence is absent at Alalakh. It is, of course, present in personal names and specific vocabulary as well as larger literary influences. For example, as m a n y as eight out of the 39 personal names in the administrative list A T 457 f r o m Ugarit m a y contain West Semitic elements ( W i s e m a n - H e s s 1994). T h e style of the Idrimi inscription and the presence of social groups c o m m o n in the West Semitic world, such as hupšu and hapiru betray the influence of this culture ( H e s s 1994a). However, it is clear that this is not so strong as at Ugarit and the place names attest to this fact. T h e most obvious reason for this m a y a p p e a r to be the geographical location of Alalakh. It is located as one of the most northerly of all the West Semitic archives of the Late Bronze Age. T h u s it lay on the fringe of that influence. However, there is a n o t h e r factor closely related to its geographical position that may explain the lack of West Semitic influence at Alalakh in comparison to Ugarit. It has long been noted that the Late Bronze Age was an international period and that the West Semitic world of the Levant lay in the midst of this interchange, at least from the perspective of the documented evidence. This area itself was multi-cultural and reflected the mixtures of a variety of people groups. This is nowhere better attested than in the A m a r n a correspondence. T h e leaders of city-states throughout the C a n a a n of the fourteenth century bc possessed personal names reflecting a variety of cultural origins ( H e s s 1993). M a n y of these were West Semitic. Some w e r e E g y p t i a n , reflecting the d o m i n a t i o n of the Egyptian N e w K i n g d o m and the presence of its bureaucracy. Still others, however, were northern in origin, and included personal names that could be analysed as Anatolian, Indo-Aryan and especially Hurrian. T h e plotting of these names and the towns and cities that they ruled on a m a p has revealed certain geographical patterns. For example, almost every city along the coast of Palestine and Syria in the A m a r n a Age had a ruler w h o possessed a West Semitic name. T h e only exception is Acco. Yet this itself is instructive because Acco lay at the western end of the most influential set of routes that cut east-west

through the hills and mountains, most notably exemplified by the J e z r e e l / M e g i d d o Plain. O n this plain, within the hill country itself and throughout the Syro-Jordan Valley, the evidence is consistent that there is a mixture of names with northern names predominating among many rulers of population centres. T h e conclusion is that away from the coast the leadership and the dominant cultural influence of West Semitic diminished and was instead affected by northern influences. This is found both in the personal names of the rulers and also in various aspects of the material culture (Hess 1989). T h e same phenomenon appears in the north. Ugarit, a city near the coast and with an important port of its own, exhibited a truly international culture. Like coastal cities to the south, it preserved a strong West Semitic influence. Alalakh, however, was removed from the coast. Its livelihood was sustained by the fruitful Hatay plain which it dominated. Like the inland cities to the south, this city was also more limited in terms of the West Semitic influence that it experienced. T h u s the linguistic constitution of the place names of Ugarit, when set in their immediate geographical context, suggests a strong West Semitic influence in the midst of Hurrian and other northern cultural influences.

CHAPTER

T H E

R E L I G I O N

O F

U G A R I T :

Nicolas

1

THIRTEEN

A N

O V E R V I E W

W y a t t

Introduction

While this is intended to be a general survey of the main features of Ugaritian 1 religion, in the following discussion I shall avoid reiterating the points made by other contributors to this volume, except where I present an alternative point of view. I should also state at the outset that this study is treated in a phenomenological manner, undertaken on the basis of the integrity and authenticity of the experiences, systematizations and practices we shall be noting. It may seem odd to many readers that such an initial position-statement should be necessary, but it is a fact that the interest some scholars have shown in Ugarit, and in particular in its religious life, appears to have been for purposes of comparison of an invidious kind with biblical religion, 2 where a theological agenda appears to have predetermined the outcome. This does not appear to me to be a legitimate starting point for serious research in this discipline. It certainly renders questionable any conclusions that are drawn. We should perhaps define our terms and the scope of this study. T h e city of Ugarit has yielded texts in a number of languages. It is probable that people speaking Akkadian, Cypro-Minoan, Egyptian, Hittite, Hurrian, Ugaritic and possibly other languages (such as Amorite and various 'Canaanite' forms) were resident in the city and its environs. T h e degree to which they intermarried, and to which

' The term 'Canaanite' is best avoided here, despite common usage. For recent treatment of the issue on the cultural and linguistic levels, with references to earlier discussion, see RAINEY 1965b, GRABBF. 1994, TROPPER 1994a and see references in DE MOOR 1997, 42 n. 5 (Aw!). See also § 15.5.9 below. 2 This is a largely artificial construct, having only a tenuous link with the historical religion of Palestine, as a compendium of late critiques and revisionism, subsequently further removed from its historical roots by its interpretation at the hands of theologians and interpreters of the present common era.

the city culture formed a mélange of these different traditions, is impossible to quantify with precision. W h e n referring to the witness of texts in Ugaritic, I propose to refer to 'Ugaritic' religion, by which I mean the broad synthesis which is apparent from the Ugaritic texts themselves, leaving aside for the present the Hurrian texts, 3 which appear to reflect the interests and distinctive religious patterns of a fairly small minority, and the Akkadian texts, 4 which represent broad international cultural influences, but do not appear to reflect any wholly independent 'Akkadian' tradition of any social sub-group. Where we may suppose that some degree of synthesis has probably taken place, or I wish to speak more generally of the population of the city or kingdom of Ugarit without isolating any one languagegroup or social sub-group, it is better to use the term 'Ugaritian', as denoting the broader amalgam of all the sub-groups, though the extent of this is of its nature very hard to evaluate. But we would expect the royal cultus, for example, performed in the name of the kingdom and all its citizens, that is, the kingdom's 'political theology', to fall into the latter category, though almost all the relevant texts are in Ugaritic as the local dominant vernacular. Since it is inappropriate to approach the significance of one religious tradition by reference to another (as is commonly done with Ugaritian religion, which seems almost inevitably to be evaluated in comparison with 'Israelite' religion), 5 the following observations are offered from the broad anthropological perspective that all religions are symbolic systems designed to give meaning, coherence and purpose to a community, to deal with its inherent alienation from and tension in the face of the experienced world. From this perspective, all religions are 'true' in that they are authentic, and offer both a legitimization and a critique of the community's sense of identity. It is in this framework of understanding that I shall deal with the following issues: cosmology, theology (including the nature of the pantheon), mythology, royal ideology, ritual, other religious manifestadons

3

See L A R O C H E 1 9 6 8 , M A Y E R 1 9 9 6 and § 3 . 3 above. Published mostly in PRU 2, 3, 4 and 6, and Ugaritica 5. See also VAN S O L D T 1991a, D I E T R I C H 1996 and above § 3.1. 5 O L D E N B U R G 1 9 6 9 , C R A I G I E 1 9 8 3 , DE M O O R 1 9 9 0 . To a lesser extent a similar treatment of other ancient cultures through biblical eyes (or more correctly modern eyes claiming a biblical foundation for their prejudice) has beset many branches of near eastern study. This is perhaps a sub-branch of 'orientalism' in Edward Said's meaning of the term. 4

(oracular systems, vows, blessings etc.), the place of religion in the experience of disease and death, and various non-textual dimensions.

2

2.1

C o s m o l o g y

The intellectual construction of the world

T h e r e is no systematic exposition of the Ugaritian world view in any of the texts. They take for granted, however, a certain number of presuppositions to which incidental allusion is made from time to time, particularly in the mythological texts, so that a provisional reconstruction is possible. 6 A distinction should of course be made between two modes of spatial thinking. T h e r e is evidence of a lively awareness of a real geography, amply attested in many of the nonreligious documents, such as toponymie lists, as well as the extensive diplomatic and commercial correspondance, and even impinging on the religious consciousness in geographical allusions in mythological and other narrative texts. O n the other hand we should recognize their use of a symbolic geography, used for the framing of specifically theological constructions in terms of a broad Weltanschauung and the place of the divine and h u m a n realms within it. T h e latter may even be said to be the idiom of the interface between these realms. It is an 'affective' construction, even a subjective one in the strictest sense (on which see further below), used for the articulation and authentication of the real world in terms of the ideal world of mythology and cult. It is with the symbolic geography of this ideal world that we are here concerned. T h e binomial form of the name of the sea-god (zbl ym || tpt nhr), for example, suggests that as elsewhere in the ancient world, the cosmic sea was seen both as a sea stretching away from land, but at the same time as a river encircling the land, and forming its cosmic boundary. While theologically and mythologically this sea-cum-river was conceptualized as a god, probably in h u m a n form, since he had

6

See W Y A T T 1 9 8 7 , 1996a and 1996b. The studies O Î T R O M P 1969 and S T ADELMANN 1970, while devoted to the cosmology of the Bible, also contain much useful information. W E N S I N C K 1916, 1918 give comprehensive accounts of our knowledge of west Semitic cosmology before the discovery of Ras Shamra, which the Ugaritic material now supplements.

a body described in anthropomorphic fashion which Baal could injure with his weapons (K TU 1.2 = R S 3.367 iv), at other times it was identified by the m o r e neutral term thm (f.), though here a n o t h e r aspect of its form was expressed in its dual expression thmtm. This suggests that something akin to other ancient N e a r Eastern structures of the world was envisaged, in which as well as having a 'horizontal aspect' (surrounding the earth) the sea had a 'vertical aspect' (with waters above and below the earth). 7 T h e sea-god was also identified as Un (cf. H e b . Leviathan), though this view has been disputed, 8 a n d was thus imagined in draconian or serpentine form. T h e cosmic waters served as b o u n d a r y for the habitable world. T h e term for this, ars, is ambiguous in Ugaritic, denoting both the surface a n d the underworld below (cf. the ambiguity of H e b . 'eres, though this term is often contrasted with tēbēl, not thus far attested in Ugaritic). At Ugarit, as everywhere else in the ancient world, the symbolic structure of the world was maintained in religious practice a n d experience, which defined the realities of myth and cult. W e may even legitimately extrapolate features in such a view that are not explicit. T h u s while the idea of the omphalos is not explicidy attested, it undoubtedly lies behind the conception of the cosmic m o u n t a i n , S a p h o n (spn, vocalized sapunuf which ontologically speaking is the reference point of all reality in Ugaritian religious consciousness. H e r e dwelt all the gods, probably not just Baal, but the entire p a n t h e o n , as stated in the title to K T U 1.47 = R S 1.017 (il spn). El's throne stood at the centre, a n d he remained immobile, 1 0

7

In Mesopotamian tradition we have the apsu (AB.ZU) above and the ti'amat (temtum, tāmtii) below. The former becomes άβυσσος in Greek. In Gen 1:6~9 the waters above are separated from those below the firmament as dry land appears from the lower waters. In Egypt the goddess Nut (nwt·. 'waters'), an allomorph of the primordial Nu(n) (nw[n]), forms both the sky and a subterranean current, sometimes shown engraved or painted in both the lid and the base of sarcophagi. This body of water is amorphous. Land, in the form of the in-stone (symbolized in all temple constructions) emerges from the latter, in an analogue of the biblical account. On the other hand, Ra crosses a river by day (above) and by night (below) in his solar bark. This similarity of mental structuring of the world between ancient cultures should not allow local differences such as those mentioned to be glossed over, but should also not be underestimated. For further discussions see WENSINCK 1918, K A I S E R 1959, N E I M A N 1977, W Y A T T 1996a, 1996b. B Contrast D A Y 1985, 14-5 with W Y A T T 1985a. A Greek reflex of this figure is found in Ladon, the serpent who guards the golden apples of the Hesperides ( G R A V E S 1960, ii 145-52 § 133: various classical sources cited; cf. FONTENROSE 1959, 236, 370). 9 See W Y A T T 1 9 9 5 for discussion and references. See also K O C H 1 9 9 3 . 10 W Y A T T 1996a, 36-43, 1996b.

in the idiom of the Baal cycle of myths, while the divine conflicts whose outworkings form the narrative of the myth took place all about, with constant reference back to him for purposes of validating the successive achievements of the plot. T h e kingship of each of the successive gods was achieved by enthronement on El's throne, a cipher also of the role of the throne in royal ideology. El's dwelling at the heart of reality is expressed in the allusion to his 'sevenfold palace' ( K T U 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ ν 10-2, 26-7): El replied from within the seven chambers, through the eight façades of the closed rooms. This idiom of seven concentric boundaries surrounding a god's shrine appears to establish its central location; it corresponds to the notion of seven barriers in the underworld of both Egyptian" and Mesopotamian tradition, 12 though this idiom is not independently attested at Ugarit. It may also be compared with the seven boundaries represented architecturally in Egyptian temples, most clearly at Edfu. T h e image of the god here resided in the innermost chamber (the shrine-box) of the building. A similar symbolism, though perhaps not so explicitly developed, probably lies behind the construction of the temples at Ugarit. Another recurrent description of El's dwelling, where his tent is pitched, reads as follows ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.346 iii 4, 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ ν 6 - 7 , 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ iv 21-2, 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i 33, 1.17 = R S 2. [004] vi 47-8): 13 deities travel towards El at the source of the rivers, amidst the springs of the two deeps. This has been interpreted 1 4 as an underworld location, evidence of El's deposition by the younger, more vigorous storm-god Baal. But this interpretation depends for its cogency on the restoration of K T U 1.2 = RS 3.346 iii 3, as read by KTU2, which is gratuitous. 15 It also 11

See the gates (seven 'iytw) in the scenes and texts of the Book of the Dead. See the myths of the descent of Inanna (ANET 5 0 - 7 ) and Ishtar {ANET 1 0 6 - 9 , CS i 3 8 1 - 4 ) . The image of the centre of a sevenfold structure is perpetuated in the seven moradas of Teresa of Avila. 13 Cf. K T U 1.100 = RS 24.244.2-4. 12

14

See

10

The restored text reads [mtpdm.thl.'nt.ars.tlt.mth.gyrm]: [two layers beneath the springs of the earth, three expanses of the depths.]

POPE

1955,

1987,

KAISER

1959 and

OLDENBURG

1969.

sits uneasily with the god's undoubted authority in the narrative poems, and his evidently crucial role in the management of kingship, 16 since the king is portrayed mythically as his son. A better understanding is to see El as the supreme deity, representing the highest of a number of levels of divine authority. 17 T h e spatial image of the passage is that of the centre of the world, from which flow four rivers (corresponding to the cardinal points) to water the earth, the whole surrounded by the cosmic sea, the two aspects of which paradoxically meet at the centre. This corresponds both to the Garden of Eden imagery of the Bible, and the ritual significance of the Jerusalem temple, where the Gihon spring supplied the water, while at the same time the river of the same name flowed round Cush (Ethiopia = Abyssinia, 'land of the abyss'). 18 We have evidence in our text of the same cosmological imagery at Ugarit. T h e scene just described is widely attested in cylinder seal iconography, and may be tentatively reconstructed for Ugaritic thought from the passages just cited. A tension existed between the centre, represented by Mount Saphon and its local allomorphs the city temples, and the boundary at the end of the world. T h e important ideological myth-and-ritual complex K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002 plays on the paradox, mythic events on the sea-shore being apparently celebrated at the cosmic centre of the temple. 19 T h e position of Saphon as a symbolic centre in the

This text occurs at K T U 1.1 = RS 3.361 iii 20 (partially restored) and at 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iv 35. In the former passage it clearly denotes the subterranean workshop of Kothar (his western analogues forge their artefacts in volcanoes: was Kothar's 'Cretan' connection the volcanic island of Santorini?), while in the latter it appears to denote Anat's own dwelling underneath Mount Saphon. In neither instance does it have any bearing on the location of El's abode. 16

See

17

Three, according to

PARKER

1977. PETERSEN

WOODWARD

1977;

four according to

HANDY

1994. 18 I am concerned not to evaluate one tradition in terms of another. But the cautious use of analogies and comparisons between neighbouring cultures (and particularly between evidently cognate ones such as the Ugaritian and Palestinian) in the area of tentative reconstruction of fragmented cosmologies is surely a valid procedure. I am happy to work in principle within the constraints outlined by M. S M I T H (1952) 135-6, though he considerably overstates the lack of connections between Ugaritic and Hebrew literature. Many of the more cautious studies of recent years have established extensive continuities between the two cultures. I!) See W Y A T F 1987 for Ugaritic and biblical passages illustrating this feature. The shrine in question cannot be identified with precision, but may plausibly be identified with a royal chapel at Ugarit, or some such installation at Ras ibn Hani (where the palace extends to within a few metres of the seashore).

Ugaritian mind (though displaced to the north in real terms, and on the psychological principles outlined in my extended treatment of orientation, 20 on which see further below for a summary, belonging to the 'left side', it was nevertheless architecturally replicated in the acropolitan temples) will be shown below to be also presented in another literary idiom in the pantheon list K T U 1.47 = RS 1.017 and parallels. We should not attempt a harmonization of the details of these various cosmological models. They are evidently of diverse origins, and probably go far back into prehistory and into the diverse earlier worlds of the various ethnic groups of Ugarit, and appear not to have caused any hermeneutical problems to the theologians of LBA Ugarit. Such ideas were also undoubtedly held concurrently with perfectly empirical perceptions of the real world in terms of its geography and practical application of agricultural and industrial technologies.

2.2

The experience of the world: orientation

Relating to cosmological issues is the matter of orientation. All ancient religions, like modern ones, evidence a concern for exactitude in positioning of the worshipping community (an extrapolation from individual experience), as a symbol of the community's authentic location in the real world. Temple alignments are always significant, for instance, even if we can no longer identify the particular reasons for a given example, and the two acropolitan temples at Ugarit, usually attributed to Baal and Dagan respectively, were orientated north-south. Provisionally, we may note that storm-deity temples at other sites also have a north-south orientation, as at Ebla and Hazor, so that a common tradition may have obtained. T h e temple aux rhytons in the city-centre, perhaps associated with El (cf. K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258), who was perhaps a lunar deity in origin, was orientated east-west. This may be compared with later Palestinian shrines associated with Yahweh, as at Jerusalem, Arad and Lachish (temple 106). O n the broader issue of personal orientation, from which these principles are developed, and the vocabulary used to express it, I have made a comparison of the Ugaritic and Hebrew vocabulary,

20 YVYATT

1996C.

with interesting results. 21 Summing up that discussion, it is worth noting the following 'canonical' or religious vocabulary, which appears to be relatively constant:

DIRECTION

LANGUAGE

TERM

MEANINGS

East

Ugaritic Hebrew Akkadian Arabic

qdm qedem qudmu qadam qidm qidam

'face', 'in front', 'past'; 'face', 'in front', 'past'; 'front', 'past'; 'precede', 'past', 'antiquity'.

West

Ugaritic Hebrew Akkadian Arabic

ahr 'ahar ahru dabūr

'behind', 'after', 'later'; 'behind', 'after', 'later'; 'future'; 'west wind' (V 'turn one's back').

North

Ugaritic Hebrew Akkadian Arabic

šmal semôl šumêlu šamāl, šìmal

'left'; 'left'; (sāpân = 'north'); 'left'; 'north (wind)', 'left'.

South

Ugaritic Hebrew Akkadian Arabic

ymn yāmîn šaplitum yaman, yamin

'right'; 'right', 'south'; 'lower'; 'south', 'right hand'.

T h e same pattern also obtains in other languages such as Sanskrit, and is probably widely attested. Facing into the past, since 'east', 'past' and 'face' all employ the same terminology, indicates the enormous power of memory in the construction of consciousness, and it is perhaps no accident that we can speak of 'canonical orientation', for it is above all in religious belief and practice, with its hallowing of tradition (the experienced and reconstructed or invented past), and repetition in ritual of established, normative patterns of behaviour, that we discern the formal impact of accumulated cultural experience on a society. T h e significance of the psychology to which this evidence witnesses is as follows: it is clear that memory of the past is a vital part in the life of a community. It is the past and the perpetuation of its paradigms and values which legitimizes the present. 22

21

22

WYATT

1996C.

It is no accident that the etymological meaning of the Greek term for 'truth' (άληθεια) means 'not-forgetting'. Tradition is 'true', and theology is 'true' because it is traditional.

Theology, mythology and ritual are the means whereby this memory is reinforced by constant repetition, and the unknown future can therefore be engaged with confidence. While orientation is an ultimately subjective experience, its psychological foundations are universal, and consequently, through a shared vocabulary, a measure of objectivity is obtained. Language being experienced as a given, even as 'god-given' in ancient psychology, the very articulation of the experience in traditional forms serves to reify it as theological 'fact'.

3

3.1

T h e o l o g y

The nature of the pantheon1''

A useful place to start this section is with a brief treatment of the pantheon. This term has two distinct senses. Firstly it may be used to denote the complete number of deities worshipped in Ugarit, a number which can be quantified only approximately, given the uncertainty of meaning of many words in the texts, the incompleteness of the record, and other variables of this kind. It is probably fair to say that no citizen of the kingdom could have given a complete list. T h e modern scholar certainly cannot. Secondly we have texts which give series of divine names, and are evidently deliberate compositions, attempting to construct some kind of systematic theology. Three tablets—KTU 1.47 = RS 1.017, K T U 1.118 = RS 24.264+, and RS 20.24 (in Akkadian) 24 —preserve the same list, and constitute as it were a canonical group of gods, classified in K T U 1.47.1 as il spn, 'the gods of Saphon'. T h e y are of course a tiny selection of all the deides who appear in the Ugaritic texts, and the complete list may be supplemented with Hurrian 2:> and Akkadian divine names, while a number of Egyptian, Hittite and Sumerian names appear, and others are still probably unrecognized.

23

See also § 7.2 above. The fact that we have an Akkadian version of the 'canonical pantheon' is significant: it indicates that it is only with great caution that we can assume there to be fundamental differences between the Ugaritic and Akkadian linguistic worlds in terms of their theological implications. 25 See K T U 1 . 1 3 5 = RS 2 4 . 2 9 5 , which L A R O C H E 1 9 6 8 , 5 0 8 - 9 (and further, 1 5 1 8 - 2 7 ) classifies as a 'list of deities', while KTU identifies it as a 'list (sacrifices)'. 24

Developing del O l m o Lete's perceptive analysis,2f> I have suggested in a recent study 27 that the presence of a deity spn at a central position in the pantheon lists is a literary representation of the cosmic centrality of the mountain, whose divine status, belonging to a widespread practice of divinizing sacred localities, reinforces the same point. It lies in the middle position of three sets of seven deities, which may indeed have constituted a Vorlage (containing twenty-one names) to the present pantheon list. While as fourteenth overall it is not in the mid-most position in the entire list of thirty-three, there is a broadly chiastic structure to the full list, which further enhances this impression that the divine mountain is at the heart of all reality. This cosmological image is to be perpetuated in the later imagery concerning M o u n t Zion, 28 and has analogues in Egyptian temple traditions, and in the architectural form of ziggurats. A pantheon list is obviously not intended to be a complete account of the divine realm, yet represents such a totality, much as the various enneads of Egyptian theology identified key deities in the great centres in a sacred number, nine being as it were 'plurality pluralized', and therefore a figure for totality. T h e thirty-three deities of the Ugaritic lists were probably based on a similar numbers game (ten times three plus three) 29 also intended to encompass all gods and goddesses. Such a grouping of deities, while acknowledging the diversity of symbols and perceived realities of the deities, is also perhaps intuiting an underlying unity, also implicit in the central symbol of Saphon, where they all dwell. 30

1986, 1992a, 5 4 - 8 = 1999, 71-8. See also above § 7.2.2.1.2. 1998b. 28 See W Y A T T 1996a, 31-3 with reference to Ps 48:2-3. 29 The same number is found in the Vedic text Brhadāranyaka Upanisad 3.9.1-2. As the context of the dialogue shows, this text too is clearly exploring the question of the implications of a pluralistic symbolism in theology, and concludes that the multiplicity of deities (beginning with three thousand, three hundred and six) really points to one. T h e Muslim rosary traditionally has thirty-three beads on it: three rounds allow the recital of the ninety-nine names of God (SCHIMMEL 1993, 241). DEL O L M O L E T E (1992a, 91) notes that K T U 1.148 = R S 24.643, which is based on K T U 1.47 and parallels, actually mentions only twenty-eight or twenty-nine of the gods, to accommodate the constraints of the calendar. Perhaps there is also a menological basis to the number? 3(1 I am not suggesting an incipient monotheism, but rather the coherence of all the deities, their conflicts notwithstanding, in a representation of the life of the community. While a pantheon is to some extent an ad hoc conglomeration of deities who come together through the hazards of history, the growth, mergence and disintegration of states, ethnic changes, migrations, and so forth, the theologians of 26

DEL O L M O L E T E

27

WYATT

An alternative term for the comprehensive nature of the pantheon is the designation of the gods as 'the seventy sons (probably rather "children") of Athirat' (sb'm bn atrt): K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 46. N o attempt should be made to argue for inconsistency in view of the discrepancy between thirty-three and seventy. Each figure is an independent numerological metaphor for totality. Similarly, the subsets in the pantheon, consisting of heptads, tetrads and triads, and a final dyad, themselves represent seven totalities on a smaller scale. Each subset stands for all the deities in a certain category, and the seven categories signify the plenitude of divine power.

3.2 3.2.1

Individual deities

The scope of individual theologies in a polytheistic context

In addition to comprehensive theologies of the kind suggested above, the full range of which it is impossible to determine, there are individual theologies centring on each of the main deities. This is not the place to give an account of all of them. A number of useful studies are available on individual ones,31 and some general publications

every generation will practise some degree of rationalization, however unconsciously, intuiting meaning, imposing structure and so on. The organization of various pantheon-list traditions represents such processes. They are never static, of course, and every text revealing a structure speaks only to its own generation, constituting a historical document of conditions at such and such a time. 31 See for instance the following short selection of studies (which at times give contrary assessments, and often include discussion of biblical avatars): on Anat see K A P E I . R U D 1 9 6 9 , P . L . D A Y 1 9 9 1 , 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 9 5 , W A L L S 1 9 9 2 , L L O Y D 1994, C O R N E L I U S forthcoming; on Athirat see M A I E R 1986, Ö L Y A N 1988, W I G G I N S 1993, W Y A T T 1995a, B I N G E R 1997, C O R N E L I U S forthcoming; on Athtar see M A R G A L I T 1996, X E L L A 1996a; on Athtart see W Y A T T 1995b, C O R N E L I U S forthcoming; on Baal see K A P E I . R U D 1952, V A N E L 1965, VAN Z I J L 1972, W Y A T T 1992a, H E R R M A N N 1995a, N I E H R 1995; on Dagan see W Y A T T 1980, H E A L E Y 1977, 1995a; on El, see P O P E 1955, 1987, H E R R M A N N 1995b; on Horon see C A Ç R J O T 1982, R Ü T E R S W Ö R D E N 1995; on Kothar see S M I T H 1985, P A R D E E 1995; on Rapiu and the Rpum (Rephaim) see C A Q U O T 1 9 6 0 , P A R K E R 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 7 2 , DE M O O R 1976, P O P E 1977, C O O P E R 1987, R O U I L L A R D 1995, P I T ARD § 6.4 above; on Reshef see A S T O U R 1967, 310-4, F U L C O 1976, X E L L A 1995a; on

Yam

s e e FANTAR

1 9 7 7 , AL N O O R I

1994,

STOLZ

1995.

This list, the disparity in the coverage of some deities over against others, and omissions from it, indicate fruitful areas of research still to be undertaken.

are also of use. 32 I shall instead restrict discussion to general theological principles as exemplified in a number of representative deities. Perhaps the best place to start is with the problem of theological scope. Ugaritian religion is commonly described as a 'fertility cult'. This perception is far too narrow—I am not even entirely clear as to what it means—and is perhaps at least on occasion unconsciously designed as a reductionistic put-down for ideological purposes. We should see in Ugaritian religion neither bad faith, nor moral obloquy, 33 nor 'crisis of polytheism'. 34 These are essentially contradictions in terms in a theological context. O n the contrary, we have a vigorous series of interlocking theologies, an active cult, a powerful royal ideology and a network of ritual forms which link living and dead, sick and well, good and evil, rich and poor in a homogeneous community. It is in short a typical religious system of its day, not recognizably different in kind, in my view, from Iron Age religion in Palestine. 35 Deities are essentially symbolic figures, who will accrete in their personae the accumulated experience of the worshipping community. Individual deities are frequently readily identifiable with various natural p h e n o m e n a or existential realities (e.g. Shapsh the sun, Yarih the moon, Yam the sea, Baal the storm, Kothar the apotheosis of technology, or Kinnar of the lyre, and so on). It is however a mistake to conclude a one-for-one funcdonal relationship between deity and phenomenon. This is to reduce theology at best to allegory, at worst to triviality. T h e identification, often based on the name, 3 6 is merely the cipher by which an entire range of symbolic potential is tapped. T h e richer the personality of the deity in myth, the richer, we may infer, is the symbolic base. And because personality, with

32

See in particular the relevant articles in ABD ( F R E E D M A N ed.) and DDD (VAN et al. [eds.]). Some are listed in the previous note. Note also W A T S O N 1993. 33 Thus O L D E N B U R G 1969, xi. 34 Thus DE M O O R 1986b, 1990, 69-100 = 1997, 71-102. 35 That is, a religion (or religions) as reconstructed through archaeological research and a critical and historical reading of textual evidence, biblical and non-biblical. The Hebrew Bible itself is of course a critique on earlier forms of religion, its own roots included. Cf. η. 2 above. 3t The enormous difficulty sometimes faced in trying to identify the 'original' meaning of a divine name (cf. the range of proposals for Anat and Athirat) should give us pause about immediate settlement for what seem like all the easier instances. DER T O O R N

all its individual quirks and contradictions, is the means of expressing the theological content of the individual deity, the dramatic conflicts between deities are often represented in the most confrontational terms. It is a serious mistake to take this at face value, seeing in this apparent theological confusion evidence of either primitiveness, or worse still, theological poverty or incoherence. T h e richness and versatility of polytheism lies in its capacity for resolution of tensions in dramatic terms, in which deities compete in a mythic narrative as a means of expressing the anomies and antinomies of experience. People die of disease: the powerful god Reshef, the personification of pestilence, the very source of the disorder, is the one to whom the religious person turns in distress. W a r comes to Ugarit: Anat is the very embodiment of all its horrors, but because of her ubiquity, is at the same time represented as a nubile maiden, for whom warriors will perhaps give their all. Her ambiguity, at once attractive and repellant, is a measure of the ambiguity of the warrior's calling. She symbolizes the utter devotion, the single-mindedness required of the king's soldiers (and not perhaps without an erotic frisson). As goddess of the hunt (itself an important symbol of royal power) she also embodies the paradox of the love of animals with their wanton destruction. At the other end of the spectrum, there are deities of conception and childbirth, invoked for fruitful marriages and safe parturitions. These are the real 'fertility deities'. This may be folk-religion, 37 but it is vital and powerful, effective in the life of a people. As is characteristic of a pantheon, it appears in its broadest sense to have embodied in divine personae every significant reality of community and personal life, from the very substance of the world (earth, air, sky, mountains and rivers)3" to the

37

The distinguishing of different types of religion along class lines may have its uses for analytical purposes, but in my view threatens to introduce artificial boundaries where none would have been perceived. The emphasis may have been different, as also the elaboration of ritual, between the cult of the great temples and people's (or groups') private devotions which have left no trace. The broad nature of the religious experience, and the theological presuppositions, would have been part of a continuum, however, and not disparate units. It remains extremely difficult to estimate the nature of the experience. Texts like K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266 perhaps provide our best clue. 38 These constitute the iUrgötter\ the primordial powers who personify the substance of the universe. They are invoked in the messages of the gods (KTU 1.1 iii 13-4 etc.). Are they perhaps also to be identified with the dr il (KTU 1.41 = RS

practical items of everyday use (pots a n d pans, chairs, sheep and oxen) 39 which constitute the real world of ordinary people. Musical instruments were deified, because they represented a most important point of contact with an ideal world of the inner life. 40 I have selected four deities here for f u r t h e r c o m m e n t . 3.2.2

El

A few observations on El (il, ilu) are in place here. His supreme status in the p a n t h e o n is not in dispute, in spite of some teething problems in his analysis, 41 a n d he is the patron of kings (see further below) a n d ultimate ruler of the cosmos, whose constituent parts appear to have been divided between various of his sons (Baal, Y a m and M o t correspond broadly in their n a t u r e a n d roles to Zeus, Poseidon and H a d e s in the Olympian pantheon). But they evidentiy defer to him for permission to act, a n d are d e p e n d e n t on him for the conferment of their power. T h e only deity w h o appears to defy his will is Anat, whose special case we shall consider below. M a n y scholars have remarked on the a p p a r e n t absence of any cosmogony in Ugaritian religion. F i s h e r (1965) thought he discerned two types of creation at Ugarit, divided between El and Baal. T h e cosmogonie status of Baal's conflict with Y a m is in dispute, and any cosmogonie overtones it bears are implicit. But El is called bny bnwt, which is c o m m o n l y translated as ' C r e a t o r of creatures', and is certainly the father of the divine beings b o r n in K T U 1.12 and 1.23 = R S 2. [012], 2.002. T h e s e however are theogonies rather than cosmogonies, though p e r h a p s this neat category-distinction would not have seemed so obvious to the ancients as it is to us. M o r e promising p e r h a p s for a tentative resolution of the issue is the significance of El's a n d r o g y n o u s n a t u r e . In K T U 1.23 he is addressed by his wives as mt, 'husband', ab, 'father' and urn, 'mother'. 4 2 1 . 0 0 3 + . 16, [1.87 = t h e dr bn it ( K T U

RS

18.056.17],

1.40 =

RS

1.176 =

1.002+.7,

RIH

78/26.16)

17, 2 5 , 3 3 , [ 4 2 ] ,

or (the distinct group?)

1.65 =

RS

4.474.2,

1.122

on the analogy of the ilānū s'a dārātim (cf. C R O S S 1 9 7 6 , 3 2 9 ) ? 3n K T U 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 45-54. Cf. the world of abstractions personified as so many divine realities in the 'genealogy' of H E S I O D ' S Theogony. 40 K T U 1.47= R S 1.017.32 and'parallels. Cf. W Y A T T 1995d. 41 Cf. references above nn. 14-15. 42 Wilfred Watson suggests to me that this may be simply an instance of parallelism. But even if we concede this for the sake of argument, the fact remains that a form of words may itself both reflect unconscious dispositions and patterns in the mind, and also generate new possibilities, which then lead the mind into further =

RS

24.270[B].[3])

From these incidental references we m a y infer that El is the androgynous parent of the goddesses. This invites speculation—and it must remain no more than this, on present evidence—that there lies behind the usage a myth of the kind we find in Egypt with A t u m a n d Amun, 4 3 a n d in a different form with Ptah, in Greece with Zeus and in India with P r a j ā p a d . These androgynous deities beget-and-bear daughters, w h o then (except in Zeus' case) serve as wives for further divine reproduction. N o w the point of these traditions is that they are clearly cosmogonie, in spite of the apparently théogonie elem e n t (that is, the distinction breaks down in practice). Atum's children, for instance, are the 'Urgottef, the primaeval gods who actually e m b o d y the substance of the land of Egypt. In fact we err in distinguishing too sharply between the two aspects of creation (cosmogony and theogony), as suggested above, because such differentiation belongs to later ages of greater abstracdon in metaphysics. T h e wholly sexual imagery of the ancient forms is as m u c h an account of how the world began as it is of h u m a n origins. 44 It is just that the metaphor has frozen half-developed into abstraction. 3.2.3

Athirat

A well-attested iconogram which p e r h a p s represented Athirat (atrt, El's daughter-wife) is the h a n d , appearing on cylinder seals, 45 and later an important symbol of the Punic goddess Tanit. 4 6 Is this perhaps a pointer to an analogue of the Egyptian titles of the chief queen as 'the god's h a n d ' , which m a y have had ritual significance, symbolizing the daily sexual re-creation of the world? It appears that Asherah in J u d a h at least had such a symbolic dimension, whatever is to be m a d e of it, since she is both the deity's daughter, and his wife, a n d is described as 'the work of his h a n d . . . fingers' (Ps. 19), w h e r e b o t h p h r a s e s h a v e u n d o u b t e d phallic o v e r t o n e s . T h i s is

avenues. The whole cognitive content attributed to theological language is in my view largely if not wholly of this kind: the very existence of the word reifies the idea. Thus unicorns and dragons (and gods!) exist in the imagination, because we have imagined them. 43 Particularly in his aspect as Amen-Apet, the self-generating god of Djeme (Medinat Habu), who appears as the ithyphallic deity of the Theban cult. 44 Such mythological forms are precisely the outworking of the subjectivity we noted above, in discussing orientation, which must be the starting point of all experience 45

See

46

HVIDBERG

SCHROER

1983. HANSEN

1979.

admittedly all circumstantial, but enables us to build up a tentative picture of a powerful creator god whose prehistory is confidently to be linked to Ugaritic El.47 His making of the world is essentially expressed through the metaphor of his paternity of the divine principles of its constituent parts, the enveloping chaos included. T h e goddess Athirat has attracted considerable interest a m o n g scholars, in particular because of her presence (in the form Asherah) in the Hebrew Bible. H e r evident role as Yahweh's consort has recently been broadly accepted. T h e pair Yahweh-Asherah seem to point back to the Ugaritian pair El-Athirat. In the latter context her role has been much debated. In K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002—we appear to have a triad of goddesses, Athirat, R a h m a y and Shapsh, and I have argued that the former two are geminated forms of the third (see further below). This would imply that Athirat is a sun-goddess, as also argued for instance by Binger. But Athirat's particular significance in both K T U 1.23 (with her associates) and in K T U 1.4-6 = R S 2.[008]+, 2.[022]+, 2.[009] + (independently) is in the context of royal ideology. It is here that the significance of her title rbt (Akk. rabītu), 'Great Lady', is significant, used also of R a h m a y in K T U 1.23.54. 48 This title denotes the dowager queen, who appears to have had an important ritual and ideological function, corresponding to that of the Gebîrâ in the Palestinian kingdoms. T h e goddess is the divine embodiment of the principle— perhaps mythic rather than real by the LBA—that the incumbency of the throne is transmitted through the female line, a king being legitimized by his maternity and then by marriage to an incarnation of this same divinity. 3.2.4

Baal Hadd

Another important deity who deserves mention is the storm-god. H e is most frequently referred to by the tide Baal (b'l, 'the Lord', or 'the Master'), but is the great Amorite storm-god H a d d (hd, hdd, 'the Thunderer'), 4 9 worshipped widely throughout the Fertile Crescent. It 47

48

See

M.S.

SMITH

1990,

7-12.

It also refers to the dowager queen, presumably with the same ideological role, in the neighbouring kingdom of Amurru. See the divorce correspondence, PRU 4, 125-48. On the considerable role played by queens, enthroned and dowager, in Ugaritian politics, domestic and foreign, see below, §§ 15.6.1.2, 15.6.6.2. 49 The Ugaritic form is hd, var. hdd\ in Aramaic he is Hadad, and in Akkadian Adad, where the initial [A] is unrepresented in the syllabic script. In Egypt he is

has been customary to describe him above all as a fertility god, and indeed he is master of the rains, thunder and lightning. But this should not be construed as exhausting his character. T h e sheer range of his titles50 indicates the richness of his conception. 51 H e is 'Lord of Saphon' (b'l spn), a position of monarchical power, but one to be construed within an economy ultimately controlled by El. I have argued that Baal's throne on the mountain is his by right of conquest from Yam, but had been given to the latter by El himself. It is thus a delegated monarchy, which indeed not only derives from El, but is in turn transmitted, through the myth of Athtar's enthronement, to the earthly kings of Ugarit. It is thus appropriate that the storm-god is also 'Lord of Ugarit' (b'l ugrt), the patron and protector of the city, as eloquently evoked in K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266. As champion in the Chaoskampf, Baal is the type of the king as military hero. 52 Furthermore, the language of the storm is the conventional idiom for describing theophanies (as for instance in Ps. 29), and thus a sign of his grace to his devotees. This motif, of divine compassion, is also evident in the episode of his intervention on Danel's behalf ( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 15-33). We almost discern, in the localized form of such apparently pluralistic language, the polytheistic idiom for the examination within one divine reality of the tensions experienced in the processing of the real world. T h a t is, Baal, and any other deity active in such a narrative context, is essentially a cipher for the tensions inherent in El himself in the worldprocess. This is therefore a kind of process theology. 3.2.5

Mot

A god somewhat neglected in discussion is Mot (mt)P H e is conspicuous by his absence from the ritual texts, and it is apparent that

identified with Seth. Thus the Mami stela from Ugarit (RS 1. [089] + 2. [033] + 5.183) invokes 'Seth of Saphon'. See YON 1991, 328 fig. 8a. 50 See W Y A T T 1 9 9 2 , where some twenty-one titles and a further five possible ones are discussed. 51 The judgment of O L D E N B U R G 1 9 6 9 , 1, that 'no strange god, however, is depicted more (sic) wicked, immoral, and abominable than the storm god Ba'al Hadad . . .' is not very helpful, except as an example of the kind of attitude deplored in my opening paragraph. He might be defended on the ground that he is merely voicing the biblical prejudice to demonstrate the clash of ideologies, but the rest of his study indicates that he shares it. 52 See W Y A T T 1998a. 53 For a useful survey see H E A L E Y 1995b.

no cult was offered to him. H e is not mentioned in any pantheon list, and yet features significantly in the Baal cycle of myths. This makes him the more interesting as a deity not so much of the practical life of Ugaritian religion as of its broader metaphysics. O n one hand it is not at all surprising that death should be deified, as this is entirely in keeping with the observations of G u t h r i e (1993) in his sophisticated development of the animistic principle. T o give a perceived external reality (and especially an external threat) a h u m a n face is an effective technique of management: know your enemy (and his name) and you have some defence against him. O n the other hand, cult is precisely the response of a practical theology to this need: feed you enemy and you have him in your hand! So why was Mot not worshipped? In a sense he is quite different from that considerable class of chthonian deities and demons who were explicidy managed by cultic procedures in order to control the threats they posed. But Death, itself comparatively rarely personified in the ancient Near East, stands apart. T h e analogue-figure of Hades, noted above, is not in fact a strict parallel in conception, for he is rather the location and condition of the dead who is collectivized. With Mot the very concept of death is personified. T h e chief mythological context in which the character Mot appears is in K T U 1.4-6 = RS 2.[008]+, 2.[022]+, 2. [009]+. His role in the narrative has been characterized by P e t e r s e n - W o o d w a r d (1977) as essentially a doublet 54 of the Baal—Yam conflict. It is certainly striking that in view of the wide incidence of the Chaoskampf throughout Eurasia (Amorite, Assyrian, Babylonian, Greek, Hittite and Israelite [biblical] versions are attested, apart from a whole nexus of Indian and Iranian versions), the myth of Baal's conflict with Mot is unparalleled. Is it too bold to suggest that the very deification of Death as an antagonist of Baal, the god who brings life, is the literary invention of Ilimilku, for his own purpose of sandwiching the myth of Baal's palace-construction between acosmic threats to it from before and after? 53

54 The suspicion that this is the case is strengthened by the fact that similar royal titles are applied to both: Yam is mdd il, Mot is ydd ilm. On the sense of this see W Y A T T 1985b. Note also that Mot himself compares his appetite with maritime creatures. See in particular my suggestion at K T U 1.5 i 14-6: W Y A T T 1998c, 116 n. 11. 55 See W Y A T T 1998a for the rationale of this observation.

This is not to attempt any reduction of Mot's importance to one literary composition. Rather does it highlight the role of the theologian (Ilimilku was high priest, chief of the temple herdsmen and the king's sacrificer: K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 55-6) 5 6 in the very initial conceptualization of new metaphysical experience. M a n y deities presumably had specific historical origins, however hard it may be to identify them. Be this as it may, for it remains conjectural, the divine existence of Mot, yet apparent cultic non-existence, suggests a deity in transition, in process of development. In at least a loose way, he may be linked with the Hebrew constellation of Sheol, itself an inchoate personification of the experience of death, and such biblical figures as Rā C ēb, Belial and Māwet, the last-named his precise counterpart. T h e agricultural significance often attributed to Mot, as a fertility deity, is naturally to be entirely discounted on my interpretation. 57 3.2.6

The problem of an adequate assessment of ancient deities

T h e characters of the gods in the mythological texts have frequently been treated with less than sympathy in modern studies. Thus H a n d y (1994, 125-6) calls Baal a 'strong, virile dolt' and Anat 'a spoilt child', 58 while El is construed as a coward in the face of Anat's tantrums. 5 9 These estimates, little better than the old allegorical identifications which were once fashionable, 60 are theologically quite inadequate however, and simply a misconstruction of what mythology and theology within a polytheistic world-view strive to achieve. T o begin with, the trickster figure, or the deity who is the butt of h u m o u r and figure of fun has an honoured place in religious history.

56

On Ilimilku's substantial role see § 1 3 . 4 . 2 below. See discussion of K T U 1.6 = RS ~2.[009]+ ii 30-5, ν 11-6 in W Y A T T 1998C, 135-36, 141 nn. 83, 108. 58 Cf. M A R G A L I T 1989a, 477: he claims that Ά ruthless mysogynist (sic\) and a creature of passion, Anat is a goddess who never "grew up". She personifies for the poet all that is corrupt and contemptible in Raphaite culture and society'. On pp. 478-9 he writes of 'the complacent. . . Raphaites, in their passionate devotion and voluntary bondage to a bloodthirsty goddess, are in fact on a path to self-destruction . . .' Such judgments entirely fail to recognize the logical place of negative principles in a pantheon. T o interpret the goddess as a cipher for a corrupt society is absurd: she is entirely the opposite, a sign of the vitality of its moral theology. 59 P A R D E E 1997a, 254 n. 105. cn Cf. Gaster's identification of most of the deities in the Baal cycle of myths with various forms of water, or the vegetation theories of Virolleaud, Dussaud, et at. For references and critique, cf. W Y A T T 1996a, 1 4 4 5 0 . 57

Such characters reflect the h u m a n experience of the incongruous. T h e contradictions present in the deities of the pantheon are, moreover, faithful reflections in the mythic idiom of contradictions in the real world. Their dramatic interaction in the myths (such as the fights between Baal and Yam, or Baal and Mot, or Anat's confrontations with El) do indeed reflect a degree of 'theological relativity', but this is a strength, not a weakness, in polytheistic thought. For all the anomies of h u m a n experience can be worked out 'intrapantheonically' through the medium of the mythic narrative, and the broad principle of divine power is not compromised. Anat's encounter with Aqhat, seen from a theological perspective, warns of the dangers of trifling with the unpredictable and autonomous divine. It may be compared with the story of 2 Sam. 6:1-8, where the modern reader's sympathy goes out to Uzzah, but in so doing misreads the narrative. Furthermore, this kind of theology, explored almost exclusively in mythological, narrative idiom, or in hymnody which reflects courtly and diplomatic language, is the only medium open to the ancient cultures, before the development of elaborate abstractions of thought. 61 T h e considerable strains that theodicy places upon monotheistic conceptions of the deity, over which the modern systematic theologian agonizes so inconclusively, do not arise. 62 T h e dissonance between ideal and reality is swallowed up in a pragmatism towards and acceptance of the real world. It is futile to criticize this outlook for failing to achieve insights only realized a millennium or more later. Whatever else it may have become as a result of the ever-widening scope of symbolic activity and the expansion of h u m a n consciousness, the religions of the early urban civilizations of the near east were very largely a complex system of social, economic and environmental management. Their very longevity is evidence of their efficacy. T h e besetting sin of too much contemporary scholarship is to look no further than the surface-character of ancient deities,

61

Only Greece appears to develop such language systematically, and even here the narrative mode is the normal discourse of theology. Homeric and Hesiodic thought is expressed in this way. But to sensitive readers, all these ancient thoughtsystems are straining at the limitations of language, and relentlessly pushing forward the boundaries of experience and articulacy. 62 The problem arises out of our academic desire to read systematic theology into the ancient traditions. We then read inconsistencies into the apparent dissonance between different poetic metaphors. This is a measure only of modern, not of ancient incapacities.

and to fail to recognizc the depth of the symbolic dimension. And the gods of Ugarit have suffered from this more than most. 63

3.3 Demonolog)! It is in such a perspective that we should mention briefly the presence of demons. I have dealt with these ( W y a t t 1998b) as essentially transient figures, frozen in the snapshot of a particular context reconstructed through the chance discovery of texts, but more realistically gods in the making or the unmaking, so that a longer perspective would tend to see them either disappearing or achieving divine status. Deifies such as Reshef and Horon, of disdncdy 'demonic' form, being reified horrors, have probably been given pantheonic status as a means of controlling them on the principle outlined above. Some, of course, would hover anonymously on the fringes of religious experience for considerable periods of time, to terrify successive generations of the victims of their attentions, eventually to be tamed by either the powers of exorcism or advances in medicine.

4

4.1

Mythology

General considerations

My object here is not a detailed analysis of the individual mythic narratives from Ugarit. This has been amply covered elsewhere. 64 Instead a few remarks may be helpful on mythological matters generally, in order to help us appreciate the Ugaritian mentality. It is a feature of all cultures that they express their sense of community identity in the form of narratives. All early historiography, accounting for a people's present as the product of their past, is in narrative form. Frequently, as is well known, it is clear that myth, legend and 'real' history are mingled quite indiscriminately in such compositions. This is certainly the case with any historiographical 63

Any treatment of Yahweh that stopped at the surface would be rightly as superficial and inadequate. Scholars (= theologians!) are careful to probe Yahweh's bad temper, his petulance and changes of mind to the symbolic of this literary imagery. The Ugaritic deities deserve no less. 64 See also section § 6.1 above. For representative bibliographies on all the logical texts from Ugarit see the heading to each text in W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C .

judged behind power mytho-

texts surviving from the ancient near east, including the historiography of the Hebrew Bible. N o historiography as such survives from Ugarit, though I have argued 6 5 that the king list in K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257+, now probably in the context of a series of names for invocadon in the accompanying litany, reflects a mentality quite capable of drawing up a formal list of this kind, and in so far as it is in all probability a selective list, of making discriminatory judgments about the historical worth of individual people and events. So this is a matter of arguing not for any kind of archaic mentality, on the basis claimed by Lévy-Bruhl 66 or Frankfort, 67 but rather as proposed by Donald, 6 8 who argues for increasingly complex forms of memory and memorizing with early h u m a n development; Ugaritian thought, like all other ancient ones in principle from the earlier literate period, 69 had not yet developed techniques of analysis and abstraction. Narrative, therefore, is the recognized mode of dealing with a variety of issues, not least the problems arising in the moral and political life, questions of identity, origins, of authority and ideology (see above) and even of everyday matters like birth, puberty, marriage and death. Myth is the classic medium for representing and resolving such matters and their inherent problems. T h r o u g h contemporary religious discourse (particularly credal, liturgical, hymnic and the reading of 'Scriptures'—ancient religious texts) exactly the same pattern of mental processing is carried on today. Indeed the same strategies are pursued today in forensic and commercial contexts, and not merely religious ones, where precise forms of words not only convey precise nuances of meaning, but carry a peculiar authority (legal, con-

1998a, 1998c, 402-3 n. 13. 1922. Note Margalit's welcome comment

65

WYATT

66

LÉVY-BRUHL

(MARGALIT

1989a, 10

n. 7). 1949. For critiques of the views of the Frankforts see R O G E R S O N 1996a, 388-98. 68 D O N A L D 1 9 9 1 , 1 5 2 . He postulates the following stages in the capacity to memorize: procedural, episodic and semantic. Consciousness is rudimentary in the second of these stages, while the third is dependent on human language and consciousness. 69 The development of writing itself no doubt lent a powerful consciousness to the acts of writing and reading the written word. At a stroke, as it were, the memories of past generations could be preserved, and worlds opened up far vaster than the restricted scope of oral tradition, itself already a powerful tool. The recording of the Ugaritic myths hints at an authoritative text: the very words of the gods were now available independently of the inspiration of the individual poet. There is no clear evidence for the ritual use of writing in Ugarit, though legal texts witness to its inherent binding power. 67

FRANKFORT

1974 and

WYATT

tractual, religious) and are deemed to 'bind' people into a system of mutual interdependence. This is the 'linguistic world' in which we live. In principle little has changed over the millennia. We may have only a small fraction of the Ugaritian (or even the Ugaritic) myths, and this is due to the good fortune that priestly and royal archives recorded them. M a n y others would have been transmitted orally, with consequent loss, or the unlikelihood of being able to recover them from later records which have distorted them too much. Where a cognate relationship can be established, as between texts K T U 1.23 and 1.24 = RS 2.002, 5.194, their second millennium congeners 70 and later derivatives, 71 there has usually been substantial modification. T h e same is true of the Chaoskampf tradition, which now has a continuous pedigree running from third-millennium Eshnunna through to mediaeval Europe. 72 This material is in my view directed primarily at the support of the institution of kingship, though of course it is entirely probable that more generalized mythology was also extant, as indicated by texts such as K T U 1.92 = RS 19.039+, and by such applied myths (generally in relation to medical matters) as are mentioned below.

4.2

The role of Ilimilku

This is perhaps an appropriate juncture at which to comment on the importance of the role of Ilimilku, to which I have already drawn attention above and in previous discussions. 73 Its significance here is not so much historical or literary-critical as religious. For here we are able to pinpoint the contribution of a historical individual, whose identity would ordinarily have been entirely lost to us, to specific developments in the religion of an ancient culture. T h e naming of an author in documents of this period (apart from royal proclamations, and diplomatic, legal and epistolary texts) is quite exceptional, and the accident of the survival of his n a m e in the colopha of different mythical texts affords us an unrivalled opportunity to enquire into his mind and motivations. It is entirely reasonable to take account

70

1967, 154-60. 1996a, 219-68, where it is argued that they constitute the Vorlage of Pss 2, 8, 19, 110, Gen. 16, 19:30-8, Hos. 2, Ezek. 16 and 23. 72 W Y A T T 1998a. 73 W Y A T T 1997, 1998a. 71

ASTOUR WYATT

of Ilimilku's priestly and administrative roles, and to conclude that he had a substantially authorial role in the construction of the narratives of the Baal myths, and the Keret and Aqhat stories. 74 It is this that is so unusual. We can examine his motivations, for example, in the elaborate building up of the already ancient Chaoskampf motif, now first evidenced a millennium before his time in texts from Eshnunna, and already with widely dispersed congeners in the second millennium (Hatti, Mari, Babylon, India). A case may be made for Ilimilku himself being the author, in the strict sense of inventor and originator, of the conflict between Baal and Mot ( K T U 1.5-6 = R S 2.[022]+, 2.[009]+) 75 which constitutes the echo of the struggle between Baal and Yam ( K T U 1.1-2 = RS 3.361, 3.346, 3.367). This narrative has no parallels elsewhere, and appears to be a construction designed to present a chiastic framework round the central episode of the 'Baal cycle', the story in K T U 1.3-4 = R S 2.[014]+, 2.[008]+; that is, its whole raison-d'être is explained by the central narrative. This construcdon points to the episode of Baal's 'palace' (sc. temple) as the primary element in the mythic story. But further elements in the story, and some of the features it has in parallel with Keret and Aqhat, suggest that the authorial intention is not so much to celebrate the construction of Baal's temple (though an aetiology certainly exists here, and indeed the liturgical elements to be discerned in this narrative point to some such celebration in the cultus) as to see it as a legitimization of royal claims. Royal ideology as much as theology in the more conventional sense is therefore Ilimilku's main concern. T h e cult of Baal would benefit mutually, in that he appears as the patron of the dynasty. Similar intentions appear to lie behind the Keret narrative. It is in all probability a traditional tale, as many have noted. Some of the constructions put upon it are however not entirely plausible. Thus it has been seen on the one hand as the aetiology for the descent of the dynasty of Ugarit from 'Octavia', 7 6 the youngest daughter of

74

The same point is made by M. Korpel in her useful treatment of Ilimilku

(KORPEL 75

1998,

87-8).

The double nature of the construction is discerned by W A K E M A N 1 9 7 3 and P E T E R S E N - W O O D W A R D 1 9 7 7 . None of these writers actually attributes the composition of the Baal-Mot conflict to Ilimilku himself, however. 7b For my alternative interpretation of the term ttmnt, see W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 2 1 1 - 1 2 n. 1 5 5 .

Keret by Hurriya. O n the other it has been argued that it is intended to cut the royal ideology down to size by denying its extravagant claims of divine kingship. 77 Neither view is in my estimate correct: rather is a curse visited upon the youngest daughter because of her sib-solidarity with the accursed Yasib, while the comparison of Keret with gods who die (sc. Baal) is precisely a way of showing that both national deity and national ruler share a theological trait. In the final analysis the cursing of Keret's line may be the prelude to the assumption of the throne by another line. I shall take up this point below. O u r present concern is the theological significance of Ilimilku's role. As propagandist for the king, he actually creates theology for his age, thus influencing and modifying the thoughts of his contemporaries and of subsequent generations, just as an influential systematic theologian such as Luther or Calvin can have a significant impact on his culture, or as H o m e r or Hesiod had on early Greek theology. As for the historical context of Ilimilku, this is in process of a revaluation, thanks to the discovery of the Urtenu archive in the southern zone of the city. T h u s far we have had no more than hints of the need for reassessment of the evidence, and await the publication of these new texts to lend substance to it. Traditionally the poet-scribe has been dated to the reign of Niqmaddu II, and my attempts to give an estimate of him ( W y a t t 1997, 1998a, 1998c, 3 5 - 6 , contrast 21 n. 6) have been on this basis. For a preliminary attempt at interpreting the new material, see S i n g e r below, §§ 15.6.1.1 and nn. 284, 289, 15.7 and n. 340. His displacement, as appears likely, to the time of Niqmaddu III, will require some adjustments (though not radical ones) to my assessment, since both accessions appear to have followed from some kind of internal political crisis, and these will appear in UF.

4.3 4.3.1

KTU 1.23 = RS

Two myths from Ugarit 2.002

T w o further important mythological texts may be discussed here briefly, since they are only touched on elsewhere in this volume. 7 " T h e first, of the greatest historical importance, is K T U 1.23 = RS

77

PARKER

78

By G I B S O N , a b o v e § 6.1.

1977.

It was found in the 'high priest's house' on the acropolis in the second season, in 1930. T h e edition princeps was published by V i r o l l e a u d 1 9 3 3 . T h e particular importance of the text was immediately recognized, and a n u m b e r of studies has been devoted to it.' 9 T h e tablet was found in two parts, and the smaller piece, which constitutes the first five lines of the recto, was broken in half vertically, with the right hand portion missing. T h e result is that the latter half of 11. 1 - 5 is missing, as is the latter half of 11. 7 2 - 5 on the verso. Part of 1. 71 is also missing. O n the recto a plaque has also broken away from the lower part of the right side, destroying the ends of 11. 16-25 and the corresponding line-ends on the verso, while also on the verso there is some surface damage just below the centre. Several lines have been scored across the tablet, following 11. 7, 11, 12, 15, 18, 20, 22, 27 and 29 (all on the recto), thus dividing the text into ten sections, of which the last is equal in length to the nine previous ones combined. While a number of purposes appear to have lain behind such lines in various contexts, in the present instance they appear to mark off separate parts of the text which in the earlier part (11. 1-29) consists of different rubrics, short narrative passages of ritual significance, lines of hymns to be sung (perhaps just the opening lines to prompt cantors), and ritual instructions. From 1. 30 to the end (the bottom edge and the verso of the tablet) the text consists of one narrative poem, though here too a ritual instruction appears in the narrative at 1. 54. T h e contents are as follows: 2.002.

I

23.1-7

Hymnic introduction invoking the gracious gods (cf. VIII); ]; summons to feast (sc. sacrifice); greetings to assembled personnel (including king and queen); description of opening scene, with figure of Mt-w-Sr seated disconsolate and sterile, rod 80 in hand.

n

The following translations and studies have also been published, among others: 1933, G I N S B E R G 1935, G A S T E R 1946, 1950, 225-56, 1961/418-35, G O R D O N 1949, 57-62, 1977, 59-64, L A R G E M E N T 1949, J I R K U 1962, 80-4, AISTLEITNER 1964, 58-62, DE M O O R 1972 ii 17-24, 1987, 117-28, T S U M U R A 1973, 1978, X E L L A 1973, C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R - H E R D N E R 1974, 353-79, T S E V A T 1974, W Y A T T 1977a, 1987, 1992b, 1996a, 224-9, 1998c, 324-35, DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 427-48, C U T L E R - M A C D O N A L D 1982, LIPINSKI 1986a, S E G E R T 1986, F O L E Y 1987, H E T T E M A 1989-90, S C H L O E N 1993, A B O U D 1994, 189-92, W A T S O N 1994a, P A R D E E 1997a, 274-83, VIROLLEAUD

DIJKSTRA 80

1998.

O r perhaps 'rod', since the term is undoubtedly ambiguous.

III

23.8-11 23.12

IV

23.13-5

V

23.16-8

VI

23.19-20

VII

23.21-2

VIII

23.23-7

IX

23.28-9

X

23.30-76

II

'viticultural' ritual involving Mt-w-Sr. Instruction for sevenfold recital of the mythic narrative (sc. 11. 8-11), and c o m m a n d to the priests to respond. Allusion to the 'vast steppe' of Athirat and Rahm a < y > (cf. IX), and sevenfold performance of a culinary ritual and of censing. Narrative of Athirat and R a h m a y setting out [ ]; invocation of their names. Reference is m a d e to the eightfold, sevenfold [ of the gods' dwellings. Mention of the precious stones and garments of the choristers. Hymnic introduction (cf. I above), invoking the gracious gods, their suckling and rituals (of purification after birth?). Further allusion to the 'vast steppe' of Athirat and R a h m a y (cf. IV) [ ]. Main mythic narrative: El goes to the seashore, meeting two figures (sc. goddesses?), apparently sitting on a cauldron, who address him as 'father' and 'mother'; he has an erection, removes them and takes them to his house. El's penis appears to be identified with (or at any rate to evoke) the rod mentioned earlier (I); after banter about his potency, El makes love to the two goddesses. He sits and counts the months until they give birth to Shahar and Shalem, and rites of purification are performed. T h e same narrative of the conception, counting and birth is repeated. This time the offspring are called 'the gracious gods'. Gluttonous from birth, the two young gods wander off with gargantuan appetites, devouring everything in sight, for seven years. C o m i n g in from the desert, they call on the guardian of the sown land, who makes an entry for them, and responding to their request, offers them food and drink.

Readers familiar with the text will appreciate that even in giving a synopsis a n u m b e r of interpretative choices have been made. Most

of these have been hotly debated over the years, and they are not all by any means settled. In this author's view, the 'gracious gods' are in fact Shahar and Shalem, the twin sons of the sun-goddess Shapsh, who is geminated for narrative effect and cosmological reasons into the goddesses Athirat and Rahmay. 8 1 T h u s only two gods, twins, are to be understood as born to the goddesses, rather than a series of births, which would understand this to be a general theogony. Note is also taken here of T s u m u r a ' s reinterpretation of 11. 49-58, 8 2 which restores the tricolon of 11. 5 6 - 7 to a position following hmhmt in 1. 51, and interprets it as a counting of months of pregnancy, rather than a fivefold repetition of the impregnation (which with the two described, was formerly understood to give seven overall on the previous interpretation of the the text). 83 This is an interesting instance of a text which explicidy combines myth and ritual. 84 It therefore seems to envisage a specific application of the myth to a specific ritual context (though that is not identified in the text). In view of the congeners, however, it is probably safe to conclude that any specific application is secondary, and applies to the given context in which it appears a symbolic force to be discerned in the theoretical prototype. While a n u m b e r of similar myths are told in the ancient near east, of which several are evidently cognate, we cannot hope to recover the original myth, which being absolutely archetypal, must go way back into prehistory. It is even fair to say that if myths are traced back to their origins, only two basic types require to be posited, dealing with conflict (and all resolution of tensions) and reproduction (and by extension other 'origins'). Here is the primal tale about how the first children were begotten. O t h e r birth-myths, such as K T U 1.12 i = R S 2. [012] and K T U 1.24 = 5.194 (below), are essentially versions of the same theme, adapted to different specific secondary contexts. I have dis-

81 See W Y A T T 1998C, 333 n. 49, and also my more extensive treatment in W Y A T T 1996a, 219-82, in which I examine the text in the larger context of its ancient near eastern congeners and biblical derivatives. T h e latter range indicates the ideological importance of the tradition. See also A S T O U R 1967, 154-7. 82 T S U M U R A 1978. See also W A T S O N 1994a, and W Y A T T 1998c, 332 n. 45. 83 Cf. C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R - H E R D N E R 1974, 376, DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a, 446. D I J K S T R A , above § 5.1.1, retains the older understanding. 84 Contrary to the assessment voiced by DE M O O R 1 9 7 1 , 3 0 , I do not feel compelled to accept that all myths are inseparable from rituals. T h e situation is infinitely more complex. For a recent collection of views see S E G A L 1 9 9 8 .

cussed a n u m b e r of biblical derivatives, 83 and here the c o m m o n element is the same, but with a marked bias towards a royal significance. This is to be expected, since the king, as sacral figure, would tend to have concentrated in his person all the symbolic values of his community. P a r d e e ' s (1997a, 274) assessment that it deals with 'a pair of relatively minor deities' is a fair reflection of current opinion on the text, but in my view underestimates their considerable ideological importance as 'royal gods', who reflect in their mythology certain important constants. Assessments of the text range f r o m that offered by C u t l e r M a c d o n a l d (1982) as a famine-relief liturgy, by L a r g e m e n t 1949, L i p i n s k i 1986a and S e g e r t 1986 as a 'fertility cult' myth, to that of P a r d e e (1997a) as a possible analogue or component of an autumnal vintage and new year festival (cf. K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003+). This divergence of views is natural, given that features of all these types may be discerned; nor are they incompatible with my royal assessment. Further analysis is undoubtedly required. D e M o o r (1987, p. 117) has defined the text as a sacred marriage text. This too is reasonable in so far as it actually deals with a marriage, but we need to be clear what 'sacred marriage' (hieros gamos) means, and the use of the term sometimes implies that the same kind of significance is to be applied in all cases, as though it is just a tantric use of sex in the cult. It is here that I think the royal dimension is important, and enables us to clarify matters. A mythic paradigm is established here which is used to convey basic notions about the concern of the chief deity for the created order, a n d the implicit identification of his offspring with kings becomes the means whereby royal duties are represented as actualizing the theological programme. 8 6 4.3.2

KTU 1.24 = RS

5.194

T h e second text I wish to treat briefly here is K T U 1.24 = R S 5.194, the so-called Nikkal poem, treating the marriage of Nikkal and the moon. 8 7 While complete, the surface of this tablet is eroded

85

1996a, 232-68. W Y A T T 1998c, 3 2 5 . The myth may not unreasonably be compared with the patriarchal narratives of Genesis, which though written in an entirely different idiom deal with precisely the same theme, that of national survival. 87 The following translations and studies have appeared, among others: V I R O L L E A U D 1936b, G O R D O N 1937, 1977, 65-67, A I S T L E I T N E R 1939, 1964, 63-4, G I N S B E R G 1939, 86

WYATT

to such an extent that many readings remain uncertain. T h e text falls into two parts. T h e first consists of a mythic narrative in which the goddess Nikkal (the Hurrian form of Sumerian n i n . g a l ) is seduced by the moon-god, appearing as Yarih, but in all probability the Hurrian moon-god Kusuh. H e then seeks her h a n d in marriage, and after a n u m b e r of attempts have been m a d e to fob him off with alternative brides, the wedding is performed, with the requisite payment of bride-price and dowry, both costs borne by the bridegroom himself. T h e second part is a hymn to the Kotharat, the goddesses of weddings and childbirth. understood the myth to be Hurrian, while d e l O l m o 88 L e t e 1 9 9 1 has maintained its Sumerian origin. Both views may be right of course, since Hurrian religion adopted many features of the cults of the fertile crescent. It is ' h u m a n i z e d ' , and no doubt with particular adaptation to the Ugaritian milieu. But I shall suggest an alternative source just below. A Babylonian version 89 appears to be part of a childbirth ritual, to ease a difficult parturition. T h e presence of the hymn to the Kotharat on the same tablet suggests that in the present instance too this may have been the purpose of the myth, though this too is undoubtedly a secondary application of the narrative. I have long wondered whether the myth itself may be related to the narrative of G e n 34 (the story of Dinah and Shechem), for which I have proposed an Indo-European origin, since it is remarkably close to some Vedic material. T h e possibility that marital circumcision may have been practised in Ugarit (though not referred to specifically in the present text) would support this suggestion. 90 Goetze

1941

1941, H E R D N E R 1949a, T S E V A T 1953, D R I V E R 1956, 125-7, J I R K U 1962, 77-9, H E R R M A N N 1968, C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R - H E R D N E R 1974, 381-97, W Y A T T 1977b, G I B S O N 1978, 128-9, DEL O I . M O L E T E 1981a, 449-56, 1991, DE M O O R 1987, 141-5. 8B See too the interesting discussion of other versions of this myth by A S T O U R 1967, 80-92, though he did not include K T U 1.24 in his coverage.

GOETZE

8!

' ASTOUR

9,1

1967,

85,

BÖHL

1936.

On Gen 34 see W Y A T T 1990a; on circumcision at Ugarit see W Y A T T 1992b. On the possibility that the present text does in fact deal with circumcision, see A L L A N forthcoming, where it is argued that mlk qz (11. 2, 17, 24) denotes the 'counsellor for circumcision'.

5

The

Royal

5.1

Ideology

of

Ugarit

General considerations

W e have already noted a n u m b e r of allusions to kingship and its mythic representation in the narrative texts. It is in the nature of an urban archive, where much of the record was generated specifically by the palace and temple bureaucracies, that there should be such an apparent bias towards royal interests, most obvious in cultic matters. O n one hand this should warn us of a largely untapped reservoir of 'popular' religion, such as must have been practised by ordinary citizens of the several classes and guilds attested in administrative documents, at which the marzihu texts hint, for example; and also the cult of minor shrines both in the city and outiying villages, where quite independent cults may have been observed. Such historical realities tend by their nature to go undocumented. 9 1 O n the other hand, the royal nature of the bulk of the religious texts, where the ritual ones are devoted largely to procedures in which the king played a leading role, 92 and the mythological ones are largely, though not exclusively, related to ideological questions, is a fair reflection of the specific importance of Ugarit as a royal city within the kingdom. Just as the biblical texts generated by the Jerusalem cultus, or the inscriptions from royal cities such as Thebes or Nineveh, naturally reflect the national significance of such sites, so we should expect the same from Ugarit. W h a t is striking about the evidence from Ugarit is the considerable degree of continuity between its royal ideology and that of Jerusalem from the Iron Age. 93 This suggests that while local variations undoubtedly occurred, which must not be underestimated, a common West Semitic nexus of ideas about monarchy, in which the same or similar myths of divine parentage, the important ritual functions of the rabitu gebîrâ, and similar ritual conceptions and pracdces obtained. This also must not be underestimated.

91

The poor documentation is noted by VAN DER T O O R N 1 9 9 6 , 1 5 3 . For a brief treatment see below. 92 See in particular D E L O L M O L E T E 1992a = 1999, and above, § 7 . 1 . 2 . 93 See W Y A T T 1996a.

5.2

The divinity of the king

T h e king is represented in the narrative poetry as bn il. This expression may be interpreted as ' m e m b e r of the genus "god"', which is its sense when applied to deities. It thus appears to include the king in this category. More narrowly, it appears to have the mythological sense 'son of ΕΓ (that is, of El as chief god), a nuance supported by the corollary, that El is explicitly 'father' to the king ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ ii 2 3 - 4 : dbh Ur abk il: 'Sacrifice to Bull your father, El', addressed to Keret). El is further identified as ab adm, which in my view has the narrower sense of 'father of M a n (even "Adam")' rather than the broader sense of 'father of mankind'. T h e latter expression is remarkable enough as a powerful metaphor of kinship relating deity and his people; with the narrower sense it reinforces the specific and peculiar relationship between deity and (divine) king already noted. A further image of the king's divine status is the broken text at K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ ii 26-8, which proclaims the status of Yasib (Keret's heir) in these terms: He will drink the milk of Athirat he will drain the breast of Virgin [Rahmay]; the suckling of [goddesses].94 This text has caused some disputation: 'Anat' is commonly restored in the lacuna in the second colon, though in my view without justification other than a pavlovian response to the term btlt, while the surviving word in the third is often read with a final t (as mšnq[t\), and translated as 'wetnurses'. We have here not a sociological observation, however, but a mythological allusion, to royal sons who drink their divinity from the breasts of divine mothers, which is only to be expected if the goddess (there is actually only one, for Athirat and R a h m a y are hypostases of Shapsh, as is evident from K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002) is consort to El and therefore the king's ideological mother. This passage is important not only in establishing Yasib's ideological status, but also in countering Parker's claim that the Keret narrative is intended to discredit royal claims to divinity. T h e overall interpretation of material of this kind suffers in part, I believe, from a tendency for the modern interpreter to attribute to the ancients the same mental attitudes we share. This is not only 94 For justification of this reading and translation see W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 2 0 9 n. All translations from Ugaritic in the present chapter are from this volume.

149.

fashionable since the deserved eclipse of Lévy-Bruhl's more romantic views, but almost de rigueur in today's intellectual climate. Carried to extremes, it is absurd. Even people in the seventeenth century had a world-view radically different from our own. It requires a supreme effort on our part even to grasp what Late Bronze Ugaritians thought of the world. T h e cosmological framework outlined above should warn us against importing too much rationality in our sense of the term. Perhaps the most difficult thing to appreciate is the sliding scale between the h u m a n and divine realms. T h e Ugaritians, like everyone else in the Mediterranean world at least down to early Christian times, inhabited a world populated with spiritual powers in every corner. These could be acknowledged as the vast range of gods worshipped by compatriots and foreigners alike, organized into panthea, though this usually happened only to one's own gods, worshipped either in organized fashion, as in the royal cultus, which actually invoked a small selection from the pantheon, or worshipped in ad hoc fashion according to personal devotion by private citizens, feared or exorcized as demons, or revered as ancestors. N o r were the ancients averse to seeing such powers embodied in actual people, particularly in kings. T h e royal ancestors were explicitly called gods ( K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257) and invoked at funerals ( K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126) while some of their n u m b e r ' 5 were given the more exalted status of rpum, 'saviours', a term which may have corresponded roughly to the 'heroes' of Greek cult. T h e king was a living representative of the royal gods of the past, into whose company he was welcomed at death, and the one person who could most effectively communicate with the divine realm on behalf of ordinary mortals. T h e language of divine birth and genealogy was of course symbolic—when is language not symbolic?—but all the more real for so being. 96

95

T h e rpum named in the Ugaritic texts do not feature in the king-list. Their precise relationship with the historical kings of Ugarit remains obscure. They are evidently invoked as 'ideological ancestors'. The r'pâ'îm of biblical tradition are associated above all with the Hauran, and in this respect perhaps make connection with the Ugaritic rpum. Cf. K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252.2-3, which links Rāpiu, eponymous deity of the rpum, with Ashtarat and Edrei, cities linked with Og, last of the Rephaim, in Deut. 1:4. On Rāpiu and the rpum see n. 31 above. See also references in n. 130. For Pitard's cautious estimate of the nature and role of the rpum see above § 6.4, 259-69. 96 A similar concern to downplay the divinity of the Pharaoh is evident in some egyptological studies. It goes against the whole weight of the ideological tradition,

suggested that the rhetorical questioning of K T U 1 . 1 6 = R S 3 . 3 2 5 + i 9 - 1 1 , 2 0 - 3 ('Is Keret then the son of E l . . .?') pointed to a negative answer. Gods do not die, but Keret does, and is therefore no god. This overlooks the fact that Baal does die. I have proposed 9 7 as an alternative that the language of this passage specifically compares Keret with Baal, expressing in this way the hope that Keret too, like Baal, will be restored to life. T h u s the ideological status of the king is not in question. If anything, it is considerably e n h a n c e d by the comparison. This aspect of Ugaritian thought may be the medium through which dead kings achieved a form of deification after death ( K T U 1 . 1 1 3 = RS 2 4 . 2 5 7 ) , by a formal apotheosis indicated by the determinative il, and also by aspiring to the status of rpum. This might be enhanced by the comparison in Keret, in addition to any language used of the reigning monarch. P a r k e r

(1977)

6

6.1

R i t u a l

9 8

General considerations

T h e information noted above may be supplemented by reference to the ritual texts from Ugarit. M a n y of these were discovered within the confines of the palaces, and provide a convenient and eloquent insight into the complex ritual life in which the king played a central role. While the narrative texts appear to accept a principle of 'divine kingship' for the monarchy, however precisely this be defined, there is no indication in the ritual texts of the king's peculiar status. His 'sacral' role as a pontifex, a mediator between the divine and h u m a n realms, is unquestionable. But he acts merely as a cipher, performing his appointed role in the d r a m a of the cult. N o theoretical position on this is even hinted at. T h e surviving ritual texts from Ugarit are unlikely to record more than a small proportion of the cultic life of the city, and in any case at least in some instances record events taking place in the palace and royal chapels. O u r already partial record is thus primarily of and against a basic appreciation of ancient Egyptian psychology. We must attempt to understand the ancients in their terms at least as much as ours. 97

WYATT

98

See also Sections §§

1997.

XELLA 1981, CAQUOT -

1999.

7.1-2

above. On the ritual texts see 1989, DEL

DE T A R R A G O N - C U N C H I L L O S

1980, 1992a =

DE T A R R A G O N OLMO LETE

the royal cultus. General proceedings in the other main city temples on the acropolis and the city centre are simply unknown. W h a t can be stated with certainty is that the mythological texts offer no record of any ritual calendar or theology, as argued by those espousing the seasonal interpetation. T h e most they offer is occasional snatches of liturgical material embedded in the narrative, and descriptions of divine feasting which are as it were a gods'-eye-view of sacrificial rites. T h e observances of the characters in the Keret and Aqhat stories no doubt reflect typical ritual practices, but these are entirely incidental to the narratives. T h e ritual texts, on the other hand, evidently work within a tightiy structured cultic calendar, although in view of the fragmentary nature of the record, we are not in a position to reconstruct this adequately, which might allow an appreciation of the overall pattern. T h e texts devoted to ritual matters are discussed elsewhere in this volume (§ 7). Here perhaps some remarks on the broad nature of ancient ritual, as attested in Ugarit, are appropriate. An interesting pattern emerges from scrutiny of the ancient religions of the N e a r East. This is the complex relationship with all aspects of h u m a n life, and particularly the economic dimension. Whatever the origins of sacrificial practice, it is evident that it was the centre of the temple cultus in all the urban cultures of the ancient Near East. O n every occasion where the deities were invoked, offerings of meat, cereals, wine, oil or other material commodities (cloth, metals, votive gifts, incense etc.) were made. In a sense it can be argued that a significant a m o u n t of the city-state's economic production was geared to the demands of the temples. T h e overall scale of sacrificial d e m a n d is not clear from Ugarit, but livestock production would have been in part controlled by its d e m a n d s , " with perhaps special diets, selection for special markings, and animals of a certain age and gender selected for ritual use. It is even possible that all meat-production was channelled through the temples. Im Egyptian temples were frequendy

99

Note that one of Ilimilku's offices, no doubt in his capacity as a priest, appears to have been management of temple herds (rb khnm rb nqdm: K T U 1.6 vi 55-6). The influence of the temple-economy on the broader economy should not be underestimated. If the gods demanded richer offerings, agricultural practice had to adapt to the demand, while greater food-production would result in greater surpluses, and therefore enhanced trade, enhanced wealth, and no doubt concomitent population growth. T h e temples were at the apex of this economic spiral. 100 T h e 'secular' slaughter envisaged in Deut. 12:15-6, 2 0 - 5 has the appearance of a departure from an older norm in which all animals were killed not only ritually

equipped with extensive store-rooms for the storage of the produce of farm-lands controlled by them. 10 ' W e should expect similar organization at Ugarit, if on a smaller scale, though presumably any warehouses would have been outside the city-walls, perhaps in satellite settlements. In view of the emphasis on 'the fertility cult' which appears to sell student handbooks, 1 0 2 which conjures up an image of orgiastic rites which I once heard described as 'a sea of heaving buttocks', it is worth noting that there is no evidence from Ugarit for practices of this kind. W e certainly have mythological begettings, a n d some deities have voracious sexual appetites, while we have noted a ritual dimension to K T U 1.23 = R S 2.002. T h e context of this interesting text is however the conception of princes, and it m a y well be no m o r e than a mimetic counterpart to the actual (highly ritualized) consummation of a royal marriage in Ugarit. An iconographie counterpart may be seen in the ivory panels f r o m the royal bed. W e also noted a probable ritual context to K T U 1.24 = RS. 5.194, a n d shall mention further such material below (§ 13.9).

6.2

A rite of atonement: KTU

1.40 = RS

1.002+

I shall limit my discussion of individual ritual texts to one example. This is the liturgy for the great day of a t o n e m e n t at Ugarit, preserved partially in two tablets, K T U 1.40, 1.84 = R S 1.002 + 1002a, 17.100[a] + 100[b]. 103 T h e liturgy appears on the surviving evidence to have been composed of six parts, addressed alternately to m e n ([i], iii, v) a n d w o m e n ([ii], iv, vi). O n l y the final three sections are in a condition to allow continuous translation. T h r e e pairs of victims were offered, two oxen ([i, ii]), two rams (iii, iv) and two donkeys (v, vi). Each animal is offered as a t o n e m e n t ( n p y ) m on behalf of the m e n (or women) of Ugarit and its surrounding districts (?).

in the most general sense, but in the presence of a deity, and formally as an offering. One reason for this would have been the accumulation of power in the hands of organized priesthoods. 101 They are most graphically evident at the Ramesseum, the mortuary temple of Rameses II. See K E M P 1989, 191-7. 102 See the title of H A R R E L S O N 1969, From fertility cult to worship. 103 See W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 342 for bibliography, to which add DE T A R R A G O N 1 9 9 8 . 104 On the meaning of this key term see W Y A T T 1998c, 3 4 2 n. 2 , where I review the different proposals. I have followed P A R D E E 1 9 9 1 , 1 1 9 1 .

T h e accusation of sins made by various ethnic and social groups are addressed, and the victim is offered u p to El and the p a n t h e o n through the mediation of the messenger-gods T h u k a m u n and Shanim. O n e section (11. 3 5 - 4 3 , § 6), typical in structure to each, may be cited by way of illustration: N o w repeat the liturgy for puri [fication], for purification of the w o < m e > n of Ugarit, and atonement for the foreigner within the walls of Ugarit, and [atone]ment for his wife. Whenever your state of grace be changed, whether by the accusation of the Qa[tians, or by the accusation of the Dadm]ians, or by the [accusation of the the Hu]rrians, or by the accusation of the Hittites, or by the accusation of the Cypriots, or by the accusation of the gbr, or by the accusation of your op [pressed] ones, or by the accusaüon of your p[oo]r, or by the accusation of qrzbl', whenever your state of grace be changed, either through [your] anger, [or through your impat]ience, or through some evil you have done; whenever [your state) of grace be changed [concerning the sacrifices] and the offering, our sacrifice we offer: this is the offering we [make], [this is the victim we] immolate. M a y it be borne aloft to the father of the gods, may it be borne aloft to the pan[theon of the gods], [to] the assembly of the gods, to T h u k a m u n [and Shanim]: here is the donkey.

While it is difficult to extract a detailed moral theology from this material, it certainly exhibits a moral dimension of some significance, and a powerful sense of the necessary cohesion of society, while recognizing the centrifugal pressures and tensions arising from the relations between sub-groups. What is interesting is that it is the perception by a sub-group ('by the accusation [ulp] of the Hittites' etc.) of wrongdoing by the community at large that is significant, not any proven fault. This suggests a highly developed sense of the importance of people's feelings, though the term ulp (construed as u + I + p: 'whether from the mouth of') may also have had a specifically forensic nuance,

suggesting the infraction of a code of practice. T h e personal involvem e n t of groups in society, rather than any impersonal system of pollution, such as obtains in Leviticus, points to a moral rather than a purely ritual basis for sin. W i t h o u t d o u b t the mechanical dimension also existed, but being uncodified has left n o evidence. T h e likelih o o d that we should discern a moral dimension here is p e r h a p s supported by the moral error into which K e r e t is perceived as falling in going aside f r o m his j o u r n e y to visit the shrine of Athirat. In pursuing this undoubtedly worthy religious goal, he violates the principle of absolute a n d undeviating obedience to El's c o m m a n d s , which takes priority over any secondary matter. W e thus catch glimpses of a highly developed ethical universe, in no way c o m p r o m i s e d by the polytheistic theology whose workings we sketched above. W h a t the king's duties m a y have been in the i m p o r t a n t c e r e m o n y of K T U 1.40 unfortunately remain u n k n o w n . W e should expect him to play a significant role, on the analogy of Babylonian material such as the Akîtu, but we are ignorant of the occasion or even the frequency of this rite. It m a y be worth remarking that K T U 1.12 = R S 2. [012], which begins with a théogonie scene, a n d m a y thus have royal overtones, appears in its f r a g m e n t a r y conclusion to treat Baal's d e a t h as a n a t o n e m e n t of some kind. D o e s this p o i n t , h o w e v e r obscurely, to the king's ritual involvement? Any answer remains speculative. T h e gist of the K e r e t story is also highly conscious of the delicacy of a king's moral position: any individual d e p a r t u r e f r o m p r o p e r behaviour threatens not merely a private m a n , but an entire kingdom. W h e t h e r linked to a periodic rite of a t o n e m e n t of this sort, as the Israelite ritual for Y o m K i p p u r appears to have been (Lev. 16), or in its obviously m o r e primitive f o r m still linked to a m o r e informal ad hoc solution to a c o m m u n a l sense of guilt at a serious transgression, K T U 1.127 = R S 24.277.30-2 provides an intriguing antecedent to the biblical account. It prescribes the expulsion of a goat, which will apparently carry away the sins of the community. 1 0 5

105

See D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1990a 32-8, and the remarks by M E Y E R (ibid., recently discovered text from Ebla also contains a scapegoat ritual: see 1996b, Z A T E L L I 1998.

A

270-1). XELLA

7

F a m i l y

L i f e

a n d

its

R e l i g i o u s

E x p r e s s i o n

While composed in epic style, and themselves with ideological reference, the Keret and Aqhat stories reveal a n u m b e r of features of everyday practice which deserve note in giving a rounded picture of Ugaritian religious life. T h e y probably represent fairly conventional attitudes and observances. A powerful sense of clan solidarity appears to have been normal. It is this rather than a developed sense of individual identity (though not entirely discounting this) which underlies Keret's response to the offer of wealth and power ( K T U 1.14 = R S RS 2. [003]+ i 5 2 ii 5 and parallels): Why should I want silver or yellow gold . . .? It is sons I would beget, descendants I would multiply! This is almost an example of the 'biology of religion', 106 in which religious language articulates the norm for patterns of behaviour governing social and reproductive life. T h e present passage allows Keret to voice a man's primary duty, to beget sons. It is in these that the true wealth of a m a n is measured. W e almost sense in this response a healthy scorn for the false idols of silver, gold and rich possessions: the acquisitive society was perhaps then only in its infancy. Another well-known and much-cited passage 107 is the following ( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 2 3 - 3 3 and parallels), which occurs four times. T h e repetitious nature of such a large block of material suggests that it reflects a popular summation of the duties of the pious son, and the essence of family piety, and is in addition to be considered a central theme of the story. T o have a son like this is to be blessed indeed. T o lose a son like this (as is Danel in the sequel) is to be cursed indeed. you must surely bless him, Bull El my father, you must (surely) give a blessing to him, Ο Creator-of-creatures, so that he may beget a son in his house, a scion in the midst of his palace. 106

Cf. the title of the first edition of

107

See

EISSFELDT

1966,

KOCH,

1967,

REYNOLDS HEALEY

TANNER 1979

and

1983.

VAN D E R T O O R N

1996,

am not sure of the categorization of this by van der Toorn under the rubric 'the cult of the ancestors'. Cf. H U S S E R 1 9 9 5 . 154-65.

I

He shall set up the stela of his ancestral god, in the sanctuary the cippus of his kinsman; into the earth sending forth his dying breath, into the dust protecting his progress;108 he shall shut the mouths of his slanderers, he shall drive away those who are ill-disposed towards him. Taking his hand when he is drunk, supporting him when sated with wine; he shall serve up his share in the house of Baal, and his portion in the house of El; he shall plaster his roof on a muddy day, he shall wash his clothes on a filthy day. This classic formulation of filial piety, to be introduced by the blessing El is exhorted to confer, falls into seven bicola, the first dealing with the begetting of the son (the classic duty of the father), and the other six treating the son's duties (the filial response). T h e prosodie structure of the section is complex, and skilfully weaves domestic and ritual tasks. 109 We are apt to see in all this expressions of affection. T h e reality is probably more detached. T h e performance of these duties is essential for the preservation of the paterfamilias, in whom all the family's interests are invested. H e bears the family name, and this must not be extinguished. Furthermore, his ritual activities benefit the entire family, so that the son performs these when necessary to ensure their regular implementation.

8

OTHER

RELIGIOUS

8.1

MANIFESTATIONS110

Vows

Keret's vow in K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003]+ iv 3 4 - 4 3 is the only instance of a vow in Ugaritic literature, but provides a classic example of the form: they ca[me] to the sanctuary of Athirat of Tyre and to the goddess of Sidon. toe p o r s e n s e 'INTO' rather than 'from', as most interpreters take it, see X E L L A 1982a, 194 and H U S S E R 1995, esp. 124. 109 See discussion and references in W Y A T T 1 9 9 8 C , 2 5 5 - 5 9 nn. 2 3 - 4 1 . The sevenfold pattern (n. 23) represents completeness, and so perhaps implies all the other social duties incumbent on a son. 110 See also Sections §§ 6.5, 7.3 above.

There Keret the votary vowed a gift: Ό Athirat of Tyre, and goddess of Sidon, if I take Hurriy to my house, and bring the sacred bride into my court, twice her weight in silver shall I give, and three times her weight in gold!' As important as this formulation is the logical sequel, after it transpires that Keret has omitted to fulfil this vow ( K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 25-30): And Athirat recalled his vow, and the goddess [his promise]. And she lifted up her voice and [cried]: 'Look, I pray: has Ke[ret broken], or [the king] altered his vow? [So] shall I break [my promise!]' While the first part conforms to the standard formulaic construction of vows, with the address (the deity concerned) followed by a prodosis (the condition) and then an apodosis (the votive gift promised), the second gives an unusual insight into the putative reaction of a deity to a vow neglected." 1 It deconstructs the vow, to reveal the consequence of neglect in so important a sphere. A deity is not to be casually invoked with impunity. A vow entered into cannot simply be ignored. T h e language has a legally binding force. Everything in the tradition points to the enormous power and authority invested in the spoken word.

8.2

Blessings

Just as vows have their rationale in the potency of the spoken word, so blessings are believed to be efficacious by the mere fact of utterance. T h e Keret story also provides the classic blessing formula ( K T U 1.15 = R S 3.343+ ii 16-28): [El] took a cup [in] (his) hand, a goblet in (his) [right] hand;

111

In narrative terms this is intriguing in that it also frustrates El's intention to bless Keret. In theological terms this shows a considerable finesse, all the more interesting because of the undoubtedly unconscious processes which explore the strategic consequences.

He did indeed bless [his servant], he blessed Keret [the votary], [he gave a bless]ing to the gracious [one], heir of El: 'Take a wife, Ο Keret, take a wife to your house, bring a sacred bride into your dwelling: she will bear you seven sons, and multiply them eightfold for you. She will bear Yasib the heir: he will drink the milk of Athirat; he will drain the breast of Virgin [Rahmay] ; the suckling of [goddesses]. T h e blessing may continue for several lines, for it is to be understood to include the opening lines of K T U 1.15 iii, concluding, after a list of Keret's daughters, with the final four cola (13-6): Be gready exalted, [Keret], among the Saviours of the netherwo[r1d], in the convocation of the assembly of Dita[n]. Their last one I shall treat as the firstborn. This blessing is not simply synonymous with that which is implicit in El's discursive instructions to Keret ( K T U 1.14 = R S 2. [003] + ii 7—iii 49), which also ends in a divine promise of an heir. It is rather a formal cultic occasion in which the relationship of the king to the city gods (and to El in particular) is affirmed, and has important iconographical and indeed ideological overtones." 2 But it also reinforces the king's crucial role as mediator before the gods on behalf of the whole of society. T h e blessing formula involving the cup has also been restored in the Aqhat story, at K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [004] i 34-6, 1 1 3 and is important evidence in favour of a royal interpretation of Danel's position. It is to be noted that while Keret demands only one thing, children, three things are actually promised: children, membership of the select group the rpum, and such wealth as will enable the youngest to be treated as the first-born."4 T h e vow is a c o m m o n feature of indi112

Discussed with references in W Y A T T 1 9 9 7 . See J A C K S O N - D R E S S L E R 1975; also W Y A T T 1998c, 2 6 0 n. 4 2 . 114 This is to be understood not in the sense that she will be the first-born, but that there will no need to apportion wealth, so much will be available. Attempts (e.g. G R A Y 1 9 6 4 , 6 0 ) to see in this the tracing of a line from Keret through his youngest daughter to the Ugaritian dynastic line are misplaced. There is of course a sting in the tail: an equal share in a blessing implies an equal share in a curse. 113

vidual religious devodon in the ancient world, reflecting an essentially pragmatic approach to religion. It was the source of material benefits in a world without the relative stability in health or economic matters the modern urban dweller takes for granted. A less formal blessing (perhaps more of a spontaneous outburst than a liturgical norm, though we should not discount the latter possibility) occurs in Danel's words to the withered plants he encounters. Here is one example ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ ii 22-5): Oh! May this ear of corn rise from the parched land, may the ear of corn rise up [among the wit]hered stalks! Plant, may the hand of Aqhat harvest you, may it put you into the midst of the granary! While part of a finely polished literary work, this scene gives a marvellous insight into the real world of the distressed, who will clutch at any straw (as Danel is doing!) in time of deep emotional crisis. Danel does not yet know the cause for this terrible drought, but his heart is full of foreboding as he tries to use the intrinsic power of a blessingformula to redress the balance of nature. T h e fact that he invokes Aqhat's n a m e simply adds further irony and pathos to the scene.

8.3

Curses

T h e counter to the blessing is the curse, again based on the power of speech. T h r e e sets of curses survive in Ugaritic literature. T h e first example occurs twice in quite different contexts, and probably reflects a standard usage. W h e n Keret perceives Yasib's incipient treachery (which conceivably was inspired by the best of motives) he addresses him thus ( K T U 1.16 = R S 3.325+ vi 54-8): May Horon smash, Ο my son, may Horon smash your head, Athtart-the-name-of-Baal your crown! May you fall down in the prime of life, empty-handed, and humiliated! T h e irony in this scene is overwhelming: Keret, who had sought a blessing too many at the hands of Athirat, when he had already received El's assurance, now undoes even his (El's) good work by cursing his family back into the condition from which he began. T h e

equal blessing promised the youngest daughter now comes to haunt her too, as she is implicitly included in this terrible curse. T h e same formula is used by Baal against Yam in K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 7 - 9 . In view of what Baal himself does to Yam we may ask whether the curse formula does not belong to a royal headsmashing ritual (as exemplified in Anat's ritual treatment of prisoners)" 5 or, as I have suggested, in executions, being a disclaimer by the executioner." 6 T h e idea of invoking the gods to perform a dreadful act, thus exculpating the actual perpetrator, is deeply imbedded in h u m a n psychology, ancient and modern. This percept also applies in the case where someone cannot actually wreak vengeance himself, and leaves it to the gods. This is not dissimilar from the curse Danel utters against the falcons ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iii 1-3): The win[gs of the falcons] may Baal sma<sh>, may Baal smash [their pinions]! Let them fall a my feet! In both cases gods are invoked to do violence to a guilty party in the absence of any realistic chance of the victim himself, or his father, wreaking vengeance. T h e second curse-form is used by Danel in his as yet unfocussed distress in perceiving that something dreadful is wrong ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ i 42-6): 117 For seven years Baal shall fail, for eight, the Charioteer of the clouds! No dew, no rain, no welling up of the deeps, no goodness of Baal's voice! This is an invocation of drought, for the sources of water, dew, rain and springs, are all to cease. T h e threefold sources of life-giving water are turned into a tetracolon, and a quaternity, by the theophany-sign of their coming, the voice of the storm-god. T h e natural world, implicitly all its cardinal points, will thus participate in the mourning for Aqhat, whose life-sustaining blood has been shed, even

115

See

116

WYATT

117

T o the first three cola of the tetracolon cf. 2 Sam 1:21.

LLOYD

1996.

1998C,

241

n.

297.

though Danel is not yet fully aware of the import of his words. This is in effect a reification of the emotional desiccation felt by someone who mourns the dead, a feeling all the more powerful if it is a parent mourning a child. T h e final instance is Danel's cursing of the cities neighbouring the place where Aqhat was murdered. This again is evidently part of a conventional legal process, in which liability is sought in the case of the discovery of a murder victim in open country. This is the last of three towns thus cursed ( K T U 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 3-7): 'Woe to you, town of Abilim, because near you was smitten Aqhat the hero! May Baal make your wells dry, henceforth and forever, now and for all generations!' Afterwards he took his staff in his hand. In the absence of the possibility of identifying the perpetrator of a homicide, the neighbouring settlements are made legally liable. Their territory is in any event polluted by unavenged blood, so they must resort to purification rites. T h e same principle is enunciated in Deut. 21:1-9. T h e reference to Danel's staff (mt)—the term may also be translated as 'sceptre'—no doubt alludes to a formal ritual, where some gesture with the staff implements the legal effect of his curse.

8.4

Oracles and omens

Anxiety concerning the future is a natural h u m a n trait, the price of consciousness. As a means of addressing this an important aspect of ancient religion was its predictive role. Various techniques were probably used," 8 though many of those known are not specifically attested at Ugarit. 119 With sacrificial animals being regularly butchered, the priests were familiar with the nature of entrails and other internal organs, and there was an ancient tradition of 'reading' these, noting anomalous forms, and making links with historical or climatic events. T h e gods were believed to reveal these contingencies to the priests. Schools passed on the tradition, and model organs were made with notes drawing attention to certain features. K T U 1.141 = RS

118 Uil

For a useful survey see L O E W E BLACKER 1 9 8 1 . The Ugaritic material is examined in D I E T R I C H

LORETZ

1990.

24.312, 1.142 = R S 24.323, 1.143 = R S 24.326, 1.144 = R S 24.327, 1.155 = R S 24.654, are inscribed clay livers, while K T U 1.127 = RS 24.277 is a lung. 120 T h e birth of deformed animals ( K T U 1.103 + 1.145 = RS 24.247+) 121 or h u m a n infants ( K T U 1.140 = RS 24.302) were the subject of detailed observations, while celestial events were also read as portents ( K T U 1.78 = R S 12.061). This last text is surprisingly the only clear reference we have in Ugaritic to the importance of celestial p h e n o m e n a . However, the description of Danel's daughter Pughat as 'one who knows the courses of the stars' (yd\t\ hlk kbkbm: K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ ii 3-4) 122 suggests a body of lore on the subject. Bearing in mind that the gods are called 'stars' in K T U 1.10 = RS 3.362+ i 4, we should expect a complex theology of the heavenly bodies, complementing the obvious deification of sun, moon and Venus. This is still awaiting discovery.

8.5

Personal piety

Perhaps under the present rubric should also be mentioned briefly various other aspects of personal religion. T h e correspondance (see also § 8, also dealt with extensively in § 15) gives a n u m b e r of examples of pious wishes for the welfare of the recipients of letters, illustrating the almost unconscious (certainly unself-conscious) way in which various deities were invoked matter-of-facdy. Personal names (see also § 12.1) are a further source of information about individual and clan piety, for although fashions in names may have obtained, it is a reasonable guess that in most cases the deities incorporated into theophoric names (which tend to be transparent, though we should not discount an element of opacity with archaic forms) would focus the fears, aspirations and joys of parents of newly-born children. N o personal prayers in the context of everyday life have survived from Ugarit among the tablets published thus far, but K T U 1.119 = R S 24.266, noted above, gives an unusual example of a litany evidentiy dealing with times of trouble, and therefore an instance of 'urgent faith', while the personal prayers embodied as literary forms in Keret and Aqhat are, while themselves honed through poetic usage, no doubt modelled on practical piety. T h e particular impor-

120

See

121

DIETRICH -

LORETZ

122

See

1998C, 2 9 7

DIETRICH WYATT

LORETZ

1990, 5 - 3 8 ; MEYER

1990; above, § 7.3. n.

209.

1990;

above, §

7.3.

tance of Baal in such contexts deserves further study, and shows a lively belief in the efficacy of this god above all in answering the needs of the people from national to individual level.

9

9.1

Sickness

Sickness as a religious matter

Diseases and ailments of various sorts, now the province of medicine, were in antiquity an important aspect of ritual life, as they continue to be in traditional societies. Disorders of the body, the microcosm, were perceived as disorders of the macrocosm. Medicine was essentially holistic. A number of examples are found in Ugaritic literature. T h u s we have Keret lying sick in his palace, with El himself interceding to save his servant from death. In the king's case, the realm is particularly vulnerable, because on his health depends the adequate fulfilment of his royal and social duties, as shrewdly assessed by Yasib ( K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 25-38, 39-54). When a king lies at death's door, the very world mourns in anticipation (K l'U 1.16 i 6 - 9 , ii 44-7), and the fertile earth is parched ( K T U 1.16 iii 5-11).

9.2

Snakebite

Snakebite is the occasion of two interesting incantation texts, K TU 1.100 and 1.107 = RS 24.244, 24.251+. 1 2 3 T h e former 124 is 'a spell against the bite of a snake' ( K T U 1.100.4 etc.) couched in the form of a mythic narrative, in which a mare-deity invokes twelve deities (or pairs) in turn for assistance, addressing only at the end the potent god Horon who can achieve the cure. 125 K T U 1.107 126 appears to be concerned with curing a young medical practitioner who has been bitten. 123

See also RS 92.2014: E T in P A R D E E 1997a, 327 8. 1968, 564-74, A S T O U R 1968, 13-28, C A Ç U O T 1969, 241-254, DE L O R E T Z 1980a, D I E T R I C H T A R R A G O N 1989, 79-94, LIPINSKI 1974, D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z - SANMARTIN 1975b, G A S T E R 1975, Y O U N G 1977, 1979, P A R D E E 1978, 1988b, 193-226, 1997a, 295-8, T S E V A T 1979, B O W M A N - C O O T E 1980, X E L L A 1981, 224-240, K O T T S I E P E R 1984, L E V I N E DE T A R R A G O N 1988, DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 241-9 = 1999, 359-73, W Y A T T 1998c, 378-87. 125 El's fruitless invocation of the gods to cure Keret, followed by his manufacture of Shatiqat ('Remover') in KTU 1.16 ν 10 vi 14 is analogous. In neither case would it be legitimate to infer any theological bankruptcy: the episodes are constructed 124

VIROLLEAUD

9.3

Possession and exorcism

Some form of possession appears to be the subject matter of the incantation K T U 1.169 = R I H 78/20, 1 2 7 though it has also been interpreted as a cure for impotence. Baal, Horon and Athirat appear to cooperate in the expulsion of the demonic forces. In K T U 1.124 = R S 24.272, an indeterminate sickness is cured by means of an oracle attributed to Ditanu the eponym of the rpum. Another important composition, which however defies clear analysis, is K T U 1.82 = RS 15.134. 128 It appears to be an anthology of incantation texts. T h e interesting text K T U 1.114 = RS 24.258, 129 reflecting incidentally the phenomenon of the Marzihu, a kind of socio-religious men's club (cf. K T U 3.9 = RS [Varia 14] for a legal document concerned with such an institution), is an incantation in the form of a myth intended to cure a hangover, though at the same time it reflects on the acceptance of wine-consumption as having religious significance, perhaps as an aspect of spirituality.

10

10.1

Death

and

its

Rites

Texts ritualizing death

We have cited above the duties of the pious son outlined in K T U 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 23-33. Some of these duties involved the son's for dramatic effect. In the case of Horon, a dangerous power is approached only in extremis. In the case of Shatiqat, El's making of her highlights his peculiar role in matters of kingship. 126 V I R O L L E A U D 1968, 574-80, A S T O U R 1968, D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z - SANMARTIN 1975b, X E L L A 1981, 241-50, L E V I N E - DE T A R R A G O N 1988, P A R D E E 1988b, 227-57, DE T A R R A G O N 1989, 95-100, DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 249-51 = 1999, 371-3, W Y A T T 1998c, 391-4. 127 X E L L A 1978a, C A Q U O T 1978-9, 1984, 1989, 53-60, BORDREUIL - C A Q U O T 1980, 346-50, AVISHUR 1981a, DE M O O R 1980a, 1981-2, 114-5, 1986a, 255-7, 1987, 183-6, L O R E T Z - X E L L A 1981, S A R A C I N O 1982, 1984, FLEMING 1991, 1997, DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 2 5 9 - 6 0 = 1999, 384-6, W A T S O N 1992b, P A R D E E 1993a, 211-3. 128

See

DE M O O R -

SPRONK

1 9 8 4 , DE M O O R

1987,

175-81,

CAQUOT

1988,

DEL

1992a, 251-5 = 1999, 373-9. 129 V I R O L L E A U D 1968, 545-51, LOEWENSTAMM 1969a, DE M O O R 1969a, 167-75, 1970c, 1984, 1987, 134-7, M A R G U L I S ( = M A R G A L I T ) 1970b, 1979-80, 1982, FENSHAM 1971, p. 22, 1972, P O P E 1972, J A C K S O N 1974, R A I N E Y 1974, 184-7, D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z - SANMARTIN 1975a, X E L L A 1977, L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 159-69, C A T H C A R T W A T S O N 1980, D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1981, 88-98, 1993, S P R O N K 1986, 196-202, P A R D E E 1988b, 13-74, 1997a, 3 0 2 - 5 , C A Q U O T 1989, 7 1 - 8 , W A T S O N 1990a, M C L A U G H L I N 1991, 270-4, C A T H C A R T 1996, W Y A T T 1998C, 404-13. O L M O LETE

duties after his father's death. It is above all the duty of the eldest son to perform the obsequies of his father. This is one reason for the peculiar tragedy of a father losing his first son.' 30 T w o important royal texts deal with the rituals of death. T h e immediate context of K T U 1.113 = RS 24.257 is far from certain, but it involves a liturgy performed, in all probability, as a series of episodes invoking all the dead and now divinized kings appearing in the following king-list. This is conceivably a kispum-rite, as frequently proposed for the following text. K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 131 is perhaps one of the most intriguing ritual texts from Ugarit. It appears to be a combination of order of service for the funeral of the last King Niqmaddu (III?), father of 'Ammurapi, and at the same time a Kispum-rite, invoking dead kings, who are invited to participate in the obsequies and to welcome Niqmaddu into the underworld. Degrees of royal divinity appear to be envisaged, with the ancient rpum being regarded as having more prestige than intermediate kings between their remote and legendary past and the present. The text also illustrates the importance of Shapsh as psychopomp. 132

10.2

Tomb construction

So far as practicalities go, the evidence of the tombs is of interest. 1 i ! Constructed in the foundations of private houses and palaces alike, they were used for multiple burials as family vaults, and grave-goods, possessions and food, accompanied the dead to their rest. T h e precise conception of the post-mortem destiny of ordinary people is unclear, though S p r o n k ' s (1986) fulsome account is p r o b a b l y too

130 We may conjecture, since the death of a son is a theme common to both stories, that one of the motives behind Ilimilku's compositions (or editions) of the Keret and Aqhat stories may have been the death of an heir to the throne. In such a context we should recognize an elegiac quality to the poems. 131 C A Q U O T 1975, 1989, 103-10, DE M O O R 1976,'l981-2, 116-7, 1987 165-8, P O P E 1977, 177-81, P I T A R D 1978, 1987, L ' H E U R E U X 1979, 187-93, X E L L A 1981, 279-87, B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1982, 1991, 1 5 1 - 6 3 , D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1983b, 1991b, LEVINE - DE T A R R A G O N 1984, LEVINE - DE T A R R A G O N - ROBERTSON 1997b, T A Y L O R 1988, SPRONK 1986, 189-93, L E W I S 1989, 5-46, T R O P P E R 1989a, 144-50, 1993a, DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a, 130-4 = 1999, 193-8, P A R D E E 1993a, 208-10, 1996a, 1997a, 357-8, A B O U D 1994, 157-65, S C H M I D T 1994, 100-20, W Y A T T 1998c, 430-41. 132

S e e HUSSER

133

See

1997.

SCHAEFFER

1939a, 53-106,

MARGUERON

1983.

optimistic. Aqhat's brisk reponse to Anat ( K T U 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 34-9) at least reflects a healthy scepticism in some circles, though here too it is premature to assert that he denies any survival of death. P i t a r d (1994) has recendy shown the untenability of Schaeffer's old idea that tubes allowed the continued passage of food and drink to the dead.

10.3

Mourning rites

Mourning is referred to in both the Keret and Aqhat stories, and the incidental allusions probably reflect common attitudes and practice, albeit handled in epic style. W e have already noted the cosmic mourning for Keret in anticipation of his death. K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 15-9 alludes to weeping at the tomb entrance by mourning women, and their professional status (on the analogy of the groups in Egyptian tomb paintings) is to be understood from K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iv 9 - 2 7 , where they bewail Aqhat for seven years, before Danel concludes the proceedings with a sacrifice. Keret's daughter is to go out into the steppe to weep for her dead father ( K T U 1.16 i 28-35; cf. also ii 26-36). T w o further passages ( K T U 1.5 = R S 2.[022]+ vi 11-25, 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 2-8) deal in an interesting way with mourning rites. They describe the reaction of El and Anat respectively to the news of Baal's death. T h e former reads as follows: Then the Compassionate, the god of mercy, went down from his throne: he sat on his footstool. And from his footstool he sat on the ground. He poured the ashes of affliction on his head, the dust of grovelling on his skull. For clothing he put on a loin-cloth. His skin with a stone he scored, his side-locks with a razor, he gashed cheeks and chin. He ploughed his collar-bones, he turned over like a garden his chest, like a valley he ploughed his breast, He lifted up his voice and cried: 'Baal is dead! What has become of the Powerful One? The Son of Dagan!

What has become of Tempest? After Baal I shall go down into the underworld.' This text perhaps encapsulates most powerfully the ritual expression of utter despair in the presence of death, but at the same time the acceptance as significant for the mourner of the fate of the dead. T h e initial pentacolon describes El's progressive self-abasement, till he effecdvely shares, emotionally at least, in the annihilation of death. A self-burial rite follows, a mourning garment put on, with selflaceration and the cutting of the hair. 134 Only after these mute rites does the mourner give vent to feelings in words. Interestingly, Baal's death appears to constitute a paradigm of El's death; when Anat utters these same words, she alters the ard ( Ί shall go down') into nrd ('we shall go down'), and this very probably reflects or even cites verbatim an actual funerary litany, showing that Baal's death had religious meaning for h u m a n beings as they contemplated their own mortality. Alternatively, this last passage should be corrected to *a rd. . ., in which case it is El's words that Anat repeats verbatim.

11

Non-Literary

11.1

Dimensions

in

Ugaritian

Religion

Looking beyond the text

T h e r e is perhaps an inevitable, yet too great an emphasis among Ugaridc scholars on the textual aspect of religion. Most of us specialize in the analysis of texts. It should be remembered however that much of the population was probably illiterate, and that although liturgy and mythology played a part in all religious life, it was essentially the behavioural (ritual), aural (musical) and visual (iconographie) images and impressions which were most indelibly stamped on their minds. T h e ritual aspects we have dealt with briefly above. Here too our evidence is sadly exclusively textual, and we can do little more than evoke from the texts scenes of the banqueting of the gods,

134

These procedures are forbidden in Lev 19:27 8 and Deut 14:1, a sure indication that they were part of ancient Palestinian ritual too. Needless to say, to interpret El's and Anat's actions as somehow linked to a seasonal fertility cult is to misread the evidence. Cf. also the distraught behaviour of Keret's daughter in K T U 1.16 = RS 3.325+ ii 26-50.

perhaps to be seen as reflexes of sacrificial rites, and their stupendous journeys to one another's abodes ('over a thousand miles, ten thousand leagues'), to be interpreted as allusions to cultic processions.

11.2

Music

We have a n u m b e r of references to the playing of lyres and the singing of songs in the texts 133 which may reasonably be interpreted as relating to hymnody in the cult. A remarkable reconstruction of a Hurrian hymn from Ugarit (RS 15.30 + 15.49 + 17.387) has been attempted by Anne Kilmer, 1 3 6 while Annie Caubet 1 3 7 has drawn together and analysed the evidence for musical instruments in use in Ugarit.

11.3 Iconography O n the iconographie front a small n u m b e r of stelae and statuettes have been discovered, which give us a glimpse into the portrayal of some deities, and this allows some supplementation of their literary presentation. 138 In some cases a certain amount of comparative data may legitimately be brought to bear. A prolific source of iconographie information, but one that is hard to quantify in terms of purely local influence, is cylinder seals. We shall deal with this material in turn. Some of the images remain anonymous. T h e following are those than can be identified with a measure of confidence. Stela RS 8.295 139 represents an enthroned god, wearing the Atef-crown with bull's horns, in the presence of a votary, perhaps to be identified with the king, beneath a winged disc. While the precise interpretation of the scene is not beyond doubt, it perhaps represents a divine blessing, such as is discussed above. It has been compared with the scene on

135 136

1973,

See K T U 1.3 i 18-22. See K I L M E R - C R O C K E R KILMER

1974 and

-

BROWN

WULSTAN

1976.

See also

GÜTERBOCK

1970,

LAROCHE

1974.

137 C A U B E T 1 9 9 6 . Cf. also D U C H E S N E - G U I L L E M I N 1 9 8 1 for comparative Mesopotamian and Egyptian evidence. 138 The main publication where most of this material may been seen together is YON (ed.) 1991. See also § 14 below (Cornelius). 139 Y O N 1 9 9 1 (ed.), 336. Cf. W Y A T T 1983a. 140

JACKSON -

DRESSLER

1975, WYATT

1997,

787-9.

the royal seal.140 T h e stela may also be compared with the gilded bronze cult-statuette of a god wearing the Atef-crown (RS 23.394) and with the recently discovered stone statuette (RS 88.70) found immediately north of the temple aux rhytons.w T h e former of these has the right hand raised in blessing (corresponding to the left hand on the stela, where internal design has forced a shift) while the latter has an empty socket into which a detachable arm could presumably be inserted. T h e left hand of the bronze is shaped to be able to hold a detachable object (such as a small gold cup?), while the stone statuette has another empty socket. These artefacts have been understood to represent El. He is shown to be a bearded, patriarchal figure, evidently concerned with the welfare of the king, and through him of society. This is entirely in conformity with the textual evidence outlined above. Baal is without doubt portrayed in the so-called Baal au foudre stela (RS 4.427) found in the Baal temple. 142 This shows the god, wearing a horned and pointed cap (a variation on the White Crown?) in the 'smiting posture'. But instead of grasping a victim he holds a spear which becomes a tree. Below the dagger at his belt stands a votary, dressed apparently in the ritual garment of the king. F e n t o n (1996) has offered a new explanation for the rippling lines beneath the god's feet. T h e upper set he interprets as a serpentine Yam. Stelae whose subjects are indeterminate are RS 17.138 and 23.218, both of a god in the 'smiting posture', in the latter instance holding a spear, and RS 23.216 and 23.217, both of a god with a drawn bow. It is tempting to think of Reshef, though his familiar fillet, suspended behind the cap, is missing. 143 In the case of the M a m i stela, however, this fillet is present, and yet the god is explicidy identified as 'Seth of Saphon', 1 4 4 indicating the confusing fluidity in the portraiture of the two gods. A stela fragment (RS 24.434) shows a god

141 Both illustrated YON 1991 (ed.), 337. She identifies the latter as El on this page, but as 'a man' on p. 3 5 1 . See also Y O N - G A C H E T 1 9 8 9 . The stone statuette lacks evidence of an Atef-crown, but may have had detachable horns and feathers. See also § 14, fig. 1. 142 S C H A E F F E R 1 9 3 4 , Y O N 1 9 9 1 (ed.), 3 3 1 fig. IIa. She compares the stela with numerous small bronzes in 'the smiting posture'. C O R N E L I U S ( 1 9 9 4 ) prefers to designate this iconographie type 'the menacing god'. See also § 14, fig. 2. 143 On the comparative iconography of Baal and Reshef see C O R N E L I U S 1 9 9 4 . 144 YON 1991 (ed.), 328, fig. 8, obligingly shows the Seth of the 'stela of the year 400' for comparison. It is here the Egyptian iconographie convention which is being observed.

in smiting posture, with raised mace, shield in the other hand, and a quiver behind him. T w o further anonymous stelae show an armed god with a tall plume and horns (RS 2.[037]) and a goddess draped in a long gown shaped like a falcon's wing and armed with a spear (RS 2.[038]). T h e latter invites comparison with Anat, though the known iconography of this goddess, like that of Athtart, shows her wearing the Atef-crown. 145 Cylinder seals have been found in substantial quantities at Ugarit, and have been published mainly by Schaeffer and Amiet. 146 T h e r e is no need to attempt any detailed study here. Used as amulets and personal identity-markers, cylinder seals were commonly decorated with religious scenes of a fairly stereotyped form. Variations on individual themes are found from Sumer to Egypt, and they are by and large not very specific to a local tradition, though of course local styles were developed, which no doubt to some extent reflected local theologies. Mythic themes, vodve and blessing scenes (cf. the dynastic seal mentioned above), representations of gods dispersing largesse and so forth are standard motifs. O n e theme worth noting briefly is that of 'the god on two mountains', 147 which shows the great prestige of Baal of Saphon throughout the east Mediterranean region. A n u m b e r of ivories have been discovered, of which the most important group constitute the royal bed panels. These have been briefly discussed by S c h a e f f e r (1954, 5 1 - 9 and figs. 3 - 4 , pll. vii-x), 148 d u M e s n i l (1973), C a q u o t - S z n y c e r (1980) and myself ( W y a t t 1995a, 580-3). These illustrate typical royal scenes, of hunting, warfare, and the despatch of prisoners, as well as showing a royal marriage and a goddess (Shapsh) suckling twin sons. They are in short a digest of the main themes of royal ideology. This rich collection of iconographie material is still in need of a comprehensive assessment from a theological point of view. All too

145

For this see L E C L A N T 1 9 6 0 (Athtart) and W Y A T T 1 9 8 4 (Anat). The stela I discussed is of course not from Ras Shamra, being of unknown provenance in the Michaelides collection, Cairo, and now apparently lost. It may be compared with the Anat represented on BM stela 6 4 6 / 1 9 1 . See also C O R N E L I U S 1 9 9 3 and § 1 4 below. I4
SCHAEFFER

147

See

148

- FORRER

DIJKSTRA

1 9 8 3 ; AMIET

1992.

1991.

The panels were found in many pieces. The initial publication lacks any RS numbers (actually R S 1 6 . 5 6 ) . In addition to references given see W A R D 1 9 6 9 , 2 3 6 - 7 and figs. 3 , 4 and C A Q U O T - S Z N Y C E R 1 9 8 0 pll. XXVIIIa, XXIXa.

often such material is given a catalogue-treatment which goes little further than the descriptive. C o r n e l i u s ( 1 9 9 4 , and § 1 4 below) may be cited as a model of the way analysis should be conducted.

11.4

Votive gifts: the anchors

A final note may be offered on the anchors which have been found, mainly scattered around in the precincts of the Baal temple, but also in houses and tombs and even incorporated into building construction. These appear to be votive gifts, and testify perhaps to the piety and gratitude of mariners who, returning to port safely after long and perhaps hazardous voyages, felt the need to make offering to the temple which had guided them safely to land. In some instances a more general symbolism may have obtained, owing something to the economic dependence of Ugarit on the sea. T h e anchors were probably not carried or dragged from ships, being often unused and presumably made especially for cultic use.' 49

11.5

The assessment of material remains

W e have insufficient evidence to reach firm conclusions on the use and significance of this visible and tangible material. O n the analogy of better known cultures (particularly Egypt) and reading between the lines of later Hebrew iconoclastic rhetoric, we may suppose a degree of 'idolatry'. It is possible to use this term in a non-pejorative sense, and it is in such a way that I use it here. T o begin with, the stelae and other glyptic representations certainly did not constitute 'idols' in the technical sense. T h e statues are a different matter. T h e small ones found in profusion in tombs may well have been images used in private devotions, while the gilded bronze of El may have been used in cultic processions, representing the very presence of the god a m o n g his devotees. Language such as 'when Athtart-of-theWindow enters the pit of the royal palace' ( K T U 1 . 4 3 = RS 1 . 0 0 5 . 1 - 2 ) is to be construed as meaning that the image of the goddess is carried thither in procession. Similarly in 11. 9 - 1 0 'the two Gathru-gods come into the royal chapel', and 1. 18 appears to allude to two images

F R O S T 1991, 357. Some, found at Minet el Beida, may have been left at the port-brothel (id., 358)! Seafarers then, as now, left nothing to chance. 149

of Anat. This symbolic use of an icon, ubiquitous in the ancient world and still normal in m a n y contemporary cultures, as the focus of attention in the cultus, as the face to which prayer and offering is addressed, was the focus of the reification in divine personae of all h u m a n needs and aspirations, and should not be separated (as it has largely been for polemical reasons) from all other elements such as song and dance, vestments, incense and sacrifice in the sacralization of life and the construction of a universe of meaning. In this respect Ugaritian religion was heir to a hallowed tradition.

12

Conclusion

I have endeavoured in this survey to do more than offer a cursory glance at the material most commonly treated as 'religious', but rather to discern religious sensitivity in a far broader range of h u m a n concerns, as I think is necessary for an adequate assessment of the holistic view of life and role of religion in an ancient society. Even today the religious person is wont to say that 'my faith is more than a religion; it is a way of life'. It is fair to say that while religion has been in retreat in the m o d e r n world, not just sociologically, but in terms of the greater fragmentation of life into different special areas (social, moral, political, medical, environmental, and so forth), in the ancient world any such compartmentalizadon is not only short-sighted in the scholar, but fundamentally misconceived. T h e gods were as much a part of the ancient citizen's experience as breathing and thinking. T h e y were invoked at every turn, and were believed to be present, and concerned, in every corner of life. W e owe it to any h u m a n society under investigation to grant it autonomy and integrity in its structures and values. Any theological basis for wholesale judgments of the kind that have at times been fashionable are entirely misplaced, and while useful comparisons and even connections may be drawn, I remain uneasy that this area of Ugaritic studies should so often be pursued as an adjunct (even a mere prelude!) to biblical studies, even though, given the economic conditions u n d e r which our universities currently operate, this is probably inevitable. Let us at least acknowledge on anthropological grounds the utility of dispassionate enquiry: Ugarit has much to teach us in its own terms about the roots of our own cultural heritage. So

it is to be hoped that future research into the religion of Ugarit will tend to be phenomenological in nature, which with due caution, rigour and empathy, can be true both to the tradition under examination and to its adequate setting within the broader frame of human experience.

T H E

I C O N O G R A P H Y

Izak

1

O F

U G A R I T

Cornelius

Introduction

Whenever the name Ugarit is mentioned, people tend immediately to think of the cuneiform texts discovered there. O t h e r important discoveries which were also made at Ugarit and the art treasures found there—stelae, statues, ivory pieces, seals and metalwork—are of no less importance. This chapter deals with the art and iconography. Iconography is here taken to refer to the theme or subject matter of a work of art. Only the motifs and not the technical manufacture or archaeology of the objects will be scrutinized. Architecture is excluded, but included is the specialized subject of the iconography of the deities. 1 In order to make it easier for the general reader to find the relevant images, the excavation (RS) number, the present location and museum number and the source of a photograph of good quality are given—as far as possible from ANEP or else from C a q u o t - S z n y c e r ( 1 9 8 0 ) or W e i s s ( 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e Ugantica volumes edited by S c h a e f f e r ( 1 9 3 9 - 1 9 7 8 ) are quoted only if no new source is available and in cases where these contain detailed analysis. A recent overview of the excavations and discoveries at Ugarit can be found in Yon (1992a and 1997).2 Very handy in this regard is also Yon (1991a, 275-8, 322, 324-5) for find-spots of the stone stelae. In monographic form there are the earlier overviews of S c h a e f f e r 1939

and

Saadé

1978.

All major histories of ancient Near Eastern art have sections dealing with objects from Ugarit (e.g. A m i e t 1995, F r a n k f o r t 1979, O r t h m a n n 1975). More specific treatments of Syrian and 'Canaanite'

' C A U B E T 1996b, 530 speaks of the 'profoundly religious character of their iconography . . .'. 2 A new book by YON (1998a, b) was announced when this chapter had already been completed.

or 'Phoenician' 3 art appear in the older books of Contenau, Dussaud and Matthiae, with a chapter in G r a y (1964b, Ch. V I I ) . Recent treatments are the catalogue of W e i s s (1985, 279ff.) 4 and the chapter by C a u b e t (1995). T h e r e is no monograph on Ugaritic art or iconography in general, but individual studies dealing with different artistic media (e.g. the glyptic) have been appearing. These are cited below.

2

Stone

Sculpture

T h e stone sculptures from Ugarit were studied by 353), who dealt with both the stelae and statues.

2.1

Yon

(1991a,

273—

Statues

Earlier excavations revealed Egyptian statuary f r o m the Middle Kingdom ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 4 9 , 2 1 2 - 2 5 , Figs. 1 9 - 2 5 ) , which reflects the influence of Egypt in Ugarit: a sphinx of A m e n e m h a t III (RS 4 . 4 1 6 ) , a damaged statue of the wife of Senusret II (RS 3 . 3 3 6 ) and of an Egyptian official Senusret-ankh (RS 4 . 4 6 6 + 5 . 1 4 4 + 5 . 1 4 4 a ) . O t h e r examples are monumental statues and some statuettes (Yon 1991, 3 5 0 - 2 , Figs. 1 - 3 ) . In 1 9 8 8 a statue of calcite ( 2 5 cm) (RS 8 8 . 7 0 = Fig. 1 0 ) was found near the temple of the rhytons ( C a u b e t 1 9 9 5 , 2 6 7 - 9 ; Y o n 1 9 9 0 , 1991a, 3 4 7 - 8 , Fig. 2a). It shows an older bearded figure seated on a high-backed throne, wearing a high crown and a long garment with rolled borders. Most interpreters identified the figure with El, the father of the gods and the creator of mankind. T h e high crown is comparable to that of the figure on the (now lost) 'Job stela' ( C o r n e l i u s 1 9 9 4 , 1 4 5 , Fig. 3 4 ) containing the inscription Έ 1 creator of Saphon'. T h e figure is also comparable to the relief and bronze depicting the older seated 'father type' deity discussed below (AJVEP § § 4 9 3 and 8 2 6 ) . 5 Recently N i e h r ( 1 9 9 8 , 2 8 , 6 5 ) has proposed that the statue represents a deified king.

3

But note that recently C A U B E T ( 1 9 9 5 ) still used 'Canaan'. G e r m a n and French editions of the catalogue were edited by Strommenger and Kohlmeyer, and Amiet. 5 Cf. also the headdress on the fragmentary stela in YON 1991a, 327 Fig. 7: No. 19. 4

2.2

Stelae

In her detailed study of the stone stelae, Y o n (1991a, 2 7 3 - 3 4 4 ) gave a detailed catalogue of 19 stelae with regard to the find-spot, the material, iconography and function. Here only a few examples have been selected which reflect the most important iconographie characteristics present in Ugarit. T h e most prized of all the stelae is still the 1.42 m limestone Baal au foudre stela found 20 m SW of the temple of Baal on the acropolis (RS 4.427 = Louvre A O 15.775 = ANEP § 490, C o r n e l i u s 1994, 135ff, Pl. 32 [BRI], Yon 1991a, 2 9 4 - 9 , Figs. 6:5 and 11a [No. 5] = Fig. 11). This stela reflects a mixture of Hittite, Egyptian and local traditions. Because of the uncertainty regarding the stratigraphy, the date varies from between the MBA and the LBA (i.e. 1900-1200 bce). It depicts a young bearded god dressed in a kilt with a dagger wearing a horned helmet and two large curled locks, brandishing a mace above his head and holding in front a spear with the top spreading into a plant (no thunderbolt or lightning!). Another stela (25 cm) which is clearly identified as representing Baal by the accompanying inscription is the stela dedicated by an Egyptian official M a m i (RS 1.[089] + 2. [033] + 5.183 = Louvre A O 13.176 = ANEP § 485, C o r n e l i u s 1994, 151-3, PI. 39 [BRI 1], Y o n 1991a, 2 8 4 - 8 , Figs. 6:1, 8a [No. 1]) found in five parts in the temple of Baal. T h e iconography is similar to that of the Egyptianized Baal (Seth) with a was sceptre but no horns ( C o r n e l i u s 1994, Pll. 35-38, 40). O t h e r stelae with a prominent iconography that need to be mentioned are the so-called 'treaty stelae' RS 7.116 (Aleppo 4418 = ANEP § 608, Yon 1991a, 303-5, Figs. 7:9, 15a [No. 9]) and the stela with a seated older god with a king in attendance in front of him R S 8.295 (Aleppo 4622 = ANEP § 493, Yon 1991a, 305-7, Figs. 7:10, 16a [No. 10]), usually identified as depicting the chief god El. As far as the iconography of the deities of Ugarit ( C a q u o t S z n y c e r 1980; and C o r n e l i u s 1994 and forthcoming) is conccrned, there are three other stelae as well, R S 2.[033], 2.[038], 4.429 + 5.044 + 5.202 (Louvre A O 13.174, Aleppo 4625, Aleppo 4624 = ANEP§§ 491-2, 489, Yon 1991a, 288-93, 2 9 9 - 3 0 1 , Figs. 6:2-3, 7:6, 9a, 9c, 13a [Nos. 2 - 3 , 6]): (i) a male with a spear and a crook and upturned shoes, and a feathered headdress; (ii) a female wrapped in wings; and (iii) another male with a sword and a sceptre or spear.

It is unclear whether the males are really gods, but the female may be a goddess because of the resemblance with the Egyptian goddesses Nut and Mut. In addition one could mention stelae depicting menacing gods and a god with a bow and shield (Yon 1991b, Fig. 7: Nos. 11-15, 17). Because of the bow Nos. 13-14 may be the god Reshep and No. 17 perhaps Reshep, due to the quiver and shield ( C o r n e l i u s 1994, 252-3). 6 An aniconic stela (RS 3.487 = Louvre 14.919 = C a ^ u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pl. X X V I ; Y o n 1991a, 2 9 3 - 4 , Figs. 6:4, 10a [No. 4]) shows a four-pointed star on its top, presumably to be connected with El because of the resemblance with the star on the El relief (ANEP § 493).

3

Metal-work

3.1

Statuettes

Small bronze statuettes from the Syro-Palestinian region depicting deities ( N e g b i 1 9 7 6 ) are of three types: (i) 'warrior', 'standing a r m e d ' or 'smiting or menacing' figurines; (ii) the seated peaceful ones and (iii) standing 'peace figurines'. In the past the bronzes depicting the menacing or smiting god (e.g. C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pis. V I I I b - I X ) were too easily identified with a specific deity without taking into account any specific criteria ( C o r n e l i u s 1994, 125ff.). Both the gods Baal and Reshep are depicted in this way and the only difference lies in the weapons— in the case of Baal the plant-spear and with Reshep the bow. Because of the prominent horns of the bronze R S 7.160 (Louvre A O 18.511 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, PI. IXc) similar to the horns of Fig. 11, it may be Baal (Fig. 12). A bronze from Ugarit depicting Reshep could thus far not be identified. T h e seated peaceful type of bronze (13,5 cm) with gold covering can be identified with El (RS 2 3 . 3 9 4 = Damascus S 3 5 7 3 = ANEP 7 § 8 2 6 , in colour in W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , 3 1 5 ) comparable to the stone statuette

6

In this regard the figure with the bow (YON 1991a, 327 Fig. 7: Nos. 13-4) has to be added to the material collected in C O R N E L I U S 1994 (esp. 2 5 3 ) . 7 But it is catalogue No. 134 and not 133!

Fig. 12

Menacing god

(Fig. 10) and the relief mentioned above. T h e seated female Louvre A O 19.397 (ANEP § 480) may be the creatress Athirat, the 'mother of the gods'. She is also shown standing with her hand in a gesture of blessing (RS 23.395 = Damascus S 3574 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, PI. XlVa) as is the case with with her consort El (relief and bronze statuette = ANEP §§ 493 and 826). A 10 cm bull figurine of bronze (RS 23.391) which functioned as a cultic image hails from Ugarit (ANEP § 828), like the one from Hazor (ANEP § 832) and another famous example from Ashkelon. A Horus falcon in bronze (inlaid with gold) with uraeus between its legs comes from the royal necropolis (Aleppo 4532 = W e i s s 1985, No. 137). Weights of bronze and lead in the form of a bull and a lion 9 and 7.6 cm in length respectively (Aleppo 4516, 4520 = W e i s s 1985, No. 128) as well as a portrait-like h u m a n head ( S c h a e f f e r 1939, Pl. X X I ) were also found.

3.2

Weapons and bowls

A sword with the name of pharaoh Merenptah was found at Ugarit, but more important as far as iconography is concerned—and quite impressive from a technical point of view—is an axe (19.7 cm) with a meteoritic iron blade with bronze socket damascened in gold, decorated in the form of two heads, of a lion and a boar, on the back (Aleppo 4 5 2 0 = S c h a e f f e r 1 9 3 9 , 1 0 7 f f . , in colour in W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , 317

[No.

157]).

From an artistic point of view the two famous golden objects found near the Baal temple merit mentioning: a patera (with a flat base and vertical sides) and a bowl ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 4 9 , 1 - 4 8 ) . T h e repoussé decoration is exceptionally beautifully d o n e — o n the outside and the inside. Both examples show definite Egyptian influence, but also reflect Aegean motifs. In the first case (Louvre A O 17.208 = ANEP § 183) the bearded king with bow and quiver on his back—accompanied by his dog— is hunting wild cattle (two bulls and a cow with her calf) and an ibex from his four-spoked-wheel chariot. T h e inside pattern has four striding goats (looking like unicorns!). T h e circular movement of the charioteer and galloping animals is well executed, and one gets a sense of the whirling movement (Fig. 13). T h e second example (diam. 1 7 cm Aleppo 4 5 7 2 = colour W e i s s

1985, 318 [No. 158]) is even more elaborately decorated and has three concentric friezes. O n the bottom is a rosette and a guilloche pattern above the second and third frieze. In the first frieze are five galloping ibexes next to plants; in the second one there are two bulls and two lions with stylized plants between them and pomegranates above them. T h e outer frieze depicts scenes of batdes (from the left) between two h u m a n heroes and a lion protecting a reclining stag, a lion killing an ibex, a lion attacking a squatting griffin, in between a winged sphinx and horned winged lion facing a plant, ibexes, and lions attacking bulls. T h e r e are branches between all the animals, and birds (vultures?) above the lions attacking the bulls and the ibexes.

3.3

Pendants

Pendants and plaques are decorated with stars or the head of a goddess with H a t h o r coiffure, navel and pubic triangle, but quite a few examples of the 'Qedeshet'-type have been published which show a naked female facing the front and holding plants and animals (e.g. B C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pis. X V I I - X I X ) . T h e best example comes from the harbour of Ugarit (Louvre A O 14.714 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, PI. X l X b ) and shows a naked w o m a n standing on a lion holding horned animals (antelopes?) by their feet. Behind her waist are stars and interwoven serpents (Fig. 5). O t h e r pendants show a seated women holding plants ( N e g b i 1976, Nos. 1703-4).

4

Ivories

Excavations at Ugarit have revealed the largest collection of ivories from Late Bronze Age Syria, with motifs reflecting local traditions but also Egyptian, Hittite and Aegean influences. T h e ivories ( G a c h e t 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 9 2 and C a u b e t 1 9 9 5 , 2 6 8 7 - 8 ) correspond well with what is found in a Ugaritic text mentioning beds, chairs and cosmetic boxes. T h e most famous item is the bed panel presently in Damascus ( R S 16.56 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pis. X X V I I I - X X I X ; linedrawing in C a u b e t - P o p l i n 1987, 285, Fig. 17; cf. ANEP §§ 817-8, 829) called by S c h a e f f e r (1954b) the largest single-piece ivory carving from the Near East (2,4 m x 1,2 m). T h e r e are 16 narrative friezes on various vertical panels: borders with sacred trees, fighting animals, winged lions flanking trees. O n the main panels from the upper left are depicted: (i) a naked w o m a n with an ankh symbol and a flower; (ii) an Egyptian king slaying a lion; (iii) a king smiting an Asiatic; (iv) soldiers; (v) a figure carrying a lion; (vi) a male in a gesture of adoration; (vii) a m a n carrying an ibex; (viii) a hunter with deer; (ix) a lady (queen?) with a vase and a flower; (x) the famous winged horned goddess (identified either as representing Anat or Asherah) giving suck to two lads; (xi) a caressing pair; and (xii) another warrior (Fig. 6). T h e Egyptian style and motifs are prominent, reminiscent of the free style of Amarna.

8

These will be published in extenso by the author in a study of the iconography of the Late Bronze Age Syro-Palestinian goddesses ( C O R N E L I U S forthcoming).

Fig. 14

'Qedeshet'-type gold pendant

Fig. 15

Ivory bed panel: royal couple caressing

Secondly, mention should be m a d e of the box cover from Minet el-Beida (137 mm) now in the Louvre (AO 11.601 = ANEP § 464; C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, Pis. I V - V ) depicting a seated 'lady of the beasts' (.Potniatheron). Scholars have shown the Aegean influences at work in this piece. Another pyxis with decoration was found in the temple of the rhytons ( C a u b e t - P o p l i n 1987, 268, P I . 3). A lesser known ivory tray (more than 1 metre in diam. R S 17.418 = Damascus 4507 = L a g a r c e 1983, Pl. X C V I I L l , line-drawing in C a u b e t P o p l i n 1987, 288, Fig. 20) depicts motifs reminiscent of the golden bowl discussed earlier. Figurines are represented by a small head of a queen with a high headdress and stylized curls (some consider it to be male) (ANEP § 8 1 6 ) now in Damascus. Very interesting is a trumpet cut out of a whole elephant's tusk depicting a naked w o m a n between sphinxes (Damascus R S 16.404 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, P I . XVIIIa, linedrawing C a u b e t - P o p l i n 1987, 287, Fig. 19; cf. C a u b e t 1996a, 30 Fig. 9). Small ivory ointment containers are in the form of a swimming duck and a female d r u m m e r (Aleppo 4535 and Damascus S 3602 [RS 24.400] = W e i s s 1985, Nos. 153-154).

5

Glyptic

Different types of seals were found at Ugarit: cylinders, scarabs in the Hyksos tradition ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 3 9 , Pl. V), seal rings and Hittite seals and impressions ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 5 6 , Iff.). T h e detailed studies of A m i e t ( 1 9 9 2 ) and S c h a e f f e r - F o r r e r ( 1 9 8 3 ) deal with the types and motifs of the cylinder seals. T h e iconography is of a religious type (deities, worshipping and mythological scenes), decorative (plants and animals) and there are royal seals as well. Only one example has been selected, a haematite cylinder from Minet el-Beida ( R S 3 . 0 4 1 = Louvre A O 1 4 . 8 1 1 = A m i e t 1 9 9 2 , 5 3 , 5 8 , No. 4 7 , S c h a e f f e r - F o r r e r 1 9 8 3 , 1 2 - 1 3 = Fig. 1 6 ) reflecting an Egyptianized style but also Asiatic traditions. A seated pharaoh is shooting at animals: a bird, a lion and an ibex. Behind him is a figure with one h a n d raised and an object in the other.

Fig. 16

Cylinder-seal impression (Minet el-Beidah) 6

Ceramics

and

Faience

S c h a e f f e r (1949, 1 3 0 - 3 0 0 ) and C o u r t o i s (1978) presented the corpus of pottery from Ugarit. Pottery was mostly manufactured locally, but there are many examples of imports from the eastern Mediterranean, which indicate international contexts (Minoan types of pottery go back to the 4th millennium bce). T h e decoration is in some cases of Mycenaean origin ( W e i s s 1985, Nos. 141-142). In the temple of the rhytons were found 17 rhytons, local Syrian ones and Cretan and Mycenaean imports (Yon 1996, 415; cf. Figs. 4 e - f ) (Fig. 17).

A decorated pottery m u g from the house of a priest (RS 24.440 = Damascus 6886 = C o r n e l i u s 1994, 225, PI. 51 [BP1], Fig. 55) may depict the standing Baal serving the seated El. T h e fragments of an alabaster container is decorated with a queen in Egyptian style serving a seated male, presumably king Niqmad (hieroglyphs!) and his queen ( S c h a e f f e r 1956, 164ff.; W e i s s 1985, No. 156). Objects in terracotta have animals but also naked women (goddesses?) and Mycenaean 'idols' ( M o n l o u p 1987). A terracotta 'stand' (75 cm) from the temple of the rhytons (RS 78.41 + 81.3659 = Yon 1996, Fig. 4d), now restored, shows a figure dressed as a priest (or a king at prayer), with an Egyptianized winged sun-disk above and

' ' Λ

J w

Fig. 17

V?

Decorated Rhyton

t

τ

f

m m

a floral pattern. O n a terracotta libation tube (78 x 35 cm) are depictions of a menacing god holding a bird, a bull, a bird and a deer, an ibex and a bull ( R S 2 4 . 6 2 7 = C o u r t o i s 1 9 6 9 , 9 8 - 9 9 , Figs. 5 A - D ; cf. C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1 9 8 0 , PI. XlVb). Zoomorphic containers include terracottas in the form of a bull ( R S 6 1 . 2 4 . 4 3 5 ) and the head of a lion ( R S 5 2 . 1 6 . 5 2 ) (Damascus S 6 8 8 3 and 4 2 1 7 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , Nos. 1 3 9 [colour on p. 3 1 4 ] - 1 4 0 ) . Faience containers also reflect local and foreign styles (Damascus S 6 8 8 1 , Aleppo 6 2 0 3 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , Nos. 1 4 3 - 4 , colour on p. 3 1 6 ) . O t h e r examples reflect Egyptian styles, e.g. a plate with fish and lotus buds (RS 6 3 . 2 6 . 2 5 6 = Damascus S 7 1 7 9 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , No. 1 4 7 [colour p. 3 1 7 ] ) . T h e r e is a spoon-shaped bowl with a handle ending in a duck's head (Aleppo 4 5 5 7 = W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , No. 1 4 5 , colour on p. 3 1 6 ) , a double-faced cup ( W e i s s 1 9 8 5 , No. 1 4 6 ) , and a vase in the shape of the head of a female (Louvre A O 1 5 . 7 2 5 = C a q u o t S z n y c e r 1980, PI. XVb). According to C a u b e t (1995, 2685) the last item was manufactured locally. Such examples were found as far afield as U r and Rhodes. A frit model is in the form of a chariot with two riders (Louvre A O 18.522 = C a q u o t - S z n y c e r 1980, PI. XXVIIb). Finally, mention should be made of a limestone lotion container from a child's tomb showing a Nubian boy ( R S 2 2 . 3 6 2 = Damascus S

3575

=

Weiss

1985,

No.

7

155).

Conclusions

T h e items discussed have shown to what extent the art of Ugarit was influenced by iconographie motifs from Egypt (ivory duck and bronze falcon) and the Aegean (decorated pottery, ivories and femalefaced cup). T h e golden bowls reflect both Egyptian and Aegean styles and die 'Baal stela' Syrian, Anatolian and Egyptian elements. Therefore, it has to be asked whether Ugaritic art and iconography are really unique or only a mere imitation as G r a y (1964b, 161, 1 8 1 ) seems to argue. In the art and iconography of Ugarit we find a combination of local Syrian art and Egyptian a n d Aegean influences, which is due to the contacts in this cosmopolitan centre, where many ideas from all over the Eastern Mediterranean world commingled. Ugaritic art is 'peripheral' ( F r a n k f o r t 1979, 207, 244, 254ff.), but perhaps

its uniqueness lies in the success achieved in taking from the best available and creating a new artistic tradition (cf. also K ü h n e 1980, 92).9 Ugarit produced no surviving large reliefs or paintings on the scale of Egypt and Mesopotamia, but her artists still produced works of art which stand out in the region of Syro-Palestine (Yon 1992a, 705). This art had its influence in later periods as well ( L a g a r c e 1983).

9 A so-called peripheral culture draws in a creative and innovative way from the ideas of the great cultures—cf. G N U S E 1 9 9 7 , 2 1 Iff.

C H A P T E R FIFTEEN A

POLITICAL

H I S T O R Y

Itamar

1

U G A R I T

Singer

Preliminary

1.1

O F

Remarks

History of research

With seventy years of nearly continuous excavation, Ras ShamraUgarit qualifies as the most intensively explored city in Syria. In the last two centuries before her downfall it is also the best documented city in the Levant, due to a rare combination of a sizeable excavated area which remained mostly uninhabited in later periods, and the discovery of the largest and most diverse archives between Hattuša and A m a r n a . T h e importance of Ugarit's history exceeds by far the local and the regional level, and for the complex questions concerning the transition between the Bronze and the Iron Age, it is a main landmark, providing a unique combination of archaeological and textual sources. T h e first steps towards the reconstruction of Ugarit's history were made by the illustrious epigrapher J . Nougayrol, who classified the texts and provided concise commentaries in the Akkadian text volumes [PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5). Similar, though shorter, comments were appended by C. Virolleaud in the volumes of Ugaritic texts (PRU 2, 5). These early efforts have been continued by the present epigraphic teams of the expedition in their publications of the new texts ( R S O 7). T h e first comprehensive histories of Ugarit were published in the sixties: Liverani's Italian monograph ( L i v e r a n i 1962) and the more general surveys of R a i n e y (1965b) and D r o w e r (1975) are limited to the age of Ugarit's archives in the 14th and 13th centuries. Klengel's chapter on Ugarit ( K l e n g e l 1969) includes the earlier evidence as well. T h e publication of numerous new texts, especially relating to the final phases of Ugarit's history, has prompted a new compendium by Liverani ( L i v e r a n i 1979a), which remains till now

the only full-scale history of Ugarit. It covers not only political history, but also various demographic, socio-economic, and cultural topics. Klengel has also updated his chapter on Ugarit in his latest handbook on Syria ( K l e n g e l 1992). M a n y historical studies have since been written, mostly restricted to a specific period or topic.' It seems, however, that Ugarit's political history received in recent years less attention than its society, economy and administration, 2 not to mention its religion and literature. T h e present attempt (which has already surpassed the space limitations set by the editors of this Handbook) deals primarily with the political history of Ugarit throughout the second millennium bce. Socio-economic and cultural issues are only occasionally mentioned, although the chapter dealing wath Ugarit's foreign relations is mostly concerned with international trade.

1.2

Sources

T h e main source for the history of Ugarit are its own archives. Several thousand cuneiform tablets written in Akkadian and Ugaritic were found in the palace archives and in several 'private' archives throughout the city, as well as at Ras Ibn Hani on the coast, perhaps a summer residence of the kings of Ugarit. 3 T h e most valuable texts for the reconstruction of the political history of Ugarit are the international letters, the treaties concluded with Hatti and Amurru, and the various decrees and legal verdicts issued by the Hittite authorities. T h e r e is also, of course, a wealth of historical information to be extracted from legal, administrative, and even literary texts. Most of the relevant texts are written in syllabic Akkadian, but some, especially letters, are written in alphabetic Ugaritic which is ' Various articles on the history of Ugarit are included in the proceedings of conferences dedicated to Ugarit and to the end of the Bronze Age: G . D . Y O U N G 1981; WARD

1 9 9 2 ; B R O O K E " « / al.

1 9 9 4 ; DIETRICH -

LORETZ

1 9 9 5 ; Y O N et al.

1995.

See also D U P O N T 1 9 8 7 on the late history of Ugarit, and I Z R E ' E L - S I N G E R 1 9 9 0 on the 'General's Letter'. 2 See, e.g., Heltzer's monographs on the rural community ( H E L T Z E R 1976), on trade ( H E L T Z E R 1978a), and on the internal organization ( H E L T Z E R 1982). See further G . I . M I L L E R 1980 and L I B O L T 1985 on the juridical texts, A M I C O 1989 on the status of women, A B O U D 1994 on the royal family, and V I T A 1995a on the army. 3 For the archives and scribal activity in Ugarit, see R A I N E Y 1969; VAN S O L D T 1986; 1991a, 47-231; L I V E R A N I 1988b; L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a. The texts and other inscribed objects found up to 1988 are conveniently listed in the catalogue of BORDREUIL -

PARDEE

1989.

far less well understood. 4 Due to inherent difficulties in the correct rendering of non-formulaic phrases, a difficult passage may sometimes produce diametrically opposed interpretations and historical reconstructions, which are then perpetuated in general textbooks. 0 As a rule, it seems advisable to adopt far-reaching interpretations based on difficult Ugaritic texts only if they are supported by more reliable Akkadian evidence. It is not surprising to find a cosmopolitan city that has been described as 'probably the first great international port in history' ( C u l i c a n 1966, 46) mentioned in several foreign archives, including (in chronological order) Eb1a(?), Mari, Alalah, A m a r n a , Hattusa, Emar, Aphek, as well as various inscriptions from Egypt. T h e CyproMinoan documents from Cyprus and from Ras Shamra must also contain evidence reflecting on Ugarit, but they have so far resisted decipherment. Although most of this study is obviously based on written sources, some use is also made of the rich archaeological evidence, especially with regard to Ugarit's urban development and its destruction by h u m a n and natural forces. Of particular importance are the archaeological data pertaining to the city's final destruction at the beginning of the 12th century, and the Iron Age resettlement of the port-town of Ras Ibn Hani. T h e combination of textual and archaeological data will no doubt become increasingly important in the coming years thanks to the meticulous and reliable investigations conducted by the new excavation teams of Ras Shamra and its vicinity. 6 Finally, a word of caution should be added on the limitations of this study with regard to its sources. T h o u g h it is often the fate of the historian that his reconstructions are invalidated by fresh discoveries, in this case the new relevant documents have already been unearthed and await publication. I refer mainly to the 134 letters (about twenty in Ugaritic) found in 1994 in the 'House of Urtenu'. T h e preliminary reports ( B o r d r e u i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1 9 9 5 ; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 4

There are also some Hurrian texts, mostly of religious character (n. 58), a few Hittite texts (p. 650), half a dozen undeciphered Cypro-Minoan inscriptions (n. 234), and several Egyptian inscriptions on stone (p. 711). The contribution of these texts to Ugarit's history is marginal at present. 5 As an example may serve Astour's widely-quoted article on the end of Ugarit ( A S T O U R 1965), which includes some far-reaching historical reconstructions based on poorly understood Ugaritic letters (e.g., K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040 = PRU 5, 63). 6 For an up-to-date general survey on the site of Ras Shamra (with ample refs. to specific literature), see YON 1997, 1998ab.

1995b; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a) provide an appedzing glance into the richness of this treasure trove, and obviously the history of the last decades of Ugarit will have to be rewritten once these texts (and those of subsequent seasons) are fully published.

1.3

Spelling of names

A note is due on the reading of PNs in syllabic and alphabetic texts. M a n y of the names occurring in Akkadian texts are spelled logographically and their reading is open to speculation. It was customary in the past to normalize these names as m u c h as possible, by deciding, sometimes quite arbitrarily, in which language to read them: Akkadian, West Semitic, Hurrian, Hittite. As a rule, Nougayrol's readings were uncritically accepted a n d perpetuated in Ugaritic studies. Although in most cases these readings are probably correct, some of them are certainly not, and they can lead to mistaken prosopographies a n d historical interpretations. T o give one example: a certain g u r - d i n g i r lim is the author of a letter sent to the king of Ugarit dealing with some border incidents (RS 17.394 + 427 = PRU 4, 220; see n. 192). Nougayrol rendered the ideogram G U R , 'return', with its Akkadian value Itur (see also G r o n d a h l 1967, 328). A king Itur-lim is not otherwise attested at Ugarit, and thus he remained in splendid isolation with a dossier of his own (IX A 4). However, if we apply a West Semitic value (see n. 190), we obtain the reading Sāb-ilim, which is borne by a king of Siyannu-Ušnatu (Sa-bi-OiNGiR-lim] R S 17.341 = PRU 4, 161 ff.), probably identical with the author of PRU 4, 220. T h e document may now be evaluated for its historical information (see p. 664). As a rule, I have abstained from unproven normalizations a n d have adhered to the logographic spelling, indicating the suggested reading in parentheses. T h e same applies to Ugaritic names whose vocalization is not certain. Here also, I have given the original spelling, indicating in parentheses the possible vocalization: e.g., Iwrkl (Ewri-kili?), Trgds (Tarfiundisša?), etc.

1.4

Chrono logy

T h e relative chronology of the last two centuries of the history of Ugarit is by now well established. 7 T h e line of eight kings from ' For the evidence for the chronological framework of the archives of Ugarit, see 1991a, Part I.

VAN S O L D T

Ammittamru I in the first half of the 14th century to A m m u r a p i at the turn of the 13th is safely set, 8 but we lack direct information on the length of each individual reign. For the long centuries preceding the A m a r n a Age we have practically no chronological data, and the few early kings of Ugarit who are known to us from the Ugaritic King List and from other isolated sources 9 cannot be set into a controlled chronological framework. T h e absolute chronology of Ugarit in the LBA is dependent on synchronisms with the great powers of the era. As the hub of a lucrative international trade, Ugarit's contacts reached out to most of the ancient N e a r East, and there are indeed good synchronisms with Egypt, Assyria, and of course Hatti and its Syrian dependencies. Ugarit still has much to contribute in linking together the absolute chronological systems of the ancient Near East, and important data keep streaming out from the new Urtenu archive. T h e absolute chronologies followed in this study are laid down below, but obviously a justification for their acceptance cannot be presented here. 10 For New Kingdom Egypt there is a growing preference for the low chronology, based on 1479 for the accession of T u t h m o s i s III a n d 1279 for the accession of Ramesses I I . " In Mesopotamia the Old Babylonian middle chronology, with H a m m u rapi's accession in 1792, is followed, although there is not much reference to this period in the history of Ugarit. More relevant are the still debated dates of the Middle Assyrian kings, where I follow the lower chronology, with 1233 for the accession of Tukulti-Ninurta, suggested by B o e s e - W i l h e l m 1 9 7 9 . 1 2 Like the Levant, Anatolia does not have an independent chronological system, and the dates of the Hittite kings depend on synchronisms with Mesopotamia and Egypt. T h e major recent development in Hittite chronology is the

8

For the elimination of the alleged 'Niqmaddu IIa' (inserted between Niqmepa and Ammittamru II), see p. 694. 9 Ibira in RS 4.449 (η. 54), and possibly Puruqqu in A T *358 (p. 619). 10 T h e dates given in the table of synchronisms for the kings of Egypt and Aššur are quoted from K I T C H E N 1 9 8 7 : 5 2 , and B O E S E W I L H E L M 1 9 7 9 , 3 8 , respectively. T h e approximate dates for the kings of Ugarit are mine. 11

WENTE

-

VAN

SICLEN

1976;

KRAUSS

1978;

HORNUNG

1987;

KITCHEN

1987;

1994a, 1994b. Cf. also H E L C K 1987 and 1995 for the Ramesses II date. For a different view, see A S T O U R 1989, 4 - 5 . 12 See further K Ü H N E 1982: 224, 229-30; W I L H E L M 1991; F R E Y D A N K 1991a: 11, η. 3, 32; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 44. These dates are about ten years lower than those suggested by B R I N K M A N (1977) in combination with Middle Babylonian chronology. See also B R I N K M A N apud H O U W I N K T E N C A T E 1996, 40.

VON B E C K E R A T H

drastic lowering and reduction of Suppiluliuma I's reign from about forty to about twenty years ( 1 3 4 3 - 1 3 2 2 / 1 8 ) suggested by W i l h e l m Boese (1987; W i l h e l m 1 9 9 1 ) . It seems that this low chronology, which tallies with the low chronologies of Egypt and Mesopotamia, has won increasing support in recent Hittitological studies, 13 though some scholars would add a few more years at the beginning of Šuppiluliuma's reign. 14 T h e approximate dates assigned to the kings of Ugarit have taken into account the recendy suggested synchronisms with Aššur (Ibiranu) a n d with Egypt (Ammurapi). It must be remembered, however, that exact dates cannot be assigned, and even these relative approximations may change with the publication of new data from the Urtenu archive. It seems to me, however, that the recent accumulation of prosopographic data from the archives of Hattuša, Ugarit and Emar, will lead, before too long, to a more accurate chronological framework for the last century of the Hittite Empire. 1 5

2

Ugarit

in t h e

2.1

Early

and

the

Middle

Bronze

Ages

Ugarit in the third millennium BCE

T h e excavations of Ugarit have revealed a continuous stratigraphy of the site from the 8th through to the 2nd millennium bce (Yon 1997b, 19, 25, 34).16 T h e Early Bronze Age city (Level III A) on the acropolis was of considerable size. Its last phase witnessed a rapid development in bronze metallurgy. T h e site was deserted around 2200 b c e and remained abandoned for a period of a hundred years or more (Yon 1997a, 258; 1997b, 26). In third millennium written documents Ugarit has not yet been identified with certainty. Both proposed identifications of Ugarit in the texts from Ebla ( A r c h i 1987)—U 9 -ga-ra-at in a list of geographical names and U-gu/gú-ra-at/ turn in economic texts—have been con-

13 E.g., B R Y C E 1 9 8 9 , 3 0 ; G U R N E Y 1 9 9 0 , 1 8 1 . K L E N G E L 1 9 9 2 , 1 3 2 , η. 2 4 4 , does not take a stand on the new chronology. For a total refutation, see A S T O U R 1 9 8 9 ,

5FF., 14

15

77. E.g.,

FREU

1992,

3 9 ; KLINGER

1995,

2 4 7 ; NA'AMAN

1996,

257.

For prosopographical studies on 13th century Hittite nobles and officials, many of whom are attested in the archives of Ugarit, see VAN DEN H O U T 1995 (with further refs. quoted on p. 1, n. 2 ; see also S I N G E R 1997). 16 For the prehistory of Ugarit, see D E C O N T E N S O N 1 9 9 2 .

tested on both phonetieal and contextual grounds ( B o n e c h i 1993, 309; A s t o u r 1995, 57, n. 11). Unlike Byblos, Ugarit is not mentioned in the U r III texts, which conforms to the archaeological record. T h e r e is no certainty that the new settlement of the second millennium bore the same name as the Early Bronze Age city.

2.2

Ugarit in the Amorìte Age and the Ugaritic King List

At the beginning of the second millennium bce, Ras S h a m r a was resetded by tribal groups designated by Schaeffer as the 'necklace wearers' (porteurs de torques) after the rich metal ornaments discovered in their tombs ( C o u r t o i s 1979, cols. 115Iff). N o architecture is known as yet from this first phase of the M B A settlement (Yon 1997b: 26). T h e new urban civilization of Ugarit developed in spectacular fashion from the 19th century onwards (Level II). T h e city covered almost the entire surface of the m o u n d and was fortified with a massive rampart covered with a glacis. Schaeffer dated to this period the two temples on the acropolis and the so-called ' H u m a n temple' in the palatial quarter ( C o u r t o i s 1979 cols. 1195-6). However, more recent studies tend to lower their date to the very end of the MBA, or even to the beginning of the LBA. 17 Sporadic traces of the MBA city were also found in other areas of the city ( M a l l e t 1990; 1997; C a l l o t 1994, 2 0 3 - 4 ; Y o n 1998a, 127ff). O n the other hand, a trial pit made in the so-called North Palace in 1994 has shown that this edifice was first erected in the early part of the LBA ( C a l l o t 1986; 1994, 204; Yon 1997, 258; 1998a, 26, 72), and not in the MBA as suggested by Schaeffer ( S c h a e f f e r 1970, 209-13; 1972). T h e exact nature of the transition from the Middle to the LBA at Ugarit has yet to be determined ( Y o n 1998a, 28; cf. also A r n a u d 1997, 155), but the marked continuity in material culture and the preservation of ancient ancestral traditions seem to speak against drastic changes in the city's population throughout the second millennium bce. T h e r e are no independent sources from Ugarit on its history in the first half of the second millennium. T h e documents of the Amorite Age have not been discovered as yet, 18 and there are no references

17 Y O N 1998a, 2 6 . Note in particular 203 and n. 1) with regard to an early Temple of Ba'al was partly built over 18 Ugarit plays a prominent role in

the reservations expressed by C A L L O T (1994, dating, calling attention to the fact that the a cemetery of the MBA. the Mari correspondence (see below) and it

to Ugarit's early history in the LBA archives. A notable exception is the text known as the King List of Ugarit, a most important Ugaritic text which was found in 1961, but was fully published and discussed first in the late seventies. 19 T h e very poorly preserved obverse seems to deal primarily with music, and its relationship with the king list on the reverse is not clear. 20 T h e reverse is written in two columns, 21 the left one almost entirely lost. T h e names of the kings listed in the right-hand column are all preceded by the divine lexeme il, the significance of which is debated. L i v e r a n i ( 1 9 7 4 , 3 4 0 - 1 ; see also S c h m i d t 1 9 9 6 ) considered it to be a generic ilu referring to the (unnamed) personal god of each of the listed kings, or to a single dynastic deity repeated in each entry, i.e. 'the god (of) PN'. Most commentators, however, maintain that the lexeme ilu deifies the deceased kings of Ugarit who are ritually invoked ( P a r d e e 1988b, 173, n. 25, with further refs.). This interpretation is supported by similar lists of deified kings in the ancient Near East, for example the King List from Ebla, which has the names of ten kings preceded by the divine marker d i n g i r (ARET V I I 1 5 0 ; A r c h i 1 9 8 6 ; 1 9 8 8 ; 1 9 9 6 , 1 4 - 5 ) . A further parallel with the Eblaite list is the retrograde order of the royal names, the last n a m e on the right-hand column being that of the founder of the dynasty, Tqr (Yaqarum). Since the tablet is damaged both at the top and at the bottom it is impossible to reconstruct the exact n u m b e r of the listed kings. Earlier estimates,

is inconceivable that no written documents of this period remained at the site. Note, for example, that Mari Age tablets have been discovered at Hazor, at the southern end of the commercial network operating along the Levant ( H O R O W I T Z 1996, with refs.). For the possible location of the pre-Amarna Age archives, see n. 87. 19 K T U 1.113 = R S 24.257; P A R D E E 1988b, 165-78. T h e obverse was already published by Virolleaud in Ug 5, 561-2, but the reverse had to await the 1976 edition of KTU'. A full re-edition, with photographs, was provided in Pardee's study on the 'para-mythological' texts ( P A R D E E 1988b, ch. 5). From the vast secondary literature on the text, see in particular those studies which have attempted to reconstruct the list of kings ( K I T C H E N 1977, P A R D E E 1988b; D I J K S T R A 1989; S C H M I D T 1996). Other treatments concentrate mainly on its religious aspects, especially on the cult of deceased kings; see refs. listed in S C H M I D T 1996, 289, n. 1, and Y O U N G E R 1997, 356-7; W Y A T T 1998C, 3 9 9 - 4 0 3 . 20 S C H A E F F E R ( 1 9 6 3 , 2 1 5 ) noted that the two sides of the tablet exhibit two distinct scripts, with the king list on the reverse written in a smaller, less careful handwriting. P A R D E E (1988b, 1 6 5 ) , however, thinks that the same hand wrote both sides, the smaller script on the reverse being dictated by limitations of space. 21 T h e dividing line between the two columns is only partially preserved, and S C H M I D T ( 1 9 9 6 , 2 9 8 - 9 ) maintains that most of the lines span the entire width of the tablet in one, not two, columns. This would, of course, considerably reduce the number of listed kings.

however, which reckoned with about thirty names altogether ( K i t c h e n 1977; see also A b o u d 1994, 7 ; S c h m i d t 1996), are probably too small. Pardee's ( P a r d e e 1988b, 173) thorough reexamination of the tablet resulted in at least 26 names in each column, i.e. a total of more than fifty kings. Most of the fifteen well-preserved names recur in the LBA royal line of Ugarit (Ammittamru, Niqmaddu, Niqmepa, Ibiranu, A m m u < r a > p i ) , the only names without parallels being Y'drd (Yaduraddu?) and Yqr (Yaqarum).22 This conservatism in royal namegiving 23 may indicate that ancient dynastic traditions were strictly preserved by the rulers of Ugarit for many centuries. However, it should immediately be added that we have no way of examining the credibility of this list, and one cannot entirely rule out the possibility that it was artificially extended to enhance the respectability of the ruling dynasty of the LBA ( P a r d e e 1988b, 175, with n. 37). Obviously, any attempt to calculate the total time-span of the Ugaritic king list is highly speculative and remains unwarranted unless corroborated by other independent evidence. 24 Using an average reign of some twenty years 25 for each of thirty kings, Kitchen arrived at ca 1800 b c e for the date of Y a q a r u m ( K i t c h e n 1977, 136). T h e same average with the 52 kings assumed by Pardee would push us back deep into the third millennium. A more restricted average reignspan of some 15 years 26 would place Y a q a r u m at the very beginning of the second millennium, which would agree better with the date of his dynastic seal. T h e dynastic cylinder seal was used by the kings of Ugarit in the 14th-13th centuries, sometimes together with their own personal seals.27 It had in fact two copies: an original finely 22 As in most studies on the history of Ugarit, the numbering of the kings of the LBA will not take into consideration these earlier homonymous kings of Ugarit. Cf., however, A B O U D 1994. 23 As pointed out by L I V E R A N I (1978, 152), the names of the LBA kings of Ugarit are linguistically archaic, and do not recur in the regular onomasticon of the period. 24 T h e restoration of the name [Pr\q in the last line of the left column, and its association with 'Puruqqa, the man of Ugarit' in a I^evel VII text from Alalah (AT *358.6-7; see p. 619), is, as stressed by P A R D E E (1988b, 175-6), tempting but extremely fragile. 25 Eight kings ruled in Ugarit during the ca 160 years extending between the Amarna Age and the fall of Ugarit, i.e. an average of twenty years for each reign. 26 See, e.g. the cases cited by D I J K S T R A 1 9 8 9 , 1 4 8 , n. 5 1 . 27 N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 5 , xli-xliii; S C H A E F F E R 1 9 5 6 , 6 6 7 7 . There is a rare report on the falsification (or the unauthorized use) of the 'great seal of the king', i.e., the dynastic seal ( R S 1 6 . 2 4 9 = PRU 3, 9 7 ; id. p. xxv). A similar case of stealing the royal seal, apparendy by a citizen of Ura, is reported in a Hittite court protocol

(OTTEN

1967,

59-60).

cut cylinder dated to the MBA, and a much inferior duplicate which was probably manufactured at a later stage. 28 T h e Akkadian inscription identifies the original seal owner as 'Yaqarum, son of Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit', who must be identical with Tqr of the Ugaritic King List. 29 T h e typical presentation scene portrays a seated deity (perhaps the deified king) who is worshipped by a a standing male figure followed by a supplicant goddess. O n the basis of iconography and ductus Nougayrol dated the dynastic seal to the early second millennium ( N o u g a y r o l 1955, p. xli).30 T h e prolonged use of dynastic seals for enhancing the political legitimacy of the ruling royal families is well-known in the Amorite realm of northern Syria. 31 Some difficulty with this early dating for the founder of the dynasty is posed by a legal document which quotes a decree issued by Yaqarum, king of Ugarit, in favour of a certain Ilu-qarradu 3 2 son of Talmiyanu (RS 16.145 = PRU 3, 169). T h e sealed document is presented to the court by (the same) Ilu-qarradu in a later lawsuit, which would apparently indicate that Yaqaru reigned shortly before. 33 Confronted with the apparent discrepancy between this lawsuit and his dating of the dynastic seal, Nougayrol suggested that Y a q a r u m became a sort of dynastic title borne by the kings of Ugarit, like T a b a r n a in Hatti and Caesar in R o m e ( N o u g a y r o l 1963, 111, n. 10; ibid., 1955, xxxviii, xliii, n. 3). Another explanation could be that the name of

28 S C H A E F F E R 1 9 5 6 , 7 3 , fig. 9 6 ; N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 5 , pll. XVI XVII. The two cylinders were impressed (for the sake of comparison?) on an anepigraphic tablet found in the palace archive ( R S 1 6 . 3 9 3 A = Ug 3 , 7 6 , fig. 9 9 ; PRU 3 , pl. XVII, fig. 2 5 ) . 29 Yaqarum's father in the seal and his successor in the King List are both named Niqmaddu, which indicates that papponymy was already practised at the outset of the dynasty. Since Yaqarum's father does not appear in the King List, apparently he was not considered to be a king in the historical tradition of Ugarit. 30 A R N A U D (1997, 158ff.) has recently questioned Nougayrol's dating and suggested a mid-15th century date instead, in conformity with his new dating of Yaqarum on the basis of unpublished material (see n. 33). He compares the iconography of the seal with the yet unpublished cylinder seal of Uri-Tešub, and claims that the cuneiform sign forms are archaizing. 31 T o the inscribed dynastic cylinder seals from Ugarit, Alalah and Emar listed by A U E R B A C H (1991) one may add the anepigraphic cylinder seal of Aziru, which is also fashioned in a typical Amorite style (Ug 3, figs. 44-45). 32 This reading of the name is proposed by A R N A U D 1996, 48, η. 6, replacing Nougayrol's d Qarradu. 33 A R N A U D (1996, 48, η. 6; 1997, 155, η. 28) has noted in passing that according to unpublished documents Yaqarum was a contemporary of Idrimi of Alalah who ruled at the turn of the 15th century. Until the evidence for this drastic change in Yaqarum's dating is presented we follow the traditional view based on Tqr's relative place in the Ugaritic King List.

Y a q a r u m was simply copied from the dynastic seal and quoted as a source of authority ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 14, n. 130). This possibility is supported by a very fragmentary legal text in which the dynastic seal is designated as both 'the seal of Y a q a r u m ' and as '[the seal (of Niqmepa, son) of Niqmad]du, king of Ugarit' (RS 17.053 = PRU 6, 27, no. 25). Despite the deplorable scarcity of data on the earliest phases of Ugarit's history, the combined evidence of the dynastic seal and the Ugaritic King List seems to indicate that the kings of 14th-13th century Ugarit traced back the origins of their royal house to the outset of the second millennium bce. 34 Unless both documents reflect an ingenious late attempt at an artificial extension of the dynasty's history, 35 the foundations of the kingdom of Ugarit seem to be firmly set within the context of the Amorite expansion in Mesopotamia and Syria at the turn of the second millennium bce. This conclusion is also supported by various cultural elements, such as Ugaritic language, 3 6 religion and mythology. 3 7 An intriguing reference to the ancestors of the dynasty is found in a late 13th century liturgical text lamenting the death of N i q m a d d u III and hailing the new king A m m u r a p i ( K T U 1.161 = R S 34.126 = R S O 7, no. 90). T h e spirits invoked include the 'Council of the Ddrì (qbs ddn), who also occur in the Krt epic {qbs dtn\ K T U 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 4, 15). Ugaritic Dtn/Ddn has convincingly been identified with D i d ā n u m / D i t ā n u m / T i d ā n u m , an Amorite tribal group inhabiting northeastern Syria from the late 3rd millennium b c e onwards (for refs. see L e v i n e - d e T a r r a g o n 1984, 654-5). They are also encountered as ancient eponyms in the Assyrian King List, a further indication for the common ancestry of the various Amorite tribes. M a n y attempts have been made to locate the original homeland of the Ugaritians more exactly on the basis of various cultural and

34

T o be sure, this does not necessarily mean that an unbroken dynastic line remained in power for eight centuries or so, a possibility which was already questioned by N O U G A Y R O L , 1 9 5 5 , xli-ii. See also D I J K S T R A 1 9 8 9 , 1 4 8 . 35 For the function of genealogies and the problem of their historicity, see the references quoted in P A R D E E 1988b, 175, n. 37. 36 For the place of Ugaritic among the Semitic languages, see P A R D E E 1 9 9 7 C , with refs. to the vast literature on the subject. He concludes (p. 131) with the statement that 'Ugaritic shows archaic features characteristic of old Canaanite and it may be a remnant of a Western "Amorite" dialect.' 37 For the Amorite sources of Ugaritic mythology, see, e.g., D U R A N D 1993; B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1993, VVYATT 1998a.

linguistic traits. A survey of these laborious quests, extending from the Euphrates to the plains of the Bashan, is beyond the scope of this historical overview. 38 However, mention should be made in passing of the latest current of theories hinging upon the recent discovery at Ugarit of a cuneiform abecedary arranged in the order of the South Semitic alphabet ( B o r d r e u i l - P a r d e e 1995a; H a y a j n e h T r o p p e r 1997). This prompted a re-examination of the relationship between the Ugaritic and (proto-) Arabic languages leading to the suggestion that southern ethnic elements migrated to Ugarit towards the middle of the second millennium b c e ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1989, 111-2; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1995, 39). O t h e r explanations for the appearance of two different orders of the alphabet at Ugarit may also be suggested (see e.g. R ö l l i g 1998), and the whole issue needs to be further investigated. At any rate, it is well to note that there seems to be nothing in the archaeological record of Ugarit that would point to a sudden change in its material culture during the second millennium bce. O n the contrary, the marked continuity of Ugarit's culture seems to speak against any major changes in the composition of the city's population.

2.3

The Levant and the Egyptian Middle Kingdom

T h e question of the nature of Egyptian involvement in Asia during the 12th and the 13th dynasties is one of the recurring problems arousing arduous debates. 39 T h e early view, as stated for example by A l b r i g h t (1935, 221), was that 'the Pharaohs of the 12th Dynasty claimed, and often held, the suzerainty over Palestine and Phoenicia, extending their influence as far as Ugarit and Q a t n a ' . It has also been argued that the Egyptian officials took their sculptures to their outposts for eventual burial in the Levant ( G i v e o n 1981, 57). A closer scrutiny of the archaeological evidence has shown that the Middle Kingdom statues of Egyptian kings and nobility excavated in the Levant, including Ugarit, were deposited in their findspots decades or centuries after their manufacture, and therefore could not provide evidence for Egyptian occupation ( W e i n s t e i n 1975, 1-16).

38

For the location of places mentioned in Ugaritic myths and rituals, see, e.g., 1981a; VAN S O L D T 1994, 369 (with extensive refs.). 39 For an updated state-of-the-art survey, with extensive references to primary and secondary sources, see R E D F O R D 1992, ch. 4. MARGALIT

Moreover, the inscriptions on these statues clearly indicate that they were originally erected in temples and graves in Egypt itself and have no connection whatsoever to their secondary findspots ( H e l c k 1 9 9 5 , 8 8 - 9 ) . T h e alternative explanation is that the Middle Kingdom statues found throughout the Levant, and even as far as southern Anatolia and Crete, owe their provenance to a vast pillage of royal and private tombs by Hyksos rulers, who then traded their prestigious loot at foreign courts ( H e l c k 1 9 7 6 , 1 0 1 - 1 4 ; 1 9 9 5 , 8 7 - 9 0 ; see also C o u r t o i s 1 9 7 9 : cols. 1 1 5 5 - 6 ) . O t h e r scholars have fully rejected this alternative theory (e.g., G i v e o n 1 9 8 1 , 5 7 ) , or have taken a 'middle road' by suggesting a distinction between royal and private statues, the former being indeed sent as diplomatic presents by Middle Kingdom Pharaohs ( W a r d 1 9 7 9 , 7 9 9 ; S c a n d o n e - M a t t h i a e 1 9 8 9 , 135ffi). T h e controversy over this early Egyptian presence in the Levant received an additional boost with the publication in 1980 of an inscription of Amenemhet II describing the dispatch of a sea-borne military force to Khenty-she, i.e. the Phoenician coast. 40 T h e main problem is the identification of two fortified towns, Iw3y and I3sy, which were destroyed by the Egyptian task force, capturing 1554 Asiatics and a very large a m o u n t of booty, including weapons, copper ingots, and luxury vessels of gold and lapis lazuli. T h e second name is identified by some with A1ašia/Cyprus, but the evidence is questionable. 41 For the first name H e l c k (1989, 28) suggested an identification with U r a on the Cilician coast, which is most unlikely. From the presently available evidence it would seem that the 12th dynasty kings carried out occasional military operations in the inland of Palestine and maintained a more permanent presence along the Lebanese coast, especially at Byblos. T h e r e is no evidence, however, for an Egyptian presence as far north as Ugarit, neither of a diplomatic, nor of a military character. This also tallies with the geographical horizon of the Egyptian Execration Texts, where the northernmost localities are Ullaza a n d A r q a t a in the area of Tripoli ( R e d f o r d 1992, 87ff.). As for the Middle Kingdom statuary, both the archaeological and the inscriptional evidence lend strong support to Helck's suggestion that we have to do with one of the earliest 40

See R E D F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 7 8 - 9 (with earlier literature). The inscription was published by ALTENMÜLLER - M O U S S A 1 9 9 1 ; M A L E K - Q U I R K E 1 9 9 2 . 41 Helck first argued for a location of Asiya in southwest Anatolia ( H E L C K 1983), but later (1989, 109; 1995, 90) identified I3sy in the Amenemhet II inscription with A1ašia/Cyprus.

examples of the 'antiquities trade', distantly recalling the R o m a n pillage of Greek statuary. W h a t does Ugarit contribute to this vexed issue? First, it yielded one of the largest collections of Middle Kingdom statues and objects in Asia: two sphinxes of Amenemhet III, a statue of the vizier SesotrisAnkh with his mother and sister, a statuette of the princess Khenemetnefer-khedjet, the wife of Sesotris II, and a bust of an unidentified 12th Dynasty queen (for refs. see G i v e o n 1981, 56f.; 1986, 839). In addition, there are inscribed seals, pearls and beads, and a large quantity of uninscribed objects. T h e second significant point is that the statues were found beheaded, and they were probably deliberately mutilated ( S c h a e f f e r 1939b, 13; C o u r t o i s 1979, cols. 1155-6; Yon 1997b, 28). It is hard to tell, however, whether this was simply a consequence of their being stolen and carried over long distances, or whether it was due to a violent action performed in Ugarit itself. Schaeffer even blamed this 'clumsy barbarian' act on 'a rising of the natives, amongst w h o m were Hurrites . . . who were now in power at Ugarit' ( S c h a e f f e r 1939b, 13). Lasdy, it is highly significant that many of these objects were found in the area of the temples of Ba'al and Dagan (Yon 1991a, 2 7 5 - 6 , 278ff.), and may very well have been ex-votos presented to the gods of Ugarit by whoever brought them there.

2.4 Man and Ugarìt In the Amorite Age the kingdom of Y a m h a d , with its capital at Halab (Aleppo), replaced Ebla as the dominant power in northern Syria. It is usually asserted that Ugarit belonged to the sphere of influence of the kings of Y a m h a d (e.g., K l e n g e l 1 9 9 7 , 3 6 5 ) , but direct evidence about the exact nature of this bond is lacking. O u r information on Ugarit in the Amorite Age comes primarily from the archives of Mari, first a close ally, later an enemy of Yamhad. T h e most prominent event relating to Ugarit is the well-documented j o u r n e y of Zimri-Lim to Ugarit ( V i l l a r d 1986; see also B e i t z e l 1997, 135-6). In the ninth year of his reign (1765), probably in the winter months ( S a s s o n 1984, 248), Zimri-Lim set out from Mari, accompanied by a grand entourage of courtiers, merchants and artisans. Some eighty preserved documents, written en route, describe in unusual detail the course of this journey, which advanced along the Lower H a b u r and the Lower Balih and then traversed the

Euphrates towards Halab. Here Zimri-Lim was probably joined by his father-in-law, Yarim-Lim, and the two continued together to Ugarit, via M u z u n n u m , Layašum, Hazazar, and Mahrasa (see m a p in V i l l a r d 1 9 8 6 , 3 9 5 ) . This grand tour of the West served both ideological and practical purposes. Although it was certainly nonmilitary in character ( V i l l a r d 1 9 8 6 , 3 9 3 , n. 4 6 ; contra S a s s o n 1 9 8 4 , 251), the voyage fitted well into the long Mesopotamian tradition of reaching the edge of the Great Sea, a ritual act symbolizing the victory of the Storm-god over the Sea ( D u r a n d 1 9 9 3 ; M a l a m a t 1 9 9 8 , with previous refs.). O n a more ' m u n d a n e ' level, the journey enabled Zimri-Lim to strengthen his western alliances, just before a projected military campaign in the east against Larsa ( V i l l a r d 1 9 8 6 , 4 0 8 - 9 ) . Last but not least, during his stay in the various Syrian localities, Zimri-Lim a n d his m e n were e n g a g e d in lucrative c o m m e r c i a l exchanges, both with the local authorities, and, through messengers, with distant rulers. T h e Mariote expedition received numerous golden and silver vessels, but also less valuable presents, such as wine and honey. In return, they distributed precious textiles, jewellery studded with lapis-lazuli, and, most significantly, large quantities of tin which was brought by Elamite merchants from the east ( V i l l a r d , 4 0 4 - 5 ) . Consignments of tin were sent out from Ugarit as far as Q a t n a and Hazor, and were also sold to Cretan merchants. 4 2 T h e information on Ugarit, where the expedition spent at least one month (for the dates, see V i l l a r d 1 9 8 6 , 3 9 0 - 1 ) , is disappointingly meagre. Not even the name of its ruler is indicated, unlike that of many other localités mentioned in this prolific documentation. More than twenty texts were written in Ugarit itself, documenting the exchange of presents with Crete and various Syro-Palestinian destinations. It seems that Mari had a special depot in Ugarit from which this voluminous flow of goods was controlled. It is less clear what was traded with Ugarit itself. O n e document records the purchase of gold in Ugarit for the manufacture of a golden seal mounted in lapis-lazuli, presented to the queen of H a l a b ( A R M T 2 5 . 3 4 0 : 1 6 - 7 ; V i l l a r d 1 9 8 6 , 4 0 6 ) .

42 A S T O U R 1973, 21 (with refs.); I A M B R O U - P H I L L I P S O N 1990, 122. Note also the year-name 'when the Cretans (KapitanyuK]) built a ship' ( V I I . I A R D 1986, 402, n. 106), which is explained by Villard as a visit of Cretans to Mari. For the Middle Minoan pottery found in Ras Shamra, see S C H A E F F E R 1948, 66; A S T O U R 1973, 19; L A M B R O U P H I L L I P S O N 1990, 69-70; Y O N 1994b, 430-1; C A U B E T - M A T O I A N 1995, 103-4. Chemical analysis of the Canaanite jars found at Kommos in Crete may indicate that some of them were made in Ugarit ( L A M B R O U - P H I L I . I P S O N 1990, 69).

Another ring that was sold in Ugarit was made of iron and gold, with a lapis-lazuli seal ( A R M T 2 5 . 4 8 + : rev. 3 ' ~ 5 ' ; V i l l a r d , 1 9 8 6 , 406). Perhaps artisans of Ugarit assisted their Mariote colleagues in manufacturing some of these exquisite objets d'art. A glimpse into the nomadic countryside of Ugarit is provided by the letter exchange between two tribal leaders from the region extending between H a l a b a n d Ugarit (A 2 0 9 4 ; V i l l a r d , 1 9 8 6 4 1 1 - 2 , Annexe no. 2). T h e chief of the Uprapi is accused by the chief of the Benê-Sim'âl of pillaging his territory and of jeopardizing 'the ha-a-n-ni of Ugarit [leading to(?) the tempi] e(?) of the Storm-god of Halab'. 4 3 Villard thought that the obscure vocable must designate some ritual related to a peace agreement concluded between the two groups before Addu of Halab. I wonder whether it could rather stand for the Hurrian word for 'the road' (with article). 44 If so, the angered chief was simply expressing his concern that the unruly Uprapeans might block the roads between Ugarit and Halab. Shortly after his journey to Ugarit, Zimri-Lim's father-in-law and ally Yarim-Lim died and was succeeded on the throne of Halab by H a m m u r a p i . T h e latter showed far less cordiality towards ZimriLim, and eventually collaborated with his famous namesake in Babylon in bringing about the downfall of the last king of Mari. But before this happened, H a m m u r a p i of Halab transmitted a short message to Zimri-Lim, in which an u n n a m e d king of Ugarit (lit. 'the M a n of Ugarit') expressed his wish to visit the palace of Mari. 4 5 Is there anything in the archaeological record of Ugarit that relates to the lengthy stay of Zimri-Lim and his entourage in the city? T h e r e are certainly objects of eastern origin at Ugarit, 46 but it would be hard to establish a connection specifically to Mari. T h e r e is, however, an intriguing fragment of a cuneiform inscription incised on a polished green stone which was found in 1932 at the entrance of the Temple of

43 11. 9f.: [šu\m-ma ba-a-ri-m sa Ú-ga-ri-timKÌ [i-n]a(?) É(?) d IM [ j ] e Ha-la-ab (followed by a large gap). 44 For ban - ni, see L A R O C H E 1976-7, 94, and esp. the obscure ba~a-n-e-ni in KBo 15.72 i 6. 45 Literally, 'the house of Zimri-Lim'; V I L L A R D 1 9 8 6 , 4 1 0 , nn. 1 6 0 - 1 6 2 (with previous refs.). It seems that Dossin's original interpretation that the visit was intended to reach the palace of Mari itself is preferable to other suggestions, such as a visit to a Mariote domain in the west. 46 For the M B A cylinder seals from Ras Shamra, see C O U R T O I S 1 9 7 9 , cols. 1 1 9 4 - 5 ;

AMIET

1992,

nos.

19-44;

1995,

239-40;

ARNAUD

1997.

Ba c al. 47 All that remains are a few signs written between neatly prepared division lines (three lines are uninscribed). In view of its archaeological context, 48 the fragment could perhaps belong to an object offered by the Mariote expedition to the local god, or vice versa, something prepared in Ugarit in anticipation of the forthcoming visit to Mari. O n e can only wish that more pieces of this intriguing inscription would turn up in the future. For the next two centuries or so there is only a single mention of Ugarit in an Alalah tablet of Level VII (AT *358; W i s e m a n 1954, 27). Puruqqu, 4 9 'the m a n of Ugarit', who made a delivery of wool to the palace of Alalah, does not have to be a ruler of Ugarit, although this possibility cannot be entirely ruled out. T h e r e is nothing in the Hittite record to indicate that the campaigns of Hattuši1i I and Murši1i I to northern Syria had any direct effect on Ugarit, but, in the long run, the drastic changes in the geo-political structure of the region had also been felt in the Levantine kingdom.

2.5

Ugarit and the Mittannian confederacy

T h e geo-political void left by the Hittite destruction of the old Amorite centres of Syria, in particular Y a m h a d / H a l a b , was gradually filled in during the 16th century by the growing power of Mittanni. For the next two centuries or so most of Syria and southern Anatolia formed part of a loose confederacy controlled from Waššukkanni. For a short while the Mittannian domination was threatened by the campaigns of the Egyptian kings of the early 18th dynasty, but already by the mid-15th century 30 the two empires agreed on a division of Syria, with Qadesh on the Orontes marking the borderline. Ugarit

4.458; Thureau-Dangin apud S C H A E F F E R 1933, 120, n. 1; see photograph 5 / 1 , 35 (a). 48 According to V I R O L L E A U D (1936a, 21) the inscription was found next to the sphinx of Amenemhet III and it is engraved on the same kind of green stone as the Egyptian statue. T h e same area produced more Middle Kingdom statuary, as well as other Egyptian small finds, such as beads, figurines and scarabs, which were all given as ex-votos to the temple (ib., 15). This rare cuneiform inscription may have had a similar dating and function ( A R N A U D 1996, 47-8, η. 6; 1997, 15If.). 49 Arnaud reads the name as Burruqu, a name attested in the texts from Alalah and Ugarit ( A R N A U D 1997, pp. 153f., with refs. in n. 18). For the suggestion to restore this name in the King List of Ugarit, see n. 24. 50 For Mittannian overtures for peace already in the seventh year of Amenophis I I , see SPALINGER 1983, 94; S I N G E R 1988a. 47

in

RS

RSO

was never directly integrated into the Mittannian confederacy, 31 but it maintained close neighbourly relations with one of Mittanni's vassals, Alalah/Mukiš. A small fragment from Alalakh IV contains a stipulation concerning the j u d g m e n t and extradition of runaways crossing from one kingdom to the other (AT 4; W i s e m a n 1953, 32).52 It could belong to an accord between the two lands comparable to the treaties concluded between Alalah and its other neighbours, Tunip (AT 2) and Kizzuwatna (AT 3).53 An actual case of theft (of three horses) and the extradition of the thief is dealt with in a letter found in the courtyard of the T e m p l e of Ba c al in Ugarit. 34 It was sent by Niqmepa, most probably the successor of Idrimi on the throne of Alalah, to I b i r a < n u > , an otherwise unknown 15th century king of Ugarit. 35 T h e limited Mittannian influence on the northern Levantine coast is reflected in the toponymy 3 6 and the onomasticon of Ugarit ( A s t o u r 1978, 13; S a l v i n i 1995, 92-3). Whereas in neighbouring Alalah more than half of the population bore Hurrian names according to the Level IV texts ( K i l m e r 1959), only a few of Ugarit's p e r m a n e n t residents had names that can positively be analyzed as Hurrian. This is all the more prominent in the royal line of Ugarit which only includes one possibly LIurrian name. 5 7 In that respect Ugarit differs sharply from its southern neighbour, where 'Hittite-

ASTOUR 1981a, 10. Other scholars have pleaded for a stronger political influence of Mittanni on Ugarit ( D R O W E R 1975, 133; LIVERANI 1979a, 298). 52 Another fragment from Level IV contains little more than the otherwise unknown name 'Tanuwati of Ugarit' (AT 442e; W I S E M A N 1954, 3). 53 Cf., however, the different interpretation of A R N A U D (1996, 54, η. 37; 1997, 157), who suggests that A T 4 is a letter sent to the king of Alalah by the king of Mittanni or one of his 'officers'. 54 RS 4.449 (Virolleaud 1936a, 2Iff.) is the only tablet found in the area of Temple I ( A R N A U D 1996, 47, η. 1), which has also yielded Middle Egyptian inscriptions and statuary, as well as a small fragment of a cuneiform inscription incised on green stone (RS 4.458; see p. 618). RS 4.449 has often been discussed in later studies, some of which have improved over the readings of Virolleaud's editio ρήηceps. See L E T T I N G A 1948, 112-3; VAN S O L D T 1991, 215ff.; H O F T I J Z E R - VAN S O L D T 1991, 197; A R N A U D 1996, 47-54; M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1997, 192. 55 But cf. A R N A U D 1996, 48, η. 6, who mentions unpublished sources according to which Ibiranu succeeded Yaqarum, the founder of the dynasty of Ugarit (see n. 33 above). 56 According to A S T O U R (1978, 13) the Hurrian toponyms attested in the Ras Shamra texts are mostly located in the territories beyond the Orontes, which were annexed to Ugarit by the Hittites. 57 For Ar-halba, see p. 6 3 7 . LIVERANI ( 1 9 7 8 , 1 5 2 - 3 ) noted that members of the royal family of Ugarit who did not become kings often bore Hurrian names. However, most of the quoted examples are the sons of Amurrite princesses who married kings of Ugarit: Hišmi-Šarruma and ÌR-Šarruma were the sons of AJjat-Milku (p. 642), 51

H u r r i a n ' names became the rule after A m u r r u ' s defection from Egypt to Hatti ( L i v e r a n i 1978, 150-1; S i n g e r 1991a, 182ff.). O n the other h a n d , H u r r i a n impact was m o r e extensive in cultural domains, such as religion and literature. 5 8 Lexicographical texts often have a H u r r i a n column in addition to the Sumerian, Akkadian and Ugaritic ones. Ugarit has also produced a fair n u m b e r of Hurrian religious texts, both syllabic a n d alphabetical, some of which consist of divine lists. An Akkadian-Hurrian bilingual text belongs to the genre of wisdom literature. Finally, the H u r r i a n texts with musical notation, the oldest in western civilization, have raised special interest. An intriguing H u r r i a n letter found in the royal palace seems to contain valuable historical information, but its understanding is further hindered by the fragmentary state of preservation (RS 1 1 . 8 5 3 = PRU 3, 327; R S O 5 / 1 : 61). Both Ugarit and Carchemish are m e n tioned, a n d the address 'my lord' (rev. 13) discloses the hierarchical relationship between the correspondents. Salvini's tentative translation ( S a l v i n i 1 9 9 5 , 9 6 ) of several phrases may hint at a military context: 'you will smite Carchemish' (1. 7), 'entering Carchemish' (1. 8). However, the repeated occurrence of pass- 'to send' (11. 3, 9, 14) and paššithe 'messenger' (1. 4) m a y also indicate a commercial or diplomatic context. 59 L a r o c h e ( 1 9 5 5 . 3 2 9 ) assumed that the letter was sent to Ugarit by a high official of Carchemish, but this fails to explain its language. A better alternative would be that the letter was sent from M i t t a n n i or f r o m the successor state of H a n i g a l b a t , but the full significance of this rare H u r r i a n epistíe remains to be revealed.

3

Ugarit

3.1

under

Egyptian

Influence

The early 18th dynasty of Egypt

T h e Egyptian campaigns of the early 18th dynasty kings reached as far as the Euphrates and the H a l a b area. Along the coast the

and Utri-Šarruma was the son of the bittu rabîti (p. 681). Therefore, these cases may have been influenced by name-giving practices current in Amurru, rather than in Ugarit. Of more weight would be the case of Talmiyanu, if this is indeed the name of Niqmaddu III before his coronation (see p. 700). 58 For some recent discussions (with refs. to the texts), see S A L V I N I 1995b, 93ff.; D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1995; 1997; M A Y E R 1996; P A R D E E 1996b. 59 Gemot Wilhelm, personal communication.

northernmost strongholds fortified by Tuthmosis III were Ullasa and S u m u r on both sides of the Eleutheros River ( S i n g e r 1991a, 139), whereas inland, he attempted to consolidate a defensive line centered on T u n i p and Qadesh on the Orontes. T h e r e is no evidence whatsoever for Egyptian involvement further north on the Syrian coast. A vase with the cartouche of Tuthmosis III allegedly found in the palace of Ugarit (PRU 4, 28) has never been published, and its existence is doubtful ( A s t o u r 1981a, 13 n. 53; G i v e o n 1986, 839). T h e annals and the geographical lists of Tuthmosis III contain numerous Syrian localities, none of which is located west of the Alawite range. An alleged identification of Ugarit in Amenophis II's Year 7 campaign has been convincingly refuted on both phonetic and geographical grounds ( D r o w e r 1975, 133; A s t o u r 1981a, 13-4, with previous refs.). Ugarit first enters firmly into the orbit of Egyptian interests under Amenophis III. Its n a m e appears in Egyptian geographical lists (Karnak and Soleb in Nubia; G i v e o n 1 9 8 6 , 8 3 9 ) , and the correspondence between the two lands is partly preserved in the A m a r n a tablets.

3.2

Ammittamru I (?-ca.

1350)

T h e earliest document emanating from Ugarit is EA 45 sent by [AmrrĪ]ittam[ru]™ to Egypt, either in the late reign of Amenophis III, 61 or in the first years of Akhenaten. 6 2 T h e very damaged letter opens and ends with emphatic promises of allegiance to Egypt. T h e occasion for this declaration of loyalty seems to be the repeated threat to Ugarit by the king of a land whose n a m e is unfortunately broken off. Ever since Knudtzon, the standard restoration of the name has been Hatti, and the threat has been associated with an early foray of Suppiluliuma I . Another candidate, suggested by L i v e r a n i (1962: 24), could be Abdi-Aširta of Amurru, whose hostile actions against Ugarit are mentioned in the treaty between Aziru and Niqm a d d u (RS 19.068.8; PRU 4: 284-6). But then, as pointed out by 60

The name of the sender was first correcdy restored by

61

K I T C H E N 1 9 6 2 , 3 4 f . ; K L E N G E L 1 9 6 9 , 3 4 0 ; D R O W E R 1 9 7 5 , 1 3 3 ; ASTOUR 1 9 8 1 : 1 7 f f .

62

ALBRIGHT

1944.

NA'AMAN (1996) has recently put forward a daring restoration and interpretation of EA 45. He suggests that the letter refers to an incident in which Ammittamru detained messengers sent from Amurru to Hatti and intended to extradite them to Egypt. When the news reached the king of Hatti he repeatedly threatened Ammittamru, and the anxious king of Ugarit turned to Akhenaten for assistance. See further n. 77 below.

(1981, 17), it is unlikely that the renegade Abdi-Asirta would be designated as a 'king', especially in a letter written to Egypt. h:i Mittanni was on friendly terms with Egypt in this period and Ammittamru would hardly have reason to complain about this overture. It thus seems best to follow Knudtzon's intuition, but if one accepts the revised chronology of Suppiluliuma's reign (see p. 608), then the Hittite king in question could only be one of his predecessors, possibly his father Tudhaliya. 6 4 Indeed, a fragment in the Deeds of Šuppi1u1iuma (Frg. 8; G ü t e r b o c k 1956, 62) describes a military campaign led by his father to M o u n t Nanni (probably the Anti-Casius) 63 on the northern border of Ugarit: K l e n g e l 1970, 35; A s t o u r 1981a, 18-9). H i s . adversaries in this operation appear to be Sutu-troops ( e r í n . m e š Sú-te-e), i.e. tribal groups in the highlands of Ugarit who were often employed as mercenaries. 6 6 T w o further very fragmentary letters, EA 46-47, 6 7 also claim Ugarit's ongoing loyalty to Egypt, and may belong to the same correspondents. 6 8 T h e Ugaritian king's statement that 'my ancestors did service [for] your [ancestors (EA 47: 8 - 9 ; M o r a n 1992, 119) is occasionally quoted as a proof for Ugarit's submission to Egyptian overlordship in the early 15th century. However, such hyperbolic expressions do not necessarily reflect real historical circumstances (see below).

A s t o u r

63 For Abdi-Asirta's quest for recognition see, recently, S I N G E R 1991a, 141fT. (with further refs.). 64 For the now unequivocal identification of Suppiluliuma's father, see O T T E N 1995, 8. 65 For the identification of the twin mountains Hazzi and Nanni, attested in Hittite texts, with Mt. Casius (Sapunu) and Mt. Anti-Casius, respectively, see K L E N G E L 1969, 354, 410, η. 29; 1970, 34ff.; B O R D R E U I L 1989b; VAN S O L D T 1994, 367. For the proposed vocalization Sapunu see W Y A T T 1995a. For other identifications of Mt. Nanni, see D I J K S T R A 199lj 133ff., 137; P O P K O 1998: 124. 66 The two persons mentioned in the fragment, Zittara and Halpamuwa, are otherwise unknown. (Halpa-A.A in the tribute list KUB 42.29 ii 15' belongs to the 13th century; S I E G E L O V A 1986, 14Iff.). 67 A third fragmentary letter, EA 48, was sent by a certain [. . ,-H]eba to her lady (with a present of balsam). T h e two are usually identified as a queen of Ugarit and a queen of Egypt respectively ( A L B R I G H T 1944, 33; D R O W E R 1975, 134; M O R A N 1992, 120). In fact, the only reason for Knudtzon's attribution of this letter to the correspondence of Ugarit was the similarities of its clay and script to those of the other letters ( A L B R I G H T 1944: 30-1). For two Ugaritic letters traditionally dated to the Amarna age, K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+ and K T U 2.42 + 43 = RS 18.1 13A, [B], a late 13th century dating is claimed in this study. See pp. 713 and 677, respectively. 68 T h e mention of the Egyptian envoy Hanya in EA 4 7 : 2 3 , also known from other Amarna letters, does not provide an accurate chronological clue, since he probably kept his office during the reigns of both Amenophis III and Akhenaten

(CAMPBELL

1964,

127).

An intriguing reference to Ugarit in the A m a r n a Age is found in EA 1, sent by Kadasman-Enlil I to Amenophis III (see L i v e r a n i 1990, 274, with further refs. in n. 1). In his long letter dealing with royal marriages, the Babylonian king, quoting from an earlier letter, expresses his doubts about the identity of the girl who was shown to one of his messengers in Egypt. Was she really his sister, or rather 'the daughter of some poor m a n (muškênu), or of some Ga<s>gean(?), or the daughter of some Hanigalbatean, or perhaps someone from Ugarit?' (11. 37ff.; M o r a n 1992, 1). I wonder whether this is merely an arbitrary list of possibilities, 69 or rather the Babylonian king had in his mind actual cases of foreign princesses sent to Egypt. T h e first name is corrupt, 7 0 but Mittannian princesses were indeed present in Amenophis Ill's harem (for refs. see, R ö l l i g 1974, 19; P i n t o r e 1978, 15ff.). Admittedly, we have no direct evidence for royal marriages between Egypt and Ugarit in the A m a r n a Age, but perhaps the Egyptian alabaster vase on which N i q m a d d u is portrayed with an Egyptian lady (see below) may show that the bond between the two lands was indeed cemented by an 'exchange' of noble brides. In this respect, it is interesting to observe that Ugarit is the only site outside C a n a a n that has yielded a large scarab issued to commemorate the marriage of Amenophis III with Tiy in the second year of his reign (Ug 3, 223: fig. 204). Amenophis Ill's cartouche also appears on at least five alabaster vessels, 71 on one of t h e m (RS 17.058) together with Q u e e n Tiy.

3.3

Niqmaddu II (ca.

1350-1315)

T h e exact date of N i q m a d d u ' s accession to the throne is not known, but he must have been a contemporary of both Akhenaten and T u t a n k h a m u n . Ugarit's cordial relations with Egypt continued for a

6!l

That 'the daughter of some poor man' (muškênu) precedes the princesses from three lands does not necessarily imply, as usually assumed, that these lands are viewed upon in a derogatory way. I think that the writer simply wanted to distinguish between two categories—a girl of inferior birth, or a princess from a country other than Babylon. 70 If indeed K U R Ga-ga-ia refers to the Kaška (VON S C H Ü L E R 1 9 6 5 , 8 0 ) , perhaps the author confused it with another Anatolian land which sent a princess to Amenophis III, namely Arzawa (EA 31-32). 71 RS 11.329; RS 1-11.[116]; RS 16.340; RS 17.058; RS 17.[476], See refs. in RSO 5/1.

while, at least until its submission to Suppiluliuma I around 1340 bce (see p. 632). In EA 49 N i q m a d d u requests an Egyptian physician and two palace attendants from Cush ( M o r a n 1992, 120). T h e Egyptian envoy to Ugarit, [Ha]ramassa, is also known to have represented his country at the court of Tušratta of Mittanni (EA 20). T h e flow of prestigious presents from Egypt went on as before, as shown by the hundreds of pieces of alabaster vessels, many of them inscribed, found throughout the city and in the port of Minetel-Beida ( C a u b e t 1991a, 2 0 9 - 1 4 ; Y o n 1994b, 427). O n e of them carries the cartouches of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (RS 15.202 + 15.203; Ug 3, 167, fig. 120). Another inscribed fragment depicts ' N i q m a d d u the Great O n e of the Land of Ugarit' (wr η h3st ik3nyty nyk3irídy) in the presence of a lady dressed in Egyptian style (RS 15.239; Ug 3, 165, fig. 118; Desroches-Noblecourt 1956). Although the artist exhibits a high degree of familiarity with Egyptian conventions, minute details in the iconography and the Egyptian script disclose that the vase was probably of local manufacture, probably imitating Egyptian prototypes ( D e s r o c h e s - N o b l e c o u r t 1956, 218-9). Unfortunately, the name of the lady portrayed in a bridal posture, if it was ever indicated, is not preserved. This opens a whole range of possibilities with regard to her identity, from a daughter of Akhenaten to a Syrian princess depicted à la égyptienne.™ T h e truth may lie in between. As clearly stated in EA 4: 9ff., Egyptian kings were not in the habit of marrying their own daughters to foreign rulers. T h e y could, however, send other ladies of noble rank to fulfil this important diplomatic task. This is exactly what the Babylonian king asks for: 'Send me a beautiful woman as if she were [you]r daughter' ( M o r a n 1992, 9). In view of Kadasman-Enlil's incidental mention of Ugarit in EA 1 : 37ff. (see p. 624), I would opt for the possibility that there was indeed an exchange of royal brides between the courts of Egypt and Ugarit. If the Egyptian lady depicted on the vase was indeed Niqmaddu's bride, 73 one is faced with the difficult question of her relationship

12

For the former possibility, see D E S R O C H E S - N O B L E C O U R T 1956, 204fT., and esp. p. 219, n. 2; see also G I V E O N 1986, 839. There is a general agreement that the Niqmaddu depicted on the vase is identical with the 14th century king, but P I N T O R E (1978, 78-9) preferred to identify him with Niqmaddu III, for reasons which are no longer tenable (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 13, n. 115). 73 It is not clear to me on what evidence R Ö L L I G ( 1 9 7 4 , 1 9 ) categorically states that the wedding took place in Amenophis Ill's 36th year. The vase is usually dated

with Q u e e n Pisidqi, who is usually identified as Niqmaddu's spouse. 74 O n e possibility would be to equate the two ladies (cf. v a n S o l d t 1991a, 13, n. 115), assuming that the Egyptian bride was given a Semitic n a m e when she came to Ugarit. 7 5 In that case, she must have been very young when she married an already aging Niqmaddu. Pisidqi still appears as the queen of Ugarit in a legal text dated to Ammittamru II (RS 15.086 = PRU 3, 54f.), who succeded N i q m e p a after his half century long reign. Perhaps it is better to separate the two spouses of N i q m a d d u II ( A b o u d 1994, 27-8), although it would not be easy to explain how a prestigious Egyptian bride could deteriorate to a humiliating secondary rank in the court. Could this be connected to Ugarit's political shift from the Egyptian to the Hittite camp? In concluding this chapter of close Egyptian-Ugaritian contacts in the A m a r n a Age, we may attempt to define the political nature of this relationship more closely. O n the basis of the same sources, most scholars have maintained that Ugarit was a vassal of Egypt, 76 whereas others have argued for her full independence ( A l t m a n n 1976). T h e r e are of course m a n y definitions that fall between the two extremes, simply describing Ugarit as belonging to the Egyptian sphere of influence without a more definite geo-political definition (e.g., D r o w e r 1975, 133). Nougayrol even spoke of a Hurrian-Egyptian condominium in Ugarit ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 57). Having refuted the flimsy evidence for an Egyptian takeover of Ugarit in the early 18th dynasty, the decision really rests on the evaluation of the A m a r n a correspondence and the Egyptian finds from Ugarit. Considered without bias, nothing in these two bodies of evidence argues for a state of vassalage. T h e expressions of subordination and loyalty in the episdes of the kings of Ugarit are hardly more than polite hyperbole anticipated from a state of inferior political status in its dealings with a great power ( A l t m a n 1976; cf. also

to the reign of Akhenaten (or even later) on both stylistic and historical considerations ( L I V E R A N I 1 9 6 2 , 3 1 ) . 74 In the legal text RS 16.277 (= PRU 3, 50-1) ratified by Niqmaddu, 'Pisidqi the Queen' exchanges real estate with Nuriyanu, Niqmaddu's brother. See VAN SOLDT 75

1991,

GORDON

7.

(1956, 129) analyzed the name as Bi-Sidqi < Bit-Sidqi, 'Daughter of

Justice'. 76

1962, 24-5; ibid., 1988a, 566; ibid., 1990, 142; K I T C H E N 1962, 35; 1964, 121; A S T O U R 1981b, 15ff.; Z A C C A G N I N I 1990, 68.

LIVERANI

CAMPBELL

η. 2 5 0 ) . Actually, various elements of style and content clearly distinguish these letters from those of real Egyptian vassals in Canaan, who regularly paid taxes and fulfilled corvée duties. T o give one example, N i q m a d d u ' s d e m a n d for an Egyptian physician and Cushite attendants (EA 59) would be considered as a brazen breach of etiquette on the part of a simple vassal state. T h e same applies to Niqmaddu's 'Wedding Vase', which shows, if anything, that Ugarit enjoyed a privileged status. 'Independence' is perhaps too modern a political concept to describe the status of a relatively small ancient N e a r Eastern state, but an autonomous status with strong Egyptian influence could be the best way to describe Ugarit's position before its submission to Suppiluliuma I. Egypt had free access to the ports of Ugarit, and thence to the rest of the northeastern Mediterranean. This lucrative maritime trade was probably valued too highly to e n d a n g e r it by excessive interference. T h e Hittites, who were to become far more demanding overlords, nevertheless adopted a similar policy towards Ugarit. Klengel

1992,

133,

4

4.1

U g a r i t

Under

Hittite

Rule

The Levantine alliance of Ugarit and Amurru

T h e bond with Egypt, although economically lucrative and culturally influential, could hardly secure Ugarit's borders and its autonomous political status. Probably the first to exert considerable pressure on Ugarit in the changing political conditions towards the mid-14th century was its southern neighbour A m u r r u . This newly established kingdom on the northern confines of the Egyptian Empire promptly accumulated considerable military strength under the able leaderships of Abdi-Aširta and his son Aziru (see recently, S i n g e r 1991a, 14Iff, with further refs.). In their recurring complaints to the Pharaoh, the rulers of Byblos, Rib-Haddi and Yapah-Addu, claim that the entire coast from Byblos to Ugarit banded together with the resented Amurrites, against Egyptian interests (EA 98; cf. EA 126: 6). Ugarit's siding with Amurru against Egyptian interests could hardly have been voluntary. According to the accord between Aziru and Niqmaddu, the animosity between the two kingdoms went back to the days of Ammittamru I (RS 19.068.8), although its background

is not specified. 77 Aziru, having thrown in his lot with the Hittites quite early in his reign ( S i n g e r 1991a, 155ff.), could not risk confronting hostile neighbours on both his southern and northern flanks and must have exerted considerable pressure on Ugarit to come to terms with him. His accord with N i q m a d d u is unique in the context of ancient N e a r Eastern treaties (RS 19.068 = PRU 4, 284ff; K ü h n e 1971). Formally, it has the appearance of a treaty between equal states, but the actual stipulations bring it closer to a vassal treaty between a stronger and a weaker party. Ugarit consented to pay the considerable sum of 5,000 silver shekels for her military protection 7 " and for Amurru's renunciation of all future claims on Ugarit's client states of Siyannu and Zinzaru. T h e relative dating of this accord is open to speculation ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 36-7; K l e n g e l 1969, 2 8 4 - 5 ; S i n g e r 1991a, 156-7). It most probably predates Niqmaddu's treaty with Suppiluliuma, and could be more or less contemporary with Suppiluliuma's treaty with Aziru. 79 Against the b a c k g r o u n d of the new alliance between the two Levantine kingdoms and the stormy developments on the political scene of the Near East, one should be able to find a suitable historical context for one of the most intriguing documents discovered in Ugarit, the so-called 'General's Letter' (RS 20.033 = Ug 5, no. 20). T h e long Akkadian letter, about a third of which is missing, was sent by the military c o m m a n d e r Sumi[—] to the King, his lord. H e asks for urgent reinforcements to complete his mission, guarding a strategic pass between the sea and M o u n t Lebanon in the Land of Amurru, in anticipation of an impending Egyptian attack. T h e dramatic situation described in this rare document of military intelligence may fit into several historical contexts, and indeed, different datings have been suggested, ranging from the mid-14th to the early

77

Recently N A ' A M A N (1996) suggested that the claims of Ba'aluya (Aziru's son) against Niqmaddu mentioned in the accord refer to a political entanglement between the Levantine states, in which the king of Ugarit detained messengers of Amurru who were sent to Hatti and intended to extradite them to Egypt (see also n. 62 above). According to Na'aman, the 5,000 shekels were paid to Amurru as a compensation for the damages caused by Ugarit and Siyannu to members of Aziru's family. 78 This sum is more than half of what Ugarit paid to the Hittites for her exemption from military duties: 50 golden minas, equalling some 8,000 silver shekels (see p. 683). 79 For an entirely different chronological reconstruction of the events relating to Amurru's and Ugarit's contacts with the Hittites, see F R E U 1992 (with table on p. 96).

12th centuries (for refs. see I z r e ' e l - S i n g e r 1990, 14ff.). Almost half a century after its discovery the 'General's Letter' still defies an unequivocal interpretation, but the possibilities are gradually being reduced, especially through linguistic criteria. Schaeffer's far-fetched setting of the events ( S c h a e f f e r 1968, 638-91) within the context of the invasions of the 'Sea Peoples' in the early 12th century (partly based on the findspot of the tablet in the R a p ' a n u archive) has generally been refuted. 8 0 M a n y have found an appropriate historical setting in the era before or after the Battle of Qadesh. 8 1 But after all, Nougayrol's initial conviction ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 69-79) that, despite its archaeological context, the letter's script and language place it within the A m a r n a Age, has recently received strong support through linguistic and historical réévaluations. 82 T h e resulting historical reconstructions agree on the occasion for the General's mission: Amurru's defection to the Hittite c a m p and an anticipated Egyptian retaliation. However, the identity of the correspondents is still open to speculation. T w o of the suggested possibilities are: a pro-Hittite Syrian prince (possibly Sumit[tara]) posted in Amurru, whose letter to the Hittite king or viceroy travelled through Ugarit 8 3 (Singer in I z r e ' e l S i n g e r 1990); or, an 'Apiru c o m m a n d e r writing to the ruler of A m u r r u who was visiting the king of Ugarit ( M a r q u e z R o w e 1996). Whether the prospected Egyptian campaign to Amurru ever took place is questionable. After the sudden death of Akhenaten the Egyptian retaliation was postponed until the Ramesside era.

4.2

Fire in the palace of Ugarit

In its heyday the palace of Ugarit, covering an area of nearly 7,000 m 2 (Yon 1997b, 46), was no doubt one of the most spectacular

80 Cf., however DE M O O R 1996b, 2 3 2 ~ 3 , who relates the letter to an alleged flight of Queen Tausert and Beya to Syria in 1190. 81 E.g., L I V E R A N I 1962, 76ff.; CAZELLF.S 1970; RAINF.Y 1971a; 1973; S T I E G L I T Z

1992;

KLENGEL

1992,

137.

1988; I Z R E ' E L - S I N G E R 1990. See also L I V E R A N I 1992; D E L C O R 1992; R Ö L I .IG 1993; L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a: 70; M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1996b. Cf., however, S T I E G L I T Z 1992, who suggests that the letter was sent to the king of Ugarit by Sumiyanu, father of Rap'anu, in the early 13th century. 83 That the correspondence between Amurru and Carchemish occasionally passed through Ugarit is also shown by a courtesy letter sent by Bentešina to the King, his lord (RS 19.006 = PRU 6, 2). This address can only refer to the 'King' par 82

IZRE'EL

edifices in the Levant. 8 4 W h e n R i b - H a d d a of Byblos w a n t e d to describe the wealth of the king of Tyre he compared his residence to that of Ugarit (EA 89: 51). N o wonder that when the palace of Ugarit was (partly) destroyed by a fire the r u m o u r spread swiftly throughout the Levant and the event was promptly reported to Egypt by Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 151: 55): 'Fire destroyed the palace of Ugarit; (rather), it destroyed half of it and so h a l < f > of it has disappeared. T h e r e are no Hittite troops about' ( M o r a n 1992, 238). T h e passage raises several problems of interpretation ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 27ff.). First, the repetition of the information about Ugarit is odd and most interpreters have corrected it to mean that one half of the palace was burnt whereas the other half was not. O f more weight is the question whether the subsequent mention of the Hittite troops is related to the fire in Ugarit, and if so, how. 85 T h e passage goes on to report on other news from C a n a a n (clashes between Etakkama and Aziru), and most commentators tend to disconnect the various pieces of information reported by Abi-Milku (e.g., L i v e r a n i 1962, 30). However, it is difficult to fathom the sense of the phrase concerning the Hittite army unless the sender sought to emphasize its relevance to the calamity in Ugarit. T h e letter is dated to the last years of Akhenaten ( C a m p b e l l 1964, 127), and it coincides with Suppiluliuma's 'one year campaign' (or 'First Syrian War') to Syria around 1340 b c e ( F r e u 1985, 41; B r y c e 1989, 30; Singer in I z r e ' e l S i n g e r 1990, 155ff.). From the later record we know that Ugarit was never militarily attacked by the Hittites and it is unlikely that they were responsible for this fire. T h e r e is, however, a much better candidate for causing this calamity in Ugarit. T h e SuppiluliumaN i q m a d d u treaty reports a joint attack of the anti-Hittite confederacy of Mukiš, Nuhhašši and Niya on Ugaritian territory, which may very well have culminated in a destructive raid on the capital itself. Abi-Milku's report may refer exactly to the fact that 'there are no Hittite troops about' who could rescue Ugarit from its enemies. Only

excellence, i.e. the king of Carchemish (KLENGEL 1969, 214, 375; SINGER 1983b, 13, n. 16; 1990, 173) and not to the king of Ugarit (NOUGAYROL 1970, 2). 84 For the palace of Ugarit, see COURTOIS 1979, 1217ff.; MARGUERON 1995; Y O N 1997b, 45ff. The new palace apparently replaced the Northern Palace which was built in the 16th century and went out of use around 1400 BCE (YON 1997b, 70ff). 85 CAD, I-J: 230b implausibly places the Hittite troops near the fire: 'Fire has consumed Ugarit, that is, it consumed half of it but did not consume the other half nor the Hittite troops'. Moran's translation (above) is no doubt preferable.

later, when N i q m a d d u gave in to the growing pressures on him and asked for Hittite intervention did the army of Suppiluliuma come to the rescue and expel the Syrian enemies from its territory. Conclusive archaeological evidence for this conflagration has not yet been identified, but there are certain indications in the palace area which may perhaps be related to it. Schaeffer noted an early destruction level which separated two building phases ( S c h a e f f e r 1937, 137ff.; 1938, 194-5; 1948, 9). H e attributed this destruction to an earthquake followed by a raging fire dated to ca 1365 bce, but both his archaeological data and his historical conclusions have been questioned (see, e.g. v a n S o l d t 1991a, 220). Recent investigations, however, seem to bear out his distinction between two conflagrations, the later one certainly marking the final destruction of Ugarit ( M a r g u e r o n 1995a, 191-2). As for the earlier destruction, which is discerned only in the western part of the palace, two possible datings have been considered in recent studies: either the Amarna Age fire reported by Abi-Milku (EA 151), or a mid-13th century earthquake whose effects can also be discerned in other parts of the city ( C a l l o t 1986, 748; 1994, 204-5). 8 6 W h e n the palace was rebuilt the ruined parts were probably covered and levelled, which may perhaps explain the fact that no documents earlier than N i q m a d d u II 87 were discovered in the palace area. 88 Another possibility could be that the conflagration mentioned in EA 151 refers to the Northern Palace ( L i v e r a n i 1988b, 128), which was abandoned in the 14th century (Yon 1998a, 72).

8(>

Arnaud (apud C A L L O T 1 9 9 4 , 2 0 5 ) refers to an alleged mention of (this) earthquake in a verdict of Ini-Tešub ( R S 2 7 . 0 5 2 . 6 = PRU 6 , no. 3 6 ) , but the evidence is doubtful. 87 For the lowering of the dates of K T U 2.23 = RS 16.078+ and K T U 2.42 + 43 = RS 18.113A[B], the only allegedly pre-Niqmaddu II tablets from the palace archives, see n. 67. For RS 4.449, the only tablet discovered in the temple area on the acropolis, see n. 54; it was sent by a king of Alalah to a 15th century king of Ugarit, which may indicate that the pre-Niqmaddu II archives may still be discovered somewhere outside the palace area (cf. N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 57). 88 For the refutation of Schaeffer's reconstruction of a two-level archive (before and after the fire mentioned in EA 151), see L I V E R A N I 1988b. T h e two levels may perhaps correspond to two stories of the building, but joins made between tablet fragments found in both levels seem to disprove this explanation as well (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 72; L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a, 73).

4.3

Ugarit joins the Hittite camp

An early contact between Ugarit and the Hittites may be referred to in the opening lines of Suppiluliuma's letter to Niqmaddu: 'As previously your forefathers were at peace with H a t t i . . .' (RS 17.132. 7 - 9 = PRU 3, 35). This may mean nothing more than the fact that there was no enmity between the two parties in the past ( K l e n g e l 1969, 350), but it could also refer to more concrete circumstances. T h e era of the Old Hittite kings' campaigns to Syria ( A s t o u r 1981a, 11) must probably be excluded. O n the other hand, a campaign of Suppiluliuma's father near the northern border of Ugarit, at Mt. Nanni, is actually recorded in a Hittite text (see p. 623). Perhaps it was this early show of arms that led Ammittamru I to conclude a peace agreement with the Hittites. T h e r e is, however, no direct evidence for this alleged early submission of Ugarit to the Hittites. T h e first clear record of Ugarit's passage from the Egyptian sphere of influence to the Hittite fold is connected to Suppiluliuma I's 'one year campaign' in Syria, around 1340 bce. T o understand fully the rich Hittite documentation on the circumstances of Ugarit's submission it is necessary to explain briefly the Hittite sense of historical justice in their dealings with other states. T h e Hittites had a longstanding claim on northern Syria, going back as early as the late 17th century. In the early 14th century Tudhaliya I reconquered much of northern Syria, but this was a short-term success and Hatti fell back into one of its perennial setbacks. T h e opportunity to regain Syria arose a few decades later when the Hurrians attacked a Hittite vassal on the U p p e r Euphrates front. This time they were confronted with a brilliant strategist who swiftly brought Mittanni to its knees and took over all its possessions west of the Euphrates. For the Hittites this was a clear case of self-defence which justified their military occupation of the central Syrian kingdoms. Amurru and Ugarit, however, did not qualify for this manifestation of historical justice, for they were never Mittannian vassals. 89 Therefore, other explanations were necessary to justify their joining the Hittite fold. Amurru was an acknowledged Egyptian vassal, 90 and therefore the treaties

89

For this reason Ugarit and Amurru are not mentioned in the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Šattiwaza (CTH 5 1 ; BECKMAN 1 9 9 6 C , no. 6 ) , since the historical introduction of this document only covers lands that formerly belonged to Mittanni. 90 Contrary to an often quoted view (see, recently, R E D F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 1 7 7 ) , the Hittites never claimed that Amurru once belonged to Mittanni. O n the contrary,

concluded with her repeatedly stress the fact that Aziru appealed for Hittite vassalship out of his own initiative, and his country was never taken by force ( S i n g e r 1990, 144ff.). As for Ugarit, whose ties with Egypt were less binding, a ready legitimization for Hittite intervention was supplied by Niqmaddu's request for protection from his aggressive neighbours. T h e recurrence of the 'deliverance motif' in many Hittite treaties ( A l t m a n 1984) calls for caution in reconstructing the actual course of events. O n the other hand, it should not automatically deny the historicity of these accounts. Even if, as stated by one authority '. . . the Hittite chancery had no difficulty at all in "reconstructing" the past in such a way as to arrange a suitable basis for an optimal organization of the present and the future' ( Z a c c a g n i n i 1990, 71), the basic elements of the 'narrative' can usually be demonstrated to rest on real facts, even when these are compromising to Hittite interests. T h e first Hittite overture is recorded in Suppiluliuma's letter to N i q m a d d u II (RS 17.132 = PRU 4, 35-7; B e c k m a n 1996c, 119-20). T h e Hittite monarch, recalling the good relations between Hatti and Ugarit in the past, offers military assistance in case of an attack on Ugarit from Mukiš and Nuhhašši. T h e anti-Hittite Syrian coalition 91 must have countered with an offer of its own, or indeed, with an open threat on Ugarit. Between ' h a m m e r and anvil', Niqmaddu's decision was anything but easy. His energetic southern neighbour, Aziru, had already cast in his lot with the Hittites, and he exerted pressure on Ugarit to follow his example. 92 N i q m a d d u could not hope for much assistance from his weakening Egyptian ally, and with Hittite forces on both his northern and southern borders he could not for much longer sit on the fence. T h e final push towards the Hittite camp was probably given by the joint attack of Mukiš, Nuhhašši and Niya on Ugaritian territory, which is reported in the historical

in the treaties with Amurru it is repeatedly stated that Aziru defected from the camp of Egypt. For the seemingly aberrant statement in the Šaušgamuwa Treaty, see S I N G E R 1991c. Cf. also Z A C C A G N I N I 1988. 91 Note the absence of Niya, which is mentioned later in Niqmaddu's treaty as the third member of the anti-Hittite confederacy. In the time interval separating the two documents the pro-Hittite ruler of Niya, Takuwa, was replaced by his brother Aki-Tešub who, as reported in the Šattiwaza treaty, conspired with the kings of Mukiš and Nuhhašše (BECKMAN 1996C, 39, obv. 30ff.). 92 O n the early dating of Aziru's submission to the Hittites, probably in the wake of Suppiluliuma's 'one-year-campaign' to Syria, see Singer in S I N G E R IZRE'EL 1 9 9 0 , 155FF;

1991,

153FF.

p r e a m b l e to the N i q m a d d u treaty ( R S 1 7 . 3 4 0 . I f f . = B e c k m a n 1 9 9 6 c : §§ 1-2). It has been suggested above that the fire which partially destroyed the palace of Ugarit (EA 151) was caused by this sudden raid. Šuppi1u1iuma responded immediately to the call for help a n d sent his generals to drive out the e n e m y f r o m the territory of Ugarit, leaving the rich booty to N i q m a d d u as a prize for his loyalty. N o w it was time to conclude the promised treaty, which was symbolically signed at Alalah, the capital of the defeated enemy. 9 3

4.4

The first vassal treaty of Ugarit

T h e treaty between Šuppi1u1iuma a n d N i q m a d d u has been preserved in several Akkadian duplicates a n d an Ugaritic version (PRU 4, 37-52; 94 B e c k m a n 1996c, 3 0 f f , 15Iff.). Besides the regular treaty sdpulations, it included a detailed list of Ugarit's tribute, a n d a list of towns delineating Ugarit's northern b o r d e r with Mukis. This rich documentation shows that all copies of i m p o r t a n t political d o c u m e n t s were meticulously collected a n d kept for future generations. 9 5 W h e n a tablet was broken new copies were immediately p r e p a r e d , as shown by ŠarreK u s u h ' s letter to N i q m a d d u which was ratified a n d sealed by IniT e š u b ( R S 1 7 . 3 3 4 . 2 0 - 2 3 = PRU 4, 5 4 f f ; B e c k m a n 1996c, 120-1).

93

Probably Suppiluliuma had already turned Mukis from a kingdom ruled by a local dynasty into an administrative unit ruled by a Hittite governor who stood under the direct jurisdiction of the viceroy of Carchemish ( N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 92-3, n. 3; K L E N G E L 1965, 252-3; LIVERANI 1979a, 1306). When the 'people of Mukis' appealed to Mursili to restore their lost territories (see p. 639), their land was no longer a separate kingdom. T h e Hittite prince Šukur-Tešub, probably the appointed governor of Mukis, sent his letter of introduction to Ammittamru II (RS 20.003 = Ug 5, no. 26). 94 All the Akkadian duplicates (RS 1 1 . 7 3 2 , 1 7 . 2 2 7 + , 1 7 . 3 4 0 , 1 7 . 3 6 9 = PRU 4 , 40FF) were found in the so-called 'Hittite archive' in the Southern Palace, Rooms 6 8 and 6 9 near Court V . T h e Ugaritic version ( K T U 3 . 1 = RS 1 1 . 7 7 2 + ) was found in the Western Palace Archive. It is noteworthy that not even a single fragment of an Ugarit treaty has turned up as yet in the Bogazköy archives, whereas we have copies of four successive Amurru treaties. This may have something to do with the observation recently made by N E U ( 1 9 9 5 , 1 2 5 - 6 ) , that the ductus of RS 1 7 . 3 4 0 ( = PRU 4 , 4 8 ) differs from the one employed in Hattuša in this period, and it rather points to Syria, probably Carchemish, as the chancellery where the treaty was written down. This again conforms perfecdy with Otten's observation ( O T T E N 1995, 24, 27) on the place of manufacture of the seals of the Hittite kings that were used in Ugarit (see n. 109). 95 Relevant documents were deposited in the 'Hittite archive' at least as late as the mid-13th century as shown by RS 17.334 with the seal of Ini-Tešub (η. 99).

T h e stipulations of the treaty itself are unusually scanty and deal only with Ugarit's right to retain fugitives from neighbouring lands. T h e standard d e m a n d for the prompt dispatch of auxiliary troops is missing. Probably the Hittites were content with the huge amount of yearly tribute comprising gold and dyed wool and garments (RS 17.227+ = PRU 4, 40ff.). 96 In addition to the main tribute consisting of 500 shekels of 'heavy' gold (compared with only 300 imposed on Aziru), Ugarit sent gold and silver cups to the king, the queen and six other Hittite high officials (PRU 4, 38). Combined with the 5,000 silver shekels paid to Aziru for future military assistance, it is quite obvious that the treaties with her neighbours weighed heavily on Ugarit. N o doubt, N i q m a d d u would have preferred to keep his loose, far less demanding, alliance with Egypt had the political circumstances allowed him to do so. T h e economic burden exerted by the bonds concluded with Suppiluliuma and with Aziru was somewhat compensated by the territorial gains granted to N i q m a d d u as a reward for his loyalty. T h e list of towns given to Ugarit by Šuppi1u1iuma I (RS 17.340 = PRU 4, 48) was later re-confirmed by Murši1i II in his treaty with Niqmepa (RS 17.237 = PRU 4, 63ff.), despite the protests of the citizens of Mukiš (see p. 639). T h e 42 toponyms are located in the northernmost part of the kingdom, bordering on Mukiš, a n d they stretch from the Orontes to the Mediterranean ( N o u g a y r o l , PRU 4, 14). Astour has attempted to show that some of these places are situated east of the Orontes, even as far as the region south of Halab ( A s t o u r 1969, 404; 1981a, 21; 1981b; 1995, 57-8). This would vasdy increase the size of the kingdom of Ugarit at the expense of the rebel kingdoms of Mukiš, Nuhhašši and Niya. 9 ' More realistic estimates, however, tend to limit the territory of the kingdom within the bend of the Orontes, with a territory of about 2,000-2,200 km 2 , comprising the area between Jebel al-Aqra ( S a p a / u n u / M t . Casius) in the north, the Alawite range (Jebel Ansariyah or Mt Bargylus) in the east, and N a h r es-Sinn in the south, which preserves the name of the ancient kingdom of

96 For the yearly tribute sent by Ugarit to Hatti, see EISSFF.LDT 1950; K O R O S E C 1960, 65ff.; D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1966a; Z A C C A G N I N I 1973, 155 6; P A R D E E 1984b, 245; L I V E R A N I 1990, 269-70. 97 According to his 1969 study the size of Ugarit almost quadrupled. In later studies A S T O U R (1981b, 21; 1981a, 11; 1995, 55) reduced his estimate to about 5,425 km 2 , still a territorial state of considerable size.

Siyannu. It corresponds largely to the area of the modern province of Lattakiyeh. 98

4.5

The loyalty of Ugarit tested

T h e loyalty of the Levantine allies of Hatti was put to the test a generation later when the inner-Syrian states, led by Tette of Nuhhašši and Aitakama of Kinza, repeatedly revolted against the Hittites (del M o n t e 1983; B r y c e 1988). T h e aging Aziru sent out his son d u T e s u b to help the Hittites ( C T H 62 II Β obv. 13ff.), and N i q m a d d u was also summoned to attack Tette in a letter sent to him by Piyaši1i/ Šarre-Kušuh, king of Carchemish (RS 17.334 = PRU 4, 5 4 - 5 ; B e c k man 1996c, 120-1). 99 As in the earlier documents of Suppiluliuma, N i q m a d d u was promised as a reward that he could keep for himself all the captives that he would take from the enemy's army. Whether N i q m a d d u fulfilled his military duty is not known, but the secession of the kingdom Siyannu-Ušnatu from his jurisdiction in the reign of N i q m e p a is often seen as a punishment for his half-hearted stance when called to duty (e.g., L i v e r a n i 1988a, 567; K l e n g e l 1992, 134). T h e anti-Hittite insurrections were no doubt instigated by the Egyptians, whose interventions in Syria are reported in the 7th and 9th years (ca. 1316-1314) of Mursili II's annals ( G o e t z e 1933, 80ff.; K l e n g e l 1969, 169). T h e Syrian rebellions were suppressed in Mursili's 9th year, but the resurgent Egyptian activities against Hittite interests in Syria, initiated by Horemheb,' 0 0 gradually gained m o m e n t u m and finally culminated in the Battle of Qadesh fourty years later. N i q m a d d u II 10 ' witnessed the most important political development in the LBA history of Ugarit: the shift from the loose hegemony of Egypt to full integration into the Hittite Empire. N i q m a d d u 1989b, 269-70; LIVERANI 1990, 84, n. 16; SAADÉ 1979, 33; PARDEE 1992, 715-6; VAN S O L D T 1994, 366, n. 13; Y O N 1997b, 19. 99 RS 17.334, found with the rest of the Hittite political documents in the Southern Palace Archive, is actually a copy made by Ini-Tešub, after the original tablet signed by his grandfather had broken (lines 20-23). 100 P O R T H E revival of Egyptian militarism in Asia under Horemheb, see R E D F O R D 1992, 179, and the literature cited by him in n. 258. Ugarit appears with other Syrian localities in a topographical list from Karnak dated to Horemheb (SIMONS 1937, 47, 50ff.). For the alabaster vase with the name of Horemheb allegedly found in Ugarit, see p. 637. 101 For the redating of the seal ring of a Niqmaddu to Niqmaddu III in the late 13th century, see p. 693. 98

BORDREUIL

BORDREUIL

played his cards carefully, most of which were kept in his opulent treasuries rather than on the battle front. With the exception of a brisk raid by his neighbours which probably destroyed part of Ugarit, N i q m a d d u wisely managed to keep his kingdom far from the stormy events that brought havoc upon his neighbours in the east and north. T h e new tripartite political axis linking Hatti, Ugarit and Amurru held out until the very end of the Hittite Empire.

4.6

Ar-halba (ca.

1315-1313)

T w o of N i q m a d d u II's sons succeeded him on the throne, one after the other. Very little is known about the short reign of Ar-halba who is attested in only six juridical texts (RS 16.344, 15.91, 16.144, 16.160, 16.278, 16.142 = PRU 3, 75-7). T h e most telling of these is his 'last will' in which he warns his brothers not to marry his wife K u b a b a after his death, contrary to the levirate custom. 102 This intriguing document has given place to plenty of speculation on the circumstances of Ar-halba's end (see L i v e r a n i 1962, 64; 1979a, 1306, with refs.). T h e mystery is further enhanced by his non-Semitic name, which stands out in the otherwise uniform picture of Ugaritic royal names. It has even been suggested that this name indicates that the legitimate heir to the throne was not Ar-halba, but rather his brother Niqmepa who bore a normal Amorite name ( L i v e r a n i 1978, 152). T h e standard historical scenario incriminates Ar-halba with collaboration with the pro-Egyptian insurrection o f T e t t e of Nuhhašši. 103 Support for this is ostensibly provided by an unpublished alabaster vase with the cartouches of H o r e m h e b , mentioned in preliminary reports, but never seen since. 104 After the suppression of the mutiny the Hittites supposedly forced Ar-halba to abdicate his throne in favour of his brother Niqmepa ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 57; A s t o u r 1981a, 24). A forced change on the throne of Ugarit is purportedly hinted

102

RS 16.144 (= PRU 3, 76). I follow van Soldt's translation of lines 4 - 9 (VAN 1985-6, 70, n. 13), which is entirely opposed to previous interpretations of the passage: 'If in the future I will die, then the one from among my brothers who marries Kubaba daughter of Tak'änu, my wife, may Ba'lu wash him away . . .'. 103 N O U G A Y R O L 1956, xxxvii-xxxviii; 1956, 57; L I V E R A N I 1962, 58ff.; 1979a, 1306; SOLDT

KLENGEL

1965,

254;

RS

17.[477];

1969,

360;

DROWER

1975,

139;

DIJKSTRA

1989,

150.

1954a, 41; N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 57. According to B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1989, 152 the inscription is mentioned in a letter of J . Vandier. Cf. also G I V E O N 1986, 841, n. 14. 104

SCHAEFFER

at in the fragmentary opening lines of the Mursili-Niqmepa treaty: 103 '[I have joined you] N i q m e p a with your brothers, and I, the King, have placed you upon the throne of your father and returned the land of your father to you'. Comparison with the Suppiluliuma-Aziru treaty (which also supplies the restoration) shows that the reference is not to Niqmepa's blood brothers but rather to his peers in Syria, i.e., all the vassal kings who have been granted treaties with Hatti ( K l e n g e l 1969, 275; K ü h n e 1975, 240; Singer in I z r e ' e l Singer 1990, 148). T h e rest of the sentence is also standard in the terminology of Hittite treaties (for parallels see K ü h n e 1975, 241-2, η. 8; d e l M o n t e 1986, 46ff). T h e only unusual thing is the lack of the customary historical introduction summarizing the past relations between the contracting parties. Whether this is a tactful omission intended to cover up recent grievances in the relations between Hatti and Ugarit ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 69; K ü h n e 1975, 241, η. 7) is also questionable (cf. also d e l M o n t e 1986, 7 - 8 and n. 3, 46ff.). As a rule, the Hittites did not hesitate to denounce disloyal elements in vassal countries and eagerly stressed their own intervention in support of loyal partners. 1 0 6 In short, although the standard reconstruction of the political circumstances which led to the quick changes on the throne of Ugarit may make good sense, the evidence for it is entirely circumstantial. Ar-halba's prompt disappearance could simply have been caused by non-political circumstances, such as sudden illness and death. T h e only solid conclusion concerns the brevity of his reign, probably not more than a couple of years extending between Mursili's 7th and 9th years ( K l e n g e l 1969, 3 5 9 - 6 0 ; v a n S o l d t 1991, 4-5).

4.7

Niqmepa (ca

1313-1260)

W e return to more solid historical ground with the coronation of Niqmaddu's second son, Niqmepa. His half-century-long reign stretches from Mursiii II's 9th year into the reign of Hattusili 'III'. 107 Most

105 R S 1 7.349B+ = PRU A, 85ff; KESTEMONT 1974b; KÜHNE 1975b; DEL MONTE 1986; BECKMAN 1996C, 5 9 - 6 4 . 106 See, e.g., the historical introduction to Mursili's treaty with Kupanta-Kurunta of Mira-Kuwaliya (BECKMAN 1996C, 69). 107 VAN SOLDT 1991a, 5FF. See p. 660 for the decree issued by Hattusili 'III' to Niqmepa concerning the men of Ura (RS 17.130 = PRU 4, 103-5).

historical reconstructions tend to find some connection between Niqmepa's accession to the throne and the suppression of the proEgyptian insurrection in Syria. According to this scenario Niqmepa was not involved in his brother's rebellious policy and may even have been forced to flee temporarily from Ugarit. After the suppression of the mutiny, Niqmepa was ostensibly rewarded by the Hittites with the throne of Ugarit, after the elimination of his treacherous brother. As already stated above, nothing in this scenario is based on solid evidence and the circumstances of Niqmepa's coronation remain unknown. 4.7.1

Territorial issues

T h e numerous fragments of the treaty with Niqmepa, 1 0 8 ratified with the seals of Murši1i II,' 09 have been reconstructed as belonging to at least three Akkadian copies of the text. T h e structure closely resembles that of Suppiluliuma's treaties with Aziru of Amurru and with Tette of Nuhhašši, which may point to an early date for its composition, immediately after Niqmepa's accession to the throne ( d e l M o n t e 1986, 5ff.). Its structure already follows the 'classical' type of Hittite treaties, which includes stipulations of loyalty to the Great King and his descendants, offensive and defensive alliances, and detailed instructions on the extradition of fugitives. T h e treaty is concluded with a full list of divine witnesses (compared to the brief list in the Niqmaddu treaty), and with the standard curse and blessing formulae. Like the N i q m a d d u treaty, the Niqmepa treaty also has supplements dealing with Ugarit's tribute and with the delineation of its northern border. ' T h e sons of Mukiš' sued Ugarit at law to return

108

PRU 3, 84-101, 287-9; PRU 6, 127-9; K O R O S E C 1960; K E S T E M O N T 1974b; 1975; D E L M O N T E 1986, 4 - 5 ; B E C K M A N 1996c, 59-64. DEL M O N T E (1986, 8, n. 2) observed that copy Β was written in Ugarit, whereas copy A exhibits unmistakable (ortho)graphic features of a Hittite scribal school. 109 The treaties are ratified with two royal seals of Murši1i II, which, as recently demonstrated by O T T E N (1995, 26 7), are not identical with the seal impressions from Bogazköy. Since the same applies to the seals of Suppiluliuma I, Otten suggests that the Hittite royal seals employed in Syria were locally manufactured, probably by the court of Carchemish (ibid., 24, 27; cf. η. 94 on the ductus of the Niqmaddu treaty). This important observation throws new light also on the unique stone seal of Murši1i II discovered in 1950 (RS 14.202; Ug 3, 87-93; 161-3), which some consider to be an ancient forgery (NEU 1995b, 124 5, with previous refs.; cf. M O R A 1987, 2 1 1 2 ) . For the interpretation of this seal, see also SALVINI 1990, 423-6; 1995b, 96-7. KÜHNE

to t h e m the territories a n n e x e d by Suppiluliuma to Ugarit, but after carefully weighing the case, Mursili decided to reconfirm the borders established by his f a t h e r a n d r e p e a t e d the list of n o r t h e r n toponyms belonging to Ugarit ( R S 17.237.3-16 = PRU 4, 6 3 - 7 0 ; A s t o u r 1969, 3 9 8 - 4 0 5 ; 1981a; B e c k m a n 1996c, 1 5 9 - 6 0 ; v a n S o l d t 1997)."° N i q m e p a fared less favourably on his southern border. H e r e Mursili accepted the petition of the client state of Siyannu-Ušnatu to be separated from Ugarit, a n d he placed its king Abdi-Anati u n d e r the direct jurisdiction of the Hittite viceroy of C a r c h e m i s h ( R S 17.335+, 17.457, 17.344, 17.368, 16.170, 17.382+ = PRU 4, 7 1 - 8 3 ; A s t o u r 1979; B e c k m a n 1996c, 160-2). T h e loss of a b o u t one third of its territory was a serious blow to the e c o n o m y of Ugarit, but at least the Hittites agreed to reduce her yearly tribute accordingly ( R S 17.382+ = PRU 4, 7 9 - 8 3 ; K l e n g e l 1969, 368). T h e d e m a r c a t i o n of the new b o r d e r between Ugarit a n d Siyannu-Ušnatu (somewhere south of G i b a l a / Jebleh) was a complicated m a t t e r a n d was to keep the Hittite foreign office occupied in the next generations. 1 " It is usually assumed that Mursili's decision to the detriment of Ugarit was in retaliation for her behaviour at the time of the Syrian insurrection ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 60; 1988a, 567; D r o w e r 1975, 139). T h e real reason m a y have h a d m o r e to d o with divide et impera politics than with the punitive m o o d of the Hittite m o n a r c h . It was in his best interest to keep the Syrian provinces as partitioned as possible, without drastically breaking the traditional geo-political division lines." 2

110 LIVERANI (1979a, 1306; 1990, 83-4) assesses the evidence differently, claiming that Mursili displaced the border again, this time at the advantage of Mukis. 111 For the various stages of the border demarcation, which continued at least as late as the reign of Tudhaliya 'IV', see A S T O U R 1979; VAN S O L D T 1998. A further document has recently been added to this dossier through the cleaning of a tablet which was previously illegible, except for the seal impression at its centre (RS 17.403 = Ug 3,137-9). Eleven lines of the obverse were almost fully recuperated, and they contain a donation deed of a border area (NI'G.BA ša qanni) to Ugarit ( M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995c, 37-8). Mention is made of Mursili (with the unusual spelling Mu-urzi-i-li) and a division of fields between the king of Ugarit and the king of another country whose name is unfortunately not preserved. As suggested by M A L B R A N L A B A T (ibid., 38), all these indications point towards a late ratification of the decree of Mursili II dividing the border territories between Ugarit and Siyannu. Two Hittite officials are mentioned in the tablet: Hišni DUMU.LUGAL K U R u r i Ka[rgamiš] (SINGER 1997, 420) and Tagi-Šarruma GAL L [ Û M DUB.SAR], a restoration which corresponds with the title on his seal impressed on the tablet. 112 A similar political step was taken by Mursili in western Anatolia. In order to prevent the re-emergence of a strong Arzawa he divided it into several kingdoms which were in constant competition with each other ( H E I N H O L D - K R A H M E R 1 9 7 7 , 121ff.)

T h e annexation of Siyannu-Ušnatu to Ugarit was an outcome of the Aziru-Niqmaddu treaty, and the Hittites were in no way obliged to sanction a political accord which did not best serve their interests. T h e creation of a buffer kingdom tucked in between A m u r r u and Ugarit was a wise pre-emptive step intended to prevent the develo p m e n t of an excessively large geo-political union controlling the Levantine coast all the way from Mukiš to the Egyptian border. T h e constantly strengthening political b o n d between the royal houses of A m u r r u and Ugarit shows that in the long r u n this was not an u n g r o u n d e d political whim. 4.7.2

Strengthening the bond with Amurru

T h e political b o n d established between A m u r r u and Ugarit in the A m a r n a Age was continuously cultivated in the following generations. T w o royal marriages in succession, in both cases an Ugaritic king wedding an A m u r r i t e princess, established intimate contacts between the two royal houses, as well as close commercial and cultural contacts between their lands. T h e first marriage was N i q m e p a ' s with Ahat-Milku, one of the best known queens of Ugarit. H e r exceedingly wealthy dowry list carries the anepigraphic dynastic seal of A m u r r u , identified in the text as 'the seal of king DU-Tešub' ( R S 16.146 + 161 = PRU 3, 182-6). T h e only plausible way to account for this signature is that the wedding occurred in the reign of DU-Tešub, most probably her f a t h e r . " 3 This dates the event towards the end of Mursiii II's first decade, i.e., at about 1314 ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 14; S i n g e r 1991a, 159; A b o u d 1994, 30). According to standard N e a r Eastern custom, girls were given in marriage at a very early age, sometimes even before they reached puberty ( L i p i n s k i 1981, 81, n. 8). Ahat-Milku

113

In order to solve the chronological problems raised by the apparently excessively long period of Ahat-Milku's activity, VAN SOLDT (1985-6, 70; 1991a, 14 5) suggested that her marriage took place during the reign of Duppi-Tešub or even Bentešina, i.e., at an advanced stage of Niqmepa's reign. Firstly, this would differ from other kings of Ugarit who married early, even before their accession to the throne (ABOUD 1994, 30). More importantly, this would squarely contradict the whole sense of the statement that the document was signed by the seal of DUTešub. The case of RS 17.360+ (= PRU 4, 139ff.) is quite different because it carries both the dynastic seal (identified in the text as the seal of Aziru) and the personal seal of Šaušgamuwa. Whether DU-Tešub was Ahat-Milku's father or not does not affect the chronological calculations.

must have been in her early teens when she arrived at Ugarit and began her long and eventful career. She gave birth to several sons, including the next king of Ugarit, Ammittamru II. T h e latest documents mentioning Ahat-Milku deal with the deportation of her sons H i š m i - Š a r r u m a a n d A b d i - Š a r r u m a to A1ašia (RS 17.352, 17.35, 17.362, 17.367 = PRU 4, 121-4). These verdicts are ratified by IniT e š u b and by Tudhaliya 'IV', the latter providing a terminus post quern after 1239 ( E d e l 1976, 29). Thus, Ahat-Milku must have been at least 90 years old when her sons were transferred from Ugarit to A1ašia. Some scholars raised doubts whether the 'early' and the 'late' Ahat-Milku could be one and the same person." 4 But there are many examples of similar longevity in antiquity (e.g. Puduhepa) and as long as there is no positive evidence for the existence of two queens n a m e d Ahat-Milku, it is better to reconstruct one long queenship, which extended into the reign of Ammittamru II. A m u r r u ' s highly-paid protection services were no d o u b t fully employed by Ugarit, but we learn details of such interventions only in rare cases. In a letter sent to Ammittamru II (RS 17.286 = PRU 4, 180), the king of Amurru, probably Šaušgamuwa," 5 refers to a previous incident in which Bentešina was asked to mediate between Ugarit and the hostile M a n d a troops. A generation later the same situation recurred and the troops were again sent from Amurru to U g a r i t to settle their p r o b l e m s . " 6 T h e Umman Manda ( e r í n . m e š Man-del·*^) are better known from first millennium contexts, where the term usually refers to northern warriors of Indo-European origins, such as Scythians, Cimmerians, and Medes ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 121-4; 1988d). In the second millennium they appear as military men from

1,4

Whereas N O U G A Y R O L (1956, 10, 295) still hesitated, L I V E R A N I (1979a, 1 3 0 8 ) distinguished between the early Ahat-Milku, spouse of Ar-halba or even Niqmaddu in his old age, and the late Ahat-Milku, spouse of Niqmepa and mother of Ammittamru II. 115 The sender could theoretically also be Sabili, who was placed on the throne by Muwatalli after the Battle of Qadesh. Note that he does not refer to Bentešina as his father, whereas he refers to the father of his correspondent without mentioning his name. 116 It is quite possible that this letter was given by the king of Amurru to the chiefs of the Umman Manda who presented it to the king of Ugarit. Perhaps the mysterious single sign IGI at the end of the letter (following a division line) conveys some sort of (secret?) message from one king to the other (related to the verb 'see'?). For lack of a better solution Nougayrol suggested (n. 2) that the scribe who was used to write juridical texts automatically inserted 'witness' (IGI) when he finished writing the letter, but I find this explanation difficult to accept.

the Old Babylonian period onwards, including Old Hittite sources ( B e a l 1992, 72-3). Whether already at this stage the U m m a n M a n d a consisted of Indo-European tribesmen 117 is impossible to prove. In LBA Ugarit the term must probably refer to tribal groups from the highlands, who were sometimes recruited as mercenaries, like the Sutu or the habiru. T h e relation of protector a n d protected between A m u r r u and Ugarit finds its appropriate expression in the courtesy terminology used in their letter exchange. T h e Amurrite senders address their Ugaritian correspondents as 'son' and 'daughter'. In some cases this may indeed reflect real familial relations," 8 but in others this terminology can only be explained as status ranking between the two kingdoms." 9 Although Ugarit as the 'rich relative' was begged for luxury goods (p. 666), there is a constant reminder of who was the stronger partner in the union of 'Amurru and Ugarit who are but one (country)'. 120 4.7.3

The Battle of Qadesh

With the seizure of power by military men after the failed bid of T u t a n k h a m u n ' s widow to Šuppi1u1iuma, Egypt renewed its aggressive policy in western Asia, preparing to revenge her humiliating defeat by the Hittites and the loss of A m u r r u and Qadesh. First attempts to instigate disorder in Hittite Syria are attributed to H o r e m h e b (see n. 100), but the decisive move was left to the Pharaohs of the 19th Dynasty. Sety I, after quelling disorders in Palestine, advanced up the Phoenician coast to Amurru, and then crossed over to Qadesh and captured the strategic city in ca. 1290 ( K R I I, 24; S p a l i n g e r 1979, 34; M u r n a n e 1985, 80ff.; R e d f o r d 1992, 181). Bentešina of Amurru had little choice but to surrender to the approaching Egyptians, and

117

1 9 6 9 , 4 1 4 , η. 8 5 ; 1 9 9 2 , 1 3 7 , η. 2 7 8 (with further literature). E.g., Ulmi in RS 16.111 (= PRU 3, 13) could very well be the mother of Ahat-Milku (SINGER 1991a, 160). 119 As in the letter of the governor of Amurru sent to his 'son', the governor of Ugarit (FALES 1984). Another letter ( R S 1 5 . 0 2 4 + 1 5 . 0 5 0 = PRU 3, 18) is sent by a certain Abušga to his 'brother', the governor [of Ugarit); it contains a mere declaration of mutual assistance between the two lands, without any specific request. A somewhat similar declaration is found in the Ugaritic letter RS 18.075 (= PRU 5 , no. 6 5 ) , but there is no evidence that it was sent from Amurru (SINGER 1991a, 1 6 2 , n. 38). 120 R S 2 0 . 1 6 2 . 1 8 - 9 ( = Ug 5 , 1 1 5 ) ; for parallel expressions of unity, see MALBRANKLENGEL

1,8

LABAT in BORDREUIL ( e d . ) 1 9 9 1 ,

48.

returned his land to his previous overlord after half a century of Hittite rule ( S i n g e r 1991a, 165-6). 121 Distant Ugarit had less to fear from an Egyptian military operation and N i q m e p a probably remained loyal to the Hittites. H e even sent his contingents to the Battle of Qadesh (1275) in accordance to his treaty with Mursili I E 1 2 2 After Muwatalli's decisive victory, Bentešina was deposed and deported to Hatti, but not for long. After a short period of 're-education' at the court of Hattusili 'III' in the Northern Land, he was reinstated on the throne of A m u r r u and remained a loyal and highly-appreciated agent of Hittite interests for the rest of his reign ( S i n g e r 1991a, 167ff.). Amicable relations with Ugarit were also resumed and fostered, but sometimes the good intentions led to deplorable results, as in the case of the ill-fated princess from Amurru, the bittu rabīti (p. 680f.). Another converted ally of the Hittites was N i q m a d d u of K i n z a / Qadesh. After the assassination of his father Aitakama he was captured by Mursili II, but was reinstalled on the throne and became a faithful defender of Hittite interests in Syria. H e also kept good relations with Ugarit. 123 4.7.4

Urhi-Tešub in Syria

W h e n Hattusili 'III' captured his nephew Urhi-Tesub in Šamuha, he deported him to Nuhhašši and gave him fortified cities there (Apology § 11 = iv 7 - 4 0 ; v a n d e n H o u t 1997, 203). However, when the famous exile sought to recruit Babylon to support his cause he was transferred to a place 'alongside the sea' (iv 36). Various locations have been suggested for this u n n a m e d place on the seashore, the most plausible being Ugarit. 124 Perhaps an even better possibil-

121

The 'General's Letter' (RS 20.033) which was usually considered to reflect conditions on the eve (or immediately after) the battle of Qadesh has been redated to the Amarna Age (see p. 628). 122 G A R D I N E R 1 9 6 0 , 5 8 ; 'Ikrl is listed (in the longest enumeration of allies in Ρ 43ff.) after Krkmš and before Qd and Mugs (Nuhfoašši). For the battle of Qadesh, see the refs. cited in R E D F O R D 1 9 9 2 , 1 8 4 , n. 2 8 4 . For the identification of Qd, see n. 4 2 8 . 123 Niqmaddu (NIO.MA- D IM) is the addressee of two letters discovered at Tell Nebi Mend/Qadesh, one of which was sent by a king of Halab ( M I L L A R D 1979-80, 202). He is probably the author of a letter sent to Niqmepa of Ugarit (RS 17.315; see n. 202). 124 LIVERANI 1962, 79; C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 361, n. 3. Other suggestions that have been put forward for locating this 'seacoast' (A.AB.BA tapuša) were A1ašia and Mira in western Anatolia (for refs. see H O U W I N K T E N C A T E 1974, 139).

ity would be to locate U r h i - T e s u b ' s last place of exile in Syria in Amurru, 1 2 5 which would explain Bentesina's a p p e a r a n c e in R S 17.406 (see below). 126 Bentešina was a protégé of Hattusili 'III' ( C T H 92 §§ 4 - 5 ; B e c k m a n 1996c, 96) and he would have been trusted to keep a vigilant eye on the royal exile. In any case, both in Ugarit a n d in A m u r r u it would have been easy to catch a boat or a caravan descending to Egypt, a n d indeed U r h i - T e š u b is last h e a r d of in the correspondence between Ramesses II a n d the Hittite royal couple before the royal marriage in 1245 ( H e l c k 1963; E d e l 1994, ch. ii D). U r h i - T e s u b ' s period of exile in Syria in the sixties of the 13th century raises the possibility of attributing to him some of the occurrences of the n a m e U r h i - T e š u b in d o c u m e n t s f r o m Ugarit. However, it is now clear that at least one f u r t h e r person bore the same n a m e , namely a Hittite official operating f r o m C a r c h e m i s h at the very end of the 13th century. In a letter f o u n d in the U r t e n u archive this U r h i - T e š u b (without any title) addresses the great ones a n d the elders of Ugarit, including U r t e n u a n d Yabinina, promising the dispatch of rescue forces f r o m C a r c h e m i s h ( R S 88.2009; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995c, 3 9 - 4 0 ; see p. 729). Perhaps this same official is the a u t h o r of a courtesy letter in Ugaritic addressed 'to the queen, m y lady' ( K T U 2.68 = R S 20.199; P a r d e e 1984a, 2 1 3 - 5 ; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 359ff.). A f u r t h e r Ugaritic occurrence of an Urg-Tsb, in a f r a g m e n tary list of rations ( K T U 4.410 = R S 18.250.30 = PRU 5, no. 162), c a n n o t be readily attributed to one of the two candidates, a n d m a y p e r h a p s belong to a third namesake. W e are left with two legal d o c u m e n t s which m a y reasonably be attributed to the deposed Hittite king. R S 17.346 (= PRU 4, 175-7) is a verdict delivered by Ini-Tešub in a financial dispute between Ugarit, represented by its governor, and the m e r c h a n t M a š a n d a w h o

125 Of particular interest in this connection is a letter of Ramesses with the report that the people of Amurru and two other lands asked the Egyptians for a safe passage for Urhi-Tešub and his party (EDEL 1994, i 64 -5; II: 102). The implications of this intriguing document deserve a separate study. 126 It is perhaps of interest to note in this connection that at Tell Kazel, possibly the royal residence of Amurru (SINGER 1991a, 158), a Hittite seal impression was found. Unfortunately, the legend is unreadable in the published photograph, but the three concentric rings around the central field indicate that the owner was a very important person, probably of royal descent. The same building has also produced two Hittite button seals (for refs. see SINGER 1991a, 185).

accused the king of Ugarit of appropriating from his caravan 400 donkeys worth 4 , 0 0 0 silver shekels. Reference is made to an earlier verdict given by Urhi-Tesub in favour of Mašanda, in which he made the king of Ugarit pay a fine of 1 'Λ talent of silver. If this Urhi-Tesub is indeed the ill-fated successor of Muwatalli II, we must conclude that during his exile in Syria he was given some authorative powers as an arbitrator in local disputes ( N o u g a y r o l 1 9 5 6 , 1 7 5 ; L i v e r a n i 1 9 6 2 , 7 8 - 9 ; K l e n g e l 1 9 6 9 , 4 1 6 , η. 1 2 3 ) . Alternatively, the verdict could have been given during his short reign in Hatti ( H o u w i n k ten

Cate

1974,

138).

T h e second alternative is perhaps supported by another, very fragmentary, legal text mentioning Mašanda (RS 17.406 = PRU 4, 181).127 This is a rare n a m e ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 342: L a r o c h e 1966, 115) and the high probability that the same person is referred to in both texts is further supported by the few remaining data in the fragment, which mentions Ugarit, Bentesina, and most significantly, the phrase '(I) the Great King have written a tablet [ . . . ] ' (frgm. A, 10'). Could this be the very verdict of Urhi-Tesub mentioned in RS 17.346.10-1 ?128 If so, the title 'Great King' would date this document to his short reign in Hatti, since Urhi-Tesub would hardly have dared to use it during his exile in Syria. It is also possible that the complicated financial lawsuit of Mašanda, probably a wealthy Hittite merchant, lingered on into the following reign of Hattusili 'III', who would then be the author of R S 17.406.

5

Ugarit

in t h e

Age

of

'PAX

HF.TUÌTIO(

Sixteen years after the Battle of Qadesh Ramesses II and Hattusili 'III' decided, each for his own reasons, to bring to an end the century-long enmity between their countries. T h e peace treaty concluded in 1258 after lengthy negotiations inaugurated a period of unprecedentedly close connections between the two empires. T h e

127

Ma-ša(?)-an-dà (fragm. A, 11. 5', 8'; fragm. B, 1. 5'). There is some doubt with regard to the second sign (sa or la), but the reading of the name is practically certain. Both RS 17.346 and 17.406 were found in the so-called 'Hittite Archive' in the rooms located south of Court V. 128 Mašanda testifies that he had broken the sealed tablet with Urhi-Tesub's verdict (RS 17.346.12-3). If so, RS 17.406 must be the copy kept by the governor of Ugarit.

new age of cooperation was particularly bénéficiai for Ugarit, who resumed her role as the hub of eastern Mediterranean trade. Except for the troubled years before and immediately after the Battle of Qadesh, Ugarit never really severed her traditional tics with Egypt. Now, however, the cosmopolitan city became the main stage for trade between Hatti and Egypt, a role which brought her unsurpassed prosperity. T h e exact dating of the growing n u m b e r of late 13th century documents is notoriously difficult. Kings, queens and governors 129 were not usually addressed by name in their letters, and other absolute criteria are also conspicuously missing ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 1). T h e evaluation of these late sources will follow two separate tracks. T h e individual reigns of the last kings of Ugarit will be discussed individually wherever possible, especially with regard to succession, marriages and foreign relations. But before that, subjects of less transient character, such as international trade, will be surveyed as a whole for the entire age of 'Pax Hethitica\ Cross-references will be generously provided. Better to understand the mechanism of Hittite rule in Syria in general, and their special relations with Ugarit in particular, a brief description of the political climate in the Hittite Empire after the victory at Qadesh is necessary. As often happens in history, what appears to be the apex of success turns out in reality to be the beginning of the end. T h e economic burden of the 'Great W a r ' with Egypt, and even more so the civil war which broke out shortly afterwards between the factions of Urhi-Tešub and Hattusili mark a decisive turning point in Hittite history. Although in many respects the age of Hattusili and Puduhepa is characterized by successful measures at home and a conciliatory policy abroad, 1 3 0 the moral consequences of Hattusili's usurpation weighed heavily on the Hittite state and eventually contributed to its ruination. T o atone for his sin before gods and men Hattusili appointed his other nephew K u r u n t a as king of Tarhuntašša, the capital founded by Muwatalli in southern Anatolia (see p. 660). N u m e r o u s concessions were made to the

129

The logogram MAŠKIM, 'governor' ('préfet' in the French translations) must be read at Ugarit as sākinu, rather than rābisu. See HUEHNERGARD 1989, 67, 360, 378 (with refs.); I^ACKENBACHER 1995a, 69, n. 17. 130 P O R ^ f o r c j g n POLICY of Hattusili and Puduhepa, see recently HOIJWINK TEN C A T E 1 9 9 6 (esp. pp. 7 3 5 ) , with extensive refs. to previous literature.

benefit of the sister state, first by Hattusili and then by Tudhaliya, but nothing could appease the rival king's legitimate yearning for superiority. It is not yet clear whether the political rivalry led to outright warfare between the competing 'Great Kings', 131 but, in any case, the problem dominated the political agenda of Hatti in the last decades of its existence. In religious and political documents issued from Hattuša there is a growing preoccupation with problems of dynastic legitimation and loyalty, which eventually develop into an obsessive fear of treason and betrayal even from the king's closest allies and associates ( O t t e n 1 9 6 3 ) . External circumstances, with serious military threats from east and west and an increasing food shortage, only aggravated the burdened atmosphere of concern and pessimism. In this state of mind it was only natural that the last kings of Hattuša sought to keep their only quiet border in the south as peaceful and cooperative as possible. T h e Syrian tribute was also the biggest source of income for the impoverished treasuries of Hatti. Ugarit was the 'Jewel in the C r o w n ' of Hittite Syria and the point of entry for the desperately needed grain bought in Egypt. As long as Ugarit complied with her vassal obligations most of her wishes were willingly granted. In her complaint against the abuses of the merchants of U r a (see p. 660), and in other lawsuits (e.g., in the bittu rabīti affair; see p. 680f.), the court of Hatti repeatedly took the side of Ugarit against her adversaries, including Hittite officials and merchants. A special decree issued by Hattusili provided the extradition of Ugaritian fugitives from Hittite frontierlands, contrary to normal vassal treaty provisions (see p. 682). Clearly, in the first stage of Pax Hethitica Hatti was eager to gratify her wealthy vassal as much as she could. T o be sure, this positive disposition towards Ugarit was not insensitive towards consecutive developments in the political arena, not to mention individual moods of the respective monarchs. T h e r e even came a time when Ugarit became so assertive towards her overlord that harsh reprimands became necessary, though quite ineffective. In sharp contrast to its Anatolian relatives, the dynasty of Carchemish kept a remarkable stability which continued unshaken from the foundation of the empire to well after its collapse ( H a w k i n s 1 9 8 8 ; G ü t e r b o c k 1 9 9 2 ) . Already at the time of Syria's conquest Carchemish on the Euphrates was chosen to become the hub of Hittite rule in 131 For the various views on the results of the rivalry between the royal houses of Hatti and of Tarhuntašša, see S I N G E R 1996b.

Syria. Halab's military and administrative role gradually faded, though she remained a revered religious centre. T h e more Hatti was preoccupied with internal problems, the more authority was assumed by Carchemish, an inverse ratio clearly reflected in the documents from Ugarit ( L i v e r a n i 1960). Already in the 14th century some of the most important state documents relating to Ugarit were prepared in Carchemish, including the royal seals ratifying them (Neu 1995b, 129; O t t e n 1995, 27; see n. 109). This tendency probably culminated in the able reign of Ini-Tešub, probably the Hittite monarch most frequently mentioned in Ugarit. By the early 13th century Carchemish developed a centralized government in most of Hittite Syria, either in the form of fully integrated territories ruled by Hittite governors (such as Mukis), or as s u b o r d i n a t e kingdoms directly controlled from Carchemish (such as Astata/Emar). T h e only vassal states which kept a more-or-less autonomous status were Ugarit, Amurru, and K i n z a / Q a d e s h , i.e. the kingdoms which in the age of the 'Great G a m e ' for the control of Syria had promptly joined the Hittite camp. But even the borders of these usually loyal kingdoms were not guaranteed. W h e n opportunity arose Carchemish carved away from Ugarit the sub-kingdom of S i y a n n u / U š n a t u , thus creating a buffer state between the strong kingdom of Amurru and the wealthy kingdom of Ugarit (see p. 640). T h e special type of political condominium in Syria shared by Hattuša and Carchemish, compared by Nougayrol to the double-headed Hittite eagle ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 149), needs to be more closely defined, especially with the recent increase in late 13th century documents. T h e general impression one gets is that, although the appearance of Hattusa's superiority was scrupulously maintained, for example in the clear distinction between the titles of the 'Great King' or the 'Sun' ( d u t u - 5 / ) of Hatti and the 'King' of Carchemish, in practice the everyday government of Syria, including its military defence, was organized by the Viceroy of Carchemish and a host of royal princes who travelled between the vassal courts solving local disputes and securing the interests of the central government. It seems that in their dealings with Syria the rulers of Hatti concentrated mainly on the enforcement of imperial etiquette (e.g., regular visits of the vassal rulers to His Majesty), the tightening of dynastic bonds through royal marriages (first with A m u r r u and later with Ugarit), and, most importantly, with securing the constant flow of high quality tribute and presents to Hatti (see p. 693ff.). According to the vassal treaties

set down in the 14th century, the yearly tribute of Ugarit went directiy to Hatti where it was distributed between the king, the queen and their leading officials (see p. 635). T h e r e is nothing in the prolific 13th century correspondence to indicate any change in this policy. O n the contrary, when the kings of Carchemish reprimand the kings of Ugarit for not sending sufficient presents, the destination of the dispatches, whenever clearly stated, is to Hatti, never to Carchemish (e.g., R S 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7; p. 694). It is possible, of course, that the king of Hatti shared some of his Syrian income with the Viceroy of Carchemish, but there is nothing to suggest a direct flow of tribute f r o m Ugarit to C a r c h e m i s h . Strange as it may seem, Carchemish and the adjacent areas dependent on her, such as Emar, traded with Ugarit on a regular basis of give and take (see p. 653ff.). Finally, a brief remark should be added on the cultural impact of Hittite rule in Ugarit (Neu 1995). A century and a half of close political and economic ties have yielded surprisingly little evidence for Hittite influence upon the cultural life of the people of Ugarit. Only a handful of Hittite texts have been found: a legal text probably originating from Hattuša, 1 3 2 a few literary fragments found in 1992 (Neu 1995, 127), and a trilingual fragment of a well-known literary text ('Message of Ludingirra to his mother') which was also brought to Ugarit from Hattuša (Ug 5, 3 1 9 f f , 773ff.). In other words, probably nothing was written in Hittite in Ugarit itself, a conclusion also supported by the quadrilingual vocabularies (Sumerian-AkkadianHurrian-Ugaritic) which did not bother to add a Hittite column. Even the Hittite hieroglyphic seals which became very fashionable a m o n g the upper classes of Hittite Syria (Amurru, Emar), were not adopted at the court of Ugarit ( S i n g e r 1977, 184). T h e explanations for this apparent lack of interest in Hittite culture must be discussed in a broader context, but one of the reasons could be the fact, that, in sharp contrast to A m u r r u ( S i n g e r 1991a, 177; 1992), the royal house of Ugarit did not marry into Hittite royalty until the very end of the the 13th century, and even then with very limited success. 133

132

RS 17.109 = Ug 5, 769. For a drawing and a photograph of this tablet, see 1995a. 133 T o < e v e n o u t ' th e record, one may observe the surprisingly few mentions of Ugarit in the Bogazköy texts: in two inventory texts (see n. 325), in a small historical fragment (KBo 16.39, 4'), in Hattusili's letter to Kadašman-E11i1 (KBo 1, 10 rev. 14; see p. 652), in another small fragment of a letter (KBo 28.91, 9'; H Ä G E N SALVINI

5.1

Security problems

Prosperity often brings with it chronic problems of security, and the late documentation in Ugarit is abounding with references to theft, robbery, and caravan hijacking. T h e identity of the marauders was not always known, but in any case, compensation for the loss of life and property was demanded from the ruler in whose jurisdiction the casualty occurred. T h e matter was settled in a legal procedure in which all parties involved appeared before a royal arbitrator, usually the king himself or an official appointed by him for this occasion. A typical lawsuit is RS 17.229 = PRU 4, 106, ratified by the seal of Hattusili and Puduhepa. T h e merchant Talimmu sued the inhabitants of Apsuna, a town in the northern part of the kingdom of Ugarit (see n. 403), for killing his associates. T h e citizens of Apsuna were required to compensate T a l i m m u with one talent of silver."' T h e town must have been notorious for its insecurity, for we find another fragmentary lawsuit where Apsuna is associated with a case of murder.' 3 5 T h e king of Carchemish, Ini-Tešub, was very active in setting up a supportive legal framework for trade in Syria, guaranteeing proper compensation for the families a n d the business associates of the ill-fated merchants who were killed in his jurisdiction. An accord between Carchemish and Ugarit, witnessed by the main deities of the two kingdoms, sets a compensation of 3 mina of silver each for merchants killed in each other's territory (RS 17.230, 17.146, 18.115, 18.019 = PRU 4, 152-60). This very law was applied by Ini-Tešub in his verdict against the citizens of Ugarit who were responsible for the murder of a merchant of the king of Tarhudašši (RS 17.158, 17.042 = PRU 4, 169-72); they were condemned to pay a compensation of 180 silver shekels to Ari-Šimiga, a 'brother' of the murdered merchant. In another verdict of Ini-Tešub, the citizens of Ugarit were sentenced to pay 1,200 shekels to a certain Aballa whose domicile

1989, 353), and in the evocation texts with the mappa mundi (KUB 15, 34 i 53; K U B 15, 35 + KBo 2, 9 i 27; K U B 26, 66 iv 5). 134 P r o b a c y the same Talimmu is mentioned in passing in a lawsuit (arbitrated by Ini-Tešub) in which the king of Ugarit claims that the tablet dealing with Talimmu's compensation was allegedly broken by a certain Mašanda (RS 17.346.1421 = PRU 176-7). For the Mašanda affair, see p. 646. 135 RS 17.369B + 17.069 = PRU 4, 2 3 9 - 4 0 . T h e two texts could perhaps refer to the same incident, but here the claimants are apparently listed by their names BUCHNER

(11. 12'ff).

is not known (RS 17.145 = PRU 4, 172-3). T h e perils of travel within the kingdom of Ugarit must have cost its treasury a fortune. 136 A case of highway robbery with international implications is reported in the long letter of Hattusili Ί Ι Γ to Kadasman-Enlil II (KBo 1.10+; B e c k m a n 1996c, 132-7). T h e king of Babylon complained that his merchants were killed in Amurru, in Ugarit, and in a third land whose n a m e is not preserved (§ 10; rev. 14-25). In his reply the Hittite king exonerates himself from all blame by giving a lengthy discourse on the interdiction of homicide in Hatti ( K l e n g e l 1980; L i v e r a n i 1990, 99-100). Finally, he puts the blame on some Subarians who do not fall within his jurisdiction. Nevertheless, he proposes that his correspondent send the relatives of the dead merchants to Hatti in order to investigate their lawsuit. Security problems on the roads leading from Babylon to Hatti, crossing through the land of Suhi, are also discussed in a letter sent by Ini-Tesub to Šagarakt[i-Šuriaš] found in 1994 in the Urtenu archive ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 111 ; Bordreuil

-

Malbran-Labat

1995,

445,

448).

As in the Mari period (see p. 618), most of the problems on the roads were caused by tribal groups such as the Sutu, the habiru, and the Manda. 1 3 7 In a letter to Ammittamru the king of Carchemish (Ini-Tesub) announces that he is about to send (to Ugarit) a certain Arwašši to decide the case of the habiru ( s a . g a z ) who are not in Carchemish (RS 16.003 = PRU 3, 4).138 According to another letter the Suteans have taken a hostage who was later ransomed for 50 silver shekels (RS 8.333 = PRU 3, 7-8; cf. A l b r i g h t 1941, 44-6). A servant of the king of Ugarit reassures his lord that he will inform him about anything he finds out about the Suteans (RS 34.151 = R S O 7, no. 13). T h e instability caused by tribal groups became in due time one of the main factors that brought about the collapse of the traditional LBA states, in particular in the inland areas of Syria. 139

136

For other verdicts of Ini-Tešub, see the refs. listed in K L E N G E L 1992, 143, η. 311. For RS 17.346 (referring to a verdict of Urhi-Tešub), see p. 645f. 137 For Amurru's mediation between Ugarit and the Manda troops (RS 17.286), see p. 642. 138 Cf. Hattusili 'IIF's edict pertaining to fugitives from Ugarit seeking refuge in the habiru territory of His Majesty (RS 17.238; see p. 682). 139 See, most recently, F R E U forthcoming, with refs. to the new evidence supplied by the texts from Meskene/Emar, Tell Šeih Hamad and Tell Huera.

5.2

The international trade of Ugant in the 13th century

Despite the perils of highway robbery and similar problems, the Age of Pax Hethitica was an incomparably lucrative era for the entire Levantine Crescent, and especially for Ugarit, the hub of international trade. In the following entries the evidence for Ugarit's foreign relations will be classified according to her main trading partners. As already mentioned, it is very difficult to establish a chronological order for this type of economic documents. An entry on Hatti is not included because no trade in the regular sense of the word is involved, but rather payment of taxes to an overlord (described in the respective chapters). O n the other hand, with Carchemish (and Emar) Ugarit maintained normal trade exchanges based on reciprocal interests. T o o little is known about Ugarit's trade contacts with Aššur and Babylon, although they surely must have existed, at least in peaceful times. 140 5.2.1

Carchemish and Emar

Ugarit's commercial relations with Carchemish should presumably have been different from her relations with other foreign lands with w h o m the exchange was based on unadulterated reciprocal interests. However, a closer look at the relevant documents reveals that, beyond the obvious protocol between suzerain and vassal, when the correspondence gets down to actual business it follows the same principles of supply and demand as with other lands. As pointed out above, all Ugarit's yearly tribute went to the court of Hatti and none to Carchemish. In the documents dealing with commercial transactions, the representatives of Ugarit usually state what they expect to receive in return for the goods they are sending to Carchemish, and, as far as one can tell, the exchanged goods are more or less equivalent. Although citizens of Carchemish were probably exempted from the high custom tolls d e m a n d e d by Ugarit from merchants of other lands, 141 even this prerogative occasionally required perseverance on the part of Hittite officials. In his letter to the king of Ugarit, Piha-ziti142

140

On trade with Assyria, see n. 291. See, e.g., the strong protest aired by a king of Tyre(?) concerning the high customs his agents were required to pay by the harbourmaster of Ugarit (RS 17.424c+ = PRU 4, 219; see p. 672). 142 Perhaps identical with Piha-ziti, an official of the king of Carchemish, who 141

protests that some workers 143 of the king were required to pay taxes and threatens to bring u p the m a t t e r at the court (RS 25.461; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1989, 317-8). T h e trade with Ugarit was mostly held in the hands of the royal family of Carchemish. Hešmi-Tešub (RS 20.184 = Ug 5, no. 28) was Ini-Tesub's brother, 1 4 4 U p p a r a m u w a , Misramuwa (RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193), A1ihešni (RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6) and Ti1i-Šarruma 145 were his sons, and Piha- d im was his grandson. 1 4 6 O t h e r Hittite dignitaries active at the court of Carchemish, such as Zulanna (RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6), Hešni, 147 Taki-Šarruma and Tu1pi-Šarruma (RS 17.251 = PRU 4, 236), were also members of the royal family.148 Some of these Hittite nobles are also known from the archives of M e s k e n e / E m a r , where they fulfil top administrative functions (Beckman 1995). T h u s some of their letters may have actually been sent to Ugarit from their 'offices' in E m a r or from other centres in the vicinity of Carchemish. 1 4 9 Ugarit maintained a regular mission in Carchemish, a sort of diplomatic corps representing the interests of the vassal kingdom at the court of the overlord. Obviously, the diplomats sent out to Carchemish were most competent and influential persons. Takuhlinu, for example, after the completion of his mission in Carchemish, climbed to the

demanded compensation from Ugarit for the losses of Maššana-ura, probably a Hittite official active in Ugarit (RS 17.248 = PRU 4, 236). Note the clay bulla with the impression of the governor Maššana-ura ( G R E A T . G O D , CITY.LORD) which was found in Court V (RS' 18.070 = Ug 3, 62, fig. 87; 156-7). This Piha-ziti should probably be distinguished from the merchant of Ura in R S 17.319.22, 32 (= PRU 4, 182-4). 143 For the LÚ.MEŠ sariputi, see H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1 9 8 3 - 4 , 5 0 : 'presumably workers of a relatively low social standing'. 144 A R N A U D 1974; K L E N G E L 1 9 7 5 / 6 0 - 1 ; S I N G E R 1983b, 8; H A G E N B U C H N E R 1989, 18ff. 145 RS 18.114, 17.028 (= PRU 4, 108-10); K L E N G E L 1969, 363, 365. Prince TiliŠarruma appears in a legal transaction from the Emar region ( H C C T - E 5; TSUKIMOTO 1984). Probably the same Te1i-Šarruma is also attested in a tablet from H u r b e / T e l l C h u ē r a dated to the second half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign ( K Ü H N E 1995, 211, 217-8); he is a Hittite diplomat bringing tablets and presents to the king of Aššur. ,4ß RS 17.148 (= PRU 6, no 7). O n Piha- d IM, see IMPARATI 1987, 192ff., and n. 158 below. 147 R S 1 7 . 4 0 3 ; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 5 C , 3 7 - 8 ; S I N G E R 1 9 9 7 , 1 2 0 . For Prince Hešni see also H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1 9 9 6 , 6Iff. (with further refs.). 148 For the debate over the meaning of 'king's son' (DUMU.LUGAL), see, most recently, S I N G E R 1 9 9 7 , 4 1 8 - 9 (with previous refs.). 140 For an attempt to date the letters sent from Carchemish on the basis of their epistolary formulae, see YAMADA 1992.

topmost posts in the administration of Ugarit ( S i n g e r 1983b, 6-18). In his letters to his lord (RS 17.383; 17.422 = PRU 4, 221-5), no d o u b t A m m i t t a m r u II, Takuhli(nu) reports that the king of C a r chemish (Ini-Tesub) was infuriated when he was presented with some simple stones (kamma) instead of the requested lapis-lazuli (uqnu). H e implores his king to find the genuine stones wherever he can and send them urgently lest people become hostile towards him in the Hatti land. 150 In these letters there is no indication what goods were sent by Carchemish in return, but from a n o t h e r letter we know that Takuhli was active in transporting horses from Carchemish to Ugarit ( R S 20.184; see below). Besides genuine lapis lazuli, Takuhli asks his king to send him also dyed wool for his own needs, namely, the presentation of an offering to the deity Apšukka of I r h a n d a who saved him from a serious illness.151 Takuhlinu was probably replaced by Amutaru 1 3 2 as the ambassador of Ugarit in Carchemish. A m m i t t a m r u turned to Hešmi-Tešub to intercede on behalf of A m u t a r u at the court of his brother IniT e s u b (RS 20.184 = Ug 5, 9 7 f f , no. 28). T h e king of Ugarit desired two exquisite horses and one quality bow from Hanigalbat and sent to Hešmi-Tešub in return one large linen garment of high quality and one ordinary linen garment. Another envoy to Carchemish was pu-Sarruma,' 3 3 the a u t h o r of a letter addressed to the king of Ugarit, his lord, found in the Urtenu archive (RS 34.140 = R S O 7, no. 1l).' 34 T h e fragmentary text seems

150

Contrary to Nougayrol's assumption, the letters were probably sent from Carchemish, and the remark on the hostility of the land of Hatti must refer to the Hittite realm in general (SINGER 1983b, 8). T h e r e are other similar indications that the region of Carchemish was already considered to be (part o f ) the Hatti Land before the fall of the Hittite Empire (see n. 170). 151 A city Irhanda appears in Hittite sources (DEL M O N T E - T I S C H L E R 1 9 7 8 , 1 4 3 ) , but its location cannot be established. 152 This Amutaru is probably identical with the merchant Amutarunu who was richly endowed by Ammittamru II ( S I N G E R 1983b, 8, n. 10). 153 T h e reading Hešmi for PU that was suggested by Güterbock and Laroche (Ug 3, 117ff) is no longer tenable (SINGER 1985,' 113-4; VAN DEN H o u r 1995, 128ff.). For another possible reading (Taki-), see VAN DEN H O U T 1995, 136. T h e material from Ugarit could allow for several other identifications of PU-Šarruma as well: e.g., Anani-Sarruma, a messenger employed in the commercial firm of Sipti-Ba'al and Urtenu ( R S O 7, nos. 32, 34), or Irr-trm who asks for horses in K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402 (see p. 724). None of these readings, however, can be substantiated at the moment. 154 According to the opening address this PU-Šarruma must have been a servant of the king of Ugarit. Representatives from Carchemish, who were usually of royal

to deal with the payment for horses that had been delivered by PUŠ a r r u m a to his lord: 100 silver (shekels), 4 talents of copper, and one muttiru stove. 155 T h e importation of equids to Ugarit is also dealt with in two letters sent to the governor of Ugarit by Hittite nobles who were active in Emar. 1 5 6 In the past Zulanna had supplied an iron blade and a garment to his correspondent (RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6). N o w he was asked to send a horseman (lit.: 'chief'), a mule and a horse, but he can only comply with a mare and an excellent boy who can be trained in horsemanship. H e does not have mules to hand, but he promises to send a good one as soon as he can get it. In return Zulanna asks for gold, raw g1ass(?),157 and a bronze alallu. A double letter to the governor of Ugarit was sent by Lady Yabinenše and Piha- d im (RS 17.148 = PRU 6, no. 7).158 T h e former sends a scarf, an embroidered belt, two mašfjuranna and 100 (shekels) of red purple-dyed wool; she asks for much silver. T h e latter sends a mare for which he expects to obtain 30 silver shekels and a bronze alallu. H e offers to send more quality horses in the future. Another prince who demands to be reimbursed for a horse he had delivered last year is T a p a ' e (RS 34.155 = R S O 7, no. 21). H e leaves it to his correspondent ( E a - d g a l ) to determine the proper price. Evidently, quality horses were one of the most expensive items traded by nobles and merchants from Carchemish and E m a r in return for their voluminous imports from the west. 159 T h a t this horse blood, address the kings of Ugarit as their subordinates (e.g., Hešmi-Tešub in RS 20.184 and Kila'e in R S 19.070). 155 This is a simple commercial transaction and not a demand for troops, as indicated in the title of R S O 7, no. 11. 156 For the Hittite administration of Emar, see YAMADA 1 9 9 3 ; BECKMAN 1 9 9 5 ; S I N G E R forthcoming b. 157 meku: efjhpakku. For mekku, 'a type of (raw) glass', see CAD, M / 2 , 7. For the Hurrian gloss ef}lipakku, see L A R O C H E 1 9 7 6 - 7 , 7 6 (who compares N A , T I 'stone of life'). 158 T h e fact that Yabinenše and Piha-DIM share a tablet in their letters to the governor of Ugarit could indicate that they are mother and son; the husband/father is U p p a r a m u w a (see p. 654). Their addressing the governor of Ugarit as 'my son' and 'my brother', respectively, should not be taken in a literal sense (as assumed by N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 1 0 , n. 1), but rather as an indication of their relative hierarchy ( S I N G E R 1 9 9 7 , 4 2 1 ) . 159 T o the examples already cited add R S 16.180 (= PRU 3, 41), where Pillaza, the equerry (ffuburtanuru) of the king of Carchemish, sells a horse for 200 silver (shekels). Cf. also RS 34.152 (= R S O 7, no. 39), where Mut-ra'i offers to send IM.sì.MU (Adad-nādin-šumi?) 200 sheep as an advance payment for requested horses and mules.

trade extended beyond the frontiers of the Hittite Empire is shown by the Egyptian correspondence (p. 674), as well as by a rare letter from a man of Mari found in the Urtenu archive (RS 34.142 = R S O 7, no. 47).160 Whether the horses were locally bred in the kingdom of Carchemish, or whether they were brought from more northerly areas, is not stated in these documents. It remains the task of experts to reconstruct the parameters of horse breeding and horse trade in this period of long-distance mercantile connections. 161 Less is known about other items travelling" from Carchemish and E m a r to the west. Mention is occasionally made of rare objects 162 and plants, 163 whose exact nature often escapes us.164 Another source of income for the Hittite nobility was the sale of slaves to wealthy Ugaritians. Princes Taki-Šarruma and Tu1pi-Šarruma sell to Uzzinu, the governor of Ugarit, a m a n (Taršazida) for forty shekels of silver (RS 17.251 = PRU 4, 236-7). Seventy shekels are paid by the queen of Ugarit to redeem 'her compatriot' ( d u m u k u r - î a ) , U r i - d i m , 1 6 5 from the hands of the palace official T a b r a m m i (RS 17.231 = PRU 4, 238). 166 Ugarit exported to the east dyed wool, linen garments, oil, alunstone, lead, copper and bronze objects. 167 Some of these products 160

T h e details of this intriguing but difficult letter, which mentions among other things an 'enemy' who has pillaged the sender's house (11. 36ff.), need further investigation. It seems that the letter refers not to conditions in Ugarit, but rather to those in the Euphrates region. 161 For the breeding and training of quality horses in Hatti, see now S T A R K E 1995, with previous literature on the subject. For the hippiatric texts from Ugarit, SIVAN 1983; P A R D E E 1985; C O H E N 1996. See also C A U B E T 1990 and see C O H E N YON 1995, 440ff. for archaeological evidence on horses and chariots in Ugarit. 162 E.g. the exquisite bow mentioned in R S O 7, no. 30: 31, 34. A special piece of linen fabric for a garment was sent by the author of RS 20.227 (Ug 5, no. 57) to the queen of Ugarit (left edge 3 4). 163 NU.Luy,fciA (nufjurtu) in RS 34.133.40 (= R S O 7, no. 36) is probably asa foetida, a bad-smelling resin used as an antispasmodic. It also appears among the presents sent from Qadesh to Ugarit (n. 205). 164 pānu in R S O 7, no. 30: 37 and uban in RS 34.133.41 (= R S O 7, no. 36) are unidentified. 165 Perhaps identical with Ur-Tešub, a business associate of Ehli-Tesub and AhiMilku (ŠEŠ-LUGAL) and Urtenu ( B O R D R E U I L - M A I . B R A N - I . A B A T 1995, 446; M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995b, 105; see p. 671). 166 For this influential Hittite official, see H A W K I N S 1993. In RS 17.337 (= PRU 4, 168-9), a lawsuit decided before Ini-Tešub, he claims from the king of Ugarit the households of three of his servants. 167 Occasionally the merchandise was bought in Ugarit itself, e.g., 'Sunailu, son of Hayamuli, the kartappu of His Majesty, who has bought bronze objects in the land" of Ugarit' (RS 17.244.5-8 = PRU 4, 231-2). T h e domicile of Lady Aruš-Heba

were no doubt imported to Ugarit from other lands, such as Cyprus and Egypt. T h e valuable merchandise coming from the west was used for local consumption in the land of Carchemish, but surpluses were further traded with the Assyrians. T h e r e is growing evidence both in Hittite and Assyrian sources that the bellicose encounters between Hatti and Aššur in the early reign of Tukulti-Ninurta gave way in the latter part of his reign to a political detente accompanied by extensive trade contacts (see n. 291). T h e Assyrians were eager to buy from Carchemish large quantities of linen ( C a n c i k Kirschbaum 1 9 9 6 , 1 1 7 f f ) , which may originally have come from Ugarit and from other western lands. T h e r e is also an interesting reference to a convoy from Carchemish trading east of the Euphrates in oil and in bronze utensils (ibid., no. 6). A special dossier from the archive of Urtenu covers the correspondence of a large business enterprise operating between Ugarit and E m a r ( A r n a u d , R S O 7, nos. 30-36). 1 6 8 T h e firm was headed by Šipti-BaCa1, the son-in-law and commercial agent of Q u e e n Šare11i (p. 697), who was also active in the trade with Egypt and the porttowns of Phoenicia (p. 671). T h e everyday m a n a g e m e n t of the caravan procedures, including the prolific correspondence revolving around it, was carried out by Urtenu and his business associates Dagan-belu and T u n a . The caravans themselves were accompanied by their sons and subordinates—Anani-Šarruma, Uri-Te, Uzziltu, Bišu, Ba c al and Purru. Business was not restricted to Emar; some of the caravans continued their voyage along the Euphrates to Carchemish and further north. For example, T u n a announces to his correspondent Uzziltu 169 that he is about to descend to 'the land of the King' (RS 34.133.30-1 = R S O 7, no. 36). Thereafter he lists the products that are needed 'in the Land of Hatti' (1. 32), which appears to be a mere synonym for the previous geo-political term. 170

who asks the governor of Ugarit (who used to be a good friend of her deceased husband) to send bronze in exchange for a mašiyannu-garment (CAD M / l : 398b; CHD 3 / 2 : 205f.) is unknown (RS 25.131 = L A C K E N B A C H E R 1989, 318). 168 T w o more texts from earlier excavations must be added to the Emar dossier: RS 20.227 (- Ug 5, no. 57) addressed to Sipti-Ba'al, and the very fragmentary letter R S 12.005 (= PRU 3, 16-7). Another letter sent from the Euphrates region to Ugarit is RS 92.2007, discussed by A R N A U D 1996, 58ff. (see p. 708). Unfortunately, the extant tablets from M e s k e n e / E m a r do not contain any letters sent from Ugarit. 169 Uzziltu may well be identical with Urtenu's son 'zlt who writes in R S 92.2005 to 'my master and my mother' ( B O R D R E U I L 1995a, 2). 170 It would seem that the term 'Hatti Land' already comprised within it the

It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between 'native' Ugaritians a n d Emariotes in this correspondence, although most of the persons m e n t i o n e d were probably citizens of Ugarit, at least originally. An e x c e p d o n could be Zu-Aštarti of R S 34.153 (= R S O 7, no. 35), a very p o p u l a r n a m e in E m a r (see, e.g., B e c k m a n 1996c, 138) but not in Ugarit. In his letter to U r t e n u , Zu-Aštarti recounts his mishaps on a trip that brought him to Sidon a n d U s n a t u (see further p. 665). T o conclude this survey of trade between Ugarit and C a r c h e m i s h mention should be m a d e of a particular topic which m a y be classified u n d e r both 'commercial' a n d 'military' contacts. I refer to the shared control by the two states over the fleet m o o r e d in the ports of U g a rit. Most c o m m e n t a t o r s agree u p o n the fact that Ugarit did not possess a separate military fleet ( V i t a 1995a, 159ff., with refs. in n. 2). R a t h e r , some of the commercial ships were used in times of w a r for the transportation of troops a n d for fighting the enemy. Because of the vital strategic i m p o r t a n c e of this fleet, both in times of peace a n d in war, the Hittites insisted u p o n keeping a careful eye u p o n the m o v e m e n t s of Ugarit's ships. In his response to the q u e e n of Ugarit, the king (of Carchemish) sets a limit on the distance to which some ships are allowed to s a i l as far as Byblos a n d Sidon but n o f u r t h e r away ( R S 3 4 . 1 4 5 . 9 - 1 4 = R S O 7, no. 9). T h e letter f r o m the U r t e n u archive must be dated to the troubled times of Ugarit's last period. 1 7 1 A n o t h e r d o c u m e n t f r o m the U r t e n u archive lists the ships of the king of C a r c h e m i s h that are no longer in a condition to sail anywhere ( R S 34.147 = R S O 7, no. 5). T h e fourteen ships are identified by their owners or captains, including a Sidonian a n d a m a n of Akko. T h e d o c u m e n t is ratified with the seal of K u m m a - w a l w i son of Upini, probably the representative of the king of Carchemish. 1 7 2 Ships of other lands were also m o o r e d in the ports of Ugarit on a long-term basis. A m u r r u agrees to p u t some of her ships at the disposal of Ugarit in anticipation of an e n e m y attack ( R S 20.162 = domains of Carchemish in the late imperial period, anticipating the full shift of the term to northern Syria in the Iron Age (n. 150). 171 Zuzuli in 1. 7 must be the kartappu of the king of Carchemish who presides in a lawsuit between Niqmaddu III and a merchant from Ura (RS 18.020 + 17.371 = PRU 4 , 202-3; see p. 692). Y A M A D A (1992: 4 4 4 ) tentatively dates the letter to the reign of Ibiranu according to its epistolary style. 172 It seems that Ugarit also possessed at least one ship in Carchemish, but the evidence is not entirely clear (KTU 4 . 7 7 9 = RIH 8 3 / 2 2 . 8 - 1 3 ; B O R D R E U I L et al. 1984,

433).

Ug 5, no. 37; see p. 721). O t h e r ships are leased from Byblos ( K T U 4.338 = RS 18.025; see p. 669). T h e evidence for the role of Ugarit's fleet in the transportation of grain from Egypt to Anatolia will be discussed separately (p. 715ff). 5.2.2

Tarhuntašša

W h e n the Hittite king Muwatalli II, the illustrious victor of the battle of Qadesh, transferred his capital from Hattusa to Tarhuntašša, he laid the foundations of a n a p p a n a g e Hittite kingdom which stretchcd along the M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast f r o m Cilicia Aspera to Antalya and as far north as the Konya Plain. This kingdom, which competed with Hattusa over dynastic legitimacy, maintained close commercial ties with Ugarit until the very end of the Hittite Empire (see n. 177). T h e evidence from Ugarit refers mainly to the port of U r a in western Cilicia, 173 which was the main terminal for the ships sailing from Ugarit to Anatolia. T h e rich Hittite merchants of Ura, who were the main entrepreneurs in the voluminous trade flowing from and into Hittite Anatolia, started to invest in real estate and posed a growing threat to the delicate social fabric of Ugarit ( R a i n e y 1963; H e l t z e r 1978: 153ff.; V a r g y a s 1985). Responding to a complaint of Niqmepa, Hattusili 'III' issued a decree forbidding the men of U r a to acquire real estate in Ugarit and ordering them to return to their homes in the winter season. 174 A quasi-duplicate found in the house of Urtenu adds to U r a another Anatolian town, Kutupa. 1 7 5 If

173 For an up-to-date survey on Ura and its localization at Silifke, see L E M A I R E 1993. The Hittite merchants are variously designated as 'merchants of Ura' (RS 17.319 = PRU 4, 182-3), 'merchants of His Majesty (RS 17.316 = PRU 4, 190), and 'merchant(s) of the king of Tarhutašša (RS 17.158; 17.042 = PRU 4, 169-71). 174 PRU 4, 103-5. Three duplicates of this text were found in close proximity in the palace archives (room 68), and a fourth quasi-duplicate in the Urtenu archive (RSO 7, no. 1). The main text, RS 17.130, carries the seal impression of Hattuši1i and Puduhepa; the large duplicate RS 18.003 carries the seal of Hattusili alone; RS 17.461 is a small fragment. It is noteworthy that both impressions were applied on the edge of the tablet (Ug 3, 16, fig. 21), rather than in the centre of the obverse as is customary in other Hittite political documents. The fragmentary tablet from the Urtenu archive (RS 34.179 = R S O 7, no. 1) does not carry a seal impression, but this could have been applied on the missing edge of the tablet. 175 RS 3 4 . 1 7 9 (= R S O 7 , no. 1). Kutupa can hardly be identical with Katapa or with Kutpa (as suggested by M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 1 , 1 5 , n. 4 ) , both of which must be situated in northern Hatti. It should rather be another Anatolian port trading with the Levantine coast.

an Ugaritian is unable to pay back his debt, the king of Ugarit must turn over that m a n together with his family to the merchant of Ura, but his property cannot be claimed. T h e fact that the text is preserved in (at least) four copies (in two versions) testifies to the importance of the decree, which probably had to be ratified periodically. Legal disputes between citizens of Tarhuntašša and Ugarit were judged fairly by the king of Carchemish and his representatives. IniTešub imposed a compensation on the citizens of Ugarit who were found responsible for the m u r d e r of a m e r c h a n t of the king of Tarhudašši (RS 1 7 . 1 5 8 , 1 7 . 0 4 2 = PRU 4 , 1 6 9 - 7 2 ; see p. 6 5 1 ) . O n the other hand, the lawsuit between N i q m a d d u III and Kumiya-ziti, probably a rich merchant from Ura, was decided by Zuzuli in favour of Ugarit (RS 1 8 . 0 2 0 + 1 7 . 3 7 1 = PRU 4 , 2 0 2 - 3 ; see p. 6 9 2 ) . Prince Arma-ziti was also condemned to a large compensation to Ugarit in a lawsuit witnessed by four citizens of U r a (RS 1 7 . 3 1 6 = PRU 4 , 190; see p. 685). Perhaps we should add to this group of legal cases the letter of His Majesty to Ammittamru (signed with the seal of Puduhepa), in which the damage caused by a certain Sukku to the ship and cargo of an u n n a m e d citizen of Ugarit was acknowledged and reimbursed (RS 1 7 . 1 3 3 = PRU 4 , 1 1 8 - 9 ; B e c k m a n 1 9 9 6 c , 1 6 4 ) . 1 7 6 T o the last period of Ugarit belong the documents which refer to the shipment of large quantities of grain to Ura. In an Akkadian document the king of Ugarit is asked to supply a ship and its crew for the transportation of 500 (measures) of grain from Mukiš to U r a (Ug 5, no. 33; see p. 716). In a Hittite draft the sender expresses his anger over the fact that a grain-laden ship was held up and urges his correspondent to dispatch the ship immediately either to U r a or to Lašti[- ( K l e n g e l 1 9 6 9 , 3 2 4 - 5 ; see p. 7 1 8 ) . T h e r e is no information on other merchandise that was traded between Ugarit and Tarhuntašša. T h e only exception is the fragmentary letter of an u n n a m e d king of Tarhu(n)tašša to A m m u r a p i in which he requests small ropes or belts. 177 Finally, it should be noted that there is nothing in the texts from Ugarit to reflect animosity between the competing kingdoms of Hatti 176 Cf. also n. 27, on a Hittite text mentioning a citizen of Ura involved in the theft of the royal seal. 177 RS 34.139.19 (= R S O 7, no. 14): i-bi-ffi tur.meš. Could these objects be somehow connected to ship building or navigation? In this case they would have been essential for the shipping connection with Ugarit, and would not be as 'carefree' as they seemed to NEU (1995b, 124).

and Tarhuntašša. A smooth importation and distribution of the vital shipments of grain was obviously in the best interest of both kingdoms. At the same time, it is only fair to admit that the evidence from Ugarit is too meagre to play any serious role in the reconstruction of the relations between the two Hittite kingdoms in Anatolia at the end of the 13th century. 178 5.2.3

Siyannu—Ušnatu

T h e double kingdom of Siyannu—Ušnatu 1 7 9 was probably the state most closely related to Ugarit, and yet, as often happens, the two lands were in constant dispute with each other. At the time of the Hittite takeover of Syria, Siyannu was an a p p a n a g e kingdom of Ugarit and it remained so throughout the reign of Suppiluliuma I (p. 628). For the political reasons explained above (p. 640), Mursili II supported Siyannu's aspirations to secede and transferred the kingdom to the direct supervision of Carchemish. T h e territorial division between the two kingdoms proved to be a complicated matter which periodically had to be re-examined and ratified by the imperial administration. 180 T h e border between Ugarit and Siyannu twisted around in a rich agricultural region of the coastal plain, and quite often minor border incidents between farmers flared up into serious conflicts which could only be settled through the arbitration of the Hittite overlords. Special delegations were sent from Carchemish to delineate the border and set up border stones (RS 17.368 = PRU 4, 76-7; see p. 685). Special attention was also paid to a fair division of economically important resources. For example, the salt fields of Atalig were divided by Mursili II, who gave one and two-thirds of iku to Ugarit and one and a third iku to Siyannu (RS 17.335 + . 5 7 - 6 3 = PRU 4, 74). An accord signed by Padiya king of Siyannu 181

178 For the later history of Tarhuntašša and its relations with Hatti, see S I N G E R 1996b (with further refs.). 179 The names Siyannu and Ušnatu are used intermittently, but they are never juxtaposed to each other ( A S T O U R 1979, 13). For similar ancient Near Eastern 'personal unions', see BUCCELLATI 1967, ch. III. 180 One of the latest ratifications of this decree must be the one preserved in the recently recovered tablet RS 17.403 {- Ug 3, 137-9) sealed by the Chief Scribe Tagi-Šarruma (see n. 111). 181 The cylinder seal impressed on the tablet belongs to a certain Sassi who must have been the founder of the dynasty.

divided the sacred vineyard of d Ištar hurri 182 between the marzicum of Siyannu and the marzi'u of Ari, a coastal town which belonged to Ugarit (RS 18.001 = PRU 4, 230; A s t o u r 1979, 22; 1995, 63-4). 184 Despite these careful precautions the borders were often violated by both sides. Besides verdicts and letters from the Hittite authorities, most of the relevant documents can be defined as formal complaints sent from Siyannu to Ugarit, or, more rarely, vice versa. Often, but not always, Ugarit appears as the superior side in the introductory formulae of these letters ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 7 8 , n. 210). T h e n a m e of the sender from Siyannu is usually indicated, but that of the addressee, either the king or the governor of Ugarit, is not. This complicates the construction of a chronological order of the dossier, one of the largest in the foreign correspondence of Ugarit. T h e recurring subjects provide a typical cross-section of problems occuring along a hostile borderline within an ancient Near Eastern imperial system: violent razzias and annexation of territories, stealing or destruction of agricultural produce, and even abduction of people and selling them into slavery. A verdict of Ini-Tešub' 8 5 imposes upon the people of Siyannu a threefold compensation in case they are found guilty of the following grave offences: 186 the demolition of a (watch-)tower, 187 the pruning 188 of vineyards belonging to Ugarit, and the selling of the (stolen) wine to merchants from Beirut. 189 Also, the King made provisions

182

For the various interpretations of' fjum in this context, see PUECH 1993 (with refs.). Probably identical with marzihu/mrz)i, for which see, most recently, PARDEE 1996a. 184 Hebat of Ari figures prominently in texts of Ugarit as a divine witness (e.g., PRU 4, 137ff., 239). Was she perhaps assimilated with C'IŠTAR f}uiri to whom the vineyard of Ari was dedicated? 185 RS 17.341 (= PRU 4, 161ff.). RS 20.174A (= Ug 5, no. 25), with a warning to the king of Ugarit about the consequences of his violation of the borders of Ušnatu and the capture of one town, may also be ascribed to Ini-Tešub (YAMADA 1992, 444-5). As suggested by Yamada, the town in question may well be Šuksi, an enclave of Siyannu within the territory of Ugarit. 186 Note the pejorative use of the designation habiru for the criminals who have commited the crimes. For the same usage in the Amarna correspondence, see the refs. cited by LIVERANI 1990, 103, n. 28 and by R A I N E Y 1995. 187 For dimtu ( AN.ZA.GÀR), 'tower, castle', see N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 5 , 2 1 7 - 8 . 188 Lit. 'cutting', which could also mean the destruction of the vineyards (so N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 2 6 , n. 2). However, since in the next paragraph the Siyannites are accused of selling the wine to Beirut, it is more logical to think that they were stealing from the vineyards rather than destroying them. 189 T h e so-called 'wine war' ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 2 6 , n. 2) is probably also referred to in RS 21.183 (= Ug 5, no. 41), a letter sent by the king [of Siyannu] to the 183

for an exchange of citizens resident in each other's lands and made the two parties swear not to sell these foreigners to a third party. T h e king of Ugarit is not n a m e d in this verdict; the king of Siyannu is Šābi1im.' 90 Probably the same king of U[šnatu] 1 9 1 is the author of a complaint sent to the king of Ugarit. 192 Šābi1im protests against the trespassing of some Ugaritian farmers into his territory, probably under the protection of maryannu troops. T h e y had already started to sow grain in the occupied fields, but Šābi1im threatens to harvest it himself unless the king of Ugarit removes his men. Besides the crops of the field and of the vineyards, cattle was perhaps also stolen by infiltrators. 193 T h e grimmest aspect of the 'economic war' between Ugarit and Siyannu was the abduction of people, probably wealthy merchants, and their subsequent sale into slavery. T w o documents prove that the provisions made by Ini-Tesub in this respect were not merely theoretical. 194 As already observed by N o u g a y r o l ( 1 9 6 8 , 1 2 7 , n. 3 ) , it is not without interest to note that the h u m a n 'merchandise' was purchased by Egyptians, as in Genesis 37. Apart from the reciprocal 'repatriation' of citizens as decreed by Ini-Tesub, there was apparently no agreement for the extradition of

king of Ugarit. T h e last fragmentary passage mentions the men of Beirut who take namzaktu ('beverages'?) from Ugarit. See further H E L T Z E R 1990. 190 The name Ša-pí-ilim (DINGIR) is usually read as Sapilim and is analysed as an Akkadian formation meaning 'according to the pronouncement of the G o d / E l ' (e.g., G R O N D A H L 1967, 47). However, a West Semitic analysis of the name, i.e., Sāb-ilim (cf. Ug. Tbil), 'God has returned (to) me,' as suggested by Gordon and endorsed by R A I N E Y (Ì971b, 164), is also supported by the new reading of the name GURDINGIR-FTM as Šāb-ilim suggested below, n. 192. 191 The traces of the first sign in the name of the land could belong to an us. 192 RS 17.394 + 427 (= PRU 4, 220). Nougayrol read the name GUR-DINGIR-/Z'M as Itur-lim, deriving it from the Akkadian reading of GUR, 'to return' (tāru). However, a West-Semitic reading, Šāb-ilim (see n. 190), is preferable in this case since this name is found both in Siyannu-Ušnatu and in Amurru ( S I N G E R 1991a, 183 with n. 73). 193 Two 'unclassified' documents dealing with stolen cattle share the characteristics of the dossier of the 'economic war' between Ugarit and Siyannu. In RS 20.239 (= Ug 3, no. 52) Mada'e categorically demands that the governor of Ugarit look into the matter of the cattle stolen from him by the men of Rakba. The author of the fragmentary letter RS 15.018 (= PRU 3, 1 1 2 ) threatens to turn to the King (of Carchemish) if he is not given proper compensation for his stolen catde. 194 RS 20.021 (= Ug 5, no! 42) and 34.158 (RSO 7, no. 16). Probably both documents refer to the same case of the sale of Ba'aliya by his business partner, probably a resident of Ugarit.

outlaws. Rather, each state was expected to judge its own criminals according to the testimony of witnesses who were sent to appear at the trial. In his letter to Ugarit, a certain šuKUR-du195 announces that he personally went to Siyannu to punish the person(s) who had transgressed against his correspondent's authority (RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44).196 A similar message is conveyed by a certain Eppiqu to the governor of Ugarit, his lord (RS 17.393 = PRU 4, 226-7). In his letter to the king of Ugarit ('my father'), the king of Ušnatu volunteers to serve as the arbitrator in a financial dispute between subjects of the two lands (RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216); alternatively, he suggests sending the opponents to appear before the king of Ugarit. W h e n it came to citizens of a third country, the authorities of Ugarit and of Siyannu made a point of referring the case to the appropriate court. T w o documents may be combined to reconstruct the ventures of a citizen of Emar. In his letter to Urtenu, Zu-Aštarti (see p. 659) recounts that from Sidon 197 he arrived to Ušnatu where he was detained (RS 34.153 = R S O 7, no. 35); he probably expected his correspondent to intervene on his behalf. Finally, he asks Urtenu to inquire whether the king had already handed over the horses to the messenger from Alalia. From a letter of s u M - d i m , 1 9 8 king of Ušnatu, to the king of Ugarit we learn that the king of Carchemish himself had intervened to ensure a proper trial in the lawsuit between a man of Emar (the above-mentioned Zu-Aštarti?) and a man of Siyannu (RS 17.143 = PRU 4, 16). T h e king of Ušnatu, however, declares

195 This seems to me a better reading of the name than Si-ni- υ as read by Nougayrol. Cf. Šu-kúr-áIM in RS 20.003 (= Ug 5, no. 26). 196 T h e nature of their offence is not quite clear. I wonder whether the alleged 'turning of the sceptre (?)' in 1. 16 (KAR ( , I S PA-ÄÖ) could actually be read as a misconstrued Kar-ka-miš? 197 Zu-Aštarti was moored somewhere in the sea (1. 14f., ina A.AB.BA ašbaku) when he was taken by a ša-a-ru to Sidon (1. 15f.). A R N A U D ( R S O 7, 76; 1992, 182, n. 11) compared this šāru with Ugaritic sr and biblical sar, 'prince', suggesting that this might be an early reference to a Philistine ruler (cf. 1 Sam. 18:30). Cf. however H U E H N E R G A R D (1997), who in his review of R S O 7 translates the respective sentence as following: Ί was sitting (immobile) in the sea; when the wind (finally) took me, I reached Sidon'. 198 T h e name SUM-''ΙΜ is traditionally rendered with Hurrian values, Ar(i)-Tešub. However, since the kings of Ugarit bear Semitic names (with the possible exception of Ar-halba), more caution is advised in reading the ideographic spellings of the names of the kings of Siyannu (see also G O E T Z E 1957, 25). s u M - d i M could also have a Semitic reading, such as ΒΊ-ytn, dm-mateni, or the like (see G R O N D A H L 1967, 147), and until some compelling evidence for the correct reading turns up it is better to keep to the ideographic spelling of this name.

himself incompetent in the case, because, as it turns out, the adversary is not a resident of Siyannu but rather of Ari, a coastal town which belonged to Ugarit. 5.2.4

Amurru and Kinza/ Qadesh

A m o n g the Hittite d o m i n a t e d lands of Syria, only A m u r r u a n d K i n z a / Q a d e s h m a i n t a i n e d an i n d e p e n d e n t c o r r e s p o n d e n c e with Ugarit on a state level, i.e., between kings and governors.' 9 9 These two kingdoms were the first to join the Hittite c a m p in the A m a r n a Age, and had consequently preserved, together with Ugarit, a semiautonomous status. T h e r e is also an exchange of letters with E m a r (see p. 658), and perhaps with other cities along the Euphrates, 2 0 0 but this is between individual merchants and not the respective royal courts. T h e close relations between Ugarit and A m u r r u find their expression mainly in the military accords (see p. 627) and in the royal marriages (see p. 641) between the two courts. M u c h less is known about their economic ties, and the extant letters refer mostly to Amurrite requests for (semi-)precious stones. In two companion letters the king of A m u r r u and his governor express their wish to buy parrishi/parrušha at any price. 201 In a letter found in the Urtenu archive a certain GAL-gina attempts, on behalf of the king of Amurru, to urge the transport by ship of a building stone (algamišu) needed for the repair of his king's residence (RS 34.135 = R S O 7, 46ff.). Less specific are the requests of Ulmi, probably the queen of Amurru, from her 'daughter', the queen of Ugarit (RS 16.111 = PRU 3, 13-4). T h e same applies to the letter of Abušgama (of Amurru) to the governor (of Ugarit) in which he proposes mutual assistance between their respective lands (RS 15.024 + 50 = PRU 3, 18). T h e dating of all these documents is difficult to establish ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 146; S i n g e r 1991a, 160ff.). In any case, the cooperation between the two Levantine kingdoms seems to have continued to their very

199

Syria 3,

There is also a single letter from the king of Barga, a small kingdom in inner ( K L E N G E L 1 9 9 2 , 1 5 2 ) , but only a few lines are preserved (RS 1 5 . 0 1 9 = PRU

13).

200 p o r

possible Mari provenance of R S O 7, nos. 40, 47, see pp. 657, 728. 17.152 (= PRU 4, 214) and FALES 1984. For the possible identification of the stone, see refs. in S I N G E R 1991a, 161, n. 36. 201

RS

a

end, and A m u r r u sent ships to assist the fleet of Ugarit ( R S 20.162 = Ug 5, no. 37; p. 721). Q a d e s h lost some of its strategic importance after the peaceful setdement of the long-standing struggle between Egypt and Hatti. Still, as an important stage on the inland route to the north, its participation in the defensive system of Syria was highly treasured by the Hittites. T w o letters from the U r t e n u archive relate the efforts of Carchemish to mobilize the armies of Q a d e s h and Ugarit for a large m a n o e u v r e perhaps directed to fend off an Assyrian offensive (p. 687). Some half dozen letters may be attributed to the correspondence between Ugarit a n d K i n z a / Q a d e s h . T h e earliest is the letter of Niqmaddu, probably the king of Qadesh, 2 0 2 to his 'brother' 2 0 3 Niqmepa (of Ugarit), dealing with the extradition of a runaway. T h r e e letters are addressed to Uzzinu, one of the last governors of Ugarit (see p. 700). T w o of t h e m are related to each other and deal with the settling of a complicated financial dispute. 2 0 4 T h e third is almost entirely broken (RS 20.200B = Ug 5, no. 40). A letter sent by the king of Q a d e s h to the king of Ugarit, his 'brother', should probably be dated to the same period; in this he announces the dispatch of his governor Betilum with offerings to (the temples of?) Ugarit: 30 he-goats, 3 donkeys, and asa foetida.'m

202

RS 17.315 (= PRU 4, 111). Since no land is mentioned in the letter, the identity of the correspondents is open to speculation. Because of the provenance of the tablet, it is usually assumed that Niqmepa was the king of Ugarit. Various identities have been suggested for Niqmaddu: the predecessor of Niqmepa on the throne of Ugarit ( G O R D O N 1966, 6, n. 28); a blood brother of Niqmepa (LIPINSKI 1981, 81); the king of a neighbouring land, either Mukiš ( N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 111, n. 1; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 216-7), or, more probably, Qadesh ( K I T C H E N 1962, 37; M I L L A R D 1979-80, 202). An entirely different interpretation has recently been put forward by A R N A U D (1996, 48, η. 6), who suggests that the tablet is a copy that was kept in Ugarit, in which case Niqmaddu would be the king of Ugarit (the successor of Ibiranu of RS 4.449) and Niqmepa would be the king of Alalah. 203 This 'brotherhood' indicates that the correspondents were of equal political status. I do not understand Millard's statement ( M I L L A R D 1979 80, 202) that the address reflects the relationship between an inferior and a superior king. 204 Both letters were sent to Ugarit's governor Uzzinu, one by the king of Kinza (RS 34.146 = R S O 7, no. 15) and the other by its governor Betilum (RS 20.158 = Ug 5, no. 51); strangely, they were found in different archives, Urtenu's and Rap'anu's, respectively (LACKENBACHER 1995a, 73). Betilum, the governor (MASKIM) of Kinza, is also mentioned in RS 20.172.23 (see below). 205 RS 20.172 (= Ug 5, no. 39). Perhaps N | U . L U Ü . H [ U (1. 22), a variety of asa foetida, see n. 1 6 3 ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 121, n. 4 , with refs.). The same plant is

T h e most substantial information on commerce between the two kingdoms is found in the letter of Padiya, the governor of Qadesh, to the king of Ugarit (RS 20.016 — Ug 5, no. 38). In an exceedingly flattering m a n n e r , going as far as describing his correspondent as a 'great king', 206 the governor politely but firmly exposes the reduced weights of the large metal consignment that he had received from Ugarit: the ostensible 20 talents of bronze are short by one talent and a thousand and [X-] hundred (shekels); the 8 talents of tin (annaku) are actually only 700 (shekels?); and a bronze basin (agannu) that should weigh one talent is 100 (shekels) short. According to his calculation, the king of Ugarit still owes him 10 talents of bronze for 5 donkeys. Ugarit's role as an intermediary in the trading of tin and bronze goes back at least to the Mari period (p. 617). 20 ' Padiya also mentions the prices for sheep, head coverings, eag1es(?), and asa foetida, which were probably sent to Ugarit. 5.2.5

The 'Phoenician' port-towns

T h e borrowing of this first millennium geo-political term serves merely as a convenient framework for the characterization of Ugarit's ties with the Levantine coast south of A m u r r u ( A r n a u d 1992; X e l l a 1995b). Ugarit's commercial ties were naturally stronger with the Lebanese coast, i.e., the kingdoms of Byblos, Beirut, Sidon and Tyre, and weakened considerably further south along the coast of Palestine. Still, there is ample evidence that seamen and merchants from Akko, Ashdod and Ashkelon maintained commercial ties with Ugarit (for refs. see A r n a u d 1992, 192). This geographical orbit is also reflected in a late letter of the King (of Carchemish) to the queen of Ugarit in which he authorizes her to send her ships only as far as Byblos and Sidon but not to more distant destinations (RS 34.145.9—14 = R S O 7, no. 9). T h e r e are very few chronological indications in the

mentioned in another letter from Qadesh (RS 20.016.34), and in a letter belonging to the correspondence between Emar and Ugarit (RS 34.133.40; see n. 163). 206 I agree with Nougayrol that in this context 'Great King' refers (in an exaggerated manner) to the king of Ugarit, and not to the Hittite king, as suggested by LIVERANI 207

1962,

150.

For the Ugaritic terminology for 'copper/bronze' (Lit) and 'tin' (bn) and their prices in Ugarit, see Z A C C A G N I N I 1970, 317ff. A new text from the Urtenu archive, which specifies the quantity of brr needed for the manufacture of forty frames (krkb; B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 447, 451), may perhaps throw some doubts on the identification of bn as 'tin'.

correspondence with the 'Phoenician' port-towns, but most of the material must probably be dated to the last period of Ugarit ( A r n a u d 1992, 179-80). T h e majority of the epistles contain little more than the customary greeting formulae between 'brothers'. Only occasionally is a business transaction or some other concrete event more specifically discussed. Byblos (Gubla) received from Ugarit 25 textile and clothing items, including 'seven removable ship-covers(?)' ( A r n a u d 1992, 159), through the intermediation of a certain Abihilu. 208 A case of the 'leasing' of Byblian ships by Ugarit is apparently recorded in an economic text which has received extensive attention. 209 From the fact that it was found in the so-called 'baking oven' in Court V, some have concluded that it reflects the acute political situation characterizing the last years of Ugarit (e.g., H o f t i j z e r 1979, 383). However, this find-place can no longer be used as a dating tool (see n. 705), and the 'leasing' may actually reflect normal mercantile procedures ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1990d, 96). Beirut 210 sent four letters to Ugarit: one from king to king (RS 86.2212; A r n a u d 1992, 192); two from the king of Beirut to the governor of Ugarit (RS 11.730 = PRU 3, 12-3; R S 34.137 = R S O 7, no. 37); and one from Ewri-kili to the king of Ugarit ( A r n a u d 1992, 192). In RS 34.137 the king of Beirut wishes all the best to his brother (the king of Ugarit) who is on a voyage outside Ugarit. Could this trip refer to N i q m a d d u Ill's visit to Hatti implied from other documents (see p. 700)? Beirut was also involved in the 'economic war' between Ugarit and Siyannu revolving around the trade in wine (RS 17.341.14', 17' = PRU 4, 161; see p. 663). In addition to these Akkadian documents there is also an Ugaritic legal text recording the redemption of seven men from Ugarit from the hands of the men of Beirut for one hundred silver shekels ( K T U 3.4 = RS 16.191 + 16.272 = PRU 2, no. 6; K i e n a s t 1979, 449-50); it is

208 RS 19.028 = PRU 6, no. 126. The same agent, Abihilu/Abgl, may be attested in other economic texts, in connection with oil and with animal hides (see refs. in L O R E T Z 1994, 118). The assumption that he originated from Ashdod rests on a dubious restoration. •M K T U 4 3 3 8 _ R S 1 8 0 2 5 = P R U 5 > N O see L O R E T Z 1 9 9 4 , 118FF., with 1 0 6 ; further refs. The Ugaritic translation of a letter sent by the king of Byblos, found near K T U 4 . 3 3 8 = R S 1 8 . 0 2 5 , is too fragmentary to provide any information

(KTU

2.44

=

RS

18.134

=

PRU

5, no.

159; LORETZ

1994,

124).

(1984; 1992, 182, η. 9) attempted to distinguish between two Beiruts; the other he identified with Ras Ibn Hani. 210

ARNAUD

ratified with the seal of N i q m a d d u (III?; see p. 693). T h e benefactor is a certain Iwr-kl, possibly identical with Ewri-kili (CK 7; A r n a u d 1992, 192). Sidon seems to be the foremost amongst the 'Phoenician' kingdoms (Arnaud 1992, 184-5). 211 T h e letters from Ugarit and some seals provide the names of some of its rulers, but as yet these do not fit into a clear chronological framework. 2 1 2 A dossier of documents is consecrated to the 'great sin', a highly interesting source for the religious practices of the period. 213 It seems that some citizens of Ugarit have commited a great offence against the Storm-god of Sidon, probably by entering the holy of holies of his temple without authorization. T h e enraged citizens of the city d e m a n d that the offenders (designated as 'dogs') be stoned and impaled ( A r n a u d 1992, 190-1; B o r d r e u i l 1995a, 3), whereas the king of Sidon would be content with expiatory offerings (including fine oil brought from Egypt) to all the gods of the kingdom and a large monetary compensation. T h e episdes from Tyre (Sum) are perhaps the most variegated in the 'Phoenician' dossier, but their interpretation is often very difficult 214 ( A r n a u d 1992, 194; X e l l a 1995, 260). A tablet from the Museum of Lattaquieh contains a letter sent by the king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit dealing with an 'unpaid bill' ( A r n a u d 1982b). T w o Ugaritians, Ea-rabi a n d the 'harbourmaster' (rab kārì) Šipti-BaCa1, have taken 'large doors' 215 from the house of D a d a m i but failed to pay their price. This is the second appeal of the king of Tyre on this matter;

211 T h e importance of Sidon in the 13th century is also demonstrated by a tablet from Tell Chuēra (dated to the second half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign) according to which a Sidonian diplomat (Milku-ramu) forwarded some letters from Egypt to Assyria ( O R T H M A N N 1 9 9 5 , 216). 212 A R N A U D 1992, 193; X E L L A 1995b, 2 5 9 - 6 0 ; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 104. Imtu (RS 1 1.723), Yapa-DIM (RS 25.430A) and DIM-Išme (RS 34.149) appear in letters; Addumu and his son Anni-WA appear on seals. 213 RS 18.054; 86.2208; 86.2221+; 86.2234; A R N A U D 1992, 189ff. A R N A U D (ib.: 189, η. 48) tentatively proposes to include in this dossier also RS 20.182A (+) B, a letter to Ramesses II dealing with a lawsuit between 'the sons of Canaan' and 'the sons of Ugarit' (see p. 674). 214 T h e 'revised edition' (1997) of H . J . K A T Z E N S T E I N ' S History of Tyre (1973) has not been updated with the new material from Ugarit published since the early seventies. (The 'as yet unpublished' document mentioned on p. 58 is RS 19.042 = PRU 6, no. 79, published in 1970!). 215 T h e first sign in IG.GAI MI'Ā is somewhat obliterated in the copy. If this reading is valid, I wonder whether it could refer here not to ordinary doors, but rather to writing-boards (which are also designated daltu) like the one found in the shipwreck from Uluburun.

after his first appeal the king of Ugarit responded that the respective persons were presently not in Ugarit. Sipti-Ba c al must be the well-known son-in-law of Q u e e n Šare11i and her business agent in a wide range of trading activities extending from Emar to Egypt ( A r n a u d 1982b, 105-7). Sipti-Ba'al ( T p t - b ' l ) himself is the a u t h o r of an Ugaritic letter addressed to his lord ( K T U 2.40 = R S 18.040 = PRU 5, 63). After the courtesy formula the author announces that: cbdk b Iwsnd w b sr c m mlk, 'your servant (is) in Iwsnd and in sr with the king' (11. 9-12). In his editio prìnceps Virolleaud identified the second location as referring to the city of Tyre. A s t o u r (1965, 257) emended this reading into [y\bsr, 'he fortified', and identified the first locative with the eastern Cilician town of Lawazantiya, identified with Lusanda in a Neo-Assyrian document. From this identification he developed a farfetched historical scenario (cf. L i v e r a n i 1979a, 134) according to which §ipti-Ba c al was 'the Ugaritic commander on the northern front' who fortified himself together with the Hittite king in Lusanda 'after all of Anatolia had already been lost almost up to the Amanus'. Taking into consideration the a b u n d a n t new data on Šipt i-Ba c al, and especially the above-mentioned Lattaquieh letter, it may be safer to return to Virolleaud's original rendering and conclude that the letter was probably sent by Sipti-Ba'al from the court of the king of Tyre. An unusually large tablet (RS 34.167 = R S O 7, no. 25), probably dispatched from Tyre, contains the letter of Ur-Tešub to his 'brother' Ahi-Milku/Malki (šeš-lugal) 2 1 6 recounting the lethal disease (perhaps a plague) of his son who was sent away from Tyre to a relative residing in the C a p e of Tyre ( u r l s a g . d u Sum). In the second part of his long letter the sender requests his correspondent to send to him 50 jars ( d u g m e s g a l ) of [oil?], 30 silver (shekels) and one talent of copper. In return he proposes to send several items, including purple-dyed wool and a talent of (dried) fish, both typical products of Tyre. Ur-Tesub was the head of a large Ugaritian firm trading especially in the export of oil to Hatti and to Egypt ( B o r d r e u i l 1995, 446, 449). Four letters addressed to him Malbran-Labat were found in the Urtenu archive in 1994, two from Ahi-Milku/Malki and two from Ehli-Tesub, a scribe who was active under N i q m a d d u III ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 105; see p. 691). 216

and

F o r t h e r e a d i n g s of t h e s e n a m e s , see B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 5 , 4 4 6 MALBRAN-LABAT

1995B,

105.

O n e should probably add to the correspondence of Tyre a letter whose author was thought to be a king of Amqi. 217 d i m . d i . k u d 2 1 8 complains before the governor of Ugarit, d u . Z A . d u g u d , 2 1 9 about the outrageous custom tolls that his agents were required to pay to the 'harbourmaster' 2 2 0 Abdu son of Ayyahi: 100 [silver shekels] for 14 jars of oil.221 Finally, we have the much-discussed Ugaritic translation of the letter sent by the king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit concerning the salvation of his fleet returning from Egypt. 222 Various interpretations have been accorded to this letter (for refs. see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 349-50). Those who (following Gordon) have connected the vocables mtt and rb tmtt with the verb 'to die' have envisaged a more 'tragic' course of events. It seems preferable, however, to follow a m o r e ' m u n d a n e ' interpretation (e.g., C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 349ff.), according to which the fleet was caught up in torrential rain but found refuge in Tyre and in Akko. T h e rb tmttm had emptied the grain 224 from the ships and the king of Tyre made sure to send the

217 RS 17.424c + 397B (= PRU 4, 219). Instead of Nougavrol's URl!Am{?)-qi one should probably read with A R N A U D (1996, 63, η. 94) U R L V K l (either in status absolutus, or with the omission of the final -ή). A m q i / a in the Lebanon Valley was not a unified geo-political unit ruled by a single king ( A H A R O N I 1953; S I N G E R 1988a, 3). 218 Nougayrol reads the name Addu-dayyanu. This king of Tyre is also attested in a new document from the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 104; A R N A U D 1996, 63, η. 94). An Amarna Age king of Tyre probably bears the same name (EA 295.3: ] - D I . K U D ; M O R A N 1992, 337), which may be a dynastic name. 219 N O U G A Y R O L ( 1 9 5 6 , 2 1 9 ) reads the name as U-zakaptu. 220 UGULA kāri, to be read either as akil kāri, or, more probably, rab kāri (ARNAUD 1996, 61). T h e Ugaritic equivalent could be either rb m'ifyd (for which see VIROLLEAUD 1965, 14-5; A S T O U R 1970; LIVERANI 1979b: 499), or rb tmtt ( A R N A U D 1996: 63, η. 95). T h e 'harbourmaster' was responsible for collecting the custom taxes in port towns, whereas the 'tax collector' (mākisu) did the same along the land borders of Hittite Syria ( A R N A U D 1996, 61). T h e collection of various taxes and tolls (manaJftu, miksu) figures prominently in the new texts from the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995b, 106). 221 For a new translation and interpretation of this text, see A R N A U D 1996, 63. He tentatively suggests (n. 96) that the 'oil' coming from Tyre could actually be scented oil, i.e. some perfume (perhaps of Egyptian origin), which would explain the high custom taxes paid for it. 222 K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031 = PRU 5, no. 59. A R N A U D 1992, 194 mentions a further letter sent from a king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit (RS Varia 25). 223 For the various interpretations of the office of the rb tmtt, see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 354-5, n. 17 ('head of team'), and add A R N A U D (1996, 63, η. 95), who proposes that it is the Ugaritic equivalent of rab kāri, 'harbourmaster' (see n. 220). 224 For the different meanings of dr'/dr', see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 3 5 5 n. 19 (with refs.).

cargo and the crew safely to Ugarit. This interpretation would fit perfectly within the context of the grain exports from Egypt to Hatti at the end of the 13th century (see pp. 715-9). 5.2.6

Egypt and Canaan

T h e 'Egyptian alternative' never really vanished from Ugarit's perspective. With a strong mercantile and maritime orientation, Ugarit's natural major partner was Egypt, rather than the continental Hittites. T h e vigorous Syrian policy of the kings of the early Hittite Empire forced Ugarit to curtail for a while her traditional ties with Egypt, especially on the eve of the battle of Qadesh. However, with the advent of the Silver Treaty signed between Hattusili 'III' and Ramesses II in 1258, Ugarit was a m o n g the first to exploit the huge commercial benefits of the Pax Hethitica. T h e resumption of full-scale contacts with Egypt and her Canaanite provinces is documented both in the written and in the archaeological record of Ugarit. About half a dozen stone and alabaster vases carry the cartouches of Ramesses II, matching more-or-less the quantity of such finds from the A m a r n a Age. 223 Egyptian merchants were active in the economic life of Ugarit, trading not only in commodities 2 2 6 and real estate, 227 but also in slaves. Hehea, the Egyptian, released an undefined n u m b e r of persons for 400 shekels (RS 15.011 = PRU 3, 19). In a letter exchange between the kings of Ugarit a n d Ušnatu it is reported that the Egyptians have released a person who was sold to them by his companion, though they kept his belongings (RS 20.021 - Ug 5, 126ff; see n. 194). Canaanites were well distinguished from Egyptians in the documentation from Ugarit ( A s t o u r 1981a, 25). A fragmentary letter

225 RS 11.261; 11.848; 11.869; 1-11.[115]; 15.201; 34.030 (see C A U B E T 1991a, 214, and refs. cited in R S O 5.1). Large quantities of alabaster vessels were found in the so-called 'House of the alabaster vessels' east of the royal palace (YON 1997b, 76). O n Ugarit's preference for Egyptian artistic styles, see YON 1994b, 4 2 7 - 8 (with further refs.). 226 In K T U 4.352 = RS 18.042.4 = PRU 5, no. 95 Egyptians receive a large quantity of oil. In RS 16.341 = PRU 2: no. 113 Egyptians receive rations of wine from the royal palace. 227 According to RS 16.136 = PRU 3, 142 the Egyptian Pa'ahi received a large domain from king Ammittamru II.

deals with the settling of a large monetary dispute (one talent and 500 shekels of silver) between the 'sons of the Land of Ugarit' and the 'sons of the Land of C a n a a n ' (RS 2 0 . 1 8 2 + 2 0 . 1 8 1 = Ug 5 , no. 3 6 ; augmented and collated by L a c k e n b a c h e r 1 9 9 4 ) . In the fragmentary opening lines the king of Ugarit addresses Pharaoh (Ramesses II) with the flattering epithets, 'powerful king' (sarri qarradï) and 'lord of all the lands'. Burhanuwa (1. 10') is no doubt the well-known Egyptian messenger Parihnawa who travelled between the courts of Egypt and Hatti at the time of the Silver Treaty in 1258 and the royal marriage between Ramesses II and a Hittite princess in 1 2 4 5 ( Y o y o t t e apud N o u g a y r o l 1 9 6 8 , 1 1 2 , n. 3 ; E d e l 1 9 7 6 , 7 9 ) . T h e regulation of the caravan routes linking Egypt and Hatti and their passage through the territory of Ugarit is the subject of several documents. A decree of Tudhaliya empowers Ammittamru II to prevent the transfer of horses from Hatti to Egypt and vice versa from passing through his territory (RSL 2 = PRU 6, no. 1 79).228 T h e full significance of this prohibition is not known, but it may have to do with the lucrative trade in quality horses frequently alluded to in the letters from Ugarit (cf. N o u g a y r o l 1970, 129, n. 3; S i n g e r 1983b, 27, n. 3). T h e itinerary of the trading routes between Hatti and Egypt is also discussed in the Ugaritic translation of Puduhepa's letter to N i q m a d d u III ( K T U 2.36 = R S 17.435+; see p. 693). T h e meaning of the fragmentary passage is not entirely clear, but it seems that the king of Ugarit complained that caravans were by-passing his kingdom, probably using an alternative inland artery along the Orontes valley. 229 T h e reason for Ugarit's concern is obvious: the merchants passing through the territory of Ugarit not only traded imported merchandise for local produce, but also paid high custom tolls which enriched the treasuries of the city. 230 In the private correspondence of the great merchants operating the caravan routes along the Levant there is often mention of trips Cf. also the small fragment Ug 5, no. 47 which seems to deal with commerce with M]u-us-ri-i (probably Egypt, despite the unusual spelling). 229 The fragmentary passage mentions Ngt/Nuhhašši (1. 17), Qdš/Kinza (1. 27'), and possibly N[iya] in the 'Valley' (1. 18: 'mq\ or perhaps the land of Amqi?). 230 See, e.g., p. 672 on the custom tolls paid to the harbourmaster of Ugarit by some merchants from Tyre (PRU 4, 219). Contrary to the above interpretation of the passage from Puduhepa's letter, D I J K S T R A ( 1 9 8 9 , 1 4 5 ) assumes that the king of Ugarit sought to divert the caravans away from his kingdom because of some damage caused by them. 228

to Egypt. Urhae, whose regular business was with Hatti, eagerly proposes to join his colleague Yabninu on his next trip to Egypt (RS 19.050 = PRU 6, no. 14). According to another letter he sends him a horse, perhaps as an incentive for further cooperation (RS 22.006 = PRU 6, no. 16). Another entrepreneur who was active along the 'Phoenician' coast and in Egypt was Sipti-Ba'al, the well-known agent of the queen of Ugarit (p. 697). In RS 34.173 ( R S O 7, no. 33) Dagan-belu informs Urtenu that his master (no doubt Sipti-Ba'al) will write to him soon about his Egyptian affairs. Luxury goods were traded with Egypt throughout the period under consideration, but the last decades of the Hittite Empire added a new dimension to these close commercial ties. T h e importation of grain from Egypt to Hatti and Ugarit's vital role in this trade will be described in the entries dealing with the last period of the city (p. 715ff). 5.2.7

Cyprus and the Aegean

T h e first commercial contacts between Ugarit and the eastern Mediterranean islands go back to the early part of the second millennium bce (see n. 42). After a considerable decrease in these ties around the mid-second millennium (LH I and LH II), there is again an upsurge of demand for western products in the 14th—13th centuries. 231 However, the early theory of the existence of a Mycenaean colony in Ugarit has categorically been refuted ( A s t o u r 1973b, 25, with refs.; C o u r t o i s 1987, 216-7). In the vast written documentation from Ugarit there is not a single record of an Aegean merchant trading in the city, and none of the hundreds of names can be shown to be of a clear Aegean type ( A s t o u r 1981b, 29). Juxtaposed with the evidence for the presence of countless other foreigners in Ugarit— Egyptians, Canaanites, 'Mesopotamians', A1ašiotes, not to mention Hittites—this absence can hardly be accidental and must indicate that most 232 of Ugarit's lucrative trade with the Aegean was in the hands of Syrian merchants and Cypriot intermediaries. A rare textual

231

ASTOUR

1973a, 24ff.;

COURTOIS

1979, 1204ff.; 1987;

CAUBET - ΜΑΤΟΙΑΝ

1995,

104ff. 232

That some ships from the Aegean must have reached the Levantine coast is shown by the clause in Tudljaliya's treaty with Šaušgamuwa of Amurru which imposed a blockade on the trade between Assyria and ships of [A^iyauia ( K Ü H N E Ο Ί Τ Ε Ν 1 9 7 1 , 1 6 - 7 ) . For the refutation of S T E I N E R ' S ( 1 9 8 9 ) alternative restoration of

attestation of direct sailing from Ugarit to Crete is found in a legal document in which Ammittamru II exempted the merchant Sinaranu from taxes, including those on his ship returning from a voyage to Kapturi. 2 3 3 Contrary to the circuitous contacts with Crete and the Aegean, relations with Cyprus, just over 100 km from the ports of Ugarit, were intense and manifold, especially in the last phases of the LBA. About half a dozen objects inscribed with Cypro-Minoan characters were found at Ugarit. 234 Except for her pivotal role in the maritime trade between east and west, A1ašia also served as a place for the banishment of high-ranking political deportees from Hatti and from Ugarit. 235 T h e main export item of Cyprus was of course copper, both as raw material or in the form of manufactured objects. 236 Evidently Ugarit also had a bronze industry of its own, as shown, for example, by the stone mould for casting ox-hide-shaped ingots found in the Northern Palace of Ras Ibn Hani ( B o u n n i et al. 1987, 11, fig. 8; L a g a r c e 1987, 284). An Ugaritic text mentions a ship from A1a[šia] moored in the town of Atalig with a cargo of 15 talents of co[pper?] and other metal implements ( K T U 4.390 = RS 18.119 = PRU 5, no. 56). Cyprus also exported to the east large quantities of ceramics, both of local manufacture and brought from the Aegean. 237 Ugarit exported to Cyprus not only her own goods, but many other items brought to her markets from all over the Near East.

the fragmentary name as '[ba]tt1e ships', see SINGER 1991a, 171, n. 5 6 ; LEHMANN 1991, 111, n. 11. 233 RS 16.238 (= PRU 3, 107-8). As recognized by Nougayrol, the ideographic pun KUR DUGUD-RÎ (1. 10) must be read as Kaptu-ri (see also ASTOUR 1973a, 25-6). It is not entirely clear whether the Ugaritic occurrences of krty refer to Crete or rather to a PN ( W A T S O N 1994c, 498). For a renewed attempt to identify Yman in K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ i 43 with Ionia, see DIETRICH - LORETZ 1998 (with refs. to previous bibliography). Cf. however, ASTOUR 1995, 60ff., who locates Yman in the eastern part of the kingdom of Ugarit. 234 R S O 5 / 1 : 418, to which add a new bulla from the house of Urtenu (YON 1 9 9 5 , 4 4 1 , fig. 7). 235 p o r deportation of the princes Hišmi-Šarruma and ÌR-Šarruma, sons of Ahat-Milku, see p. 642 (RS 17.352). The" brothers Amar-DIM and Yadu-DIM who fled from A1ašia were passed on from Hattusili 'III' to the king of Carchemish, who in his turn gave them to his son Ti1i-Šarruma (RS 18.114 = PRU 4, 82). 236 M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 105. A Cypriot bronze tripod was found in the socalled 'Temple of rhytons' (RS 80.5102; YON 1994b, 430-1). 237 For the Cypriot and Helladic pottery and figurines from Ugarit, see COURTOIS 1 9 7 8 , 2 8 2 - 3 6 3 ; C A U B E T - M A T O I A N 1 9 9 5 (with further refs.).

Horses bred in the east were given by the king of Ugarit to a messenger of A1ašia ( R S 34.153 = R S O 7, no. 35; see also M a l b r a n L a b a t 1995b, 105). A large quantity of oil (660 measures) was alloted to an A1ašiote according to an Ugaritic inventory list ( K T U 4.352 = R S 18.042 = PRU 5, no. 95). 238 T h e shipment of oil is discussed in a letter of N i q m a d d u (III) to his 'father', the king of A1ašia ( R S 20.168 = Ug 5, no. 21; see p. 720). T h e r e is n o evidence as yet for the participation of A1ašia in the vital trade in grains. 239 In a new letter f r o m the U r t e n u archive an Ugaritian scribe residing in A1ašia asks his king to send him a table a n d five chairs ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t B o r d r e u i l 1995, 445). T h e maritime trade with C y p r u s was mostly held in the hands of a few wealthy m e r c h a n t s w h o possessed the necessary capital for large-scale a n d risky investments. O n e of these must have been Y a b n i n u , p r o b a b l y the last resident of the large S o u t h e r n Palace which also yielded, in addition to sixty Akkadian a n d five Ugaritic texts, two C y p r o - M i n o a n d o c u m e n t s ( C o u r t o i s 1990; Y o n 1998a, 6Iff.). In concluding this brief overview of trade contacts with A1ašia, mention should be m a d e of a much-discussed Ugaritic letter dealing with the purchase of ships ( K T U 2.42 + 2.43 = R S 18.113A (+) Β = PRU 5, no. 8; P a r d e e 1987c, 204ff.). It contains the intriguing expression nmry mlk clm, 'Nmry, king of the world/eternity' (1. 9), which has caused m u c h confusion with regard to the destination of the letter and its dating. Virolleaud took nmry as an alphabetic spelling of N i m m u r i a (Nb-m3 c t-r e ), the p r e n o m e n of A m e n o p h i s III, an identification which has been accepted by most commentators. 2 4 0 If so, this would be the only letter in the palace archives which predates the conflagration mentioned in EA 151 (see p. 630), and, as observed by L i v e r a n i (1962, 28, n. 6), this fact in itself raises serious doubts

238

Persons from A1ašia appear in many Ugaritic lists, such as rations distributed from the palace of Ugarit ( K N A P P 1983, 43; W A L L S 1996). T h e fragmentary Akkadian colophon of an Ugaritic census of thirty households (including women and children) reads A1ašia ( K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857). This solicited various interpretations (LIVERANI 1962, 9 2 f f , with previous refs.; M A C D O N A L D 1978), the most plausible of which is that the list refers to citizens of Ugarit who lived in A1ašia (LIVERANI 1962, 94). 239 T h e letter of Pgn ( K T U 2.46 = RS 18.147) which was thought to originate from A1ašia has plausibly been associated with the Hittite official Pukana on a seal from Tarsus (see p. 718). 240 E.g. LIPINSKI 1977; PARDEE 1987C, 207; K L E N G E L 1992, 149, η. 356. Cf. however, the doubts raised by LIVERANI 1962, 28, n. 6 (but cf. 1979a, 1303), RAINEY 1974, 188, and VAN S O L D T 1991a, 88.

about its early dating. H e also called attention to the fact that the tablet was found in close proximity to a group of Ugaritic texts dealing with maritime trade, which can hardly be dated as early as the A m a r n a Age ( L i v e r a n i 1979b, 499). 'Nmiy, king of the world/eternity' follows after a list of deities invoked by the sender: Ba'al^Saphon 1 ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1303; Pardee 1987, 206-7), 'the Eternal Sun' (špš clm), Astarte, Anat, and all the gods of A1ašia. It is usually assumed that he is the addressee of the letter and the beneficiary of the blessings ( L i p i n s k i 1977; P a r d e e 1987c, 207), but K n a p p (1983, 40, 42) has raised the possibility that the Egyptian king is invoked here as a deity. I would go a step further and reject the whole Egyptian connection, adopting a brief remark of R a i n e y (1974, 188) who derived nmry from Ugaritic *mrr, 'to bless, strengthen'. Thus, the last deity in the invocation may perhaps be rendered as 'the blessed/strong one, king of the world/eternity', which could be an appellative for the supreme god of A1ašia.241 With the alleged Egyptian connection removed, the letter easily finds its Sitz im Leben in the rich 13th century documentation on maritime trade in the eastern Mediterranean ( K n a p p 1983, 42-3). T h e anonymous sender of the letter is probably a 'harbourmaster' 2 4 2 who serves as an arbiter between merchants from A1ašia and Ugarit, seeking to obtain the approval of the king of Ugarit for the transaction. It is only natural that in blessing his lord he should invoke the gods of both countries.

5.3

Ammittamru II (ca.

1260-1235)

Niqmepa was succeeded on the throne by his son Ammittamru II, who has direct synchronisms with Puduhepa (RS 17.133), Tudhaliya 'IV' (RS 17.035; 17.159), Ini-Tesub (RS 17.352), and Šaušgamuwa

241 Although I cannot suggest an identification of this deity, it is well to remember that we know very little on the theonyms of second millennium Cyprus. For the epithet 'king of eternity,' which seems to imply a chthonian character of the deity, see Pardee 1988b, 89~91 ( K T U 1.108 = RS 24.252.1; with ample refs. to Egyptian, Phoenician and biblical parallels). 242 The fragmentary title rb m'i[. . .] has variously been restored as rb m'i[hd], 'harbourmaster' ( V I R O L L E A U D 1965, 14-5; A S T O U R 1970; L I V E R A N I 1979b, 499), rb m'i[smn], 'chief of the seal' (LIPINSKI 1977, 214), or rb m'i[t\, 'chief of the hundred' ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1976, 21-2; K N A P P 1983, 39; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 88). The first restoration seems best to fit the contents of the letter, which deals with the sale of ships.

( R S 16.270). 243 His m o t h e r Ahat-Milku survived her h u s b a n d a n d continued to be active as Q p e e n M o t h e r till a respectable old age (see p. 642). A legal text dated to A m m i t t a m r u ( R S 16.197 = PRU 3, 150-1) is sealed with her cylinder seal, 244 which indicates that she acted as regent for her son during his youth ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; 1979a, 1308). Actually, Ugarit shared the custom of Hatti where the reigning queen (tawannannd) retained her position until her death a n d participated in various state functions. 2 4 3 This often caused tension between the dowager queen a n d the wife of the ruling king, a n d it stands to reason that Ugarit did not avoid the bitter fruits of this competition. 2 4 6 A m m i t t a m r u h a d two (older?) b r o t h e r s w h o were exiled f r o m Ugarit to A1ašia u n d e r mysterious circumstances (PRU 4, 121-4). T h e verdicts of Ini-Tešub ( R S 17.352) a n d of T u d h a l i y a ( R S 17.035 with dupls.) only state that the sons of Ahat-Milku, (H)išmi-Šarruma 2 4 7 a n d ÌR-Šarruma, have c o m m i t t e d an offence against A m m i t t a m r u (and against their mother). 2 4 8 In consequence, their mother gave them their share of inheritence 2 4 9 a n d deported t h e m to A1ašia. T h e y were

2+3

It is needless to postulate an ephemeral 'Niqmaddu Ha' between the reigns of Niqmepa and Ammittamru II on the basis of K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.434.36-7; the letter was most probably sent by Hattusili's widow Puduhepa to Niqmaddu III (see p. 693). 2+4 Her seal impression is almost entirely effaced (Ug 3, 83). Ammittamru's own Ugaritic seal (Ug 3, 81, 83; figs. 103-5) is impressed above the (original) dynastic seal of Ugarit on his agreement with Šaušgamuwa concerning the bittu rabīti affair (RS 16.270 = PRU 3, 41). 245 This can be demonstrated for several queens of Ugarit (VAN S O L D T 1985-86, 72). The queen mother probably had the same status in Amurru ( S I N G E R 1991b, 335, n. 22), and perhaps also in ancient Israel ( K Ü H N E 1973, 180 1). 246 Though we are not directly informed, as in Hatti, about rivalries between queen mothers and their daughters-in-law, one can still speculate about the real causes for some of the more unfortunate episodes in Ugarit's history, such as the persecution of the ill-fated bittu rabîti (p. 680), or the Ehli-Nikkalu affair (p. 701). 247 Ini-Tesub's text spells Hi-iš-mi-, whereas Tudhaliya's has Iš-mi- (x 2); is this merely a scribal error or perhaps a phonetic difference in the pronunciation of the initial sound? 24(1 Note that according to Tudhaliya's verdict (11. 7-8) the offenders have sinned both against Ahat-Milku and Ammittamru, whereas in Ini-Tešub's verdict (1. 6) only against Ammittamru. Perhaps Tudhaliya wanted to add more weight to the undefined offence in order to better justify the deportation of the brothers. Note also the difference between the two verdicts in the list of property given to the brothers sent to exile (see following note). 249 In Ini-Tesub's verdict their inheritance consists of 'silver, gold, their utensils, and all their possessions' (11. 8-9); Tudhaliya's verdict is more specific: 'their silver, their gold, their bronze, [their] beds, their chairs, [their tables?], their donkeys, their

made to swear before Ištar of the Field that in future they would never challenge this arrangement. Behind these laconic sentences may hide a grievous drama. T h e nature of the brothers' offence is nowhere stated, but it probably had to do with the struggle for the throne of Ugarit. T h e aged mother had to give her consent to the banishment of two of her sons in order to safeguard the throne for her third (and youngest?) son. Is it too sentimental to imagine that it was their mother's intervention that saved them from an even harsher destiny and secured for them at least a comfortable exile in Cyprus? 5.3.1

Marital problems

O n c e his throne was secured, Ammittamru set out to find a suitable bride, and following his father's example he married a princess from Amurru. His marriage, however, did not meet with a similar success, but turned into one of the most notorious scandals of antiquity ( S i n g e r 1991a, 1 7 4 - 5 with previous literature; A r n a u d - S a l v i n i 1993). After the reinstatement of Bentešina, A m u r r u became the most favoured Hittite vassal in Syria. T h r e e royal intermarriages between the courts of Hatti and Amurru followed in close succession: Bentešina married Gaššu1iyawiya, the daughter of Hattusili 'III'; the latter's son Nerikkaili married an (unnamed) daughter of Bentešina; and T u d haliya gave his sister (another daughter of Hattusili) to Šaušgamuwa. T h e court of A m u r r u became virtually Hittite, in blood and soul ( S i n g e r 1991a, 177; 1992). From the first marriage the daughter who became the spouse of Ammittamru was born. She is never mentioned by name, reference being made only to her noble descent: 'daughter of Bentešina', 'sister of Šaušgamuwa' and 'daughter of the Great Lady' (bittu rabīti), referring no doubt to the official title of Gaššu1iyawiya, a Great Princess ( d u m u . s a l g a l ) of Hatti. 230 Obvi-

sheep, and all [their possessions]' (11. 12-16). One gets the impression that Tudhaliya's more elaborate text is the original verdict and Ini-Tešub's is a summary of it. 250 T h e equation between 'the daughter of Bentešina' and 'the daughter of the Great Lady,' first suggested by Schaeffer in the fifties ( S C H A E F F E R 1956, 32), is by now practically certain (see S I N G E R 1991a, 174-5; 1991b, 334-5, with refs.), although it is still considered with some hesitation by some leading authorities ( L I V E R A N I 1979a, 1309; LIPINSKI 1981, 91; K L E N G E L 1992, 142; N E U 1995b, 120-1; BECKMAN 1996c, 166). The problem of the exact definition of the title DUMU.SAL GAL in Hittite sources cannot be discussed here. See S I N G E R 1991b; N E U 1995b, 121; K L I N G E R 1996, 215-6; H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996 (with further refs.).

ously, the troublesome divorce of a princess of such distinguished birth was a most embarrassing matter which occupied the various courts of the Hittite Empire for many years; practically everyone involved in the lawsuit was a close or a distant relative of the divorcees. T h e various stages of the case, which fills out a dossier of at least fifteen different documents, 251 may briefly be summarized as follows. After several years of marriage which produced at least one son (Utri-Šarruma), the daughter of Bentešina and Gaššu1iyawiya 'sought trouble for Ammittamru'. As in the case of Ammittamru's brothers, her sin is never specified. Some have envisaged adultery, but political intrigue seems more likely ( K ü h n e 1973, 183ffi; K l e n g e l 1992, 141; A r n a u d - S a l v i n i 1991-2, 20). T h e marriage was dissolved and the estranged wife was sent back to A m u r r u with her share of property. After a while, however, Ammittamru categorically demanded her extradition and was even ready to resort to force if necessary. His d e m a n d was eventually granted, not without the intervention of the highest imperial authorities. Neither her (half-)brother 252 Šaušgamuwa, who meanwhile became king, nor her uncle Tudhaliya, who enforced the final verdict, flinched from this sacrifice in order to restore peace and unity in the Hittite commonwealth. T h e blood money paid by Ammittamru to Šaušgamuwa for the right to do with the bittu rabîti as he pleased was proportionate to her high standing: 1,400 golden shekels!253 At one point along the ordeal, Utri-Šarruma, 2 3 4 the legitimate crown-prince, was given the choice, to stay with his father in Ugarit and succeed him on the throne, or to side with his mother and lose all his dynastic rights. His decision is not stated, but another son of Ammittamru, Ibiranu, became the next king of Ugarit.

251

See refs. to the Akkadian texts in A R N A U D - SALVINI 1 9 9 3 , 8 - 9 . T h e Ugaritic letter K T U 2 . 7 2 = R S 3 4 . 1 2 4 (= R S O 7 , no. 8 8 ) , probably sent by Ammittamru to his mother, also deals with one of the stages of the ill-fated marriage ( P A R D E E 1 9 7 7 ; b u t c f . BORDREUIL 252

PARDEE

For Sausgamuwa's mother, see

1991,

150).

K L E N G E L 1 9 9 1 , 2 3 4 ; H O U W I N K TEN C A T E

1996,

53-4. 253

As pointed out by N O U G A Y R O L ( 1 9 5 6 , 1 3 0 ) , this high sum probably took into account the property that was confiscated from her in Ugarit. 254 It is interesting to note that the princes born from Amurrite mothers were given names with the theophoric element Šarruma: (H)išmi-Šarruma and ÌR-Šarruma, the sons of Ahat-Milku, and Utri-Šarruma, the son of the bittu rabîti. Crown princes must have adopted standard Ugaritic (i.e. West Semitic) names at coronation.

5.3.2

Concessions from the overlords

W h e r e a s we possess a full series of A m u r r u treaties f r o m Šuppiluliu m a I to T u d h a l i y a 'IV', no comprehensive treaty with Ugarit is known after MurSili's treaty with N i q m e p a . T h i s m a y be d u e to the fortunes of excavation, but there is also a possibility that the standard comprehensive type of treaty was partially replaced by a series of m o r e specialized decrees. For example, Hattusili 'III' issued an edict pertaining to fugitives f r o m Ugarit which echoes similar provisions in standard treaties ( R S 17.238 = PRU 4, 107-8): 255 'If some subject of the king of Ugarit, or a citizen of Ugarit, or a servant of a subject of the king of Ugarit departs a n d enters the territory of the Ijabiru of M y Majesty, I, G r e a t King, will not accept him but will return him to the king of Ugarit' ( B e c k m a n 1996c, 163). T h e habiru territory m a y refer to scarcely-inhabited highland areas n o r t h of Ugarit, but the decree deliberately does not cover the possibility of a citizen of Ugarit seeking refuge in the heartland of Hatti. Even so, this edict, which m a y reflect the basic division of Ugaritic society ( H e l t z e r 1976, 4 - 5 ) , is exceptionally favourable towards Ugarit. As a rule, the Hittite king d e m a n d s the i m m e d i a t e extradition of people w h o fled f r o m Hatti, but he reserves to himself the right to keep back fugitives of vassal states w h o f o u n d refuge in his land 256 ( K o r o s e c 1960, 70). This includes Mursili's treaty with N i q m e p a ; the king of Ugarit m a y ask for the extradition of his r u n a w a y citizens, but the king of Hatti is in no way obliged to fulfil his request ( B e c k m a n 1996c, 62, §§ 9, 12). T h e significant c h a n g e in policy to the benefit of Ugarit m a y in fact be one of the reasons why the Hittite king did not w a n t to lay d o w n such a preferential precedent in a standard type of treaty. Even m o r e exceptional is the edict issued by Ini-Tešub in which he releases the king of Ugarit 2 5 7 f r o m his vassal duty to send chariots a n d infantry to participate in the i m m i n e n t w a r against Assyria

255

Note also RS 17.361A (= PRU 6, no. 76), a label written in Akkadian: 'This tablet concerns fugitives' (see VAN SOLDT 1989b, 380, 384, no. 27). 256 See e.g. in the treaties with Aziru of Amurru (BECKMAN 1996c, 35, § 10), with Tette of Nuhhašši (ib.: 52, § 9), and in all the Arzawa treaties (HEINHOLD-KRAHMER 1977, 103ff.). In the late treaties with Amurru (Bentešina and Šaušgamuwa) the respective paragraphs are not preserved. 257 His name is broken away (1. 4), but Nougayrol's restoration Ammittamru seems to have been universally accepted. Theoretically, Ibiranu, in whose reign the war with Assyria flared up (p. 686), cannot be excluded.

(RS 17.059 = PRU A, 150-1; B E C K M A N 1996c, 167-8). 258 T h e price paid for this exemption, 50 mina of gold, was obviously not too high for a king who paid more than half of it (1400 gold shekels) for the right to execute his estranged wife. T h e amount was delivered in ten shipments 259 from the sealed storehouse of Ugarit. Soon enough after this payment, however, when the Assyrian danger became more acute, the Hittites went back on their agreement and d e m a n d e d the mobilization of the army of Ugarit (see p. 686).

6

T H E WEAKENING G R I P OF THE

6.1

Ibiranu (ca

HITTITES

1235-1225/1220)

fbiranu was probably appointed as crown-prince (ušúannu)260 already in the reign of his father Ammittamru, 2 6 ' perhaps after his (elder) brother Utri-Šarruma had chosen to follow his mother back to her homeland (see p. 681). It is not known who was Ibiranu's mother, the ill-fated princess of Amurru, or, more probably, another spouse of Ammittamru about whom we have no evidence. His reign must have began before 1233, if one accepts the attribution of RS 34.165 (= R S O 7, no. 46) to Tukulti-Ninurta (see p. 689). 262 Ibiranu is mentioned by name only in relatively few documents (KLENGEL 1992, 144, η. 319, with refs.), but more texts can perhaps be ascribed to him on circumstantial evidence. T h e conciliatory rapports between Hattusili a n d A m m i t t a m r u manifestly changed in the reigns of their successors. With growing difficulties on the eastern front and complicated dynastic problems 258 This restricted edict cannot be considered to be a veritable treaty between Tudhaliya and Ammittamru, as suggested by LEBRUN 1 9 9 5 , 8 7 . 259 For barrānu (1. 18) in the meaning of 'caravan', see N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 1 5 1 ;

KLENGEL

1992,

1 4 0 , η . 2 9 3 ; ARNAUD

1996, 60, η.

75.

260 p o r [^g equation between mur'û ušriyanni and mur'û of Ibiranu, a group of liaison-men or officers of the king, see N O U G A Y R O L 1956, 186; LIVERANI 1962, 125; H E L T Z E R 1982, 154ff; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 11-2; SANMARTIN 1995b, 460ff. 261

A Hurrian text found in the so-called 'House of the Hurrian priest' may perhaps contain the liturgy of a ritual commemorating the death of Ammittamru II ( K T U 1.125 = R S 24.274; D I E T R I C H M A Y E R 1997a). 262 Clearly, even if one rejects the purported synchronism with Tukulti-Ninurta, Ibiranu's reign could not have started as late as 1213 (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 10). Raising the dates of his reign also conforms to the new information concerning the length of the reigns of Niqmaddu III and Ammurapi.

at home, T u d h a l i y a and his representatives grew ever more impatient with Ugarit's assertiveness and lack of cooperation ( L i v e r a n i 1979a, 1311-2). Several small fragments may arguably form part of a decree issued for Ibiranu by his overlord, but very little can be said about their contents. 263 O f more value is the letter sent to him by Prince Pihawalwi ( R S 17.247 = PRU 4, 191).264 Ibiranu, w h o conspicuously is not designated as king of Ugarit, is scolded for not appearing before the Great K i n g since he ascended the throne of Ugarit. H e did not even send his messengers with the obligatory presents, which caused m u c h anger at the court of His Majesty. In a similar letter, a representative of His Majesty invites [the king of Ugarit], either A m m i t t a m r u 265 ( K l e n g e l 1992, 144, η. 318) or Ibiranu, to come on board his ships to his overlord, not forgetting to bring with him the obligatory presents, including gold and [silver] as well as alkabašu a n d kabdum stones ( R S 20.255A = Ug 5, no. 30). Contacts with Carchemish seem m o r e relaxed and routine. In R S 17.385 (= PRU 4, 194) the viceroy asks Ibiranu to send him two j u n i p e r logs according to the required measurements. 2 6 6 In a typical presentation letter, the king (Ini-Tešub) anounces that his son Misram u w a , brother of U p p a r a m u w a , will take u p residence in Ugarit as a guest of PAP-Šarruma (RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193). Perhaps Ibiranu was not too pleased with this visit, if he is indeed the a u t h o r of the fragmentary letter R S 20.243 (= Ug 5, no. 32), which a p p a r e n d y raises a formal complaint to His Majesty (1. 6') about the conduct of M u s r a m u w a (sic). T h r e e letters announce the forthcoming visit of two officials, Ebina'e a n d Kurkalli, 267 who are charged with marking Ugarit's borders in accordance with Arma-ziti's instructions. T h e letter sent by the K i n g 263 NOUGAYROL 1956, 289; LIVERANI 1962, 126. RS 19.122.5'ff. (= PRU 4, 289) has the appearance of a stipulation instructing the vassal not to heed slander directed against His Majesty; for similar paragraphs in Hittite treaties, cf., e.g., BECKMAN 1996c, 85 (§ 13), 101 (§ 10). In RS 18.273 (= PRU 4, 196) only Ibiranu and His Ma[jesty] are preserved, whereas in RS 17.018 (— PRU 4, 195) only [Ibi]ranu and his soldiers and chariots. 264 Pihawalwi is probably identical with Piha-UR.MAIJ whose objects were stolen by Maššu according to a lawsuit decided by Ini-Tešub (RS 17.108 = PRU 4, 165-6). He may also be identified with the scribe Piha-UR.MAH attested in Hittite texts and on seals (LAROCHE 1966, 141). 265 I fail to see on what evidence LEBRUN (1995, 86) dates this letter to Ammurapi.

266 267

F o r

GISdaprānu, s e e LIVERANI

1962,

126, n.

12.

A Gur-ga-li-eš is connected to the palace of Carchemish in a fragmentary Hittite ritual text, K U B 48.113, 5' (KLENGEL 1965, 66).

(RS 17.292 = PRU 4, 188) and the one sent by Prince Alihesni 268 (RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6-7) are addressed to Ibiranu; Ebina'e himself addresses the governor of Ugarit (RS 17.078 = PRU 4, 196-7). None of these letters refers to the border in question, but the choice is practically reduced to Mukiš or Siyannu, more probably the latter (see p. 640). Prince Arma-ziti is well-known from Hittite texts dating to Hattusili ' I I I ' and Tudhaliya 'IV' ( I m p a r a t i 1987, 197ff; 1988). H e was a scribe who fulfilled important functions in the religious administration. Although his official tide is not stated, 269 he is often involved in bird oracles which are usually performed by the uriyanni.'m According to one of the texts dealing with the border dispute between Ugarit and Siyannu, it was the unyannu who divided the territory and set up the boundary stones between the two kingdoms. 2 ' 1 It is quite possible that this complicated matter was taken up again in the reign of Ibiranu: Arma-ziti fixed the borders (through bird oracles?), and two officials, Ebina'e 2 7 2 and Kurkalli, were sent out to mark them. Arma-ziti appears in two other texts from Ugarit. In RS 17.314 (= PRU 4, 189) he officiates as judge in a lawsuit between Pusku, the merchant of the queen of Ugarit, and the custom-official (mākisu) Aballä. In R S 17.316 (= PRU 4, 190) Arma-ziti himself is being accused and sentenced to pay 300 silver shekels to the king of Ugarit and to the sons of Musrana. T h e four witnesses are all citizens of Ura, merchants of His Majesty. Each of the two documents carries a different hieroglyphic Hittite seal of Arma-ziti (Ug 3, 37-8, figs. 48-51; S i n g e r 1983b, 5, n. 4).

268

For Aliljesni in the Hittite sources, see IMPARATI 1975, 115-6; 1987, 196-7. An Arma-ziti ( d siN-LÚ) 'chief of the tapri- men' appears in fragmentary context in a text dated to Suppiluliuma II (KUB 21.7 iii 3', 5'). Could he be identical with Arma-ziti who was already active in the reign of Hattuši1i ' I I I ' ? 270 L I V E R A N I 1962, 73; P E C C H I O L I D A D D I 1982, 266ff. For the various attempts to equate the urìyanni/u with other cuneiform titles, see ALP 1991, 323-4 (with previous refs.). See also R Ü S T E R 1993, 68-9. 271 RS 17.368 (= PRU 4, 76-7) is usually dated to Mursili II, but in fact it could be a later ratification of Mursili's decree quoted in extenso in the first part of the text. Note also the label carrying the inscription 'Document concerning the borders which the unyannu established for the king of Ugarit' (KTU 6.29 = RS 17.364 = PRU 2, no. 171 VAN S O L D T 1989a, 380, no. 30), which could have been attached to RS 17.368 (found in the same room). 272 The fragmentary hieroglyphic seal impression on RS 1 7.368 is not reproduced in the publication, but, according to L A R O C H E (PRU 4, 76), the first and the only preserved sign in the name is I / E (L 209), which could perhaps belong to Ebina'e mentioned in RS 17.078 (= PRU 4, 196). 269

O t h e r documents within the corpus of the anonymous correspondence between Ugarit and Carchemish may also belong to Ibiranu's reign, including letters written in Ugaritic, probably by messengers of the king of Ugarit residing in Carchemish. 2 7 3 6.1.1

Ugarit and the Assyrian war

A group of letters deals with the projected inspection of the troops and the chariots of Ugarit by Hittite representatives. Unfortunately, only one of these letters addresses the king of Ugarit by name as Ibiranu (RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192). T h e king of Carchemish announces that the kartappu of His Majesty, g a l - d i m , 2 7 4 will soon be sent to Ugarit to determine whether the n u m b e r of its soldiers and chariots complies with the demands of the Great King. H e concludes his letter with the dramatic exclamation: '(It is a matter of) death (or) life!'275 Several other documents may be related to the same event on circumstantial evidence. 276 RS 20.237 (= Ug 5, 102-4) is the reply of the king of Carchemish to an inquiry of the king of Ugarit as to the n u m b e r of chariots and troops he is supposed to supply. Most of the viceroy's answer is unfortunately broken, but he concludes with the order ' G o to His M[ajesty]!' In R S 15.014 (= PRU 3, 5) I[biranu?] reports to the viceroy that he had sent the requested batch of 1600 arrows with his messenger Ahaltena. 277 Finally, a tiny fragment mentions [Ibi]ranu and 300 [soldiers?] (RS 17.018 = PRU 4, 195).278

273

E.g. K T U 2.75 = RS 34.148 (= R S O 7, no. 91); K T U 2.20 = RS 15.158 (= PRU 2, no. 11). 274 This could be read either as Ura-Tarhunta or as Talmi-Tesub ( L A R O C H E 1966, 198). Opting for the latter possibility, LIPINSKI (1981, 89, n. 53) suggested that this kartappu may be identical with the future king of Carchemish, Talmi-Tesub son of Ini-Tešub. Although chronologically this might be possible, the two persons should be kept apart (IMPARATI 1987, 201). A crown-prince of Carchemish would have been presented quite differently to the king of a vassal state. Compare, e.g., the letter of introduction of Misramuwa to Ibiranu (RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193; see p. 684). 275 T h e same exclamation recurs in RS 20.121 (= Ug 5, no. 33), in which His Majesty orders the king of Ugarit to send him grain-laden ships urgently (see p. 716). 27,i A dating of RS 20.237 and 34.138 to the reign of Ibiranu was also deduced by Y A M A D A (1992, 444) on the basis of stylistic considerations. 277 But cf. the doubts raised by L I V E R A N I (1962: 127, n. 13) concerning the sender of the letter. RS 11.834 (= PRU 3, 17) is a small fragment mentioning 'troops' and the 'king of Car[chemish]'. 278 Two further letters from the Urtenu archive deal with military matters, but

T h e dispatch of another kartappu of His Majesty (Hé-r[u-?) is announced in a letter of the king of Carchemish (RS 34.138 = R S O 7, no. 8). He is supposed to carry with him a tablet of His Majesty and only upon its presentation should the king of Ugarit meet his request. T e r m s related to the army do not occur, but nearly half of the tablet is mutilated. T h e forthcoming visit of one of these kartappu to Ugarit may well be the subject of another letter from the Urtenu archive, R S 34.150 (= R S O 7, no. 10). e n - c i i m (Ewri-Tešub?) announces to his king that a messenger of the king of Carchemish was sent out to inspect the troops of Qadesh, and will subsequently continue to Ugarit. T h e well-informed servant advises his king not to show any of his chariots and troops to the messenger of Carchemish, who intends to put them on march with provisions for five [days?] ,279 Perhaps these documents dealing with a projected muster of armies 280 in central Syria may be related to a letter found on the surface in 1971 in the area which later turned out to be Urtenu's residence (RS 32.204 = R S O 7, no. 19; B o r d r e u i l 1981, 43). It is a double letter sent by Kila'e to the queen and the king of Ugarit, announcing the departure of the King (of Carchemish) towards Nirabi (Neirab, near Halab) the following day. 281 Kila'e politely proposes that both the king of Ugarit and a certain Bin-Kabkamma (perhaps a representative of the queen of Ugarit) should come to Nirabi to meet the viceroy in person. In his preliminary notes (quoted in R S O 7, 51) Nougayrol assigned to this letter a legal context, i.e. a lawsuit between

they seem to be dated later; RS 34.150 (= R S O 7, 35-6) and 34.143 (= R S O 7, 27-9) will be dealt with under Niqmaddu III and Ammurapi, respectively. 279 Five days could be the time needed to cover at a fast pace the distance of ca 150 km from Ugarit to Halab. Of course it took Zimri-Lim and his large entourage much longer to cover the same distance, with stopovers of undefined length in four towns ( V I L L A R D 1 9 8 6 , 3 9 5 ) . See p. 6 1 7 above. 280 A simultaneous mobilization of the armies of Qadesh and of Ugarit is also dealt with in a letter found in 1994 in the Urtenu archive, in which the uriyannu urges Niqmaddu to join forces with the armies of Qadesh and to meet the king of Carchemish at Halab ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106). If indeed the addressee is Niqmaddu III this letter can hardly be related to the dossier dealing with the military manoeuvre dated to Ibiranu, unless one assumes a prolonged period of activity which coincided with the shift on the throne of Ugarit. 281 Neirab is a common toponym in Syria. N O U G A Y R O L (cited in R S O 7 , 5 1 , n. 48) opted for the one located near Ma'aret en-No'mān, but the site located 6 km southeast of Aleppo seems to me a better choice. For the exploration of this site in the twenties, see refs. in K L E N G E L 1 9 7 0 , 8 5 .

Kila'e a n d B i n - K a b k a m m a ; but I doubt w h e t h e r this alone would have sufficed to s u m m o n the kings of C a r c h e m i s h a n d Ugarit to this exceptional m e e t i n g far f r o m their respective residencies. R a t h e r , there must have been a m o r e urgent agenda, probably related to the general military m a n o e u v r e whose purpose remains to be elucidated. T h e a u t h o r of the above letter, Kila'e, appears to have been a very high-ranking Hittite official w h o was also involved in judicial affairs in Ugarit. 2 8 2 H e presided over a lawsuit between two citizens of Ugarit, Iluwa a n d A m a r - d u , the son of M u t - d u the šerdanu ( R S 17.112 = PRU 4, 234). H e is described as 'the m a n of Hišiššiba' 283 a n d his office is that of 'the kartappu w h o is at the h e a d of the (sa) reši š\arri]\ apparently the topmost functionary in the Hittite 'foreign office' ( P e c c h i o l i D a d d i 1977, 174; S i n g e r 1983b, 10). H e is most politely addressed as ' o u r father' in a letter of introduction sent by the king a n d the q u e e n of Ugarit a n n o u n c i n g the dispatch of their messenger Ili-Milku ( R S 19.070 = PRU 4, 294). 284 As for the military context of all these documents, the only m a j o r reason I can think of for the urgent Hittite d e m a n d s for a general mobilization of the armies of their Syrian vassals could be the deterioration in the relations with Assyria a n d the ensuing outburst of hostilities. 283 For quite some time Hatti h a d p r e p a r e d herself a n d her allies for the unavoidable clash with the emerging military power in the east. A trade blockade against Assyria was imposed on Šaušgamuwa, including Assyria's maritime trade with [Ahh]iyawa (see n. 232), a n d he was also o r d e r e d to mobilize A m u r r u ' s a r m y ( K U B 23.1 iv 1 9 - 2 3 ; B e c k m a n 1996c, 101, §§ 12-13). With the ascent of TukultiN i n u r t a to the throne of Assyria, there was a brief attempt to cool the tense relations by a diplomatic exchange of letters with T u d h a l i y a W ( S i n g e r 1985, 102-3, with refs.; B e c k m a n 1996c, 141-2). However, 282

His prominent status is also demonstrated by his fragmentary hieroglyphic seal impression in the centre of tablet RS 17.112, which probably reads Kī-lá-[ (L 446L 445). For a photograph of the tablet, see Ug 4, 62, fig. 46, lower right. 283 Could this name be a variant of the northern Anatolian town of Hišaš(b)apa (DEL M O N T E 284

TISCHLER

1978,

111-2)?

Ili-Milku is the addressee of a letter sent by a certain Belubur asking for a favourable presentation of his case before the Queen (RS 6.198; see n. 289). Both could be identical with the well-known scribe Ili-Milku who was active in the last decades of Ugarit, and not in the 14th century as previously thought ( B O R D R E U I L M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b: 447-8). 285 K L E N G E L ( 1 9 9 6 , 5 5 9 ) tends to connect this event with the situation on the Euphrates frontier, but I doubt that insurrections of tribal groups in this remote region would have led to a full mobilization of Hittite Syria.

Tukulti-Ninurta soon revealed his real plans when he opened a vigorous offensive on the northern front of Nihriya. As frankly admitted in a Hittite text, 286 Tudhaliya was deserted by his ally (probably Išuwa) and was utterly defeated by the Assyrians, who lost no time in spreading the news in Syria. An Assyrian letter (from the Urtenu archive) sent to [Ibira]na king of U[garit] 287 describes in detail the circumstances which led to the decisive battle (RS 3 4 . 1 6 5 = R S O 7 , no. 4 6 ; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1982; S i n g e r 1 9 8 5 ) . Unfortunately, from the name of the sender only the second element in Shalmaneser's n a m e is preserved (sag), which must belong to Tukulti-Ninurta's filiation.288 If so, this letter provides an important synchronism between Ugarit, Hatti, and Aššur. T h e battle probably took place in TukultiNinurta's first year ( 1 2 3 3 ) , which may provide a terminus ante quern for Ibiranu's ascent to the throne. T h e Assyrian king's very act of reporting his victory to an acknowledged Hittite vassal was no doubt more than a simple act of courtesy. It was an overture for cooperation with Ugarit, practically 'over the head' of Carchemish, in a renewed attempt to gain access to the Mediterranean. Ugarit's reaction to this political bid is not known, but probably she was not entirely uninterested. 289 T h e same applies

280

T h e redating of KBo 4 . 1 4 ( C T H 1 2 3 ) to Tudhaliya ' I V ' suggested by S I N G E R 109FF.) has been accepted by VAN DEN H O U T 1 9 8 9 , 273FF.; H A W K I N S 1 9 9 5 , 5 8 ; K L E N G E L 1 9 9 1 , 2 3 8 η. 9 1 ; CHD, L - N : 3 7 2 ; F R E U forthcoming. (LEHMANN 1 9 9 1 , 1 2 3 , η. 28 accepts the re-dating, but erroneously attributes it to Otten, who in all the articles cited tended towards a Suppiluliuma II dating.) 287 K L E N G E L ( 1 9 9 2 , 1 4 0 , η. 2 9 0 ) maintains that 'it is uncertain which king of Ugarit ruled at this time, but Ammittamru II cannot be excluded'. 288 I have also considered the possibility that SAG could belong to the epithet UR.SAG, 'hero', but, as far as I can see, this epithet is not attested in the titulary of the Middle Assyrian kings ( S E U X 1 9 6 7 ) . T h e attribution of the text to TukultiNinurta I on the basis of its correlation with C T H 1 2 3 (SINGER 1 9 8 5 ) has been criticized by H A R R A K ( 1 9 8 7 , 1 4 2 , 2 6 1 ) , LIVERANI ( 1 9 9 0 , 1 6 9 ) and Z A C C A G N I N I ( 1 9 9 0 , 41-2) who prefer dating the letter to Shalmaneser I. 289 RS 6.198 is a letter sent by a certain Be-lu-bu-ur to DINGER.LUGAL (Ili-Milku?). Thureau-Dangin, who published the text ( T H U R E A U - D A N G I N 1935; see also LIPINSKI 1981, 87-8, n. 44), identified this Belubur with the Assyrian official Bē1u-1ibūr who was active under Adadnirari I, Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I. This identification has been refuted on phonetic grounds (see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 28, with previous refs.), but is still uncritically cited (e.g., by M A Y E R 1995b, 208, 211). If DINGIR.LUGAL is indeed identical with the well-known scribe and entrepreneur Ili-Milku, who is now safely dated to the late 13th century ( B O R D R E U I L 1995b, 448; P A R D E E 1997a, 241, n. 3), then the identification of Belubur with Bē1u-1ibūr is practically impossible. The identity and domicile of Bē1u-būr, who asks Ili-Milku to transmit his letters favourably to the queen (Sarelli?), remain unknown. An unnamed Assyrian servant is perhaps mentioned in RS 20.150 (= Ug 5, 149-50). (1985,

to Amurru, who exchanged messages and presents with the Assyrian king according to a new document from Tell C h u ē r a / H u r b e . 2 9 0 T h e letters with military content exchanged between the courts of Carchemish and Ugarit may be conceived either as hasty preparations before the battle of Nihriya, or, more probably, as a defence organized after it, for the eventuality that the Assyrians would want to capitalize on their victory and attack on the Syrian front as well. Fortunately for the Hittites, Tukulti-Ninurta soon turned his aggression towards Babylon ( M a y e r 1995b, 213ff.), and he even resumed normal diplomatic relations with Hatti, which seem to have lasted to the very end of the Hittite Empire. 291 6.1.2

Queen Šarelli

Q u e e n Sarelli (Ugaritic Try I) is prominently documented in texts dated from Ammittamru I I to A m m u r a p i ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 15ff.). At first, when reliable chronological information on her queenship was still missing, some scholars proposed regarding Sarelli as a H u r rian equivalent of Semitic Ahat-Milku, which was understood to be the 'sister of the king' ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 262; L i v e r a n i 1978, 153; L i p i n s k i 1981). Various chronological clues gradually started to indicate that Sarelli was active during the last decades of Ugarit and could therefore not be identical with Ahat-Milku, who was Niqmepa's spouse. Clinging to the p u r p o r t e d m e a n i n g 'sister of the king', Nougayrol put forward an alternative explanation according to which Sarelli was not a PN but rather a (Hurrian) title or cognomen which could be assumed by every queen of Ugarit. 292 However, the alleged Hurrian meaning of the n a m e has also been questioned on linguis290 K Ü H N E 1995, 219 (92.G.212: 9-10); the diplomatic journey of Yabna-ilu of Amurru to Assyria took place in the eponym year of Ninu'äyu, in the second half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign (ib.: 206; FREYDANK 1991a, 156). 291 F R E Y D A N K 1991b, 31; F R E U forthcoming. This late détente in the relations between Hittites and Assyrians is now amply documented by the Middle Assyrian tablets from Tell C h u ē r a / H u r b e and from Tell Seih Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu. In the former, mention is made of the Hittite diplomat Teli-Sarruma, who, at the head of a large retinue, brought messages and presents to the Assyrian king ( K Ü H N E 1995, 211, 217-8; see n. 145). In the latter, the merchants of the king of Carchemish and of his governor Tagi-Šarruma travel in Assyrian-held territory, selling oil and copper vessels ( C A N C I K - K I R S C H B A U M 1996, 117ff, no. 6; see p. 658). Both texts are dated to the latter half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign, the one from Tell Šeih Hamad to the eponym year of Ina-Aššur-šumi-asbat. 292 N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 261-2; B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1982, 128 (but cf. their revised view in R S O 7, 162).

tic and cultural grounds, 293 and it seems that the whole theory has meanwhile been abandoned. As for Sarelli's exact dating, she was considered to be Ammurapi's spouse because she appears next to him in the liturgical text commemorating his coronation. 2 9 4 However, she is already attested as queen in texts preceding Ammurapi's reign and was therefore provisionally 'matched' with N i q m a d d u III (e.g., B o r d r e u i l 1983, 77). This again had to be revised in view of a text from the Urtenu archive which proves that N i q m a d d u III married a Hittite princess (RS 34.136; see p. 695). Simply by a process of elimination one is left with Ibiranu, as tentatively suggested by v a n S o l d t (1991, 18; cf. also A b o u d 1994, 34). At any rate, Sarelli apparently outlived both her husband and her son and was actively involved as dowager queen in various state affairs. This exceptional status may explain why she was hailed at the coronation of her grandson A m m u r a p i by which time she must have reached a respectable old age. T h e new documents from the Urtenu archive reveal her deep involvement in the foreign trade of Ugarit, regulated by her son-in-law and commercial agent Sipti-Ba'al ( B o r d r e u i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995, 444). Since most of her dated texts fall into the reign of N i q m a d d u III, Sarelli's manifold activities will be dealt with in the next entry.

6.2

Niqmaddu III (ca.

1225/1220-1215)

Until recently Niqmaddu III was the least documented king of Ugarit ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 129; K l e n g e l 1992, 147). This situation has changed drastically with the discovery of the Urtenu archive in which Niqmaddu III appears to be the best documented king ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 106, 111). T h e r e are four legal documents from the palace archives in which N i q m a d d u ' s filiation to Ibiranu is explicidy mentioned. T h e only fully preserved text was written by the sukkallu and scribe EhliTešub, 2 9 5 and was sealed with the (original) dynastic seal declared to

293 L A R O C H E 1976-7, 218; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1983C, 303; VAN S O L D T 1985-6; 1991a, 16, nn. 142-3 (with further refs.). 294 [T]ryl in K T U 1 . 1 6 1 = R S 3 4 . 1 2 6 . 3 2 ( = R S O 7 , no. 9 0 ) ; B O R D R E U I L -

PARDEE 295

1982,

1 2 8 ; LEVINE

DE T A R R A G O N

ROBERTSON

1997B,

357

8.

In the new documents from the Urtenu archive Ehli-Tesub appears as a business associate of Ur-Tešub and of Ahi-Milku/Malki (ŠEŠ-LUGAL), the three of them heading a wealthy firm trading in particular with Tyre and Sidon ( B O R D R E U I L -

be the seal of N i q m a d d u (RS 1 8 . 0 2 1 = PRU 6 , no. 4 5 ) . T h r e e other documents are very fragmentary, but the restoration of the king's n a m e and his patrimony is practically certain (RS 1 7 . 3 5 0 b = PRU 6 , no. 4 6 ; 1 6 . 1 9 8 b and 1 5 . 1 1 3 = PRU 3 , 1 6 8 - 9 ) , thus refuting the attempts to identify Ibiranu and N i q m a d d u as brothers ( H e a l e y 1978;

Levine

-

de

T a r r a g o n

1984,

654).

Several texts belong to a N i q m a d d u without a mention of his patrimony (PRU 4, 199ff.), but their attribution to N i q m a d d u III is quite plausible, and there is no need to add an alleged 'Niqmaddu IIa' to the royal line (see p. 694). RS 18.020 + 17.371 (= PRU 4, 202-3) is a lawsuit between N i q m a d d u and Kumiya-ziti, probably a rich merchant from Ura. T h e verdict in favour of N i q m a d d u was given by Zuzuli, the kartappu of the king of Carchemish. 2 9 6 T h e witnesses are from U r a and from Ugarit, and the tablet was written by SIG 5 d NÈ.ERin.GAL (Nu C me-Rašap?) son of Abaya, a well-known scribe who was active from the days of Ammittamru II onwards ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 10, 22). A further legal text, the case of Kiliya the priest of Ištar of Zinzaru, is witnessed by the same scribe and two further witnesses who are also present in the previous document (RS 18.002 = PRU 4, 201). An Ugaritic legal text dealing with the liberation of a slave (Stq-šlm) is signed with N i q m a d d u ' s seal ( K T U 2.19 = RS 15.125 = PRU 2, no. 5). N i q m a d d u is also the author of a fragmentary letter to A1ašia dealing with an oil transaction (RS 20.168 = Ug 5, no. 21). T h e subordinate position of the king of Ugarit with respect to his correspondent is reminiscent of the A1ašia letters dated to the last years of Ugarit (p. 720). Evidently, there were at least half a dozen documents plausibly dated to N i q m a d d u III even before the discovery of the Urtenu archive, which has now added some twenty new letters addressed to this king ( L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a, 70, n. 2 2 ; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 106).297 Thus, his reign was not as brief and negligible as had pre-

MALBRAN-LABAT 1995, 446; MALBRAN-LABAT 1995b, 105; see p. 671). Ehli-Tesub

and Ili-Milku, two scribes active under Niqmaddu III, are addressed by their 'brother' in the second part of a fragmentary letter found in the Urtenu archive (RS 34.171 = R S O 7, 52-3, no. 20); the first part of the letter mentions the royal messenger Anantenu. 296 T h e tablet is sealed with the Hittite seal of Zuzuli, 'CHARIOTEER' ( L 289), the hieroglyphic tide corresponding to cuneiform kartappu. Probably the same person appears on a seal impression found at Samsat Höyük, north of Carchemish (DINÇOL 1992). 297 For the letter supposedly addressed to Niqmaddu by the uHyannu urging him

viously been assumed, and may have lasted as much as a decade. T w o legal documents carry the impression of a fine seal ring with the Akkadian inscription 'Seal of N i q m a d d u , king of Ugarit' and an illustration showing a person (the king?) in kneeling position attacking a lion with a long spear (Ug 3, 78-9, figs. 100-2). T h e seal is usually ascribed to N i q m a d d u II who reigned in the 14th century , but a better case can probably be made for an ascription to Niqm a d d u III. R S 17.147 (= PRU 6, no. 29) is a fragmentary land donadon deed of Ammittamru, son of Niqmepa, to a certain [Amut]arunu(?). If the seal belongs to N i q m a d d u II we have to assume that Ammittamru II used in this document the seal of his grandfather instead of using the dynastic seal, which would be the normal procedure. A better alternative seems to be that an original deed of Ammittamru II was later ratified by N i q m a d d u III. An even better case for a N i q m a d d u III ascription can be made in the case of the Ugaritic text K T U 3.4 = R S 16.191 + 16.272, which records the redemption of seven Ugaritians from Beirut (see p. 669). A lawsuit between Ugarit and Beirut, ratified with the seal of the king of Ugarit, would suit the context of the late 13th century better. Finally, a glyptic consideration in favour of N i q m a d d u III is the fact that all the personal seals from Ugarit, both royal (Ahat-Milku, Ammittamru II) and non-royal (passim), are much later than N i q m a d d u II. Perhaps a decisive argument will appear in the new documents of N i q m a d d u III found in the Urtenu archive. 6.2.1

Reprimands from the overlords

T h e Ugaritic letter of Q u e e n P u d u h e p a (Pdgb) to N i q m a d d u has stirred up many debates about the identity of the correspondents. 2 9 8 Despite its fragmentary state and the usual difficulties with Ugaritic lexicography, the contents of the long letter can more or less be fathomed. After the customary opening formulae, Puduhepa reprimands N i q m a d d u for his reluctance to send sufficient tribute and to pay the obligatory visit to his overlord. These are recurrent themes in Haiti's correspondence with the last kings of Ugarit, but here they

to join forces with the armies of Kinza/Qadesh and to come to meet the king of Carchemish at Halab ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106), see n. 280 above. 298 K T U 2 . 3 6 + = R S 17.435 + 17.436 + 17.437; C A Q U O T 1978b; P A R D E E 1983-4; S I N G E R 1987, 414-5; C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 363ff.; DIJKSTRA 1989, 141-145; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 8ff.; K L E N G E L 1992, 139, η. 289.

seem to be aimed specifically at Niqmaddu's relations with the Great Q u e e n of Hatti. T h e r e may even be some reference to a visit paid by N i q m a d d u to the king's palace, in which he failed to appear before Puduhepa as well.299 In the next paragraph Puduhepa responds to a complaint of N i q m a d d u regarding the itinerary of the caravans travelling to Egypt by-passing his kingdom through inner Syria (see § 15.5.8 above). T h e last part of the letter seems to deal again with the unsatisfactory tribute. 300 As shown elsewhere ( S i n g e r 1987, 4 1 4 - 5 ; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 38Iff.), the alleged chronological difficulties in identifying the correspondents as the famous Hittite queen and the penultimate king of Ugarit can easily be dismissed, 301 without the need to add an alleged ' N i q m a d d u IIa' to the well-documented LBA royal line of Ugarit. 302 A new document from the Urtenu archive considerably augments our information on the last kings of Ugarit and their relations with the royal court of Hatti. 303 It is a letter sent by the King (of Carchemish) to the king of Ugarit containing the usual complaints about the inadequacy of the gifts sent to Hittite officials. M o r e specifically, he reprimands his correspondent for sending insufficient presents to the 'Chief Scribe' (tuppalanuri), in defiance of his categorical instructions. T o demonstrate what the consequences of this assertive conduct could

299 See the interpretation of Cunchillos for lines 8-12, but cf. Pardee's translation. If these clues about Niqmaddu's visit to Hatti are valid, they could well correspond to the information provided by the Ugaritic letters of Talmiyanu, which could well be Niqmaddu's name before his coronation (see p. 700). 300 Lines 29'ff. ( P A R D E E 1983-4, 329). For argmn, 'tribute', in this text, rather than 'purple-dyed cloth' (as suggested by DIJKSTRA 1989, 144), see VAN S O L D T 1990a, 344, n. 164, DLU i 48-9. The tribute, which consists of qnum, 'blue-dyed cloth' and phm, 'red-dyed cloth,' is comparable to the tribute imposed on Ugarit in Suppiluliuma's treaty with Niqmaddu. For the interpretation of qnum as 'blue stone, lapislazuli' (Akkadian iqnu/uqnu), see the extensive discussion in C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 41 Iff. See also p. 697 on RS 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5), which also has the appearance of a tribute list. 301 Puduhepa married Hattuši1i, no doubt at a young age ( H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996, 55, n. 35), immediately after the Battle of Qadesh in 1275. With a probable synchronism between Ibiranu and the beginning of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign (1233; see p. 689), she would have been in her seventies when she wrote to Niqmaddu III. 302 The case of this ephemeral 'Niqmaddu IIA' was recendy taken up again by DIJKSTRA 1989, who seeks support in unwarranted chronological postulates and questionable restorations of the Ugaritic King List. For the refutation of his arguments, see VAN S O L D T 1990a, 3 4 4 - 5 , n. 164; 1991a, 8ff. 303 R S 34.136 (= R S O 7 , no. 7). V A N S O L D T (1989b, 390) had already discussed the important implications of this letter before its publication in R S O 7, using the photograph published in Ug 7, pi. 18.

be, the king of Carchemish recalls an embarrassing incident from the recent past when the messengers of Ugarit were humiliated in Hatti for bringing unworthy presents: 'At the time of your father, the in-law 304 of His Majesty, how was he treated on account of the gifts in Hakapiša and in Kizuwatna? Did they not bind his servants? Now, perhaps because of me they did not do anything against your servants, (but) never again act like this!' (11. 25-38). V a n Soldt has already concluded that the letter was probably written to Ammurapi, 3 0 5 without however providing any binding arguments. 306 Some support for this dating may perhaps be supplied by the prominent status of the Chief Scribe which is also reflected in other very late texts from the Urtenu archive (see below p. 708). T h e important implications of R S 34.136 for the problem of the Hittite princess(es) married in Ugarit will be discussed below (p. 701). At this point it will suffice to observe the growing dissatisfaction of the Hittite authorities with the tribute sent by Ugarit to Hatti and the resulting tensions. This tendency, which was first noted in the reign of Ibiranu, must have reached a new peak when the messengers of N i q m a d d u III were put in prison (11. 31-2). T h e formulation of the letter clearly implies that the king of Ugarit was himself present at this humiliating incident. It has also been noted that in the Ugaritic correspondence of the king (and of Tlmyrì) with his mother there are indeed indications for a visit to Hatti (p. 700). Obviously, N i q m a d d u prefers not to mention in his letters to his mother (Šare11i) the hardships of the trip, and comforts her by saying that the face of the 'Sun' shone upon him. Eventually, N i q m a d d u must have managed to appease the angry Hittite king, for a Hittite princess was given to him in marriage (see p. 701). Marital connections with the imperial family were usually considered as a great privilege for a vassal king, but surely, they were no less in the interest of his suzerain. T h e Hittite king and his resourceful mother may have thought that

304 V A N S O L D T 1 9 8 9 C , 3 9 0 and M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1 9 9 1 , 3 0 - 1 , translate 'son-inlaw', 'gendre', but (iatānu is any relative by marriage ((1AD, H, 148) and could thus refer also to a brother-in-law of His Majesty, like the case of Saušgamuwa, brotherin-law of Tudhaliya ' I V ' ( K U B 2 3 , 1 + i 9 and passim; K Ü H N E - O T T E N 1 9 7 1 ,

23-4; 305

BECKMAN

1996C,

98FF.).

Followed by D I J K S T R A 1 9 9 0 , 9 9 . In her edition of the text M A L B R A N - L A B A T (1991, 31) suggested that the son-in-law of His Majesty could be either Ibiranu or Niqmaddu III. 306 T h e only reason given for this dating is that 'Ibiranu is possibly attested in one letter, but most prominent is the last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi . . .'.

a suitable match would provide a good possibility of keeping an eye on this assertive vassal. An intriguing detail in the letter of the king of Carchemish is the destination of the Ugaritian delegation to Hatti: not the imperial capital H a t t u š a , as one would expect, but r a t h e r Hakapiša and Kizzuwatna (1. 28f.). Hak(a)m/piš(a) was the seat of Hattusili's subkingdom in the U p p e r Land before his usurpation of the Hittite throne. He later appointed his son and successor Tudhaliya as highpriest in Hakpiša and Nerik ( H a a s 1970, 13-4). T h e later history of the town is not known. Kizzuwatna is in this period a synonym for the famous cult-centre K u m m a n n i in eastern Cilicia (Comana Cataoniae). Was the king of Hatti at the time of Niqmaddu's visit celebrating in one of these holy cities?307 O r did perhaps the king of Ugarit meet his future bride Ehli-Nikkalu in one of them? 308 These questions remain open for the present, but they may hold the key to a more exact dating of this eventful visit. 6.2.2

The correspondence of the Queen of Ugarit

T h e important role of the queen of Ugarit in this period finds its best expression in her prolific correspondence, both in Akkadian and in Ugaritic. If Ahat-Milku was the dominant queenly figure of Ugarit through most of the 13th century, Sarelli replaced her in this role in the last decades of the city. It is easy to understand why the two queens were considered for a long while to be one and the same person (see p. 690). Although Šare11i must have started her illustrious career as the queen of Ibiranu (see p. 691), most of her activity falls within the reigns of her son Niqmaddu III and her grandson(?) Ammurapi. Probably, it was she who received most, if not all, the late letters addressed to an u n n a m e d queen, but this premise cannot be conclusively proved. T h e following discussion will first cover the documents in which Sarelli is mentioned by name, and thereafter the letters which are addressed to an u n n a m e d queen. T h e clearest prosopographical evidence for Sarelli is provided by three legal documents dealing with land transactions found together

307 The religious activities of a Hittite king (probably Tudhaliya TV') in Kummanni and in Nerik are mentioned in several oracle texts discussed by H O U W I N K T E N C A T E 1996, 65ff. 308 See p. 70Iff. below, and note that Ehli-Nikkalu apparently returned to Hapišše, which, as suggested by A S T O U R (1980a, 1 0 6 - 8 ) , may be a variant spelling of Hakapiša. Cf. however K L E N G E L 1992, 1 4 8 , η. 3 4 8 .

in R o o m 66 of the Central Archive (Ug 5, 26Iff.). O n one of them 'Šar-el-li the queen' is explicitly attested (RS 17.086 = Ug 5, 262-3), and on another her n a m e may plausibly be restored (RS 17.325 = Ug 5, 264). All three documents carry the impression of a seal ring inscribed with Egyptian hieroglyphs (Ug 3, 8 5 - 6 , figs. 106f.). It was logically assumed that the seal should belong to queen Sarelli, but it was impossible to read her name in the hieroglyphs (Ug 3, 81, n. 3). It was later realized that the legend actually reads 'the seal of the herald Spd-BT (Ug 5, 261), and it belonged to the first witness, Sipti-Ba'al, who sealed the document on behalf of the queen. 309 This Sipti-Ba'al emerges from the new documents from the Urtenu archive as a very important personage in late 13th century Ugarit, who was both the son-in-law and the main business manager of the queen. His intensive contacts with Egypt and with the 'Phoenician coast' (see p. 670) may explain his preference for an Egyptian seal (cf. V i t a - G a l â n 1997). T h e special prestige enjoyed by Sarelli is best exemplified by her international correspondence, which covers Hatti, Carchemish, some of their Syrian vassals, and perhaps even lands beyond the confines of the Hittite Empire. O n e is constantly reminded of the outstanding political role played by her contemporary, Great Queen Puduhepa of Hatti. In the so-called 'Assyrian letter' ( R S 6.198; T h u r e a u - D a n g i n 1935), a certain Belubur 310 asks his correspondent Ili-Milku 3 " to transmit his letters in good spirit to the Q u e e n . A similar request is aired in the Ugaritic letter K T U 2.14 in which Iwrdn (Ewrì-šenni?) demands his correspondent Iwrpzn (Ewri-pizuni?) to ask Sarelli to recommend his name to the king ( B o r d r e u i l 1982, 5 f f ; 1983; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 29 Iff). A most interesting letter to Sarelli is R S 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5). T h e name of the 'Lady of the land of Ugarit' (1. 2) was read by Nougayrol as Ne-e-še(?)-ti(?), which was then related to Ntt in a ritual text ( K T U 1.40 = R S 1.002+ .36). Both readings have meanwhile

309

Besides the seal of Sipti-Ba'al, RS 17.325 (= Ug 5, 264) also carries the impression of an anepigraphic cylinder seal (Ug 3, 86, fig. 107), which must belong to another person mentioned in the document, either one of the witnesses, or the original owner of the property, Yamuna son of Bazute. 310 See n. 289 for the distinction between this Belubur, whose identity remains unknown, and the Assyrian official Bē1u-1ibūr. 311 Probably identical with the well-known scribe Ili-Milku who was active under Niqmaddu III (see nn. 284, 289, 340).

been corrected and the alleged Nešeti has had to be erased from the list of Ugarit's queens: the alphabetic word should probably be read att, 'wife', whereas the syllabic one is simply Sar-e-li (van S o l d t 1991a, 13). T h e letter was written by an important person, who was at least on equal standing with the Lady of Ugarit. " 2 First he specifies the m a n n e r in which a consignment of grain had been transported to her, and, after a large gap, he informs the queen about the arrival of a present from Urdanu 3 1 3 and the consequent dispatch of his own present to her, which consists of one golden cup, one linen garment, 100 shekels of red (f}ašmānu) 3H and 100 shekels of blue (takiltu) purple-dyed wool (11. 5'ff.). Now this list corresponds exactly with the yearly tribute sent by Ugarit to the queen of Hatti according to the provisions of the treaty between Suppiluliu m a I and N i q m a d d u II ( R S 17.227.25-6 = PRU 4, 42; B e c k m a n 1996c, 152, § 3). W h o could be the high-ranking person who sent these luxury items to the queen of Ugarit, who would then forward them to the queen of Hatti? A clue may be provided by Abimanu, the messenger who transported the valuable objects. T h e n a m e is quite frequent in Ugarit ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 315, 360), but two candidates readily present themselves: Abimanu mentioned by suM- d im, king of Ušnatu, in his letter to the king of Ugarit (RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216), and Abimanu the owner or the captain of a damaged ship of Carchemish (RS 34.147 = R S O 7, no. 5; see p. 659). T h e two may, in fact, be one and the same person, a seaman operating between Ugarit and Siyannu-Ušnatu. If so, the author of R S 12.033 could be a king of Siyannu-Ušnatu (perhaps suM- d im) who exchanged valuable presents with Queen Sarelli. Alternatively, he could be someone writing from a more distant place, and the grain transport would obviously direct us towards Egypt or Canaan. 3 1 5

312 His name or title in the opening line of the letter is obliterated. Nougayrol suggested to restoring LUGAL, but that would imply that the sender was either the King of Carchemish or the King of Ugarit. In view of the letter's contents (transportation of grain and presents) neither of the two options seems plausible. T h e author could be a king of Siyannu-Ušnatu (see below). 313 This must be a variant spelling of Urtenu, the well-known business manager associated with Sipt i-Ba'al and with the queen of Ugarit. 314 For this spelling see HUEHNERGARD 1 9 8 9 , 3 5 4 , n. 4 . For the colour of ffušmānu, see the references cited in Ug 5, 136, nn. 1-2. 315 Cf. e.g. the grain consignment sent from Canaan to Ugarit by Adduya, an intermediary from Akko mentioned in the Ugarit letter found at Tel Aphek (11. 3 2 - 3 ; see p. 7 1 6 ) .

In the correspondence of Carchemish with Ugarit there are letters addressed solely to the queen, and a double letter from Kila'e in which the queen is addressed before the king (her son?), a clear indication of her relative status (RS 32.204 = R S O 7, no. 19; see p. 687). In R S 34.145 (= R S O 7, no. 9) the king (of Carchemish) responds to several inquiries of the queen of Ugarit: 1) With regard to the compensation for (the m u r d e r of) Ananae 3 "' the King had instructed (the kartappu) Zuzuli (see p. 692) to take care of the matter; 2) As for the ships (of Ugarit), they may sail as far as Byblos and Sidon but not to more distant places; 3) T h e requested seals will be sent back to their destination; 4) Concerning the taxes of [. . .]/MTO317 the Q u e e n should consult her messenger Urtenu; 5) T h e last intriguing passage apparently deals with some damage inflicted by locusts ( b u r u 5 . m e ) . As one would expect, several letters are addressed to the queen of Ugarit by noble ladies from other courts. Foremost of these is the u n n a m e d Hittite princess who addresses the queen of Ugat 3 1 H as her 'sister' and offers her an exchange of presents (RS 34.154 = R S O 7, no. 18). Could she be the future bride of Ugarit's king, EhliNikkalu (see p. 701)? T h r e e other ladies who exchange presents with the queen, their lady, are Hebat-azali, 3 ' 9 Alluwa, 320 and -]wanna[.m T h e r e is also an Ugaritic letter to the queen written by her (unnamed) 'sister' ( K T U 2.21 = R S 15.174 = PRU 2, 32). T h e letter mentions a certain J ibrkd 322 who spoke with the 'steward of the vineyard of the queen of Ugarit'. 323 Sarelli or the queen is addressed in three Ugaritic letters sent by a certain 77myn, her son ( K T U 2.11, 2.12, 2.16 = RS 8.315, 9.479a,

316 A messenger called 'Ann'a is mentioned in a fragmentary Ugaritian letter sent by a servant to his king (RS 34.148 = R S O 7, 163-4). 317 Perhaps [A}l-lu-wa (?) as in RS 25.138 (η. 320 below)? 318 The -n- is twice omitted in the letter (11. 2, 8); is this omission merely accidental or does it perhaps reflect a weak r typical for Hittite phonology ( F R I E D R I C H 1960, 33, § 30b)? 319 RS 20.019 = Ug 5, 135-6. For the Hurrian element azalli, see L A R O C H E 1976-7, 66. 320 RS 25.138 = L A C K E N B A C H E R 1989, 318-9. Cf. η. 317 above. 321 RS 20.151 (= Ug 5, 138-9). Since -\wanna\- addresses the queen of Ugarit as 'my lady', her name cannot be restored as [Td[wanna[na], a title reserved to queens of Hatti. 322 Perhaps Ewri-Kušu? See G R O N D A H I . 1967, 237; C U N C H I L L O S 1981b, 46. 323 skn gt mlkt ugrt (11. 8-9). D I J K S T R A (1987a, 40, n. 14) suggests emending gt into bt, 'house'.

15.008; L i p i n s k i 1981, 9Iff.). T h r e e more were sent to the queen by her (unnamed) son, the king ( K T U 2.13, 2.30, 2.34 = R S 11.872, 16.379, 17.139). Finally, one letter from Ras Ibn H a n i was sent to the queen by her son ( K T U 2.82 = R I H 7 8 / 1 2 ; P a r d e e 1984a, 2 2 1 - 2 with further refs.). All these letters exhibit a very similar formulation and it is tempting to regard this Talmiyanu as the n a m e of N i q m a d d u III before his coronation, still used by him in his letters to his mother. 3 2 4 Most of these letters contain little more than the standard greeting formulae, but some of them seem to be reporting the author's visit in Hatti and his successful audience with His Majesty ( K T U 2.30 = R S 16.379.12-4) and with the queen ( K T U 2.13 = R S 11.872.14-5). These reports may well have been sent to Ugarit on the same trip as the one reported in Puduhepa's letter ( K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+; see p. 695). Perhaps Niqmaddu brought to Hatti in person the tribute of the Hittite queen which is mentioned in R S 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5; see p. 697). 325 It could have been on this very occasion that his marriage with the Hittite princess Ehli-Nikkalu was arranged (see below). This would indeed be a fitting finale for the ageing Puduhepa, crowning her long and successful career of royal matchmaking. T o conclude this survey on Sarelli's long political career in Ugarit mention should be m a d e of her fragmentary stele with a dedication to Dagan found in the court of the temple (of Dagan?) on the acropolis of Ugarit ( R S O 6, 3 0 2 - 3 ; figs. 7, 14b; Y o n 1997b, 144, no. 19). Next to it was found a similar fully preserved stela with a dedication to Dagan by czn, probably identical with Uzinnu, one of the last governors of Ugarit (see p. 667).

324 The proposal of LIPINSKI (1981, 91-2; cf. also K L E N G E L 1992 140) to identify Talmiyanu with Ammittamru II is refuted by the new data on Sarelli's dating. Talmiyanu could also be a brother of Niqmaddu (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 18, n. 161; A B O U D 1994, 39), but in that case the letters sent to the queen by 'your son, the king' must be dissociated from those sent by Talmiyanu. 325 The 'tribute of Ugarit' is mentioned in a fragmentary Hittite inventory text (KUB 26, 66 iv 5-8; K O S A K 1982: 67; S I E G E L O V À 1986, 108). Unfortunately, from the list itself only 'one stone (of) 10 shekels' is preserved. The previous entry has ']x mina and 30 shekels of iron', but the origin of this consignment is unknown. Another inventory text mentions some sort of exchange between Hattuša and Ugarit involving Hurrian shirts and two boys (KUB 42.84 rev. 23-27; S I E G E L O V À 1986, 128-9).

6.2.3

The Hittite princess

Ugarit joined relatively late the circle of privileged vassal states whose kings were granted the right to m a r r y a Hittite princess. A m u r r u h a d already exchanged royal brides with Hatti after the Battle of Q a d e s h a n d consequently her kings were counted a m o n g the foremost m e m b e r s of Hittite nobility. 326 Ugarit already h a d recourse to the institution of political m a r r i a g e s in the 14th c e n t u r y , w h e n N i q m a d d u II married an Egyptian lady (see p. 625). It is difficult to tell w h e t h e r the Ugaritian court refrained of its own will f r o m m a r r y i n g into the Hittite nobility, a n d if so, why this policy was c h a n g e d towards the end of the 13th century. At any rate, this late family connection between the courts of Hatti a n d Ugarit did not meet with the same success as in A m u r r u . At first, only one Hittite princess w h o married a king of Ugarit was taken into consideration: Ehli-Nikkalu, w h o allegedly divorced A m m u r a p i a n d returned to her h o m e l a n d (PRU 4, 205ff.; A s t o u r 1980a). T h e m a t t e r b e c a m e m o r e complicated when a reference to a n o t h e r royal bride of Hatti was discovered in a letter f r o m the U r t e n u archive ( v a n S o l d t 1989c). In the above-quoted passage f r o m R S 34.136 (= R S O 7, no. 7; see p. 695) the king of C a r c h e m i s h refers to his correspondent, most probably A m m u r a p i , as the son of the 'in-law' of His Majesty, which inevitably m e a n s that Niqm a d d u III, if he was indeed A m m u r a p i ' s father, also m a r r i e d a Hittite princess. T h e search b e g a n for this other princess in the sources f r o m Ugarit, and two candidates have readily been suggested: Tbsr ( v a n S o l d t 1989c) a n d A n a n i - d n i n . g a l ( D i j k s t r a 1990). A reexamination of the evidence m a y in fact show that there was no other Hittite princess in Ugarit, a n d R S 34.136 refers to the same Ehli-Nikkalu w h o was N i q m a d d u Ill's widow, rather than A m m u rapi's spouse. It is best to start this quest for Hittite princesses in Ugarit by briefly recalling the evidence on Ehli-Nikkalu. H e r n a m e is first encountered when her marriage was no longer extant. Two edicts of T a l m i - T e s u b of C a r c h e m i s h divide the property between her a n d the state of U g a r i t : the m a n o r of the princess was r e t u r n e d to

326 Both Bentešina and Šaušgamuwa were invited to attend the ceremony at the conclusion of the treaty between Tudhaliya of Hatti and Kurunta of Tarhuntašša (Bronze Tablet iv 3 0 - 4 3 ; B E C K M A N 1996C, 117,~§ 27).

A m m u r a p i ( R S 17.226 = PRU 4, 208), whereas she was allowed to keep all her movable property, including servants, gold, silver, copper utensils, oxen and asses ( R S 17.355 = PRU 4, 209-10). A third, related document 3 2 7 is a letter sent by the king of Carchemish to the king of Ugarit (both unnamed) concerning the latter's unworthy treatm e n t of 'the daughter of the S u n ' ( R S 20.216 = Ug 5, no. 35). H e quotes a fascinating Hittite fable whose sarcastic allusion to the affair of the princess is difficult to fathom. 3 2 8 T h e general assumption has been that A m m u r a p i was the king w h o divorced Ehli-Nikkalu, because the d o c u m e n t s recording the division of the property were issued by Carchemish in his name. However, this is by no m e a n s the only logical possibility. N o t h i n g in Talmi-Tesub's decrees necessarily implies that A m m u r a p i was EhliNikkalu's husband. 3 2 9 She could have been married to A m m u r a p i ' s father, N i q m a d d u III, in which case she would have maintained her position and property in Ugarit after her husband's death. This would be the n o r m a l procedure, as no doubt h a p p e n e d in other cases in which Hittite princesses marrying a b r o a d survived their husbands. 3 3 0 However, in this case the royal widow must have chosen (or was urged to choose) to give u p her residence in Ugarit, perhaps for the prospect of re-marriage elsewhere. Naturally, she had to renounce all her real estate in Ugarit, which was given back to the new king, Ammurapi. 3 3 1 T o my mind, this is at least as logical a scenario as the one that envisages a troublesome divorce between the last king of Ugarit a n d the daughter of the Great K i n g of Hatti. It is well to

327 There is also a letter sent to Ehli-Nikkalu among the tablets found in 1994 in the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 109). 328 ' O n e man was detained in prison for five years, and when they told him: "Tomorrow morning you will be set free", he strangled himself. Now you have acted in the same way.' (11. 5 - 1 3 ; A S T O U R 1980a, 104; cf. BECKMAN 1996C, 170). T h e rest of the letter is in a deplorable state of preservation which does not allow a clear picture of the reprimands of the king of Carchemish. 329 D I J K S T R A ( 1 9 9 0 , 9 8 - 9 ) has already considered this possibility, but then rejected it. After going half-way in proving that Ebli-Nikkalu need not be Ammurapi's divorcee, he categorically states, without explaining, that 'Ehli-Nikkalu cannot have been this Hittite wife of Ammurapi's father'. He then develops his theory on AnaniNIN.GAL, for which see below. 330 A similar situation would have occurred, for example, if Gaššu1iyawiya, the Great Lady (rabīti) of Amurru, survived her husband Bentešina ( S I N G E R 1991 b, 335, n. 22). 331 See n. 347 for a possible reason for Ehli-Nikkalu's departure from Ugarit.

note that nothing in the available texts suggests that the alleged 'divorce' was the outcome of any grave marital problems, as was the case with the ill-fated bittu rabīti from A m u r r u (p. 680f.). H e r alleged abduction and mistreatment are based on a damaged passage, 332 and it is better to refrain from reconstructing far-fetched historical dramas based on it (see e.g. L e b r u n 1995, 86). T h e same applies to her later destiny. T h e otherwise unknown Tanhuwatašša, king of Hapišše (RS 17.355.6~8), who is usually assumed to be her next husband, could just as well be her brother or some other relative with whom she stayed after she had left Ugarit. If our assumption that Ehli-Nikkalu was N i q m a d d u Ill's spouse is valid, we may speculate further about her royal parentage. Suppiluliu m a II could hardly have had a daughter old enough to be married to N i q m a d d u III. His brother A r n u w a n d a III died after a short reign and left no offspring. 333 T h e choice is practically reduced to a daughter of Tudhaliya 'IV', i.e., a sister of the last two kings of Hatti. 334 H e r mother may also be referred to in a very fragmentary letter apparendy dealing with the journey of a 'daughter of the Sun', who could be Ehli-Nikkalu, either as a bride travelling to Ugarit, or, more probably, as a widow leaving the city. 31 ' If indeed the 'Sun' in this text refers to Tudhaliya 'IV', the Great Q u e e n would be his Babylonian spouse. 336 T h e existence of other Hittite princesses married in Ugarit is quite doubtful. T h e label K T U 6.24 = R S 17.072 (= PRU 2, no. 175) with the inscription 'Document tbsr (of) the bride, the daughter of the Sun' (spr tbsr kit bt spš) could very well refer to the dowry of Ehli-Nikkalu returned to her in Talmi-Tesub's edict. 337 Van Soldt

332 RS 20.216.13-5': '. . . whoe[ver] exiled the daughter of the Sun, hers[e1f], from her land' may simply refer to her passage from her homeland to Ugarit. 333 KUB 2 6 , 3 3 ii Γ - 9 ' ; O T T E N 1 9 6 3 , 3 . The text says that he had no 'seed' (NUMUN), but this could arguably refer to male offspring only. 334 Theoretically, a daughter of Hattuši1i Ί Ι Γ would also be possible, but she would probably be too old to marry the penultimate king of Ugarit. 335 RS 1 7 . 4 2 9 ( = PRU 4 , 2 2 7 - 8 ; ASTOUR 1 9 8 0 , 1 0 5 , n. 19). The fragment mentions (1. 5 ' ) '[the m]en of the Great Queen' ( L ] Ù M I S SAL.LUGAI. GAI.) and (1. 7 ' ) 'the daughter of the Sun, her daughter' (DUMU.SAL d i r r u - 5 / DUMU.SAL-.TC). 336 For the Babylonian princess who married Tudhaliya 'IV', see H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996, 64ff, and the refs. quoted by him on p. 43, n. 5 . 337 The label was found in Court V in the Southern Palace, not far from the edicts concerning the property of Ehli-Nikallu (Room 68). It could, in fact, have been attached to them or to some other inventory of Ehli-Nikkalu's dowry, comparable to Ahat-Milku's trousseau (DIJKSTRA 1 9 9 0 , 9 9 ) .

attempted to make a case for Tbsr being the PN of the bride, but as he himself admits ( v a n S o l d t 1 9 8 9 , 3 9 1 ) his Hurrian reconstruction of the n a m e (*Tubbi-š'airi) is quite problematic and as yet unattested. It is preferable to take tbsr as a Semitic verbal noun with the m e a n i n g 'cutting off, separation, division' ( D i j k s t r a 1 9 9 0 , 9 7 - 8 ) , which would be a most fitting designation for Ehli-Nikkalu's returned property. Dijkstra suggested identifying the elusive Hittite bride of Niqm a d d u III with a certain Annpdgl in a fragmentary liturgical text ( K T U 1 . 8 4 = R S 1 7 . 1 0 0 . 3 ) which also mentions a Nqmd.338 If the two are queen and king (presumably N i q m a d d u III), this *AnaniPeddigalli would be tentatively equated with Anani-nin.gal, the author of a fragmentary letter sent to her lady [. . . rì[uwiya (RS 1 9 . 0 8 0 = PRU 6, no. 2). This letter is a touching testament of an ailing lady who seeks to secure the future of her daughter (Ammaya) and her other descendants. H e r correspondent (hardly the queen) is asked to intercede with the Chief Scribe to grant asylum to her descendants in the event that their situadon in Ugarit worsens (see p. 708). Ananin i n . g a l may indeed have been a foreigner in Ugarit, or a local citizen threatened by some opponents, but her identification as the Hittite princess married to the king of Ugarit rests on a chain of unwarranted assumptions. In conclusion, the information presendy available unequivocally identifies only one Hittite princess married in Ugarit, Ehli-Nikkalu, who probably left the city after the death of her h u s b a n d Niqm a d d u III.

7

The

Last

Years

of

Ugarit

Documents belonging to the last period of Ugarit have been found in all the archives of Ugarit and Ras Ibn Hani. In fact, it is becoming increasingly clear in recent years that most of the tablets found at Ugarit belong to the last fifty years of its history ( L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a, 70). T h e most significant new evidence is supplied by the archive discovered in the southern part of the city, in the building

338

Not 'together' as stated by Dijkstra, but rather 37 lines later, in a totally destroyed passage.

known as the House of Urtenu. 3 3 9 T h e texts unearthed in 1973 and published in 1991 ( R S O 7) have already opened new vistas into the study of Ugarit's late history, and the preliminary information on the finds from the 1994 season, which yielded 134 letters (twenty in Ugaritic), promises exciting new insights. 340 Important results have also been achieved through meticulous reexamination of the archaeological data from the earlier excavations. For example, the long-held view about 'the last tablets of Ugarit' which were placed in a 'baking oven' ( f o u r aux tablettes) in Court V of the royal palace shortly before Ugarit was destroyed ( S c h a e f f e r 1962, 31-7) has been conclusively refuted. It is now evident that the oven was installed by squatters after the destruction of the palace and it has nothing to do with the tablets which probably fell down from an upper floor where they were originally stored. 341 Thus, none of the more than 150 tablets and fragments found there may automatically be dated to the last years of Ugarit simply on the evidence of their findspot. Information for their dating must be sought painstakingly in the contents of these documents, and the same holds true for the other archives of Ugarit. 342 For example, the tablets found in the palace archives span the entire last century and a half of Ugarit's history and it is impossible to date any of these tablets simply on the basis of their archaeological context ( L i v e r a n i 1988b, 126ff.). T h e r e are some promising beginnings, though, in the development of dating tools based on script, orthography and grammatical features. 343

339

For the circumstances of the discovery and the archaeological evidence, see 1995; L O M B A R D 1995. For the identification of the residence of Urtenu, see B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1995b; B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 444. 340 B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b; L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a. One of the important discoveries in the new archive is a mythological fragment whose colophon identifies the scribe as Ili-Milku (Ilmlk), probably the same scribe who wrote most of the Ugaritic mythological texts (see, most recently, W Y A T T 1997, 1998a). Ili-Milku is known to have acted under king Niqmaddu, and it is now evident that this must be the late 13th century king, and not his mid-14th century name-sake, as previously assumed ( B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 447 8). 341 C A L V E T 1990, 40, n. 2; L O M B A R D 1995, 228-9; M I L L A R D 1995, 119; Y O N 1997b, 54. This is demonstrated, among other things, by fragments found several metres away from the 'oven' that joined with one of the tablets allegedly found within it ( L O M B A R D 1995, 229). 342 For a recent survey on the distribution of tablets in the various archives of Ugarit, see L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a (with refs. to earlier studies). 343 H U E H N E R G A R D 1989, 341 2; VAN S O L D T 1991a; 1995c. See e.g. VAN S O L D T 1995c, 208, for a differentiation between the spelling of documents from the reigns YON

7.1

Ammurapi (ca

1215-1190/85)

T h e coronation of the last king of Ugarit, A m m u r a p i , was celebrated in a fascinating ritual, the text of which was discovered in 1973 in the area which turned out to be the residence of Urtenu. 3 4 4 T h e liturgy proclaimed at the funerary ritual of N i q m a d d u III was intended to assure the legitimacy of the new king by invoking the deified ancestors of the dynasty: the spirits (rpum) of the netherworld, the council of the Didanites (see p. 613), four individually n a m e d rpum,345 a n d two departed kings, A m m i t t a m r u and N i q m a d d u . T h e latter must be the dead king N i q m a d d u III, w h o is m o u r n e d in the following lines. As for A m m i t t a m r u , it is usually assumed that the 13th century king is referred to, but then, it is not clear why Ibiranu, N i q m a d d u Ill's father (see p. 691), should have been omitted. Perhaps the ritual invoked a more illustrious forefather of the new king, either his grandfather, or perhaps even a m o r e remote ancestor. T h e last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi, 3 4 6 was a c o n t e m p o r a r y of T a l m i - T e s u b of Carchemish ( R S 17.226 = PRU 4, 208) and, by extension, of Suppiluliuma II, the last king of Hatti. T h e length of his reign was once considered to be very short (e.g., L e h m a n n 1983, 8 9 - 9 0 ; K l e n g e l 1992, 148), but the new documentation, in particular some valuable Egyptian synchronisms, have extended it to over twenty years, spanning the turn of the 12th century (see p. 715). A m m u r a p i ' s filiation used to be considered problematic, and it was even suggested that, though related to the royal family, he might have usurped the throne of Ugarit ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 131; 1979a, 1312; K l e n g e l 1992, 148). T h e only possible m e n t i o n of A m m u r a p i ' s filiation is in the very fragmentary land grant R S 17.322.2' (= PRU 6, no. 47), [A(m)-mu-ra-a]p-i(?) d u m u ! Mq-ma-dm, but this restoration is far f r o m certain ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 3, n. 29). However, the legitimacy of his royal descent is now rendered more probable by a let-

of the first kings of Ugarit (Niqmaddu II, Arhalba, Niqmepa) and the last ones (Ammittamru II, Ibiranu, Niqmaddu III, Ammurapi). 344 K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 (= R S O 7, no. 90). T h e first reliable publication based on a collation of the original tablet was provided by BORDREUIL - P A R D E E 1982. For the extensive bibliography on this text, see the updated list in R S O 7, 152, to which add L E V I N E DE T A R R A G O N - R O B E R T S O N 1997 and W Y A T T 1998c, 430. 345 These four rpum (ulkn, trmn, sdn-w-rdn, tr-'llmn) are otherwise unknown. 346 A seal ring bearing the name of Ammurapi written in cuneiform Akkadian has turned up on the antiquity market, but its provenance from Ras Shamra cannot be ascertained ( S C H A E F F E R 1 9 5 4 , 3 4 , n. 2 ; N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 5 6 , 2 0 5 , n. 1).

ter from the Urtenu archive in which the king (of Carchemish) recalls an embarassing incident which took place 'at the time of your father, the in-law (hatanu) of His Majesty' (RS 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7). If the letter was addressed to Ammurapi, which seems highly probable (see p. 695), his father must have been the king of Ugarit who married a Hittite princess (see p. 702). T h r e e of the documents dated to A m m u r a p i deal with the property division between him and the Hittite princess Ehli-Nikkalu, but, as suggested above, she was not Ammurapi's divorcee but rather N i q m a d d u Ill's widow. 347 Nor was Sarelli, who was hailed at the coronation of A m m u r a p i ( K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126.33, [t\iyl), his spouse, but rather his grandmother who lived to a respectable old age (see p. 691). T h e only candidate for Ammurapi's queen remains a certain lady Ašdadā who appears in a yet unpublished legal document sealed with 'the seal of the queen' (RS 22.002; v a n S o l d t 1991a, 18). T h e tablet was found in a 'private archive' dating to the end of Ugarit (ib.: 19), and if she was indeed a queen she may well be 'matched' with Ammurapi, the only 'single' king of Ugarit. T h e reign of A m m u r a p i is marked by two drastic developments which accelerated the collapse of the Hittite Empire: the food shortage which had already been felt by the mid-13th century and had now reached devastating proportions, and the destructive movements of the seaborne enemies known as the 'Sea Peoples' who were probably driven by the same famine. These topics will be dealt in separate entries after the description of Ugarit's foreign relations. 7.1.1

More reprimands from the overlords

T h e last king of Ugarit received his share of reprimands for disobeying his Hittite overlords, perhaps even more than his predecessors. In an Ugaritic translation of a letter sent to him by the 'Sun' ( K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038 = PRU 5, 60) he is categorically reminded of his position and his duties: 'You belong to the Sun your master; a servant indeed, his possession are you. . . . T o me, the Sun, your master, why have you not come for one year, two years?' ( P a r d e e 1981, 152). After this harsh scolding Ammurapi is further reprimanded

347

It is inconceivable that Ehli-Nikkalu was Ammurapi's mother. If he was indeed the son of Niqmaddu III, he must have been the son of another wife of his father. This may have played some role in Ehli-Nikkalu's departure from Ugarit.

for being late in sending the m u c h - n e e d e d food consignments to Hatti (see below p. 717). A similar letter of r e p r i m a n d was sent to A m m u r a p i by the King (of Carchemish), but only its opening lines are preserved ( R S 13.007b = PRU 3, 6). T h e U r t e n u archive a d d e d in 1994 some half a dozen letters to the correspondence of Ammurapi. 3 4 8 A long letter was sent to him by the 'Chief Scribe (and) Chief Equerry (tuppanura huburtinura),349 the Great, noble of Hatti' to his 'good b r o t h e r ' A m m u r a p i ; it deals with various diplomatic and political matters a n d a quasi-duplicate was sent by the G r e a t K i n g ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 106, n. 6). Another letter mentions the Chief Scribe as the chief authority in matters of custom tolls paid by merchants upon their entrance into Hittite Syria ( R S 92.2007; A r n a u d 1996, 58ff). T h e leading role played by the Chief Scribe in this period is best exemplified by the letter already discussed in which the king of Carchemish (probably Talmi-Tesub) reprimands the king of Ugarit (probably Ammurapi) for sending inadequate presents to the Hittite dignitaries, especially to the tuppalanuú350 ( R S 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7; see p. 694). T o these letters from the Urtenu archive we may add a n o t h e r f r o m the Southwest archive, in which a certain Anani-Nikkal beseeches her lady [. . . n]uwiya to intercede for her with the tuppanuri w h o is in the position to save her descendants f r o m misery in Ugarit ( R S 19.080 = PRU 6, no. 2).351 Perhaps all these late texts refer to the same influential dignitary who at the end of the Hittite Empire accumulated considerable political and economic power. 7.1.2

The rising 'Sun' of Egypt

A fascinating letter f r o m the U r t e n u archive unveils a yet unsuspected facet of Ugarit's foreign policy in the last decades of its exist-

348 L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995a, 70, n. 22; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106, who mentions that one of the topics dealt with in the letters sent from the Great King of Hatti is the performance of some rituals. 349 T h e two terms are juxtaposed and probably refer to the same dignitary ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 106, n. 6). A [f}ubu)rtanuri (?) is probably also addressed in a letter sent by Ammittamru (RS 20.200 c = Ug 5, no. 29; following the collation

b y ARNAUD 350

1996, 60, η.

76).

The term appears in Ugarit both as tuppanura (> tuppan+ura) and as tuppalanura (> tuppalan+ura). For the Luwian etymology, see L A R O C H E 1956, 27ff.; see also A R N A U D 1996, 59f. It seems that the form tup-pa-at-nu-ή in R S 92.2007 ( A R N A U D , ib.) is merely a spelling variant of tup-pa-la-nu-rì\ for the confusion of the signs la and at in Hittite texts, see S I N G E R 1996a, 136-7, n. 307. 351 For a tentative interpretation of this letter, see A R N A U D 1996, 60-1.

ence ( R S 88.2158; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b). It is the response of P h a r a o h Merneptah 3 3 2 to a previous missive f r o m Ugarit extensively q u o t e d in the long letter. T h e letter-head with the n a m e of the addressee is unfortunately missing, but the possibilities may be reduced to either N i q m a d d u III or A m m u r a p i , probably the latter (see below p. 713). T h e elaborate greeting formula, partly lost, contains Pharaoh's approval that '[. . . your] ancestors (were) indeed the servants of the king, [the excellent son of R a ] ; you too (are) the servant of the king, the excellent son of R a ( d uru-a), like t h e m ' . W e shall return to this significant statement, but first to the n o less remarkable contents of the letter. T h e king of Ugarit h a d requested that an Egyptian sculptor be sent to Ugarit to m a k e an image of M e r n e p t a h in front of the statue of Ba'al in his renovated temple in Ugarit (11. 10'-16'; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1997). M e r n e p t a h responds evasively: ' T h e sculptors w h o work here in Egypt are engaged in fulfilling their duty for the great gods of Egypt. Behold, since the king has taken his seat on the throne of R a , these have worked for the great gods of Egypt. But as soon as they finish, the king will send to you the carpenters that you have asked for in o r d e r that they m a y p e r f o r m all the tasks that you will c o m m a n d t h e m (by saying): " D o them!"' 3 5 3 Unless this is a totally groundless excuse, M e r n e p t a h ' s answer must refer to his own coronation in 1213. Assuming that the letter of the king of Ugarit was sent on the occasion of the change of rulers in Egypt, R S 88.2158 must be dated not too long after this date, a valuable chronological a n c h o r which m a y p e r h a p s be related to events in Ugarit itself. Recent archaeological investigations have shown that large parts of the city, including the temple of Ba'al, had to be rebuilt in the second half of the 13th century bce, possibly as a result of a seismic event ( C a l l o t 1994, 197ff.; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b, 78-9). T h e polite refusal to meet Ugarit's exceptional request is counterbalanced by a strikingly rich consignment of luxury goods that is

352

LI. 12'—13': Mar-ni-ip-t[a-al·}] (fa-at-pa-mu-a. T h e second word is the cuneiform rendering of an Egyptian epithet (htp m3't) meaning 'he who is content with justice' ( Y O Y O T T E apud L A C K E N B A C H E R 1995b: 78). As identified by Lackenbacher (1994), the same epithet appears in a Bogazköy text which mentions the 'son of Marniptah' (KUB 3.38 obv. 5'f.). 353 Lines 17'—25'. It is noteworthy that Merneptah opens by saying that the sculptors (1ú bur.gu1.meš, lit. 'stone-cutters') are busy, and concludes by promising to send carpenters (1ú nagar.meš). Lackenbacher (1995b, 80) assumes that the reference is to another request from Ugarit, but this sudden switch in subject may simply be a polite way to inform the king of Ugarit that he should content himself with whatever artisans he will get from Egypt.

about to be loaded onto a ship returning to Ugarit. It contains various textile and clothing articles totalling 102 items; 50 large baulks of ebony; 1,000 plaques of red, white and blue stones; altogether 12 large packages sealed with the royal seal. After these rather conventional luxury goods, which find good parallels in the A m a r n a letters and in the Hittite-Egyptian correspondence, the list of presents continues with more exceptional prestige items: 800(!) whips or flails (istufyf}uM s î g m e S ) , 4 . . . -fish (lippatu ku (l .meš), 2 large girgû-cords ( L a c 354 k e n b a c h e r 1 9 9 6 ) , 8 large ropes with a total length of 1 , 2 0 0 cubits. T h e letter concludes with the announcement that the messenger of Ugarit will soon be sent back to his country in the company of the royal messenger of Egypt, Ammaia, 'Chief of the ships of the treasury'. 355 T h e same messenger (bearing the same tide) appears in another Akkadian letter of M e r n e p t a h ( R S 9 4 . 2 0 0 2 + 2 0 0 3 rev. 3 ) , and probably also in an Ugaritic draft of a letter of A m m u r a p i (RS 3 4 . 3 5 6 . 3 ; see below p. 7 1 2 ) . This could indicate that the addressee of Merneptah's letters was the last king of Ugarit, a valuable synchronism indeed. T h e list of Egyptian presents in R S 8 8 . 2 1 5 8 provides an excellent example of the continuing d e m a n d for fashionable prestige items at the royal courts of the Near East until the very end of the Bronze Age. T h e valuable construction materials may have served for the adornment of the new temple of Ba'al, but some of them could have been used for other purposes in Ugarit itself or forwarded to other destinations. 356 Nothing is said in the letter about the price paid by Ugarit to match such a bountiful Egyptian present in size and quality.357 O n e may perhaps recall in this context the well-known sword inscribed with a cartouche of Merneptah that was found in the residential quarter east of the palace ( S c h a e f f e r 1 9 5 6 ; cf. H e l c k 1 9 9 5 , 93). It may have been a present sent by Merneptah on some other occasion, or perhaps vice versa, a luxury item manufactured in Ugarit

354 Cf. the list of presents sent from Egypt to the ruler of Byblos according to the Report of Wenamon, which includes thirty baskets of fish and five hundred ropes (SIMPSON 1 9 7 3 , 151). ! " Lines 31'f.: 1ú gal giš.má.meš ša é [ú-de-]e. For this messenger and his title (with textual refs.), see the extensive commentary of LACKENBACHER, forthcoming. 356 Note, e.g., the small ropes (ibif}i tur.meš) requested by a king of Tarftuntassa from Ammurapi (RS 34.139 = R S O 7, no. 14; see n. 177). 357 Note, however, the 2,000 (shekels?) of silver mentioned in the fragmentary letter K T U 2.81 = RIH 7 8 / 3 + 30.12'f., which also belongs to the Egyptian correspondence (see p. 712).

which for some reason never reached its destination in Egypt (Yon 1997b, 81, 178). Whether a statue of Merneptah was ever erected in the temple of Ba'al is hard to say, but it is quite tempting to recall in this context an Egyptian pedestal found in the Southern Palace in 1955 (RS 19.186 = Ug 4, 124, fig. 101; R S O 5 / 1 , 226). It carries an offering formula invoking Ba c al, 358 but unfortunately the donor's name is broken off. As noted by V a n d i e r (Ug 4, 133, 135), the base has a hole into which a statuette, probably of an Egyptian person, was fastened. T h e piece is dated to the 19th dynasty, and in view of the mention of a Seth-like deity, Vandier suggested the reign of Sety I, but obviously, a dating to Merneptah is just as possible. Another relevant object is the votive stele found in 1929 in the temple of Ba c al, which carries an inscription of the royal scribe and overseer of the palace treasuries M3my, dedicated to Ba'al Saphon (RS l.[089]+ = A O 13176; R S O 5 / 1 , 39, fig. b; G a s s e apud Y o n (ed.) 1991, 286-8; also ib. 328 fig. 8a). All in all, this exchange of letters can point to nothing less than a forthright overture to restore the traditional political ties between Egypt and Ugarit, notwithstanding the latter's obligations towards her Hittite overlord. Such an official correspondence could hardly have escaped the notice of the Hittite foreign office which operated scores of diplomats and messengers both in Ugarit and in Egypt. Despite the tolerance with which the Hittites traditionally viewed Ugarit's foreign relations, this explicit overture towards Egypt must have been regarded as crossing the red line of double allegiance, 359 especially in a period of growing dissatisfaction with Ugarit's performance as a vassal state. I wonder whether Merneptah's polite refusal to set up his statue in Ugarit may be interpreted as a cautious abstention from provoking his Hittite allies with whom he maintained a lucrative trade. At any rate, such a bold political move by Ugarit could hardly have been made a few generations earlier, and it is yet another indication for the waning reverence for Hittite authority in Syria. T h e letter of Merneptah, RS 88.2158, is an invaluable addition to a small group of documents belonging to the correspondence

358 T h e iconography of the relevant hieroglyph identifies the god as Ba'al, rather than Seth. Cf. G I V E O N 1 9 8 6 , 8 4 0 ; C O R N E L I U S 1 9 9 4 , 134FF. I wish to thank Dr Deborah Sweeney for her remarks on this inscription. 359 Cf. L A C K E N B A C H E R ' S (1995b, 83) similar interpretation of the evidence.

between Egypt and Ugarit in the late 13th century. It has recently been announced that a further letter of Merneptah (RS 94.2002 + 2003) was discovered in the house of Urtenu in 1994 ( L a c k e n b a c h e r , forthcoming), and it mentions consignments of grain sent from Egypt to relieve the famine in Ugarit. T h e remaining documents in the Egyptian dossier, three in Ugaritic and one in Akkadian, are very fragmentary and add little to our information on the exact nature of these contacts. T h r e e Ugaritic drafts for letters sent by the king of Ugarit to the 'Sun' of Egypt, his lord, were discovered in the seventies. T h e name of the sender, A m m u r a p i (11. 2, 11: cmrpi), is preserved only in K T U 2.76 = RS 34.356 ( B o r d r e u i l 1982, 10-2), which was found on the surface of the m o u n d in the area of the Urtenu archive. T h e small fragment seems to contain two separate opening formulae (Iff. and 9ff.), which perhaps served as standard models for addressing the Pharaoh. It also contains the n a m e of the messenger (mlak) Nmy or Amy (1. 3). If the latter reading is valid, Amy could be the Ugaritic equivalent of cuneiform Ammaia, the head of the Egyptian expedition in the letters of M e r n e p t a h (RS 88.2158.31'; R S 94.2002 + 2003 rev. 3 - 4 ; L a c k e n b a c h e r , forthcoming; see p. 710). A very similar elaborate address is better preserved in a fragment from Ras Ibn Hani: ' [ T o the Sun], the great king, the king of Egypt, [the graciou]s [king], the just king, [the king of ki]ngs, the lord of all the land [of Egyp]t'. 360 T h e identity of the sender is almost entirely lost, 361 but the close parallel with R S 34.356 suggests Ammurapi. T h e fragmentary reverse of the text mentions 362 some monetary transaction amounting to 2,000 (shekels?) of silver (1. 12'f.), some cargo, 363 the sea, and the people of Ugarit. 364

360

K T U

2.81

=

RIH

78/3

+

3 0 ; BORDREUIL -

CAQUOT

1980, 3 5 6 - 7 ;

PARDEE

-

For the epithets, see M I L A N O 1 9 8 3 . 361 'Your servant' in 1. 5 is preceeded by either ]r, which could be the last letter of Ammittamru, or by ~\k which could be restored as mlk 'the king' ( B O R D R E U I L C A Q U O T 1 9 8 0 , 3 5 7 ) . Although the former possibility cannot be entirely excluded, an attribution of the letter to Ammurapi is far more likely. 362 T h e isolated ully in 1. 2' was identified by B O R D R E U I L - C A Q U O T (1980, 357) as the PN Uliliya, but the context is too fragmentary. 363 Ugaritic dr' (11. 3', 5') is usually rendered as 'shipment, cargo', but, as suggested by B O R D R E U I L - C A Q U O T (1980, 357), it could also be a variant spelling of dr', 'seed (of grain)'. Cf. also D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1966b, 129; H O F T I J Z E R 1979, 387-8, DLU 141. 364 L. 15' Ugrtym is rendered as either the ethnicon 'Ugaritians', or as Ugrt-ym, BORDREUIL

1992,

711.

T h e third Ugaritic letter to a Pharaoh, K T U 2.23 = R S 16.078 + 16.109 + 16.117 (PRU 2, 18), has traditionally been dated to the A m a r n a Age. Since the sender solemnly intercedes with Ba'al Saphon, Amon, and the gods of Egypt to assure a long life for his lord, the letter has been dated either before Akhenaten's reform ( V i r o l l e a u d 1957, 35; H e l c k 1971, 194, n. 52; G i v e o n 1986, 839), or after it ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 32; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 311, n. 13). T h e possibility that the letter should rather be attributed to the late 13th century was first raised by K l e n g e l (1969, 347), who noted that the tablet was found in the same context as K T U 2.33 = R S 16.402, a late letter in Ugaritic dealing with the enemy in Mukiš (see p. 724). This ingenious suggestion gained much in probability after the discovery of the other Ugaritic drafts of letters sent to Egypt. T h e elaborate opening formulae are missing in this letter, which starts ex abrupto with a quotation from a previous letter of Pharaoh (11. 1~2). T h e very fragmentary central part of the letter apparently deals with an exchange of messengers (1. 6), and the well-preserved end contains the above-mentioned blessings for the life of Pharaoh. Nothing in this letter provides a reliable dating, but it generally recalls the two smaller fragments mentioned above, one of which is safely dated to Ammurapi. In fact, I wonder whether these fragments could be drafts for the official letter, 365 translated into Akkadian, which was sent to Merneptah and was extensively quoted in his response. T h e intercession of the king of Ugarit with his lord Ba'al-Saphon to grant long years to Pharaoh (RS 16.117+) curiously recalls his request to erect a statue of Merneptah in front of the statue of Ba'al of Ugarit (RS 88.2158). Needless to emphasize, this tentative suggestion to identify the corresponding monarchs of Egypt and Ugarit as Merneptah and A m m u r a p i respectively, may add a valuable synchronism which at present cannot be conclusively proved. T h e last document in the correspondence with Egypt is the muchdiscussed letter of Beya found in 1986 in the Urtenu archive (RS 86.2230). 366 Unfortunately, only the opening lines are preserved in

'Ugarit-on-Sea', (like sdn-ym, 'Sidon-on-Sea' in Phoenician inscriptions), which could refer to Ras Ibn Hani where the tablet was found (BORDREUIL - C A Q U O T 1 9 8 0 , 3 5 7 ) . 365 Note that RS 34.356 seems to consist of models for a letter-head, whereas RS 16.1 17 skips over the opening. However, the large distance between the findspots of the two tablets precludes the possibility that they once belonged to the same letter draft. 366 ARNAUD apud BORDREUIL 1987, 297; ARNAUD 1992, 181, η. 6. Photographs of

the Akkadian letter addressed to A m m u r a p i by Beya, 'Chief of the troops of the Great King, King of the land of Egypt'. 367 T h e greetings open with blessings to Amon, R a and Seth, the gods of Egypt: 'May they p r o t e c [ t . . Λ 368 It was immediately recognized that Beya is most probably identical with B3y, a renowned figure in late 19th dynasty Egypt ( A r n a u d 1986-7, 188; F r e u 1988). 369 O f n o r t h e r n origin, he adopted an Egyptian n a m e (Rc-mssw-h' m-ntrw) but continued to use his Asiatic n a m e in his inscriptions and correspondence. H e is first heard of under Sety II when he bears the tide 'royal scribe and royal butler'. After the death of Sety II Beya played a dominant role in placing Siptah, the young son of a concubine, on the throne of Egypt. In concert with Queen Tausert, Sety II's widow, he acted as guardian to the young king, and in fact took over the government of Egypt, bearing the exceptional title 'Great chancellor of the entire land'. H e even built himself a tomb in the Valley of the Kings next to that of Tausert, a privilege granted only to members of the royal family. After the premature death of Siptah, Tausert crowned herself as Pharaoh and B3y probably kept his office until her throne was usurped by Sethnakht, the founder of a new dynasty ( K i t c h e n 1995, 87). B3y's enemies later denigrated his memory and depicted the 'empty years' of his rule as a period of confusion and anarchy (see refs. in d e M o o r 1996b, 2 2 4 , n. 1 7 ) . T h e identification of Beya with B3y, which has meanwhile been broadly accepted, 370 has been sharply criticized by K i t c h e n ( 1 9 9 5 , 86), partly on misconstrued evidence. 371 H e claims that the Akkadian title of Beya cannot be reconciled with the Egyptian titles of B3y,

the fragment were published in A R N A U D 1993, 248-9, no. 222; Y O N 1997b, 137, no. 4. 367 Lines 2~3: LÙ.GAL ÉRIN.MES fju-ra-de^"'^ sa LUGAL.GAL LUGAL KUR Mi-is-ri-m[a] ( A R N A U D 1992, 181, n. 6; missed by L E H M A N N 1996, 32, η. 48, who, following H E L C K 1995, 93-4, erroneously assumes that the cuneiform tide of Beya is GAL mešedi). tiurādu/)jrd in Ugarit designates groups of soldiers or civilians who perform civil service for the king ( M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1995, 263-4; VAN S O L D T 1995b). 368 Lines 7-9: a-na-ku a-qa-ab-bi a-na dA-ma-ni a-na DUTTJ D IŠKUR DINGIR.MES sa KUR Mi-is-ή ma-a li-is-su-r[u . . . ( A R N A U D , ib.). 369 For the Egyptological literature on B3y, see refs. in F R E U 1988; DE M O O R 1996b, 217ff.; H E L C K 1995, 93-4; K I T C H E N 1995, 86-7. 370 V A N S O L D T 1991a, 45-6; Y O N 1992c, 119; H O F F N E R 1992, 49; D R E W S 1993, 6; H E L C K 1995, 93-4; DE M O O R 1996b, 217ff.; LEHMANN 1996, 32; BALDACCI 1996, 215. 371 Incorrectly referring to Freu, he implies that the cuneiform title of Beya includes 'Vizier'. For the correct title, see n. 367 above.

and 'so, it is better to identify the Ras S h a m r a Beya with some Chief of the bodyguard a n d / o r (northern) Vizier *Piay, otherwise unknown to us—which robs this tablet of any chronological value' ( K i t c h e n 1995, 86-7). T h e independent correspondence of an Egyptian official, other than the Pharaoh himself, with the last king of Ugarit is hardly imaginable, unless he was the most prominent figure in Egypt. Transmitting official titles from one language to the other is always difficult, and particularly so in the case of Egyptian titles.372 It is most unfortunate that the letter apparently does not contain any additional information which might help us to reach a conclusive identification. Even so, there is a very high probability that Beya and B3y are one and the same person, 373 and this provides a most valuable terminus post quern for the fall of Ugarit within the reign of Siptah or Tausert, i.e. between 1194 and 1186 (see n. 10). Another result of the new Egyptian letters is a considerable extension of Ammurapi's reign, which was once considered to be very short. Assuming that Ammurapi is the addressee of RS 88.2158, his rule must have begun in the first years of Merneptah, and it extended into the period when Beya, the Great Chancellor of Siptah and Tausert, still held office. 7.1.3

Grain shipments from Egypt

First signs of a grain shortage in Hatti already appear towards the mid-13th century. In a letter to Ramesses II the Hittite queen Puduhepa urges him to take over as soon as possible the horses, cattle and sheep given to the Hittite princess as her dowry, because, as she says, Ί have no grain in my lands' (KUB 21.38 obv. 17f.; E d e l 1994, i 216-7). Soon after the signing of the peace treaty in 1258 a high-ranking Hittite expedition went down to Egypt to procure barley and wheat and to organize its prompt shipment to Hatti. 374 This vital import of food to Hatti must have reached sizable proportions towards the end of the century, when Merneptah boasted that he 'caused grain to be taken in ships, to keep alive this land of Hatti' (KRI IV 5,3).

372

EDEL 373

For the cuneiform equivalents of Egyptian titles, see, e.g., 1994,

ii

SINGER

1983b,

20

1;

277FF

According to B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 445 the new documents from the Urtenu archive mention Ramesses, Merneptah and Sety. If the latter is Sety II, this would provide further support for the Beya = B3y equation. 374 K U B 3. 34 rev. 15ff.; E D E L 1994, i 184-5, ii 281-2; cf. also K L E N G E L 1974, 167.

T h e port of Ugarit' 7 5 and its commercial fleet played a pivotal role in this trade, as shown by various Akkadian and Ugaritic documents. 376 An Akkadian tablet discovered at Tel Aphek (some 10 km. east of Tel-Aviv) contains a letter sent (around 1230) from Takuhlinu, the governor of Ugarit, to Haya, the Egyptian governor of C a n a a n ( O w e n 1981; S i n g e r 1983b). It deals with a transaction of 250 parisu (about 15 tons) of grain, mediated by a certain Adduya of Akko. T h e grain is paid for with silver, but the governor of Ugarit sends an extra present of 100 (shekels) of blue and 10 of red purple-dyed wool. T h e efforts invested in procuring such a relatively small a m o u n t of grain only emphasize the severity of the situation. T h e cereals bought in Egypt and in C a n a a n were shipped along the Levantine coast to Ugarit and Mukiš and thence to the ports of southern Anatolia, in particular to Ura. A letter sent from Tyre recounts the adventures of some grain-laden ships returning from Egypt that were caught in a storm near the coast of Tyre (RS 18.031; see p. 672). An Akkadian letter sent by the 'Sun' of Hatti to the king of Ugarit reprimands him for disobeying the orders of the King (of Carchemish) in the matter of a vital grain shipment (RS 20.212 — Ug 5, no. 33). H e reminds his vassal of the obligations he took upon himself in return for his exemption from corvée duties (ilku). H e is supposed to provide one great ship with its crew for the transportation of 2,000 (kor?) of grain from Mukiš to U r a in one or two shipments. T w o Hittite messengers, Ali-ziti reši šarrì ( s a g . l u g a l ) 3 7 7 and Kunni, 3 7 8 are sent to supervise the transaction. T h e letter concludes with the dramatic exclamation: '(It is a matter) of death (or) life!'379

375 T h e main port of Ugarit was at Minet el-Beida, ancient Ma'fradu, for which see A S T O U R 1970; Y O N 1994a; S A A D É 1995. Ras Ibn Hani, some 5 km further south on the coast, was probably a secondary residence of the royal family of Ugarit (see p. 435). 376 O n the maritime trade of Ugarit, see the extensive bibliography cited in C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 351-2, n. 9, and V I T A 1995, 160, n. 2; add Y O N 1994b (esp. pp. 43Iff.) and S A A D É 1995, 222ff. 377 Ali-ziti may well be identical with the 'chief palace-attendant' (GAL D U M U M E S É.GAL) in the U1mi-Tešub treaty dated to the end of Hattusili 'III"s reign (KBo 4.10 rev. 31; VAN DEN H O U T 1995, 216; Singer 1983c, 33). 378 Kunni could perhaps be a short form of the name Kuniya-piya (SUM) borne by a person who appears in Hittite court protocols ( W E R N E R 1 9 6 7 , 2 I f f ) , once in connection with 'a year of f a m i n e ' (ib.: 3 2 - 3 , KUB 40. 86 rev. 11; cf. K U B

40.91 379

rev. 5', ib. 3 0 ; KLENGEL

1974,

167).

T h e same expression recurs in a letter of Ini-Tesub to Ibiranu concerned with

T h e exact dating of the above text is not known, but it may perhaps be inferred from an Ugaritic translation of a similar letter sent by the 'Sun' to A m m u r a p i ( K T U 2.39 = R S 18.038 = PRU 5, no. 60; see above p. 708).380 T h e king of Ugarit is quoted stating that there is no food in his land, which sounds more like an excuse than an actual shortage in Ugarit itself.381 T h e rest of the letter is quite fragmentary and has been subjected to various interpretations. 382 A state of emergency is reflected in other documents which cannot be dated with any confidence. As pointed out by K l e n g e l (1974), similar conditions of food shortage must have occured quite frequendy on the Anatolian plateau, but the accumulation of documents from the late 13th century leaves no doubt about the unprecedented proportions of this famine. Nor was Anatolia the only region struck by it. T h e r e is growing textual and archaeological evidence showing that climatological cataclysms affected the entire eastern Mediterranean region towards the end of the second millennium b c e . 3 8 3 A fragment of a Hittite letter from Bogazköy deals with the urgent transportation of a grain shipment to Cilicia (Bo 2810; O t t e n 1967, 59; K l e n g e l 1974, 170ff.). An important Hittite official, perhaps the king himself, urges his 'son' 384 to hold on to the (rebellious?) lands and let none of them defect (ii 1 '-5'). In the second, better-preserved paragraph the sender quotes the message of his correspondent in

the inspection of military troops (RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192; N O U G A Y R O L 1968, 106, n. 2; see p. 686). 380 A small fragment of an Ugaritic letter found in Ras Ibn Hani is probably also sent from the '[Sun], the great [king]' to A[mmurapi] (KTU 2.78 = RIH 7 7 / 2 1A; B O R D R E U I L C A Q U O T 1 9 7 9 : 3 0 7 ) . Almost nothing is left from the contents of this translation of a letter sent either by the Hittite or the Egyptian 'Sun', probably the former. 381 The small fragment RS 2 0 . 1 4 1 B ( = Ug 5 , no. 3 4 ) which mentions 3 0 ships and their crew may be part of an answer sent from Ugarit ( N O U G A Y R O L 1 9 6 8 , 1 0 7 , n. 4), or a quotation thereof in another letter sent from Hatti. See also the fragmentary letter RS 2 6 . 1 5 8 ( = Ug 5 , no. 1 7 1 ) which also deals with the transportation of grain to Ura. 382 DIJKSTRA 1 9 7 6 ; P A R D E E 1 9 8 1 B . It is not clear whether an 'enemy' is mentioned in the last paragraph of the letter, or rather a month name (see P A R D E E 1 9 8 1 , 1 5 5 ) . 383 See the extensive refs. cited in D R E W S 1 9 9 3 , chapter 6 . T o be sure, there may be other, related or unrelated, causes for the general food shortage in this period. Note e.g. the rare reference to locusts, BURU 5 .ME(S), in RS 3 4 . 1 4 5 . 2 7 (= R S O 7 , no. 9 ; for the reading of the final ME as MES, see H U E H N E R G A R D 1 9 8 9 , 4 0 5 ; 1 9 9 7 p. 216). 384 If the letter was addressed to Ugarit (but cf. η. 386), its king could be the son-in-law of the Hittite king, as we now know from RS 34.136 = R S O 7, no. 7 (p. 694f.).

which he announced the arrival of a grain-laden ship. 385 T h e sender angrily protests that the ship was kept back for even so much as a day by the addressee and orders its immediate dispatch either to U r a or to Lašti[- (an otherwise unknown port-town): 'My son, do you not know that there was a famine in the midst of my lands?' (ii 1 l'f.; CHD 3, 106a). T h e addressee's domicile was obviously located in a port-town along the sea-way from Egypt to Hatti, either in Ugarit386 or perhaps in Mukis ( O t t e n 1967, 59; K l e n g e l 1969, 3 2 4 - 5 , η. 3; 1974, 173). A situation similar to the one described above recurs in the Ugaritic translation of a letter addressed by a certain Pgn to the king of Ugarit, his 'son' ( K T U 2.46 = R S 18.147 = PRU 5, no. 61).387 After the salutations and the divine blessings the sender refers to provisions of food 388 and to ships, but the context is not clear. Because of the 'father—son' address formula, which also occurs in the A1ašia letters (p. 720), it has been suggested that Pgn was the n a m e of a Cypriot king ( A s t o u r 1965, 255). K l e n g e l (1974, 169; 1992, 149), however, has compared this n a m e to that of Pukana, probably a Hittite official who appears on a Hittite seal-impression from Tarsus. Another Ugaritic letter was sent to the king (of Ugarit) by a certain Tdn, probably a military commander, 3 8 9 who urged him to equip 385

Bo 2810 ii 7'. I doubt that the sign preceding giSMA šuwanza really represents ME, 'one hundred' (so K L E N G E L 1 9 7 4 , 1 7 3 ; O T T E N 1 9 6 7 , 5 9 , with a question mark). I cannot suggest a better alternative (perhaps LAL?), but note that the participle šuwanza is in the singular. On the other hand, large numbers of ships are also attested in other texts from Ugarit: a fleet of 1 5 0 ships in RS 1 8 . 1 4 8 ( = PRU 5, 6 2 ; see p. 7 1 9 ) ; 3 0 ships in RS 2 0 . 1 4 1 B ( = Ug 5 , 1 0 8 , no. 3 4 ) ; and a list of damaged ships of Carchemish in RS 3 4 . 1 4 7 (RSO 7 , no. 5 ; see p. 6 5 9 ) . 386 In that case, this would be the only known letter (or draft) from Bogazköy destined to Ugarit. Cf. also the very fragmentary Akkadian letter KBo 2 8 . 9 1 , 9 ' : KÜR Ú-g[a'- ( H A G E N B U C H N E R 1 9 8 9 , 3 5 3 ) ; it mentions the killing of an enemy (1. 3 ' ) and the accession to the throne of the addressee (1. 8'), and could perhaps belong to the Assyrian correspondence. 387 The same(?) Pgn is perhaps also mentioned in the letter of Tdn (KTU 2.47 = RS 18.148.21 = PRU 5, no. 62), but the context is too fragmentary. 388 For Iht 'akl, 'tablet of food', see A S T O U R 1965, 255, n. 21; H O F T I J Z E R 1979, 383-4. 389 According to reverse 1. 4, Tdn was placed over the king's f}rd, i.e. the mobilized soldiers or civilians ( H E L T Z E R 1982, 105ff.; V I T A 1995a, 136ff.; M A R Q U E Z R O W E 1995, 2 6 3 - 4 ; VAN S O L D T 1995b; cf. also n. 367). Regarding his identity, V I R O L L E A U D (1965, 89) has noted that the opening address does not include the customary prostration formula. I wonder whether he was really a subject of the king of Ugarit, as generally assumed on account of b'lh, 'his lord', in 1. 2. This word, however, is separated by a paragraph divider from 'the king' in the previous line. Could 1. 2 perhaps be interpreted as a blessing formula in which B'lh is simply the name of

a remarkable fleet of 150 ships ( K T U 2.47 = R S 18.148 = PRU 5, 8 8 - 9 , no. 62). It is not clear whether the required ships were needed for commercial or military purposes or both, but if their n u m b e r is correct, they would represent one of the largest navies of the ancient Near East. 390 Finally, a letter from the Urtenu archive provides a vivid record of the desperate pleas for food that must have circulated within the confines of the kingdom in the last years of Ugarit (RS 34.152.9-14 = R S O 7, no. 40): ' T h e gates of the house are sealed. Since there is famine in your house, we shall starve to death. If you do not hasten to come we shall starve to death. A living soul of your country you will no longer see.' T h e sender seems to be located in a provincial centre with no access to the sealed house where the desperately needed food is stored. H e implores his lord, who is probably in Ugarit, to rush back and rescue the remaining population. 391 7.1.4

Seaborne attacks on Ugarit

T h e destructive operations of the 'Sea Peoples' are attested in the archaeological record and in a few documents from Ugarit and from Hatti, most of them revolving around the island of A1ašia/Cyprus, the h u b of seaborne activity in the northeastern Mediterranean. T h e text of the 'Batde of A1ašia' dated to Suppiluliuma II ( O t t e n 1 9 6 3 ; 1 9 7 6 , 2 7 - 8 ; G ü t e r b o c k 1 9 6 7 ) and the A1ašia correspondence dated to Niqmaddu III and Ammurapi provide the chronological framework for the dramatic events, but the details remain to be worked out. Until recently the 'A1ašia dossier' in Ugarit consisted of only four letters from the R a p ' a n u archive (Ug 5, nos. 21-24; B e r g e r 1969; B e c k m a n 1996d). T h e Urtenu archive has added five more letters sent from the island, two from its king (Kušmešuša), one from each of two 'senior governors' ( m a s k i m . g a l ) , and one from an Ugaritian

the deity: 'Let B'lh be the guardian of your land!'? If so, Ydn could be a Hittite commander, which would put him in a better position to mobilize the fleet of Ugarit. 390 A S T O U R 1965, 256; V I T A 1995a, 157ff. Cf., however, the justifiable doubts raised by L A M B R O U - P H I L L I P S O N 1993 about the historical significance of this document and about the so-called 'Ugaritic thalassocracy' in general, as characterized, for example, by SASSON 1966 and L I N D E R 1981. 391 For the rest of this intriguing letter, see p. 727. Another fragmentary letter from the Urtenu archive containing a request for grain is R S 8 8 . 2 0 1 1 ( M A L B R A N L A B A T 1995c, 39).

scribe residing in A1ašia ( B o r d r e u i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995, 445). It is not reported whether the new letters contain any references to the enemy, or whether they are restricted to ordinary commercial matters (for which see p. 676ff.). T h e first, very fragmentary A1ašia letter in the R a p ' a n u archive deals with trade in oil (RS 20.168 = Ug 5, no. 21; see p. 677). It was sent by N i q m a d d u (III) to the king of A1ašia, his 'father'. This address also occurs in a letter of A m m u r a p i to A1ašia (RS 20.238) and should therefore reflect an acknowledged hierarchy between the two royal courts, based not only on the relative age of the correspondents. 392 T h e new A1ašia letters may perhaps contribute to the elucidation of this remarkable situation, a clear testimony for the importance of the island. Probably the most explicit document describing military difficulties is R S 20.238 (= Ug 5, no. 24) sent by an u n n a m e d king of Ugarit to the king of Alasia, his 'father'. T h e dramatic description of the ravages inflicted by the enemy must date the letter to the very end of Ugarit: 'Now the ships of the enemy have come. T h e y have been setting fire to my cities and have done harm to the land . . . Now the seven ships of the enemy which have come have done h a r m to us' ( B e c k m a n 1996d, 27). T h e relatively small number of enemy ships has often been noted, and it has even been suggested that it should be regarded as a typological n u m b e r ( K l e n g e l 1992, 150). But of course the point is that without a well-prepared defence even seven ships may cause havoc and destruction, and this incident was probably one of a series of repeated attacks along the coasdine of Ugarit. 393 T h e king of Ugarit continues his letter with the well-known statement that his army is in Hatti and his navy is in Lukka, whereas his own land remains undefended (11. 19-25). 394 T h e new evidence

392 D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R (1997a, 84-5) suggest that the courts of Ugarit and Alasia were linked by a royal marriage, which would also explain the invocation of the gods of A1ašia, together with the gods of Ugarit and of Amurru, in a Hurrian ritual text (KTU 1.125 = RS 24.274.6). There is, however, no supporting evidence for the alleged marriage of Ammittamru III with a princess of A1ašia. 393 C I F O L A 1994, 1 1. There is, however, no information in the Alasia letters that Ugarit itself was partly destroyed and looted, as stated by Cifola. 394 Most scholars have followed N O U G A Y R O L ' S assumption (1968, 86, n. 1) that this letter is the response to RSL 1 (- Ug 5, no. 23) sent by the King to Ammurapi (see refs. in Y A M A D A 1992, 431, n. 6). However, Alasia is not mentioned in it and the 'King' par excellence throughout the documentation from Ugarit is always the Viceroy of Carchemish. Moreover, in all the (published) letters from Alasia the

from the Urtenu archive may indicate that this information should be taken with a grain of salt (see p. 725). Even if the king of Ugarit reluctantly fulfilled some of his military obligations, the constant reprimands from Carchemish and from Hatti leave little doubt that he kept the best part of his army within the borders of his kingdom, as indeed any sensible ruler would do in a similar situation. T h e letter of Ešuwara, senior governor ( m a s k i m . g a l ) of A1ašia, may indeed be a response to Ugarit's quest for military intelligence (RS 20.018 = Ug 5, no. 22). T h e sender rejects any responsibility for the calamities caused by the enemy ships on Ugaritian territory. In other words, the king of Ugarit should himself take responsibility for the defence of his land, and should not rely excessively on the alarm sounded from A1ašia. Thereafter Ešuwara shares the little he knows about the n u m b e r and the whereabouts of the enemy ships. 393 Whereas Ugarit was struggling to get reliable information from A1ašia, she herself was requested to pass on the news to Amurru. In an Akkadian letter found in the R a p ' a n u archive (RS 20.162 = Ug 5, no. 37) a certain Parsu solicits the king of Ugarit to forward information on the enemy to the king of Amurru, as previously agreed between the two lands. Finally, he adds that an undefined n u m b e r of ships will be put at the disposal of Ugarit. 396 T h e letters from A1ašia obviously came to Ugarit at a point when the island (or most of it) was still ruled by the traditional leadership, a king and governors. 397 Activities of the seaborne enemy are sporadically reported, but there is no sense of an impending catastrophe. H o w does this correspondence relate chronologically to the Hittite evidence about A1ašia? In the description of the unique naval battle fought by the Hittites in the Mediterranean (KBo 12.38 iii 2'-14') Suppiluliuma II is confronted by an 'enemy of A1ašia', which

sender clearly states his name or his tide. It is therefore preferable to classify RSL 1 with the Carchemish dossier ( S I N G E R 1983a, 217; YAMADA 1992, 438ff; see p. 728). 395 T h e twenty ships were apparently expected to land 'in the mountains' but have suddenly taken off towards an unknown destination. L E H M A N N (1996, 27, η. 40) tentatively suggests that the reference could be to the rocky shores of Lycia or Cilicia. 396 That this document should belong to the age of Suppiluliuma I, as tentatively suggested by C I F O L A ( 1 9 9 4 , 1 2 ) , is most unlikely. Another fragmentary Ugaritic letter, K T U 2 . 4 1 = R S 1 8 . 0 7 5 ( = PRU 5 , no. 6 5 ) , has been identified by A S T O U R ( 1 9 6 5 , 2 5 6 ) as a hasty proposal for mutual assistance between Ugarit and Amurru. 397 For the equation MASKIM.GAL = piduri, see O T T E N 1963, 15; S I N G E R 1988b, 247.

must already refer to the 'Sea Peoples' who took over Cyprus or parts of it. An absolute dating of this battle, which would provide a terminus ante quern for the Alasia correspondence, has not yet been achieved, despite the considerable progress made in recent years in the reconstruction of the last years of Hatti ( H a w k i n s 1995, 57ff.; S i n g e r 1996b). As a rule, the 'enemy' is not identified by name in the documents from Ugarit and Hatti, which only enhances the importance of the unique reference to the Sikila-people in a letter from the Urtenu archive found in 1973 (RS 34.129 = R S O 7, no. 12; D i e t r i c h L o r e t z 1978c; L e h m a n n 1979). T h e Hittite king, no doubt Šuppi1uliuma II, addresses the governor of Ugarit because 'the king, your lord, is young and does not know anything' (11. 5-7). This rather pejorative remark must refer to young A m m u r a p i , who failed to comply with a previous request of the Great King to extradite a certain 'Ibnadušu who was captured by the Sikila people ( l ù m e s k u r VKV Šikalaiu) who live on ships (11. 10-14)'. 398 T h e Hittite king wishes to interrogate this person, who was probably ransomed by the authorities of Ugarit from his captivity, in order to find out more about the elusive enemy. 3 9 9 For this purpose he sends a special envoy, Nirgaili, to escort Ibnadusu to the Hittite court. This kartappu could be identical with the well-known Hittite prince Nerikkaili, son of Hattusili 'III', who was often entrusted with important diplomatic missions. 400 T h e Sikila 'who live on ships' are identified with one of the 'Sea Peoples' mentioned in the Egyptian documents, thus providing the first conclusive proof that the same seaborne enemy threatened both the Hittite and the Egyptian empires ( L e h m a n n 1979). T h e cuneiform name could reflect Egyptian Skis or, more probably, the Ski/ Sikila who later settled in Dor and the Sharon Plain ( R a i n e y 1982, 134; E d e l 1983, 8; S i n g e r 1988b, 246). T h e settlement of

398 This description strongly recalls the comment on the tribe of Dan in the Song of Deborah (Judges 5:17): 'And Dan, why does he live on ships?' ( S I N G E R 1988b, 246). 399 A somewhat similar request for the extradition of two persons (inhabitants of the towns Aru and Uškani, respectively) was sent by the King (of Carchemish) to Ammurapi ( R S 88.2013; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995c, 39). 400 S I N G E R 1983b, 10, n. 14; VAN DEN H O U T 1995, 100; LEBRUN 1995, 87 (missing my réf.); H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996, 46. Nerikkaili, who married a daughter of Bentešina after the Silver Treaty of 1258, must have been in his seventies at the very beginning of the 12th century. For his prosopography, see VAN DEN H O U T 1995, 96ff.; L E B R U N 1995, 87; H O U W I N K TEN C A T E 1996, 45ff.

'Sea Peoples' along the coasts of Ugarit will be touched upon in the last entry of this study. 7.1.5

An enemy bridgehead in Mukis?

T w o documents refer to military operations in Mukis on the northern border of Ugarit: the Ugaritic letter R S 16.402 (= PRU 2, 12) found in the palace archives and the Akkadian letter RS 34.143 found in the Urtenu archive. 401 In R S 34.143 (= R S O 7, no. 6) the King (of Carchemish) reprimands an u n n a m e d king of Ugarit on several counts. Although most of the letter is well-preserved its interpretation is not always easy, especially in demarcating the words of the king of Carchemish and the quotations from his correspondent's previous letter. 402 First, the king of Ugarit is accused of misleading his master by claiming that his army is camped in Mukis; according to the King's sources Ugarit's army is in fact located in the town of Apsuna in the northern part of the kingdom of Ugarit. 403 Second, the king of Ugarit is quoted as claiming that his chariotry is in poor shape and his horses are famished as a pretext for not sending his chariotry as demanded. 4 0 4 Finally, the king of Ugarit is accused of keeping to himself the best mariyannu-troops while he sends to the viceroy only worthless soldiers. 405 His way of thinking is mimicked by the Viceroy as follows: 'You must say to yourself: "Is the Sun involved? T h e Sun is not (involved), and therefore it is all right for me to keep them back".' 406 W h a t is the sense of this hypothetical statement? Does it mean that the king of Ugarit is purportedly willing to take orders only from

401

Movements of troops in the Alalah region are also reported in the new documents from the Urtenu archive ( M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 107). 402 Compare the translation of M A L B R A N - L A B A T in R S O 7 to that of Z E E B 1992. 403 A S T O U R (1995, 58, 68) identifies Apsuna with Tell Afis east of the Orontes, but the town should rather be sought on the northern frontier of Ugarit bordering on Mukis. 404 Following Z E E B ( 1 9 9 2 , 4 8 2 ) , the statement about the poor quality of the chariotry seems to be a quotation from the letter of the king of Ugarit. If so, the only army that was really sent from Ugarit to Carchemish was an incapable unit of infantry-men. 405 All except a certain Milku-siG 5 (Na'im); Z E E B ( 1 9 9 2 , 4 9 3 ) assumes that the king of Carchemish ironically singles out Mil-ku-sic^, who must have been a notorious flop. A certain Mlk-n'm is mentioned in an Ugaritic list of individuals (KTU 4 . 3 4 4 =

RS 406

18.130.15).

For the interpretation of these lines (27ff) as a rhetorical question and answer,

see ZEEB

1992,

482-3.

the Great King of Hatti? T h e conclusion of the letter, with a demand that both sides should appear and testify before the 'Sun' may support this interpretation. Alternatively, the king of Ugarit may think that since the 'Sun' himself is not in Mukiš he has no way of knowing whether or not Ugarit sent out her forces. Possibly both thoughts may be combined in the statement. Ugarit's reluctance to fulfil her military duties is a recürring theme in her correspondence with Carchemish, 4 0 7 but here her evasiveness reaches a new record. T h e king of Ugarit artfully refuses to risk the best part of his army in the confrontation, and all that the viceroy of Carchemish is able to threaten with is a trial before the Great King of Hatti. Although there may have been more than one instance of such a deterioration in the authority of the Hittite overlord, the best historical context for this and the following document seems to be in the final period of Ugarit. 408 With the new information supplied by R S 34.143 it becomes easier to understand the situation in the fragmentary and difficult Ugaritic letter K T U 2.33 = RS 16.402 (= PRU 2, no. 12) sent by /?r-Šarruma 409 to his lady (probably Q u e e n Sarelli). 410 In the first part of his report (11. 5 - 2 1 ) the general apparently describes his position on M o u n t Amanus, 4 " with the enemy approaching from Mukiš. 412 In the second, better-preserved, part of the letter (11. 22-39) he beseeches the queen to intercede with the king to send 2,000 horses to his rescue. 413 He

407 Thematically very similar is RS 34.150 = R S O 7, no. 10, which I attempted to relate to the great military manoeuvre orchestrated by the king of Carchemish during the reign of Ibiranu (see above, p. 687). 408 For an Ammurapi dating of R S 3 4 . 1 4 3 , based on stylistic criteria and its comparison with R S 1 6 . 4 0 2 , see also Y A M A D A 1 9 9 2 , 4 4 4 - 5 . 409 'Irr-trm was emended by some into 'Iwr-trm = Ewri-Šarruma (see refs. in C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 3 2 7 , n. 3 ) , but the emendation cannot be substantiated. 410 T h e standard interpretation associates the events described in RS 16.402 with the pressures exerted on Niqmaddu II by Šuppi1u1iuma I on the one side, and by the kings of Mukiš, Nuhhašše and Niya on the other ( S C H A E F F E R 1957, xvm; L I V E R A N I 1979a, 1304; D I J K S T R A 1987, 46; C I F O L A 1994, 10). An alleged anti-Hittite revolt in Mukiš in the early reign of Ammittamru II was proposed by LIPINSKI (1981, 87ff.) as the historical background of RS 16.402. 411 L. 16, gr Amn. For the various interpretations of this line, see C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 331, n. 19. A rather similar military situation is described in the so-called 'General's Letter', when, a century and a half earlier, he fortified his position between Mount Lebanon and the seashore (RS 20.033 - Ug 5, no. 20; see above, p. 628). 412 For the identification of Mgsf} with Mukiš (with the Hurrian formative ~hhe), see L I V E R A N I 1962, 39, n. 5 0 ; C U N C H I L L O S 1989a, 329, n. 13. 413 Lines 24, 32, 38: alpm shvm. T h e enormous number of horses may perhaps be simply a typological number. In any case, it is difficult to accept A S T O U R ' S inter-

adds bitterly that he cannot confront the enemy with only his wife and children (11. 28-9). T h e situation strongly recalls the accusation of the king of Carchemish in R S 34.143 that the king of Ugarit refuses to send his army to the battlefront in Mukis. T h e horses required by /rr-Šarruma may in fact be the same 'famished horses' kept back by the king of Ugarit under different pretexts. T h e combined evidence of the two documents relating to Mukis may perhaps provide the following tentative reconstruction of the situation. An u n n a m e d enemy had established a bridgehead in Mukis whence he threatened the kingdom of Ugarit. This enemy column may have advanced southwards along the foothills of the Amanus, or it may have landed from ships at the mouth of the Orontes, or both. A combined seaborne and landborne encroachment on Ugarit's territory strongly recalls the military tactics of the 'Sea Peoples' in the war they waged against Ramesses III a few years later. T h e Hittite authorities d e m a n d e d auxiliary forces to confront the enemy in Mukis, but the king of Ugarit was obviously more concerned with the defence of his own land, which might already have suffered from seaborne razzias. T h e immediate danger of this elusive enemy seemed more critical than the hypothetical risk of a Hittite punitive action. Therefore he used every possible pretext to avoid sending his best forces to Mukis, and fortified his positions on the northern frontier of his own kingdom. In a much-quoted letter of A m m u r a p i to the King (of Carchemish) he claims that his troops and chariots are in Hatti (RS 20.238 = Ug 5, no. 24; see p. 720), but I wonder how much credence should still be given to this declaration in view of the new data from the Urtenu archive. It would seem that a scenario of 'each for himself' better fits the scattered evidence on the last years of Ugarit and her futile attempt to withhold the impending invasion of the 'Sea Peoples'. 7.1.6

Lost battles and the fall of Ugant

T h e final hours of by the protagonists dispatched as long destination and be

a collapsing state are seldom recorded in writing of the drama. Desperate letters for help are only as there is some hope that they will reach their answered positively. From a certain point on the

pretation (1965, 257) that the author of the letter simply wanted to get rid of the horses that were entrusted to him.

threatened victims realize the futility of their pleas and contemporary written information disappears almost entirely. 414 Ugarit is the only site in the entire eastern Mediterranean which supplies written testimony almost to the very fall of the Bronze Age city, including direct references to the enemy who is about to cause its ruin. 415 T h e elite of Ugarit seem to have continued conducting their routine business almost until the very end ( A r n a u d 1991b, 65; M a l b r a n 1995b, 107), but they could not have been unaware of the L a b a t rapidly deteriorating conditions in their kingdom. A recurring lesson of history is that victims of an impending catastrophe seldom recognize the gravity of their situation and prefer to consider it as a passing cloud. Reference has already been made to the A1ašia letters reporting on seaborne attacks on Ugarit and to the documents referring to a frontline in Mukis. W h a t remain to be surveyed are a few difficult 'private' letters with dramatic reports on the hopeless military and economical situation. It is not easy to pinpoint the reported events to definite places and occasions, but they all seem to share the same desperate tone of a last-ditch stand. T h e Ugaritic letter of Drdn416 to his lord is perhaps the most dramatic amongst the last letters from Ugarit ( K T U 2.61 = R S 19.011 = PRU 5, no. 114): ' W h e n your messenger arrived, the army was humiliated and the city was sacked. O u r food in the threshing floors was burnt and the vineyards were also destroyed. O u r city is sacked. May you know it! May you know it!'417 Another Ugaritic letter that has fomented a voluminous bibliography for its theological connotations is the one sent by Iwrdr (.Eunišaniì) to Plsy ( K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 275ff): 'Let there be peace to you! I have heard from Trgds (Tarfoundišša?) and from Klby (Kalbiya?) that we were beaten. But if we were not

414

A notable exception are personal diaries which dramatically continue to report until the bitter end, but none of this genre is known to me from the ancient Near East. 415 T h e last documents from Hattusa must be the victory reports carved on Nishantepe and Südburg ( H A W K I N S 1995; S I N G E R forthcoming a). In Emar writing continues until the very end of the city ( A R N A U D 1975), but it hardly reflects on the historical circumstances of its fall. 416 I wonder whether this could be a rare Ugaritic spelling for trdn/šerdanni, which is also attested as a PN ( L O R E T Z 1995, 131). 4,7 The translation of the first part of the letter is controversial. See C U N C H I L L O S V I T A 1993b; V I T A 1995a, 137.

completely beaten send me a messenger. T h e arm of the gods will be greater than the force of the warriors if we resist. Put your reply and whatever you hear there in a letter (addressed) to me'. Unfortunately, the location of the ill-fated battle is not reported, but it is noteworthy that the first informant bears a good Anatolian name (Laroche

1966,

177,

no.

1272).

In contrast to these laconic Ugaritic letters the long Akkadian letter of Banniya (or Eniya) to his lord has more to say about the actual mishaps, but unfortunately it is very difficult to fathom (RS 34.152 = R S O 4, no. 40). T h e dramatic description of the famine (11. 9 - 1 5 ) has already been quoted above (p. 719). In the first part of the letter (11. 3-16) the sender quotes from his previous missive to his lord, in which he advised him not to let (his agent?) Haddi1ibbašu either trade in 'cash money' (silver and gold), or to barter his chariot (and sakrumas), but rather to offer his provisions and his donkeys. Although the exact meaning of this transaction remains to be elucidated, a regression of the economy to bartering is typical in times of distress. In the second part of the letter (11. 19ff) Banniya urges his lord to pick his choice men and to hasten to Addaya, who has written to the King (of Carchemish?). T h e sender himself intended to send his men (and some strangers) to Hatti, but these have apparently refused to go. T h e king of Hatti(?) will write to the king of Carchemish instructing him to send his messengers with provisions. Banniya apparently anticipates that the instruction will be passed on to his lord and therefore urges him to flee with his men to Addaya, in accordance with the orders of s u d A s k u r (Riš-Adad?). T h e rest of the letter is fragmentary, except for the last line where the addressee is advised to bring a horse to Addaya. As is evident from the editio pnnceps, this intriguing letter is very hard to interpret, both on the level of simple translation as well as in understanding its overall meaning. I would tentatively venture an interpretation according to which the writer proposes to his lord a p r o m p t escape from his residence to a previously agreed refuge. Several names in the letter have an 'eastern' appearance, 4 1 8 and the same applies to some of the Akkadian forms. Perhaps L a c k e n b a c h e r (1991b, 86, n. 9) is right in tentatively suggesting that the letter was

418 Haddi-1ibbašu, Sin-šumati-ušabši ^30.MU.MEŠ.TUKU), Riš-Adad (SUD-CIIM), EribaMarduk (su-ÈA-DAMAR.UTU), Marduk (MAR.TUK).

sent from Mari. 419 Another provenance could be Emar, which maintained close commercial contacts with Ugarit. A flight f r o m the endangered coastal zone to inland Syria would have seemed a sensible option, even though reports were circulating about unstable conditions along the Euphrates valley as well. 420 T h e Hittite sources have little to add on the fall of Ugarit. T h e last written documents from Hattusa must be the boasting reports of Suppiluliuma II's Pyrrhic victories in A1ašia and along the Mediterranean coast ( H a w k i n s 1995; S i n g e r forthcoming a).421 In his last letters to Ugarit the 'Sun' demands food shipments and information on the Šiki1a enemy. If there were any later exchanges between the two courts, including reports on the desperate situation, they have not as yet been found. But I doubt that the Hittites (or any declining overlord for that matter) would have informed their Syrian allies about their own failures on the battle front. Carchemish was probably not directly affected by the operations of the 'Sea Peoples', and its dynasty continued to rule well into the early Iron Age ( H a w k i n s 1988; 1995; Güterbock 1992). H o w distant the Viceroy of Carchemish was (or pretended to be) from the dramatic events transpiring along the coastal areas is well reflected in a letter to A m m u r a p i ( R S L 1 = Ug 5, no. 23) which is usually attributed to the king of Alasia, but must belong to the 'King' par excellence (see n. 394). In his reply to Ammurapi's worried message about the enemy ships that had been sighted at sea, the King advises his vassal how to overcome the approaching enemy: 'Surround your cities with walls. Bring (your) infantry and chariotry into (them). Be on the lookout for the enemy and make yourself very strong!' T h e covenant between suzerain and vassal had gone a long way since Suppiluliuma I's gallant offer of military support to Ugarit. While Ugarit was constandy required to commit her army to the Hittites, all that the overlord in Carchemish could offer in these agonizing times was hollow 'moral support'.

419 Another letter probably sent from Mari is RS 34.142 (= R S O 7, no. 47), for which see p. 657. 420 M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995b, 107. In a letter sent by Ini-Tesub to Šagarakt[i-Šuriaš] of Babylon concern is expressed about the activities of nomadic shepherds in the Land of Suhi ( B O R D R E U I L - M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 445, 448). 421 L E B R U N ' S suggestion ( 1 9 9 5 , 8 6 ) that the Hittite royal couple fled to Ura on the southern coast is based on unwarranted evidence.

A new letter from the Urtenu archive may perhaps indicate that Carchemish at least promised to send reinforcements to her beleaguered vassal (RS 88.2009; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 39-40). A certain UrhiT e s u b (without any title) informs Urtenu, Yabinina, d i m . d i . k u d , 4 2 2 D a n a n a , the Great Ones ( n i . m e s g a l ) and the City Ellders ( l ú . m e š šibūti sa u r u . k i ) of Ugarit that the King of Carchemish had already left the Land of Hatti (ištu k u r Hatti ittara)m and that they should defend their city until the arrival of the rescue troops. T h e first two addressees provide a dating in the last decades of Ugarit, 424 which renders most unlikely the identification of Urhi-Tesub with the illustrious royal exile ( K l e n g e l 1996, 561), whose throne was usurped by Hattusili Ί Ι Γ around 1265 (see p. 644ff.). Rather, the author must have been an important official at the court of Carchemish reporting about the military moves of his king. 425 Why this late UrhiTesub addresses his letter most unusually to the nobility and the elders of Ugarit remains a riddle. 426 W h e t h e r the promised rescue troops ever arrived at Ugarit we shall probably never know, but in any case, the city was sacked shortly thereafter. T h e exact date of Ugarit's fall remains to be established. 427 T h e letter sent to A m m u r a p i by the Egyptian B e y a / B 3 y provides a terminus post quern between 1194 and 1186 (see p. 715). In 1175 bce 422

Several kings of Tyre bore the same name, ''IM.DI.KUD (see n. 218). In this period the 'Land of Hatti' was a loose geo-political term which included Carchemish. This is also indicated by other occurrences in the late correspondence from Ugarit (see nn. 150, 170). 424 For Urtenu's dating, see p. 6 5 8 ; for Yab(i)ninu's, see COURTOIS 1990. 425 As suggested above (p. 645), he may be identical with the author of an Ugaritic courtesy letter addressed by Urg-Ttb 'to the queen, my lady' (KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199; PARDEE 1984a, 213-5; CUNCHILLOS 1989a, 359ff.). CUNCHILLOS (1989a, 361, n. 3) tentatively suggests that the letter to the queen of Ugarit was sent from Egypt by the exiled king Urhi-Tesub. 426 In the 'Sikila letter', also from the Urtenu archive, the Great King addresses the governor of Ugarit because 'the king, your lord, is young and does not know anything' (RS 34.129.5-7 = R S O 7, no. 12; see p. 722). However, if Urhi-Tesub addresses the dignitaries of Ugarit because of the young age of the king, this letter could hardly be dated to the last years of Ugarit. There may be some other reason for this very unusual type of address. 427 The fall of Ugarit is variously dated in current literature between 1200 and 1175 BCE (for some of the refs., see NEU 1995b, 122, n. 25). None of the exact dates can presently be proven, and they merely reflect the general 'feeling' of the respective authors. My own guess is closer to the terminus post quern supplied by the letter of Beya/B3y than to the terminus ante quern of Ramesses Ill's eighth year, i.e., around 1190/1185 (a few years later than I suggested in 1987, 418). The fall of Emar in ca. 1187 (ARNAUD 1975) does not have to be synchronized with the fall of Ugarit, though obviously both are part of the same overall collapse of LBA centres. 423

Ramesses III already encountered the 'Sea Peoples' near Amurru, after they had run down the coastal areas of the Hittite Empire. 428 Sometime in the decade or so separating these two chronological anchors Ugarit was sacked by the enemy, but there is no way as yet to establish the interval between the arrival of Beya's letter and the fall of Ugarit. 429 T h a t the immediate cause for Ugarit's destruction was an enemy attack is no longer seriously debated ( L i v e r a n i 1995b, 115; Y o n 1997b, 32). Schaeffer's earthquake theory, which is still occasionally resurrected, 430 was based on questionable evidence already when it was first put forward, and it has been entirely refuted by the results of the new excavations conducted at Ras S h a m r a and at Ras Ibn Hani. T h e r e are probably signs of an earthquake that caused considerable damage to the city sometime in the second half of the 13th century and necessitated extensive restoration operations ( C a l l o t 1994, 203ff; C a l l o t - Y o n 1995, 167; see p. 631). However, the final destruction of the city was due to a huge conflagration caused by an enemy attack, which left a massive destruction level reaching two metres in height in places (Yon 1992, 117; 1997a, 258; Callot 1994, 212-3). 431 T h e presence of numerous arrow-heads throughout the ruins may indicate that fierce fighting preceded the city's surrender (Yon 1992, 117). N o corpses were reported lying around in

428 Ramesses Ill's famous statement about the destruction of Fiatti, Qd, Carchemish, Arzawa and A1ašia by the 'Sea Peoples' (KRI V 39.14-40.1) does not refer to Ugarit direcdy, but, as pointed out by L I V E R A N I (1995a, 49), this list reflects political entities and not just geographical regions. Carchemish represents the whole of Hittite Syria, even though its eastern parts, including Carchemish itself, were not directly afflicted by the 'Sea Peoples'. T h e mysterious land of Qd (variously rendered as Qpde, Qadi, etc.) may well refer here to the kingdom of Tarhuntašša, as suggested by L I V E R A N I (ib.). 42 '' A few Myc. III C sherds found in the latest habitation level show that the fall of Ugarit occurred after the first appearance of this type of pottery ( C O U R T O I S 1973; 1987, 21 Off.; M O N C H A M B E R T 1996). 430 L E H M A N N ( 1 9 9 1 , 1 1 7 ; 1 9 9 6 , 1 9 ) weighs the possibility for an earthquake catastrophe which might have led to ('auslösenden Faktor') the military defeat of Ugarit, quoting as a parallel the archaeological evidence from the Argolid (Tiryns, Midea, Mycenae). Even more convinced about the plausibility of a final earthquake is D U P O N T 1 9 8 7 , who attempts to play down the philological evidence for an enemy attack on Ugarit, without however adducing any arguments for Schaeffer's theory. Cf. also K L E N G E L 1 9 9 2 , 1 5 1 . 431 T h e presence of a yellowish powder that permeated the destruction level was explained by S C H A E F F E R (1968, 760ff.) as a period of extreme drought towards the end of Ugarit's existence. It is now conventionally seen as a result of the burning of brick structures.

the city ( C a l l o t 1 9 9 4 , 2 1 2 ) , which may indicate that most of the inhabitants managed to flee the city beforehand, some of them burying their valuables in hiding places in the vain hope of recovering them when the storm was over. O n e such hiding place stacked with gold and bronze figurines was discovered in the Southern City ( S c h a e f f e r 1966). Similar circumstances led perhaps to the stashing of the small cache of bronze objects, including Merneptah's sword, in a house located east of the palace ( S c h a e f f e r 1956, 169-78), and also of the large hoard of 74 bronze objects found in 1929 in the building known as the House of the High Priest situated between the temples on the acropolis ( S c h a e f f e r 1956, 251-75). T h e latter was carefully stacked underneath the threshold of the main entrance and included various weapons, tools and a fine tripod with hanging pomegranates (ib.: 274, fig. 238). Four axes carry the Ugaritic inscription rb khnm, 'Chief of the Priests', and a fifth one adds the PN Hrsn (ib.: 266, fig. 231).432 T h e name Hrsn/Hurāsānu appears in 13th century texts from Ugarit and Ras Ibn Hani and prosopographical evidence indicates that the Great Priest Hrsn was active in the mid-13th century ( B o r d r e u i l 1998). T h e latest objects in the hoard, such as the tripod which has good Cypriot parallels, are dated to the turn of the 12th century ( C a t l i n g 1964, 202-3). This seems to contradict the standard interpretation of this rich hoard as a foundation deposit ( S c h a e f f e r 1956, 253; C o u r t o i s 1979, 1156-7), and indicates rather that, like other hoards in the town, it was hidden just before the final destruction of the city ( v a n S o l d t 1991a, 220). 433 Indeed, the plunderers of Ugarit missed the valuable objects, but neither did the original owners ever return to recover them.

7.2

Ugarit and its region in the Iron Age

T h e r e are a few traces of an ephemeral reoccupation of Ugarit immediately after its fall at the beginning of the 12th century (Yon 1992,

432

The standard interpretation considered t}rsn to be the name of the object carrying the inscription (cf. Hebrew haris in 2 Sam. 1 2 : 3 1 ; I Chr. 2 0 : 3 ) , but both the Personenkeil preceeding the name and the existence of an Ugaritic PN Hrsn/Hurasanu (for refs. see BORDREUIL 1998) conclusively disprove this interpretation. 433 N[ o t e (hat besides the manufactured objects the hoard also included two pieces of cast metal (Ug 3, 260, fig. 224, 19; 262, fig. 226, bottom), which would hardly tally with the contents of a foundation deposit. It may indicate that the hoard was

118-9). These include some dome-shaped ovens, like the one which was found in Courtyard V of the royal palace and was thought to have been used for the baking of clay tablets. It is hard to say who these squatters were, the plunderers of the city or its refugees. At any rate, this meagre epilogue was short-lived and the site remained in ruins for nearly a thousand years. 434 More substantial evidence for reoccupation was found at Ras Ibn Hani, 4 3 5 a secondary residence of the royal family of Ugarit, and at Ras Bassit, a northern outpost of the kingdom. 436 T h e LBA palaces at Ras Ibn H a n i yielded Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets dating from the mid-13th century onwards ( L a g a r c e 1995, 149ff.). T h e site was apparendy evacuated in an orderly fashion before the final catastrophe, and the inhabitants probably sought refuge within the walls of Ugarit (Yon 1992c, 118). Ras Bassit probably shared the same fate. T h e new settlers at Ras Ibn Hani and Ras Bassit produced Myc. Ill C:1 ware ( B a d r e 1983; L a g a r c e 1988) of the same type that appears in Cyprus and along the Levant, from Cilicia to Philistia, and is traditionally associated with the new setdement of 'Sea Peoples' along these coastal areas. 437 It is worth noting that at Ras Ibn Hani, as in Philistia, there is a gradual evolution from m o n o c h r o m e to bichrome pottery ( L a g a r c e 1988, 153), and such similarities should be further explored in the areas of the 'Sea Peoples' diaspora. Besides the Myc. Ill C:1 ware, the Iron Age settlement at Ras Ibn H a n i has also produced types of pottery which continue local ceramic traditions ( L a g a r c e 1988, 154-5; C a u b e t 1992, 127). This shows that, as in C a n a a n , the reoccupation of the coastal sites was carried out by mixed populations of newcomers and remnant groups of the local inhabitants.

hidden by a smith or perhaps the supervisor of a treasury, rather than the High Priest who was the (original) owner of the inscribed axes. 434 T h e site was partially reoccupied only in the late Persian and the Hellenistic periods ( C O U R T O I S 1979, Ì280ff.; STUCKY 1982; A S T O U R 1995, 68-9, n. 97; Y O N 1997b: 112-3). A few 9th~8th century Cypriot sherds were probably left by tombrobbers in the fill of tomb 1069 ( C A U B E T 1992, 123-4). 435 BOUNNI et al. 1987; L A G A R C E 1988; 1995; C A U B E T 1992, 124ff. (with refs.). T h e site has been variously identified as Appu ( B O R D R E U I L 1984), as Biruti ( A R N A U D 1992, 82, η. 9), or as Rêšu (ASTOUR 1995, 68). 436 C A U B E T 1 9 9 2 , 1 2 7 (with refs.). A S T O U R 1 9 9 5 , 5 8 suggests an identification with ancient Sinaru. 437 See, however, C A U B E T 1 9 9 2 , 1 3 0 , who questions this interpretation of the new pottery and considers it to be a local ceramic development.

EGYPT Amenophis III 1390-1352

AMURRU

SIYANNU-UŠNATU

Ammittamru I ? — c. 1350

Abdi-Aširta Niqmepa Ba'aluya — Akhenaton. 1352-1336

Aziru ·

UGARIT

Abdi-Hebat

N i q m a d d u II °° Pi; c.1350-1315 c. 1340-Fire in Uga:

Tutankhamun 1336-1327 Ay 1327-1323 Horemheb 1323-1295 Abdi-Anati (= Abdi-NINURTA ?) Du-Tešub

A r - H a l b a °° Kubat c. 1315-1313 N i q m e p a °° Ahat-i c. 1313-1260

Duppi-Tešub Ramesses I Sety I 1294-1279 Ramesses II 1279-1213

Bentešina Šabi1i Bentešina A m m i t t a m r u II °° c.1260-1235 Šaušgamuwa

SUM- d IM Šabi1im Padiya Í (order unknown)J

Merneptah (1213-1203)-

I b i r a n u °° Sarelli c.1235-1225/20 N i q m a d d u III Ε c. 1225/20-1215 A m m u r a p i °° Aldi c.1215-1190/85

Amenmesse (1203-1200) Sety 11(1200-1194) Siptah (1194-1188) Beya Tausert (1188-1186) Setnakht (1186-1184) Ramesses 111(1184-1153)

c. 1190/85 Fall of Ugarit

Synchronisms of Ugarit in the 14t1

HATTI

KARKAMIŠ

Tudhaliya "II"

AŠŠUR Eriba-Adad I 1380-1354

Arnuwanda I Aššur-Uba1it 1353-1318

Tudhaliya "III" Šuppiluliuma I

Arnuwanda II

Šarre-Kušuh (Piyašši1i)

Murši1i II Enlil-nirari I 1317-1308 Šahurunuwa Arik-den-i1i 1307-1296 Adad-nirari 1295-1264

Muwatalli II

Urhi-Tešub Hattusili "III" °° Puduhepa Ini-Te.šub

Ša1manassar I 1263 1234

tu rabiti Tudhaliya " I V " + Puduhepa Tuku1ti-Ninurta 1233-1197 Nikkalu (?)

Arnuwanda III

Ta1mi-Tešub

Šuppiluliuma II

Aššur-nadin-ap1i (1196-1194) Aššur-nirari III (1193-1188) Enlil-Kudur-uçur (1187-1183) Ninurta-apil-Ekur (1182-1180/70) AsŠur-dan I (1179/69-1134)

2th centuries bce

Little is known about the demographic situation in the countryside of Ugarit after the fall of the metropolis. As pointed out by L i v e r a n i (1995a, 52), inland villages may have suffered much less from the ravages of the sea-borne enemy, and the remarkable survival of ancient names in the present toponymy of the region ( A s t o u r 1979; B o r d r e u i l 1989a) may indicate that some of the smaller settlements of the kingdom survived the cataclysm that put an end to the capital city. This seems to be all the more true in the territory of the former kingdom of Siyannu-Ušnatu, where some of the main sites (Tell Sukas, Tell Daruk) continue well into the Iron Age. 438 These scattered maritime and inland Iron Age settlements cannot obscure the outstanding p h e n o m e n o n of the total disappearence of the region's major city from the geo-political scene of the Levant for nearly a thousand years. Only Hellenistic Laodicea (present-day Lattaquieh) brought back this once prosperous coastal region to a similar grandeur. T h e fact that Ugarit never rose from its ashes, as did other LBA cities of the Levant which suffered a similar fate, must have more substantial grounds than the destruction inflicted upon the city by the 'Sea Peoples'. Those who still envisage a serious earthquake in the sequence of events that led to the fall of Ugarit suggest some drastic change in the tectonic structure of the region, especially in the area of the harbour, which would have deprived the city of its main source of livelihood ( K l e n g e l 1 9 9 2 , 1 5 1 ) . Probably some of the climatic cataclysms that have been proposed to explain the overall collapse of the palatial systems throughout the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean 4 3 1 ' took their toll of Ugarit as well, especially the devastating famine which could have been caused by an intense drought. But in the final analysis, the main reason for Ugarit's disappearance from the political scene may simply have been the sudden collapse of the traditional structures of international trade, which were the lifeblood of Ugarit's booming economy in the Bronze Age. Gradually, Phoenician harbours such as Tyre, Sidon, Byblos and Arwad replaced Ugarit as the main ports of Levantine trade during the first millennium bce.

438 P O R r e f e r e n c e S j s e e C A U B E T 1992, 128; L I V E R A N I 1995a: 51. One awaits eagerly the results of the new Syrian excavations at Tell Siano, which probably preserves the ancient name of Siyannu. 439 For a recent survey of the various theories, see D R E W S 1993 (with extensive refs.).

T H E TABLETS AND T H E C O M P U T E R

1

T h e

C u r r e n t

S t a t e

and

T h e o d o r e J.

Ugaritic

Studies

T e c h n o l o g y '

Lewis

1.1

of

-

Steve

A.

Wiggins

Introduction

Unique difficulties beset describing a field where a six-month period of obsolecence is not unusual. T h e rapidly developing field of computer imaging is opening new possibilities for the publication of archives known previously only through transcriptions and poor photographs. W h a t is presented below is a description of the current state of electronic imaging as applied to the Ugaritic tablets; the future of this field will continue to improve the clarity of available images. At the time of this writing digital cameras are now removing one step from the photographic process (the film!) for better and worse. 2 T h e application of electronic imaging to the study of ancient texts is an emerging field of research. In Ugaritic studies it began out of the necessity for clearer photographs of the Ugaritic tablets than those previously available and the need to make them widely accessible to scholars. These needs, combined with the growth of computerized graphic capabilities, have motivated scholars to produce electronic editions of the texts.

1.2

Background

Ugaritologists are indebted in m a n y ways to the Mission Archéologique Français de Ras Shamra-Ougant. If one may speak from an epigraphist's 1

We would like to thank W.T. Pitard for commenting on an earlier draft of this paper and contributing the excursus. 2 On the importance of film types even in a digital age, see ZUCKERMAN —

ugaritic

studies

and

technology

735

perspective, the speed with which they have made the texts available is especially commendable. This publishing tradition—dating back to 1929 when C. Virolleaud made drawings of the first alphabetic tablets available within a year of their discovery and continuing up to the present with the contributions of P. Bordreuil and D. Pardee appearing in the R S O series—has allowed Ugaritologists worldwide to keep abreast of the latest discoveries. It is helpful to situate the publishing of the early photographs of the tablets in an historical context. W h e n the first Ugaritic tablets were discovered, there already existed a long-established convention (inherited from Assyriology) for publishing cuneiform texts. This entailed publishing a facsimile drawing, a transcription, and sometimes a translation. Photographs, when published, were largely used for archival purposes, but were considered less essential to the philological interpretation of the text. Unless one had access to the originals in Damascus, Aleppo, and Paris, one relied on the eye of others; no independent evaluations could be made based on epigraphically useful photographs. W h e n the Ugaritic texts were first unearthed in the late 1920s, the use of a photographic record to secure readings was not an issue. T h e tablets were photographed in black and white, mostly in what could be referred to as 'reference shots'—one photo per side of a tablet, sometimes including photographs of the edges. T h e purpose of these photographs was not to establish difficult readings, but to give an overall impression of the size, shape, and state of preservation of the tablets. T h e i r publication was accompanied by transcriptions in H e r d n e r ' s CTA. Facsimiles drawn with rather stylized versions of the Ugaridc characters became the basic source for understanding the epigraphic evidence on the tablets. It must be stressed that the photographs, not very helpful for reading the tablets, were produced according to the conventions at the time for publishing ancient Semitic texts. T h e y were produced for documentation, not for the scrutiny of an epigraphist. Some shades or marbling of the clay made photographs too dark a n d / o r patchy to be read in black and white 3 and their convexity made photographs

1 9 9 7 , 336 -7. O n the benefits and drawbacks of direct-image capture, see pages 345-6. 3 Plate IX of C T A 4, Rev. demonstrates this. T h e rather marbled appearance of the upper right-hand corner of the tablet causes considerable difficulty.

ZUCKERMAN

lit only from the top difficult to read in places. 4 D a m a g e d sections of a tablet require close-up photography with different lighting angles to be accurately assessed. 5 All of these factors, outside the scope of the original publishers, made renewed efforts at photographing the tablets desirable. T h u s until recently, the photographs which have accompanied the publication of the Ugaritic texts have been limited in the information they provide to epigraphers. T h e lack of legible photographs meant that scholars had to rely almost exclusively on the editions for their readings. This was complicated, however, by the fact that the editions often disagreed significantly on the readings of the texts. Without legible photographs interpreters were left with no way to evaluate independently which readings might conform better to the traces on the tablets.

1.3

Text editions and the current state of Ugaritic epigraphic analysis

T h e field of Ugaritic studies has fortunately had for m a n y years two comprehensive collections of texts: CTA and KTU, the latter published in a new, enlarged edition (CAT - KTU1) in 1995. These editions are major scholarly achievements that have become essential to the study of Ugaritic literature. T h e epigraphic projects discussed below, the Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition (UTDE), the Edinburgh Ras S h a m r a Project (ERSP), and the Spanish project Banco de Datos Filolôgicos Semiticos Noroccidentalesy el Sistema Integrado de Análisis Morfolôgico de Textos Ugaríticos (BDFSN"SIAMTU), are complements to the worthy efforts of these fine editors and the superb contributions of the archaeologists and epigraphists of the Mission Archéologique Française de Ras Shamra-Ougarit (MRS). Despite the wealth of material available to Ugaritic scholars from the standard editions, questions concerning the text still remain. Over the past decade, scholars have realized that the state of Ugaritology,

4

For an example, see Plate VI of C T A 3, Rev. Note that the reverse is illegible in the lower right-hand corner where the fuzziness of the tablet outline makes it clear that it is out of focus due to the curvature of the tablet. 5 Once again C T A 3, Rev. (Plate VI) serves as an example. T h e damaged section of columns 4 and 5 radiate out from a break in the tablet. The break is not clean throughout, leaving a dimpled surface for parts of those two columns. Closeup photographs of the difficult sections reveal that some readings may be substantiated: see below.

if it is to remain healthy, needs to wrestle with fundamental epigraphic questions. Healey succinctly states the problem: 'there are so many uncertainties in readings, despite KTU, that Ugaritic studies is in danger of getting bogged down in alternative readings and mistaken readings'. 6 Parker concurs: 'An adequate, publicly available edition based on the best current photographic technology (i.e. high resolution macro-photography using various light sources and angles) remains the great desideratum of Ugaritic studies'. 7 Such sentiments are shared by most scholars who do not relish the thought of having their painstaking interpretations overturned in the future due to having relied on a faulty reading. Since no published edition makes a claim of certainty on all readings, most scholars of the Ugaritic texts have wished to see the original tablets to clarify particular readings, especially where KTU and CTA differ. Pitard, one of the two senior editors of the U T D E (see below), has summarized the dilemma this way: This situation has created a considerable amount of confusion in the way that the texts are handled in Ugaritic studies. Scholars by and large have been forced simply to choose one edition to follow, without being able to deal personally with the epigraphically disputed portions of the tablet.8 Clearer photographs have begun to appear recently, 9 with the goal of stabilizing the text, particularly where difficulties of the tablet allow for multiple readings. T h e goal of such photographic records is ultimately to stabilize the entire text, as it currently exists. 10 In response, U T D E and the E R S P are seeking ways to make a comprehensive digital photographic archive of the Ugaritic tablets widely available. M a n y factors make such archives desirable, the primary one being historical preservation. W h e n the sole remaining autographs deteriorate, there is no way to replace the missing data. An historical archive documenting the current state of the texts is essential. Restoration based on earlier photographs and epigraphers' records also plays a vital role in the preservation of the texts, but as a hedge 6

HEALEY

1986,

30.

7

PARKER

1989,

4.

8

Private communication, December 8, 1995. 1 9 8 7 , 7 5 - 8 6 , 1 1 1 5 5 (drawings by B . Z U C K E R M A N ) and P I T A R D 1 9 9 2 , 3 3 - 7 7 ; M . S . S M I T H 1 9 9 4 , plates 1 4 7 . 10 L L O Y D - W Y A T T 1996, 423 graphically demonstrate that the tablets are no longer in pristine condition. 9

PITARD

against further wear, a clear, detailed photographic archive is absolutely essential. In order for this goal to be pragmatic, access to the photographic archive must be m a d e available as widely as possible. These tablets are the preserve of scholars around the world, and attempts to keep the information recondite are to be eschewed. O n e obstacle to these goals is more prosaic but equally pragmatic—the financial aspect. Photographs produced in book format are often prohibitively expensive. In the case of the Ugaritic Texts, the cost would be augmented by the large n u m b e r of photographs required to display adequately the damaged and difficult sections of the tablets. With these goals and problems in sight, various projects have responded by producing photographic archives of the Ugaritic tablets. In the three major projects outlined below, the incentive to apply new computer technology to the process has been recognized and embraced.

1.4

The Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition Project (UTDE)

Photographic methodology for ancient manuscripts has only recently received the attention it deserves. It is very encouraging to see a major treatment on the topic including digital imaging incorporated into a new archaeological reference work." T h e pioneer in the field has been B. Zuckerman who founded the West Semitic Research Project which aims at developing photographic and other imaging techniques that produce clear and detailed documentation of ancient inscriptions. T h e Project also trains Semitic philologists and epigraphists in the art of inscriptional photography. In 1983 several Ugaritic tablets in the Louvre collections were successfully documented showing epigraphists that considerable evidence concerning difficult readings could be gleaned through the use of macro-photography and employing 'key and fill' side lighting techniques in order to prevent the usual 'wash out' effect typical of traditional cuneiform photography. A sophisticated understanding of film characteristics and developing procedures is also crucial for best results. T h e U T D E project uses a ToyoView large-format camera with 4-by-5 inch sheet film

11

ZUCKERMAN

ZUCKERMAN

1997,

336-47.

for optimal resolution together with four types of film: color transparencies (Ektachrome 100 Plus); high-resolution color negatives (Pro 100); black-and-white, good contrast, high-resolution negatives (T-Max); and black-and-white, high contrast, very-high-resolution negatives (Technical Pan). Pitard became associated with the project after 1985, when he carried out the first of four photographic expeditions to Syria and Paris (the other trips taking place in 1989, 1994 (with A. Vaughn) and 1995 (with Lewis). T h e U T D E project now has a nearly complete series of high-resolution photographs of the major narrative texts from Ugarit ( K T U 1.1-24), along with a sampling of other religious texts (including K T U 1.43 = RS 1.005, 1.83 = RS 16.266, 1.91 = RS 19.015, 1.96 = R S 22.225, 1.100 = RS 24.244, 1.108 = RS 24.252, 1.109 = RS 24.253, 1.112 = RS 24.256, 1.113 = R S 24.257, 1.114 = RS 24.258, 1.117 = R S 24.263, 1.124 = RS 24.272, 1.133 = RS 24.293, and 1.161 = RS 34.126). In the summer of 1997, Pitard and Schmidt were able to re-photograph the bulk of the early negatives housed in the Collège de France. This will allow further analysis of the degree to which the tablets may have deteriorated through the passing of time. A few years ago, the editors of U T D E began to think about attempting to produce a photographically-based edition of the Ugaritic tablets. In order to lay a proper foundation, Pitard published articles on K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.20-22 = R S 3.348, 2.[019], 2.[024] that were intended to serve as prototypes for a larger project. 12 Also appearing were several articles discussing the illumination of crucial and controversial readings using macro-photographic techniques including studies of K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002, 13 1.19 = RS 3.322+, 1 4 and 1.96 = R S 22.225, 15 not to mention a detailed examination of the way the letter cayin was produced in the Ugaritic script. 16 In addition, 47 macro-photographs were published in Smith's new commentary on the Baal Epic. 17 T h e recently published Ugaritic

Narrative Poetry18 has made use of the entire collection.

1987 and 1992b, respectively.

12

PITARD

13

RATNER

14

1994b, 31-8. T . J . L E W I S 1996a, 115-21. P I T A R D 1992a, 261 79. M . S . S M I T H 1994, plates 1 47.

15 16

17 18

ZUCKERMAN

PITARD

PARKER (ed.)

1997.

1986,

15

60.

Recently the impact of c o m p u t e r technology for the study of photographic images has begun to make itself felt. With the availability of high-resolution p h o t o g r a p h i c scanners, increased C P U speeds (Pentium and Power P C chip technology), and such highperformance software applications as Adobe Photoshop, Live Picture, and Painter X2, it is now possible to digitize and analyze images of the Ugaritic tablets in a way that was u n d r e a m e d of just a few years ago. With this in mind, the U T D E Ugaritic archive has been scanned with a Scanmate 3000 P M T D r u m scanner (resolution up to 3000 dpi uninterpolated) 1 9 with the help of Ellison and Lundberg. After considerable thought about how best to publish a photographically-based edition of the Ugaritic texts, considering high conventional production costs, the editors decided to produce a digital edition to be available on C D - R O M or other storage medium (e.g. D V D - R O M ) . Such a format would allow for the publication of large numbers of color photographs at a fairly low cost. Moreover, the texts could be presented in an ideal format for teaching and introductory study, as well as for serious research. T h e U T D E is intended to provide an interactive, multimedia presentation of the material, designed to be used by Ugaritologists, as well as students learning the Ugaritic language and script. At the 1996 Annual Meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in New Orleans, Pitard demonstrated a prototype edition of the U T D E (see excursus below) which he first developed in the summer of 1995 with the help of the Beckman Institute for Advanced Science and Technology at the University of Illinois. T h e initial plan of the U T D E is to produce a multi-CD edition of K T U 1.1-24, since these are the most widely-known and discussed texts. Pitard and Zuckerman will be serving as senior editors with collaborating editors consisting of Hackett, Lewis, Wiggins, and Dobbs-Allsopp. Although the U T D E does not yet have its own worldwide web site, information on the project may be obtained from the W S R P page: h t t p : / / w w w . u s c . e d u / d e p t / L A S / w s r p / .

19

On the types of scanners and the importance of drum scanners and uninterpolated scans, see Z U C K E R M A N - Z U C K E R M A N 1 9 9 7 , 3 4 6 .

1.5

Excursus: The format of the Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition Prototype20

T w o basic concepts guide the format of the U T D E : (1) T h e editors will present their edition of the texts in an interactive form intended for both scholars and students, using the photographs as the foundation. (2) T h e edition will also provide high resolution images of the photographs that can be downloaded into the user's own applications for additional research and analysis. Part 1: T h e edition of the texts. O u r goal for the first stage of the U T D E project is to establish and publish the text of the major literary corpus from Ugarit. T h e format of the edition has been worked out in our prototype. Following a title screen, the edition allows the user to go to a list of the available tablets, to choose the text he or she wishes to study. From there the user may examine a general photograph of the tablet, then look more closely at an individual column or section thereof. For detailed work, the text is then subdivided into individual lines. At each level, various types of information are provided. T h u s from the h o m e screen for each tablet, the user can access an introduction to the tablet, which will provide information on its size, condition, current location, museum number, scribal hand, length of line, etc. T h e r e will also be a ground plan of the find-spot available that will show where the tablet was discovered and will indicate the other tablets found in the same context. At a later stage in the development of the edition, we hope the user will also be able to go from the home page to a translation of the tablet, as well as a concordance and a lexicon. From the home screen of the tablet, the user may call up a particular column for more detailed study. Here an image of the colu m n appears, with buttons that allow one to see a transliteration of the text, epigraphic notes that discuss the problematic passages in the column, and a colour-coded facsimile drawing which can be superimposed over the photo or displayed side by side. T h e facsimile is provided to indicate to the user what the editors see on the tablet. T h e superimposed drawing can be clicked on and off to allow the user to compare the drawing to the traces on the image.

20

Supplied by W.T. Pitard, Private communication.

Menus on this screen allow one to move to further screens showing each individual line, designed for detailed epigraphic study. Each screen includes a closeup colour image of the line, its transliteration, a superimposable facsimile, a facsimile which appears in a window directly below the photograph, and epigraphic notes for the line. For each significandy damaged letter, buttons will allow the user to see additional macro photos that show the traces in different light patterns. Evidence from the original photos taken in the 1930s will appear here in cases where the tablet subsequently has been damaged. Part 2: T h e high-resolution images. This important feature will allow scholars to study the photos with their own computer imaging programs such as Adobe Photoshop or Live Picture. T h e photos have been digitized usually at 1000 dpi to allow for significant enlargement on the computer screen. T h e file size of such images is in the 50 M B range. For the U T D E , however, these images will be compressed so that some 150 can be placed on a single disc. W h e n uncompressed these images retain their full definition. Since there are m a n y scholars who have older computers that do not run well with 50 M B files, we will also provide lower resolution versions of the images on the C D .

1.6

The Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project (ERSP)

In 1990, unaware that the U T D E project was under way, Lloyd, while a postgraduate student at New College, Edinburgh University, began considering the possibilities of applying computer technology to photographs of the Ugaritic texts. With formal training in computer science, Lloyd was able to envision electronically stored reproductions of the tablets, especially if they were done in a laser-scanned format. H e then began to discuss the idea with Wiggins and Wyatt. O n his own initiative, Wyatt had for some years been photographing the Ugaritic tablets in 35 m m color transparency format. Using macro lenses he had photographed difficult sections of the tablets and made these photographs available to students at the university. Wyatt's initial photographic expeditions, in 1991 and 1992, to Paris and Aleppo, involved photographing the tablets with a Pentax L X fitted with a 50 m m lens and close-up extentions. Another visit to Syria in 1994 included rephotographing the tablets with a 100 m m lens. T h e photographs were taken either in natural light (not direct sunlight) or with the aid of a small spodight. Complete sets of these

slides exist at Edinburgh and Münster (where they were used in preparation of the new edition of CAT - ÄTZ/ 2 ). 2 ' T o get the images into computerized format, some experimentation was necessary. Wyatt and Lloyd tried using digital cameras, but the drawbacks for detailed, close-up photography were too limiting, and the technology was not then sufficiently advanced. Although in photography every transfer to a new medium reduces clarity, they decided that the slide photographs, scanned into digital format, would produce the clearest images. T h e slides were scanned at a resolution of 1828 dpi, using 24 bit color. Their attention then turned to how to make large files (up to 12 megabytes) available to remote computer users. 22 T h e concern of the E R S P was to make their digitized photographs available to scholars around the world. Initially it was conceived that scholars could obtain files through FTP. Soon after this set-up began, web-based technology emerged. With its ease of programming, and its accessibility, the www became the ideal location for posting such photographs. T h e technical difficulty was to get the files down to a manageable size. 23 This concern, based on the time it takes to download images via the internet, was addressed by using compressed J P E G images. J P E G compression reduces redundant computer information which is not visible to the h u m a n eye, so that image quality does not suffer, but file sizes may be drastically reduced. These images were then placed on a www site to be viewed by scholars with access to the internet. 24 T h e site amounts to a virtual flight to Damascus, a virtual museum with artifacts, and a library of texts. 23 T h e encouraging work accomplished by this project is available on the web, and was made possible partially by funding from the University of Edinburgh. 2 6 T h e world-wide web address for the E R S P is: h t t p : / / w w w . e d . a c . u k / ~ u g a r i t / h o m e . h t m .

21

LLOYD -

WYATT

1996,

425.

22

LLOYD -

WYATT

1996,

426-7

23

LLOYD -

WYATT

1996,

426-7

24

LLOYD -

WYATT

1996,

428.

LLOYD LLOYD

1995, 1995,

597. 597.

25

WYATT 26 W Y A T T -

1.7

Banco de Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales y el Sistema Integrado de Análisis Morfolôgico de Textos Ugaríticos (BDFSN-SIAMTUf1

T h e 'Laboratorio de Hermeneumatica', 2 8 a research group based in Madrid, Spain, is part of the Philology Institute of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas. T h e photography work done by this group has a different goal than the two projects outlined above: reference shots of the tablets are included along with philological data. T h e purpose of this research is the development of computer aids for text analysis. T h e team director and head researcher of the Banco de Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales II: Ugarítico, Fenicio y Púnico (BDFSN = Northwest Semitic Philological Data Bank II: Ugaritic, Phoenician and Punic) project is Cunchillos. T h e project works in association with the Intelligent Systems Research G r o u p (ISYS) which is part of the Artificial Intelligence D e p a r t m e n t of the Universidad Politecnica de Madrid. T h e directors of this group are C u e n a and Garcia Serrano. T h e first step of the project was to introduce the Ugaritic texts into a data base. This initial outcome was published as a hard copy. 29 T h e second step involved integrating the functions required to obtain a concordance into the data base. This too appeared in a published paper version in three volumes. 30 T h e first two volumes collate all existing 6,521 Ugaritic words as they appear in the texts, provide their literary context (the three surrounding lines) and a listing of occurrences. T h e third volume contains 1.428 incomplete Graphematic Chains with their possible restorations (CGR), followed by 380 Graphematic Restorable Uniliteral Chains (CGRU), 173 Graphematic Chains Without Restoration (CGSR) and indexes.31

27

We thank Jesus-Luis Cunchillos for providing an extensive outline of these projects (private communication 9 J u n e 1997). T h e essence of these remarks may be found in the world wide web site on the subject: 'Sapānu: Publicaciones en Internet,' Madrid: CSIC, Laboratorio de Hermeneumática, 1997 (address: http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es). 28 'Hermeneumatic' is a compound word coined from the words 'hermeneutics' and 'automatic'. It refers to a computerized interpretation, in this case of matters Ugaritic. 29

CUNCHILLOS -

30

CUNCHILLOS -

31

VITA

1993.

1995a (CPU). Quotation from 'Sapānu' web site. VITA

T h e Textos Ugaríticos and Concordancia de Palabras Ugariticas are now available on C D - R O M 3 2 and include additions and corrections to the published paper versions. T h e third step of the research project is the developing of a function for the morphological analysis of words. G r a m m a r rules for Ugaritic and a lexicon had previously been entered into the application, and these are the basis for this morphological analysis. A concordance of roots is scheduled for future publication. 33 Further features of the project include bibliographical references to accompany the lexicon entries and each of the alphabetic tablets; scanned photographs for each tablet; and tools for syntactic and semantic analysis. T h e web site notes, 'For these more complex enterprises, an expert system [has] been developed on a U N I X platform (SunOS) and using tools created by ISYS. T h e application is meant to be flexible enough to enable its use in other languages.' 34 T h e second aspect of this project, S I A M T U , is an Integrated System for Morphological Analysis of Ugaritic Texts. T h e application is developed on 4th Dimension, a relational Data Base M a n a g e m e n t System. Cunchillos notes that this data bank is now accessible via the internet. It is available to both Macintosh and PC users. It is located at the project's web site (http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es), under the section entitled 'Banco de Datos, GSRC-Internet'. 3 5

1.8

Conclusion

T h e r e are inherent problems with photographic editions, no matter what their final form. An unassailable principle of photography is that every time an image is transferred from one medium to another, a loss of clarity results. W h e n multi-media changes take place, they are always at the expense of clarity. Future developments, some of which are already under exploration, may eventually lead to new ways of thinking about the photographic process itself. All of the projects described here have approached this 'brave new world' of technological development with the ancient Ugaritic texts.

32

33 34 35

C U N C H I L L O S et al.

1996.

Concordancia de Raices Ugariticas (CRU). 'Sapānu' web site. J.-L. Cunchillos, private communication, 9 J u n e 1997.

T h e call of scholars requesting a stabilized text has been heard. While these projects may not be able to eliminate all uncertainties concerning the texts, they will sharply reduce them. T h e 'great desideratum of Ugaritic studies' 36 is beginning to be realized.

36

PARKER

1989,

4.

2

S t o r a g e

and

Analysis

Jesús-Luis

2.1

of

the

Texts

Cunchillos

Introduction

C o m p u t i n g and telecommunications provide unprecedented possibilities for the study of the languages and cultures of the ancient Near East. 1 Already in 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 1 Whitaker computerized the texts from Ugarit ( Y V h i t a k e r 1 9 7 2 , VI). H e developed programs, but not much more information is available about the method he followed. In 1974 the University of Münster set out the Ugaridc texts from a word processor (KTU). O t h e r computerization of the texts has resulted in the Ugaritischer Wortformenindex by Z e m a n e k of the Prague Institute of Ancient Near Eastern Studies ( Z e m a n e k 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e Edinburgh Ras S h a m r a Project of the University of Edinburgh is devoted more specifically to the analysis of images of the tablets (see L l o y d W y a t t 1 9 9 6 ) . These projects, in terms of computerization, have not gone beyond the first steps in computerized processing of the texts. T h e work that remains to be done is difficult but is worth while.

2.2

The modules

Work begins with the creation of a data bank. We are speaking of data as the object of study, not reference data such as bibliographies. In the case of philology, the data comprise words, sentences and texts. This means graphemic chains, words with their morphological display, roots, syntagms, sentences, etc. A data bank requires a m a n a g e m e n t system, i.e. a relational database ( C u n c h i l l o s 1992a, 547-59). For the moment it seems to be the indispensable management tool, although progress in computer science may soon provide us with other more complex information m a n a g e m e n t systems. 2 T h e Manager of the data bank has to be carried out using applications 1

For details cf. GIPPERT 1 9 6 6 , 4 8 - 9 . We refer to systems based on knowledge such as the Knowledge System Management of Prof. J . Cuena in the Universidad Politécnica de Madrid. See http://vendaval.dia.fi.upm.es. 2

peculiar to the discipline. T h e applications can be grouped according to the phases of computerization and the needs of the philologist. T h e Laboratory of Hermeneumatics of the Institute de Filología in the C S I C (Madrid, Spain) envisages 8 modules in order to computerize everything, i.e. the whole procedure from text to critical interpretation ( C u n c h i l l o s 1996a, 52-5). So far, four modules have been or are in the course of being completed: The first module contains the applications which enable data to be identified and fed in and modified, and a search system. T h e identification of the storage unit assumes a single n u m b e r i n g system for the minimal unit of text storage, i.e. the siglum. For data to be fed in, a system has to be worked out for connotation, transliteration and transcription, the most accurate possible. For scientific work it is necessary to have a font with all the graphemes and signs which will enable the text to be transcribed with all its diacritics ( C u n c h i l l o s G a l a n 1996, 161-70). Problems due to the variety of computer platforms (Macintosh, Windows, Unix) are unavoidable if the data bank is to be made available to scholars over the Internet. T h e data are transmitted from platform to platform from the user to the server and from the server to the user, but no-one can specify the n u m b e r and type of platform through which the information may pass. Each type of platform has its own requirements. T h e transmission of scripts using graphemes which differ from those of m o d e r n Western languages incurs problems. Fonts have to be created, such as Ilulnternet, 3 the graphemes of which are located between 32 and 127 in the ASCII numbering system, so far the only numbers respected by all platforms. T h e text, input with the inclusion of all epigraphic indications, first has to be stored and then stripped of the epigraphic indications so that the computer is able to deal with it. Furthermore, a system has to be provided for the arrangement of the graphemes and words in the desired alphabetical sequence, which in the case of Semitic is not the same as in the modern western alphabet. T h e final result of the computer applications of this first module, besides identification, input, modification and searches, will be the 3 The reader can find them and load them into his computer in Sapanu, GSRCInternet which has the address: http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es.

storage of Non-segmented G r a p h e m a t i c Chains. T h e n a m e refers to the stage of the G r a p h e m a t i c Chains before applying the segmentation procedures described in the next module. With this first module the data bank can be completed with all the data to be fed in. The second module allows us to move from the Non-segmented Graphematic Chains to the Words with their Morphological Display (Palabras en Morfologia Desplegada or PMD). It requires the creation of a series of applications for the Segmentation of Graphematic Chains according to the rules for the writing and the scribes of that language and similarly applications for systematic search of Split Chains (interrupted words, written over two consecutive lines ( C u n c h i l l o s 1998a). O n e part of the existing data will be the Incomplete Graphematic Chains. These comprise the Reconstructible data. In order to deal with them, special applications have to be created taking as a basis, for example, the existing vocabulary, although other more theoretical or comparative criteria may be used. In this way the applications of the Rcconstructible Chains and their possible Reconstructors arise. Finally, this second module enables Concordances of Words with their Morphological Display in context to be compiled ( C u n c h i l l o s 1995a). Vita T h e result of the aforementioned applications is the Generator of Segmentations, Restorations and Concordances ( G S R C ; C u n c h i l l o s - C e r v i g ô n Vita

-

G a l â n

-

Zamora

1996).

The third module enables the shift from PMD to Stems and Roots. T h e shift takes place due to the Ugaritic Morphological Analyser (Analizador Morfolôgico Ugaritico or AMU). T o function the AMU requires: a) A List or file of attested Words with their Morphological Display which has been derived previously by a computer process, extracting from the text first the attested Graphematic Chains and then selecting from them the PMD. b) A lexicon of Roots and Stems known and accepted as such by specialists. T o compile it, uniform rules have to be applied for the input and lexicographical treatment of Roots and Stems. Some headings or fields are strictly necessary (Stem/Root, Homograph, Comparative Linguistics, Grammatical Class, Meaning), others are useful (Bibliography, Semantic Field, Notes and Commentary). c) Table of morphological modifiers. d) Table of morphological analysis, where the results are written and stored.

-

T h e process applies the Rules which explain the formation and morphological development of the words. This means that they describe the behaviour of each one of the grammatical classes. AMU, faced with a PMD, applies the rules. W h e n it is seen that the rules of a grammatical class are followed in the PMD, AMU assigns the appropriate grammatical class to it and, by analysis of the PMD, it will explain its morphology. AMU proposes several levels of analysis, running from a simple one, if the PMD matches one of the entries in the Lexicon, to the formation of possible nouns, gentilics or names of professions, through detailed analysis of nominal and verbal forms. T h e specialist has to make multiple tests before accepting the analyser. Moreover, the analyser should be tested by other specialists, who will be asked to try to find morphological rules which have not been taken into account. T h e analyses made by the analyser, after preliminary refinement, will enable the possible relationships between analysis and text to be established. In other words, the specialist has to be able to assign an analysis of each word in all the texts or at least select a limited n u m b e r of them as possible. From then on, when the user asks for a text he will have access to the analysis of each word making up that text, and by means of that analysis, to each of their components: a file of prefixes, suffixes, etc., and the lexicon where the Roots and Stems are stored. T h e most important result of the third module will be the Concordance of Ugantic Roots (Concordancia de Rakes Ugaríticas or CRU). The fourth module, 'from word to sentence', will deal with syntax. It has begun with a file in which simple syntagms are compiled, i.e. groups of two or more words which have a special meaning, as accepted by colleagues. Each element of such a syntagm is connected with the corresponding roots and stems of the lexicon ( C u n c h i l l o s 1996b). L a t e r on, the p a t t e r n s of Semitic syntax p r o p o s e d by B r o c k e l m a n n (1967) and other authors will be used.

2

Conclusions

In fact, it is a matter of following the process of recognition of a text by a specialist ( C u n c h i l l o s 1996a) and making as automatic as possible. Information already published is also being included. T h e

goal is the construction of a computer environment which will serve as a tool or set of tools for the specialist ( C u n c h i l l o s 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e Integrated System of Morphological Analysis of Ugaritic Texts (Sistema Integrado de Análisis Morfolágicu de Textos Ugariticos or SIAMTU) will contain: a) A complete Ugaritic lexicon, kept up to date and linked to each text where the root occurs; b) the Morphological Analyser; c) all the previous works ( C u n c h i l l o s 1998a, 1998b, 1998c; C u n c h i l l o s -

Cervigôn

1998; C u n c h i l l o s

-

G a l â n

1997; C u n c h i l l o s

-

Siabra

1998; C u n c h i l l o s - V i t a 1993a, 1999). T h e Data bank may be put at the disposal of colleagues both by means of C D - R O M and on the Internet, thus improving the methods and efficiency of the specialist. (Translation:

W.G.E.

Watson)

ν

3 Ό Ο s

CO
REFERENCES

I

ABD AEL AHw ANEP ANET AΡ ARET BDB BHS CAD

CAH

CARTU CAT CHD

CIS CML CPU

CS CTA

CTH DBS

ABBREVIATIONS:

REFERENCE

WORKS

D.N. F R E E D M A N (ed.) The Anchor Bible dictionary 6 volumes (New York: Doubleday 1992). E.W. L A N E An Arabic-English Lexicon (London, Edinburgh: Williams & Norgate 1863-93) (repr. ' Cambridge 1984). W. V O N S O D E N Akkadisches Handwörterbuch 3 volumes (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1965-81). J.B. P R I T C H A R D The ancient Near East in pictures relating to the Old Testament (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press 1969'2). J.B. P R I T C H A R D (ed.) Ancient Near Eastern texts relating to the Old Testament (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press 19693). A . C O W L E Y Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Centuiy BC (Oxford: Clarendon 1923). Archivi reali di Ebla, Testi. F . B R O W N - S . R . D R I V E R - C.A. B R I G G S (eds) A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon 1906). Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. I J . G E L B et al. (eds) The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the Univemty of Chicago (Chicago IL: Chicago Oriental Institute; Glückstadt: J. and J . Augustin Verlag, 1956—). I . E . S . E D W A R D S - C . J . G A D D - N . G . L . H A M M O N D (eds) The Cambridge ancient history (3rd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1970-). J . C . DE M O O R - K . S P R O N K A Cuneiform anthology of religious texts from Ugarit. Autographed texts and glossaries ( S S S 6 , Leiden: Brill 1 9 8 7 ) . see KTU'. H . G . G Ü T E R B O C K - H . A . H O F F N E R (eds) The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago IL: Chicago Oriental Institute, 1980—). Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum (Paris: Klincksieck 1881). Canaanite Myths and Legends ( D R I V E R 1 9 5 6 , G I B S O N 1 9 7 8 ) . J.-L. C U N C H I L I.OS — J.-P. V I T A Concordancia de palabras ugaríticas en morfología desplegada. Banco de datas filolágicos semiticos noroccidentales (BDFSN). Datas ugariticos (3 vols., Madrid, Zaragoza: CSIC, Instituciôn Fernando el Catôlico 1995). W.W. H A L L O (with K.L. Y O U N G E R Jr) The context of scripture. Vol. 1 Canonical compositions from the biblical world (Leiden: Brill 1997). A . H E R D N E R Corpus des tablettes en cunéiformes alphabétiques découvertes à Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 à 1939 2 volumes (BAH 79, M R S 10, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Geuthner 1963). C T A (Roman) used for text references. Ε . L A R O C H E Catalogue des textes hittites (Etudes et commentaires 7 5 , Paris: Klincksieck 1971).' Supplément au Dictionnaire de la Bible. (Supplement 9, Paris: Letouzey and Ané 1979. Cols. 1124-1466 on Ras Shamra (Ugarit), E. J A C O B H . C A Z E L I . E S (eds); articles by J . - C . C O U R T O I S et

al.

DDI) DLU DNIVSI GAG HALOT

ΚΑΙ

KRI KTU

LA MSL

NERT

PRU

RIA RPOA

Κ . VAN DER T O O R N - Β . BECKING - P . W . VAN DER H O R S T (eds) Dictionary of deities and demons in the Bible (Leiden: Brill 1995). 2nd edition 1999. G . DEL O L M O L E T E - J . SANMARTÎN (eds) Diccionario de la lengua ugaritica (AuOrS 7 vol. 1, Barcelona: AUSA 1996). J . H O F T I J Z E R - K. J O N G E L I N G Dictionary of the Northwest Semitic Inscriptions 2 volumes ( H d O I 21, Leiden: Brill 1995). W . VON SODEN Grundriß der akkadischm Grammatik (AnOr 3 , Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 19953. L. K O E H L E R - W. BAUMGARTNER Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (rev. W . BAUMGARTNER - J . J . STAMM, ET M . E J . R I C H A R D S O N Leiden: Brill 1994—4 vols.). H . D O N N E R - W . R Ö L L I G Kanaanäische und Aramäische Inschriften 3 volumes (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1962-4). KAI (Roman) used for references. K.A. K I T C H E N Ramesside Inscriptions: historical and biographical 7 volumes (Oxford: Blackwell 1968-90). KTU1 = M . D I E T R I C H - O . L O R E T Z - J . SANMARTÎN Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit (AOAT 24/1, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and Bercker 1976). KTU2 = M . D I E T R I C H - O . L O R E T Z — J . SANMARTÎN The Cuneiform alphabetic texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and other places ( A L A S P 8, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag 1995). (also cited as CAT) K T U (Roman) used for text references. W. HF.LCK - E. O T T O (eds) Lexikon der Ägyptologie 6 volumes (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz). Materials for the Sumerian lexicon: a reconstruction of Sumerian and Akkadian lexical lists: MSL 3. R. H A L L O C K et al. Das Syllabar A—Das Vokabular S" Das Vokabular Sb—Berichtigungen und Nachträge zu MSL II -Indices zu MSL II (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1 9 5 5 ) . MSL 10. Β . L A N D S B E R G E R - Ε . R E I N E R (with the collaboration of M . C I V I L ) The series 'HAR-ra = hubullu', tablets XVI, XVII, XIX and related texts (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1 9 7 0 ) . W. BEYERLIN et al. (eds) Near eastern religious texts relating to the Old Testament (London: SCM, 1 9 7 8 ) . E T of Religionsgeschichtliches Textbuch zum Alten Testament (Grundrisse zum Alten Testament, A T D Ergänzungsreihe 1, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht 1 9 7 5 ) . Palais royal d'Ugarit: PRU 2 . C . V I R O L L E A U D Textes en cunéiformes alphabétiques des archives est, ouest et du petit palais (MRS 7, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1 9 6 5 ) . PRU 3 . J . N O U G A Y R O L Textes accadiens et hourrites des archives est, ouest et centrales (MRS 6 , Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1 9 5 5 ) . PRU 4 . J . N O U G A Y R O L Textes accadiens des archives sud (MRS 9 , Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1 9 5 6 ) . PRU 5 . C . V I R O L L E A U D Textes en cunéiformes alphabétiques des archives sud, sud-ouest et centrales (MRS 11, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1 9 6 5 ) . PRU 6 . J . N O U G A Y R O L Textes en cunéiformes babyloniennes des archives du grand palais et du palais sud d'Ugarit (MRS 12, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1 9 7 0 ) . E D Z A R D , D . O . et al. (eds) Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter 1 9 3 2 - ) . R. IVLBAT et al. Les religions du Proche-Orient asiatique: textes babyloniens, ougaritiques, hittites (Paris: Cerf, 1970).

RSO

Ras-Shamra

Ougarit: Une maison à Ougarit, études d'architecture domestique (Paris: E R C 1983). R S O 2. D. P A R D E E Les textes hippiatriques (Paris: E R C 1986). R S O 3. M. YON et al. Le centre de la ville, 38-44' campagnes (1978-1984) (Paris: E R C 1987). R S O 4. D. P A R D E E IJS textes para-mythologiques de la 24' campagne (1961) (Paris: E R C 1 9 8 8 ) . R S O 5 / 1 . P . B O R D R E U I L - D . P A R D E E La trouvaille épigraphique de l'Ougarit. 1 Concordance (Paris: E R C 1 9 8 9 ) . R S O 5 / 2 . J.-L. C U N C H I L L O S La trouvaille épigraphique de l'Ougarit. 2 Bibliographie (Paris: E R C 1 9 9 0 ) . 1991). RSO 6 . M . Y O N (ed.) Arts et industries de la pierre (Paris: E R C RSO 7 . B O R D R E U I L , P. et al. Une bibliothèque au sud de la ville. Les textes de la 34' campagne (1973) (Paris: ERC 1991). RSO 8 . H . D E C O N T E N S O N Préhistoire de Ras Shamra, les sondages stratigraphiques de 1955 à 1976 2 volumes (Paris: E R C 1 9 9 2 ) . R S O 9 . P. A M I E T Corpus des cylindres de Ras Shamra—Ougarit II. Sceauxcylindres en hématite et pierres diverses (Paris: ERC 1992). R S O 1 0 . O . C A L L O T La tranchée 'ville sud'. Etudes d'architecture domestique (Paris: ERC 1994). R S O 11. M . Y O N M . SZNYCER P. B O R D R E U I L (eds) Le pays d'Ougarit autour de 1200 av. J.-C. Actes du Colloque International de Paris, 28 juin-1er juillet 1993 (Paris: E R C 1995). R S O 12. D. P A R D E E Les textes rituels (Paris: E R C in press). L . R . F I S H E R et al. (eds) Ras Shamra Parallels (vol. 3 S . R U M M E L ed.) (3 volumes: AnOr 49-51, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1972-81). = RSO 5/1. Textes ougariliques TO 1. A . C A Q U O T - M . S Z N Y C E R - A . H E R D N E R Textes Ougariliques v Mythes et légendes (LAPO 7, Paris: Cerf 1974). TO 2 . A. C A Q U O T J . - M . DE T A R R A G O N - J.-L. C U N C H I L L O S Textes Ougaritiques ii: Textes religieux et rituels; Correspondance (LAPO 14, Paris: Cerf 1989). R . B O R G E R et al. (eds) Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testament (Gütersloh: Mohn 1982-). Ugaritica: Ugaritica. C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R Etudes relatives aux découvertes de Ras Shamra ( B A H 3 1 , M R S 3 , Paris: Geuthner 1 9 3 9 ) . Ugaritica 2 . C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R .Nouvelles études relatives aux découvertes de Ras Shamra (BAH 47, M R S 5, Paris: Geuthner 1949). Ugaritica 3. C.F.-A. S C H A E F F E R Sceaux et cylindres hittites, épée gravée du cartouche de Mineptah, tablettes chypro-minoennes et autres découvertes nouvelles de Ras Shamra (BAH 64, M R S 8, Paris: Geuthner 1956). Ugaritica 4. C.F.-A. S C H A E F F E R Découvertes des XVIII' et XIX' campagnes 1954 1955. Fondements préhistoriques d'Ugarit et nouveaux sondages. Etudes anthropologiques (BAH 74, MRS 15, Paris: Geuthner 1962). Ugaritica 5 . J . N O U G A Y R O L - E . L A R O C H E - C . V I R O L L E A U D - C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R Nouveaux textes accadiens, hourrites et ugaritiques des archives et bibliothèques privées d'Ugarit. Commentaire des textes (première partie) (BAH 80, M R S 16, Paris: Geuthner 1968). Ugaritica 6. C . F . - A . S C H A E F F E R (ed.) ( B A H 81, M R S 17, Paris: Geuthner 1969). RSO

RSP TEO TO

TUAT Ug

1.

O.

CALLOT

UT

WUS

Ugaritica 7. C.F.-A. S C H A E F F E R (ed.) (BAH 99, M R S 18, Paris: Geuthner 1978). C . H . G O R D O N Ugaritic Textbook (AnOr 3 8 , Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1969). U T (Roman) used for text references. J. AISTLF.ITNER Wörterbuch der ugaritischen Sprache edited by Ο . E I S S F E L D T (BVSAWL Phil.-Hist. Klasse 106 Heft 3, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1963', 19652, 19673, 19744).

II

AAA S AASOR AB ABAW Abr-Nah ACF AEPHE AF AoF AJO AGI A ION AIONS AJA ALASP ALBO ANLR AnOr AnSt AntSem AOAT AOS ARM(T) Ar Or AS' ATD ATSAT AuOr AuOrS BA BAH BASOR BASORSS BBVO BCSMS BieOr BiOr BLE BM

ABBREVIATIONS:

SERIES

AND

PERIODICALS

Annales Archéologiques Arabes Syriennes Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research Anchor Bible Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische klasse Abr-Nahrain Annuaire du Collège de France Annuaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Section des sciences religieuses) Anuari de Filologia Altorientalische Forschungen ArchivfiirOrientforschung Archivio glottologico italiano Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli AION Supplements American Journal of Archaeology Abhandlungen zur Literatur Alt—Syrien—Palästinas und Mesopotamiens Analecta Lovaniensia Biblica et Orientalia Accademia Nazionale dei Lined. Rendiconti. Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e ßlologiche Analecta Orientalia Anatolian Studies Antiquités sémitiques Alter Orient und Altes Testament American Oriental Society Series Archives Royales de Mari (Textes) Archiv 0rientální Acta Sumerologica Das Alte Testament Deutsch Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament Aula Orientalis AuOr Supplementa Biblical Archaeologist Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research BASOR Supplementary Series Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient Bulletin of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies Bibbia e Oriente Biblica et Orientalia Bulletin de Littérature Ecclésiastique Bibliotheca Mesopotamica

BMECÇJ BN BO BRA BSA BSOAS BVSAWL BZAW CIS CRAIBL CRB CSF DdA El ELRA EPROER FARG FAT FCT FuF GLECS GM HANES HdO HEO HKA HOS HSM HSS HTR HUCA HZ IEJ IF IV 1LR IOS JA JAMES JA OS JBL JCS JEOL JESHO JHC JNES JNSL JPOS JOR JQRS JRAS JSOTS JSS JSSEi

Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center of Japan Biblische Notizen Bibliotheca Orientalis Beiträge zum Religionsgeschichte des Altertums Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaft zu Leipzig Beihefte zur ^ / H F Copenhagen International Seminar Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres Cahiers de la RB Collezione di Studi Fenici Dialoghi di Archeologia Eretz Israel European Languages Resources Association Etudes préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'empire romain Forschungen zur Anthropologie und Religionsgeschichte Forschungen zum Alten Testament Fronteras de la Ciencia y la Tecnología Forschungen und Fortschritte Groupe linguistique d'études Chamito-Sémitiques Göttinger Miszellen History of the ancient Near East series Handbuch der Orientalistik Hautes études orientales Handbuch der Klassischen Altertumswissenschaft Handbook of Oriental Studies Harvard Semitic Monographs Harvard Semitic Studies Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual Historische Zntscbrijl Israel Exploration Journal Indogermanische Forschungen Indo-Iranian Journal Israel Law Review Israel Oriental Studies Journal Asiatique Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Cundform Studies Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient Journal of Higher Criticism Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of Northwest Semitic languages Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society Jewish Quarterly Review Jewish Quarterly Review Supplement Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JSOT Supplements Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities

JSSM JTS KBo LAPO MARI MCAAS MDOG MI Ε MRS MUSJ MVAeG NABU NUS OA OAC OAM OBO OE OLA OLP OLZ Or OrSuec OTS PEQ PMS H PIBA POS PRU QP RA RB RdE RGTC RHA RUR RRANL RSF RSO RSO SAK SBLDS SBLWAWS SBS SCCNH SCHANE SCO SE SEL SGKAO SIMA SM SMEA SMSR SP

JSS Monographs Journal of Theological Studies Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi Littératures anciennes du Proche-Orient Mari: Annales des Recherches Interdisciplinaires Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaß Materiali Lesúcali ed Epigrafia Mission de Ras Shamra Mémoires de l'Université St Joseph (Beirut) Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gessellschaft Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires Newsletter for Ugaritic Studies Oriens Antiquus Orientis Antiqui Collectio Orientis Antiqui Miscellanea Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Orient-Express Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica Orientalistische Literaturzeitung Orientalia Orientalia Suecana Oudtestamentische Studien Palestine Exploration Quarterly Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association Pretoria Oriental Series Palais Royal d'Ugarit Quaderni di Semitistica Revue d'Assyriologie Revue Biblique Revue d'Egyptologie Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes Revue hittite et asianique Revue de l'Histoire des Religions Rendiconti délia Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Linen Rivista di studi fenici Ras Shamra—Ougarit Rivista degli Studi Orientait Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur Society of Biblical Literature dissertation series Society of Biblical Literature writings from the ancient world series Stuttgarter Bibel-Studien Studies in the culture and civilization of Nuzi and the Hurrians Studies in the history and culture of the ancient Near East Studi Classici e Orientait Sussidi Eruditi Studi epigrafici e linguistici sut Vicino Oriente antico Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Vorderen Orients Studies in Mediterranean archaeology Studia mediterranea Studi micenei ed egeo anatolici Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni Studia Pohl

SP1B SS SSR SSS ST StBoT StPh SVT TA TCS TSO TWA UBL UCOP UF VDI

Scripta Pontifici Instituti Biblici Studi Semitici Studi Storico-Religiosi Semitic Studies Series Studia Theologica Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten Studia Phoenicia Supplements to VT Tel Aviv Texts from cuneiform sources Texte und Studien der Orientalistik Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters Ugaritisch-biblische Literatur University of Cambridge Oriental Publications Ugarit-Forschungen

VO

Vicino Oriente Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin Vetus Testamentum World Archaeology Die Welt des Orients Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Ernst Moritz Arndt-Universität Greifswald (Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe) Wiener Zuschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache Zeitschrift für die Alltestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der Deutsche Morgenländischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästinvereins Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamenlliche Wissenschaft

VSKMB VT WA WO

WZG WZKM ZA ZÁS ZA W ZDMG ZDPV ZNÌV

Vestnik Drevney Istorii

III

AO AT BCE

CK DAPT DN EA ET GN Hitt. IAA KL LBA LH MBA ME Msk NS PAM PN RIH

ABBREVIATIONS:

GENERAL

Louvre catalogue prefix: 'Antiquités Orientales' Alalakh Text before the common era unpublished text in a private collection Deir Alia Plaster Texts divine name El Amarna English translation geographical name Hittite Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem Kamid el-Löz/Kumidi, Musée Nationale de Beyrouth Late Bronze Age Late Helladic Middle Bronze Age Meskene-Emar Meskene new series Palestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem personal name Ras ibn Hani

RAI RN RS RSL TN TT TU Ur

Recontre Assyriologique Internationale royal name Ras Shamra Ras Shamra Louvre (museum number) toponym Tell Taanak, Concordia Seminary, St Louis Mo. Texto(s) ugarítico(s) Urartian

IV AARTUN,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF W O R K S

CITED

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Beiträge zum ugaritischen Lexikon, WO 4:278-99. Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen 1. Teil (AOAT 21/1, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag). Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen 2. Teil (AOAT 21/2, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag). Neue Beiträge zum ugaritischen Lexikon I, UF 16:1-52. Neue Beiträge zum ugaritischen Lexikon II, UF 17:1-47. Studien zur ugaritischen Lexikographie. Teil I: Bäume, Tiere, Gerüche, Götterepitheta, Götternamen, Verbalbegriffe (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).

1978 1984 1985 1991 ABOUD, J .

Die Rolle des Königs und seiner Familie, nach den Texten von Ugarit (FARG 27, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag).

1994 AHARONI, AHL,

Y.

The Land of 'Amqi, IEJ 3:153-61.

1953 S.W. 1973

Epistolary texts from Ugarit: structural and lexical correspondences in epistles in Akkadian and Ugaritic (Brandeis University PhD Diss., Ann Arbor MI: UMI).

AISTLEITNER, J .

Die Nikkal-Hymne aus Ras-Schamra, Z D M G 93:52-9. Die mythologischen und kultischen Texte aus Ras Schamra 2nd edition (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadô). WUS.

1939 1964 1974 AITKEN,

K.T.

1987

Formulaic patterns for the passing of time in Ugaritic narrative, UF 19:1-10. Oral formulaic composition and theme in the Aqhat narrative, UF

1989a

21:1-16.

1989b 1990 ALBRIGHT,

Word pairs and tradition in an Ugaritic tale, UF 21:17-38. The Aqhat narrative. A study in the narrative structure and composition of an Ugaritic tale (JSSM 13, Manchester: Journal of Semitic Studies). W.F.

1931-2 1934 1935 1936 1941 1944 1958 ALLAN,

The Syro-Mesopotamian god Šu1man-Ešmun and related figures, AfO 7:164-9. Archaeological news from Syria, BASOR 54:24-7. Palestine in the earliest historical period, JPOS 15:193-234. New Caananite historical and mythological data, BASOR 63:3-33. Two letters from Ugarit (Ras Shamra), BASOR 82:46-9. The 'natural force' of Moses in the light of Ugaritic, BASOR 94:32-5. Specimens of late Ugaritic prose, BASOR 150:61-66.

R.

Forthcoming

Now that summer's gone: understanding qz in K T U 1.24, SEL.

ALP,

S.

Hethitische Briefe aus Mashat-Höyük (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi).

1991

ALTENMÜLLER, H . -

ALTER, ALTMAN,

The art of biblical poetry (New York: Basic Books). Α.

1975

Was Ugarit ever subject to the eighteenth-dynasty pharaohs? Bar-Ilan University Yearbook 13:1-16. (Hebrew with English Summary). A letter sent by Suppiluliuma I, king of Hatti, to Niqmadu II, king of Ugarit, and its historical and juridical significance, Annual of the Bar Ilan University, Studies in Judaica and the Humanities 20 21:322 48 (Hebrew with English Summary). 'The deliverance motif' in the 'historical prologues' of Suppiluliuma I's vassal treaties, 41-76 in P. A R T Z I (ed.) Confrontation and co-existence (Bar-Ilan Studies in History 2, Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press).

1983

1984

AMADASI,

M.G.

1965 AMICO,

L'iconografia del carro da guerra in Siria e Palestina (Rome: Guzzo).

E.A.

1989

The Status of Women at Ugarit (Ann Arbor MI: UMI).

P.

R S O 9. Les sceaux-cylindres de Ras Shamra au II e millénaire, 2 3 9 - 4 4 in R S O 11.

1992 1995 ARCHI,

A.M.

R.

1985

AMIET,

MOUSSA,

Die Inschrift Amenemhats II aus dem Ptah-Tempel von Memphis. Ein Vorbericht, SAK 18:1-48.

1991

A.

1986 1987 1988

Die ersten zehn Könige von Ebla, ζΑ 76:213-7. Ugarit dans les textes d'Ebla, RA 81:186-7. Cult of the ancestors and tutelary god at Ebla, 103-12 in Y.L. ARBEITMAN (ed.) Fucus. A Semitic / Afrasian gathering in remembrance of Albert Ehrman (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 58, Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins). Chronologie relative des archives d'Ebla, Amurru 1:11-28. 1996 A R C H I , A . (ed.; L) 1988 Eblaite personal names and Semitic name-giving. Papers of a symposium held in ARNAUD,

D.

1974 1975 1979 1981

1982a 1982b 1984 1985-7 1986-7 1991a

Rome July 15-17, 1985 (ARES I, Rome: Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria). Notes brèves, RA 68:190. Les textes d'Emar et la chronologie de la fin du Bronze Récent, Syria 52:87-92. La culture suméro-accadienne, en 'Ras Shamra', SDB 9 : 1 3 4 8 - 5 9 . Humbles et superbes à Emar (Syrie) à la fin de l'âge du Bronze récent, 1 - 1 4 in A . C A Q U O T M . D E L C O R (eds) Mélanges bibliques et orientaux en l'honneur de M. Henri Capelles (AOAT 212, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag). Les textes cunéiformes suméro-accadiens des campagnes 1 9 7 9 - 1 9 8 0 à Ras Shamra-Ougarit, Syria 59:199-222. Une lettre du roi de Tyr au roi d'Ougarit: milieux d'affaires et de culture en Syrie à la fin de l'âge du Bronze Récent, Syria 59:101-7. La lettre Hani 8 1 / 4 et l'identification du site de Ras Ibn Hani (Syrie), Syria 61:15-23. Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar VI, 1 4, Paris: ERC). Religion assyro-babylonienne, AEPHE 95:187-92. Textes syriens de l'Age du Bronze Récent (Sabadell: AUSA).

1991b

Une correspondance d'affaires entre ougaritains et emariotes, 65-78 in R S O 7. Les ports de la 'Phénicie' à la fin de l'âge du Bronze Récent (XIV-XIII siècles) d'après les textes cunéiformes de Syrie, SMEA 30:179-94. La Syrie au Ile millénaire: X I X ' - X I F siècles av. J.-C., 138-43; Lettre de Beia, chef des gardes du corps du pharaon, au roi 'Ammurapi d'Ugarit, 248-9 in Cluzan, S. et al. (eds) Syrie, Mémoire et Civilisation, Catalogue d'exposition, Institut du Monde Arabe (Paris: Flammarion). Jours et mois d'Ugarit, SMEA 32:123-9. Relecture de la liste sacrificielle RS 26.142, SMEA 32:107-9. L'incantation ougaritique contre le 'Feu', AuOr 13:137-9. Le vocabulaire de l'héritage dans les textes du moyen-Euphrate à la fin de l'âge du Bronze Récent, SEL 12:21-6. Études sur Alalah et Ougarit à l'âge du Bronze Récent, SMEA 37:47-65. Prolégomènes à la rédaction d'une histoire d'Ougarit I. Ougarit avant Suppiluliuma 1er, SMEA 39:151-61.

1992 1993a

1993b 1994 1995a 1995b 1996 1997 ARNAUD, D . -

KENNEDY,

1979 ARNAUD, D . -

SALVINI,

1991-2 ARO,

D.

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La maison du prêtre aux modèles de poumon et de foies d'Ugarit, Ug 6:91-119. Sur divers groupes de vases mycéniens en Méditerranée orientale (12501150 av. J.-C.), 137-65 in V. K A R A G E O R G H I S (ed.) Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium: 'The Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean' (Nicosia: Cyprus Department of Antiquities). Corpus céramique de Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Niveaux historiques d'Ugarit. Bronze Moyen et Bronze Récent. Deuxième partie, Ug 7:191 —370. Various entries, DBS 9:1124-1295, 1439-42. Enkomi und Ras Shamra, zwei Aussenposten der Mykenischen Kultur, 182-217 in H.G. B U C H H O L Z (ed.) Agäische Bronzezeit (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buch-gesellschaft). Yabninu et le palais sud d'Ougarit, Syria 67:103-42.

1973

1978 1979 1987

1990 CRAIGIE,

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Prose and poetry in the mythic and epic texts from Ugarit, HTR 67:1-15. The 'olden gods' in ancient near eastern creation myths, 329-38 in F . M . C R O S S - W . E . L E M K E - P.D. M I L L E R (eds) Magnolia Dei- the mighty acts of God. Essays on the Bible and archaeology in memory of G. Ernest Wright (Garden City NY: Doubleday).

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Etude philologique de mâl'âk. Perspectives sur le mâl'àk de la divinité dans la bible hébraïque, 30-51 in SVT 23 (Congress volume, Vienna 1980, Leiden: Brill). K T U 2.21. Lettre adressée à la Reine. Ibrkd a transmis le message de la Reine, UF 13:45-8. La'ika, mâl'âk et m'iâ'kâ en sémitique nord-occidental, RSF 10:153-60. Une formule inédite de salutation en ougaritique, AuOr 1:61-6. Le pronom démonstratif hn en ougaritique. Son existence, son histoire, ses rapports avec les autres démonstratifs et avec l'article, AuOr 1:155-65. La religiosité quotidienne dans la correspondance d'Ugarit, RHR 201:229-34. 'Que tout aille bien auprès de ma mère!' Un qatala optatif en ougaritique?, 2 5 9 - 6 6 in M U N O Z 1 9 8 6 . Correspondance, 239-421 in TO 2. Estudias de epislologrcfta ugaritica (Valencia: Instituciôn San Jerônimo). R S O 5/2. 'El encargado o comisionado'. Recorrido por los senderos de la exegésis. De la filologia a las instituciones. De lo profano a lo religioso. De la historia de las religiones a la teologia, 83-94 in III Simposio biblico espafiol (I Luso-Espanhol) (Valencia, Lisbon: Fundaciôn biblica espanola). Realizaciones informáticas del Sistema integrado de anâlisis morfolôgico de textos ugariticos (SIAMTU), Biblica 73:547-59. Manual de estudios ugariticos (Textos Universitarios 12, Madrid: CSIC). La Hermeneumática: de la tablilla a la inteligencia artificial, FCT 12:52-5.

Le traitement informatique des syntagmes simples. XLIII Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Prague 1 5 juillet. 223 34 in Studia Mesopotamia, Anatolica et Iranica, SIMA 3. Des outils pour le développement de l'hermémeumatique sémitique 1997 nord-occidentale, 9 7 - 1 2 4 in J . A . E M E R T O N (ed.) Congress Volume (Cambridge 1995) (SVT 66, Leiden: Brill). 1998a Cadenas Quebradas, 1 5 1 - 7 4 in D I E T R I C H KOTTSIEPER 1 9 9 8 . 1998b Organizaciôn, resultados y expectativas del 'Banco de datos filologicos semiticos noroccidentales'. Actas del Congreso Espanol de Antiguo Oriente Proximo. Sapānu. Publicaciones en Internet, / / ( 1 9 9 8 ) . labherm. filo.csic.es 1998c Un banco de datos filologicos (BDFSN). JADT 1998. 4™" Journées internationales d'analyse statistique de données textuelles (Nice: Universit Nice Sophie Aniplois, CNRS, INaLF). Forthcoming a Tratamiento informático de las lenguas Siro-palestinas del II y I milenio a. C. Desarrollo actual y estrategia de futuro, en I International symposium. A decade in ancient near eastern studies (1986-1996). Universidad Autônoma de Madrid 2—4 December 1996 (Madrid: CSIC) in press. Forthcoming b El generador de segmentaciones, restituciones y concordancias, GSRC. Un conjunto de herramientas para la investigaciôn filolôgica en CDRom y Internet. 44e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Venise, 7-11 Juillet 1997 in press. Forthcoming c Organisation et spécifications de la Banque de Données 'Banco de Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales', Fifth international conference on Bible and computers (AIBI 5). Bible and informatics: translation and transmission. Université de Provence, Aix-en-Provence, 1-4 September 1997 (Madrid: UAM) in press. CUNCHILLOS, J . - L . -

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1996 1997

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Analizador morfolôgico de palabras ugaríticas (AMU), ii 839-46 in A. R U B I O - N . G A I . L A R D O R . CASTRO A. T E J A D A (eds) First international conference on language resources and evaluation. Granada, Spain, 28-30 May 1998 (Granada: ELRA).

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Forthcoming Herramientas para el tratamiento critico de textos semítico-noroccidentales: môdulos primero y segundo para el fenicio, ii 1009-13 in A . RUBIO - N . GALLARDO - R . CASTRO A . T E J A D A (eds) First international conference on language resources and evaluation. Granada, Spain, 28~30 May 1998 (Granada: E L R A ) . CUNCHILLOS, J . - L . -

1993a 1993b

VITA, J . - P .

Banco de Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales (BDFSN): /. Textos Ugariticos (TU) (Madrid: CSIC, Instituciôn Fernando el Catolico). Crônica de la destrucciôn de una ciudad del reino de Ugarit (TU 0 0 2.61), Sefarad 53:243-47.

1995a

Concordancia de palabras ugarílicas en morfología desplegada. (CPU) Banco de datosfilolágicossemíticos noroccidentales (BDFSN). Datos ugariticos, II (3 vols., Madrid: CSIC, Instituciôn Fernando el Catôlico). El selb de I1šrp. Nota filobgica sobre TU 00-6.69 (RS 17.25), Sefarad 55:389-92. Die Informatisierung der ugaritischen Sprache, Nordostafrikanisch/ Westasiatische Studien (Frankfurt am Main: Universität Frankfurt) in press.

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CUNCHILLOS, J . - L . -

1995 CURTIS,

ZAMORA, J . - A .

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1985

Ugarit (Ras Shamra) (Cities of the Biblical World, Cambridge: Lutterworth).

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MACDONALD, J .

1982

On the origin of the Ugariüc text K T U 1.23, UF 14:33-50.

DAHOOD,

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1970 1972 1975 1981 DALIX,

Psalms III 101-150 (AB 17a, Garden City NY: Doubleday). Ugaritic-Hebrew parallel pairs, RSP I, 71-382. Ugaritic-Hebrew parallel pairs, RSP II, 1-39. Ugaritic-Hebrew parallel pairs, RSP III, 1-206.

A.-S.

1996 DAVIES,

Exemples de bilinguisme à Ougarit. Iloumilkou: la double identité d'un scribe, 81-90 in B R I Ç H J E L - C H A T O N N E T 1996.

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1993

The inheritance of the first-born in Israel and the ancient Near East, JSS 38:175-91.

DAY, J .

1985

God's Battle with the Dragon and the Sea. Echoes of a Canaanite myth in the Old Testament ( U C O P 35, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

DAY, P.L.

Why is Anat a warrior and a hunter? 1 4 1 - 6 in W. J O B L I N G et al. (eds) The Bible and the politics of exegesis: essays in honor of Norman K. Gottwald on his sixty-fifth birthday (Cleveland: Pilgrim Press). Anat: Ugarit's 'mistress of animals', JNES 51:181-90. Anat, cols. 62-77 in DDD.

1991

1992 1995 DEEM,

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1978 DELCOR,

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Interpretation et datation d'une scène gravée sur deux fragments de récipient en albâtre provenant des fouilles du palais d'Ugarit, Ug 3:179-220.

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1981

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Un nouvel alphabet sémitique, RB 39:571-77. Le déchiffrement des tablettes de Ras Shamra, JPOS 11:1-6. Première traduction des textes phéniciens de Ras Shamra, RB 40:32-56. Lettre du roi de Kargamish au roi d'Ugarit, i 203-7 in Mélanges syriens offerts à Monsieur René Dussaud (BAH 30, Paris: Geuthner). I.M.

Evidence on the ethnie division of the Hurrians, SCCNH 1:77-89. M.

Die akkadischen Texte der Archive und Bibliotheken von Emar, UF 22:25-48. Aspects of the Babylonian impact on Ugaritic literature and religion, 33-47

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Die Texte aus Ugarit im Spannungsfeld zwischen Königshaus und Bevölkerung, 75-93 in R. A L B E R T Z (ed.) Religion und Gesellschaß. Studien zu ihrer Wechselbeziehung in den Kulturen des antiken Vorderen Orients. Veröffentlichungen des Arbeitskreises zur Erforschung der Religions- und Kulturgeschichte des antiken Vorderen Orients (AOAT 248, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). -

KOTTSIEPER,

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'Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf. . .'. Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient. Fesischriß fur Ο. Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. l^ebensjahres mit Beiträgen von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen (AOAT 250, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). -

LORETZ,

O.

Die soziale Struktur von Alalah und Ugarit. I. Die Berufsbezeichnungen mit der hurritischen Endung -Ifuli, WO 3:188 205. Der Vertrag zwischen Suppiluliuma und Niqmaddu. Eine philologische und kulturhistorische Studie, WO 3:206-45. Zur ugaritischen Lexikographie (I), BiOr 23:127-33. Untersuchungen zur Schrift- und Lautlehre des Ugaritischen (I), WO 4:300-15. Hurritisch *fa/ent- in ugaritischen Personennamen, UF 1:211-3. Die soziale Struktur von Alalah und Ugarit (IV). Die Ε = fo/u-Listen aus Alalah IV als Quelle für die Erforschung der gesellschaftlichen Schichtung von Alalah im 15. J h . v. Chr., ZA 60:88-123. Der Prolog des Krt-Epos (CTA 14 I 3-5), 31-6 in H. G E S E - H.P. R Ü G E R eds, Wort und Geschichte. Festschrift für Karl Elliger zum 70. Geburtstag (AOAT 18, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag). Der Prolog des" Krt-Epos. Eine Ergänzung, UF 5:283. Untersuchungen zur Schrift- und Lautlehre des Ugaritischen (I): Lesehilfen in der ugaritischen Orthographie, UF 5:71-7. Die Elfenbeininschrifien und S-Texte aus Ugarit (AOAT 13, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag). Die sieben Kunstwerke des Schmiedegottes in K T U 1.4 I 23-43, UF 10:57-63. Ug. kld 'Bogen' und arkd 'Wurfholz, Lanze (?)' in K T U 4.277, UF 10:429. Der 'Seefahrende Volk' von sikila (RS 34.129), UF 10:53-6. Die Bannung von Schlangengift (KTU 1.100 und K T U 1.107:7b13a.19b-20), UF 12:153-70. Schriftliche und mündliche Überlieferung eines 'Sonnenhymnus' nach K T U 1.6 VI 42-53, UF 12:399-400. ' Neue Studien zu den Ritualtexten aus Ugarit (i). Ein Forschungsbericht, UF 13:63-100. Das Porträt einer Königin in K T U 1.14 I 12-15. Zur ugaritischen Lexikographie (XVIII), UF 14:199-204. Rechts- und Wirtschaftsurkunden historisch-chronologische Texte, in TUAT 1/2. Neue Studien zu den Ritualtexten aus Ugarit (II) Nr. 6 - Epigraphische und inhaltliche Probleme in K T U 1.161, UF 15:17-24. Kennt das Ugaritische einen Titel Ahat-Milki = Sar-elli = Iryl 'Schwester des Königs'?, UF 15:303. Briefe aus Ugarit, 5 0 5 1 0 in TUAT Mb. Die Keilalphabete. Die phönizisch-kanaanäischen und altarabischen Alphabete in Ugarit (ALASP 1, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). Ugaritische Rituale und Beschwörungen, 299-357 in TUAT II/3.

1989 1990a

The Cuneiform alphabets of Ugarit, UF 21:101-12. Mantik in Ugarit Keilalphabetische Texte der Opferschau—Omensammlungen Nekromantie (AI.ASP 3, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). Hurritisch-ugaritisch-hebräisch tbl 'Schmied', UF 22:87-8. The syntax of omens in Ugaritic, Maarav 5-6:89-109. Schifishandel und Schiffsmiete zwischen Byblos und Ugarit ( K T U 4.338:10-8), UF 22:89-96. Zur Debatte über 'Funerary rituals and beatific afterlife in Ugaritic texts and in the Bible', UF 23:85-90. Grabbeigaben fìir den verstorbenen König. Bermerkungen zur Neuausgabe von RS 34.126 = K T U 1.161, UF 23:103-6. Ugaritisch dr\ dry und hebräisch zrh II, UF 23:79-82. Ugaritisch 'šr, āširūma und äthiopisch 'aššara, 309-27 in K A Y E (ed.) 1 9 9 1 . 'Jahwe und seine Aschera. ' Anthropomorphes Kultbild in Mesopotamien, Ugarit und Israel (UBL 9, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). K T U 1.114, ein 'Palimpsest', UF 25:133-6. Ugaritisch ii, tyndr und hebräisch 's'h, sy, UF 26:63-72. Neue Tafelfunde des Grabungskampagne 1994 in Ugarit, UF 26:21-2. (eds) Ugarit: ein ostmediterranes Kulturzentrum. Ergebnisse und Perspektiven der Forschung. I. Ugarit und seine altorientalische Umwelt (ALASP 7, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). Analytic Ugaritic Bibliography (1972-1988) (AOAT 20/6, NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker). Word list of the cuneiform alphabetic tablets from Ugarit (ALASP 12; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). Der Vertrag zwischen Ir-Addu von Tunip und Niqmepa von Mukiš, 211-42 in M.W. C H A V A L A S - R.E. A V E R B E C K (eds) Crossing Boundaries and Unking Horizons. Studies in Honor of Michael C. Astour (Bethesda MD: C D L Press). Amurru, Yaman und die Ägäischen Inseln nach den ugaritischen Texten, IOS 18:335-63.

1990b 1990c 1990d 1991a 1991 b 1991c 1991 d 1992 1993 1994a 1994b 1995

1996a 1996b 1997

1998 DIETRICH,

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1967-86

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Ugarit-Bibliographie 1928-1950 (AOAT 20/1), 1950-1959 (AOAT 20/2), 1959-1966 (AOAT 20/3), Indizes (AOAT 20/4), 1967-1971 (AOAT 20/5) Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag); cf. D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1996a. -

LORETZ, O .

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SANMARTÎN, J .

Der Satzbau in PRU 2.12, UF 6:456-457. Sonnenfinsternis in Ugarit. PRU 2, 162 (= RS 12.61), das älteste Dokument über eine Totaleklipse, UF 6:464-5. Der stichometrische Aufbau von RS 24.258 = Ug 5, S. 545-51 Nr. 1, UF 7:109-14. Bemerkungen zur Schlangenbeschwörung RS 24.244, Í/F 7:121-5. Einzelbemerkungen zu RS 24.251, UF 7:127-31. Die keilalphabetische ŠUMMA IZBU-Text RS 24.247 + 265 + 268 + 328: UF 7:133-40. Die Texteinheiten in RS 1.2 (nc!) = C T A 32 (sic\) und RS 17.100 = Appendice 1, UF 7:140-6. Zur ugaritischen Lexikographie XIII, £/F 7:157-69. Das Ritual RS 1.5 = C T A 33, UF 7:525-8. Die Götterliste RS 24.246 = Ug 5, S. 594 Nr. 14, UF 7:545-6. Notizen zum Opfertext RS 24.260 = Ug 5, S. 586 Nr. 11, UF 7: 543-4. Zu s'lm kll im Opfertext von Marseille (CIS I 165), UF 7:561-2.

1976a 1976b 1976c

KTU Κ Ug. kgmn oder k gmn (CTA 6 I 19-29), UF 8:432. Die ugaritischen Totengeister RPU(M) und die biblischen Rephaim, UF 8:45-52. KTU2 (also cited as CAT).

1995 DIETRICH, M .

1991 1992 1993 1994

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M A Y E R , VV.

Beiträge zum Hurritischen (I), UF 23:107-26. Die Konjunktive im Mitanni-Hurritischen, UF 24:39 -58. Die Deklination des Hurritischen im Mittani-Brief, UF 25:143-56. Hurritische Weihrauchbeschwörungen in ugaritischer Alphabetschrift, UF 26:73-112. Sprache und Kultur der Hurriter in Ugarit, 7 4 2 in D I E T R I C H LORETZ

1995

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Festritual für die Palastgöttin Pidray. Der hurro-ugaritische Opfertext K T U 1.132, UF 28:165-76. Hurritica Alalahiana (I), UF 28:177-88. Ein hurritisches Totenritual für 'Ammistamru II (KTU 1.125), 79-89 in B . PONGRATZ-LEISTEN - H . K Ü H N E P . X E L L A (eds) Ana šadî 1jabnāni lu allik [ιFestschrift fur Wolfgang Röllig) (ΑΟΑ'Γ 247, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). Das hurritische Pantheon von Ugarit, UF 29:161 81. The pantheon of the Hurritic sacrificial lists from Ugarit, Subartu 4 (in press).

1996b 1997a

1997b 1998

VAN DlJK, J J . A.

1982

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Fremdsprachige Beschwörungstexte in der südmesopotamischen literarischen Überlieferung, 9 1 - 1 1 3 in H.J. NISSEN - J . R E N G E R (eds) Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. Poltische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im alten Vorderaisen vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend ν Chr. (BBVO 1/1, Berlin: Reimer Verlag). (97-110 in 2nd edition, 1987.) M.

1976 1979 1984 1985 1986 1987a 1987b 1988 1989 1990 1991 1993 1994

Two notes on PRU 5, no. 60, UF 8:437-9. Some reflections on the legend of Aqhat, UF 11:199-210. The ritual K T U 1.46 (= RS 1.9) and its duplicates, UF 16:69-76. Once again the closing lines of the Ba'al Cycle (KTU 1.6.VI.42ff.), UF 17:147-52. An Ugaritic fable (KTU 1.93), UF 18:125-8. Marginalia to the Ugaritic letters I, UF 19:37 48. Epigraphical evidence for the determination of the column-order in the tablets K T U 1.1 and K T U 1.20-22, UF 19:49-60. The legend of Danel and the Rephaim, UF 20:35-52. Marginalia to the Ugaritic letters II, UF 21:141-52. On the identity of the Hittite princess mentioned in label K T U 6.24 (RS 17.72), UF 22:97-101. T h e weather-god on two mountains, UF 23:127-40. The Ugaritic-Hurrian sacrificial hymn to El, UF 25:143-56. The myth of Astarte, the huntress (KTU 1 . 9 2 ) . New fragments, UF 26:113-26.

1995 1998

He pours the sweet wine off, only the dregs are for the wicked. An epigraphic note on mizzah in Psalm 75, 9, .£4IV 107:296-300. Astral myth Ūf the birth of Shahar and Shalim ( K T U 1 . 2 3 ) , 2 6 5 - 8 7 in DIETRICH

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1992

A Hieroglyphic seal impression from Samsat, Belleten 56:3 5.

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The third masculine plural of the prefixed form of the verb in Ugaritic, JANES 13:5-14.

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1983 DONALD,

Ein Kanaanäischer Schmiedeterminis (risk), UF 15:39-46. M.

1991

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Is the bow of Aqhat a symbol of virility? UF 7:217-20. The metamorphosis of a lacuna. Is at.afr.wan . . . a proposal of marriage? UF 11:211-7. Problems with the collation of the Aqht-text, column one, UF 15:43-6.

1983 DREWS,

1967, AfO 22:89-90.

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1993 DRIVER,

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1975

Ugarit, 130-60 in CAH 2 / 2 .

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1981 DUPONT,

M.

Music in ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, WA 12:287-97. R.F.

1987

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Review of R I B I C H I N I - X E L L A 1985, MARI 6:659-64. Le mythologème du combat entre le dieu de l'orage et la mer en Mésopotamie, MARI 7:41-61. La religion en Siria durante la época de los reinos amorreos según la documentaciôn de Mari, 1 2 7 - 5 2 8 in P . M A N D E R - J . M . D U R A N D Mitologiay religion del Oriente Antiguo II/1. Semitas Occidentales (Ebla, Mari) (Sabadell: AUSA).

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1930a 1930b 1931 1935 1937 EßELING,

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Ägyptische Arzte und ägyptische Medizin am hethitischen Königshof (RheinischWestfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vorträge G 205, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag).

1983 1994

Bemerkungen zu Helck's Philisterartikel, BN 22:7 8. Die ägyptisch-hethitische Konespondenz aus Boghazköi in babylonischer und hethitischer Sprache (Rheinisch-Westfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Abhandlung 77, Band I II, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag).

EIDEM, J .

1991

T h e Tell Leilan Archives 1987, RA 85:109-35.

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Ras Schamra und Sanchunjaton (BRA 4, Halle: Niemeyer Verlag). Zu den Urkunden über den Tribut Niqmads, Königs von Ugarit, an den hethitischen Grosskönig Schuppiluliuma, 1 4 7 - 5 7 in W. BAUMGARTNER et al. (eds) Festschrift Alfred Bertholet (Tübingen: Mohr). Sanchunjaton von Berut und Ilimilku von Ugarit (BRA 5, Halle: Niemeyer Verlag). Sohnespflichten im Alten Orient, Syria 43:39-47.

1952 1966 EMERTON, J .

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Some culls of Greek goddesses and female daemons of oriental origin especially in relation to the mythology of goddesses and daemons in the Semitic world (AOAT 233, Kevelaer: Butzen and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).

WESTBROOK,

R.

1988 1991

Old Babylonian marriage law (Horn: Berger). Property and the family in biblical law ( J S O T S 113, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). Mitgift, RIA 8:273-283.

1994 WHITAKER,

R.E.

1969

A Formulaic analysis of Ugaritic poetry, PhD Dissertation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. A Concordance of the Ugaritic literature (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press). Ugaritic Formulae, 209-19 in RSP 3.

1972 1981 WIGGINS,

S.A.

1993 WILHELM,

A reassessment of Asherah' (AOAT 235, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag). G.

1970 1982

1987-90 1991 1992

T a / e r d e n n u , ta/urtannu, ta/urtänu, UF 2:277 82. Grundzüge der Geschichte und Kultur der Hurriter (Grundzüge 45, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. ET: The Hurrians, Warminster: Aris and Phillips 1994). Marijannu, RIA 7:419-21. Probleme der hethitischen Chronologie, OL£ 86:469-76. Zum viersprachigen Vokabular aus Ugarit, SMEA 29:249 53.

WILHELM, G . -

1987 WILSON,

BOESE, J .

Absolute Chronologie und die hethitische Geschichte des 15. und 14. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., 74-117 in ÄSTROM 1987. G.H.

1982 WISEMAN,

Ugaritic word order and sentence structure in Krt, JSS 27:17-32. DJ.

1953

The Alalakh Tablets (London: T h e British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara).

WISEMAN, D J . -

1994 WRIGHT, D . P . -

1995 WULSTAN,

1974 WYATT,

HESS,

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Alalakh Text 457, UF 26:501-8. FREEDMAN, D . N .

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Pomegranates and golden bells: studies in biblical, Jewish and near eastern ritual, law and literature in honor of Jacob Milgrom (Winona I^ake IN: Eisenbrauns). D.

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1977a 1977b 1980 1983a 1983b 1984 1985a 1985b 1987

The identity of Mt-w-Šr, UF 9:379-81. Some problems in the Nikkal poem (CTA 24), UF 9:285-90. The relationship of the deities Dagan and Hadad, UF 12:375-9. The stela of the seated god from Ugarit, UF 15:271-7. A suggested historical context of the Keret story, UF 15:316-8. The Anat stela from Ugarit and its ramifications, UF 16:327-37. Killing and cosmogony in Canaanite and biblical thought, UF 17:375-81. Jedidiah' and cognate forms as a title of royal legitimation, Biblica 66:112-25. Sea and desert: symbolic geography in West Semitic religious thought, UF 19:375-89.

1990a 1990b 1992a 1992b 1992c 1995a

1995b 1995c 1995d 1996a 1996b 1996c 1997 1998a

1998b 1998c WYATT, N . -

1994

1995 WYATT, N . -

1996

XELLA,

The story of Dinah and Shechem, UF 22:433-58. 'Supposing him to be the gardener' (John 20, 15): a study of the Paradise motif in John, 25:21-38. The tides of the Ugaritic storm-god, UF 24:403-24. T h e pruning of the vine in K T U 1.23, UF 24:426-30. A new look at Ugaritic šdmt, JSS 37:149-53. T h e significance of spn in West Semitic thought: a contribution to the history of a mythological motif, 213-37 in DIETRICH - LORETZ 1995. Asherah, cols. 183-95 in DDD. Astarte, cols. 203-13 in DDD. Kinnaru, cols. 911-3 in DDD. Myths of power. A study of royal myth and ideology in Ugaritic and biblical tradition (UBL 13, Münster: Ugarit-Verlag). Le centre du monde dans les littératures d'Ougarit et d'Israël, JNSL 21:123-42. T h e vocabulary and neurology of orientation: the Ugaritic and Hebrew evidence, 351-80 in W Y A T T - WATSON - LLOYD 1996. Ilimilku's ideological programme: Ugaritic royal propaganda, and a biblical postscript, UF 29:778-96. Arms and the king: the earliest allusions to the Chaoskampf motif and their implications for the interpretation of the Ugaritic and biblical traditions, 833-82 in DIETRICH - KOTTSIEPER 1998. Understanding polytheism: structure and dynamic in a west Semitic pantheon, JHC 24-63. Religious texts from Ugarit. The words of Ilimilku and his colleagues (The Biblical Seminar 53, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). LLOYD, J . B .

The Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project: a World Wide Web electronic database of Ugaritic texts in alphabetic cuneiform, and iconographie items from Ras Shamra (switched on 8 November 1994): (http://www.ed.ac.uk/~ugarit/ home.htm). Ugarit in cyberspace, UF 27:597. WATSON, W . G . E . -

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1973 1976 1977 1978a 1978b 1979 1979-80 1980 1981 1982a 1982b

II mito di SHR e SLM. Saggio sulla mitologia ugaritica (SS 44, Rome: Centro di Studi Semitici). Problemi del mito nei Vicino Oriente Antico (A ION 36 Supplement 7, Naples). Studi sulla religione délia Siria antica. I El e il vino (RS 24.258), SSR 1:229-61.' Un testo ugaritico recente (RS 24.266, Verso, 9-19) e il 'sacrificio dei primi nati', RSF 6:127-36. Note di lessicografia ugaritica, I, OA 17:123-9. K T U 1.91 (RS 19.15) e i sacrifia del re, UF 11:833-8. Le dieu Rashap à Ugarit, AAAS 29-30:145-62. Lexikographische Randbemerkungen, UF 12:451-3. I testi rituali di Ugarit (SS 24, Rome: Istituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente). Gli antenati di Dio (Verona: Essedue). Die Ausrüstung eines kanaanäischen Schiffes ( K T U 4.689), WO 13:31-5.

1982c 1982d 1983

QDS. Semantica del 'sacro' a Ugarit, MLE 1:9-17. Restituzioni di toponimi nei testi economici (KTU 4), MLE 1:53-5. Sulla più antica storia di alcune divinità fenicie, 401-7, in BARTOLINI, P. - BONDI, S.F. (eds) Atti del I Congresso Intemazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici, Roma, 5-10 Novembre 1979 vol. 2 (Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche). 1984a K T U 1.48 e la tariffa punica di Marsiglia, RSF 12:165-8. 1984b 'Tu sei mio fratello ed io sono tua sorella!' ( K T U 1.18 i 24), AuOr 2:151-3. 1984c Le formule rituali ugaritiche relative al sole, UF 16:339-49. 1988 Ί figli del re e le figlie del re'. Culto dinastico e tradizioni amoree nei rituali di Ugarit, SEL 5:219-25. 1989 Remarques sur le vocabulaire sacrificiel d'Ougarit, GLECS 24~28 (1979-84):467-87. 1990 'Arsénic et vieilles dentelles'—encore sur la terminologie des textiles à Ugarit, UF 22:467-74. 1991 Baal Hammon. Recherches sur l'identité et l'histoire d'un dieu phénico-punique (CSF 32, Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche). 1995a Resheph, cols. 1324-30, in DDD. 1995b Ugarit et les Phéniciens. Identité culturelle et rapports historiques, 239-66 in M . DIETRICH - LORETZ 1995. 1995c Gunu(m)(KI) dans les textes d'Ebla, NABU 89 (1995/4):80 1. 1996a Les pouvoirs du dieu 'Attar, 381-404 in W Y A T T - WATSON LLOYD (1996). 1996b II 'capro espiatorio' a Ebla. Sulle origini storiche di un antico rito mediterraneo, SMSR (FS. D. Sabbatucci), 62:677-84. (Published 1998). Forthcoming Die ugaritische Religion: methodologische und kulturhistorische Betrachtungen, in M. K R O P P - A . W A G N E R (eds) "Schnittpunkt" Ugarit (Nordostafrikanisch-westasiaüsche Studien 2, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, New York, Paris, Vienna: Lang). - CAPOMACCHIA,

XELLA, P .

1979 YAMADA,

M.

1992 1993 YARON,

Reconsidering the correspondance of Division of a field istration at Emar,

letters from the 'King' in the Ugarit texts: royal Carchemish?, UF 24:431-46. and Ninurta's seal: an aspect of the Hittite adminUF 25:453-60.

R.

1963 1969 YON,

A.M.G.

Tre testi ugaritici relativi a presagi di nascite, OA 18:41-58.

A royal divorce at Ugarit, Or 32:21-31. Foreign merchants in Ugarit, ILR 4:70-9.

M.

1984 1985 1990 1991a 1991b 1992a 1992b 1992c 1994a

Sanctuaires d'Ougarit, 37-50 in G. Roux (ed.) Temples et sanctuaires (Paris: Maison de l'Orient). Baal et le roi, 177-90 in J . Η υ ο τ - M. YON - Y . CALVET (eds) De l'Indus aux Balcans (Fs J. Deshayes) (Paris: ERC). El, le père des dieux (Monuments et Mémoires publiés par AIBL 71, Vendôme: PUF). Stèles de pierre, 273-344 in YON (ed.) 1991. Note sur la sculpture de pierre, 345-52 in YON (ed.) 1991. Ugarit. History and archaeology, ABD vi 695-706. Ugarit. The urban habitat. The present state of the archaeological picture, BASOR 286:19-34. The end of the kingdom of Ugarit, 1 1 1 - 2 2 in W A R D JOUKOWSKY 1 9 9 2 . Minet el-Beida, RIA 8 . 3 / 4 : 2 1 3 - 5 .

1994b

Ougarit et ses relations avec les régions maritimes voisines (d'après les travaux récents), 421-39 in BROOKE et al. 1994. La Maison d'Ourtenu dans le quartier sud d'Ougarit (fouilles 1994), CRAIBL 427-43. The Temple of the Rhytons at Ugarit, 405-22 in W Y A T T - WATSON -

1995 1996

LLOYD

1996.

1997 1998a

YON,

Ugarit, iv 255-62 in MEYERS, E . M . 1997. La cité d'Ougarit sur le tell de Ras Shamra (Guides Archéologiques de l'Institut Franyais d'Archéologie du Proche-Orient 2, Paris: ERC). 1998b The royal city of Ugarit on the tell of Ras Shamra (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns). M . (ed.) 1987 R S O 3. 1991 R S O 6.

YON, M . -

GACHET, J .

1989

Une statuette du dieu El à Ougarit, Syria 66:349.

YON, M . -

SZNYCER, M . -

1995 YOUNG,

D.W.

1977

With snakes and dates: a sacred marriage drama at Ugarit, UF 9:291314. T h e Ugaritic myth of the god Horon, UF 11:839-48.

1979 YOUNG,

BORDREUIL, P . ( e d s )

R S O 11.

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1948 1949 1950 1960

The structure of the poetry of Ugarit (Dropsie College PhD Diss.). Semitic metrics and Ugaritic evidence, JBL 68:xii. Ugaritic prosody, JNES 9:124-33. Ugaritic poetic style and the Old Testament, JBL 69:viii.

YOUNG, G . D .

(ed.)

1981 YOUNGER,

Ugarit in retrospect. Fifty years of Ugarit and Ugaritic (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns). K.L.

Ugaritic king list,

1997 ZACCAGNINI,

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1990

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Note sulla terminologia metallurgica di Ugarit, OrAnt:315-24. Lo scambio dei doni nei Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV-XII I (OAC 11, Rome: Centro per le Antichità e la Storia dell'Arte del Vicino Oriente). O n Late Bronze Age marriages, 593-605 in S.F. BONDI et al. (eds) Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani (Pisa: Giardini). A note on Hittite International relations at the time of Tudhaliya IV, 295-9 in F. IMPARATI (ed.) Studi di storia e di filologia Anatolica dedicati a Giovanni Pugliese (Florence: Carratelli, Elite). T h e forms of alliance and subjugation in the Near East of the Late Bronze Age, 3 7 - 7 9 in L . CANFORA - M . LIVERANI - C . ZACCAGNINI (eds.) I tratatti nei Mondo Antico: forma, ideologia, funzione (Saggi di Storia Antica 2, Rome: Bretschneider).

ZAMORA, J . A .

1997

Sobre el modo de produccián asiático (Madrid-Zaragoza: CSIC, Instituciôn Fernando el Catôlico).

ZATELLI, Ι .

1998

The origin of the biblical scapegoat ritual: the evidence of two Eblaite texts, VT 48:254-63.

ZEEB, F .

1992

'Die Truppen sind unfähig': Überlegungen zu RS 34.143, UF 24:481-98.

ZEMANEK,

P.

1995 ZEVIT,

Ugaritischer Wortformenindex (Lexicographia orientalis 4, Hamburg: Buske).

Ζ.

1983 VAN Z l J L ,

Nondistinctive stress, syllabic constraints, and Wortmetrik in Ugaritic poetry, UF 15:291-8. P.J.

1972a 1972b 1974 1975

Baal. A study of texts in connexion with Baal in the Ugaritic epics (AOAT 10, Kevelaer: Butzen and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag). Translation and discussion of Text 1001:1-2, JNSL 2:74-85. Translation and discussion of Text 1001:3~5a, JNSL 3:85-93. Translation and discussion of Text 1001:5b~7, JNSL 4:73-84.

ZUCKERMAN, B . -

1997 ZURRO,

ZUCKERMAN,

K.

Photography of manuscripts, iv 336-47 in

MEYERS, E . M .

1997.

E.

1987

Procedimientos iteratives en la poesia ugaritica y hebrea (BiOr 43, Rome: Biblical Institute Press; Fuentes de la ciencia biblica 4; Valencia: Institution San Jeronimo).

LIST O F C O N T R I B U T O R S

Prof. K E V I N J . C A T H C A R T Department of Near Eastern Languages Faculty of Arts University College Dublin Dublin 4 (Ireland) Prof. IZAK CORNELIUS Department of Ancient Studies University of Stellenbosch Stellenbosch Private Bag XI Matieland ZA-7602 (RSA) Prof. Dr JESUS-LUIS CUNCHILLOS Laboratorio de Hermeneumática CSIC-Instituto de Filologia c / D u q u e de Medinaceli, 6 - 8 E-28014 Madrid (Spain) D r ADRIAN CURTIS

Dept. of Religions and Theology University of Manchester Manchester M13 9PL (GB) Prof. Dr M A N F R I E D L . G . D I E T R I C H Institut fur Altorientalische Philologie und Vorderasiatische Altertumskunde Ugarit-Forschungsstelle Schlaunstraße 2 D-48143 Münster (Germany) Prof. M E I N D E R T DIJKSTRA Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid Postbus 80.105 NL 3508 T C Utrecht (Netherlands) Prof. J O H N C.L. GIBSON Emeritus Professor, University of Edinburgh 10 South Morton St Edinburgh EH 15 2NB (Scotland) Prof. M I C H A E L HELTZER University of Haifa Haifa 31999 (Israel)

Prof. R I C H A R D S. HESS Denver Baptist Seminary Denver, Colorado (USA) Prof. J O H N HUEHNERGARD Harvard University 6 Divinity Avenue Cambridge MA 02138 (USA) Prof. Dr O S W A L D L O R E T Z Institut fur Altorientalische Philologie und Vorderasiatische Altertumskunde Ugarit-Forschungsstelle Schlaunstraße 2 D-48143 Münster (Germany) Prof. T H E O D O R E J . LEWIS Department of Religion Peabody Hall University of Georgia Athens GA 30602-1625 (USA) Prof. BARUCH M A R G A L I T Department of Biblical Studies University of Haifa 31905 Haifa (Israel) Prof. IGNACIO M A R Q U E Z R O W E Universidade da Coruna Facultad de Humanidades Campus de Esteiro E-15403 Ferrol (Spain) D r PAOLO

MERLO

via Val Cristallina 9 1-00141 Roma (Italy) Prof. G R E G O R I O DEL O L M O Universidad de Barcelona Dept. de Filologia Semitica Gran Via 585 E-08007 Barcelona (Spain)

LETE

Prof. W A Y N E T . PITARD Program for the Study of Religion

LIST

OF

College of Liberal Arts and Sciences University of Illinois 3014 Foreign Languages Building 707 South Mathews Ave. Urbana ILL 61801 (USA) Prof. ITAMAR SINGER Dept. of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures Tel-Aviv University Ramat-Aviv 69978 Tel-Aviv (Israel) Prof. W I L F R E D H . VAN S O L D T Assyriology Leiden University POB 9515 NL 2300 RA Leiden (Netherlands) Dr

K L A A S SPRONK

Beethovelaan 7 NL 4102 BM Culemborg (Netherlands) PD

D r JOSEF

TROPPER

Stindestraße 20 D-12167 Berlin (Germany)

825

CONTRIBUTORS

D r JUAN-PABI.O

VITA

CSIC-Instituto de Filologia Departamento de Filologia Biblica y de Oriente Antiguo Laboratorio de Hermeneumática c/Duque de Medinaceli, 6~8 E-28014 Madrid (Spain) D r WILFRED G . E .

WATSON

Department of Religious Studies The University Newcastle upon Tyne NEI 7RU (GB) Prof. STEVEN W I G G I N S POB 246 Delafield W I 53018 (USA) Dr

NICOLAS

WYATT

New College Mound Place Edinburgh EH 1 2LX (Scotland) Prof. Dr P A O L O X E L L A Consigilio Nazionale delle Ricerche Istituto per la Civiltà fenicia e punica via Salaria Km. 29,500 C.P. 10 1-00016 Monterotondo Stazione (Italy)

INDEX OF TOPICS

Α-word 181-2 abecedary 51, 614 absolute case, Ugaritic 102 absolute infinitive 153-4 account record 329 acropolis 35 address 361, 375 administrative archives 305 administrative record(s) 393 administrative text(s) 38, 57, 140, 327, 425 administrators 4 3 4 - 5 adoption 479-80, 482 adverbs, Ugaritic 1 18 Aegean motifs 593 afterlife 252, 268 agenda 328 agricultural products 446 agriculture 4 5 0 - 1 Akkadian siptu-prayers in Ugaritic alphabetic script 145 Akkadian 76, 393, 529 Akkadian legal texts 394- 411 Akkadian tablets 49 Akkadian texts 52, 530 Akkadian-Hurrian wisdom text 58 alabaster 624, 636 n. 100, 637 alabaster container 599 aleph-sign(s) 78, 80, 93 4 alliance 378 alliteration 184, 224 alphabet 76, 79, 456, 457 alphabet, cuneiform 47, 77 alphabet, h-l-h-m 85 alphabet, Old Arabic 85 alphabet, Phoenician 82 alphabet, South Semitic 88 a/un-stone 657 ambassador(s) 463 Amorite 529, 608, 612 n. 31, 613, 613 nn. 36, 47, 637 Amorite Age 616 Amorite settlement 226 Amurritic religion 220 anaphoric use of -n 155 Anatolian names 510

ancestors 295 anchors 21, 583 androgynous deity 542 3 anepigraphic cylinder seals 400 animal names 505 animal offerings/victims 296, 336, 338 anthropology of death 251 'Apiru 629 Aqhat 234-58, 263 Aqhat's birth 248 Aqhat's bow 251 Aqhat's encounter with Anat 248 Arabic 614 archaeology 586 archer 494 archetypal theme 197 archive(s) 17, 29, 48, 471, 604 archive of Hurrian priest 34 aristocracy 264 army 492~8 aromatic oils 4 3 7 - 8 arrowsmith 129, 451 art 586, 587, 601, 602 article and demonstrative hn 153 asa foetida 657, 667, 668 ascents 345 Ashurbanipal's library 354 aspect and tense, Ugaritic 109 assembly of gods 274, 310 asseverative particles, Ugaritic 120 assigned offerings 330 assimilation, Ugaritic 97 Assyrian 697 Assyrian influence 43, 45 Assyrian scribe 33 astrological omens 355 6 astrology 356 astronomical omens, collection of 163 astronomical omens 146, 163 A T 457, 516 Atef-crown 582 atonement 564 6 authorship by Ilimilku 238

Baal(-Anat) Cycle see Baal and Anat Baal and Mot 196-9 Baal and Anat 53, 193-9, 246, 552 Baal au foudre stela 7, 581, 589, 590 Baal is king 194 Babylonian 703 baking overn 705 ballast variant 172-3 baronial council 216-7, 225 barren(ness) 477, 478 Battle of Qadesh 629, 636, 642 n. 115, 643-4, 644 η. 121, 646, 660, 694 η. 301, 701 BDFSN 744 bed panel 595 Benê-Sim'âl 618 benediction 275 biblical texts 526 bilingual 473 bilingual version 40 bill(s) 391, 399 bill of personal security 417 binding-text 405 biology of religion 567 birds 285 bird names 508 bird oracles 685 Birth of the Pleasant Gods 53 birth omens 146, 163-4 biscriptal 393 bl in compounds 154 blessing(s) 145, 569-71 blessing formula 570 blood " 282, 295 blood-redemption 214 bloodless ritual actions 294 body of letter 365 bow(s) 238, 244, 247, 496 bowls 593 box cover 598 bronze 276 n. 236, 447, 656, 657, 657 n. 167, 658, 668, 676 bronze production 452 bull figurine 593 burlesque 221-2 burnt sacifice 348 business letters, Ugaritic 142 cadastral texts 431 calendar 301 canonical pantheon, Akkadian version 537 n. 24 canonical god list 308 cantor 349

caprice of gods 254 caravan licence 145-6 cardinal numbers, Ugaritic 103 carnelian 447 cartwright 428 case, Ugaritic 101-2 case vowels 507 casus pendens 160 cataclysms 717 catalogue of gods 317 cavalry 495 Cella of Tablets 51 census lists 146 Central Archive 30, 697 Centre Ville 36 ceramic(s) 454, 599 cereals 450 ceremonial 337 ceremonial procession 336 chains of adverbial clauses 151 chains of comparisons 151, 152 chain of epithets 152 Chaoskampf 197, 255, 545, 551 character of Ugaritic poetry 191-2 chariot(s) 429^ 437, 657 n. 161, 682 charioteer 495 charismatic leadership 226 chiasmus, Hurrian 67 chief of shepherds 514 chief priest 428 child's tomb 601 children 478 chronology 392-3, 606-8 City Elders 729 city-gate 250 classification of cultic texts 290-1 classification of Ugaritic 91 classification of Ugaritic prose texts 142-6 clay tablets 81 clergy 433-4 closing formula (of letters) 367 clothing, offering of 329, 332, 336 cognate languages 125-6 collective work 449-50 colophon(s) 140, 193 comedy 221 common standard pantheon 313 communion sacrifice 318, 334 community 483 comparative philology 125 comparative studies 133 composite bow 236 composite epithet 310

composite work 212 compound, Hurrian 67 concentric structure 346 Concordance of Ugaritic Roots 750 conditional hm 159-60 conditionally phrased style 159 conjunction p[m)- 15 conjunctions, Ugaritic 119-20 conscription 493, 495 consecrated ones 301 consonantal inventory of Hurrian 63 consonantal phoneme 138 construct nouns, Ugaritic 147 contest for kingship 193 contraction 180-1 contracts 161 copper 447 correspondence 56, 359-389 correspondence, diplomatic 30 n. 17 corvée 512 cosmic waters 532 cosmogony 231 cosmology, Ugaritian 531-37 couplet 173, 175 crafts 483-92 crafts and industries 448-54 craftsmen 428 Cretan 617, 617 n. 42 crying 221 cult of dead and deified kings 340 cult of the dead 282 cult personnel 296 cult places 302 cult, dynastic 297 culdc calendar 330 culdc installations 338, 341 culdc lists of gods 317-23 cultic myths 352 cultic texts 55-56, 305, 318 cultic texts, Ugaritic 287-358 cuneiform law 393 curse-prayer 323 curses 5 7 1 - 3 custom licence 145 cylinder seal, dynastic 61 1 cylinder seals 580, 582, 598 Cypro-Minoan 500, 529, 605, 605 n. 4, 676, 677 daily sacrifices 143 Danel as king 239 Danel, social status of data bank 747 date formulae 161

249-51

dating tools 705 dative I 161 day of the new moon 333 dead 297 dead and deified kings 299 death 5 7 6 - 9 death ritual 60, 71-2, 577 debt-note 417, 418 decipherment 76-80, 82 dedication 145 deed of conveyance 397, 402 deed of security 418-9 deeds 401 deeds of sale 398 definite article, Hebrew 149 definite article hn- 149 deformed births 574 deictic use of -n 155 demonology 549 demons 276 demonstrative pronouns, Ugaritic 98-9 demonstratives (hnd-hnk/hndt-hnkt/hnhmt) 149, 153 derived stems, Ugaritic 1 1 1 desacralization 331, 343 desacralization/purification 349, 350 descendants 438 descriptive style 147 descriptive-prescriptive ritual 306 deserters 432 determination, Ugaritic 103 determinative pronoun, Ugaritic 99 dialectic of Life and Death 233 dictionary, Ugaritic 122, 123 Didanites 706 diphthongs, Ugaritic 97 diplomatic letters, Ugaritic 142 disappearing god 239 discourse types 141 discourse of persuasion 155-6 disease 279 divination 351, 353, 354 divine assembly 230 divine blessing 376 divine couple 346 divine figures 289 divine kingship 206, 229, 5 6 0 - 2 divine pairs 321 divine peoples 328 divinization of kings 314 n. 15, 560-2 divinized beings 314

divinizing sacred localities 538 divorce 407, 410, 469, 476-8, 482, 512, 681, 702 domestic (legal) texts 412, 416, 393, 394-5 domestic texts 412 double deities 323 double entry 335 double invocation 316 dowry 469, 475, 477 doxology 274 drafts 156 dreambook 163 drinking blood 224 drought 228 drunkenness 285 duplicate(s) 263, 339, 404 dyed cloth 694 n. 300 dyed wool 635, 655, 656, 657, 671, 698, 716 dyes 446-7 dynastic principle 225 dynasty 467 EA texts 222, 526 earthquake 631, 730, 733 Eastern Archive 30, 413 Eblaite 508 ebony 710 eclipse of sun 356 economic texts 136, 140 economy of Ugarit 423-54 edict 391 Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project 736, 737, 742-3, 747 Egyptian 529, 605 n. 4, 620 n. 54 Egyptian Execration Texts 615 Egyptian hieroglyphs 607 Egyptian Middle Kingdom 614 6 Egyptian statuary 587 Egyptian tale of Doomed Prince 244 Egyptian words 130 Egyptians 636 eight-line sequence 177 El's Banquet 202 Elamite 617 elder 429 electronic imaging 734 elephant's tusk 598 ellipsis 172-3 eloquence 158 emphasis with hn, ht, ap 160 emphatic use of interrogative particles 155

emphatic use of separate personal pronouns 155 enclitic -y as a marker of indirect speech 153 enclitic -m 507 enclitic particles, Ugaritic 121 energic, Ugaritic 108-9 Enûma Anu Enlil 356 envelopes 391 epic 241, 502 Epic of Aqhat 5 3 , 4 8 1 Epic of Keret 53, 480 n. 179 epigraphic analysis 736 epithet 321 etymology 133 evening prayer 164 evil eye 282 excavation 586 excerpt 41 existential particles, Ugaritic 120 exorcism 576 expansion 180-1 expiation 340 expiation (atonement) ritual(s) 140, 144, 163, 5 6 4 - 6 expiatory ritual see expiation ritual expression for existence (ii) 148 extispicy 353, 357 fable 150-1 faience 599, 601 family ancestors 483 family life 567-8 famine 717 famine-relief liturgy 557 farm 484 feast 261 feast days 344 female condition 231 female exorcist 230 feminine names 502 feminine suffix -at 507 feminist bias 231 fertility 279, 283, 284 fertility cult 540 feudalistic body 225 figurative language 185-7, 190 figurines 598 file for future reference 40 filial piety 568 final clause 396 find-spot 391, 395-6 fire 629, 634 firstborn 480

fixed sequences 317 fleet 498, 659, 718 see navy flour 341 folk-literature 246 folk-religion 541-2 food 446 footstool 250 foreign scribes 45 formal epistles, Ugaritic 142 formula 183, 256, 409, 414, 572 formulaic patterns 183-4 four aux tablettes 705 four-line strophe 175 French School 207 frit 601 fugitive(s) 462, 467 full moon 297, 301 full moon ritual 335 funerary communion offering 341 funerary offering 347 furniture 437 garden 304, 349 garments 436 General's Letter 628, 644 η. 121, 724 η. 411 gentilic 511 ghost words 132~3 ghosts 264 gift 397 gift exchange 378, 445 gift of real estate 398 gifts for Athirat 195 Glossenkeil 137 glossmark 137 glyptic 598 goat (scapegoat) 566 god lists 144, 307ff. god lists in non-sacrificial texts 322 3 goddess 342 gods of Hyr 311 grain 661, 672, 675, 677, 712, 715-9, 719 n. 391 grammar 3 grammar, Ugaritic 91-121 grammar of Akkadian letters 378-81 graphematic chains 744, 752-3 Great Lady 680 greeting(s) 363 guilds 1 485, 486 gutturals 139 habiru 643, 652, 652 n. 138, 663 n. 186, 682

Hades 546 haematite cylinder 598 half-line parallelism 172 harvest 273 heading 'of Baal' 193 Hebrew 508 Helladic 676 n. 237 hendiadys 172 n. 21 heptacolon 177 hermeneumatic 744 n. 28 heroes of Greek cult 252 hexacolon 176 hiatus, Hurrian 66 hippiatric texts 57, 146, 286 hireq compaginis 507 Hittite 58, 505 η. 4, 529 Hittite Archive 634 nn. 93, 95, 646 η. 127 Hittite Hieroglyphs 409 Hittite legal text 420-2 Hittite scribes 419 Hittite tablets 421 Hittite text(s) 62, 393, 650 Hittite words 130 hoard 731 holocaust 348 homographs 125 homonyms 125, 131-2 horse(s) 495, 497, 655, 655 n. 153, 656, 657, 665, 674, 675, 677, 715, 724, 724 n. 413, 727 Horus falcon 593 House of Alabasters 11 House of literary texts 49 House of Rap'ânu 33, 48, 61, 399 House of Rashapabu 48, 399 House of Urtenu 47 n. 4, 56, 49, 375, 472, 605, 676 n. 234, 705, 706 House of the High Priest 10, 15, 48, 51, 234, 259, 328 House of the Hurrian Priest 48-49, 683 n. 261 House of the Lettré 33 House of the Scholar 10, 48, 51 household of (bt) 511 f)upšu-mercenaries 357 Hurrian 12, 42, 51, 58, 134, 273, 456, 457, 529, 605 n. 4, 620,

621 Hurrian Hurrian Hurrian Hurrian

Appu story 244 cult 74 domination 63 influence 41, 42, 45

Hurrian myth 558 Hurrian names 510 Hurrian pantheon 324-5 Hurrian priest 74 Hurrian ritual texts 143, 144 Hurrian temple 609 Hurrian Text(s) 52, 58, 530, 683 n. 261 Hurrian words 129-30 Hurrites 616 Hurro-Akkadian 378 hymn(s) 272-3 Hymn of Anat 200, 284 iconography 580-3, 586-602 iconography of deities 586-602 idolatry 583-4 image of deity 295 imagery 187 imperative, Ugaritic 104-5 imperfect, Ugariüc 162 imperfective, Ugaritic 109 implements 438 incantation(s) 145, 323, 575 incantations, Ugaritic 150 incense incantation 60 incised inscriptions 9 incubation theory 247-8 indefinite pronouns, Ugaritic 99 individual theologies 539-42 Indo-Aryan words 130-1 Indo-European 130-1, 558 infantry 493, 494 inheritance 480, 510 inscribed clay liver 574 interjections, Ugaritic 120 international arbitrations 406 international conferences 1 international law 441 international legal text(s) 37, 402-3, 419 international letter 37 international trade 653 international treaties 440-1 interrogative pronouns, Ugaritic 99 interrogative pronouns (mn(m)-mnk(m); mh-mhkm) 149 introductory formulae 376 inversion of subject 151 investiture-enthronement 195 invitation 260 iron 593, 618, 656 irony 214, 571 isoglosses 126 ivory, ivories 19, 21, 582, 595-8

jester 220 joins 392 journey to a banquet 261 jussive/cohortative mood, Ugaritic 105 jussive imperfect, Ugaritic 163 jussive mood, Ugaritic 105 juxtaposition of name and sacrifice 161

Keret see Legend of Keret kind of ritual 194 king(s) 283, 296, 297, 493 king, prayer of 273 kinglist 550 kingship 533 kingship, dynastic 209, 226 Kinneret hypothesis 243 kispum-rite 225, 292, 357, 577 Kulturwörter 131 labels 438 Lamaštu archive 34, 49 language 393 lapis-lazuli 447, 617, 618, 655, 694 n. 300 largest text 193 LBA classic 205 LBA Ugarit 208 n. 9 legal document 390 legal texts 56, 136 Legend of Keret 53, 203-33, 480 n. 179, 552 Legend of Aqhat 5 3 , 4 8 1 legends 254 lengthened stems, Ugaritic 117 letter-formula 404-5 letter-verdict 404 letters 50 letters, Akkadian 375-89 letters, Ugaritic 142, 359-73 levirate marriage 478 n. 150 lexical tablets 128 lexical texts 39, 136 lexicography, Ugaritic 122-39 lexicon 750 lexicon, Hurrian 68-69 libation tube 601 Library of Lamashtu Texts 34, 49, 51 Library of the High Priest 35, 59 Library of the Hurrian priest 60-1 linear shapes (of letters) 8 4 - 5 linen 655, 657, 657 n. 162, 658, 698

lingua franca 393 linguistic origins 509 liquids, Hurrian 65 list 305 List Anu 307-8 list for accounts 306 lists of assigned offerings 330 list of divine names 318 list of gods 61, 161 list of gods, canonical 161 lists of gods in sacrificial texts 317 lists of Hurrian gods 323-6 lists of names of divine kings 313-7 lists of offerings 71, 326-52 lists of sacrifices 143 4 lists of villages 424 5 lists without offerings 326-30 litanies of gods' names 316-7 litany 323, 574 literary and religious texts 39 literary approach 243 literary aspects of letters 366-7 literary forms 289 literary inclusio 342 literary texts 52, 53~5, 136 literary texts, Ugaritic 193-286 liver models 146 local epithets 321 locative case, Ugaritic 101-2 locusts 699, 717 η. 383 Lord of Saphon 545 lunar calendar 336 magic 270, 285, 323 main works of Ugaritic literature 205 Maison aux tablettes 661 Manda 642, 642 η. 116, 643, 652, 652 η. 137 marriage 280, 469, 475, 476 Marriage of Nikkal and Yarih 53, 201, 557-8 masculine names 502 matres lectionis, Hurrian 65 mayor 474 medical texts 161 medical practitioner 575 medicine 575 memoranda 399, 417 menacing figurine 591 menology 39 mercenaries 493 merchant 461, 472 Merchant of Venice 233 Mesopotamian pantheon 308

messenger 284, 375, 470 meta-economic texts 306 metal 447, 488 metal offerings 296, 336, 338 metal-work(ing) 18, 19, 21, 451-2, 591 metaphor 186-7 metre 168-9 Middle Babylonian 378 Middle Babylonian Koine 58, 63 military alliance 404 minerals 447 Mischsprache 59 Mittanni Letter 63 Mittannian 619, 624 mobilization 434 mock epic 222 mock-heroic 231 model of liver 357 model of lung 357, 574 model organs 357, 573-4 monocolon 173, 174 month 301-2 month of new wine 339 monthly liturgy 339 monthly rituals 143 moods, Ugaritic 110 morning prayer 164 morphology of nouns, Hurrian 66 moûf(s) 256, 586 mourning rites 578-9 mule 656 multilingual lexical lists 61 multiple authorship 212, 216 multiple offerings 329 Mursili-Niqmepa treaty 638 music 20, 301, 580 Myc. Ill C ware 730 n. 429, 732 Myceneaean 508, 675 myth and ritual 290 Myth and Ritual School 205, 206 mythological pantheon 323 mythological rituals 352 mythological texts 502 mythology 289 mythology, Ugaritian 549~58 myths 254 name-giving 611, 620 n. 57 narrative friezes 595 narrative waw, Hebrew 149 narrative discourse 141 naval battle 721 navy 432

negation in Ugaritic noun clauses 148 negatives, Ugaritic 120 new moon 301, 335, 343 New Year liturgy/festival 197, 344 Nikkal poem 53, 201, 557-8 nine-colon set 177 nobility of Bêt Hbr 2 1 0 , 2 2 4 nominative absolute 160 non-literary dimension 579-84 non-royal legal texts 399-402, 416-9 non-sacrificial rites 351 non-Semitic words 128 non-Semitic words in Hurrian 69 North(ern) Palace 609, 630 n. 84, 631 noun, Ugaritic 100 numerals, Ugaritic 103-4 oath 155 object marker, Hebrew 149 offering and deity lists 55 offering lists 305ff. offering-rite 337 offerings 345 officiant 351 oil 657, 658, 669 n. 208, 670, 671, 672, 672 n. 221, 677, 692, 720 oil, offering of 329 ointment container 598 omen(s) 161, 323, 573-4 omen interpretation and ritual 164 omen literature 146 omen texts 55-6, 163 omphalos 532 oneiric theophany 220 onomasticon 75 optative particles, Ugaritic 120 oracle 297, 344, 573-4 oracular response 299, 349 oral message 359 orientation 535-7 orthography 705 orthography, Ugaritic 93 oven' 32, 732 palace archives 392, 705 palace cult 321 palace of Ugarit 629 palace for Baal 194 palace offering 61 palace pantheon 70 palace personnel 435-6 palace sanctuary 336, 343 palatine texts 333

/»anfow-assembly 225 n. 28 pantheon 341, 532, 537-9 pantheon of cultic texts 6 9 - 7 3 parallelism 149, 169-72, 189 parallelism, alternating 171 parallelism, antithetic 170-1 parallelism, chiastic 172 parallelism, distant 172 parallelism, grammatical 171-2 parallelism, Hurrian 67 parallelism, numerical 170 parallelism, semantic 170 parallelism, synonymous 170 parallelism, syntactical 171-2 parody 206, 221 participle N-stem 154 participles, Ugaritic 110-1, 147-8 particles, Ugaritic 118 patera 593 patriarchal narrative 219 patriarchal society 481 patriarchs of the Bible 220 patriarchy 511 patrilinear family 480 patrilinear society 481 pax hethitica 646-52 payment rolls 146 peace figurine 591 peace offering 344 pendant 595 penis-envy 228 n. 31 pentacolon 176 perfect N-stem 154 perfect/imperfect in poetry 141 perfective forms, Ugaritic 162 perfective, Ugaritic 109 performative discourse 141 performative imperative, Ugaritic 163 performative perfect, Ugaritic 163 performative Ugaritic prose 161-4 peripheral Akkadian 378 personal names 127-8 personal piety 574-5 personal prayers 574 personal pronoun, Ugaritic 98 persuasive (prose) style 150, 151, 155, 158 pgr- sacrifice 348 phallic symbol 251, 280 Phoenician 615 Phoenician ports 668-73 phoneme / d./ 95 phonology, Ugaritic 95 piety 482

piety, family 482~3 plaques 595 /)/CTIÍ-writing 153 poetic language 289 poetic language, Ugaritic 169 poetry 275 poetry, Ugaritic 165 91, 287 poetry as play 233 n. 36 poetry or prose 140 pölel, Ugaritic 117 polygamy 477, 478, 479 polyglot vocabularies 307 polytheism 541 popular cult 328 population of Ugarit 75 port area 21 portrait-like human head 593 possession 576 potter 454 pottery mug 599 prayer(s) 145, 272-3, 286, 316 precative discourse 141 precative perfect, Ugaritic 163 prefect 468-9, 474 prefix conjugation, Ugaritic 105 prepositions, Ugaritic 118-9 prescriptive discourse 141 prescriptive imperfect, Ugaritic 162 prescriptive narrative, Ugaritic 162 prescriptive Ugaritic prose 161-4 president 224 Prêtre Hounite 74 priest(s) 277, 300, 474 priests' libraries 59 principal god list 308 principal liturgy 332 prisoner(s) 462 private archives 392, 401 private deeds 399 private letters 38 private property 480 procession 294, 337, 344 procession rituals 144 proclamation 340 professions 484-92, 513 promissory oath 397 pronominal suffixes, Ugaritic 98 pronoun, Ugaritic 98 propagandist 553 prose, Ugaritic 140 prose of Ugaritic letters 153-61 prose style, Ugaritic 141 proskynesis 361, 362 protasis-apodosis structure 164

protocol of necromancy 146 pseudonymic riddle 219 purification 297 purification of king 333 pyxis 598 quadrilingual 40, 134 quaternity 572-3 quatrain 175, 176 queen 30, 469-70, 481 rābisu 647 η. 129 raising of ā 139 Rap'anu archive 50, 629, 720, 721 Rashapabu collection 50 raw glass 656 real estate 411 receipt(s) 146, 391 recitation 140 recruiting 493, 494 redistribution of fields 430 reference shots 735 regent 468 relative clauses, Ugaritic prose 147 relative marker '"šer 149 relative noun clauses, Ugaritic 147-8 religion 3 religion, Ugaritian 529 religion of Ugarit 529-85 religious practices 288 religious texts 50 religious vocabulary 536 repetition 178 80, 190, 257 repetition of lines 1 79 repetition of passages 179-80 repetition of words 1 78-9 repetitive style 15 Rephaim texts 259-69, 283 report marker 156 reports 156 restoration of Baal 196 reversal of word pair 182-3 rhetorical questions 155 rhetorical style 159 rhyton(s) 599 Rhyton Temple 11, 15, 16, 587, 598 ritual(s) 161, 273 ritual, descriptive 162 ritual, prescriptive 161 ritual, Ugaritic 562-6 ritual action involving blood 293 ritual colophon 337 ritual formulae 297 ritual of huts 344

ritual of purification 344 ritual prescriptions 162 ritual purity 297 ritual texts 3, 55 ritual typology 347 robed king 250 roof 273 royal document 396, 415 royal domestic legal texts 392 royal family 321, 512 royal ideology 314, 559-62 royal legal texts 395, 413 royal marriage 564 R O yal Palace 8, 10, 13, 16, 17, 297 royal pantheon 346 royal propaganda 207-8 royal seals 598 royal service 449 royal servicemen 427-31 royal stores 436-8 rpum as deities 265-7 rpum as living persons 267-9 Rpum texts 259-69 S a Voc. 134 sacred marriage 298, 557 sacrifice(s) 322 sacrifice of burning 341 sacrifice of general communion 340 sacrificial agenda 348 sacrificial banquet 346 sacrificial festivals 144 sacrificial material 296 sacrificial place 343 sacrificial rites 563 sacrificial syntax 346 sacrificial texts 319, 321 sacrificial vocabulary, Ugaritic 123, 291, 292 sagas 254 sākinu 37, 38, 434, 647 η. 129 sale 397-8 salutation 376 Sammelurkunde 396 Sanskrit 536 satire 229 scarabs 598 scholar 277 school 39, 82 school texts 40 scorpion 281, 285 scribal education 40 scribal error 132, 167 scribal exercise 274

scribe(s) 375, 397, 463, 465, 470, 472, 486 n. 206, 512 script 393 script, Ugaritic 81—9 sculptor 454 sea-god 531, 532 seal 408, 598 seal, dynastic 399, 415 seal identification formula 397 seal impression 397, 404, 409 sealing 390 Sea Peoples 26, 33, 462, 719, 722, 725, 730, 732, 733 search for Baal 196 search for the secret of lightning 195 security 651 seismic event 709 self-burial rite 579 semantic rectangle 257 semantics, Ugaritic 123 Semitic names 510 Semitic words in Hurrian 68 sequence, h-l-h-m 88 sequences of perfect 151 series of deities, dynastic 320 series of offerings 340 serpents 279, 280 servant 466, 479 seven 337 seven concentric boundaries 533 seven deities 310 shape of tablet 414 Shapsh and the Mare 202 Sheol 547 shepherd 428 serdanni 429, 462, 726 n. 416 šerdanuū see serdanni Sikila 722, 728, 729 n. 426 ships 450, 497-8, 514 shipwreck 404 shipyards 449 shorter alphabetic script 414 j/mm-sacrifice 293, 318 ir/>-sacrifice 293 SIAMTU 744-5, 751 sibilants, Hurrian 64 sickness 575 signing 390 Silver Treaty 674, 722 n. 400 simile 185-6 sin 293 singers 301 Sitz im Leben 193 Skl/ Sikila 722

slaves 445 smiting figurine 591 smiting posture 581 smoke 277 snake 278, 281 snakebite 575 snake poison 230 social classes 464 social rank 376 soldier(s) 429 soothsayer 277 sorcerer 276 sound changes, consonantal 97 sound patterns 184-5, 190 South Semitic 614 Southern Archive 31 Southern Palace 32, 634 n. 94, 636 n. 99, 677, 703 n. 337, 711 Southwestern Archive 31, 708 sphinx 587 spices 437 spirits of the dead 264-5, 282 spiritual powers 561 split couplet 192 staircase parallelism 192 standard god list 312 standing armed figurine 591 stanza 177-8, 190 state, Ugaritic 102 statuary 619 n. 48, 620 n. 54 statue(s) 2 9 4 , 3 3 7 , 5 8 7 - 8 , 6 1 4 , 7 1 1 statuette 587 statuette, bronze 591 stela 580-1, 586, 589-91 stichometry 166, 189 stock apodoses 355 Stoic tradition 232 stone sculpture 587-91 stones 488 storm-god 464, 533, 670 story of Hannah and Samuel 244 Story of Aqhat 234-58 stray finds 392 strophe 177-8, 190 style 256 style, Hurrian 67 Subarians 652 substitute 196 suffix conjugation, Ugaritic 107ff. suffix -n 508 sum totals 148 Sumerian myth 558 Sumerian words 130 summoning ritual 351

supreme deity 197, 534 Sutean mercenary 214 Sutu 623, 643, 652 Syllabary A Vocabulary 134 syllabic Akkadian 28-45 syllabic Akkadian incantation 270 symbiosis between Hurrians and Ugaritians 61 symbol 584 syncope 139 syntactic analysis 127 syntactic pattern 338, 342, 351 syntactic structure 331 syntax 287, 325 syntax, Hurrian 67 syntax of letters 365-6 syntax of Ugaritic poetry 169 Syro-Anatolian 378 table of Semitic consonants 96 Tawannana 699 n. 321 teacher 41, 277 temple(s) 302, 563 temple of Baal 10, 14, 589, 609 n. 17, 616, 619, 620, 709, 710, 711 temple of Dagan 10, 14, 15, 303, 616, 700 temple of Ilatu 343 temple of rhytons 11, 15, 16, 302 n. 70, 587, 598 temple of the astral gods 338 temple archive 327 temple crier 229 temporal k(y)160 teratological omens 353-5 terminative case, Ugaritic 101 terrace 303 terracotta(s) 599, 601 tetracolon 175 text editions 736 textile industry 452-3, 487 textiles 436, 446-7 texts from Hatti 403-4 texts, Ugaritic 124 texts from private libraries 61 The Devourers 199-200 The Gracious gods 200-1 thematic vowel of Ugaritic verb 106 theme(s) 256 théogonie scene 566 theology, Ugaritian 537-49 throne 587 tin 452, 617, 668, 668 n. 207 tomb 6, 17

tomb construction 577-8 topics of letters 378 topographical points 29 toponyms 3 town cult 321 trade centre 439 trader(s) 463 trade with Anatolia 443 trade with Canaan 442 trade with Carchemish 443-4 trade with Crete 443-4 trade with Cyprus 443 trade with Egypt 442 trading partners 41 tragi-comical 223, 231 translation 156, 367 translations of Akkadian texts into Ugaritic 30 n. 12 treaty 36, 391, 410 treaty stela 589 tree of death 280 triad 308 tribal tradition of charismatic leadership 225 tribute 429, 451, 635, 635 n. 96 tribute items 420 tribute-offering 341 trickster 547 tricolon 174-5 trilingual version 40 triphthongs, Ugaritic 97 tutelary gods 345 Ugaritian theology 246 Ugaritic, colloquial 153 Ugaritic alphabet 12 Ugaritic influence 44, 45 Ugaritic king list 609 Ugaritic legal texts 411-20 Ugaritic lexicography, principles 125 Ugaritic lexicography, problems 124-5 Ugaritic literary texts 35 Ugaritic Morphological Analyser 749 Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition 736, 737, 738-42 underworld 533 unilingual version 40 unmarked speech 192 unpredictability 191 upper floor 396-7, 403 Uprapi 618

Ur III 608 Urtenu archive 400, 553, 655, 657, 659, 660 n. 174, 667, 686 n. 278, 687, 689, 691, 692, 694, 699, 707, 708, 712, 713, 719, 719 n. 391, 721, 723 n. 402, 722, 729, 729 n. 426 Ušbara Incantation 73 vassal treaty 403, 405, 6 3 4 - 6 vegetable products 332 vegetable offerings 296, 336 velars, Hurrian 65 vengeance 257 verb form iparrVs 107 verb, Ugaritic 104-18 verbal stems, Ugaritic 111-3 verdict 408 verse paragraphs 173-7 verse-line 169-70, 177 victims 340 villages 512 vineyard(s) 663, 663 n. 188 vocabulary 166 vocabulary of fabrics and dyes, Ugaritic 123 vocabulary of letters 368-74 vocabulary of sociology, Ugaritic 123 vocalization 139, 167 vocative, Ugaritic 102 voicing-devoicing, Ugaritic 97 votive gifts 583 vowel assimilation 139 vowel harmony, Ugaritic 97 vowel syncope, Ugaritic 97, 139 vowelless consonants 84 vows 568-9 Wanderwörter 131 war-chariot 489, 494, 497 warrior figurine 591 water carriers of the sanctuary weak verbs, Ugaritic 1 13-7 weapon(s) 453, 593 wedding 286 weights 448, 593 weights and measures 448 Western Archive 29 Western Palace 634 n. 94 widow 479 widowhood 482

301

window(s) 195 wine 327, 340, 341, 450 wine, offering of 329 wine harvest 297, 302 winged sun-disk 599 wisdom text 59 wisdom text, Ugaritic 152 wishes 363-4 witnesses 400, 401, 416 woman 475, 476, 481, 482 n. 188, 511

women as superior 228 wood 447 word dividers 508 word pairs 181-3, 190, 256 wordplay 185 Words with their morphological display 749 Yasib episode

216, 217

zoomorphic containers

601

INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES Aballa, Aba11ā 651, 685 Abaya 692 Abdi-Anati 640 Abdi-Aširta 622, 627 Abdi-Šarruma 642 Abdu 671 Abi-Milku 630, 631 Abihilu 669 n. 208 Abimanu 698 Abušga(ma) 643 η. 119, 666 Actaeon 240 Adapa 241 Addaya 727 Addu of Halab 618 Addu-dayyanu 672 n. 217 Addumu 670 n. 212 Adduya 698 n. 315, 716 Adonis 239 Ahalhaltena 686 Ahasuerus 222 Ahat-Milku 24, 620 n. 57, 641, 641 n. 113, 642, 643 η. 118, 676 n. 235, 679, 681 n. 254, 679 n. 248, 690, 693, 696, 703 n. 337 Aljhiyawa 675 η. 232, 688 Ahi-Milku/Malki 657 η. 165, 671, 691 η. 295 Aitakama 636, 644 Akhenaten 622, 623 η. 68, 624, 625, 625 η. 73, 629, 630, 713 Ali-ziti 716, 716 η. 377 A1ihešni 654, 685 A11uwa 699, 699 nn. 317, 320 Amar- D IM

6 7 6 η. 2 3 5

Amar- d u 688 Amenemhet III 616, 619 n. 48 Amenemhet II 615, 622

Amenophis III 622, 623 n. 68, 624, 625 n. 73, 677 Ammaya 704, 710, 712 Ammitamru 706, 708 n. 349 Ammittamru I 622-4, 627, 632 Ammittamru II 24, 466, 472, 626, 634 n. 93, 642, 652, 655, 661, 674, 676, 678-80, 683, 683 n. 261, 684, 689 n. 287, 690, 692, 693, 700 n. 324, 720 n. 392, 724 n. 410 Ammurapi 315, 477, 498 n. 266, 661, 686 n. 278, 690, 691, 695, 695 n. 306, 696, 701, 702, 706-31, 719, 720, 728, 729 Amutaru 655 Amutarunu 655 n. 152, 693 Anan-Nikkal 708 Ananae 699 Anani- D NIN.GAL

701, 7 0 2 n. 3 2 9 ,

704 Anani-Peddigalli 704 Anani-Šarruma 655 η. 153, 658 Anantenu 691 η. 295 Ann'a 699 η. 316 Anni-WA 670 η. 212 Annpdgl 704 Ar(i)-Tešub 665 η. 198 Ar-halba 620 η. 57, 637-8, 665 η. 198 Ari 666 Ari-Šimiga 651 Arma-ziti 661, 685 Arnuqanda II 703 Aruš-Heba 657 η. 167 Arwašši 652 Athtar 539 η. 31 Augustine 233

Ayyahi 672 Aziru" 612 n. 31, 622, 627, 630, 632 n. 90, 633, 635, 636, 639, 641 n. 113, 682 n. 256 Aziru-Niqmaddu 641 Ba'aliya 664 n. 194 Balaam of the D A P T 221 Banniya 727 Bazute 697 n. 309 B'l-ytn 665 n. 198 Bē1u-1ibūr 689 η. 289 Belubur 688 η. 284, 689 η. 289, 697 Bentešina 477, 629 η. 83, 641 η. 113, 642, 643, 645, 646, 680, 681, 701 η. 326, 702 η. 330, 722 η. 40 Betilum 667, 667 η. 204 Beya 713, 714, 715, 729, 729 η. 427 Bin-Kabkamma 687, 688 Bišu 658 Burhahanuwa 674 Buruqqu 619 η. 49 Cadmus

240

d

30.MU.MEŠ.tuku

727 η.

d

iM.Di.KUD

729

d

iM-Išme

672,

418

6 7 0 η. 212

d

iM-mateni 665 η. 198

''IM.SÎ.MU

6 5 6 η.

d

M.ZA.DUGUD

d

UTU-a

159

671

709

Dadami 670 Dagan-bē1u 658, 675 Dan 722 η. 398 Danana 729 Danel 234, 235, 242, 247, 262, 545 Ddn 613 D i d ā n u m / D i t ā n u m 613 DU-Tešub 636, 641, 641 η. 113 DUMU.LUGAL DUMU.SAL GAL

Duppi-Tešub Ea-dGAL

6 5 4 η.

148

680

641 η. 113

656

Ea-rabi 670 Ebina'e 684, 685, 685 η. 272 Ehli-Nikkalu 679 η. 247, 696, 700, 701, 702, 702 ηη. 327, 331, 707 η. 347 Eh1i-Tešub 657 η. 165, 671, 691, 691 η. 295

En- d IM 687 Eniya 727 (see Enniya) Eppiqu 665 Eriba-Marduk 727 n. 418 Ešuwara 721 Etakkama 630 Etana 241 Ewri-kili 670 Ewri-Kušuh 699 η. 322 Ewri-šarri 726 Ewri-Šarruma 724 η. 409 Ewri-Tešub 687 Falstaff GAL- d IM

208 η. 9 686

GAL-gina 666 Gaššu1iyawiya 477 n. 150, 680, 681, 702 n. 330 Gi1gamesh 241, 244 GUR-DiNGiR-ftm

606, 6 6 4 n.

192

Haddi-1ibbašu 727 Ha1pamuwa 623 n. 66 Hamlet 233 Hammurapi 618 hanya 506, 623 n. 68 Hanya see ffanya Hargab 257 Hattusili I 619 Hattusili III 441, 461 η. 36, 486, 638, 644, 645, 646, 647, 648, 676 η. 235, 651, 652, 652 η. 138, 660, 660 η. 174, 679 η. 243, 680, 682, 683, 685, 694 η. 301, 696, 703 η. 334, 716 η. 377, 722, 729 Haya 716 Hayamuli 657 η. 167 Hebat of Ari 663 η. 184 Hebat-azali 699 Hešmi-Tešub 654, 655, 655 η. 154 Hešni 654, 654 η. 147 Hišmi-Sarruma 620 η. 57, 642, 676 " η. 235, 679, 681 η. 254 Hišni 640 η. 111 Horemheb 636, 636 η. 99, 637, 643 Hrsn 731 Uurāsānu 513, 731 Ibiranu 466, 620, 659 η. 171, 667 η. 202, 681, 682 η. 357, 683-6, 689, 691, 694 η. 301, 695, 695 ηη. 305-6, 706, 716 η. 379, 724 η. 407

Ibnadušu 722 ibrkd 699 Idrimi 226, 612 η. 33, 620 Ili-malku 35 Ili-Milku see Ilimilku Ilimilku 54-5, 214-5, 260, 256, 499, 547, 551-3, 688, 688 n. 284, 689 n. 289, 691 n. 295, 697, 705 n. 340 ilm Ik see Ilimilku Ilhu 227 Ilu-qarradu 612 Iluwa 688 Imtu 670 n. 212 Ini-Tesub 634, 634 n. 95, 636 n. 99, 642, 645, 649, 651, 651 n. 134, 652, 652 n. 136, 655, 657 n. 166, 661, 662, 663, 663 n. 185, 664, 678, 679, 679 nn. 247-9, 682, 684, 684 n. 264, 716 n. 379, 728 n. 420 ÌR-Šarruma 620 η. 57, 676 η. 235, 679, 681 η. 254 ÌR-iršappa 506 Irhanda 655, 655 η. 151 Ιπ-Šarruma 724, 725 1n-trm 655 η. 153, 724 η. 409 Išuwa 689 Itur-lim 606, 664 η. 192 Iwr-kl 670 Iwr-trm 724 η. 409 1xvrdn (Ewri-šenni) 697 Iwrdr 726 Iwrpzn (Ewri-pizuni) 697 Jae1 244 Jesus 281 Judith 244 Kadašman-En1i1 I 624, 625 Kadašman-En1i1 II 461 n. 36, 652 Ka1biya 726 Kila'e 655 η. 154, 687, 688, 699 kilia 506 Kiliya 692 Kizzuwatna 620, 695, 696 Klby 726 krty 'Cretan' 676 η. 233 Kubaba 637, 637 η. 102 Kumiya-ziti 661, 692 Kumma-walwi 659 Kuniya-piya 716 n. 378 Kunni 716, 716 n. 378 Kurka11i 684, 685 Kurunta 647, 701 n. 326

M3my 711 Mada'e 664 η. 193 M A R . T U K (Marduk) 727 n. 418 Mashšanda 645, 646, 646 n. 128, 651 n. 134 Mashššana-ura 653 n. 142 Mashššu 684 n. 264 Merneptah 709,710,711,713,715, 715 η. 373, 731 Michal 228 η. 30 Milku-ramu 670 η. 211 Milku-siG 5 (Na'im) 723 η. 405 Miramuwa 654, 684, 686 η. 274 Murana 685 Mursili I 619, 644, 682 Murši1i II 468 η. 88, 635, 636, 639, 639 η. 109, 640, 640 nn. 111-2, 641, 662, 682 Mut- cl U 688 Mut-ra'i 656 η. 159 Muwatalli II 642 η. 115, 644, 646, 647, 660 Nahiš-ša1mu 32 Nefertiti 625 Nerikkaili 680, 722 Nimmuria 677 Niqmaddu 9, 457, 467 η. 87, 469 η. 90, 622, 627, 628, 630, 631, 634, 635, 638, 639, 644, 644 η. 123, 667 η. 202, 668 Niqmaddu II 468, 488, 499, 624-7, 631, 633, 693, 698, 701, 724 η. 410 Niqmaddu IIa 679 η. 243, 694 Niqmaddu III 620 η. 57, 636 η. 101, 659 η. 171, 661, 669, 670, 673 η. 243, 674, 686 η. 278, 691-704, 701, 706, 707 η. 347, 709, 719, 720 Niqmepa 466 η. 76, 468, 620, 626, 635, 636, 637, 638-46, 641, 644, 644 η. 123, 667, 667 η. 202, 678, 679 η. 243, 682, 693 Nu'me-Rasap 692 Nuriyanu 512, 626 η. 74 Octavia

217, 227, 228

Padiya 410, 662, 668 PAP-Sarruma 684 Parihnawa 674 Parsü 721 Pdg'b 693

Pgn

677 η. 239, 718

Piha- d iM 654, 656 Piha-UR.MAH 6 8 4 n. 2 6 4

Piha-ziti 653 Pihawalwi 684 Pisidqi 626, 626 n. 74 Piilaza 656 n. 159 Plato 233 Plsy 726 pu-Šarruma 655, 655 η. 154, 656 Pudubepa 367, 488, 642, 647, 651, 660 η. 174, 661, 674, 674 η. 230, 678, 679 η. 243, 693, 694, 697, 700 Pughat 237, 257 Pukana 677 η. 239, 718 Purru 658 Puruqqu/a 611 η. 24, 619 Pušku 685 Ramesses II 607, 645, 645 η. 125, 646, 670 η. 213, 674, 715 η. 373 Ramesses III 715 η. 373, 725, 729 η. 427, 730, 730 η. 428 Rap'anu 471, 629 η. 82, 667 η. 204, 719 Rashapabu 471 Rib-Hadda 630 Rib-Haddi 627 Riš-Adad 727, 727 η. 418 Sassi 410 Sesostris II 616 Sethnakt 714 Sety I 643, 711 Sety II 714, 715 n. 373 SIG 5 . d ERI,].GAL

692

Sin-šumāti-ušabši 727 n. 418 Sinaranu 676 Sinaru 732 n. 436 Siptah 714, 715 Sisera 244 su-ia- d AMAR.UTU

suD-diŠKUR suM-DIM

7 2 7 n. 4 1 8

727

6 6 5 , 6 6 5 n. 198, 6 9 8 ,

727 n. 418 Sumu1 241, 257 Stq-šlm 692 Šābi1i(m) 606, 642 n. 115, 664, 664 n. 190 Šagarakti-Šuriaš 652, 728 n. 420 Shalmaneser I 689, 689 n. 288

Šare11i 658, 671, 689 n. 289, 690-1, 695, 696, 724 Šarre-Kušut) 634 Šarruma 681 n. 254 Šattiwaza 632 n. 89 Šaušgamuwa 632 n. 90, 641 n. 113, 642, 675 n. 232, 679 n. 244, 680, 681, 681 n. 252, 682 n. 256, 688, 701 n. 326 Ši-ni-du 665 n. 195 Šipti-Ba!a1 31, 471, 472, 655 n. 153, 658, 658 n. 168, 670, 671, 675, 691, 697, 698 n. 313 ŠklŠ 722 Šukku 661 šu-KÚR-DIM

6 6 5 n.

195

ŠLrKUR-du 665 šumittara 629 šumiyanu 629 n. 82 šunai1u 657 n. 167 Šuppi1u1iuma I 455, 467 n. 87, 608, 622, 625, 627, 628, 630, 632, 633, 634, 635, 636, 638, 639, 639 n. 109, 640, 682, 698, 721 n. 396, 724 n. 410 Šuppi1u1iuma II 689 n. 286, 703, 706, 719, 721, 722, 728 Shy1ock 222 Tagi-Šarruma 640 n. 111, 654, 657, 662 n. 180, 690 n. 291 Taki-Šarruma see Tagi-šarruma Takuh1inu 463, 654, 716 Talimmu 651, 651 η. 134 Ta1mi-Tešub 686 η. 274, 701, 702, 703, 706, 708 Talmiyanu 612, 620 η. 57, 700 Tanuwatašša 703 Tanhuwati 620 η. 52 Tapa'e 656 Taršazida 657 Tarhudašši 385, 651 Tarhuntašša 647, 660-62, 662 η. 178, 701 η. 326, 726, 730 η. 428 Taryelli 30, 31, 658 Tausert 714, 715 Tbsr 704 Te1i-Šarruma 690 η. 291 Tette 636, 637, 639, 682 η. 256 Ti1i-Šarruma 654, 654 η. 145, 676 η. 235 Tlmyn 695

Lrdn 726 η. 416 Trgds 726 Tubbi-šarri 704 Tudhaliya 623, 648, 674, 675 η. 232, 679 nn. 247-9, 680, 681, 683 η. 259, 684 Tudhaliya I 632 Tudhaliya 'IV' 678, 679, 696 Tudhaliya IV 498, 640 n. 11, 642, 682, 683 n. 258, 685, 688, 689 n. 286, 696 n. 307, 703 Tukulti-Ninurta 607, 654 n. 145, 658, 670 n. 211, 683, 683 n. 262, 688, 690, 690 n. 291, 694 n. 301 Tu1pi-Šarruma 654, 657 T u n a 658 Tušratta 625 Tutankhamun 624, 643 Tuthmosis III 622 tutu 506 U-zakaptu 672 n. 219 Ulliya 712 n. 362 Ulmi 643 n. 118, 666 Ulmi-Tesub 716 n. 377 Upini 659 Upparamuwa 654, 655 n. 158, 684 Ur-Tešub 657 η. 165, 671, 691 η. 295 Ura-Tarhunta 686 η. 274 Urhae 675 Urdanu 698 see Urtenu Urg-Ttb 729 η. 425 Urhii-Tešub 644, 647, 729 Uri- D IM

657

INDEX

Uri-Te 658 Uri-Tešub 612 n. 30 Urtenu 35, 375, 471, 645, 655 η. 153, 657 η. 165, 658, 659, 665, 667 η. 204, 675, 699 Utri-Šarruma 620 η. 57, 681, 681 η. 254, 683 Uzziltu 658, 658 η. 169, 700 Uzzinu 657, 667, 667 η. 203 Wenamon

710 η. 354

Τ'did 611 Yabi-nenše 656 Yabinina 729 Yabna-ilu 690 η. 290 Yabni-Šapšu 32, 39 Yabninu 32, 39, 471, 472, 645, 675, 677 Yadu- [I IM

6 7 6 η. 2 3 5

Yamuna 697 η. 309 Yapa-Addu 627 Yapah- D IM

6 7 0 η. 2 1 2

Yaqaru(m) 3 1 5 , 6 1 0 , 6 1 1 , 6 1 2 , 613 Yarim-Lim 617 Yatipan 236, 257 Tdn 718 Tqr 6 1 0 , 6 1 1 , 6 1 2 Zimri-Lim 439, 616, Zittara 623 n. 66 Zu-Astarti 659, 665, 665 η. 197 Zulanna 654, 656 Zuzuli/u 659 n. 171, 661, 692, 692 n. 296, 699

OF DIVINE

NAMES

(names in the god lists §§ 3.4 and 7.2.2 are not included)

Amon 714 Anat 196, 251, 278, 539 n. 31, 541, 678 Apollo 232, 233 Apšukka 655 Ashera(h) 276, 278, 543-4, 593 Astarte 678 Athirat 539 n. 31, 543-4 Athtart 303, 338

Baal 5, 7, 13, 14, 15, 272, 275, 276, 284, 309, 533, 539 n. 31, 581, 589, 658, 709, 711 n. 358 Baal Hadd 544-5 Baal of Ugarit 713 Baal Saphon 6 7 8 , 7 1 1 , 7 1 3 B'lh 718 n. 389 Beelzebul 281 d

IItar hurri 663 Dagan" 15, 303, 309, 539 n. 31, 700

Death 546 dioscuroi 317 dml 303

Orion Osiris

239, 240 239

Qedeshet El

13, 16, 220, 221, 230, 285, 289, 302-3, 539 n. 31, 542-3, 581, 587, 589, 591, 593

Horon 276, 278, 279, 280, 539 n. 31, 549, 575 Hat 303 Ištar of the Field 680 Ištar of Zinzaru 692

595

Ra 709, 714 Rahmay 544 Rapiu 539 n. 31 Rašap-gn 303 Resheph 278, 539 n. 31, 549, 581, 591 rpu b'l 262 Semele 241 Seth 714 S'tqt 230, 231 Shapsh 272, 278, 280, 283 šlh 'Ša1hu' 133

Kathirat 285 Kothar 539 n. 31 Marduk 727 n. 418 Moira 214, 232, 233 Mot 278, 545-7

Tammuz

Nabu 473 Nikkal 285 Nisaba 473 Nmiy king of the world/eternity

239

Yahweh 13 Yahweh-Asherah Yam 539 n. 31 Yarikh 285

544

678

INDEX OF TOPONYMS ('Ugarit' is not included)

Aegean 675-8 Akko 659, 668, 672, 698 n. 315, 716 Alalakh 375, 381, 464, 475, 478, 498, 505, 517, 525, 526, 634, 605, 611 n. 24, 612 n. 32, 619, 631 n. 87, 634, 667 n. 202, 723 n. 401 Alalakh/Mukis 620 Alasia 375, 381, 615, 644 n. 124, 665, 676, 677, 678, 679, 692, 718, 726, 728 A1ašia/Cyprus 443, 719, 720, 721 ally 'Alasia, Cyprus' 443 Amanus 725 Amarna 505, 605, 626, 641, 644 n. 121, 668, 672 n. 217, 678, 710 A m q i / a 672, 672 n. 217 Amqu 375, 381

Amurru 375, 382, 391, 392, 409-10, 461, 621, 622, 627, 629 n. 83, 632, 632 n. 90, 634 n. 94, 637, 639, 641, 642, 643, 643 n. 119, 644, 645, 645 n. 126, 649, 650, 652, 666-8, 675 n. 232, 679, 680, 681, 683, 688, 690 n. 290, 701, 703, 720 n. 392, 721 n. 396, 730 Aphek 605 Appu 732 n. 435 Apsuna 651, 723, 723 n. 403 Arad 535 Arqata 615 Aru 722 n. 399 Arwad 733 Arzawa 624 n. 70, 640 n. 112, 682 n. 256 Ashdod 668, 669 n. 208 Ašdadā 707 Ashkelon 593, 668

Aššur 653 Assyria 375, 675 η. 232, Aštata/Emar Ata1(1)ig 662,

gr amn 'Mt Amanus' 382, 670 η. 211, 682, 718 η. 386 375, 382, 649 676

Babylon 625, 644, 653, 690, 728 η. 420 Babylonia 475, 478 η. 161, 624 Barga, kingdom of 666 η. 199 Bashanite kingdom of Udum(u) 220 Beirut 375, 382, 663, 663 nn. 188-9, 668, 669, 693, 733 Bêt-Hbr 219, 223 Beth Shemesh 47, 85, 456 Bi'rut 382 Biruti 732 n. 435 Bogazköy 634 η. 94, 650 η. 133, 709 η. 352, 717, 718 η. 386 Byblos 223, 627, 630, 659, 660, 668, 669, 710 η. 354

Hakapiša 695, 696 Hala Sultan Teke 89 Halab 616, 618, 621, 635, 644 n. 123, 649, 687 nn. 279-80, 692 n. 297 Hanigalbat 621. 624, 655 Hapišše 696 η. 308, 703 Hatti 375, 378, 383-4, 391, 392, 462, 495, 497, 622, 658 η. 170 Hattuša 605, 648, 650, 696, 726 η. 415 Hazor 535, 593, 617 Hišas(h)apa 688 η. 283 Hišiššiba 688 ÍD naf)ara 524 Inbb 222 Ionia 676 n. 233 Israel 679 η. 245 Jerusalem

Canaan 524, 670 η. 213, 716, 732 Carchemish 375, 378, 379, 382, 391, 392, 405-6, 461, 462, 463, 621, 629 nn. 83-94, 636, 639 η. 109, 640, 645, 653, 662, 664 η. 193, 667, 668, 684, 684 η. 267, 686, 687, 687 η. 280, 688, 689, 690, 692, 692 η. 297, 694, 695, 697, 698, 698 η. 312, 699, 701, 702, 706, 708, 716, 720 η. 394, 721, 722 η. 399, 723, 724, 725, 727, 728, 729, 729 η. 422, 730 η. 428 Crete 615, 676 Cush 625, 627 Cyprus 463, 658, 675-8, 680 Dor

722

Ebla 5, 298, 535, 605, 608, 610 Edfu 533 Egypt 375, 383, 460, 463, 471, ' 4 9 2 - 6 , 587, 621, 624, 625, 626, 671, 672, 694, 708 Ekalte 483 Emar 5, 63, 75, 375, 383, 466 n. 77, 471, 475, 476 n. 145, 478, 479, 480 n. 179, 483, 524, 605, 650, 653, 665, 671, 726 n. 415, 728, 729 n. 427

724 n. 411

535

Kalbiya 726 Kamid el-Loz 47 Kapturi 676 Kaška 624 n. 70 Kinza/Qadesh 644, 649, 666-8, 692 n. 297 Kinza 636, 674 n. 229 Klby 726 Kummanni 696, 696 nn. 307-8 Kutupa 660 Lachish 535 land of Ga<shu'>ru 222 Land θ ί Hatti 729, 729 η. 422 Laodicea 733 Lašti[-] 718 Lawazantiya 671 Lukka 720 Lusanda 671 Iwsnd see Lusanda Ma'hadu 375, 384, 514, 716 n. 375 Ma'haz 375, 384, 514, 716 n. 375 Mari 375, 384, 495, 604, 616, 618, 652, 657, 666 η. 200, 728 Meskene/Emar 652 η. 139, 654 Mesopotamia 473 Mgs'à 'Mukiš' 724 η. 41*2

Minet el-Beida 6, 21, 47, 625, 716 η. 375 Mira 644 η. 124 Mittanni 623, 625, 632 Mount Amanus 724 Mount Hazzi 623 η. 65 Mount Lebanon 628, 724 η. 411 Mount Nanni 623, 632 Mount Saphon see Sapunu (TN) Mount Tabor 47 msrm 'Egypt' 460 n. 33 MukiŠ 375, 384, 516, 517, 525, 630, 633, 634 η. 93, 635, 639, 667 η. 202, 716, 718, 723, 724 η. 410, Mycenae 730 η. 430 Neirab 687 Nerik 696, 696 η. 307 Nirabi 687 Nihriya 689 Niya 630, 633, 633 n. 91, 635, 674 n. 229 Nu1jhašši 468 η. 88, 630, 633, 635, 636, 637, 639, 644, 644 η. 122, 674 η. 229, 682 η. 256 Nuzi 476 η. 145, 478 η. 161, 495 Palestine 471 Philistia 732 Phoenicia 658 Qadesh 384, 468 η. 88, 497, 622, 643, 687, 687 η. 280 Qatna 614, 617 Qd 730 η. 428 Qode 730 η. 428 Rakba 664 η. 193 Ras Ibn Hani 22, 36, 47, 418, 488, 604, 605, 660 η. 210, 676, 700, 704, 712, 712 η. 364, 716 η. 375, 717 η. 380, 731, 732 Ras Bassit 732 Rêšu 732 η. 435 Samsat Höyük 692 η. 296 Sidon 379, 384, 463, 659, 665, 668, 670, 691 η. 295, 699, 733

Siyannu 385, 391, 392, 410, 628, 636, 640 η. I l l , 733 η. 438 Siyannu-Ušnatu 385, 516, 606, 640, 641, 649, 662-6, 698, 698 η. 312, 733 Suhi 652, 728 η. 420 Sapunu (TN) 532, 534, 623 η. 65, 635, (DN) 331, 334, 342, 346 sdn-ym 'Sidon-on-Sea' 712 n. 364 spn see Sapunu Sumur 622 Šuksi 663 η. 185 Taanach 505 Tarsus 718 Teil Afis 722 n. 403 Teil Aphek 716 Teil Daruk 733 Teil el-Amarna 9 Teil H u ē r a / H u r b e 652 η. 139, 654" η. 145", 670 η. 211, 690, 690 η. 291 Tell Kazel 645 η. 126 Tell Leilan 495 Tell Nebi Mend/Qadesh 47, 644 n. 125 Tell Siano 733 n. 438 Tell Sukas 47, 733 Tell Seih Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu 652 n. 139, 690 n. 291 Tell Taanak 47 Tunip 620, 622 Tyre 385, 653 n. 140, 668, 670, 691 n. 295, 729 n. 422, 733 Udumu 222 Ugrtym 'Ugarit-on-Sea' 712 n. 364 Ullasa 622 Ullaza 615 Uluburun 670 n. 215 Ur 495, 601 Ura 441-4, 611 n. 27, 615, 648, 653 n. 142, 659 n. 171, 660, 661, 685, 692, 716, 717 n. 381, 718, 728 n. 421 Uškani 722 η. 399 Ušnatu 659 Yamhad 616 Yman 676 η. 233 Zinzaru

628

INDEX OF U( (the index is selective and does

abyn 'bankrupt' 467 n. 86 agn 'cauldron' 130 ad 'father' 130 adr 'door(?)' 131 aiddy 'Ashdodite' 460 n. 28 ab 'brother' 510 φ 'behind', 'after' 'later' 536 albn 'steward' 129, 450, 491 all 'garment' 129 alpm ššwm '2,000 horses' 724 n. 413 ans 'small of back' 130 apy 'cook' 451, 492 apn 'wheel' 437, 496 aps 'edge' 189 argmn 'tribute', 'purple-dyed cloth' '427 n. 15, 694 n. 300 alt 'wife' 476 ilg (a mineral) 130 ilm 'gods' 260, 265 ilnym 'godly ones' 260, 265 iqnu 'blue stone', 'lapis-lazuli' 694 n. 300 irp 'vase' 131, 437 n. 72 itnn 'gift' 129, 185 ubdit 'service field' 430 ubdy see ubdit ugrtym 'Ugaritians' 712 n. 364 udn 'to give ear' 125 uni (type of obligation) 460 updt see ubdit uiyn (an official) 130 urn 'gift' 221 ulpt 'quiver' 437, 496 ulpt hzm 'arrow quiver' 496 n. 258 ulpt srdnnm 'javelin quiver' 496 n. 258 uliyn 'crown prince' 131 bdl 'substitute', 'reservist', 'subject' 432-3 bdl gt 'belonging to the gt' 426 bz 'teat' 127 bky 'to weep' 126 bkr 'firstborn' 480 n. 176 bl bnš 'nobody' 156 bl ym 'never' 156 blmt 'immortality' 156

ITIC WORDS include words listed in § 8.1.5)

bn 'son' 510 bnš gt 'man of the gt' 426 bnš mlk 'royal servicemen', 'men of the king' 426, 427-31, 436, 453, 483, 485 b'l tdtt 'makers of pectorals' 453 b'l tgptm 'maker of horse-cloths' 453, 487 b'r 'to abandon', 'to burn' 132 bn 'tin' 668 n. 207 bt 'house' 79, 131 bt 'daughter' 7 9 , 1 3 1 , 5 1 0 bt skn 'house of the prefect' 469, 469 n. 91 gb 'sacrificial pit, etc.' 304 gg 'roof' 298, 303 ghr 'to sound forth(?)' 125 gZZ 'shearer' 426, 487 gl 'shout of joy', 'cup', '(type of) field' 132 ' gmn 'funeral oflering'(?) 133 gn 'garden' 298, 304 gpnym 'vine-dressers' 426 grbz 'helmet' 129, 494 n. 242 gt 'oil or wine press' 425 n. 6 gt 'estate', 'royal farm' 425-7, 460, 467, 469 n. 97, 484, 526 dbh '(to) sacrifice' 291-3, 357 dbh 'offering for festal banquet' 341 n. 48 dblt 'dried figs' 446 dgy 'fisher' 492 dhl 'to be afraid' 154 dgl 'incense' 130 dr khnm 'college of priests' 474 drdn 726 dr'/dr' 'cargo', 'grain', 'arm' etc. 672 n. 224, 712 n. 363 hb 'to knock down' 156 hdm 'footstool' 129 hndt 'this' (f.) 140 zb 'to foam(?)' 125 Zt 'olive (oil)', 'olive grove' 430 n. 26, 446

ht 'wheat' 446 htb 'woodcutter' 453, 488 hz 'arrow' 437, 496 hnn 'merciful' 68 hpr 'ration' 427 n. 15 firs' 'craftsman' 428, 488 hrs" anyt 'shipwright' 427, 432, 489 hrš b(h)tm 'house-builders' 427, 453, 489 hrš mrkbt 'chariot-maker' 450, 489 hrs'rq 'wagonwright' 450, 489 hrš qtn 'jewe11er(?)' 453 hrt 'ploughman' 426 'hit 'silver' i}brl 'container' 129 Idgl 'arrowsmith' 129, 453 f}lq 'missing' 467 n. 86, 486 bmn 'palace chapel' 298, 303 ffndlt 'coloured wool' 130 l}sn 'domestic' 130 bpn (blanket) 436, 437 Ììptr 'pot, cauldron' 129 }}rd 'warrior', 'soldier', 'troops' 714 n. 367, 493 i\rmtl 'sickle' 494 brs 'gold' 450, 496 frrsn 'adze' 78 f}tn 'son-in-law' 478 n. 162 zrw 'mastic', 'balsam'

129,

437, 437 n. 73

ym\}n 'right' 536 yn 'wine' 446 yshm 'bronzesmiths(P)' 137, 430 η. 26, 480 ysr 'potter' 137,454,491 yq's 'fowler' 137,436,491 kbsm/kbbn 'fuller', 'dyer' 452, 487 kd 'jar' 448, 450 khn 'priest' 136, 433, 434 kzy 'chariot driver' 497 kht 'throne' 129, 131 kkrdn 'chef', 'pastrycook' 129, 451, 492 klat 'both' 124 klb 'dog' 124 kid' bow' 130 kit 'bride', 'daughter-in-law' 476, 478 n. 162 km 'mound' 132 krnn (surface measure) 129

kndw 'net' 436 ksd 'miller' 450-1 ksu 'seat, throne' 130 krkb 'frame' 668 n. 207 krs/su 'fodder' 130 ktnt 'tunic' 437 klkym 'Kaskaeans'

462, 462 n. 47

I 'to' 79 la'ika 'to commission' 493 n. 233 Iht akl 'tablet of food' 718 η. 388 III} (part of harness) 129 Imd 'apprentice' 431 n. 27, 473 130 mgdl 'tower' 304 md 'village scribe, expert' 465 n. 66 mdjn 'sword' 496 mirglm 'watchman' 430 n. 26, 433, 460, 497 mhr 'dowry, bride-price' 475 n. 137 mhr b'l 'the warrior of Baal' 262 mhr 'nt 'the warrior of Anat' 262 mzy (type of offering) 329 n. 33 mhsm (members of a certain guild) 137 mfrs 'weaver' 452, 487 mkr 'tamkār-merchant' 440 ml(y) 'opposite me' 154 mlbš 'garment' 437 mlg 'dowry' 475 n. 137 mly 'polisher' 488 mlk 'to rule, be king' 190 mnh 'gift' 445 m'lt 'staircase' 304 mslm 'cymbalists' 492 n. 230 msry 'Egyptian' 460 n. 32 mqhm 'pincers', 'tongs' 437 n. 72 mru 'liaison man, commander, officer, fattener, quartermaster' 430 n. 26, 435, 466 n. 72, 495 n. 247 mrdt 'carpet' 437 mrh 'lance' 490, 494, 496 mrhy mlk 'king's lancers' 495 mryn 'warrior', 'charioteer' 130, 131, 429, 464, 465 mrkbt 'body of chariot', 'light cart' 489, 496, 496 n. 251 mrr 'to bless, strengthen' 678 msf}t 'knife, axe' 496 msm't mlk 'royal guard' 495 mtrt 'spouse, wife' 475 n. 136 mtyn (garment) 130 mit 'oar' 131 n. 45

nbt 'honey' 446 nhl 'descendant', 'heir-apprentice' ' 438, 480 n. 177, 486 nmrt 'splendour' 131 nsk 'to pour, found, cast', 'to forge' 451 n. 157 nsk 'metal caster' 427, 451, 488 nsk hzm/hdm 'arrowsmith' 451, 453, 487 nsk ksp 'silversmith' 137, 454, 488 nsk qn 'jeweller', 'sword-maker' 451, 488, 489, 489 n. 222a nsk lit 'coppersmith' 488 ngr 'overseer' 428 npy 'atonement' 564 nsr 'to weep' 126 nqd 'shepherd' 426, 428, 494 n. 240 ntq 'barb' 496 sbbyn 'black cumin' 446 sbl 'borer' 488 sk 'garment' 437 ski 'vizier' 132 skn 'governor' 434-5 sp 'cup' 437 n. 72 spl 'cup' 437 n. 72 ssw/ššw 'horse' 130 spsg 'glaze, etc.' 130, 252 spr 'clay tablet', 'scribe' 391, 512 srdnn 'javelin' 490, 496 sm 'king' 130

pgt 'girl' 431 prs 'ration(?)' 127 pit 'linen', '(make-up) case' 452 sbr 'communal (field)' sit 'prayer' 275 smqm 'raisins' 446

132,

430

qdm 'face', 'in front', 'past' 536 qdšm 'consecrated ones', 'diviners' 301, 433 qz 'circumcision' 558 n. 90 qlh 'pot' 68 ql' 'sling', 'shield' 425, 496 qnuy 'worker in lapis-lazuli' 488 qnn 'to stand up(?) 125 qnum 'blue stone', 'blue-dyed cloth' 694 n. 300 qs't 'arrows' 238 qrytm 'townsmen' 433 qs't 'b Ū w' 238, 496

gzl 'spinner' 124, 452 gzr 'youth' 431 glp 'murex(?)' 127 gr 'total' 129

rb 'chief', 'elder' 428, 429 rb hršm 'chief of the craftsmen' 428, 473, 486 rb khnm 'high priest' 9, 79, 428, 434, 475, 513, 731 rb kzym 'chief of chariot drivers' 496 rb lim 'chief of a thousand' 473-4 rb mif}d 'harbourmaster' 672 rb mit 'chief of a hundred' 473, 495 n. 247 rb nksy 'chief accountant' 473 rb 'šrt 'chief of ten' 473 rb s'd 'chief of the field' 473 rb tmtt 'harbourmaster', 'head of team' 672, 672 nn. 220, 223 rbt 'Great Lady' 544 r'y 'shepherd' 431 n. 27 rp' 'to heal' 259 n. 2 rpum 'spirits' 249, 299, 561, 706 rt 'dirt' 124

phi 'stallion' 124 phm 'red-dyed cloth' pld (cover) 436 plk 'spindle' 130 psl 'sculptor', 'carver' psl hzm 'arrowsmith' psl qšt 'bow modeller', 453, 487 pg(n)dr 'type of fabric'

s'r 'barley' 446 s'rt 'wool' 452 šbšlt dg 'fish stew' 349 šlh 'parapet', (disease), 'lightning', 'war', 'weapon' 133 šmal 'left' 536 smn 'oil' 438, 450 šmrgt 'emerald' 130-1 sps'lm 'the Eternal Sun' 678

'bd 'servant, servant', 'gardener' 250 n. 44, 431, 466 n. 79 'prm 461 n. 39 'rq 'wagon' 489 'šr 'overseer of ten(?)' 430 η. 26, 433, 466 η. 74

694 n. 300

136, 487 453, 487 'bow-notcher' 129, 436

šr 'singer' 301, 430 η. 26, 492 η. 230 šrp 'holocaust' 334, 440

tr 'steering-pole', 'mast' 450, 496 trfi 'to marry, pay bride-price' 475 n. 136 trr (a profession) 430 n. 26

tbl 'smith' 129 tbsr kit bt špš 703 tgmr 'total' 147, 148 tzg (type of sacrifice) 294 thm 'message' 124 tgpt Tc1t(?)' 129 tpnr 'chief scribe' 130

I N D E X

tkt 'chariot' 129 tnglyt 'second wife(?)' 478 η. 158 tun 'archer' 130 tgrm 'gatekeeper' 430 n. 26, 436 tryn 'cuirass' 494 n. 241 tjtn 'supreme judge' 474 n. 126

O F

SYLLABIC

abbū 'fathers' 483 agannu 'basin' 668 ākil karì 'harbourmaster' 444, 672 nn. 220, 223 alafiinnu 'miller' 450 alallu (bronze object) 656 algamišu (type of stone) 666 aluzinnu 'jester' 436 annaku 'tin' 447, 668 āpiyu 'cook' 492 ardu 'servant' 432 āširu (uncertain meaning) 433, 435, 466 aššatu 'wife' 476 bārū 'diviners' 433 bidalu ma 'substitute', 'reservist', 'subject' 432-3 bittu rabīti 'Great Lady' 644, 680-1, 648, 679 nn. 244, 246, 681, 681 n. 254, 703 uS

daprānu 'juniper' 684 n. 266 dayyānu 'judge' 474 dimtu 'royal farm' 467, 469 n. 97, 484 gallābu 'barber' 436 gi-ti/gin-ti 'estate' 526 girgû (type of cord) 710 gamaru 'apprentice' 460, 486 hapirū (displaced foreigners) 461, 462, 486 frarrānu 'caravan' 683 n. 259 /fašmānu 'red wool' 698 hatnu 'in-law' 510, 695 n. 304, 707

A K K A D I A N

1}azannu 'mayor' 474, 479 n. 169 ffitu rabītu 'great sin' 477 huburtanuru 'equerry' 656 n. 159 l}uppu 'acrobat' 436 /}urādu 'watchman', 'conscript' 429, 493, 714 n. 367 i-bi-ffi (meaning unknown) 661 n. 177 ilku (type of tax) 467, 485 n. 194 išparu 'weaver' 487 ilpatu 'quiver' 496 n. 258 isluhhum* SÎGmeS 'whips or flails' 710 itinnu 'house-builder' 449, 489 kābisu 'fuller' 487 kakkardinnu 'cook' 451 kallatu 'bride', 'daughter-in-law' 476, 478 n. 162 kamma (ordinary stone) 655 kartappu 'groom' 657 n. 167, 659 n. 171, 686, 686 n. 274, 687, 688, 692, 692 n. 296, 699, 722 kaspu sa maqqadi 'silver for pasturing' 431 kutimmu 'gold- or silversmith' 454, 488 lippatu kui,.mes (type offish)

710

massartu 'guard' 495 masillu 'cymbalist' 436, 492 n. 230 māf}isu 'weaver' 452, 487, 487 n. 209 mākisu 'tax collector, customs official' 444, 474, 672 n. 220, 685 manahtu (a tax) 672 n. 220 maryannu (troops) 429, 433, 435, 464, 465, 497, 664, 723

marzi'u (a religious association) 663 marzihu (a religious association) 225, 411, 419, 559 mašÌ}uranna (meaning unknown) 656 meku: ehhpakku (glass?) 447, 656 n. 157 miksu (a tax) 672 n. 220 minûtu 'incantation' 270 mudû 'village scribe, expert' 435, 464, 465, 466 munnabtu 'fugitive' 467 n. 87 mur'u 'commander, officer, fattener, quartermaster' 435, 466, 495 n. 247 mur'u ušriannu (officer of the prince) 435, 683 n. 260 muttiru (type of stove) 656 naggār narkabti 'chariot maker' 489 namzaktu 'beverages'? 663 n. 189 nappât} ere 'copper-smith, boiler-maker' 488 nâru 'singer' 436, 492 n. 230 nāsiku 'metal caster' 488 nāsiku ere 'copper-smith, boiler-maker' 488 nayyālu 'runaway' 432, 467 nutfatimmu 'cook' 436, 451, 492 paf}f}āru 'potter' 454, 491 parkullu 'seal-cutter' 436, 454, 487 parnšf)i/parrušha (type of stone) 666 piduri 'governor' 721 n. 397 pilku 'corvée obligation', (a tax) 430, 449, 467, 485 n. 104 qaštu 'bow'

496 n. 256

rab ekallim 'chief of the palace' 473 rab eqlāti 'chief of the fields' 473 rab kāri 'harbourmaster' 474, 670

rab narkabti 'chief of the chariots' 474 rabîti 'Great Lady' 702 n. 330 rabû 'chief' 473; 'firstborn' 480 sākinu 'prefect' 435, 442, 444, 469 sasinnu 'bow-notcher' 487 Lt m & a r ip u ti (workers of low social standing) 654 n. 143 ša reši šani (a high functionary) 688 šangu 'priest' 433 šarru qanadu 'powerful king' 674 šāru 'wind' 665 n. 197 šîbu 'witness' 500 šibūtû 'elders' 483 siptu 'incantation' 270 takiltu 'purple wool' 447, 698 talmīdū 'apprentice' 486 tamkārū 'merchants' 433, 440, 441 terhatu (gift connected with wedding) 475-6, 477 n. 147 tuppalanun 'Chief Scribe' 694, 708 tuppanura ffuburtinura 'Chief Scribe (and) Chief Equerry' 708 tuppanuri see tuppalanun tupšarru 'scribe'

512

umman manda (nomads) 462 unuššu (type of tax) 460, 485 n. 194 uqnu 'violet wool', 'blue stone, lapis-lazuli' 446-7, 655, 694 n. 300 uriyanni/u (title) 685, 685 nn. 271-2, 692 n. 297 ušparu 'weaver' 452, 487 ušriannu 'crown prince' 683 zadimmu 'sculptor, carver' n. 171, 487

454

INDEX OF VARIOUS LANGUAGES (Hittite and Hurrian words in §§ 3.3.2-3.3.3 are not included)

Hebrew 'addîr 'mighty' 139 middâ 'measurement'

'am-hā-'āres 'people of the land' 219 n. 22, 225 139

GA MES

Hittite

' c heese'

446 'arrow'

'•'KAK.KUM.TAG.GA

tawannanna (reigning queen)

679

Hurrian

LÜ

altfl (type of sacrifice) 293 fant/fent- 'just, correct, fair' 505 paf}andari (cloth) 436 n. 53 Sumerian (and logograms) 11

BUR.GULmeS 'sculptors'

709 n. 353 É.AMAR.RU ' q u i v e r '

496 n. 257 'governor'

MAŠKIM

4 9 6 n.

258

647 n. 129

NAGARmeS 'carpenters'

nuhurtu 'asa foetida1 657 n. 163 SAG.GAZ = f}apirū (displaced foreigners) 461 n. 39 LC TUG.LA 'tailor' 436 UN 'guard' 495 LÜM " Z A G . L U - / I 'lancers' 494 NU.LUH.HA =

INDEX OF KTU TEXTS 1 - 1.24 p740 1 - 1.6 p166, 193, 211, 234, 253 1-2 ρ 194, 552 1 ρ 193 1 ρ 194 1 i ρ 194 1 i 13-4 p541n38 1 i 20 p233n15 1 ρ 194 1 13 p183 1 20 ρ 198 2p739 2 3 p270n3 2 7 - 9 p572 2 7 - 8 p279 2 13 p97 2 16 p i l l 2 20-1 p173n28 2 22 p187 2 23 p97, 129 2 24 p97 2 27 p114 2 29 p110n39 2 32 p i l l 2 38 ρ 100 2 40 p94 2 i ρ 193, 194 2 i 4 p533 ρ 193, 194, 532 2 6 p173n28 2 7 p109n37 2 2 ν 8 - 9 ρ 173 2 13-7 ρ 187 14 p98 2 17 ρ 185 2 22-3 p181 2

709

n. 353

1.2 iv 22 p118n83 1.2 iv 25 p118n83 1.2 ν 26-7 p533 1.3- 1.4 ρ 194-5, 552 1.3 ν 38 ρ 174 1.3 p193, 213n15 1.3 ρ 194-5 1.3 2-25 ρ 165 1.3 3 - 4 ρ198 1.3 18-22 p580n135 1.3 22 p153 1.3 p195 1.3 9-11 ρ 186 1.3 19 p113n55 1.3 20 p113n55 1.3 22 ρ 129 1.3 29 p113n55 30 p113n55 1.3 1.3 i ρ 195 1.3 i 3-8a ρ 176 1.3 i 10 p98 1.3 i 14-7 ρ166 1.3 i 16-7 ρ 182 1.3 i 16 pi 14 1.3 i 22-3 ρ 172 1.3 i 29 p329n34 1.3 i 32ff. ρ 176 1.3 i 33 pi17n80 1.3 i 35 ρ 130 1.3 i 37 p99 1.3 i 40 p278 1.3 ν p195 1.3 ν 4 p99 1.3 ν 5 p173n28 1.3 ν 38 ρ 129, 174 1.3 ν 39-40 p173n28

1.3 IV 48 -53 ρ 176 1.3 ν ρ 195, 244 1.3 ν 6-7 p533 1.3 ν 10-2 p533 1.3 ν 17 p U 8 n 8 5 1.3 ν 3 9 - 4 4 ρ 176 1.3 vi 15 ρ 130 1.3 vi 20 p98 1.4- 1.6 p544, 546 1.4 ρ 140, 193, 213η 15, 302, 499n2 1.4 —iv ρ 195 1.4 12-8 pi 76 1.4 32 p131n43 1.4 i 3 ρ 130 1.4 i 4 ρ 130 1.4 i 8 ρ 129 1.4 i 9 ρ 129 1.4 i 16-20 pi 76 1.4 i 23 pi 16 1.4 i 32 pi 14 1.4 ii 10-22 p225 1.4 ii 12-4 pi 75 1.4 ii 25-6 ρ 170 1.4 ν p223 1.4 ν 16 p94 1.4 ν 21-2 p533 1.4 ν 29 p118n84 1.4 ν 32 pi 16 1.4 ν 50-7 ρ 176-7 1.4 ν ρ 195 1.4 ν 7 ρ 129 1.4 ν 8 ρ 186 1.4 ν 15-6 ρ 181 1.4 ν 17 p105n28 1.4 ν 27ff. ρ 195 1.4 ν 31-3 ρ 172, 181 1.4 ν 38-40 ρ181 1.4 ν 38 p105n28 1.4 ν 40 p105n28 1.4 ν 42-3 ρ 140 1.4 ν 5 9 - 6 0 ρ180 1.4 ν 61-2 ρ 182 1.4 ν 61 ρ97 1.4 ν 64-5 ρ182 1.4 vi ρ 195 1.4 ν 4 ρ 180 1.4 ν 5 - 6 ρ 182 1.4 VI 8 - 9 ρ 182 1.4 ν 13 p97n13 1.4 VI 25-7 ρ 182 1.4 ν 34-5 ρ 172 1.4 ν 45-54 p542n39 1.4 VI 46 p539 1.4 ν 51 ρ 129

1.4 55 ρ 174 1.4 9 ρ 104 1.4 17-9 ρ 182 1.4 30 p i l l 1.4 32 p i l l 1.4 ρ 195 1.4 I.e. p234 1.4 5 pi 14 1.4 12-4 ρ 187 1.4 14 pi 14 1.4 17-21 pi 70 1.4 2 3 - 4 ρ 198 1.4 29-35 ρ 180 1.δρ 196-9, 552 ρ 196 Ι.5 1.5 p279 1.5 4 - 2 2 ρ 177 1.5 4 - 6 p546n54 1.5 ρ 196 1.5 5 - 7 p229 1.5 15-6 p187 1.5 21 p303 1.5 ν 23 p99 1.5 ν p193, 196, 278 1.5 ν 13 ρ 105 1.5 ν 18-9 ρ 182 1.5 ρ 196 1.5 6 ρ 100 1.5 10 ρ 198 1.5 11-15 ρ578-9 1.5 28 ρ 100 1.6 ρ54, 193, 265, 499n2 1.6 ρ 196 1.6 2 8 p578 1.6 10 ρ 185 1.6 18-31 p226 1.6 19ff. ρ 166 1.6 20 ρ 130 1.6 33 p533 1.6 3 9 - 4 3 ρ 175 1.6 43-65 ρ 187-91 1.6 59-61 p110n38 1.6 ρ 196 1.6 6 - 9 ρ 186 1.6 16-7 ρ 182 1.6 19-20 ρ 182 1.6 21 ρ 153 1.6 24 p118n85 1.6 26-7 ρ 184 1.6 30-5 p547n57 1.6 3 Iff. p197 1.6 31-5 pi 77 1.6 6-7 ρ 186 1.6 8 - 9 ρ 173

1.6 iii 9 ρ 198 1.6 iv ρ 196 1.6 iv 29 ρ 198 1.6 ν 1 p94 1.6 ν 5 - 1 0 ρ 184 1.6 ν 11-9 ρ 177 1.6 ν 11-6 p547n57 1.6 vi p196 1.6 vi 27-9 p i 7 4 1.6 vi 45-53 p272 1.6 vi 45-9 p265, 265n16, 266 1.6 vi 46 p264n13 1.6 vi 49-50 p277 1.6 vi 5 4 - 8 ρ 140, 234 1.6 vi 54-5 p234 1.6 vi 55-7 p300n64 1.6 vi 5 5 - 6 p547, 563n99 1.6 vi 56 p428n19 1.6 vi 57 p277 1.6 vi 58 p315n17 1.7 ρ 199 1.8 p166n5, 199 1.9 ρ 145 1.10 p54, 92, 145, 150, 166, 199, 253 1.10 i 4 p574 1.10 ii 4 - 5 ρ 184 1.10 ii 28 p i l l 1.10 ii 29 p i l l 1.10 iii 30 p525 1.10 iii 35 p97 1.12 p54, 64, 95, 96, 145, 150, 199-200, 542, 566 1.12 i p556 1.12 ii 58-61 p i 7 7 1.12 ii 3 4 - 6 p246n33 1.12 ii 46-7 ρ 186 1.12 ii 47 ρ 129 1.13 p200, 271 284 1.13.21-2 p284 1.13.23-9 p284 1.13.33 p118n84 1.14 ρ 166, 199, 203, 204, 209, 210, 211, 215-6, 217, 218, 219, 231, 232, 234, 253 1.14 i l l p118n83 1.14 i 19 p278 1.14 i 20-21 ρ 133 1.14 i 23 p118n83 1.14 i 24 p328n28 1.14 i 29 p101 1.14 i 38 p99 1.14 i 52—ii 5 p567 1.14 ii 2 - 3 p497nn259,262

1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.14 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16 1.16

16-9 p345n51 22 ρ 105 22-3 p273 2 3 - 4 p560 37-8 ρ154 5 Off. p290 48 p97n13 1 ρ 130 31-5 p184 36-43 ρ 176 42-3 p173n28 ν 14-23 p213n16 ν 2 4 - 9 p213n16 ν 28-vi 14 p211 ν 32-3 ρ 180 vi 12-4 p221 p205, 213n16, 217 p230 16-28 p569-70 16-20 p249 26-8 p560 p227 1-23 ρ166 2 - 4 p249, 267 3 p264n13 4 p613 7-16 p480n179 13-6 p570 13-5 p249, 267 14 p264n13 15 p613 16 p174 25-30 p569 - ν p210 10-3 p231 ν—vi p210, 217 p210, 226, 499n2 p210 6 - 9 p575 7 p187 7 - 8 ρ132 9 - 1 1 p315n17 12 p181 15-9 p578 2 0 - 3 p315n17, 562 26 p187 28-35 p578 52-3 p210 19 p99 20 p99 24-34 p211 26-50 p579 26-36 p578 44-7 p575

1.16 ii 50ff. p217 1.16 iii 5-11 p575 1.16 iii 7 - 8 ρ 182 1.16 iii 8 - 9 p211 1.16 iv p229 1.16 ν 48 p117n78 1.16 vi p204, 214, 215, 216, 217 1.16 vi 3 ρ 102 1.16 vi 4 - 5 ρ 126 1.16 vi 6 pl 17n77 1.16 vi 7 p117n77 1.16 vi 10-28 p276 1.16 vi 11-2 p173n28 1.16 vi 15-21 p217, 218 1.16 vi 16-7 p l 7 4 1.16 vi 21-4 ρ 183, 184 1.16 vi 2 2 - 4 p218 1.16 vi 25-28 p575 1.16 vi 33-4 p250 1.16 vi 37 ρ 189 1.16 vi 39-54 p575 1.16 vi 45-50 p250 1.16 vi 53 ρ 189 1.16 vi 5 4 - 8 p211, 571-2 1.16 vi 56-7 p279 1.16 vi 57-8 ρ 187 1.16 vi 59 I.e. p234 1.16 I.e. ρ 140 1.17-19 ρ 166, 199, 234, 253 1.17 p235, 318, 499n2 1.17 i—ii p225 1.17 i p235, 247 1.17 i 2ff. p250 1.17 i 10-1 p250 1.17 i 15-33 p545 1.17 i 23-33 p567-8, 576-7 1.17 i 25-33 p263n10 1.17 i 25-6 p173 1.17 i 26-33 p256-7, 481n182 1.17 i 26 p250 1.17 i 27-28 p127 1.17 i 31-2 p303 1.17 i 31 p302 1.17 i 3 4 - 6 p249, 570 1.17 i 36-7 p173 1.17 i 36 p249-50 1.17 i 40 p118n84 1.17 i 41 p118n84 1.17 i 42-7 p257, 263n10 1.17 i 42-3 p173 1.17 i 43 p250 1.17 ii p236, 248 1.17 ii 1-9 p263n10 1.17 ii 1 - 8 p257

17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 17 18 18 18 18 18 18 18 18 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19

ii 14-23 p263n10 ii 16-23 p257 ii 25 p250 ii 26 p248n40 ii 30-40 ρ 183 ii 42 ρ 100 iii p236 iv p236 v p236 ν 4 - 8 p250 ν 10-1 ρ 192 ν 19-20 ρ 171 ν 20 ρ97, 98 ν 22-5 ρ 174 ν 29-30 171n21 ν 30 ρ98 ν 4 - 8 p250 ν 22-5 ρ 174 vi p236 vi 24 p97 vi 26-8 p l 7 5 vi 27 ρ 154 vi 32-3 ρ 184 vi 34-9 p578 vi 34-5 ρ 172 vi 36-8 p251, 252 vi 36-7 ρ 130, 187 vi 37 p252 vi 41-2 pl71 vi 43-5 ρ 177 vi 47-8 p533 vi I.e. ρ 140, 234 p235, 237 i p236 i 24 p248 ii p26 iii p236 iv p236 iv 17-8 p l 7 3 iv 22 ρ 153 p235, 237, 739 i p228n31, 235, 236 i 11 p270n4 i 19-25 p250 i 38-46 p273 i 39 p275 i 4 2 - 6 p572-3 ii p235, 236 ii 1 - 3 p356 ii 2 - 3 p240n16 ii 3 - 4 p574 ii 9 p98 ii 12-5 p l 7 5 ii 15-25 p273

1.19 22-5 p571 1.19 44ff. ρ 176 1.19 i p235, 236 1.19 i 1-40 p257 1.19 i 1 - 3 p572 1.19 i 9 p98 1.19 i 14 p117n78 1.19 i 28-39 p244 1.19 i 28 p117n78 1.19 i 44 p98 1.19 i 46 p249, 250 1.19 i 47 ρ 132-3 1.19 i 5 3 - 4 ρ 187 1.19 ν p235, 236-7 1.19 ν 3-7 p573 1.19 ν 9 - 2 7 p578 1.19 ν 23 ρ 130 1.19 28 ρ 180 1.19 46-50 p171n19 1.19 62 p98 1.19 I.e. ρ 140 1.20-22 ρ 166, 199, 237, 271n10, 283, 739 1.20 p54, 234, 234n3, 259-69 1.20 i 1-2 p265n16 1.20 ii 1-2 p265n16 1.20 ii 8 - 9 p265n16 1.21 p54, 237, 259-69, 363n7 1.21 i p263 1.21 i 3 - 4 p265n16 1.21 i 5 - 6 p268n20 1.21 i 11-2 p265n16 1.21 ii 8 p260 1.22 p54, 237, 259-69 1.22 i 4 - 1 0 p261 1.22 i 2 1 - 4 p173n28 1.22 i 17 ρ 183 1.22 i 10-4 ρ 186 1.22 i 10-25 p261 1.22 i 17 ρ 183 1.22 i 18 ρ 130 1.22 i 2 1 - 6 ρ 184 1.22 i 2 1 - 4 p173n28 1.22 ii 4 - 1 0 p267 1.22 ii 5 - 6 p265n16 1.22 ii 5 - 7 p268n20 1.22 ii 17 p94 1.23 p53, 140, 166, 168n10, 200-1, 284-5 285, 290, 352, 356, 534, 542, 544, 553-7, 551, 564, 560, 739 1.23.6 p99 1.23.8-11 p285 1.23.10 p285 1.23.12 ρ 140

1.23.14-5 ρ 140 1.23.15 ρ 130 1.23.18-22 ρ 140 1.23.31 ρ 130 1.23.32 ρ 130 1.23.36 ρ 130 1.23.54 p544 1.23.56 ρ 140 1.23.61-2 ρ 171 1.23.66 p118n84 1.23.70-2 ρ 171 1.24 ρ53, 95, 145, 150, 166, 201, 285-6, 310n6, 352, 551, 557-8, 564 1.24.33-7 ρ 175 1.24.44 ρ99 1.24.45 ρ99 1.24.46-7 p270 1.24.47 p475n 137 1.25 ρ 145 1.26 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323 1.26.2 p72 1.26.3 p72 1.26.4 p72 1.26.5 p72 1.26.6 p72 1.27 p333n40 1.28 p333n40 1.30 p60, 144, 323 1.31 p333n40 1.32 p59, 144, 323 1.33 p59, 144, 323 1.33 iii 37 p99 1.34 p59, 144, 323 1.35+ p59, 144, 323 1.36 p59, 323 1.37 p59 1.39 p81, 143, 317, 318-9, 340, 347-8 1.39.2-4 p340 1.39.4-8 p340 1.39.8-10 p341 1.39.14 p241n19 1.39.20-2 p342 1.39.32-6 p318 1.40 p26-34, 144, 153, 163, 274, 293, 295, 310n7, 316-7, 322, 455, 457, 541n38, 564-6, 605n5 1.40.10 p495n245 1.40.24 p329n33 1.40.28 p457n7 1.40.29 p457n7 1.40.32 p277 1.40.35 ρ 140

1.40.36 p697 1.40.37 p457n7 1.41 ρ 143, 144, 273, 294, 301, 302, 318 -9, 329, 330, 339-44, 557 1.41.1-49 p298n51 1.41.3 ρ 162 1.41.5 p161 1.41.10 ρ 162 1.41.11-7 p347 1.41.15-6 p161 1.41.16 p541n38 1.41.17-9 p347 1.41.20-1 p292 1.41.21 p454n172 1.41.22 p130 1.41.24 p303 1.41.37 p303 1.41.41 p303 1.41.44-9 ρ 143 1.41.47-8 ρ 164 1.41.47 ρ 102 1.41.50-5 p162, 273, 298, 298n51, 344 1.41.50 p303 1.41.51-5 p339 1.41.53-5 p295 1.41.53-4 ρ 164 1.41.53 ρ 102, 274 1.42 p59, 71, 72-3, 144, 323, 326 1.42.22 p66 1.42.38 p65, 68 1.42.60 p73 1.43 ρ 144, 294-5, 318, 319, 320, 330, 336, 344, 346, 583-4, 739 1.43.1-2 p304 1.43.9ff. p295 1.43.22-7 ρ 162 1.43.23-5 p297 1.43.24-6 p294-5 1.44 p59, 73, 144, 273, 323 1.44.3 p64, 69 1.44.4-5 p64, 67 1.44.4 p65, 68 1.44.5 p64, 65, 68 1.44.6 p69 1.44.7 p69 1.44.8 p64, 69 1.44.10 p64, 69 1.44.11-2 p64 1.44.11 p65, 68 1.45 ρ 145 1.45.5 ρ 132 1.46 ρ 143, 301, 318, 319, 330, 333n40, 335

1.46.1 10 p335 1.46.9-10 ρ 164 1.46.10-32 ρ 143 1.46.10-7 p335 1.46.11-7 p336 1.46.11-21 ρ 143 1.46.12-5 p319 1.46.16 7 p319 1.46.44 ρ 164 1.47 p70, 144, 161, 308-9, 532, 538n29, 535, 537 1.47.1 p537 1.47.32 p542n40 1.48 ρ 143, 318, 319, 326-7, 328 1.48.13 p97 1.49 ρ 143, 318, 319 1.50 ρ 143, 318, 319 1.51 + 1.52 ρ 144 1.51 p59, 273, 323 1.52 p59, 323 1.53 p59, 143 1.54 p59, 73, 144, 273, 323 1.54.2 p66 1.54.3 p65, 69 1.54.10 p69 1.54.11 p66, 69 1.54.12 p69 1.54.13 p64, 66, 68 1.54.14 p64, 69 1.56 p333n40 1.57 ρ 143 1.58 ρ 143 1.59 p59, 144, 323 1.59.1 p66 1.59.5 p66 1.60 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323 1.60.2 p66 1.60.3-16 p72 1.64 ρ 144, 323 1.64.26 p60, 66 1.65 ρ 145, 151, 175, 271n10, 274, 309n4, 310n7, 316-7, 322 1.65.2 p541n38 1.65.9ff. ρ 152 1.65.9 ρ 153 1.65.9-15 p151 1.66 p60, 144, 323 1.67 p52n12, 145 1.68 p60, 144, 323 1.68.27 p66 1.69 p52n12 1.70 p52n12, 145 1.71 ρ 146 1.71.7 ρ 130

1.72 p146 1.73 p52n12, 145 1.74 ρ 144 1.76 ρ 143 1.77 p84, 145 1.78 p52n11, 146, 164, 322, 356, 574 1.79 p52n11 1.80 p52n11 1.80.04 ρ 127 1.81 p52n11, 143, 161, 318, 319 1.82 p52n11, 145, 150, 166, 271, 272, 278, 322, 576 1.82.1-7 ρ 150 1.82.1 p278, 282 1.82.5 p282 1.82.6 p105, 278, 279 1.82.10 p279 1.82.11 p278 1.82.12 p279 1.82.13 p279 1.82.18 p279 1.82.20 p270, 279, 285 1.82.23 p279 1.82.26 p279 1.82.27 p279, 282 1.82.28 p279 1.82.32 p264n13 1.82.35 p278, 279 1.82.38 p279, 282 1.82.39 p278 1.82.40 p279 1.82.41 p279 1.83 p52n11, 54, 145, 150, 152, 166n5, 271, 278, 739 1.83.8 p278 1.83.11 ρ 154 1.84 p52n11, 144, 564 1.84.3 p704 1.84.4 p457n7 1.85 p50, 57, 146, 163, 1.86 p52n11, 146, 163, 271n10, 286 1.87 p52n11, 143, 203, 273, 298n51, 318-9, 326-7, 330, 339-44 1.87.17 p541n38 1.87.22 p454n172 1.87.42 p303 1.87.54-7 ρ 339, 344 1.87.56-7 ρ 164 1.87.58-61 p329, 344 1.88 p52n11, 145 1.89 p52n11

1.90 p52n11, 144, 319, 322, 330 1.90.20-2 p331 1.91 p52n11, 142, 143, 144, 145, 148, 295, 326-7, 337-8, 339, 739 1.91.1-4 p327 1.91.1-2 ρ 148 1.91.3 ρ 144 1.91.6 ρ 144 1.91.8 p336 1.91.10-1 p336 1.91.10 p295, 332 1.91.14-5 p320 1.91.21-2 p327 1.91.29 p128 1.92 p52n11, 145, 150, 151, 166n5, 551 1.93 p52n11, 145, 150-1, 166n5, 271, 286 1.94 p52n11 1.95 p52n11 1.96 p51, 145, 166, 270, 271n10, 272, 281-2, 322, 739 1.96. Iff. p151 1.96.1 ρ 133 1.96.4-5 ρ 154, 282 1.96.5-13 p282 1.97 ρ 146 1.100 p54, 145, 166, 177, 202, 270, 271, 272, 281, 285, 300, 322, 575, 739 1.100.1-7 p177 1.100.1 p152 1.100.2-4 p533n13 1.100.67-8 ρ 149 1.100.74 ρ 129 1.100.75-6 ρ 185 1.102 ρ 144 1.102.1-14 p347, 348 1.102.1-2 p346 1.102.15-28 p315n16 1.103+(1.145) p56, 146, 163-4, 322, 353, 354, 574 1.103+.7 p495n245 1.103+.17 p94 1.103+.47 p495n245 1.104 p143, 322 1.104.1 p97 1.104.13 p302, 303n72 1.104 iv 3 4 - 4 3 p568~9 1.105 ρ 143, 295n42, 302, 318, 320, 330, 332-3 1.105.19 p302 1.106 ρ 143, 295, 318, 320, 333, 344, 348-50

1.106.12-3 p349 1.106.15-7 p297 1.106.15 p300 1.106.22-3 p304 1.106.23-4 ρ 164 1.106.26-8 p295 1.106.27-8 p297 1.106.33 ρ 164 1.107 ρ 145, 150, 166, 271, 271n10, 272, 279, 280-1, 285, 322-3, 575 1.107.1-14 ρ 150 1.107.10 p280 1.107.11 p97 1.107.13-9 p177 1.107.18 p300 1.107.20 p280 1.107.33 ρ 105 1.107.46 p294 1.108 p54, 151, 161, 271, 273, 284, 299, 323, 352, 739 1.108. Iff. ρ 152 1.108.1-2

ρ 162

1.108.1 p299, 678n241 1.108.2-3 p561n95 1.108.3-5 ρ 176 1.108.4-5 ρ 152 1.108.6

ρ 162

1.108.8 p117n79 1.108.21-3 p151-2 1.108.21-2 p299 1.108.21 p131n46 1.108.23-4 p264n13 1.108.24 p131n46 1.109 p143, 301, 318, 319, 320, 330, 333-6 1.109.1-14 p335 1.109.3-18 p336 1.109.5-10 p319 1.109.11-4 p319 1.109.11 p302 1.109.16-8 p319 1.109.19ff. p335 1.109.26 p335 1.110 p60, 70, 71, 72-3, 143, 144, 323 1.110.1 p67, 72 1.110.2-10 p72 1.110.4 p67 1.111 p60, 70, 71, 72-3 143, 144 1.111.3 p67 1.111.7 p67 1.111.8 p67 1.112 p60, 143, 300, 302, 318, 320, 333, 338, 344, 347, 349, 739

112.6-9 p295 112.6-8 p338 112.6-7 ρ 160 112.9 ρ 164 112.10-5 p297 112.13 p338 112.14-5 ρ 164 112.18 p338 112.21 p300 112.22-7 p344 112.26-7 ρ 349 113 ρ 144, 208, 299, 314-5, 550, 561, 561, 577, 610n19, 739 113.1-11 ρ 165 113.12ff. ρ 165 113.13-26 p252 114 p54, 62, 62n24, 150, 151, 160, 202, 271, 285, 535, 576, 739 114.5 p U 8 n 8 4 114.12 ρ 154 114.13 p181 114.19-20 p285 114.28 p153 114.29-32 ρ 146 114.29-31 p150, 272 115 ρ 144, 318, 320, 344, 346 115.8 ρ 162 115.9-10 p293 115.10 ρ 162 115.18-9 p317 116 p60, 62, 62n24, 69, 70, 72-3, 144, 323 116.3 p66 116.4 p64n30, 68, 69, 72 116.5 p67, 69, 72 116.6 p64n30, 72 116.7 p72 116.8 p72 116.9 p66 116.11 p72 116.12 p72 116.13 p66, 72 116.14 p64n30, 72 116.15-26 p72 116.27 p69 116.28 p72 116.29 p72 116.31 p68, 72 116.33 p73 116.34 p72 116.35 p72 117 p739 118 p70, 144, 161, 308-10, 537 119 p143, 275, 302, 318, 319,

350-2, 541n37, 545, 574 1.119.1-17 p302 1.119.4-6 p297 1.119.4 ρ 164 1.119.12 p303 1.119.13-4 p297, 303 1.119.23-4 ρ 164 1.119.23 p300 1.119.25 p294 1.119.26-36 ρ 145 1.119.27 p163 1.119.28-36 ρ 165, 166 1.120 p60, 144, 323 1.120.3 p66 1.121+ ρ 144 1.121.9 p457n7 1.122. [3] p541n38 1.123 ρ 145, 151, 271n10, 275, 309, 310n7, 316-7, 322, 323 1.123.14ff. p275 1.123.22 p99 1.124 p54, 146, 149, 271, 284, 322-3, 353, 576, 739 1.124.13-5 p272 1.124.14 p155 1.125 p60, 70, 71, 72-3, 144, 323, 683n261 1.125.1 p68, 72 1.125.3 p69 1.125.4 p69 1.125.6 p720n392 1.125.8-10 p72 1.125.11 p68, 72 1.125.12 p69, 73 1.125.13 p73 1.125.14 p69, 73 1.125.15 p69, 73 1.125.16 p72 1.125.17 p69 1.125.18 p69, 72 1.126 p143, 318 1.126.6 p66 1.126.23 ρ 164 1.127 p56n16, 144, 146, 321, 322, 357-8, 574 1.127.29-32 p358 1.127.30-2 ρ 164, 566 1.128 p60, 73, 144, 273, 323 1.128.1 p69 1.128.2 p66 1.128.3 p66 1.128.4 p64, 65, 66, 67, 68 1.128.5 p66, 67 1.128.6 p64, 66

.128.7 p64 .128.8 p64, 69 .128.9 p64 .128.10 p68, 69 .128.11 p68 .128.12 p64, 65, 68 .128.13 p64n30 .128.16 p64, 66, 69 .128.17-8 p65, 68 .128.17 p64, 69 .128.19 p67 .128.20-1 p64 .128.20 p65, 68 .130 ρ 143, 318, 330, 333n40, 335, 336 .130.10-5 p319 .131 p60, 62, 73, 144, 273, 323 .131.1-4 p67 .131.1-3 p67 .131.1 p64 .131.2 p65, 68 .131.3-4 p67 .131.3 p65, 69 .131.4 p69 .131.5 p65, 68, 69 .131.10 p69 .131.11 p64, 69 .131.12 p64, 67 .131.13-5 p67 .131.13 p67, 69 .131.14 p66, 69 .131.15 p64, 69 .132 p55n15, 60, 70, 71, 143, 144, 298 .132.1-3 ρ 163 .132.2-3 p73 .132.3 p71n36 .132.4 p71, 72 .132.5 p72 .132.6 p73 .132.7 p72 .132.8 p72 .132.9 p68, 73 .132.10 p72 .132.11 p69, 72 .132.12 p72 .132.14 p72 .132 18 p71, 72 .132.19 p72 .132.20 p72 .132.22 p71, 72 .132.23 p72 .132.25-6 ρ 163 .132.27-8 ρ 164

1.133 ρ 199, 739 1.134 ρ 143, 333n40 1.135 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323, 537n25 1.135.2 p66 1.135.3-14 p72 1.135.16 p72 1.136+ ρ 143 1.138 ρ 143, 302 1.139 ρ 144, 318 1.140 p56, 144, 146, 164, 322, 353, 354, 574 1.141-1.144 p56n16, 146 1.141 p322, 357, 459n19, 573-4 1.142 p292, 322, 357, 574 1.142.17-21 p73 1.143 p322, 357, 574 1.144 p322, 357, 574 1.144.4-5 p67 1.145 p353, 354, 574 1.148 p55n15, 144, 292~3, 307, 311 2, 318, 330, 331, 538n29 1.148.1-12 ρ 144 1.148.1-9 p308-10, 310n8, 332, 341 1.148.10-2 p308, 332 1.148.11 p295 1.148.18-22 ρ 144, 295, 329, 332, 336 1.148.21 p438n75, 454n172 1.148.22 p437n73 1.148.26-45 p332 1.149 p60, 323 1.149.10 p66 1.149.11 p66 1.151 ρ 145 1.155 p56n16, 146, 322, 357, 574 1.156 ρ 143 1.159+ ρ 143 1.160 p333n40 1.161 p54, 144, 151, 153, 162-3, 165, 166, 219n22, 264, 264n13, 265, 266, 271, 283, 299, 318, 561, 577, 691n294, 706n344. 707, 739 1.161.22-26 ρ 152 1.161.31-34 ρ 152 1.162 ρ 143, 144, 320, 330, 331, 352 1.163-1.176 p52n11 1.163 p56, 146, 163, 318, 355-6 1.164 ρ 144, 297, 318, 330, 331 1.165 ρ 143, 318, 320 1.168 ρ 144, 318, 320, 330 1.169 ρ 145, 151, 270, 271, 272,

276, 278, 279, 281, 322, 576 1.169.1 p276 1.169.3-4 ρ 151, 186 1.169.5-6 p281 1.169.7-8 ρ 151 1.169.7 ρ 154 1.169.9 p276, 279, 322 1.170 ρ 143, 300, 318, 320, 470η102 1.171 ρ 143, 318, 320 1.173 ρ 143, 318, 320 1.175 ρ 146 1.176.16 p541n38 2.1-2.83 ρ 142 2.1-2.16 p359 2.1 ρ 142, 363n7, 365η 15 2.1.1-2 p364n12 2.1.3 p365n17 2.2 ρ 142, 145, 152 2.2.4 ρ 154 2.3 ρ 142 2.3.20 ρ 160 2.3.19 ρ 154 2.4 ρ 142, 362n6, 363n7, 366n21 2.4.4-5 p364n12 2.4.19 ρ 154 2.5 ρ 142, 145, 152 2.6 ρ 142, 363η7 2.6.5-6 p364n12 2.7 ρ 142 2.8-2.9 ρ 142 2.10-2.13 p362n6 2.10 ρ 142, 363n7, 366n23, 726 2.10.5-15 ρ 155-6 2.10.8-9 ρ 160 2.10.9-10 ρ 160 2.10.11-5 ρ 160 2.10.12 ρ 154 2.10.14 ρ 154 2.11-2.17 ρ 142 2.11 ρ 158-9, 365η 15, 699 2.11.1 p361 2.11.4 p362 2.11.5-7 p363 2.11.7-9 p364n12 2.11.10 p365n16 2.11.13 ρ 160 2.12 p699 2.12.2 p361 2.12.5 p362 2.12.6-11 363 2.12.14 p367

2.13 p363n7, 365n15, 470n106 2.13.2 p361 2.13.4 p362 2.13.5-6 p362 2.13.7-8 p364n12 2.13.9 p365n17 2.13.14-5 p700 2.14 p366n21, 697 2.14.3 p361-2 2.14.4-5 p364n12 2.14.9 p99 2.14.12 ρ 154 2.15.7 ρ 154 2.15.8 ρ 153 2.16 ρ 156, 362n6, 363n7, 366, 699 2.16.2 p361 2.16.3 p495n247 2.16.4-6 p101n23 2.16.5-6 p101n23 2.16.10

ρ 160

2.16.12 ρ 154 2.16.19 p367 2.17-2.18 p360 2.17 ρ 156 2.17.6 ρ 154 2.17.15 ρ 154 2.18 ρ 142 2.19 ρ 142, 145, 161, 413, 414, 415, 692 2.19.6ff. p414 2.19.9-10 p415 2.19.12 p99 2.19.13 p413 2.20-2.36+ p360, 686n273 2.20 ρ 142 2.21 p362n6, 365n15, 469n97, 470n101, 699 2.21.3 p362 2.21.5-6 p364n12 2.21.7 p365n17 2.21.10 p99 2.22 ρ 142 2.23 ρ 142, 157, 623n67, 631n87, 713 2.23.15-24 ρ 157-8 2.23.17ff. ρ 160 2.23.17 ρ 154 2.24 ρ 142, 362n6, 365n15 2.24.2 p361, 362 2.24.4 p362 2.24.5-7 p363 2.24.8 p365n17 2.25 ρ 142

2.26 p142, 362n6 2.26.4-5 p94 2.26.6 p303 2.26.7 ρ 154 2.27 ρ 142 2.30-2.31 ρ 142 2.30 ρ 156, 362n6, 363nn7-8, 365n15, 366n23 2.30.1 p361 2.30.4-5 p362 2.30.6-7 p364n12 2.30.8 p365n17 2.30.12-4 p700 2.30:22 p99 2.30.33 p362 2.31 ρ 142 2.31.16ff. ρ 160 2.31.21 ρ 154 2.32.7 ρ 154 2.32.10 ρ 154 2.33 ρ 142, 156, 158, 362n6, 363nn7-8, 366n23, 470n106, 495, 655n153, 713, 724 2.33.1 p153, 361 2.33.2 p362 2.33.3-4 p363 2.33.4ff. ρ 156 2.33.15-6 ρ 160 2.33.15 ρ 160 2.33.20 ρ 160 2.33.22-39 p158 2.33.22-24 p160 2.33.23 p99 2.33.27 p160 2.33.28 ρ 154 2.33.30-1 ρ 160 2.34 p362n6, 363n7, 365n15, 469n100, 470n106, 700 2.34.2 p361 2.34.3-4 p364n12 2.34.5 p470n104 2.34.13 ρ 154 2.34.32-3 ρ 160 2.35 ρ 142, 156 2.36+ p51n8, 142, 159, 365n15, 367, 460, 488, 488n215, 674, 679n243, 693n298, 700 2.36+.2 p365n17 2.36+.5-13 ρ 156-7 2.36+.6 ρ 154 2.36+.13 ρ 154 2.36+. 16ff. ρ 158 2.37.10 ρ 155 2.38-2.72 p360

2.38 p51n8, 142, 155, 156, 363n7, 365n15, 368, 442n98, 460, 672n222 2.38.2 p362 2.38.3 p362 2.38.4-5 p364n12 2.38.6 p365n16 2.38.10-27 ρ 156 2.38:12 p98 2.38.15 p154 2.38.26 p99 2.39 p32, 51n8, 142, 362n6, 707, 717 2.39.5-16 p157 2.39.5ff. ρ 160 2.39.11-6 ρ 159 2.39.1 Iff. ρ 160 2.39.15-6 ρ 160 2.39.17ff. ρ 160 2.39.21 ρ 155 2.39.35 p154 2.40 ρ 142, 156, 362n6, 442n98, 671 2.40.1 p361 2.40.4 p362 2.40.5-8 p363 2.41 ρ 158, 363n7, 721n396 2.41.1-2 p364n12 2.41.13 p99 2.41.19 ρ 160 2.42(+2.43) ρ 142, 158, 362n6, 443, 459n18, 623n67, 631n87, 677 2.42.1 p361 2.42.3 p362, 473n124, 495n247 2.42.4-9 p158 2.42.4-5 p363, 364n12 2.42.6 ρ 155 2.42.10 ρ 155 2.42.11 ρ 154 2.42.19 p154 2.42.23 ρ 154 2.42.25 ρ 154 2.42.26 ρ 155 2.44 p362n6, 363n7, 669n209 2.44.2 p362 2.44.4-5 p364n12 2.45 ρ 143, 158 2.45.7 p98 2.45.11-2 p363 2.45.19 ρ 154 2.45.23 ρ 154 2.45.25 p99, 154 2.46 p362n6, 363n7, 365n15, 677n239, 718

2.46.4-5 p364n12 2.46.6 p365n16 2.47 p366n26, 719 2.47.2 p361 2.47.4 p365n17 2.47.16 p154 2.48-2.59 ρ 142 2.48.5 ρ 154 2.49 p362n6 2.50.12 ρ 154 2.50.16 ρ 154 2.51.2-3 p363 2.52 p363n7 2.56 p365n15 2.56.1 p361 2.56.4 p365n16 2.59 p440n83 2.60 ρ 142 2.61 p362n6, 726 2.61.2 p361 2.61.5-7 ρ 154 2.61.5 ρ 154 2.62 ρ 142 2.63-2.64 ρ 142 2.63 p363nn6-7 2.63.1 p361 2.63.5-6 p364n12 2.64 p362n6 2.64.2 p361 2.64.5 p362 2.64.6-7 p362 2.64.10 p361 2.64.12 p362 2.64.13-16 p363 2.65-2.67 ρ 142 2.65 p365n15 2.65.1 p365n16 2.67 p363n7, 365n15 2.68 p38n72, 142, 363n8, 365n15, 368, 470n105, 729n425 2.68.1 p361 2.68.3 p362 2.68.4-7 p363 2.68.9-10 p364n12 2.69 ρ 142 2.70 ρ 158, 363n10, 365n15 2.70.1 p361 2.70.6-7 p364n12 2.70.8-10 p363 2.70.11-29 ρ 159 2.70.11 p365n17 2.70.12 ρ 154 2.70.15-6 p153 2.70.23-8 ρ 160

2.70.27 ρ 154 2.71 ρ 142, 156, 362n6, 363n7, 365n15 2.71.4-5 p364n12 2.71.5 p365n16 2.71.10 p98, 154 2.71.11 ρ 154 2.71.14 p99 2.72 p143, 363nn8,10, 365n15, 681n251 2.72.4 p365n16 2.72.7 p495n244 2.72.9 p153 2.72.10-33 ρ 159 2.72.10 p153 2.72.11 ρ 154, 495n244 2.72.17 p153 2.72.22 p99, 154 2.72.27 ρ 154 2.72.42 ρ 154 2.73.14 ρ 154 2.75-2.83 ρ 360 2.75 ρ 156, 686n273 2.75.4 p362 2.75.6 p364n12 2.75.11 ρ 154 2.76 p51n8, 362n6, 365n15, 712 2.76.1-2 p157 2.76.4 p365n17 2.76.9-10 p157 2.78 p362n6 2.79 p363n9 2.79.3 ρ 154 2.79.4 ρ 154 2.79.5-6 p362 2.81 p51n8, 157, 363n7, 712n360 2.81.5 p362 2.81.12-3' p710n357 2.82 p24, 700 2.82.1 p361 2.82.2 p361 2.82.4 ρ 154 2.82.11 ρ 154 2.83 ρ 142, 365n15 2.83.2 p365n17 3.1 p 3 0 n n l l - 2 , 141, 419-20, 447n140, 488n216, 634n94 3.1.30 p131 3.1.32 ρ 130 3.1.38 ρ 132 3.2 p161, 413, 414, 415 3.2.12 p99 3.2.13 p99

3.3 p30n14, 416 3.3.8 p99 3.4 p119, 459n27, 466n78, 669, 693 3.5 p161, 413, 414, 451-6 3.6 p416 3.7 ρ 146, 416, 428n24, 460 3.8 p412, 416, 417, 418, 443, 466nn78,80 3.9 p416, 417, 418, 418n35, 576 3.9.6 ρ 153 3.10 ρ 142, 146, 416, 417 4.4.2 p436n55 4.4.3 p436n56 4.4.4 p436nn53,54,56, 437n57 4.7 p430n26 4.14.2 p438n74 4.14.7 p438n74 4.14.15 p438n74 4.15 p309n5 4.17 p485n194 4.22.3-4 p470n101 4.22.3 p496n249 4.29 p147, 427n15, 434n35 4.31 p84 4.31.2 p454n172 4.31.11 p446n123 4.33 p429n24, 511 η 15 4.34 p437n72 4.34.4 p446n127 4.34.9 p446n127 4.35 ρ 147, 426n13, 427n16 4.35 i 16 p449n 149 4.35 i 20 p438n78 4.35 i 22 p438n78 4.35 i 26 p438n78 4.35 ii 5 - 6 p438n78 4.35 ii 8 p451n158 4.35 ii 11 ρ 130 4.35 ii 20 p438n78 4.36 p427nnl,15, 435n43, 440nn84-5, 445n119 4.36.1 p434n35 4.38 ρ 147, 427nn14-5, 434n35, 440n84 4.38.6 p449n 149 4.40 p432n30, 512, 514n23 4.41 p425 4.41.6 p434n35 4.43 p451, 427n16 4.43.4 p45 Inn 156,158 4.44 p427n16 4.44.28 p94, 130

4.46 p485n200 4 . 4 6 . 1 1 2 p454n168 4.46.13-4 p450n151 4.47 p147, 427n15, 435nn43,45, 452n160 4.47.5 p454n 169 4.47.7 p452n 160 4.47.8 p450n 151 4.47.10 p449n 149 4.48 ρ 148, 435n43 4.50-53 p511n15 4.53 ρ 148, 429n24 4.54 p429n24, 435n45, 511n15 4.55 p511n15 4.58 p429n24 4.60 p446n 121 4.63 ρ 147, 148, 425n4, 435n41, 436n46, 493n232, 494n236 4.65 ρ 146, 426nn12-3 4.66 ρ 146, 427n16 4.67 ρ 148 4.68 ρ 147, 148, 425n4, 430, 435n42, 440nn84,85, 485n196, 493n232, 494n234 4.68.19 p525 4.68.63 p454n170 4.68.67 p452n160 4.68.72 p434n35 4.68.74 p454n169 4.69 p147, 148, 427n16, 429n24, 435n43, 511n15, 514n21 4.69 ii 6 - 1 0 p433n32 4.69 vi 22-37 p434n35 4.70.6 p467n86 4.71 ρ 147, 148, 426n13 4.72 p504n5 4.73 p425n5 4.75 p431n27 4.80 p431n29, 476n140, 478nn157,162 4.81 ρ 130, 432n30, 514n23 4.81.2-3 ρ 130 4.85 p433, 433n34 4.86 p433n34 4.87 p426n 13 4.87.3 p454n168 4.89 p425n7, 426n10, 435n44 4.90 ρ 148, 427n16 4.91 ρ 142 4.91.2-3 p446n124 4.91.7-8 p448n 143 4.91.14 p438n74 4.92 p427n16, 435n43 4.93 ρ 148, 425n5

4.93.2-4 p454n168 4.94 p424n3 4.95 ρ 148, 425n5 4.96 p425n7, 426n13, 433n34, 459n27 4.96.3 p460n29 4.96.6 p460n32 4.97 p425n7 4.98 p427n16, 485n200 4.98.6 p450n 151 4.98.8 p450n 151 4.98.9 p452n160 4.98.17 p451n156 4.99 ρ 136, 147, 426n13, 427n15, 429n24, 426n13, 435nn42,45, 436n47, 452n161 4.99.9 p434n35 4.99.15 p452n 163 4.99.16 p450n 154 4.99.18 p454n 169-70 4.99.19 p452n 160 4.100 ρ 148 4.102 ρ 148, 429n24, 434n39, 452n161, 459 4.102.25 ρ 129, 450n153 4.103 ρ 147, 425n7, 429n24, 430n26, 435nn42,43,45, 436n46, 485n195 4.103.5 p510n13 4.103.22 p454n170 4.103.57 p452n163 4.105 p427n15, 435n43 4.105.2 p452n 160 4.106 p426n13 4.107 p452n161 4.108 p425n5 4.110 p425n7, 426n8, 428n18 4.110.1 2 p430n26 4.113 p425n5 4.114 p427n16, 436n47 4.116.20 p433n34 4.117 p437n58 4.121.1 p452n163 4.122 ρ 146, 425n7, 426n13 4.123 p446n 124, 448n144, 452n161 4.123.17 p437n72, 447n141 4.123.20 I p437n72 4.123.20 p131 4.123.21 p447n141 4.123.22-3 p446n 125 4.124 p452n161, 485n197 4.125 p425n7, 426n13, 427n15, 431n27, 435n42, 485n193 4.125.1 p449 4.125.8-9 p486n205

4.125.8 p450n154 4.125.9 p452n163 4.126 p426n13, 427n15, 429n24, 435n43, 436nn46-7, 440n84 4.126.6 p434n35 4.126.8 p454n170 4.126.10 p452n160 4.126.16 p450n154 4.126.18 p451n158 4.126.27 ρ 129, 451n155 4.126.28 p454n168 4.127.2 p448n 144 4.128 p426n10, 427nn 14,16,17, 436n46, 452nn161,163 4.129 p426n13, 431n27, 513n18 4.131 p427n14 4.132 p434n38 4.132.4 ρ 148 4.133.3 p451n156 4.134 p427n16, 433n34, 513n18 4.134.2 p453n167 4.136 ρ 147 4.137 ρ 148, 429n24, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 4.137.1 ρ 130 4.137.4 p433n32 4.137.10 ρ 130 4.138.2 ρ 129 4.139 p425n7, 427n15 4.141 ρ 148, 425n7, 426n13, 428n18, 436n46, 485n199 4.141 iii 16 p428n22 4.141 iii 19 p453n167 4.141 iii 20 p450n151 4.142 p425n7 4.143 p426n11, 469nn97.100 4.144 p427n14, 428n18 4.145 ρ 147, 428n20, 429n23, 437, 496n250 4.145.8-9 ρ 127 4.145.9 p428n20, 473n119, 486n201 4.145.16 p450n151 4.146.3 p430n26 4.146.5 ρ 130 4.146.7 p437n57 4.147.5 p452n160 4.148.19 p436n56 4.149 p329, 427n14, 429n24, 459n20 4.149.4 p458n10 4.149.6 p459n25 4.149.14-6 ρ 145, 300

4.149.14-5 p470n102 4.150 p446n 124, 453n167 4.150.5 p448n146 4.151 ρ 148 4.151 ii 1 p452n160 4.152 p429n24, 437n57 4.152.5 p436n56 4.153 p426n13, 427n14, 431n27 4.155 p427n16 4.156 ρ 148 4.156.5 p436n56 4.158 p452n161 4.158.3 p446n 124 4.158.6 p446n 128 4.158.7 p448n 144 4.158.12 p448n 143 4.158.14-5 p447n142 4.158.17-8 p446n132 4.158.20-2 p448n143 4.160.12 p473n121 4.162 p429n24 4.163 ρ 149, 429n24, 440n84, 433n32, 434n38, 435n43 4.164 ρ 149 4.165 ρ 148 4.166 ρ 148, 437n59 4.166.2 p436n56 4.166.3 p437n60 4.167 p437n70, 496nn250,253 4.167.1-7 ρ 148 4.167.1-2 p450 4.167.1 p496n251 4.168 ρ 145, 329 4.168.5-9 p161 4.168.11 p446n 131 4.169 p496n250, 497n261 4.169.6 p494n241 4.170 p429n24 4.172 ρ 145 4.173 ρ 149, 429n24, 433n32, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 4.174 ρ 149, 429n24, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 4.175 p425n7 426nn10,13, 427n14, 431n27 4.177 p427n16 4.179 ρ 148, 429n24, 434n38, 440n84, 433n32, 435n43 4.179.14 ρ 104 4.180 ρ 148, 427n16, 451n158, 496n250, 4.181.2 ρ 104 4.182 p329, 447n142, 452n161

4.182.8 p446nn129,131 4.182.17 ρ 130 4.182.35 p436n56 4.182.56 p452n163 4.182.63 p437n66 4.183 ρ 147, 426n13, 429n24, 430n26, 449n149, 452n161 4.183 ii 10 ρ 129 4.183 ii 12 p450n 151 4.183 ii 22 p454n169 4.183 ii 27 p451n158 4.183 iii 16 p452n160 4.186.1 p450n154 4.186.9 p450n154 4.187 p427n16, 485n197 4.187.1 p452n163 4.188 p427n16, 435n45, 453n167 4.190.4 p436n56 4.192 p437n58 4.195 p436n46, 437n71 4.195.5 p131 4.200 p425n7 4.201 p427n16 4.203.8 p437n63 4.204 p596n258 4.205 p437n60 4.205.6 p437n61 4.205.7 p437n57 4.205.19 p437n62 4.206 p437n63 4.206.1 p437n64 4.206.4 p446n131 4.206.5 p437n65 4.206.6 p447n124 4.207 p435n43 4.207.5 p452n160 4.207.7 p454n 170 4.212 p435n43 4.213 ρ 148, 329, 425n7, 426nn 11,1 427n14, 429n24 4.213.24 ρ 145, 154 4.213.30 p487n207 4.214 ρ 148, 433n34, 440n84 4.215 p147, 427n16 4.216 p427nn14-5, 429n24 4.216.2 p303 4.216.3 p303 4.216.9 p458n10 4.217 p427nn15-6, 440n84 4.219.12 p469n100, 470n102 4.219 ρ 148 4.219.1-3 p329 4.219.2-3 ρ 145 4.222 p430n26

4.222.8- 11 p451n158 4.223 p428n18 4.224 p436n46 4.225.16 ρ 130 4.230 ρ 148, 427nn14,16, 429n24 4.230.3 p457n7 4.230.4-5 p470n102 4.230.15 ρ 154 4.232 ρ 147, 148, 425n5 4.235 ρ 148 4.243 p425n7, 426nn 11,13, 427n 14, 431n27 4.243.2 p450n151 4.244 p426n8, 429n24, 430n26 4.244.9 p469n100 4.244.16 p465nn62-3 4.245 p435n45 4.246.3 p470n102 4.246.2-3 p469n100 4.247.22 ρ 132 4.247.29 p448n 143 4.255 p459n21 4.257.5 p437n66 4.258 p417 4.261 p427n16, 451 4.261.1 p451n156 4.263 p427n14, 440n84 4.264 p428n18 4.266 ρ 145, 452n161 4.267 p425n5 4.269 ρ 148, 426nn11,13, 427nn14,16 4.269.4 p487n207 4.269.8 p452n163 4.269.26 p487n207 4.270.7 p436n56, 437nn67,68 4.270.8 p437n57 4.270.11 p437n61 4.271 p425n7, 426n11 4.272 p427n16, 451n158 4.272.7 ρ 154 4.275 p426n10 4.277.1 ρ 130 4.279 p329 4.280.6 ρ 154 4.280.13-4 p329 4.282 p430n26 4.282.5 p434n35 4.283 p416n26 4.284.5-6 p329 4.286 p427n16 4.288 p435n41 4.290 ρ 148

4.295 p431n29, 478n157 4.296 p425n7, 426nn10,13 4.297 p425n7 4.299 ρ 148 4.303 p424n3 4.307 p425n7, 426n13 4.308 ρ 148, 425n5 4.310 416n26, 427n16, 45 ! η 158 4.310.2 p451n156 4.310.5 p451n156 4.312 p427n15 4.313 p425n7 4.320 p425n7, 426n13 4.321 p427n16, 459n27 4.322 p427n16, 429n24, 465n61 4.325 p459n27 4.328 ρ 148, 154 4.332 p426n13, 435n43, 452n161, 485n199 4.332.14-7 p452n163 4.332.18 p450n154 4.337 p437n64 4.337.9-10 p446n132 4.337.11 ρ 129, 450n153 4.337.20 p447n136 4.337.21 p446n127 4.337.25 p447n124 4.338 ρ 146, 442, 452n161, 459n24, 660, 669n209 4.338.1-3 ρ 147 4.338.10 p454n 168 4.339 p478n157 4.339.2-4 p454n 168 4.339.10 p478n158 4.339.16 p450n 151 4.340 ρ 148, 430n26 4.341 p447n136 4.341.4-5 p446n 132 4.341.14-5 p446n132 4.341.20-1 p446n 124 4.342 p434n38 4.343 p459n21 4.344 ρ 149, 430n26 4.344.15 p723n405 4.345 p425n7, 426n11 4.346.5 p525 4.347 ρ 146 4.348 ρ 148 4.352 p443, 459n20, 673n226, 677 4.352.2 p460n33 4.352.9 p460n28 4.355 p426n13, 427nn14,16, 513n18 4.355.36 p525 4.356 p430n26

4.357 p430n26 4.357.24 p300, 434n35, 474n132 4.358 p425n7, 426nn10,13, 485n199 4.358.9 p487n208 4.360 p431n29, 478n157 4.361 p434n38, 469n91 4.362.1-2 ρ 148 4.363 p437n57 4.363.1 p437n64 4.363.2 ρ 129 4.363.3-4 p437n68 4.363.3 p436n56 4.363.5 ρ 129 4.363.6-7 p437n68 4.365 p424n3, 425n7 4.366 ρ 130, 145, 432n30 4.367 p426n10, 427n16, 428n18, 513n18 4.367.18 p454n168 4.369 p440n84 4.370 p427n16 4.370.10 p436n53 4.370.35 p452n160 4.370.45 p454n 170 4.371 p432n30 4.374 p426n13, 427n16, 431n27,

513n18 4.376 p449n 149 4.377 p427n14 4.378 p426n13, 427nn14, 16, 431n27 4.379 ρ 148, 427n16, 428n18, 429n24 4.380 p425n7 4.382 p425n7, 426n13, 485n200 4.385.3 p437n72, 447n141 4.385.5 p447n141 4.385.10 p448n 144 4.386 ρ 146, 417, 425n7 4.387 p427n14, 429n24, 435n45 4.389 p430n26 4.390 p459n19, 676 4.390.8 ρ 130 4.391 p431n27 4.392 p127, 435n42 4.392.2 p127n32 4.392.4 ρ 129, 450 4.396.20 p451n156 4.397 p425n7, 426n11 4.399 p430n26 4.400 p425n7, 426n11 4.402 p437n64 4.402.3 p448n143 4.402.9 p446n124 4.402.7-8 p446n 121 4.402.10-1 p437n73

4.405 p425n7 4.409 p137, 425n7 4.410 p435n43 4.412 ρ 142, 147, 435n42, 485n197 4.412 ii 1-5 p434n35 4.412 iii 9 p454n170 4.414 p424n3 4.415 p435n42 4.416 p427n15, 429n24, 430n26, 435n43, 485n195 4.416.1 p465n63 4.417 p431n29, 478n157 4.419 p431n29 4.421 p432n30 4.422 ρ 148, 427n16 4.423 p430n26 4.424 p425n7, 430n26 4.425 p430n26 4.427 ρ 14,149 4.430 p440n84 4.432 p431n29 4.435 ρ 148 4.440 p426n13, 427n16, 431n27 4.447 p437n70 4.471 p427n16 4.480.1 p496n251 4.485 p427nn15,16, 429n24 4.491 p426n13 4.493 p426n13, 431n27 4.495 p427n14 4.500 p437n70 4.519 p431n29 4.525.1 p437n67 4.528 p429n24 4.545 p427n16 4.553 p425n5 4.561 p427n16, 429n24, 465n61 4.582 p497n261 4.602 p437n70 4.608 p426n13 4.608.35-9 p453n165 4.609 ρ 147, 425n5, 426n13, 427nn14-5, 428nn18,22, 435n45, 436n46, 450n151, 453, 473n123, 485n193 4.609.9 p452n160 4.609.11 p435n41 4.609.12' p428n22 4.609.16 p453n167 4.609.18 p449n149 4.609.23 p452n160 4.609.25 p451n159, 453n166 4.609.32 p454n169 4.610 p36n62, 147, 148, 425, 427n15

4.611 p425n5 4.617 ρ 148, 427n16 4.618 p425n7, 426nn10,13, 431n27 4.618.6 p428n22 4.619.7 p127-8 4.621 p424n3 4.622 p424n3 4.623 ρ 146, 429n24, 465n61 4.624 p427n16, 493n232, 494nn236,237 4.625 p425n7, 426n9 4.626.1 p452n160 4.629 p424n3 4.630 p426n13, 427n14, 437n58 4.630.8-9 449n149 4.630.12 p452n160 4.630.14 p451, 453n166 4.631 p430n26, 438n78 4.632 p417, 426n9 4.633 p147, 427n16, 514n21 4.633.4-14 p434n35 4.635 p428n18, 429n24, 442n99, 459n27, 512n17, 513n18 4.635.7 p452n163 4.636 p425n7, 426nn10,11,13, 427n14, 467n83 4.638 p425n7 4.643 p426n8 4.644 p431n29 4.655 p427n16 4.659 ρ 142, 145, 445n119 4.659.1 ρ 154 4.659.6 p99 4.661 p424n3 4.669+7.130 p58n3, 142, 144 4.670 p438n77, 494n239 4.676 p424n3 4.681 ρ 146, 427n16 4.683 p425n4, 493n232 4.684 p424n3 4.685 p424n3 4.686 p424n3 4.689 p489 4.690 p427n16 4.691.6 ρ 130 4.692 p430n26 4.692.1 p452n 160 4.692.8 p452n160 4.693 p424n3 4.704 ρ 148 4.705 p427n14, 459n20 4.707.15-8 p446n132 4.709.6 ρ 100

4.710 p84 4.710.11-2 p446n121 4.710.11 p446n 122 4.714 p427n16, 428n18, 435n42 4.714.1 p473n123 4.721 p437nn58,60 4.721.1 p437n64 4.721.9 p446n132 4.721.14 p446n132 4.729 p426n13, 431n27 4.740 p426n13, 431n27 4.742.12 p452n160 4.743 p450n151 4.745 ρ 148, 427n15, 435n43, 440n84 4.745.5 p434n35 4.745.7 454n169 4.745.18 p452n160 4.750 p425n7 4.751 ρ 146, 429n24 4.751.11 ρ 130 4.752 ρ 148 4.754 ρ 148 4.755 ρ 148 4.761 ρ 146, 427n16, 434n35, 514n21 4.764 ρ 148 4.765.4 p436n56 4.765.5 p437n68 4.766 p12 4.767 p12 4.770 p424n3 4.771.5-8 p448n146 4.772 p427n16 4.772.5 p465n62 4.777 ρ 148, 493nn232-3 4.778 p417, 459n27 4.778.5 p448n146 4.779.8-13 p659n172 4.781.1-2 p329 4.781.2 p303 4.782 p417, 459n27 4.782.7-8 p448n146 4.784 ρ 148 4.786.14 p438n74 4.790.15 ρ 129 4.791 p147, 416n26 5.6 p82 5.9-5.11 p360 5.9 i 2 p99 5.10 p33n35, 363n10 5.10.1 p362

5.10.3 p361 5.10.7-8 p438n75 5.11 p33n35, 373n36 5.11.16 p436n56 5.14 p32n26 5.20.1 p454n 169 5.24 p12 6.1 6.2 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10

p12 p12 p9, 428n21, 434n36 p9, 428n21, 434n36 p428n21, 434n36 p428n21, 434n36 p9, 428n21, 501n3,

513n19 6.11 p438n79 6.12 p438n79 6.13 p15, 303 6.14 p15, 303 6.15 p504n5 6.17 p440n84 6.20 p438n79 6.21 p438n79 6.22 p438n79 6.24 p438n79, 703 6.26 p438n79 6.27 p438n79 6.29 p685n271 6.29.3 ρ 130 6.48 p452n161 6.67 p12 6.68 p12 6.69.3-4 p473n118 6.70 p12 6.71 p12 7.40 7.43 7.46 7.50 7.52 7.55 7.63 7.63.1 7.65 7.177 8.1 9.432 9.458 9.477

p59 p59 ρ 143 ρ 145 ρ 145 ρ 145 p30n18, 413, 415 p414 ρ 140 ρ 143

p12 p234n4, 253 p513n18 p417

INDEX OF RIH TEXTS 77/01 ρ 142, 360 77/02B+ p52n11, 144, 297, 318, 330, 331 77/02B+.1 p330 7 7 / 0 4 + p52n11, 144, 318, 320 7 7 / 0 1 + 7 7 / 1 1 ρ 144 77/08A+ p52n11 77/10A p52n11 77/ 10B+ p52n11, 144, 318, 320, 330 77/17 p386 7 7 / 1 8 p52n11, 146 77/21Α ρ 142, 360, 362n6, 365n15, 717n380 7 7 / 2 1A.4 p365n17 7 7 / 2 5 ρ 142, 360 77/25.3 ρ 154 77/25.4 ρ 154 77/27 p424n3 7 8 / 0 1 + p52n11 78/02.5-8 p448n 146 7 8 / 0 3 + 7 8 / 3 0 p51n8, 157, 143, 360, 712n360 7 8 / 0 3 + 7 8 / 3 0 . 5 - 6 p362 7 8 / 0 3 + 7 8 / 3 0 . 5 p362, 363nn7-8 78/03+78/30.12' p710n357 78/04 p52n11, 318, 320 78/06 p426n16 78/06.5 p465n62 7 8 / 0 9 + p52n11 78/11 p52n11, 144, 293, 300, 318, 320, 470n102 78/12 p24, 360, 700

78/12.1 p361 7 8 / 1 2 . 2 - 3 p362 78/12.2 p361 78/12.4 ρ 154 78/12.11 ρ 154 7 8 / 1 4 p52n11, 56, 146, 163, 318, 355 78/16 p52n11, 143, 144, 318, 320 78/20 p52n11, 145, 151, 270, 271, 276, 278, 322, 576 7 8 / 2 0 . 3 - 4 ρ 186 78/20.7 ρ 154 78/21 ρ 142, 360 78/25 ρ 142, 360, 365η 15 78/25.2 p365n17 78/26 p52n11 78/26.16 p541n38 8 1 / 0 4 p382 8 3 / 0 2 p513n18 8 3 / 0 7 + 8 3 / 1 4 p147, 148, 493nn232-3 8 3 / 1 2 p417, 459n27 83/12.5 p448n 146 8 3 / 2 2 . 8 - 1 3 p659n 172 83/28+83/31+83/84.15+26.2 p303 8 3 / 2 8 + . 1-2 p329 8 3 / 3 9 + 8 3 / 5 5 p417 8 4 / 0 4 ρ 147, 416n26 8 4 / 0 8 p417, 459n27 8 4 / 0 8 . 7 - 8 p448n 146 8 4 / 3 3 ρ 142, 146, 416

INDEX OF RS TEXTS 1.001 p313n11, 81, 340-4, 344-6 1.001.13-9 p312-3 1.001.14 p241n19 1.001A.2-10 ρ 143 1.002 p144, 153, 293, 295, 317, 322, 455, 457, 541n38, 5 6 4 - 6 1.002.10 p495n245 1.002.24 p329n33 1.002.25 p310n7 1.002.32 p277 1.002.35 ρ 140

1.002.48 p457n7 1.003+ ρ 143, 273, 274, 301, 302, 318, 319, 329, 330, 339-44, 557 1.003+.3 p162 1.003+. 11-9 p143 1.003+.12 p294 1.003+. 15-6 ρ 161 1.003+.16 p541n38 1.003+.20-1 p292 1.003+.21 p454n172 1.003+.22 ρ 130

1.003+.24 p303 1.003+.41 p303 1.003+.47-8 ρ 164 1.003+.47 ρ 102 1.003+.50-5 ρ 144, 162 1.003+.50-1 p298 1.003+.50 p303 1.003+.53-5 p295 1.003+.53-4 p164 1.003+.53 ρ 102 1.004 p59, 144, 323, 326 1.005 ρ 144, 294-5, 318, 319, 320, 330, 336-8, 739 1.005.1-5 p332n38 1.005.1-2 p304, 583 1.005.9ff. p295 1.005.22-7 ρ 162 1.005.23-5 p297 1.006 p271, 333, 118n83, 199, 200, 284 1.007 p59, 144, 273, 323 1.008+ ρ 145 1.008+.5 ρ 132 1.009 ρ 143, 301, 318, 320, 330, 333n40, 353 1.009+.1-10 p335 1.009.9-10 ρ 164 1.011.[046] p60, 144, 323 1.012 p438n74 1.013+1.043 p142, 359 1.013+.19 ρ 154 1.013+.20 p160 1.017 ρ 144, 532, 535, 537 1.017.32 p542n40 1.018 p142, 359, 362n6, 363n7, 366n21 1.018.4-6 p364 1.018.4-5 p364n12 1.018.19 ρ 154 1.019 p318, 319, 326, 327-8 1.019.13 p97 1.020 ρ 142, 145, 152, 359 1.021 ρ 142, 359, 363n7 1.021.5-6 p364n12 1.022 p143, 318, 319 1.024 p53, 95, 145, 150, 166, 201, 285-6, 310n6, 352 551, 557-8, 564 1.024.33-7 p175 1.024.44 p99 1.024.45 p99 1.024.46-7 p270 1.024.47 p475n137 1.025 ρ 145

1.026+2.[025] ρ 142, 359 1.027+1.028+ p59, 273, 323, 144 1.028+( 1.035) p59, 323 1.[031] p59 1.032 ρ 142, 359 1.033 ρ 143 1.034+( 1.045) p59, 144, 273, 323 1.041.3-4 p470n101 1.042 ρ 144 1.044 p333n40 1.046 ρ 143 1.047 ρ 143 1.[049A] p59, 144, 323 1.[051] p9, 428n21, 434n36 1. [052] p9, 428n21, 501n3,

513n18 1 .[053] p9, 428n21, 434n36 1. [054] p9, 428n21, 434n36 1 .[055] p9, 428n21, 434n36 1.056 p386 1.[057] p387 1. [064] p333n40 1. [066] p59, 144, 323 1. [067] p59, 144, 323 1. [069] p59, 144, 323 1 .[070] p59, 144, 323 1 .[071] p59, 144 1 .[074] p59 1. [076] p59, 144, 323 1.[089]+2.[033]+5.183 p14, 544n49, 589 1.017 p308-10 1.019 ρ 143 1.110 p317, 319 1.766+ ρ 148 2.002 p53, 166, 178, 284-5, 200-1, 271, 290, 352, 534, 544, 551, 553-7, 560, 564, 739 2.002.6 p99 2.002.15 ρ 130 2.002.31 ρ 130 2.002.32 ρ 130 2.002.36 ρ 130 2.002.56 ρ 140 2.002.61-2 ρ 171 2.002.66 p118n23 2.002.69-70 ρ 178 2.002.70-2 ρ 171 2. [003]+ ρ 166, 199, 203, 209, 204, 210, 211, 213, 215, 217, 218, 219, 231, 232, 234 2. [003]+ i 7 p328n28

2. [003] + i l l pl 18n82 2. [003]+ i 19 p278 2. [003]+ i 20-1 ρ 133 2.[003] + i 23 p118n82 2. [003]+ i 29 p101 2.[003]+ i 38 p99 2. [003]+ ii 2 - 3 p497n259, 262 2.[003]+ ii 7-iii 49 p570 2. [003]+ ii 16-9 p345n51 2.[003]+ ii 22-3 p273 2. [003]+ ii 22 p105 2.[003]+ ii 23-4 p560 2. [003]+ ii 37-8 p154 2. [003]+ ii 5Off. p290 2.[003]+ iii 22-5 p l 7 9 2. [003]+ iii 48 p97n13 2. [003]+ iv 1 p130 2.[003]+ iv 34-43 p568 9 2.[003]+ iv 42-3 p173n28 2. [003]+ v 14-23 p213n16 2. [003]+ v 28-vi 14 p211 2.[003]+ ν 32-3 ρ 180 2. [003]+ vi 12-4 p221 2. [004] ρ 166, 199, 211, 234-58, 499n2 2.[004] i 23-33 p567, 576 2. [004] i 25-33 ρ 179, 263η 10 2. [004] i 25-6 ρ 173 2. [004] i 26-33 ρ 179, 256, 481 η 181 2. [004] i 27-8 ρ 127 2. [004]+ i 31-2 p303 2.[004] i 31 p302 2. [004] i 3 4 - 6 p570 2.[004] i 40 p118n83 2.[004] i 41 p118n83 2. [004] i 42-7 p263n10 2.[004] i 42-3 ρ 173 2.[004] i-ii p225 2.[004] ii p248 2. [004] ii 1-9 p263n10 2. [004] ii 14-23 p263n10 2.[004] ii 30-40 ρ 183 2. [004] ii 42 ρ 100 2.[004] ν 10-] ρ 192 2. [004] ν 19-20 ρ 171 2. [004] ν 20 ρ98 2.[004] ν 29-30 p171n21 2. [004] ν 40 ρ98 2. [004] vi 24 p97 2.[004] vi 26-8 ρ 175 2. [004] vi 27 ρ 154 2. [004] vi 32-3 ρ 184 2.[004] vi 34-9 p578

2. [004] vi 34-5 ρ 172 2.[004] vi 36-7 ρ 187 2.[004] vi 41-2 pl71 2.[004] vi 43-5 ρ 177 2.[004] vi 47-8 p533 2.[004] le.e. ρ 140 2. [006] p60, 144, 323 2. [008]+ ρ 166, 193, 211, 234, 302, 499n2, 544, 546, 552 2. [008]+ i 12-8 ρ 176 2. [008]+ i 20 ρ 130 2. [008]+ i 32 p131n43 2. [008]+ i 43 p676n233 2. [008]+ ii 9 ρ 129 2. [008j + ii 16-20 ρ 176 2.[008]+ ii 23 pl 16 2.[008]+ ii 32 pl 14 2.[008]+ iii 12-4 pl 75 2.[008]+ iii 10 22 p225 2.[008]+ iii 25-6 ρ 170 2. [008]+ iv p223 2. [008]+ iv 2 - 4 p223n26 2. [008]+ iv 5 ρ 124 2. [008]+ iv 9 ρ 124 2. [008]+ iv 15 ρ 124 2. [008]+ iv 16 p94 2.[008]+ iv 21-2 p533 2.[008]+ iv 29 p118n83 2.[008]+ iv 32 pl 16 2. [008]+ iv 50-7 ρ 176-7 2. [008]+ ν 7 ρ 129

2. [008]+ ν 8 ρ 186 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2.[008]+ 2.(008]+ 2.[008]+ 2.[008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2.(008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+ 2. [008]+2.[008]+ 2.[008]+ 2. [008]+ 2.[008]+ 2. [008]+

ν 15-6 p181 ν 17 p105n28 ν 31-3 ρ 172 ν 38 p105n28 ν 40 p105n28 ν 61-2 ρ 182 ν 61 ρ97 ν 64-5 ρ 182 vi 4 ρ 180 vi 5 - 6 ρ 182 vi 8 - 9 ρ 182 vi 9 ρ 104 vi 13 p97n13 vi 18-21 ρ 179 vi 45-54 p542n39 vi 46 p539 vi 55 ρ 174 vii 30 p i l l vii 32 p i l l viii 1 - 4 ρ 178 viii 5 pl 14 viii 12-4 ρ 187

2. [008]+ le.e. ρ 140 2.[009]+ p54, 166, 193, 211, 265, 499n2, 544, 546, 552 2.[009]+ i 2 - 8 p578 2.[009]+ i 9ff. ρ 166 2. [009] + i 10 ρ 185 2. [009]+ i 18-31 p226 2.[009]+ i 33 p533 2. [009]+ i 3 9 - 4 3 ρ 175 2. [009]+ i 43-65 ρ 187-8 2. [009] + i 59-61 p110n38 2.[009]+ ii 6 - 9 ρ 186 2. [009]+ ii 16-7 ρ 182 2. [009]+ ii 19-20 ρ 182 2.[009]+ ii 21 p153 2.[009]+ ii 24 p118n84 2.[009]+ ii 30-5 p547n57 2. [009]+ iii 6-7 ρ 186 2. [009]+ ν 1 p94 2. [009]+ ν 2 ρ 130 2.[009]+ ν 11-9 ρ 17 7 2. [009]+ ν 11-6 p547n57 2. [009]+ ν 19-20 ρ 187 2. [009]+ vi 45-9 p265, 265η 16, 266 2. [009]+ vi 46 p264n13 2.[009]+ vi 49-50 p277 2. [009]+ vi 5 4 - 8 ρ 140 2.[009]+ vi 54-5 p234 2. [009]+ vi 55-7 p300n64 2. [009]+ vi 5 5 - 6 p547 2. [009]+ vi 56 p426n19 2. [009]+ vi 58 p315n17 2. [012]+ p54, 96, 145, 150, 199-200, 566 2.[012] ii 7 ρ 186 2.[012] ii 47 ρ 129 2.[Ol2] ii 54 p113n57 2.[012] ii 58-61 p177 2.[014]+ p166, 193, 211, 234, 552 2. [014]+ i 2-25 ρ 165 2.[014]+ i 22 ρ 153 2. [014]+ ii 9-11 ρ 186 2.[014]+ ii 19 p113n55 2. [014]+ ii 22 ρ 129 2.[014]+ ii 29 p113n55 2. [014]+ iii 3-8a ρ 176 2.[014]+ iii 14-7 ρ 166, 179 2. [014]+ iii 16-7 ρ 182 2.[014]+ iii 16 pi 14 2.[014]+ iii 20 p98 2. [014]+ iii 22-3 ρ 172 2. [014]+ iii 29 p329n34 2. [014]+ iii 32ff. ρ 176 2.[014]+ iii 33 p117n79

2. [014]+ iii 35 ρ 130 2.[014]+ iii 37 p99 2.[014]+ iii 40 p278 2. [014]+ iv 15 p173n28 2. [014]+ iv 35 p533n15 2.[014]+ iv 38 ρ 129 2. [014]+ iv 39-40 p173n28 2.[014]+ ν p244, 533 2.[014]+ ν 2 ρ 113 2.[014]+ ν 17 p118n84 2. [014]+ vi 10-1 p223n26 2. [014]+ vi 20 p98 2.[014]+ viii 29-35 ρ 180 2. [018] p95 2. [019] p271n10, 237, 54, 166, 193, 199, 211, 234, 259-68, 278, 283, 544, 546, 552, 739 2.[019] i p23 2.[019] i 3 - 4 p265n16 2.[019] i 5 - 6 p268 2.[019] i 11-2 p265n16 2.[019] ii 8 p260 2. [022]+ p166, 193, 211, 234 2. [022]+ i 1 p279 2. [022]+ i 14-22 p177 2. [022]+ ii 5 - 7 p229 2. [022]+ ii 15-6 ρ 187 2.]022]+ iv 21 p303 2.[022]+ iv 23 p99 2. [022]+ ν 13 ρ 105 2. [022]+ ν 18-9 ρ 182 2. [022]+ vi 6 ρ 100 2.[022]+ vi 11-25 p178-9 2. [022]+ vi 28 ρ 100 2. [024] p54, 166, 199, 237, 259-68, 271 η 10, 283, 356, 739 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [024] 2. [026] 2. [032] 2. [033] 2. [037] 2. [038]

4 - 1 0 p261 10-25 p261 17 ρ 183 18 ρ 130 21-6 ρ184 2 1 - 4 p173n28 p263 4 - 1 0 p267 5 - 7 p268 5 - 6 p265n16 10-4 ρ 186 11* p94 2-4 p359 p436nn53-6, 437n57 p589 p582 p582, 589

3.041 3.319 3.320 3.322+ 739 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.322+ 3.325+ 226, 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+ 3.325+

p598 ρ 199 p147, 426η 15, 434n35 ρ 166, 199, 211, 234-58, i 36 p113n57 i 39 p275 i 4 2 - 6 p572 i 46 p113n57 i p228n31 ii 1 - 3 p356 ii 2 - 3 p240n16 ii 3 - 4 p574 ii 12-5 p175 ii 22-5 p571 iii 1 - 3 p572-3 iii 9 p98 iii 14 p117n77 iii 28 p117n77 iii 46 p249 iii 47 ρ 133 iii 5 3 - 4 ρ 187 iii p257 iv 1 - 3 p573 iv 9-27 p578 iv 23 ρ 130 iv 28 ρ 180 iv 46-50 p171n19 iv 62 p98 vi 1e.e. ρ 140 p166, 199, 210, 211, 214, 234, 499n2 i 7 - 8 ρ 132 i 7 p187 i 9-11 p562 i 12 p181 i 15-9 p578 i 9-11 p315n17 i 2 0 - 3 p315n17, 562 i 24 p351n59 i 26 ρ 187 ii 19 p99 ii 20 p99 ii 24-34 p211 ii 26-50 p579n134 iii 8 - 9 p211 iv p229 ν 29 ρ 124 ν 48 p117n77 vi p204, 215, 216, 217,

218

3.325+ vi 3 ρ 102 3.325+ vi 4 - 5 ρ 126 3.325+ vi 10-28 p278

3.325+ 11-2 p173n28 3.325+ ν 15-21 p217 3.325+ 16-7 p l 7 4 3.325+ 2 1 - 4 ρ 183 3.325+ 25-38 p575 3.325+ 37 ρ 189 3.325+ 39-54 p575 3.325+ 53 p189 3.325+ 54-8 p211,571-2 3.325+ 56-7 p279 3.325+ 57-8 p187 3.325+ 1e.e. ρ 140 3.334 ρ 142, 145, 152, 359 3.334.4 ρ 154 3.340 ρ 166, 199, 211, 234-58 3.340 iv 22 ρ 153 3.343+ p166, 199, 205, 211, 212, 213η 16, 217, 230, 234 16-20 p249 3.343+ 16-28 p569-70 3.343+ 26-8 p560 3.343+ p227 3.343+ 3.343+ 1-23 ρ 166 3.343+ 2 - 4 p249, 267 3.343+ 2-3 p219n22 3.343+ 3 p264n13 3.343+ 4 p613 3.343+ 7-16 p480n179 3.343+ 7-12 ρ 179 3.343+ 13-5 p219n22, 249, 267 3.343+ 14 p264n13 3.343+ 15 p613 3.343+ 25-30 p569 3.343+ v-vi p210 3.343+ ν 10-3 p231 3.343+ ν 36-43 ρ176 3.343+ v-vi p210, 217 3.343+ ν 18-21 p217n21 3.346 ρ 166, 193, 211, 234, 552 3.346 iii 3 p533 3.346 iii 4 p533 3.348 p54, 166, 199, 234, 234n3, 237, 259-68, 283, 739 3.348 i 1-2 p265n16 3.348 ii 1-2 p265n16 3.348 ii 8 - 9 p265n16 3.361 p166, 193, 211, 234, 552 3.361 iii 20 p533n15 3.361 iv 10 ρ 124 3.361 iv 13 ρ 183 3.362+ p54, 145, 150, 166, 192, 199 3.362+ i 4 p574

3.362+ ii 4 - 5 p184n24, 244nn75-6, 185 3.362+ iii 27-31 ρ 132 3.362+ iii 35 p97 3.364 p166n5, 199 3.367 ρ 166, 193, 211, 234, 552 3.367 7-9 p572 3.367 13 p97 3.367 16 p i l l 3.367 20-1 p173n28 3.367 22 ρ 187 3.367 23 p97, 129 3.367 24 p97 3.367 27 p114 3.367 29 p110n39 3.367 32 p i l l 3.367 38 ρ 100 3.367 40 p94 3.367 ν 6 p173n28 3.367 ν 8 - 9 p173 3.367 ν 13-7 p187 3.367 ν 14 p98 3.367 ν 17 ρ 185 3.367 ν 22-3 p181 3.367 ν 22 p118n82 3.367 ν 25 p118n82 3.372 p60, 144, 323 3.427 ρ 142, 359, 363n7, 365n15 3.427.1 - 2 p364n12 3.427.3 p365n17 3.487 p591 4.427 p7, 14, 581, 589 4.429+5.044+5.202 p589 4.449 p381, 384, 497, 607n9, 620n54 4.458 p619n47, 620n54 4.466+5.144+5. 144A p587 4.474 ρ 145, 151, 271, 271n10, 274, 317, 322, 323 4.474.2-3 p310n7 4.474.2 p541n38 4.474.9 p153, 309n4 4.475 ρ 142, 134, 359, 362n6, 363n7, 366n23, 726 4.475.5-15 ρ 155-6 4.475.9-10 ρ 160 4.475.11-5 ρ 160 4.475.12 p154 4.475.14 p154 5.123 p52n12 5.156+ p52n12, 145

5.157 ρ 145 5.180+ ρ 199 5.180+ ii 26-7 ρ 184 5.182 p60, 144 5.194 p53, 95, 145, 150, 166, 168n10, 201-2, 352, 285, 551, 556, 557-8, 564 5.194.33-7 ρ 175 5.194.44 p99 5.194.45 p99 5.194.46-7 p270 5.194.47-50 p310n6 5.194.47 p475n137 5.196 ρ 145 5.197+.2 p454n172 5.197+. 11 p446n123 5.199 p52n12 5.199+5.213 p145 5.200 p60, 144, 323 5.218 ρ 145 5.229 ρ 145 5.248 p511n15, 429n24 5.259 ρ 145 5.262 p438n79 5.269 p438n79 5.285+ ρ 146 5.300 ρ 146 5.300.7 ρ 130 5.303 bis p52n12, 145 6.021 ρ 15, 303 6.028 ρ 15, 303 6.138 ρ 144 6.198 p382, 470nn 104-5, 688n284 689n289, 697 6.215 ρ 143 6.216 p437n72, 446n128 6.223 p504n5 6.345 p504n6 6.411 ρ 145 7.001 p353 7.025.3-4 p473n118 7.116 p589 7.160 p591 8.134 p438n78 8.145 p401, 412, 467n81, 480, 481 8.145.15 p480n177 8.183+ pI47, 425n13, 426n16 8.183+ i 16 p449n 149 8.183+ ii 8 p451n158 8.183+ ii 11 ρ 130

8.208 p426nn14-5, 435n43, 440nn84-5, 445n119, 467n84, 470n101 8.208.1 p434n35 8.259 p494n243 8.272 ρ 147, 426nn14-5, 434n35, 435n45, 440nn84-5 8.272.6 p449n 149 8.279 p432n30, 512, 514n23 8.279 bis p401 8.280 p425 8.295 p580, 589 8.315 ρ 142, 158-9, 362n6, 365n15, 699 8.315.1 p361 8.315.4 p359, 362 8.315.5-7 p363 8.315.7-9 p364n12 8.315.10 p365n16 8.333 p382, 652 9.011 p426n16, 451 9.011.4 p45 Inn 156,158 9.253 p59 9.453 p426n16 9.453.28 p94, 130 9.469 p309n5 9.479α ρ 142, 359, 362n6, 699 9.479A.2 p361 9.479A.5 p362 9.479Α.6-1 1 p363 9.479A.14 p367 9.483A p59 10.015.12 p449n149 10.035 p485n200 10.035.11-2 p454n168 10.035.13-4 p450n151 10.039 p52n11 10.043 p147, 426n15, 435nn43,45, 452n160 10.043.5 p454n 169 10.043.7 p452n 160 10.043.8 p450n151 10.043.10 p449n149 10.044.3' p518 10.044.6' p519 10.045 ρ 147, 148, 435n43 10.046 p384 10.050 p444n114 10.052 p147, 148, 425n4, 435n41, 436n46, 493n232 10.087-090 p511n15 10.090 ρ 147, 148, 429n24

10.103 p429n24, 435n45, 511n15 10.109 p511n15 11.258 p436n46 11.261 p673n225 11.270.6 p467n86 11.329 p624n71 11.389 p426n16 11.602 ρ 146, 426n13 11.602.1 p426n12 11.656 ρ 146, 426n16 11.714 ρ 147, 148 11.715+ ρ 147, 148, 426n16, 429n24, 435n43, 511 η 15 11.715+ ii 6-10 p433n32 11.715+ vi 22-37 p434n35 11.716 p147, 148, 425n4, 435n42, 440n84-5, 485n196, 493n232, 494n234 11.716.23 p454n170 11.716.60ff. ρ 147 11.716.67 p452n160 11.716.72 p434n35 11.716.74 p454n169 11.721 p147, 148, 426n13, 485n194 11.722+ ρ 124, 141, 147, 148, 488n216, 504n5 11.722+.32 ρ 130 11.722+.38 ρ 132 11.723 p384, 670n21 11.723.2 p522 11.724+ p425n5 11.730 p382, 447n140, 669 11.732 p30n11, 124, 634n94 1 1.732[B] p419, 447n140 11.735+ p431n27 1 1.772+ p30nn11-2, 419, 420, 447n140 11.772+.30 p131 1 1.776+ ρ 147, 425n5 1 1.776+.1 1 p454n168 11.778 p431n29, 476n140, 478n157, 162 11.779 ρ 130, 432n30, 514n23 11.779.2-3 ρ 130 11.786 p433, 433n34 11.788 p433n34 11.789 p426n13 11.789.3 p454n 168 11.790.1 Γ p522 11.790.12' p519 11.790.19' p522

11.790.25' p520 11.790.29' p519 11.790.32' p519 11.794 p387 11.795 ρ 142 11.795.2-3 p446n 124 11.795.7-8 p448n143 11.796 p425n7, 426n10, 435n44 11.797 p147, 148, 426n16 11.797.14 p438n74 11.799 p426n16, 432n30, 435n43 11.800.9' p521 11.800.12' p523 11.800.22 p522 11.800.23 p523 11.800.29' p523 11.800.32' p522 11.830 p425n5 11.830.8 p521 11.830.9 p521 11.830.10 p518, 521 11.830.11 p518 1 1.832 p424n3 11.834 p387 11.836+ p147, 148, 425n5 11.839 p435n43 11.840 p425n7, 426n13, 433n34, 459n27 11.840.3 p460n28 11.840.6 p460n32 11.841 p425nn4,7 11.841.12' p523 11.841.13' p517 11.841.15' p521 11.841.24' p521 11.841 [A] p425n5, 434n37 11.844 p426n16, 485n200 11.844.6 p450n151 11.844.7 p451n156 11.844.9 p452n160 11.845 ρ 136-7, 147, 426nn 13,15, 429n24, 435nn42-3,45, 436n47, 452n161 11.845.9 p434n35 11.845.15 p452n163 11.845.16 p450n154 11.845.18 p454nn 169-70 11.845.19 p452n160 11.848 p673n225 11.850 p147, 148 11.850.5 p523 11.853 p38n73, 58, 621

11.856 p400, 401, 418n35 11.857 p147, 148, 429n24, 459, 677 11.857.16 p434n40 11.857.25 ρ 129, 450n153 11.858 ρ 147, 429n24, 430n26, 435nn42-3,45, 452n161, 485n195 11.858.5 p510n13 11.858.36 p454n170 11.858.45 p425n7 11.858.57 p452n163 11.869 p673n225 11.872 ρ 142, 359, 362n6, 363n7, 365n15, 470n106, 700 11.872.2 p361 11.872.4 p362 11.872.5-6 p362 11.872.7-8 p364n12 11.872.9 p365n17 11.872.14-5 p700 11. [902] p429n24 11.[913] p446n 121 1-11.[115] p673n225 1-11.[116] p624n71 12.001 p426n13 12.002 p452n161 12.003+ p425n5 12.005 p387, 658n168 12.006 p425n7, 426n8 12.006.1-2 p430n26 12.018 p425n5 12.027 p426n16, 436n47 12.033 p387, 445n 118, 469n 100, 694n300, 697, 698, 700 12.034+ p429n24, 465n62,64 12.048.20 p433n34 12.060 p437n58 12.061 p 5 2 n U , 146, 164, 322, 356, 574 12.068 p82 13.006 p52n11 13.007B p383, 384, 708 13.009.1 p452n163 13.012 ρ 146, 425n7, 426n13 13.014 p446n124, 452n161 13.014.17 p437n72 13.014.20 p131 13.014.21 p448n144 13.014.22-3 p446n 125 13.014[ta] p426n15, 435n43 13.014[te].2 p452n 160 13.020 p452n 161, 485n197

14.001 p425n7, 426n15-6, 426n13, 431n27, 435n42, 437n72, 485n193 14.001.8-9 p486n205 14.001.8 p450n154 14.001.9 p452n163 14.002.1 p449 14.015 p58, 59 14.016.6 p480n177 14.018 p58, 59 14.023 p440n84 14.084 p426nn13,15, 429n24, 435n43, 436nn46-7, 440n84 14.084.6 p434n35 14.084.8 p454n170 14.084.10 p452n160 14.084.16 p450n154 14.084.18 p451n158 14.084.27 ρ 129, 4 5 I n 155 14.084.28 p454n168 14.084.30 p492n230 14.129.2 p448n144 14.176 p426nn 10,14,16, 436n46, 452n161 14.176.5 p452n163 14.191 [A] p360 14.202 p639n 109 15.Y p466, 494n238 15.001 p426n13, 431n27, 513n18 15.003 p426n14 15.004.4 p147, 148 15.004.5 p434n39 15.005.3 p451n156 15.006 p426n16, 433n34,

513n18 15.006.2 p453n167 15.007 ρ 142, 359 15.007.7 ρ 154 15.007.8 p153 15.008 ρ 142, 156, 359, 362n6, 363n7, 366, 463n54 15.008.2 p361 15.008.3 p495n247 15.008.4-6 p101n23, 364 15.008.10 ρ 160 15.008.19 p367 15.009 p426n16 15.009A.6 p521 15.009B i 12 p491n225 15.009B. 1 p451 15.010 p58, 59 15.011 p385, 466n78, 673 15.013 p147 15.014 p385, 686

15.015+ ρ 147, 148, 429n24, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 15.015+.1 ρ 130 15.015+.4 p433n32 15.015+.10 ρ 130 15.016.2 ρ 129 15.017 p425n7, 426n15 15.018 p387, 664n193 15.019 p384, 666n199 15.020 p425n5 15.020.3' p523 15.022+ ρ 149, 425n7, 426nn13,18, 485n199 15.022+ iii 16 p426n22 15.022+ iii 19 p453n 167 15.022+ iii 20 p450n 151 15.023 p425n7 15.024+ p643n119, 382, 666 15.030+ p20, 58, 59, 580 15.031 p426n11, 469nn97.100 15.032 p426nn14,18 15.033 p383, 444n 110, 453n 164, 474n129 15.034 ρ 147, 429n23, 437, 450n151, 496n250 15.034.8-9 p127 15.034.9 p473n119, 428n20, 486n201 15.035.5 ρ 130 15.035.7 p437n57 15.036.5 p452n160 15.037 p30n14, 401 15.038.19 p436n56 15.039 p329, 426n14, 429n24, 459n20 15.039.4 p458n10 15.039.6 p459n25 15.039.14-6 ρ 145, 300 15.039.14-5 p470n102 15.040 p446n124, 453n167 15.041 p399 15.042+ i 1 ρ 139 15.043 p447n142 15.044 ρ 147, 148 15.044 ii 1 p452n 160 15.045 p429n24, 437n57 15.045.5 p436n56 15.046 p426nn 13-4, 431n27, 511 15.051 p426n16, 459n21 15.053 p147n148 15.053.5 p436n56 15.053.6 p494n241 15.062 p448n143, 452n161

15.062.3 p446n 124 15.062.6 p446n 129 15.062.7 p448n 144 15.062.14-5 p447n142 15.062.17-8 p446n132 15.063 p385, 440n84, 447n142 15.065.6 p474n127 15.065.12 p473n121 15.067+ p429n24 15.072 p52n11 15.072.4 p127 15.073 p429n24, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 15.073.3 p433n32 15.073.8 p433n32 15.073.15ff. ρ 149 15.075 ρ 149 15.075.3 p430n26 15.076 p147, 148 15.077 p382, 654, 685 15.078 p147, 148, 437nn59-60 15.078.2 p436n56 15.079 p437n70, 496n250, 253 15.079.1-7 p147, 148 15.079.1-2 p450 15.079.1 p496n251 15.081 p30n14, 199 15.082 ρ 145, 329 15.082.5-9 ρ 160-1 15.082.11 p446n 131 15.083 p496n250, 497n261 15.084 p429n24 15.085 p469n90 15.085.18 p518 15.086 p626 15.086.15-6 ρ 138 15.088 p397 15.089 p469nn96,99, 470n101, 507 15.090 p398, 472n110 15.091 p637 15.092 p398, 475n135, 476n142, 479nn163,167, 480n175, 482n185 15.092.25 ρ 138 15.093 ρ 146 15.094 ρ 149, 429n24, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 15.094.5 p433n32, 434n38 15.096 p425nn7,10, 426nn10,13-4, 429n24, 431n27 15.097 p438n79 15.098 ρ 142, 156, 360 15.098.6 p154 15.098.15 ρ 154 15.101 p426n16

15.103 ρ 148, 429n24, 433n32, 434n38, 435n43, 440n84 15.103.14 ρ 104 15.105 ρ 147, 148, 496n250 15.105.3 p496n251 15.106 p426n16, 451n158 15.106.2 ρ 104 15.107 ρ 142, 360 15.108 p387 15.109+ p471n107, 513n18 15.109+.54-5 p462n42 15.111 ρ 161, 413, 414 15.111.12 p99 15.111.13 p99 15.113 p30n15, 692 15.114 p30nn15,18, 398 15.115 ρ 145, 329, 447n141, 452n161 15.115.8 p446n 131 15.115.17 ρ 130 15.115.35 p436n56 15.115.56 p452n163 15.115.63 p437n66 15.116 ρ 147, 426n13, 429n24, 430n26, 449n149, 452n161 15.116 ii 10 ρ 129 15.116 ii 12 p450n151 15.116 ii 22 p454n169 15.116 ii 27 p451n158 15.116 iii 16 p452n160 15.117 p30n18, 33n35, 413, 415 15.119 p398, 472n110 15.120 p161, 398, 467n81, 480n179 15.122.18 p518 15.123+ p398, 429n24 15.123+.5 p137 15.124 p387 15.125 ρ 142, 145, 161, 413, 415, 692 15.125.12 p99 15.126 p398 15.128 p30n14, 416 15.128.8 p99 15.130 p52n11, 143, 318, 319, 339-44 15.131 p30nn15,18 15.132.7 p520 15.134 p52n11, 145, 150, 166, 271, 276, 278-9, 322 15.134.6 ρ 105 15.134.20 p270 15.134.32 p264n13 15.135 p436n53

15.135.13 p436n55 15.136 p397 15.137 p435n42, 466n75, 473n122, 474n128 15.138+ p471n107 15.138+.23 p522 15.139 p37n68 15.145 p397 15.145.8 ρ 138 15.145.12 ρ 138 15.147 p398, 471n107 15.152.7 p487n209 15.155 p429n24, 513n18 15.156 p450n154 15.157+ p427n16, 485n197 15.157+.1 p452n163 15.158 p142, 360, 686n273 15.163+ p471n107 15.169+ p427n16, 435n45, 453n167 15.171A.4 p436n56 15.172 p452n161, 454n168 15.172.9 p491n227 15.172A.7 p452n162 15.172A. 10 p451 15.173 p30n14 15.174 p360, 363n7, 362n6, 365n15, 469n97, 470n101, 699 15.174.3 p362 15.174.5-6 p364n12 15.174.7 p365n17 15.174.10 p99 15.176 p437n58 15.178 p387 15.179 p425n5 15.180 p30n14 15.182 p30n14, 400, 401 15.183 p425n5 15.184 p436n46, 437n71 15.184.5 p131 15.189 p425n7 15.191 [α] ρ 142 15.192Α p438n79 15.192[D] p426n16 15.201 p673n225 15.202+ p625 15.226 p438n79 15.239 p625 15.250.17 p428n22 15.341 p282 15.354 p426n16 16.002 16.003

p496n258 p383, 462n45, 652

16.004 p437nn57.60 2 16.005 p437nn61,63 16.005.1 p437n64 16.005.4 p446n 131 16.005.5 p437n65 16.005.6 p447n142 16.006 p435n43 16.006.5 p452n 160 16.006.7 p454n 170 16.008.12 ρ 154 16.017.24 p329 16.042 p363n8 16.078+ ρ 143, 157, 360, 623n67, 631n87, 713 16.078+. 15-24 ρ 157-8 16.078+. 17ff. ρ 160 16.078+.17 pl 54 16.107 p435n43 16.111 p382, 470n105, 643n118, 666 16.112 p385 16.114.5 p447n140 16.116 p382 16.117+ p713, 713n365 16.126B+ p429n24, 433, 434n35, 435nn42-3, 440n84 16. 126B+ Β i:37-8 p514n21 16.127 p147, 425nn7,11, 426nn 11,13-4, 429n24 16.127.24 ρ 145, 154 16.127.30 p487n207 16.128 p147, 148, 433n34, 440n84 16.129 p401, 481 η 183 16.130 p147, 426n16 16.132 p465n68 16.132.26 p474n126 16.135 p398 16.135.4 p521 16.136 p429n24, 460n34, 673n227 16.136.5 p510n13 16.137 p398, 430n26 16.137(to']+ ρ 142, 360, 362n6, 365n15 16.137[bis]+.2 p361 16.137[Āw]+.4 p362 16.137 [bis]+.5-7 p363 16.137[Âiî]+.8 p365n17 16.138 p469n100 16.141 p475n135, 476nn139,141, 477n147 16.142 p397, 453n164, 485n198 16.143 p476n146, 477n149

16.144 p478n158, 637, 637n102 16.145 p612 16.146+ ρ 161, 469n95, 475n136 16.147 p464n59 16.147.13 p137 16.150 p397 16.150.16 ρ 139 16.151 p469n 100 16.153 p398 16.153.10-1 p137 16.153.11 ρ 138 16.155 p431n27 16.156 p398 16.156.20 p474n126 16.157 p428n22, 472n109, 473n120 16.157.22 p496n248 16.158 p398, 475n135, 477n149 16.160 p637 16.162 p471n107 16.165 p426nn14-5, 429n24 16.165.2 p303 16.165.9 p458n10 16.167 p398 16.168 p475n133 16.170 p408, 640 16.170.4' p520 16.170.10' p519 16.174 p398 16.176 p426nn15-6, 440n84 16.179 p147, 148 16.179.1-3 p329 16.179.2-3 ρ 145 16.179.12 p469n100, 470n102 16.180 p446n129, 656n159 16.181 p446n124 16.186.13' p428n22, 434n35 16.191+ p141, 161, 413, 415, 459n27, 466n78, 669, 693 16.193 p430n26 16.193.3 p496n249 16.193.8-11 p451n158 16.194 p426n18 16.195 p436n46 16.196 ρ 142, 360 16.197 p679 16.198 [A]+.16 ρ 130 16.198B p692 16.200 p398, 479n163, 168-9, 171, 174, 480n175 16.204 p469n 100 16.206 p444n107, 471n107 16.238+ p398, 471n107, 676n233

16.239 p428n22, 429n24, 465n71, 472n109, 473n120, 512 16.239.17 p465n70 16.239.31-3 p465n64 16.239.31 p496n248 16.244 p398 16.244.7 p137, 519 16.245 p482n186 16.246 p398 16.247.6 p521 16.246.7 ρ 154 16.249 p429n24, 461n37, 477n154, 495n246, 611n27 16.249.5 ρ 138 16.250 p467n84, 472n109, 477n148 16.250.4-5 p510n13 16.251 p471n107 16.254c p398 16.254D p472n109 16.257+ p450 16.257+ iv 21 p131 16.263.5 ρ 139 16.264 ρ 142, 360, 362n6 16.264.4-5 p94 16.264.6 p303 16.265 p99, 360 16.265.2-6 p364 16.266 p52n11, 54, 145, 150, 166n5, 271, 278, 739 16.266.11 ρ 154 16.267 p398, 467n84, 481 η 181 16.269 p461nn37-8 16.270 p408, 679, 679n244 16.273 p458n16 16.275 p398-9 16.276 p469n90 16.277 p469n99, 626 16.278 p637 16.284 p398 16.287 p399, 417 16.290 p431n27 16.295 p479n163, 167, 172 16.328 p444n107 16.340 p624n71 16.341 ρ 147, 148, 426nn14,16, 429n24, 673n226 16.341.3 p457n7 16.341.4-5 p469n100, 470n102 16.341.15 ρ 154 16.344 p398, 479nn164,167, 480n175, 637 16.348 p398, 435n43, 466n73

16.353 p458nnl5,l 7 16.354 p399, 417 16.355 ρ 147, 148, 425n5 16.356 p398, 472n110 16.359 p447n142 16.364 p462n46 16.369 ρ 148 16.378Α Ρ 142, 360 16.378B p360 16.378c p360 16.379 ρ 156, 360, 362n6, 363nn7-8, 365n15, 366n23, 470n106, 700 16.379.1 p361 16.379.3 p362 16.379.4-5 p362 16.379.6-7 p364n12 16.379.8 p365n17 16.379.22 p99 16.382 ρ 161, 413, 414, 415-6, 445n119 16.386 p473n 117 16.393A p612n28 16.394 p142, 143, 360 16.394.16ff. ρ 160 16.394.21 ρ 154 16.395 p425nn7,11, 426nn11,13-4, 431n27 16.395.2 p450n151 16.396 p425n8, 426n8, 429n24, 430n26 16.396.9 p469n 100 16.396.16 p465nn62-3 16.397 p435n45 16.398.2-3 p469n100 16.398.3 p470n102 16.399.22 p132 16.399.29 p448n 143 16.401 p360 16.401.7 ρ 154 16.401.10 ρ 154 16.402 ρ 143, 158, 362n6, 363n7, 360, 366n23, 495, 655n153, 713, 724, 724nn408-9 16.402.1 ρ 153, 361 16.402.2 p362 16.402.3-4 p363 16.402.4ff. ρ 156 16.402.15-6 ρ 160 16.402.23 p99 16.402.27 ρ 160 16.402.28 ρ 154 16.402.30-1 ρ 160 16.402 [Β] p141

16.639 p147 16.665.5 p520 16.739 ρ 142 17.001 p434n35 17.007+ p417 17.018 p684n263, 686 17.021 p401, 479nn 163,170,173 17.022+ p401 17.022+.9 p139 17.023 p426n16, 451 17.023.1 p451n156 17.028 p445n119, 654n145 17.031 p425n7, 426n13 17.033 p479n173 17.035+ p405, 461n37, 642, 678, 679 17.036 p480n 179 17.036.4-5 p480n 177 17.037 p431n27, 478n157 17.038 p401, 480n179 17.038.6' p480n177 17.042 p443n105, 651, 660n173, 661 17.049 p426n14, 440n84 17.050.4 p454n169 17.050.11 p450n153 17.052 p426n18 17.053 p613 17.058 p624, 624n71 17.059 p407, 444, 683 17.061 p401 17.062+ p405 17.062+.6' p521 17.062+.8' p520 17.062+.10' p521 17.062+. 11' p523 17.062+.12' p520, 521 17.062+.13' p519, 521 17.062+. 14' p522 17.062+. 17' p522 17.062+. 18' p522 17.062+.19' p519 17.062+.20' p518 17.062+.23' p523 17.062+.66 p526n30 17.063 p33n35, 360, 363n9 17.063.1 p362 17.063.3 p361 17.063.7-8 p438n75 17.064 p431n28, 435nn42-3 17.066 p474n129 17.067 p445n119, 466n78 17.072 p438n79, 703

7.074 ρ 146, 452η 161 7.077 p481n183 7.078 p383, 444nn109-10, 685, 685n272 7.079+ p404, 462n50 7.082.9 p518 7.083 p385, 665, 698 7.086+ p400, 469n97, 697 7.088 p479nn 163,170 7.097 p426n16 7.099.5 p461n39, 462n44 7.100.3 p704 7. 100[A]+ p52n11, 144 7. 100[A] + .40 p457n7 7.102 p400, 469n97 7.103 p425n5 7.106 p147, 148, 425n11, 426nn 11,13-4,16 7.106.4 p487n207 7.106.8 p452n163 7.106.26 p487n207 7.108 p445n119, 684n264 7.109, 62 p420-2, 650n132 7.111.7 p437n68 7.111.10 ρ 129 7.111.11 p437n61 7.112 p688, 688n282 7.115 p425n7, 426n11 7.115.8 p437n57 7.116 p382 7.116.6 p437n67 7.117 p373n36, 360 7.117.2 p364 7.117.16 p436n56 7.118 p426n16, 451 η 158 7.118.7 ρ 154 7.120 p50, 146 7.123 p410, 411 7.125 p426n10 7.128 p407 7.130 p383, 404, 441n90, 458n11, 466n80, 638n107, 660n174 7.131 p429n24, 434n35, 435nn42-3,45, 436nn46,48-51 7.131.3 p440n84 7.131.11 p449n 149 7.131.13 p450n151 7.131.14 p453n164 7.131.23 p452n162, 487n209 7.131.24 p454, 492n230 7.131.25 p492n230 7.131.26-7 p474n131 7.132 p383, 404, 406, 462n50, 633 7.132.7-9 p632

17.133 p383, 404, 661 17.133.23 p451 17.135+ p444n110, 474n129 17.136 p431n27 17.138 p581 17.139 p360, 362n6, 363n7, 365n15, 469n100, 470n106 17.139.2 p361 17.139.3-4 p364n12 17.139.5 p470n104 17.139.13 ρ 154 17.139.32-3 p160 17.140 p426n10 17.141.1 ρ 130 17.142 p387 17.143 p385, 665 17.143.13 p518 17.144 p383, 445n118, 446n130, 447n141, 654, 656 17.144.40 p447, 447n142 17.145 p407, 652 17.146 p407, 406, 440n86, 651 17.146.6-7 p472n113 17.147 p693 17.148 p387, 444n109, 445n118, 446n129, 447n141, 654n146, 656 17.149 p481n184 17.150+ p447n137, 140, 142 17.150+.8-32 p448n 143 17.152 p382, 445n 118, 666n201 17.155 τΤ ρ 136 17.156 p329 17.158 p407, 443n105, 651, 660n173, 661 17.159 p405, 468n89, 477nn149,151-2, 678 17.210 p57 17.226 p477n155, 702, 706 17.227 ρ 124, 405, 419, 447n140, 634n94, 635 17.227.25-6 p698 17.228 p37n64, 409, 410 17.229 p441n89, 651 17.230 p406, 407, 441n89, 458n14, 651 17.231 p445n119, 466n78, 470n101, 657 17.232 p444n110, 474n129 17.234 p407, 461n35 17.235+ p405 17.236.6 ρ 154 17.236.13-4 p329 17.237 ρ 156, 635

17.237.3-16 p640 17.238 p405, 424, 455n2, 462n45, 463n53, 486, 652n138, 682 17.239 p386, 445n118, 446n130 17.240 ρ 136-7, 429n24, 434n35, 435n43, 436n47, 485n194 17.240.10 p436n52 17.240.11 p454n168, 491n225 17.240.15 p451n157 17.244 p37n63 17.244.5-8 p657n167 17.246 p430n26 17.246.5 p434n35 17.247 p383, 445n118, 684 17.248 p30n14, 653n141 17.251 p408, 412, 445n119, 654, 657 17.285.5-6 p329 17.286 p382, 462n49, 642 17.288 p385, 444n109 17.289 p383, 686, 716n379 17.290 p426n16 17.292 p383, 685 17.293 p435n41 17.293.2-5 p474n127 17.297 ρ 147, 148 17.312 p431n29, 478n157 17.314 p37n63, 407, 469n98, 685 17.315 p387, 644n123, 667n202 17.316 p441n92, 458n12, 660n173, 661, 685 17.318+ p409, 410 17.318B p438n79 17.319 p441n92, 660n173 17.319.22 p653n141 17.319.32 p653n141 17.322.2' p706 17.325 p400. 697, 469n97, 470n101, 697n309 17.326 p425n7 17.327 ρ 142, 360 17.334 p38n70, 406, 462n50, 634n95, 636, 636n99 17.334.20-3 p634 17.335+ p640 17.335+. 19 p520 17.335+.57-63 p662 17.337 p657n166 17.338 p468n88 17.340 p405, 462n50, 634n94 17.340.Iff. p634, 635 17.340 6' p520 17.340.7' p519

17.340 r7' p520 17.340 p462n50 17.341 p455n2, 462nn46,50, 466n78, 606, 663n185, 669 17.341.14' p519 17.344 p640 17.345 p147, 148 17.346 p407, 444, 446n130, 645, 646nn127-8 17.346.10-1 p646 17.346.14-21 p651n134 17.348 p468n89 17.349B+ p638n105 17.350B p692 17.352 p407, 461n37, 642, 676n235, 678 17.354 p445n118 17.355 p477nn149,155, 702 17.355.6-8 p703 17.356.6 p446n127 17.360+ p641n113 1 7.360A+ p409, 410 17.361 p432 17.361A p467n87, 682n255 17.361 Β p438n79 17.362 p461n37, 642 17.364 p685n271 17.364.3 ρ 130 17.365+ p405 17.366.13' p519 17.366.15' p523, 526n30 17.367 p461n37, 468n89, 642 17.368 p640, 662, 685nn271-2 17.368.3' p523 17.369 p405, 634n94 17.369A p462n50, 467n87 1 7.369B+069 p651n135 1 7.370[B] p424n3 17.371+ p407, 408, 444n110 17.378A p467n81 17.380+ p405, 420 17.382 ρ 124, 640 17.382.16 p519 17.383 p30n18, 377, 384, 386, 445n118, 488n215, 655 17.384 p425n7, 426n13 17.385 p383, 445n118, 684 17.386 p147, 148, 425n5 17.387A p401 17.388 p30n14 17.390 p387, 452n161 17.391 p387 17.392 p426n16, 451n158 17.392.2 p451n156

17.393 p387, 665 17.394+ p387, 606, 664n192 17.396 p407, 477n153 17.397[A] p426n15 17.398 p387 17.399 p425n7 17.403 p640n111, 654n147,

662n180 17.406 p645, 646, 646nn 127-8 17.418 p598 17.422 p384, 386, 445n118, 488n215, 655 17.423 p380, 383, 654, 684, 686n274 17.424 p444n 111 17.424.2 p519 17.424C+ p381, 459n23, 474n130, 653n141, 672n217 17.425 p385 17.426 p30n14 17.428 p387, 475n133 17.429 p383, 477n155, 703 17.432.5' ρ 138 17.434 ρ 143 17.434.14 ρ 154 17.434.36-7 p679n243 1 7.434BA Ρ 143 17.435+ p51n8, 143, 159, 360, 365n15, 367, 460, 488, 488n215, 674, 693n298, 700 17.435.2 p365n17 17.435+.5-13 ρ 156-7 17.435+.6 ρ 154 17.435+.16ff. ρ 158 17.438 ρ 143 17.438.10 p155 17.443 p462n48 17.444 p425n7, 426n13 17.449 p469n98 17.451 p387 17.452 p387 17.455 p386 17.456 p387 17.457 p640 17.461 p441n91, 660n174 17.465 p474n130 17.[468] p416 17.469 p444n 111 17. [473] [B].5 p437n66 17. [476] p624n71 17.[477] p637n104 18.001 18.002

p410, 663 p408, 411, 445n119, 692

18.003 p384, 441n91, 660n174 18.005 p426n16, 459n27 18.007A p426n16, 429n24, 465n61 18.008 ρ 154 18.008.1 p147, 148 18.010+ p426n13, 435n43, 452n161, 485n199 18.010+14-7 p452n163 18.010+. 18 p450n154 18.019 p406, 407, 441n88, 651 18.020+ p458n12, 659n171, 661, 692 18.021 p467n81, 692 18.022 p430n26 18.023 ρ 146 18.024 p437n64, 446n132 18.024.4-5 p447n137 18.024.11 ρ 129, 450n153 18.024.20 p447n136 18.024.21 p446n127 18.024.22 p446n128 18.024.25 p447n 142 18.025 ρ 146, 442, 459n24, 660, 669n209 18.025.1-3 p147 18.025.10 p454n168 18.026 p452n161, 478n157 18.026.2-4 p454n168 18.026.10 p478n158 18.026.16 p450n151 18.027 ρ 148, 430n26 18.028 p446n132, 447n136 18.028.20-1 p446n 124 18.028[A] p434n39 18.029 p459n21 18.030 ρ 149, 430n26 18.031 p51n8, 143, 155, 156, 360, 363n7, 365n15, 368, 442n98, 460, 672n222, 716 18.031.2 p362 18.031.3 p362 18.031.4-5 p364n12 18.031.6 p365n16 18.031.12 p98 18.031.15 ρ 154 18.031.23 ρ 154 18.031.26 p99 18.033 p425n7, 426n11 18.035+ ρ 146 18.036 ρ 147, 148 18.038 p51n8, 32, 143, 360, 362n6, 707, 717 18.038.5-16 p157

18.038.11 6 ρ 159 18.038.15-6 ρ 160 18.038.21 ρ 155 18.038.35 ρ 154 18.040 ρ 142, 156, 360, 362n6, 442n98, 605n5, 671 18.040.1 p361 18.040.4 p362 18.040.5-8 p363 18.041 p52n11, 146, 163, 271n10, 286 18.042 p443, 459nn20,27, 677 18.042.2 p460n33 18.042.4 p673n226 18.042.9 p460n28 18.045 p426nn13-4,16, 441n88,

513n18 18.046 p430n26 18.046.24 p300 18.047 p430n26 18.047.24 p434n35, 474n132 18.048 p425n7, 426nn10,13 18.048.9 ρ 124, 487n208 18.050 p431n29, 478n157 18.051 p434n39, 469n90 18.052.1-2 ρ 148 18.052.1-2 p147 18.054 p670n243 18.054A p382, 385 18.055 p437n57 18.055.1 p437n64 18.055.2 ρ 129, 494n242 18.055.3 p U 1 n 7 , 436n5, 617, 436n56 18.055.5 ρ 129 18.056 p 5 2 n U , 143, 273, 298n51, 302, 318, 319, 326-7, 330 18.056.17 p541n38 18.056.22 p454n 172 18.056.42 p303 18.056.56-7 ρ 164 18.056.58-61 p329 18.057 p387, 445n118 18.057.3 p447n142 18.066 p437n68 18.070 p653n141 18.073 p424n3, 425n7 18.074 ρ 130, 432n30 18.075 p363n7, 643n119, 721n396 18.075.1-2 p364n12 18.075A p360 18.075.19 ρ 160 18.076 p426nn 10,16,18, 513n18 18.076.18 p454n 168

18.078 p440n84 18.079 p426n16 18.079.10 p436n53 18.079.35 p452n160 18.079.45 p454n 170 18.080A p432n30 18.082 p426nn13,16, 431n27,

513n18 18.084 p430n26 18.085 p449n149 18.086 p426n14 18.087 p426nn13-4,16, 431n27 18.089 p387 18.098 ρ 147, 148, 426nn16,18, 429n24 18.099 p425n7 18.101 A p432n30 18.106+ p425n7, 426n13, 485n200 18.107 ρ 146 18.107 p52n11, 447nn141-2 18.110.3 p437n72 18.110.10 p448n 144 18.111 p417, 425n7 18.112 p426n14, 429n24, 435n45 18.113 ρ 146 18.1 13α ρ 143, 158, 360, 362n6, 443, 459n18 18.1 13A.1 p361 18.1 13A.3 p362, 473n124, 495n247 18.113A.4-5 p363 18.U3a.6 ρ 155 18.I13A.10 ρ 155 18.113A.11 ρ 154 18.1 13a.19 ρ 154 18.1 13a.23 ρ 154 18.1 13a.25 ρ 154 18.1 13A.26 ρ 155 18.1 13Α, [B] p623n67, 631n87, 677 18.1 13[B] p360 18.114 p654n145, 676n235 18.115 p407, 651 18.116 p426n13, 431n27 18.117 p430n26 18.118 ρ 146, 416, 429n24, 460 18.119 p676 18.119.1 p459n19 18.119.8 ρ 130 18.129 p431n27 18.130 ρ 127, 435n42

18.130.4 ρ 129, 450 18.130.15 p723n405 18.134 p360, 362n6, 363n7, 669n209 18.134.2 p362 18.134.4-5 p364n12 18.135.20 p451n156 18.136 p425n7, 426n11 18.138 p430n26 18.139 p425n7, 426n11 18.140 p143, 158, 360 18.140.7 p98 18.140.11-2 p363 18.140.19 ρ 154 18.140.23 ρ 154 18.140.25 p99, 154 18.142 p437n64 18.142.3 p448n143 18.142.5 p446n127 18.142.7-8 p446n121 18.142.9 p446n 124 18.142.10-1 p437n73 18.143[c] p425n7 18.146 bis p425n7 18.147 p360, 362n6, 363n7, 365n15, 677, 718 18.147.4-5 p364n12 18.147.6 p365n16 18.147.13 p99 18.148 p360, 366n26, 718n305, 719 18.148.2 p361 18.148.16 ρ 154 18.148.21 p718n387 18.232 p58 18.250.30 p645 18.250BA p435n43 18.251 ρ 142, 147, 485n197 18.251 iii 9 p454n 170 18.251 [A] ii 1 - 5 p434n35 18.251 [B] p435n42 18.251[c] p424n3 18.252 p426n15, 429n24, 430n26, 435n43, 485n195 18.252.1 p465n63 18.252.6 p434n35 18.258 p431n29, 478n157 18.268 p387 18.273 p684n263 18.279 p424n3 18.281 p387 18.283 p32n28 18.285 p440n83 18.285[Α] ρ 142, 360

18.285 [a] .5 ρ 154 18.286+ p360, 362n6 18.286[AB] Ρ 142 18.287 ρ 142, 360 18.287.12 ρ 154 18.287.16 ρ 154 18.289 p431n29 18.291 p432n30 18.293 ρ 147, 148, 426n16 18.295 p430n26 18.296 p425n7, 430n26 18.297 p430n26 18.299 ρ 149 18.301 [β] p440n84 18. [303] p431n29 18. [306] ρ 147, 148 18. [312] ρ 142, 360 18. [312],2-3 p363 18. [317] p426nn13,16, 431n27 18. [325]+ p437n70 18. [363] p426n16 18. [364] ρ 142, 360, 363n7 18. [380] ρ 142, 360 18. [381] p426nn15-6, 429n24 18. [386] ρ 142, 360 18.[387] ρ 142, 360 18. [389] p426n13 18. [391] p426n13, 431n27 18. [394] p426n14 18. [400] ρ 142, 360, 365n15 18.[400]. 1 p361 18. [400] .4 p365n16 18. [402] p437n70 18. [436] p431n29 18. [443] ρ 142, 360 18.[445].1 p437n67 18. [448] p429n24 18. [471] p426n16 18. [479] p425n5 18. [482] ρ 142, 360 18. [489] p429n24, 465nn61,69 18. [500] ρ 142, 360, 440n83, 472n112 18. [508] p52n11 18. [522] p497n261 18. [528] ρ 142, 360 18. [549] p426n16 18. [551] p437n70 19.006 19.007 19.011

p382, 629n83 p446n 124, 447n137 p156, 360, 362n6, 726

19.011.2 p361 19.011.5-7 ρ 154 19.011.5 ρ 154 19.013 p52n11, 144, 319, 322, 330 19.013.20-2 p331 19.014 p426n 13 19.015 p52n11, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 295, 326-7, 331, 337-8, 739 19.015.1-2 p147, 148 19.015.2 p341n48 19.015.3 p332 19.015.6 ρ 144 19.015.8 p336 19.015.10-1 p336 19.015.10 p332 19.015.14-5 p320 19.015.29 ρ 128 19.016 p137, 147, 425n5, 426nn13-5,18, 435n42, 450n151, 453, 473n123, 485n193 19.016.7 p436n46 19.016.9 p452n160 19.016.10-1 p474n127 19.016.11 p435n41 19.016.12' p428n22 19.016.16 p453n 167 19.016.18 p449n 149 19.016.23 p452n160 19.016.25 p451n159, 453n166 19.016.32 p454n 169 19.016.35-9 p453n165 19.016.63 p436n46 19.017 p36n62, 147, 148, 425, 426n15 19.018 p425n5 19.020 p442n99, 459n24, 472n113 19.020.3 p447n142 19.022 ρ 142, 360 19.023 p485n192 19.024 p447nn140-1, 448n143 19.024.9 p448n 144 19.025 p425n9 19.026 p425n5 19.026.8 9 p449n 149 19.027 p425n5, 444n115 19.028 p459n24, 669n208 19.028.1 ρ 138 19.029 ρ 142, 360, 362n6, 363n7, 442 19.029.1 p361 19.029.5-6 p364n12

19.030 p446n 130 19.032 p432n31 19.032.1 ρ 137 19.035Α p425n4, 429n24, 434n37, 435n43, 485n196, 493n232, 494n236, 496n258 19.035Α. 1 p449n149 19.035A.3 p435n42 19.035A.8 p453n 164 19.035A.29 p454n169 19.035b+e.3' ρ 138 19.035b+e.4' ρ 138 19.036.5 p448n144, 496n258 19.039+ ρ 145, 150, 166n5, 551 19.042 p459n27, 670n244 19.042.4 p442n99 19.042.9 p460n28 19.042.11 ρ 138 19.043 p425n5 19.044 ρ 147, 148, 426n16 19.045 p425n7, 426nn10,13, 431n27 19.045.6 p428n22 19.046 p432n30, 444n115 19.047.7 p127 19.048[A] p424n3 19.048 [B] p424n3 19.049[A][C] p426n16, 493n232, 494nn237,240 19.049[B] ρ 146, 429n24, 465n61 19.050 p387, 442, 445n118, 447n141, 675 19.052 p425n7, 426n9 19.053 p32n32, 387 19.054 p52n11, 145, 150, 166n5 19.056.1 p452n160 19.057.3 p437n57 19.059 p52n11 19.061 p424n3 19.062 p426nn13-4, 437n58 19.062.12 p452n160 19.062.14 p451, 453n166 19.063 p407 19.064 p447n141, 485n192 19.064. r4' ρ 138 19.065 p435n42 19.066 p416, 412, 443, 466nn78,80 19.068 p409, 410, 628 19.068.8 p622, 627 19.069 p431n27 19.070 p386, 463n55, 470, 655n154, 688

19.071 p136 19.072 p430n26, 438n78 19.073 p417, 426n9 19.074 p425n4 19.078 p474n125, 495n247 19.079.15' p480n 155 19.080 p386, 425n5, 704, 708 19.084 p58 19.085.5 p494n242 19.086Α Ρ 147, 426n16, 514n21 19.086A.4-14 p434n35 19.090 p432n30 19.091.4 p442n99 19.092.1 p494n242 19.096 p426n18, 429n24, 442n99, 459n27, 512n17, 513n18 19.096.7 p452n163 19.097 p425n7, 426nn 10,11,13-4, 467n83 19.098 p32n28, 429n24 19.099 p452n163, 487n209 19.100B p425n7 19.102 ρ 142, 360, 362n6 19.102.2 p361 19.102.5 p362 19.102.6-7 p362 19.102.10 p361 19.102.13-6 p363 19.104.3 p437n57 19.105 p426n8 19.106 p430n29, 431n29 19.107A p432n30 19.109.12 p362 19.112 p426n9, 432n30 19.112.2 p491n228 19.112.3 p494n239 19.112.4 p137 19.114 p429n24 19.115 p387 19.116 p431n27 19.117 p425n5 19.118 p424n3 19.119 p425n5 19.122.5'ff. p684n263 19.127 p426n16 19.129 p425n5 19.131.5 p453n164 19.133A.5 p437n57 19.135 p438n77 19.135.2 ρ 138 19.135.4 ρ 139 19.141 p431n27 19.142-19.151 p58

19.152 p496n257 19.153- 19.155 p58 19.158A p426n16 19.158b ρ 142, 360, 365n15 19.158B.1 p365n16 19.159 p32n26 19.164 p58 19.166 ρ 142, 145, 445n119 19.166.1 p114n63, 154 19.166.6I p99 19.167A p424n3 19.174A ρ 145 19. 174A+19.174C p58n3 19.174b p494n239 19.174c p438n77 19.174AB ρ 142 19.174-i p424n3 19.179 p52n11 19.180 ρ 146, 426n16 19.181Α p360 19.181b p360, 363n7, 365n15 19.181B.4 p365n17 19.181ab ρ 142 19.182 p442n97, 459n27 19.186 p711 19.256 p425n4, 493n232 19.257 p424n3 19.258 p424n3 19.259 p424n3 20.003 p474n128 20.012 p467n83 20.013 p466n73 20.018 p498 20.021 p466n78 20.022 p461n35 20.150 p467n82 20.158 p474n127 20.168 p459n18 20.176 p481n183 20.184 p463n55 20.189A+B.9 p496n256 20.199 p470n105 20.211 + p497n261 20.216 p477n155 20.219 p463n56 20.220 p469n100 20.226 p479n163, 170 20.236 p466n78 20.238 p498 20.239 p483n190 20.239.27 p495n247 20.255A p488n215 20.425 p485n193

20.425.5 p487n209 20.1957. 1 p407 21.056 p459n20 21.199 p485n192 21.230 p467n81, 479n164, 170, 480η179 22.231.1 p473n123 22.233.19 p491n227 22.362 p601 23.216 23.217 23.218 23.391 23.394

p581 p581 p581 p593 p581, 591

24.244.2 - 4 p533n13 24.244 p575 24.247+ p495n245, 550, 574 24.251 + p575 24.252.2 - 3 p561n95 24.257 p561, 562, 577 24.258 p535, 576 24.264+ p537 24.266 p541n37, 545, 574 24.266.23 p300 24.270[B].[3] p541n38 24.272 p576 24.277 p574 24.277.30-2 p566 24.295 p537n25 24.312 p459n19, 574 24.323 p574 24.326 p574 24.327 p574 24.400 p598 24.434 p581 24.440 p599 24.627 p601 24.643 p538n29 24.654 p574 25.134

p474n128, 479n164

27.053

p481n183

29.097.1 34.123 34.124 34.126 34.129

p461n40 p514n21 p476, 495n244 p561, 577 p469n93

34.137 p469n92 34.145 p470, 470n105 34.145.21 p470n104 34.147 p460n28 34.150 p463n56 34.153 p459n18 34.154 p470n 105 34.158 p466n78 34.167 + .20 p486n203 34.170 p467n85 34.179 p458nn 11,13 52.16.52

p601

61.24.435

p601

63.26.256

p601

78.041+81.3659

p599

80.5102

p676n236

86.0221+ 86.2208 86.2212 86.2230 86.2234

p670n243 p670n243 p669 p713 p670n243

88.070 p581, 587 88.2009 p645 88.2011 p719n391 88.2013 p722n399 88.2158 p709, 711, 713, 715 88.2158.3 Γ p712 92.2005 92.2007

p658n168 p658n168, 708, 708n350

94.2002+2003 p712 94.2002+2003.R.3-4 p712 1929.1.13 Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia

p520

[04J ρ 142, 359, 366n21 [04].3 p361 2 [04].4-5 p364n12 [04j.9 p99 [04], 12 ρ 154 [05] p462n47 [07] p472n109 [10] p386 [13].5 p446n128 [13] .6 ρ 100 [14] p416, 576

Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia

[14] .6 ρ 153 [16] p381, 383 [18]. 1 p430n26 [20] ρ 144, 318, 320, 330, 331 [22].8 p438n76 [22]. 14 p438n74

Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia Varia

[25] p385 [26] p383, 444n116, 47In 108 [27] p382 [34] p389 [38] ρ 147 [38] .2 ρ 148

HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK Abt. I: D E R N A H E U N D M I T T L E R E O S T E N ISSN 0169-9423

Band 1. Ägyptologie 1. Ägyptische Schrift und Sprache. Mit Beiträgen von H. Brunner, H. Kees, S. Morenz, E. Otto, S. Schott. Mit Zusätzen von H. Brunner. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1959). 1973. ISBN 90 04 03777 2 2. Literatur. Mit Beiträgen von H. Altenmüller, H. Brunner, G. Fecht, H. Grapow, H. Kees, S. Morenz, E. Otto, S. Schott, J. Spiegel, W. Westendorf. 2. verbesserte und erweiterte Auflage. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00849 7 3. Helck, W. Geschichte des alten Ägypten. Nachdruck mit Berichtigungen und Ergänzungen. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06497 4 Band 2. Keilschriftforschung und alte Geschichte Vorderasiens 1-2/2. Altkleinasiatische Sprachen [und ElamitischJ. Mit Beiträgen von J . Friedrich, E. Reiner, A. Kammenhuber, G. Neumann, A. Heubeck. 1969. ISBN 90 04 00852 7 3. Schmökel, H. Geschichte des alten Vorderasien. Reprint. 1979. ISBN 90 04 00853 5 4/2. Orientalische Geschichte von Kyros bis Mohammed. Mit Beiträgen von A. Dietrich, G. Widengren, F. M. Heichelheim. 1966. ISBN 90 04 00854 3 Band 3. Semitistik Semitistik. Mit Beiträgen von A. Baumstark, C. Brockelmann, E. L. Dietrich, J . Fück, M. Höfner, E. Littmann, A. Rücker, B. Spuler. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1953-1954). 1964. ISBN 90 04 00855 1 Band 4. Iranistik 1. Linguistik. Mit Beiträgen von K. Hoffmann, W. B. Henning, H. W. Bailey, G. Morgenstierne, W. Lentz. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1958). 1967. ISBN 90 04 03017 4 2/1. Literatur. Mit Beiträgen von 1. Gershevitch, M. Boyce, O. Hansen, B. Spuler, M. J. Dresden. 1968. ISBN 90 04 00857 8 2/2. History of Persian Literature from the Beginning of the Islamic Period to the Present Day. With Contributions by G. Morrison,,]. Baldick and Sh. Kadkanī. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06481 8 3. Krause, W. Tocharisch. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1955) mit Zusätzen und Berichtigungen. 1971. ISBN 90 04 03194 4 Band 5. Altaistik 1. Turkologie. Mit Beiträgen von A. von Gabain, O. Pritsak, J. Benzing, K. H. Menges, A. Temir, TL. V. Togan, F. Taeschner, O. Spies, A. Caferoglu, Α. Battal-Tamays. Reprint with additions of the 1st (1963) ed. 1982. ISBN 90 04 06555 5 2. Mongolistik. Mit Beiträgen von N. Poppe, U. Posch, G. Doerfer, P. Aalto, D. Schröder, O. Pritsak, W. Heissig. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00859 4 3. Tungusologie. Mit Beiträgen von W. Fuchs, I. A. Lopatin, Κ. H. Menges, D. Sinor. 1968. ISBN 90 04 00860 8 Band 6. Geschichte der i s l a m i s c h e n Länder 5/1. Regierung und Verwaltung des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. Mit Beiträgen von H. R. Idris und K. Röhrborn. 1979. ISBN 90 04 05915 6 5/2. Regierung und Verwaltung des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. 2. Mit Beiträgen von D. Sourdel u n d j . Bosch Vi1á. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08550 5 6 / 1. Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. Mit Beiträgen von B. Lewis, M. Rodinson, G. Baer, H. Müller, A. S. Ehrenkreutz, E. Ashtor, B. Spuler, A. K. S. Lambton, R. C. Cooper, Β. Rosenberger, R. Arié, L. Bolens, T. Fahd. 1977. ISBN 90 04 04802 2 Band 7 Armenisch und Kaukasische Sprachen. Mit Beiträgen von G. Deeters, G. R. Solta, V. Inglisian. 1963. ISBN 90 04 00862 4 Band 8. Religion 1/1. Religionsgeschichte des alten Orients. Mit Beiträgen von E. Otto, O. Eissfeldt, H. Otten, J . Hempel. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00863 2 1 / 2 / 2 / 1 . Boyce, M. A History of £'oroastrianism. The Early Period. Rev. ed. 1989. ISBN 90 04 08847 4

1 / 2 / 2 / 2 . Boyce, M. A History of ^oroastrianism. Under the Achaemenians. 1982. ISBN 90 04 06506 7 1 / 2 / 2 / 3 . Boyce, M. and Grenet, F. A History of <'oroastrianism. Ζoroastrianism under Macedonian and Roman Rule. With a Contribution by R. Beck. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09271 4 2. Religionsgeschichte des Orients in der ^eil der Weltreligionen. Mit Beiträgen von A. Adam, A. J . Arberry, Ε. L. Dietrich, J . VV. Fiick, A. von Gabain, J . Leipoldt, B. Spuler, R. Strothman, G. Widengren. 1961. ISBN 90 04 00864 0 Ergänzungsband 1 1. Hinz, W. Islamische Maße und Gewichte umgerechnet ins metrische System. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1955) mit Zusätzen und Berichtigungen. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00865 9 Ergänzungsband 2 1. Grohmann, A. Arabische Chronologie und Arabische Papyruskunde. Mit Beiträgen v o n j . Mayr und W. C. Till. 1966. ISBN 90 04 00866 7 2. Khoury, R. G. Chrestomathie de papyrologie arabe. Documents relatifs à la vie privée, sociale et administrative dans les premiers siècles islamiques. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09551 9 Ergänzungsband 3 Orientalisches Recht. Mit Beiträgen von E. Seidl, V. Korošc, E. Pritsch, Ο. Spies, Ε. Tyan, J . Baz, Ch. Chehata, Ch. Samaran, J . Roussier, J . Lapanne-Joinville, S. Ç. Ansay. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00867 5 Ergänzungsband 5 1 /1. Borger, R. Einleitung in die asyrischen Königsinschriften. 1. Das zweite Jahrtausend vor Chr. Mit Verbesserungen und Zusätzen. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1961). 1964. ISBN 90 04 00869 1 1/2. Schramm, W. Einleitung in die assyrischen Königsinschriften. 2. 934-722 v. Chr. 1973. ISBN 90 04 03783 7 Ergänzungsband 6 1. Ullmann, M. Die Medizin im Islam. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00870 5 2. Ullmann, M. Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam. 1972. ISBN 90 04 03423 4 Ergänzungsband 7 Gomaa, I. A Historical Chart of the Muslim World. 1972. ISBN 90 04 03333 5 Ergänzungsband 8 Kornrumpf, H.-J. Osmanische Bibliographie mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Türkei in Europa. Unter Mitarbeit von J. Kornrumpf. 1973. ISBN 90 04 03549 4 Ergänzungsband 9 Firro, K. M. A History of the Druzes. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09437 7 Band 10 Strijp, R. Cultural Anthropology of the Middle East. A Bibliography. Vol. 1: 1965-1987. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09604 3 Band 11 Endress, G. & Gutas, D. (eds.). A Greek and Arabic Lexicon. (GALex). Materials for a Dictionary of the Mediaeval Translations from Greek into Arabic. Fascicle 1. Introduction - S o u r c e s — ' - '-kh-r. Compiled by G. Endress & D. Gutas, with the assistance of K. Alshut, R. Arnzen, Chr. Hein, St. Pohl, M. Schmeink. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09494 6 Fascicle 2. '-kh-r - '-s-1. Compiled by G. Endress & D. Gutas, with the assistance of K. Alshut, R. Arnzen, Chr. Hein, St. PŪh1, M. Schmeink. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09893 3 Fascicle 3. '-s-l - M-y. Compiled by G. Endress, D. Gutas & R. Arnzen, with the assistance of Chr. Hein, St. Pohl. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10216 7 Fascicle 4. I1ā - inna. Compiled by R. Arnzen, G. Endress & D. Gutas, with the assistance of Chr. Hein & J . Thielmann. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10489 5. Band 12 Jayyusi, S. Κ. (ed.). The Legacy of Muslim Spain. Chief consultant to the editor, M. Marin. 2nd ed. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09599 3 Band 13 Hunwick, J . O. and O'Fahey, R. S. (eds.). Arabic Literature of Africa. Editorial Consultant: Albrecht Hofheinz. Volume I. The Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900. Compiled by R. S. O'Fahey, with the assistance of M. I. Abu Salim, A. Hofheinz, Y. M. Ibrahim, B. Radtke and K. S. Viker. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09450 4 Volume II. The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa. Compiled by John O. Hunwick, with the assistance of Razaq Abubakre, Hamidu Bobboyi, Roman Loimeier, Stefan Reichmuth and Muhammad Sani Umar. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10494 1

Band 14 Decker, VV. und Herb, M. Bildatlas zum Sport im alten Ägypten. Corpus der bildlichen Quellen zu Leibesübungen, Spiel, Jagd, Tanz und verwandten Themen. Bd.l: Text. Bd. 2: Ab-bildungen. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09974 3 (Set) Band 15 Haas, V. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09799 6 Band 16 Neusner,J. (ed.). Judaism in Late Antiquity. Part One: The Literary and Archaeological Sources. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10129 2 Band 17 Neusner, J. (ed.). Judaism in Late Antiquity. Part Two: Historical Syntheses. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09799 6 Band 18 Orel, V. E. and Stolbova, Ο. V. (eds.). Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Materials for a Reconstruction. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10051 2 Band 19 al-Zwaini, L. and Peters, R. A Bibliography of Islamic Law, 1980-1993. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10009 1 Band 20 Klings, V. (éd.). La civilisation phénicienne et punique. Manuel de recherche. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10068 7 Band 21 Hoftijzer,J. and Jongeling, K. Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. With appendices by R.C. Steiner, A. Mosak Moshavi and B. Porten. 1995. 2 Parts. ISBN Set (2 Parts) 90 04 09821 6 Part One: 1 - L. ISBN 90 04 09817 8 Part Two: M - T. ISBN 90 04 9820 8. Band 22 Lagarde, M. Index du Grand Commentaire de Fahr al-Dïn al-Rāzī- 1996. ISBN 90 04 10362 7 Band 23 Kinberg, Ν. A Lexicon of al-Farrā"s Terminology in his Qur'hn Commentary. With Full Definitions, English Summaries and Extensive Citations. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10421 6 Band 24 Fähnrich, H. und Sardshweladse, S. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Kartwel-Sprachen. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10444 5 Band 25 Rainey, A.F. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets. A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect used by Scribes from Canaan. 1996. ISBN Set (4 Volumes) 90 04 10503 4 Volume I. Orthography, Phonology. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Pronouns, Nouns, Numerals. ISBN 90 04 10521 2 Volume II. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Verbal System. ISBN 90 04 10522 0 Volume III. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Particles and Adverbs. ISBN 90 04 10523 9 Volume IV. References and Index of Texts Cited. ISBN 90 04 10524 7 Band 26 Halm, H. The Empire of the Mahdi. The Rise of the Fatimids. Translated from the German by M. Bonner. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10056 3 Band 27 Strijp, R. Cultural Anthropology of the Middle East. A Bibliography. Vol. 2: 1988-1992. 1997. ISBN 90 04 010745 2 Band 28 Sivan, D. A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10614 6 Band 29 Corriente, F. A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic. 1997. ISBN 90 04 09846 1 Band 30 Sharon, M. Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae (CIAP). Vol. 1: A. 1997. ISBN 90 04 010745 2 Vol. 1 : B. 1999. ISBN 90 04 110836 Band 31 Török, L. The Kingdom of Kush. Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization. 1997. ISBN 90 04 010448 8 B a n d 32 Muraoka, T. and Porten, Β. A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10499 2

Band 33 Gessel, B.H.L. van. Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon. 1998. ISBN Set (2 parts) 90 04 10809 2 Band 34 Klengel, H. Geschichte des hethitischen Reiches 1998. ISBN 90 04 10201 9 Band 35 Hachlili, R. Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora 1998. ISBN 90 04 10878 5 Band 36 Westendorf, W. Handbuch der altägyptischen Medizin. 1999. ISBN Set (2 Bände) 90 04 10319 8 Band 37 Civil, M. Mesopotamian Lexicography. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11007 0 Band 38 Siege1ová, J. and Soucek, V. Systematische Bibliographie der Hethitologie. 1999. ISBN Set (3 Bände) 90 04 11205 7 Band 39 Watson, W.G.E. and Wyatt, N. Handbook of Ugaritic Studies. 1999. ISBN 90 04 10988 9 Band 40 Neusner, J . Judaism in Ute Antiquity, 111,1. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11186 7 Band 41 Neusner, J. Judaism in Late Antiquity, 111,2. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11282 0 Band 42 Drijvers, H.J.W, and Healey, J.F. The Old Syriac Inscriptions of Edessa and Osrhoene. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11284 7 Band 43 Daiber, H. Bibliography of Philosophical Thought in Islam. 2 Volumes. ISBN Set (2 Volumes) 90 04 11347 9 Volume I. Alphabetical List of Publications 1999. ISBN 90 04 09648 5 Volume II. Index of Names, Terms and Topics. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11348 7