From Ancient Cham toModern Dialects
Oceanic
Special
Linguistics
No.
Publication
28
From Ancient Cham toModern Dialects: Two Thousand Language With
Years
Contact
of
and Change
an appendix of Chamic and
reconstructions
Graham
University
loanwords
Thurgood
of Hawai'i Press Honolulu
1999 University of Hawai'i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ?
5 4 3 2 1
04 03 02 01 00 99 of Congress
Library From
ancient
Cham
language cm. ? (Oceanic
and
Data
Graham.
Thurgood, to modern
contact
p.
Cataloging-in-Publications : two
dialects
/ Graham
change
linguistics
special
thousand
years
of
Thurgood.
publication
; no.
28)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes. ISBN 0-8248-2131-9 (pbk. :alk. paper) 2.
1. Cham 3.
language?Dialects. in contact?Southeast Language
499'.22?dc21
Cham
language?History. I. Title. II. Series.
Asia.
PL4491.94.T47 98-54334
1999 CIP
Camera-ready
University and meet
of Hawai'i the guidelines Council
Printed
copy
prepared
by
the author.
are on acid-free books paper printed and durability for permanence of the on Library Resources.
Press
by Cushing-Malloy,
Inc.
Contents
ix
Preface
xi
Acknowledgments List
of Abbreviations
1 Introduction
and Conventions
xv.
1
4 Chamic convergence with Southeast Asia The general tendencies: A broad overview 5 Previous work on Chamic reconstruction 6 The degree of adjustment 13
2 The Geographical
and Historical
The geographical setting Chamic prehistory 15 17 Chamic history The Chamic
3 Classification
and MK
Setting
14
inVietnam
27
14
languages
of the Chamic Languages
30
The place of Chamic within Austronesian 31 and broader affiliations 34 Malayo-Chamic The Malayo-Chamic subgroup 39 Within the Chamic languages: A sketch 40 a Chamic language 47 Acehnese, A digression on Moken, a non-Chamic language
4 Altering
the Basic Word: From Disyllabic
58
toMonosyllabic
The iambic syllable: Early Mon-Khmer influence 61 The loss of the vowel before medial -h- 63 and clusters 64 Disyllables with liquids > monosyllables Loss of the unstressed initial syllable 65
v
vi Contents
5 Chamic Consonants
67
Presyliable consonants: The details 67 80 Main syllable onset consonants Consonant clusters 93 Word-final
6 Chamic Vowels
consonants
99
104
The literature 105 The PC presy liable vowels 106 The inherited PC main syllable vowels The borrowed PC main syllable vowels PC vowel length 138 The main syllable vowels summarized
7 Nasals
and Nasalization
Nasalization Nasalization
in Cham
Nasalization Nasalization Nasalization
in Tsat 160 inNorthern Roglai inAcehnese 176
8 The Origins of Registers
151
152
in PC 152 in Chru 153 inHaroi 155
Nasalization Nasalization
113 126
155 170
and Tones
178
179 Western Cham and the development of register 187 Phan Rang Cham, an incipient tone system 197 Haroi vowels and restructured register tonal system 214 Tsat and its fully-developed The
internal paths of change
9 PC Morphology:
Some Notes
232
237
A note on PC morphology 238 Verbs and verbal morphology 239 244 Nouns and nominal morphology
10 Contact, Multilingualism,
and Change
Non-linguistic history 252 Chamic and the nature of language change to a linguistic area 258 Accommodation
251 253
Contents
Vil
Appendix
I: Language Names
Acehnese
(and transliteration tables)
262
Bih 263 Chru Haroi Jarai
263 265
266 267 Krung 267 Noang Phan Rang Cham
267
Rade 269 Rai 271 Northern Roglai
271
CacGiaRoglai Southern Roglai Tsat 272
272
Western Cham Written Chamic
274 275
Appendix
272
II: The Chamic Lexicon
1.
277
to PC 280 Chamic Vocabulary Reconstructable Words Borrowed After the Breakup of PC 346 3. English-Chamic Index 365
2.
References
379
Author Index 395 Topic Index 399
261
Preface
The
title of this book From Ancient
toModern
Cham
Dialects:
Two Thousand
Years of Language Contact and Change, even more than showing my admiration for J.Marvin Brown's work on Thai, reflects my belief that the term 'Cham' was used at an earlier time as a general term for all the Chamic-speaking peoples of name of the kingdom, Champa, it the etymological Vietnam. It is reflected in the source of the name Tsat used by the Utsat people of Hainan to describe their lan? guage, and it occurs quite early in the Chinese dynastic records in their references to Champa.
the title aside, two quite different views of research exist, each
Leaving its own
with
one more
place,
the other
conservative,
more
One
exploratory.
view
is typified by the comment of the English poet Pope to lesser poets advising them to keep their piece nine years. In this view, the endpoint is reached when every? thing is completely clear and thoroughly documented. As will become evident to
exploratory
that
study
reconstruction,
reconstructs
first on
focuses
in a quite different
has been written
readers, this monograph
2000
years
and
proto-Chamic of
contact
language
tradition: it is an based
then, and
change.
on
that
Central
Asian
in this exploration include the adaptation of Chamic to the Southeast the canonical area, linguistic restructuring of the basic shape of the word,
major
changes
themes
ter,
tone,
in all
to the
and
these
and
vowel
and,
register,
of
inventories, course,
the development
the role
played
by
of
regis?
bilingualism
developments.
from the outset
However, offered
consonant
restructured
here
are,
even
more
than
itmust
usual,
be acknowledged
tentative,
preliminary,
that these analyses and
undoubtedly
in
need of correction
In part, this reflects the fact that Chamic and amplification. studies are, in some senses, still in their infancy; in part, the numerous gaps inmy
background; and, in part, it reflects things that I have simply missed or misana lyzed, and itwould be surprising if all my errors should prove minor. In a number of ways, the conclusions presented here differ from conclusions reached in my own earlier work, ones.
In Chamic
be discovered
and where studies,
only
they differ, these conclusions the
seem
outlines
than has been found thus far.
IX
to be
clear;
supersede far more
the earlier remains
to
X
PREFACE
The preoccupation throughout with borrowed forms directly reflects the with language contact and the relative chronology of language preoccupation contact. Thus, their presence in the tables and text is relevant, not only to the involved, but also to the relative chronologies of the borrowings If the loans participated in a change, they predate the change; if they did not participate, then they were borrowed after the change. reconstructions themselves.
The original plan for this work did not include Acehnese. It was only as the first draft was nearing completion that a comparison with Acehnese made it absolutely obvious thatAcehnese was simply a Chamic language whose speakers lan? had migrated to Sumatra, not a separate branch collateral with the mainland guages. At that point the whole manuscript was reworked to incorporate Ace? hnese, not with the intent of being definitive, but hoping to confirm beyond all reasonable objections that Acehnese was Chamic. A myriad of details has been left for another time when more
is known.
In addition to the main ces:
one
is a set
of
texts, this work
transliteration
is accompanied is an
another
tables,
by three appendi?
appendix
of
reconstructed
and borrowed forms, and the last is an appendix of forms arranged alphabetically by English gloss. The transliteration of amultitude of differing orthographies was this was done necessary for clarity of exposition. Almost without exception, aside from an error thatmay have crept in here and there.
mechanically, The
borrowings
are
assessments
enough
other
lists
appendix
found
throughout on.
based
both
the proto-Chamic
the manuscript,
Not
so that the reconstructions
all
the
reconstructions
along with
languages
are
the forms
included,
but
and
the
that these there
are
can usually be done on the basis of the forms
given.
this appendix, both reconstructed forms and borrowings are listed. Undoubtedly there is some error in the identification of borrowings, but none that invalidate any of the conclusions. A number of marginally attested Within
forms are included
in this appendix, along with the supporting data, with the hope that other researchers will help clarify their etymologies. Where Chamic forms are suspected of having as of yet unidentified Mon-Khmer counterparts, it is hoped that various scholars will help fill in these gaps. Finally, it is expected that the forms reconstructed Chamic
will
in the direction
be revised
Proto-Malayo-Chamic, Chamic inscriptional
as better and more data.
Graham Thurgood California State University,
Chico
in this work for Proto
of the forms found reconstructed thorough use is made
for
of theWritten
Acknowledgments
the single author, this work is a collaborative effort, only made possible through the generous help of countless others. Much of my work on Chamic would not have been possible without the help of Bob Blust, who provided me Despite
with
insights, and copies of crucial papers. In particular, the side of this work heavily reflects his help. He gave freely of Malayo-Polynesian his time, energy, and considerable expertise, making it possible not only to look at the Chamic historical changes from the bottom-up?from the modern Chamic encouragement,
looking back to Proto-Chamic, the perspective
of
but also to look at them from the top down?from
reconstructed
twin
These
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian.
tives produced amuch more sophisticated and insightful reconstruction ysis than would have been otherwise possible.
perspec?
and anal?
The Acehnese portion of this work owes much toMark Durie, who con? stantly supplemented my meager knowledge of Acehnese, patiently pointing out over email what worked and what did not. He not only supplied most of the Ace? a wealth of forms in an extremely valuable thesaurus forms?including (Daud Bukhari and Mark Durie, n.d.) and a hypercard program containing Chamic-Acehnese comparative material (Durie, 1990b), but he also looked them over after the first draft of the manuscript was written, and supplied many that hnese
were
still missing. In a similar way, he critiqued and improved many of the anal? not of Acehnese but also those of Chamic. Inmany instances, he played yses, just the devil's
advocate,
forcing
me
to rethink,
clarify,
and,
reformulate,
with
some
frequency, change positions taken in earlier drafts. Whatever merits the analyses may have also owe a great deal to David who Solnit, significantly improved a number of the analyses in both major and minor ways. The phonetic analysis of Tsat owes its essence to work done on it by supplied a significant number of the forms. G?rard Diffloth, and, most recently, David Tho? Luangthongkum, Arthur Abramson,
IanMaddieson,
who
Theraphan mas labored hard providing insights and straightening out my use of terminology with regard to the terms register, voice quality, register complex, and so on and clarified my discussion sent me
invaluable
of the Chamic
materials
Phraya Prachakij-karacak's
interaction with
on Mon-Khmer
reconstruction
(1995) Some Languages
XI
the MK. as well
In addition, he as a copy
of Siam, containing
of
a Jarai
Acknowledgments
Xll
and a Rade wordlist
from the last century. At a much later point, Peter Ladefoged the suggested explanation for the connection between breathiness and vowel rais? ing and creakiness or tenseness and vowel lowering included here. Ouyang Jueya
kindly sent me additional forms, several of which turned out to be crucial for the analysis of Tsat historical developments. Neil Baumgartner letme use the Cham font he developed. A large number of other people made substantive suggestions that are directly
reflected in the ideas presented here: Eric Oey, Patricia Donegan, Jean Stampe, Tempeste, Zane Clark, Ibrahim b. Ismail, Ni Dabai, Joel Jim Collins, Alan Nevis, Jerry Edmondson, George Grace, Paul Benedict, Stevens, David Thomas, Osh Larish, Keng-Fong Pang, Karen Mistry, and Elzbi David
eta Thurgood. There even recognize what
is no reason
to believe, however, that those thanked will I have done with their suggestions, let alone agree with
them.
In addition toMark Durie, who read the original "first" draft, a number of other people kindly offered to read an earlier draft and provide me feedback: David Thomas, Paul Benedict, John Wolff, Malcolm Ross, Martha Ratliff, Jim and Jerry Edmondson, and Sander Adelaar. Paul Benedict send me Matisoff, some
useful
notes
about
wider
Austronesian
as well
connections
as about
the ety?
mology of the u- prefix found inTsat. The feedback has been invaluable and has, in some cases, substantially improved the description. 2 has been painstakingly The Chamic lexicon contained in Appendix gone through by a number of scholars, all of whom know more about Austrone? and accuracy of the appendix owes its merits to their help. Specifically, Bob Blust, Mark Durie, K. Alexander Adelaar, David Thomas, and Paul Benedict have all contributed time and energy to the appendix. In particular, Bob Blust, Mark Durie, and K. Alexander Adelaar commented on sian than I do. The usefulness
the
forms,
one-by-one
where
necessary.
For
this
labor,
I cannot
thank
them
enough.
various people have knowingly or unknowingly helped me with my understanding of the history and the historical documents pertaining to Champa and the surrounding area. I wish to thank the following people for their In addition,
and help: Bob Hsu, Barbara Andaya, Hilary Chappell, Pang Keng Thanh Nhan, Arun Sinha, John Wolff, Mike Feener (by way of John Fong, Ngo John Marston, Mackie Blanton, Chris Court, Mark Durie, Sander Ade? Wolff), laar, and the late Gwyn Williams. suggestions
general way, I wish to acknowledge my intellectual debts to my early teachers: my friend and mentor Jim Matisoff, who introduced me to Southeast Asia, Mary Haas, who taught me much of what I know about the com? In a more
parative method,
and Paul Benedict,
who never lost track of the big picture.
Acknowledgments
Xlll
Even more to be modified
than usual, I fully expect some of the analyses presented here on the basis of better and more detailed studies of the languages
cited, as well as on the basis of instrumental studies on these same languages. I shall be astonished if all my errors should prove minor and grateful to readers for their corrections. It goes without saying that, where these analyses differ, they supersede my prior work on Chamic. This work is based upon research supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. SBR-9512101.
List of Abbreviations
AC
Ay monier
Aceh.
Acehnese
Bahnar
(AC)
breathy register C
and Conventions
and Cabaton
refers to the Bahnar forms cited inAy monier Cabaton (1906)
the register complex that includes a breathy-voiced component refers to a form inAymonier and Cabaton (1906) from Cabaton Central-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian
Coastal Chamic
Haroi, Western
Cham, and Phan Rang Cham
a stage not fully recoverable by reconstruction hinted at by the transcriptions used in early inscriptional Chamic
early-PC
and
a term used to designate
CEMP
but
1976; the numbers following 'Headley' identify specific words discussed in this work
Headley Highlands
(1906)
Headley Chamic
Rade,
Jarai,
Chru,
Nb.
Nonthaburi Malay
NR
Northern Roglai
PAn
Proto-Austronesian
PC
Proto-Chamic;
N.
and Tsat
Roglai,
the earliest
stage
reliably
recover?
able by reconstruction Phan Rang Cham
In this work, the Phan Rang Cham forms come largely from Moussay's dictionary, with the conse? quence that they are heavily influenced byWritten Cham?and
thus
at times,
modern
more
archaic
than
the
spoken forms. Cited modern spoken forms are specifically labeled as spoken forms.
PL
Pierre-Bernard
xv
Lafont
and Conventions
Abbreviations
XVI
PMK PMP
Proto-Mon-Khmer
in a table, it refers to an
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian; reconstruction
Austronesian
that
at
least
predates
Chamic; some of these forms do not reconstruct all the way back to PMP
PNB
Proto-North-Bahnaric
PR Cham
Phan Rang Cham
PSB
Proto-South-Bahnaric
register complex
register
a complex of features thatmay include length, pitch, and voice quality (phonation type) the
same
register
complex
register
a term used to designate includes
WMP
as
Roglai always refers toNorthern Roglai specifically otherwise noted
Roglai tense
(Smith 1972)
a tense-voiced
unless
the register complex
that
component
the
Western Malayo-Polynesian; specifically, PMP languages not in CEMP reconstructed borrowed
and
not
reconstructable
to PC
borrowed earlier than PC so reconstructable x/* 0
borrowed but not clear if it reconstructs indicates that the sound completely indicates
that
no
relevant
examples
to PC
to PC
disappeared have
been
found
(m) (n) -X
metathesis vowel reflex the result of nasalization are Apparent irregularities in the correspondences indicated by a hyphen followed a consonant indi? cating precisely what is irregular:
-v
=
-c
=
-f
=
-VR
=
-t
=
=
irregular
vowel,
irregular
consonant,
irregular final, irregular
vowel
irregular
tone,
register,
irregular nasalization, and so on. As the histori? cal phonology is better understood, at least some
Abbreviations
and Conventions
XVll
of these apparent irregularities should disappear, others will doubtless remain puzzles.
while subscribed dot
The dot subscribed under various voiceless
stops indicates that the following vowel is breathy, or behaves as if itwere in the so-called breathy voice. This orthographic convention makes the historical developments far, farmore transparent, because matches the transliteration found inMoussay
it
it allows for a straightfor? ward, largely phonetically transparent translitera? tion ofWestern Cham. (1971), and because
Wr. Cham
Written
Cham from Ay monier
and Cabaton
(1906)
From Ancient Cham toModern Dialects
1
Introduction
Beyond the no longer fully-understood deteriorating temples and an abundance of beautiful statuary, little now remains of the Champa civilization that once flourished along the coastal plains of central and southern Vietnam (Ciochon and James 1992:52-55). Almost a hundred temples along the coastline from Quang Tri in the north to Phan Rang in the south give silent testimony to a mostly-for? civilization of traders and artisans. Fragments of knowl? gotten, once-formidable edge of the past can still be retrieved, even from the crumpling remains of Tra ki?u in the north, the first political capital of the Champa civilization. Today, however, much of what is standing is no longer easily recognized, having been buildings. In a valley seventeen miles to the richer cluster of still upright buildings inMi-son, once a center of Hindu worship where today twenty of the roughly seventy temples built between the seventh and twelfth centuries AD still stand. Further south, is the site of Vijaya, the new capital built after Indrapura present-day Binh-dinh absorbed
into the walls
west of Tra-ki?u
of modern
is amuch
fell in 982. Here
there is another group of temples son, but on high places, possibly reflecting themore were built. And, still further south, near the modern Rang, are the important complex of temples called
built, not in a valley like Mi perilous times inwhich they
cities of Nha Trang and Phan Po Nagar, the spiritual center in the south. These ruins are the physical remains of the Champa civilization, which reached its zenith in the sixth or seventh century but has long since returned to obscurity. Traces of its history remain in these fading temples and record now inaccessible, as Ciochon and sites, their legacy in an archaeological James
wrote,
except
to trained
archaeologists
and
historians.
However, alongside the physical legacy embodied in these silent temples from the distant past stands an enormously rich, still-living legacy, the modern descendants of the Chamic language that was once the lingua franca of Champa. This rich linguistic record lives on in the Tsat spoken on Hainan, the Rade, Jarai, Haroi, Chru, and Roglai spoken in the southern Vietnam highlands, the Cham
1
2
Chapter
1
coast and the various Cham communities of Cam? spoken along the Vietnamese Acehnese of Sumatra?in all the Chamic languages. and in the north bodia, an The Chamic languages have incredibly rich story to tell, one thatmay ultimately prove more valuable to historians of language than the archaeological records will prove to archaeologists. Captured in the Chamic linguistic record is a luxurious complex of language changes, following a myriad of internal paths, and responding to a diverse array of influences from other languages, that is remarkable for both its richness and its clarity. The Chamic linguistic record has much to tell us about the history of the Chamic languages and about the nature of historical
change and the role of contact in that change. The use of 'Cham' in title of the book From Ancient Cham
toModern
Two Thousand Years of Language Contact and Change reflects an inter? between its earlier usage and itsmodern usage. As back as a thousand years play ago and probably earlier, Cham was used as a general term for all the Chamic
Dialects:
of Vietnam. It is reflected, not just in the name of the kingdom, + pa), but also in the Chinese dynastic records. For example, the Champa (Cham History of the Song Dynasty (960-1279) records that, in 986, some Cham arrived in Hainan from Zhancheng (Zheng 1986:37). Zhancheng (etymologically, Zhan speaking peoples
'Cham' + cheng 'city') refers to Champa, with Zhan having subsequently under? gone various sound changes within the history of Chinese. The form Zhan in the dynastic
source
matches
the
phonetics
of
the
language
name
Tsat
(etymologi?
cally from Cham *cam) used by the Utsat people of Hainan (U 'people' + Tsat 'Cham', that is 'Cham people') perfectly. Other Chamic language names also appear to have at one time included Cham as part of the name. The Phan Rang Cham traditions refer to four different peoples with Cham as a component of their name (Goschnick 1977:106): the Cham Raglai (the Roglai; from ra 'people' + glai 'forest'), the Cham Jarai (the Jarai), the Cham Kur (Cham + k?r 'Khmer', theWestern Cham of Cambodia and Southern Vietnam), and the Cham Ro (from Cham + ro 'remnant'). Goschnick very tentatively associates the term Cham Ro with the Haroi, but the match is far better with the Chru (from Cham + ro); it is clear from its syllable structure that Chru is the reduction of two morphemes and Cham Ro is a perfect etymological fit. As for the Haroi, it is quite likely that their name comes from the MK name Hr?, particularly in light of some of the other variants of Haroi including Hroi and so on. However, an alternate designation of the Haroi is the Bahnar Cham. That leaves only the Rade for which I have not yet found a variant that includes Cham. To return to the main point, Cham was once used widely to refer to the various groups of Chamic-speaking people. 1.
It is likely that the designation 'forest people' was applied at different times to more than one group of Chamic speakers. It cannot be automatically assumed that all dialects designated Roglai are dialects of the same language.
3
Introduction
From Ancient Cham to modern dialects: Two Thousand Years of Lan? and Change is a preliminary reading of that linguistic record. It Contact guage reconstructs an early stage of Chamic as the foundation for tracing the develop? ments of Chamic from itsAustronesian forebears through early Chamic down to itsmodern descendants, sketching the internal developments, noting the nature of external contact, and examining the role played by each in the nature and direc? tion of change. In the Chamic languages is hidden a rich storehouse of knowl? edge, not just about the Chams and the history of the region, but also about the interaction of language change and language contact: about external contact and internal change, about the origins of register complexes from systems without such complexes, the convergence
about the origins of tones from nontonal languages, and about of languages in a new linguistic area. Not to be ignored is the potential Chamic contribution to the unraveling of various puzzles about linguistic and non-linguistic history. Cham is the earliest attested Austronesian
1975:53) dates language. Coed?s (1939, cited inMarrison the inscription found at Tra-ki?u near the old Cham capital of Indrapura (Amara vati) from the middle of the fourth century, noting that this inscription is "le plus
ancien
texte,
"...the
oldest
actuelle text,
connu, presently
?crit known,
dans
un
written
dialecte
that
malayo-polyn?sien",
in aMalayo-Polynesian
is,
dialect".
The Cham
inscription is older by three centuries than the "Old Malay" of inscriptions Srivijaya in southeastern Sumatra. The text itself, associated with a well near Indrapura, the old northern capital, is short but linguistically reveal? ing,
as Marrison
notes.
yang naga puny a putauv. Ya ur?ng sep?y di ko, kurun ko jem? labuh nari svarggah. Ya ur?ng paribh? di ko, kurun saribu thun davam di naraka, dengan tijuh kulo ko. Siddham!
Ni
fortune!
this YANG serpent possess king. YA person respect DI him, for him jewels fall from heaven. YA person insult DI him, for one-thou? sand year remain DI hell, with seven family he. Fortune! This
is the divine serpent of the king. Whoever respects him, for him jewels fall from heaven. Whoever insults him, he will remain for a thousand years in hell, with seven generations of his family. (Marrison
1975:53) Marrison
(1975:53) observes that the language of the text is not that far from in its grammar and its vocabulary. The similarities to Cham or Malay modern Malay and modern Cham grammar are evident in the yang and ya rela modern
4
1
Chapter
tive markers, of
syntax
both found in Cham,
the
sentence
equative
in the dengan
Ni
yang
'with' and di
punya
n?ga
'locative', 'This
putauv
the
one
in the pos?
sessed by the king', in the use of punya as a genitive, and so on Hindu influence a frequently used invocation of for? is evident in the Sanskrit terms usiddham ? ?
tune;
n?ga
aka?
?
or dragon;
serpent
heaven,
svarggah
? paribhu
to
insult,
nar
and kulo ?
is of the remaining vocabulary family". Most as the Chamic. from earliest the oldest And, times, transparently Malayo-Polyne sian text shows by the presence of Hindu terminology and its Indie script, contact has played a significant role in Chamic. hell,
the major focus of this study is on the history of language con? Although tact and change, the bulk of its work revolves around historical reconstruction of (PC) and to the problems inherent in trying to reconstruct it, since proto-Chamic a historical
reconstruction
is necessary
for
recognizing,
and
unraveling,
interpret?
ing historical language contact. Without a reconstruction, it is often not possible to differentiate between similarities that are genetically-inherited and those that are contact-induced.
driven by concern with understanding the prior history of Chamic language contact, the attempt has been made throughout this work to identify and to determine, where possible, when individual loans were incorporated into Chamic. There has been a consistent concern with differentiat? However,
ing loans that predate the formation PC.
These
sources intensity.
are
loans and
the
Even
chronology more
about the historical
Chamic
an
source
of
important,
contact, these
contact between
convergence
of PC and loans that postdate
important
with
but loans
of
information,
not
also
sometimes
about
are
the peoples
Southeast
a crucial
source
the breakup of about
just
its nature of
the and
information
involved.
Asia
languages have only begun to reveal what they can about the history of the peoples of this area but certainly even this modest study as valuable as the reveals some important historical relationships. Nonetheless,
Without
doubt
the Chamic
considerations may be, the greatest value of the Chamic data may non-linguistic lie in the insights that Chamic gives us into the effects of language contact on lan? guage change. As Eric Oey wrote (n.d.:l), the "closer study of the Chamic lan? guages within their historical context offers an unparalleled opportunity understand the nature of mainland Southeast Asian areal influences
to better that the
Chamic languages have undergone together with many of their non-PMP [Proto Malayo-Polynesian] neighbors." More recently, Solnit (1993:109) wrote express? a similar view the Chamic developments: of ing "Clearly Chamic provides multi? of the of Southeast Asian areal features ple examples spread including tonality, and glottalized consonants, none of which are other? monosyllabicity, wise characteristic of Austronesian. Its linguistic neighbors, from which the fea
5
Introduction
tures
are
spread,
are
all Mon-Khmer:
Bahnaric,
Katuic,
Khmer."
Viet-Muong,
insular PMP lan? is available concerning Indeed, because so much evidence us with crucial informa? guages, the Chamic languages of the mainland provide tion about linguistic contact and adaptation to a new linguistic area. 2000 years ago, when theAustronesian-speaking traders, artisans, on were the of Southeast to mainland become Chamic arrived and seafarers that Asia, the language they spoke was disyllabic, nontonal, and nonregistral. Just as importantly they had not had contact with the languages of themainland for some About
four
thousand
years?recurrent,
sian speakers having
constantly
reached
self-renewing
about
myths
the islands through the Malay
Austrone?
notwith?
peninsula
standing.
linguistic record attests to the relatively "recent" arrival of Chamic in the immediate predecessor of all themodern Vietnam: proto-Chamic, speakers Chamic languages is a single unitary language, still quite close to its daughter The
languages, with an obviously short time depth. If there is a single, linguistically obvious, uncontroversial conclusion that can be drawn from the reconstruction of it is that, despite the incessant uninformed statements to the con? proto-Chamic, that the Chamic trary, the linguistic evidence alone establishes unequivocally speakers from the speakers of Vietnam represent an incursion of Austronesian on not remnants the mainland from the the of Austronesian left islands, speakers some initial expansion of Austronesian six or eight speakers out into the Pacific thousand years ago. That the Chamic speakers are recent arrivals on themainland is established beyond question by the linguistically-unitary, quite tight-knit, rather
easily-reconstructed
nature
of
PC.
Chamic
has
absolutely
none
of
the
diversity nor any of the time-depth associated with an older primary branch of a language family and all of the characteristics of a recently-arrived, dialectally unified immigrant group. In the last 2000 years, the Chamic languages of Vietnam have undergone in the canonical shape of their words, major changes in their
radical restructuring consonantal
and
vocalic
phonological
basic structure of their phonological
inventories,
and,
in some
cases,
even
in the
systems.
THE GENERAL TENDENCIES:A BROAD OVERVIEW return to the mainland by a pre-Chamic Austronesian language that was almost certainly disyllabic and atonal has provided us with an unusually clear and external contact. picture of the interaction between internal developments
The
Despite the essentially identical starting point provided by PC, the histories of the in the subsequent paths individual languages differed, although only moderately,
6 Chapter
1
of internal change and differed often radically in the nature of the resulting pho? nological system. The crucial cause of these differences in the internal path fol? lowed and in the ultimate phonological system attained was the differences in the contact situation, specifically, the differences in the phonological models encoun? tered through contact. This exposure to new phonological systems?through to a significant degree which of the myriad of available paths of change a given Chamic language actually took. External con? tacts supplied the new models for phonological restructuring and thus gave direc?
external
contact?determined
tionality
to the changes
not
others,
by selectively
some phonological
making
features, but
salient.
Among the general tendencies arising from contact with the languages of the Southeast Asian mainland, beginning with the registral Mon-Khmer (MK) (Min), are the languages and continuing with the tonal Vietnam and Hainanese following: that is, > iambic > monosyllabic
increasing monophthongization, the movement from disyllabic
adjustments in vowel and consonant inventories, the addition of glottalized consonants the proliferation of vowel contrasts the merger
and
ultimate
loss
that is,
of finals
the loss of voicing distinctions among the obstruents radical changes in the phonological systems, that is, the development of register complexes and then tone systems All of these represent areal tendencies in Southeast Asia and, in the Chamic data, all of them represent directions of linguistic "drift" adapted under the influence of contact with
Previous
languages already containing
work
on Chamic
In order to distinguish larities, it isminimally case, some of what paucity of extensive torical reconstruction
the features in question.
reconstruction
simi? and historically-inherited to In have of this necessary language history. knowledge is needed can be found in older texts, but given the relative early texts this also means that it is imperative to have a his? between
contact-induced
of PC. In the case of Chamic, we are dealing not with contact but with a series of contact situations stretching over situation gle period of time. And, given the limitations of the written records, it would possible to discuss the contact in any meaningful way without a historical struction: on a non-trivial
but simple
level, it would
neither be possible
a sin? a long not be recon?
to accu
7
Introduction
alone begin to stratify them accurately as to when rately identify the loans?let and where they were borrowed, nor would it be possible to subgroup the dialects and thus determine what changes correlate with changes in the contact patterns. Thus, a reconstruction of Chamic is crucial to the unraveling the layers of histor? ical
contact.
affil? Although a number of earlier scholars recognized theAustronesian iations of Chamic, or at least Cham, the earliest actual lexical reconstructions of were those of Lee (1966) in his doctoral dissertation. A little earlier, some of the sound correspondences between proto-Malayo-Polynesian and Cham had already been set out by Doris Blood (1962) in her concise and still useful in Cham" Dyen (1971), often referring to "Reflexes of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian
Chamic
(and to Thomas
Blood
the correspondences between (1963)) also discussed and Chamic. Within Chamic itself, using data supplied proto-Malayo-Polynesian by Pastor Pham Xuan Tin, Dorothy Thomas (1963) laid out some of the internal in her insightful "Proto-Malayo-Polynesian reflexes in Rade, correspondences
Jarai, and Chru". Lee's 1966 work followed. Then, Burnham (1976) incorporated Haroi data into the reconstructions, while modifying and improving a number of in his work "The place of Haroi in the Chamic languages" Lee's reconstructions (sometimes citing personal communication with Lee). In a general sense, Lee's 1966 dissertation, as modified by Burnham 1976, still remains the basic framework for the PC historical reconstructions. Lee's dissertation contains 700 plus lexical reconstructions accompanied by pre? inventories
liminary occasional
of the PC consonant or addition
modification
of
several
and vowel forms
systems. Aside
here
or
there
from the
by Lee,
Burn?
ham, or others (cf. Durie 1990a), these reconstructions have remained essentially unaltered until now, simply because so little has been done in the meantime on Chamic
reconstruction.
Increases
in the database
since Lee 1966
1966, our knowledge of the mainland Chamic languages has increased significantly, and much of this has been incorporated into these reconstructions. Lee basically used four mainland languages: N. Roglai, Rade, Jarai, and Phan Since Lee
Rang Cham. The data base for this work not only includes additional sources for Lee's four languages but has been expanded to include another four mainland lan? guages: Haroi (Burnham 1976), Chru, Western Cham, and Written Chamic as well
as Tsat,
spoken
on Hainan,
and Acehnese,
spoken
in northern
Sumatra.
The
addition of Haroi, Chru, and Western Cham resulted in minor adjustments here and there, but little more. Further, although the additional use ofWritten Chamic forms was sometimes valuable for its occasional preservation of an older form,
Chapter
8
aside from certain insights in the
advances
into the older vowel
system,
1
it has led to only minor
reconstructions.
a language whose significant was the inclusion of Acehnese, as as was seen Niemann 1891. with Cham early Subsequent scholars by affinity as such the issue affiliation of its Cowan, Shorto, Durie and others examining Far more
similar conclusions. The argument for this position will be for reconstruction comes later in this work. The significance of Acehnese from its early departure from the mainland, which sometimes enabled it to retain archaic features that bear significantly upon PC reconstruction but which have
have also reached made
inAustronesian
Increases
left behind on the mainland.
from the dialect continuum
disappeared
A second area where
material
comparative
our knowledge
has increased
is in the availability of reli? and PMP reconstructions. Far more is able, accessible proto-Austronesian (PAn) readily available to the comparativist now than was available in the late 1960s and and the early 1970s, leading to modifications of our PC reconstructions our to MK between PC material and bor? differentiate native ability increasing rowings, an area that is difficult but in which important progress has been made. This work
PMP
has benefited of Blust
reconstructions to
laar. Access
clear,
internally
and
greatly to
from having
the proto-Malayic
consistent
access
to the extensive of Ade?
reconstructions
reconstructions
of
PMP
and
proto
fit how prospective PC reconstructions the higher order reconstructions of Austronesian (An), specifically with PMP (based on Blust's dictionary files (1990-1995) and personal communication with Blust) and proto-Malayic (1988, 1992) and personal (based on Adelaar
Malayic in with
has made
it possible
to examine
communication).
In particular, the presence of a large body of reliable PMP reconstruc? to be done on both a bottom-up and a tions allows the Chamic reconstructions top-down
basis.
Here,
the
term
bottom-up
refers
in comparative work and requires no explication. less common and does require comment. This
to the more
common
procedure
The term top-down, however, is term was apparently introduced
into Austronesian comparative literature by Blust (1972:1), who was discussing from the top down". Certainly, this top-down what he termed "reconstruction refers to by the term reconstruction is what Anttila (1972:346) explicitly "inverted reconstructions", which in reference to Chamic would simply mean within Chamic are not that the interpretations of the sound correspondences based solely on the data within Chamic itself but are also based on our knowl? is of edge of higher-level PMP reconstructions. This use of an outside witness particular value when
there is no obvious directionality
to a sound change,
that is,
9
Introduction
in those cases when a sound change could have gone either way, the ability to use PMP reconstructions as a check often makes the direction of the change clear, it obvious which of the alternatives within Chamic represents the thus making older
stage.
The availability of these MK and Austronesian sources, when used along our the PC of with correspondence patterns, often makes it possi? understanding ble to not just identify loans but frequently to determine whether the loan pre? the dates or post-dates the breakup of PC. Beyond the expanded database?even the major impetus behind the adjustments in invaluable inclusion of Acehnese, the reconstruction of PC comes from the greatly improved ability to identify loanwords.
invaluable source that remains only there is one potentially earlier records of inscriptional Chamic. The more that we partially tapped?the know about the earlier inscriptions, the further back that we will be able to push However,
The value of these older inscriptions is greatly increased itself was a dialect continuum?a the fact that Chamic early string of related by a coast there is As and interacting dialects along the of Vietnam. consequence, every reason to believe that there were Post-PC changes that affected all the the PC reconstructions.
members stage
of the dialect continuum, with
was
lost
everywhere.
Thus,
the result that the evidence
we
when
reconstruct
PC,
in reality,
of an earlier what
we
are
is not the earliest stage of Chamic but a somewhat later stage. reconstructing What evidence we have of the earlier stages is, in part, provided by Acehnese, which dropped out of the dialect chain, when it left themainland, thus saving evi? dence
of
earlier
stages,
and,
in part,
by
the
inscriptional
evidence,
which
should
fill in some of the gaps.
Borrowings:
their identification
and interpretation
In order to analyze PC, it is essential to identify borrowings. The reason is that the Chamic languages have been in intimate contact with MK languages for about two thousand years and during that time have borrowed extensively from them. Without to reconstruct
identifying the various layers of borrowings, it is neither possible the history of the Chamic contact with MK nor to reconstruct
itself. Fortunately, it is usually possible, not just to identify borrowed items, but also to determine their relative chronology. The problem of detecting borrowings is complicated by the existence of
Chamic
borrowing between Chamic speakers and theMK groups with which they had contact. Thus, as David Blood points out (p.c.), there are numerous Cham loans in Chrau, as the Chrau were dominated by the Chams, so the existence of a
mutual
form in Chrau does not authenticate
it as originally MK. He adds thatMnong
evi
10
1
Chapter
is also suspect, as the central and eastern Mnongs have been under heavy Rade dominance and Bahnar evidence is also suspect because of heavy mutual cultural interaction with the Jarai. Hr? evidence is similarly suspect because of dence
heavy interaction with the Haroi, as is at least some Katu evidence, as the Katu have clearly borrowed extensively from Haroi (G?rard Diffloth, p.c.). it is likely that individual MK languages are largely free from Although Chamic
(David Thomas suggests Koho, Stieng, Rengao, Jeh, and borrowings this work has tended to identify loans, not on the basis of any Bahnaric), an on evaluation of the overall evidence: the degree of regularity single factor, but
West
of the Chamic Austronesian able
sound correspondences, etymology, the existence
reconstructions
of
various
MK
the existence
or non-existence
or non-existence subgroups,
and
of a good of the form in the avail?
so on.
In particular,
among
sources, the existence of a form in Bahnar ismuch weaker evidence of its MK in origin, than for example, its existence in Thomas' (Prachacakij being karacak 1995) West Bahnaric reconstructions, H. Blood's (1967, 1968, 1974) theMK
reconstructions
proto-Mnong
in many
(which,
cases,
are
often
proto
actually
as he draws heavily on Koho, Stieng, and Chrau (David Thomas, Efimov's reconstructions (1987) proto-South-Bahnaric p.c.)), (from the Gage translation of Efimov's wordlist), and Smith's (1972) proto-North Bahnaric. The South-Bahnaric
of a form in several MK
existence
subgroups, of course, is still stronger evidence. single work for the identification of MK borrowings (1976), who focused on the potential MK borrowings in Lee's Chamic
The most isHeadley reconstructions.
He
valuable
estimated
that
10%
of Lee's
reconstructions
were
MK
bor?
a number
that now appears to be on the low side. Headley listed those rowings, forms he thought might be borrowings, either from MK or, in a small number of cases, from elsewhere; inmost cases, based on his familiarity with MK, Headley identified particular Chamic items as potentially borrowed from MK. In all but a few cases, subsequent research has borne out his suspicions. Looking at his iden? tification from a Chamic perspective, some of Headley's putative borrowings dis? within Chamic, play irregular correspondences inherited An forms, and some exist both inMK
some have sounds not found
in
but have no history one or more branches in
and Chamic
inAn. Further, some have been reconstructed of MK (see sources listed in the paragraph above). In fact, further investigation has fully confirmed most of the identifications. In addition to those, other forms also reconstructed for PC by Lee (1966) and by Burnham (1976) have also turned elsewhere
out to be MK The
borrowings. identification
layer of MK (and, occasionally, has had several other) borrowings consequences. First, and in a sense most important, is the realization of how extensive and how intimate theMK con? tact was. The second consequence is that the identification of these as borrowings in Chamic
of the extensive
11
Introduction has led to a reassessment
of the consonant
by Lee (and, by Burnham). The bases for the identification
and vowel
inventories
reconstructed
of certain words as loans needs to be dis?
cussed, particularly as the strength of the supporting evidence may vary consider? ably from case to case. Itwould be, of course, possible to simply assume that all are native words unless there is overwhelming, irrefutable evidence that are a of the source. In the identification including precise they borrowings, stance it would this make theoretical Chamic context, quite impossible to effec? tively distinguish between inherited An forms and borrowed MK forms, leading to the reconstruction of a PC that contained a large number of post-Chamic MK
words
loans. Thus, a less dogmatic, more pragmatic approach to loan identification has been taken: if the sum of the evidence, taken as a whole, suggests that the word is more likely a borrowing than an inherited form, then it is treated as such; if the bulk of the evidence In actual
suggests that it is native, then it is treated as native. fact, few of the words are problematic. Certain words
are
loans. For example, if a form which occurs in Chamic is also unquestionably found reconstructed in one or more of theMK subgroups thus far reconstructed for Vietnam, that is, if it occurs in one or more of Smith's proto-North-Bahnaric, Blood's
Efimov's
proto-Mnong,
a preliminary
or Peiros'
proto-South-Bahnaric,
proto-Katuic?
of PKatuic, then from a Chamic viewpoint it is loan, with the regularity of the intra-Chamic correspondence patterns determining whether it reconstructs to the PC stage or whether it was borrowed after the reconstruction
breakup of PC. Further support is often provided by the failure of such forms to occur in An languages outside of Chamic, although occasionally such a form may have a cognate inMalay. an identified MK donor language itmay
Even without reliably
which
designate
a form
as
lack AN etymologies
structions
only occur
available
but
which
a
loan.
For
and which contain
in borrowed words. Aside
instance,
there
are
still be possible a number
do not show up in any of theMK "loan
phonemes",
that
is,
sounds
from the handful of An words
to
of words
recon? which
that have
developed implosives under very specific conditions, forms with implosives can usually be designated as loans. Similarly, as is established later in this work, cer? tain PC words contain vowels which only occur inMK borrowings; these too are as borrowings. In other cases, it is not the presence of an unexpected sound that identi? fies the word as a loan but instead the existence of marked irregularities in the correspondence patterns; for instance, if the initial and the vowel are irregular in
marked
several languages and the word does not appear to exist inAn outside of Chamic, are quite irregular within it is a likely loan. Similarly, if the correspondences mainland Chamic, the word does not seem to exist inAn outside of Chamic, and
12
1
Chapter
the form apparently does not occur inAcehnese, it is likely a post- PC loan that post-dates not just the breakup of Chamic but also themovement of theAcehnese to Sumatra.
case
The
of
would,
course,
become
even
more
convincing
with
the
discovery of a likely MK source for the loan, but even without such a source, the bulk of the available evidence suggests such forms are loans, not inherited forms. Certain
are
words
native
unquestionably
An.
Certain
forms
reconstruct
back to PMP or even back to PAn. The PAn and PMP forms cited in this work (unless otherwise noted) come exclusively from Blust's published work (or, per? it is obvious even on the basis of my own limited personal sonal communication); the various PMP forms found floating around in the lit? that of many "expertise" erature are unreliable. Not
surprisingly, the PMP forms with PC reflexes have PC that show the forms are inherited, not borrowed.
correspondences Other forms for which we have limited documentation
seem to be inher?
ited, at least at the PC level. Some forms occur outside Chamic, for instance, in Malay, and pattern quite regularly within Chamic, but do not seem to reconstruct to PMP. These are treated as inherited, at least from the Chamic perspective, a for the analyses in this work, as decision without any significant consequences this pattern regularly and there is no evidence of borrowing. Within a the Acehnese sometimes into context, present particular Malay borrowings problem, as not only was there a long period of mutual interaction between the the words
Acehnese
and
the Malay,
but
also
some
of
the borrowings
may
not
be
readily
dis?
from inherited material.
tinguishable In practice, of course, a specific word might be difficult to evaluate. Usu? the ally problem revolves around the lack of information about its wider distribu? tion, particularly its wider distribution in theMK languages. For AN, Blust's files and his comparative dictionary (in progress) are extensive enough to provide a reasonably accurate estimate about a particular word's distribution in AN as a if a form does not occur in either Smith (1972), in Blood (1967, 1968, 1974), in Efimov (1987), in Thomas (Prachacakij-karacak 1995) or in Peiros (1996), it is difficult to tell if the gap is fortuitous or meaningful. That
whole;
however,
forMK
is, there is no obvious way for me to determine if the word is likely to be a native MK etymon or not. A particular area of indeterminacy involves words found in Bahnar and one or more Chamic languages but not in any of theMK reconstruc? tions; since Bahnar has borrowed numerous Chamic words, without more evi? dence it is unclear what the direction of the borrowing was. Nonetheless, despite the existence of countless potential areas of diffi? culty in the identification of loans, the actual task is usually not problematic with the overall level of reliability quite high. Discussions of the status of particular words
are scattered
the designations.
throughout
this work,
as are discussions
of the evidence
for
13
Introduction
Finally, post-PC
it is important to distinguish Thus,
borrowings.
if the
intra-Chamic
between
pre-PC borrowings
correspondence
patterns
are
and regu?
lar, the loan predates the breakup of PC. In such cases, the word ismarked by the to PC, while at the same time also asterisk as reconstructing accompanying x to indicate that, although it reconstructs to PC, it is nonetheless an marked with early pre-Chamic borrowing from MK, e.g., x*?arj 'hole; door' was borrowed from MK before the PC stage. On the other hand, if the intra-Chamic correspon? are irregular, the form was borrowed after the breakup of PC. In these x cases, the form is simply labelled with indicating it is a borrowing, one that 'crossbow' is a post-PC borrowing from formation of the PC, e.g. xsrap postdates
dences
MK.
The degree
of adjustment
the late MK loans, the improved identification of loans?particularly to occasional due the inclusion of Acehnese, expanded data base?particularly reconstruc? in the of earlier and the increased adjustments availability analyses, a clearer picture of the language that tions of PMP and proto-Malayic?providing
The
PC evolved out of, all have resulted in the accumulative modification of countless details: roughly 60% of the specific lexical reconstructions differ in minor or major ways from the reconstructions found in Lee (1966). This accretion of small changes combined with the identification of the bulk of the post-PC MK loans has
resulted
in revisions
in the PC
vowel
and
consonant
inventories
(with
the
spe?
cific details found scattered throughout this work). Nonetheless, despite the large number of smaller changes, Lee's pioneering work still remains the framework for
these
reconstructions.
2
The
Geographical
and
Historical
Setting
The history of Chamic linguistic contact needs to be placed cal and geographical context.
in a broader histori?
THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING The geographical setting has played its part in the history of the Chamic-speak ing people. Vietnam is readily divided into the highlands formed by the Annamite Cordillera and an often quite narrow strip of land that runs along the coastline, with the north-south coastline itself being cut up into segments by the various riv? ers that flow eastward into the South China Sea. Thus, these rivers, which pro? vided good harbors, carved the geographical configuration around which various riverine political entities developed. The rivers contained the harbors, with the surrounding coastal strips integrated as rice growing areas, and the highland areas were more loosely integrated into the coastal political entities as sources of high? In the lands forest products, often as important for trade as for consumption. there were frequent power struggles between the political units that in the various river basins, first between Funan and Champa and later, developed after the decline of Funan, between the various riverine entities within Champa itself, with frequent shifts in power as one or the other river-mouth harbors rose early years,
to ascendancy (cf. K. R. Hall, 1985). Later, the Vietnamese would move south along the coast, settling in the areas most suited to wet rice irrigation; this move? ment naturally forced the Chams away from the coastal strip up into the high? lands.
14
and Historical
Geographical
15
Setting
settlements existed in coastal areas because of the harbors, Austronesian the first major harbor being at Oc-eo, the port city of Funan (see "Chamic settlement elsewhere, other history" on page 17). As is typical of Austronesian
with
later settlements were
scattered along the narrow belt of land along the coast, typ? to mouths. As part of the trading network, trading posts were close river ically also established in various places, including the southeast part of Hainan island, where some of the northern Cham would flee in 986, with a second migration fol? in 1486, and in parts of Cambodia. During most of its history and cer? tainly during its ascendancy, Champa remained coastal. And, despite the fact that the MK speakers are now largely found in the highland areas, it was in and lowing
that the initial, intense contact between Aus? tronesian speakers and MK speakers occurred. However, first after the loss of the northern capital in 982 and then again after 1471 when the Vietnamese moved around these coastal communities
down along the narrow coastal plain, Chamic lands, while still remaining in contact with MK
Chamic
speakers retreated
into the high?
speakers.
prehistory
observes, Southeast Asian prehistory has often been Key es (1995:182) divided into periods named after sites found in northern Vietnam: the Hoa-binh,
As
the Bac-son,
and
the Dong-son
cultures.
However,
the Chamic
speakers
are
only
and instead are asso?
marginally associated with the Dong-son cultural complex, ciated with a fourth complex, the Sa Huynh culture of southern Vietnam. In Bellwood's summary of the Sa Huynh culture (1985:275-279ff; sites Bellwood
the
mentions
have been indicated in Figure 1), he writes that the sites stretch from Hue and Da Nang in the north, to the type site Sa Huynh near the central Vietnam coastline, and then southwards to the Mekong Delta. Bellwood (1985:278) reports that the carbon dates from Phu Hoa and Hang Gon suggest an overall date range for the Sa Huynh culture between 600 BC and 0, but he goes on to say that the assemblages continue well into the middle of the first millen? nium, making the first part contemporary with the Funan civilization and the later with the early Champa civilization. Bellwood (1985:276) associates the Sa Huynh culture with the Chamic settlers from the islands. The Sa Huynh burial jars have close parallels in the Early Metal phase jars in the Philippines, northern Borneo, and the Celebes Sea region of northern Indonesia. The dates at Niah and Tab?n forjar burial go back as early as the end of the second millennium BC, suggesting that the practice in predates the practice in Sa Huynh. Bellwood dismisses sugges? tions that the stone burial jars of the Sa Huynh should instead be associated with similar practices in northern Laos. Other parallels are found in the "almost identi
northern Borneo
16
Chapter
2
cal knobbed pennanular stone earrings (the so-called 'lingling-o'), and of a spe? cial kind of earring or pendant with two animals heads (presumably deer), in a number of sites inVietnam, Palawan and Sarawak". Figure
1: The Sa Huynh
culture
Red River
+ Bac-son
Son "JxDong +1 Lang Vac a
Key: Site
Hainan
Hue +
>+^>aNang
South China Sea
+ S Sa Huynh
+y^ Q vn+ Oc-eo
(Funan) I
PhuHoa lang Gon
Mekong
The Sa Huynh sites reflect the Austronesian-speaking group that settled on the coast of Vietnam from an earlier homeland in perhaps Malaya or, more likely, Borneo, sometime before 600 BC, although even earlier dates are now It was some of these Austronesian archaeologists. being reported by Vietnamese contact with the MK people then living after extended speaking people who, along the coast, would become the speakers of Chamic.
and Historical
Geographical
17
Setting
records are supplemented the archaeological salvaged through historical reconstruction, which
Here record,
by the linguistic indicates that this
con? period included intense, intimate, assimilative linguistic and non-linguistic tact between the pre-Chamic Austronesian-speaking and MK-speaking people peoples, as evidenced from the massive incorporation of loan words (including pronouns, basic length
the
structure,
contrasts,
and so on), the restructuring
terms, basic vocabulary,
kinship
word
and
of
incorporation
new
consonants,
new
of the vowel
vowels,
so on.
CHAMIC HISTORY must have immediately Hall (1955; 1981) and Blust brought speakers. coast (1992a) argue that the first contact was probably not along the Vietnamese at the South China but rather the Gulf of Funan, Thailand, Sea, facing facing around 500 BC, or perhaps even earlier?at the site at Oc-eo, the port city of Funan. By the middle of the sixth century, Funan had been conquered by the
The first Austronesian them
incursions
onto
the mainland
into contact with MK
Khmers, but both Hall (1955:23; 1981:25) and Blust (1992a:50) suggest that ear? lier Funan was Austronesian speaking. In the first edition of his 1955 history of Southeast Asia, Hall asserted that the Funanese were Malays (1955:23, cited in Blust (1992a:50)), a position that he repeated some twenty-five years later, when he wrote writes
that the "Funanese were of Malay race, and still in the tribal state (1981:25). Blust, citing Hall (1955) with approval, points
at the dawn of history" out that (1992a:50):
The fall of Funan probably has a special significance for understanding the history of AN [An] languages on the Southeast Asian mainland. If Funan
was
AN-speaking,
in the early
centuries
of
the Christian
era
a sin?
gle dialect chain would have extended almost unbroken from the south? ern tip of theMalay Peninsula to Champa. The expansion of the Khmers into the region of theMekong delta would then have divided an earlier language continuum
into two separate and smaller dialect chains,...
question of whether or not Funan was originally Austronesian speaking aside, it is likely that the long period of contact between Austronesian and MK speakers began at Funan. If so, this would further suggest that the initial language contact was not with the more northerly Bahnaric but rather more groups; and, even ifHall and Blust are not correct, the first southerly Mon-Khmer The
intense contact also began at Funan. In any case, one would certainly still specu? late that there was a string of trading posts down along the coast, stretching as far
2
Chapter
18
south as the eastern coast of modern Malaysia
which were dominated
by Austro?
traders.
nesian-speaking
Without records of the actual language spoken, the evidence for Funan the available Austronesian being speaking remains circumstantial. Nonetheless, Chinese descriptions record at least an Austronesian presence in Funan and along the coast to the south. K. R. Hall (1985:38) notes that, in 240, K'ang T'ai, aWu envoy to Funan, reported to the emperor that Funan's authority reached from the lower Mekong Delta to the upper Malay Peninsula, a stretch coterminous with what was almost assuredly a string of Austronesian speaking trading colonies. In the Southern Ch'i history, the Funan of Jayavarman, the great king who died in is described (D. G. E. Hall 1981:33) as a community of seafaring people, "carrying on both trade and piracy, and constantly preying on their neighbours", a
514,
picture that would just as accurately describe the neighboring Chams. To extend to the people of Funan, they were "a Durie's characterization of the Acehnese people of the coastal margins, engaged in fishing the sea, in wet rice cultivation of their preferred homelands, in maritime trade (and sometimes piracy)..." are a of very Malay-like (1996:114). That is, the descriptions people. The archaeological record also suggests what Hall interprets as an Aus? remains tronesian connection. K. R. Hall (1985:40) describes the archaeological at Oc-eo as showing that "the coast was occupied in the early first century AD by Malay fishing and hunting groups". This interpretation is based on the conclusion Sa Huynh culture both show the influence of Borneo not it is clear that the influence is from the same region of people, although evidence from Borneo Borneo. K. R. Hall (1985:40) writes that archaeological that Funan and the Chamic
from
the presumed
on the west known
as
site
of Yeh-po'-t'i,
coast of Borneo, and which
y?pas"
which
an ancient
trade
notably
included
"substantiate
a Borneo
port
to have
believed
"carved sacrificial
cultural
link
to Funan".
than
logical evidence. extension
of
one
the an earlier
exists
however,
explanation,
If, as speculated
by Hall
and Blust,
Austronesian-speaking
to account
for
the
the Cham were
Funanese
kingdom,
posts Else?
Sa Huynh
(1985:276) has suggested that aspects of the Chamic culture show links with northern Borneo culture.
where Bellwood
More
been
archaeo?
simply an these
con?
nections receive a simple explanation. First, however, it is not clear that the Borneo influences on Funan and on the Sa Huynh cultures were the same, leaving the possibility we talking about more than one group of people. And, second, the establishment
of a Borneo
does not automatically make it with Aus? It seems evident to Adelaar and to myself that many
connection
people. tronesian-speaking of the now Austronesian languages on Borneo would
associate with a language shift from MK
substratum, one that I toAustronesian.
show aMK
and Historical
Geographical
Setting
19
The historical
records provide several types of evidence that indicate that the people of Funan were the same people found in neighboring Champa, but this leaves open the possibility that the people themselves were MK speaking. For instance, there is a fifth-century Chinese report of a Funan prince who fled to that is, Champa, and eventually became king of the Chams (K. R. Hall, 1985:71). However, it is easy to read too much into this since the later history of Champa is dominated by intense contact and extensive cooperation between MK Lin-yi,
and Austronesian
speakers. For instance, to paraphrase K. R. Hall (1985:178), the Chinese envoys who visited Funan in the 240s reported that around 220 the Chams and the Funanese were making joint naval raids and land attacks against the Red River Delta
region. Thus, these frequent reports of joint Funanese and ventures Cham raiding only argue for mutual cooperation. It is important to point out both that there was also frequent tension not just between Funan and Champa but also between the various coastal centers within Champa itself. As K. R. Hall (1985:178) writes, "... the Cham realm's early history was characterized by shifting alliances among regional centers that were
at the river mouths of the Cham coast..." Changing power were at the root of this factionalism. Funan's power base was mostly relationships solid when trade routes were either overland or at least followed the coastline concentrated
allowed more closely. As better sailing techniques and improved knowledge direct routes to be taken to China, the geographical position of Funan ceased to be an advantage and instead became a deterrent, with the bulk of the international trade
to Champa
shifting
worked
themselves
out,
the
along some
tension
eastern
coast
between
of Vietnam.
Funan
and
As
Champa
these was
shifts inevita?
ble. By the end of the sixth century, however, the changes in trading routes left Funan a commercial backwater, as virtually all international trade shifted to the ports
along
Funanese
the Vietnamese
coast.
In part
as
a
reaction
to
these
changes,
the
inland, refocusing their economy on developing rice lands in the upper Mekong Delta (K. R. Hall, 1985:75), and by the end of the sixth century Funan had ceased to be even partially Austronesian-speaking, rulers withdrew
instead part of the Khmer world. As for Champa itself, the first date of import for its future historical path is probably 111 AD, before the first historical reference to the Chamic people
becoming
themselves.
In that year, northern Vietnam
became a province of the Han empire, of north Vietnam. In particular, the use to "Vietnamese peasantry began Chinese methods of irrigation and agricul? tural terracing" (Keyes 1995:182). In later centuries, these methods of irrigation and terracing would be brought to the south, with consequences for theMK and
an event that would
Chamic
peoples
lead to the Sinicization
then living on the coastal plains.
20
Chapter
2
term refer? appearance of the Chams themselves?a in a role that they would ring at that time to all the Chamic speaking people?was over the In centuries. the 137 AD, Coed?s year suggests play repeatedly a "a from band of about barbarians thousand (1968:43), beyond the frontier of The initial historical
Jih-nan" attempted to invade Hsiang-lin. Coed?s continues, "their name Ch'ii lien, although written with different characters, can scarcely be dissociated from that of the founder of Lin-yi." the first recognition of Champa However, itself, writes Coed?s (1968:17), was by the Chinese, who began to speak of the kingdom of Champa along the coast of Vietnam around 190 to 193 AD. Coed?s wrote (1968:42) that The History governor
includes, around the year 280, a report in which the Chinese of Tongking complains about the raids of the kingdom of Lin-yi of Chin
(Champa). The governor, T'ao Huang, says of the kingdom that it "touches Funan in the south. Their tribes are numerous; their friendly bands render mutual aid taking advantage of the ruggedness of their region, they do not submit [to China]." By about the sixth century the Champa civilization reached its zenith, but continued to flourish until the Vietnamese "push to the South" began in the a tenth century. Meanwhile writing system based on Indie models evolved, in which the earliest Cham linguistic record is the inscription found at Tra-ki?u, dat? ing from the middle of the fourth century (The inscription is cited in full on page 3). Various temples were built in the north, particularly around the spiritual another cluster to the south at the site of Vijaya, and still fur? capital of Mi-son, are ther south the important complex of temples called Po Nagar near the modern cities of Nha Trang and Phan Rang. This whole tact with MK speakers. The Chamic where
dialect
period
involved continued
con?
north at least as far as Quang-Tri, Katuic speakers. The linguistic evidence
chain extended
they undoubtedly encountered suggests that it was the Chamic speakers who left their linguistic imprint on the Katuic languages in the form of borrowings and perhaps even some morphology, if as Reid (1994) argues the morphology found in some dialects of Katu isAus? tronesian, particularly Katu proper. Under pressure from the north, these Chamic speakers left, probably to become the modern Acehnese of northern Sumatra. The beginning of the rapid decline started when the Vietnamese sacked at the capital Indrapura in 982. From this point on, the remaining history of historians term the "push to the Champa is dominated by what the Vietnamese
down along the coastal plains of Vietnam. South", the Vietnamese movement Within after the twenty years sacking of Indrapura, the Chams had effectively abandoned their northern provinces and the capital was moved further south to Vijaya.
Geographical
and Historical
Figure 2: Champa from
With
21
Setting
inception to absorption
(important sites)
the fall of Indrapura, the Chams inhabiting the northern provinces the departure of the Acehnese, the northern Cham con?
resettled elsewhere. With
sisted of two groups of still identifiable modern descendants: the Tsat speakers of ("The history of Tsat contact" on page 224), who are quite probably the in the Chinese report of 986, and the Northern refugees from Champa mentioned
Hainan
Roglai, who fled to the south with the fall of the capital, eventually coming to live in the Vietnamese highlands. History also records a third group of refugees from northern Champa, the group recorded by Guangzhou (Canton City) as 310 refu? from cited gees Zhancheng. Although by Zheng (1986:37) in connection with providing
confirmation
of the dating the arrival of the Tsat
in Hainan,
the group
22
Chapter
2
to have fled to Guangzhou, not Hainan. Since the Chams more than in Guangzhou (Canton) at the time, Guangzhou likely had trading connections
itself seems sense
makes
as a destination
The
for
the emigrants.
shows that the Northern Roglai and the Utsat linguistic were once speakers of the same northern Cham dialect. Zheng (1986:37) notes that the History of the Song Dynasty (960-1279) makes it clear that some of the northern Cham went to Hainan. Specifically, in 986, Pu-Luo-E and a hundred of evidence
his clan arrived, having not just fled Zhancheng (Champa) but having been harassed by the people of Jiaozhi, the name given by the Northern Sung dynasty to northern parts of Vietnam. This report, including the Pu used in the name of the leader, affirms the arrival of the Cham from Champa, the group we now iden? tify as the Utsat. Having arrived in Hainan, these Cham entered into the Hain anese linguistic area, an area characterized by the richly tonal Be and Li of the Tai-Kadai family and the Southern Min Hainanese dialect of Chinese. The effective end of Champa as a regionally-dominant political entity came with the fall of the southern capital at Vijaya in 1471. Much of the remain? der of Champa was incorporated into Vietnam and, although remnants of now some was to small territories situ? for it reduced existed time, Champa quite even ated south of Cape Varella, where today many Cham still live. Just as happened after the fall of the northern capital, the fall of Vijaya also
led
to
a
diaspora
of
Chamic
speakers,
some
to
the
highlands,
some
to
Hainan, Guangzhou (Canton), Malaka, Aceh, Java, Thailand, and Cambodia (the Western Cham). With reference to Hainan, again citing from Zheng (1986:37), in 1486 the True Records of the Emperor Xian Zong of the Ming Dynasty (1368 1644) record over 1000 new refugees inHainan from Zhancheng (Champa). With reference to Guangzhou (Canton City), in 988 AD the Guangzhou records report 310 refugees from Zhancheng. The Sejarah Melayu records that after the fall of Vijaya, the two sons of King Pau Kubah fled, with Syah Indera Berman going to Malaka, and Syah Pau Ling going toAceh where he started the line of Aceh kings (Abdul Rahman arrival of Cham ence of a Cham
1994 [1987]: 104). Other sources and texts record the account notes the exist? in Java. In Thailand, a 1662 missionary at colony Ayudhya (Lafont 1994b:73) these appear to the same
al-Ahmadi
group now found in Bangkok, where they still exist as an identifiable ethnic com? munity. At various times, Cham also fled to Cambodia. For instance, after the fall of Vijaya in 1471, the Khmer Annals record thatmany Cham took refuge in Cam? bodia; later, in 1692, the Khmer Royal Chronicles record another large migration (MakPhoen 1994:76-77). As Figure 3 shows, this last major ancient diaspora along with several still later, more modern migrations correlates with the modern distribution of the Chamic
languages.
Some of the Chamic
speakers retreated into the highlands
of
and Historical
Geographical
Setting
23
Vietnam, others fled to Hainan to become speakers of Tsat, some went to Cambo? dia (apparently some as war captives, others willingly) where they speak what are Western Cham dialects, and still others ultimately went to northern Sumatra, eventually
to become
speakers of Acehnese.
Figure 3: The modern distribution
of Chamic
Once they were separated from the Chamic community, as Durie notes the Acehnese re-entered the Austronesian world, greatly expanding their (p.c.), contacts with Malay while their language's typological convergence with MK it remains unclear when and by what languages was largely arrested. However, route theAcehnese made their way to north Sumatra. As for dating their arrival in Sumatra, Durie (1996:115), for example, assumes thatAcehnese may have been there for a period of more than a thousand years, based on the striking dialect diversity. Any real precision with respect to an arrival date is not possible without more
information
The Acehnese
than we
now
have.
and Kelantan
took on their travels, there is evidence that respect to the path the Acehnese there was an important, Chamic presence in Kelantan, on the east coast of the
With
2
Chapter
24
Malaysian peninsula but this influence looks to have been quite late. As Abdul traditions Rahman al-Ahmadi (1994 [1987]: 105-106) notes, local Kelantanese an area some authors believe have the King of Kelantan coming from Kembayat, to be Champa, although others maintain it is Cambodia. of a Chamic presence is found in the numerous
Less
evi?
controversial
place names related to Champa: Pengkalan Cepa, Kampong Cepa, and Gong Cepa, to cite but a few. The Cepa of these names is obviously Champa, with the expected sound changes. These place names and other influences were the result of an Acehnese presence dence
not just a Chamic presence. G?rard Diffloth has suggested that Ace? hnese contains loanwords restricted to Aslian; however, even if data showing the Aslian loanwords from groups on the Malay peninsula can be assembled, in Kelantan,
finding would had
a presence
substantiation
only provide
for the contention
that the Acehnese
in Kelantan.
Table 1: The Malayic
dialects
PMP
Nb.
Malay
of Nonthaburi, Pattani
Pattani, and Kelantan
Kelantan
*-i
-i
-i
-i
*laki
lakilaki
laki
llaki
*waRi
hari
*gigi *beli
gigi b?li
(I)
PC *-sy
*laksy
'male; person'
gigi
gig*
ayi
*hursy
'day;
gigi bali
*gigsy
'tooth'
*p9-blsy
sun'
'sell'
-u
-u
-u
-u
*-ow
tahu
tahu
tahu
tahu
*thow
'know; able'
can;
*kutu
kutu
gutu
kutu
*kutow
'louse,
head'
*kuku
kuku
kuku
kuku
*kukow
'claw;
*kayow
'tree;
-u *taqu
-i?
fingernail' *kahiw
kayu
kayu
kayu
kayu
wood'
*batu
batu
batu
batu
batu
*batow
'stone'
*baqeRU
baharu
bayu
bayu
bayu
*bahrow
'new; just now'
*aku
aku
ku
*qabu
abu
?abu
abu
*kow
'I (familiar)'
*habow
'ashes'
Two things argue for this Acehnese presence in Kelantanese being fairly recent. First, the records of Acehnese presence in the area themselves suggest a recent Kelantanese itself shows little other Acehnese presence. Second, fairly influence. Despite the obvious Chamic influences in the place names, the modern dialects
of the northeast
coast of Malaysia
and southern Thailand, Nonthaburi
Geographical
and Historical
25
Setting
Malay (a group relocated from Pattani to central Thailand), Kelantanese Malay subgroup, not with PC, but with Malayic. show, with reference to four obvious vocalic innovations
Pattani Malay and As Tables 1 and 2
the differentiating from of Nonthaburi (data Malayic Malayo-Chamic, Tadmor 1995), Pattani (data from Tadmor 1995), and Kelantan (data from Abdul Hamid Mahmood, 1994) consistently pattern with Malay, the representative of branches
and the Chamic
Malayic,
not with PC.
Specifically, as Table 1 shows, in final position Chamic has innovated, the two high PMP vowels *-i and *-u, giving *-ey and *-ow, diphthongizing one of these three dialects shares this Chamic innovation. not respectively; Table 2: The Malayic PMP
Malay
*-ay *ma-atay
dialects
of Nonthaburi, Pattani
Nb
Pattani, and Kelantan
Kelantan
-i
-i
-i
-i
mati
mati
mati
mati
(II)
PC *-ay *matay
'die'
*qatay
hati
ati
hati
ati
*hatay
'liver'
(*qaqay)
kaki
kaki
kaki
kaki
*kakay
'leg; foot'
*-uy
-i
-i
-i
-i
*hapuy
api babi
?api
api
api
*babuy
?
?
*-uy
?
*?apuy
'fire'
*babuy
'wild pig'
As is obvious both from the PMP forms in Table 2 and from Adelaar's 1992 reconstruction of Malayic, Malayic has innovatively monophthongized the two PMP final diphthongs *-ay and *-uy, merging both as *-i; the three dialects share this Malayic innovation. Thus, although there have been some Acehnese influence in Kelantan, it is obvious not just from this evidence but from all the nor Chamic, but aMalayic is not Acehnese, linguistic evidence that Kelantanese dialect. Two
other
general
observations
can
also
be made
about
the
forms
of
Table 2, neither of which invalidates their subgrouping implications. First, it is not the case that PMP *-ay forms all have -i reflexes inMalay (and in western Indonesia as well as in a small set of languages historically heavily influenced by Malay); some forms keep -ay reflexes inMalay (Blust, p.c.). Dyen, for example, reconstructed *-ey (in addition to *-ay) for precisely those forms that have Malay -i reflexes. However, whatever the ultimate solution to the problem posed by the the fact remains that the i/-ay split in reflexes for higher level reconstruction, not Kelantanese reflexes pattern with Malayic, with PC. To the degree that the -i reflexes are unexpected, the argument that Kelantanese Malayic subgroups with Malayic,
not Chamic,
is only strengthened.
2
Chapter
26
Note that the limited amount of data presented here makes the solution to the problem seem obvious: simply reconstruct both *-ey and *-ay. However, the apparent obviousness disappears once it is realized that this particular split in reflexes is limited basically to PMalayic and, as noted already, to a number of languages in western Indonesian known to have been strongly influenced by Malay. Thus, I fully sympathize with Blust's reluctance to posit an additional vowel phoneme solely on the basis of one segment of one subgroup of Austrone sian.
in mind,
Bear
that Dyen's
however,
based on different
subgrouping
his methodology,
requires
of both
another
and
*-ey
is
*-ay
coupled with
and these assumptions, proto-phoneme.
*hahi in be the nonexistent *qaqay in it is *kaki in but and PC, Malayic *kakay *hahay how both Chamic and Malay developed the same aberrant reflex
Malayic in PC. And, an
assumptions
reconstructing
the PMP Second, and the nonexistent
remains
reconstruction
unsolved
form
problem.
should
whatever
however,
Again,
the
ultimate
source
of
share this oddity supports this irregularity, the fact the Chamic and Malayic rather than refutes the arguments for the unity of Chamic and Malayic as a super ordinate subgroup (both subgroups share reflexes of this unexpected lexical inno? (as the vation) and for the patterning of the Kelantanese languages with Malayic *-ay
The Cham The MK
directly
the
remaining
and Chamic
significant,
area
of
component
long-term
becomes
form
-i, rather
for wet-rice
-ay).
remaining
on the mainland speakers who changes
in
stayed on the mainland their
patterns
related to the Vietnamese-dominated
suitable
than
irrigation.
The
of
continued
language
contact,
to undergo changes
inhabitation of the coastal plain, an
Vietnamese
movement
into
these
areas
was
abrupt in times of war and gradual in times of peace, but incessant. In response to this incursion, some segments of the Chamic and MK groups inhabit? ing the coastal plains adapted, assimilated, and in some cases even shifted to culture in although not without changing the incoming Vietnamese while other segments of the Chamic and MK peoples reacted by into the hills, pushed not so much by the march of an army but more by retreating the almost imperceptible conversion of the coastal plains, by the Vietnamese
Vietnamese, the process,
farmers, slowly but steadily, one field at a time. Steadily over time, the once coastal-dwelling
speakers of Cham lan? or tomove further into the and have assimilated continued either guages adapted networks between extensive Chamic speak? The interaction highlands. previous ers were often weakened and sometimes even broken, with new patterns of affili? ation evolving,
but now in some cases not with fellow Chamic
speakers, but with
and Historical
Geographical
27
Setting
become a Chamic-speaking speakers. The Haroi, who have effectively Hr? are an excellent example of this branch of the otherwise Bahnaric-speaking sort of cultural realignment. Eventually, as a consequence of the breaking of old
MK
alliances
and the substitution of new linguistic and cultural realignments, among many of the Chamic languages became more marked,
ferentiation
the dif? becom?
ing the Rade,
the Jarai, the Chru, the Haroi, and themodern Cham. the Chamic and MK speakers that remained in the coastal Typically
assimilated into the Vietnamese culture, eventually wrote: Southeast Asia. As throughout Keyes (1995:19)
plain
a process
found
a growing distinction between the hill and lowland peoples, did not develop between the two. Rather, throughout boundaries sharp most of Southeast Asia, hill peoples were incorporated into social sys? tems dominated by the lowland peoples. Despite
And, although some of theMK and Chamic speakers retreated into the hills, much of the disappearance of the Chamic MK speakers along the coastal plain must be attributed not to their being killed or even displaced but to their absorption into the emerging lowland civilization. Again, Keyes (1995:183-184) writes:
Once
the various
territories had been conquered, Vietnamese migrants into and settle these areas. Here, they often intermarried with Chams and Khmer, and, even when they did not, they were exposed to the different social and cultural patterns of these Indianized peoples. would move
tended to result in some compromising of the dominant tradition, at least among the peasantry. Many of the cultural differences between northern and southern Vietnamese can be
These
contacts
Chinese-derived traced
to such
compromises.
In many cases, such assimilation led to the total absorption of peoples into the even dominant Vietnamese in cases where the group has maintained a but culture, distinct linguistic identity, there have not only been enormous cultural changes but the languages have been slowly restructured in the direction of Vietnamese, as exemplified by the dramatic evolution of tones in Phan Rang Cham.
The Chamic The modern Chamic MK
and MK
distribution
languages
languages.
languages
in Vietnam
of Chamic and MK languages is shown in Figure 4. The are found in central and southern Vietnam interspersed with
Figure 4: The modem
X" ? Bru
distribution
and Mon-Khmer
ofChamic
luang Tri
South China
Hue
\, iJPacolN^ V^Phuqng\_
3 r
Katu
C
Jeh Duan
Sea
*Da Nang Takua
^'"7'Cua
Quang
l
Ngai
A
Katua
x"
^f im 2e-C /" ' Hre Sedang V-'\ : & ?%-vReneac? ^ D\.->-^ -v*
Kayong Todrah
Renga?^-v
Halang
\
: Kontum
y
>
tMonom
Qui Nhon
Tuy vHoa
N. Roglai E. Mnong
* f
..?/ _
.
? s'
Stieng
/ \
Nha
Mnong
^A-^C.
Trang ^
Dalat
"r
^^
Koho
?^/;\*TPhan
Y Saigon ?
) Chrau i Jro
Cham
Geographical
and Historical
Setting
29
languages are now highlands languages spoken by from the coastal plains. For those in the southern Viet? living away namese highlands, the major linguistic contact has been with MK highlands lan? Most
of the Chamic
hill tribesmen
guages, and this mutual contact has resulted in what Solnit termed "the southern Vietnamese highlands subregion", a linguistic area defined by certain common characteristics ("Reflexes of PC glottalized obstruents" on page 91). linguistic What is equally evident from Figure 4 (from Gregerson and Thomas (1980:xi)) is that there are no longer any Chamic speakers living in the north, but as already mentioned, the Acehnese were at one point the most northerly Chamic the descendants of then most speakers, and upon the departure of the Acehnese, northerly Chamic speakers live on in the modern Tsat speakers of Hainan and the modern Northern Roglai speakers found in the south (page 224). Finally, of course, there is the modern diaspora of Chamic and other speakers from Vietnam, as a result of the conflicts of the Vietnam war, and from Cambodia, as a result of the Khmer Rouge genocidal killings. These modern ref? ugees are found scattered throughout the world, inMalaysia, Hong Kong, France, ? even occasionally Australia, and so on showing up in places as distant as the central valley of California and the large and growing Chamic (Dega) community in central North Carolina (David Thomas, p.c.).
3
of
Classification Chamic
the
Languages
and the determina? languages as Austronesian tion of their relationship to the rest of Austronesian has clear implications for our this part of Southeast Asia. of the the of and history understanding prehistory
The classification
John
of the Chamic
one
Crawfurd,
of
the earliest
to examine
scholars
Cham
its Aus?
recognized
tronesian character, describing Cham as the "Malay of Champa" as early as 1822. However, Chamic,
the
by had
become
turn
of
the
century
controversial,
the
classification
a controversy
that
of resulted
Cham, from
and, a failure
thus, to
genetic and typological criteria for classification. distinguish The scholars following Crawfurd were inclined either to be confused by theMK-like typology of Chamic or to view it as an "intermediate link" between between
languages of the islands. languages of the mainland and theAustronesian in 1889, Etienne Aymonier, who believed, along with many of his contem? migrated to the islands from this part of the poraries, that theMalayo-Polynesians wrote that Cham formed a kind of intermediary link Southeast Asian mainland, theMK
Thus,
between Khmer
and Malay
(Aymonier
1889:5-6
(translation mine)):
language as well as the majority of the tribes in the forests of southern Indo-China, the Cham language represents a mainland group related to the Polynesian family of languages found in ...that like the Khmer
and of the Indian Ocean; knowledge of it will help balance the study of these languages; one can suggest that Cham serves as an intermediate link between Khmer and Malay, for example. all the islands of Pacific
30
of the Chamic
Classification
31
Languages
typological features in Chamic coupled with the presence of some borrowed material also accounts for Schmidt's (1906) description of the Chamic and for Thomas Sebeok's mis? languages as "Austroasiatische Mischsprache"
The MK-like
this earlier guided 1942 claim that these languages are Austroasiatic. Despite a modern are Chamic Austronesian from the confusion, languages indisputably influ? is under what and what of interest is how and perspective, determining ences these languages came to acquire the often typologically MK-like systems which they possess today.
forms and
THE PLACE OF CHAMIC WITHIN AUSTRONESIAN The
existence
family was certainly recognized early by in 1708. In 1852 its geographical extent was sketched nicely
of the Austronesian
Hadrianus Relandus
by Crawfurd, who described what he called the "Malayan" lowing terms (1852:cxxxiii):
languages
in the fol?
A certain connexion, of more or less extent, is well ascertained to exist to Easter between most of the languages which prevail from Madagascar Island in the Pacific, and from Formosa, on the coast of China, to New Zealand. It exists, then, over two hundred degrees of longitude and sev? enty of latitude, or over a fifth part of the surface of this earth. Crawfurd
continues
with
his
geographical
survey
of
languages,
adding
to his
Malayan
... the innumerable islands of the Indian Archipelago, New Guinea ? of the great group of the Philippines ? the North and South Pacific ? and of Madagascar. In 1852,
the Austronesian
language in the world.
family was
the most
from Sumatra to of the islands of
geographically
dis?
persed language family Placing Chamic more precisely within the Austronesian family requires a family tree, along with its subgroups, but none of the subgrouping assumptions about PAn are totally without their distractors. Nonetheless, while there are dif? ferences in details, except for Dyen (1965; 1995), who has his own family tree, and two of Dyen's students (Wolff 1991, 1995; Tsuchida 1982), who regard For
1. The modern recognized
perspective probably begins with Pittman (1959), who clearly nature of Jarai, one of the Chamic languages. the Austronesian
Chapter
32
3
languages, modern scholars languages as branching off from Philippine in Formosa in homeland the Austronesian and, in one sense or agree placing another, in their recognition that the Austronesian languages of Formosa repre? sent a higher branch on the family tree than the remaining Malayo-Polynesian
mosan
in Tryon (1995)). In Blust's view (1977 and else? languages (cf. the discussion are four primary subgroups of An, three of them For where), for example, there and one non-Formosan and Paiwanic) Tsouic, (MP), the Formosan the that in Others 5. argue languages Figure configuration presented consist of a single branch; still others argue about the subgrouping of the Formo?
mosan
(Atayalic,
san languages land
(cf. Starosta
scholars place the home?
however, most
1995). Again,
on Formosa.
such a homeland
also exist for a Formosan
arguments
Non-linguistic insular Austronesian
homeland
for the
(1978, 1985, 1991) has argued for languages. Bellwood on archaeological grounds. The dating of the archaeological that Neolithic sites on the east coast of Formosa are part of the
record suggests Yuan-shan culture, which Bellwood
associates with
later Philippine culture complex
and Indone?
on Formosa Bellwood places the Yuan-shan or some so in the Philip? dates than the earlier 800 earliest years (4300 BC) by or far than for Indonesia the and earlier dates (c. 2500 later) pines (c. 3500 BC (1870 BC) (dates from Blust 1995:592). BC) and Melanesia sian settlement.
to regard
it is misleading
However,
Austronesian
themselves
languages
as having originated in Formosa. The Formosan languages represent a starting pointing for the migration into the Pacific, but there is also linguistic evidence for an
earlier
language
Austronesian has
Austronesian
on
presence
left modern in
loans
the mainland. the earlier
descendents, the
While
non-Austronesian
no
early
of
the mainland.
Austronesian languages
Austronesian
presence
has
left For
example, in at least two branches of Tai-Kadai, there are early, readily identifi? able Austronesian borrowings (Thurgood, 1994). The unique correspondence pat? in terns of borrowed Austronesian disyllabic roots are particularly conspicuous forms of proto-Tai and proto-Kam-Sui. among the overwhelmingly monosyllabic For Sui
example, *?'a:n2'
proto-Kam-Sui
PAn
*polan
'moon'; *ft'am3
-t-i-f
*danum
*?bl/rien1, to
corresponds
'(fresh)water';
sian (PWMP) *bujak corresponds 2.
to proto-Tai
corresponds
PAn
and
the
proto-Tai
and
proto-Kam *nl/r9m4,
and
Proto-Western-Malayo-Polyne
to proto-Tai *7bl/ro:k7 'flower'.
These
are but
Thai scholars often attribute many of these words to Thai contact with Malay in southern Thailand, but for at least these forms the reconstructions date back to proto-Tai and the forms are found even in the Tai dialects spoken in southwestern China, the area of the Tai homeland. The dating of proto-Tai and the distribution of the forms makes it clear that these forms were bor? rowed long before the earliest contact with Malay
in southern Thailand.
of the Chamic
Classification
33
Languages
a few of many Kam-Sui
early Austronesian words borrowed early into proto-Tai and proto (see Thurgood 1994 for details and more examples). These forms are significant because the Tai-Kadai reconstructions and show that these words represent, not recent borrowings languages, but ancient borrowings into proto-Tai and sources which make it possible to pro? from early Austronesian
the subgrouping evidence into the Tai and Kam-Sui proto-Kam-Sui vide the approximate Kam-Sui
time and place of the borrowings. reconstruct
borrowings
to proto-Tai
and
the Tai and the
Both
and
proto-Kam-Sui
thus
pre?
date the breakup of these proto-languages. An examination of the geographical distribution of the Tai languages makes it clear that the area where the proto-Tai began to break up must be somewhere in the Guizhou area (if not even further to the north) and since the area where the proto-Kam-Sui began to break up must be in the Guizhou and Guangxi area, it follows that the early Austronesian contact, which predates the breakup of proto-Tai and proto-Kam-Sui, must also have as far north as Guizhou. The proto-Tai and the at the very least? occurred ? homelands proto-Kam-Sui place these early Austronesian speakers somewhere south of the Yangtze discussion).
What
some 8,000 years ago or so (see Thurgood 1994 for a fuller this does is to establish the existence of early Austronesian
speakers presumably along the south bank of the upper reaches of theYangtze? early Austronesian speakers whose descendants later left the mainland to become Austronesian
arrival in Indonesia and speakers. Given that the Austronesian was considerably later in prehistory than estimated dates for Formosa and the northern Philippines, it also makes a departure point somewhere across from Formosa and the Philippines the most reasonable place to begin the journey
Melanesia
out into the Pacific. In any case, despite differences of opinion about some of the higher level subgrouping details, the place of Malayo-Chamic within this configuration does not itself seem controversial, nor do any of the disagreements about the higher-level
subgroupings
reached about Chamic.
seem
to have
any
for
consequences
It at least seems evident
that Chamic
the
conclusions
subgroups neither
with one the Formosan
branches nor with the Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian a part of the languages usu? subgroup, leaving Malayo-Chamic uncontroversially as Blust has pointed out termed Western However, ally Malayo-Polynesian.
(p.c.), it is important to realize that PWMP is not a well-defined subgroup defined own set the PWMP is existence of its of innovations; instead, by independent not those in Central-Eastern included basically Malayo-Polynesian languages that is, PWMP is a cover term for those PMP languages that Malayo-Polynesian, fall outside of Central-Malayo-Polynesian. Thus, the split of PMP is not binary; a it is is that CEMP indeed, quite probable subgroup within aMP dialect contin? uum, with Malayo-Chamic
simply being a subgroup within
the continuum.
3
Chapter
34
language subgroup Following a convention found in Ross (1995b:263), are on shared innovations established the bases of distinguished orthograph ings ically from collections of languages placed together for other reasons. In Figure 5, subgroupings established on the bases of shared innovations are in boldface, shared ancestor (Ross while language groupings that do not have an exclusively are "Formosan in italics. Thus the italicized label 1995b:263) languages" indi? cates a collection
of languages descended (along with PMP) from PAn. However, is not being made that there was a single, unified "Proto-Formosan"
the claim from which Polynesian
the Formosan languages descended. Moving down the tree, Malayo is itself defined by a set of shared innovations. In turn, it consists of an
Central-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian,
isWestern Malayo-Polynesian,
plement part
the
of
innovation-defined
innovation-defined
subgroup;
its
com?
languages not
those Malayo-Polynesian
Central-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian.
It is worth bearing inmind that the historical subgrouping of languages, when properly done, as these subgroupings are, is done not on the basis of the geographical distribution of the languages, but on the basis of shared historical (Blust 1995b, Ross 1992). The Austronesian family tree above is based on such shared historical innovations; the fact that the family tree has such striking correlations with geography is because, to a large degree, the current lin? innovations
guistic distribution MALAYO-CHAMIC
still reflects the older migration AND BROADER
patterns fairly accurately.
AFFILIATIONS
Within Western Malayo-Polynesian, the Chamic languages are part of what Blust terms the (1992a) Malayo-Chamic subgroup, a subgroup that pairs the Chamic Acehnese (cf. "Acehnese, a Chamic language" on page 47) languages including with Adelaar's (1988, 1992) Malayic languages, a cluster of languages which includes Malay. The existence of a special relationship between both the main? land Chamic languages and Acehnese and, on a higher level, between the Chamic and theMalayic languages has long been argued for in the literature. The recon? structions
found
in this work
serve to confirm what
earlier scholars have
long
maintained.
(1985), and James Collins (1975), Blust (1981), Adelaar (1991) have all argued for a special connection between the Chamic and the Malayic languages. Collins (1992:110), however, adds a word of caution, writing Marrison
that
without
"comparisons
full are
of
reconstructions superficial".
Now,
PC, with
Proto-Malayic, this
reconstruction
and
Proto-Acehnese, of
PC,
with
Ade?
it is laar's proto-Malayic, and Durie's partial reconstruction of proto-Acehnese, are borrowed, far more evident that the uniquely Malay elements in Acehnese while
the uniquely Chamic
elements
are inherited.
Figure 5: P roto-Austronesian family tree (modified from Blust 1977; Ross 1995b)
Austronesian
(PAn)
Formosan Malayo
languages
Polynesian
(PMP) Atayalic
Tsouic
i Central Western
Atayal
Eastern
Malayo
Polynesian
SHWNG I
Sundanese,
Paiwan
Malayo
Malayo
Madurese,
Tsou
Eastern
Polynesian
Javanese,
i
Polynesian Central
Chamic,
i
Malayo
Polynesian
Malayic,
Paiwanic
B im?nese, ai,
Manggar
Ngadha, Rotinese
Maya,
Tetum,
Ilocano,
Alune,
Tagalog
Asilulu,
Buli, Gim?n,
I Motu, Lakalai, Roviana,
Numfor,
Sa'a,
Dusner,
Trukese,
Serui-Laut, Wandamen,
Buruese
Oceanic
Waropen
Iaai,
Fijian, Hawaiian
Vietnam, N.
Sumatra,
Malaysia, Sundaland, Sulawesi, Madagascar, Borneo,
Philippines
Lesser
Sundas,
southern central
Moluccas
and
Southern Halmahera,
Western New Guinea
Oceania
36
3
Chapter
Figure 6: The Malayo-Chamic
languages
Malayo-Chamic
Proto-Chamic
Malayic (Adelaar 1992)
Proto-
(PC)
Iban Other
/ Coastal
/Highlands / Chamic
Ma!ay
Chamic
Northern Cham
. Western
/\
Northern Acehnese
Rade
Jarai Chru Roglai
Tsat
Haroi
Phan Rang Cham
Cham
language that Blust suggests might fall in a wider subgroup that includes is Sundanese (1992a:44). However, Moken definitely falls out? Malayo-Chamic side of this group, as most likely do Rejang and Maloh.3 Another
The
innovated
numerals
One piece of evidence forMalayo-Chamic and, potentially, for its broader affilia? as Nothofer has quite cor? tions are a series of innovated numerals. Although, are not numerals alone sufficient the for subgrouping, out, rectly pointed certainly
the
innovated
numerals
tionably not reconstructable
back
for
seven,
eight,
and
to PMP, do provide
nine,
which
highly
are
unques?
suggestive
sub
3. Collins (personal communication cited in Blust 1992a:74, fn. 6) appears to be are immediate relatives of Acehnese alone in his opinion that the most not Chamic. Malayic,
Classification
grouping
of the Chamic
in Dyen (cf. discussions inNothofer (1985)).
evidence
(1975), as emended
37
Languages
(1965), Blust
(1981), and Nothofer
inMalayo-Chamic
Table 3: Innovated numerals
PMP
PC
Malay
*esa;
*sa
satu
satu
'one7
*duha
*dua
dua
dua
'two'
*telu
*klow
(tiga)
(tiga)
'three'
*epat
*pa:t
empat
'four7
Iban
*lima
*lima
?mpat lima
*enem
*nam
?nam
*pitu
*tujuh
tujuh
tujoh
'seven'
*walu
*dua-lapan > *lapan
d?lapan
delapan
'eight'
<
*siwa
lapan
'nine'
'five' 'six'
lapan selapan
'nine'
*sa-lapan
s?mbilan
*samilan <'eight'
*puluq
*pluh
*Ratus
*ratus
*ribu
*ribow
-f
puluh
'ten'
ratus
'hundred'
ribu
ribu
'thousand'
that theMalayic languages, represented inTable 3 by Malay and Iban, share the innovation of *tiga 'three', reflecting a genetic closeness not shared with the Chamic languages.
Note
Table 3 compares the numerals of PMP with the numerals of PC, Malay, and Iban, making the innovations apparent. The most widely distributed innova? tion is in the number 'seven', which is not only distributed throughout Malayo but also is found in languages beyond this group, and thus may correlate with a broader subgroup. Although not as widely distributed as the innovations Chamic
'eight' and 'nine' occur not just throughout a number of other languages, including Maloh Malayo-Chamic as and Rejang. However, Blust (1992a:44) cautions, emending Blust 1981, the appearance of these innovated numerals in Rejang and Maloh may be due to bor? for
'seven',
the innovations
for
but also within
rowing.
38
Chapter Table 4: The Chamic PC
numerals
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
sa
sa;
NR
Tsat
sa
sa33
PR Cham
Haroi
tha
sa;
ha; ho
ha 'two'
*dua
duwa
dua
dua
dua
thua11
thua
twa
'three'
*klow
lhea
tl?u
klau
tlau
kiu33
tl?u
klow
pa?24
pa?
pa?
'four'
pa?
p??
'five'
*lima
limAg
ema
rama
pa:? lum?
'six'
*nam
nam
n?m
n?m
*tujuh
tujoh
kjuh
tajuh
ptuat
*pa:t
'seven'
'eight'
ma1 33
lamia
lami
n?m
nain?3
n?m
n?m
tijuh
su55
cas?h
tac?h
capan
*dua-lapan
>
*lapan
lapan
<'nine'
'eight'
*dua-ambil-an
sap?n
talip?n
pain?42 ?
lap?t
rapan
?
'eight'
3
lapan
sapan
t?mpan ?
'nine'
*sa-lapan
'nine'
?
*samilan
samilan
?
'nine'
<'eight'
'ten
^pluh Notes:
For
*dua
ploh 'nine',
and
the that
*dua-lapan,
'eight'
thalip?n
salapat
'nine',
the
?
duap?n
dua
dua
thua11
rapan;
capan
pain?42
lap?n
pluh
pluh
spluh
piu55
apoh
second
N.
Roglai
is, another
*dua
form
-pan
the Tsat
form
to the original
added
Jarai morpheme
Cham for 'nine' is from Aymonier
and
thua-
has
and Cabaton
unexpected
pluh are
<
from
In
*dua-lapan. length.
The
PR
(1906).
The
innovated forms for 'seven', 'eight', and 'nine' in Table 3 make it clear that PC subgroups with theMalayic abundantly languages. Table 4 shows the distribution of these innovated numerals within the Chamic
reflexes ("Acehnese, a languages. Notice the regularity of the Acehnese on discusses the of Acehnese within PC). page 47, language" membership In Table 4, there is an interesting indeterminacy in the reconstruction of some of
Chamic
the forms listed in the table as descended *lapan cases,
could it is not
be
the
possible
truncation to tell. As
of
from PC *lapan. Forms with a reflex of
*dua-lapan a consequence,
or
be
from
as many
*sa-lapan; as four
of
in most the Chamic
languages might have a word for 'eight' that was descended from 'nine'. This widespread confusion of the forms for 'eight' and 'nine' both within
Chamic
double-prefixed
the (Table 4) and outside of Chamic (Minangkabau, Kerinci), forms for 'eight' in Northern Roglai and Tsat and for 'nine' in
of the Chamic
Classification
39
Languages
Phan Rang Cham, and the complete inversion of 'eight' and 'nine' in Rade and Jarai, all indicate that the semantics of the original roots was anything but trans? parent. It certainly appears as if the Rade and Jarai speakers ignored the subtrac ordered the tive meaning of the root and instead, not totally unreasonably, numeral beginning with *sa- 'one' (*sa-lapan) before the numeral beginning with
*dua
'two'
(*dua-lapan).
of reflexes of PMP *telu
The existence
and the rest
'three' inAcehnese
rather than the laterMalay and Iban innovation tiga 'three', indicates and Iban are closer to each other than either of them is to PC as well
of Chamic, thatMalay
as being another piece of evidence thatAcehnese patterns more closely with the Chamic than theMalayic languages (page 47). Within Chamic, the fact that Rade and Jarai have both reversed the reflexes of 'eight' and 'nine' (one suspects that suggests that Rade and they were no longer primarily traders and merchants) Jarai have been in particularly close contact, a conclusion that is supported by all sorts
of other
evidence.
innovations
intriguing semantics behind the Malayo-Chamic 'eight', and 'nine' are discussed by Blust (1981:467,
The
of
fn. 5). He writes 'seven', that the forms for *tujuh 'seven' are usually thought to be from the word for 'index finger', which Blust notes is "the second finger of the second hand in fin? ger-counting". The form *tujuh itself does not date back as far as PMP, but pre? cisely where and when itwas innovated is not yet clear. The other innovations for 'eight' and 'nine' involve what Blust terms "subtractives". These forms he relates to the roots *alap and *ambil away
(from
ten)'
and
both
'fetch, take', with and
*sa-alap-an
being
*dua-lap-an
*sa-ambil-an
'one
being
'two taken taken
away
(from ten)', with an the etymology based on 'one less' also occurring in many Borneo languages and in South Sulawesi languages (Adelaar, p.c.). In the PR Cham form tampan 'eight' (from Blood 1962:11), the -p- is unexpected, but the presence
of
the medial
-m-
away
(from ten)', which
above.
The
Acehnese
form
suggests
it comes
that
would make sikuruiQi)
'nine'
from
the root *kura:rj 'less', appears to have originated identical semantics.
The Malayo-Chamic
from
it semantically
taken
*dua-ambil-an
'two
parallel
to *dua-lap-an
*sa-kura:rj,
although
independently
involving
but from almost
subgroup
The Malayo-Chamic subgroup is justified by a set of shared innovations. In addi? tion to the innovated numerals, which may not be confined just to the Malayo Chamic languages, there are several innovations largely but apparently not exclu? sively restricted to theMalayo-Chamic
subgroup. Blust
(1992a:34-44,
emending
40
Chapter
3
1981) discusses the following: (1) the shift of PMP *q > *h, although the PMP *q > h is somewhat wider than just Malayo-Chamic, of scope including as it does Balinese, Javanese, Sundanese, and the Batak languages, (2) the merger of PMP *R and *r but with the merged reflex remaining at the same time distinct Blust
from other proto-phonemes, and (3) the loss of PMP *w in initial position. The of *R *r and also merger happened in Batak and Balinese, and so did the loss of *w (although some Batak languages have a residue of it). The lexically-specific innovation Blust cites is the introduction of an initial *h in PMP *waRi (*waRi > *ari > *hari), an innovation that follows the loss of PMP *w in initial position. Two observations need to be made about these shared innovations. First, the PC reconstructions reflect all of these changes; thus, there is no question that the parameters of the subgroup. Second, while there is some about precisely where to draw the lines at the periphery of theMalayo
PC falls within
question Chamic subgroup, define
Within
the linguistic distribution
of the innovations mentioned
here
a core.
the Chamic
languages:
A sketch
have noted with reference to other Austronesian (1995:39-74) are two that there distinct patterns of shared innovations, each pointing languages to a different historical origin. In one pattern, which reflects genetic inheritance
Pawley
and Ross
(1995:50), "all member languages of a subgroup exclusively share a common set of innovations", from which it can be inferred that "the subgroup has been a formed because community speaking a single language has become separated geographically
4.
and/or socially
into two or more
communities
after separation,
The history of Chamic studies shows some promising early work but then scholars appear to have turned to Thai and Khmer studies, leaving Chamic studies largely dormant until a mild resurgence of interest in the last several decades. The earliest wordlist is that in Crawfurd (1822, discussed by Craw? furd himself 1852). The history of much of the early research is set out by Lafont (1987b; 1994b), who notes that much of the early work on Chamic was linguistic. In addition to Crawfurd's list, there was a two-page list pub? lished in 1868 by A. Bastian, who two years later published a paper on the language and the origins of the Cham people. Several years later in 1875, Lafont continues, A. Morice published the first Cham glossary, containing some 800 words, as part of a work on the Cham and Stieng (aMK language) languages. Then, in 1880 K.F. Holle published a replica of the Cham alpha? bet, following up this publication with a commentary on it in 1882.
Classification
of the Chamic
in the speech of each of the new communities
[and] changes have occurred what
was
one
has
language
41
Languages
become
two
until
or more."
In the pattern reflecting areal diffusion of changes uum (1995:50), "innovations form an overlapping pattern, languages A, B, and C reflect one bunch of innovations, another bunch, languages D, E, F, and G yet another, and
along a dialect contin? such that, for example, languages C, D, and E
languages G and H still a different bunch of innovations", from which can be inferred that "the languages of the subgroup once formed a network of related dialects. During this phase, innovations occurred at various places in the network, spreading from their dia?
lect of origin into neighbouring dialects, but without affecting the whole network. Over time the dialects have diverged until they have become mutually unintelligi? ble for practical purposes, but they continue to reflect the innovation pattern of the former" dialect chain. In the case of the Chamic
languages both genetic inheritance and areal diffusion have produced their patterns of shared innovations, but fortunately in most although not all cases it is possible to distinguish one from the other and thus to infer information about which dialects developed from an earlier common source and also to infer much
about the earlier patterns of contact and bilingual
ism.
initial period of contact with MK speakers, undoubtedly very early in the establishment of Champa. It involved intense contact including consider? The
able bilingualism and led to the dramatic restructuring found in PC. After that ini? seems to have tial contact-induced the language of Champa restructuring, continued
for
some
time
as a
largely
differentiated
dialect
chain
in coastal
com?
is no evidence
in the linguistic record along the coast of Vietnam. There of any marked dialect differentiation until the historical events associated with the Vietnamese push to the south forced radically new patterns of language con? tact as the result of the partial destruction of the old language contact patterns.
munities
the Chamic languages con? Perhaps for as long as the first millennium, a stituted dialect chain that certainly extended along the coast of Vietnam (Blust 1981:32; cf. also Blagden 1929 (summarized inDyen 1971a:202)) and may even have extended as far south as the east coast of theMalaysian peninsula, although it is more
features found along the east coast of likely that the Chamic-like date from a much later Acehnese influence. The breakup of the dialect
Malaysia chain along the coast of Vietnam
into clearly distinct languages occurred after the the coastal communities was disrupted by the a Vietnamese push to the south, push that caused many Chamic speakers tomove back into the highlands. This retreat into the highlands resulted in a new set of language networks for almost all Chamic speakers, with some like the Haroi eventually coming to be part of aMK social network, while others like the Phan rich interactional network between
42
3
Chapter
Rang Cham eventually
came to be part of the lowlands society dominated
by the
Vietnamese.
Figure
7: The PC dialect
chain and itsmodern
reflexes
Proto-Chamic
(PC)
!
/
/
\.
^
Coastal
j Highlands Chamic /
Chamic
Northern Cham
Acehnese
Rade
Northern Western Jarai Chru Roglai Tsat Haroi Cham
Phan Rang Cham
The basic relationships among the Chamic languages are shown in Fig? shows groupings due to common genetic inheritance and linguistic to bilingualism. Often the data reflects both types of influence: due convergence inmany cases, languages reflect genetically-inherited similarities as well as simi? larities due to areal contact. The interplay between these two factors, recognized
ure 7, which
from the beginning of the comparative method and reflected in the well-known between the "family tree" model and the "wave" theory, is found
distinction
throughout the Chamic data. The genetic and the areal relationships between the various modern lan? are illustrated in Figure 7. Although future research may show that Ace? guages is particularly close to one or another of the mainland Chamic languages, the evidence thus far suggests that the Acehnese left Champa before any strongly marked distinction developed among the Chamic languages. It appears that at the time of their departure, the Acehnese were the most northerly of the Chamic hnese
groups,
covering
an
area
now
populated
by,
among
others,
the modern
Katuic
speakers. Only subsequent to the Acehnese departure did the remaining two areal into the Highlands Chamic split major configurations:
guages
lan? Ian
of the Chamic
Classification
43
Languages
is shown guages and the Coastal Chamic languages. Thus, in Figure 7 Acehnese as separated from the other languages. Itwas undoubtedly only after 1000 AD or so that a distinction of any significance existed between these two areas, with the sharp separation of the Chamic speakers into Highlands Chamic and Coastal Chamic developing largely after the Vietnamese began moving south. In Figure two these 7, linguistic areas are indicated by dotted lines. In the case of Jarai and Rade, where genetic
for mutual
the evidence
subgrouping
is clear but the evidence
influence
is not, only the influence of contact
is indicated
for
(by dotted
lines). these areal configurations are subgrouping relationships (shown by solid lines): specifically, the Coastal Chamic languages look to have once been a single dialect before splitting up into Haroi, Western Cham, and Phan Rang Cham. Similarly, within the Highlands Chamic area at least the Chru, Northern Roglai, and Tsat were a single dialect before splitting up. However, the Rade and Within
probably never a genetic subgroup but instead were simply the of the original dialect chain, which were eventually forced up into the highlands. Naturally, all these languages also participated in various pat?
the Jarai were
middle members
terns of areally-induced changes. The subgrouping relationships merit a special comment. Tsat and North? ern Roglai represent a Northern Cham dialect that split into two under the impe? capture of the northern capital at Indrapura. The and Phan Rang Cham represents another dialect theVietnamese capture of the southern capital. Their
tus provided by the Vietnamese division of Cham intoWestern division, early
this time following
relationship
with
Haroi
is also
apparently
a
subgrouping
one,
but
the
evi?
dence for this is not as clear because
the relationships are obscured by the fact later go on to participate in two additional areal configurations: first interacted with the Highlands Chamic group before becoming
that Haroi would the Haroi
socially and linguistically
The relationship
realigned with
of Tsat and Northern
theMK-speaking
Hr?.
Roglai
and the syntax Despite the radical differences in the phonology, the morphology, of the modern languages, the subgrouping relationship between Tsat of Hainan island and Northern Roglai of theVietnamese highlands is obvious from the com? parative evidence. These two languages share two quite distinctive, quite unusual innovations, either one of which would by itself suggest a subgrouping relation? ship: Tsat and Northern Roglai share the innovation of preploded final nasals and the shared loss of PC *-s in PC *-a:s. As guages probably constituted
late as around 1000 AD,
a single Northern Cham dialect.
these two lan?
44
Chapter
3
Northern Roglai and Chru seem to have a special relationship. First, there are various shared similarities among the nasalized vowels. Second, there is the simple note inGrimes (1988:615), which states without further comment that Southern Roglai is closely related to Chru and Northern Roglai. Note that Tsat is subgrouped specifically with Northern Roglai, not sim? ply with Roglai. Cac Gia Roglai (Cobbey 1977) and Cat Gia Roglai5 (Lee 1998) both share reflexes of earlier preploded final nasals, with the denasalization ing occurred under the same conditions. Several other dialects of Roglai
hav? share
reflexes of earlier preploded final nasals as evidenced by the occasional final -p, -t, or -k from a former nasal final, but Gia Le Roglai is almost entirely lacking in evidence of preploded finals.6 However, a brief examination of Cobbey's 1977 fiche containing wordlists made it clear that neither his Cac Gia Roglai nor Gia -a and Lee's Cat Gia Le Roglai share the sound change PC *-a:s > N. Roglai/Tsat Tsat lacks the crucial forms. the is Thus, Roglai subgrouping specifically with N. to the other dialects for I have seen data. the exclusion of which Roglai Roglai in Tsat are quite unrelated to any of the subsequent developments the mainland Chamic languages. Instead, despite among remaining
The
developments the obvious parallels with developments elsewhere in Chamic, the Tsat develop? ments reflect contact with the tonal, monosyllabic languages of Hainan: the movement from iambic to monosyllabic, the reduction of the *-l- and *-r- in onset
to /-i-/,
clusters
appearance the Tsat
the drastic
reduction
of
final
consonant
of tones are all the product of contact pressures
arrival
contrasts,
and
that developed
the
after
on Hainan.
The relationship
of Haroi with Western
and Phan Rang Cham
The other subgrouping relationship is between the Coastal Chamic languages. is really no question about the relationship between Western and Phan as they were the same language until the fall of the southern capital Cham, Rang There
in 1471. A more interesting question involves the nature of the Haroi relation? no longer resembles its closest genetic relations as it has changed Haroi ships. under the influence of Hr?. Specifically, modern Haroi has become a radically restructured register system under the influence of Hr?. It has also come under the influence of contact evidence
5. 6.
indicates
from the Highlands languages Rade and Jarai, but the that, prior to this social and linguistic realignment with Hr?,
It is unclear tome whether we are talking about two languages or one here. The one exception seems to be the reflex of *dun rnose' ddug?, with its glot talized final nasal.
Classification
of the Chamic
Languages
45
Haroi's genetic affiliations were with Western Cham dialects. Although Haroi and Western Cham are now no longer in contact, two interesting changes probably induced by contact are shared with it. One is the lowering of centering diph? thongs and triphthongs as part of a set of changes that also affected both Kvoeu Hor
and Timothy Friberg's Cham and Headley's Kompong Thorn Cham (see page 133 and page 135). The second change is that Haroi and Headley's Kompong Thorn Cham (but not Kvoeu-Hor and Timothy Friberg's Western Cham
shared the change of the PC *-arj > *-irj (?8.3.2). A third innovation, however, most likely reflects an early common inher? itance from Haroi's origin as a Cham dialect. This change is the early develop? ment of breathy-voiced often termed "second register". register complex, (1978))
Although
aspects of second register development differ from language to lan? the basic core of second register development looks like it occurred early
guage, in Cham, before Cham broke up into Haroi and Cham, with Cham subsequently breaking up into Phan Rang andWestern Cham. Thus, the evidence seems to sup? port what Lee (1966:2-3) noted in passing, "Hroy [Haroi] or Bahnar Cham may be a dialect of Cham proper." In a later 1974 paper about advanced-tongue-root and register in Haroi, Lee again considered the possibility that both Haroi and Cham developed register together. However, his assumptions about Chamic subgrouping presented formi? dable obstacles to such an analysis. Lee had apparently forgotten or abandoned an earlier subgrouping suggestion made in his thesis where he suggested that Haroi and Cham
subgrouped together. Almost in indirect reference to his earlier Lee wrote suggestion, (1977b:97), "The difficulty in trying to make it a shared innovation stemming from an era when they were still one language is that Northern Roglai, which is evidently much closer to Cham than either Cham or Northern Roglai is to Haroi, shows no evidence that I have been able to observe of a register system" [italics mine]. However, this comment fails to distinguish similarity due to inheritance from that due to contact. In short, Haroi has undergone at least three distinguishable layers of areal influence beyond theMK influence common to all PC languages: the early influence of Coastal Cham (or perhaps, justWestern Cham), the later influence of and the restructuring influence of Hr?. It is not surprising that and (1976) ended up placing Haroi squarely between Highlands Coastal Chamic, as the Haroi have related to and been influenced linguistically at different times by both groups.
Highlands Burnham
Chamic,
The relationship
of Rade
and Jarai
The
between
Rade
similarities
among other similarities
and Jarai appear primarily contact-induced: the change of PC *-a:s > -aih, PC *-us > -uih share they
3
Chapter
46 and *rVl- > hi- as well
as a number of other minor
similarities, including the and interesting switching of 'eight' and 'nine', noted already in "Malayo-Chamic broader affiliations" on page 34. However, it is also evident from the large num? in the two thatmuch of the similarity between them, aside from shared retentions may be contact induced. Rade appears to constitute the end point in a Chamic dialect chain that was only broken up after the Vietnamese occupation of the south. More specifi? not the PC but retains Jarai, cally, Rade, *-sy < PMP *-i that became *-aj throughout the rest of the mainland Chamic languages. Presumably, a dialect ber of differences
and this change after Acehnese speakers left the mainland, to have all which with the but Rade, appears departure of theAce? spread through hnese became the most geographically of the isolated languages in the chain, chain still existed
one
and,
was
assumes,
the most
likewise
when
isolated
the
change
spread
through the other remaining mainland languages. Rade has reduced its inventory of presyllable onsets much more radically than Jarai or any of the other Chamic also suggest that some the similarities between languages. Other distinctions these two languages are either independent developments or the result of contact. A second change that appears to have swept through the dialect chain that existed until roughly 1000 AD is the loss of the nasal component of medial clusters consisting still
clusters
of stops preceded
appeared
in Chamic
in modern Acehnese, from all the mainland Chamic loans.
The
after
languages
still found
wordlist
by homorganic
nasals. Clearly
the breakup
of PC
such medial as
these
are
long since totally disappeared 1822 For instance, in Crawfurd's languages.7 as are recent the only forms with such medial clusters forms identifiable native
The Highlands
clusters
had
versus Coastal
but these have
long
since
Chamic
lost
their
nasal
component.
distinction
The next major development is the split of the mainland Chamic languages into a Highlands Chamic region and a Coastal Chamic region. The distinction between the Highlands Chamic area and the Coastal Chamic area could only have come as a distinct
linguistic area after the fall of the northern capital of Champa in 982, which drove Chamic speakers back from their coastal communi? ties and into the highlands. And, in a sense, the changes characteristic of the into existence
Chamic region probably emerged only much later after the fall of the southern capital in 1471, a date thatmarks the beginning of the emergence of new
Coastal
7.
In light of this, it is quite surprising that there is an apparent lack of evidence in early Cham written records for the nasal component of these clusters. This lack, however, may merely reflect my own lack of expertise about inscrip tional
Cham.
of the Chamic
Classification
patterns of Cham contact with Vietnamese, structure. phonological Solnit
The Highlands Chamic to characterize
(1993:110)
In general
47
Languages a language with a distinctly
different
that led languages have certain similarities it as the Southern Vietnam highlands sub-area. languages have not undergone as radical a
the Highlands restructuring process as the Coastal Chamic languages, in keeping with the simi? larities between the structures of the Chamic and theMK languages of the high? lands. Most of the forms are iambic in structure and have remained that way for terms,
languages and Tsat, which under contact with more monosyllabic languages, have themselves become more monosyllabic. More specifically the Highlands Chamic languages have kept the PC some time, unlike the Coastal
*b and *?. As a common
retention, of course, this does not pro? vide evidence of any sort of subgrouping relationship, but it does provide an interesting example of the influence of patterns of bilingualism on what does and sub does not change (cf. discussion in "Solnit's Southern Vietnam Highlands contrast between
area"
on page
91).
languages are marked by changes in a number of salient features. Among these changes is the development of a breathy-voiced that happened in register complex from the voiced obstruents, a development somewhat parallel but somewhat distinct ways in Phan Rang Cham, Western The Coastal Chamic
Cham, and Haroi, suggesting that the partial influence of patterns of areal contact rather than just common inheritance is needed to account for the developments. A second and obviously related change is the subsequent loss of the voicing of the voiced
obstruents
and the co-occurring loss of the distinction between voiced and glottalized obstruents is throughout these languages, which clearly an areal feature, not a shared innovation, as it happened independently in the different coastal languages. Not coincidentally, these changes are in the direc?
obstruents
tion of the structure of Vietnamese,
the dominant
language in the Coastal Chamic
area.
ACEHNESE, A CHAMIC LANGUAGE It is quite correctly simply assumed in the literature that the mainland Chamic languages form a subgroup. The questions that exist revolve around the relation? ship of Acehnese with the mainland Chamic languages. That there is a special and the Chamic languages was recognized as relationship between Acehnese as 1891 by Niemann, who subgrouped Acehnese and Cham together, noting early similarities in their verb morphology, in their treatment of inherited vowels, and
48
Chapter
in various
instances
(1981:523)
writes:
of apparent
lexical agreement. Along
3
these lines, Cowan
language belongs to theWest-Austronesian languages but, although situated in Sumatra, it has its nearest relatives in the Chamic languages of the South-East Asian continent. This relationship is
The Achehnese
evident on all levels: phonology (e.g. final stress, large-scale monosyl of certain final vowels labism, consonant clusters, diphthongization deriving originally from long vowels), morphology use of the substantival infix -?-), and lexicon.
(e.g. lack of suffixes,
in fact, is Quite early, Niemann suggested amigration of Chams toAceh?which, what happened. Over the years various other scholars have agreed with Niemann and Cowan at least to the extent of recognizing not only that a special subgrouping and the mainland Chamic languages but relationship exists between Acehnese are also that there and mainland Chamic that need similarities between Acehnese these scholars are Blagden8 (1929), Cowan (1933, 1948, 1974, 1981, 1983, 1988), Shorto (1975, 1977), I.V Collins (1975), Blust (1981), and Durie (1990a). The literature leaves no question that there are strik?
to be accounted
ing parallels
for. Among
between
Acehnese
and Chamic.
has a special subgrouping relationship Thus, the claim that Acehnese with Chamic is not original to this work, and the more specific claim that Ace? hnese is simply a Chamic language has also already been made in the literature. In fact, the belief that a special subgrouping relationship exists between Ace? hnese and the mainland Chamic languages seems to be shared by all but one of the scholars who have done extensive, detailed comparisons of the languages involved.
8. Blagden's view, however, was quite distinct from the views of other scholars cited here. He followed Kern's 1889 hypothesis inwhich Austronesian speak? ers originated on the mainland and the Cham represent the remaining rem? nants of this original group of Austronesian speakers on the mainland. Thus, as related to the Chamic speakers, he also although he viewed the Acehnese as having originated on the main? viewed the Cham including the Acehnese land (specifically somewhere between Kra and Penang). Thus, Blagden's sce? in nario is quite at odds with the migrations supported by the reconstructions this work, which instead suggest the Chams originated through amigration to coastal Vietnam theAcehnese
Borneo and then only subsequent to that did from there to northern Sumatra (conceivably with stops
from Southwest
migrate along the way).
Classification
of the Chamic
49
Languages
Only J. Collins (1991), who has noted the parallels between Acehnese seems to dissent. While the existence of parallels and Malay, recognizing between Acehnese and mainland Chamic, Collins argued for the possibility that Acehnese and Malay subgrouped more closely than either with mainland Chamic and that the Acehnese and mainland Chamic parallels were due to parallel but combined with the mutual but independent influence independent developments on contact MK and mainland Chamic. Collins has argued that of both Acehnese are needed to settle the question. It is easy to see his detailed reconstructions it would not be possible to determine point, as without such reconstructions, where However,
reflect contact
the parallels now
the
reconstructions
and where and
the
they reflect genetic
accompanying
inheritance.
correspondence
pat?
terns exist: not only do they make it clear thatAcehnese is a Chamic language but establish that the very real special connection with Malay, aside from features also found in Chamic, reflects the long history of contact between Acehnese and Malay.
The precise nature of the special subgrouping relationship between Ace? hnese and the mainland Chamic languages was impossible to determine without to The specific question that required more reconstruction reconstructions. resolve was whether Acehnese and mainland Chamic were sister languages or whether Acehnese was simply another of the Chamic languages. Here, the recon? structions provide substantiation for the claim that Acehnese is simply another was correct Chamic language. Thus, Niemann when he (1891) suggested that is a Chamic language whose speakers migrated to northern Sumatra, a Acehnese position also taken by Cowan (n.d.:l), who specifically states that, before the migration of the Acehnese speakers to Sumatra, Acehnese was not distinct from Chamic.
The evidence presented in various works of Cowan, in Shorto, and Durie is certainly substantial enough to establish the special relationship of Acehnese and Chamic. However, for those with doubts, the integration of theAcehnese data into the reconstruction of Chamic, along with the numerous subgrouping argu? ments, should provide a conclusive demonstration of the nature of the relation? is not just ship. These reconstructions fully substantiate the claim that Acehnese a with Chamic but that it is Chamic subgrouped language. None of this, however, is to claim that modern Acehnese looks like the does not. In fact, Acehnese often looks more like languages?it PC than any of the modern mainland Chamic dialects do. This often striking sim? ilarity to PC is not at all surprising, however. The Acehnese speakers left for Sumatra while all the mainland Chamic languages still looked a lot like PC, pre?
modern mainland
serving many of its PC-like features, while the remaining mainland Chamic lan? guages were subsequently subjected to even more intense language contact over a long period of time?at the very least for another six or seven hundred years. Meanwhile behind, have inmany
speakers, having left much of theMK contact cases retained elements lost on the mainland. For example,
the Acehnese
50
3
Chapter
Acehnese
still preserves the four-way distinction in first syllable vowels inherited from PMP.9 Elsewhere in Chamic, this distinction has been reduced either par? or tially drastically, although its earlier existence is hinted at in the data. On the other hand, like the rest of Chamic, Acehnese has a rich array of second syllable vowels, including those borrowed into pre-PC from MK sources. Thus, modern to a stage after the incorporation of MK vowels into PC but before the four-way distinction had been reduced to a limited three-way distinc? tion. And, Acehnese's potential for providing a window into the paths of morpho?
Acehnese
is witness
logical and syntactic change is still largely unexplored. The patterns of innovated numerals in "Malayo-Chamic
and broader
on page 34 provided some evidence that Chamic was part of a not defined termed that included both broader, yet fully group, Malayo-Chamic the mainland Chamic languages and Acehnese, but at best this only establishes affiliations"
that both the Chamic languages and Acehnese were all part of a larger subgroup. It does not provide evidence that Acehnese should be subgrouped together with nor does it is a Chamic lan? mainland Chamic, provide evidence that Acehnese guage.
to provide evidence that establishes it is now possible the However, a as of PMP. The evidence distinct of PC, including Acehnese, integrity subgroup consists of a cluster of shared innovations?shared innovations found among the consonants, rowed
among
from
MK
the vowels, sources,
and
in the so on.
shared Some
of pre-PC
borrowings of
the
shared
innovations
material are
bor? innova?
tions not found anywhere else inAustronesian; for others, individual parallels are but certainly not in the particular configuration found here.
found elsewhere Shared
innovations
among
the
consonants
and mainland Chamic presyllables have precisely the same (1) Both Acehnese consonantal onset inventories, including the identical change of the PMP first syl? lable *n- toM (Table 11; "Presyllable onsets: retention and reduction" on page 75ff). (2) As H. K. J. Cowan (1948), among others, noticed much earlier, the as restructuring of PMP disyllabic forms produced the same clusters inAcehnese can be reconstructed for PC (see the discussion of primary clusters in "Primary clusters" on page 93).
9.
In place of MK contact, however, there has been intense contact with Malay, as J. Collins makes clear. One consequence of this Malay contact is that in a number of ways Acehnese now looks somewhat more Malay-like than PC or the Chamic
languages
remaining on the mainland,
particularly
in the lexicon.
of the Chamic
Classification
In addition
51
Languages
in the primary clusters, there is also the *-h- as the second element of the
to the reduction
of onset clusters with medial
shared presence cluster (see "The loss of the vowel before medial -h-" on page 63 and "Voiced and voiceless 'aspirated' consonants" on page 84). reduce the Not only do the mainland Chamic languages and Acehnese same PMP disyllables maintain disyllabicity
to monosyllables with cluster onsets, both languages also in the same forms (see the discussion of secondary reduc? clusters" on page 94).
tion "Secondary (3) Both Acehnese
*kl- and *tl- to *kl- and *gl then goes a step further merging both to *kl
and mainland
and *dl- to *gl-, although Acehnese > lh- inDurie's Acehnese.
PC merge
and mainland PC, there are a handful of (4) Finally, in both Acehnese native PMP words which developed glottalized obstruents (see "The origins of forms with glottalized glottalized obstruents" on page 86). The monosyllabic the disyl? obstruents on the mainland now have glottal stop reflexes inAcehnese; labic forms have voiced obstruent reflexes inAcehnese. This shared innovation of obstruents, otherwise strong subgrouping evidence.
glottalized
Shared
innovations
among
unattested
inAustronesian,
constitutes
by itself
the vowels
of the high vowels interacts with the loss of final *-r (1) The diphthongization ("The splits in the PMP high vowels *i and *u" on page 114). In syllable-final position, PAn *-u (possibly early PC *-u) diphthongizes, becoming PC *-ow. However, with PAn *-ur forms, which have PC *-u reflex, the Chamic reflexes do not reflect any diphthongization, not yet lost the final *-r when
making it clear that the forms with final *-ur had the PMP *-u in open syllables went to PC final *-ow. Instead, the PMP *-ur lost the final -r only after this change, and thus did not diphthongize. Acehnese shares not only the diphthongization of the *-u but also shares the constraint
that the loss of final /-r/ must
of open final *-u, resulting
diphthongization the Chamic languages.
be sequenced after the in undiphthongized final open /-u/ in
The subgrouping value of the diphthongization, which occurs indepen? in Austronesian, elsewhere is increased greatly by the presence of this dently shared sequencing constraint. It is worth noting that, while the typological paral? lelism is interesting, it is the occurrence of these changes thatmakes it of interest for subgrouping.
in precisely
the same
words
vowels from MK,
(2) As Durie (1990a) noticed, Acehnese and PC share regular reflexes of borrowed from MK into PC. More specifically, the PC vowels borrowed *s,
*o,
*a,
*ia,
*ua,
and
*iaw,
all
turn up
in the
same
borrowed
words
Chapter
52
3
inAcehnese
and with regular reflexes (see the discussion of borrowed main sylla? "The borrowed PC main syllable vowels" on page 126). In addition, for most of these vowels, the vowel itself is not completely restricted to borrowed
ble vowels
words, but instead it also turns up in one or two native PMP words as well and, in these cases, the Acehnese word also has the innovated vowel in precisely the same
native
words.
Austronesian
that only a shared common inheritance from PC can account for this sort of configuration. Aside from the question of how and where Acehnese would have access to the borrowed MK vocabulary involved, it is unlikely in the Note
extreme
that two languages would independently borrow essentially also innovating new vowels in a handful of Austronesian
words, while
the same inherited
in both Ace? roots, resulting in the same adjustments to the vowel configurations hnese and the mainland languages and leaving both the mainland languages and Acehnese in virtually perfect correspondence patterns with each other. The distribution
and patterning of the borrowed MK vowels by itself constitutes strong evidence that Acehnese is a Chamic language that migrated to northern Sumatra, evidence only made stronger by the from the mainland handful of parallel innovations found in the inherited Austronesian vocabulary. (3) As discussed in considerable detail in "The borrowed PC main sylla? ble vowels" correlate
on page
vowel
length
126, Cowan in mainland
(1948, Chamic
1974), Shorto (1975), and this work all vowels
with
the
subsequent
develop?
ment of diphthongization inmodern Acehnese. Cowan (1948, 1974) wrote exten? on as the did Shorto (1975); both noticed that the vowel length sively topic, contrast between long and short /a/ in closed syllables correlated with vocalic dis? including in PMP roots. Shorto concludes that the corre? are he found spondences proof of a subgrouping relationship between Acehnese and the rest of Chamic. Collins (1991:116), in contrast to Cowan, Shorto, and the tinctions
inAcehnese,
inAcehnese and the position taken in this work, argues that the diphthongization vowel length in PC are historically distinct phenomena. Both Cowan and Shorto are correct. The correlation in closed syllables between PC length and modern Acehnese diphthongization is well-attested in the literature; the existence of PC reconstructions only strengthens the case, estab? lishing that the PC length contrast between *-a- and *-a:-, which was inherited as a length distinction, subsequently developed into diphthongiza? into Acehnese tion. Note, as Cowan (n.d.:4) argued with reference to this development, that the of certain long vowels in closed syllables is of a diphthongization of PMP final *-i and *-u in open younger date than the diphthongization a was "confirmed the fact it fact that still active inNorth Sumatra at syllables, by of in the time Arabic loanwords with long /a/ Islamization; witness its occurring
Acehnese much
in final closed
syllables."
of the Chamic
Classification
53
Languages
The reconstructed PC length distinctions correspond almost exception closed syllable diphthongs and also with the with the modern Acehnese lessly skewed distributional patterns, making it quite impossible to attribute the corre? spondences to parallel but independent developments. Specifically, PC length in / not before all finals, but only before final *-?, *-rj, *-k, *-l, * a/ is distinguished, r, *-n, and *-t.Where the Acehnese data is available, with a handful of irregular of /a/ in forms, the same distributional constraints apply to the diphthongization (see the examples
Acehnese
independent developments PC also displays *-o-
vs.
in *-u:-
and
length distinctions
in ?6.5). There is little likelihood and the rest of Chamic.
and discussion in both Acehnese
but
*-u-,
again
in very
only
these two vowels
with
in *-o:- vs.
for two other vowels,
length distinctions
will
contexts.
limited
of
Whether
also have Acehnese
the
correlates
seen.
remains
to be
Shared
innovations
in the lexicon
and the rest of PC share a great deal of vocabulary borrowed (1) Both Acehnese sources Proto-South from MK (Proto-North-Bahnaric (PNB), Proto-Mnong, Bahnaric, Proto-Katuic), as many people have pointed out. Table 5 shows a handful of MK borrowings that reconstruct to PC and have regular reflexes inAcehnese; others are found throughout this work and in II.While individual words may well have been borrowed indepen? Appendix dently
into both Acehnese
unlikely
that
all or even
most
and the mainland of
the
shared
Chamic
MK
it is highly
languages, can
borrowings
be
accounted
for
in this way.
The word 'cotton' reconstructs to PWMP, but not to PMP. The word itself also appears to be a late loan intoWMP, but the variant inAcehnese and mainland Chamic comes from MK. Table 5: MK borrowings found
PNB
PMnong
PC
inAcehnese
and mainland
Chamic
Acehnese
*kron
x*kro:rj
kruarj
'river'
*tap
x*klap
tob,
*cem
*sim
x*cim
cic?m
'bird'
*ha
*ha
top
'stab;
poke'
x*ha
hah -f
'open (mouth to say sthg.)'
*?c
x*?sh
??
'excrement;
*joh
x*coh
coh
*kan
*karj
*p?r
*p?r
*kapayh
-f
defecate'
'peck (of bird)'
x*ka:rj
kuiarj
x*p9r
phA
x*kapa:s
gapuiah
-i
'chin; jaw' 'to fly' 'cotton'
Chapter
54 (2) A second set of MK borrowings provides even more and the mainland languages?the relationship between Acehnese
3
insight into the MK borrow?
ings that do not reconstruct to PC but which nonetheless show up inAcehnese! [Note that the forms listed in the post-PC column in Table 6 are explicitly marked x with the as not reconstructing to PC]. Some of these words show up elsewhere inAustronesian, although usu? ally in a slightly different form. However, that were borrowed into various Chamic
theAcehnese
variants look to be forms
after the breakup of PC. The that shows of these forms in Acehnese Acehnese presence speakers left Champa not only after the breakup of PC but also after these words were borrowed from MK
dialects
sources.
Table 6: Post-PC MK borrowings
PNB
Acehnese
*groh
xgroh
kloh
'to bark'
*c9k?w
xcagau
cagea
'Malaysian
xdhual/r-f
dhoi
*bartoh
xpatuh
buiruitoh
*kamon
xkamuan
kuimuan
xcfsl
dm a
thai
*bad?k
xpruac (?) pruet
*orj
xho:n
*tach?m
*cum
xcum
*brak
x?9mra:k
(3) In addition of the pronoun
-f
'dust;
-i
fog,
bear' mist'
'to explode' sister's
'nephew;
son'
'shallow' 'stomach;
h'uarj
'wasp'
com
'kiss;
muira?
Chamic
and mainland
post-PC
PMnong
"mon
inAcehnese
intestine'
smell'
'peacock'
to the borrowings, there are also various bits and pieces that look to be related as well as some shared borrowed
system terms (cf. xk9muan 'nephew, sister's son' and x*?u:rj 'husband; kinship male'). However, among the singular pronouns, the only particularly noteworthy
MK
is the use of the innovated first person polite form PC *hulun from 'slave', but this innovation is not restricted just to Chamic. More interesting are the plural pronouns, which at the PC level have PC innovation
shared with Acehnese
*g9p 'group; other', which form is borrowed from MK The evidence Cowan between
from Acehnese
shows up as a part of various plural pronouns. The and, of relevance here, found inAcehnese. epic poetry
epic poetry what he described as "the similarity verse form sanja' and a related Cham verse used the national Achehnese
observed
in Acehnese
in the song of the kadhar (amusician-officiant)
at the ceremony of the sacrifice of
of the Chamic
Classification
55
Languages
the buffalo" (in 1933, cited from Cowan 1982:156). Cowan observed the exist? ence of a structure that consisted of lines of eight disyllabic metrical feet, alter? nately describable as four pairs of such feet, with specific patterns of internal rhyming. However, in addition to what Cowan noticed, there are other indications of the origins of the sanja' poetic tradition. Preserved in the rhyme schemes is evidence of early vowel changes, changes so early that they predate the origin of Acehnese itself. As G. W. J. Drewes wrote (1979:4), Acehnese epic poetry is written
in what
the Acehnese called sanja' (from the Arabic saj), several features are of particular interest. First, for the purposes of rhyming, long and the significance of which will be made clear short syllables are not distinguished, in amoment. Second, two syllables make up a foot, with the accent on the second
of which
syllable. As Drewes notes the foot is iambic or, from the viewpoint of historical comparison, not unlike the structure of Chamic. And, in this poetry, the most common
rhyme scheme consists of the last vowel of the sixth foot rhyming with the last syllable of the fourth foot. Thus, in the following example from Drewes (1979:4), the two italicized words rhyme: gah ban / gadjah / si? ban/ piti II ph?t di / gaki II sa ngon / rusa, 'fame as an elephant, a body as a ricebird; his sense of honour is in his legs, just as with
the deer'
if one examines, for example, Hikajat Potjut Muhamat, an epic poem However, from roughly the end of the 17th century, it becomes clear that, while most of what counts as a rhyme actually does rhyme, not all of the so-called rhymes are still phonetically transparent. As Drewes notes, count as rhyming (using Drewes' orthography): counted as rhyming with counted as rhyming with
a
counted as rhyming with
in this epic the following
eue
[ui9],
/
are eu [m] and are ? [s] and
?
[e],
u [39]
are o
eu
[sa].
and
[0]
vowels
In the Hikajat
these rhymes are bizarre phonetically, but if the Potjut Muhamat are replaced with their corresponding in the Hikajat Potjut Muhamat forms from PC, the rhyme scheme, which ignores length differences, is perfect:
vowels
counted
as
rhyming
with
counted as rhyming with counted
as
rhyming
with
a
are
*-a:-
i
are *i
u
are
[09]
*-u-
(nasalized)
and
(nasalized)
and
and
*-09
<
*-?9
*-a:-,
*-i -, <
*-sw
<
*-u.
3
Chapter
56
That is, all the forms that count as rhyming with /a/ were /a/ earlier in history, all the forms that count as rhyming with HI were HI earlier, and all the forms that count as rhyming with lui were lui earlier. The comparative evidence suggests that the first two rhymes were phonetic rhymes in an earlier stage of Acehnese. However, the third set of rhyming forms is astounding: the last time these rhymes actually rhymed phonetically has to be at the very least contemporary with an early stage in the history of Chamic! That is, by the most least 800 years earlier!
Acehnese
as a Chamic
conservative
estimate at
language
though the linguistic evidence presented so far is more than adequate to establish the relationship beyond question, the countless other details given remainder this work full substantiation to the long-held the of throughout give
Even
thatAcehnese is a Chamic language. Certain of the shared innovations are so specific and so striking in their uniqueness that even on their own they would is a Chamic language. constitute evidence thatAcehnese
belief
hnese tion
(p.c.), since in subgrouping terms Ace? Following Durie's suggestion is simply another Chamic language, this work will simply use the designa? "Chamic"
to
refer
suggestion Aceh-Chamic Achino-Chamic (1975).
The contribution
to
the
Chamic
family,
rather
(1990a), Cowan's Chamo-Achehic
of Acehnese
than
Durie's
earlier
(1988), or Shorto's
to PC reconstruction
The finding thatAcehnese is a Chamic languages makes it invaluable as a source on of information the reconstruction of PC and on language contact and that has only been modestly change?one tapped in this work. Before the Ace? hnese
speakers
split
off,
it seems
reasonable
to assume
that Chamic
speakers
con?
coast?a stituted a relatively homogenous dialect chain along the Vietnamese in part by the fact that the dialects relative homogeneity which was maintained were most likely subject to essentially the same type of pressures from MK lan? guage contact and by the tendency for changes originating in one part of the dia? of PC *-ay in lect chain to spread throughout the whole (cf. "Diphthongization Rade" on page 125), for a post-PC change found everywhere on the mainland, except Rade). Even after the breakup of PC, convergence among the mainland languages was promoted both by the similarities in theMK contact patterns and by the tendency for innovations to spread throughout a dialect chain?tendencies
of the Chamic
Classification which
the mainland
among
57
Languages
Chamic
languages
have
until modern
continued
times.
speakers left the mainland, they left behind the lev? chain that eling effects of the spread of changes through the dialect chain?a existed at least well into the 18th century and the linguistic pressures arising out of the continuing MK contact on the mainland. As a consequence, for possibly as much as a thousand years, Acehnese has been outside the influence of many of When
the Acehnese
the linguistic pressures that have influenced themainland Chamic languages. And also as a consequence, Acehnese preserves a living record of an intermediate one that has been largely lost through subsequently stage in the history Chamic, leveling in the languages remaining on the mainland, albeit a stage that must be used with some caution, but which nonetheless is potentially invaluable. The methodological problem, of course, lies in figuring how to interpret If a linguis? tic feature occurs only inAcehnese, does it represent an independent innovation inAcehnese or a retention preserved only inAcehnese and lost on the mainland? Sometimes it is clear; for example, it is clear from comparisons with non-Chamic
differences
between Acehnese
Austronesian
languages
are
Acehnese
and the mainland
that the medial
Chamic
homorganic
languages.
nasal plus stop clusters
in
a retention.
In other
cases,
the answer
is not
as readily
apparent.
An
area
of potential
is interpreting the apparently large number of lexical innovations, par? MK ticularly borrowings, shared by the mainland languages but not Acehnese and reconstructed by Lee (1966). Subsequent work has shown many of these to
difficulty
be
post-PC
borrowings,
whose
occurrence
only
in the mainland
simply
indicates
that the borrowings took place after theAcehnese speakers had left themainland. Their status as borrowings is sometimes evident from the presence of otherwise unexpected clusters or from irregular correspondence patterns ("Post-PC clusters Chamic languages" on page 96). However, in other cases, a post-PC from MK may not leave recognizable traces. Thus, even some of the borrowing MK forms reconstructed in this work at the PC level may in reality be post-PC inmainland
borrowings,
not yet formally detectable
as such.
10. In this regard, Acehnese is certainly not without parallels. Within Austrone? sian, Malagasy presents another example of a language being removed from a linguistic area before the areal tendencies have an opportunity to fully as Blust (p.c.) points out, has a Philippine-type morpho affect it.Malagasy, syntax, unlike any other language in its immediate subgroup (Barito), or any language of southern or western Borneo. The detailed agreements of gram? matical morphemes show clearly that this is due to retention. Malagasy left southern Borneo before the widespread breakdown of this type of system spread through much of western Indonesia.
3
Chapter
58
The areas of indeterminacy about when and from where forms are bor? has been significantly reduced, but there is still a small subset of forms rowed whose history is unclear. Certainly one problem is that the MK borrowings are from
several
sources:
MK
some
are
from
some
Bahnaric,
are
from
Katuic,
and,
some are from theMK
languages spoken in Funan. of the MK borrowings in the modern mainland
possibly,
Chamic Comparisons new to the MK in Acehnese wrinkles with adds the several borrowings languages as at that the Ace? has it is least Durie suggested, problem: first, possible, (p.c.) hnese picked up some MK words from the Aslian MK languages spoken in the Kelantan established
area, a possibility suggested earlier by G. Diffloth (p.c.). It is well that there was a Chamic influence in Kelantan and there is no reason
to assume well-known sions,
speakers. Second, as the has said on a number of occa?
that this influence did not include Chamic Mon-Khmer coast
the northeast
specialist G?rard Diffloth of
northern
Sumatra
a number
has
of MK
place
that some of the MK borrowings certainly leaving open the possibility in Sumatra. hnese were borrowed even after the arrival of the Acehnese
names,
in Ace?
is complicated. Thus, interpretation of the MK component inAcehnese In some cases, our understanding is improved. For example, much of the MK material that Lee reconstructs for PC does not occur inAcehnese. The reworking of Lee's PC reconstructions many
of
these MK
forms
in light of additional absent
from
Acehnese
evidence do
not
has made
actually
it clear that
reconstruct
back
to PC; rather many of these forms are post-PC MK borrowings which presum? departed from the ably entered various mainland languages after the Acehnese In other cases, if as Diffloth notes (p.c.), there isMK material inAce? does not appear in the mainland languages, itmust be accounted for, but if Acehnese speakers were the most northerly of the Chamic speakers, they
mainland.
hnese which
have picked up some of this vocabulary from Katuic speakers, also in the north, before leaving for Sumatra. In any case, although there are obvious poten? tial sources for these forms, the answers to these questions have not yet been
may
found.
A DIGRESSION ONMOKEN, A NON-CHAMIC LANGUAGE appropriate place for a note on Moken, just to point out is not Chamic and to give some of the obvious evidence. Moken, at least the sixty or soMoken words recorded by Martha Blanche Lewis (1960) and cited in Blust's dictionary, are enough to demonstrate thatMoken is not a Chamic
Here might thatMoken
language.
be the most
not share the PAn *q > *h change found in the whole of a lack which sets it, not just outside of Chamic, but outside as well; instead, it has the change PAn *q > Moken /k/, a rather
It does
Malayo-Chamic, Malayo-Chamic
Classification
of the Chamic
59
Languages
unusual reflex of PAn *q. Like Chamic, it does diphthongize both the high vow? els in word-final position, but in this its similarity to Chamic is only typological. The Chamic and Moken reflexes of the word-final high vowels are split in entirely different ways *-ow
(< PAn
*-u),
Moken
in the two languages. has
-uy,
-oi and
Instead of PC *-ey (< PAn *-i) and -ui,
-oi,
respectively,
at
least
suggest?
ing that the PAn *-i and *-u have been merged inMoken. In any case, theMoken developments make it clear thatMoken does not share in the Chamic diphthongi? zation of word-final high vowels nor in the PAn *q > PC /h/ change. In fact, thus far, although there are some typologically similarities, there is no evidence that Moken shares any of the more marked inherited innovations characteristic of the Chamic
languages.
4
the Basic Word: Altering toMonosyllabic From Disyllabic
On the basis of the material
in Blood
(1962), Greenberg
(1970:139)
wrote,
con?
cerning Phan Rang Cham: This earlier, thus
language, tended
like the closely toward
loss
extensive
producing
related Jarai, Rade, and Chru mentioned
or reduction
of
the vowel
of
the first
syllable,
monosyllabism.
Although not in precisely these terms, early writers commented on the movement from canonically disyllabic forms to canonically iambic forms, that is, to forms with an unstressed presyllable and a stressed main syllable. For instance, (1963:61) notes that for Jarai and Chru, PMP disyllabic forms with *r, *R, *q, or *h usually lose the first vowel, while inmost other instances the first syllable vowel is reduced to shwa. Greenberg (1970:137), characterizing
Thomas medial
the process in more global terms, writes, "These languages have generally norm by reduced the typical Austronesian canonical CVCVC to the monosyllabic reduction or loss of the first vowel". That is, the PMP canonical CVCVC has sesquisyllabic with an iambic stress pattern or else simply monosyllabic. structure has its correlates This adjustment of the canonical morpheme in both the reduction in the membership and the restrictions in the distribution of
became
the consonant
and
vowel
introduced from MK
inventories.
Various
new
in borrowed words. The most
consonants
(and
vowels)
were
salient of these borrowed con?
the series of voiced glottalized obstruents, since there were no glot? talized consonants in the PMP predecessor, but there have also been a myriad of
sonants were
60
From Disyllabic
to Monosyllabic
61
less conspicuous changes, one of the most widespread being the introduction of new clusters through the borrowing of words containing them. As for the vowels, there has been proliferation through outright borrowing from MK sources as well as through internal developments
under MK
influence.
THE IAMBIC SYLLABLE:EARLY MON-KHMER
INFLUENCE
the history of Chamic, there is a clearly-marked, continual move? Throughout ment from disyllabic to iambic and from iambic to monosyllabic, but the initial was a to stress under for the PC these shift for final impetus changes preference the canonical preference was set for stress on the final sylla? ble, the preconditions had been set up for the restructuring of the Chamic lexicon. are either monosyllabic or what Matisoff In general, MK morphemes
MK
influence. Once
termed sesquisyllabic, i.e., a syllable and a half, with a (1973) picturesquely stress pattern characterized by Donegan (1993:5) as iambic, that is, "words in which a light (open) syllable precedes a heavy (closed or long-voweled) second syllable", that is, words with an unstressed presyllable and a stressed main sylla? ble. Both Matisoff (1973) and Donegan (1993) note in passing that words in (of which MK is one of the two major branches) were either proto-Austroasiatic iambic or monosyllabic. Of direct interest here is the fact that this characteriza? tion fits the MK languages of Vietnam perfectly; for example, Chrau (Thomas Vietnamese is monosyl? 1971) is iambic, Mnong and Rolom are monosyllabic, on. so As stress Lee (1974:645) mentions, "Ultimate in languages with labic, and phonological words of more than one syllable is regular throughout much of Southeast Asia." And then he adds, "The Chamic languages without exception have
only
ultimate
stress."
The restructuring of Chamic lexicon and phonology both provide elo? quent testimony to the intensity and the intimacy of theAustronesian contact with MK. Lexically, of the roughly 700 forms Lee (1966) reconstructed for PC, Head 10% is a con? ley (1976) identified roughly 10% of them as MK in origin?and, servative figure. Included among the MK incorporated early enough to be incorporated into PC are basic vocabulary including pronouns, and a number of kinship terms. The fact that these reconstruct to PC shows that the early contact was intense and intimate, suggesting both considerable bilingualism and inter? marriage.
the nature of the earlier system is not absolutely clear, the first speakers to come into contact with theMK speakers along the coast most likely had a system, not with exclusively penultimate stress, but a system like that in modern Malay with penultimate stress in the vast majority of disyl While
Austronesian
Chapter
62
4
labic words but ultimate stress in a small group of words with a reduced shwa as the initial syllable, as Lee (1974:646) suggests. In this interpretation, contact with MK led to a shift of preference from penultimate to ultimate stress, rather than an
introducing
entirely
new
stress
pattern.
The shift in preference, however, set inmotion a chain of events that has itself in different ways in different languages and, of course, under manifested different contact conditions with the consequences already present in the conso? inventories are reduced inventories of PC: The PC presyllable of the earlier PMP first syllable inventories, while the PC main syllable inventories are larger than the inventories found in the earlier PMP second sylla?
nant and vowel versions
bles.
The
internal paths of this historical developmental continuum from are to of canonical final transparent. The adoption disyllabicity monosyllabicity stress by PC was enough to set up the internal preconditions for movement in the All that remained was for the changes to be trig? of monosyllabicity. gered by subsequent intense, extended contact with a monosyllabic language. In the PC, pretonic syllable still had four possible distinct vowels, but since then all the mainland Chamic languages have shown a steady erosion of the pretonic syl? direction
lable, beginning with the reduction of vowel distinctions. With the exception of the descendant languages have reduced the vowel distinctions at least Acehnese, somewhat, although in a language such as Roglai, the presyllable still shows a three-way distinction in certain environments. In some of the other languages, the pretonic syllable still exists but in still others the presyllable has undergone a complete loss of vowel distinctions; for example, in Chru and Rade (for the Rade, see Table 9, page 66), only one vowel is found in the pretonic syllable?a shwa.
The movement
toward monosyllabicity
In individual modern languages, the PC disyllabic, iambic forms have preceded even further in the direction of monosyllabicity, with the number of consonantal even more reduced. After the break? contrasts in the presyllable being and vocalic up of PC, some languages, such as Roglai, Rade, and Jarai, apparently in contact with languages typologically very much like PC and thus under minimal external the basic word shape, have remained largely unchanged. pressure to modify However,
other Chamic
languages,
under the influence of different
patterns of
contact, have in varying degrees gone even more towards monosyllabicity. One path that leads to a dramatic movement from disyllabic tomonosyl? a generation or two is illustrated by Phan Rang Cham, where the pre syllables were first omitted in informal, colloquial speech and now seem to have been dropped entirely by some speakers. Doris Blood (1962:11) writes, labic within
to Monosyllabic
From Disyllabic
63
Cham words may have two or rarely three syllables, but there is a strong The final syllable of disyllabic words, tendency toward monosyllabicity. here
to as
referred
the main
carries
syllable,
stress.
the primary
The
con?
of the initial syllable... may vary considerably or may be dropped entirely. Often in normal speech a word that is some? times heard as a two-syllable words is fused into one, as in per?w > sonants and vowels
pr?w new, and in kel?k > kl?k to tickle. The following been
observed:
~ per?w
Scholars
pr?w
phir?w
tend to maintain
~ phr?w
fir?w
full forms of words
variations have -
fr?w.
in their speech. by the loss
As a general rule the speech of non-scholars is characterized of preliminary syllable, reduction in vocalism or assimilation lable with
the main
of that syl?
syllable.
In these examples, the reduced forms have come about by rather natural reduc? tions and then loss of the presyllable vowels, but the complete loss of the presyl? lable can come about quite dramatically. as in PR Cham, this tendency to drop syllables is also found throughout Chamic, even in Acehnese, colloquial speech long removed from the MK sphere of influence. Durie (p.c.) comments that it occurs in personal names and in certain highly frequent terms. Thus instead of Although
not as marked
in more
anwk manok, a villager might say nwk manok 'chicken' and instead of miyup rumo h 'under the house', they might say y up moh. Although usually not as dramatically captured inmid-change, through? out Chamic the reduction of disyllables, sometimes all the way tomonosyllables, has occurred and almost all of it has in part been motivated by the tendency of the presyllable vowel to reduce to shwa and then drop, as shown in colloquial Phan forms. Rang Cham variation, collapsing the disyllabic forms into monosyllabic The bulk of such reductions follow one of three patterns of reduction.
The
loss
of
the
vowel
before
medial
-h
The first of the three patterns which led to monosyllables may have been com? the PC the When the initial of main stage. pleted by syllable was *h, as in Table 7, the initial of the pretonic syllable and the initial of themain syllables coalesced into an initial cluster, a pattern noticed by Blood (1962) and commented on by Greenberg (1970:139). One consequence of their origin from the coalescence of forms. disyllables is that such clusters only occur inmodern monosyllabic Table 7 illustrates these developments nicely. InMalay, a closely-related but non-Chamic language, the forms are still disyllabic with themedial -h- as the onset of the second syllable. However, in PC, as reflected both inAcehnese and in
4
Chapter
64
Chamic languages, these forms have been reduced tomono? with various clusters in which the second consonant is -h-. syllables beginning the various mainland
Table 7: From disyllabic
PMP
*h to monosyllables
syllables with medial
Malay PC
Aceh.
Chru
NR
Tsat
*paqit
pahit
*phit
phet
phi:?
phi:?
phi?24
'bitter; bile'
*paqa
paha
*pha
pha
pha
pha
pha33
'thigh'
pohon
*phun
phon
phun
phut
phun33
'trunk;
pha:?24
'chisel;
? *paqat
pahat
*pha:t
phuiat
pha:?
*daqan
dahan
*dha:n
dhuian
tha:n
tha:t
*taqu
tahu
*thow
thsa
thau
thau
tiau?42^
'know;
*taqun
tahun
*thun
thon
thun
thut
thun33
'year'
plus
(1977:78)
-h-
actual
'branch;
clusters,
not
aspirated
noted that in Chru such forms behave phonologically
unitary
phonemes,
an-h?
'a plane',
an
in which
tion of disyllables. have
as evidence
citing
there is an established of which
are
combinations
This
parallels,
infixed
to
plane'
bough' able'
(p.c.) has pointed out, these conso?
In some instances, as G?rard Diffloth nant
?
stem'
alternations nominalizing
such -an-
as
ph?
occurs.
stops.
Fuller
as clusters, not as 'to plane' Certainly,
and
p
where
etymology, such clusters inevitably come from the reduc? too is a point of convergence with MK languages, many for
example,
Khmer
khaat
'lose'
and
k-om-haat
'loss'.
DISYLLABLES WITH LIQUIDS > MONOSYLLABLES AND CLUSTERS a second pattern in which disyllables, but with an originally *-l- or *-r-, coalesced into monosyllables with initial clusters. Notice that the original disyllabic forms are still retained as disyllables outside Chamic in
Table
8 shows
medial
PMP and Malay guages Acehnese
and within Chamic
in PC as well as in the modern Chamic
lan?
and Northern Roglai (not shown in Table 8), but the disyllables been have reduced to clusters in Chru and Tsat. Within Chru and Tsat following the initials of the pretonic syllable and the In Tsat, the process of mor? syllable coalesced, producing monosyllables. one structure with the *-l- or the *-r has further gone step pheme simplification the loss of the shwa in the presyllable,
main
of initial cluster becoming
an -i- glide.
1. The patterns of these secondarily-derived detail in Chapter 5.
clusters
are discussed
in more
Table 8: From disyllabic PMP
65
to Monosyllabic
From Disyllabic
Malay darah
*daRaq
PC
Aceh.
Chru
*darah
darah
drah
*daRa
dara
*dara
dara
dra
*bulu
bulu
*bulow
bulsa
blau
pulau
*bulan *baqeRU
*pulaw
pulo
pala:u
Tsat sia55
'girl'
phia11 -1
?
bulan
*bula:n
buluian
*bahrow
baro-f
barhau
phia11
pla:?
pie?24 -v
pula
*pula
-phian11
pala
pia33 ?
gulung
*gulung ?
*bara
*qabaRa
gulon
*gulun
karam
*karam
kura
*kura
? ? ?
parlarj-v bra kram
? *palsy
phia11 ? ?
kra plai
-v
'body hair' 'island'
baharu
*pala:t -1 paluiat
'blood'
?
bla:n
?
*palaj
liquids to monosyllables
syllables with medial
piai33
'moon' 'new'
'palm; sole' 'to
plant'
'to roll' 'shoulder' 'sink;
sunk'
'turtle' 'village'
Quite parallel to these secondary clusters, which have developed within the history of Chamic, are a set of earlier primary clusters, that is, clusters which had already become clusters by the PC stage and which had developed in a simi? lar way from the loss of the vowel preceding a medial *-l- or *-r- in an earlier disyllabic
form.
LOSS OF THE UNSTRESSED INITIAL SYLLABLE cases, however, the loss of the shwa of the presyllable resulting in the initial and the main syllable initial would have juxtaposition of the presyllable resulted in a highly-marked cluster. Thus, it is not surprising that when the main In most
syllable began with any other consonant syllable was lost (see Table 9).
than *h- or a liquid, the whole
pretonic
from disyllabic to iambic to As this table shows, throughout Chamic there has been a unidirec? monosyllabic. Outside of Chamic, PMP has tional movement along the path tomonosyllabicity. Table 9 shows the unidirectional
movement
forms as does Malay. Within Chamic, the disyllables are rapidly through the reduction and loss of the presyHables: the becoming monosyllables but it four-way vowel distinction of the PC presyllable still exists inAcehnese, fully disyllabic
has been reduced to a limited three-way distinction inNorthern Roglai, while in Rade the presyllable has been reduced even more, with the four-way vowel con? trast reduced
to just a shwa and several of the initial consonants
having been
4
Chapter
66
dropped. In Tsat, the process has gone even further, with almost all the remaining disyllables reduced tomonosyllables through the total loss of the presyllable. to monosyllables
Table 9: From disyllables PMP
Malay mamah
*mamaq *qumah
*lima *tarjan *lapaR
PC
Aceh.
Rade
Tsat
*mamah
mamAh
mamah
huma
*huma
lima
*lima
tang?n
*tana:n
lapar
*lapa
padi
*paday
ma55
'chew'
umArj
hama
ma33
'dry field'
limAn
ema
ma33
'five'
kanan
rja:n33
'hand;
epa
?
pa33
'hungry'
pade
madie
thad?42 na55
'rice (paddy)' 'shoot (bow)'
*baseq
panah basah
*panah *basah
panah basah
manah masah
sa55
'wet;
*m-uda
muda
*muda
muda
mada
tha11
'young;
*panaq
arm'
damp' tender'
Thus, although achieved through the interaction of various internal pres? was originally set sures and paths, the Chamic tendency toward monosyllabicity toward monosyllabic? into motion by language contact and, where the movement it is due to continued
ity has continued, have
was
even
more
restricted
set into motion
preferred
language contact with
morpheme
structures.
That
languages is,
the
that
process
contact, resulting in iambic forms; the subsequent seems to be due in large part to subsequent Phan reduction to monosyllables Rang Cham contact with the monosyllabic Vietnamese and Utsat contact with the monosyllabic
languages
by MK
of Hainan.
5
Consonants
Chamic
for the develop? shift to a preference for final stress has its consequences ments among the consonants: not only do final consonants have their own unique path of development, but so do the presyllable and themain syllable initial conso? The
nants. For the presyllable initials, the tendency is for the contrasts to be steadily reduced, beginning with the transition from PMP to PC. For themain syllable ini? tials, the opposite was initially true; the initial contact with MK languages to monosyllables, expanded the inventory, as did the reduction of disyllables which introduced new clusters. However, this introduction of new contrasts is as an incidental byproduct of the reduction of disyllables to mono? as with all consonants, the central tendency among the main-syllable
best viewed syllables; initials
was
also
towards sense
Making
-language beyond
variation
the out
of
contrasts.
reduction
of
these
tendencies
and,
in particular,
language-to
gets reduced and by how much, requires looking to the differences in patterns of internal motivations
just the language It becomes clear that direct correlations
bilingualism.
developments
the
in what
exist between
the internal
and the external bilingualism.
PRESYLLABLE CONSONANTS:THE DETAILS is only a very limited number of consonants that can begin the presyllable there are six voiceless obstruents: three stops, an affri? (Table 10). Specifically, are four voiced obstruents: three voiced stops and two and fricatives. There cate,
There
a voiced affricate. Finally, there are three sonorants: one nasal (*m-), and two liq? uids (*1- and *r-), with the further likelihood of an additional, marginal *ft-, which 'breath;
seems
to
occur
only
in
two
words:
life'.
67
*?amuk
'mosquito'
and
*?awa
68
Chapter Table 10: The presyllable *t-
*p-
5
consonants
*c-
*k
*s-
*h
*h-
*d-
*i-
*m-
*1-
*fl-
*2 (rare)
*r
All of these presyllabic consonants existed as such in the PMP language spoken by the PMP speakers who originally came toVietnam, although of course various MK forms with similar structures have been added to the total number of forms. Within within
Chamic
itself, the full array of these forms is found unaltered records of Cham, although many of these presyllable have since undergone the changes reflected in the modern Phan Rang
the older written
consonants
Cham andWestern
all of the Similarly, even inmodern Acehnese, presyllable consonants except for *h- are still found as such. Changes in the presyllable consonants have occurred in all the Chamic Cham dialects.
languages, with the distribution of the changes suggesting that contact patterns were a major determinant of the paths of change. Acehnese, which retains all the consonants except *h-, left the mainland before the bulk of the presyllable on The the mainland, changes began. languages remaining except for Rade, underwent similarities patterns.
changes that were at least in part influenced by contact, as many of the in the developments cut across subgrouping lines but match contact
The
lone
exception
is Rade,
which,
as
the geography
suggests,
patterns
as if it were on the edge of the dialect chain existing among the Chamic dialects remaining on the mainland. Certainly, the developments among the Rade presyl? lable initial consonants are unique to Rade. The
rather salient
lack of presyHables beginning with *n-, despite the existence of *n- in the presyllables of PMP, seems to correlate directly with a similar scarcity of such forms in, say, Malay, where, although a handful of appar? ently disyllabic native words with n- seems to exist, the overwhelming majority of disyllabic forms beginning with n- are either obviously borrowed or just as obviously a secondary result of the effects of verbal prefixes. In this context, Lee (1974:652) writes that, although only Manley (1972:25) seems to specifically note the absence, "apart from reduplicative patterns and some cases of syllabic nasals homorganic with the first consonant of the following syllable, normally m is the only nasal that can occur as the onset syllable inmany languages of Viet? nam."
1.
Initial *h- in presyllables Acehnese.
does not occur in Durie's
reconstructions
of Proto
Chamic
69
Consonants
Then, Lee suggests the thus-far-unexceptional *n- to PC *1-, citing five of the examples in Table 11. *n- > PC */
Table 11: PMP PMP
Malay
*niyuR
nyor
*h-in-ipi
mimpi
W.Cham
Aceh.
*la?ur
boh u
la?u
lumpoa
lupai
*lumpsy ?
*lanah
nipis
*nipis
NR
PC
nanah
*nanaq
of PMP
correspondence
lipeh
*lipih
?
?
*lawa:n
*niwag
lan?h
lapay ?
'pus'
lupih
lapih
'thin (material)'
luwa:k
lawan
'thin'
?
?
nasi
'coconut palm' 'to dream'
la?u
'cooked
las?y
*lasey
rice'
In the case of 'dream', the PC forms and the Acehnese form in particular look to be the product of the string PMP *h-in-ipi > *nipi > *lipi > *l-um-pi > *lumpey, stuck into the ultimate Acehnese with two layers of distinct verbal morphology is restricted
form. This particular change Chamic, including Acehnese.
to the Chamic
component
of Malayo
Chamic, xnagar 'country, city; area' borrowing narjgroe represent distinct variants borrowed inde? initial is not the expected l\-l and its vowel suggests an The Acehnese pendently. form is borrowed from earlier *-i, both of which suggest that the Acehnese into mainland
The Indie borrowing
and the Acehnese
Malay.
The voiceless The
reflexes
Rade, also
obstruents of the voiceless
the *p- has merged
merged
*t-,
*k-,
a number of MK sonant of a minor as c-. Elsewhere,
and
*c-
as fc-,
a merger
also
in the minor
found
syllables
of
In fact, Chong (MK) allows only k- as the first con? In Haroi, the PC presyllable *t- has merged with *c
languages. syllable. as Table
are, by and large, straightforward. In the *b- and the *m-, all becoming m-; Rade has
obstruents
with
12 shows,
the various
are kept
series
distinct.
12 are of particular inter? est and merit more discussion than they will be given here. In addition to the listed *p-, *t-, and *k- reflexes, there are also forms with what appear to be the Certain other Chru reflexes not listed in Table
reflexes
par-,
tar-,
and
kar-,
respectively.
However,
these
forms
are most
likely
related to the reduction of earlier trisyllabic (or, polysyllablic) forms, rather than forms of the conditioned. Some apparently were trisyllabic being phonologically For example, in some the residue of either borrowed or native morphology. 'RECIPROCAL'(Goschnick the par- may be related to the Haroi pala1977:115). Thus, in Chru the form for 'divide; share' is parpha, while in Phan Rang Cham there are three forms, one of which is parapha. In addition, there is the form 'rabbit', which is tarpaii in Chru, but *tarapay in PC. Finally, there are instances,
70
Chapter such forms which
many
apparently do not occur elsewhere
5
in PC, and thus may
be borrowings.
Table 12: The voiceless PC
Aceh.
Rade
*p
p-
m-
k-;
k-
*k
*c
g-
obstruents Jarai Chru
Tsat
Haroi W.Cham
p-
p-
p-
0-
p-
p-
k-
k-
k-
0-
k-
kk-
t-
t-
0-
c-
c-
0-
c-
t-
k-
t-
c-;
k-
c-
j-
NR
xs-
c-;
*7_
t
PR Cham p
tc c-
(unmarked) In most
to tell from the material available cases, it is not possible or not forms written with a word-initial vowel actually have glottal
whether onsets.
at
However,
least
so far,
it really
does
seem
not
to have
any
consequences
for the analysis. InWestern Cham the pretonic syllable is lost more often than not.With the la- pretonic syllable, for instance, it is lost in every case except atau 'ghost;
corpse'.
Acehnese
reflexes
initial *k~ and *c
of presyllable
The Acehnese
reflexes of PC presyllable *k- and presyllable *c- are voiced if and if the main only syllable initial is also a voiceless stop (see Table 13, page 70), but not if the main syllable initial is a sonorant (Mark Durie, p.c., informs me that this process is productive inmodern Acehnese). Were it not a borrowing, the word guda
'horse' would be an exception to this pattern; that is, guda 'horse' has a presyllable voiced stop preceding a main syllable voiced stop. However, there is good evidence it is borrowed: Aside from not patterning as might be expected diachronically, it is not widespread in Aus? tronesian and it is suspiciously close to the Gujarati ghoda 'horse' (Karen Mistry, that Gujarati traders were early visitors to this region. p.c.), and it is well-known Table 13: PC *k- > Acehnese Malay kita
PC
g-; *o > Acehnese
j
Acehnese
*campa
juimpa
*k-ita
gui-ta-?oa
'Champa' 'we
(incL)'
kaki
*kakay
gaki
kapas
x*kapa:s
gapuiah
'foot; leg' ' cotton'
kuku
*kukow
guksa
'claw;
k?ntut
*kantut
toh
kutu
*kutow
kuda
x?
-v, gateh
guintat
-f
'fart;
gutsa
'louse,
guda
'horse'
fingernail' flatus head'
ventrus'
Chamic
71
Consonants
PC *s- and *h 14 and 15, the reflexes of presyllabic *s- and *h- are examined. the *s- has been retained in presyllables, while the *h- has been lost.
In Table InAcehnese
In Chru and N. Roglai, the two series are retained largely unchanged. In Chru, there is a minor but interesting split in the reflexes of *s-. If the main syllable stop, the vowel of the presyllable was completely began with a voiceless with an initial sp-, st-, or sk- cluster as dropped, leaving the Chru monosyllabic its onset; otherwise, the complete presyllable remains unaltered. This association of consonant manner with a split in consonantal reflexes reflects voice quality differences (Cf. Thurgood, 1980). Table 14: Reflexes PC
Aceh. s-
*s-
Rade
Jarai
h-;
h-
t, k
NR
Chru
s-
sa-; 0-
/_p,
*s
of PC presyllabic
s-
Haroi
W. Cham
PR Cham
h-;
h-
h
0
0
h
s
0
h
h
h
h
sa
0
h
h
/_vd. ob st.
elsewhere
sa
s
h
In the remaining five languages, the reflexes of *s- and *h- have merged completely. In Jarai,Western Cham, and Phan Rang Cham, both *s- and *h- have merged,
h-,
becoming
parent by the frequent Phan Rang Cham. Table 15: Reflexes
this
although
is made
development
total loss of the whole
of PC presyllabic
presyllable
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
Chru
*h
0-
h-;
h-
h-
NR
Haroi
h-
h-;
0-
/_vd.
t, k obst.
elsewhere
trans?
less
Cham
and
*h
PC
/_p,
somewhat
inWestern
W.Cham
PR Cham
hh0
0-
h-
h-
h-
0-
h-
h
h-
h-
h-
h-
0-
h-
h
h-
h-
h-
h-
h-
hh-
in Rade and Haroi, the merged reflexes are further split, Finally, case on in each is it the basis of although slightly different conditioning factors. In both Rade and Haroi, if the main syllable began with a voiceless stop, the h initial was simply lost (some transcriptions show a glottal onset being added sec? ondarily to what would otherwise be a vowel-initial word). In Haroi, the process
Chapter
72
5
a step further with h- also being lost before main syllables with a voiced obstruent initial. Cf. also "Secondary clusters" on page 94. Again, the association of manner differences with splits in consonantal reflexes reflects voice quality
went
differences
(Cf. Thurgood,
The voiced
stops and breathiness
1980).
The
patterns for voiced stops correspondence breathiness that probably dates back to PC. All
an association
shows
of with
the modern Chamic languages of have reflexes Acehnese and Rade except presyllable *b-, *d-, and *g-, split with the splits conditioned by the manner of the initial consonant of themain syl? lable. The reflexes of PC *j- have not undergone such splits. Table 16: Examples
of reflexes of the PC presyllable
PC
Jarai
Chru
NR
*batow
patau
patau
patau
W. Cham patau
voiced obstruents
PR Cham patSw;
patow
'stone'
*bitu?
patu?
patu?-f
pitu?
patu?
pit??; pat??
'star'
*basah
pasah
pasah
pasah
pasah
path?h
'wet;
x*bato
pato
pato
pato
pato
pato
'teach'
*batuk
pat?k
patu?
pitu? tiki:?
pat?? taki?
pat?? taki?
'cough'
*dikit
taki:?
tapa
damp'
little'
'few; 'arm
*dapa
tapa
tapa
tupa
*gatal
katal
katal
katan
katal
katal
'itchy'
*gatak
kat?k
kata?
kata?
kata?
kata?
'sap;
papah
papah
'mouth'
*babah
?
span'
resin'
*babuy
babui
pabui
babui
papui
papuy
'wild pig'
*dada
tada
tada
dada
tata
tata
'chest'
*bulow
blau
blau
bilau
plau
palow
'body hair'
*burja
ba?a
ba?a
buna
parjur -f
pirju
'flower'
*bula:n
blan
bla:n
bila:t
plan
pilan
'moon'
*darah
drah
drah
darah
taran
taran
'blood'
*dara
dra
dra
dara
tra
tara
'girl'
*dalam
dl?m
darlam
*gunam
gan?m
ganam
All
dalap
tal?m
tal?m kan?m
'inside' 'cloud'
left the mainland before the indicates that Acehnese initials took place. Rade, apparently on the edge of the its own series of developments left behind, underwent
the evidence
loss of the presyllable Chamic dialect chain
largely if not totally independent of the other mainland dialects. All the remain? ing Chamic languages have undergone splits correlated with the manner of the
Chamic
73
Consonants
initial of the main syllable.2 As for Haroi, although subsequent changes have resulted in the total devoicing of all PC presyllable voiced stops, traces of earlier split patterns are reflected in the vowel reflexes of the presyllables. Table
16 shows examples of the split in the reflexes of PC presyllable which stops, depend upon the nature of the main syllable initial. In Jarai, N. W. Chru, Cham, and PR Cham, if the main syllable began with a Roglai, voiceless stop, the voiceless stop reflex is rarely but occasionally accompanied by voiced
breathy voice on the vowel. If the main syllable began with a voiced obstruent, the reflexes may be either voiced or voiceless in Jarai, are voiceless in Chru, are voiced inN. Roglai, are voiceless inW. Cham but with variable residual breathy on the vowel, and are voiceless in PR Cham but without any residual if voice. the main breathy Finally, syllable consonant is a sonorant, the reflex is voiced in Jarai, Chru, and N. Roglai, and voiceless but with accompanying resid? voice
ual breathy voice on the vowel inW. and PR Cham. The same patterns (although based on all the data, not just the examples in Table 16) are presented schematically in Table 17. Table 17: The reflexes of the PC presyllable PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
Chru
*b-
b-
m-
p-;
p-;
p-;
b-
b-
b-
p-
p-
p-
p-pp-
/_vl. /_vd.
m-
stops stops
/_sonorants *d-
/_vl. /_vd.
d-
p-
pb-
b-
p-
p-
0-
t-;
t-;
t-;
c-
t-/;
d-
d-
d-
t-
t-
t-
t c-
t- t-
d-
c-
d-
d-
*g-
d-
k-;
g-
g-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
/_sonorants
k-
g-
g-
g-
k-
*j-
0-
j"
j"
p
p p
t
t-/;
c-
k-;
j"
p-
p-/;
t
kk-;
g-
j"
p
?
k-;
stops
p-/;
p-/;
b-
k-
PR Cham
p-/;
m-
0-
g-
p-
b-
0-
stops
Haroi W.Cham
b-
0-
stops
NR
m-
/_sonorants
/_vl.
2.
voiced obstruents
k-; k
c-
k-
kkk k-
c ?-
Tsat has essentially lost all its presyllables, leaving too little trace of earlier of to the of loss determine whether Tsat also split the reflexes stages process of the PC voiced stops.
74
Chapter
5
The patterns themselves are as described for the examples in Table 16, although in general terms, the cross-linguistic patterning of the changes illus? trates a persistent drift towards voiceless obstruents. The pattern of the drift is evident in the table: in terms of the manner of the main syllable consonant, the loss of voicing (and breathiness) ismost favored before voiceless obstruents, favored before voiced obstruents, and least favored before voiced sonorants. sonorants
The
The
less
nasals
The reflexes of the PC nasals *m- and *?-, shown in Table 18, require two com? First, in Rade, the *p- and the *b- have also merged with the *m- giving
ments. m-.
Table 18: The reflexes of the PC presyllable PC
Aceh.
Rade
Chru
NR
Haroi
PR Cham
m-
m-
m-
m-
m
Jarai
*/?-)
*m-
m-
*mata
mata
mata
mata
mata
mata
mita
*manu?
mano?
man??
man??
man??
man??
man??
min??
'chicken'
*muda
muda
mada
mada
mada
mida
mathia
mita
'young'
*?amuk
m-
*m- (and, possibly,
nasal
?
jamo? ?
*?awa
Second,
?
?
ewa
the
near
jawa nonexistence
jam??
jamo?
jawa
lawa
of
PC
?
*?-
'eye'
camo?
cawia
indicates
yawa the
'mosquito' 'breath'
phoneme
was
in various ways marginal at the PC level, and the reflexes show its dissolution throughout Chamic. In large part the reflexes of initial *?- have blended with those of *j-, although there is also merger with the reflexes of *y-. The change of PC first syllable *ft- to ill in N. Roglai is at least reminiscent of the change of PMP first syllable *n- to ill in PC. It is worth, however, noting that 'breath, breath, life, soul' is still manifested as /fiaw?/ 'soul' inHeadley's Western Cham, suggesting
that thisWestern
Cham
initial still reflects the PMP initial quite faith?
fully.
The liquids In terms of Chamic
reflexes, the PC *m-. The distinction
the *r- and the *1- are a little more between
the presyllable
interesting than *r- and the *1- has been
Chamic
75
Consonants
totally lost in Rade, Haroi, and Jarai, with the Rade reflexes further merging with *d- and *j-, and then ultimately disappearing completely. of PC presyllable
Table 19: Reflexes PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
liquids NR
Chru
0
Haroi
PR Cham
1
r
*rata:k
nutuia?
etak
rata?
rata:?
rata:?
lata? -1 rata?
*ribow
ribsa
eb?u
rabau
rabau
rubau
laph?au
ripow
rasa
rasa
rusa
lasa
ratha
?
rusa
*rusa
'bean; pea' 'thousand' 'Sambhur deer'
r
*1
1
*lima
limAt) lakoa
ema
rama
lama
lurna
lamia
limi
'five'
eksi
lakai
lakai
lak?i
lik?y
'male; person'
larjet
erjit
rakai ?
larji:?
larjl:?
lagi?
larji?
'sky'
luka
eka
laka
lika-
'wound,
*laksy *lanit *luka
onsets:
Presyllable Within
0
1
?
retention
the history of Chamic,
includes
the
reduction
gradual
?
laka
scar'
and reduction the persistent movement the presyllable:
of
towards monosyllabicity the
first,
consonant
and
vowel
inventories are progressively reduced and then eventually the entire presyllable is lost. Acehnese retains 12 of the 13 distinctions (marginally 14), undoubtedly in it because left the mainland early, thus avoiding the subsequent bilingual part contact which would
lead the other languages
toward the reduction
of the initial
contrasts.
Rade displays the most drastic reductions in the presyllable consonantal In Rade, the original 13 consonants have been reduced to just three. The
onsets.
voiced
apical
and
*b-,
*p-
consonants have
*r-,
merged,
*1-,
*j-,
and m-,
becoming
*dthe
have *t-,
been
*c-,
lost,
*k-,
and
the bilabials *g-
have
*m-,
merged,
becoming k-, and, the two voiceless fricatives have merged, becoming h- (with the h- subsequently in some contexts (see "The voiceless disappearing obstruents" on page 69; Table 14)). to just six, paralleling Haroi has reduced the original 13 distinctions Rade *t-
and
in the reductions *c-
coalesced,
itmakes. The *1- and *r- have coalesced, becoming
(with the h- subsequently
c-;
the
disappearing
*s-
and
*h-
have
in some contexts
becoming
coalesced,
(see Table
becoming
/-; the h
14, page 71)).
Chapter
76
5
And, as happens partially or completely throughout Chamic, the voicing distinc? tion is lost with the voiced obstruents. The obvious parallels between Rade and Haroi apparently reflect the influence of a period of mutual contact. Jarai,
like
both
*h-, leaving Jarai with
Rade
Table 20: Retention PC
Aceh.
*r-
and Haroi,
11 presyllable
Rade
NR
Jarai
Chru
0-
r-
r-
r-
1-
*1-0-
r-
1-
1-
J" d-
*d-0-
*t-
t-
*c*k-
and
*1- as well
Haroi r-
W.Cham
c-
1-
1 c
j"
t-; d-
t-; d-
c-
k-
t-
t-
t-
c-
c-
k-
c-
c-
c-
c-
c
c-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k
k-
*g-
g-
k-
k-;
k-;
k-
*m-
m-
m-
m-
*p-
p-
m-
p-
*b-
b-
m-
p-;
*s-
s-
h-; 0-
h-
sa-;
s-
h-; 0-
*h-
0-
h-
h-
h-
h-
h-;0-
13
13
g-
m-
m-
pb-
p-;
g-
pb-
s-
p-;
b-
PR Cham
c-
1-
j"
k-;
and
r
t-; d-
g-
*s-
1-
J"
*j-
as
consonants
in presyllable
and reduction
r-
0~
*r-
coalesces
onsets.
t-
t-/;
t
t-; t
t-
k-
k-;
m-
mm
p-
p-
p-
p-;
k
k-;
p p-
p-;
p
h hh h-
Totals:
13
12
3
11
6
12
12
In all the languages except Rade and Haroi, at least some of the voiced coalescing with the reflexes of the voiceless stops in the pro?
stops have devoiced cess.
Also,
in both
dialects
of Cham,
*s-
and
*h-
have
merged
as h-.
that the table does not include Tsat, which does not have presyl? let alone lables, presyllable onsets. Tsat has dropped all presyllable consonants except those that have coalesced with the initial of the main syllable to become Notice
part of the onset of amonosyllable. Sporadic As
"dissimilation"
is quite obvious
within
the mainland
(cf. text above and Table 20), throughout Chamic particularly Chamic languages after the breakup there has been a ten
Chamic
77
Consonants
of the presyllables. This dency toward the reduction of the contrasts in the initials so not much reduction has been accomplished, through the dropping of initials, the merger of var? although this happens occasionally, but instead largely through ious presyllable initials (cf. the situation in Rade in which some initials have dis? appeared while others have undergone widespread merger). in which there Mark Durie (p.c.) pointed out another set of presyllables Table 21). These has been sporadic "dissimilation" of the presyllable initial (see involve instances where both the presyllable and the main syllable with /c-/, or, more begin with the same initial: both begin with /k-/, both begin the change occurs, the presyllable both begin with /s-/. When problematically, initial usually becomes /t-/, but sometimes it becomes lc-1 and sometimes lk-1. In each case, the change has occurred sporadically, sometimes happening, some? times not. As with the changes discussed earlier, the result of these changes in the reduction of number of patterns found involving the presyllable initials. dissimilations
to discuss the developments of the presyllable initials in *k-. 21 Table of the examples one-by-one, beginning with the forms with initial form that of In those cases where there is a Malay form, the initial faithfully form. For the form 'claw; fingernail', most of the reflects the older Austronesian It is instructive
form guksa is quite regular reflect the original PC *k-: The Acehnese of reflexes presyllable initial *k- and including the voiced initial (see "Acehnese *c-" on page 70), and most of the remaining forms have also retained a velar languages
two forms do reflect a change: the Jarai (PL) form takau has a reflex. However, lt-1 reflex, and both the Jarai (Lee) form cakau and the Phan Rang Cham (Lee) cak?w
initials
have
reflecting
Table 21: Sporadic Malay kuku
change from Jarai
Aceh.
PC *kukow >
kaki
neither
guksa
?
?
lt-1
*kakay > lt-1
takau
gigi
lt-1
*gigey > lt-1
gigoa ?
NR
PR Cham Wr. Cham
kukau
kakow
?
cak?w
? takai
rak?h -i kaka ?
?
?
? tSgai
*t-.
*?- to ft-/ in initials of the presyllable
takai
?
nor
?
? gaki -v
*kaka:s ? >
a *k-
kukau
'fingernail'
kakai
takay kak?h
'claw;
?
'foot'
takai kakai)
'fish scales'
takah
?
? digai
tafc?y
'tooth' tag?i
For 'foot', only theAcehnese gaki -v (unless, as the vowel suggests, this is a bor? rowing from Malay), and one of the twoWritten Cham forms recorded by Aymo? nier and Cabaton kakai reflects the original *k-. The remaining forms reflect an initial lt-1. The pair ofWritten Chamic (AC) forms make it clear that both variants have existed within the history of Cham, and suggest that the *k- developed into
Chapter
78
5
lt-1 during that time. For 'fish scale', the form in Jarai (PL) should be compared with Khmer sraka (listed inAymonier and Cabaton). Of the remaining forms all seem to have retained reflexes of the original *k- except for one of the two Phan Rang Cham variants. The variant recorded by Lee takah reflects lt-1, not the *k-, but the presence of both variants within Phan Rang Cham suggests that the *k variant existed within the history of Cham. Finally, with the voiced velar of form has retained evidence of the older velar; else? 'tooth', only the Acehnese where
the reflexes have become
alveolar stops. can be made about
these changes. First, the of Northern PC: the Acehnese, Jarai, Roglai, Western changes postdate breakup Cham, and Phan Rang Cham all retain evidence of the earlier *k-. Second, the Several
are
changes
observations
sporadic
change
it sometimes
appears
to reflect
in nature:
the
becomes
an earlier
*k-,
*k-
only
sometimes,
changes
lc-1 and sometimes sometimes
a *t-,
and
lt-1. The sometimes
and when
reflex
it does
sometimes
a *c. Third,
two
words changed almost everywhere while two others only changed sporadically, a pattern consistent with the existence of a tight-knit dialect chain in which changes in one dialect often spread to contiguous dialects. Fourth, the apparent to participate in this change (or, in the change of *c- to lt-1 discussed below (with the marginal exception of the word 'lizard')) suggests that Acehnese had already the mainland when the bulk of these changes took place. Consider the forms in Table 22 with initial *c-. With 'grandchild', the failure of Acehnese
older *c- is still faithfully retained only in two Chamic sources, Acehnese and the Cham (AC) cacauv (along with the variant with the initial lt-1). Similarly,
Written with
'chop; strike', only theWritten
Fortunately,
the
Aymonier
and
Cham
Cabaton
(AC) cacauh dictionary
retains the older initial.
contains
numerous
older
(AC) retains the 'great grandchild', older initial (along with a form reflecting the more recent lt-1). Finally, the MK borrowing 'lizard' is interesting primarily because it is a late borrowing but none? theless it has sporadically undergone the change from *c- to lt-1 inAcehnese (see forms. With
again only
theWritten
Cham
in Acehnese) suggesting that, although the change from *c- to lt-1 to have have occurred long enough after the breakup of PC for Acehnese escaped most of its influence, it is still reflected in this late borrowing. the doublet
must
As with the *k- to lc-1 and lt-1 changes, several observations can be made about this data. First, the change postdate the breakup of PC, as theAcehnese and Written Cham doublets make clear, and, if 'lizard' is ignored, it is only theWrit? to partic? ten Cham doublets that do so. Second, the apparent failure of Acehnese the exception of the word 'lizard', suggests that of this occurred. Finally, the doublets inWritten that the change occurred after the breakup of PC and spread
ipate in this change, with Acehnese left before much Cham
indicate
throughout
the dialect chain.
Chamic
79
Consonants
Table 22: Sporadic
cucu
Aceh.
PC
Malay
?
> lt-1
x*cica?
> lt-1
tica?
tac?? ?
?
c??
c?n
cica?;
cacai?;
'great
ticai?
grandchild'
caca?
'lizard;
?
kac??
tac??
k?rjk??
strike'
'chop,
ticauh
?
tice?
tace?
cacauh;
tacoh
ticoh
'grandchild'
ticauv
?
?
?
?
> lt-1
?
tacoh CAt
x*cic?t
cacauv;
taco
tico
?
?
> lt-1
?
?
taco
?
x*cacoh
cicak
?
in initials of the presyllable PR Cham Wr. Cham
NR
Jarai
cuco
x*cuco
cicit
*c- to/t-/
change from
gecko'
Finally, there is a third set of forms which behave in a parallel way but are which only apparent when one looks outside of the Chamic languages, that is, there is a pair of words in which lt-1 reflects what extra-Chamic evidence makes clear was an earlier ls-1 (see Table 23). Within that
attestation
I am
aware
of
for
an
earlier
Cham form turns up unexpectedly,
Written
Table 23: Sporadic Malay susu
PC
change from Jarai
**susow >
sisir
xxsisi(r) > xtasi
and,
or
a
I do not expect to find any.
*s- to ft-/ in initials of the presyllable W. Cham PR Cham Wr. Cham ?
? tasau
tisau
kasi-i
there is no
an Acehnese
unless
NR
? tasi
*s-;
itself, however,
? tasau
*tasow
Chamic
?
?
'breast'
tasou
tathow
? tasi
?
'a tathi
?
comb' tasi; tasi? -f
on the basis of the parallels with the forms inTables 16 and 17 com? Nonetheless, bined with the external evidence offered by theMalay forms, it is likely that these forms
were
**susow
and
xxsisi
'comb;
hand
of
bananas'
in post-PC
and
have
simply dissimilated giving the forms found in the tables. In any case, the "dissimilations" discussed above, despite their sporadic nature, despite the fact that they postdate the breakup of PC, and despite their sometimes idiosyncratic patterning have in common that they are part of the change toward the reduction of presyllables?a change that has its impetus sup? not the internal of these by plied dynamics languages but by the structures of the are in contact with. languages that the Chamic languages The
extra-Chamic
As
the patterns
correspondences
in Table 24 and the examples in Table 25 show, inMalay, guage clearly subgrouped outside of Chamic, the first syllable consonants spond precisely with the onsets reconstructed for Chamic.
a lan? corre?
Chapter
80
Table 24: Reflexes
of PC presyllable
Aceh.
Rade
liquids
Jarai
PC *1
1-
0-
r
1
1
1
r
*r
r-
0-
r
r
1
r
j d
*j
j-
J
j
*d
d-
0
Chru, NR
W. & PR Cham
Malay 1
d
0
5
Haroi
c c
t-;d
j t-/;
t
The PC presyllable liquids are retained unaltered inAcehnese. The iden? tical patterns of reflexes in Chru and Roglai as well as those inWestern and Phan Rang Cham reflect the subgrouping. Table 25: Reflexes Malay lima
of PC presyllable Aceh.
PC *lima
limArj
liquids (examples)
Rade
Jarai
Haroi
ema
rama
lamia
PR Cham limi
'five' '
lapar
*lapa
rusa
*rusa
epa rusa
rapa
lapa
lapa
rasa
lasa
ritha
'
hungry'
Sambhur
deer' *dara
dara
era
dra
caria
tara
darah
*darah
darah
erah
drah
cariah
tar?h
'blood'
danau
*danaw
dano
enau
danau
caniau
tanaw
'lake'
jarum
*jarum
jarom
er?m
jr?m-v
car?m
car?m
'needle'
jalan
*jala:n
-lu?an
elan
jalan
cal?an
?alan
'road;
dara
The Malay forms, the PC forms, the Acehnese, all agree in their reflexes.
Main
syllable
onset
and the Phan Rang Cham
path'
forms
consonants
the borrowings have been culled out, the correspondences among the are com? are onsets If these reflexes main straightforward. remaining syllable
Once
the reflexes of the presyllable onsets, it becomes apparent that certain have different reflexes, depending upon whether they were presylla? ble or main syllable onsets.
pared with consonants
The
voiceless
obstruents
largely unaltered. Only the *s- in even Phan Rang Cham has changed, and, in this case, it is obvious both from Western Cham and from the older inscriptional citations that it was an s- at an The voiceless
obstruents
earlier point in Cham.
have been retained
Chamic
81
Consonants
Table 26: Reflexes
of the voiceless
obstruents
PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai Chru
NR
Tsat
Haroi
*p-
p-
p-
p-
p-
p-
p-
p-
t- *t-t-
t-
t-
t-
t-
t-
W.Cham
t-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k-
k k-
*c-
c-
c-
c-
c-
c-
ts-
c-
c c-
*?-
0-
0-;
?-
0-;
0-; .7. s-
h-
*s-
s-
s-
s-
s-
*h-
h-
h-
h-
h-
?-
0-;
p
pt
*k-
.?. .7.
PR Cham
0-;
.7.
.7.
s-
s-
s-
h-
h-
h-h
0
th
syllable PC *s- onset is retained as such in Phan languages except Rang Cham, the presyllable PC *s- became h in Chru and N. Roglai. It is worth noting thatWritten Cham has two dis? Notice
that, while
the main
all modern
except tinct representations
for /s-/, with the one Moussay transliterates as lth-1 being the older form, and the one transliterated as ls-1 being more recent. Thus, in some sense, the forms with ls-1 are suspicious; that is, these may eventually turn out to be borrowed but this remains to be seen. The apparent two-way alternation in the reflexes of the PC glottal stop is more a question of orthographic conventions than of reality. In several languages, a clear reflex of the PC glottal stop occurs intervocalically in word-medial posi? tion, where the retained glottal stop is written as either a glottal stop or a hyphen. In word-initial position before a vowel, nothing occurs in the orthographies but from the various phonetic descriptions it seems evident that such forms actually a with not onset?it is indicated in the orthographies. begin glottal simply To digress for a moment, Adelaar (1988:62) writes that, for his proto the proto-phoneme *c is not well-attested, Malayic, citing certain words, a form with the PC xcum and another with smell'3 'kiss; ing counterpart counterpart
x*picah
'broken;
includ? the PC
break':
the number of etyma with *c is restricted, and many of theMalayic lex? c are borrowed. But there is still a number of them containing
emes
which 3.
hitherto
could not be explained
away as borrowings,
and the
As Blust pointed out (p.c.), if PC 'kiss; smell' is aMK borrowing, its distri? bution in western Indonesia is interesting. Iban doesn't seem to have it, but as Blust (p.c.) suggested this would be because Iban is part of the Malayo Chamic population that never left the southwest Borneo homeland. He fur? ther notes that Malay, Minangkabau other languages which may have Madurese;
Ngaju Dayak
and Banjarese all have it, as do some borrowed it from Malay (Sundanese, presumably got it from Banjarese).
5
Chapter
82
ultimately depend on the reduction of their includes e.g. PM *cari, *cu(rj)kup, *curi, *cium. It number, which appears that reflexes of *cium and *curi must have been borrowed from Northern Indian languages, where we find Bengali cum(a) 'a kiss', curi, of PM *c will
elimination
'theft', and cor 'thief, and Hindi and chor 'thief. Since other Northern
chuma
cori
'a kiss',
chori
'a theft', usually have
Indian languages similar or related terms for 'kiss' and 'theft' or 'thief, and the regular PMP etyma for these notions are *ajek and *tarjkaw respectively, *cium and *curi must
be erroneous
reconstructions
built on Northern
Indian
*c, such as *kucirj 'cat', *pacah 'small' *kacil be the result of secondary phonolog? and 'scattered', may ical developments within Malayic itself (cf. Zorc 1983:12-3). It is very
loanwords.
Other
of PM
instances
on the one hand, and bor? likely that these phonological developments from and Southeast-Asian Northern Dravidian, Chinese, Indian, rowing on will the evidence for PM eliminate the other, ultimately languages *c. And
of PM *c has far-reaching
the elimination
PAn/PMP
consequences
for
*c.
Of the two PC counterparts he mentions specifically, the first is a borrowing, but the second reconstructs at least within Chamic. However, as Adelaar observes for the vast
Malayic,
majority
of
within
the words
with
Malayo-Chamic
are
*c-
bor?
rowed. Only one of the forms with a presyllable *c- looks to be PMP, the word *caba:rj 'branch', but in PC it is x*ca?arj, with an unexpected glottalized Ibl. Of the 30 or so PC forms whose main syllable begins with *c, although many recon? struct
to the PC
level,
other
than
none
x*picah,
appear
to have
strong
PMP
recon?
structions ! The voiced As
obstruents
is clear from the reflex patterns in Table 27, before it became differentiated and Coastal Chamic, PC had four voiced obstruents.
into a Highlands
Table 27: Reflexes
of PC voiced obstruents Chamic
Hainan
Coastal
Tsat
(Lowlands Chamic) Haroi W. & PR Cham
PC
Aceh.
Chamic Highlands (Plateau Chamic) Rade Jarai Chru NR
*b-
b-
b-
b-
b-
b-
*d*,
d-
d-
d-
d-
d-
phth-
pht th-
g-
g-
g-
g-
g-
kh-
khk
*j-
j-
j-
j-
j-
j-
s-
?s-
p
Chamic
We Tra-ki?u
initials were voiced
know that the Cham
(Coed?s and
'with',
83
Consonants
(1939; cited inMarrison 'seven'.
tujoh
is no
There
(1975)));
reason
in the inscription found at for example, di 'at', dengan
to trust
not
the words
that
written
with voiced stops in the script were voiced stops, at least originally. The real questions revolve around when the various devoicings
took
place. Much of this must be surmised as all we know directly is that, on the basis of Cabaton (1901), the voiced stops had become voiceless by 1901. The devoic ing in Tsat and the Coastal Chamic are instructive for two reasons: first, the two occurred
independently of each other and, second, the reflexes correlate with dif? ferent linguistic sub-areas. In the southern Vietnamese highlands, Rade, Jarai, Chru, and N. Roglai have preserved the original PC voicing; in the Hainan lin? guistic sub-area Tsat has devoiced, and in the linguistic sub-area along the coast? line, the Haroi and Cham have undergone devoicing. to N. Roglai, the devoicing In Tsat, closely-related only after the arrival in Hainan in 986, having fled Champa
occurred
probably
following the Viet? at northern The change was of the in 982. sacking capital Indrapura contact in influenced the situation Hainan, as much of undoubtedly by language the phonological of Tsat has been restructured under the influence of the system namese
languages of Hainan. Notice that, in any case, the Tsat ismost closely related to Northern Roglai, a language which still has voiced obstruents; thus, the devoic? ? ? the separation of Cham and Roglai. ing in Tsat happened after long after It is likely that the devoicing in Coastal Chamic, that is, in Haroi and in Cham,
postdates
Highlands
of the distinction
the emergence
Chamic.
There
is also
reason
every
between Coastal Chamic
to
suspect
that Haroi
were by then quite separate and that the parallel developments result
a similar
of
response
to
similar
situations
?
that
is,
and
in each were the
type
of
and
Cham
the
conver?
gence typical of a linguistic area. What must be resisted, changes tion must
in Coastal Chamic be resisted
is the temptation to attribute the however, toVietnamese influence. The reason that this tempta?
is that the same changes are found inWestern Cham, a split off from Cham immediately after theVietnamese con?
group that apparently quest of the southern capital atVijaya. Thus, if this historical scenario is accurate, it is quite unlikely that the innovated changes in Coastal Chamic are primarily due to Vietnamese influence. It is possible, however, that the various changes common to Coastal Chamic might occurred before Cham differentiated
be
the modern
reflexes
into Haroi, Western
Cham,
of changes that and Phan Rang
Cham.
Even more voiced obstruents ple,
important to the history of these languages is the fact that the are associated with breathiness throughout Chamic. For exam?
in the two Cham dialects,
the reflexes are voiceless
unaspirated
stops fol
84
Chapter
5
lowed by a breathy voiced vowel. Also, for Chru, Fuller (1977:85) writes that the initial stops are often accompanied by a breathy quality on the vowel. In Haroi, various vowel splitting patterns make it clear that the voiced obstruents are voiced
to be associated with breathy voice. And, in the earlier discussion of the reflexes voiced stops, the patterns of splitting in the reflexes suggest that breathy phonation is associated with the voiced stops. In short, this and other evi? of the presyllable
dence makes
it clear that throughout Chamic
voiced
stops are associated
with
breathiness.
The
sonorants
The PC sonorants are retained as such throughout Chamic. As noted elsewhere, the sonorants behave as a natural class for the sake of certain register complex and tonal developments. Table 28: Reflexes of PC sonorants PC
Aceh.
NR
Tsat
Haroi
m-
m-
m-
m-
m-
m-
m-
*n-
n-
n-
n-
n-
Jarai Chru
n-
n-
n-
W. Cham
PR Cham
m-
m
n-
n
*n-
0-
0-
rj-
rj-
0-
0-
rj-
rjrj
*ft-
ft-
?-
ft-
ft-
ft-
ft-
ft-
ft-
1-
ll-1- 1-
1-
1-
1-
11
*r-r-
r-
r-
r-
z-
r-r r-
z-
r*y.
y-
y-
y-
y-
y-
*w-
w-
w-
w-
w-
w-
Also, *w-,
Rade
*m-
alternate
as might
be expected,
in a fully-predictable
v-
1-
yw-
in various languages way
between
fi?
-y- and
y
yw
w-
the reflexes of *y- and -i- and
between
-w-
and
-u-, respectively, depending on whether or not the reflex has been analyzed as vocalic or consonantal in the grammar in question (cf. Lee 1974:662, fn. 5). It is important to note that, while an initial *w- is reconstructable in some words for PC *w-, none of the words with an initial PC *w- reconstruct to the PMP level. The secondary nature of such forms is fully consistent with Blust's claim that word-initial *w- was lost in proto-Malayo-Chamic. (1992a:34-44)
Voiced
and voiceless
'aspirated'
These voiced and voiceless
consonants
'aspirated' initials come from two sources. The inher? ited initials result from the coalescence of the initial of the presyllable with the
Chamic
85
Consonants
syllable (see Table 29, below, for examples). In addition, there are a number of examples that areMK borrowings, for example, PC *pha 'different' and PNB *pha 'different' and PC x*khan 'blanket; cloth' and PNB *kh?n 'blan? *h- of themain
ket'.
In Chamic, although there is some question about whether these are units or clusters, they often behave as clusters, not just phonologically but also like clusters in sound and they partake phonetically. They frequently morpholog? ical alternations
in which
the vowel before medial
they are split as if they were clusters (see "The loss of -h-" on page 63). Of course, such an analysis rests cru? that alternating forms are synchronically related to one
cially on the assumption another, an assumption that is clearly true diachronically but may be questionable synchronically. With reference to Jarai, Blust (1980b: 133) records the alternation [phi?] [pahi?] 'bitter' < PC *phi? (his own transcription), an alternation that sug? a cluster. With reference to Acehnese, as gests that the initial is phonetically Durie
(1985:19) makes clear, both the voiceless aspirated and the voiced aspi? rated (his murmured) stops can be treated as phonemic sequences of C + h. Durie (p.c.) argues that there are both phonetic (1985:19) and phonological grounds for
clusters. Ace? treating Acehnese C + h sequences as demonstrably phonological hnese (Durie 1985:19) nicely illustrates the evidence found in morphological alternations; cf. /phet/ 'bitter', which, when it takes the infix l-mn-l, becomes 'bitterness'. And, in Acehnese, this process of infixation is wide? /puinuihet/ spread enough tomake it clear not only that the infixation itself is productive but also that these onsets are not just historically but also synchronically clusters. The diachronic source of such C + h clusters in all those instances where there is a clear etymology and the forms have not been borrowed is from the reduction of disyllables. Table 29: Reflexes of voiceless PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
Chru NR
*ph-
ph-
ph-
ph-
ph-
*th-
th-
th-
th-
th-
*khxch-
kh?
'aspirated' consonants
and voiced
kh-
kh-
kh-
ch-/;
s-
s-
Tsat
Haroi
W. Cham
PR Cham
ph-
ph-
ph-
ph-
ph
th-
th-
th-
th-
th
kh-
kh-
kh-
kh
ch-
s-/;
? ch-/;
?
c-/;
c- s-
s-ch-/; thy
*bh- ?
bh-
bh-/;
ph-
ph-
?
?
ph-/; ph-
*dh-
dh-
*gh-
kh-?
ph
pah
dh-
th-
th-
th-
th-
th-
th-
th
gh-
kh-
kh-
kh-
kh-
kh-
kh-
kh
Chapter
86
5
'aspirates' are retained as such throughout Chamic, but series has been largely lost. Thus, the voiced aspirates are only retained as such in the orthography of Cham and in Rade, with the *bh- variably The voiceless
the voiced
retained as /bh-/ in Jarai and the *dh- apparently retained as /dh-/ in Acehnese. evidence for a former voiced series is found in both Western and Nonetheless, Phan Rang Cham, where the reflexes of these obstruents are in the breathy-voice quality often found on the vowels after the former voiced obstruents; as Lee notes this is a clear indication that these initials were once voiced (1974:648-649), obstruents.
these
In discussing
Lee
aspirates,
also
notes
that
there
are
also
some
in Roglai, but he assumes these are probably Rade borrowings. It needs to be pointed out that xch- does not reconstruct to the PC level, nor apparently do the forms containing it occur inAcehnese. Notice the consider? voiced affricates
able, unconditioned variation in its reflexes. The process of reducing the PMP
forms to aspirates in PC was not as PC the Lee (1974:649) again notes, PMP *tuqah stage; totally completed by 'old' is PC *tuha which drops the vowel in Rade kha, sometimes in Jarai taha vs.
some variation tha, but not in Roglai tuha and Cham taha. Undoubtedly, forms has existed in Chamic for a considerable period of time.
in such
As pointed out earlier, the development of PC and post-Chamic clusters consisting of stop plus -h- is an obvious adaptation to the MK languages with which the PC speakers had come into contact. Glottalized The
voiced
obstruents
problem in talking about glottalized voiced obstruents is deter? mining they are. Greenberg (1970:134), paraphrasing Ladefoged, men? tions at least three phonetically distinct possibilities, all referred to as implosives: immediate
just what
"segments in which the larynx is actually lowered producing an ingressive air stream upon the release of the oral stop, segments with laryngealized voicing, lan? and segments which are preglottalized." In the literature on the Chamic these segments are frequently termed "preglottalized". Certainly some such as the glottalized obstruents of Jarai, are definitely phoneti? manifestations, (Bob Blust, p.c.); other manifestations may very well not be. cally preglottalized guages,
since
Nonetheless,
the
variants
never
actually
nically and all pattern together in Chamic, nically
contrast
with
one
another
synchro?
the variants can be treated as diachro
non-distinctive.
The origins
of glottalized
obstruents
The overwhelming majority of PC glottalized obstruents are pre-Chamic borrow? ings from MK sources; a large number of the remaining forms with glottalized
Chamic
Consonants
87
represent borrowings post-dating the breakup of PC. As an example, Solnit (1993:109) cites theMK loan PC xtfirj -f 'tube; pipe (for smoking)'. How?
obstruents
ever, the earliest layer of glottalized obstruents was developed in a small set of PMP forms.
not borrowed
but rather
Over the last forty years, linguists have largely focused their attention on this small subset of inherited forms with glottalized obstruents. The first author to comment on the crucial correspondences was Dorothy Thomas, who wrote about the glottalized lb/ in the Rade, Jarai, and Chru forms for 'hair' (cf. Rade ??k the Chamic forms to Dyen's (1953) PMP *buhuk 'hair', she 'hair'). Comparing commented (1963:63), "The preglottalized b of *buhuk reflexes probably repre? sents a metathesis of the *b and *h." A little later, Greenberg
(1970:137), in his oft-cited paper "Some gener? consonants, concerning glottalic especially implosives", noting that for Chamic, Dyen's *h > pre-Chamic *? (and, as will be relevant for other examples, Dyen's *q > pre-Chamic *h), recognized that the PMP *buhuk had been replaced by the pre-PC level by *bu?uk. He then stated that when the first consonant in a alizations
CVCV(C) structure is a voiced stop and the second is the laryngeal ?; the result is a glottalized voiced obstruent, or, in his terms, a voiced injective. To the word 'head hair', Greenberg added 'stench' and Lee (1974:649; 653-654) added 'climb', both of which work in a parallel way. Later writers, e.g. Blust
(1980b) and Solnit (1993), have also cited approvingly. For the forms, see Table 30. Table 30: PC glottalized PMP
obstruents
Malay ?
Pre-PC
*buhuk
*bu?uk
*nahik
naik
*da?ik
*bahu
bau
*ba?u
*?ow
PC
the forms and the analysis
in PMP words Aceh.
Rade
PR Cham
*?uk-1
?o?
??k
?u?
'head hair'
*cfi?
?e?
dl?
cfi?
'climb;
??u
?ow
'stench'
ascend'
*daqan
dahan
*dahan
*daqis
dahi
*adahi
*bow
bsa
*dha:n
dhuian
adhan
*?adh?y
dhoa
adhei
'stench'
than
'branch'
they
'forehead'
Ignoring for a minute the last two forms on Table 30, several additional com? ments might be made about the data and its analysis. First, the form for 'climb; ascend' looks good, despite the PMP initial; if the PMP form is accurate, the *d is simply a backformation from what was misanalyzed as a nasal prefixed *dahik. However, the form does occur in Bahnar (AC) dak; it conceivably could turn out to simply be a lookalike borrowed from Bahnar. Second, although both Thomas
Chapter
88
(1963) and Lee (1974) mention metathesis, involved deletion of the first syllable vowel, in the set. Once
ascend' seems
the two segments
5
it is more
likely that the change particularly if we include 'climb; are juxtaposed, metathesis hardly
necessary.
seems to have a glottal stop Finally, it is necessary to note thatAcehnese for glottalized obstruents forms, but voiced heading monosyllabic obstruent reflexes for forms in disyllables or as part of an onset cluster. Further, reflex
in the case of the Acehnese
rather than first forms, it is likely that coalescence was As Durie involved. out, syllable dropping (p.c.) points although Acehnese on some occasions, of other Chamic does drop syllables independently languages is consistent with the dropping in this is rare?mostly the dropping inAcehnese to have con? the mainland it would be Thus, languages. surprising for Acehnese in CV? this environment when other sistently dropped syllables just particular Chamic
languages did not. In addition, the word
'stench' requires some discussion, as its analysis is a variant with a voiced rather than a glottalized the of existence complicated by initial. The most wide spread Chamic reflexes of 'stench' point to a form with a initial, but the Acehnese example points instead to a *b-; a existence of *bvariant finds support inAymonier the patterning, two which lists variants, one with an initial voiced stop dictionary, initial. Doris Blood (1962) also recorded a Phan Rang glottalized glottal
aside from the and Cabaton's and one with a Cham variant
that reflects an initial voiced
stop. turning to the interaction between the first three forms, which con? tain the PMP *-h- and the two additional forms on Table 30, which contain PMP Now
*-q-,
it becomes
clear
(1) PMP (2) PMP
That
is,
the
change
that
*-h-> *-q->
of
the changes
were
chronologically
PMalayo-Chamic*-h->
Pre-PC*-?-
PMalayo-Chamic*-?->
Pre-PC*-h-.
PMP
*-h-
to pre-PC
*-?-
occurred
ordered:
/V_V
before
the
change
of
PMP *-q- to pre-PC *-h-. It is only after these ordered changes, that the loss of the first syllable vowel led to the development of the Chamic glottalized initials. Note that this change is shared throughout PC: these forms have the expected glottal stops as their reflexes inAcehnese obstruents as their reflexes inmainland Chamic.
and the expected
glottalized
sources have also been suggested for the origins of other Chamic glottalized obstruents, but as of yet the data has yet to provide any clear substan? tiation for any of these suggestions. For instance, Greenberg (1970), following Other
(1963:60), proposed that some Chamic glottalized obstruents might have developed from the loss of the first vowel in disyllabic forms with a glottal pre
Thomas
Chamic
89
Consonants
syllable onset and a voiced stop main syllable onset. The suggestion itself seems plausible but the data cited in support of the notion is most likely spurious. (1970:137) writes, "...from PMP ?ijut) 'nose' Thomas (1963) gives Greenberg Jarai, Chru ?dug, Rade ?durj or ?ac(u/;." However, contra Greenberg, neither the Jarai nor the Chru forms actually occur in Thomas; instead, both Chru and Jarai have ?ad?tj instead. And, while the Rade forms ?dug and ?adug do occur in Tho? mas, the crucial Rade form ?dur?, likewise seems spurious as a form for 'nose'. It does not occur with a glottalized consonant in Lee 1966, Tharp and Y-Bham ? all of which are sources for Rade. It is, 1980, Y-Chang 1979, or Egerod 1978 of course, possible that the form in Thomas is not an error, but itwould take more than this one form to substantiate the hypothesis. Another similar spurious pair of forms also appears to exist in Thomas (1963:66), which lists the forms Idok, Idol 'stand' from PC *do:k 'sit', but which again do not occur in the Rade sources consulted. Contrary to what has been indicated, the Chamic forms for both PC *idun 'nose' and *do:k 'sit; stay' show completely regular reflexes of the original stops, with no evidence of the secondarily-derived implosion. as various authors have noted, still other forms with unex? Nonetheless,
voiced
glottalized obstruents do occur in the Chamic data (see Table 31). Lee (1974:654) cites two forms with reservations, one for 'open the eyes' and another for 'pain; ache'. The first, has a strong PMP etymology and patterns regularly in
pected
Chamic
*?la:?, despite
the potentially
irregular vowel
glottalized initial is unexpected and not possible 'pain; ache', it is regular within most of Chamic, or
the Acehnese these
forms
seem
to the extra-Chamic
*bulat
Malay ?
PC
glottalized Acehnese
bhut
*?la:t ?
*lindiq
cabang
?
to account for. As
for x*pacfi? but it is not directly related to Thus,
Lee's
reservations
about
-v?
obstruents Rade ?
x*ca?a:n
x*dih
cabman,
? ?
x*?arj
PR Cham
?la?
'open
?
wide'
eyes ache'
pacfi?
'pain;
ka?an
ca?an
'branch;
cfih
d?h
'sleep; lie down'
??n
??n
'hole;
x*parfi? *caban
the
However,
well-founded.
Table 31: Unexpectedly PMP
forms.
Malay
inAcehnese.
tree
fork'
door'
However, other anomalous forms remain in need of explanations. For instance, the glottalized medial consonant in x*ca?a:g 'branch of a tree' cannot be explained, if the PMP etymology of the form is reliable. Further, themedial Ibl form should be a /w/, but it isn't.Within Chamic at least, the form looks as if always had a glottalized medial consonant: theAcehnese Ibl is the nor? mal reflex of a glottalized consonant in a disyllabic of theMalay
5
Chapter
90
In another form, suggested by Solnit, x*rfih 'sleep; lie down', if it is to cited provenience PMP *lindiq, the glottalized obstruent needs an explanation. Elsewhere Blust (1980b: 143) notes two words as possibly PMP in related
initials. The first, meaning 'sticky, as glutinous origin but with preglottalized rice', looks to have been independently borrowed more than once into Chamic and reflects something like x(ma)klit, x?lit 'sticky, as glutinous rice'; note the PMP root reflected inMalay pulut. The other root similarity to the well-attested is *cfoh 'distant; far', which is regular in Chamic, which has apparent PMP corre? spondences (cf. Malay jauti), and which has an inexplicably glottalized initial. intriguing is the suggestion by Blust (1980b) that some of the Jarai glottalized initials may derive from earlier clusters of homorganic nasal plus stop, but thus far the crucial forms needed to confirm or disconfirm the suggestion are More
missing. there
Finally,
are
glottalized
consonants,
including
various
nasals,
scat?
tered seemingly (mentioned by randomly throughout various Jarai dialects Haudricourt 1950) that require more careful examination. To take a single exam? turns up in Jarai with a preglot? ple, the PC form x*?an 'hole; door' unexpectedly talized nasal, despite the rest of the reflexes of PC *?- showing up as at in that dialect in this particular case, the presence of least stops, preglottalized Bahnar
and
mag
proto-North-Bahnaric
*qmarj
'door'
suggest
that
the
Jarai
form
is a late borrowing from either Bahnar or one of the Bahnaric languages in the area. The Jarai data in Lafont's (1968) dictionary include a rich array of oddities in which homorganic nasals appear sporadically in lieu of anticipated stops, sometimes the
same
and sometimes
preglottalized remains
way
to be
seen.
In
not. Whether any
event,
the
this can be explained alternation
of
in
glottalized
stops and homorganic nasals is found throughout at least the Tai-Kadai family (cf. the Tai subgroup (Li 1977), the Kam-Sui subgroup (Thurgood 1988a), and the Hlai (Li) subgroup (Thurgood 1991).
voiced
what is happening in Jarai will doubtless require more Understanding an data. However, examination of the Jarai dialect forms in Lafont's dictionary suggests that in at least one of the Jarai dialects the voiced stops may have become glottalized, as in certain Vietnamese dialects, and that some dialect bor? rowing
has
occurred.
Finally, it is likely that some of the forms with glottalized consonants but nonetheless reconstructed in this work to PC are actually post-PC loans that are formally languages guages
their regular correspondence patterns in the Despite to the their limitation occur, highlands Chamic lan? they suggests they were borrowed after the breakup of PC, but that fit the correspondence patterns. See Appendix II for such cases.
undetectable. in which
strongly nonetheless they
91
Chamic
Consonants
Reflexes
of PC glottalized
obstruents
In PC, the correspondences and their reflexes are straightforward (see Table 32). The PC correspondences consist of two layers: an older layer limited to three or four native PMP words with glottalized number of MK
borrowings
Table 32: Reflexes
obstruents
inherited from PC and a large obstruents.
incorporated along with their glottalized
of PC glottalized
obstruent
Aceh.
*?-
?-;b-
?-
?-
?-
?-
?-
?-
?
?-;d-
rf-
rf-
rf-
rf-
d-
rf-
rf
?j-
?j-
i-
%-
a-
iy
iy
*
x*?j-
Jarai
Rade
-;j-
Chru
NR
W.&PR Cham
PC
Tsat
Haroi
As Table 32 shows, PC has three glottalized obstruents, which have been retained as such in the modern languages, except for the reflexes of *?j- in Tsat and Chru. InAcehnese, the reflexes of glottalized obstruents in disyllables or in onset clus? ters seem to be the corresponding homorganic stops, but otherwise they seem to be a simple glottal stop (see "The origins of glottalized obstruents" on page 86 for discussion of specific examples; this entire section owes much of itsmerit to email discussions with Mark Durie). Solnit's
Southern
Vietnam Highlands
sub-area
In the area of Southern Vietnam in which PC and the contemporaneous MK lan? guages were spoken, there was a contrast between glottalized voiced obstruents4 and plain voiced obstruents. At some point probably postdating the Vietnamese conquest
of
the
south,
southern
Vietnam
was
split
into
two
smaller
sub-areas.
sub One, by Solnit (1993:110) as the Southern Vietnam Highlands area, is the home of the Highlands Chamic languages (Rade, Jarai, Chru, and N. Roglai) and Bahnaric languages this area is characterized by contrastively glot? talized voiced obstruents. described
The other area, now far more
influenced by Vietnamese, consists of the Coastal Chamic languages (Haroi and Cham) and is characterized by the loss of this contrast. It is that the Coastal Chamic languages share the range of innova? tions that they do in part because 4.
at one time these were all the same dialect and
As Blust notes (p.c.), preglottalized stops are also an areal feature in central Taiwan and implosives are found in a number of languages of northern Sarawak, and in a region extending from Bimanese (eastern Sumbawa) through much Sulawesi.
of Flores
in the Lesser
Sunda Islands, and into southeastern
92
Chapter
5
that changes occurred before the original language differentiated into Haroi, Western Cham, and Phan Rang Cham and in part because of similar influences. had most likely moved to Hainan before the distinc? The Tsat-speakers tion between
the Highlands
and the Coastal Chamic
came
area, but instead were
in neither
into being, and thus influenced by the
they participated linguistic in Coastal Hainan sprachbund. Sometimes change in Tsat parallel changes characteristic of Hainan lan? Chamic, but in each case these are developments some at In least of with the addition, guages. changes, the similarity is only typo? as the details differ logical significantly. Table 33: The PC contrast between voiced and glottalized PC
Rade
Jarai Chru
NR
*b-
b-
b-
b-
b-
*d-
d-
d-
d-
d-
*j-
j"
j"
j"
j"
Tsat
Haroi
ph-
ph-
p-
p
th-
th-
t-
t
s-
c-s-
W.Cham
?-
?-
?-
?-
?-
?-
??-
*rf-
rf-
rf-
rf-
rf-
rf-
rf-
rf-
x*?j- ?j-
?j-
i-
?j-
?i-
?j-
?j?j-
the
Coastal
Chamic
PR Cham
c
*?-
Among
obstruents
languages?Haroi,
rf
Western
Cham,
and
Phan Rang Cham, the voiced obstruents have devoiced, removing the contrast between the glottalized and the plain series. As Lee points out (1974:653) for Cham, now that the PC voiced obstruents have devoiced, the old glottalized series tends to vary freely between voiced and glottalized variants. This phonetic variation should not be surprising as voiced stops (plo? and voiced glottalized obstruents (implosives) are not all that unlike one sives) another. Ladefoged (1971:26-27) writes: between implosives and plosives is one of degree rather than kind. In the formation of voiced plosives inmany languages (e.g., of the vibrating there is often a small downward movement English) vocal cords. This allows a greater amount of air to pass up through the The difference
glottis before the pressure of the air in the mouth has increased so much that there is insufficient difference in pressure from below to above the vocal cords to cause them to vibrate. An which
this downward movement
implosive
is comparatively
is simply a sound in large and rapid.
Beyond the phonetic plausibility, there is another factor that contributes to the variation. As Lee (1974:653) notes, there is similar variation inVietnamese dialects, where
the voiced alveolars and bilabial segments are voiced
in some dia
Chamic
93
Consonants
in others. As Henderson lects but glottalized variation is characteristic of Southeast Asia.
(1965:422-425)
has written,
such
CONSONANT CLUSTERS The
languages can be throughout the modern Chamic at the PC level, sec? into three historical strata: primary clusters inherited
clusters
distributed
grouped ondary clusters derived from PC disyllabic Primary
forms, and MK borrowings.
clusters at the PC level have either *1- or *r- as the sec?
All of the clusters reconstructed
these clusters were already clusters in the lan? from, or these clusters developed guage that PC descended early in pre Chamic?it is not possible to tell from internal evidence. ond member
of the cluster. Either
Table 34: Reflexes
of PC primary
clusters
PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai Chru
NR
*pl-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
*bl-
bl-
bl-
bl-
bl-
bl-
*kl-
lh-
tl-
kl-
tl-
*gl-
lh-
dl-
gl-/;
Tsat
Haroi
pi-
pi-
phi-
pi-
kl-
ki-
kltl-
gl-
dl-
khi-
tl-
W. Cham
PR Cham pl
pi-
pl kl
kl-kl
dl *pr-
pr-
pr-
pr-
pr-
pr-
pi-
pr-
prpr
*tr-
tr-
tr-
tr-
tr-
tr-
ts(i)-
tr-
trtr-
*kr-
kr-
kr-
kr-
kr-
kr-
ki-
kr-
kr-
kr
*br-
br-
br-
br-
br-
br-
phi-
pr-
pr-
pr
*dr-
dr-
dr-
dr-
dr-
dr-
si-
tr-
trtr
Note
that
in Tsat,
the medial
*1- or
*r- has
been
vocalized,
becoming
-i-.
The forms for *kl- and *gl- also merit comment. Lee (1966) reconstructs both *tl- and *kl- as well as both *dl- and *gl-, but aside from one word in Rade?the word for Roglai, the distinction between /gl-/ and /dl-/ seems to be restricted to Jarai. In Jarai, the variation that exists looks cross-dialectal rather than genuinely contrastive, including variation within dialects (cf. dleh, gleh 'tired'). it particularly obvious that C + h sequences derive Acehnese makes from the coalescence of what were at an earlier point distinct segments. For example, both *kl- and *gl- have merged to a single /lh-/ reflex, which Durie still treats as a synchronie cluster (1985:20). As he notes with regard to not just /lh-/ but to all Acehnese clusters including an Ibl (1985:19) "The Ibl is psychologically
Chapter
94
5
real to native speakers, who intuitively use h to transcribe these consonants, and it simplifies the description of the phonotactics." Even more indicative of the diachronic origins are examples in which the C + h are morphologically separable. Durie notes that infixes often split up C + h clusters, as with /phet/ 'bitterness'
/p-mn-het/
'bitter' which, when "Voiced
(cf.
and
it takes the infix /-tun-/, becomes
voiceless
on
consonants"
'aspirated'
alternations often page 84). As both Durie and Cowan note, the morphological preserve both components of the earlier cluster intact. Durie (p.c.), for example, notes that the combination of consonants that led to the initial /lh-/ in lhA 'thresh in
is preserved
grain'
the
form
the same point was made by Cowan
Much
has
which
c-wm-wlA,
the
otherwise
lost
o.
(1981:539):
that, historically speaking, the initial cluster lh derives from *sl, *tl [*kl-, in this work], or *cl, clusters that are not admitted in present-day Achehnese, but apparently were in an earlier ...it should be noted
period of the language. nal
consonants
the
that
suggests language".
question
to reappear;
tend
c-wm-wh;lhab
forcibly': Cowan
In derivations with
The
to which
the crucial
I have
'paint,
*kl-,
*sl-,
question, no
e.g.,
and
*cl-
of
lho
were
clusters
course,
tread
'stamp,
upon
is precisely
something 'swallow'....
s-wm-wlab;lhan
dye':
the origi?
the infix, however,
in "an how
earlier much
period
of
earlier?a
answer.
These PC primary clusters are inherited from PMP disyllables in which the initial of the initial syllable coalesced with the *r- or *1- initial of the main syllable to form amain syllable cluster onset (see Table 35, for examples). Table 35: Sources of PC primary
PMP
clusters
PC
Aceh.
NR blai
*belaq
*blsy *blah
bloa
plah -i
blah
plah
'chop; split'
*tURun
*trun
tran
trut
tr?n
'descend'
*beRay
*brsy
bri-f
brai
Prgy
*beRas
*bra:s
bnuah
bra
*puluq
*pluh
siploh
sa pluh
*beli
In Table 35, the PMP and theMalay
PR Cham 'buy'
pl?h
counterparts
'give' -1
prah
'rice (husked)' 'ten'
of the PC primary clusters are
disyllabic. Secondary
clusters
Although no reduction occurred at either the PC stage, as the PC reconstruction clusters are scattered throughout Chamic indicates, various secondarily-derived
Chamic
95
Consonants
resulted from the collapse of an original disyllabic form when the onset of syllable was *r- or *1- and the vowel of the presyllable was completely lost. See also the discussion in "Disyllables with liquids > monosyllables and
which
the main
clusters"
on page
64.
Table 36: Clusters from
the reduction of PC disyllabic forms
PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai Chru
*kar-
kar-
kr-
kr-
kr-
NR kar-
Tsat ?
*parear-
par-
pr-
pr-
pr-
par-
bar-
mr-
br-
br-
bar-
sar-
*sar-
ar-
tar*mar-
mar-
lar*dar-
hrhr??
hr-
sr-
sar-
Haroi W. Cham
PR Cham
kr-
kar-
kar
par-
par?
? ?
phi-
?
pr-;
pr-;
par-
par
har-
hr-
par
har?
hr-
har-
har-
0-
har-
hr-
har
mr-
mar-
mar-
0-
mar-
mar-
mir?
car-
?r-
?ar
tar-;
tar
jar-
0-
jr-
jr-
jar-
dar-
0-
dr-
dr-
dar-
s?
car-
tr *sal-
?
hi-
*hal*ral-
al?
hi-
sal-
sal-
hi-
hi-
hal-
hal-
hi-
hi-
ral-
ral-
*mal-
mal-
*tal-
tal-
kl-
ml-
mltal-
? ? ? ?
nal-
hl-
hal
hal-
hi-
hal
hal-
ral-
ral
mal-
mal-
mil tal?
mal-
mal-
tal-
tal-
0-
cal-
tal-
cal-
cal-
?al
cal-
tal-
tal
jal-
0-
jal-
jal-
jal-
0-
*dal-
dal-
0-
dl-
dal-
dal-
0-
*kal-
kal-
kl-
kl-
kal-
kal-
ki-
kal-
kl-
kal
*gal-
gal-
kl-
gl-
gal-
gal
khi-
kal-
kl-
kal
*bal-
bal-
mi-
bl-
bl-
bal-
phi-
pal-
pl-
pil
*pal-
pal-
pl-
pl-
pl-;
pal-
pi-
pal-
pl-
pal
tal-
pal
This widespread reduction largely represents what was historically inde? In the Rade-Jarai cluster of languages, Rade pendent but parallel developments. has clusters in all cases, while Jarai has clusters in all but two cases. In the Chru Roglai-Tsat cluster of languages, N. Roglai has not reduced any of the forms to clusters, Chru has reduced some to clusters but not others, while Tsat has only remnants of clusters and then only in those forms where the presyllable was not lost. Finally, in the Haroi-Cham completely Cham have essentially retained the disyllabic reduced
some
to clusters.
subgroup, Haroi and Phan Rang forms, while Western Cham has
Chapter
96
5
The secondarily-derived Chamic clusters are still disyllabic not only in an extra-Chamic Malay, language, and in PC, but also in, for example, modern Northern Roglai and modern Phan Rang Cham, as the examples in Table 37 show.
Table 37: PC disyllabic forms Malay bulu
and Acehnese
inMalay
PC
Aceh.
NR
PR Cham pilow; palow tal?m
'body hair' 'inside; in'
hala?
'worm'
*bulow
bulsa
bilau
dalam
*dalam
dalam
ulat
*hulat
ulat
dalap hu?a?
-lu?an
calan
'road;
jalan kulit
*jala:n
*kulit
kulet
jalait kuli:?
kali?
'skin'
malam
*malam
malam
malap
mil?m
'night; evening'
tali
*taley
talo a
talai
tal?y
'rope;
barah
*barah
barah
barah
darah
*darah
darah
darah
tar?h
'blood'
hari
*hursy
uroa
hurai
har?y
'day;
jurup
car?m
'needle'
kar?m
'to hatch'
miry?h
'red'
path'
string' swollen'
'swell;
jarum
*jarum
jarom
k?ram
*karam
karom
karap
m eran
*mahirah
mirah
mariah
p?rak
xpirak -lf
pira?
surat
*surat
surat
paria? (m) pirak sura? har??
sun'
'silver;
money'
'write;
letter,
book'
tendency towards reduction of disyllables tomono? treatment of disyllables in illustrated in the cross-linguistic
The Southeast Asian syllables
is nicely
Chamic.
Post-PC Lee
clusters
reconstructed
inmainland
Chamic
four clusters
languages
to the PC
level that subsequent research has Chamic languages after the breakup of
shown to have entered various mainland PC:
xcr-;
xjr-,
xsr-,
and
xgr-.
clusters
Table 38: Post-PC post-PC Aceh.
Rade
xcr
cr-;
xjr
dr-
xsr xgr
sr- ? gr -9
hrgr
inmainland
Jarai Chru tr-
cr
cr
jr hr
Jr"
jr
gr
gr
srgr-
languages
Tsat Haroi W. Cham
NR
cr
sr
Chamic
si ? khi-
PR Cham cr
car
cr
car
?r-;
sr
sr
thr
kr
kr
kr
cr
cr
Chamic
97
Consonants
to the PC level. The first indication of their sta?
These clusters do not reconstruct
tus as post-PC borrowings is their attestation pattern. Even in the patterns in Table 38, representative forms are, if not lacking, at least marginally represented in both Acehnese and Tsat. The extensive gaps, however, are far more readily apparent in Table 39, when unlike the typical Chamic cognate, items are fre? quently unattested in the majority of the languages examined. Bear inmind these sets are the strongest sets available; items excluded are weaker in one way or another than those in Table 39. Table 39: Post-PC post-PC Aceh. xcr-
aren xcrih xcroh
Rade
?
cr-;
?
?
? xjr?
crok-f
croh
dr-
jr-
?
drau
si-
er?
cr?h
'strange' 'a stream'
croh
croh
car-
?r-
?r
?
?
'large
?
sr-
?
? sroh ?
caro
?
sr-
?
sr??
xsr?p
xsr?h
?
cru
cru
siau11 cari?u
jro
hr-
-vr
ero
?
-i
jar'
'medicine' 'rainbow'
thrsr-
?
sr?u?
thru?
? xsr? sr?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
'to mark'
cr?h
caroh
?
jr?u
ero
sr-
xsr-
?
srs
'crossbow' owe'
'debt,
rice'
'polish hro?
?
hrok
sro:?
gr-
gr?
khi-
? gri?rj
-v
?
?
kri?
-f
giarj ? ?
?
?
?
?
-vf ?
*groh groh
khim11
gram
gr?m
-f
-v
? xgrak gra?
groh
?
?
'dirty' kr?rj
?
kf
kr-
?
-v
kru?
xgrua? xgram
?
kr-
xgrit xgriarj
?
'subside' 'fishtrap'
? xgr-
xgroh
PR Cham
cr-
??
?
?
xsro:k
W. Cham
jro
xjro
xsro?
(examples)
??
? ?
?
xjro
xjr?w
-n
ctih
languages
car-
?
?
trsh
Haroi
?
cr-
tr-
Chamic
Tsat
NR
?
?
inmainland
clusters
kr?g ?
tusk'
ffang; 'lie
prone'
kriam
kram
kr?m
'thunder'
kri?
kra?
kr3?
'vulture'
/kroh/
kr?h
'to bark'
-v ?
khia55 kr?h -v
98
Chapter
5
is Typical of the sets for these clusters are the form 'dirty', which attested in Jarai and Haroi as well as by a highly irregular form inWestern Cham, and the form 'lie prone', which, although attested also has a variant completely lacking the medial -r-, an alternation which is otherwise quite unexpected. Each of the forms has something that makes it suspect. One of the forms with an Ace? hnese counterpart is *groh 'to bark' (Durie's proto-Acehnese reconstruction) but 'to bark' does not reconstruct to the PC level; the two forms in Durie's Acehnese are dloh and kloh -i; aside from having two variants, the second form has an irregular initial. Stronger evidence of the non-PC nature of these forms, however, is found in three other areas. First, all the more widely attested sets show irregulari? ties; with the less attested patterns, there are often not enough forms to establish a regular reflex, let alone an irregular one. Second, the vowel of many of the forms is either the hi or the hi, both vowels only marginally attested in forms inherited from PMP, with the overwhelming attestation in MK borrowings. Third, and none of the forms with these clusters is attested in PMP. quite telling, The under-representation inAcehnese and Tsat along with the strongest in the to suggest thatmany of these combines representation highlands languages forms were borrowed after theAcehnese had left themainland on the journey that would Roglai
eventually take them to Sumatra and after the Tsat had broken from the and gone to Hainan, fleeing the Vietnamese push to the south. The most probable sources of these forms are theMK languages, but if
so, the equivalent words in theMK languages have not yet been identified. Thus, for example, with xsr- clusters, it is evident that both PMnong and PNB have an *sr- cluster, but to confidently identify MK as the source requires finding the same
words.
Still other borrowed clusters exist. In PC, all of the forms beginning with the clusters
x?l-,
xnr-,
xmr-
x?jr- and
are
see Table
borrowings,
40.
Table 40: Other clusters borrowed after the breakup of PC W.
postPC
Aceh.
x?l-
bl_._
x?jr_ muir-
xmr-
Rade
Jarai
1-
61-; bl-
n-xnr-?
n-;
r-
Chru
NR Tsat Haroi ? 61- 611161-; 61-;
n-
rfr_
?jr.
ir_
mr-
mr-
mr-
nr-
n-
ous ways.
In addition,
n-;
r-
Cham Cham 61 n-
n-;
r
... ?j.;?jr_ mr-
z<
An examination
PR
?jr.
7j_
?jr_
mr-
mr-
mr
*r
of the actual forms shows that they are irregular in vari? themselves often indicate these are borrowed,
the clusters
Chamic
99
Consonants
not only from the viewpoint that they are otherwise not permitted PC clusters but also because two of them include imploded consonants. Table 41: Post-PC
borrowed Rade
Aceh.
post-PC
clusters
x?jraw x?jruah
ira:u
?
-1
'bamboo
?jrau
iruah
jluih;
PR Cham
NR
Chru
drau
?juah
?jrwah
deer'
giron x61uar
-f
x6larj
blag
x?amra:k
muira?
-v
lar
6la:rj
6la:k
61an
'plains; yard'
amrak
amrai?
amra:?
amra?
'peacock'
amre? murai
amr?? -f 'pepper; hot' 'thread' mray
anroik
anon
-v
-v
anoin
-if
x?anrorj
-f
mara:i
enon
x?anro:rj
la
amrs?
mrai
xmray
-i
'to
luar-v
amrec
x?amr?c
xnran
sp.'
'barking
pran
-i
'carry
on
pole'
'numb'
-i
-f
lie'
anro?
-f
aro?
'toad'
surprisingly, not one of these forms has an established PMP etymology. It is also evident from examination not just of the forms in Table 41 but the rest of the data that these forms are concentrated among the Highlands Chamic languages,
Not
that is, the languages with
themost
intense recent contact with MK
languages.
CONSONANTS
WORD-FINAL
reflexes of the PC word-final consonants are straightforward. Most of the and in the older original finals are preserved in Rade, in Jarai, in Acehnese,
The
inscriptional Cham. -t and
-p, all,
the mainland,
leaving
In some words, within
Chamic
all the mainland
languages have lost the final
the Acehnese
only
evidence.
Everywhere
on
there has been a strong tendency for all the stop finals to reduce to
a glottal stop. Final voiceless
stops and affricates
final stops and affricates are rapidly losing their contrastiveness throughout Chamic. As Table 42 indicates, the Jarai final glottal stops tend to have two reflexes: one reflecting the proto-final itself, the other a final glottal
The voiceless
stop.
For
instance,
there
are
two
reflexes
of
*-k
in Jarai:
the dominant
reflex
and a sizable number of glottal stops. Durie (p.c.) notes that in the Acehnese ditional orthography the final -c is still preserved.
is -k,
tra?
100
Chapter
Table 42: Reflexes PC
Aceh.
of PC final
Rade
Jarai
voiceless Chru
5
stops and affricates
NR
Tsat
-?
-?
-?
Haroi
PR Cham
W.Cham
*-p
-p
-p
-p
-?
*-t
-t
-t;-?
-t;-?
-?
-?
-?
-?
*-k *. ?
-?
-k
-k;-?
-?
-?
-?
-?
-? -?
-?
-?
-?
-?
-?
-?
-?
-?-?
*_
-t
-?;
-i?;
-i?
-?
-i?
-i?
-? -y?
-c
-c/
-? -? -?-?
u_
has written, there has been Throughout Chamic, as Lee (1974:659-661) a progressive reduction in the number of word-final consonants. Although PMP had at least some voiced word-final obstruents, no word-final voiced consonants are reconstructed with
the mainland
as such for PC. This
is not surprising as no languages in contact languages have final voiced stops. Similarly, PC *-s reconstructed for PC, have subsequently merged to final -h
Chamic
and *-h, although throughout Chamic, except where the *-s is simply lost. As for the liquids, the final *-r is being lost throughout Chamic, while in Roglai final *-l has become -n, merging with those examples of Roglai -n that have not denasalized. The final *-h and *-s Throughout Chamic, both final *-s and *-h have merged almost completely in the modern languages, but in two cases they can still be separated by the differences in the
vowel
accompanying
difference
between
final
reflexes. *-s
and
*-h
Thus,
after
two
vowels
is reconstructable.
*-u-
and
*-a:-,
In addition,
the
sometimes
the final -s is still preserved in the Acehnese orthography, as Durie notes (p.c.). After PC short and long *-a-, it is possible to sort out the difference between final the final *-h and *-s, a gap reflecting an earlier merger within PMP. Before final *-h the PMP distinction between PAn *-a- < e > and *a merged (Bob Blust, p.c.). Since the major source of the length distinction in PC between long and short -a- is the earlier distinction between PMP *-a- > PC short *-a- and PMP *a > both PC short *-a- and long *-a:-, before final *-h PC did not develop a distinction
between
*-a-
PC
and
*-a:-.
However, a limited PC length distinction does appear to have developed before the final *-s. In inherited PC words the PAn *a > PC *-a:-, while it appears that
the PAn The
*-a-
> PC
*-a-,
correspondence
although of
PAn
this *-a-
is speculative >
both
without PC
*-a-
more and
attestation. *-a:-
is well
attested, but the number of PAn *-a- to PC *-a- forms is quite marginal with the attestation possibly limited to two examples: *ma-alas 'lazy' and *dras 'fast'. For the first, Blust (1992a) reconstructs *males (the -e- is a schwa) for iazy' in
Chamic
101
Consonants
his proto-Malayic; for the second, he reconstructs PMP de Res, both with a schwa before the final *-s. In Table 43, the length contrast before PC final *-s is widely supported: there are differences between *-as and *-a:s in all the languages in the table. In contrast, the distinction between PC *-as and *-ah depends upon the two Ace? hnese examples, which conceivably Malay influence on Acehnese.
later
could be the result of widely-attested
However, even if the distinction between PC *-as and *-ah fails to hold sets reconstructed as *-a:s still need to be reconstructed with length: PC the up, inAcehnese the diphthongization clearly reflects an earlier long vowel, and the as is in Chru. still retained such Thus, as Durie (p.c.) wrote me, the loss of length the final *-s inTsat reflects a two-stage process: first, the final *-s and *-h merged to *-h, and then the final *-h was
lost after long *-a:-.
Table 43: PC short *-ah and *-as versus long *-a:s PC
Rade
Aceh.
*-ah
-ah
*blah
plah -i
Jarai -ah
-ah
blah
blah
egah
*lagah
NR
Tsat
-ah
-ah
-a55
blah
blah
phia*
'chop; split' 'tired'
Chru
ragah
lagan
lagah
khe55
panah
panah
pan?h
na55
'shoot (bow)'
sa55
'wet;
*panah
panah
manan
*basah
basah
masah
pasah
pasah
pasah
*-as
-aih
-ah
-ah
-ah
-ah
*ma-alas
malaih
*dras
draih
alah ?
,55
?alah
alah
alah
drah
drah
drah
damp'
55
'lazy' sia 55
'fast'
Versus:
-a:s
*bra:s x*kapa:s *kaka:s *?ata:s
-aih
-aih
-a:h
brxuah
braih
brain
brain
gapuiah ?
kapaih kaih
atuiah
There with
-tuah
taih
is one more
the discussion
kapaih ? ?ataih
-a33/11
bra
phia11
'husked
rice'
kapaih
kapa
pa33
'cotton'
karkaih
kaka
ka33
'fish
scales'
ata:h
ata
ta33
'far;
above'
set of forms that need to be mentioned
in connection
forms for 'gold'. Forms for 'gold' are etnas the found resembling Malay throughout Southeast Asia. Within PC, reconstruction suggests a borrowed form such as xama(:)s, with variable vowel length. The Acehnese mwih, Chru mi:h, and Tsat ma33 suggest a long vowel,
while Western
of *-as and *-a:s?the
and Phan Rang Cham
suggest a short vowel.
102
Chapter
5
In a similar way, the preservation of the *-uh versus *-us distinction illustrated by the examples in Table 44. Although there is a complete merger the Bireueng
is in
dialect of Acehnese
(although not in all dialects), Northern Roglai, reflexes retain traces of the former distinction between *-uh
and Tsat, the vowel and *-us in Rade, Jarai, and Chru. The final *-s again produces a final -/- glide in Rade and Jarai and vowel length in Chru, but is merged in N. Roglai and Tsat, becoming *-h (the Tsat 55 tone is a reflex of an earlier *-h). Table 44: PC *-uh versus *-us PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
Chru
-oh
-uh
-uh
-uh
-uh
-u55
?juh
?juh
iuh
?juh
?iu55
'firewood'
kjuh
tajuh
tajuh
tijuh
su55
'seven'
pluh
pluh rabuh
spluh labuh
pluh labuh
piu55
'ten'
ebuh
phu55
'fall down;
-uih
-uih
-uih
-uh
*-uh
x*?juh
?
*tujuh *pluh
tujoh ? ?
*labuh
NR
Tsat
drop -oh
*tabus
phu5i ?
*fius *tikus
tikoh ?
*marus
a?ih
?uih
ftiih
??h
?au55 -v
'blow nose'
takui h
takuih
tukuh
ku55
'rat'
ruih
lak
Cowan nants
?
?
maruh
as also
other
archaisms,
and Durie have noted, strongly suggesting
with
hnese. As
-h,
-y, and
Durie
?
'itch'
treatment of final *-s is of particular
-s, as well
preserves
'ransom; save'
kakuih
The Acehnese script
anchor'
-t, respectively,
has
taken
such
interest. The written
as final
-1, and
that the merger place
within
the
-c, as both
of these conso? history
of Ace?
notes
(p.c.), although final *-s has merged with *-h, the is still preserved in some dialects (e.g. the dialect preserved in the great Djajadiningrat dictionary) where before front vowels the *-s has simply with but after /a/ in particular, the reflex shows up as l-ibl. Ibl, merged distinction
The final sonorants
The PC final sonorants are retained essentially unchanged, with the exception the loss of final *-l and *-r inAcehnese and the N. Roglai alternations.
of
Chamic
103
Consonants sonorants
Table 45: Reflexes of PC final PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai Chru
NR
-n-n
-rj;-k
-n
-n
-rj
-1
-n
-1
-m
-m
-n
-n
-n
-n;
*-rj
-0
-0
-0
-0
*-l
-0
-1
-1
-n
-0
-0;
-0;
-1
-0;
-m
-m -n
-m
-n
*-r
W.Cham
-n
-m
*-n
-m;
-n
Haroi
-n
*-m
-r
Tsat
-0;
-p -t
-r
-0
-0;
PR Cham -m
-rj
-1 -1 -r
-0;
-r
-0; -r
The splits in the N. Roglai final nasals are regular and are discussed in some detail in the chapter on nasals and nasalization). Durie (p.c.) notes that in traditional orthography the final -1, and -r are both preserved, e.g. *wil Acehnese 'circle' is wil
it is in the traditional writing. In some cases in spoken Acehnese, and diphthongs but in other instances it shows up as the
lost after front vowels
glide -y; in other dialects a reflex is preserved even after the diphthongs.
6
Vowels
Chamic
speakers who arrived on the coast of the Southeast Asian main? land spoke a basically disyllabic language with a relatively modest vowel inven?
The Austronesian were
tory. There
four
basic
vowels:
*-a,
*-i,
*-u,
*-e
([-a])
as well
as
three
final
diphthongs: *-ay, *-uy, and *-aw; the four vowels occurred in both syllables the disyllabic forms, while the diphthongs were restricted to the final syllable. Under
Chamic
PMP
the
a change
languages,
influence
language adopted that
of
intense
contact
the main
is reflected
in the
syllable contrasts
with
MK
languages,
this
of
pre
stress of the neighboring MK between
the vowel
invento?
ries of the pre- and the main syllable. Unlike the PMP disyllables where there was a balanced four-way vowel contrast in both the syllables, in PC the vowel inventories were anything but symmetrical: in the unstressed PC pretonic sylla? ble, the four-way PMP vowel distinction has been retained in the presyllable, but syllable the four-way distinction has been expanded to so or distinct vowels, not counting length contrasts. roughly 18 Some of these new main-syllable vowels developed out of splits of inherited PMP vowels, but the bulk of the forms with new vowels are found in in the stressed main
borrowings from MK. Thus, the main vowels of PC include two historical layers: those vowels inherited from PMP, which readily-discernible form the core of the basic vowel system, and those vowels which primarily reflect
pre-Chamic
occur in pre-Chamic MK borrowings. influence and overwhelmingly the two layers are not always completely While often distinguishable, distinct: sometimes the phonology of theMK borrowings matched the phonology
MK
lexicon, making the borrowed form indistinguishable on purely pho? grounds from inherited PMP forms; undoubtedly, sometimes the pho
of the PMP nological
104
Chamic
105
Vowels
nology of the MK borrowings was restructured by the pre-Chamic speakers to match the phonology of the PMP lexicon, again making the forms blend phono logically with the inherited PMP forms. In other instances, new phonological contrasts entered pre-PC with theMK borrowings. contrasts, the majority of the Among forms carrying new phonological are identifiable as MK loans into pre-Chamic, while the bulk of the remaining forms are potentially of MK origin as they lack etymologies, PMP or
words
of forms containing new vowels in among the MK forms are also one or usually sprinkled Two stages two words with straightforward, well-attested PMP etymologies. appear to have occurred with such words: First, theMK contact led to the devel?
otherwise. However, are MK borrowings,
although
the preponderance
of a vowel distinction already present in the phonet? opment and phonemicization ics of the PMP forms. Second, the development of the new sound in an PMP form would have significantly lessened the need to restructure the incoming MK loanwords containing the new vowel. Thus, when MK loanwords with new loan phonemes were encountered, the new phonemes were borrowed along with the loanword.
THE LITERATURE
between Cham
stopped at noting and commenting on the resemblances and other languages?sometimes showing great insight, the sci?
entific
comparative
While
earlier writers
study
of
Chamic
vowels
can
only
be
said
to have
begun
with
the first attempts to establish sound correspondences. Sound correspondences between PMP and PC were first given by Pittman (1959), followed by Blood (1962), and Thomas (1963), and later by Dyen (1971a). In addition, the sound correspondences
within
the modern
but also Burnham
Chamic
languages were discussed by Lee and others. With these works, the
(1966), primarily, (1976), comparative study of Chamic began. Now, in light of the work of Headley (1976) and of several writers who have tentatively reconstructed subgroups of MK languages of Vietnam it is usu? ally possible
to sort out theMK borrowings from the native PC material, and, as a it is now also possible to revise these earlier analyses. For the iden?
consequence, tification of MK words, in addition toHeadley, there are reconstructions available of two branches of Mon-Khmer found inVietnam. Within the Bahnaric branch, reconstruction work on three subgroups have been carried out: South Bahnaric:
subset of South Bahnaric) 1967, 1987; H. Blood (on the Proto-Mnong 1974; North Bahnaric: Smith 1972; and West Bahnaric: Thomas (in Two have been reconstructions the Katuic branch of 1995). Prachacakij-karacak
Efimov 1968,
106
Chapter
6
done: Peiros
1996 and Thomas 1967. These works make possible the identifica? features often tion of a large number of MK loans while particular phonological or as to it them either make classify post-PC loans. possible pre-Chamic Further, the expansion of the data has led to numerous revisions of indi? lexical
vidual
reconstructions
and minor
in the overall
modifications
vowel
inventory, although Lee's basic outline is still quite workable today. In addition, of course, more recent studies of various Chamic languages has also led to increased understanding of PC vowels and their correspondences (Edmondson and Gregerson
1991; Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor 1977; Thurgood 1998). As for PC vowel correspondences, only Lee (1966) actually set out the main vowel correspondences, but he based his analysis on a corpus with numer? ous unidentified MK words. As a result, over 10% of his reconstructed forms are actually MK borrowings, many of them borrowed after the breakup of PC. Once these are identified some of Lee's marginally-attested vowel correspondences either disappear or merge with other better-attested correspondences. Another adjustment to Lee's scheme involves the reanalysis of his treatment of nasalized vowels. Lee reconstructed a number of nasalized vowels in PC to account for the failure of certain Roglai word-final nasals to denasalize. However, once the post borrowings are removed from the data base, it becomes clear that the
PC MK
majority
of the Roglai vowels
nasalized
changes
in PC.
Finally,
are internal to Roglai, as
the
result
of
the
leaving only a handful of identification
of
loans
and
in the analysis of countless individual words, Lee's *o and *o have both been reconstructed as just a single *o, in part by assigning some *o reflexes
modifications to *a,
but
occasionally
by
assigning
some
elsewhere.
This
accumulation
of minor
revisions has resulted in a modification
of the general scheme in Lee 1966. As is true throughout this work, in the discussion to follow four major time divisions are distinguished: (i) the PMP period predating contact with MK languages the pre-Chamic period, (ii) the period in which early contact occurred
predates what we reconstruct as PC, (iii) the stretch of time during which what we reconstruct as PC was spoken, and (iv) the period following the but which
breakup of PC, including
the modern
period.
THE PC PRESYLLABLEVOWELS The fully disyllabic forms of PMP were radically restructured in pre-Chamic. In fact, by PC the reflexes of these once truly disyllabic forms had come to consist of an unstressed atonic presyllable followed by an enriched, stressed tonic sylla? ble. Under the influence of contact with neighboring MK languages, pre-Chamic stress, leading to the proliferation developed word-final to the reduction stressed final syllable and eventually unstressed syllable.
of contrasts
in the
of contrasts
in the
Chamic
107
Vowels This
of the first syllable of the PMP disyllable to an atonic languages is reflected both in the fact that the
reduction
inmost
of the modern
presyllable presyllable has become exclusively CV in structure and in the widespread reduc? tion in vowel contrasts. Both the first syllable of the PMP ancestral disyllable and
the first syllable of PC had a four-way contrast, but this four-way distinction is remaining Chamic languages have essentially only preserved inAcehnese?the lost most of the vowel contrasts, at most preserving a three-way distinction in specific
contexts.
still preserves a four-way contrast, many of the And, while Acehnese other individual daughter languages have proceeded further along a path toward with the directionality and the end point of these changes often monosyllabicity, so not much by internal forces within the phonologies of the daughter provided structures of the languages
languages but by the phonological were in contact with.
these languages
the four-way distinction, as is evident in the compari? data with, for example, PMP orMalay, but, within mainland
PC still maintains son of the Acehnese Chamic,
a three-way,
than
rather
contrast
four-way,
can
only
be
partially
recon?
structed and then only in certain contexts. Some evidence is found in Northern Roglai and some appears to exist in early inscriptional Cham, with additional bits and pieces of evidence found scattered elsewhere. The evidence provided by the existing forms in the various daughter languages must, however, be used with some caution as there have been several internal realignments of the presyllable vowels both in Roglai and in Cham, often giving the illusion that vowel contrasts have been preserved but with the vowels secondary
Thus,
developments.
as
in question actually being the product of
comparisons
among
PMP,
Acehnese,
and
clear, in the mainland Chamic languages, the presyllable vowels have undergone secondary shifts and reductions that sometimes totally obscure the nature of the original vowel. The Written Cham data has undoubtedly preserved more information
mainland
Chamic make
than is contained
in this work, asWritten
Cham records contain the earliest Aus?
recorded, require considerable philological work and careful diachronic analysis. Perhaps some of this has been done already and I am simply unaware of it. In any case, it is unclear how much would be learned from also preserves the PMP four-way vowel such philological work since Acehnese tronesian
but this would
distinction, so such work would what is already known. Preservation
of the original
very likely do little more
PC four-way
than simply confirm
distinction
Chamic languages, the four-way contrast is still largely a as preserved three-way distinction after initial glottal stops, and remnants of the In the modern mainland
108
Chapter
6
system are preserved inRoglai and Cham, but in these languages subsequent sec? ondary vowel shifts have obscured what little remains of the original vowels. glimpses of the original vowels have been preserved as the result of inwhich the first syllable vowel shifts to the main syllable. metathesis sporadic
Occasional
Preservation Inmainland
after initial glottal
stops
Chamic, there is a three-way distinction between *i, *u, and *a (with of PMP *a and *a) still largely preserved in both Roglai and Cham
the merger after an initial glottal stop.
Table 46: The preservation Malay
PC
ikan
*?ika:n
hidung ikat
*?idurj *?ikat
urat ular akar orang
Aceh.
of PC first syllable vowels after glottal Chru
NR
PR Cham
akain
ika:t
ikan
'fish'
idorj ikat
adurj
id?k
it?n
'nose'
aka?
ika?
ik??
'to tie'
*?urat
urat
ara?
ura?
ur??
'vein,
*?ular
uluia
ala
ula
ula
'snake'
*?ugha:r
ukhuia
akha
ukha
ukha
'root'
*?ura:rj
-1 unuarj
ara:rj
ura:k
urag
'person; 'child'
tendon'
someone'
anak
*?ana:k
anu??
ana:?
an?:?
a ni?
atas
*?ata:s
atuiah
ata:h
ata
at?h
'far;
asah
*?asah
asah
asah
asah
th?h
'sharpen'
asap
*?asap
asap
asa?
asa?
ath??
'smoke
apui
apuy
'fire' 'the wind' 'ghost;
api
apui
initials
*?apuy
apui
angin
*?arjin
arjsn
arjin
arjin
an?n
hantu
*?antow
uintsa
atau
atau
atow
above;
long'
(of a fire)'
corpse'
in Table 46 reflects the original PMP first syllable vowels The Malay well, fairly although the first vowel of orang comes from an earlier lui. It is also worth noting that, while the Roglai data appears to reflect both the PMP and the PC distinctions
rather faithfully, several of the Cham reflexes also have another reflex, one reflecting the older vowel and the other reflecting the vowel's subse? quent reduction to /a/.
Preservation
in other phonetic
environments
The PMP four-way distinction between *u, *i, *a, and *a has been preserved in (three of these are reflected inTable 47), but is reduced to Malay and inAcehnese
Chamic
109
Vowels
a three-way distinction
of *a and *a to *a, probably phonetically a shwa in the onset syllable. This preservation is somewhat sporadic, with much of the crucial evidence coming from much, much earlier Written Cham records and inscriptions. inmainland
Table 47: The preservation Malay
PC
PR Cham
dikit
*dikit
dit -mv tiki:?
timun
*timun
timon
*gigey
gigoa
tulang kuku
*tula:g
turnia
*kukow
rusa
*rusa
huma
bunga kutu
the merger
of PC first syllable vowels
NR
Aceh.
Chamic with
turn?n digai
in other environments
Wr. Cham
taki?
dikik
'few; little'
tarn ?n
tamun
'melon'
tak?y
tag?i
'tooth'
tulag; talag kukau; kakou
'claw'
tulaik
talag
guksa
kukau
kakow
rusa
rusa
ritha;
*huma
umAg
huma
hamu -v
*buga
bugog
bug?
pigu
buga; bag!
'flower'
gutea
kutau
katow
katou
'head
*kutow
g
ratha
rusa;
'bone'
'
rasa
huma; ham?
deer'
Sambhur
'field'
louse'
Notice that a three-way distinction is partially retained in Roglai, and almost totally lost elsewhere inmainland Chamic. Despite the occasional illusion of having kept an original PMP vowel in the first syllable, modern Phan Rang Cham has virtually lost these distinctions. In fact, the vowels in all, not just some, of the Phan Rang Cham forms are the result of reduction?in most instances, they
have
an
/a/
reflex.
In other
cases,
they
are
the
result
of
a secondary
develop?
these cases, they have an HI reflex. Modern Phan Rang Cham does have its own distinctions among these vowels, but these distinctions are the result of
ment?in various
secondary
developments.
In contrast, theWritten Cham forms, particularly the forms recorded in the dictionary of Aymonier and Cabaton (1906) seem to preserve a great number of older vowel distinctions. However, this material must be used with great cau? tion. The entries reflect various consequence, of variation,
the Aymonier some of which
time periods and sources blended together. As a and Cabaton Written Cham material has a great deal can be made
sense of and some of which
is simply
quite puzzling.
Sporadic preservation Aside
of/u/through
metathesis
from what has been preserved inRoglai and Cham, there are also a handful an original first vowel lui was preserved through sporadic met? athesis (m).
of cases in which
110
Chapter
Table 48: Sporadic metathesis
6
*u
of first syllable
PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
Chru
NR
*hursy
uroa
hrue (m)
hrai
harai
hurai
'day; sun'
hama
huma
'field'
habai
habuai
ara?
ura?
*huma
umAg
hama
hama
*hubsy
ubi -f
habsi
habai
*dursy
duroa
erue(m)
drai; trai
*?urat
urat
aru?t
?ara?
*hulat
ulat
hlu?t (m)
(m)
(m) 'taro; yam' druai (m) daruai (m) 'thorn'
-v
hlu?t (m)
hala?
'vein'
hula?
'worm'
Note
that in Table 48, there is sporadic metathesis of first syllable *u, resulting in a lui showing up in the second syllable, often along with the expected vowel reflex. Although they are not included in the table, in a number of cases, the lan? in variant. The directionality of guages question also have a non-metathesized the forms are compared with
these changes is particularly clear when metathesized Acehnese forms. in the three-way
shifts
Various
In addition
to the massive
distinction
reduction of the four-way distinction in first syllable of Chamic, at times in Roglai and at times in Cham
throughout much there have been secondary vowel original PC vowel. vowels
secondary
Independent
shifts further hindering
shifts in Roglai
of
an earlier
vowel
to lui
the identification
of the
and Cham
Two separate shifts are illustrated in Table 49. In Roglai, the change
the non
after
*r-,
*1-,
*m-,
one well-attested *t-
and
before
shift is
a bilabial.
Often Roglai
has variant forms, one with
the secondary
lui and one without;
occasionally,
one
data
by Awoi-hathe
variant
shows
up
in
the
recorded
et al.
while
another shows up in the material collected by Lee. An additional compli? cating factor is the apparent sporadic vowel harmony in Roglai, in which the pre? syllable vowel assimilates to the lui in the main syllable, as in 'needle', 'that', and so on (see Appendix II). The other secondary development illustrated by much of the same data in Table 49 is the change in Phan Rang Cham of a presyllable vowel to HI after either *r- or *1-. As with any vowel in the presyllable, there is variation between
HI and the reduced /a/. This Cham development, however, is only a part of amore general change in Cham (see "Secondary shifts in Cham" on page 112 just below). ently,
Cabaton at that
time,
(1901) noted a barred-i.
that the first vowel
in ribut
'storm' was,
appar?
111
Vowels
Chamic
shift to /u/ and the Cham shift to /if
Table 49: The Roglai
Aceh.
PC
Malay
lapar
*lapa
l?mbu
x*lamo
labuh
PR Cham
NR
lapa liiimo
lamo
*lama:n
lum?n
*labuh
labuh
l?mak
x*lama?
luim a?
l?bih
*labsh
ruibsh
-n
Wr. Cham
lipa; lapa limo; lamo
lip?; lapa
'hungry'
lamau
'cow;
limin
limin; lam?n libuh; labuh
'fall
down'
lima?; lama:?
'fat,
oil'
ox'
'elephant'
lum??
lipuh; lapuh liml?; lam??
lubeh
lipsh; lap?h
lubaih; lab aih
'more'
-v lipan
*limpa:n
limpui an
lupa:t
lipan; lapan
lipan; lapan
'centipede'
mimpi luka
*lumpsy *luka
lumpoa luka
lupai
lip?y; lap?y lika-lik?h
lip?i; lap?i lik?; luk?
'to dream'
lipag; lapag
li??ng; lubag;
'hole; pit'
ripug; rap?g
rabung
lubang
*luba:g
luba:k
r?bung
*rabug
rubuk
'wound'
labag 'bamboo shoot'
nipis lima
*lipih *lima
lipeh
ribut
x*ribu:?
ribu
*ribow
mamah
*mamah
babah
*mabah *mamih
limAg
lupih lum?
lip?h; lap?h limi; lami
rubu:?
ripu?; rapu?
ribea
rubau
?
mamAh mum?h ? mubah mamsh
mum?h
ripow;
rapow
mimih
'thin'
lapih limi; lima rabu? ribuv;
ribou
babah, pabah mimih,
'storm' 'thousand'
'chew'
mimih
papah mimih
'five'
mamih
'mouth' 'sweet'
timun
*timun
tum?n
tamun
tamun
'melon'
tumbuh
*tamuh
tum?h
tam?h
timuh; tamuh
fto grow'
d?pa
*dapa
tupa
tapa
dap?
'armspan'
Roglai of what
1. As and
tim?n
In another subset of forms, various presyllable vowels have become ill in but without more examples even a general idea before certain alveolars, to figure out.
is conditioning
this change
is well known,
in a large number of An
/n/are
alveolar.
is difficult
languages
It/ is dental while
Id/
112
Chapter shift to /i/ before an alveolar
Table 50: The Roglai PC
Malay
Aceh.
NR
PR Cham
Wr. Cham
darah
pat?y tar?h
'banana'
*darah
pitai darah
pat?i
darah
darah
'blood'
dada
*dada
dada
dada
tata
dada,
dalam
*dalam
dalam
batuk
*batuk
bato?
*gigsy *bitu?
gigoa
*batsy
bini
6
tada
'chest'
t-al?m
dalam
'inside;
pitu?
pat??
batuk
digai
tak?y
tagsl
'cough' 'tooth'
pitu? binai
pit??; pat??
batuk; butuk
'star'
dalap
in'
pinay
binai
bulu
*bulow
bulsa
bilau
pilow; palow
bulou; baluw
'virgin' 'body hair'
bulan
*bula:n
buluian
bila:t
'moon'
g?tai
pilan kat?l
bulan; balan
katan kata?
kat??
gatal; katal gatak; k?tak
'itchy' 'sap; resin'
*binay
gatal
*gatal *gatak
The
interaction
of
reconstruction
of presyllable
non-Acehnese
Chamic
Acehnese
Secondary
data
and elsewhere
these various vowels alone.
the secondary developments makes tenuous at least on the basis of
extremely
since
However,
outside of mainland
Chamic,
these
are
in
well-preserved
it is of little consequence.
shifts in Cham
In Phan Rang Cham, there is a somewhat similar shift from various presyllable vowels to lil, but with several more conditions than in the Northern Roglai exam? ples: the initial must be a bilabial stop and the following main syllable onset not only must be an alveolar but it also must be either a sonorant or be a sonorant descended
from a voiced
obstruent
(and, thus, the foUowing
vowel has breathy
voice).
Table 51: Shifts Malay
PC
in Cham Aceh.
to/i/before Rade
*bara
mra
*banut
man?t
alveolar s W.Cham pra
bini
*binay
bulan
*bula:n
buluian
m?an
ea
bulu
*bulow
bulsa
ml?u
plau
manie
biji
x*bijsh
babi
*babuy
bijsh bui
*babah
babah
mjsh
panai plan
PR Cham pira
'shoulder'
pinu?
'banyan,
pinay
'virgin;
woman'
pilan
'moon;
month'
balete'
pilow
'body hair'
pacsh
pa?sh
'seed'
papui
papuy
'wild pig'
papah
papah
'mouth'
Chamic
113
Vowels
This change, like many of the secondary shifts of presyllable vowels discussed in this section, seems to be relatively recent as only a small number of these second? arily-derived vowels are inAymonier and Cabaton's 1906 dictionary, but they are rather common inMoussay's 1971 dictionary.
THE INHERITEDPC MAIN SYLLABLEVOWELS system developed out of an PMP system with four basic vowels and three diphthongs. The typical morpheme was disyllabic, with each of the four vowels occurring in either syllable, but with the diphthongs restricted to the final The PC vowel
syllable. Figure 8: PMP second syllable vowels > PC main syllable vowels PMP second syllable vowels
PC main
^U^j
-U -i ? *-ij *-a
*-a-<e>
syllable vowels
>
*-uu
*-sy
>
*-ow
>
*a *a (short) / *-a: *-ay *-aw
*-uy
*-ay
*-uy
*-aw
The transition from PMP to PC vowels was not particularly complex. Both PMP high vowels split, becoming diphthongs in final position (at least when lengthened by stress), but remaining unchanged in closed syllables. The PMP shwa, which never occurred word-finally in PMP, everywhere ceased to be a shwa; in all contexts, it became PC *a. The old PMP *a reflexes split before certain finals, with some reflexes of PMP *a becoming PC *-a- and others becoming PC *-a:-, thus introducing in those positions a PC length distinction. In PC, the old PMP shwa disappeared as such, although a new shwa appears in the PC inventory brought in by pre-PC borrowings from MK. As for the old PMP diphthongs, they entered PC unchanged. The path from PMP to PC was illustrated in Figure 8. The next stage the breakup of PC into its various daughter languages, including Ace? a hnese, stage which ismore complicated than the transition from PMP to PC and cannot be fully represented in Table 52 (cf. Figure 12 and accompanying text). involves
this table introducing the vowels is somewhat simplified, it is a good representation of the basic vowel reflex patterns, with several qualifications. First, in two languages, the vowels correspondences are too complicated to repre? sent clearly on the table. The vowels of Haroi, which have registrally-induced Although
114
Chapter
6
splits, are discussed later (in "Haroi vowels and restructured register" on page 197). The vowels of Acehnese, which often have multiple reflexes due to vowel lowering induced by nasalization, are also treated later, as the correspon? dences (Table 52), although regular, are somewhat over-simplified. vowel
Table 52: The basic main syllable vowel reflexes PMP *i
PC *-sy
Aceh. -oa
*i-
*-i-
-e-;
*u
*-ow
-sa
K-u-
Rade
-s-
-o-
-o-;
*. a-
*-uy
tua
*a
a;
*-uy
-ui
*-ay
*-ay
-e;
*-aw
*-aw
-o;
Second,
? -o
Jarai Chru NR
Tsat
W. Cham PR Cham
-si
-ai
-ai
-ai
-ai
-i-
-i-
-i-
-i-
-i-
-au
-au
-au
-au
-au;
-u-
-u-
-u-
-u-
-u-
-u-u
a -a-
-a-
-a-
-a-
-a-
-a -a-
a
a
a
a
-ay -i -(i)a
a
-sy
-i-au
-ow
aa
-ui
-ui
-ui
-ui
-ui
-ui
-ie
-ai
-ai
-ai
-ad?42
-ai
-ay
-au
-au
-au
-au
-au
-au
-aw
the crucial
issue
of
vowel
length,
of
considerable
-uy
importance
to
both the analysis of borrowing and to PC subgrouping questions, is given a long and detailed treatment later ("PC vowel length" on page 138). Third, various minor subpatterns are treated elsewhere as they come up, including the sporadic metathesis found scattered throughout Chamic, the Western and Phan Rang Cham reflexes of nasalized reflexes of PC *a found inWestern and Phan Rang Cham, and the interesting reflexes of PC *-ay and *sy found in Rade. The splits
in the PMP high vowels
*i and *u
(1963) laid out the basic patterns for the splitting of the PMP high vow? els into two conditioned reflexes: For both high vowels, her tables make it clear
Thomas
that in open syllables (and before -h), the PMP *i and *u lengthen in open sylla? bles and subsequently diphthongize, while in closed syllables (except before -h), they remain high monophthongs. An examination of Thomas' distributions, suggests that except for the forms with final -h, the splits correlate with whether or not the forms occur word finally. And, in fact, the final -h in these forms is spurious. Thomas's analysis of the patterns was obscured by a spurious final -h inDempwolff s PMP reconstruc? tions (Dempwolff s "spiritus asper"); once Dempwolff s spurious final -h is elim? inated from Thomas' reconstructions, her description of the split is accurate.
Chamic
115
Vowels
Thomas was Despite using Dyen (1953) in which Dyen corrects Dempwolff, s spurious finals since, for the forms not found nonetheless misled by Dempwolff s reconstructions. inDyen, she reverted to Dempwolff The diphthongization
patterns
cases will be discussed in this chapter, but the first to Several diphthongization occur historically and thus the most central is the chain by which the high, stressed *i and *u of PMP first lengthened under stress, becoming early-PC *-ij is apparently preserved as such in the older Written Cham
and *-uu (the *-uu as <
records
-uw
>),
on
going
<
to become
-sy
>
<
and
-ow
>
in later Written
(with the /-si/ also preserved as such in Rade), next becoming /-ai/ and /-au/ (preserved as such in Jarai, Chru, and Northern Roglai), and then ultimately and /-?u/ inmodern spoken Phan Rang Cham and Tsat. ending up as l-?.%1
Cham
was restricted to the high, stressed vowels, and, as the stressed vowels became long before diph? emphasized,
The diphthongization Cowan
(1974:189) thongizing. The unstressed high vowels did not lengthen, and thus did not partic? ipate in the changes. Acehnese provides some clear examples of the distinct treatment of stressed and unstressed vowels. In particular, Acehnese has several
reflexes of PMP *aku T: a diphthong, while
the vowel
the vowels
in the stressed independent morpheme kso is affixes, the prefix ku- and the
in the two unstressed
suffix -ku(h), have remained undiphthongized. The initial part of this diphthongization (1985,
and,
p.c.)
as upgliding:
diphthongize respectively. vowels
*-ow,
color, that is, the *-sy *-aj
and
*-au,
the
tendency
for
chain reflects what Donegan
tense
vowels
the PMP *-i and *-u become both onsets underwent
Subsequently, and
*-sy
ducing
as
describes
respectively.
Next,
the
loses its palatality, while
to lengthen
then
*-ij and *-uu, leading to the PC
early-PC
lowering,
onsets
and
of
both
vowels
lose
their
the *-ow loses its labiality, pro?
respectively.
Figure 9: Diphthongization PMP
>
early-PC >
*-i
>
*-u
>
*-i? *-uu
> >
chains for PC word-final
high vowels
PC
>
Jarai...
>
*-sy *-ow
>
*-aj *-au
>
l-?il
>
/-?u/
>
PR Cham, Tsat
Finally, the further lowering of *-aj and *-au in Tsat and in spoken Phan Rang Cham to -?i and -?u was noted in Blood 1967 and later discussed in Donegan (1985:133). Note that, except for the PC form *-ii, each of the posited steps is
116 attested either in one of inWritten
Cham or in one of the modern
Chapter
6
Chamic
lan?
guages.
chain posited in Figure 9 are stages in the diphthongization in the variation in Aymonier and Cabaton's 1906 dictionary of Cham, a
Most attested
dictionary that is panchronic in the sense that the spellings of the words ently come from texts spanning the whole history of Cham writing. chain steps attested
10: Diphthongization
Figure
appar?
inWritten Cham
PMP
> Early
>
Later
>
...
> Modern
*-i
>
*-ij
>
*-sy
>
-aj
>
*-u
>
*-uu
>
*-ow
>
-au
*baru
>
baruw
>
barow
>
*tabu
>
t?buw
>
tabow
>
l-?il
>
/-?u/
...
>
barau
...
>
tabauw
'new' 'sugarcane'
Although the entries inAymonier and Cabaton are not dated, if the range ofWrit? ten Cham variation is placed on the chain, three of the four stages posited for the transition from early-PC *-uy to modern PR Cham /-?u/ are attested. chain in Figure 9 and Figure 10 should be familiar it is also well attested in the history of Germanic. chain has points out, the following diphthongization
The diphthongization to historical linguists because
As Donegan (1985:214) occurred repeatedly inGermanic, Priebsch
and Collinson
(1966)
citing Stampe (1972) for the history of English, for Standard German, and Sapir (1915) for Yid?
dish.
11: Germanic
Figure
Note
i
>
u
>
>
ii
>
uu
chains
diphthongization
sy
>
aw
>
>
4 au
>
ai au
process has stressed vowels becoming long and only after It is also worth noting that, if the shwa in do becoming long they diphthongize. PC were replaced by a and the -?- in Phan Rang Cham were replaced by a, the PC chains and the Germanic chains in Figure 11 would be identical. that the Germanic
Along ants
of
with
proto-Malayic
the rest of Chamic, Acehnese word-final
*-i
and
*-u,
where
inherited diphthongized the
stressed
PMP
>
vari? proto
Malayic high vowels *-i and *-u underwent lengthening and then diphthongiza? tion.Within PC, the chain of Acehnese diphthongization was, of course, identical with
the developments
in mainland
Chamic
up to the point where
the Acehnese
Chamic
117
Vowels
migrated to northern Sumatra, which seems to be while the PC diphthongs were still preserved as *-sy and *-ow. As Durie notes (p.c.), the dialect data preserves a complete record of the various Acehnese stages in the development of PMP *-i > proto-Malayic *-i > PC *-sy to Acehnese -oj. to Acehnese *-sy > Acehnese (Bireuen) -oa, that is, the dialect data contains the -sy posited for PC as well as both the -oj, and the -oa posited as stages in the development of the Bireuen forms. However, the dialect data has not preserved parallel forms for the stages in the development
of
*-u
>
-sa.
12: Acehnese
Figure
diphthongization
chains modern
PMP >
early-PC >
*-i
>
*-ij
>
*-u
>
*-uu
>
PC
> Acehnese
>
*-sy
>
-sy
>
>
*-su
>
*-ow
Acehnese
-oj *-sy
> > >
Acehnese -oa -sa
After
took that, the mainland Chamic languages and certain dialects of Acehnese different paths of development. First, some Acehnese dialects dissimilated the onsets of This both and and *-ow, *-su, syllabic producing *-oj respectively. *-sy dissimilative fortition effectively reversed the earlier vowel quality distinctions in the onset of the diphthongs! Then, apparently reflecting the tendency for lax vow? els to develop ingliding diphthongs dialects (Donegan 1985), these Acehnese reduced both diphthong to Acehnese
-oa
and
-sa,
upglides
into shwa, turning pre-Acehnese
*-oj and *-su
respectively.
despite the common starting point and the early shared paths of the PC and some of the Acehnese chains ultimately diverged development, but are sharply, resulting in reflexes that correspond perfectly diachronically Thus,
quite distinct phonetically. Reflexes
of PMP
*-/- and *-?
In the transition from PMP to PC, the reflexes of the PMP high vowel *i split: in syllables and in unstressed open syllables, it remained *-i-, while in open stressed syllables, it became early-PC *-ij and then PC *-sy. It is important to
closed
note that, while most PMP forms do, not all the PMP open syllable *-i reflexes go to PC *-sy. For a small number of grammatical forms, the PMP open-syllable *i a Chamic
pattern of reflexes thatmatches the reflex pattern for *-i-. The last two of the three grammatical morphemes in Table 53 sometimes pattern with the *-sy forms and sometimes pattern with the *-i forms, suggesting that there was originally an unstressed and a stressed variant, with the unstressed
displays
118
6
Chapter
variant
on
going
to pattern
with
*-i
and
the
one
stressed
with
Acehnese
*-sy.
sup?
plies several nice pairs of contrasting stressed versus unstressed reflexes, with sod 'who' and the unstressed si 'title for one of these being the stressed Acehnese names'.2
people's
Table 53: PC open syllables with *-i in unstressed PC
di
*d?
?
*-h?
?
?
*kam?
*kamsy
ta-
?
Haroi ?
tin?
ni -nsi
PR Cham ti
rat'
ni
'this'
kami
fwe
ni
-nai
?
kamoa
NR ?
Chru
?
ti
-noa
*-nsy
Jarai
Rade
Aceh.
syllables
?
?
hamsi
gamai
-iv
-iv
?
?
?
labu?kamin
(ex.)?
kamei; -v
? k?me
It is important to note that the forms themselves are inherited, not borrowed. ini and ni, and the Malay, for example, has the preposition di, the demonstratives reflex Their the forms. kami for pattern comes pronoun unique corresponding from
their
occurrence
cally
occur
stressed
in a unique in some
but
these
environment:
phonological
contexts
unstressed
typi?
sources
Other
The majority of the remaining PC *-i finals are in early borrowings, of these forms are found elsewhere inAustronesian.
Table 54: Two other early borrowings with PC open syllable PC
Rade
xxsisi(r) kasi *pagi
magi
Jarai
Chru
tasi
tasi
pagi
pagi
NR kasi pagi
Haroi
Tacomb'
pake
'tomorrow'
-v
suggests that 'comb' is a borrowing from MK, Headley in presence Malay as sisir requires that it also have been borrowed The pattern reflects between
content
two
*-/
tathi
casei pakhi
although
PR Cham
-v
2.
forms
in others.
words
a restriction and
on stress distribution,
grammatical
morphemes.
The
but, if so, its intoMalay. In
not the difference apparent
excep?
in practice usually encliticized tions?the grammatical morphemes?are a a are of and thus constructions part larger phonological word. larger
into
Chamic
119
Vowels
any case, the actual PC reflex may simply reflect the final *-ir. As clearly occurred with PMP forms ending in final *-ur, the vowel was not in an open syl? lable when open syllable PMP *-i went to PC *sy. Rather, the *-ir lost the final r only later, and thus did not diphthongize. However, with the form pagi, which shows up inMalay as pagi, the PC final *-i is both unexpected and unexplain able, unless it is aMalay borrowing. All the remaining forms that pattern like PC final *-i are loans, inmany cases loans that postdate the breakup of PC. Headley has identified a number of these
as
loans;
evidence
also
many
irregular
patterns.
correspondence
For
'scis?
that it is a MK
sors', Headley loan, while another author has (#1.54) suggests suggested the less likely Tamil form k?l?kati 'areca-nut scissors'. For 'horn; ant? ler', Headley (#1.34) identifies it isMK in origin, while it also looks like a PLB form.
and probably all, of the forms below are loans. Headley (1976) that three of these forms are borrowed on the basis of theMK data.
Most, has suggested His contention
receives support from Chamic: for all three forms, the correspon? dence patterns within Chamic are irregular, indicating that the borrowing post? dates the breakup of PC. With 'horn' even the representation of the borrowed form as xtuki is quite problematic: first, it is quite possible itwas borrowed more than once with different
second, there are at least three distinct vari? ants in the data: Northern Roglai (Lee) tukii (with the barred-i being the expected reflex of an earlier medial -r-), PNB *ake, and Proto-Mnong *nke. It is instructive only has a form for one of these, unos for 'honey bee'.
thatAcehnese 55:
Table
post-PC xkatri
forms. And,
Borrowings
Rade katrsi
with
Jarai Chru ?
katrai
post-PC
NR katri
-f
xtuki
ki
taki
open
Haroi katroi
syllable
W. Cham
ei
ra?i
PR Cham ?
'scissors'
katray
-vf
taki
tuki
cake
take
-v-v-v
xla?i -f
*-i
la?i
la?i
take
-v
la?i
la?i
'horn; antler'
lii
'winnowing basket'
?
xtali xhuni
hanue
kli-i hani
? hani
? hun?
calei hani
? hani
tali
'flat (of rocks)'
hani
'honeybee'
Chamic, the reflex of PC *-i- was simply -i-, often marked as short or long by various authors but although length is syllables contrastive in individual languages, the length does not reconstruct to apparently PC. Not only does the length not agree across languages but within the individual Throughout
in closed
languages
its occurrence
can be predicted on the basis of the environments.
120
Chapter of PC *-/- < PMP
Table 56: Reflexes Acehnese
Rade
Jarai
-e?;-s?
-im;
-??
-??
-et;
-st
-?t; -??
-en;
-sn
-in
-?n -?p
NR -ih -ih
-ih -im
-im
W. Cham
PR Cham
-ih -?n;
-im -im -ip -i?
-i?
-i:?
-i:?
-it;
-i?
-i:?
-i:?
-il
-il
-il
-in
-in;
-in
-in
-in;
-?n
-i:n
-ig
-an -?n
-ip
-iu?
-iu?
-iu?
? -ep;
*-i
Chru
-ih-sh-ih -eh; ? -im -em;
6
-i?
-i? -il -il
-it
-?n -?n
-?w?
forms reflect two processes: the lowering of all high vowels and on in Acehnese" lowering of all nasalized vowels ("Nasalization seems to of the Jarai reflexes The page 176). represent something variability about Jarai rather than something about the source, as the variation shows up in
The Acehnese the further
sources on Jarai.
both available
The upglide developing from PC *-ip in Chru, Northern Roglai, Western and Phan Rang Cham represents the fortition of the second formant transi? Cham, to
tion
the
final
-p,
rather
than
assimilation
to
the
"labiality"
of
the
*-p,
as
the
"labiality" of the *-p involves lip spreading while the "labiality" of the glide rep? resents lip rounding (see Thurgood and Javkin (1975), for an acoustic explana? tion of this class of sound changes). A parallel change occurs with PC *-ap. The PC reflexes developments Written Cham.
Table 57: Reflexes PMP
PC
*-i
*-sy
of the PC *-sy show more variation. The Acehnese above. The PC *-sy is retained as such in Rade and
were discussed
Aceh. -oa
of PC *-ey (< PMP Rade -si;
Jarai -ai
-ue (m)
Chru -ai
*-i) NR -ai;
Tsat W.Cham -ai
-ay
PR Cham -?y
-uai (m)
In Rade, Jarai, Chru, and Northern Roglai, the reflexes of PC *-sy become -ai. In Tsat, Haroi, and Phan Rang Cham /-ai/ developed, through the lowering of -ai. Reflexes
of PMP
*-w- and *-u
In the transition from PMP to PC, the reflexes of the PMP high vowel *u split: in syllables and in unstressed open syllables, it remained *-u-, while in open
closed
Chamic
121
Vowels
stressed syllables,3 it became early-PC *-uu and then PC *-ow. PC also devel? in the reflexes of *-u, but only before final oped restricted length distinctions glottal stops and velar nasals. (See "PC *-u- length distinctions" on page 141, for further discussion). The reflexes
of PC *-u are typically -u throughout Chamic, except in and restructured register" on page 197) and Acehnese. "Haroi vowels (see In Acehnese, the reflexes of PC high vowels are regularly lower, with reflexes after a nasal lower still ("Nasalization inAcehnese" on page 176).
Haroi
The Chamic
reflexes of PC *-ow parallel the reflexes of PC *-sy. In written Phan Rang Cham the *-ow is represented as -ow (the Phan Rang Cham in Table 59); but in the modern spoken Phan Rang Cham, it first delabialized, -?w, as it has in Rade, Tsat, Western
-ai, and then lowered, becoming
becoming
and Haroi.
Cham,
Table 58: Reflexes PC
Aceh.
*-uh
-oh; -oh;
*-un
-on;
*-um
-om
-on;
?
?
*-u? *-u:?
-on
-om;
*-un *-u:n
Rade
? ?
*-us
of PC *-u- < PMP
-o?;-o? ?
Jarai
*-u NR
Chru
Tsat W. Cham
-uh
-uh
-uh
-uh
-u55
-uh
-?h
-uih
-uih
-u:h
-uh
-u55
-uh
-?h
-?n
-?n
-un
-ut;
-?n
-?n
-um
-um
-?m
-um; um
-?n
-un;
-un
-on;
-??
-??
-??
-
-up
-un
-un
-uk;
-un
-o:n;
-o:n
-u?
-??
-un
-un ?
-um
-un
-u:k
-un
-?n
-un
-on
-on
?
-u?
-u:?
-un
-?? -??
?
-u:?
Although preserved in the orthography, in the modern the onset of PC *-ow has been unrounded to /-?u/.
Table 59: Reflexes PC *-ow
3.
Aceh. -sa
PR Cham
Rade -?u
It is worth noting cally long.
of PC *-ow < PMP Jarai
Chru
-au
-au
that in all vowels
NR -au
-u?;-o?
spoken Coastal
-u?;-o?
languages,
*-? Tsat
Haroi
-au;
?u;
-(i)a
-?au
in word-final
W. Cham
PR Cham
-au
-ow
open syllables are phoneti?
122
Chapter
6
sources
Other
It is important to note that some forms that initially appear to come from a PC *-u actually reflect an early PMP open syllable *-ur. Although the final -r itself is no longer directly reflected anywhere in Chamic, PMP forms ending in final *-ur have non-diphthongized reflexes throughout Chamic. (1) PMP (2) PMP
>
PC
*-ur >
PC
*-u
*-3W
it clear that the forms with *-ur were not yet in PMP *-u in open syllables went to PC *-ow. Instead, the when the open syllables PMP *-ur lost the final -r only after this change, and thus did not diphthongize.
The Chamic
lui reflexes make
Table 60: Reflexes PMP
*-u vs. *-ur in Chamic
of PMP PC
Malay
Aceh.
Rade
PR Cham
*bulu
bulu
*bulow
bulsa
ml?u
*aku
aku
*kow
ksa
k?u
palow kow
'body hair' ' F
*kutu
kutu
*kutow
gutsa
ka tau
katow
'head louse'
*ikur
?kor
*?iku
iku
ku
t?lur'egg'
*klu
klu
'testicles
*la?ur
liu
'coconut
*telur "niyur
V nyor
*kajur ? kujur
*kaju
'tail'
iku
kaju
'spear;
(animal)' palm' lance'
the forms forms have retained the final -r. In Acehnese, final -r have a diphthong, while the form for 'tail', which had an earlier PMP -r, has no such diphthongization. Similarly, in the rest of the Chamic lan?
Notice
that the Malay
without
the forms with PMP -r did not diphthongize along with the forms in open syllables. This striking parallelism in the changes and in their relative chronology
guages,
is just one of many pieces of evidence Chamic dialect that left for Sumatra
that demonstrates ("Acehnese,
that Acehnese
a Chamic
was
language"
a on
page 47). Reflexes
of the PMP
shwa
In all contexts, the original PMP shwa disappeared, merging with the reflexes of PC short *a. Meanwhile, the PMP *a became PC long *-a:- before the finals * -?, -rj, -k,
-1, -r, -n,
-p,
and,
more
marginally,
before
-t, producing
length contrast with the former PMP -a- reflexes, which
in these
words
a
always remained short in
Chamic
123
Vowels
introduction of various pre-PC MK borrowings strengthened the PC contrast between long and short *a (for a further discussion of the length length contrast, see "PC *-a- length distinctions" on page 146).
PC. The
Table 61: The reflexes of PMP shwa PMP
PC
*gatel
*gatal
NR
Haroi
PR Cham
Aceh.
Rade
Chru
gatai
katal
katal
katan
kat?l
kat?l
kan??
tana?
tana?
cana?
tan??
'cook'
aka?
ika?
ak??
ik??
'to tie'
hadar) hala?
hadak
?
*tanek
*tana?
*iket
*?ikat
ikat
*qajeng
*hadan
*qulej
*hulat
ararj -m had?g ulat hlu?t
?
hula?
'itchy'
'charcoal'
ath?arj hat?n ? hal??
'worm'
(m) In the examples in Table 61, as in all the examples found so far, PMP -a- has become PC *-a- (The Chamic reflexes of PC *-a- are discussed on page 146ff.).
of PMP
Reflexes
*a
PC, a length contrast developed before final -?; -n; -k; -1; -r; -n; and mar? ginally before -t. (See page 138ff. for further discussion of the length distinction.) The Chamic reflexes of PC *a show a minimum of variation; the variation that
Within
does
occur
is usually
The Haroi
conditioned
reflexes,
by
the
syllable-final
consonant.
obscured
of regis by the secondary development are discussed in "Haroi vowels and restructured
trally-induced vowel splitting, register" on page 197. The Tsat correspondences included in the table.
are too marginally
attested to be
The table is organized by the manner and place of the final consonant. Among the final stops, the steady, incessant Chamic lenition of final *-p, *-t, *-k, and *-c to a glottal stop is somewhat irregular in its reflexes. The upglide devel? oping from PC *-ap inChru, Haroi, andWestern Cham is acoustically rather than of *-ip in articulatorily based. (See the brief discussion of the development page 117.) The reflexes of PC final nasals are split in Roglai, with some forms retaining the nasals and others developing stops (see homorganic voiceless on in Northern Roglai" "Nasalization page 170). The short vowel reflex of PC *-a:n only occurs occasionally in Phan Rang Cham. InWestern Cham and Phan Cham has nasalization sometimes Rang produced a high vowel reflex. Finally, are the Acehnese reflexes often split, with the most frequent conditioning factor being whether sonant.
or not the vowel
is nasalized,
typically by the preceding
nasal con?
124
Chapter
6
Table 62: The reflexes of PC *a PC
Aceh.
*-a
-a;
Rade
Jarai
-An -oh
-ah
Chru
W. Cham
NR
PR Cham
-a
-a
-a
-a
-ah
-ah
-ah
-ah;
-aih
-a:h
-a
-ah
-an
-a -ih
*-ah
-ah;
*-a:s
-uiah
*-as
-aih
-ah
-ah
-ah
-ah
-ah
-ah
*-ap
-ap
-?p
-?p
-a?
-a?
-au?
-??
-ap
-ap
-a:u?
-a:?;
-au?
-aw?
-?t;-a?
-at;
-a?
-a?
-a?
-??
-??
-at;
-a?
-a:?
-a:?
-a? -a?
*-a:p
-uiap
*-at
-at
-aih
-tut
*-a:t
-uiat;
*-ak
-a?
*-a:k
-uiak;
-uik
-at -?k;-??
-?k;-??
-a?
-ak;-a?
-a?
-ak
-ak
-a:?
-a:?
-a?;
-??
-a:?
-a:?
-a?
*-a:?
-at;-a?
-??
x*-ac
-mat
-ac
-?i?
-a:i?
p-am
-am
-am; -am
-am; -am
-am
-a?;-ak -i?
-ai?
-ay?
-ap; -am
-am
-am
-an
-an
-an
-an
-ak
''-an
-an
-an
-an
-an
-an;
-man
-an
-an
-a:n
-a:n;
-an -at -a:t
-uin
-man;
*-an
-at)
*-ar
-uia;
-ia
-an;
-an
-an;
-in;
-an;
-an
-a:n
-a:k
-arj;
-tr\
-??
-??
-a?
-a?
-??;
-a?
-ar
-ar-;
-a:r
-a
-an;
-an
-??;
-??
-ar
-?r;
-ar
*-a:r
-uia
-a
-a
-a
-a
-a
-a
*-al
-ai
-?l
-al
-al
-an
-?l
-?l
*-a:l
-uia
-al
-al
-a:l
-an
-al
-al
Reflexes
The
of the PMP diphthongs
reflexes
of
PMP
*-ay,
*-aw,
and
*-uy
are
PC
*-ay,
tively. It is worth noticing that the first two diphthongs counterparts to the word-final PC *-sy and *-ow, which from
PMP
-in;
-in
-an
-?r
-i?
-*g -in
-in
-a:n
-a?; -a?
-a:i?
*-an
-a:n
-??
-ih
-ah;
*-i
and
*-u.
*-aw,
and
*-uy,
respec?
are, in effect, the long developed word finally
Chamic
125
Vowels The Chamic Two
well-attested.
reflexes of PC *-ay, *-aw, and *-uy are straightforward and interesting about these correspon? things are particularly
dences. The split in the Acehnese reflexes of *-aw correlates with vowel nasaliza? tion; the lower vowel reflex is the nasalized one. In Rade, Chru, and Tsat, loans on the bases of their distinctive reflexes. Thus, the are sometimes distinguishable Rade reflex -ai indicates a loan; the actual reflex is the much more aberrant look? ing -ie. In Tsat, the regular reflex of PC *-ay is -aii?42,with the *-y final strength? ened to a glottal stop; the lack of a final glottal stop marks a form as a loan. unexpected vowel length seems to occur with more to be done on this. work needs although in Chru, otherwise
Finally,
loans,
Table 63: The reflexes of PC *-ay, *-aw, and *-wy PC
Aceh.
?
-e;
*-ay
Rade
NR
Jarai Chru
-ai
-ie;
-ai
-ai
-o
-o;
-au
-au
-ui
-ui
-a:u;
*-uy
of PC *-ay
Diphthongization In Rade,
the
accented
open
syllables,
Rade
PC
-ui
-ui
of PC as PC
to Rade
(Lee's
-je
is -ie,
*-ay was
*-ay
-ui
a
-ui
-uy
in final,
syllables.
-ay
(1974:655)
terms this change from PC
a characterization
-ye) metathesis,
occurred
PR Cham
-ai
Lee
only
to such
W.Cham
-ai
that
change
restricted
NR
Jarai
on the correspondence,
Commenting
-aw
in Rade
-ai
-?e
*-ay
*-ay
reflex
regular
-au
-au
x-a:u
-ui
-ay
x-a:i
-au
-au;
PR Cham
-ai
-a:i?42; x-ai
*-aw
W. Cham
Tsat
which
is not
unreason?
able as a description of the diachronic correspondence with PC. However, the actual mechanism of change was undoubtedly not metathesis. in the Instead, amore likely chain involves a series of steps well-attested literature: the change of PC *-ay to *-ee, dissimilative raising of the onset, and a shift in syllabicity. PC
*-ay
>
>
assimilation *-ee
> onset raising >
syllabicity
>
-je
>
-ie
shift
126
Chapter
The first step involving assimilation a monophthongization, is, essentially
6
is a variant of the change of *-ay to -e, that but accompanied by the natural conse?
length. The onset raising of the next step is illustrated by with examples from Finnish (*ee > ie in initial stressed Donegan (1985:142-143) from the transition of Vulgar Latin to Old French (e, > ie, in accented syllables), and the from Finca open syllables), Valparaiso dialect of Pokomchi, a Quichean of retaining
quences
language, examples
(ej.> ie, but apparently with no mention of stress or accent). Donegan's parallel the Rade change. The final step, of course, involves a shift in
syllabicity, with the onset becoming a glide and the second part becoming the syllable nucleus. Note that this last step changes a more closed syllable into a more
open
syllable.
THE BORROWED PC MAIN SYLLABLEVOWELS In addition to the vowel categories inherited from PMP, PC included a number of that were borrowed into pre-Chamic from MK sources. Of course, many
vowels
MK borrowings fit nicely with the consonant and vowel categories inherited from PMP. On the one hand, these are difficult to identify on internal grounds; on the other hand, these had only a limited effect on the PC segmental inventory. Table 64: PC main syllable vowels, *-ia
*-i_?
*"i
inherited and borrowed
*-u *ua *-u:-
[x-i?w] *-u-,
[x-iaw]
x*-uay
*uay *-sy,
*-ow, *-o
*-a:
*-ay
*-uy
*-aw
borrowings, however, had a significant effect on the vowel categories of PC, an effect made salient by the fact that some vowel types are but not exclusively, by MK borrowings. In effect, exemplified overwhelmingly, these new vowel types have been borrowed from MK. However, the mechanism for developing the new category always seems to involve more than simply bor? Other MK
rowing words containing the vowel. Typically, but not invariably in this data, the borrowing of a new vowel category also seems to be accompanied and, indeed,
Chamic
127
Vowels
facilitated by the innovative development of the new category out of native mate? rial. The number of native tokens of the new type may be small ? perhaps only one
or
two
?
but
are
there
some.
usually
In the table, the vowel categories associated with MK borrowings are in boldface to distinguish them from inherited vowel categories. As for the vowels themselves, the *-i in open syllables, despite being in boldface, originates from two sources, one involving borrowed MK forms, the other involving forms inher? ited from PMP (page 117). And, finally, most of the vowel length distinctions involve the interaction of influence of MK
borrowings
and inherited PMP mate?
rial.
PC*e
of words containing PC *s produces some fascinating asymme? tries. Despite the fact that there are only a small number of PC forms that recon? struct with *s and that their etymologies are far from worked out, what we do a know provides clear outline of the history. The distribution of reflexes in the
The examination
modern
InAcehnese (Durie 1990a), before certain languages is uncontroversial. finals the *s is retained as such, and before others is backed to *a. And, on the the Chamic
mainland, close
mutual
in closed
languages Rade and Jarai, as is not unexpected have
interaction,
the
same
set of
conditioned
the -e in open. The remaining
syllables,
reflexes:
the
given their -s-
occurs
languages each have but a sin?
gle reflex. Table 65: The reflexes of PC *? PC
Aceh.
*s
s; a
Rade -s-;
Jarai -e
-s-;
-e
Chru NR
Tsat
s
e
The full set of reconstructed
e
s
W.Cham
PR Cham
s
forms is worth
listing. The first word in the 'more, surplus', related to Malay
list is the Acehnese
form lwbsh, PC *labsh l?bih 'more' and a native PMP root. This word, however, is the only clearly PMP word in the entire list. However, as Durie notes, theAcehnese l-z-l vowel is irregular. Table 66: The reflexes of PC *lob?h PNB
PMnong
Malay l?bih
PC
Aceh.
*labsh
luibsh -v ebsh
Rade
PR Cham lipsh
'more; surplus'
The next group of words all reconstruct fairly regularly to PC, but they have nei? or other PMP counterpart, nor a MK counterpart in PNB or ther a Malay PMnong.
128
Chapter
containing PC *e
Table 67: Reflexes PC x*hagst
6
Rade
Aceh.
PR Cham haket -f
-f
Is?
x*ls?
'why? what?' 'fall
into'
'to elbow'
x*nsh
'to drop'
kapl??
x*pals?
p??
p??
'pick, pluck'
x*racfs
erfe
rarfs
'Rhade'
x*ts?
t??-v
x*kls?
tie?
pAt
x*pst
'torn,
x*tulsh x*tamsh
kl??
'steal'
tal?h
'untie'
kamsh
tamsh
worn'
'pillar; post'
x*?s?
6??
'elf.
x*g8
ke
'boat'
long,
thin
objects'
the next group of words, two pieces of evidence suggest that, With two which are post-PC borrowings, these forms are also early for last the except MK incorporations but reconstructable to at least to PC. Note that the imperative not only reconstructs to PC but also occurs inAcehnese. Each has a plausible MK etymology,
that
is,
each
word
looks
a MK
like
(PNB), proto-Mnong, proto-North-Bahnaric have aMalay (or other PMP) counterpart. Table 68: PC
PNB
PC x*bs?
*beq *randeh
Aceh.
Rade
bs? edsh
x*radsh
x*glsh
*aseh
'IMPERATIVE'
rate h -v
'vehicle'
klsh
'tired' vine'
'rope; 'cut'
-
?s?
'near(ly); about to'
x*?assh
assh
ath?h
'horse'
x*?sh
sh
?h
'excrement'
ale
m
*pale
*gle
x*?als
*babe
*be
xbubs
be
xwsh-vf
wsh
*weh
p??
x*rsh
x*js? *?aseh
either
none of them seems
PR Cham
hru??
x*hurst
*ajeq
for
reconstructed
*e forms with MK etymologies
PMnong
xsreh
word
or PKatuic;
'medium
paps w?h
'goat; 'turn
bamboo' sheep'
aside'
to
Chamic
129
Vowels
The next group of words all reconstruct fairly regularly to PC, but they have neither aMalay or other PMP counterpart, nor aMK counterpart in PNB or PMnong.
Table 69: Reflexes PC x*hagst
containing PC *? PR Cham
Rade
Aceh. -f
Is?
x*ls?
hak?t -f
'why? what?'
le?
'fall
into'
'to elbow'
x*nsh
'to drop'
kapl??
x*pals?
p??
p??
'pick, pluck'
x*rarfs
erfe
rarfs
'Rhade'
x*ts?
t?? -v
x*kls?
tie?
pAt
x*pst
x*tulsh
kl??
'steal'
tal?h
'untie'
kamsh
tamsh
x*tamsh
'torn,
worn'
'pillar; post'
x*?s?
6??
'elf.
x*gs
ks
'boat'
long,
thin
objects'
The last set consists of the three words, aside from *labsh, which actu? occur both inMalay and Chamic. Neither the word for 'seed' nor the form ally for 'tickle' reconstruct to PC; in any case, the word for 'seed' is apparently a San? skrit
borrowing.
More
of
interest,
however,
is the
fact
that both
appear
to recon?
struct to the PC level, with the Acehnese forms corresponding nicely. As a possible native PMP root, only the form for 'great grandchild' requires any careful examination. As for the initial c-, Adelaar (1988:62) writes with respect to his proto-Malayic that the proto-phoneme *c is not well-attested, at words it least In any case, if the PC and containing making mildly suspect. are are not related and if both MK in forms Malay origin, 'great grandchild' might constitute a second native PMP root in Chamic containing *s, although I suspect that the form is ultimately MK. Table 70: PC *e forms without MK etymologies Malay
PC
P-Aceh.
Aceh.
PR Cham
*(cs)cst
CAt
tac??
*bijeh
bijsh
pa?sh
'greatgrandchild' 'seed'
gli?-gli?-iv
kal?k
'tickle'
cicit
*cic?t
biji
x*bijsh
g?lak
xgilsk -lv *gle?
'laugh'
130
6
Chapter
In any case, theMK origins of PC *s are firmly established. Further, the handful of irregular PC roots with PC *s ultimately from MK but with regular roots are what one expects ifAcehnese is a Chamic dialect. (The proto-Acehnese are reconstructions from Durie 1990a). proto-Acehnese PC shwa The original PMP shwa merged with the PC reflexes of short *a, allowing a new PC shwa to develop out of material incorporated from MK sources. The Chamic reflexes of this new shwa are given in the table. of PC *3
Table 71: Reflexes PC
Aceh.
*-ah
*-at
Rade
-Ah
-ih
-ah;
-At
-??
?
*-ak
Chru
Jarai
NR
Tsat W.Cham ?
-ah
PR Cham -ah
-ah
-ah
-??
-a?
-a?
-a?
-a?;-??
-a?;-??
-ak
-?k;-i?
-a?
-a?
-a?
-a?
-a?
-au?
-?w?
-ih
?
-ah;
*-ap
-op
-??
-a?
-au?
-a?
*-an
-An
-an
-an
-an
-ak
-an
-an;
*-am
-om
-am
-am
-am
-ap
-an
-om
-am
*-an
-An
-an
-on
-an
-at
-en
-an
*-ar
-a
-ar
-ar;
-ar
-a
-?r
-?r
-or
?
-an
-?n
-?n
-an;
if the final *-p were not retained inAcehnese, itwould be obvious that reflexes in the mainland languages *-ap correspondences reflect a final *-p. Parallel changes happen with *-ap and *-ip; see "Reflexes of Even
from the vowel
PMP change.
*-i- and *-i" on page The
-i-
reflexes
117 for a brief discussion
in Western
and
Phan
Rang
Cham
of the acoustics result
from
of the
nasaliza?
tion.
The sources
of shwa
Thus far, only a handful of forms reconstructed with shwa have potential Austro? nesian etymologies. When there is a readily-determinable source, forms with shwa are overwhelmingly from MK, and even when the source is not fully identi? fiable, it is often obvious from either the phonotactics or from the presence non-PMP phoneme that the form was not PMP in origin.
of a
Chamic
131
Vowels
of PC forms containing shwa and potentially related to forms are listed in Table 72. Of these only *bukan with its
The handful (or PMP)
Malay
*bukan
proto-Malayic
is
reconstruction
*lan
although
convincing,
totally
also
looks plausible. The form *lan has a potential PMP source in *talun 'fallow land; secondary forest'. In the case of theMalay word for 'hatch', the first sylla? ble vowels inMalay and Acehnese do not match, possibly indicating that the word was
independently borrowed into Malay and PC. The last word, although related to the Indonesian mythical bird the garuda, is a borrowing in Chamic. and PC words with PC *a
Table 72: Malay PNB
P-Malayic
PC
Malay
*bukan
bukan
Aceh.
Rade
PR Cham
bukAn
mak?n
kdw'-kan
'other;
*bukan
k?ram
*lan
lAn
l?n
Ian
'earth; soil'
*karam
karom
kr?m
kar?m
'to hatch'
kra?
'vulture;
?
All tions toMK. reconstructed
?
xgrak
garuda
different'
garuda'
in the following table have probable etymological connec? are Some reconstructed for theMnong branch of MK and some are
the words
for the North Bahnaric reconstructions
Proto-Mnong naric reconstructions
branch. None
are from H. Blood
of them appear inMalay. The (1968). The Proto-North-Bah
are from Smith (1972), occasionally
with minor modifica?
tions.
Table 73: MK words with PC *a
PNB
*c?n
PMnong
PC
*k?m
x*?ram
Aceh.
*kl3m
x*sam
*pan
x*pan
psg
*tap
x*klap
t?o?
*yah
x*yah
*dak
x*dan
*son
x*?an
*g?n
x*gan
*hag?r
x*sagar
*joq
**?jap
PR Cham
Rade ?r?m
som
?r?m
?
'to wrap' 'to nail; 'stab;
miy?h dAn
dan
tag ??n
??n
*p?y
of
x*b-an-at
'pole; 'drum'
?jo?
?jow?
'correct;
a fence',
itself, although apparently originally
stop'
post'
right'
'to fan'
x*pa-pat
'a dam;
poke'
'to eat'
hak?r
The root x*bat 'to dam; to fence', which tion
'stand;
k?g
?
hammer'
'PARTICLE'
hagar
? -
arrow'
contains
borrowed
an
is the root used for the forma? instrumental
from MK,
prefix.
The
prefix
is not restricted just to
132
Chapter
6
for instance, this infix not restricted to forms. InAcehnese, in disyllables (cf. Chapter 9), a specific forms but instead occurs productively lan? that says something about the intensity of the MK-Chamic characteristic
a handful of fossilized
guage contact on the mainland that led to the borrowing. Although not reconstructed for proto-North-Bahnaric
(with one excep? Bahnar in 74 in and Cabaton the words Table (1906)). It appear tion), (Aymonier to to not fact Smith did not if attach the that is obvious what significance, any,
reconstruct lexicon
On the one hand, a lot of the Bahnar these for proto-North-Bahnaric. from Cham; on the other, these forms do not appear to have
is borrowed
An counterparts,
that they were not originally An.
suggesting
Table 74: Other PC *a forms with MK affiliations PNB
Bahnar
(AC) PMnong
PC
?
banot mram
bram;
Acehnese
x*b-an-at x*?ram
*k?m
?
'a dam,
?
gar x*gar
?
'arrow'
'handle
gA
x*garj ?
t?l;
ap?r; p?r
fence'
(knife)'
?
g?n;g3n
*p?r
?
toi
'pole;
*p?r
until'
'arrive;
x*par
phA -i
'to fly'
x*gap
gop
'other;
? gap
post'
?
x*tal
group'
The final set of forms have neither established MK nor Malay counter? the first form looks unquestionably MK because of its glottal? part. Nonetheless, sources would turn up that careful search of MK ized stop. It is possible counterparts
for
at
Table 75: PC PNB
PMnong
least
some
of
these.
*a words without PMP or MK etymologies PC
Aceh. ?
Rade
PR Cham
?
x*?arj
gom
x*gam
xpayar
x*lap x*madah x*man x*rak x*sadar
-f
katar
'to burn'
kam
'to cover'
?
'corn;
? myar
?
?
?
grain'
'to offer'
'fold'
mitah
'awaken'
mag
m?n
'from'
rak
r??
'grass;
hap?r
'remember'
?
?
-f
madih
?
hadar tuwA
payai
low?
?
x*war x*yar
g?m
?
x*katar
??rj
war
war
'forget'
yer
'lift,
?
weeds'
raise'
Chamic
133
Vowels
It is likely that these tables include at least some mistaken identifications and misassociations, but the overall configuration is unmistakable: the shwa has entered PC through MK material incorporated into pre-Chamic. PC
*ia,
x-i?u,
and
x-iaw
Three diphthongs were borrowed from MK sources: *ia was borrowed into pre Chamic, becoming PC *ia, while x-i?w and x-iaw occur in post-PC borrowings. For the diphthong *ia:, only the word 'water' appears to be a PMP root. Table 76: Reflexes of PC Har PC *?iar
Aceh. ia
Rade sa
'water'
Jarai Chru NR ?ia
ia
Tsat
ia
?ia33
Haroi W. Cham ea
?ea
-f
PR Cham ya; ier
'water (fresh)'
The Chamic reflexes of *ia are regular, with the slight variation condi? tioned by the finals. The two forms with nasalized vowels are marked with (n). In working with Chamic forms containing the sequence -ia-, themain difficulty is in forms that were originally disyllabic, such as the disyllabicity distinguishing reflected inMalay tian 'stomach', from forms with an -ia- borrowed from MK. This problem has not been completely Table 77: Reflexes PC *-ia
Aceh. ?
Rade
solved here.
of PC Ha Jarai Chru NR
Tsat
Haroi
W.Cham
?
-ea -ya
?
-ea -ya
-ia
-ia
-ia
-ia
*-iar
-ia
-ea
-ia
-ia
-ia
-ia
-ea;
*-ia?
-ia?;
-i??
-i??
-ia?
-ia?
-ia?
-ea?;
-ia?
-e? -ii? (n) -ia? -?a?; -ia?
*-iat
-e?
-i??
-i??
-ia?
-ia
-ea;
-ia?
-ii? (n) *-ian
-iag
-ien
-sg
PR Cham
-ea?;
-y??
-ea?;
-y??;
-?? (n)
? -iag
-iag;
-iag
-eag;
-iag
-ieg
-iak;
(-yak)
In both Haroi
and Western
the onsets of these centering diph? thongs have been lowered in every case, except for *-iag inWestern Cham. This parallels but is more extensive than the lowering of the centering diphthongs Cham,
134
Chapter
6
lui, which similarly occurs in Haroi and Western Cham (see page 135). In the case of Haroi, the second reflex shows the result of subsequent raising and backing of the onset to Ii/ under the influence of breathy voice with
beginning
(page 197). In Table 78, the PC *ia and *-iya- have clear examples inAcehnese, with all of the examples except for 'dance' attested in Acehnese. The PC form for 'dance'
a counterpart
have
may
in Vietnamese
m?a
'dance'.
in origin, with a counterpart in Malay tian. It is interesting that, within Malay, tian is disyllabic. The last two forms, 'stomach' and 'wing', behave like disyllabic forms in some languages, in which case the second vowel is long, and sometimes like monosyllabic forms, in which case the vowels behave as if they were *-ia-. The final *-iap produces The word
upglides,
is PMP
'stomach'
*tiya:n
as does final *-p elsewhere.
Table 78: The reflexes of PC *-iya PC
Aceh.
*liyah
Hah
*liya
Jarai
Rade
Chru
liah
haliya
eya
liah
layah lia
raya
?
-i
riya
tamia
*timiya
Haroi
NR
PR Cham
leah
ly?h
'lick;
layia
liya
'ginger'
tamya;
'dance'
timiya
taste'
mya
tian
tiyuian
*tiya:n
*tiya:p
tio?-vf
tiyuiap Aside
?
from the obviously the
onomatopoetic,
ki?n
x-iaw
and
tiain
matiait
te an
tiaiu?
tia:?
te au?
onomatopoetic
x-iaw
only
occur
word in forms
tyan
'stomach'
tyaw?
'chase'
'cat', which postdating
is obviously the
breakup
of PC. Table 79: The forms with x-iaw and x-i?w PC *miaw xkri?w xdriaw
x?i?w
Jarai
Rade mieo ?
?
NR
Tsat
miau
mi?u
miau33
krs?
?
ki?u
W.Cham magiau
rfi?u
?au
egau -v
PR Cham miyaw
triew ?au
?au
cat 'castrate'
-i
dreu
-iv xligiaw
Chru
ta:i?*2 iu
'exclaim'
iw
'left (side)'
ligiw;
'outside'
-iv rag?au
lagiu
lagiw; giw
in one language or the other for all Not only are there irregular correspondences the forms, except for 'left (side)', but these forms are unattested in a number of languages.
Chamic
135
Vowels
PC *ua and x*uay no doubt exists that the majority of PC forms with *ua and x*uay were incorporated into Chamic as the result of pre-Chamic contact with MK speakers, two of the *ua forms are undoubtedly PMP: the PC *buat 'to do' and *dua 'two'
Although
are identical in form and meaning to theirMalay counterparts. The rhymes marked with x*- only occur in PC words
ultimately from sources. That is, even at this preliminary stage of investigation, it seems evi? dent that six of the twelve rhymes are exclusively MK in origin.
MK
Table 80: Reflexes of PC *ua and **uay PC
Aceh. -uwa
*-ua
x*-uah
?
-uat
*-uat
*-ua? x*-uam
? ?
-uan
x*-uan
x*-ual
?
x*-uay
x*-uac
Rade
Jarai Chru
NR
Tsat
Haroi
W. Cham
PR Cham
-ua
-ua
-ua
-ua
-ua
-oa; -ua
-oa
-wa
-uah
-uah
-uah
-uah
-ua55
-oah; -uh
-oah
-w?h
-?t;
-u??;
-ua?
-u??
-ua?
-oa?
-oa?
-oa?
-uot
-3t
-u??
-u??
-ua?
-ua?
-ua?
-??
-uom
-om
-o:m
-o:p
-uan
-om; -urn
-uon
-on
-uan;
-uat;
-uan
-on;
-ul
-ul
-uan
-uan
-ual;
-uan;
-ual
-uan
-om
-w?? -om
-uan
-?n
-ual
-?l
-un ?
-ul
-ua
-ue
-uai
-uai
-uai
-ua:i
-oai;
-uai
-oy
-uat
-u??
-u?i?
-uai?
-ue?;
-oi?
-?ai?;
-uai?
-?y?
-oi
-ui
-uai
-oy
_?i?; -?i?
_ui?
_?y?
-oa;
-ur
-ur
-uai? ?
-ui
x*-uay ___
x*.uc
_u?
-ui
-uai
_ui7;
_ui7
-uai _ui?
___ -uc
x*-uar
?
-uor;
-ua
-ua
-u?
-ua
-ua
There are two major tendencies which are evident in the reflexes of these a tendency that seems to diphthongs. There is a tendency to monophthongize, have existed
in Chamic
contact with MK. Notice
ever since it acquired diphthongs and triphthongs through that the reduction of triphthongs to diphthongs and of
136
Chapter
6
is scattered throughout these languages, and is par? diphthongs tomonophthongs in evident Phan Haroi, ticularly Rang Cham, and Jarai. The second tendency is to lower the onset of centering diphthongs. For the first five rhymes listed in Table 80, the onset is lowered inHaroi andWestern Cham but without monophthongization. In a number of other languages, there is both lowering and monophthongization, although in several cases length is pre? served. PR Cham, for instance, frequently reduces /ua/ to loi. Haroi goes further than any of the other languages in lowering the onsets of these diphthongs. In fact, Haroi appears to have lowered the onsets of all these for
except
diphthongs
three:
, *-uat,
x*uay
and
x*-ual.
In the
column
for Haroi,
the first reflex given shows the reflexes with the lowered onset. The second reflex given shows the effects of breathy voice, which inmost cases raised the vowels to /u7 but sometimes
backed
time (see "Haroi vowels
it to lui, typically monophthongizing them at the same and restructured register" on page 197, for further dis?
cussion).
PC*o the exception of at most six words, when the reflexes of PC *-o have ety? mologies, they have MK etymologies. Two obviously PMP forms are *do:k 'sit; stay' and *boh 'fruit; egg; elf. for small round objects', related toMalay duduk
With
and buah, both of which have unquestionable PMP etymologies, duduk representing a reduplicated form of the root. Table 81: PC *o words with Malay PNB
Bahnar Malay l?mbu
lamo;
PC
Aceh.
Jarai
x*lamo
humo
ramo
?
The
NR lamo
PR Cham limo;
t?rung
x*trog
truag
trog
buah
*boh
boh
boh
boh
duduk
*do:k
dua?
do:?
do:?
pon to?
empu
*po
po
po-v
po
po-v
*lon
lAn
Ion
two
forms
are
the
far more
lat
'cow;
ox'
lamo
trok
next
theMalay
(or AN) counterparts
ramo -n *trog
with
crog
trog,
'sit; live; stay' 'master;
l?n
problematic
'eggplant'
'fruit; egg; elf.'
lord'
'earth; soil' x*lamo
'cow'
and
x*trog 'eggplant', which although found inMP (cf. Malay lembu and t?rung ), are not widespread inMP and do not reconstruct back to PMP. The evidence that these two are borrowings includes the dual reflexes for 'eggplant' found in Phan Rang Cham and the fact that both forms are found in MK: x*trog 'eggplant' reconstructs
as *trog in proto-North
Bahnaric
and 'cow; ox' is found in Bahnar.
Chamic
137
Vowels
In both cases, these forms may have been late borrowings into Malay. The last two words *po 'master; lord' and 'earth, soil' look to be old An roots, cf. Malay empu
and
PAn
*Calun
and
PMP
'fallow
*talun
land,
secondary
forest'.
Table 82 illustrates reflexes of open syllable PC *-o without An counter? parts. Among the open syllable examples, only 'cow; ox' and 'master; lord' seem to have PMP counterparts; in contrast, at least three of these reconstruct to proto North-Bahnaric.
The length distinction between in the section on vowel length.
is discussed
the reflexes of PC *-o:- and *-o
Table 82: The reflexes of PC *o PNB
Aceh.
PC
Rade
Jarai Chru
mato
x*bato
pato
pato
NR
W. Cham PR Cham
pato
pato
pato
dio
klo
kla
bio
x*blo
dio
x*glo
dio
glo
xjro
'split' -n
jro ?
xjro x*kro
kro
kro
emo
ramo
luimo
x*lamo
-i
'large ero
jro
?
-i
kro lamo
po
po
po
[hlo]
x*ralo
-v
'dry'
lamo
lamo
lamo;
'cow;
ox'
limo
po
ralo
jar'
'rainbow'
-n po
'brain'
jro
?
ero
**po
'teach'
po
ralo
po
-v
ralo
ralo
'master'
'flesh; meat'
ro x*tamo x*tuho xkuho
?
tarmo
?
ka no
?
kaho
-iv *c?w
co
ro
'cage'
tamo
'intact'
tuho
kaho
'snare'
kuho
kaho
'Koho'
-v
-iv cuco
x*cuco
ro ?
taco
co
taco
taco
tico
'grand -child'
*cano
x*tano
?
ka no
ta?o
ta?o
ta?o
-n
ta?o
tano
'male'
Two of the forms in Table 82 have Malay counterparts in l?mbu 'cow; 'grandchild', but l?mbu looks to have been independently borrowed
ox' and cucu into Malay
and
PC,
as
the medial
correspondence
of Malay
-mb-
to Acehnese
-m
is unexpected.
The majority of the *o vowels lack any sort of PMP etymology. And, although theMK etymologies have not yet been worked out, it appears thatmost of these forms entered PC through MK sources. Nonetheless there is a minority that appear to have come from PMP forms with *u.
138
Chapter
6
PC VOWEL LENGTH length distinctions are amajor source of controversy, with the sole of agreement being that a vowel length distinction existed in the mainland point Chamic languages. Both Shorto (1975) and Cowan (1974; n.d.) claim that the long vowels inmainland Chamic correlate with diphthongization patterns inAce?
The PC vowel
hnese?a position that Collins (1991:116) disputes, while asserting that the Ace? and the mainland Chamic vowel length distinctions are hnese diphthongization distinct phenomena occurring independently within each language, presumably also having developed independently within the various Chamic languages. In contrast, Shorto (1975) and Cowan (1974; n.d.) not only correlate the diphthongization length distinction of mainland Chamic with Acehnese but go much, much further, asserting the PC vowel length distinctions are not the vowel
at the PC level but instead are themselves inherited from results of developments PAn. Shorto argues, apparently on the basis of general beliefs about what can be and mainland borrowed, that the vowel length distinction found in Acehnese Chamic
does not result from borrowing .. .the creation of so fundamental
(1975:90): a distinction
as that of vowel
length by borrowing seems intrinsically unlikely. On the other hand, contact with MK languages, in many of which (as in PMK) a vowel-length distinc? tion
operates,
ceivably
would
favour
the
retention
of
an original
distinction
con?
lost elsewhere.
That is, like Cowan, Shorto suggests that PAn had an original vowel tinction which was retained in Chamic but lost elsewhere.
length dis?
reluctance to accept that a length distinction could have been have more merit if the PC speakers were totally unfamiliar with the population that spoke PC was not solely Austrone? vowel length. However, sian speaking. The massive incorporation of MK vocabulary and the restructuring Shorto's
borrowed would
lexicon along MK lines strongly suggest that PC was spoken by popu? that lation included a large number of originally MK speakers who had shifted to PC along with an originally Austronesian speaking population that was itself the vowel For such length distinctions would have been bilingual. speakers, of the An
brought into PC as part of the borrowed MK inent part of the PC vocabulary.
lexicon that constitutes
such a prom?
As part of their proposed scenarios for the retention of an earlier PAn in PC, both Cowan (n.d.:3) and Shorto (1975:100) length distinction was that PC the able to retain its distinctive length while itwas for thesis present the most part lost in the rest of An, because PC remained on the mainland in con vowel
Chamic
139
Vowels
languages with a length distinction, while the remainder of the An the mainland, breaking off contact with MK languages, and thus left languages lost vowel length. One of the many problems with this position is that the bulk of modern scholarship views the Chamic speakers as having returned to mainland tact with MK
from the islands within
the last two thousand years or so?a contention that is of PC, which shows PC as a subgroup with
fully supported by the reconstructions a relatively shallow time depth.
Collins (1991:116) rejects both the contention that vowel length in PC is the retention of a PAn vowel length distinction and the claim thatAcehnese diph? thongization patterns correlate with PC vowel length. Collins is certainly correct in stating that PC vowel length was not inherited from PAn; in fact, much of this section on PC vowel length is devoted to showing how PC length distinctions evolved out of the interaction of PAn materials with MK contact and borrowings. based in large part on the materials available to him at the Undoubtedly time, Collins' suspicion that the Acehnese diphthongs are not correlated with PC vowel length has not held up. Once the various late MK borrowings have been culled out, and the PC vowel length reconstructions established, it becomes clear that the correlation between PC vowel length and Acehnese diphthongization is fully documented, Cowan
and
Shorto
and, with many now
accounted
of the potential for.
Further,
exceptions
as Cowan
noted
mentioned more
than
by once
the transition from a 1974), for many of the forms inmodern Acehnese, a to modern Acehnese diphthong is attested, that is, docu? stressed, long vowel mented within the history Acehnese (1974:188): (1948;
Now
it had been realized
long ago, on the evidence of the related lan? and the loanwords, as well as the archaic spellings in the Arabic guages script and local dialect forms, that in very many cases the Achehnese
diphthongs derive from simple vowels in the final, i.e., stressed sylla? bles. Thus it appeared that u/a derived from a in closed syllables, excep? tionally (in PAn *apa if this reconstruction is correct) also in an open syllable; oa and ia derived from /, and sd and ua from u, in the latter two cases according to whether the syllable is open or closed (originally closed). Cowan
(1974:189)
continues,
noting
...that the original simple vowels must have been lengthened before diphthongizing. This conclusion seems to be confirmed by the fact that, with certain morphemes, forms with the simple vowel still exist side by side with forms with diphthongs. In these cases the former are used
140
Chapter
without
and the latter with
first produced non-phonemic
6
stress and the implication is that this stress lengthening and then diphthongization.
Thus, unlike Collins, Cowan and Shorto view the transition from long vowels to diphthongs as straightforward with the correlation uncontroversial. The PC vowel length distinctions are readily reconstructable, although the earliest system that can be reconstructed looks to have been oddly configured: In the reconstructed
system,
only
PC
*-u-,
*-o-,
and
*-a-
show
contrastive
length,
and then only before certain finals. As Lee (1966:117) noted, the "length contrast seems to be fairly certain for *a, *u, and *o, but (as is true of the daughter lan? guages) is limited to certain environments." is a subpattern to the way in which vowels show length before the high vowel *-u- has a length contrast before glottal stops and specific finals: velar nasals; the mid vowel *-o- has a length contrast before glottal stops, velar There
*-a- has a length contrast before glottal stops,
nasals, and *-k; and the low vowel velar ally,
and
nasals,
*-k
as well
as before
four
other
finals
(*-l,
*-r,
*-n,
and, margin?
*-t).
Figure *-u-
13: Long versus short vowels and their environments
vs.
*-u:-
*-o-
vs.
*-o:-
/_.__?
/.___?
/....?
/.?n
/..__g
/____g
*-a-
vs.
*-a:
/__? k /??k
/_.._r
/....t
Perhaps, as suggested by length distinctions in Rade, a distinction may once have it will never be possible to existed between -a:m and -am as well. However, reconstruct a full, balanced system of length contrasts as one most likely never existed ? length contrasts were probably always asymmetrical. contrasts directly reflects This highly-skewed system of vowel-length distribution matches the types of asym? typologically-marked in which the back vowels show MK of in the Vietnam, metry languages more distinctions than in the front vowels (G?rard Diffloth, p.c.). The system itself is not just found in the mainland languages, but is also directly reflected in
MK
contact. This found
the inherited long vowels the diphthongization (inAcehnese patterns of Acehnese another of PC subsequently diphthongized), yet piece of evidence that providing is simply another Chamic language. Acehnese
Chamic
141
Vowels
It is reasonably clear just how the system of contrastive length came into In being. general terms, the vowel length contrasts in PC reflect the interaction of three major
factors
and
one:
one minor
the major
factors
are
contact
intense
with
languages with vowel length contrasts, the incorporation of numerous MK loanwords containing such contrasts into pre-PC, and internal developments with the material inherited from An.
MK
the long and short PC *-u- and *-o- the incorporated material bor? seemed to play the central role in the phonemicization of the
With
rowed from MK
change, especially in the case of *-o-, where all but a handful of the forms con? taining the sound, regardless of length, areMK in origin. With the length distinctions associated with PC *-a-, however, the much came about through the internal-developments in the inherited as through as through contrasts with incorporated pre-PC MK loans. in the reflexes of PMP *-a Statistically, the prime catalyst was the developments of the distinction
material and
*-a-
<
-e- >, which
established
a distinction
between
PC
*-a-
and
*-a:-
in
inherited words. The contrasts developed through this internal mechanism were augmented by the incorporation of countless MK -a- forms into Chamic, each see "PC *-a entering with either a long or short vowel. For further discussion, on page 146. factor has to do with required syllable weight. Most PC con? are disyllabic or sesquisyllabic (syllable and a half). However, some
length distinctions" The minor tent words
PC content words
are monosyllabic.
In PC, all monosyllabic content words have long vowels. Sometimes the long vowel is etymologically expected; sometimes a short vowel would otherwise be expected and the long vowel simply reflects the
requirement
that, for those vowels with
monosyllabic
content
word
be
long.
Thus,
a PC length contrast, *do:k
'sit',
*ya:p
the vowel
'count',
and
of a *pa:t
'four' all have meet
long vowels precisely because otherwise these forms would not the minimal requirements for a content word. PC is not unique in this
the requirement that monosyllabic content words be bimoraic is wide? in Austronesian For instance, in the Isbukun dialect of Bunan (Blust, p.c.). spread a Paul from class Formosan Li, (data notes), language of eastern Taiwan, in the
respect;
and nuum 'six'/ pairs paat 'four' but saspat 'four (for counting people)' lalabnum 'six (for counting people)', roots are the vowels in the monosyllabic in as the but short elsewhere. roots, secondarily long monosyllabic expected
PC *-u- length distinctions
PC *u has a limited and asymmetrically-distributed vowel length distinction: *u is found both short (Table 83) and long (Table 84) in two environments: before
142
6
Chapter
final -? and before final -g. Etymologically, PMP sources and from MK sources. the
Among
reflexes
of
the
the short vowels descend *-u-
PC
short
there
vowel,
both from
are words
with
PMP etymologies 'flour', and 'nose') mixed in with (apparently, for example, words with established MK backgrounds (Table 83). No doubt exists that PC *-u came
from
both
sources.
Table 83: Reflexes of PC *-u PNB
Bahnar Malay
jalu bak?
PC
Rade
NR
*?a?u?
aft??
a???
'beads'
*bitu?
mat??
'star'
*katug
'pull'
x*?u?
kat?g ???
pitu? katuk ???
'dive;
*?adu?
ad??
adu?
'room'
el??
jalu? man??
'bowl'
'chicken;
babu?
'drunk'
*jalu? manuk
*manu?
mabuk
*mabu?
man??
*gulug
-guluk
'to roll'
hidung
*?idug
id?k
'nose'
jantung
*tug
tuk
'stomach;
gulung
ad?g
-i
l?sung
*lasug
rombong
*bug
b?g
*?anug
an?g
? anug ?
tapug *daqb?g *gad?g
kadug
-i
risuk
es?g
'mortar'
'large
basket'
'package'
x*rfug
dug
duk
t?pung
*tapug
kap?g
r?bung
*rabug
eb?g
tupuk rubuk
kandung
x*kadug
dug
fowl'
abdomen'
'heart'
?
submerge'
'wrap
up;
bundle'
'flour' 'bamboo
shoot'
'pocket; pouch'
*-u?
-??
-u?
*-ug
-?g
-uk;
-ug
intriguing and indicative of the amount of work that still remains to be done are the words that appear in both MK and PMP, such as 'pocket; pouch' and 'flour'. For these the direction of the borrowing remains to be deter? More
mined.
Chamic
143
Vowels
In contrast to short PC *-u-, the reflexes of the long PC *-u:- all seem to descend from MK sources (Table 84). The form ribut 'storm' is intriguing in that, in addition to occurring in Bahnar (MK), it also appears inMalay. In wider Aus? tronesian, though, ribut is restricted geographically is a likely loan. Table 84: Reflexes PNB
Bahnar
to western
Indonesia and so
of PC *-u:
PC
Aceh.
Rade
PR Cham
? x*?amu:g
amug
'bunch;
stalk'
amug
'snout;
muzzle'
? x*?amu:g
*bru:g x*ka?u:?
brug
? *og
ug
x*?u:g
?akug
xcaku:g *pu:g
'streaked;
kakug
juimpug
?
kag?? t?? a
x*tagu:? x*tu:?
'worried;
sad'
'husband;
male'
apyag
'carry (several)' 'straw (rice)'
tako?
'get up; stand up'
to?
'to receive'
cakog
'descend'
xyu:?
d?g
striped'
?
'float'
xdu:g
dug
gut
x*gu:?
g??
l?u?
'below; bottom'
habut
*ribu:?
eb??
ripu?
'storm'
x*ju:?
j??
cu?
'black'
x*pu:?
p??
*-u:?
-??
-u:?
-ug
-u:k
p?k
*-u:g
-ug
'carry
in arms'
For PC *u, the vowel length distinction is the direct result of the incor? the short vowels occur freely in both inherited poration of MK material. While PMP and incorporated MK words, the long vowels occur overwhelmingly only in words from MK sources.
PC *-a- length distinctions the distribution
and the origins of PC *o are of interest. Like all Chamic the distribution is anything but symmetrical. The PC *o occurs length contrasts, long and short before final -?, final -g, and final -k.
Both
144
Chapter
Table 85: Reflexes
PNB
PC
*kasuq
x*ho?
of PC *-o Aceh.
NR
Rade
PR Cham
kaho?
east'
'upgrade;
xcho?
ko?
x*?ako?
cho?
?ho?
ako?
ako?
'scoop up; ladle' 'head'
x*?o?
'vomit'
x?anrog
-f
?
anro?-f
x*dhog
dhog
thok
x*prog
prog
prok
x*salog
hlog lar
x*yog
*(ka)r?g
xrog
rua g
*tr?g
x*trog
truag
x*pok
aro?
thog prog klog
'lift; take off
rog
rog-1
trog
trok
trog
'eggplant'
pok
po?
x*bok
-o? -uag
*-ok
'forever'
'back
'to
-ok
(anat.)'
open'
'to cry' "disk
shaped'
ho?
'pour
out;
bo?
po?-v
'to
-o?
-o?
hok
*-og
W -i
-turok
x*tulok
*-o?
'knife'
yok
co?
x*hok
'toad'
y^g
x*cok
*?k
bleed'
'sweat;
x*go?
*h?k
6
-ok
-?g
-o?
-o?
spill'
swell'
The vowel itself was almost but not entirely borrowed. Undoubtedly, it does occur in one native PMP form, the form *do:k 'sit', found throughout PMP and related toMalay duduk. Intriguingly, I suspect it is the word's monosyllabic? ity that accounts for the vowel length in this form. The forms x*lamo 'cow; ox; cattle' and x*trog 'eggplant, although found inMalay as l?mbu and t?rung, are not widely attested in An and are most likely early borrowings. If not, there are three PMP words with PC *o; if these two are borrowings, there is but one native PMP form left. mation mentioned,
The remaining words are apparently borrowings, some predating the for? of PC and some introduced later. Aside from the three words already none
of
the words
four of the forms occur and two more
in Aymonier
occurs
in Smith's
widely
attested
in Austronesian.
In contrast,
(see Table 85) (1972) proto-North-Bahnaric and Cabaton's (1906) dictionary of Cham (see Table
Chamic
145
Vowels
85). The -nr- cluster in 'toad', the glottalized stop in xcarfog -f 'flat basket', and the initial ch- of 'scoop up; ladle' mark these as borrowed. Headley (1976) sug? gests that x*yog 'to lift; take off and xrog 'back (anat.)' are MK in origin, while Durie (1990a: 106), citing Cowan (1983:177), labels x*go? 'upgrade; above; east' a MK may
is, of 17 forms, at least 10 of them have MK (ormay not) have an Austronesian heritage. loan. That
of PC *-o:
Table 86: Reflexes
PNB
Bahnar
PC
Aceh.
NR
Rade
-so:?
tho?
x*ko:?
ko?
ko:?
ko? -1
x*mo:?
mo?
m?:?
s?ap
-f
b?k; b? x*?o:?
x*kho:g khuag ?
krog
x*kro:g
r?g
x*ro:g
bog
x*bo:g
xjo:g
*cug ?
*k?n
? x*glo:g
?
?
*k?g
x*ko:g -
?
*log
xho:g
*t?g
-f
?o:?
?o?
'face'cf.'nose'
tog
ato:k
ato g
'beat (gong)'
khog
kho:k
khog
'dry (weather)'
krog
kro:k
krog
'river'
?
x?anro:g
pr?k l?k
x*pro:k
*do:k
With the Bahnar Chamic
forms
bog
pay
'coffin;
jog
cog
'axe'
dlog
jo:k dlo:k
kog
ko:k
'tall; high; big'
kog
'bracelet'
hog -f -v
test'
prove,
'wasp'
anro:k
anog
'carry (on pole)'
lok
lo:?
pro? lo?
'to peel'
dok
do:?
to?
'sit;
-o:?
-o?;
enog
prok
plua? dua?
casket'
klog
'try,
hog
x*-o:?
dence forMK
'raise;
?
x*lo:k
nourish'
rog bo:k
? anog
'wife'
log
x*lo:g
*og
?
rog ?
'lungs; placenta' 'white'
?o? ?
x*?ato:g
?
PR Cham
kaso?
x*so:?
*bog
one
affiliations;
-o?;
-o?
x*-o:g
-uag
-og
-og;
x*-o:k
-ua?
-ok
-o:?
-o:k
'squirrel'
live;
stay'
-5?
-og
-o?
the long vowels, aside from the one obviously PMP form, the evi? origins is impressive. All but six of these forms occur in PNB or in recorded with
by Aymonier long
-o:-
as MK
and Cabaton. in origin:
Headley 'coffin;
(1976)
casket',
labels
'axe',
six
'river',
146
Chapter
6
'wasp', and 'bracelet'. The remaining six, while not yet established as borrowings, certainly lack obvious PMP etymologies. For PC *o, both the vowel and its length distinction are the direct result 'squirrel',
of contact with MK, as both the vowel and its length distinction almost exclusively inmaterial incorporated from MK.
are present
PC *-a- length distinctions Although for PC *-u- and PC *-o- the PC vowel length distinction would at best be marginal without the forms with long vowels incorporated into Chamic from MK sources, the case is quite different with the length distinction associated with the influence of MK contact played a role, the length contrast in PC *-a- is fully and richly manifested in inherited Austronesian forms, largely due to the manifestation of PAn *e [a] as PC *-?-, while inmany cases PAn *-a
PC *-a-. While
as PC
is manifested The evolved
*-a:-.
non-MK
of
component
the PMP
from
vowels
*-a-
the
and
PC
PMP
*-a*-a-.
versus with
And,
length
contrast
the possible
excep?
*-a:-
tion of several reflexes
thus far unexplained cases, these vowels have quite regular in PC. Cowan (1974) noted that for PMP *-a- forms the PC reflexes are
always short; however, for PMP *-a- both short and long PC reflexes are found. That is, while the PMP *-a- unexceptionally merged with the PC short *-a the
reflexes, r, -n,
reflexes
-p, and marginally These
the PMP
*a
before are
patterns is -a:-
with
but
syntactic
slot,
which,
-?, -g,
Before
exceptionless.
in the word
unless
final
-k,
-1,
-
long.4
totally
not
before
Specifically,
*a occurs
however,
is inexplicable
in an unstressed
ture associated
split.
-t, PMP not,
in ten words,
reflex. This exception frequency
*a are
of PMP
'name',
where
'name' occurred with in turn,
prevented
it has
final
-n,
a short
considerable length?a
fea?
stress?from
developing. Before ^t,PMP became long only it occurred *-h- which marginally: specifically, long in words with a medial to in the number four *pa:t 'chisel, plane, chisel, plane'), dropped ('bad; wicked', because it is a monosyllabic content word, and, for no apparent reason, in *pala:t -1 'palm; sole'. In the form 'palm; sole' the vowel pattern is irregular, with some languages having a short vowel reflex, and some a long vowel reflex. However, aside from this handful of cases, where PMP *a has long reflexes and where it has short reflexes
4.
is totally predictable
from the final. [Note: The reconstructions
Before *-h, PAn had already merged PAn *-e- and *-a- (Blust 1995b:622 that the inherited Austronesian forms in 623), with the ultimate consequence PC did not develop a contrast between PC *-a and *-a:- before *-h. Nor did such a contrast develop in PC from borrowed MK material.
Chamic
147
Vowels
used in this work are Blust's
for PMP (see References)
and Adelaar's
for Proto
Malayic] the reflexes of PC *-a- (Table 87) and of PC *-a:- (Table 88), Among words both of PMP and of MK origin can be found easily. Numerous forms have com? Malay counterparts, many of which are common PMP forms. Others have mon MK origins. another
In Table 88, seven examples are reconstructed for proto-North-Bahnaric; ten are found in Aymonier and Cabaton's Bahnar. Still others such as
x*ba:l 'mend; patch' are found in theMK However, there are three Acehnese
subgroup PKatuic. items that require discussion
because
they have a /-an/ final rather than the /-man/ final *-a:n: final 'fish', 'cup; bowl; dish', and 'road; path', and expected from PC to Durie (p.c.), ikan is aMalay borrowing. As he notes, the 'bowl'. According usual Acehnese word for fish is wgkot. The second word cawan 'cup; bowl; dish' is, according to Coope (1976) and Baxter (p.c.), a borrowing from Chinese. This in one variant or another
analysis is consistent both with its failure to reconstruct within PMP and its irreg? -lu?an 'yard; space in ular final. The last word needing discussion is theAcehnese reflex of PC *jala:n 'road; is the which Durie front of the house', suggests regular path'. The difficulty involves the presence of another form in Acehnese jalan 'highway; main road' which at first glance looks like the appropriate cognate. On closer inspection, however, -lwan looks to be the cognate form and jalan looks to be a later borrowing from Malay. As Durie points out, -lvaon corresponds quite regularly phonologically, while the final of jalan -v is irregular. Semantically, the jalan is interesting: jalan, as Durie notes, is used only marginally to refer tomain roads and highways, while ret/rot is the normal word for road. This suggests that the semantic range of the original reflex of PC *jala:n > -lwon 'yard; space in front of the house' was narrowed under the influence of the word ret/rot, with the jalan borrowed only later from Malay. The fact that a length distinction between PC *-a-
modern Acehnese
(Table 87) and PC *-a:- is found quite readily both in the inherited PMP forms and in the incorpo? rated MK material suggests that the length distinction comes from two sources: one, it was developed internally from the inherited PMP material (as described above) and that it was
also present
in the material
incorporated
from MK
lan?
guages.5
5.
However, note that the contrast before PC *-r is found primarily in incorpo? rated MK material, as most of the inherited PMP final -r'swere lost.
Table 87: Reflexes PNB
of PC *-a
Bahnar Malay
PC
lama
l?mak
x*lama?
tak
t?tak
*ta?
masak
*tasa?
tanak
*tana?
? tag?k
*tagak
*gatak arag
*qm?g
arang-
Aceh.
Rade
luima?
? -f
?
? arag-m
*hadag x*?ag
? lag
pag
*glag
?
em??
lam??
kan??
tarn?
kag?? kat?k
kat??
had?g
hat?g
'sap; resin' 'charcoal'
??g dl?g
??g
'hole; door'
klag
'look at; watch'
'cleaver'
h?g
x*hag
*kh?n
kl?n
kain ?
?
?
?
?
*k?t
k?t
'name'
an?n
x*klan
lhan
bantal
*bantal
bantai
g?tai
*gatal
gatai
s?ndal
x*dal
*baqar *-d?r
nan
x*khan ?
x*ba?ar
?
kh?n
'cloth; blanket'
tl?n
kl?n
'boa; python'
pat?r-f kat?l
'pillow'
kat?l
rf?l
'to wedge'
maar
*dar
pi?ar
*?ikat
ikat
surat
*surat
surat
hr??
'encircle'
ik??
'to
har??
'write;
tap?t
t?pat
*tapat
tiupat
ara
urat
*?urat
urat
kawat
*kawat
kap?? tap?? aru?t (m) ur?? kaw?t
sukat
*sukat
sukat
mak??
pusat
*pusat
pusat
m a s?t
ulat
*hulat
ulat
*_a7
-at;
*-ak
-a?
?
-?k,
*-ag
-ag
-?g
*-an
-an
-an;
*_al
-ai
-?l
-at
-?t;
'vein,
-??
-a?;
-an -?l
*-ar -a?
honest' tendon'
'wire'
path?? hal??
-?g -an
letter'
'to measure'
-??; 4?
-??;
tie'
'straight;
-i
hlu?t (m) -a?
'itchy'
'paper'
dar
ikat
*-at
a wall'
'hot; spicy' 'sickle'
h?g w?g
w?g
*?anan
kh?n
'ripe; cooked' 'cook'
'to make
*wag ?
cut'
tath??
? u?g
oil'
grease,
kas??
*paO
*h?g anan
'fat, 'chop;
? mag
PR Cham
-??
-ak
'navel; 'worm'
center'
Table 88: Reflexes of PC *-a: Bahnar
PC
Aceh.
Rade
PR Cham
?mpat anak
*pa:t *?ana:k
puiat anu??
p??
pa? ani?
'four'
minyak
*mif?a:k
mita?
mini?
'oil'
x*?awa:k
awuia?
awak
awa?
'spoon; ladle'
jak
?a?
'invite'
Malay
uak
j?k
lag
anak
'child'
ajak
*ja:k
pinang
*pina:g
pinuig
manag
panig
'betel(-nut)'
hudang
*huda:g
uduiag
hadan
hat?g
'shrimp'
x*ka:g
kuiag
yang
lag
x*ya:g *la:g
orang
?ag
*?ura:g
uruiag
kag
kag
'chin; jaw'
yag
yag
'spirit; god'
lag
lag
'spread
urag
'person'
cog
'wait'
ar?g
*ca:g
tulang
*tula:g
k?rang
*kra:g
lubang
*luba:g
klag
tuluiag
-1
out'
'bone'
talag
'clam'
kruiag
dag
x*tfa:g
lipag
'hole; pit'
dag
'lie
suppine'
lipan
*limpa:n
limpuian
epan
lipan
'centipede'
hujan bulan
*huja:n
ujuian
najan
ha?an
'rain'
*bula:n
buluian
m?an
pilan
'moon'
dahan
*dha:n
dhuian
adhan
than
'branch'
kagan
ta gin
'hand;
arm'
elan
calan
'road;
path'
tang?n
*taga:n
jalan
*jala:n
-lu?an
tampal
x*ba:l
pagar
*paga:r
p agu? a
akar
*?ugha:r
ukhuia
tawar
*taba:r
tabuia
jahat
*jaha:t
juihuiat
pahat
pal
'mend'
paka
'fence'
agha
ukha
'root'
kaba
tapa
'tasteless'
jhat
?ha?
'bad; wicked'
pha?
'to chisel'
*pha:t
phuiat
*-a:?
-uia?;
-uiat
-??
-a?
*-a:k
-uiak;
-uik
-ak
-a?;
*-a:g
-mag;
-uig
-ag
-ag;-?g
*-a:n
-uian
-an
-an;
*-a:l
-uia
-al
-al
*-a:r
-uia
-a
-a
*-a:t
-uiat;
-at
-a?
-uit
-i?
-in,
-in
150 of
Then,
there
course,
are
a number
these are transparently borrowings length in the Chamic languages. Table 89: Borrowings
amra
*brak *relat
?
borrowings
6
*-a:-,
but
containing
so these forms do not obscure
the analysis of
with *-a:
Bahnar Malay
PMnong
of
Chapter
m?rak ?
PC x?amra:k
Rade
PR Cham
muira?-v
amrak
amra?
lat
klst-ivf
?
xla:t
jaga
Acehnese
xja:g
jaga -f
?
?
'peacock' 'flat'
'to guard'
First, not one of the three forms in Table 89 reconstructs to the PC level. In addi? tion, all three forms are attested inMK languages, although 'guard' is apparently ultimately Sanskrit (Coope 1986). The word 'peacock' has a medial /-mr-/ only (1976, #1.47) identifies it as a MK loan, it borrowings. Headley as reconstructs *brak in Proto-Mnong, *bra:? in PSB (Efimov), and *ria? in PKa In the case of 'flat' the tuic, and it has an irregular vowel reflex in Acehnese. forms were borrowed from MK. The word reconstructs as *relat in PMnong, inMK
found
is the likely source of the forms scattered throughout the mainland Chamic is a quite unre? languages. The lookalike form rata found inMalay and Acehnese
which
lated borrowing from Javanese (see Appendix II). As for 'guard', Coope (1986) comes which in that it from Sanskrit, suggests light of the similarity between the and Acehnese,
Malay
on
the
one
hand,
and
the PC,
on
the
other,
looks
at
least
and Malay cannot possible. What looks definite in any case is that the Acehnese be directly related to the PC forms; the Acehnese looks like it came from Malay, with
the question of the ultimate origin of theMalay
The Acehnese
correlates
being left open.
of PC vowel length
The Acehnese
data in the above tables is of particular interest. The claims in the in PC correlates literature by Cowan and by Shorto that the length distinction with certain Acehnese vowel distinctions are substantiated by a careful compari? son of Acehnese vowels with these PC length distinctions. The distinction found in the tables long and short *a is clearly and unambiguously above for the other two long vowels PC *-o:- and PC *-u:-, more Acehnese data will be needed to determine whether the distinction is preserved there too. between
PAn stress and vowel length compared with PC vowel length The data discussed
in this section have shown that PC vowel length distinctions are not inherited from PAn but instead represent a secondary development, and, as a secondary development, appear to have nothing to say about whether or not
Chamic
151
Vowels
stress (with resultant vowel length distinctions in various languages as a reflex) needs to be reconstructed for PAn. Certainly Zorc (1978, 1983) has shown that in certain Philippine languages the long/short vowel length distinction would corre? late with the earlier existence of stress, and, as Ross (1992:47) writes, "Recent work suggests that Zorc's system is reconstructable for PAn, since there are relics of it in a few Formosan languages." Zorc and Ross are not alone in their sugges? tion that PAn had a stress distinction; Wolff (1991), Peiros (cited in Ross and Benedict (p.c.) also suggest reconstructing stress for PAn.
1992),
However, PC vowel length and the proposed PAn stress system (which correlates with vowel length in certain Philippine languages) have no correlation whatsoever with one another. First, as Ross (1992:47) notes, in the Philippine languages "the long/short distinction is limited to the vowel of the penultimate syllable", while the PC distinctions are limited to the ultimate syllable. Second, and more importantly, the PC vowel length distinctions between long and short *a correlate directly with the earlier distinction between PAn *e [a] and *a rein? forced by the borrowing of MK words with a length distinction, while the length distinctions between long and short *u and *o depend almost on length distinc? tions between originally inherited and originally borrowed material.
THE MAIN SYLLABLEVOWELS SUMMARIZED It goes without fied. For dences
saying that everywhere the details remain to be filled in and clari? instance, much more can be learned about the Acehnese correspon?
from
the
incorporation
of
a more
extensive
number
of
forms.
Similarly,
a
better understanding of borrowings will contribute to a better understanding of the systemic interactions between the PMP and theMK heritage. the outlines of the history of PC vowels seem clear. The PC Nonetheless, vowel system consists of a core of elements inherited from PMP supplemented and enriched by MK borrowings. In addition, the subsequent reflexes of PC vow? els in the various daughter languages is also straightforward, with the improve? ment upon the foundation laid by Lee 1966 and others made possible by an of which forms were borrowings and by a greatly expanded understanding expanded data base. From these patterns we can learn something both about the nature of the earlier cultural contact and about the influence of language contact on vowel sys? tems. The intensity of the early contact between MK speakers and the pre-PC speakers is attested to by the richness of the borrowed component of PC. The effects of language contact are attested to by the restructuring of the original PMP disyllables into the iambic morphemes of PC and by the incorporation of a number of new vowel distinctions
into the linguistic system.
7
and Nasalization
Nasals
Both
consonants
nasal
and
nasalized
vowels
are
for PC.
reconstructed
For
nasal?
are straightforward and based on regular correspondence patterns. In fact, only two developments are worthy of comment: In Cham, word-final nasalization seems to trigger simplification of complex vow? the reconstructions
ized consonants,
els. In Roglai
and Tsat,
?
consonants
a
there is widespread that
change
has
two
denasalization
of word-final
it makes
consequences:
late
loans
nasal with
nasals conspicuous as they fail to undergo the change and it provides strong subgrouping evidence for the pairing of Tsat with Northern Roglai. For nasalized vowels, the bulk of the evidence comes from just three lan?
word-final
Chru
closely-related
guages?the
and
Northern
and Phan Rang Cham. While the data itself, sometimes about its interpretation, are
cases,
there are sometimes
from Western forms
in certain
and,
Roglai,
loans,
there
are,
nonetheless,
certain
patterns
questions about and sometimes about which which
seem
clear.
NASALIZATION INPC There are PC nasalized these cases,
vowels
the reconstruction
not associated with adjacent nasal consonants. In of PC nasalized vowels is based on the nasaliza?
in Chru, Roglai, and Haroi forms, and, in those rare Phan Rang a reflex that would indicate prior nasalization (see "Nasaliza? tion in Cham" on page 155, for a discussion of the Cham reflexes).
tion recorded Cham
forms with
vowels. In Chru, all vowel; inNorthern Roglai all of the inHaroi about half the forms have nasalized vow?
Table 90 includes words with reflexes of nasalized but one of the forms has an actual nasalized forms have nasalized
vowels; els; and, in Phan Rang Cham,
every word
152
has evidence
of prior nasalization,
153
and Nasalization
Nasals
either a vowel reflex characteristic thong or triphthong simplification Table 90: Reflexes PC
Aceh.
or in the pattern of diph? nasalization. earlier that indicates
of earlier nasalization
of PC nasalized Chru
vowel
NR
Haroi
PR Cham
ma?ia?
ma?i??
ma????
mii?-v
'urinate'
*mah?w
mah?u
mah?u
mah?u
mihu
'thirst'
*kr?h
kr?h
?ia?
*ma?iak
*h?
khr?h -i kr?h
h?
h?
h?i -v
krih
'middle'
hi
'you; thou' 'work; do'
x*brua?
?
brua?-n
bru??
x?i?w
?
i?u
i?u
pro? eau
pr?? iw
sr?:u?-l
sr??
sr?u?
thru?
'crossbow'
jr?u
cari?u
cru
'medicine'
thr?h
'nest;
kath?r
'porcupine'
? xsr?p ? xjr?w
jr?:u ?
xsr?h -f
xkasu?r
sr?h
?
sr?h
kasu?
-f
kasu?
srouh -f
? xji? ji?
Notice
kasoa sia
ji?
-v
-v
?
'left (side)'
swarm'
'taxes'
thatmore
than half of these have been identified as post-PC bor? of the nasalized vowels are found in borrowings, but not all. Cer?
rowings. Many tainly in this group,
'thirst; desire' appears to be related to an PMP form meaning
'want'.
NASALIZATION INCHRU The nasalization it occurs, these
in Chru appears to be, etymologically-speaking, sporadic. When in the vicinity of initial nasals, *h-, and *?- particularly when
it occurs
co-occur
with
final
*-?;
however,
the
actual
occurrence
is, nonetheless,
not
fully predictable on the basis of correspondence patterns. In Table 91, there are Chru forms which have corresponding nasalized vowels in Northern Roglai. With the exception of 'raw; green', the nasalized either by a nasal consonant or by a glottal stop, suggesting the In these cases, it is probably nothing of possibility perseverative nasalization. more than the variable marking perseverative vowel nasalization. The case of 'raw; green' is more surprising; however, itmay be that the nasalization spread? vowel
is preceded
ing from the earlier homorganic
nasal is still found inAcehnese.
154
Chapter
Table 91: Chru and Northern
nasalization
Roglai
PC
Aceh.
Chru
NR
Haroi
PR Cham
*ku?it
ku?et
ka?i:?
ku?i:?
kaf?ei?
ka?i?
'yellow;
ban?:?
bin??
mano?
man??
man??
man??
pinu? min??
'banyan, h?lete' 'chicken; fowl'
*banut *manu?
tam?h
*tamuh *tamut
x*k-am-lo?
klo
x?amra:k
muir??
??
??
?au
kamlo
kumlo
kamlo
kamlo
amr?:?
amra:?
amra?
amra?
-v
muintah
tam?h
m?:?
tumeric'
'grow; sprout' 'hammer'
gu?h
mugu?h
matan
matan
xam-agu?h *mantah
cam oh
tum?h
m?:?
*?u
7
-v
?u
she;
'he,
they'
'dumb; mute' 'peacock'
?
dawn'
'morning; matan
mit?h
'raw;
green'
A second interesting set of Chru correspondences is found in Table 92. as the tendency for has described appear to exhibit what Matisoff (1985) vowels to nasalize spontaneously after glottal stops and Ibl.
These
Table 92: Matisoff
s vowel nasalization
PC
Aceh.
Chru
tuiot
ta??:?
ka?i?g
ka?iak
ka?eag
ka?g
'loins; waist'
e?-f
?h
eh
eh
?h
'excrement'
*tu?ut
x*ka?iag
?
x*?sh ?
x*ka?u:?
?
lah??
?
x*lahi??
Haroi
PR Cham
ca?u?-v
tau?
tu?u:?
ka??:?
?
x*halua?
NR
with glottal or/h/initials
?
lah?a?
?
ka?ou? hlua?
'knee'
? ?
sad'
'worried; halwa?-i
? 'to
'sharp' lose'
The third set of forms (Table 93), however, is not explicable in phonetic terms, that is, the nasalization on the vowel seems to have no obvious phonetic cause. What is immediately obvious, however, is the fact that, at the very least, four of the six forms are borrowed, not native. Table 93: Unexpected PC
Aceh.
vowel nasalization
glo
x*glo ?
*kaka:s
x*ruay ?
x*karah -f
ruai
-n -n
kr?h
-n
sr?p
-n -f
?
PR Cham klo
'brain;
kaka
kak?h
kak?h
'fish scales'
pha:t
aphan
phan
ruai
roai
karah
kr?h
roy kar?h
dlo -n
pha:n ?
xsra:p
-n
kark?:h
?
*bha:n
Haroi
NR
Chru
?
? sr?p
-fv
?
marrow'
'sneeze'
'fly; bug; insect' 'ring' "tired
of
155
and Nasalization
Nasals
NASALIZATION INHAROI rare. Tegenfeldt-Mundhenk are extremely and vowels are note vowels and that there 10 nasalized (1977) rarely occurring are that there only two examples of each. In addition, there is allophonic nasaliza? tion: "preceding final -p, -t, and -k, all vowels are nasalized" (1977:2).
In Haroi, Goschnick
nasalized
Table 94: Haroi postPC xsr?p xtu?i
vowel nasalization
in borrowed words
Aceh.
Chru
Haroi
PR Cham
?
sr?:u?-l
sr??
sr?u?
thru?
'crossbow'
?
tuai
thu?i -i
t?ai
toy
'guest; stranger'
jr?u
cari?u
cru
'medicine'
NR
? xjr?w
jr?:u
The existence
of nasalization
wise unaccountably nasalized words tion inChru, above).
inHaroi
is interesting in that all the other? are inHaroi borrowed (cf. the similar situa?
NASALIZATION INCHAM One of the more
striking effects of nasalization occurs in Cham, where nasaliza? tion appears to trigger vowel deletion. As Lee (1974:655) noticed, inWestern and Phan Rang Cham PC *a vowels (and nasalized PC *a vowels), either with inher? ited nasalized vowels or with vowels secondarily nasalized by a preceding nasal have special Cham reflexes. Sometimes PC *a becomes HI (and, on additional conditioning factors, sometimes HI or lui) and, in certain depending the diphthongs, original /a/ is dropped. In the first set of examples, an inherited nasalized *a becomes l-i-l. In consonant,
the second set of examples, a preceding consonant secondarily nasalizes the vowel, leading to an l-i-l reflex. In the third set of examples, the reflex is III, rather than /i/; the conditioning factor involved is unclear. In the fourth set of examples, three words
'striped' (which may be the same root as 'flower'), and 'soul, spirit; shadow') have the reflex l-u-l. This reflex appears to be conditioned by a combination of their word-final position after a velar nasal and by the fact ('flower',
that the initial *b- makes
the whole word breathy-voiced. In the next to last set of it can be seen that some PC *-a forms have also undergone the change.
examples, In the table in "Reflexes
of PMP *-i- and *-i" on page 117, it can be seen that some PC *-a became ? in Cham; perhaps the change from *-a to ? occurred first, with the ? > -i change following. The last set of examples constitutes a problem; despite
the obviously
nasalized
vowel,
the vowel reflex remains unaffected.
156
Chapter
7
Table 95: PC *a > -i in PR Cham and Western Cham PC
W. Cham
*kr?h
krih;kih -lvn
xkr?m
krim
-v
mamih
*mamah
tami
*tama
krih krim
'middle; half -v
mimih
tanih
*tanah
PR Cham
'bamboo'
'chew'
tanih
'earth,
soil'
tami
'enter'
*?ama
mi
ami
'father'
*huma
hami
hamu
*lima
lami
lami; limi
'five'
*?ina
ni
ini
*panah
panih
panih
'mother; major; big' 'shoot (bow); a bow'
*pina:g *?ana:k
panig ni?
panig ani?
'betel (-nut)' 'child'
*lama:n
lamin
limin
maf?i?
mifti?
lagi
ligi; lagi
'sesame'
ta?i
'ask'
tag?n
'hand'
tagi
'ear' 4 sky'
*mif?a:k *laga
-v
*taga tagan
*taga:n
-v
*ta(li)ga *lagit *ma?am
*buga
lag!:? -1
-v
'field'
'elephant' 'oil'
ma?im
ligi? minim
pagur -f
pigu
'flower'
pigu
'striped'
twill'
'weave;
? *buga
*bugat
pag??
pig??
'soul,
x*b-an-at
pana?
pini?
'a dam;
x*mag
mag
m?g
'from'
kan?m
'cloud'
? *gunam *nam
n?m
n?m
'six'
*?anan
nan
n?n
'that
spirit;
shadow'
a fence'
(third
p.)'
The direction of the nasalization is also of interest, being perseverative rather than anticipatory, a type of nasalization reminiscent of the nasalization in Malay and in other Austronesian languages of the region (cf. Court (1970)).
Nasals
157
and Nasalization
In addition, throughout the data, cases can be found inwhich themodern Cham reflex is an /a/, phonetically [a], rather than ill. These cases are examples a I'll was subsequently in which of further reduction, secondarily developed reduced to a /a/. An examination of the older Written Cham forms inAymonier and Cabaton makes clear, many of the forms with an orthographic
inModern Cham had an ill in the earlier records. Finally, after *m- in the presyllable, the vowel reflex is almost excep tionlessly HI, rather than ill, effectively neutralizing the earlier four-way vowel distinction. The patterns suggest that the various vowels were first reduced to l-i-l under the influence of nasalization.
shwa and then later became this change
described
in 1901.
Table 96: After Cham presyllable
PMP
Cabaton
Malay
PC
NR
PR Cham
mamAh
mum?h
mimih
'chew'
mate
matai
mitay mi??m
'die'
Aceh.
*mamaq
mamah
*ma-atay
mati
*matay
*inum;
minum
*minum;
*inem
m
*mamah
minom
'to drink'
*minam mata
*mata
mata
mata
mita
'eye'
*manuk
manuk
*manu?
mano?
man??
min??
'chicken;
*ma-qasin
masin
*masin
masen
masit
mithin
'salted;
*mata
fowl' salty'
(?) *ma-esem
masam
*masam
masam
m asap
mith?m
'sour;
*m-uda
muda
*muda
muda
mida
mita
'young;
that the original presyllable attested in both Malay and PMP.
Note
Nasalization
and vowel deletion
In addition
to those environments
there are also deleted.
several cases,
In Lee's
nasalization
terms,
"In
vowel
unripe'
in Acehnese,
as is
in diphthongs in which
discussed two
is still preserved
vinegar'
other
by Lee,
in which
are
there
environments
in Cham. One of these environments
reduced to a HI, a nasalized *a was
*a was
a nasalized
is where
traces
of
earlier
*? is preceded by *i or
*u as part of a complex
peak" (1966:120). Interpretation of the historical origins of these changes, however, is not as clear as it was in the case of a nasalized *? being reduced to a HI. Lee pointed out the connection with nasalization, but other factors are also obviously involved. One factor is the non-Chamic-like syllable structure: all of these forms involve originally
closed syllables were also originally
heavy.
158
Chapter
7
is abundantly clear is that all five forms cited in Table 97 are post borrowings. None of these forms shows up inMalay or PMP, but the first are four attested in either PSB (Efimov) or in PKatuic, and the one remaining form is also apparently a borrowing. One suspects that, in addition to simple What
Chamic
nasalization, there may also have been some adjustment more restricted syllable canon of Cham. Table 97: Cham forms with lost nasalized P-Katuic
PSB
post-PC
NR
*kA:ji
xkhiag -fi
khiag -f
xkasu?r
kasu?
? *agkAji ?
*kamhuar
xmu?r
*brua?
*br_q
-f
bru??
x*bru??
An examination
'want; desire'
kh?g
kasur
kath?r
mur
mu
pr??
?
'porcupine' -f
'termite'
'work; do'
pr?? ?
kr??
xgru??
in both Western
PR Cham
khin -f
mu?
-f
to fit the
vowels W. Cham
-f
of borrowings
'lie
prone'
it clear that the vowel deletion occurs
of Table 97 makes
and Phan Rang Cham. second environment for deletion
*? preceded a following *u (Lee 1966:120). In this environment, Lee noted that the *? was lost except when it followed a main syllable nasal, as in *naw 'go'. Rephrasing Lee's Lee's
a nasalized
description,
immediately
followed
was
vowel
a nasalized
Table 98: Loss of nasalized PC
Aceh. ?
*mahaw
lost when
Chru
NR
W.Cham
PR Cham
mah?u
mah?u
mahu
mihu
cru
cru
ira:u
x?jraw da?o
*danaw *boh
?
maw
?
*naw
but
not
when
it
/a/ before /u/ in Cham
jr?:u ?
a *u,
it preceded
consonant.
? xjr?w
is where
jr?u -1
<
?rau
?jrau
'thirst; 'medicine' 'bamboo
*jr-
-n ?
tanaw
danau
danau
bamau
bum?u
pon
?au
?au
?au
mau
desire'
sp.'
'lake' 'mushroom'
pimaw naw
'go; walk'
In Table 98, the forms for 'medicine' and 'thirst; desire' reconstruct to PC and in both cases the vowels in question are nasalized. The form for 'bamboo species' is added for comparison; it provides an example of a word parallel to 'medicine' but without a nasalized vowel. The three remaining forms on the table confirm that, if the immediately did not occur.
Lee's observation Cham deletion An
examination
shows that nasalization
preceding
of the relevant vowels correlates with
consonant was a nasal, the
in Chru and Northern
the Cham deletions,
Cham deletion does not occur after an immediately
preceding
with
Roglai the caveat that
nasal consonant.
Nasals
159
and Nasalization
Lee (1966:120) notes that the deletions in the Cham forms in Table 99 could have been affected by either of the above conditioning environments, as the nasalized vowel both follows an *i and precedes a *u. Like the other deletions, these forms involve nasalized
Table 99: Other deletions PC
Aceh. ?
x?i?w
vowels
NR
i?u
mia
miau
Lee viewed
iu
iw
lagiu
ligiw;
magiau
miyaw
mi?u
-v
'cat'
'cat', which he reconstructed with a PC nasalized as it failed to undergo vowel deletion in Cham. However,
vowel
deletion
a nasal conso?
the vowel followed
nant, parallel to the four forms found Table 98. Despite the apparent clarity of the examples of Cham
(side)' 'outside'
lagiw
the word
as exceptional, alternately, it is simply another form in which
vowel,
'left
?
xligiaw *miaw
PR Cham
W.Cham
i?u
?
in Cham
vowels
of nasalized
Chru
?
in heavy syllables.
and nasalization
in the last three tables, the tentative. Most
is somewhat
analysis likely these partial patterns are not the product of internal developments within that occurred before the Chamic, but instead, the residue of MK developments forms were borrowed into Cham. After all, only one of the forms involving a deletion
has a good PMP etymology?the form 'thirst; desire'. The form xkh?ag is a late borrowing, as ismade clear by the extreme irregularity in
'want; desire'
its correspondences.
The
form
'termite'
is borrowed,
and
are
so
forms
the
for
'porcupine' and 'work; do'. The remaining forms could well be as of yet uniden? tified loans, possibly even late loans. In such cases, the apparent correspondence patterns would represent not what has happened in the history of Chamic, but instead may have come from different Chamic forms from different donor languages.
languages borrowing
the various
Other changes that at first appear to be connected are, on closer inspec? tion, unrelated. The three forms below have only changed in Phan Rang Cham, but not inWestern Cham, clearly indicating that the change is recent?post-dat? ing the split of Western Cham and Phan Rang Cham. Table 100: Vowel coalescence Aceh. post-PC xhanua? ? ? xtu?y xkamuan
kuimuan
Chru
restricted NR
to PR Cham W. Cham PR Cham
hanua?
ha nu?? hanui?
tuai
thu?i
kamuan
kamu?n
-i
han??; n??
tuai
toy
kamuan
kamon
'right -v (side)' 'guest'
-v
'nephew'
160
Chapter
7
Not only are these changes restricted to in Phan Rang Cham but also the language contains other parallels. These changes seem to reflect the trend toward diphthong
simplification
under the influence of Vietnamese
playing
itself out.
NASALIZATION INTSAT Tsat
is an invaluable
source of valuable
information
on Chamic
nasalization.
consists of preliminary sketches in a Unfortunately, broad phonetic transcription. For the reflexes of PC finals, however, there is in the recording of these finals, that is, variation beyond the inconsistency variation found in a preliminary analysis. The rather wide-range of vari? expected the available Tsat material
ation in the transcription of these finals cannot be blamed on Ouyang, Zheng, and three are experienced and skilled field workers whose transcriptions of
Ni. All
has proved completely reliable in the past, so the variation not reflects something about the nature of the Tsat data itself. Two possibilities, in themselves: variation result from the the exclusive, may suggest part mutually other
languages
fact that in certain sandhi environments
the older place of articulation has been in it retained from its retention in careful speech. and result part may faithfully all the critical elements for us to understand the basic developments Nonetheless, the glottalization of final nasals in Tsat are present in the transcriptions involving of one
or another
of
the
linguists
who
have
looked
at Tsat?
Ouyang,
Zheng,
and
who did Ni, supplemented by the occasional word transcribed by Maddieson, some instrumental work on the tones working with Pang's tapes. Thus, despite considerable seems
indeterminacy
in the details,
the overall
pattern of development
clear.
Two types of noticeable variation occur in the Tsat data: notational vari? ation and actual variation. The notational variation is fully to be expected: the data is not only preliminary but comes from multiple sources and authors, from from published papers, and from conference papers. personal communication, The range of phonetic variation in the tonal transcription is clarified inMaddie? son and Pang (1993), in which the various notational systems are standardized explicitly that Tsat has a five-way tone system, with three level tones, a rising tone, and a falling tone, an analysis implicit in Ouyang, Zheng, and Ni but certainly not transparent. The notational variation can be nicely illustrated by the single phonemic falling tone, which ismarked at various and it is established
times as 53, 42, 32, and 21 (following Ni and Maddieson, it is always marked in this work as 42). Part of this variation is subphonemic, as the falling tone is allo lower in the nasal finals than elsewhere, phonically something consistently marked in Ouyang and Zheng. Similarly, a notational omission, rather than is worth noting: the glottal stop which appears to always accom? inconsistency, both the pany rising and the falling tone is not always marked in the Ouyang and
Nasals
161
and Nasalization
nor in the Ni notation, a reasonable enough omission given its involved?thus that obscures the diachronic processes predictability, glottal stops have been included in this transcription. None of the notational variation, however, causes any problems. For all
Zheng
notation
but one
the Tsat forms cited in this work a standardized
transcription of tones has been are explicitly written; none of this involves sub? adapted and all final glottal stops stantive changes, but rather the standardization has been largely mechanical, aside from the handful of instances in which the various descriptions are actually different. Even
in these cases,
the cases of the few non-notational likely reflect typographical
errors rather than actual differences.
the nasalized
Reconstituting
are trivial, as the correct choices in differences are glaringly obvious, and most
the decisions
finals
is a second kind of "directional" variation, however, that is neither nota? tional nor trivial, among the reflexes of PC final nasals. Fourteen of the forms in the data base differ in their transcription of vowel length, sixteen of the 53 nasal
There
in their transcription of a nasal component, and six of the 53 nasal in their transcription of the place of articulation. Without question this fluctuation is in large part due to the fact that these distinctions are in the pro?
finals differ
finals differ
cess of disappearing and are evidently quite hard to hear and in part due to con textually influenced variation, for example, in certain sandhi conditions the older place of articulation is preserved. the
However,
variation
obscures
both
the
synchronie
and
the diachronic
in effect, it is possible, to use a term I first heard used by picture. Fortunately, Marc Okrand, to "reconstitute" these Tsat finals by critically analyzing the data, that is, by a judicious comparison of the different transcriptions, supplemented by knowledge of the Tsat concurrence constraints, by taking into account Ouyang and Zheng's observations on the directionality of the variation, and by utilizing the insights provided by the occasional form thatMaddieson transcribed. In this way, it is possible finals must be.
Reconstituting
to determine with considerable
accuracy what
themodern Tsat
the vowel length component
length is the easiest to reconstitute (Table 101). Fourteen of the forms in the data base and nine of the 53 nasal final forms differ in recorded vowel length.
Vowel
IfMaddieson, Ouyang, Zheng, or Ni heard the vowel as long, it is long regardless of what the others recorded; this assumption leads to patterns of vowel length consistent with our diachronic and synchronie expectations.
162
Chapter
vowel
Table 101: Reconstituting PNB
*ka
length Tsat
Tsat
PC
7
Tsat
(reconstituted)
(O. & Z.)
*nam
na:n?33
na:t33
*huda:g
lantha:gn
*sa:g
sa:g33
sa:g33
sag33
'house'
*hadag
thaig?42
tha:k42
thag42
'charcoal'
*papa:n
pam11
pam11
pan11
*?ika:n
ka:n33
ka:n33
kan33
*padam
tham?42
tha:t42
than11
(Ni) nan?33
'six'
-tha:gn
lanthagn
'shrimp; lobster'
-1
'board; plank' 'fish'
-i
'extinguish'
'extinguish' Ouyang and Zhang also have an intriguing phonetic form in square brackets [thatn42] that foreshadows the discussion to come. For
Reconstituting
the nasalization
The reconstitution
component
of the nasalization
component
can be done almost mechani?
cally (Table 102). Table 102: Reconstituting PC
Tsat
the nasalization
component
Tsat
Tsat
Tsat
(reconstituted)
(O. &Z.)
(Ni)
(Maddieson)
ha:?42
[hal?42]
nan?33
[na??33]
pa:n?n-t
[p ?42]
x*hag
haig?42
ha:k42
*nam
na:n?33
na:t
*lapan
pam?42
pa:t42
*?ariag
liag?33 -i
liak33
x*prog
piog?33
33
'hot; spicy' 'six' 'eight'
liag?33 -i
'crab'
pyok33
pio?33
'big'
-i
x*trog
tsiog?33
tsyok33
t?iog?33
'eggplant'
*?ura:g
za:g?33
za:k33
za:n?33
'person;
x*dhog
thog?33
thok33
tho?33
'knife'
*khag
khaig?42
[thokg33] khak42
kha?42
'hard; stiff; strong'
tha:k42
thag42
'charcoal'
someone'
*hadag *klam
thaig?42 kian?33
kiat33
*masam
sa:n?42
sa:t42
sa:n?42
'sour;
*hitam
tarn?42
ta:t42
ta:n?42
'black'
*dalam
lam?42
la:t42
lam?42
'deep; inside'
*gulam
khiag?42 -ft
khiak42
*padam
thain?42
tha:t42
'afternoon;
f
_._ 'carry than11
-t
night'
vinegar'
on
'extinguish'
shoulder'
163
and Nasalization
Nasals
For the nasal finals, fully sixteen of the 53 forms differ in their recording of a records if Ouyang, Zheng, Ni, or Maddieson nasalization component. Again, we assume to If in the be present Tsat form. this, fully nasalization, it is assumed 48 of the 53 Tsat forms descended
from PC final nasals turn out to have a nasal?
ized reflex inmodern Tsat. As for the remaining five forms, these are also assumed to have (or, at least very recently had) a nasalized vowel. Not only are nasalized forms the expected reflexes of the PC final nasals, but non-nasalized final alveolar or velar consonants
do
not
seem
otherwise
to occur
in Tsat.
Further, while the nasals we are so carefully reconstituting still exist as in specific sandhi contexts, they may only exist as vowel nasals synchronically nasalization in citation forms, except possibly for careful speech. Reconstituting
the place
of articulation
the place of articulation can be restored in a similar manner. Ouyang and Zheng note that, both with nasals and stops, older velars alternate with alveolars, an observation which is fully supported by the diachronic facts. In addition, it is Finally,
clear that both older alveolars
and velars sometimes
alternate with glottal stops. Thus, if the "oldest" form found in Ouyang, Zheng, or Ni is taken as the basic place of articulation, all but two of the forms can be assigned a place of articula? tion that again fully accords with the diachronic facts. The variation in the place of articulation for these reflexes is obvious in comparisons of Ouyang and Zheng with Ni, and has been specifically com? mented on by Ouyang and Zheng. The following patterns of variation are specifi? cally noted by Ouyang and Zheng (1983:31); the directionality of the changes reflects in part the difference between what is retained in sandhi forms and what is found
in citation
forms,
a directionality
that mirrors
the historical
changes
involved: variation with velars becoming -k and -t -g and -n
(with -k being the older form); (with -g being the older form);
variation with nasals becoming -n and -t -g and -k
alveolars:
homorganic
stops:
(with -n being the older form); (with -g being the older form);
variation with velar nasals disappearing
leaving behind nasalized vowels:
-ag and -a (with -ag being the older form).
164
Chapter
7
And, in addition, although not specifically noted by Ouyang and Zheng, on the basis of comparing Ouyang and Zheng with Ni, there is variation between -t or -k and glottal stop: -t, -k and
(with -t or -k being the older form).
-?
Two of these patterns of variation are not just common inmodern Tsat but also show up when Ouyang and Zheng's forms are compared with Ni's, that is, in two cases a velar varies with an alveolar?for which the original place of articulation to be velar, and in four cases, a velar varies with a glottal stop?for the original place of articulation is again assumed to velar. In short, despite variation in the marking of length, nasality, and place of articulation, it has been possible to determine with a fairly high degree of accu? is assumed
which
racy the basic phonemic
shapes of the reflexes of the Tsat reflexes of PC final
nasals.
it is likely that the two places of articulation we are so carefully "reconstituting" are consistently present in modern Tsat in certain sandhi posi? tions (as will become clearer later), but it is equally likely that in citation forms Further,
and may even have been largely they have lost much of their distinctiveness, reduced to nasalized vowels followed by a glottal stop, except perhaps in careful speech.
Table 103: Reconstituting PC
Tsat
the place Tsat
of articulation Tsat
(reconstituted)
(O. &Z.)
(Ni)
*?ura:g
za:g?33
za:k33
za:n?33
'person;
*tula:g
la:g33
la:g33
la:n33
'bone'
x*prog
piog?33
pyok33
pio?33
Tbig'
x*hag
haig?42
ha:k42
ha:?42
'hot; spicy'
*khag
khaig?42
khak42
kha?42
'hard; stiff; strong'
thog?33
thok33
tho?33
'knife'
x*dhog
someone'
[thokg33]
Internal
reconstruction
of preploded
nasals
This rather laborious reconstituting of the Tsat reflexes of the PC nasal finals was a necessary prelude to the internal reconstruction of Tsat sandhi forms, which are
Nasals
165
and Nasalization
to the final key to understanding the fate of PC nasal finals in Tsat. However, we to the forms determine should examine the four attested sandhi pattern? begin ing.
Table 104: The four attested Sandhi form:
sandhi forms form: PC
Reconstituted
tatn42(la:nn)
>
tarn?42
'section'
tsiakg42 (lai33)
>
tsiag?42
'where'
thokg33-
>
thog?33
'knife' ' extinguish'
>
thatn42-
tham?42
x*dhog *padam
Ouyang and Zheng (1983:31) list the first two forms of Table 104, noting that certain sandhi forms have nasal finals preceded by homorganic stops. The other two forms are also from Ouyang (p.c.). The first two forms are enough to make two things clear: First, ignoring the arrows on the table for a minute, the modern glottalized, nasalized finals have come from earlier final clusters consisting of a stop followed by a homorganic nasal. Second, now that the pattern is clear, it is possible to predict the sandhi forms from the reconstituted forms. The
sandhi forms cited by Ouyang and Zheng bring to mind Court's (1967:48) term preploded nasals, which he uses to describe the stop plus homor? ganic nasal combinations which occur inM?ntu. To illustrate M?ntu preploded nasals, he gives numerous M?ntu examples, including the two forms cited in Table 105. To Table 105 have been added Malay, PC, Northern Roglai, and the four attested Tsat sandhi forms, along with the reconstituted forms. Table 105: The preploded
sandhi forms Tsat
M?ntu
/buratn/ /turakg/
Malay bulan tulang
padam
Tsat >
PC
NR
*bula:n
bila:t
-phian11
'moon'
*tula:g
tula:k
-lain33
'bone'
x*dhog
thok
>
thog?33 tham?42
'knife' ' extinguish'
>
tarn?42
'section'
tsiag?42
'at'
*padam
padap
sandhi
thokg33thatn42tatn42tsiakg42-
>
>
reconstituted
a so-called Land Dayak language of Kalimantan, In M?ntu, the pre? nasals out have of final nasals also the in discussion ploded (cf. developed "Reflexes from PC word-final nasals" on page 171). In the Northern Roglai data listed here, PC final nasals presumably
became preploded
nasals before
loosing
166
Chapter
7
the nasal component and becoming homorganic voiceless stops. And, in Tsat, as be shown, the PC final nasals became preploded nasals (at least some of which are still preserved in the sandhi forms) and then in turn some of these will
developed final glottalization. The patterns in Tables
105 and 106 allow us to internally reconstruct the forms. The vowel length is
sandhi forms on the basis of the reconstituted
Tsat
inherited from PC. In Table 106 are the internally-reconstructed sandhi forms. From these forms, not only the modern Tsat reflexes can be derived, but so can the Northern Roglai reflexes. Thus, there is no doubt that the modern Tsat and modern North? ern Roglai forms descended from an earlier common source. Table 106: The internally-reconstructed PC
Tsat
Tsat (reconstituted)
(sandhi) *nam
>
*natn
*?ura:g
sandhi forms
>
*za:kg
*khag
*kh?kg
>
*hadag
*th?kg
>
na:n?33
'six' someone'
za:g?33
'person;
khaig?42
'hard; stiff; strong'
thaig?42
'charcoal'
x*hag
*h?kg
>
haig?42
'hot;
*masam
*satn
>
sa:n?42
'sour;
*hitam
*tatn
>
tarn?42
'black'
*dalam
*tatn
<
tarn?42
'deep;
*gulam
*khiakg
>
khiag?42 -ft
'carry
*padam
*thatn
>
tham?42
'extinguish'
pam?42
'eight'
>
kian?33
'afternoon;
>
liag?33 -i
'crab'
-ft
>
*dua-lapan
*patn
*klam
*kiatn
*?ariag
*liakg
x*trog
*tsi?kg
>
tsiog?33
x*prog
*pi?kg
>
piog?33
x*dhog
*th?kg
>
thog?33
-i
spicy' vinegar'
inside' on
shoulder'
night'
'eggplant' W 'knife'
that neither the Tsat preploded nasals nor the Northern Roglai pre? final later should be confused with the post-nasalized ploded of discussed Maddieson and Vietnamese, (1996:129). Not stops by Ladefoged only has there been no contact between the Vietnamese and the Tsat speakers but the phenomena seem distinct; as Ladefoged and Maddieson write, inVietnamese Note
nasals discussed
stops are usually released, but the release is by lowering the velum so that a short voiceless nasal is produced". the oral closure ismaintained,
"word-final while
167
and Nasalization
Nasals
The origin of these Vietnamese post-nasalized stops seems to have more in common with the origins of echo vowels found throughout much of Austrone? sian than with the Tsat, Roglai, and Land Dayak preploded nasals, which results from a change in the timing of velar lowering for what was originally a final nasal.
of modern
The distribution
glottalization
It is necessary to keep in mind that preploded final nasals are essentially final clusters consisting of a stop followed by a homorganic nasal. The glottal stop transcribed at various times by Ouyang, Zheng, Ni, and Maddieson developed when
of these stop plus nasal combinations
the stop component
articulation,
a
becoming
glottal
than
rather
an oral
closure
e.g.,
lost its place of *-tn-
>
-?n-
and
*-kg- > -?g-. Itwas this process that produced what the various authors have writ? ten in their phonemic transcription as either -n? or -g?, depending on the place of articulation.
Given the assumption that the stop component of the preploded nasals it is possible from the modern distribution of the source of glottalization, to reconstruct the earlier process. An examination of the modern glottalization distribution shows that glottalization occurs with a well-defined, specific subset
was
of vowel plus final nasal combinations, exceptions, just in the forms containing in
cifically, *-og,
but
the
reflexes
nowhere
else.
of
the
PC
that is, with two extremely interesting the PC short vowels *-a- and *-o-, spe?
rhymes
*-ag,
*-am,
*-?n,
*-iag,
*-ian,
and
It is imperative not tomiss the importance of the fact that glottalization was recorded in these forms. The only reconstructable source for the glottaliza? tion in forms ending in PC final nasals is the earlier preploded nasals of Tsat (and Thus,
Roglai). 'six',
a
form
just the occurrence with
a
nasalized
of glottalization
vowel
(due
*?ura:g 'person', a form with a long vowel, these
in the reflexes for PC *nam
to perseverative
nasalization),
argues for earlier preploded
and
nasals in
forms.
Thus, the real puzzle is not why some Tsat forms have glottalization?it comes from Tsat forms descended from PC forms with nasal finals. The puzzle why
some Tsat forms descended
is
from PC forms with nasal finals do not have
It is possible to be misled by a comparison with other languages containing preploded final nasals into thinking that the presence of nasal onsets prevents the development of preploded final nasals. However, at least in the case glottalization.
of Tsat, this is the wrong answer. The glottalization in the Tsat reflex of PC *nam 'six' makes that quite clear; the Tsat reflex of PC *nam 'six' obviously has a nasal onset and just as obviously has glottalization in its reflex. In fact, the pres? ence of glottalization in the Tsat reflex of PC *nam 'six' suggests the right
168
7
Chapter
answer: all final nasals became preploded but itwas only in certain highly favor? that this preplosion was retained long enough for the stop ably environments component to develop The solution
into glottal closure. to understanding the historical processes involved lies in that all final nasals originally developed preplosion, which was then
realizing
environments. Thus it is necessary to characterize the favored the retention of preplosion. Certainly, preplosion is after nasal onsets, the retention of glottalization in 'six' notwithstand?
subsequently environments disfavored
lost inmost
which
ing. Beyond this, keep inmind that final preplosion is essentially a syllable-final cluster, so retention of the preploded nasals would have been least favored after long vowels and most favored after short vowels. After long vowels, simplifica? tion of the preploded cluster should be most likely; after short vowels, it should be least likely. And, in fact, this matches the modern distribution: except in the word 'person', after long vowels, there is no evidence of glottalization, while after
the PC
bution makes everywhere that
is, except
short
vowels
*-a-
and
*-o-,
glottalization
always
occurs.
This
distri?
perfect sense if the preploded nasals had simplified to plain nasals except in the most favorable environment for retaining a final cluster, before
the
two
short
*-a-
vowels
and
*-o-.
Two additional pieces of evidence argue for the analysis in which all PC preploded before being simplified to simple nasals in most
final nasals became environments
in Tsat,
one
internal
and
one
external.
The
internal
evidence
is the
on *?ura:g 'person' with its long vowel. While it is circumstances led to this particular word keeping its it nonetheless did and it preploded nasal long enough to develop glottalization, seems more likely that this is a specially-conditioned retention than a specially presence of glottalization unclear just what special
conditioned The
development. second piece of evidence
is even more
The
language to Tsat, Northern Roglai has a startlingly similar set of it is necessary to developments. Even without considering the Tsat developments, conclude that Roglai also developed the highly-marked final preplosion in final
most-closely
compelling.
related
nasals, and then subsequently simplified the preploded nasals, but with the nasal component, not the stop component being lost during the process. Instead of two separate but independent it ismuch more plausible
accounts
of the development of final preploded nasals, that Tsat and Northern Roglai developed the they became separate languages, with each lan?
to assume
preploded final nasals before guage then simplifying the preploded nasals in its own way. It is in this context that the glottalization on the Tsat reflex of *nam
'six'
extremely interesting. In closely-related Roglai, only PC final nasals in forms like *nam with its nasal onset failed to ultimately have homorganic stop reflexes in modern Roglai. Thus, it is clear on the basis of internal evidence
becomes
169
and Nasalization
Nasals
that all the forms without
within Roglai
syllable-initial
their accom?
nasals with
panying perseverative nasalization developed preploded final nasals on the path to the modern homorganic stop reflexes. What is left unclear from the Roglai material alone is whether the forms with syllable-initial nasals also developed preploded nasal finals and then subsequently lost them or whether the syllable initial forms simply never developed preploded finals in the first place. The Tsat form
*natn
<
na:n?33,
from
PC
*nam
with
'six',
its
internally-reconstructed
pre?
ploded nasal provides the answer; in the common ancestor of Northern Roglai and Tsat, in which the preploded nasals were originally innovated, all PC final nasals developed preplosion, with the subsequent simplification of these stop plus nasal clusters only occurring after Tsat and Northern Roglai had separated, as is evident from the often similar but clearly independent paths of cluster simplifica? tion taken in each language. The modern distribution of glottalized, nasalized finals in Tsat came as about the result of a chronologically-ordered sequence of changes, which is represented in a somewhat simplified form in Figure 14: Figure
14: Simplified derivation
of glottalized
nasal finals
'hot; spicy'
P-Roglai-Tsat preploded final nasals coda simplification after long vowels glottalization of prenasal stops h??g
'house'
PC *hag
*sa:g
h?kg ? sa:g
sa:kg
lengthening of /a/ before glottal stop tone assignment
ha:?g ha:?g42
modernTsat/ha:?g42/
sa:g33
/sa:g33/
is only a rough schematic representation of Figure 14, it should be emphasized, the basic outlines. For discussion of the details and for a justification of the chro? nology, please The Tsat nasal
see the preceding reflexes with
discussion.
the 42 falling
the data base contains nine examples developed a 42 falling tone. It is immediately
Finally,
(Table 105) that the presence
of a glottal
tone
of former preploded nasals having from examining the forms
obvious
stop is one prerequisite
for the falling
170
7
Chapter
tone just as it is evident that the presence of a glottal stop by itself is not sufficient to predict the occurrence of the tone. The second prerequisite seems to be the presence of an inherited or a secondarily-derived long vowel inmodern Tsat. pair of conditions accounts for the data in Table 106, with two Tsat /khiag?42 -ft/ from *tsiakg -ft 'carry on the shoulder' and /za:g?/
This exceptions: from
earlier
*za:kg
someone'.
'person;
The
tone
falling
on
'carry
on
the
shoul?
der' is unexpected, but so is the final; that is, the irregular tone is in a form that also has other correspondence problems. The lack of a falling tone in PC *?ura:g > Tsat *za:kg > za:g?, on the other hand, could be attributed to any one of a number of unique characteristics in this form was originally long; the PC vowels in the other forms were originally short. As a member of the classifier and of the pro? noun systems, the word itself more than likely occurs in phonologically unstressed environments, unlike other otherwise similar forms in the data base.
of this form: The PC vowel
of this, of course, tells us precisely why this particular form did not develop a falling tone; its unique characteristics do, however, make it clear that the word is not a counterexample to the proposed analysis.
None
NASALIZATION INNORTHERN ROGLAI The Roglai reflexes of PC final nasals are important for two things: Like Tsat, the Northern Roglai reflexes of PC final nasals have passed through a stage in which of preploded nasals, see they were preploded final nasals (for a discussion in Tsat" on page 160), providing compelling evidence that Tsat and The Roglai were once the same dialect (namely, proto-Northern Roglai/Tsat). have in 107 final nasals Northern Roglai voiceless PC Table reflexes of stop "Nasalization
from earlier preploded indicated in the table.
evolved
Table 107: The presence PC
>
*nam
>
nasals shared by Proto-Northern-Roglai/Tsat,
of preploded
P-NR/Tsat
*n?pm
NR
nam
nasals
inNorthern
Roglai and Tsat
Tsat (sandhi) ?
*bula:n
>
*bula:kg
ia bila:t
?
*tula:g
>
*tula:kg
tula:k
?
x*dhog
>
*thokg
thok
*padam
>
*pad?pm
padap
'six'
thokg33thatn42tatn42tsiakg42-
'moon' 'bone' 'knife' 'extinguish' 'section' 'at'
as
Nasals
171
and Nasalization
And, in addition to their importance for subgrouping, the unique treat? ment of word-final nasals inNorthern Roglai is a rich source of information not only about the history of Roglai nasals but also about the history of PC nasals and about PC nasalized vowels. The modern Roglai reflexes often provide important evidence about which forms are inherited and which are borrowed. And, further, in the case of the borrowed about the relative chronology Reflexes
from PC word-final
forms, Roglai sometimes of the borrowing.
also provides
information
nasals
nasals, there are two basic Roglai reflex patterns. In the most of these two patterns, the word-final nasal has as its Roglai reflex a
For PC word-final dominant
stop.
homorganic
Table 108: PC final nasals with Roglai PC
NR
Chru
stop reflexes PR Cham
ha:k
hag
dalap
talarn
kho:g
kho:k
khog
'dry (weather?)'
*khag
khag
khak
kh?g
'hard; stiff; strong'
*sa:g
sa:g
sa:k
thag mil?m
'house'
x*ha:g *dalam
dalam;
'bank (river); shore' 'deep; inside'
darlam x*kho:g
*malam
malam
malap
x_na:n
hajam
*huja:n *masin
masin
*?idug
adug
*phun
phun
'stem'
*pa-gha:g -n la:i?
*bha:n
pha:n
*luba:g *halim
laba:g halim
x*fiag
?ag
hag khan
x*hag x*khan xsua:n xduan
-1
'door'
'night;
rina:t
ina:t;
evening'
'pineapple' can
'rain'
huja:t masit (?) id?k
mithin
phut
ph?n
'trunk;
pakha:k
pakhag
'dry
pha:t luba:k
phan
'sneeze'
ha?an;
it?g; tug
'salted;
salty'
'nose' log;
over
plant'
fire'
lipag; lapag halim
'hole; pit'
??g h?g
'hole;
hak khat
khan
'hot; spicy' 'cloth; blanket'
swan
'soul'
don
'bamboo
halip ?ak
sua:t duat
-1
'rainy
season' door'
hat'
172
Chapter
7
As Table 108 shows, Chru and Phan Rang Cham both retain the PC final in Roglai, the PC final nasal consonants have changed into homorganic but nasal, oral stops. This homorganic stop is the unmarked reflex of word-final nasals in Roglai. In Table
108, all the PC final nasals have denasalized becoming homor? the ganic stops, expected reflex. Of particular interest for relative chronology are the last two examples 'soul' and 'bamboo hat'. Neither form reconstructs to the x * PC level (as the without an accompanying indicates), however, both forms have final stops, not nasals. Thus, these forms were borrowed into pre-Roglai after the breakup of PC but in time to take part in the denasalization of Roglai final
nasals.
In the other basic pattern, the PC word-final retention
correlates
that
with
the presence
of
a nasal
nasal has been retained, a consonant
at the onset
of
the
final syllable, that is, the PC word-final nasal has been retained as a nasal when the PC final syllable also began with a nasal. Notice that, in this data, there is a correlation between Roglai nasalization and vowel length. As was true for Table 108, in Table 109 the forms inherited from PC include PC forms structable back
inherited from PMP
to PC
(marked with
(marked with *) and borrowings recon x*). Both sets of forms, of course, have
the change.
undergone
Historically, once
the Roglai forms have descended from forms that were to the "preploded" nasals of M?ntu Land Dayak
similar
phonetically described by Court (1967) (discussed also on page 164). Blust among others Court (1967), writes about preploded nasals:
(1991:148),
citing
In certain Land Dayak languages of southwest Borneo (Scott 1964: 1967), final nasals are often combined with a preceding obstruent, in others: Mentu voiced in some languages, voiceless ciupm 'kiss'
Court
(Malay cium), Bukar-Sadong kaidn 'cloth' (Malay kain). Simple nasals occur in final position if the final syllable begins with a nasal consonant: Bukar-Sadong
Continuing,
he writes
terjan
'hand,
arm'.
that similar distributions
occur elsewhere:
...in Tunjung of southeast Borneo and in some dialects of Mentawai, spoken in the Barrier Islands west of Sumatra (Bernd Nothofer, personal a Chamic Northern Roglai, communication). language of Vietnam, final nasals as the homorganic voiceless If the final stop. syllable begins with a nasal, however, the final nasal is ? a clear indication of the former presence of preploded preserved nasals in that language as well. reflects Proto-Austronesian
Table 109: PC final nasals with Roglai PC
Chru
pana:g
*pina:g
nasal reflexes
NR
PRCham
pin?g
panig
'betel (areca palm)'
x*miag
mieg
'cheek; jaw'
*gunam
ganam
kan?m
'cloud'
*lama:n
lama:n
limin
lum?n
'elephant' -i
cana:g
can?g
tanig
*taga:n
taga:n
tag?n
tag?n
'hand'
*timun
tamun
tum?n
tam?n
'melon;
*?agan
agan
in; g?n
*?anug nam
*nam *mam
-v
n?m
mem
mam
-v;
m?m *?anan
nin
*binay
banai 'of animals' -1
*ma?am
ma?a:m
-1
'package'
n?m
'six' -v;
mum
-v
suckle'
'suck;
n?n
'that (third p.)'
binai
pinay
'virgin'
'of animals'
'woman'
maft?m
miflim
'the wind'
agin
agin
agin;
xkamuan
kamuan
kamu?n
kamon
'nephew'
ramo:g
lum?g -i
rimog;
'tiger'
ramo
g
kram
krim
-v
xkr?m
-lvn
xnran
-if;
xdran
-if
xcaguar
kra:m drin
-f
canua
-1 -v
dr?n
-vf
pran
-i
gin
'bamboo'
tr?n
'numb'
? -fg
'flat
cagu?
*miaw
miau
mi?u
miyaw
*naw
nau
n?u
naw
*samaw
sam?
*danaw
danau
danau
xhanu??
hanua?
ha nu??
*sana
sana
sana
-f
'fry'
-v
basket'
'cat' 'go; walk' 'prompt;
-n
-n
tanaw
twill'
'weave;
*?agin
xrimo:g
cucumber'
'name'
an?g m um
bed'
'furniture;
xcana:g
on
'lake'
han??
'right (side)'
hana
'roast;
parch'
time'
174
Chapter
nizing
One key to understanding the phonetics of these changes lies in recog? that, as in many of the Austronesian languages of this area, in Northern the salient pattern of nasalization of vowels by adjacent nasal consonants
Roglai is perseverative,
Roglai
on
not anticipatory. That is,
the
vowels
rule: v > v / nasal_(C)#.
nasalization
not denying
While
7
also have been some anticipatory
that there may word-final
preceding
nasal
it was
consonants,
the
nasalization perseverative
that was crucial to blocking the denasalization of final nasals. Thus, the perseverative nasalization of the vowel from the syllable-initial nasal conso?
assimilation
109, alone or in combination with whatever anticipa? that may also have occurred, was salient enough to block the tory assimilation denasalization of the word-final nasals. nant of the forms in Table
other
Forms with
reflex patterns
forms that fail to conform
Most rowings,
a subset
although
of
to one of the two basic reflex patterns are bor?
such
aberrant
forms
may
instead
reflect
PC
nasal?
ized vowels. Although the irregularities in their correspondence patterns make it obvious that most such forms are recent borrowings, a small number of these forms
are
in their
regular
In addition assimilation mary
a
from
nasalized
vowels
nant but which
Post-pre-Roglai
patterns.
correspondence
to the secondarily nasal
preceding with
no
nasalized
consonant,
obvious
reconstruct with nasalized
connection
vowels
there
vowels are to an
from perseverative also
a handful
adjacent
nasal
of
pri?
conso?
at the PC stage.
borrowings
In Roglai, some the easiest post-PC borrowings to identify are those that have of been borrowed so recently that they have not undergone the denasalization final
nasal
consonants.
In Table 110, the final word-final nasals of the Roglai forms have not denasalized, despite the fact that there is no evidence of a preceding nasalized vowel to stop the denasalization from taking place. On the basis of this (and vari? ous other pieces of evidence) these forms have been identified as late borrowings post-dating
the denasalization
of Roglai
final nasal consonants.
175
and Nasalization
Nasals
Table 110: Late borrowings PC
Chru
xkhi:n
khin
xkhiag -fi
khiag
xgriag
griag
xdian
dian
-v
-v
khin -f
kh?n
'dare;
khiag -f giag -f
kh?g
'want;
desire' tusk'
kr?g
'fang;
di?n
-f
tien
'candle'
cum
-f
c?m
'kiss;
?
-f
phug
xphug
x(li)hug x?ag
?a:g
lahog -f ?ag -f
gram
gram
-vf
xho:g
-f
ho:g
xham
-In
ha:m
'table'
-f
ham
smell'
'papaya'
kr?m
-v
-f
hog -1 la:m
brave'
'leper'
lahog -v
xgram
Roglai
PR Cham
NR
xcum
xcum
into Northern
'thunder' 'wasp'
-f
'greed'
in Roglai
Secondary
final nasals
In addition
to inherited final nasals, Roglai also has a set of final nasals derived from PC *-l. The original PC lateral final is still found in Cham and
secondarily Chru.
*-/ > Roglai
Table 111: PC final
PR Cham
NR
Chru
PC
-n
*mal
mal
man
hap?l mal
*gatal
katal
katan
kat?l
spal
x*sapal
sapan
sanan
*sanal
*wil
wil
'circle'
kapa:l ba:l
*kapa:l x*ba:l
'beam' 'itchy' 'pillow'
w?l
win
'round'
kapan
kapal
'thick'
ban
pal
'mend;
banan
x*b-an-a:l
'arm'
'rag'
xkarfual
kadual
kaduan
katfol
'heel'
x*ja:l
ja:l hual
jan
?al-1
'casting
hol
'cloud,
x*hual
huan
xdhual/r
-f
thul-v
thun
x?abual
-v
bual
aban
del
den
xtfel xsi?jual
-v
sa?ual
-v
th?r-vf
-v
si?juan
patch' cf.
'mend'
net' fog'
'dust; fog' 'blunt; dull' 'shallow'
?j?l;ha?j?l
'light (weight)'
176
7
Chapter
the change of final *-l (and *-r) to -n is an areal feature of Although Southeast Asia, within Chamic the change is apparently limited to Roglai. Note that this change even applies to post-PC loans. The relative lateness of the change within Roglai is apparent from relative chronology, shift of Roglai final nasals to homorganic stops.
that is, the shift postdates
the
NASALIZATION INACEHNESE as elsewhere in Acehnese, in Chamic, is perseverative. The most of this nasalization is on the main syllable vowels of Ace? obvious manifestation hnese, that is, the vowels in the second syllable, which it affects in several ways,
Nasalization
as Table
112 shows.
Table 112: The effect of perseverative Malay
PC
Aceh.
on Acehnese
nasalization
NR
PR Cham
vowels
kulit
*kulit
kulet
kuli:?
kali?
'skin'
nipis
*lipih
lipeh
lupih
lip?h; lap?h
'thin'
langit
l?get mamen
mum?h
mim?h
agen
ag?n
kunyit
*?agin *ku?it
kuftst
ku?i:?
ag?n; g?n ka?i?
mabuk
*mabu?
m ab o?
babu?
manuk
*manu?
mano?
man??
buta
*buta
buta
darah
*darah
darah
darah
tar?h
'blood'
ta?i
'ask'
angin
lag?:?
ligi?; lagi?
*lagit *mamih
min?? mita
'yellow'
'blind'
tanya
*taga
ta?Ag
*huma
umAg
huma
hamu
lima
*lima
limAg
lum?
limi; lami
bunga
*buga
bugog
bug?
-v
'field' 'five' 'flower'
inAg
ini
'mother'
awuia?
awa?
'spoon;
*rata:k
ruituia?
rata:?
ripa?; rata?
'bean;
dahan
*dha:n
dhuian
tha:t
than
'branch;
hudang
*huda:g
uduiag
huda:k
'shrimp'
anak
*?ana:k
anu??
ana:?
hat?g; pag ani?
minyak
*mi?a:k
mi?ui?
ma?a:?
mi?i?
'oil'
panig
'betel
pinang
*pina:g
pinuig
pin?g
fowl'
'chicken; -i
huma
x*?awa:k
'the wind'
'drunk'
tina
*?ina
'sky' * sweet'
ladle' pea' bough'
'child'
(-nut)'
Nasals
177
and Nasalization
high vowels *-u- and *-i- are all lowered in variants become loi and Id, while the nasalized variants become hi and Id, respectively. The PC short *-a becomes /-a/, but the nasalized variant becomes /-Ag/. The PC long *-a:- becomes /-uia-/, but the nasal?
The PC second-syllable but the non-nasalized Acehnese,
ized variant becomes
the shorter
l-m-l.
8
The
Origins
of and
Registers
Tones
languages present case studies of a clarity unparalleled in the litera? ture illustrating the radical typological restructuring of phonological systems. The language that the seafaring Austronesian-speaking forerunners of the modern The Chamic
Chamic
spoke when and
tonal,
non-registral.
they arrived on themainland From
this
starting
point
was essentially have
descended
disyllabic, a startling
non array
of phonological systems: the register system of Western Cham (Friberg and and Gregerson, Kvoeu-Hor, 1977; Edmondson 1993); the restructured register of Haroi Burnham 1976; Thurgood, 1996); the quasi system (Lee, 1974, 1977b; registral, incipiently tonal system of Phan Rang Cham (Thurgood, 1993; Han, and Gregerson, Edmondson, 1992); and the fully-tonal system of Tsat (Haudri court, 1984; Benedict, 1984; Ni 1990ab; Thurgood 1992b, 1993). All this variety has evolved from an essentially identical starting point, all of it has followed rel? atively transparent paths of internal restructuring, and in each case the unique endpoint has come about under the influence of contact with ent
typologically
differ?
languages.
For each of these distinct developments, it is possible to reconstruct a clear outline of the entire internal path of development by which, from an essen? tially atonal and disyllabic pre-Chamic origin, the modern register system (in Western
Cham), the modern restructured register system (in Haroi), the incipient tonal system (in Phan Rang Cham (Eastern Cham)), and the fully tonal system (in Tsat) developed. Due to the relatively shallow time-depth and the richness of the data, the Chamic languages provide outlines of the internal paths of development involved in all four cases that are rather clear and relatively complete.
178
The Origins
179
and Tones
of Registers
For example, in the case of the Tsat data, we see a case in which we start from a completely atonal (and, largely disyllabic) stage and we end with a fully tonal (and, largely monosyllabic) stage. The completeness of the data is unlike much of the literature on tonogenesis, which typically involves just the later tone splitting stage rather than true tonogenesis. And, further, in contrast to many of the instances of tonogenesis reported in the literature on tonogenesis, the end a two-way
is not
product
tone
but
contrast,
a rich
five-way
tone
system.
There are, of course, several values to such case studies, among which is their value as models for less transparent, more controversial changes that, often because of the greater time-depth, require a high degree of extrapolation in the analysis.
WESTERN CHAM AND THE DEVELOPMENTof REGISTER a complex of features that tend to occur together: voice quality (phonation type), vowel length, pitch, and voice quality induced vowel as David Thomas has noted, individual languages may gliding. Historically, one or another of those features, suppressing the other features. Thus, emphasize itself constitutes
Register
as he notes, ancient Khmer emphasized the voice quality feature, while Vietnam? ese has progressively emphasized pitch. Modern Central Khmer has now sub? dued
the voice
the vowel ongliding feature quality feature and emphasized while Khmer has Modern Northern instead, emphasized the vowel height feature.
And,
Modern
Vietnamese
still
has
voice
quality
features
in some
of
its tones.
of breathy voice with vowel raising and of creaky or tense voice with vowel lowering has long been noted in the literature on register 1952). The explanation for this complexes (noted at least as early as Henderson correlation is to be found in the mechanics of the production of breathy and tense The
correlation
voice: breathy voice characteristically quent
enlongation
of
the vocal
tract,
involves a lowering of the larynx, a conse? and
a resultant
lower
Fl?hence
vowel
rais?
tense or creaky voice characteristically involves a raising of the larynx, a consequent a resultant higher Fl?hence vocal of the and tract, shortening vowel lowering (Peter Ladefoged, p.c.). ing, while
There is a second correlation, not as widely reported, between voice vowel centralization. Exactly the same laryngeal gestures that pro? and quality duce vowel height differences also affect the centralization of the vowels, except that it is the effect on the F2 that determines
vowel centralization: the larynx is lowered in producing breathy voice, the vocal tract is lengthened, the lengthened vocal tract lengthens the wave lengths, lowering the formants and resulting in vowels with a lower F2. The result, of course, is that these vowels are more cen? tralized. Conversely,
the raising of the larynx in producing
creaky voice,
the con
180
Chapter
sequent shortening of the vocal tract, and the resulting shortened wave produce higher formants. Vowels with a higher F2 are more peripheral.
8
lengths,
As forWestern Cham, its register system originated in two stages: first, a distinct breathy phonation developed after the voiced obstruents (second register) producing a phonation contrast with the vowel after the remaining consonants versus (first register); the two contrasting vowel quality differences?breathy modal voice?have resulted in two phonetically distinct sets of vowels, one asso? ciated with breathy voice and the other with themodal (or, clear) voice. Later, the register complex associated with breathy phonation was extended to the forms with sonorant initials, see Figure Figure
15: The development
PC initial classes:
15. of Western Cham register Distinct
voice
Vowel
registers:
quality: PC initials (except voiced obstruents +
modal voice
==>
breathy-voiced vowel set
sonorants)
PC voiced obstruents
modal-voiced
breathy +
==>
voice
vowel
set
sonorants
of the breathy register to include forms with initial sonorants (shown in Figure 15) is atypical and restricted toWestern Cham. The develop? ments in Haroi, Phan Rang Cham, and Tsat are more typical, with the sonorants The
extension
not with
the voiced obstruents, but with the other reflexes. that these two distinct phonation types affected the vowel Again two distinct sets of vowels (see Table 113). quality, resulting in allophonically Finally, the voiced and voiceless obstruents lost their voicing contrast, merging in voice into a single set of voiceless obstruents, phonemicizing the differences patterning,
notice
quality and vowel quality, and producing
the modern
register system of Western
Cham.
Inmodern Western Cham, the two vowel registers are distinct, although the two registers for the vowel /a/ are distinguished, not by vowel quality, but by other features. And, even now the two vowel sets are in part predictable from the modern initials. The original relationships are no longer transparent though, because of the mergers in the obstruents and because of the spreading, under specified conditions, main syllable.
of register from the pretonic
first syllable
to the stressed
inWestern Cham
Table 113: Vowel registers Modal
Breathy
register
register
vowels:
vowels:
i
a
e
A
u
e1
o
ae
a
o e.
9
[From Edmondson The
181
and Tones
of Registers
The Origins
and Gregerson
1993:67]
literature
The first synopsis of the diachronic origins ofWestern Cham register was Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor's (1977: 35-36, fn. 14) short footnote in their insightful paper on Western Cham register patterns. It has since been expanded and developed by and Gregerson (1993), who supplement their analysis with instru? data. The registers of Western Cham, like all registers, are clusters of co occurring features: inmodern Western Cham (Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor (1977) and
Edmondson mental
and Gregerson first register vowels usually have (1993:63-72)), tenser voice quality, lower voice quality, and higher pitch, while the second regis? ter vowels usually have laxer or breathy voice quality, high vowel quality, and lower pitch. And, as these authors observed, the first register vowels derive from the phonation type induced by proto-voiceless initials, while the second register
Edmondson
vowels
derive
the phonation type induced by proto-voiced initials. As are the reminiscent of Hend? out, point developments erson's (1952) description of the feature complexes associated with Khmer regis? ter. See Table 114.
Edmondson
from
and Gregerson
Table 114: Contrasts
between modal and breathy register Modal
original initials voice quality vowel quality pitch distinctions [Henderson,
voiced
Breathy voiced
First Register
Second Register
proto-voiceless
proto-voiced
tense,
clear
lower (open) higher pitch 1952; Edmondson
lax, breathy higher (closed) lower pitch and Gregerson,
1993:61-63]
Two things in Table 114 should be noted. First, although this is Hender? son's (1952) description of the Khmer voice register distinctions, not of Western
182
8
Chapter
Cham, the complexes also characterize theWestern Cham distinctions (although and Gregerson's Edmondson instrumental description did not find systematic vowel quality differences between the registers). Second, the ordering of the fea? tures parallels the three historical stages: the original initials > voice quality dis? tinctions > vowel quality & pitch distinctions.
The PC voiced
consonants:
the two layers
The first stage in the history ofWestern of
voice
breathy
after
the
the innovation
Cham register begins with
obstruents
voiced
*b-,
*d,
*g-,
and
*j-.
Later
another
layer was added when second register spread to the forms with sonorant initials. Thus, the sonorant initial forms were added to the nucleus of Western Cham sec? ond register forms from the voiced obstruents. Table reflexes from originally voiced obstruents.
115 contains second register
115 shows the development of PC voiced obstruents intoWestern second register. In Table 115 in both the monosyllables and the disyllables, it is the main syllable initial that developed into second register, regardless of the Table
Cham
Notice
initial of the presyllable. marked
with
a subscribed
els,
not
the
same
the consonants,
way
each
that
a
indicating
convention makes
orthographic its presence
dot,
that all main
show
syllable
following
it easy to recognize time
it appears,
register
second
vowel.
register
are This
second register by marking
although
distinctions.
initial obstruents
it is of In actuality,
course the PC
the vow? voiced
obstruents have long since lost their voicing and merged with the voiceless series. InWestern Cham, it is possible for each syllable of a disyllabic word to be in a different register. In Table 115, 'seven' and 'rice (paddy)' have first regis? ter presyllable less obstruent
vowels because but
second
the presyllables originally began with a PC voice? the main vowel register main vowels, because
originally began with a PC voiced obstruent. In contrast, both syllables in the forms for 'mouth' and 'tooth' are in the second register because both syllables originally began with PC voiced obstruents. However, sometimes second register has been lost in the presyllable, cf. 'chest'. As for the other languages in the table, they display similar patterns: In Tsat, both the 42 tone and the 11 tones show the effect of second register; only for Phan Rang Cham, it is not a coinci? dence that all the second register Western Cham forms have either a correspond? low tone, as this tone developed from second ing low tone or a glottal-final the 55 tone from *-h fails to do so. As
register.
of Registers
The Origins
183
and Tones
Table 115: PC voiced obstruents > Western Cham breathy register Tsat
Haroi
*habow
pha11
aph?au
pau
hapow
'ashes'
*babuy
phui11
paph?i
papui
papuy
'wild pig'
*hubsy *ribow
phai11
aphui (m) pay
hap?y
'taro; yam' 'thousand'
pha11
W.Cham
PR Cham
PC
rapau
ripow
kabau
kapaw
'water
laph?au
?
x*kabaw
kaphiau
buffalo'
*dada
tha11
cathia
tata
tata
'chest'
*?idug
thug11
ath?g
it?g
'nose'
*huda:g *dua
tha:gn thua11
athiag thua
pug ni? tag toa
hat?g twa
'shrimp' 'two'
tlih
klsh
klsh
'tired'
x*glsh
?
*gigsy
khai11
cakhii
takay
tak?y
'tooth'
*huja:n *do:k
sam11
asian
can
hagan
'rain'
tho?42
thu?
to?
to?
*?abih
phi55
aph?h
pih
apih
'sit; live; stay' 'all; finished'
*labuh
phu55
laph?h
lapuh
lapuh
'fall down'
papah
'mouth'
tap?h
'ransom'
'seven' 'rice (paddy)'
*babah *tabus
pha55
paphlah
papah ?
?
phu55
*tujuh
su55
cas?h
*paday
tha??42
pathiai
ta?uh
tac?h
pafai
patay
Western Cham also has second register after certain sonorant initials that are discussed in the section on phonation spreading ("Transparency and phona? tion spreading" on page 183).
Transparency
and phonation
spreading
the situation is precisely as already described. However, for a subset of the disyllabic words, the modern distribution of register has been com? plicated by the spreading of the voice quality from the presyllable to the main syllable (The discussion here disagrees, although only in minor ways, from the
For monosyllables,
Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor analysis of spreading found in Thurgood (1996)). Thus, it may be the PC initial of the presyllable, not the PC initial of the main syllable, that correlates with themodern register. Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor (1977:36), in the same footnote
referred to earlier, have explicitly
presented
the patterns.
184
Chapter
Breathy
register after main
8
initial sonorants
syllable
Throughout Chamic there is a hierarchical pattern in the spread of the breathy voice associated with second register from the presyllable through the medial consonant to the main syllable: sonorants > voiceless fricatives > voiceless stops. in Haroi, Phan Rang Cham, and Tsat, there is clear evidence that Specifically, voice has spread through the medial sonorants to the main syllable. In breathy the same pattern of there is every reason to assume that historically in Western for the second register thus occurred Cham, spreading accounting after the main-syllable initial sonorants in Table 116.
addition,
Table 116: Breathy
voice spreading
NR
PC
W.Cham
*barah
barah
paran
*buga *dalam
bug?
pagur-f tal?m
*darah
darah
dalap
'swell;
pigu tal?m
'flower'
'blood'
talan
'tongue'
daruai (m)
taruai (m)
taroy (m)
'thorn'
jala:t
?alan
?alan
<
*g-
bum?u
poh
mau
swollen'
'deep; inside'
tar?h
*dursy maw
PR Cham
taran
gilah
*boh
sonorant
talan
*dilah
*jala:n
through a medial
'road; path' 'mushroom'
pimaw
In Table 116, theWestern Cham disyllables are in second register, as indicated by the dot subscribed under the initial obstruents. The same patterns of spreading are found in the Phan Rang Cham forms. Western Cham has second register reflexes after initial sonorants in two additional
disyllables
environments
environments,
found elsewhere where
in Chamic: both
where
in monosyllables
syllables
begin with in these forms
second
register
reflexes
are
not
that begin with sonorants and in sonorants. See Table 117. The
is unexpected. Perhaps it was appearance of second register extended to these forms due to some sort of acoustic similarity between nasalized and breathy-voiced vowels; perhaps itwas extended to these vowels as these are the only other vowels following voiced consonants. In any case, the Friberg and (1977:36) analysis implicitly assumes that at some point all vowels sonorants had developed second register, with it only to be lost later in following some cases. It would be interesting to find out if all dialects of Western Cham
Kvoeu-Hor
have second register in these forms. In Table 117, second register has not been marked in any special way, as it is fully predictable from the initials. The origin of second register with these forms will
be
page 183, below.
speculated
on after
the discussion
of
register
spreading
on
The Origins
185
and Tones
of Registers
sets of disyllabic forms with sonorant main-syl? lable initials. In these, the vowels are in first register, rather than second register. In the Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor (1977:36) analysis (followed in Thurgood 1996), these are treated as the result of the spread of first register from the presyllable to There are two additional
the main vowels after
syllable. Contra the Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor after the sonorants in Table 117 are assumed
analysis, the first register to be the expected reflex
a sonorant.
Table 117: Breathy-voiced PC
Tsat
Haroi
x*ls?
le?24
*?ular
la33
*mamah
ma
x*lamo
mo
is extended to the sonorants
m
55 ,33 11
m la
mam?h
mamih lamo
ula
'snake'
mimih
'chew'
lamo
'cow;
ami
'father' 'five'
ox;
cattle'
fowl'
*?ama
ma
*lima
ma33
lami
limi
*manu?
nu?24
manu?
man??
min??
'chicken;
*?ana:k
na?24
ana?
ni?
ani?
'child'
*?ini
ni33
ni
ni
ni
'this'
*lagit x*war
lamia
rji?24 van
ama
'fall into'
m
alia
lamo
PR Cham
W. Cham
33
lagi? wol
mi
lagi? war
lagi?
'sky'
war
'forget'
In the disyllabic forms in Table 118, the vowel after the main-syllable initial sonorant is in the first register, not in the second register. Thus, it is clear that it is initial of the first register, not the initial of the second register, that has determined
the register of the second register. from the first syllable to the second. spread Table 118: Main
In short, the first register has
syllable sonorants with first register reflexes
PC
Tsat
Haroi
*pina:g
na:g33
panag
panig
panig
'betel; betel-nut'
*tula:g
la:g33
calag
talag
talag
'bone'
kam?i
ka m ay
kam?y
'female,
*kumey
mai33
W. Cham
PR Cham
woman'
*pula
pia33
pala
p?a
pala
'to
*panah
na55
panih
*kulit
panih kali?
'shoot (bow); a bow' 'skin'
*hurey
li?24 -i 33 zai"5
pan?h kalei?
*huma
ma 33
kli?
harii (m) ea hray hami
hamia
'day; sun'
har?y hamu
plant'
-v
'field'
186
Chapter
voice spreading
Breathy
through other main
syllable
8
initials
As Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor spread through the medial in the forms in Table
second register has also observed, the breathy-voiced voiceless fricatives, producing second register vowels 119. Note that in both 'new' and 'otter', the two words with
Ibl, the whole word
medial
Table 119: Spreading PC *bassy
x*buhay *bahrow
is in second register, not just the second syllable.
of breathy voice through *s and *h
Tsat
Haroi
sai1
pas?i
W. Cham pasay pahas
phia11
priau
PR Cham pith?y
-f
pahau
iron
phay
'otter'
pirow
'new; just now'
All
the Phan Rang Cham forms show evidence of the spread of second register in their low tone reflexes, as do both the Tsat forms in their 11 tones. In Haroi, how?
ever,
'new'
only
shows
second
register
spreading.
The only Western Cham medi?is that block second register spreading are the medial voiceless stops. As Table 120 shows, second register failed to spread through the medial voiceless stops. Table 120: Spread of breathy voice stopped by voiceless PC
Tsat
*batsy
u11
Haroi tai1
W.
Cham
stops
PR Cham
pat?i
patay
pat?y
'banana'
pato?
pat?? taki?
pat?? taki?
'cough'
*batuk
tu?42
*dikit
ki?*2
*batow
tau11
pat?u
patau
patow
'stone'
x*bato
to11
pato
pato
pato
'teach'
'few;
little'
as Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor (1977:36) suggested, the voiced obstruents before spreading could occur, perhaps the medial voiceless stops are simply more resistant to spreading, or perhaps it is some combination of the two.
Perhaps, devoiced
The history
of Western
Cham
contact
there are gaps in our knowledge of Western Cham, it has apparently in contact with register languages. In the literature, the Western always Chams are viewed as a recently split off dialect of Cham, with theWestern Cham
Although
been
being a branch of Cham that migrated westward, particularly to Cambodia, after Champa collapsed in the sixteenth century (Headley, 1991), with this migration placing
the split with Phan Rang Cham around 1471. Undoubtedly,
many
of the
of Registers
The Origins
187
and Tones
Cham did migrate to Cambodia at that time, but it is also quite clear that a significant number of them remained in southern Vietnam and doubtless these
Western
to have contact with Phan Rang speakers. Be that as itmay, judging from a comparison of Western and Phan Rang Cham, both Phan Rang andWest? ern Cham had already developed a common register system by the time of the split, one probably shared by Haroi. continued
The gaps in our knowledge revolve around identifying the specific con? tact languages involved in the development of the original register system. With? out more precise knowledge of the languages involved, it is impossible to do much more
than speculate on the social mechanisms involved. However, from the nature and the number of MK loans incorporated into both Western and Phan Rang Cham, it is clear that at very least the contact involved long-term bilingual? ism and it also involved language shift from some MK languages to Cham, cer? tainly at least in part from Bahnar. It is not clear just how homogenous Western Cham is nor how similar have been in different dialects. The two dialects used in
the paths of development this work, one described
by Kvoeu-Hor and Friberg (1978) and one by Headley (1991), both differ, although only inminor details. When some of the other dia? lects of Western Cham are described, particularly those that have undergone dif?
ferent paths of contact since splitting off from Cham, how different these are.
itwill be interesting to see
Very speculatively, itmay be that some of the Cham dialects in Cambo? dia date back, not to the fall of the southern capital in 1471, but even earlier to the fall of the northern capital roughly five hundred years earlier.
Phan Rang
Cham,
an incipient
tone
system
For a long period after the breakup of PC, Cham was in contact with atonal, pos? sibly registral MK languages and developed a register system, before breaking up into Phan Rang Cham, Western Cham, and Haroi. However, certainly since the fall of the southern capital Vijaya, in Binh-dinh, in 1471, a major influence on Phan Rang
the fully tonal Vietnamese with many of the Phan Cham in In this setting, Phan Rang Cham has steadily Vietnamese. becoming bilingual become less registral and more tonal.
The
has been
literature
The available descriptions of Phan Rang Cham tones are excellent. The earliest description seems to be Doris Blood's in 1962, followed by David Blood's in 1967. These preliminary descriptions by the Bloods clearly distinguished a two
188
8
Chapter
way tonal distinction for Phan Rang Cham. Later, on the basis of the material in Blood (1962), Greenberg (1970:139) wrote that Cham has followed a regional the of lowered pitch after what were originally voiced tendency, development the subsequent obstruents, with obstruents causing
loss of voicing
in the
distinctions
initial
...a hitherto atonal language to generate a tonal system of two levels, rather than to double the number of tones as in other languages of Southeast Asia. Just four years later, Fr. G?rard Moussay analyzed Phan Rang Cham in his Chamic-French that there were four tones in dictionary writing (1971:xiii-xiv) are the Cham language, and, although they noted in the transcription by any sign, are on went to describe them as: an even tone, He for needed they speaking. occurring when the vowels are used alone or else when preceded by a normal consonant, a low tone when vowels are preceded by a long consonant (the exam? ples indicate he meant the orthographically voiced obstruents), a departing ("ris? ing") tone when the vowel is preceded by a normal consonant and followed by a glottal stop, and a falling tone when the vowel is preceded by a long consonant (again, what are orthographically voiced obstruents) and followed by glottal clo? sure.
useful say
In 1992, Moussay's analysis was basically confirmed by the extremely and Gregerson, who like Mous? instrumental study by Han, Edmondson, Phan
analyzed
depending
upon
The evolution
Rang
whether
Cham
as
having
or not Moussay's
of Phan Rang Cham
a
three-
"departing"
or
four-way
tone was
distinction,
phonemic.
tones
The path of Phan Rang Cham tonogenesis is quite transparent. The first stage probably dates back to before Phan Rang Cham, Western Cham, and Haroi split up into separate dialects: after voiced obstruents, breathy phonation (second reg? ister) developed while after the remaining obstruents there was the now contrast? it is not clear when the ing unmarked, modal phonation (first register). Although low-pitch that accompanied the breathy phonation developed into low tone, con? trasting with the higher pitched modal phonation which developed into high tone, but from its inception that register system probably included redundant pitch dis? tinctions.
Later, under the influence of bilingual contact with Vietnamese speakers, the pitch distinctions became more salient than the phonation differences and when the voicing distinction between obstruents was lost, the result was a two
The Origins
of Registers
tonal distinction. With
way
originally
189
and Tones
the loss of the voicing distinction in the initials, the the low-pitched vowels became low-toned, while
breathy-voiced, modal-voiced vowels automatically constituted a higher-pitched tone, remaining was The tone default. the low and for the essentially by only remaining step high tone to each be split further on the basis of the presence or absence of a final glot?
tal stop. With the final glottal stops, although it is obvious that Phan Rang Cham final glottal stops affect pitch, it is not clear if the pitch difference is still allo phonically predictable synchronically or if it is already fully phonemic. However, the source of the pitch is known, the direction of the change is diachronically, clear, and even the inevitable outcome seems obvious. See Figure 16. For monosyllables, the developments are precisely as described, but for disyllabic forms the situation ismore complicated. In some cases, the tone of the main syllable is not predictable from the initial of the main syllable, but instead must be predicted from the initial of the presyllable. Thus, if the PC presyllable originally began with a voiced obstruent and themain syllable initial was a sono? rant or *-h-, itwas the voiced obstruent of the presyllable that resulted in the low toned reflex inmodern Phan Rang. In such cases, the breathiness of the presylla? ble (originally, from its voiced obstruent), spread from the presyllable to themain the main syllable began with other than a sonorant or *-h-, no syllable. When such spreading from the presyllable to the main syllable took place, at least in Phan Rang Cham. Remnants
of this earlier register system still exist in Phan Rang Cham. and Gregerson point out (1992), study, Han, Edmondson,
In their instrumental for
instance,
that
breathiness
from PC voiced obstruents labic
is regularly
found
in the monosyllables
descended
and it occurs, although only sporadically
in the disyl?
forms.
Figure
16: Phan Rang Cham
Initials classes:
tonogenesis
Resulting registers:
PC initials (except voiced obstruents)
modal voice + higher pitch
inmonosyllables
Resulting tone
classes:
incipient high tone with glottal finals high tone with non-glottal finals low tone with
PC voiced obstruents
breathy voice + lower pitch
glottal finals low tone with non-glottal
finals
190
Chapter
Now, of course, as Doris Blood was confirmed by the Han, Edmondson, forms are even more clearly distinguished PC voiced
obstruents
> breathy
8
in passing and as (1962:12) mentioned and Gregerson studies, the Phan Rang by low or low-rising pitch.
voice > low tone
It is important to realize that the path of development is from PC voiced obstruents to breathy phonation (second register) to low tone. If the middle step is left out, it leaves the impression that low tone developed directly from voiced obstruents?that synopsis would be not just misleading but quite false. Table 121: PC voiced obstruent > breathy voice > low tones
PNB
*pah
*qyurj
PC
W. Cham
*blsy *blah
play plah
plah
'chop; split'
*pa-bley
paplay
papl?y
'sell'
*brsy
pray
*bra:s
prah
'buy'
'give' prah
-1
'rice (husked)' f
x*darj
tan
t?n
*dua
toa
twa
'two'
*dha:n
than
than
'branch;
x*dhog
thon
thon
'knife'
*?adh?y
thay
they
x*glsh
klsh
klsh
'tired'
*glay
klai
r?m-klay
'forest;
kah kah
*gah gam
kom
X*, gar
*guy The
PR Cham
evidence
kui for the earlier
stand;
stop'
bough'
'forehead'
wild,
savage'
'side, direction;
kam
'to cover'
k?r k?r
'handle (knife)' 'carry on back'
kuy
bank'
stage with its contrast between modal and breathy register exists everywhere: in Phan Rang Cham clear traces of voice quality differences were found by Han, Edmondson, and Gregerson (1992) and in the closely-related Western Cham dialect, there is a register system that is register
very much like the earlier register system of Phan Rang. In addition, there is other evidence: notice that it is not voicing per se that led to low tone, but that the development of low tone was mediated through an intermediate stage of breathi? ness. Among
other things, this apparently necessary
intermediate
stage accounts
The Origins
191
and Tones
of Registers
for the fact that it is only after the reflexes of the old PC voiced obstruents, which led to breathiness on the following vowel, that low tone developed. After the voiced sonorants, which are obviously voiced but which are far less likely to following breathiness on the vowel, low tone never developed. Both the correlations with PC and the subsequent chain of developments are still evident from a comparison of PC, Western Cham, and the Phan Rang As Table 121 shows, if PC initial was a voiced obstruent, the monosyllables. develop
Western
Cham form has a breathy vowel, and the Phan Rang Cham monosyllable traces of residual breathiness.
has low-tone with
Table 122: Other PC initials > modal
PNB
*p?r
*tr?g
PC
PR Cham
*kra
kra
kra
x*po
po 'title'
po
'master; 'to open'
'monkey'
x*pah
pah
pah
x*par
par
'to fly'
*pliih
par ha pluh
pl?h
'ten'
*tuh
tuh
t?h
'to pour'
tug
'stomach;
tuy t?l
'to follow'
'intestines'
*tun
tug
*tuy
tui
x*tal
t?l
*kla:s
klah
x*trorj
trorj
trog
'eggplant'
*trey
tray
'full,
*klam
makl?m
tr?y kl?m
*klaw
klau
klaw
'laugh'
*klow
klau
klow
'three'
*trun
tr?n
tr?n
'descend'
*wah
*roy
W. Cham
register > high ton
wan
x*ruay
ruai
x*war
war
x*mag *naw
*wil *nam
*?u
'to free'
rqag nau
w?l 'circle'
kl?h
wan
roy
lord'
abdomen'
until'
'arrive; 'escape'
satiated'
'afternoon;
night'
'to fish'
'fly; bug; insect'
war
'forget'
mig
'from'
naw
'go; walk'
w?l
'round'
n?m
n?m
'six'
?u
?u
'he,
she;
they'
192
Chapter
8
121, the Western Cham forms are all in the breathy register the dot under the initial obstruent). The Phan Rang Cham obstruents (marked by are marked in precisely the same way; in Phan Rang Cham the dot indicates not register but that the form has a low tone (although usually with residual accompa? In Table
nying breathiness). Similarly, the origins of the contrasting Phan Rang tone are likewise evi? dent from a comparison of the PC, Western Cham, and the Phan Rang monosylla? bles. As Table 122 shows, if PC initial was not a voiced obstruent, theWestern form has a first register vowel (except in the case of sonorants), and the Phan Rang Cham monosyllable has a high-tone without any traces of breathiness. In Table 122, theWestern Cham forms containing initial obstruents are
Cham
register (indicated in the table by the lack of a dot under theWestern Cham initial obstruent). However, there is a secondary development restricted toWestern Cham (not found in either Phan Rang Cham or in closely in the unmarked modal
related Haroi), where all sonorant initial forms are also in the breathy register (marked in this table but not everywhere in this work by a dot under the initial sonorant). In Phan Rang Cham, all of the forms are in the unmarked high tone (indicated
Registers
in the table by the lack of a dot under the initial consonant).
split byfinal
glottal
stop
register split, Phan Rang Cham developed a low tone from the a default high tone from the first register. Then, these two and register tone classes were further split by the final glottal stop. The Phan Rang Cham low
After
the original
second
a final glottal stop became a low, glottal tone, indicated reasonably in Table 123 by the combination of the dot under the obstruent and the
tone with
enough final glottal stop.
Table 123: Breathy PNB
PC
register + final glottal stop W.Cham
*bap
pau?
p??
'fill; full'
*bru?-n-f
pr??
pr??
'rotten'
to?
to?
'sit; live; stay'
k3?
'kettle; glazed clay pot'
fc1^?
'vulture; garuda'
*do:k
k3? xgrak
*ajeq
PR Cham
x*go?
fr9?
*jahit
?hi?
?hi?
'sew'
x*joh
?oh
x*ju:?
joh 'snap' cu?
cu?
'broken; spoilt' 'black'
x*js?
???
?s?
'near; about to'
The Origins
of Registers
193
and Tones
Cham forms are all in the breathy register (marked by the same dot under the obstruent that in Phan Rang Cham indicates low tone).
Notice
that theWestern
In a parallel way, the Phan Rang Cham high-tone with a final glottal stop became a high, glottal tone, which Moussay describes as rising, indicated reason? ably enough in the Table 124 by the absence of a dot under the initial consonant and the presence of the final glottal stop. An enlightening discussion of the tone splitting effect of final glottal on the Phan Rang tonal system is found inHan, Edmondson, and Gregerson stop inwhich they note that various excellent scholars have commented (1992:41-42), about the perceptible pitch difference between non-glottal final and glottal forms (which descend from the PC voiceless stops: *-p, *-t, *-k, *-?). As Han, Edmond? son, and Gregerson wrote, despite the fact that he considered the difference non nonetheless wrote that such Cham forms had (1967:29) before both the final glottal stop and before final -h. And, noticeably higher pitch as discussed earlier, Moussay further splits the low-toned and high-toned into
phonemic,
forms with
Blood
and without
final glottal stops. Similarly, Han, Edmondson, and a that Thi tone also Chau four with (1987) Gregerson report system, Hoang posits the glottal finals and the nonglottal finals distinguished. Table 124: Modal PC
register + final glottal
W. Cham
PR Cham
x*puac
puai?
poy?
*pa:t
pa?
pa? 'four'
x*pet
p??
p??
x*pro:k
stop
'scold; talk'
'pick, pluck'
pro?
pro?
'squirrel'
k?? x*ke?
k??
'bite; snap at; peck'
x*cat
ca?
ca?
'mountain
x*ko:?
ko?
ako?-l
'white'
x*rak
ra?
har??
'grass;
x*ls?
le?
le?
'fall into'
*ga? x*lo:k
g?? lo?
ag?? lo?
'make, do'
mi?
'take;
ma?
*mat
range'
weeds'
'to peel' fetch,
get'
Basing their analysis in part on instrumental findings, Han, Edmondson, and Gregerson (1992:41) differ from other investigators in distinguishing only three tones: the expected two low tones, one glottal-final and the other without a glottal final, but for the high tones they only posit a single tone, preferring to ana? lyze Phan Rang Cham as having a single high tone but with allophonic ferences associated with the presence or absence of a glottal final.
pitch dif?
194
Chapter
From
8
a historical
the question of whether contemporary perspective, Phan Rang Cham has a four-tone system or a three-tone system is irrelevant. It is clear what the current system developed out of and even what direction it seems to be heading. However, what is missing from these accounts is adequate information on the Phan Rang reflexes of PC forms that ended in *-h. Only Blood (1967) has commented on them specifically, and he treated them as patterning with the final glottal stops, that is, he reported such forms as having allophonic but noticeable extra high pitch. An instrumental examination of these forms would be quite interesting. Transparency
and phonation
spreading
in disyllabic forms is slightly more complicated. If the presyllable a with PC voiced obstruent and the initial onset of the main syllable was began either a sonorant or a medial voiceless fricative *s or *h, the breathy voice of the
The situation
second register spread from the presyllable ing in a low-toned main syllable.
to the main
syllable ultimately
result?
125 shows, in disyllabic forms beginning with a PC voiced sonorants the breathy voice of the register spread through medial
As Table obstruent,
resulting in the main syllable having second register inWestern Cham, indicated by a dot under the obstruent, and in low tone in Phan Rang Cham, again indicated by a dot under the obstruent. Table 125: Spreading PC
through sonorants
NR
W.Cham
PR Cham
*bara
bara
pra
*barah
barah
paran
*bulow
bilau
'body hair; feathers'
ia bila:t
plau ea plan
pilow
*bula:n
pilan
'moon;
*buga *dalam
bug?
pagur -f tal?m
pigu tal?m
'flower'
tanaw
'lake' 'blood'
dalap -n
?
pir?
'shoulder'
danau
*darah
darah
tarah
tar?h
*dilah
gilah < *gdaruai (m)
talah
talan
t-aruai (m)
taroy (m)
'thorn'
kan?m
'cloud'
?alan
?alan
'road;
p?a
pila
'tusk;
pra
tara
'girl
?
?
*gunam
*jala:n x*bala
jala:t bala
*dara
dara
month'
'deep; inside'
*danaw
*dursy
swollen'
'swell;
'tongue'
path' ivory' (c.
teenage)'
The Origins
195
and Tones
of Registers
In addition to spreading through sonorants, the breathy voice of the sec? ond register also spread through medial *s and *h. All theWestern Cham forms except 'iron' are in second register, just as all the Phan Rang Cham forms are in tone.
low
Table 126: Spreading Malay jahit jahat dahi
PC *
PR Cham
W. Cham ?hi?
jahit
*s and *h
through medial
'sew'
?hi?
*jaha:t
?ha?
'bad;
wicked'
*?adh?y
thay
they
'forehead'
akar
*?ugha:r
kha
ukha
'root'
b?si
*basey
pasay
pith?y
'iron'
The form 'forehead' has been included in the table to show that voiced aspirated stops also show low tone. The Malay forms in the table show that one source of PC voiced aspirated medial
initials is the reduction of earlier disyllabic forms. However, the breathy voice of the second register did not spread through voiceless stops either inWestern Cham or in Phan Rang Cham.
Table 127: Failure
PNB
Malay batu
to spread through voiceless PC
PR Cham
*batow
patau
patow,
patow
'stone7
*batsy
patay
pat?y
'banana'
batuk
*batuk
*dikit
pat?? taki?
pat?? taki?
'cough'
dikit
pato
'teach'
*pr?t
x*bato
None
W. Cham
stops
pato
'few;
little'
127 show second register and none of forms show low tone. Particularly interesting is the second Phan
of theWestern
Cham forms in Table
the Phan Rang Rang form listed for 'stone'. The initial /p/ has a dot under it, indicating a second register vowel, but the It/ beginning the main syllable does not. In effect, the first syllable of the form had second register, but the breathy voice did not spread to the second syllable, and thus the main syllable does not have a low tone reflex. sono? The patterns of spreading are in themselves interesting. Medial rants appear completely permeable to spreading, while medial obstruents are far more
resistant, with only medial
The history
of Phan Rang Cham
*s and *h allowing
spreading.
contact
of The Phan Rang data is interesting from the viewpoint of the mechanism a The Phan from Western involved. Cham Cham transition Rang style change
196
Chapter
toward
system
register
a Vietnamese
lution than a revolution ? shifts in emphasis.
style
tone
system
represents
more
of
8
an evo?
the actual changes look to be little more than slight To return to something Eug?nie Henderson (1967:171) said
thirty years ago: It is important to recognize that pitch is frequently only one of the pho? netic components of "tone" as a phonological category. A phonological tone is in our area [South East Asia] very frequently a complex of other as intensity, duration, voice quality, final features besides pitch?such and so on.
glottal constriction
are best described
The six tones of Vietnam
as complexes
of features with pitch 1984-5:16). And, among these features, it is that are coming to the fore in the emergent Phan Rang Cham tone system. The Vietnamese system contains breathy versus contrasts: tone the which is "often accompanied non-breathy low-pitched huyen contrasts with the clear register found with the mid or by breathy voice quality" but one of these features (Thompson those which are salient inVietnamese
high-mid pitched ngang tone. And, among the forms with final stops, the nang tone with its the low-dropping-pitch and which "ends in [a] stop or is cut off contrasts with the sac tone with its high-rising pitch. abruptly by [a] glottal stop" That
is, the Vietnamese
tone
system
contains
the very
complexes
of phonological
oppositions that have formed the basis of the incipient tone system in Phan Rang. The stages in Phan Rang Cham tonogenesis are still transparent. Distinct layers of external contact have precipitated each of the stages of internal change. contact with MK led to the restructuring of evenly-stressed Austronesian disylla? bles into iambic syllables with final stress. Later contact with MK register lan? to
led
guages
Vietnamese successive
a
language adjusting guage
system,
register
and
has produced an increasingly Phan Rang Cham phonological
intense
contact
the
tone
system
of
tonal Phan Rang. The entire history of restructurings has been the history of a
its internal paths of change
to follow paths illuminated by lan?
contact.
The
social contact
is bilingualism, with the Phan Rang Cham with no significant language shifting, speakers being bilingual except of course, away from Phan Rang Cham, when Phan Rang speakers shift to involved
in Vietnamese,
Vietnamese.
It seem appropriate in the process of dismissing adds an interesting twist: ...a few scholars
to close
this section with a quote from Lafont, who of tones in Cham, inadvertently
the very existence
have described
never given evidence
Cham
for this assertion,
as a tone language but have for there are no phonemic tones
The Origins
of Registers
in Cham
197
and Tones
It seems that this error originated Cam-Vietnamien
as there are in Vietnamese.
of the Dictionnarie
from l'Introduction
(pp. xii-xiv) Fran?is (1971) in which the author talked about four tones while he referred to the intonation particular to the Phan Rang, Phan Ri region where the Cham people were educated in Vietnamese schools, intona? tion which is not to be found elsewhere, neither in the Chir-D?c region nor among the Chams in Cambodia, except in interrogative sentences which are always characterized by a higher register. (1994b: 12-13; note: the grammar of the translation has been emended) The explicit and somewhat puzzling claim that Cham has no tones at all can sim? ply be dismissed, although there is no question that the Cham tones are not as tones. More interesting, however, are the perceptually salient as the Vietnamese suggestion that not all dialects have tones and the almost inadvertent suggestion that Cham
correlates directly with
tonogenesis
the degree of contact with Viet?
namese.
HAROI VOWELS AND RESTRUCTUREDREGISTER comments on the Haroi vowels have been scattered throughout the on is too complex to be explained in passing vowels, their development chapter and too intimately involved with register and Hr? contact to be discussed in isola?
Although
tion.
Thus,
it
is necessary
to bring
these
prior
expand upon them as, from a Chamic viewpoint, a unique, fascinating path of development.
observations
together
here
and
the Haroi vowels have followed
The original PC vowel system underwent massive splitting and realign? settling into the system of Modern Haroi. Prior to the realignments within Haroi, there were a series of other earlier realignments often shared with
ment
before
Cham ("Pre-Haroi vowel changes" on page 199), which were not recog? as 1996. However, the major vehicle for this complete nized such in Thurgood vowel splitting. Under the influence of restructuring was voice quality-induced
Western
tense voice
(induced by the proto-voiceless obstruents) certain monophthongs lowered. And, under the influence of breathy voice (induced by the proto were raised, other monophthongs voiced obstruents), certain monophthongs still and other developed on-glides, diphthongs had their onsets raised.
were
vowels
The first indication of Haroi's uniqueness is the extraordinary number of and, if one is doing historical work, the existence of two or more reflexes
for each proto-vowel. tems of most Chamic
In striking contrast to the typical nine- or ten-vowel sys? languages, Haroi has a plethora of vowels: 11 simple vow
198
Chapter
8
els, each occurring both long and short (see Table 128; also cf. Tegenfeldt and Goschnick, 1977:1), and 17 diphthongs and triphthongs. Beyond these, Haroi also has some 10 rarely occurring nasalized vowels. Table 128: Haroi
simple vowels front
high:
closed
i u i
open
u
central
t
e
mid
back
a
o
s low
o
a
are no vowel
contrasts in the Haroi presyllable. As one conse? to final syllable stress into pre-Chamic, all of the common quence of the shift or in the vowel distinctions in modern Haroi occur either in monosyllables There
stressed main
syllable of disyllables.
Table 129: Haroi
diphthongs
and triphthongs
front high mid
central
ia
iau
ea
eau oi
back
ii
iai
ia
iau
ui
oa eiou
low
ua
oai
ai au
In addition, Haroi has a rich array of diphthongs and triphthongs (see Table 129), the result of registrally-induced changes. it is not clear what significance to attach to the fact, it is worth Although it would be also has an eleven-vowel system. Minimally, noting that Vietnamese important to examine the vowel inventories of various other languages of the
many
region to see how common this particular configuration ticular whether it occurs in Bahnar.
Haroi
restructured
is in the area and in par?
register
(1976) termed a restructured register system. In the case of Haroi, between PC and modern Haroi the following chain of events has occurred: (1) certain classes of initials led to distinctive phonation differences
Modern Haroi has what Huffman
of Registers
The Origins
199
and Tones
on the following vowels, that is, to voice quality distinctions; (2) the voice quality that is, led to a register differences on the vowels produced vowel distinctions, vowel sets associated with different voice system with vowel registers?distinct quality differences; and, (3) the voice quality distinctions that originally condi? tioned the vowel splits disappeared, leaving behind a large number of now uncon? ditioned vowel distinctions; inHuffman's terms, it became a restructured register system with the proliferation of vowels associated with restructured register sys? tems.
vowel changes
Pre-Haroi
Prior to the alignments within Haroi, there were a series of other earlier realign? ments, often shared with Western Cham, which were not recognized as pre-Haroi in Thurgood 1966: the much earlier lowering of the onsets of certain diphthongs, a change which is largely shared with Western Cham; the merger of PC *-ow with the reflexes of *-?u, which is clear from the fact that the vowel of the rhyme behaves like a low vowel during the registrally-induced vowel splits; and, in a number of cases, PC shwa was raised or backed before specific finals, again a change that preceded The early pre-Haroi
vowel case,
reflexes of PC shwa
the changes
Among
system the change
was
shifts due to the influence of voice quality.
the Haroi vowel
that occurred before
the development was
determined
of by
three
the
the registral realignment distinct
syllable-final
reflexes
for PC
of the Haroi shwa.
In each
consonant.
PC*-9f)>*-i()
Before final *-n, PC shwa became l-i-l. The most obvious thing about 130 is that three of the four Haroi reflexes of PC *-ag contain a barred-i. The shwa in the remaining form is the expected reflex of an earlier barred-i which
Table
lowered due to the initial voiceless consonant (see "Registers and the vowel splitting patterns" on page 201, for discussion of this vowel lowering). Beyond this, however, there is something else quite interesting about the
has been
chart: the reflexes
inHeadley's Western Cham match the Haroi reflexes perfectly, to down the right split conditioned by the voiceless obstruent initial. This sug? that this gests change predates from PC *-arj > *-in predates Haroi, and that at this least dialect ofWestern Cham and Haroi were particularly close either genet? ically, through contact, or both. Note that this change is not shared, however, with the Kvoeu-Hor forms.
and Friberg Western
Cham
forms or with
the Phan Rang Cham
200
Chapter
8
Table 130: The reflexes of PC *-dg PNB
Rade
PC
Haroi
W.Cham
W.Cham
(Kvoeu-Hor)
(Headley) x*?ag
*qy?n
??g
?
x*mag
man
x*dag
dan
x*pag
mig
thin
peg
?arj
??rj
'to eat'
man
mig
'from'
bit)
?ig
tag
tig
pag
pag
peg
PR Cham
c?g
'stand; stop'
pag
'to nail, hammer'
PC
*-at,
*-a h remained-d?,
and
*-ak,
and
*-dk,
*-dh
as a shwa. Else?
Before final *-t, final *-k, and final *-h, PC shwa was preserved where it became something else. Table 131: The reflexes of PC *-a?, *-dk, and *-dh PNB
PC
Chru
Rade
x*cat
Haroi ca?
'mountain
papa?
'to fan'
ra?
'grass;
**&
'vulture;
pah
p?h
'to open'
jarlah -i madah
tlih
'descend;
mathih
'awaken'
ci?-i
ca?
?
?
x*pa-pat
*p?y
x*rak
rak
ra?
"""
"""
xgrak
? x*pah
x*glah x*madah
? madih
range'
weeds' garuda'
collapse'
For these rhymes, the final shwa is preserved as such inHaroi, unless began in PC with a voiced obstruent. In that case, the shwa was barred-i (see page 201, for discussion
All
The *-on,
other
examples
of PC
*-a-
>
of this vowel raising).
*-3
remaining words with PC shwa backed *-ar
>,
and
*-am
>
*-om.
the syllable raised to a
In these
cases,
to l-ol, that is, the rhyme *-an > unless
the
initial
of
the main
sylla?
ble or of the presyllable was originally a voiced obstruent, the vowel remained an open-o. However, when the initial of the presyllable was a voiced obstruent, this open-o was raised to /u/ (see page 201, for discussion of this vowel raising).
201
and Tones
of Registers
The Origins
Table 132: The reflexes of the other PC forms with *-a
PNB
Rade
PC
l?n
*lan
*p?r
pakan
x*par
phiar
x*katar
katar
x*war
-v
drin
-if -iv
war
'other; different'
tr?n
'numb'
wol
war
'earth'
pak?n
pol katol
par
x*v *yar
"hag?r
Haroi 15n
Ian
mak?n
*bukan
xdr?n
Chru
'to fly' 'corn;
grain'
'forget' raise'
'lift,
dar
yol thol
'handle (knife)'
x*dar
dar
x*gar
gr?n -ivf
gar
kh?l
x*sagar
hagar
sagar
akh?l
'drum'
x*sadar
hadar
sadar
ath?l
'remember'
x*?am
am
am
5m
'to roast'
pakhtim
x*pagam
It is obvious
that the changes
'bury'
'dove'
in the reflexes of the PC shwa forms took
the registrally-induced (see page 201). Cer? realignments tainly, with the changes before the final velar nasal, this is obvious because the change is shared with Western Cham, but, even with the forms that backed to an
place
vowel
before
open-o, the modern Haroi distribution requires that the change preceded the in "Registers and the vowel splitting patterns" on vowel alignments discussed page 201.
Registers
and the vowel
splitting
patterns
The two specific marked registers are associated with the remaining changes that produced the modern Haroi vowel splits: the first register, which consists of the conditioned set of vowels associated with the tense pho? allophonically-distinct nation type that evolved after the PC voiceless obstruents and the second register, set of vowels associated with the which consists of the allophonically-distinct these that evolved after the PC voiced obstruents. When breathy phonation vowel-quality-conditioning phonation differences were lost, allophonic vowel differences became phonemic, and Haroi became a restructured register language (see Figure
17).
202
Chapter
17: Restructured
Figure
register and Haroi
Vowel
Initial classes:
high vowels
tense
obstruents
voice
lower
Other PC
modal
no
voice
PC voiced
breathy
obstruents
Restructured register :
vowels:
PC voiceless
initials
vowel splitting
Effect on
quality:
8
low and mid, vowels
voice
proliferation of vowels
effect
raise
For monosyllabic words, the various vowel types interacted with the of articulation of the PC syllable-initial consonant to produce the modern vowel splitting patterns. These vowel splitting patterns are summarized inTable 133.
manner
Table 133: Consonant
types, vowel classes, and vowel splitting
voiceless obstruents >
tense
voice
(= first register)
glottalized voiced aspirates,
voiced obstruents
obstruents,
&
> breathy register (= second register)
sonorants
high
(onset) lowered;
vowels; *-ag >
unchanged
raised and backed:
centering
diphthongs:
**-ia-
>
-ia-;
*ua
>
*oa
**-ua-
>
-ua;
*ia
>
*ea
unchanged
unchanged
-u- /___m,
mid *s; *a; *o; *-ey
>
unchanged
unchanged
unchanged
unchanged
*-oi
low vowels
After
unchanged
>-ag
*-ig
voiceless
-?
raised: t; i; u (u); -ii (+ fronted) developed
obstruents
-i- onset
(tense voice)
The tense voice quality of first register vowels, from the PC voiceless obstruents, the voiceless obstruents did not affect led to high vowel lowering. Otherwise,
The Origins
of Registers
203
and Tones
vowel quality. Note that the high vowels include not just the high vowel inherited from PC high vowels, but also the secondarily-derived high barred-i that devel? before final velar in Western Cham both and Haroi (page 199). nasals oped Table 134: Tense voice and vowel lowering after voiceless
PNB
PC
Rade kasi
xxsisi(r) x*dhog
*qb!c
Chru tasi
obstruents
Haroi casei
pi:?pit
pei?
phi:? si:?
phei? sei? 'sew'
'a comb'
'sleep; close eyes' 'bitter; bile'
*phit
phi?
*jahit *kulit
jh?t kl?t
kali:?
kalei?
'skin'
*ku?it
kaft??
kaft?:?
ka?ei?
'yellow;
*tasi?
kasi?
tasi?
casei?
'sea;
*thu
thu
thu
thou
'dry'
*?iku
ku
aku
akou
'tail'
*lukut
ek?t
laku:?
lakou?
'absent'
turn eric'
ocean'
'avoid' *kantut x*ka?u:?
?
katu:?
katou?; tout
'fart'
?
ka??:?
ka?ou?
'worried;
sad'
P9y khin
psg
'to nail,
pound'
kh?n
'dare'
psg xkhi:n
*tr?h
x*cuh
?uh
coh
'burn
*krih
kr??-f
kri:h -1
kreh
'to whittle'
*phun
ph?n
phun
phon
'trunk; log; plant'
x*truh
truh
truh
troh
'arrive'
toh
'change'
klum
tlom; kalom
'to cover'
*tuh *klum
As
trns.'
*trun
tr?n
trun
tron
'descend'
*pluh
spluh
aploh
'ten'
*thun
pluh th?n
thun
thon
'year'
*tuh
tuh
tuh
'to
*tuy
tui hlus
tui
catoh; toh toi
is evident
pour'
'to follow'
from the examples in Table 134, both the lil and the lui into the diphthongs /ei/ and /ou/, respectively, word-finally or before a
develop final glottal stop.
204
8
Chapter
obstruents
After glottalized
and sonorants
(modal voice)
vowel quality changes occurred after either the glottalized obstruents nor after the sonorants. This is not surprising: both the glottalized obstruents and the sonorants were associated with modal voice, a clear phonation type that would
No
not have been expected There
to affect vowel quality. a subset
is, however,
of
after
reflexes
sonorants
where
the
situa?
tion is complicated by an assimilative interaction involving a PC *i or *u in the presyllable or a *y as the onset of the main syllable that caused vowel raising, a phenomenon otherwise only associated with voiced obstruents (see Table 135). The existence by Burnham
of such irregular correspondences was noticed by Lee (1977b) and (1976), who both commented on these unexpectedly high vowel
reflexes.
assimilation
Table 135: Height
after high (semi-)vowels
PNB
PC
Rade
Chru
Haroi
Tag
x*ya:g
yag
ya:g
yiag
'spirit; god'
yiah
'destroy;
*yah *raya
1
yap
ya:u?
yiau?
'count'
*buya
mya
bia
payia
'crocodile'
*?ular
ala
ala
alia
'snake'
*huma
hama
hama
hamia
'field'
*lima
ema
lama
lamia
'five'
? ana ania
*?ina
eman
*lama:n
sam?
*yor
*kayua x*hayua? *yua
-v
yuan kayua
-v
yuan
'mother;
lamian
lama:n
*samaw
*yuan
apart'
layia
*ya:p
*yun
take
-f
hamiau
'prompt;
yun
'Vietnamese'
kayua
kayua
yua?
yu?
major;
big'
'elephant'
ka-
on
time'
'because'
dah
yua
'harvest
(rice)'
'use'
There are three groups of sonorant-initial forms in Table 135 which have unexpectedly high vowels. In each case, the presence of either *i, *u, or *y seems to correlate with the otherwise unexpected reflex. The first group contains low but with a barred-i onset; in each case, this onset follows *y. The second group also contains low vowels, but in this case it appears that it is the high vowel vowels,
205
and Tones
of Registers
The Origins
*i or *u in the immediately preceding syllable that conditioned the height. The last group contains an l-u-l or /-ua/ which normally would have been lowered or had its onset lowered much
earlier in the history of Haroi (page 135) but which is in modern Haroi. This unexpected height correlates with the unexpectedly high initial *y. These changes involve /a/ diphthongizing, with the onset of /ia/ increasing its palatality as it assimilates to the preceding element, while ond part of the diphthong decreases its sonority (Donegan 1985:145-46)
After
voiced aspirates
the sec?
(modal voice)
Contrary to what is implied in a table in Thurgood (1996), once recent borrow? ings have been culled out, it becomes apparent that the so-called voiced aspirates behave just like the glottalized obstruents and the sonorants?they have no effect on the vowel quality.
whatsoever
Table 136: Reflexes
Chru
Haroi
thog
thog
*?adh?y
dhog adhsi
thai
thai-v
'forehead'
*dha:n
adhan
tha:n
than
'branch'
*jahit
jh?t
si:?
sei?
'sew' 'bad;
'knife'
*jaha:t
jhat
jaha:?
s?t
*?ugha:r
agha
akha
akha
'root'
*pa-gha:g
bhag
kha?
pakhag kh??
'forbid'
*pa-gha?
The vowel
After
voiced aspirates
PC Rade
x*dhog
stop
of the so-called
seen
-i
in /ei/ in 'sew' is the expected
diphthongization
'dry
wicked'
over
fire'
of HI before a glottal
earlier.
voiced obstruents
As both Lee
(breathy voice)
(1977b) and Burnham (1976) noticed, the breathy voice associated with the second register (from PC voiced obstruents) caused various mid vowels to raise and the low vowels to develop a barred-i onglide (see Table 137).
206
Chapter
Table 137: Breathy PNB
PC
voice quality and raising after voiced obstruents Rade
x*glsh
x*joh
?
joh
Chru
Haroi
gleh
tlth
joh
suh khu?
'broken; spoilt' 'kettle; clay pot' 'fruit; egg; elf.'
go? boh
go? boh
*do:k
dok
do:?
phuh thu?
x*gam
g?m
gam
khum
'to cover'
*bra:s
braih
bra:h
priah
'rice (husked)'
*ba
ba
ba
*bap
*pah
'tired'
*boh
x*go?
gah blah
'sit; live; stay'
take,
phia
'bring,
phiau? khiah
'fill; full'
carry'
'side, direction;
bank'
*gah *blah
blah
pliah
'chop; split'
*glag
dl?g
tliag
'look
*ja:k
jak dlie lui
sia?
'invite'
glai
tliai
'forest, jungle; wild'
x*druam
druom
dro:m
trum
'fell
*dua
dua
dua
thua
'two'
*glay
at; watch'
a tree'
In addition, certain diphthongs monophthongize in specific environments. tional examples of changes in PC shwa can be seen in page 199, above.
Transparency
8
and phonation
Addi?
spreading
For disyllabic words, the situation is complicated by the fact that some classes of initial consonants allow the phonation generated by the initial of main-syllable the presyllable to spread to the vowel of the main syllable. In such cases it is ini? tial of the presyllable, not the initial of the main ister of the main vowel.
syllable,
that determines
the reg?
Except when the initial of the presyllable is *s or *h, the Haroi spreading patterns are remarkably straightforward. If the main syllable begins with a sono? rant, it is the initial of the presyllable, not the initial of the main syllable, that the register of the main syllable vowel. In other words, except in the case of presyllable *s or *h, initial sonorants are transparent to register spreading. For example, as both Burnham (1976) and Lee (1977b:89) noticed, if the pretonic determines
The Origins
of Registers
207
and Tones
the vowel split?
syllable begins with a voiced obstruent, the main syllable follows ting patterns associated with breathy phonation (See Table 138). Table 138: Breathy phonation
x*bala
through sonorants
Chru
Haroi
ewa
jawa
cawia
mla
bla
palia
'tusk; ivory'
Rade PC
xjawa
spreading
soul,
'breath,
air'
*buga
maga
baga
pagia
'flower'
*dara
era
dra
caria
'girl (c. teenage)'
*bara
mra
bra
pria
'shoulder'
erah
*darah *dras *barah
drah
carian
'blood'
drah
carian
'fast'
brah
swollen'
elah
dalah
priah caliah
'swell;
*dilah *gunam
kanam
ganam
kaniam
'cloud'
*dalam
elam
dalam
caliam
'deep; inside'
*bula:n
mlan
ea
palian
'moon;
bla:n
'tongue'
month'
elan
jalam
calian
'road;
enau
danau
caniau
'lake'
*boh maw
mamau
bamau
pam?au
'mushroom'
*bulow
ml?u
blau
paliau
'body
druai (m)
car?i (m)
'thorn'
*jala:n *danaw
erue (m)
*durey
path'
hair'
In a parallel way, if the pretonic syllable begins with a voiceless obstruent (again, other than *s or *h) and the main syllable begins with a sono? rant, the main syllable follows the vowel splitting patterns associated with voice? less obstruent phonation. The examples in Table 139 show forms in which the phonation induced by the initial voiceless obstruent of the pretonic syllable has the reflexes of PC high vowels *-i spread to the main syllable. As a consequence, are the reflexes expected after voiceless stops, not the reflexes expected after monosyllables beginning with sonorants. For the last two examples in Table 139, the final vowel can also be attrib? uted to the otherwise well-attested process whereby a HI before a final glottal stop and *-u after sonorants
becomes
/ei/. In contrast
that allow a great dealing of spreading, the initial allow none: indeed, it appears thatmain-syllable block spreading.
to the sonorants
obstruents
syllable-initial obstruents completely
208
Chapter
Table 139: Tense voice spreading PC Rade
kam un
*timun
through sonorants
Chru
*tamuh
*kalih
8
Haroi
tam?h
cam oh
'grow; sprout'
tamun
camon
'melon;
karlih
kaleh
cucumber'
*kulit
kl?t
kali:?
kalei?
'miserly' 'skin'
*ku?it
kam?
ka??:?
ka?ei?
'yellow;
tumeric'
It is important to note that the vowel splits cannot be attributed directly to the influence of PC initials; instead, the splits are due to the influence of an intervening phonation type. These two patterns of phonation spreading constitute strong evidence that itwas the phonations correlated with consonants sonants, not the syllable-initial themselves,
the syllable-initial con? that caused the vowel
In phonetic terms, what must have spread from the pretonic syllable sonorant of the main syllable was a specific phonation through the syllable-initial not manner the of articulation or the voicing of the pretonic syllable-initial type,
splitting.
consonant.
Voice quality In disyllabic
and the reflexes of PC presyllable
*s- and *h
*s or *h is the initial of the presyllable, there is a voice quality-based split in the reflexes. It ismore than likely that early inHaroi PC *s and *h- merged as *h-. Then, before the before tense-voiced main syllables (< PC voiceless
forms when
the initial *h- was
lost (the first set of examples but before main 140) breathy-voiced syllables (< PC voiced obstruents ond set of examples in Table 140), this presyllabic *h- was retained. obstruents),
However
before
the main-syllable
initials associated
in Table the sec?
with modal
voice, that is, before glottalized obstruents or before sonorants (and, presumably, before voiced obstruents, if there were any), the *h- (< PC *s- and *h-) remained Haroi Ibl. Parallel
in which the reflexes of initial consonants have developments differed depending upon voice quality, that is, phonation type, are attested in in Chinese, and elsewhere (cf. Thur? Thai, in the Yi languages (Lolo-Burmese), good, 1980, and numerous other sources).]
Table 140: Register PNB
and thefate of PC presyllable NR
*s- and *h
PC
Rade
Haroi
*hatay
tie
hatai
at?i -i
'liver'
*sapuh *satuk
t?k
stu? 'boil'
apoh ato?
'boil; cook'
*habow
hab?u
habau
aphiau
'ashes'
*hudip
had?p
hadiu?
ath?p
'live,
*huda:g
hadag
hada:g
athiag
'shrimp;
'broom;
sweep'
alive'
lobster'
*hubsy
habei
habai
aphui (m)
'taro;
tuber;
yam'
*huja:n
asian
'rain'
athiam
'ant'
asiau
'hammock'
athuh
'look for;
hajan had?m
haja:n
x*haduah
duah
duah
x*sadar
hadar
sadar
athul
'remember'
x*sagar
hagar
sagar
akh?l
'drum'
xsi?jual -v
ha?jul
sa?ual
ha?jul
'light (not heavy)'
*halow
hl?u
halau
halau
'pestle'
*halim
hl?m
halim
halim
'rainy
*hurey
hrue (m)
harai
*haway *haluh
hawie
hawai
harii (m) hawai
hluh
haluh
haluh
*hulun
hl?n
halun
halun
*sidam
adam
-i
*sijaw
search'
r
*hare
'day;
season' sun'
'rattan' 'perforated; pierce'
harip
*sarip
'sip; slurp; suck
*hla
x*sula
hla
servant;
'slave; r
in'
sala
hala
'leaf
*sarum
srum ?
har?m
'sheath-like'
*sana
sana
hana
'roast;
*sanig
sanag
'fry'
parch'
*cach?g
*samaw
han?g
sam?
han?g -f
hamiau
'think' 'prompt;
on
time'
210
Chapter
Haroi
8
contact with Hr?
things are known about Haroi from the linguistic evidence. The sub grouping evidence on page 40 argues that Haroi originated as a Cham dialect, along with Phan Rang and Western Cham. Similarly, the patterns of apparently
Certain
convergences with Rade suggest that Haroi was influenced by some contact with Rade. However, the strongest influence on the structure of modern Haroi was an extended period of intense contact with MK languages, non-inherited
with Hr?. In fact, the very name Haroi might be an adaptation of Hr?. in The description The evidence of Hr? contact is uncontroversial. Schrock, et al. (1966:217) sums up the ethnographic situation nicely [although Hr? and their description uses a single term to designate both theMK-speaking especially
Haroi, both names will be used here]. The authors note that, although the Haroi and the Hr? speak two distinct languages, both linguistic as parts of a single tribe, with the groups are usually classified ethnographically Haroi speaking a Chamic language and being influenced by the Cham and the the Chamic-speaking
Rade and the Hr? speaking Hr?, a Northern Bahnaric language. As an illustration of the linguistic differences, Schrock, et al. (1966:217) provide a brief table of linguistic forms (see Table 141, for an updated, slightly expanded, and slightly modified version of that table). Table 141: The MK Hr? and the Chamic Haroi Eastern PNB
*qbok What
Bahnar
Hr? (MK)
Haroi PR (Chamic) Rade
Cham
PC
sa
sa
I ?ig
?ag
??g
x*?ag
'to eat'
ec
ec
I ma?iam
man?m
mi??m
*min?m
'to drink'
hnan
hnamo
I sag
'house'
bok
I ka oi
sag ae
*sa:g
bok
thag ?
?
'grandfather'
141 to show is the respective lin? from a modern viewpoint, it is uncon?
Schrock et al. intended the forms in Table
guistic affiliations of Hr? and Haroi. And, troversial that Hr? isMK, while Haroi is Chamic. Here, however, it is not the genetic affiliations
but the interlanguage con? from the Schrock et al. description that the
tact that is of interest. It is evident Haroi are not only referred to as Bahnar Cham but are also from an ethnographic viewpoint (1966:217), "considered a subgroup of the eastern division of the Bah?
nar tribe". Certainly, the ethnography documents intense and extended contact, contact which obviously included bilingualism. Although they incorrectly guessed that the contact language was Bahnar, rather than Hr?, Tegenfeldt and Goschnick (1977:1-2) correctly suggested a
211
and Tones
of Registers
The Origins
contact and Haroi restructured register. That the was not Hr?, Bahnar, is now clear as are the changes. Hr? language in question has undergone vowel realignments quite parallel to those undergone in Haroi. The evidence can be culled, with some minor readjustments of the reconstruc? between MK
causal connection
tions, from Smith's (1972) reconstruction includes Hr?.
of Proto-North-Bahnaric
(PNB), which
However, before Haroi can be directly compared with Hr? (as seen in 1972 reconstructions), certain of Smith's reconstructions require modifi? cation. Typologically, there is usually a rather straight correlation between the
Smith's
of register complexes and vowel height movement: to lower, while breathy-register vowels tend to rise; tend tense-register in Smith's reconstructions there is no regular relationship between nonetheless, the voice quality differences and vowel lowering and raising. In Smith's PNB
voice
quality
differences
vowels
under
reconstructions,
tense
voice,
certain
PNB
reconstructed
are
vowels
some?
times raised and sometimes other PNB vowels
lowered; similarly, under the breathy voice, certain are similarly sometimes raised and sometimes lowered.
in the vowel reconstructions, it is possible to a system in which, when they changed height, the PNB vowels low? ered under tense voice and raised under breathy voice. The solution to this was in With minor modifications
reconstruct the vowels
Inmany cases, unless one took the effects of voice quality the actual vowel reconstruction was somewhat arbitrary: that
themselves.
into consideration, is, in many cases,
it appears that Smith had no principled basis for deciding should be reconstructed as, for example, mid in PNB and then raised in certain languages or whether they should be reconstructed as high in PNB and then lowered in certain languages. Working with the added constraint
whether
that
tense
Smith's
certain vowels
voice
causes
reconstructions
dences between
to lower
vowels can
be
adjusted
and
breathy rather
voice quality and vowel movement
voice easily,
causes making
vowels the
to rise,
correspon?
both internally consistent
and
typologically
expected. Smith's reconstruc? Although more work needs to be done modifying or tions before it can be determined whether such changes are unexceptional whether they are sometimes conditioned, the minor modifications made already have major additional benefits: it is now obvious that Hr?, the language most inti? in contact with Haroi, has undergone voice quality-related vowel height changes that closely parallel those found in Haroi. As Table 142 shows, at least some of the Hr? high vowels lowered under tense voice, the quality equivalent to
mately
tense voice under which Haroi high vowels lowered. And, as Table 143 shows, the Hr? mid and low vowels have raised under breathy voice, the voice quality equivalent to the Haroi breathy voice under which Haroi mid and low vowels raised. the Haroi
212
Chapter
In short, the Haroi and the Hr? changes are not just parallel, Haroi changes took place while in intense contact with Hr?. Table 142: Hr? high vowels
PNB
8
but the
lowered under tense voice
Hr?
(Smith, modified) *tum
torn
'all'
*bic
bee
'fat (v)'
*c(h)uy
c?y
'plant
*pih
pen
'pound
*asih
asen
'horse'
*rih
r?h
'play (instrument)'
*taqnih
taneh
'earth,
*(q)bul
bo
'lizard;
*kaciyh
kac?h
'sneeze'
rice' rice'
soil' gecko;
salamander'
It is tempting, by the way, to attribute the vowel raising in at least the *-?y vowels in Table 143 to the final off-glide. However, a comparison of the Hr? reflexes of PNB *-ay under breathy voice with the reflexes of PNB *-ay
PNB
under
modal
(that
in the vowel
voice
is, clear)
makes
it clear
that
breathy
voice
played
a role
raising.
Table 143: Hr? mid and low vowels raised under breathy voice
PNB
Hr?
(Smith, modified) *c?m
ci m
'bird'
*kl?c
kl?c
'deaf
*ph?w
'happy'
*adr?y
ph?w ad?
*h?y
h?
'day;
*pl?y
pfi
'fruit; egg; elf. for round objects'
'pestle' sun'
that when PNB *-ay has tense voice, the Hr? reflexes remain *-ay, the PNB *-ay was under breathy voice, the high vowel reflex occurs.
Note but when
1. Although these particular patterns appear quite clear, much reworking of Smith (1972) is needed to fully make sense of the interaction of vowel changes and phonation types.
The Origins
of Registers
Table 144: PNB
PNB
213
and Tones
*-ay reflexes under tense versus breathy voice Hr?
(Smith, modified) *bray
*katayh
bray katayh
'thread' 'hip'
*may
may
'sister
*bagay
magay
'people'
*adr?y
ad?
'pestle'
*h?y
hi
'day;
*pl?y
p? b?h
*qb?yh
in-law;
elder
sister'
sun'
'fruit; egg; clL for round objects' 'snake'
The conjectures about the earlier sociolinguistic situation are somewhat was a some combination of shift accompanied by long likely speculative, but it term bilingualism. At the earliest stages, Haroi would still have been a dialect of the then prestigious Cham language, and thus some speakers of Hr? may have shifted to Haroi. Since then, however, Cham has suffered a considerable loss of prestige, and at some point the roles became reversed with the Haroi assimilating to the Hr?. In any case, two things are well-attested: Ethnographically, the Haroi have been heavily influenced by Bahnar^ in particular by the Hr?. Under these influences, Haroi has undergone a set of changes typologically parallel to the changes in Hr?. Specifically, during this period of social and linguistic contact, the Haroi vowel system has been realigned, coming to resemble the Hr? vowel system.
Conclusions The Haroi case nicely illustrates the respective roles played by external language contact and by internal paths of change: the external contact has provided both the impetus and the directionality for the changes, while the language internal structures have provided constraints on the potential paths for the changes. As a corollary to the primary role played by contact in this and other Haroi changes, the major Haroi changes have not come about gradually. Rather, the opposite is true: since the major changes in Haroi came about with the onset of intense contact, the major changes are characterized by short periods of rapid, assimilative restructuring, beginning with the onset of intensive contact and fol? lowed by periods of relative stasis and more minor
changes?continuing
until the
214
8
Chapter
next significant period of contact. The non-contact
induced changes are far more
minimal.
restructurings, powered by contact situations and presumably abrupt rather than gradual, are found throughout Southeast Asia (for example, 1992a, 1996). In fact, it would be reasonable to conclude that, in the Thurgood Similar
Southeast Asian
area, it is contact
that has provided the impetus for with factors only influencing the changes language-internal paths by which such changes take place. Finally, the most interesting part of this particular change may be that it seems to have been a change in part shared both by Haroi and Hr?. Given both
most
linguistic
of the major
the timing of the changes and their striking similarities, it looks like the best way to view the changes is as being one that was shared by the Haroi and the Hr? Hr? speakers the changes occurred in their Hr?, but speakers. For monolingual speakers bilingual in Hr?, the changes occurred not only in their Hr? but were also extended to their Haroi. Thus, in this sense, the change was shared between the two languages. for those Haroi
TSAT AND ITS FULLY-DEVELOPEDTONAL SYSTEM Tsat is a Chamic near
Sanya
language spoken in theMuslim
on Hainan
island.
Although
there
was
villages
of Yanglan
undoubtedly
and Huixin
a trading
commu?
to this area was apparently nity established earlier, the first major migration at in 982. the the northern after fall of shortly Indrapura to the Vietnamese capital to that,
Subsequent
there may
also
have
been
other
immigrations.
language itself is Tsat /tsa:n?42/ (transcribed from a Keng-Fong Pang tape), a form that corresponds with absolutely complete regularity to the Cham name for themselves /cam/. The initial, the final, the vowel length, the The
glottalization, and even the tone are precisely what is expected (see Table 104 and text for a discussion of the tonal developments). Although the the accompanying language is Tsat, the people are called Utsat, an ethnonym consisting of the root /tsam?42/ 'Cham', just discussed, with what is apparently the prefix lu-l also seen in other ethnonyms in the language, an etymology suggested by Mark Durie (p.c.).
Evolution
of the Tsat
tones
Over fifty years ago, Paul Benedict (1941) recognized that Tsat is Chamic, but the Tsat tones were only reported more recently (Ouyang and Zheng, 1983; Ni, 1988ab, 1990ab). The comparative work has either accompanied the synchronie work or quickly followed Ni, 1988ab, 1990ab).
it (cf. Benedict,
1984; Haudricourt,
1984; Zheng
1986;
The Origins
of Registers
215
and Tones
The tone system itself is similar in its complexity to the tone systems of its Chinese neighbors and more complex than that of Phan Rang Cham, and the diachronic study of its tonal developments have been a major or minor focus of 1984; Haudri papers by various authors (Maddieson and Pang 1993; Benedict court 1984; Ouyang and Zheng 1983; Zheng 1986; Ni 1988ab, 1990ab; Thur? good 1992b, 1993). Tsat is of particular linguistic interest because in it, each stage in the and fully-tonal is remark? transition from disyllabic and atonal to monosyllabic ably well-documented. Perhaps it is the clearest such case in the linguistics liter? ature. Part of the clarity comes from the relatively short time-depth; the rest of the clarity is simply our luck in having most of the intermediate stages attested in related languages. Figure
18: Tsat tonogenesis
Initials
inmonosyllables
Resulting
classes:
registers:
Resulting tone Tones:
PC initials (except voiced obstruents)
PC voiced obstruents
modal voiced, high series
breathy voiced, low
classes:
Finals:
55
<
24
< glottal
33
< voiced
55
<
42
< glottal
series 11
*-h
*-h
< voiced
Tones are marked with Chao
[Zhao] (1930) tone numbers. The numbers indicate relative pitch height, with 5 being high, 3 in the middle, and 1 low. The first number indicates where the tone begins the second where the tone ends. Thus, for example, 55 is a high, level tone.
a little more complicated, like the evolution of Phan Rang Although Cham tones, the evolution of tones in Tsat is relatively straightforward. The mod? ern Tsat tones are predictable from the voicing differences in the earlier initials
216
Chapter
8
from a final *-h; the relative chronology of this to with other the respect changes is unclear, something indicated by the change dotted line in Figure 18. Otherwise, the earliest stage involved a splitting of the ? lexicon into two groups words with high-pitched, probably clear-voiced pho? nation and words with a low-pitched, breathy-voiced phonation (Figure 18). and finals. The 55 tone evolves
Next, both of these groups were split further by the final consonant. All a mid-rising 24s (-s words with a final glottal stop developed a contour tone? 42s indicates a stopped tone) tone from the high-pitched series and a mid-falling tone from the breathy-voiced low-pitched series. All words with a nasal or a a mid-level a vowel final developed level tone? 33 tone from the high-pitched series and a low-level 11 tone from the breathy-voiced low-pitched series. Sev? eral other subsets developed
in special ways,
are also
but these developments
transparent.
From final
*-h & *-s: (> tone 55)
among the Chamic languages, Tsat has developed a unique tone from the reflexes of PC final *-h (< PMP *-q) and final *-s: the 55 high-level tone. Statisti? cally, most such forms derive from final *-h, but a significant number of 55 tones
Alone
also come from PC final *-s (for examples,
nipis habis
PC
Chru
*lipih *?abih
lapin abih
145).
tone
Table 145: Origin of the 55 high-level Malay
see Table
NR
Tsat
lupih abih
pi55
'thin (material)'
phi55 phi55
'all; finished, done'
tikus mamah
taku:h
*tikus *mamah
?
tukuh mum?h
sa?ioh
tanah
*tanah
tanah
si?joh tan?h
deras
*dras
drah
drah
buah
*boh
boh
boh
nanah
*lanah
tujuh
*tujuh
x*(si)?joh
m?rah
s?-puluh
*mahirah
*pluh
lan?h tajuh mariah
spluh
(na11) ku55 ma55
2iu55
'drip; a drop'
na 55
'earth,
sia-'a55
'fast;
short
pho55
'fruit;
egg;
la11 na55
sa pluh
soil' time' elf.'
'pus' 'seven'
tijuh mariah
'rat' 'chew'
za ,55
plU
55
'red' 'ten'
For PC forms ending in either *-h or *-s (except the *-a:s rhyme), the Tsat reflex is invariably the 55 tone regardless of whether the syllable-initial consonant is a voiced
obstruent,
a voiceless
obstruent,
a sonorant,
or whatever.
The Origins
The shared Roglai
217
and Tones
of Registers
and Tsat loss of PC *-s in reflexes of PC *-a:s
However, there is one fascinating and instructive exception to the generalization that PC final *-h and *-s led to tone 55 in Tsat: the PC *-a:s rhyme. As is particu? larly clear from the N. Roglai column in Table 146, the final *-s was simply lost after the four words
ending
in PC *-a:s.
Table 146: The shared Roglai Malay
PC
Chru
and Tsat loss of PC *-s in reflexes of PC *-a:s NR
Tsat
-as
*-a:s
-a:h
-a
-a33/11
atas
*?ata:s
ata:h
ata
ta33
kapas
'far;
above;
long'
'cotton'
x*kapa:s
kapa:h
kapa
pa33
*kaka:s
karka:h
kaka
ka33
'fish scales'
beras
*bra:s
bra:h
bra
phia11
'rice (husked)'
-ah
*-ah
-ah
-ah
-a55
darah
*darah
drah
darah
sia55
'blood'
panah
*panah
panah
pan?h
na55
'shoot (bow); a bow'
x*picah
pa can
tsa55
'broken;
b?lah
*blah
blah
phia55
'chop; split'
basah
*basah
sa55
'wet;
pecan
pasah
?
blah pasah
break'
damp'
As a consequence in Tsat, these forms have tone 11 or tone 33 reflexes, not the 55 tone expected from words ending in a final *-s. Note first that this is a very restricted, very specific loss: only the *-s is lost and then, as Durie suggested (p.c.), only after long /a:/. In other environments, the *-s was not lost; that is, in other environments, the PC *-s remains /-s/: in Northern Roglai, it remains /-s/ and it shows up in Tsat as the 55 tone. Nor does the otherwise quite parallel PC *-ah loose its final *-h; in Northern Roglai, *-h is retained as such everywhere, and inTsat the final *-h is reflected everywhere of examples in Table 146). Given the highly specific environment
as the 55 tone (see the second set
for this change, the fact that it is shared by Northern Roglai and Tsat is strong evidence for subgrouping the two together. When combined with the fact that Northern Roglai and Tsat also both
share the innovation of final preploded nasals, no doubt exists that these two lan? guages should be subgrouped together.
218
Chapter
From final
8
stops
All PC final strops (*-p, *-t, *-k, *-c, *-?) have as their Tsat reflex a final glottal stop. The transcriptions of both Ouyang and Zheng and of Ni give the misleading impression that even these final glottal stops have disappeared in some forms, but the instrumental
studies
inMaddieson
and Pang
(1993) make
it clear the final
glottal stops are still present. These forms ending tinction correlated with
in final glottal stops have split into two tones, a dis? themanner of the initial consonant: monosyllables begin?
an originally voiced obstruent have a 42 falling tone; the remaining have a contrasting 24 rising tone. The importance of initial voic? monosyllables ing in the evolution of the 42 tones was suggested by Benedict (1984); this pre? ning with
cise configuration of features as the origin of the 42 tone was pointed out to me by Eric Oey (p.c., 1992). tone
Table 147: Origin of the 42 falling PC
Malay
Chru
NR
Tsat
xtabiat
ta?ia?
tubia?
hidup
*hudip
hadiu?
hadiu?
phia?42 thiu?42
'go out; appear' flive, alive'
x*js?
se?42
'near;
*do:k
je? do:?
je?'near'
duduk
do:?
tho?42
'sit;
jua?
sua?42
'step
no?42
'upgrade;
phua?42
'do; work'
buat
'do'
x*jua?
jawa?
x*rp?
go?
*buat
bu??
about live; on;
to'
stay' tread' east'
The remaining monosyllables ending in a glottal stop but not beginning with an originally voiced obstruent have a rising 24 tone. Just as with the 42 falling tone, the final glottal stop is also retained with the 24 rising tone. What is not yet obvious from these forms but what will is that it was the become obvious when voice quality spreading is discussed not the voicing per se, that led breathiness associated with the voiced obstruents, to the low tone reflexes ("Transparency and phonation spreading" on page 183). for the final stops, not the retains a number of the which language Malay, finals as such. In this respect, however, the Malay orthography is somewhat deceptive as the orthographic final actually represents a glottal stop inmost cases. Note thatAcehnese (not included on the table) sometimes retains the final Table
least of which
stops
as
such.
148 shows several pieces
is the extra-Chamic
of evidence
The Origins
219
and Tones
of Registers
Table 148: Origin of the 24 rising tone
PC
Chru
NR
Tsat
*phit
phi:?
phi:?
stu?
satu?
phi?24 tu?24
'bitter; bile'
*satuk anak
*?ana:k
ana:?
ana:?
na?24
'child'
pahat
*pha:t
pha:? Be?
?e?
Malay pahit
x*?e?
x*rfa?
?mpat
'boil; cook'
pha:?24
'chisel,
?e?24
'elf. long, thin objects'
?da?24
'crack
hua?24
'eat
plane'
open'
x*hua?
hua?
x*?o:?
?o:?
?o:? mata
?o?24
'face'cf.'nose'
x*le?
Is?
le?
le?24
'fall into'
*pa:t
pa:?
pa:?
pa?24
ra?
za?24
'grass;
?u:?
?u?24
'head hair'
ako?
ko?24
'head' 'hot; sunny'
ra?
x*rak -1
*?uk
?u:?
-1
ako?
x*?ako?
rice'
'four'
x*parfia?
padia?
padia?
tfia?4
*ga?
t)a?
fj??
nau?24
'make,
x*cat
ca?
ca?
weeds'
do'
tsa?24
'mountain
f?a?24
'oil'
range'
minyak
*mifta:k
masak
*tasa?
tasa?
tisa?
sa?24
'ripe;
cooked'
sakit
*sakit
-saki:?
saki:?
ki?24
'sick,
painful'
ni?4
ma?a:?
langit
*lagit
lagi:?
lan?:?
asap
*?asap
asa?
asa?
sau?24
'sky' 'smoke
x*kle?
kls?
tie?
ke?24-m
'steal'
ma?
ma?24
'take;
ka?24
'to tie'
za?24
'vein,
za?24 sa:?24
'wave; ripple; surf' 'bad; wicked'
si?24
'sew'
*mat
ma?
ikat
*?ikat
aka?
ika?
urat
*?urat
ara?
ura?
riak jahat jahit
From final Aside
xriya:?
*jaha:t * jahit
nasals
ria:? jaha:? si:?
chi:?
fetch,
get'
tendon'
or vowels
from a handful
with forms ending
-1
(of a fire)'
on page 160, the developments in final nasals or final vowels parallel the developments with of final nasals discussed
220
Chapter
final glottal stop: monosyllables beginning with have all low-level tone; monosyllables without initial have a contrasting Table 149: Origins
an originally an originally
voiced
obstruent
voiced
obstruent
tone.
33 mid-level
of the 11 low-level
tone
PC
Chru
NR
Tsat
abu
*habow
habau
habau
pha11
'ashes'
ada
*?ada
tha11
'have,
adik
*?adsy
thai11
Malay
adai
adai
exist'
*babuy
pabui
ba bui
phui11
'younger sibling' 'wild pig'
dada
*dada
tada
dada
tha11
'chest'
dua
*dua
dua
dua
thua11
'two'
hidung
*?idurj
adug
id?k
thug11
'nose'
hada:rj
huda:k
la^haig11
'shrimp; lobster'
haja:n
huja:t
sam11
'rain'
tarbau
tub au
pha11
habai
habuai(m)
phai11
babi
hudang
*huda:rj
hujan t?bu
*huja:n
ubi
*tabow
*hubsy
-v
8
'sugarcane' 'taro;
tuber;
ular
*?ular
ala
ula
(la11) la33
fsnake'
lipan
*limpa:n
lapa:n
lupa:t
a11 pain11
'centipede'
kandung
x*kadun
kadug
thug11
'pocket;
ribu
*ribow
rabau
rub au
pha11
yam'
pouch'
'thousand'
tone is essentially the residual tone class: it The remaining 33 mid-level involves no voiced obstruent initials, and, thus, no tone lowering; it involves no Tsat final glottal stop, and, thus, no contour tones; and it involves no final *-h or tone. In short, the 33 mid-level tone is from the *-s, and, thus, no high-level or a vowel final voiced obstruent onset. nasal final forms lacking the forms discussed thus far, the forms ending in PC *-h Tsat 55 high-level tone reflexes. The tones of the remaining forms are conditioned by two factors: whether the onset syllable was a voiced To summarize
or *-s have modern
and whether the PC final was originally a stop. The presence of a voiced obstruent onset resulted in a 42 falling tone, if the form ended in a glottal stop, and in the 11 low-level tone, if it did not. The presence of a final glottal stop obstruent
resulted in a contour tone: if the form had a voiced obstruent onset, the tone was the 42 falling tone; if the onset was not a voiced obstruent, the tone was a 24 ris? ing
tone.
The Origins
Table 150: Origins
Chru
pinang
*pina:g
pana:g
satu
*sa
sa
tahun
*thun
tali
tone
of the 33 mid-level
PC
Malay
221
and Tones
of Registers
Tsat
NR
pin?g sa
na:g33
'betel;
sa33
'one'
thun
thut
thun33
'year'
tala i
lai33
*talsy
talai
'rope;
string'
tang?n
*taga:n
ta gain
tag?n
ga:n33
'hand;
arm'
tuha
*tuha
tha
tuha
ha33 xau33
'old (people)'
turun
*trun
trun
trut
tsun
ular
*?ular
ala
ula
(la11) la33
lapar
33
'descend' 'snake'
33
*lapa
lapa
x*?assh
assh
aseh
x*par
par
pa
pa
'hungry' ,33
'horse'
33
tulang
palai
piai
ruai
zuai
*?ika:n
akain
ika:t
ka:n33
'fish'
x*ka:g
talka:g
ka:k
ka:g33
'chin; jaw'
tula:k
la:*33
'bone'
tig33 ta33
'eye'
*tula:g
mata
*mata
Transparency also
occurs
33
-n
x*ruay
ikan
'to fly'
pan
?-v
*palsy
As
betel-nut'
plai ruai
tala:g mata
and phonation in Haroi,
mata
'village'
33
'fly; bug; insect'
spreading
Western
and
Cham,
Phan
there was
Cham,
Rang
spread?
ing of the breathiness generated by a voiced obstruent in the pretonic syllable the main syllable, thereby resulting in a lowered tone in the main syllable. And, as in the other languages in this study, the main-syllable-initial sonorants
are
transparent
to spreading.
Notice
that
the
tone
class
151 is predictable not from the initial of the PC main the initial of the PC presyllable. in Table
Table 151: Spreading
to
the examples
of
syllable but from
through sonorants
PC
Chru
*dihlow
lahau
dihlau
lau11
'first (go); formerly'
jarum
*jarum
jrum ?
jurup
sun11
'needle'
bunga
*buga
baga
bug?
ga11
'flower'
baharu
*bahrow
barhau
bahrau
phia11
'new;
bulan
*bula:n
ea bla:n
ia bila:t
phian11
'moon;
Malay dahulu
jalan
*jala:n *bara
jala:n bra
NR
jala:t bara
Tsat
lam11
phia11
'road;
just
now'
month' path'
'shoulder'
222
Chapter
8
Tsat is unique among the languages examined in also allowing voiceless obstruents. In the examples of spreading through main-syllable-initial Table 152, it is the voiced obstruent of the presyllable, not the voiceless obstruent of the main syllable, that correlates with the Tsat 11 low-level and the 42 falling However,
tone. Thus, in these examples, in which the PC presyllable begins with a voiced obstruent and the main syllable begins with a voiceless obstruent, the second reg? ister phonation, undoubtedly, breathiness, has spread from the presyllable to the main
syllable.
Table 152: Spreading Malay
PC
d?pa dikit
Chru
*dapa *dikit *batsy
b?si
*bassy *buta
buta
through voiceless
tapa taki:? patai
pasai ?
x*bato
pato
batu
*batow
patau
batuk
*batuk
those
patu?
stops
NR
Tsat
tupa tiki:?
pa11 ki7*2
'armspan' 'few; little'
pitai
u11 tai11
'banana'
sai11
'iron'
pisai ?
ta11
'blind'
pato
to11
'teach'
patau
tau11
'stone'
pitu?
tu?42
'cough'
There seem to be, however, a small set of examples, virtually identical to in Table 152, in which the PC presyllable also begins with a voiced
obstruent and the main
syllable also begins with the voiceless obstruent *-h-, but it clear that the breathiness did not spread from the presyl? lable to the main syllable. That is, it initially appears that, in Tsat, breathiness spread through medial voiceless stops but not through voiceless medial l-b-l.
where
the tone makes
These patterns were reported as a puzzle in Thurgood (1993), a problem heightened by the contrast with Phan Rang Cham, where just the opposite hap? pened: breathiness spread through medial l-b-l, but did not spread through medial stops (see Table 153). The essence of the puzzle lay in the fact that in the medial voiceless l-b-l was apparently more transparent to spreading than the medial voiceless stops (as might be expected), but in Tsat precisely the
voiceless Cham
opposite
seemed The
true.
resolution
to
the
puzzle,
however,
turns
out
to be
anticlimactic:
as
the Northern Roglai column in Table 153 indicates, in forms with medial l-b-l the voicing of the voiced obstruents was lost before the breakup of Northern Roglai and, more to the point, long before the spreading of breathiness would have taken a result, by the time spreading occurred, no question longer had voicing or breathiness.
place
in Tsat. As
the presyllables
in
The Origins
Table 153: The apparent failure Malay jahat jahit dahi akar
PC
223
and Tones
of Registers
to spread through medial
NR
Tsat
PR Cham
?
sa:?24
?ha?
'bad; wicked;
*jahit
chi:?
si?24
?hi?
'sew'
*?adh?y
thai
thai33
they
'forehead'
*?ugha:r
ukha
kha33
ukha
'root'
*jaha:t
-h
badly'
Despite the obvious typological similarities, the Tsat tonal developments and the spreading patterns are idiosyncratic to Tsat, making it evident that the are quite independent of those in Haroi, Tsat tonal and spreading developments Western Cham, and Phan Rang Cham.
final constriction
Tones and secondary
This analysis describes what happens to the vast majority of the voiced syllables. However, two cases remain which involve interesting twists: the first involves the tonal development of PMP *-ay syllables acquiring final glottal stops; the second involves final nasals acquiring glottal constriction. The development of the glot? talization of final nasals was discussed on page 160ff.; the development of the final glottal stops from PMP *-ay will be discussed below. Secondarily-derived
falling
tones: PMP
*-ay > Tsat -aa?
Tsat has developed an epenthetic final glottal stop and a 42 falling tone on inher? ited PMP *-ay forms. Although the original sources show considerable variation in the subphonemic pitch of the tone, as Maddieson and Pang (1993) correctly observe Tsat has only one phonemic falling tone, and thus all the examples in Table 154 are marked as 42.
Table 154: Tsat reflexes of PMP PMP *ma-atay
(*qaqay)
Malay mati
PC
Tsat
*matay
taii?42
'die'
*kakay
kaii?42
'foot'
mari
*maray
zaii?42
'come'
padi
*paday
tha??42
'rice (paddy)'
kaki
*haway
*qatay
*-ay finals
hati
vari?42
'rattan'
*hatay
ta:!?42
'liver'
*glay
khiad?42
'forest; jungle'
224
Chapter
8
falling tone correlates with two features of the modern Tsat reflexes: the presence of a glottal stop and the presence of a modern Tsat long vowel. These same two features can also be seen in the other source of secondarily-derived falling tones, the glottalized final nasals, which discussed on page 160ff.
The
The history
of Tsat
contact
The
linguistic evidence reveals the outlines of Tsat contact. More revealing than any other finding is that, as is evident from irrefutable linguistic evidence (page 40), Tsat subgroups with Northern Roglai. Along with various minor pieces of evidence, there are two major shared innovations: Tsat and Northern
loss of final *-s just in the rhyme *-a:s Roglai share the contextually-restricted but nowhere else and they share the very, very unusual, and typologically highly marked innovation of preploded final nasals. Either of these would normally be considered
significant subgrouping evidence; the combination For those without sufficient linguistic sophistication strength of the linguistic evidence, it is possible to be mislead /tsa:n?42/, which, as is shown in "Tsat and its fully-developed
is irrefutable. to appreciate the by the name Tsat
tonal system" on page 214, is the modern Tsat reflex of the name Cham. However, it is only in con? temporary times that the term Cham picks out, for example, just the Phan Rang Cham
and
the Western
Cham.
A
thousand
years
ago,
all
the Chamic
speakers
the coast of Vietnam
along presumably fell under the designation Cham so the name alone tells us nothing other than what we already know?that the Tsat are Chamic.
The connection
of the N. Roglai
and northern
Cham
The modern N. Roglai are, as the apparent etymology of the name Roglai sug? gests, 'forest people' (*ra < *?ura:g 'people' + *glay 'forest'), but it is unlikely that it was a forest-dwelling group that broke off from the Roglai and fled to Hainan. Instead, they must have been living somewhere else with a different life? style and had not yet come to live in the highlands. Further, both Roglai and Tsat share two marked sound changes?the loss of final PC *-s after *a and stop final reflexes from PC final nasals as the result of the decomposition of final nasals forming preploded nasals. It is also unlikely that the speakers of N. Roglai/Tsat were in the south; rather it is far more likely, particularly in light of the existence of the preploded nasals, that these speakers were at the end of the Chamic dialect all other things considered, the northern end of the chain. chain?presumably, it is Thus, reasonably likely that the forerunners of the modern N. Roglai and modern Utsat were then simply the northern Chams living in and around Indra
The Origins
of Registers
and Tones
225
pura before the fall of the northern capital Indrapura in 982, some of them traders and some from other social groups. And, it was only after the fall of the northern capital Indrapura that these northern Chams split up, with the forerunners of the modern
Tsat
modern Roglai
/tsam?42/ (< PC *cam) fleeing to Hainan, the forerunners of the fleeing to southern Vietnam, and, speculatively, others fleeing to
Cambodia.
It is also reasonable
to assume
that the composition of the emigrant groups was different depending upon the destination. It is likely that a dispropor? tionate number of the traders went to either the trading colony on Hainan or the new capital in the south, that the majority of themembers of the ruling class most likely favored southern Vietnam, and that the rest of southern Vietnam and per? haps Cambodia attracted those with other skills and backgrounds. In any event by around 1000, the northern Chams had abandoned the northern provinces. This scenario, suggested by the linguistic subgrouping and by the subse? quent migration patterns, also gives us an approximate date for the Tsat arrival in is, sometime not too long after 982 when Indrapura fell to theViet? and while the Chams were in the process of abandoning their northern provinces. This date would fit nicely with the Tsat traditions (Sch?fer, 1967:75) which maintain, in one version, that they came to Hainan from the "Western
Hainan?that namese
in Tang times [618-907], and another version that says that they Regions" reached Hainan in the Song period [960-1279]. This would account for the preva? lence of stories about the times of the kings among the Roglai and for the stories about the Roglai possessing some of the Cham royal treasures. traditional dates match quite nicely with the Chinese dynastic which records, Zheng (1986:37, footnote 4), in a footnote in her article on the genetic relationship of Tsat to the Chamic languages, briefly discusses. The trans? lation has been provided by Hilary Chappell; her comments are in square brack? The
ets, while Mark Durie has added two notes in curly brackets. to the Records ofQiong Prefecture (Qiongzhou Fuzhi), their According forebears "came in boats with their families as a result of troubled times in the Song dynasty [960-1279 AD] and the Yuan dynasty" [1279-1368 to extracts AD]. ['Qiong' is another name for Hainan Island]. According from both the History of the Song Dynasty (Song Shi) and True Records of the Emperor Xian Zong of theMing Dynasty (Ming Xian Zong Shi), it can now be precisely determined that they came in several migrations from Zhancheng {Champa} to Hainan Island. The History of the Song v. 489, p. 14 080 (revised edition Zhonghua Publishers) records dynasty, the third year in the period of Yong Xi (986 AD)) Danzhou "(During Hainan from [modern Danxian, Island] reported that a person
226 Chapter
8
led one hundred of his clan to the county their allegiance], having been harassed by the people of capital [to give Jiaozhi [northern parts of modern Vietnam and the name given to Viet? nam by the Northern Song dynasty]".
Zhancheng
named Pu-Luo-E
these immigrants are Chamic speakers from Champa. Unquestionably, Two years later there is another report of immigrants from Champa, but these (Canton City) on mainland immigrants appear to have settled in Guangzhou China.
In the first year of Duan Gong (988 AD), Guangzhou [Canton City] one a to that of the Yi "Huxuan, person belong again reported others assembled 310 tribes [Yi = non-Chinese and 'barbarian'] people and came to the country capital from Zhancheng [Champa]".
once
However, this 988 AD record is difficult to interpret. On the one hand, it is clear that Zheng is citing it in the context of discussing the arrival of the Tsat (Chams) in Hainan. On the other hand, it is quite clear that the report is from Guangzhou (Canton City), not Hainan. The most straightforward reading, however, is that this is a report of Chams arriving presumably in the Guangzhou (Canton) area. It should be pointed out thatYi is being used here as a general term indi? cating a non-Chinese Yi people, a Loloish
barbarian, not as a specific term indicating a member branch of Tibeto-Burman. subgroup of Lolo-Burmese
of the
Then, again, not long after the fall of the southern capital Vijaya, in in 1471, there is a another report of the immigration of refugees from Binh-dinh, Champa. The True Records of the Emperor Xian Zong of theMing Dynasty also records (v.284) (In the 22nd year of Cheng Hua (1486 AD)), the eleventh month, the Xu Tong'ai, and others presented a Imperial Censor to Guangdong, to the throne, reporting: 'The prince of Zhancheng, Gulai, memorial the leading imperial concubines, the prince's descendants and his clans 1000 people?and carrying local produce [probably as a people?over came to Yazhou [modern day Yaxian] in Guangdong province, tribute] to wishing appeal to the throne'. the first two immigrations, since it had been roughly 500 years since the Cham had controlled the northern provinces, these immigrants would not have been from the north, but instead must have been from the south?and, thus, were
Unlike
not the first wave of immigrants,
the ones that originally
split off from the North
of Registers
The Origins
ern Roglai. And, likely destination.
again,
227
and Tones
be a
for the traders the trading post at Hainan would
these records, Zheng (1986:37) concludes that the Utsat have for over 1000 years, a conclusion that accords very nicely with the subgrouping record and with the consequent conclusion that the first wave of Tsat must have immigrated to Hainan from the northern part of the Champa and Citing been in Hainan
thus historically rather early. The Chinese records, however, also suggest there was a second wave of immigrants roughly five hundred years later.
that
with the date of the arrival of Islam
Correlations
several authors have tried to Presumably because the modern Utsat are Muslim, connect the date for the arrival of the Utsat on Hainan to the date for the arrival of Islam in Champa. Benedict (1941:130), for example, suggests that, although the "date of the introduction of Mohammedanism into Annam remains uncertain", since the earliest Islamic inscriptions are dated 1039 and from 1025 to 1035, "the arrival date was somewhere around the middle of the elev?
earliest date potential enth
century".
Similarly, in her dissertation, Pang begins an appendix entitled "Com? ment on Utsat's Chamic origins" (1992:431-436) with the statement that she will comment on the dating of the Utsat colony in Hainan and on whether or not the Utsat were already Muslims when they arrived inHainan. However, much of the for her dating starts with the assumption that the Utsat were argumentation Muslim
already
when
they
arrived
in Hainan,
a position
that
she
provides
no
evi?
dence for, possibly following Benedict (1941:10) or possibly following Maspero (1928:13-14) who states that the widespread conversion of Cham people to Islam in part as a conse? only occurred after the fall of Champa in 1470. Apparently of this assumption about the Utsat being Muslim upon arrival, Pang argues for a date very roughly 625 years ago. Certainly, if we assume that the Tsat were Muslim when they arrived, the temptation might exist to argue for a quence
later
arrival.
It is, however, simply unclear when the Utsat became Muslim. On the one hand, in the literature, it has been argued by some scholars that at least a sig? nificant part of the merchant class was Muslim at a very early date. On the other hand, it seems clear that at least the majority of the general population that con? verted to Islam did so much later. In addition, even if the earlier date of 986 is accepted as the arrival date for the Utsat on Hainan, the arrival of Islam might be correlated, including
not with
this early date, but with one of the later exoduses to Hainan, those after the fall of Champa in 1470. Given the mixed evidence, it is
inappropriate to base any conclusions Utsat to Islam.
on putative dates for the conversion
of the
228
Chapter
8
For example, a careful reading of Aymonier 1891, Ravaisse 1922, Mas? 1979 (translation 1985), and Chambert-Loir pero 1928, Sch?fer 1967, Manguin (1994:96), and Reid (1993, 1995) makes clear there is very early evidence of Islam among the trading community and there is every reason to suspect that it was disproportionately the merchant community who went to Hainan. So if the Tsat were partly Muslim when they left for Hainan, this is not surprising, nor it call for a date as late as "the middle of the eleventh century". And, if the it is not surprising that they became so on Hainan, as Tsat were not yet Muslim, we know that there was already aMuslim trading community on Hainan. As for the significance of the Kufic inscriptions dated 1025-1035 and would
In 1039, Ravaisse (1922), who reported them himself, drew limited conclusions. two noth? "The these steles indicates of the words of Manguin presence (1985:1): ing more than the existence in the eleventh century of a community of Muslim it need be added, Cham traders merchants, strangers to the country." However, were undoubtedly part of the trading community as well, including quite proba? adds, providing some perspective, bly some who were Muslim. Then Manguin "Nothing could be more normal than this settlement, when it is recalled thatMus? had resided in such great number in South China since the eight The century. trading station in Champa was only one of the links in a long chain, which connected theMiddle East with Africa and China." influence dates from a Thus, while it is true that the bulk of theMuslim lim merchants
influence in the trading communities dates from consider? later time, theMuslim earlier. Various contemporary records indicate that Islam existed among the ably merchants as early as 958, and probably earlier. Sch?fer (1967:75), for instance, mentions that the Chinese records show that in 958 the ambassador of the Cham Indravarman III presented to the ruler of Chou "rose water, flasks of Greek firs ("fierve fire oil"), and precious stones, was named (according to the Abu Hasan". Three years later, Abu Chinese P'u Ho-San (Pyu Ha-san)?plainly was Hasan again sent to China by Jaya Indravarman I with "a letter on palmyra
monarch
leaves in an envelope of fragrant wood, and an offering of ivory, camphor, pea? cocks, and twenty Tajik [Arab] vases' for the new Sung emperor." Other early accounts also confirm the early existence of Islam, although classes. As Sch?fer this may have been largely restricted to the merchant (1967:75) writes: was right when, in 1891, he made the rash statement that there were Muslim Chams as early as the ninth or tenth century. ... This hypothesis, otherwise startling and incredible, would [907-960] explain the statement in the History of the Five Dynasties It seems tome
thatAymonier
Wu tai shi, 74, 448od.] that the customs of the Chams those of the Arabs" [lit. Tajik].,
are "the same as
of Registers
The Origins
229
and Tones
Thus, ifmerchants provided a significant portion of the immigration to Hainan, then an Islam influence may have existed early enough to predate the earliest probable migration. But, if itwas not primarily amerchant class that fled toHainan, the dates Islamization of Champa are probably too controversial to be use? for widespread ful for dating the migration. On the one hand, Coed?s concluded (1968:239): "We have, however, no real proof that Islam had penetrated into Champa before the Chams were driven out of Vijava in 1471." Henri Chambert-Loir (1994:96) provides an even later date for the Islamicization of the Cham court and part of the end of 17th century. For instance, the Cham king, as the population?around Reid (1993:154) writes, citing Manguin, became Muslim only sometime between 1607 and 1676. On the other hand, not all scholars agree with this position. Some have that Islam had amuch earlier foothold in Champa, and not just among the merchant class. Thus, after citing approvingly Aymonier's claim that Islam
concluded
was established
early in Champa,
Sch?fer
(1967:75) writes:
to the commercial ports traders congregated is shown by a statement in the History of Sung. After noting that among the animals used by the Chams, aside from the water buffalo and the yellow ox (both familiar to the Chinese),
That
the influence of Islam was not restricted
where Arab
there was the 'mountain ox' (a banting or a kouprey?) which they did not hitch to the plow but killed as a sacrifice to the ghosts. When about to
kill
it,
their
'shamans'
invoked
it
thus:
"A-la-ghwa-gyep-b?t"",
can be translated (says our source) as "May it soon live in another body!" Despite the pious Buddhist hope for the reincarnation of even a lowly sacrificial victim, claimed as the meaning of this ritual formula, it
which
can hardly be other than butchered Arabic:
"Allah hu akbar!"?"God
is
great!"
In short, even if the dates for the arrival of Islam were known, it is not clear that these dates would have any direct bearing on the question of when the Tsat arrived in Hainan. However, the linguistic subgrouping evidence unequivo? cally places the Tsat and the modern Roglai together as part of what could only have been a northern Cham group, which dissolved into various subgroups with the fall of Indrapura in 982. This scenario accords nicely with the arrival of a group in 986, one or both of which could have been the Tsat. Thus, the
Chamic
linguistic and the historical evidence substantiate Zheng's conclusion that the Tsat arrived inHainan roughly a thousand years ago.
(1986:37)
230
Chapter
8
Tsat contact on Hainan the Utsat
arrival in Hainan, Tsat was strongly influenced apparently by the Min dialect that functions as the local lingua franca, but Southern Hainanese, to a strong communal identity and sense of lan? nonetheless, due undoubtedly guage loyalty due at least partially to their being set apart by their Islamic beliefs After
not (Keng-Fong Pang, p.c.), the Utsat have retained their language. Nonetheless, only is the lexicon rampant with Chinese loans, but the Tsat language has con? verged dramatically with the language structures found in the languages of Hainan.
arriving on Hainan, Tsat has gone from atonal to fully tonal, a convergence with the surrounding languages. striking example of phonological Insofar as the contemporary situation is representative of prior history, the obvi? Since
ous mechanism
for this change is bilingualism, rather than shift. Not only are many of the Utsat either partially or fully bilingual in the fully-tonal Hainanese, but because the modern Tsat form a rather tight Muslim community, it is difficult tomarry into it.Thus, the language shift that does occur is from Tsat rather than the other way around.
for outsiders to Hainanese
In earlier times, bilingualism and shift may also have contributed to its that when the men arrived on Hainan restructuring. One Tsat tradition maintains they
took
women
wives
would
generation tinct What
from
among
the Li,
who
are
of
speakers
a tonal
The
language.
then have shifted
very well might
version
of
does
seem
the
tradition,
to Tsat, while the children of at least the first have grown up bilingual in Tsat and Li. A quite dis? however,
from
apparent
the
has
the men
various
stories,
and women however,
arriving is
that
together. there
was
some early contact with the Li. Precisely what sort of tone system did the Tsat come into contact with? it is reported that the Tsat are bilingual in Hainanese, it is not clear Although exactly
what
this means.
As
some
readers
are
aware,
the
term Hainanese
is often
used as a vague cover term for all the Southern Min dialects found on Hainan island. Probably, the dialect in question is the Tan-chou dialect described by Ting (1980), but it really does not make much difference. All the languages of Hainan that Tsat speakers could have come into contact with have well-developed, typo? logically very similar tonal systems, any one of which would have provided the typological model needed for the restructuring of the Tsat phonological system. In Table
155, the tone system of Tsat is compared with the tone system dialect (Ting 1980), as it is probably the Tan-chou dialect of the Tsat are bilingual in, and with two Li dialects (that is, the Hlai dia?
of the Tan-chou Hainanese
lects), as the literature suggests early contact between the Tsat and the Li (Ouy? ang and Zheng, 1980; cf. also Thurgood 1991 for a look at the reconstructed Hlai tone
system).
of Registers
The Origins
231
and Tones
typological approximation of these languages to each other and to Tsat is striking. All the languages have three level tones: Tsat has a high-level 55, a mid-level 33, and a low-level 11; the Tan-chou dialect has a high-level 55, a The
22, and a low-level 11; and, both Li dialects have three level tones. All the languages have a rising tone, and all the languages except Tan-chou have a falling tone.
mid-level
such as they are, are minor. Although The differences, the the and tones, falling tones, end in glottal stops, only rising lect of Li has final stops (indicated by the final -s) in the contour the Tan-chou nor the Yu?nm?n dialect of Li are contour tones
the Tsat contour the T?ngshi
dia?
tones; in neither associated
with
final stops (although even in Tsat the final glottal stops for the rising and falling were not always transcribed). Table 155: The tones of Tsat, Tan-chou, and two Li languages
Austronesian:
Chamic
Chinese:
Tai-Kadai:
Hlai (LO
Southern dialect
(Hainan)
Tsat high level falling tone mid
level
rising tone low level
55
(Hainan)
Tan-chou
55
42s
(Hainan)
T?nqsh?
Yu?nm?n
55
55s
43s
42 44
33
22
33
24s
35
13s
13
li?
li
11
11
Bear in mind, it is not being argued that the Tsat tonal system is bor? rowed from one of these languages. Rather, the claim is that the patterns of Tsat bilingualism with these languages influenced the internal paths of change within Tsat itself, ultimately leading to the development of a typologically similar sys? tem. Thus, an exact match is not likely, and would, in fact, be rather surprising. at in this way, the interaction between the internal influences and the external factors should typically result in a system distinct from the earlier Tsat system as well as different from the system found in the contact language.
Looked
232
Chapter
8
Under extended contact with speakers of the tonal languages of Hainan, Tsat speakers have radically restructured their phonological system, innovating a tonal system through the exploitation of internal paths of change that is extremely similar to the tone systems of the other languages of Hainan.
THE INTERNALPATHS OF CHANGE The Phan Rang data and the Tsat data show the chain of developments that it is valuable to point out that this chain, leading to tonogenesis,
so clearly may be a
if not all tonogenesis?as from tone splitting. distinguished it is not all that obvious from the literature, in Southeast Asia true tono? Although genesis always seems to be mediated through prior or at least coexistent phona? There are several arguments tion distinctions. for this position. Voicing
model
for most
alone do not seem to be sufficient
for tonogenesis. Further, it is not voicing per se that leads to tonogenesis, as vowels are voiced. Finally, it is fre? quently not all the voiced consonants that develop the low tones, but rather just the voiced obstruents, which are associated time and time again with breathy voice, while the sonorants are ignored, which if anything are more voiced than distinctions
the voiced development
The origins
obstruents. Again, of
low
tones,
of register
but
it is not the voicing rather
complexes
some
other
per se that is crucial
quality
of
the voiced
in the
obstruents.
and tones
Gaps exist in our knowledge and will continue to do so for some time, but we now know the basic stages in the development of Cham register, and its subse? in theWestern Cham register system, into the incipient tones quent development of Phan Rang Cham, and into the restructured register system of Haroi. We also of the full-blown the stages in the essentially independent development tone system of Tsat on Hainan island.
know
Although Western Cham, Phan Rang Cham, and Haroi appear to have developed a common register system before dividing into separate linguistic enti? ties, the subsequent development were largely independent of one another, aside from some obvious
later contact between the groups. As the prior discussion (and 156) makes clear, the developmental paths often parallel one another, common to the of convergence type reflecting languages which share an identical were to which considerable bilingual contact, and starting point, probably subject
Table
are guided by what are assumed to be universal phonetic tendencies. Fur? ther, with very little exception, the internal paths of change are themselves pho?
which
netically plausible.
The Origins
of Registers
233
and Tones
initial stage in all cases was to develop a breathy-voiced register complex after the voiced obstruents, with Western Cham, Phan Rang Cham, and Haroi probably evolving the same system before breaking up into dialects and The
with Tsat doing the same thing but quite independently of the developments else? where. Once breathy voice has developed after one set of initials, by default the voice quality after the other consonants constitutes a contrasting register, and, thus, we have register contrasts. Even from this point, although the developments in individual languages may differ in detail, the changes remain similar typologi? cally.
Cham developments involved the fewest adjustments to the one The already existing register system. peculiarly Western Cham modification was the extension of second register to a subset of the sonorant initial forms, an The Western
not yet fully explicable. Phan Rang Cham, of course, initially developed along identical lines with Western Cham, with the differences coming after Phan Rang and Western extension
split. The major difference between the two was that in Phan Rang Cham the pitch differences came to the foreground with a corresponding backgrounding of the phonation distinctions. The second register developed into the low tones and the first register the high tones, with both tones being split again into those forms ending in glottal stop .and those not.
Cham
The initial developments of the Haroi register also involve modifications shared register system. However, unlike Western Cham or Phan
of the earlier
the non-breathy high vowels were further modified apparently by a unique phonation associated with the voiceless stops and affricates, presumably a tense phonation that has left its own special class of vowel reflexes in modern
Rang Cham,
Haroi. Elsewhere, were
essentially
except
for some rather odd vowel
assimilation,
the vowels
unaffected.
register system was probably at this point only marginally in from the system inWestern Cham. Aside from differences
This Haroi
distinguishable details and the possibility it might have had more striking contrasts in vowel Western than Cham, the two systems were very much alike typologically. quality most And, importantly, in both register systems, the vowel quality differences were still fully predictable from the accompanying phonation distinctions. The
restructuring came with the loss of the phonation differences: the voice quality differences disappeared, some of the accompanying vowel quality differences were left behind, adding new phonemically distinct vowels to dramatic Haroi
when
inventory and making Haroi into a restructured register system. to Northern Roglai and the Tsat Tsat is closely-related Although in the the other three changes languages changes occurred quite independently of after the Tsat reached Hainan, the Tsat changes also tend to parallel the changes the vowel
234
Chapter
8
in the other three languages. Tsat initially developed a two-way register contrast a breathy register and, by default, a modal (clear) register. Thus, distinguishing the initial stage was the development of a register system. Then, in the case of Tsat, the phonation distinctions were backgrounded and the pitch distinctions were foregrounded, of leading to the development tones. In a development unique to Tsat, a special tone class evolved from words ending in PC *-s and *-h. Among the remaining forms, the former breathy regis? ter developed into the 11 low tone in forms without a final glottal stop and into the 42 falling tone in those forms with a final glottal stop; similarly, the modal 33 tone in words without a final glottal stop register developed into the mid-level and into the 24 rising tone in those words with a final glottal stop. Thus, aside from some oddities involving glottalized final nasals as well as some epenthetic final stops,
the Tsat developments, despite the historical followed Rang Cham, largely parallel lines of change.
Table 156: The paths of development
Haroi
Cham restructured
register
voiceless
fully
tonal
tonal
33; 24s
vowel reflexes
high tones
tones
(initial layer)
(default)
(default)
(default;
high
33; 24s
first register (default)
also some
occurs
unaffected)
after
(default; unaffected)
sonorants
(second voiced
incipiently
< first register
second register
obstruents
Tsat
(default)
obstruents
sonorants
Phan Rang Cham
first register
obstruents
glottalized
from Phan
inmonosyllables
Western
register
separation
tones
tones
(default)
(default)
high
33; 24s
tones
tones
(default)
(default)
low
11,42s
layer)
second register (initial layer)
vowel reflexes <
second
register
tones
tones
of Registers
The Origins
235
and Tones
all the developmental similarities, the resultant modern phono? are distinct logical systems radically typologically. These striking differences in outcomes have their origins inmodest adjustments made to the configurations of features that comprise the register complexes. As Eug?nie Henderson noted some Despite
second register is composed of a complex thirty years ago, the breathy-voiced cluster of features: a characteristically lax or breathy voice quality, accompanied by relatively lower pitch, but relatively higher vowel quality, while the contrast? ing first register typically has tense, or modal phonation, accompanied by a rela? tively higher pitch but relatively lower vowel quality. For reasons related to external contact, not to internal pressures, Western Cham has essentially main? tained a modified version of the earlier register system, while the pitch compo? nent has risen to prominence in Phan Rang Cham and Tsat, and the vowel quality differences have been focused on inHaroi.
Spreading
patterns
syllables are often not the reflection of the initial of themain are but instead the result of phonation spreading from the presyllable to syllable the main syllable. In this sort of spreading, there are two interacting patterns: one is for certain classes of main-syllable initials to be more transparent than others
The reflexes of main
to the spread of phonation, and the other is for the breathy-voiced to be the most likely to spread (Table 157). Table 157: The paths of breathy voice spreading
through sonorants
in disyllables
through *s,
second register
*h
through voiceless stops
yes
yes
no
Phan Rang Cham
yes
yes
no
Haroi
yes
not clear
no
Tsat
yes
yes (*s)
yes
Western
Cham
Table 157 summarizes the spreading of the breathy-voiced second regis? ter from the presyllable to the main syllable. Note that in all four languages breathy voice has spread through the sonorants, resulting in the main syllable having second register, not first register, reflexes. Notice thatmedial *s and *h are almost as permeable,
with Western
Cham
and Phan Rang Cham
showing
clear
236
Chapter
8
evidence of spreading, with the Haroi data unclear, and with Tsat showing evi? dence of spreading through *s. However, spreading of the breathy voice through a medial voiceless stop is limited to Tsat. The Chamic data tells us little about the spreading of tense voice, prima? in every language except Haroi the vowel reflexes found after the because rily voiceless obstruents and the vowel reflexes after the sonorants are identical?that is, the same voice quality is found after both the voiceless obstruents and the sonorants. Thus, the Chamic data on the spreading of tense voice is restricted to one instance in Haroi, where tense voice (but only from voiceless stops and affri? cates but not from *s and *h) spreads through medial sonorants lowering high vowels
to mid
vowels.
9
PC Morphology: Some Notes
Even a brief sketch of Chamic morphology lies beyond the scope of this work, let alone any sort of thorough survey. However, it is possible to discuss certain mor? structures found in Chamic, particularly those structures that are phological to PC, with a special emphasis both on the MK influence on Chamic morphology and on the importance of the Acehnese data to the recon? struction of PC morphology. reconstructable
of aMK
The existence from the beginning core
of Chamic
early,
element
in Chamic
has been recognized
of the study of Cham. Crawfurd terming
it the "Malay
of Champa",
(1822) recognized but
subsequent
almost the An scholars
not only recognized theMK element inChamic but also were often mislead by it, sometimes going as far as tomisclassify it as aMK language. For Etienne Aymo? nier (1889:5-6), who recognized both its MK and An elements, Chamic was some kind of intermediary link between Khmer and Malay. Schmidt (1906) also recognized the existence of both a MK element and an An element when he described the Chamic languages as "Austroasiatische Mischsprache". Thomas Sebeok (1942) was led even further astray by theMK, misclassifying the Chamic as Austroasiatic. None of the investigators seemed to have trouble recognizing a MK
element Even
in Chamic.
It was only its interpretation that was controversial. seems to have been of a MK element in Acehnese
the existence
recognized early and with little enduring debate about its existence. Niemann (1891), Cowan (1933, 1948, 1974, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1988, n.d.), Shorto (1975), and Durie (1990a) all have not only recognized the existence of aMK element in Acehnese
but also the last three have further recognized that, for the most part, it is essentially the same MK element found in the mainland MK languages. The
237
238
Chapter
that exists again revolves around determining
controversy
9
the origins of this MK
element.
The debates about the genetic affiliations of Chamic have long since laid to rest, but for those interested in a summary of the positions various scholars have held, see Lafont (1987b; 1994b). However, all modern scholars recognize the An character of Chamic, with the questions revolving not around the classification of Chamic but around how these An languages acquired the
been
MK
and the typologically MK-like Both Cowan and Shorto
forms and systems which they now have. that the MK features rejected the possibility
been borrowed from MK?the position argued for in this work?and instead argue that in one sense or another the similarities are vestiges of a much, much deeper genetic relationship between MK and An. In both cases, the crux of their argument is essentially "belief-based"; that is, both scholars are convinced that certain elements are almost in principle unborrowable! In particular, neither have
length nor the shared grammatical morphemes
the vowel
are viewed
as borrow
able.
The assertion
that certain elements
are in principle
unborrowable
has
certainly been rejected by the preponderance of modern scholarship, leaving as the real question to be answered whether the borrowing hypothesis is plausible in this particular case?with the borrowing hypothesis the only position supported by much
of the evidence
in this work.1
interesting is the extent of morphological borrowing. Shorto Especially one notes of the influences of MK when he (1975:82) suggests that the loss of suffixes is an areal feature shared with the neighboring MK languages, a position confirmed
by
an examination
of
these
languages.
A NOTE ON PC MORPHOLOGY of the borrowing of MK material into An post-dates the breakup of PC. Though especially notable in the highlands Chamic languages, where the contact
Much
with MK
has been more
intense and for a longer duration, post-PC borrowing is the mainland Chamic languages. However, a small but signifi?
found throughout seems to be reconstructable to PC. Both Cowan cant amount of MK morphology and Shorto (1975:81) recognize verbal and nominal morphology (1948:432-431) and the mainland Chamic lan? of considerable antiquity found in both Acehnese guages, prefix
1.
specifically *t9-,
a verbal
a causative prefix
*ma-,
verbal prefix *pa-, a reflexive/reciprocal and
a
nominalizing
instrumental
infix
verbal *-an
The possibility of a much, much earlier genetic relationship between Austro? or possibly with just theMon-Khmer nesian and Austroasiatic, component of Austroasiatic,
notwithstanding.
239
Some Notes
PC Morphology:
are in both Acehnese and the mainland languages (the reconstructions those of this work). While the causative verbal prefix *pa- is native apparently to both MK and PAn, the nominalizing infix *-an- is definitely of MK origin. In addition to these, there is a negative imperative *bs?, of obvious MK infix *-am-, just as obviously of An origin, as well as origin, and a nominalizing found
a number of nonaffixial
grammatical morphemes tions, and other connectives, which are sometimes
including pronouns, preposi? from MK and sometimes from
An.
The borrowing did not all go one way, of course. Bahnar, a MK lan? shows the heavy borrowing of An lexical material as does Katu (Diffloth, guage, p.c.) and various other MK languages of the region.
Verbs
and verbal
morphology
The two inherited An prefixes discussed here, the *ta- and the *ma-, are not as semantically transparent. Both are best retained inAcehnese, whose speakers not only left the mainland quite some time ago?thus leaving much of theMK influ? ence behind?and have since been in contact with speakers of other Malayic lan? guages?thus
helping
preserve
these prefixes, which Adelaar
reconstructs
for
proto-Malayic.
A glance at the lexicon makes it clear that not only were verbs borrowed from MK but also so was some of the verbal morphology. The instrumental infix *-an- is not just MK but may have been at least quasi-productive, if one can from the modern judge languages. Similarly, the negative imperative *bs? is from MK. In both cases, the meaning unquestionably cal element is relatively transparent. The
'inadvertent'
of the borrowed grammati?
prefix
The
'inadvertent' prefix, to use Durie's term, is reconstructed for PC as *ta-, with the possibility that future research might allow the eventual addition of a final -r to the prefix. Aymonier and Cabaton (1906:xxiii-xxiv) describe it as having a range of meanings for Cham including causativity, reciprocity, and stativity. This
prefix is reconstructed not just back to the proto-Malayo-Chamic stage but to PAn. Adelaar reconstructs as it *tAr- for proto-Malayic but with the (1992) 'inadvertent' including potentiality, non-controlledness, and excessivity meaning (Adelaar, p.c.). Blust (p.c.) reconstructs it to PMP as *taR 'inadvertent; marker of
involuntary
laar's PMalayic and
function.
action'
and
for PAn
as
*tar-
'inadvertent'.
The
match
with
Ade
and Blust's PMP and PAn looks perfect, both in terms of form
240
9
Chapter
Table 158: The PC *td- 'inadvertent' PMalayic
*tAr-
'inadvertent'
*ta-PC
'inadvertent'
tin-
'inadvertent'
Jarai
ta-
'reflexive'
Bahnar
ta-
Acehnese
'passive;
reciprocal; causative' tar-
Pacoh
'reciprocal' t-
ta-
state'
'resultant 'involuntary'
look to be variants of *ta- seem to occur not just in the Chamic the Bah? of Vietnam but also in neighboring MK languages. Within
what
However,
languages naric branch of MK,
for instance, Bahnar has a form Banker (1964) glosses as causative'. Although Banker chosen to treat it as several
'passive; reciprocal; homophonous prefixes rather than as a single unit, it looks to be the same element as historically. The *ta- also seems to be found in Chrau (Thomas 1971:152-153) ta- 'causative, resultative'. And, within the Katuic branch, Pacoh (Watson 1966) look as if they might
lists three prefixes which ants
of
a
single
prefix:
tar-
'reciprocal',
t-
be historically
'resultant
state',
and
conditioned ta-
vari?
'involuntary'.
The apparent relatedness of the MK to the PC forms is of considerable and PMP *taR interest. The PC prefix reconstructs to PAn *tar- 'inadvertent' 'inadvertent;
marker
of
involuntary
structs back not just to proto-Malayic the Jarai form are also connected,
action'
(Blust,
p.c.).
Thus,
the
form
recon?
but to PAn; certainly the Acehnese and, if inherited from PAn. How then does one
account for theMK
forms, that is, the Bahnar (MK: Bahnaric), Chrau (MK: Bah? and Pacoh naric), (MK: Katuic)? The phonetics and the semantics are similar. If not simply lookalikes, which seems doubtful, are these forms the result of bor? rowing from Chamic? If the forms are borrowed, the borrowings must have been and Katuic, two distinct subgroups of MK. If the forms are the borrowed, borrowing would not be too surprising as the evidence of intense contact between Chamic and MK. Of particular interest are the Pacoh forms as into both Bahnaric
they indicate intense contact between ancient Chams and the Katuic. Notice that even this more northerly contact falls within the boundaries of Champa influence, at least before the Vietnamese began pushing southward. Other evidence of a Chamic
contact with Katuic into Acehnese,
particularly Katu (Reid 1994), which
include apparently Katuic borrowings into Chamic, strata in and an apparent Austronesian morphological one would presume were due to Chamic influences.
assume
241
Some Notes
PC Morphology:
The obvious way to account for the Katuic strata found in Chamic is to that Chamic influence extended up along the coast into Katuic territory.
Certainly, an examination there are a considerable
of the appendix of forms makes it abundantly clear that number of MK forms, attested in the more northerly Katuic but not in the more southerly Bahnaric. Further, many of these are attested Thus, the most likely scenario is to assume that theAcehnese are the first group of the most northerly group of Chamic speakers?the to forced leave themainland. This scenario is consistent with other evidence, spe? cifically, with the fact that Acehnese patterns neither with the remaining main? inAcehnese.
descendants
languages nor the remaining highlands Chamic languages. the division of the original dialect chain into coastal and high? Why lands languages only became strongly marked after the Vietnamese push to the south had split up the chain?a division that occurred after the Acehnese had left land coastal Chamic not? Because
the mainland.
strata in The other way to account for the Austronesian morphological Katu is to invoke Austric, that is, to conclude that this strata is inherited from a and Austronesian (cf. Reid 1994). How? proto-Austric consisting of Austroasiatic ever, early contact between Chamic and Katuic speakers needs to be recognized anyway to account for the presence of Katuic borrowings in Chamic and Chamic borrowings in various Katuic languages (see Appendix II) so the opportunity for the borrowing to take place has already been established. Further, the parallels between the Cham prefix described by Aymonier and Cabaton (1906:xxiii-xxiv) as expressing described
causativity,
by Watson
as
reciprocity, and stativity and the Pacoh pr?fixai variants expressing
'reciprocal'
(tar-),
'resultant
state'
(t-),
and
'involuntary' (ta-) are too close to be accounted for by mutual inheritance from proto-Austric. The notion of mutual inheritance would require that, on the one hand, the Katuic Pacoh inherited the prefix from proto-Austric by way of proto Austroasiatic with its phonetics and semantics largely unaltered, while on the other hand the PC language Cham inherited the prefix also from proto-Austric but by way of Austronesian, again with the phonetics and semantics largely unal? tered. Given that the time depth for PAn exceeds 6,000 years this is implausible.
The
*ma-
marker
The *ma- marker
(< proto-Malayo-Chamic *man-) is a fully productive part of of theMalayic branch of Malayo-Chamic (cf. its central place in the verbal morphology of modern Malay). themorphology
Aymonier and Cabaton (1906:364) describe the prefix md- in Cham as a causative prefix, indicating a state, possession, reciprocity, or mutuality, further occurs as ma-. also that it in Bahnar noting They specifically equate it with
242
Chapter
9
Malay m?-Zm?ng. An examination of the ma- section of their dictionary makes it clear that the prefix is essentially the same prefix as inMalay and that its use, although much diminished inmodern Cham, was once far more productive. Table 159: The PC Malay rneng-
*/na- 'verb prefix1
PC
Acehnese
*ma-
mu?-
Jarai
Bahnar
ma
It clearly reconstructs to PC, as it exists inAcehnese, Jarai, and Written Cham. its occurrence in the modern mainland Chamic languages is now far However, more limited than it once was in PC. The
'causative'
prefix
The PC
'causative' prefix *pa- is found throughout the Chamic languages except for Tsat, where it got lost as part of the loss of almost all initial syllables. The pre? on northern fix is not just widespread in Chamic languages including Acehnese Sumatra but appears to either be productive or to have been productive in those languages for which we have sufficient evidence and it occurs just as freely with as MK
roots, except again for Tsat where sound change has led to the drop? it of initial ping syllables. In addition to its appearance as part of the morphology, also occurs widely in fossilized form as the initial syllable of a number of lexical
An
items in the appendixes. Table 160: The PC */)5- 'causative7 PC
Malay
*pa-
early as 1906, Aymonier as
borrowed
pa-
pui-
*pa-
As
Jarai
Acehnese
from
just inMK languages tant branches of MK.
and Cabaton
Khmer,
contiguous It certainly
a not
Bahnar pa
(1906:xxiii)
unreasonable
described
assumption
as
the causative it occurs
not
to the Chamic occurs
languages but also in quite dis? in the MK languages of Vietnam. For
in Bahnar, not just with the same form but also the same It also must occur fossilized in Chrau (Thomas meaning (Banker 1964:105-106). 'create'. Farther afield, it 1971:153), cf. the pair jeng 'become' and panhj?ng instance, it occurs asps-
in Rischel's (1995) Mlabri of northern Indochina, as the only instance of an entirely transparent prefix inMlabri. Rischel describes this prefix as a caus? ative with two variants pa- and ba-, with the former occurring before stem-initial voiced consonants, and the latter before voiceless consonants (Rischel 1995:90).
occurs
the
However,
occurs
243
Some Notes
PC Morphology:
causative
*pa-
prefix
also
to PAn.
reconstructs
It certainly
languages of Taiwan; languages, that is, the Austronesian (1995) includes both the PAn reconstruction *pa- and various
in the Formosan
for instance, Ross instances of pa- occurring as a causative marker in Paiwan (cf. also Wolff 1995:566). Blust, in his dictionary (1990, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995) recon? s structs it for PAn. He notes the causative *pa- in his reanalysis of Dempwolff *patay and *matay, which he reanalyses as *pa-aCay 'kill' (with causative *pa-) and *ma-aCay 'dead' (with stative *ma-). It also occurs in the Philippines and in some languages of Borneo. It also seems to occur fossilized in some of the Oce? anic languages (reported in Blust's dictionary). Thus, the causative *pa- is found in both MK and PAn. If its presence in MK had any effect on its presence in Chamic, it is probably nothing more than to reinforce its use, making it less resistant to loss. The negative
imperative
The negative imperative is without doubt borrowed from MK. Although it is found throughout the Chamic languages (Acehnese, Rade, Jarai, N. Roglai, Chru, Jarai, PR Cham), it does not occur elsewhere inAustronesian. Table 161: The PC *be?- rref?exivef reciprocal, Acehnese
PC
Malay
x*be?
bs?
inadvertent'
Jarai
Bahnar
be?
be?
Within MK, Smith (1972) reconstructs it for PNB as *beq, noting its appearance in Bahnar and Hr?, among other MK languages. N. Roglai contains not only the reflex of the older PC x*bs? but also a far more
recent, borrowed negative imperative represented an obvious dar) [di], borrowing of Vietnamese d?ng. second,
The bipartite
by the form
negatives
Lee (1996) contains an excellent discussion of Chamic negatives, using N. Roglai as his point of departure, but covering all of Chamic nicely. Lee reconstructs three
markers:
negation *?aka
*ka,
'not
yet'.
the The
PC
pair
x*?uh...
and
x*?uh...x*?oh *ka,
*?aka
'not, 'not
no; yet'
negative' typically
and occur
PC pre
verbally, often in conjunction with the post-verbal x*?oh 'not, no, negative'. Both the simple negation 'not, no' and the 'not yet' usually occur in conjunction with the final *?oh, but not always. The bipartite constructions containing these negation markers has
a
bipartite
are limited to the mainland
construction
for
'not yet'
languages,
goh....lom.
although Acehnese
also
244
Chapter
9
The Chamic negatives are difficult to date with any precision. In addi? tion to the apparent absence of cognate negatives in Acehnese, there are other a for Not ini? reconstruction. is of the existence very problems only preglottalized tial a problem (it suggests the form might be aMK borrowing), but the initial and final of x*?uh both show irregularities. The origin of the structure is unclear. Cf. 1996 for further discussion.
Lee
and nominal
Nouns
morphology
The pieces of the nominal morphology discussed here are the *-am- nominaliz? 1973, Dahl 1976, ing infix inherited from An (*-um- 'Actor Focus', cf. Wolff Starosta, Pawley, and Reid, 1982, Ross 1995) and the instrumental infix bor? infix is thus far lim? for the *-am- nominalizing in and in fossilized forms inWritten Cham; its occurrence
rowed from MK. The evidence ited to Acehnese
ismainly important as it provides evidence that itwas once productive in PC. The instrumental *-an- borrowed from MK is interesting because the pres? ence of a borrowed infix?an something apparently productive infix?indicates
Acehnese
about the intensity of the contact. to
In addition
these
and other grammatical from An intoMK.
words
-dm- nominalizing
infix
The
were
there
affixes,
that were
various
pronouns,
prepositions,
both from MK
borrowed
into An
and
The PC *-am- nominalizing infix is reconstructed for PC on the basis of Written Cham and Acehnese. For Cham, Aymonier and Cabaton (1906:xxiv) do not really define it but instead simply list -md- (-am-) as an infix and give a set of Written Cham
examples:
pay?n
'equal',
and
< kararj
'deficit'
k-am-drag
'food,
b-am-dn-dtj
'less',
provisions'
<
p-am-ayau bag
'to eat'
<
'comparison' (the morpheme
is particularly have been added). The last infixed word b-am-on-dg -urn- and-a/7 a because has both the it double that both infix, is, interesting
divisions
instrumental
infix and because
infix
not
is -am-,
-md-
as
it suggests
suggested
that the shape of the -urn- nominalizing and Cabaton.
by Aymonier
For Acehnese, Durie (1985:32) discusses there is both a pr?fixai variant and an infix. Cowan root as being termed
actor
as an example
of AN focus. of
origin
Durie its use.
gives
and identified the forms
it at some length, noting
that
(n.d.7) clearly recognized the it with marking what Dahl (1976)
c-wn-arAtj
'cleverness'<
car\g
'clever'
245
Some Notes
PC Morphology:
Table 162: The PC *-am- nominalizing PC
Malay -urn-
infix
-ma
-uim-
*-am-
Bahnar
Wr. Cham
Acehnese
Although only occurring in fossilized forms inMalay, the infix is widely attested in An. Of the fossilized forms of this infix that do occur inMalay, my favorite is kancil 'the little one, the pelanduk' < apparently an infixed version of offers a similar pair: gilang 'luster, glow' and g-em ilang 'very bright, splendid'; the same pair is listed in Coope (1986) as gilang 'radiant, resplendent' in 'shining' when in isolation and as gilang-g-em-ilang with and in the forms meanings reduplication, Coope making it evident that in Malay the semantics of the infix have been pretty well lost. k?cil
The
'little'. Blust
(1988:14)
infix
instrumental
infix PC *-an- is borrowed from MK. This was recognized and Cabaton 1906:xxiv), who note that theWritten Cham
The instrumental
ago by Aymonier -n- comes from Khmer nouns
instrumental
say from MK] 'a pile'
'to speak', and b-an-dk
p?9C have
e.g.,
[I would d-an-ak
been
and serves to form agentive
< dak
'a dam' < bdk
long infix
'to pile
on',
p-an-uoc
'to dam' (the morpheme
or <
'speech'
divisions
added).
It is found throughout Chamic as Table 162 indicates and as a glance Jarai, Medcalf through the glossary of reconstructed forms attests to. Within discusses the instrumental "occurs when the nominalization which (1989:42) infix -oN- is inserted between Thus,
kih,
'to
sweep'
this with
the initial consonant and the initial vowel of a verb.
becomes
the widespread
'broom'."
k-on-ih,
However,
while
Medcalf
-in- infix inAustronesian,
equates only the form sup? seems the the to function distinct me, particularly in light of ports equation; quite amorpheme with identical shape and function in the neighboring MK languages. The MK etymology of the form is widely attested. As Aymonier and pointed out, a similar infix with a similar range of functions occurs in It also occurs in Bahnar, a Bahnar language which has long been in con? tact with Chamic languages; Banker (1964:100) writes that the instrumental infix
Cabaton Khmer.
-an-
"functions
as a nominalizer,
the infix as sometimes b?t
'to make
instrumental
a dam' meaning
having becomes e.g.,
par
verbs
converting
b-sn-?t 'to fly'
to nouns."
Banker
describes
of the result of a verbal action, e.g.,
the meaning
'a dam' becomes
and
p-dn-?r
at
other 'wing'.
times
having
an
246
Chapter
Table 163: The PC *-a/7- instrumental PC
Aceh.
-uin-;
Jarai Chru
nui-
-an
-an
9
infix PR Cham Bahnar '
-an
instrumental
infix'
phuiat
*pha:t
ph??
?
pha:? pahna:?
*p-an-ha:t
*thow
thsa;
tu-
thau
thau
'to chisel,
pha? ?
plane'
'chisel; plane'
thow
'know;
thunow
'magical
able'
knowledge' x*bat x*b-an-at
?
x*poh
poh ?
x*d-an-uc
? ?
ba?
b?t
'to dam; fence'
bani?
banu:?-f
pirn?
ban?t
'a dam;
poh
poh
du?? ? ?
'drumsticks'
t?y? danui?
a fence'
'strikebound'
panoh
x*p-an-oh
x*duc
bi?
?
'to sting'
? tan?y?
'stinger'
a disproportionate number of forms with this instrumental Although infix seem to be MK in origin, the infix also shows up in roots inherited from PMP. Thus, in Table 163, the first two roots cited are apparent PMP roots, cf. to Blust (p.c.), the PMP root Malay pahat and tahu, respectively. According *paqet 'chisel' reconstructs to PMP based on a cognate distribution that includes the Philippines and western Indonesia/Chamic. The infix must have been rela? based on the large number of varied roots inmainland Chamic languages containing it and on the fact that it is still what Durie terms productive
tively productive, in Acehnese.
Prepositions can be reconstructed for PC. Table 164 shows three A number of prepositions of The first four show evidence of MK origin: The first has groups prepositions. in various forms after the breakup of PC, with the variation in ini? tials and finals obvious from the handful of forms given. The second reconstructs to PC as x*js?. On the one hand, it is reconstructed for PNB as *ajeq 'near' and,
been borrowed
PC Morphology:
247
Some Notes
on the other, it does not appear to have any An etymology. The third evolved from a verb meaning 'to follow', which may have a Vietnamese origin, cf. Viet? namese theo. The fourth reconstructs to PC but also occurs in Bahnar, making it impossible to evaluate even tentatively without more data. The next two prepositions (x*man and *hayow) both reconstruct to PC, but thus far neither has an obvious An orMK counterpart, although the vowel in x*man certainly
suggests aMK
etymology.
Table 164: The Chamic prepositions PC
Acehnese bak
'at;
Jarai on'
pa'at,
x*js? *tuy
je?
*gah
gah
x*mat)
man
Bahnar
'at;
to';
b?t
?ai
'place'
on' near
tui 'to follow'
'to follow; gah
according 'side'
'side'
'from'
'from'
'like (prep.)'
*hayow ta-
ta-
di ?
*danan *dalam
*ka
to'
dalam;
lam
kui-
'to, ? rjAn
dl?m (Lee)
l?m
ka-
ka-
'indirect
object' relation
; kato'
'in
as a as a
in, at'
'to, at' 'with'
'in; inside' occurs prefix preposi-
both and
'to;
indirect
object'
tion
last four prepositions are not only reconstructed for PC, but they obviously have An etymologies. All four are found in closely-related Malay, as di, d?ngan, dalam, and k?-, respectively, and the first two are found in the earliest Cham
The
inscriptions (Marrison 1975:54). What makes this set particularly interesting is that three of the four have also been borrowed into Bahnar, with the forms for 'in; inside' widely enough attested in Bahnaric languages for *l?m to be recon? structed for PNB by Smith! Pronouns
Among the personal pronouns readily reconstructable for PC, some are inherited from PMP, while others are clearly either secondarily developed or borrowed from MK. The first person singular pronoun PC *kau T is inherited from PMP, the first person polite form PC *hulun from 'slave' is innovated, but certainly the innovation exists outside of PC; one suspects, however, that while the form *hulun dates back to PC, only the meaning 'slave' existed at the time depth, with
248
9
Chapter
the first person meaning a later innovation not just in Chamic but throughout the area. The other polite first person form *dahla? looks to be secondary; it does not seem to be attested outside of Chamic, nor apparently is itwidely attested within Chamic.
The
of one of the second person forms *ha is not firmly etymology it is not clear if it reconstructs to a pre-Chamic level or not. The other
established; form in the table, however, xih is definitely a post-PC Chamic. The third person *ftu is an An root.
from MK
borrowing
into
Table 165: The PC singular pronouns PC
Aceh.
Rade
Jarai
Chru
Haroi W. Cham
PR Cham
*kau
ksa;
k?u
kau
kau;
k?u
kau
kow
halun
halun
hl?n-;
hal?n
T (polite);
tahla?
'I (polite)' 'you; thou'
hl?n
ulon
hlun
hul?n *dahla?
I (familiar)'
kami
ku *hulun
'
?
dalha?
h?(N) ih
h?
ih ?u
?u
??
*ha
xih *ftu -?oa
?
-hl??
h?i-v
hi
slave'
hi
thou'
'you;
?au
?u
?u
'he,
she;
in
'we'
-v
-?u
they'
of the plural pronouns are inherited from An. The development of from a form meaning 'body' is found here and is common through? out Southeast Asia, with the parallel in Tibetan rang coming immediately to Most
the reflexive
mind. The plural form meaning 'group; other', which shows up in various plural as is it is borrowed from MK and, not surprisingly, pronouns, particularly striking does not apparently appear elsewhere in PMP. Thus, among *gap 'other; group' is borrowed from MK at the PC level.
the pronouns,
Table 166: The PC plural pronouns PC
Aceh.
*kamai
kamoa;
-v
mua
*ta
ta
*drai
droa
gap; gui-;
Haroi
hamsi
-gamai
kamei
kami
(incl.)
-v?
-v
-ta
ata
ita
(excl
trai
-drai; in 'we (inclusive)' ?in ?irj
x?in g^p
Jarai
drsi
ga
g?? -v
g*7
W. Cham
PR Cham
Rade
tray
-trey
'we (ex. 'we (incl.)' 'we (incl.); reflexive'
-iv
in
kau?
k?w' (-k?n)
'we'
'other;
group'
the
PC Morphology:
249
Some Notes
Other pronouns of interest are the late post-PC pronominal pieces bor? rowed into various Chamic subgroups from MK sources. Note that x?irj and xih are found among the Highlands Chamic languages, the languages with the most intense contact with MK. Other
forms
In addition to the demonstratives which can be found in the glossary, there are various other grammatical forms, most of which have An etymologies. ya < *yarj 'relative clause marker': Marrison (1975:53) notes the exist? ence of this relative clause marker in the older Cham documents. attested Malay
-kan: Aymonier and Cabaton (1906:xxiv) say about this suffix, widely inMalay, "It may have existed in the older language as an analog to the suffixes
-an,-
/,-
-kan.
It scarcely
now
exists
as
except
the
suffix
-kan
(-kand, -kanay) which, with maljdg gave the expression mdljag-kan (mQljdg to m?mulia-kan the 'revere, honor'" [The Malay has kand), comparable Malay been respelled here]. Thus, it is likely that the -kan once existed but has long since been lost along with all the other suffixes. sa-, siy: The older form is clearly PC *si-. Both Aymonier and Cabaton (1906:xxiv) and Marrison (1975:57) note the existence of this honorific-marking prefix. Marrison describes it "as a familiar element in titles, or as the first element in siapa ['who']", while Aymonier and Cabaton simply list it as a prefix and then illustrate it with the following examples: ai 'brother', sa-ai 'elder brother'; nai 'young
sa-nai
woman';
'woman'.
Cf.
also Acehnese
si
'title
for people's
names'.
It is also found inMalay. dorn 'all': This quantifier, found in Khmer, is borrowed from MK (Mar? rison 1975:56). PC x*soh 'only; empty, free, leisure' :This quantifier is found in a full of Chamic but it has an obvious MK range languages, including Acehnese, source
in PNB
reasonable
'only' and in PKatuic *[s/c]anhah 'empty'. It is, thus, that it is aMK borrowing. last three connectives are found in Aymonier and Cabaton's dictio? *sasoh
to assume
The
nary, and all also occur inMalay. maka:
Aymonier "well,
pun:
Aymonier "then,
ampun:
and Cabaton
then,
because,
and,
and Cabaton
if, really;
thus,
gloss
this connective
as
this connective
as
when".
(1906:288)gloss
also".
(1906:1) gloss this word, used in for? as "forgiveness, forgive, ask forgiveness"
and Cabaton
Aymonier mal contexts,
(1906:386)
250
Chapter
9
that Evaluating these forms is problematic. There was obviously a court Malay existed in numerous courts in theMalay world, aMalay that occurs in the writ? these specific forms occur in the stories ings of these courts. As a consequence, recorded in both theMalay of Pattani and theMalay of Malaka. Since the forms do not occur elsewhere
in Chamic,
it is not possible
to draw conclusions
about
the antiquity of the forms. Were this an attempt to provide a full grammatical sketch of PC, numer? ous other grammatical elements would need to be treated. Additional grammati? cal forms are found in the glossary, but a large amount of morphological reconstruction
remains
vide a preliminary Chamic.
to be done.
The
point
of
this
chapter,
sketch that gave at least a little of evidence
however,
of MK
was
to pro?
influence on
10
Contact, and
Multilingualism,
Change
inmany ways
Although
tentative, unquestionably exploratory in nature, and, of tedious, this study has nonetheless provided a detailed pre?
necessity,
frequently examination of the interaction between contact, multilingualism, and liminary a within of the the When Chamic within change history languages. placed linguistic record reveals much not just about the linguistic history of Champa but also about non-linguistic history. Much of the history of the region is reflected in the patterns of geograph?
broader historical
ical distribution
setting,
the Chamic
and the deducible patterns of language contact. The early arriv? peoples most likely landed south of Danang and thus probably
ing pre-Chamic encountered Bahnarics.
Given the major restructuring of the arriving Austrone? sian language that took place, these pre-Chamic people must have become socially dominant, with this dominance leading many most probably Bahnaric speaking people to shift to Cham, but bringing with them many MK characteris? tics. The Vietnamese
"push to the south" around 1000 split the northern Cham into a group that moved southward becoming the Roglai and a group that fled to Hainan, becoming the Utsat. Upon reaching Hainan, the Utsat came into close contact with Hainanese the complete
and, perhaps, one or more Hlai restructuring of Tsat.
(Li) languages,
leading to
Probably sometime around the fall of Indrapura in the north, although it have been as much as several centuries earlier or later, the Chamic speakers may were to become theAcehnese who left themainland on a journey that would ulti? mately
end in northern Sumatra.
The next major restructuring again correlates with a major historical Vietnamese conquest of the south, roughly 500 years ago. With the final conquest of the south by the Vietnamese, the Cham were not only pushed event?the
251
252
Chapter
inward from the coast but lost much
10
of their close contact with each other. One
major group was pushed into the Central Highlands, becoming the Rade and the Jarai in the process. Somewhat later, the Haroi followed, splitting off from the Coastal Cham and coming under the influence not just of the Rade and Jarai, but Hr?. importantly, entering into a close relationship with the MK-speaking Under this influence, Haroi was extensively restructured. The Coastal Cham in
more
the south came under increasingly strong Vietnamese influence, particularly in recent times with the spread of education and so on. The language of these
more
the Phan Rang Cham, has restructured
Cham,
in the direction of Vietnamese.
NON-LINGUISTIC HISTORY Much
of the interaction between
history between
is scattered
the linguistic developments this work and the outlines
and non-linguistic the interaction
of
throughout linguistic and non-linguistic history are sketched in Chapter 2. However, in addition to the insights the data gives us with regard to earlier contact situa? tions, the linguistic record also clarifies our understanding of two important his? torical events, one talked about at length in the prior literature and the other that is, the relative positions
scarcely mentioned, Sumatra
and
the Tsat
of Hainan
with
respect
of the Acehnese
to the rest
of
the Chamic
of northern languages.
respect to both languages, the careful, detailed establishing and of patterns makes the relationships to the rest of correspondence interpretation the Chamic languages clear. In the case of the relationship between Chamic and Acehnese, long a source of speculation in the literature, the examination of the With
correspondence patterns between Acehnese and the rest of the Chamic languages provide, at least to a historical linguist, unambiguous and convincing evidence thatAcehnese was originally simply another Chamic language, which some time after the breakup of PC, left for northern Sumatra. The evidence for this position is found throughout this work and is summarized in "Acehnese, a Chamic lan? guage" on page 47. Acehnese coastal
In fact, it is also fairly likely that, until they departed for Sumatra, the were the more northerly end of the Chamic dialect chain, occupying territory in the regions now occupied by Katuic speaking people. The
of a clearly Katuic element in Chamic and, significantly, in Acehnese to be so. Being at that point the most northerly group of Chamic this requires speakers, the Acehnese were probably the first to leave as the Vietnamese moved left before any significant breakup of the Chamic south. In effect, the Acehnese
existence
dialect continuum evidence
makes
into coastal and highlands clear.
languages occurred, as the linguistic
Contact,
253
and Change
Multilingualism,
left the ancestors of the Northern Roglai This departure of the Acehnese as the most northerly group of Chamic speakers and as such these new northern Chamic speakers came under increasingly pressure from the north. and the Utsat
in'The history of Tsat contact" on page 224 makes it clear that, after the fall of the northern capital, some of what were now the new northern Cham fled to Hainan, where their language developed into the modern Tsat, while other northern Cham fled to the south, eventually becoming speakers of The discussion
Northern
in the southern Vietnamese
Roglai
dence
highlands. The subgrouping the connection between Northern Roglai
establishes
unequivocally Tsat from the present locations of the speakers; Northern Roglai and the Tsat must have been
evi? and
it has to be inferred that the
in the north when the split occurred, which, in turn, necessitates a date of roughly 1000 AD, a date very much in accord with the Chinese records noting the arrival of groups fleeing from Champa. The rough date may itself be of as much interest to linguists as to histo? rians as it basically marks the point at which Tsat began its transition from a typ? ical post-PC Chamic language to the fully-tonal, monosyllabic today. This date is, of course, of additional interest as theAcehnese the mainland by that date.
Chamic Despite work
and the nature being rather distinctive
nonetheless
agree
on
the
of language
change
and quite varied, the examples respective
roles
language it is must have left
played
by
external
discussed language
in this con?
tact and by internal paths of change: the external contact has provided the impe? tus and determined the directionality and rate of the changes, while the language internal structures have been largely restricted to providing constraints on the potential paths for the changes. Certainly, the major changes in these languages have not come about gradually. Rather, the exact opposite is true: the major changes are characterized by short periods of rapid, assimilative restructuring beginning with the onset of intensive contact and are followed by periods of relative stasis characterized only by more minor The
changes?continuing
non-contact-induced
changes
until the next significant period of contact. are minimal.
the non-linguistic historical findings are significant, the great? Although est value of the Chamic data may lie in the insights into the nature of historical change that Chamic gives us. At the most general level, the Chamic languages provide insights into the nature of linguistic change itself. In effect, the Chamic data challenges certain assumptions, some implicit and some explicit, about the nature of historical
change?not
that these assumptions
have not been challenged
254
Chapter
10
before and not that they will not be made and then challenged again. Specifically, the following assumptions about the nature of linguistic change are called into question: the belief that internal factors are more important than external factors in implementing change, and the belief that rates of change are typically gradual under
except
The
influence
circumstances.
catastrophic
of internal and external
factors
linguists have recently commented on the preference given to internal over external explanations of language change. As Grace remarked while talking about subgrouping and the nature of language change (1985:6), "our professional Several
paradigm seems to assume that most internal to the language itself." More
change is caused by conditions Thomason and Kaufman in their recently and Genetic Linguistics 139ff) (1988:57-64; linguistic
Language Contact, Creolization, discussed what they saw as inappropriate prejudice in favor of internal explana? tions, resulting in what they saw as a tendency to accept contact explanations only in lieu of internal explanations, and then, only if the contact explanations
can be completely and fully documented. In fact, inmany instances in the litera? ture the suggestion of external causes is rejected outright simply because a plausi? ble internal path of development is present. The preference for internal explanations of change is intimately tied to a that normally language change comes about from some sort of dis? in the language undergoing the changes. Since this sort of systemic equilibrium is assumed to be the typical cause of change within languages, disequilibrium once a plausible internal path of change is found, it is unfortunate but not surpris? related belief
is often automatically taken as the cause of ing that this internal development as such those that lead to the of Under course, change. special circumstances, that external pressures development of pidgins and cre?les, it is acknowledged can
be more
influential
than
internal
pressures,
but
such
cases
are
seen
as
atypical
changes. As a corollary, one piece of evidence that supports the atypical nature of such changes is that they cannot be given a plausible inter? nal accounting. Of course, this characterization is in part a straw man, but in part
of normal historical
it does characterize many
of the implicit
if not explicit
assumptions
about the
nature of historical
change. The Chamic changes, which fall well within the range of so-called nor? mal historical change, show an unambiguous relationship between internal and but the existence of not only internally-plausible external causation. Despite often attested paths of internal development for the changes in question, it is the internal systemic outside, external models provided by bilingual contact?not set the in motion and determined their direc has changes disequilibrium?that
255
and Change
Multilingualism,
Contact,
tionality. The internal factors do not play a causative role. Rather, the major role played by the internal structures of the languages is the limitations these struc? tures place on the potentially-exploitable paths of change. Despite the existence of phonetically-plausible paths of change in virtu? case and the fact that the ally every despite preponderance of the evidence is cir? case for the dominance of the role of external influences in the cumstantial, the Even a cursory correlation of the Chamic is compelling. changes contact with in patterns makes it obvious that bilingualism with changes changes speakers of non-Chamic languages set the Chamic internal changes in motion
Chamic
and gave them their internal direction: in each and every case involving a major restructuring of the phonology of a Chamic language, the timing and direction of the change can be correlated perfectly with a new pattern of bilingual contact. in fact, in some cases, such as the development of register complexes, tonal? and restructured register the direction of the change induced by the contact ity, not only matches the language patterns of the contact language but is largely oth? erwise unattested in the 900 or so other Austronesian languages. The failure to
And,
the centrality of external patterns of bilingualism in these changes a to to account considerable role coincidence for countless requires ascribing recognize
repeated
correlations.
The data leads to the conclusion that for the Chamic changes it is con? that both sets the tact, not the existence of a language-internal disequilibrium, in motion and the determines of The direction changes change. corollary, of is that the role of to course, major language internal patterns is impose constraints on
the possible
straints
paths to have
appear
of
change
frequently
in the been
literature mistaken
on
historical
for
causes.
change, Certainly,
these this
con? is par?
of tone, register, and ticularly obvious with respect to the development restructured register. The development of phonation distinctions after certain ini? tials left a system with the potential to develop in any one of the these direc? tions?the
actual
This
choice
conclusion
was
determined
is strikingly
by
contact.
of the conclusions drawn by and Weinreich, Labov, Herzog's (1968) "Empirical foundations for a theory of in which the authors correlate language change with language language change" variation and ascribe change not to gradual, incremental changes in one register reminiscent
in the dialect of one group of speakers but instead to the spreading of a varying this is not to say that the variants that spread might not be in rather minor with only the accumulation of such variants
feature. Of course, and of themselves
the variant, the change itself resulting in dramatic change, but however minuscule one is abrupt?the to at in another way, the from variant another. Looked change cause always seems to be adjustment to a new model of language, whether it is a variant within
the same language or amodel
outside the language.
256
Chapter
10
The fact that the significant changes within the Chamic languages corre? late with new patterns of contact accounts for the abrupt, non-gradual nature of the changes. For instance, even today the phonologies of Roglai, Jarai, and Chru among the Highlands Chamic languages look very much like the system recon? structed for PC despite the passage of well over a thousand years. In contrast, have undergone intense bilingual contact and have been totally restructured. The pattern that suggests itself is a fairly short period of restructur?
Tsat and Haroi
ing followed by a period of relative stasis until new patterns of linguistic contact come into existence (cf. similar conclusions in Grace (1985)). to of this is to argue that external explanations are automatically be preferred to internal explanations. That would be nothing more than replacing one prejudice with another. Rather, the suggestion is more balanced. First, the clarity of the Chamic data forces recognition that the role played by multilingual? None
ism in areas such as Southeast Asia
is far, far more central to language change than previously thought, that the interplay between internal and external factors is just that?an interplay, and that the types of relatively sudden, abrupt changes often found throughout Southeast Asia are more than likely the result of external factors manipulating internal factors?not internal to the language itself. As Thomason preferred
when
As a corollary, nal
and Kaufman
the balance
of
the result of marked
disequilibriums
have argued external explanations
the evidence,
such external explanations
or else
almost
mere
simplicity,
are to be
favors
inevitably have language
them.
inter?
correlates.
As an addendum, itmust also be recognized that, as Grace (1985) has written, there is another external factor: in times of significant cultural change, there is a tendency for languages to undergo more rapid change than in times of relative stability. Some of this may simply reflect the mixing of various dialects and so on, but some of itmay reflect adaptation to a new range of uses that a lan? some cases the change may correlate with guage is being required to perform?in the transition from exclusively phatic and social uses to a system in which infor? mation
transfer
plays
a much
more
central
These
considerations,
however,
it obvious
that theMK
substratum
role.
lie outside of the scope of this work.
'Inheritance'
accounts
The evidence
assembled
of the MK
substratum
in this work makes
in
is due to contact, but there are several older, alternate accounts which attempted to invoke common genetic inheritance as a major determinant of the
Chamic
similarities. and Chamic
attempts to account for the massive similarities between MK run into two related, insurmountable obstacles. Reconstructed PC
These
Contact,
Multilingualism,
and Change
257
not like a remnant of Austronesian that looks remarkably like proto-Malayic, remained behind on the mainland, while the rest of Austronesian went out into the Pacific. In fact, the comparative evidence makes it clear that PC and proto Malayic were either sister languages or something very close to that. Thus, PC is a close-knit, rather shallow subgroup with a time depth of roughly two thousand years. However, the last time the Austronesian languages were on the mainland was at least 6,000 years ago, as the archaeological and linguistic evidence both make clear. Further, it is quite clear that the features shared between Chamic and far too theMK languages of Vietnam are strikingly similar, almost identical?far, close to identical inmost cases to reflect common retention from a common rela? tionship some five or six thousand years earlier. At that time depth, even if there were an ancient genetic relationship between Austronesian it and Astronautic, would be too far in the past to account for the striking similarities between PC and MK. Thus, the 'inheritance' accounts of both Cowan and Shorto are interest? to not for their merits as possible accounts of similarities, but examine, ing instead to examine why both Cowan and Shorto found it necessary to invoke such in the first place. In both cases, their preference for an inheritance rather than a contact account of the similarities rests on beliefs that certain things are not borrowable in principle and thus must be inherited. Cowan (n.d.:2) simply accounts
states that, given mainland Chamic
and length agreement is shared by Acehnese languages on the one hand and by the neighboring MK lan? on the and given that the length distinction cannot have been bor? other, guages rowed ready-made from MK into Chamic, the only other possible explanation must be that the agreements point to a common genetic origin of vowel length in
MK
that the vowel
and PC where vowel
length was a distinctive feature. If these principles were follow that the length distinction must be the result of a
to be accepted, it would common genetic MK/An origin, with the vowel length feature having been lost else in PAn, "except for sporadic remnants reminiscent of it in certain everywhere languages" (Cowan 1983:179). In support of his position, Cowan (n.d.:3) argues that Chamic represents a dialect of PAn "which not only remained on the conti? nent but also stayed in the immediate vicinity of the Austro-Asiatic mother a contention that is false. tongue", demonstrably For similar reasons, Shorto (1975:90) also concludes that the vowel and mainland Chamic did not result from length distinction found inAcehnese a distinction as that of vowel so "...the creation of fundamental borrowing: length by borrowing seems intrinsically unlikely. On the other hand, contact with MK languages, inmany of which (as in PMK) a vowel-length distinction oper? lost else? ates, would favour the retention of an original distinction conceivably where." Like Cowan,
Shorto also argues that PAn had an original vowel
length
258
Chapter
10
which was retained in Chamic but lost elsewhere. However, not only is there no apparent evidence elsewhere for a PAn or PMP vowel length distinc? tion but the Chamic data can be accounted for without positing any length dis? tinctions above the PC level ("PC vowel length" on page 138ff.).
distinction
Cowan (n.d.:9) draws a parallel conclusion about the shared morpholog? ical elements, declaring that "the agreement which exists between the affixal sys? tems of the Austronesian languages is a languages and those of the Mon-Khmer rather close one" and concludes that the similarities cannot be explained by loans due to contact
since grammatical morphemes,
unlike vocabulary,
are not easily
borrowed.
is interesting about both Cowan's and Shorto's positions is not the conclusions about the existence of a genetic relationship between MK
What ultimate
(a position that ultimately may turn out to be right but which is certainly not relevant to this data) but the fact that their conclusions came out of two false and An
beliefs,
of length could not have developed as the consequence that grammatical and a similar belief about the unlikelihood could have been borrowed.
one that vowel contact
language morphemes
ACCOMMODATION TO A LINGUISTIC AREA languages is as an example unparalleled in its clar? on language change. As Eric Oey noted ear? of the effects of areal influences ity lier, the study of the Chamic languages provide an example par excellence of the
The other value of the Chamic
effects of the three distinct waves guages,
of contact?with
the Bahnaric
and Mnong
lan?
then Vietnamese
and the languages of Hainan. interwoven with the various waves
of contact are multiple Intimately Asian areal features otherwise largely examples of the development of Southeast the development of rich registral systems, the devel? unattested inAustronesian: opment of restructured register, the development of full sets of tonal contrasts, the internal development of glottalized obstruents, the drive toward monosyllab? icity, and so on. Chamic provides example after example of internal "drifts" through external contact. (Cf. "Chamic convergence with given directionality Southeast Asia" on page 4ff. and "The general tendencies: A broad overview" on page 5ff., for a general discussion, with details and examples found throughout). Particularly notable among the changes is the complete documentation of register, restructured register, and tonal systems, from a lan? atonal, disyllabic fully-tonal modern origin to monosyllabic, completely guage (in the case of Tsat), cf. Chapter 8, in particular. Unless the Chamic devel? opments are somehow inexplicably viewed as an aberration, they provide an
of the development
Contact,
Multilingualism,
and Change
259
intriguing model for the much more inextricably interwoven layers of historical that characterize the histories of many of the languages that have development been intermingling on the mainland for a much longer period of time. lan? In fact, because so much is known about the insular Austronesian so what Austronesian and because the it is evident guages languages pre-Chamic looked like, the changes found in the Chamic languages of the mainland provide us with invaluable insights into linguistic contact and adaptation to a new linguis? tic area.
This outline of the history Chamic is a first approximation presented in the hope that it will prove insightful and useful to others interested in these and similar
questions.
Appendix I: Language Names (and transliteration tables) This appendix contains a list of Chamic language names, information about which names correspond to which, and transliteration tables. The transliteration tables are just that? transliteration tables. Except by sketches of the languages involved. chance, they are not complete phonological Thus, for example, various diphthongs are not listed separately as their transliter? ation follows naturally from the transliteration of the individual components. The transcription systems have been largely standardized. The standard? ization was necessary for at least three reasons: First, many of these languages have been transcribed in a modified version of the Vietnamese alphabet Quoc the to notation familiar accessible those with Vietnamese or ngu, making readily with
other
numerous
languages instances,
of Vietnam data
from
but somewhat the
same
language
to others. Second,
opaque has
been
transcribed
in
some?
times even by the same linguist on different occasions for different purposes. Third, not just intra-language but also cross-language comparability was desired, both for readers and for myself. Sometimes the same symbols are used for differ? ent
languages
by-language
with
different
values,
a practice
that makes
sense
on
a
language
basis but makes
cross-linguistic comparison difficult. of the linguists working on Chamic languages are affiliated with
Many the Summer Institute of Linguistics its interest in translating the Bible
in part by (SIL), an organization motivated into as many languages as possible. In the this involves a linguistic analysis followed by the
early stages of the process development of an orthography. The language data being used in this work comes from all different stages in this process. As a consequence, the earliest work on the language is often in a rather phonetically-transparent while later work is sometimes appears in an orthography
transcription system, that differs in certain
from the earlier phonemic transcription. Even the system of phonemic tran? scription may be changed somewhat over time. In almost all cases, however, the differences in transcription systems have been purely notational and the systems
ways
were
standardized by simply substituting one symbol for another. The varied orthographies used in the transcription of the different Chamic languages have been transliterated with the intention of making the nota? tion maximally
transparent to the linguistically
261
sophisticated
reader. First, where
262
Appendix
I: Language
(and transliteration
Names
tables)
the same sounds have been
transcribed with one symbol in one language and a another in another, single transliteration was chosen in order tomake the sym? bols as comparable as possible across languages. Second, in some cases, where a sound has been transcribed more
or less uniformly in the sources, but where the value of the symbol is not obvious to readers not familiar with
actual phonetic an alternate transliteration was Vietnamese orthographic conventions, which makes the phonetics more obvious to the non-specialist. None
chosen
as criticisms of the should be misinterpreted in the works cited. The contrary is true: given
of these adjustments
orthographies originally employed the intended purpose and primary audience, these orthographies are admirably well-crafted. However, these orthographies were designed not to provide a maxi?
mally transparent transcription system for linguists, but, much more importantly, to provide a maximally readable orthographic system for speakers of the lan? guages in question. And, where the potential users are literate in another lan? it is likely in the majority of cases to be in Vietnamese. Thus, in many these cases, orthographic systems often follow the orthographic conventions of in Roglai /k/ is represented mainly Vietnamese. For instance, as in Vietnamese, < < > < < e >, and < h >, a system some? i k before with >, c>, by occurring only guage,
what reminiscent
of < c> and < k > in English. Similarly, as in < p >, < t >, < ch >, and < c/k > represent unaspirated
of the distribution
the Roglai
Vietnamese, voiceless
stops,
aspirated
stops.
<
while
>,
ph
<
th >,
<
chh
>,
<
and
kh
>
represent
Acehnese Bireuen,
a dialect
in the North Aceh
region
Consonants:
Durie
(1985):
P
t
c
k-/-k/'
Ph b
th
ch
kh
bh
d
i
dh ih s sy 1 y
Transliteration:
P
t
c
k-/-?/?
ch
kh
9
ph b
th d
j
g
9h
bh
dh
jh
gh
s
J
1
y
w
r
r m
n
ny
ng
mb
nd
nj
ngg
m 'm
n 'n
? '?
og
voiceless
Names
I: Language
Appendix
(and transliteration
263
tables)
Notes: The last row represents Durie's funny nasals, rather than clusters consist? ing of nasals followed by homorganic voiced stops. Vowels: Durie
Transliteration:
(1985):
i
eu
?, ?
?, ?
e,
ui
u
9, a
o
i ? e
a
?
Nasalization
u
o
sao
and diphthongs: ismarked
Nasalization
' preceding
by
the vowel, except after nasal con?
it is fully predictable. The shwa at the end of various diphthongs as -e, but transcribed here as /a/. sonants, where
is written
in the orthography
BlH The Bih may have been originally a Rade group but have diverged due to long contact with the Mnong, although it remains mutually intelligible with Rade. Maitre (1912:400) reported that the Pih (undoubtedly the Bih) spoke a corrupt Rade dialect.
Chru Chru, Churu, Chrau Hma, Cadoe Loang,
Seyu, Cru, Kru, Rai
Consonants:
Jr?ng et al. (1977:viii-x): p
ph b
t
d
ch
j
Transliteration:
k
th kh g
p
t
b
th d
ph
jh h -
d 1
y
? w
r
m
n n-h
k
j
kh g
jh
s b w
c
s
h
d
?
1
y
r
nh
ng
m
n n-h
ft
g
Appendix
264
I: Language
(and transliteration
Names
tables)
Notes: the glottal stop is marked in the original as < - >, but Intervocalically, (see "Length, finally as part of the marking of length, pitch, and nasalization < > and nasalization" n-h The below). pitch, represents an aspi? peculiar symbol rated
nasal.
Vowels: Jr?ng et al. (1977:viii-x):
Transliteration:
i
ir
u
i
i
u
?
?
e
9
o
e
a
o
?
a
o
Length, pitch, and nasalization: In the orthography used by Jr?ng et al. (1977:viii-x) for Chru, a complex of diacritics has been used to mark three separate features: (a) vowel system that length co-occurring with the "lowering of voice" (Jr?ng et al. (1977:viii-x), is, most
likely,
the
of
lowering
pitch,
voice quality or phonation change ence of a final glottal stop.
it may
although
(b) nasalization
be
actually
some
sort
of
of the vowel and (c) the pres?
In the Jr?ng et al. system, individual diacritics have different values than they have word-finally. In addition, these diacritics may word-internally mark
a
not
single
feature,
the diacritic
internally
but
a
complex
of
features.
Thus,
on the vowel < a > in < ? > marks
for
example,
word
two features: vowel
itmarks three features: length plus voice lowering and nasalization; word-finally, vowel length plus voice lowering, nasalization, and a final glottal stop. Despite a reluctance to normalize an orthography, the diacritics in this transcription system have been rewritten to make the phonetics more transparent to those not familiar with Chru orthographic conventions: (a) length plus voice < a a: is always >, (b) nasalization colon, i.e. lowering is always marked by marked by a tilde over the vowel, i.e. < ? > and (c) glottal stops are always marked
by a glottal stop, i.e. < ? >. Jr?ng et al. < ? >
?
<
-a:-
-?- >
< -? >
-a:?
Transliteration a tilde indicating nasalization medial:
a colon
final: a colon
indicating
voice
lowering
and
length
indicating both length, and, apparently, lowered pitch, and a final glottal stop
I: Language
Appendix <
(and transliteration
Names
a tilde for nasalization
-?:
medial:
-a?
final glottal stop final: a final glottal stop
-?- >
and a colon
indicating voice lowering and length final: a colon indicating both length, and, apparently, lowered pitch, a tilde indicating nasalization, and a
<-a
< ?>
265
tables)
HAROI Haroi, Hrway, Hroi, Hroy, Bahnar Cham Consonants:
Mundhenk
Other: Mundhenk, Goschnick Lee, Burnham:
and Goschnick (dictionary):
p
t
ph
th
k
ch
P ph
kh
s
h
b
d -/q
k
c/c
kh
P
t
k
ph
th
kh
s
h ?
b;7b d;?d
1/r m
t th s
Transliteration:
?
1/r
n
nh
m
ng
n
d 1/r
?
ng;n
m
n
ft O
w w -uq
J
?w
-iq
-?w
-uh
7y
?w
-ly
-u?
-wh
-i?
-uh
Vowels: tir
u
u
ie
uo
u
o*
As Mundhenk one
of five
onsets:
e;e
o; o
e: e
o; o
and Goschnick
i, i, u, o, or e.
(1977) note, all the diphthongs
begin with
266
Appendix
I: Language
(and transliteration
Names
tables)
In their dictionary, Mundhenk and Goschnick apparently indicate short and long l\J by < ie > and < i? >, respectively. However, the marking of length involved in their use of their orthographic representation of hi is not as clear. In this work, on the basis of indications found in various articles, the < u? > (with an additional breve over the already marked , < ?o >, and < uo > are treated as short hi,
and < u? > is treated as long hi. and nasalization:
Length
In addition, Haroi has both length and nasalization distinctions. Nasal? ization is marked with a tilde, i.e., < ? >. In the dictionary, long vowels are unmarked, while the short vowels are marked as short, i.e. < ? >. In the other source and in Lee, it is the long vowels that are marked; are indicated by a grave accent, i.e. < ? >, while the short vowels are
Mundhenk-Goschnick
long vowels unmarked. In Burnham,
both long and short vowels are marked: the long vowels are indicated by a macron, i.e. < ? >, while the short vowels are indicated by a breve, i.e. < ? >, with the unmarked vowels presumably indicating vowels occur? ring in contexts where no vowel length contrasts occur (ignoring, of course, the possibilities of errors and forms where the length is unknown). In this work, Haroi length is unmarked, shortness is indicated by a breve, and nasalization is indicated by a tilde.
Jarai Two
sources
have been used for Jarai: Pham Xu?n Tin's Lexique Polygone is the source of the forms in Lee (1966), who uses a modification which (1955), of Pham Xu?n Tin's orthography and Pierre Lafont's (PL) Lexique Jarai (1968), the dialect of Plei Ku. However, it is clear that the two descriptions are of differ? ent dialects.
Consonants:
Pham Xu?n Tin (1955):
Transliteration:
ptck
ptck
ph b b
th d 4
kh
ph b
g j dj
? mn?g ?m
mn?ng w
1, r
y
w sh
th d d
j ?j
g
?n
?ft
?rj
1, r
y
71, s
kh ?
h
(and transliteration
Names
I: Language
Appendix
Lee
Lafont (1968):
(1966): tck
p
ptchk
ph th b d b 4
j dj
mnftng ** m
?h
w
y
267
tables)
th
khph g bd 2b
?d
kh j ?j
g ?
mnftrj
1, r
r?g w
1, 4,sh s
r
y h
Vowels: Pham Xu?n Tin (1955): i
u*
?
a,
e
a
?
ir
u
u
i
i
?
e
9
o
o
e
a
o
Lee
Lafont (1968): i
Transliteration:
(1966):
u
i
i
u
9
o
a
o
?
o% ?
?
e
e
a
o
8
(1) The -o, when it used as an off-glide, is written as -u. (2) Final vowels marked with a breve have had final glottal stops added, where this is sup? ported by the evidence. Notes:
Krung Krung is the only name reported for this group. They are found along the upper La Liau, Ya Hiau, and Kra Bou north of Ban Me Thuot. Beyond the fact that they are alleged to be Chamic speaking, there is no information on further affiliations.
Noang Also
called La-Dang.
The Noang
are located southeast of Dalat
in South Viet?
nam.
Phan Rang
Cham
Cham has its own literary tradition, one that dates back some 1500 years involv? ing an Indie script. There are two modern descendants of this tradition. One is
268
Appendix
I:Language
(and transliteration
Names
tables)
Phan Rang Cham dictionary, which lists Cham forms in this Indie Moussay's script and then provides a two transliterations for each item, one representing a variant of the modern pronunciation and the other providing a more historically accurate representation of the writing system. The other is the excellent Cham Vietnamese dictionary by B?i Kh?nh The (1995); this dictionary uses the same and Cabaton (1906), but instead of their transliteration, script as Aymonier the author uses one that is useful and quite
transparent.
Consonants:
Moussay P
t
ph
th
* P Ph th s b d w 1 w r m n Moussay
(1971):
c ch ? ch
y y ? (1971):
(spoken)
Transliteration:
k kh k kh
P ph p Ph
ng
? w w m
(written)
Transliteration:
p/p ph b bh
p/p
t
c
k
ph b
th
ch
kh
d
j
g
bh
dh
gh
s
jh s
?
d
/n
w
1
y
? w
r m
n
?-/-?
m
t th t th s d 1 r n
t th d dh s d 1 r n
c ch ? ?h
k kh k kh
?j y y ?
c ch j jh s
k kh g gh
?j y ?
Note: InWritten Cham, postvocalic k is almost always (but not always) a glot? tal stop, as indicated by Moussay's transcription of the spoken language, which almost always shows a glottal stop. The spoken Phan Rang Cham used throughout this work is from Mous? say at only one important point does his representation
differ significantly
from
Appendix
Names
I: Language
(and transliteration
269
tables)
pronunciation and that is with the diphthongs written < -sy > in modern Phan Rang as i-?ii and /-au/, and < -oy >, which are pronounced the actual modern
respectively.
Vowels: Moussay i
Transliteration:
(1971): ir
u
u
?, ?
?, ?
o, 3
M
In addition, for theMoussay and the Aymonier and Cabaton dictionaries two other more specific transliterations are necessary: must be substituted for < -?y > and < -?y > to bring their transliteration system in line with the other transcriptions and the script.
Rade Rade, Rhad?, Raday, Rde, Ede Consonants:
Transliteration:
(1978:49):
Egerod P
t
c
k
ph b
th
ch
kh
d
j
g
t P ph th b d
xf
s, xz
h
?b
?d
?
w
1
m
n
f ? w
r
P
c
k
ph b
th
ch
kh
d
1 n
h ?
s, z d 1
?j y
n
g
t
c
k
ph b
th
ch
kh
d
j
g
s ?j
b
y
w
r m
g
P
s 4
kh
j
Y-Chang(1979):
t
b
k
ch
r
m
Tharp (1980:vi):
w
c
4 1
y
r ng
m
n
?g
270
Appendix
I: Language
(and transliteration
Names
tables)
Notes: Egerod (1978:49) notes that III and izi only occur in loans. He also notes that initial glottal stop is left unwritten, as it is considered automatic before all word-initial
vowels.
Vowels: Egerod
Transliteration:
(1978:50): u
u
o
o
o
o
Tharp(1980:vi):
Y-Chang(1979):
w
u
a
?
a
o
Note:
Egerod unmarked.
The
marks
the
remaining
long vowels
unmarked. Note
In addition,
-ao
Lee nant
except
has
been
mark
that short a
long, short
the short vowels
leaving as
vowels
as a
is written
as
transliterated
as the
short,
y
is
the
-au.
a
structurally
leaving
in Tharp and Y-Chang.
notes that "Rade initial m, k, h followed
(1974:644) /, r, h, w,
long vowels
authors
separate
syllable
with
by any conso? noncontrastive
vowel. Occasionally there is a contrast of consonant cluster and disyllabic word which is handled in the traditional orthography by writing u for w and / for y in a cluster (cf. hwie 'rattan' which is disyllabic and hut 'to fear' which ismono? syllabic) and by inserting an a between k and h to indicate a disyllabic word (cf. kh?n 'cloth' and kah?n 'soldier')." For the sake of making the syllable structure more
the vowels
transparent,
in such
words
In all the Rade with
the intervening
kp
orthographies, shwa omitted.
have
been
the following
re-inserted.
initial clusters are written
?
>
k9p-
m9p?
?
>
k9t-
m9t
?
>
k9k-
m9k-
>
kgb-
m9b-h9b
kgd-
m9d-h9d
k9g-
m9g-
mp-
kt
mt-
kk
mk-
kb
mb-
hb
kd
md-
hd
>
kg
mg-
hg
>
?
hgg
Appendix
Names
I: Language
(and transliteration
k?-
m?
h?
>
kg?-
m9?-
kd-
mrf
hd
>
k9d-
m9d-
km
mm-
hm
>
k9m-m9m-
kn
mn-
hn
>
k9n-
mn-
hn
>
kgg-
m9n-h9i]
ms-
hs
>
k9s-
m9s-
mh
hw
>
m9h-h9W
hj
h?j
ks
>
271
tables) h9? h9d h9m
m9n-h9n
h9s
h9j- h9?j
in this work, the shwas have been reinserted readily analyzable and more comparable with non-Rade
However,
to make
the forms more
forms.
Rai The term Rai, according to Grimes (1988), is sometimes used to refer to a dialect of southern Roglai, a usage that coincides with a comment by Lee (1966:3), but also notes that the term is also used to refer to a Chru group. As guages are extremely close together genetically, it is still unclear
these two lan? to me whether
distinct groups are being referred to or not. Grimes (1988) lists Rai as related not just to Chru, but specifically dialect. Seyu
to the
NORTHERN ROGLAI Consonants:
et al. (1977:vi):
Awai-hathe
P
t
ch
c/k
ph
th
chh
kh
v
d
j
g
jh
gh
vh dh s b a w
Transliteration:
P ph b bh h
dj
nh
-/q
ng
? w m
t th d dh s d 1 r
c
k
ch
kh
j
g
jh gh ?j y
n
Notes: The dialects
Ixl \About
it is pronounced
et al. (1977: vi) write that, in some the IrI, Awai-hathe as trilled, while in other dialects it has, in effect, disap
272
Appendix
(and transliteration
Names
I: Language
tables)
peared, that is, initially, it has disappeared, leaving the onset vowel long medially, it has disappeared, leaving the adjoining vowels as a single long vowel and, finally, it has become a semivowel, somewhat close to the Vietnamese < ir > [i]. (See also the introductory discussion of this section on transliteration.) The glottal stop < -/q > ismarked in the original as < - > between els, but as < q > finally.
vow?
Vowels: et al. (1977:vi):
Awai-hathe
Transliteration:
u
i e
a
u
i
o
9
e
a
Length
o
a
and nasalization: In addition, N. Roglai has both in isolation ismarked with a colon,
Length tion is marked with
length and nasalization distinctions. i.e. < a: >, while nasalization in isola?
a tilde, i.e., < ? >. However, the combination of length and has been written with < ? > borrowed from Vietnamese, which coa? lesces the marking of length and nasalization into a unitary symbol. In this work,
nasalization
length
and
nasalized
are
nasalization
vowel followed
separate
kept
and
are written
by a colon symbolizing
as <
?: >,
that
is, as
a
length.
Cac Gia Roglai Cac Gia Roglai (Cobbey 1977) or Cat Gia Roglai ferent from other Roglai dialects (Grimes 1988).
(Lee 1998) is considerably
dif?
Roglai
Southern
Like Chru, Rai is listed by Grimes
(1988) as a dialect.
Tsat and Pang (1993) note, there are two descriptions and two tran? scriptions of Tsat, one by Ouyang and Zheng (1983), with subsequent work by Zheng (1986) and the other by Ni (1988ab; 1990ab). Both transcriptions essen?
As Maddieson
tially agree, with However,
even
the only apparent differences
with
the
tones,
upon
ent that the two systems essentially
more
being in the transcription of tones.
careful
examination
agree (Maddieson
and Pang,
it becomes
1993).
appar?
Appendix
I: Language
Names
(and transliteration
273
tables)
Consonants:
Zheng, Ni:
Ouyang, p
t
ph
th
ts
Transliteration:
k kh
s
p
t
ph
th
ts
k kh
s
h
h
7b/b ?d/d ? d
Note:
v
1
m
n
z
v
1
z
ji
m
n
?
g
The /ph/ is phonetically
[$] and /kh/ is phonetically
g
[x].
Vowels: Except where noted otherwise, the vowels are as in the original sources. is not yet completely understood; thus, the tables do not always indicate Length apparent irregularities in length. Ouyang,
Zheng, Ni:
i e
9 a
Transliteration: u
i
o
e
u 9
o
a
Tones:
Maddieson
and Pang (1993) significantly refines the tonal system of and Ni and it is this refined analysis that is used in this work.
Ouyang,
Zheng, Certainly the historical data fully supports Maddieson's adjustments. Thus, based on Maddieson and Pang, Tsat is analyzed in this work as having five etymologi? cal tones: three level tones in non-checked syllables and two contour tones in one rising and one falling. In addition to these five etymologi tones, there appear to be a handful of additional tonal configura? cally-predictable tions occurring only in recent loanwords. and Pang (1993) argue that, despite what might be suggested Maddieson
checked
syllables,
by the transcriptions used in the various papers on Tsat, the contour tones are always associated with checked syllables. With reference to the various falling tones transcribed
in the sources on Tsat, on the basis the absence of instrumental data to support the existence of more than one falling tone, Maddie? son and Pang suggest that there is a single falling tone, which only occurs in
or historical checked occurs
syllables. Similarly, in checked syllables.
there is only a single rising tone, which
again only
274
Appendix
I: Language
(and transliteration
Names
tables)
between the Ouyang and Zheng the correspondences forms, the Ni forms, and the standardized Tsat cited in this paper. Note that the final glottal stop, found inMaddieson's examination of all contour tones has been 167 shows
Table
in the transcription. Further, the pitch values used by Ni are followed, instrumental work suggests that the pitch range of the contour tones more closely approximates the Ni analysis. indicated
as Maddieson's
Table 167: Comparison
of tone transcriptions Ni
and Zheng
Ouyang
Standardized
55
55
55
high-level
42
53
42?
high-falling mid-level
33
33
24
33 24?
35
11
11
low-rising low-level
11
It is important to emphasize that theMaddieson and Pang (1993) refinements of the Tsat tonal system are completely substantiated by the historical comparisons.
Western
Cham
In the orthography used forWestern Cham by Kvoeu-Hor and Friberg (1978), the voiced stops are used for voiceless stops and affricates followed by second regis? ter vowels,
while
voiceless
are
stops
used
for,
not
voiceless
surprisingly,
stops.
this work uses despite this treatment being etymologically-correct, a vowel for with second both series, stops being indi? register following cated by a subscribed dot under the immediately preceding p, t, k, or c.
However, voiceless
Consonants:
Kvoeu-Hor
and Friberg (1978):
ptchk
Transliteration: ptck
ph
th
chh
kh
b
d
j
g
ph
4
w
1
dj
n
kh
s
-
? y
w
h
d
?j
1
y
?
r
r
m
ch
pt?k sh
b
th
nh
ng
m
n
ft
g
Appendix
(and transliteration
Names
I: Language
275
tables)
Vowels: Kvoeu-Hor
u
i
i
u
a
?
e
9
o
e
a
o
8
a
o
ir
Note:
Kvoeu-Hor
Written
Transliteration:
?
i
between
and Friberg (1978):
-oa-
is no
There and and
-oa-.
contrast
Thus, -ao
Friberg
inWestern
has
Cham
are written
these been
as
transliterated
between
-ea-
and
as
-au.
-oa-,
-ea-
and
-ea-,
respectively.
nor The
Chamic
data shows up from two sources in this work: in the transcription of Phan Rang Cham used throughout (see Phan Rang Cham section above) and in the citations from Aymonier and Cabaton also scattered throughout this work.
Written Chamic
As Eric Oey notes about the 587-page Aymonier and Cabaton Cham dic? tionary, many of the cognates are incorrect and there are apparent problems with the transliteration. Nonetheless, when used with appropriate caution it constitutes an invaluable source. The older orthography provides numerous insights into ear? lier stages of the language, almost all of which can be substantiated by other evi? dence. As Oey dictionary
contains
further notes variant
many
(n.d., p. 2), although Aymonier forms
and
has
inadequacies
and Cabaton's in the
script,
"the
variants and apparent quirks of the script may provide value clues to the histori? cal development of the language." The modifications
to the transliteration
forMoussay's Phan Rang Cham. An additional source forWritten The Cham-Vietnamese
dictionary Tir Dien
Chamic
are identical to those employed forms is the 1995 B?i Kh?nh
Ch?m-Viet.
Appendix II: The Chamic Lexicon
The organization of Appendix 2 involves an initial division of the lexicon into those forms that reconstruct to PC and those that do not. Thus, the first major set to PC are fur?
to PC. The forms that reconstruct
of forms is those that reconstruct
into those with Austronesian those with MK etymolo? etymologies, The and those PC reconstructions with established without gies, etymologies. MK etymologies, of course, represent the oldest layer of Chamic and MK con? ther divided
tact.
The second major grouping, post-PC borrowings, represent post-PC lan? contact. guage Language contact is amajor focus of this work so the inclusion of a large section on post-PC loanwords is central to the investigation. In addition, throughout also noted.
the lexicon, the presence of Chamic loanwords inMK languages is Loan words both from MK into Chamic and from Chamic into MK
help document where
and when
the extent of language contact while the contact
providing
evidence
about
occurred.
The post-PC borrowings have been divided up according to origin, spe? cifically, into words of Indie origin, of Arabic origin, and of MK origin. Other loans also occur in Chamic, but it is these three groups that repre? sent the dominant cultural contact, at least until more recent times. Now of course the dominance
of the Vietnamese
require the analysis of the count? The depth of the historically recent
would
less, almost daily loans from Vietnamese. Vietnamese influence is seen in the borrowing 'IMPERATIVE, mon,
which
for
instance,
negative, xvai,
cf.
don't', 'cotton
cloth'
of the post-PC
Vietnamese
d?ng.
is a post-PC
shows up in Chru as ba:i, cf. Vietnamese
Other
borrowing
xd9g
borrowing loans from
are
com?
Vietnamese,
v?i.
xd9g 'IMPERATIVE, negative, don't', N. Roglai d9g; d9g namese dung. Looks to be borrowed directly from Vietnamese.
di; Viet?
xvai 'cotton cloth', Chru ba:i, Vietnamese v?i. Note that the Chru is an borrowed from the Vietnamese. related doublet also However, etymologically exists in Chru in the form k9pa:h PC level (cf. 'cotton' below).
'cotton';
277
this second form reconstructs
to the
278
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
loans, some of considerable time depth like PC x*cawa:n 'cup; bowl, dish', which reconstructs to PC. Others are more recent like the post-PC borrowing xdaw 'sword; knife'. time there have been various Chinese
Over
x*cawa:n cawait,
Haroi
bowl,
'cup; W.
C9wan,
Cham
cawan
Acehnese
dish', cawan,
PR
Cham
-v, Chru
cawan
'petite
cuain, tasse
N.
Roglai
? alcool',
Wr. Cham cawan, Malay cawan; MK: PMnong *ci?n 'bowl'. Coope (1976) lists this as a borrowing from Chinese. If so, it looks like the coalescence of a two to construction the the most likely candidates being 'tea' + with one, syllable 'bowl'
[cf. Mandarin
chawan
'bowl'
'tea'
cha
+ wan
'bowl'
(Baxter, p.c.)] producing Malay
=
'tea-bowl;
tea-cup'
; Japanese
cawan 'cup; bowl; dish'.
xdaw 'sword; knife', Rade dau, Jarai (PL) dau, Jarai (Lee) dau, Chru da:u -1,N. Roglai dau, Haroi thiau < *dau; dau 'machete's, like a knife but longer', W. Cham dau, PR Cham daw, Wr. Cham daw; MK: Bahnar (AC) dao; (DT) *daaw 'knife'. This word is probably a Chinese borrowing, but the intermediate paths are anything but obvious. Cf. Baxter (1992) Old Chi? nese *taw 'knife', Middle Chinese taw,Mandarin d?o.
MK: PKatuic
the handful of Chinese borrowings represent a relatively indirect con? However, tact without a significant impact on Chamic languages. Thus, these are left for another
study
with
another
The post-PC cussed
below
Comments
in their
focus.
borrowings own
from Indie, Arabic,
and MK
sources are dis?
sections.
on methodology
and the lists
The problem of sorting out which borrowed forms date back to PC and which were borrowed more recently is often present. Thus, comments on the distribu? the sets are sometimes tion are included with some of the sets. Specifically, labelled as either restricted
to Highlands Chamic (Rade, Jarai, Chru, N. Roglai, (which was a part of N. Rogali until itmoved to Hainan)), or as High? lands Chamic plus Haroi andWestern Cham, the two originally Coastal Chamic languages that have had an extended period of contact under the influence of
and Tsat
Thus, words restricted to Highlands Chamic plus highlands MK languages. Haroi andWestern Cham are likely to have been borrowed from MK. Even when the
existence
of
regular
correspondence
patterns
suggests
a form
reconstructs
to
is quite real that some of these regularly corresponding forms PC, the possibility are actually later borrowings, particularly in the case of forms that are not only attestation but also restricted toHighlands Chamic. without wider Austronesian information is also evident in Other potentially valuable distributional the lexicon. Thus, the presence of a Phan Rang Cham form or aWritten Cham
279
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
such a form establishes that a set of words is not just restricted now to the languages found in the highlands, but instead is distributed throughout mainland Chamic and thus reduces the possibility that the form was borrowed form is obvious:
from MK
only after many of the Chamic languages had moved lands. More difficult to evaluate is the importance of Acehnese
up into the high? attestation. Cer?
tainly the lack of an Acehnese form is particularly difficult to evaluate; it is likely that some forms have simply been lost, while others have been replaced by Malay forms. However, even if there is a related form inAcehnese, it is possible that the word may have entered Acehnese after Acehnese left the mainland. It has, in fact, been suggested that Acehnese has a number of MK words not normally found in Bahnaric
and Katuic,
but this remains to be established.
from the possibility of inadvertent omissions, the following lists include not only all the reconstructions referred to in the text of reconstructions Aside
but also all the reconstructions
retained from Lee (1966). However, the list does not begin to include each and every form in each and every language examined. For example, four sources of Rade were examined and analyzed, but only one is included in the list. Similarly, the work on Phan Rang Cham by the David and Thomas, by Ernest Lee, and by Gerard Moussay were and included in the analysis, but only the forms from
Doris Blood, by Dorothy all thoroughly examined Moussay are systematically ple sources were examined
included in this appendix. In each case where multi? and used, the source chosen for inclusion in the lexi?
con is the one that provided the longest list of cognate forms?no other criterion It needs to be emphasized that the analysis itself used all the available
was used. forms,
and
occasionally
in the
text
an alternate
source
has
been
used
to
illustrate
a point, usually because that source happened to have fewer gaps than the others. In the list of forms given here, except for Jarai, only one source for each language has
been
included.
As
a consequence,
a form
occasionally
appears
more
margin?
ally attested than it is; inmost cases this simply means that the attestation was found, not in the languages given below, but in several of the other languages used for this study. Thus, while in general Appendix 2 includes the data used for the analysis, it does not begin to include the whole data base; that would have led to an appendix extending to hundreds of pages with little corresponding increase in our knowledge. The decision
has also been made to include various problematic sets, as labeled such, in the sets below. Further work and feedback from vari? clearly ous readers should clarify much of this sort of indeterminancy ; the hope is to see updated at a later time. If there is a discrepancy between the reconstructions in the body of the text and the reconstructions in the appendix of forms, the appendix of forms is almost inevitably correct. While the various parts of the body of the text were this collection
280
II: The Chamic
Appendix
final
times, the appendix was always updated and represents exist, hopes, of course, that no such discrepancies
at different
written
version.
One
undoubtedly more
than one has slipped by.
1.
Vocabulary
Chamic
Lexicon
the but
to PC
Reconstructable
As expected, a large number of these forms reconstructed for PC have obvious An etymologies It needs to and these constitute the first set of forms presented. be noted that many of these Austronesian forms have been borrowed into MK languages of Vietnam and are thus found in both the Bahnaric and in the Katuic branches of MK. As a consequence, it is often only the existence of fairly well established Austronesian that allow us to establish their ultimate etymologies Austronesian 1.1
affiliation. of Austronesian
PC words *-9n-9n-,
(Banker)
origin
'INSTRUMENTAL Chru
-9n-,
N.
Acehnese
infix',
-an-, W.
Roglai
Cham
-9n-,
Rade
nui-,
-tun-, PR
Cham
-9n-,
Jarai
-9n-.
*?abih
'all; finished, done', Jarai (PL) abih, Jarai (Lee) ?abih, Chru abih 'completely', N. Roglai abih, Tsat phi55 phi55, Haroi aph?h; ph?h,W. Cham pih, PR Cham apih, pin, Wr. Cham abih; bih, Malay habis 'done, finished, entirely', PMalayic *habis, PWMP *qabiq, *qabis. *?ada PMP
ada,
*adaq;
'have,
there
is,
there
are',
Tsat
tha11, W.
mata
Cham
i?, Malay
*wada.
ado9, Rade adsi, Jarai (PL) *?adsy 'younger sibling; cadet', Acehnese ou ad9i 'soeur fr?re cadet', Jarai (Lee) ?ad9i, Chru ad9i, N. Roglai ad9i, Tsat thai11, Haroi athii, W. Cham tay, PR Cham atsy; t?y, Wr. Cham ad?i, Malay adik (Blust (p.c.) notes that the -k is the retention of the PWMP vocative marker *-q), PMP *huaji-q (Blust (p.c.) notes that the *-q is a vocative marker). dho9, Rade adhsi, Jarai (PL) thai, Jarai *?adh?y 'forehead', Acehnese N. Tsat Chru th9i, th9i, thai, thai33, Haroi th9i -v, W. Cham thay, (Lee) Roglai PR Cham they, Wr. Cham dh?i, Malay dahi, PMP *daqih. (also
*?adu? 'room', Rade ad??, Jarai (Lee) ?ad??, Chru adu?, N. Roglai adu? a elf.), Haroi ath??, PR Cham at??; tu?, Wr. Cham aduk, Malay cf.
p?raduan.
*?alih 'move residence', alih, PMP *aliq.
Malay
Jarai (PL) ? ?, PR Cham al?h,Wr. Cham alih,
*?ama 'father', Rade ama, Jarai (PL) ama, Jarai (Lee) ?ama, Chru ama, N.
Roglai
Cham
am?,
ami, Wr.
Tsat Cham
ma11,
Haroi
ami,
PMP
ama *ama,
'father; PAn
address *ama.
term',
W.
Cham
mi,
PR
Appendix
II: The Chamic
281
Lexicon
*?ana:k 'child', Acehnese anu??, Rade anak, Jarai (PL) an??, Jarai (Lee) ?an?? -1, Chru ana:?, N. Roglai ana:?, Tsat na?24, Haroi ana?, W. Cham ni?, PR Cham ani?, Wr. Cham anik, Malay anak, PMalayic *anak, PMP *anak. *?anan
Chru
'name',
anan,
W.
Cham
PR
n?n,
Cham
g?n, Wr.
an?n;
Cham anan; nan, PMP *najan; MK: Bahnar (AC) anan ?. *?anan 'name', Acehnese nan, Rade an?n, Jarai (PL) an?n, Jarai (Lee) ?an?n,
N.
Tsat
an?n,
Roglai
nan33,
anSn
Haroi
-v, PMP
*najan.
*?anan 'that (third p.)', Acehnese f?an, -nan, Rade n?n, Jarai (PL) an?n, Jarai (Lee) ?anun < *u, Chru nin, Tsat nan33, Haroi n?n -v,W. Cham ngn 'there', PR Cham n?n, Wr. Cham nan, PMalayic *(a)na(?), PMalayic *(i)na(n), *(i)na(n),
PWMP
*(a)na(?),
*-nan
(note that this is reconstructed
as a PWMP
suffix). *?anap 'front (of)', Rade ti an?p, Jarai (PL) an?p, Jarai (Lee) ?an?p, Chru anau?, N. Roglai pa? an??, Haroi ari?au?,W. Cham kah nau?, PR Cham an??, Wr. Cham anak, Malay hadap, PMP *qa(n)dep. *?anin 'the wind', Acehnese agen, Rade ag?n, Jarai (PL) agin, Jarai (Lee) ?agin -1,Chru agin, N. Roglai agin, Tsat gin33,Haroi ag?n,W. Cham gin, PR Cham agin; gin,Wr. Cham agin; gin, Malay angin, PMalayic *agin, PMP *hagin. *?antow
'ghost;
Acehnese
corpse',
corpse',
W.
atau
Cham
PR
-presyllable,
at?u
Rade
uints9,
(Lee) ?at9u, Chru atgu 'corpse', N. Roglai
Jarai
'corpse',
at9u 'underworld', Haroi at?u 'ghost, Cham
at?w,
Wr.
Cham
atuw,
Malay
hantu, PMP *qanitu, PAn *qaNiCu. *?apuy 'fire', Acehnese apui, Rade pui, Jarai (PL) pui, Jarai (Lee) ?apui, Chru apui, N. Roglai apui, Tsat pui33, Haroi apoi, W. Cham pui, PR Cham apuy; puy, Wr. Cham apu?i, Malay api, PMalayic *api, PMP *hapuy. *?asah
asah
Acehnese
'sharpen',
in
Rade
'whetstone',
sah
'whet',
Jarai (PL) ?sah, Jarai (Lee) ?asah, Chru asah, N. Roglai asah, Haroi as?h, W. Cham sah, PR Cham than, Wr. Cham thah, Malay asah, PMalayic *asah 'grind; sharpen',
PMP
*hasaq.
asap, Rade s?p pui, Jarai (PL) *?asap 'smoke (of a fire)', Acehnese Jarai Chru N. Tsat sau?24, Haroi as?u?, W. asa?, asa?, (Lee) ?s?p, s?p, Roglai Cham sau?, PR Cham th??; ath??, Wr. Cham s?k; athak, Malay asap, PMalayic (Adelaar) *as9p, PWMP *qasep. *?asey 'flesh; meat; body; contents', Acehnese aso9, Rade assi 'body', Jarai (PL) ?sar -vf, Jarai (Lee) ?as9i, Haroi as?i 'body', PMalayic *isi?, PMP *hesi; MK: PKatuic (DT) *s?j 'meat'. Note that this form has been borrowed from Chamic into Katuic, but apparently not into Bahnaric. *?asow ?as9u, Cham
Chru athow;
'dog', Acehnese
as9u, thow,
N.
Roglai Wr.
Cham
as89, Rade as?u, Jarai (PL) asgu, Jarai (Lee)
asgu,
Tsat
suw;
a11
asug,
sau33, Malay
Haroi gigi
as?u, asu
W.
'canine
Cham tooth',
sau,
PR
PMa
282
Appendix
layic *asu?, PMP *asu, Pan asu; MK: structs both in PMK and PAn.
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
*so. This root obviously
PMnong
recon?
*?ata:s 'far; above; long', Acehnese atui9h, Rade tain, Jarai (PL) ataih, Jarai (Lee) ?ataih, Chru ata:h, N. Roglai ata, Tsat ta33,Haroi atah, W. Cham tah, PR
Cham
PMP
Cham
atah,
tab, Malay
atas
'above',
PMalayic
*atas,
*atas. *?awa
wa
t?h, Wr.
at?h;
'paternal',
'uncle,
aunt',
abuwa
Acehnese
PMP *ua? 'uncle, aunt' MK: ;
?, Rade
PMnong
awa
'uncle,
*wa. This
aunt',
Chru
is a variant of
*?awa.
*?ayup 'blow e.g. the wind; whistle, instrument', Acehnese yop 'blow Rade flute', ay??, Jarai (PL) ay?p, Jarai (Lee) ay?p, Chru iu:?, N. Roglai ayu:?, W. Haroi ay??, Cham y??, PR Cham ay??; y??, Wr. Cham ayuk; yuk, Malay tiup, PMalayic *iup, PMP *heyup, PAn *Seyup. *?iar -f 'water (fresh)', Acehnese ?9, Rade ea, Jarai (PL) ia, Jarai (Lee) N. Tsat Chru Haroi ea, W. Cham ea, PR Cham ya; ier -f, ?ia, ia, ?ia33, Roglai ia, Wr. Cham ia, Malay air; ayer, PMalayic *air, PMP *wahiR. There are problems with
the PC correspondences for this form. It is, perhaps, unrelated. Acehnese *?idug 'nose', idog, Rade ad?g, Jarai (PL) adug; dug (Ss); Jarai Chru (Lee) ?ad?g, ?dug (S), adug, N. Roglai id?k, Tsat thug11, Haroi ath?g, W. Cham tug, PR Cham it?g; at?g; t?g, Wr. Cham idug; adug; dug, Malay hidung, PMalayic *hidug, PMP *ijug. ikan < Malay, *?ika:n 'fish', Acehnese (Lee)
?akan,
Chru
aka:n,
N.
Roglai
ika:t,
Tsat
Rade kan, Jarai (PL) akan, Jarai ka:n33,
Haroi
akan,
W.
Cham
kan,
ikan; kan, Wr. Cham ikan; kan, Malay ikan, PMP *hikan; MK: PNB *ka, PMnong *ka, Bahnar (AC) ka, PSB (Efimov) *ka:, PKatuic *?9ka:. The MK and the PC forms both date back to their respective proto-languages. PR Cham
*?ikat 'to tie', Acehnese ikat, Jarai (PL) aka?, Jarai (Lee) ?ak??; k??, Chru aka?, N. Roglai ika?, Tsat ka?24, Haroi ak??, W. Cham k?k, PR Cham ik??; k??, Wr. Cham ikak; kak, Malay ikat, PMalayic *ik9t, PMP *hiket; MK: PNB *k?t, Bahnar (AC) k?t, PSB (Efimov) *k9t. [The PSB must be borrowed from
PC] iku < *-r, Rade ku, Jarai (PL) aku, Jarai (Lee) *?iku 'tail', Acehnese ?aku, Chru aku, N. Roglai iku, Tsat ku33, Haroi akou, W. Cham hla ku, PR Cham iku,Wr. Cham ik?, Malay ?kor, PMalayic *ikur, PMP *ikuR. *?ina 'mother (animal); big', Acehnese inAg, Rade ana 'female', Jarai (Lee) ?ana, Haroi ania, W. Cham ni in ni tagin 'thumb', PR Cham ini,Wr. Cham im, Malay betina [be/t/ina] 'female', PMalayic *ina, PMP *(t)-ina. *?in?; *iney 'this', Acehnese f?o9, -no9, Rade tinsi, Jarai (PL) anai, Jarai (Lee) ?anai, Chru ni 'here, this', N. Roglai tin?, Tsat ni33, Haroi ni,W. Cham ni, PR Cham ni,Wr. Cham ni, Malay ini; ni, PMalayic *(i)ni(?).
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Acehnese
'root',
*?ugha:r
283
Lexicon
<
ukhui9
*-r,
Rade
Jarai
agha,
akha,
(PL)
Jarai (Lee) ?akha, Chru akha, N. Roglai ukha, Tsat (kai33) kha33; ha33; ha33 eee, Haroi akha, W. Cham kha, PR Cham ukha; akha; kha, Wr. Cham ukh?; agh?, Malay akar, PMalayic *akar, PMP *wakaR. *?ular
<
ului9
Acehnese
'snake',
*-r,
Rade
ala,
Jarai
(PL)
Jarai
al?,
(Lee) ?ala, Chru ala, N. Roglai ula, Tsat (la11) la33, Haroi alia 'snake (poison? ous)', W. Cham la, PR Cham ula; ala; la, Wr. Cham ul?; al?; l?, Malay ular, PMalayic *ul9r, PMP *hulaR, PAn *SulaR. -1
*?ura:g
someone',
'person;
Acehnese
ar?g, Jarai (Lee) ?ar?g -1, Chru araig 'people, za:g?33,
Haroi
-1 'elf.',
ar?g
W.
Cham
rag,
Rade
urui9g,
ar?g
elf.', N. Roglai
PR Cham
urag, Wr.
-1, Jarai
(PL)
ura:k; ra:k, Tsat
Cham
urag,
Malay
orang, PMalayic *urag 'person; someone'. Blust notes that this is restricted to languges inWestern Borneo which are either closely related toMalay, or which have been in a borrowing relationship with Malay for many centuries. It is listed under the appendix
entitled
length irregularity in Chamic *?urat
'vein,
vessel,
'loans'
in his comparative difficult to evaluate. tendon'
cf.
'root',
dictionary, making
Acehnese
urat;
urAt
-v
the
'vine',
Rade aru?t (m), Jarai (PL) ar?t, Jarai (Lee) ?ara? -v, Chru ara?, N. Roglai ura?, Tsat za?24, Haroi ar?? -v, W. Cham r?? 'thread', PR Cham r??; ar??; ur??, Wr. Cham arak, rak, Malay urat, PMP *uRat, PAn *uRaC; MK: Bahnar (AC) ara, The antiquity of (Efimov) *?urat cf. 'root', PKatuic *?9ra:? 'vein, leaf. the PAn and PMP forms suggests that the borrowing is into PSB and PKatuic, not
PSB
the other
way *babah;
around. *mabah
'mouth',
Acehnese
babah,
Jarai
(PL)
bab?h,
mab?h,
Jarai (Lee) bah; mgbah -i, N. Roglai mubah (also a classifier); bah, Tsat pha55, Haroi p9ph?ah, W. Cham papah, PR Cham papah, Wr. Cham pabatj, PMP *baqbaq; *beqbaq. bui, Jarai (PL) b?bui, Jarai (Lee) b9bui, *babuy 'wild pig', Acehnese Chru p9bui, N. Roglai ba bui, Tsat phui11, Haroi p9ph?i, W. Cham papui, PR Cham papuy, Wr. Cham pabu?i, Malay babi 'pig', PMP *babuy, PAn *babuy. baro -f, Rade mr?u, Jarai (PL) *bahrow 'new; just now', Acehnese p9hr9u, phrgu, Jarai (Lee) phrgu -i, Chru b9rh9u, N. Roglai bahr9u, Tsat phi9n, Haroi ptiau, W. Cham pahau, PR Cham pirow, Wr. Cham biruw, Malay baharu; baru, PMalayic *baharu?, PMP *baqeRU. *balow 'widowed', Acehnese bals9, Jarai (PL) bl9U, Jarai (Lee) bl9u, Chru bl9u, N. Roglai bal9u, PR Cham pilow, Wr. Cham biluw, Malay balu, PMP *balu.
*banut 'banyan, balete', Rade m9n?t, Jarai (PL) mgn?t, bgn??, Jarai (Lee) b9n??, Chru b9n?:?, N. Roglai bin?? 'banyan, balete', PR Cham pinu?, Wr. Cham binuk, PWMP *bunut 'Ficus species'.
284
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
*bara 'shoulder', Rade mra, Jarai (PL) bra (Pk), Jarai (Lee) bra, Chru N. bra, Roglai bara, Tsat phia11, Haroi pria, W. Cham pra, PR Cham pira, Wr. Cham bir?, PMP *qabaRa. *barah Haroi
priah,
*baReq
'swell;
W.
Cham
swollen', paran,
Acehnese
Malay
barah, Chru brah, N. Roglai
barah
'tumor,
abscess',
PMP
barah, *baReq;
'abscess'.
*basah 'wet; damp', Acehnese basah, Rade m9sah, Jarai (PL) p?s?h, Jarai (Lee) p9sah, Chru p9sah, N. Roglai pasah, Tsat sa55,Haroi pgs?h, W. Cham *basah, pasah, PR Cham path?h, Wr. Cham pathah, Malay basah, PMalayic PMP *baseq. *batsy 'banana', Rade m9tei, Jarai (PL) p9t9i, Chru p9t9i, N. Roglai Tsat u11 tai11, Haroi p9t?i, W. Cham patay, PR Cham patsy, Wr. Cham pit9i, PMP pat?i, *punti; MK: PNB *p?t, PMnong *prit, PSB (Efimov) *p?:t, PKa? tuic *p9riet, *?9tiet. Despite some similarities, neither theMK nor the PC words for banana are borrowed from the other language. 'stone', Acehnese bat89, Rade boh tau, Jarai (PL) p9t9u, Jarai (Lee) p9t9u, Chru p9t9u, N. Roglai pat9u, Tsat tau11, Haroi p9t?u, W. Cham patau, PR Cham pitow; patow; patow, Wr. Cham bituw; batuw, Malay batu, PMalayic *batu, PMP *batu. *batow
*batuk
bato?, Rade m9t?k, Jarai (PL) p?t?k, mat?k 'cough', Acehnese (Pk), Jarai (Lee) p9t?k, Chru p9tu?, N. Roglai pitu?, Tsat tu?42,Haroi pato?, W. Cham pat??, PR Cham pat??, Wr. Cham patuk, Malay batuk; MK: PMnong *b9sy?k, PSB are
only
(Efimov) *b9shi9?. Despite
the apparent similarity,
theMK
forms
lookalikes.
*bilit
Roglai Cham
-i 'twist', Rade bl?t -i, Jarai (Lee) bl??, Chru bli:? 'roll up', N. bili:?, Haroi pli? -first vowel, W. Cham pli? 'wrap up, roll, package', PR li? -i, Wr. Cham lik, Malay b?lit 'twining round, coiling round', PMP
*belit.
'daughter', Jarai (PL) b?nai, *binay 'virgin', Rade mgnie bgnai, Chru bgnai 'female (animal)', N. Roglai binai 'of animals', panai 'female (animal)', PR Cham pinay 'woman', Wr. Cham binai, The 'wife', PMP *binay 'virgin', PAn *binay 'female; woman'.
Jarai (Lee) W. Cham Malay bini PAn is an
infixed form (*b-in-ahi); the infixed variant is not attested anywhere in Taiwan. *blah 'chop; split', Acehnese plah -i, Rade blah, Jarai (PL) bl?h, Jarai (Lee) blah, Chru blah, N. Roglai blah, Tsat phia55, Haroi pliah, W. Cham plah, PR Cham plah, Wr. Cham blah, PMP *belaq, Malay b?lah, PMalayic *bglah, PNB *pah, PSB (Efimov) ^lah, PMP *belaq 'crack, split open' MK: ; PMnong *blah 'split'. Note that this root also appears to reconstruct in three branches of Bahnaric.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
285
Lexicon
*bley 'buy', Acehnese blo9, Rade blsi, Jarai (PL) bl9i, Jarai (Lee) bl9i, Chru bl9i, N. Roglai bl9i, Haroi plii, W. Cham play, PR Cham pl?y, Wr. Cham bl?i, Malay b?li, PMalayic *bali, PMP *beli, PAn *beli. *boh 'fruit; egg; elf. for round objects', Acehnese boh, Rade boh, Jarai (PL) boh, Jarai (Lee) boh, Chru boh, N. Roglai boh, Tsat pho55, Haroi phtm buah elf., , W. Cham poh -v, PR Cham poh, Wr. Cham buah, Malay PMalayic
*buah, PMP *buaq, PAn *buaq. (*boh) *b9tih 'calf of leg', Acehnese
buiteh, Rade boh tih, Jarai (PL) N. boh Chru Roglai boh patih, Haroi p9teh, W. p9tih, p?tih, Jarai (Lee) p9tih, Cham poh patih, PR Cham patih, Wr. Cham patih, Malay b?tis, PMP *betis. *? *bow 'stench', (the initial is a voiced variant of the more frequent , but is also found 'smell',
Roglai Malay
PMP
in Acehnese),
Acehnese
bs9, Wr. Cham
bau, Malay
bau
*bahu.
*?ow 'stench', Rade ??u, Jarai (PL) ?au, Jarai (Lee) ?9u, Chru ?gu, N. ?gu, Tsat ?933, Haroi ??u, W. Cham ?au, PR Cham ?ow, Wr. Cham ?uw, bau 'smell', PMP *bahu. *bra:s 'rice (husked)', Acehnese
brui9h, Rade braih, Jarai (PL) braih, Jarai (Lee) braih, Chru bra:h 'pounded rice', N. Roglai bra, Tsat phia11, Haroi priah, W. Cham prah 'pounded rice', PR Cham prah -1,Wr. Cham brah, Malay b?ras,
PMP
*beRas.
*brsy 'give', Acehnese bri -f < Malay ?, Rade brsi, Jarai (PL) brgi, Jarai (Lee) br9i, Chru br9i, N. Roglai br9i, Tsat ?, Haroi pr?i,W. Cham pray, PR Cham pr?y, Wr. Cham br?i, Malay b?ri, PMalayic *b9ti?, PMP *beRay, PAn *beRay. one would expect PMalayo [The PC and PMalayic vowels are unexpected; Chamic
*-ay, *brsy
not 'to
the
of what
reflexes
permit'
<
'give'
was
apparently
cf.*brsy
'give',
*-i]
PMalayo-Chamic Rade
brsi,
Chru
br9i,
N.
Roglai br9i, W. Cham pray. *bru? -n -f 'rotten', Acehnese bro?, Rade br??, Jarai (PL) br??, Jarai -n -f, Tsat zo?24 ?, Haroi pr?? -i,W. Cham (Lee) br??, Chru bru?, N. Roglai br?k pr??, PR Cham pr??, Wr. Cham bruk, Malay buruk 'worn, decayed (of vegeta? bles)',
PMP
*buRuk 'rotten meat;
addled
eggs; bad character';
MK:
PKatuic
(DT) *qab/?_k. *bru?? 'do; work', Rade bru??, Jarai (PL) m?? bru??, Jarai (Lee) bru??, Chru brua? -n, N. Roglai bru??, Haroi pro?,W. Cham pr??, PR Cham pr??, Wr. *bru9? 'work, industrious'; PKatuic (Dorothy Thomas) *br_q [Pacoh proaq, Katu briaq]. This set of forms plus the set for *buat 'do, work' is inordinately interesting. First, it looks like *buat 'do work', which has an excellent PAn genealogy [PMP *buhat, PAn *buhat]. However, it Cham bruk; MK:
PSB
(Efimov)
If it is a borrowing from MK, then the PAn forms must be counted as chance look-alikes. If, as ismore likely, it
also occurs
inMK
in both PSB and in PKatuic.
286
Appendix
was borrowed
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
and PSB from An, then this is another An form bor? (or, perhaps, just Katu and Pacoh) from a presumably Chamic the coast, a little north of the northern-most capital of Champa. into Katuic
rowed into Katuic
source along Both the PSB and the PKatuic ogy not expected into Post-Chamic
from one of these sources but with
MK; perhaps the -r- was *buat
N. Roglai
ferent',
bu9t
Acehnese
used in the phrase N.
tuk9t
Roglai
Acehnese
different',
'the other day', -i, Haroi
from
speaking Chamic. bu9t
'action';
'action';
'do',
pubu9t
buat 'do', PMP *buhat, PAn *buhat.
bu??, Tsat phua?42, Malay 'other;
the -r- infix borrowed
introduced by MK bilinguals
'do; work',
*buk9n
m9k?n
forms contain an infixed -r-, a piece of morphol? inMK. Perhaps itwas then reborrowed
but common
in Chamic
bukAn;
'on
the
Rade
contrary',
Jarai (PL) pakon, Chru p9k9n 'other',
pakon
kAn
PR
Cham
(kow')-k?n
'dif? -i, Wr.
*bukan 'other', PWMP (ggp)-g9n -i, Malay bukan 'not', PMalayic (Blust) *beken 'other, different'. As Blust has pointed out, the first vowel of the word *buk9n is aMalayo-Chamic lexical innovation. Cham
*bula:n 'moon; month', Acehnese buluian, Rade m?an, Jarai (PL) blan, Jarai (Lee) blan, Chru ea bla:n, N. Roglai ia bila:t, Tsat lug11 phian11, Haroi p9lian, W. Cham ea plan, PR Cham pilan, Wr. Cham bilan, Malay bulan, PMa? layic *bulan, PMP *bulan, PAn *bulaN. *bulow
'hair, body; downy feathers; plant floss', Acehnese buls9, Rade ml?u, Jarai (PL) blgu 'plume', Jarai (Lee) bl9u, Chru bl9u, N. Roglai bil9u, Tsat phi9n, Haroi pallau, W. Cham plau, PR Cham pilow; palow, Wr. Cham buluw, biluw, Malay bulu, PMalayic *bulu, PMP *bulu. bugog, Rade maga, Jarai (PL) baga, Jarai *buga 'flower', Acehnese Chru N. (Lee) baga, baga, Roglai bug?, Tsat ga11, Haroi p9gia, W. Cham pagur f, PR Cham pigu, Wr. Cham big?, Malay bunga, PMalayic *buga(?), PMP *buga. *buga
cf.
'striped'
'flower',
Rade
maga
'checkered,
spotted',
Chru
bgga, N. Roglai bug?, PR Cham pigu, Wr. Cham big?. The 'striped, checkered' looks to have evolved from 'flowery' or some such, as the shape of the meaning etymon
is the
same
as
that
for
'flower'.
*bugat spirit; shadow, shade', Rade mag?t, Jarai (PL) bag?t, Jarai (Lee) bag??, bag?t, Chru baga?, N. Roglai bug??, Haroi pag?a?, W. Cham pag??, PR Cham pig??, Wr. Cham biguk. 'soul,
*buta 'blind', Acehnese buta, Tsat ta11, PR Cham mita, Wr. Cham mita as (same eye?), Malay buta. buya, Rade mya, Jarai (PL) b?a, Jarai *buya 'crocodile', Acehnese as same the (Lee) bia Note: bya, Chru bia Note: the same as bya, N. Roglai biya, Haroi payia, W. Cham paya, PR Cham piya, Wr. Cham biy?, Malay PMP *buqaya, PAn *buqaya.
buaya,
Appendix
II: The Chamic
287
Lexicon
buisoa, Rade masei, Jarai (PL) pasai, Jarai *bassy 'iron', Acehnese N. Chru (Lee) pasai, Roglai pisai, Tsat sai11, Haroi pas?i, W. Cham pasay, pasai, PR Cham pith?y; path?y, Wr. Cham bith?i; pas?i, Malay b?si. Cham
x*?la:t 'open eyes wide', Acehnese bluit, Chru ?la:?, N. Roglai ?la:?, PR ?la?, Wr. Cham ?lak, PMP bulat 'open eyes wide'; MK: Bahnar (AC)
bl?k.
If as it appears, the form is descended
from PMP *bulat, the initial is quite a PC *?l- cluster in the data. Thus, The has form the of puzzling. only example the obvious the most plausible account is that Austronesian despite etymology, was not the PC inherited directly but secondarily borrowed from an Austronesian source.
*?ow see immediately below *bow *?uk -1 'head hair', Acehnese o?, Rade ??k, Jarai (PL) ??k; ?m?k (Pkly), Jarai (Lee) ??k; ???, Chru ?u:? -1,N. Roglai ?u:?, Tsat ?u?24,Haroi ?u?,W. Cham ?u?, PR Cham ?u?,Wr. Cham ?uk, PMalayic *bu?uk, PMP *buhuk. *dada 'chest', Acehnese dada, Rade dah da 'breast' -i (the first initial is irregular), Jarai (PL) tada (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) tada, Chru har tada 'breast', N. Roglai dada, Tsat tha11, Haroi cathia, W. Cham tata; ?ata, PR Cham tata, Wr. Cham tad?, Malay dada, PMP dahdah; MK: PKatuic (DT) *tath_. Note that it is only inKatuic apparently that the Chamic form has been borrowed, another small piece of evidence
that there was extensive Chamic
contact in the Katuic
speaking
area.
*dalam (PL) hal?m dalap,
Tsat
'inside; in', Acehnese dalam; lam, Rade hl?m lam; elam, Jarai -i, dalam, Jarai (Lee) dl?m, Chru darlam; lam, dalam, N. Roglai
lam?42,
Haroi
Cham dalam, Malay Bahnar (AC) lam. *danaw (Lee)
danau,
tanaw,
Wr.
PMP
Chru Cham
l?m;
lim,
danau, danaw,
Acehnese N.
Rade
dano,
Roglai
Malay
Cham
tal?m,
PR Cham
pal?m, Wr.
*(d-)alam, PMP *dalem; MK: PNB *l?m,
dalam, PMalayic
'lake',
W.
caliam,
danau
danau
enau,
-n, Haroi
'mere,
pool,
Jarai caniau lake',
(PL) 'pond', PMalayic
danau, PR
Jarai Cham
*danaw,
*danaw.
*dara 'girl (c. teenage)', Acehnese dara, Rade era, Jarai (PL) dra, Jarai (Lee) dra, Chru dra 'teenage girl', N. Roglai dara, Haroi caria, W. Cham tra, PR Cham tara,Wr. Cham dar?, Malay dara, PMP *daRa 'girl'. *darah 'blood', Acehnese darah, Rade erah, Jarai (PL) dr?h, Jarai (Lee) drah, Chru drah, N. Roglai darah, Tsat sia55, Haroi carian, W. Cham tarah, PR Cham tar?h, Wr. Cham darah, Malay darah, PMalayic *darah, PMP *daRaq. *dha:n 'branch; bough', Acehnese dhuian, Rade adhan, Jarai (PL) than; dhan (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) than; dhan, Chru tha:n, N. Roglai tha:t, Haroi than, W. than, PR Cham than, Wr. Cham dhan, Malay dahan, PMalayic *dahan, PMP *daqan.
Cham
288
Appendix
*d? 'at', Acehnese because as a function word ta-
-
le
marque
'pour
but
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
di, Rade ti -v (The vowel difference here is probably itwas subject to a different stress pattern.), Jarai (PL) pour
Chru
suivi',
ta-,
N.
ta, W.
Roglai
Cham
ti
sa
'first', PR Cham ti,Wr. Cham d?,Malay di, PMalayic *di, PMP *di. *dihlow *hlow 'first (go); formerly; before', Acehnese 'formerly'; dilea, Rade el?u, Jarai (PL) hlau, Jarai (Lee) hlau; hlau, Chru la hau, N. Roglai dihlau, Tsat lau11, Haroi hl?u, W. Cham talau, PR Cham tahlow, an??, Wr. Cham dahluw, Malay dahulu; dulu, PMalayic *di hulu(?). *dikit 'few; little', Acehnese dit -mv, Chru taki:?, N. Roglai tiki:?, Tsat W. Cham PR Cham Wr. Cham takik, Wr. Cham (AC) dikik, taki?, ki?42, taki?, Malay dikit, PMP *dikit. *dilah 'tongue', Acehnese dilah, lidah, Rade elah, Jarai (PL) jal?h; gl?h Jarai (Lee) jalah -i < *g-, -v, Chru dalah, N. Roglai gilah < *g-, Tsat la55, (Hd.), Haroi caliah, W. Cham talah, PR Cham talah, Wr. Cham dalah, Malay lidah; dilah 'wick, lamp', PMalayic *dilah, PMP *dilaq. *do:k 'sit; live; stay', Acehnese dua?, Rade dok, Jarai (PL) do?, Jarai do:? Chru N. 'remain, sit', (Lee) do?, Roglai do:?, Tsat tho?42 'sit', Haroi thu?,W. Cham to?, PR Cham to?,Wr. Cham dauk, Malay duduk, PMalayic *duduk, PMP *dukduk.
*do:k 'still' cf. 'sit', Rade adok, Chru do:?,W. Cham po?, Wr.
Cham
dauk,
to? kug, PR Cham
duduk.
Malay
*do:k 'at; in' cf. 'sit', Haroi thu?. This "prepositional" use has devel? oped from the main verb use, apparently through a verb serialization process. *dras 'fast; short time', Acehnese draih -v, Jarai (Lee) drah cf. ?eh drah 'dysentery', 'fast Cham
(coming drah,
Chru
W.
back)', Malay
N.
drah,
d?ras,
drah
Roglai Cham PMP
prah *deRes
'short
'short 'fast,
time',
time;
Tsat
early',
sia55, PR
Haroi
Cham
carian trah, Wr.
rapid'.
droa 'self; elf. (-self); body; living beings', Acehnese *drey 'reflexive for people', Rade drei in 'we (inclusive)', Jarai (PL) drai 'corps'; ha 'm?me'; ?u 'lui m?me', Jarai (Lee) drai, N. Roglai drai elf. living things, Tsat pi11 se n -v [(trai -iv)], W. Cham tray 'living beings, animal, elf.', PR Cham tr?y,Wr. Cham drei; min ?, Malay diri, PMP *diri. *drsy 'we (incl.)' cf. 'body,
self, Rade drei, N. Roglai labu? drai; labu? f??,W. Cham tray, PR Cham kh?l tr?y 'we (excl.), Malay diri, Salako (Adelaar) diri? 'we (inclusive)'. *dua 'two', Acehnese duwa, Rade dua, Jarai (PL) dua, Jarai (Lee) dua, Chru dua, N. Roglai dua, Tsat thua11, Haroi thua, W. Cham coa, PR Cham twa, Wr. Cham du?, Malay
dua, PMalayic
*dua(?), PMP *duha.
Appendix
II: The Chamic
289
Lexicon
duwa ploh, Rade dua pluh, Chru dua *dua pluh 'twenty', Acehnese pluh, N. Roglai dua pluh, W. Cham doa pluh, PR Cham twa pl?h, Malay dua. puluh, PMP *duha ga puluq. lapan, Jarai (PL) dua rapan -1 (two taken *dua-lapan 'eight', Acehnese Chru Jarai away from ten), (Lee) capan -1, talpan, Tsat pam?42, Tsat (St?bel) /bad/ i.e., /p?t/, W. Cham
tap?n, PR Cham
talip?n, Wr. Cham
dalipan, Malay
d?lapan.
duroa, Rade erue (m), Jarai (PL) drai, Jarai *dursy 'thorn', Acehnese druai (Lee) drai; trai, Chru (m), N. Roglai daruai (m), Haroi car?i (m),W. Cham taruai (m), PR Cham taroy (m),Wr. Cham daruai, Malay duri, PMP *duRi. gAn,Malay d?ngan, Inscriptional Cham *dagan 'with; and', Acehnese PWMP dengan, *degen. *dapa 'armspan', Rade pa, Jarai (PL) t?pa, Jarai (Lee) tapa, Chru tapa, tupa, Tsat pa11, Haroi capa, W. Cham tapa, PR Cham tapa, Wr. Cham tapa, Malay d?pa, PMP *depa.
N. Roglai
gatai, Rade kat?l, Jarai (PL) ga?? (Est), Jarai *gatal 'itchy', Acehnese (Lee) katal, Chru katal, N. Roglai katan, Haroi kat?l 'to itch', W. Cham kat?l, PR Cham kat?l, Wr. Cham katal, Malay gatal, PMP *gatel. gigoa, Rade egei, Jarai (PL) tagai, Jarai (Lee) *gigsy 'tooth', Acehnese tagai -i, Chru tagai, N. Roglai digai, Tsat (hu11) khai11, Haroi cakhii, W. Cham takay, PR Cham takfy, Wr. Cham tag?i, Wr. Cham (AC) tag?i ,Malay gigi, PMalayic *gigi. This root is confined to languages inwestern Indonesia. *gila Cham
kla
'foolish',
'crazy;
mad',
Chru gala PR Cham
'foolish', N. Roglai kila, Wr.
Cham
gila pito:? 'foolish', W.
gil?, Malay
gila,
cf. PMP
*ila,
*kila 'restless; wild' MK: PSB (Efimov) *gala:. ; 'to Acehnese roll', gulog, Jarai (PL) kal?g; (Hd.) ba-galug, Jarai *gulug N. Chru -v, (Lee) glug, Roglai pa-guluk; ta-guluk, Haroi ta-kal?g; kal?g, pa-rlag PR Cham kal?g, Wr. Cham galug, Malay gulung, PMP *gulug. With prefixation: In Jarai, Chru and N. Roglai, the form seems to occur with a causative prefix, not tomention also with a ta- prefixed version inN. Roglai and Haroi. *gatak 'sap; resin', Rade kat?k, Jarai (Lee) kat?k, Chru kata?, N. Roglai kata?, Haroi kat??, W. Cham kat??, PR Cham kat??, Wr. Cham katak, cf. Achnese guitah, Malay g?tah 'sap; latex', PWMP *geteq 'tree sap'. The PWMP PWMP
and the Malay all reflect an earlier final *-h (< (Blust), the Acehnese, while all the reflect an unexpected Chamic forms (except Acehnese) *-q),
final *-k; theAcehnese ismost likely borrowed from theMalay. *habow 'ashes', Acehnese absa, Rade habau, Jarai (PL) habau, Jarai habau N. Chru habau, -vl, (Lee) Roglai habau, Tsat pha11, Haroi aphiau, W. Cham pau, PR Cham hap3w; pow, Wr. Cham habuw, Malay abu, PMalayic
290
II: The Chamic
Appendix
*habu, Malay
abu, PMP *qabu; MK:
PSB
(Efimov)
*bu:h, PKatuic
Lexicon
*[s/h]a?bah,
*ha?bah.
arag -m, Rade had?g, Jarai (PL) had?g, *hadag 'charcoal', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) had?g, Chru hadag, N. Roglai hadak, Tsat thaig?42, Haroi athiag, W. Cham tag, PR Cham hat?g; pag,Wr. Cham hadag; dag, PMP qajeg; MK: Bahnar (AC) arag. *halow
alea, Rade hl?u, Jarai (PL) hlau, Jarai (Lee) 'pestle', Acehnese N. Haroi Chru hlau, halau, W. Cham hlau, PR Cham hlow, halau, Roglai halau, Wr. Cham hluw, Malay alu, PMalayic *halu, PMP *lalu. ate, Rade tie, Jarai (PL) ha tai (Ouest), Jarai *hatay 'liver', Acehnese (Lee) hatai, Chru hatai, N. Roglai hatai, Tsat tad?42, Haroi at?i -i,W. Cham tai, PR Cham hatay, Wr. Cham hatai, Malay hati, PMalayic *hati, PMP *qatay, PAn *qaCay.
'rattan (generic?)', Acehnese awe, Rade hawie, Jarai (PL) *haway huai huai Chru Jarai 'rod, rush, hawai, N. Roglai hawai, hawei; (Lee) (Hd.), Tsat va??42, Haroi hawai, W. Cham haway -f, PR Cham haw?y, Wr. Cham haw?i, Iban ui?, PMalayic *(h)ui, PMP *quay, PAn *quay. *hijaw 'green; blue', Acehnese Wr. Cham hajaw; caw, Malay hijau, ?aw, *hitam 'black', Acehnese itam, tain?42, Tsat (St?bel) /d?n/ i.e., /t?n/, PR Malay
ijo, W. Cham
?au, PR Cham
ha?aw;
PMalayic *hijaw. Jarai (PL) hatam j?? 'bleu-noir', Tsat Cham hat?m; t?m, Wr. Cham hatam,
hitarri, PMalayic *hitam, PMP *qitem. *hlow see *dihlow
ubi -f, Rade habsi, Jarai (PL) *hubey 'taro; tuber; yam', Acehnese N. habai, Jarai (Lee) habai, Chru habai, Roglai habuai (m), Tsat phai11, Haroi PR W. Cham Cham pay, hap?y; p?y, Wr. Cham hab?i, Malay ubi, aphui (m), PMP
*qubi.
Also
cf.
'a
plant'.
uduiag, Rade hadag, Jarai (PL) *huda:g 'shrimp; lobster', Acehnese N. Jarai Chru (Lee) hadag, h3da:g, hada:g, Roglai huda:k, Tsat la11 tha:gn, Haroi PR Cham ni? Cham W. tag, hat?g; tag, Wr. Cham hudag; dag, Malay athiag, PMP hudang; udang, *qudag. *hudsy 'after; behind', Chru hadai 'after', W. Cham hatay 'then, PR Cham hat?y; t?y, Wr. Cham had?i, cf. Malay kemudian, PMalayic PMP *ma-udehi; MK: Bahnar (AC) hadoi. *hudi?, *hudip 'live, alive', Acehnese udep, Rade had?p, Jarai (PL) hadip, Jarai (Lee) hadip, Chru hadiu?, N. Roglai hadiu?, Tsat thiu?42, Haroi ath?p, W. Cham
already',
tiu?, PR Cham hat?w?; tlw?, Wr. Cham hadiap, Malay hidup, PMalayic *hidup, PMP *qudip, *quDip, PAn *qudip. ujuian, Rade ha jan, Jarai (PL) haja:n, Jarai *huja:n 'rain', Acehnese (Lee) najan, Chru hajam, N. Roglai huja:t, Tsat sain11, Haroi asian, W. Cham
II: The Chamic
Appendix
291
Lexicon
can, PR Cham
ha?an; can, Wr. Cham hajan; jan, Malay hujan, PMalayic PMP *hujan, *quzan, PAn *quzaN. *hulat 'worm', Acehnese ulat, Rade hlu?t (m) 'caterpillar', Jarai (PL) hl?t, Jarai (Lee) hl?t; hlu?t (m), Chru hala?, N. Roglai hula?, W. Cham hl?? 'cat? erpillar', PR Cham hal??, Wr. Cham halak, Malay *qulej, PAn *qulej. *hulun
I (polite)', Acehnese
servant;
'slave;
lontuwan
wan,
ulon,
(polite);
(sg./pl.)
Ion-,
ulog-,
*hulat, PMP
ulat, PMalayic ulon,
Ion, ul?g, ulogtu
ulontuwan-,
lontuwan-;
-Ion,
-log, Rade hl?n, Jarai (PL) hlun, Jarai (Lee) hl?n, Chru halun, N. Roglai hulut, Haroi halun, W. Cham hl?n hl??; hul?n T, PR Cham hal?n, Wr. Cham halun, Malay ulun, PMP *qulun. *huma 'cultivated field', Acehnese umAg, Rade hama 'swidden field', Jarai (PL) hamua (m), hama, Jarai (Lee) hama; hamua, Chru hama 'paddy field', N. Roglai hum? 'wet field', Tsat ma33, Haroi hamia, W. Cham hami, PR Cham hamu -v, Wr. Cham ham?, Malay huma 'dry field', 'swidden', PMP *quma,
PAn
*qumah.
uroa; mata uroa, Rade hrue (m); yag *hursy 'day; sun', Acehnese hrue, Jarai (PL) hrai, Jarai (Lee) hrai, Chru harai, N. Roglai hurai; ia hurai, Tsat zai33, Haroi harii (m),W. Cham hray; ea hray, PR Cham har?y, Wr. Cham har?i, Malay hari, PMalayic *hari, PMP *waRi. *huta:n
utuian, PR Cham hatan; tan, Wr. jungle', Acehnese hatan; tan, Malay hutan; utan, PMalayic *hutan, PMP *qutan 'small, wild herbaceous plants; scrub-land, bush'. As Blust (p.c.), points out the mean? 'forest;
Cham
ing
'forest'
is secondary,
*doh
'far,
but
shared Chru
distant',
in both Malay don
and Chamic. PR
'near',
'loin, ?loign?', Wr. Cham hadauh; dauh, Malay *zauq. The PC initial is quite unexpected. *ita
'we
Acehnese
(incl.)',
gui-ta-?oa,
*guita < *kita plus ftoa 'this'; ta-; -tui(h), tan-phi55;
ta33
'we
ta33
(excl.)';
za:k33
'we
Cham
hatfoh
don
'?loigne';
jauh, PMalayic
*jauh, PMP
ta-?oa
(neutral)
(sg./pl.)
Jarai (PL) Big ta 'we (excl.)', (excl.)',
Haroi
ata
'we
(incl.)',
<
Tsat PR
Cham khol ita,Wr. Cham it?, Malay kita, PMalayic *kita?, PMP *kita. *ja:k 'invite', Rade jak, Jarai (Lee) jak, N. Roglai ja:?, Haroi sia?, PR Cham ?a?,Wr. Cham jak, Malay ajak; MK: Bahnar (AC) j?k. Roglai Malay
*jahit 'sew', Rade jhit, Jarai (PL) (est), Jarai (Lee) si?; sit, Chru si:?, N. chi:?, Tsat si?24,Haroi sei?,W. Cham ?hi?, PR Cham ?hi?,Wr. Cham jhik, jahit, PMalayic *jahit, PMP *zaqit; MK: Bahnar (AC) cit. *jala:n
house';
'road;
path',
-v < Malay,
Acehnese
jalan jalam, N. Roglai jala:t, Tsat ?alan, Wr. Cham jalan, Malay
-lu?an
'yard;
space
in
front
of
the
elan, Jarai (PL) jalan, Jarai (Lee) jalan, Chru lam11, Haroi calian, W. Cham ?alan, PR Cham jalan, PMalayic *jalan, PMP *zalan.
Rade
292
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
*jarum 'needle', Acehnese jarom, Rade er?m, Jarai (PL) ?j?rum; jr?m (Pk), Jarai (Lee) jr?m -a, Chru jrum ?, N. Roglai jump, Tsat sun11, Haroi car?m, W. Cham ?rum -v, PR Cham car?m, Wr. Cham jarurri,Malay jarum, PMalayic *jarum, PMP *zaRum; MK: PNB *jar?m, PKatuic (DT) *jar_m. *judsy 'after, to Highlands
Restricted
later; last', Rade edsi, N. Roglai judai, Haroi cath?i. Chamic plus Haroi. [This form looks to be a variant of
but with an unexplained initial] *jaha:t 'bad; wicked', Acehnese juihuit; jhuit -v, Rade jhat, Jarai (PL) s?t, Jarai (Lee) sat, Chru ja ha:?, Tsat sa:?24,Haroi s?t, PR Cham ?ha?,Wr. Cham jhak, Malay jahat, PMalayic *jah(aa)t, PMP *zaqat; *zaqet. *hudsy
'after; behind',
*kaju 'spear; lance', Rade kaju, Jarai (Lee) taju -i, Haroi kasu, Malay kujur.
?), Jarai (PL) takai, Jarai gaki -v (< Malay *kakay 'foot', Acehnese Chru N. Tsat takai, (Lee) takai, kad?42, Haroi cak?i, W. Cham Roglai takai, takai, PR Cham takay, Wr. Cham takai, Wr. Cham (AC) kakai, takai, Malay kaki, PMalayic *kaki, PMP *qaqay. There is a problem with the relationship the PMP form, already noted by Blust in his dictionary. Note that the *k the expected reflex is reflex of PMP *q- in both PC and PMalayic is unexpected: /h-/, not /k-/. It could be the case that, despite the similarities, the two forms are
with
it could be that the PMalayo-Chamic
simply unrelated, sound,
or
it could
be
something
else?perhaps
the MK
an irregular
represents velar
prefix,
which
some?
body parts. In any case, the form is valuable for subgrouping; this that is, in both unexpected form is shared in both branches of PMalayo-Chamic, and PC. PMalayic times marks
see
*kala:g
*rala:g
*kalsy 'dig', Rade klsi, Jarai (PL) kl?i, Jarai (Lee) klai, Chru klai -i, N. Roglai kalai, Haroi kal?i, PR Cham kaley, Wr. Cham kal?i, Malay kali 'ditch'; gali -i, PMalayic *kali, PMP *kali. *kam?;
'we
*kamsy
(ex.)',
Acehnese
kamoa;
mu?-;
-mru(h),
Rade
hamsi, Jarai (PL) ?ig g?mai 'we (incl.)'; Big mai (Hd.) 'we (incl.)'; Big hamai (S) 'we (incl.)', Jarai (Lee) gamai -iv, N. Roglai labu? kam?n -v?, Tsat mi33, Haroi kamei -v h?i -v (grammatical particle); kamen (-h?i); k?me h?i -v (grammatical particle), *kami, PMP *kami. *kanam 'very
dark',
N.
PR Cham kami, Wr. Cham kami, Malay
-f 'dark', Jarai (PL) kanam,
Roglai
kanap
-f, Haroi
kan?m,
kami, PMalayic
Jarai (Lee) kanam, Chru kanam W.
Cham
kan?m
'dark
of moon',
PR Cham kan?m, Wr. Cham kanam, Malay k?lam, PMP *kelem; MK: PKatuic *kanham 'dark'. [The Katuic form is apparently borrowed].
Appendix
II: The Chamic
293
Lexicon
*kapa:l 'thick', Rade kapal, Jarai (PL) kSpal, Jarai (Lee) kapal, Chru N. Roglai kapan, Tsat pa:nn -t, Haroi kapal, W. Cham kapal, PR Cham kapa:l, kapal, Wr. Cham kapal, PMP *kapal. *kapit
'squeeze;
pinch,
press'
maybe
the
same
as
*kapit
'close',
Jarai
(Lee) kap?? ?, Haroi cap?t -vf, PR Cham tapi?,Wr. Cham tapik, PMP *ka(m)pit 'hold together, squeeze', *ga(m)pit 'to hold together'. *karam krom, Chru kram Wr.
kar?m,
Cham
'to hatch', Acehnese karom, Rade kr?m 'sitting hen', Jarai (PL) 'sitting hen', N. Roglai karap, W. Cham kar?m, PR Cham kararri,
Malay
ram.
k?ram,
*kawat, *kuat 'wire', Rade kaw?t, Jarai (Lee) ku?t, Chru kuat -f, Haroi kaw?t, W. Cham kaw?t -vf, Malay kawat, PWMP *kawad. *kayow 'tree; wood', Acehnese kayea, Rade kay?u, Jarai (PL) kayau, kayau, Jarai (Lee) kayau, Chru kayau, N. Roglai kayau, Tsat (phun33) zau33, Haroi kay?u -vr, W. Cham kayau, PR Cham kaySw, Wr. Cham kayuw, Malay kayu 'stick; wood', PMalayic *kayu? 'stick, wood', PMP *kahiw. *klow
'three', Acehnese lhea, Rade tl?u, Jarai (PL) klau, Jarai (Lee) klau, Chru klau, N. Roglai tlau, Tsat kiu33, Haroi tl?u, W. Cham klau, PR Cham klow, PMalayic *talu, PMP *telu. *klu 'testicles Jarai (PL) tiflu, Chru klu 'testicles', PR (of animal)', Cham
t?lur 'egg', PMalayic *talur 'egg', PMP *qateluR, *qiteluR klu, Malay 'egg', PAn *qiCeluR 'egg'. *kow 'I (familiar)', Acehnese kea; ku-; -ku(h), Rade k?u, Jarai (PL) kau 'de inf?rieur ? son chef direct', Jarai (Lee) kau, Chru kau, kami, N. Roglai kau,
Tsat
*aku,
kau33,
PMP
Haroi
k?u, W.
Cham
kau,
PR
Cham
k?w,
Malay
aku,
PMalayic
*aku.
*kra 'monkey', Rade kra, Jarai (PL) kra, Jarai (Lee) kra, Chru kra, N. Tsat kia33, Haroi kra, W. Cham kra, PR Cham kra, Wr. Cham kr?, kra, Roglai The loss Malay k?ra, PWMP (Blust, p.c.) *keraq 'the chattering of monkeys'. of final -q is irregular, but shared with both Malay and Chamic. *kukow
'claw; fingernail', Acehnese guksa, Rade ka k?u, Jarai (Lee) nor reflects neither *kJarai (initial (PL) takau < *t-, Chru karkau, *t-), N. Roglai kukau, Haroi kaic?u, W. Cham kakau, PR Cham kak?w, PR Cham cakau
cak?w
(initial reflects neither *k- nor *t-), Wr. Cham kakuw, Wr. Cham (AC) kukau, Malay kuku, PMP *kuhkuh. Note the sporadic nature of the changes of the presyllable-initial *k-. One contributing factor is interaction with the *k body part prefix found throughout MK (cf. Smith 1975). *kulit 'skin', Acehnese kulet, Rade kl?t, Jarai (PL) kalit, Jarai (Lee) klit, Chru kali:?, N. Roglai kuli:?, Tsat li?24 -i; lo?24 -i, Haroi kalei?, W. Cham kli?, PR Cham kali?, Wr. Cham kalik, Malay kulit, PMalayic *kulit, PMP *kulit 'skin; bark'.
294
Appendix
*ku?it
kuflst
Acehnese
tumeric',
'yellow;
II: The Chamic
Rade
'tumeric',
Lexicon
kan??,
Jarai
Tsat (PL) kan??, Jarai (Lee) kaf?i?, Chru kafi?:?, N. Roglai ku?i:? 'yellow-orange', ?i?24; gi55, Haroi ka?ei?, W. Cham ka?i? 'orange, safron', PR Cham ka?i?, Wr. Cham kaftik, Malay kunyit 'tumeric', PMalayic *kunit 'yellow, tumeric', PMP 'tumeric'.
*kunij
*kura 'tortoise; turtle', Rade krua (m) 'turtle', Jarai (PL) kr?a (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) krua (m), Chru kra, N. Roglai kura, Haroi kroa (m), PR Cham kara, Wr.
Cham
kar?,
Malay
kura.
*kura:g 'less; insufficient',
W. Cham kurag, Acehnese
kuruiag, Malay
kurang.
'head louse', Acehnese gutsa, Rade kat?u, Jarai (PL) katau, Jarai (Lee) katau, Chru katau, N. Roglai kutau, Haroi kat?u, W. Cham katau, PR Cham katow, Wr. Cham katuw, Malay kutu, PMalayic *kutu, PMP *kutu. *kutow
*ka-
'to,
for
at',
(goal),
Acehnese
kui-,
Rade
ka-,
Jarai
(PL)
ka-
'pour
Jarai (Lee) [ka], Chru ka- 'to, concerning', N. Roglai hia ga; marque le motif, ga, Haroi ka-, PR Cham ka, Wr. Cham ka, Malay k?-, kepada, PMP *ki- 'to, for (goal)'. *kantut
'fart;
flatus
Acehnese
ventrus',
toh
guintat
-v,
Chru
katu:?,
Haroi katou?; tout, Malay k?ntut, PWMP *ka-qetut 'the noise of flatuence', PMP *qe(n)tut. If the Malay and the PC were derived directly from the PMP have /h-/ as their initial; the actually occurring /k-/ reflects the would *qetut, they *ka-
prefix,
with
*la?ur
the nasal 'coconut
an
expected
palm',
secondary
Acehnese
boh
development. u, Chru
la?u,
N.
Roglai
la?u,
Haroi
la?u, W. Cham la?u, PR Cham liu, Wr. Cham li?, Malay nyor, PMalayic PMP *niur, *niuR, PAn niyuR. *laba:t 'walk, go', Rade ebat, Jarai (PL) rabat, N. Roglai luba:?, Tsat pha:?42,W. Cham kapa? ?-i, PR Cham lipa?; lapa?, Wr. Cham libak; labak, PMP *lampaq?.
'fall down; drop anchor', Rade ebuh, Jarai (PL) rab?h, Jarai Chru labuh, N. Roglai labuh, Tsat phu55, Haroi laph?h, W. Cham (Lee) rabuh, PR labuh 'drop anchor', Cham lapuh, lipuh; lapuh, Wr. Cham libuh, Malay PMP PMalayic *labuh, *labuq. *labuh
lakoa, Rade eksi, Jarai (PL) rakai, *lakey 'male; person', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) rakai -i; cakai -i, Chru lakai 'male', N. Roglai lakai, Tsat kai33, Haroi lak?i, W. Cham lakay, PR Cham lik?y; lak?y, Wr. Cham lak?i, Malay lak ilaki, PMalayic *laki (-laki), PMP *laki. -v 'sesame', Rade egu, Jarai (PL) raga; baga (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) raga, N. Roglai lag?, Haroi laga; lag?u -v,W. Cham lagi, PR Cham ligi; lagi,Wr. Cham ligi; lagi, PMP *lega; MK: PSB (Efimov) *laga:. *lanah 'pus', Jarai (PL) ran?h, Jarai (Lee) ranah, N. Roglai lan?h, Tsat *laga
la11 na55, Malay
nanah,
PMP
*nanaq.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
295
Lexicon
l?get, Rade eg?t, Jarai (PL) git (Pk), Chru tasi:? *lagit 'sky', Acehnese Tsat N. lagi:?, gi?24, Haroi lagi?, W. Cham lagi?, PR Cham ligi?; Roglai lag!:?, lagi?,Wr. Cham ligik; lagik, Malay langit, PMalayic *lagit, PMP *lagit. *lapa 'hungry', Rade epa, Jarai (PL) r?pa, Jarai (Lee) rapa, Chru lapa, N. Roglai lapa, Tsat pa33, Haroi lapa, W. Cham lapa, PR Cham lipa; lapa, Wr. Cham
lipa; lapa, Malay lapar, PMP *lapaR. *lasey 'rice (cooked)', Rade esei, Jarai (PL) asai -i, Jarai (Lee) ?asai -i, Chru la sai, Haroi la soi,W. Cham las?y, PR Cham lith?y, Wr. Cham lis?y, Malay nasi.
'withered; faded', Acehnese layea 'faded', Chru layau, W. *layow PR Wr. Cham Cham layu layuw; liyuw, Malay layau, liy3w, layow, 'faded; withered', PMalayic *layu, PWMP *laqeyu. *lima 'five', Acehnese limAg, Rade em a, Jarai (PL) rama, Jarai (Lee)
Cham
rama, Chru lama, N. Roglai lum?, Tsat ma33, Haroi lamia, W. Cham lami, PR Cham limi; lami, Wr. Cham limi; lami, Malay lima, PMalayic *lima, PMP *lima.
*limpa:n 'centipede', Acehnese limprxian, Rade epan, Jarai (PL) rapan, Jarai (Lee) rapan, Chru lapa:n, N. Roglai lupa:t, Tsat a11 pam11, Haroi lapan, W. Cham lapan, PR Cham lipan; lapan, Wr. Cham lipan; lapan, Malay (ha)lipan, PMP
*qalu-hipan,
*lintah
PAn
*qalu-Sipan.
-i 'water
leech', Acehnese lintah, Rade katah -i, Jarai (PL) Jarai Chru N. retan, latah, (Lee) ratah, Roglai ritah -i, Haroi lat?h, W. Cham latah, PR Cham lit?h; lat?h, Wr. Cham latah, Malay lintah 'horse leech', PMP *qali-metaq,
PAn
*qali-meCaq;
MK:
Bahnar
(AC)
latah,
ratah.
*lipih 'thin (material)', Acehnese lipeh, Rade epih, Jarai (Lee) rapih, Chru lapih, N. Roglai lupih, Tsat pi55, Haroi lapeh, W. Cham lapih, PR Cham lip?h; lap?h,Wr. Cham lipih; lapih, Malay nipis, PMalayic *nipis, *m/ipis, PMP *nipis.
*liya 'ginger', Acehnese haliya, Rade eya, Jarai (PL) raya, rala, Jarai (Lee) raya, Chru lia (note: the same as lya), N. Roglai riya -i, Tsat za33, Haroi layia, PR Cham liya; laya; kanrog-riya -i,Wr. Cham liy?; laya; ganraug riy?, Malay halia, PMP *laqia; MK: Bahnar (AC) lia. Roglai Malay laka
*luba:g 'hole; pit', Acehnese kubag -i 'wallowing hole', Chru laba:g, N. luba:k, W. Cham lapag, PR Cham lipag; lapag, Wr. Cham libag; labag, lubang. *luka 'bite,
lik?, Malay
'wound, scar', Acehnese luka, Rade eka, Jarai (Lee) raka, Chru W. Haroi Cham sore', laka, laka, PR Cham lika-lik?h, Wr. Cham PMP *luka. luka,
*lumpey 'to dream', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) rapai, Chru lapai, N. Roglai
lumpoa, Rade epei, Jarai (PL) rapai, lupai, Tsat pai33, Haroi lap?i, W. Cham
296
Appendix
lapay, PR Cham lip?y; lap?y, Wr. Cham *m-impi, PMP *h-in-ipi; *hipi; *h-um-ipi. *labsh 'more; surplus', Acehnese
lip?i; lap?i, Malay
rab?h, N. Roglai
lubeh, Haroi
labaih, Malay l?bih, PMalayic *lama? 'fat, grease,
II: The Chamic
mimpi,
Lexicon
PMalayic
ruibsh -v, Rade ebsh dlai, Jarai (Lee) PR Cham laphth, lipsh; lap?h, Wr. Cham libaih; PMP *lebih, *lebiq.
luim a?, Rade em??, Jarai (PL) oil', Acehnese rama?, Jarai (Lee) rama? -1, Chru lama?, N. Roglai lum??, Tsat ma?42, Haroi lamia?, W. Cham lama?, PR Cham limi?; lami?, Wr. Cham lamik; limik, Malay l?mak, PMalayic *lamak, PMP *lemak; MK: PMnong *ram?q, *ramaq, Bahnar (AC) rama; lama. *lan 'earth', Acehnese
Lvn 'silt, Rade l?n, Jarai (PL) Ion, Jarai (Lee) 13n, Chru Ian, N. Roglai lat, Haroi Ion 'ground, floor; country', PR Cham l?n, Wr. Cham Ian, PMP *talun 'fallow land, secondary forest', PAn *Calun. lui sog, Rade es?g, Jarai (PL) ras?g, Jarai *lasug -i 'mortar', Acehnese risuk Chru N. -i, Haroi lasog, W. Cham lasug, PR (Lee) ras?g, lasug, Roglai Cham lith?g; rath?g -i; lath?g, Wr. Cham lisug; rasug; lathug, Malay l?sung, PMP PMalayic *lasug, *lesug. *ma-alas
'lazy', Acehnese malaih, Rade alah, Jarai (Lee) ?alah, Chru alah, N. Roglai alah, Haroi al?h, W. Cham Iah, PR Cham alah mit?h, Wr. Cham alah mitah, Malay malas, PMalayic (Blust) *males. *ma-boh 'to lay egg', Jarai (PL) maboh, Jarai (Lee) maboh, Chru boh, Haroi paph?h, PR Cham mipoh, Wr. Cham mibuah. Related to 'fruit; egg; small round
Tsat main,
below.
object' *ma?in
'play',
?in33, Haroi
ma?en,
PMP
Acehnese W.
Cham
rmu??n, maTin,
Chru PR
ma?in
Cham
'fun',
miin,
Wr.
N. Cham
Roglai miin,
ma?in, Malay
*ayam.
*mabah
see
*babah
*mabu? 'drunk, intoxicated', Acehnese mabo?, Chru mabu?, N. Roglai babu?, W. Cham map??, Malay mabuk, PMP *ma-buhek, PAn *(ma-)buSek. *mah?w 'thirst; desire', Rade mahau, Jarai (PL) m?ha? -f, Jarai (Lee) mahau, Chru mah?u, N. Roglai mah?u, Tsat hau?24 -t, Haroi mah?u, W. Cham mahu 'desire; thirst', PR Cham mihu, Wr. Cham mih?, Malay mahu 'want'. *mahirah 'red', Acehnese mirah, Rade hrah, Jarai (PL) mri?h (Est), Jarai (Lee) mriah -m, Chru mariah, N. Roglai mariah, Tsat za55, Haroi mareah, W. Cham mareah, PR Cham miry?h, Wr. Cham miriah, Malay m?rah, PMalayic *(ma-)irah,
PMP *malam
*ma-qiRaq. 'night;
evening',
Acehnese
malam
'night',
Rade
mlam
-1, Jarai
(PL) ml?m, Jarai (Lee) ml?m, Chru malam, N. Roglai malap, Haroi malam -1, W. Cham mal?m, PR Cham mil?m, Wr. Cham milarri, Malay malam 'night', dark'. *halem PMP PWMP *m-alem *ma-lam, (Blust) 'night, 'night', PMalayic
Appendix
II: The Chamic
297
Lexicon
*malow Jarai (PL) malau, 'blush; ashamed; shy', Acehnese malsa, Jarai (Lee) miau, Chru malau alah, N. Roglai malau, Haroi ml?u, W. Cham malau, PR Cham milSw, Wr. Cham miluw, Malay malu, PMalayic *malu. *mamah 'chew', Acehnese mamAh, Rade mamah, Jarai (PL) m?h, Jarai (Lee) mamah, Chru bamah ?*mu-, N. Roglai mum?h, Tsat ma55, Haroi mamah, W. Cham mamih, PR Cham mimih, Wr. Cham mimih, Malay mamah, PMalayic PMP
*mamah,
*mamaq.
*mamih
'sweet', Acehnese mamen, Rade mamih, Jarai (PL) mih, Jarai (Lee) mamih, N. Roglai mum?h, Tsat mi55, Haroi mam?h, PR Cham mim?h 'ai? grelet', Wr. Cham mimih 'aigrelet', PMP *mamis. *ma?am -1 'weave; twill', Acehnese maftum, Rade ma?am, Jarai (PL) m?ft?m, Chru mafta:m -1 'knit', N. Roglai ma?am, Haroi ma?iam, W. Cham PR Cham minim, Wr. Cham mi?im,
ma?im, weave
(mats,
PMP
*a?em,
*ma-aftam
'plait,
baskets)'.
*maney 'bathe', Acehnese manoa, Rade manei, Jarai (PL) menai, Jarai (Lee) manai, Chru manai, N. Roglai man? -v, Haroi mn?i < *-ai, W. Cham manay, PR Cham miney, Wr. Cham min?y, Malay mandi. *manu? 'chicken; fowl', Acehnese mano?, Rade man??, Jarai (PL) man??, Jarai (Lee) man??, Chru man??, N. Roglai man??, Tsat nu?24, Haroi man??, W. Cham man??, PR Cham min??, Wr. Cham minuk, Malay manuk 'bird', PMalayic *manuk 'chicken', PMP *manuk.
mai,
r?i
-m, W.
mari-lah
Malay
masam,
'sour; (Lee)
mai
Cham
'come
*masam Jarai
Jarai (PL) rai, Chru marai, N. Roglai
'come',
*maray Haroi
zaii?42,
PMP
here',
Cham
mai
Wr.
-r-, Tsat
Cham
N.
ea masam,
Rade
masam,
ia masam,
Chru
mai,
miray,
mirai;
*maRi.
*um-aRi;
Acehnese
vinegar',
masam,
-r-, PR
Jarai
ia masap,
Roglai
Tsat
(PL)
sain?42,
Haroi masam, W. Cham mas?m, PR Cham mith?m, Wr. Cham mitharri, Malay masam, PMalayic *asam, PMP *ma-esem. The word 'vinegar' is simply the word
'sour'
the word
plus
*masin
'salted;
for water. salty',
Acehnese
masen,
Rade
mas?n,
Jarai
(PL)
m as?n
(Hd.), Jarai (Lee) masin, Chru masin in 'pickled fish', N. Roglai masit (?), Tsat sen?42 -vft, Haroi masen, W. Cham mas?n in 'fish juice', PR Cham mithin, Wr. Cham misin, Malay masin, PMP *ma-qasin. *masuh -1 'tease Malay
each
musuh
'fight (war)', Chru masuh, N. Roglai masuh, Haroi phia-masoh
other',
W.
Cham
masruh
-r, PR
Cham
mithuh,
Wr.
Cham
misuh,
'enemy'.
*mata
'eye', Acehnese mata, Jarai (PL) mata, Jarai (Lee) mata, Chru mata, N. Roglai mata, Tsat tig33 ta33, Haroi mata, W. Cham mata, PR Cham mita, Wr. Cham mita, Malay mata, PMalayic *mata, PMP *mata; MK: PNB *m?t, PMnong *m?t, PSB (Efimov) *mat, PKatuic *mat. The PMP and theMK sets of forms date back to their respective proto-languages.
298
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Acehnese
'die',
*matay
Chru
mate,
N.
matai,
Tsat
matai,
Roglai
Lexicon
taii?42,
Haroi pathia ?, W. Cham matai, PR Cham mitay, Wr. Cham mitai, Malay PMalayic *mati, PMP *ma-atay. *matow <
patau
'son-in-law';
Chru
*p-,
martau, PR
layic *b-in-antu
'child-in-law'.
(Blust,
Cham
Wr.
mitow,
Cham
W.
mat?u, mituw,
(Lee) 'son/ PMa?
m?nantu,
Malay
in western
to languages
Confined
Jarai matau
Cham
Indonesia
p.c.). *miaw
Tsat
matau,
Roglai
daughter-in-law',
Haroi
m at?u,
Rade
'child-in-law',
*patow N.
mati,
Acehnese
'cat',
m eau,
Haroi
miau33,
Rade
mia,
W.
Cham
miyaw -v; MK: PMnong *mi?w, PSB this word requires no further comment.
Chru
mieo, PR
magiau,
miyaw
Roglai
mi?u,
-v, Wr.
Cham
The imitative nature of
*ms:w.
(Efimov)
N.
miau,
Cham
*mi?a:k 'oil', Acehnese mi?ui?, N. Roglai ma?a:? h?, Tsat f?a?24,W. Cham maf?i?, PR Cham mini?, Wr. Cham mif?ik, Malay minyak, PMP *mef?ak is another shared irregularity in 'fat, grease, oil'. The -i- inMalayo-Chamic Malayo-Chamic.
*minum; *minam 'to drink', Acehnese minom, Rade man?m, Jarai (PL) maf??m; f??m (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) maf?um, Chru ma?um, Haroi maft?am, W. Cham ma?um, PR Cham mi??m, Wr. Cham mi?urri, Malay minum, PMalayic *inum, PMP
*um-inum. Acehnese
'yesterday',
*mubursy
brai, Chru kabruai
baroa,
(m), W. Cham maproi
mabrue
Rade
(m),
(m), Malay
Jarai
(Lee)
'the good old
bahari
days'. *muda
Cham
mida,
Malay
m?ng-,
tha11,
prefix',
PMalayic
*mantah
Jarai (Lee) mada, Haroi
PMP
muda,
'verb
*maMalay
Tsat
intestine',
'raw;
Acehnese
tender',
unripe;
Jarai (PL) mada,
intestine', 'small
'young;
mathia, *uda,
W.
Rade
muda,
mada
PR
mata,
Cham
Tsat
ta55, Haroi
Acehnese
Jarai
mui-/mu-,
PWMP
*mag-.
green;
unripe',
Acehnese
W.
in
Wr.
mita,
*m-uda.
*mag-,
m atah,
'small
mida
Chru mada, N. Roglai Cham
ma-,
muintah,
Wr.
Rade
Cham
Cham
mata
-m,
PR
Cham
mit?h,
ma-,
m atah,
(PL) m atah, Jarai (Lee) m atah, Chru m atah -n 'unripe', N. Roglai m atah,
in
Jarai
mat?h Wr.
-n;
Cham
mitah, Malay rnentah, PMP *mataq; *mentaq; *a(n)taq. *f?amuk 'mosquito', Acehnese jamo?; ?amo?, Chru jam??, N. Roglai earn PR Cham ?am o? -v, Wr. Cham jam auk, o?; cam??, jamo? -v, W. Cham In large Malay nyamuk, PMalayic *?amuk, PMP *nyamuk; *lamak; *lamuk. part the reflexes of initial *?- have blended with those of *j-. *?awa 'breath, soul, air', Rade ewa < *j-, Jarai (Lee) jawa, Chru jawa, N. Roglai lawa, Haroi cawia 'breath, blow' < *j-; macawia, W. Cham (yawa), W. Cham (Headley) /f?awa/ 'soul', PR Cham yawa 'blow out', Wr. Cham yaw?,
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Malay
jiwa, nyawa,
299
Lexicon
*f?awa, PMP *jawa
PMalayic
'air, soul, breath',
(*ma)
nihawa.
*?u 'he, she; they', Rade ?u, Jarai (PL) ?u, Jarai (Lee) ?u 'he', Chru ??, N. Roglai ??, Tsat ?au33 -vi, Haroi ?au -v,W. Cham ?u, PR Cham ?u, Wr. Cham g?; MK: Bahnar (AC) ?i. [This form has cognates throughout An but the are somewhat irregular] vowel correspondences *?us 'blow nose; sniffle; nasal mucus', Rade a?ih, Jarai (PL) ?Sh?h ?, Jarai (Lee) ?uih, Chru ?i:h adung, N. Roglai ??h, Tsat ?au55 -v, W. Cham nun, PR Cham ?uh; ha?uh, Wr. Cham ?uh; haftuh, Malay ingus, PMP *higus 'nasal mucus'.
*nam 'six', Acehnese nam, Rade n?m, Jarai (PL) n?m, Jarai (Lee) n?m, Chru nam, N. Roglai n?m, Tsat na:n?33, Haroi n?m, W. Cham n?m, PR Cham n?m, Wr. Cham nani, Malay ?nam, PMalayic *anam, PMP *enem. *naw N. Roglai
'go; walk', Rade nau, Jarai (PL) nau, Jarai (Lee) nau, Chru nau, n?u, Tsat na:u?33/42, Haroi nau, W. Cham nau, PR Cham naw, Wr.
Cham
PMP
nau,
*panaw
'go; walk'.
*pa:t 'four', Acehnese pui at, Rade p??, Jarai (PL) p??, Jarai (Lee) p??, Chru pa:?, N. Roglai pa:?, Tsat pa?24, Haroi pa?,W. Cham pa?, PR Cham pa?,Wr. Cham pak, Malay ?mpat, PMalayic *ampat, PMP *epat; MK: PMnong *pu?n. [TheMK forms are not directly related to the PC forms] *padam 'extinguish', N. Roglai padap, Tsat tham?42,W. Cham pap?m, PR Cham patam, Wr. Cham padani, Malay padam, PMP *padem; MK: PNB *p?t. *paday
'rice,
paddy',
Acehnese
Jarai (Lee) padai, Chru padai, N. Roglai Cham
pat-ai,
PR Cham
patay,
Wr.
Cham
pade,
Rade
madie,
Jarai
(PL)
padai,
padai, Tsat thau?42, Haroi pathiai, W. padai,
Malay
padi.
pagina < *-r, Jarai (PL) paga, Jarai (Lee) *pagar 'fence', Acehnese Chru N. Tsat paga, kai33, Haroi pakhia, W. Cham paka, PR paga, Roglai paga, Cham paka, Wr. Cham paga, Malay pagar, PMP *pager; MK: PMnong *p?r. that PMP has a schwa in the second syllable. *pagi 'tomorrow', Rade magi -v, Jarai (Lee) pagi, Chru pagi, N. Roglai Haroi pagi, pakht, W. Cham pake -v, PR Cham pake -v,Wr. Cham page, Malay pagi 'tomorrow'. This form does not look to be of any great antiquity.
Note
*pala:t -1 'palm; sole', Acehnese paluiat, Rade pl?? -1, Jarai (Lee) pl?? 1, Chru p?a:?, N. Roglai pala:?, Tsat pie?24 -v, Haroi pala?, W. Cham pla?, PR Cham pala?, Wr. Cham palak, PMP *palaj. *palsy 'village', Jarai (PL) pla?, Jarai (Lee) plai, Chru plai -v, N. Roglai Tsat palai, piai33, Haroi pal?i, W. Cham play 'region', PR Cham pal?y, Wr. Cham pal?i, Malay balai, PMP *balay 'public building, community house'; MK: PNB *pal?y, Bahnar (AC) paley. [If theMalay and PMP are to be connected to
300
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
the PC, two problems needed to be addressed: the initial is unexpectedly voice? less in PC and the vowel seems to reflect an earlier *-i, not *-ay. Borrowing is most likely involved, probably into Chamic and intoMK] *panah
'shoot
a bow',
(bow);
Acehnese
'arrow'
panah
notes
(Durie
variation
in nasalization), Rade manah, Jarai (PL) panah, Jarai (Lee) panah, Chru panah, N. Roglai pan?h, Tsat na55, Haroi pan?h, W. Cham panih, PR Cham panih, Wr. Cham panih, Malay panah 'bow', PMalayic *panah, PMP *panaq, PAn *panaq 'shoot an arrow; the flight of an arrow' MK: PNB *p?n, PMnong ; *p?n, PSB (Efimov) *paji, PKatuic *yapeji. The AN forms reconstruct to PAn. the MK forms look related, they are not obviously Although have good etymologies in theMK languages. *papa:n
'board;
Acehnese
plank',
Cham papan; panah, PR Cham papan PMP *papan.
Chru
papujan,
borrowings Tsat
papa:n,
as they
pa:nn,
'table', Wr. Cham paban, Malay
W.
papan,
muntah -i, Jarai (PL) patah, Jarai (Lee) *patah 'vomit', Acehnese *m/u(n)tah, PMP patah, Tsat ta55, Haroi mat?h -i, Malay muntah, PMalayic a causative prefix). *pa-utaq (with *pha 'thigh', Acehnese pha, Rade pha, Jarai (PL) pha, Jarai (Lee) pha, Chru pha, N. Roglai pha, Tsat pha33, Haroi pha, W. Cham pha, PR Cham pha, Wr. Cham ph?, Malay paha, PMP *paqa. phuiat, Jarai (PL) ph?? (Pk), Jarai *pha:t 'chisel, to plane', Acehnese Chru Tsat W. Cham (Lee) ph??, pha:?, pha?, PR Cham pha?, Wr. Cham pha:?24, phak, Malay apparently Acehnese
pahat, PMP *paqet; MK: PSB (Efimov) *pha:t, *pha:?. The PSB borrowed.
With Rade
puinuihuiat,
*-an-
instrumental
m anhat,
Chru
infix: 'a
pahna:?
'chisel;
is
plane'*p-an-ha:t, N.
plane',
Roglai
pahn?:?.
*phit 'bitter; bile', Acehnese phet, Rade ph??, Jarai (PL) ph??, Jarai N. Chru Tsat (Lee) ph??, Roglai phi:?, phi:?, phi?24, Haroi phei?, W. Cham phi?, PR Cham phi?, Wr. Cham phik, Malay pahit, PMP *paqit. phon, Rade ph?n 'stump, *phun 'trunk; log; stem; plant', Acehnese Jarai (PL) ph?n, Jarai (Lee) phun -1, Chru phun 'stem', N. Roglai phut 'stump', Tsat phun33, Haroi phon, W. Cham ph?n, PR Cham ph?n, Wr. Cham
stubble',
phun, Malay
pohon.
*pina:g
'betel
(areca
palm);
betel-nut',
Acehnese
pinuig,
Rade
manag,
Jarai (PL) panag, Jarai (Lee) panag, Chru pana:g, N. Roglai pin?g, Tsat na:g33, Haroi panag, W. Cham panig, PR Cham panig, Wr. Cham panig, Malay pinang, lateWMP *pinag ?; MK: PSB (Efimov) *pina:g; MK: PKatuic (DT) *pano?ng, PKatuic *psnha:n.
Ultimately,
despite
its distribution
inWMP,
this might
be bor?
rowed.
*pluh 'ten', Acehnese siploh, Rade pluh, Jarai (PL) pluh, Jarai (Lee) pluh, Chru spluh, N. Roglai sa pluh, Tsat piu55, Haroi aploh, W. Cham ha pluh,
Appendix
II: The Chamic
301
Lexicon
PR Cham pl?h, Wr. Cham pluh, Malay
*puluh, PMP *sa-ga
s?-puluh, PMalayic
*sa-puluq.
puluq;
*po 'master; lord', Acehnese po, Rade po wide range of meanings and uses, Jarai (PL) po, Jarai (Lee) po 'self, Chru po -v, N. Roglai po, Haroi po -v, W. Cham po 'title', PR Cham po -v,Wr. Cham p?, Malay empu 'master', PMP *empu
'grandparent'.
*pulaw 'island', Acehnese pulo, Rade plau ea, Chru bu:t pala:u -1, PR Cham palaw, Wr. Cham palau, Malay pulau. *pusat 'navel; center', Acehnese pusat, Rade mas?t, Jarai (PL) ph?n Chru s?t, pasa?, N. Roglai pisa?, Haroi pasa?, W. Cham pas??, PR Cham path??, Wr. Cham bathak, Malay pusat, PMP *pusej. *putih 'white', Acehnese puteh, Tsat ti55, Haroi pateh 'light, fair', W. Cham patih, PR Cham patih, Wr. Cham patih, Malay putih, PMalayic *putih, PMP *putiq. Rade m-, Jarai (PL) pa-, Jarai (Lee) pa-, Chru pa-;
*pa- 'CAUSATIVE', per-,
N.
Roglai
Haroi
pa-,
pa-, W.
Cham
pa-,
*pa-; MK: Bahnar (AC) ba-. This prefix and within MK most likely to PMK. *pa-blsy
(*pa-
'sell',
'causative')
PR
Cham
pa-,
is reconstructable
Acehnese
Paiwan
to PAn
blsi
Rade
publoa,
PAn
pa-,
within AN
'buy',
Jarai (Lee) pablai; bablai, Chru pablai, N. Roglai pablai, Tsat li55 -ivt, Haroi papl?i -m, W. Cham paplay, PR Cham papl?y, Wr. Cham pabl?y, Malay b?li 'buy',PMP*beli. *ra 'person', N. Roglai shortened form of PC *urag] *ra-glay mv,
N.
Roglai *rabuh
(*raman?ih
+
'person' radiai
'collapse,
ra- in Radglai, PR Cham ra,Wr. Cham r?. 'forest,
*glay
'Montagnard', destroy',
Rade
jungle')
PR Cham ebuh,
Malay
' Roglai', Raklay,
Wr.
roboh,
PMP
Rade
[A -
raglai
Cham
raglai.
*Rebaq.
*rabug 'bamboo shoot', Rade eb?g, Jarai (PL) rabig -v, Jarai (Lee) Chru re??g -i, rabug, N. Roglai rubuk, Tsat phug11; phog11, Haroi ph?g, PR Cham ripug; rap?g, Wr. Cham ribug, Malay r?bung, PMP *rebug; MK: PNB *daqb?g 'bamboo sprouts', PSB (Efimov) *da'b1ag, PKatuic *?a?bag. *rakit 'tie together; assemble', Acehnese raket, Jarai (Lee) raid?, PR Cham raki?,Wr. Cham rakik, Malay rakit, PMP *Rakit 'tie together; raft'. *rala:g;
-i, Rade Malay
*kala:g
thatch
'grass,
or congo;
roof
thatch',
Acehnese
hlag, Jarai (PL) hal?g, Jarai (Lee) hlag, Chru rala:g, N. Roglai lalang
'k. of
long
grass'
narra
ag
rala:k,
.
*ralin 'candle wax', Rade hlin, Jarai (PL) halin, hlin, Jarai (Lee) hlin, Chru ralin, N. Roglai ralit (hal?n 'candle wax'), PR Cham ral?n,Wr. Cham ralin, cf. Malay Hlin, PMP *lilin 'beeswax'.
302
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
*rag 'dry', Rade (Lee, Tharpe) rag, Haroi rag, PMP *keRag; (*ma PSB (Efimov) *raji. )Ragaw; *keRag; (*kaRig); MK: PNB *r?g 'dry wood', Note that, although it is restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi, it does seem to reconstruct to PMP. *ratus
-f
Acehnese
'hundred',
etuh
Rade
sirratoh,
-v,
Jarai
rat?h,
(PL)
Jarai (Lee) ratuh -v, Chru ratu:h, N. Roglai sa ratuh, Tsat ta11 tu33 -tf, Haroi latouh -v,W. Cham ratuh, PR Cham rit?h; rat?h, Wr. Cham rituh; ratuh, Malay PMP
ratus,
*sa-ratus.
*sa-ga-Ratus;
*raya ? 'big', Acehnese
raya, Haroi layia, PR Cham *raya, PMP *Raya.
raya, Wr. Cham
raya, Malay raya, PMalayic *ribow 'thousand', Acehnese
ribsa, Rade eb?u, Jarai (PL) rabau, Jarai (Lee) rabau, Chru rabau, N. Roglai sa ng?n; rubau, Tsat pha n, Haroi laph?au, W. Cham rapau, PR Cham ripow; rapow, Wr. Cham ribuw; rabuw, Malay ribu, PWMP *ribu, no PMP; MK: PNB *rab?w, PSB (Efimov) *rabu:. ' *rusa Sambhur deer', Acehnese rusa, Jarai (PL) rasa, Jarai (Lee) rasa, Chru
N.
rasa,
Cham
rasa,
rith?;
rusa,
Roglai
Haroi rusa,
Malay
lasa, W. PMP
Cham
Cham
PR
rasa,
ritha;
Wr.
ratha,
*Rusa.
*rusuk 'ribs', Acehnese ruso?, Jarai (Lee) ras??, Chru rasu?, N. Roglai tula:k ris?k -f, Haroi laso?, W. Cham talag las?? -i, PR Cham rath??, Wr. Cham rusuk, PMP *Rusuk.
rasuk, Malay
*ra?a:n Jarai
ra?an, Cham
-ifl
(Lee)
kaftan
-i, PR
ra?an,
Chru
layam
li?an
Cham
ruinuin
Acehnese
'ladder,
-i;
-i, N. la?an
-vm,
Cham
-i, Wr.
Rade
ri?a:t
Roglai
Jarai
ef?an, -fl, Haroi
li?an
-i;
(PL) W.
la?ian,
la?an
-i, PMP
'notched log ladder'. This form, despite being an apparent PMP ety? is quite irregular in Chamic. *sa 'one', Acehnese sa, Rade sa, Jarai (PL) sa; ha (article), Jarai (Lee)
*haRezan mon, sa,
Chru
ha-,
sa, N.
sa, Tsat
Roglai
sa33, Haroi
sa;
ha;
ho, W.
Cham
sa;
ha,
PR
Cham tha,Wr. Cham s?, Malay satu, PMalayic *asa?, PMP *esa; *isa. *sa pluh sa 'eleven', Acehnese siblah, Rade pluh sa, Jarai (PL) pluh sa, sa Chru spluh sa, N. Roglai pluh sa, W. Cham ha pluh sa, PR Cham tha pl?h tha, Malay
s?b?las.
*sa-lapan Wr.
Cham
'nine', Chru salpan, N. Roglai
salapat, PR Cham
thalip?n,
salipan.
*sakit 'sick, painful', Acehnese saket, Jarai (Lee) ha kit, Chru -saki:?, N. Tsat PR Cham Wr. Cham hakik, Malay sakit, PMa? saki:?, haki?, ki?24, Roglai PMP *sakit. layic *sakit, *samilan ten'
se
ambilan).
'nine',
W.
Cham
saml?n,
Malay
s?mbilan
('one
taken
from
303
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
'broom; sweep', N. Roglai sapuh, Haroi apoh, W. Cham kai sapu -f, PMP *sapu; MK: Bahnar (AC) co puih. [The Bahnar form
*sapuh puh, Malay is borrowed]
*sarip 'sip; slurp; suck in', Jarai (PL) hr?p (Pk), Jarai (Lee) hrip, Haroi [The Malay and PMP second vowels do not harip, Malay irup, PMP *hiRup. match with the PC] -i
*saya:p
Acehnese
'wing',
Rade
sayraap,
-n, W.
sia:??
Chru
siap,
che au? -i, PR Cham thyaw?, Wr. Cham thiap, Malay sayap, PMalayic *sayap. Blust (p.c.) notes that there are no reflexes of *sayap outside of Malayo
Cham
but forms reflecting
Chamic,
'to fly' are found in the northern Phil?
*s-um-ayap
ippines. 'who;
*sey be
the
unstressed
variant
'who', PR Cham *siof
variant
this
word'
question of
this
cf.
also
same
'honorific
same
prefix?',
cf.
also
'who', si
Acehnese
morpheme,
which
might
Cham
hay
*sia, PMP *i-sai.
*sa-apa,
'title
which
soa, W.
Acehnese
morpheme,
they, Wr. Cham th?i, PMalayic
'honorific
*si-,
prefix'
the
be
might
for people's
stressed Chru
names',
sa?
in sa?ai 'older sibling', Wr. Cham siy (Marrison 1975); sa- (AC), Malay si (No in Malay). Blust (p.c.) notes that its recon? longer has an honorific meaning In a number structed function is as an actor focus marker for personal nomin?is. it has lost all grammatical of languages, including Thao in Taiwan, and Malay, function and is retained simply as a redundant marker of personal names. That is, the reconstructed function in PAn and PMP was much like the sychronic function of /si/ in Tagalog, marking the actor focus of personal nomin?is (proper names, plus
a few
others).
'ant', Acehnese sidom, Rade had?m, Jarai (PL) had?m, Jarai of adam -i first Chru hadSm, (Lee) syllable, N. Roglai sidap; sudap, Tsat a11 Haroi W. Cham torn, PR Cham hat?m; t?m, Wr. Cham hadam; ath?am, than11, dani, PMP (Blust; Adelaar) *sejem, *sijem; MK: Bahnar (AC) hudurn; hadani. *sidam
[It is the Bahnar forms that are borrowed] *sira -i 'salt', Acehnese sira, Rade hra, Jarai (PL) hra, Jarai (Lee) hra, Chru
sra, N.
Roglai
Cham
sar?, PMalayic
Malay
sukat.
*sukat
'to
sara,
Haroi
sra
-i, W.
Cham
sra
-i, PR
sara
Cham
-i, Wr.
*sira, PMP *qasiRa. Acehnese
measure',
sukat
'of
volume',
Rade
mak??
-i,
*surat 'write; letter, book', Acehnese surat, Rade hr??, Jarai (PL) hr??, Jarai (Lee) hr??, Chru sra? in the word for paper, N. Roglai sura?, Haroi har??, W. Cham hr??, PR Cham har??, Wr. Cham harak, Malay surat; MK: PSB (Efi? mov) sraq,
which,
*sara? 'book, written Pacoh
uraq].
The
if the reconstruction
document', *surat
appears
PKatuic to also
is correct, suggests
(DT) *-uraaq reconstruct
'writing' in Efimov's
[Br?u PSB,
the time depth of the borrowing
304
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
even should neither the PSB or PKatuic recon? into PSB as well as in Katuic; struction hold up, this is evidence of reasonably early borrowing into PSB (or, at least Bahnaric languages) and into PKatuic (or at least Katuic languages). The root itself looks like it reconstructs at least toMalayo-Chamic, but it is unclear was. what the original Malayo-Chamic gloss **susow > *tasow 'breast', Rade kas?u, Jarai (PL) tasau, Jarai (Lee) tasau, N. Roglai tisau, Haroi cas?u, W. Cham tasau, PR Cham tathSw, Wr. tathuw, Written Cham (AC) tasou, Malay susu, PMalayic *susu(?), PMP *susu. The reconstruction with the double asterisk is what I assume, on the basis
Cham
and internal reconstruction, the earlier PC form would look like, if it were not for gaps in the data base; the form with the single asterisk is the earliest form reconstructable on the basis of just the evidence now available.
of external evidence
*ta? 'chop; cut', Acehnese ta?, Jarai (PL) t??, Jarai (Lee) t??, Chru ta?, N. Roglai ta?, Haroi t??,W. Cham t??, Malay *tatak 'chop, t?tak, PMalayic hack', PMP *tektek 'chop; cut'; MK: Bahnar (AC) tak. *taba:r 'tasteless; flat', Acehnese tabraa < *-r, Rade kaba, Jarai (PL) taba, Chru taba, N. Roglai taba, Haroi caphia, W. Cham tapa, PR Cham tapa, Wr.
Cham
taba,
PWMP
tawar,
Malay
*tabaR.
*tabus
Tsat phu55, PR Cham
'ransom; save; rescue', t?bus, PMP *tebus.
tabuh, Malay *talsy
'rope;
string',
talo a, Rade
Acehnese
klsi
tap?h, Wr. Cham Jarai
brag,
talai,
(PL)
Jarai (Lee) talai, Chru talai, N. Roglai talai, Tsat lai33, Haroi cal?i, W. Cham talay, PR Cham tal?y, Wr. Cham tal?i, Malay tali, PMalayic *tali, PMP *talih, PAn *CaliS. *tama tami,
PR Cham
'enter', tami, Wr.
Acehnese Cham
'to winnow',
Chru
tamAg, tami,
tama, *tama?
PMalayic
Haroi 'go
cama,
W. PMP
inside',
Cham *tama.
tampoa, Rade kapsi, hadsi, Jarai (PL) *tampey N. Haroi Roglai tupai, tapai (Pk), cap?i; cap?ai, W. Cham tapay, PR Cham Wr. Cham tap?y; p?y, tap?i, Malay tampi, PMP *tahepi; MK: Bahnar (AC) tabeh;
Acehnese
tapai. *tamuh
'grow;
sprout',
Chru
Cham
tamuh, PR Cham tam?h, Wr. *tumbuh, PMP *tu(m)buq.
tam?h,
N.
Cham
Roglai
tum?h,
tamuh, Malay
Haroi
camoh,
W.
tumbuh, PMalayic
*taga 'ask', Acehnese ta?Ag, Jarai (PL) ta?a, Jarai (Lee) ta?a, Chru ta nia, N. Roglai tina, Haroi cafta, PR Cham tafti < *-g-, Wr. Cham ta??, Malay tanya. [There are minor problems with this root: the medial nasal and subsequent vowels pattern unexpectedly] *taga:n Chru
tagam,
N.
'hand; arm', Rade kagan, Roglai
tag?n,
Tsat
ga:n33,
Jarai (PL) tagan, Jarai (Lee) tagan,
Haroi
cagan
'hand',
W.
Cham
tagan
Appendix
v, PR Cham *tagan
tag?n, Wr.
305
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Cham
tangin, Malay
tang?n, PMalayic
*tagan, PMP
'thumb'.
*tana? 'to cook', Rade kan??, Jarai (PL) tana?, Jarai (Lee) tana?, Chru tana?, N. Roglai tan??, Haroi cana? 'cook rice', W. Cham tana?, PR Cham tan??, Wr. Cham tanik, Malay tanak, PMalayic *tanak, *tanak, PMP *tanek. 'earth, soil', Acehnese tanoh, Jarai (PL) tan?h (Pk), Jarai (Lee) Tsat tanah, Chru tanah, N. Roglai tan?h, na55,W. Cham tanih, PR Cham tanih, Wr. Cham tanih, Malay tanah, PMalayic *tanah, PMP *taneq; MK: PNB *nteh PSB 'earth', (Efimov) *tne:h. The spread of MP *taqneh 'dirt', PMnong *tanah
forms indicates
the word
thus, at least the PNB form
is native to Austronesian;
looks to be borrowed! *tapay
Rade
'rice
kapie, Chru
Cham tapai, Malay
wine;
Acehnese
alcohol',
taps
tapai, N. Roglai tapai, Haroi tapai, PAn *tapay 'ferment'.
-v
'fermented
cap?i, PR Cham
rice
cake',
tapay, Wr.
Rade kapsi, Jarai (PL) tapai, Jarai (Lee) tapai, Chru 'rice wine' Cf. [This particular word seems to be related tupai. the making of rice wine, and yeast] *tapug 'flour', Rade kap?g 'bread', Jarai (PL) tap?g, Jarai (Lee) tap?g, Chru tapug, N. Roglai tupuk, PR Cham tap?g 'farine', Wr. Cham tapug, Malay *tapsy N. Roglai tapai, to fermentation,
'yeast',
t?pung; MK: Bahnar (AC) tapug. *tasi? 'sea; ocean', Rade kas??, Jarai (PL) ras?? -i, Jarai (Lee) ras?? -i, Chru tasi:?, N. Roglai tasi:?, Haroi casei?, W. Cham tasi?, PR Cham tathi?, Wr. Cham tathik, Malay tasik 'lake', PMalayic *tasik 'lake', PMP *tasik 'sea, salt? water'.
Note
that
the Malay
refers only to lakes; meaning
'sea;
tasik
the Chamic
has
undergone
forms, however,
a semantic
change
and
now
appear to still retain the older
saltwater'.
*thow 'know; can; able', Acehnese thea; tu-, Rade th?u, Jarai (PL) thau, Jarai (Lee) thau, Chru thau 'understand', N. Roglai thau, Tsat tiau?42 -i, Haroi th?u, W. Cham thau, PR Cham th5w, Wr. Cham thSu, Malay tahu, PMa? layic *tahu, PMP *taqu. *thu 'year', Acehnese thon, Rade th?n, Jarai (PL) thun, Jarai (Lee) th?n, Chru thun, N. Roglai thut, Tsat thun33, Haroi thon, W. Cham th?n, PR Cham th?n,Wr. Cham thun, Malay tahun, PMalayic *tahun, PMP *taqun. *tikus 'rat', Acehnese tikoh, Rade kakuih, Jarai (PL) takuih, Jarai (Lee) takuih, Chru taku:h, N. Roglai tukuh, Tsat (na11) ku55, Haroi cakoh, W. Cham takuh, PR Cham tak?h, Wr. Cham takuh, Malay tikus, PMalayic *tikus. [This root is restricted to parts ofWMP] *timun 'melon; cucumber', Acehnese timon, Rade kam?n, Jarai (PL) tamun, Jarai (Lee) tam?n 'a citrus', Chru tamun, N. Roglai tum?n, Haroi cam on,
306 W.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Cham
tam?n
'cucumber';
tam?n
(AC) tamun, Malay *tiney see *tiri?
*tin?;
*tinsy
'here',
cf.
PR
'melon',
padai
tamun, Wr. Cham
Cham
tam?n,
Lexicon
Wr.
Cham
timun, PMP *timun.
*ti, Acehnese
sinoa,
hinoa,
Rade
tinsi,
Jarai
(PL) anai, Chru ni 'here; this', N. Roglai tin!, Haroi ni 'here, this', W. Cham ni, PR Cham ni,Wr. Cham ni, Malay sini, di sini. *tiya:n
'pregnant', Rade N.
Roglai
tyan, Wr.
matia:t Cham
'stomach;
abdomen;
belly',
'pregnant', tian, Malay
Tsat tian
ten?33, 'uterus
Haroi
Cf.
-tiyraan
tean, W.
of a pregnant
*ti(?) 'PARTICLE'. Rade ti? -v, Rade ti?-v.
Acehnese
in mratiyraan
tian, Jarai (PL) ki?n, Jarai (Lee) kian < *k- prefix, Chru tia:n, Cham
woman',
(Lee) ti, N. Roglai
tean, PMP
PR
Cham
*tian.
(Lee) ti, Haroi
'at'.
*trun 'descend', Acehnese tr?n, Rade tr?n, Jarai (PL) tr?n, Jarai (Lee) tr?n, Chru trun 'descend; southerly', N. Roglai trut, Tsat tsun33, Haroi tron, W. Cham tr?n, PR Cham tr?n,Wr. Cham trun,Malay turun, PMP *tuRun. *tu?ut 'knee', Acehnese tuot; traot, Rade ka?t, Jarai (PL) k?ta??t, Jarai (Lee) te??t, Chru ta??:?, N. Roglai tu?u:?, Haroi ca?u? -v, W. Cham ta?u?, PR Cham tau?,Wr. Cham tauk, Malay lu/tut, PMalayic *tu?(ua)t, PMP *tuhud, PAn *tuSud.
baroa, Rade mabrue *tubursy 'yesterday', Acehnese kabruai N. brai, Chru (m) -i, Roglai tubrai, Haroi macaprui kaproy; paproy, Wr. Cham kabruai.
(m), Jarai (Lee) (m), PR Cham
*tuha 'old (people)', Acehnese tuha, Rade khua (m), Jarai (PL) tha, Jarai (Lee) taha; tha, Chru tha, N. Roglai tuha, Tsat ha33 xau33, Haroi cana, W. Cham taha, PR Cham taha, Wr. Cham taha, Malay tua; tuha, PMalayic *tuha(?), PMP *tuqah. tujoh, Rade kjuh, Jarai (PL) tajuh, Jarai (Lee) *tujuh 'seven', Acehnese N. Chru Roglai tijuh, Tsat su55, Haroi cas?h, W. Cham ta?uh, PR tajuh, tajuh, Cham tac?h, Wr. Cham tajuh, Malay tujuh, but PMP *pitu. [The form *tujuh was innovated is not postdates the breakup of PMP, but precisely at what level it clear yet] tulraag, Rade klag, Jarai (PL) talog, Jarai *tula:g 'bone', Acehnese N. Chru (Lee) talag, tala:g, Roglai tula:k, Tsat la:g33, Haroi calag, W. Cham talag, PR Cham talag, Wr. Cham talag, Malay tulang, PMalayic *tulag, PMP *tuqelan; *tuqelag; MK: PMnong *katig. The similarities between theMK and for 'bone' are intriguing. Jarai (PL) tug (Pk), Chru tug, N. Roglai tuk, *tug 'stomach; abdomen', Haroi tog,W. Cham tug 'intestines', PR Cham t?g,Wr. Cham tug, Malay jantung 'heart'. Confined to languages inwestern Indonesia (Blust, p.c.). the PMP words
*taive', of
ter,
PMP The
'inadvertent'.
*taR
'inadvertent;
PAn,
PMP,
PC forms reflect the same etymon; theMK forms (discussed to be more than simply look-alikes. They appear borrowed. *tabow
-v
Acehnese
'sugarcane',
Rade
trabea,
ta-
Jarai
'inadvertent',
'inadvertent',
*tar-
PAn
action',
involuntary
*tAr-
PMalayic
tra-
Acehnese
'INADVERTENT',
Malay
307
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
'reflex? marker and
PMalayic,
in Chapter 9) look Jarai
kab?u,
(PL)
tabau,
Jarai (Lee) tabau, Chru tarbau, N. Roglai tubau, Tsat pha11, Haroi caph?au, W. Cham tapau, PR Cham tapow, Wr. Cham tabuw, Malay t?bu, PMP *tebuh. *taliga 'ear', Acehnese grali?uag -iv; puftuag, Rade kaga, Jarai (PL) tagia (m), Jarai (Lee) tagia (m), Chru tania (m), N. Roglai ligi? (m); rigi? -i (m), PR Tsat ga33, Haroi cage a (m) 'ear, brain (place of thinking and memory)', Cham tagi (m), Wr. Cham tang?, Malay *taliga(?), PMP t?linga, PMalayic *taliga.
trapat, Rade kap??, Jarai (PL) tapa?, *tapat 'straight; honest', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) tapa? -1, Chru tapa?, N. Roglai tupa?, Haroi capa?, PR Cham tap??, Wr. Cham tapak, Malay t?pat 'exactly', PWMP *tepet 'exact; precise'; MK: Bahnar (AC) tap?t. *wa N.
'paternal', Malay
'uncle,
ua
'old;
Haroi
wa,
Roglai aunt
Jarai
aunt',
or uncle
(PL) wa, wa,
older
Jarai
W.
Cham
than
one's
wa
(Lee) wa,
PR
Cham PMP
parents',
wa,
Chru
aunt',
'uncle,
Wr.
*ua?
Cham
'uncle,
wa w?,
aunt'
;
MK: PMnong *wa 'uncle, aunt', PSB (Efimov) *wa:. Note the PMnong form, but the antiquity of the PMP form suggests that this was an early borrowing into PMnong and PSB, not the other way around. *ya:p
Rade
'count',
yap,
Jarai
(Lee)
yap,
Chru
ya:u?,
N.
Roglai
ya:?,
Haroi yiau?, W. Cham yau?, PR Cham yaw?, Wr. Cham yap -f, PMP *ihap. The vowel length results from a requirement found not just inAustronesian where it is widespread be
1.2
at least
but inmany two moras
PC words
languages of the world
that vowels
inmonosyllable
roots
long.
of MK
origin
there is a second, large set of items are those borrowings from MK sources that were borrowed so early as to be reconstructable to PC. These forms include numerous forms from two distinct MK subgroups, the more southerly Bahnaric In addition
to the form inherited from Austronesian,
forms reconstructed
for PC. These
In many cases, of course, the forms are found northerly Katuic. so it is not possible to tell which branch of MK the both in Bahnaric and Katuic and the more
borrowing came from, but in a significant subset of cases, the form is attested in It is inevitable of course that there are accidental only one of these branches. gaps in the data, but the large number of forms attested in only one of these two branches of MK makes it clear that both branches contributed material to pre-PC
308
Appendix
II: The Chamic
establishing that there was early, intense contact not just with Bahnaric but also with Katuic speakers.
Lexicon
speakers
that a MK form reconstructs to PC is done almost exclu? Establishing on sively correspondence patterns within PC. In this regard, the existence of an extra-Chamic Malay form does not mean that a form is necessarily Austronesian as Malay
a number of MK
forms, for example, ketam 'crab' 'ant' quite independently of Chamic. Thus the occurrence of a form both inMalay and Chamic does little to establish either that form must inevitably nor does it contribute to determining a time depth for aMK bor? be Austronesian itself has borrowed
and semut
rowing.
It is important to realize that historically there was contact between Aus? tronesian and MK languages before Austronesians speakers reached the coast of On the Malaysian Vietnam. peninsula, there are still Orang Asli speaking MK languages, and in Borneo, Adelaar (1995) argues that there is linguistic evidence of aMK influence on the Land Dayak. Adelaar presents two pieces of evidence forMK influence on Land Dayak: one is the presence of preploded nasals, found inMK languages and inAustronesian languages in contact with MK languages, and the other is the presence of MK vocabulary in Land Dayak. To this evidence I would add another piece of evidence that suggests the shifting of MK speakers to the Austronesian Specifically, languages of Borneo, including proto-Malayic. forms found in the lexicon below (from Adelaar throughout the proto-Malayic a are there should be vowel final but number of forms that, etymologically, 1992) instead end in a final glottal stop (Blust, p.c., mentioned the difficulty of account? finals On the for these ing Malay peninsula, much the same etymologically). process can be seen with borrowings into Aslian languages from Malay, as is evi? dent in Benjamin's in his work the subgrouping of Orang Asli (1976) wordlists of the in those lists, as in Land Dayak, as in proto Malay peninsula; languages (cf. the forms in this lexicon), final glottal stops are often present on Malay words which should end in open syllables. The significance of all this, of course, is that some MK influence may have already been present in their lan? Malayic
guage when the pre-Chamic speakers arrived inVietnam. The evidence that a form is borrowed from a MK
source varies from
form to form, but two general types of evidence are widely represented in the fol? lowing list. One type of evidence is provided by reconstructions of Austronesian subgroups, on the one hand, and MK subgroups on the other. Certain forms are found
in reconstructed nowhere
in one or more
apparently such forms have been borrowed the phonology
subgroups of MK but, aside from PC, Here the unmarked hypothesis is that from MK. A second type of evidence is found in
else inAustronesian.
a number of specific vowels, certain diph? (e.g. the implosives (with a small number of well
of the reconstruction:
thongs, particular consonants
309
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
know exceptions), and otherwise unique clusters only occur inMK borrowings (discussed in detail elsewhere in this work). The fact that a word contains one of these elements is by itself evidence that it is a MK borrowing; however, it is almost
never
to depend
necessary
this
upon
evidence
as when
alone,
a word
con?
tains one of these elements, it is inevitably the case that the word also lacks an Austronesian etymology. Here again the unmarked hypothesis is that the word is aMK borrowing. x*?a:k
'a crow',
Acehnese
a?-a?,
Rade
ak,
Jarai
?a?, Chru
(Lee)
cim
a:?,
N. Roglai a:?, Haroi a? 'raven', W. Cham a?, PR Cham a?,Wr. Cham ak; MK: Bahnar (AC) ?k, PKatuic *[k/g]a?a:?, *?a?a:?. One has to be careful with such onomatopoetic
forms.
x*?ada 'duck', Chru ada, N. Roglai ada, Tsat tha11,W. Cham pa, PR PSB (Efimov) *da:, PKatuic *yadia, Cham ata; pa,Wr. Cham ad?; da; MK: *?adia.
x*?adoh 'sing', Jarai (PL) ?doh, Jarai (Lee) ?adoh, Chru adoh, N. Roglai toh, PR Cham atoh; toh, Wr. Cham adauh; MK: PSB (Efimov) *?adoh. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
adoh, W. Cham
x*?aduan
cf.
'old',
x*maduan,
Rade
Jarai
aduon,
(PL)
Jarai
adon,
(Lee)
form obviously is obviously related to x*maduan; both forms are restricted to two Highlands Chamic languages. [The vowel also suggests aMK
?adon.
This
origin] x*?aha;
x*ha
'open
(mouth
to say
sthg.)',
cf.
Vietnamese
h?, Acehnese
hah -i, Rade
ha, Jarai (PL) ha, Jarai (Lee) ha, Chru ha 'slightly opened', N. Roglai aha, Tsat ha33, Haroi ha 'wide open', W. Cham ha, PR Cham ha, Wr. Cham h?; MK: PNB *ha, PMnong *ha, PSB (Efimov) *ha:?, *ha:, PKatuic *taha,
*?ahah.
x*?ako? 'head', Rade k??, Jarai (PL) ak?, Jarai (Lee) ?ak5?, Chru ako?, N. Roglai ako?, Tsat ko?24, Haroi ak3?, W. Cham k5?, PR Cham ak5?; ko?, Wr. Cham akauk; kauk. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] ale, Jarai (PL) als -v, ale -v, Jarai (Lee) ?ale, Chru ale, N. Roglai ale, Haroi ale, W. Cham cut Is 'small bamboo'; MK: PNB *pale 'bamboo', PMnong *gle, PSB (Efimov) *gls:, PKatuic *?alae. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [The vowel also sug? a gests MK origin] x*?ale
'medium
x*?amu:g
Note origin]
the restriction
'snout;
bamboo',
muzzle',
to Highlands
Rade
Rade
Chamic.
amug,
Chru
[The vowel
mo:g,
N.
Roglai
m?:k
-f.
length also suggests aMK
310
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
x*?amu:g (?) 'bunch; ear of grain; stalk', Rade amug 'stalk (bananas)', Chru
amu:g
-v
'stalk
of
bananas';
tarmung,
N.
amu:k
Roglai
'stalk',
Haroi
PR Cham (Blood) mog, Wr. Cham amug, W. Cham mog 'stalk of bananas', (AC) amug. Cf. MK: PKatuic (DT) *-phoong. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] x*?ato:g 'hit with implement; beat (gong)', Rade tog, Jarai (PL) ?tog, Chru ato:g, N. Roglai ato:k 'beat (gong)', Haroi atog, W. Cham tog, PR Cham [The vowel also suggests a atog, Wr. Cham ataug; MK: PKatuic (DT) *thiig. MK origin] x*?aw 'clothing; shirt', Viet, ?o, Rade au, Jarai (PL) au, Jarai (Lee) ?au, Chru a:u -1 'shirt', N. Roglai au, Tsat ?a:un, Haroi au, W. Cham au, PR Cham aw, Wr. Cham aw; MK: PNB *aw, PSB (Efimov) *?a:w. x*?awa:k 'spoon; ladle', Acehnese awuia?, Rade awak, Jarai (PL) aw??, awa?, PR Cham awa?, Wr. Cham awak; MK: Bahnar (AC)
Chru awa:?, Haroi uak,
PKatuic
*hawa:?'ladle'.
e? -f, Rade eh, Jarai (PL) eh, x*?eh 'excrement; defecate', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) ??h, Chru eh, N. Roglai eh, Haroi eh,W. Cham eh, PR Cham ?h,Wr. Cham aih; MK: PNB *?c, PSB (Efimov) *?ac, PKatuic *?eh. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*?iaw
'call;
cry;
yell',
Rade
ieu
-v, Jarai
(PL)
iau,
iau,
Jarai
Chru iau, N. Roglai iau, Tsat ?ia33,Haroi ?ju,W. Cham iau, PR Cham [The triphthong suggests aMK origin] x*?ja:? 'hold; carry', Rade Roglai ?ja:?,Haroi ja? 'carry in hand' [The Highlands Chamic plus Haroi.
(Lee)
?iau,
(Lee) ??w.
?j??, Jarai (PL) ?j??, Jarai (Lee) ?j??, N. MK: ; PMnong *yak 'carry'. Restricted to initial also suggests aMK origin]
x*?jam 'soup, thin', Rade ?jam, Chru i?m, N. Roglai ?ja:p -1. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. [The initial also suggests aMK origin] x*?juh 'firewood', Rade ?juh, Jarai (PL) ?j?h, Jarai (Lee) ?juh; ?j?h, Chru iuh, N. Roglai ?juh, Tsat ?iu55, Haroi ?j?h, W. Cham ?juh, PR Cham ?j?h, Wr. Cham ?juh. [The initial suggests aMK origin] x*?jup 'smoke tobacco', Rade ?jup hat, Jarai (PL) ??j?p, Jarai (Lee) ?j?p, Chru iu? 'smoke', N. Roglai ?ju:?, Haroi ?ju?,W. Cham ?ju? -f, PR Cham [The ?ju?,Wr. Cham ?juk; MK: PKatuic *ha?je:p, *kaje:p, *?ju:p, *?jo? 'suck'. initial also suggests aMK origin] x*?jap 'correct; right', Rade ?jo?, Jarai (PL) ?ja?, Jarai (Lee) ?ja?, Chru N. iau?, Roglai ?ja?; dadi, Haroi j?u?,W. Cham ?jau?, PR Cham ?jow?,Wr. Cham ?jap;MK: PNB *joq. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin]
Appendix
II: The Chamic
311
Lexicon
Jarai (PL) ?ft?m, Jarai (Lee) food; legumes', 'vegetables; ?a?am, Chru i?m, Tsat ?ia?33, PR Cham ?j?m, Wr. Cham ?jani. [The initial sug? gests aMK origin] x*?ftam
x*?o? 'vomit', Jarai (Lee) ?o?; ha???; ???, Chru o:? 'choke', PR Cham (Lee) ?o?,Wr. Cham (AC) auk; MK: PNB *h?k, PMnong *hok, PSB (Efimov) [The vowel also suggests aMK *h??, PKatuic (DT) *-hook 'choke on food'. origin] x*?u:g 'husband; male', Rade ug, Jarai (PL) ?g (Est), Jarai (Lee) ?og, PR (Lee) ?og 'you (to a man), Wr. Cham (AC) og 'grandfather', PNB *?g 'son-in-law'. [The vowel length also suggests aMK origin]
Cham
Roglai
x*?u?? -n 'to saw', Rade u??, Jarai (PL) (u?) ?nu??, Jarai (Lee) ?u??, N. u??, PR Cham (Lee) ?ua?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
x*?am 'to roast', Rade am, Jarai (Lee) ?om, Chru am, N. Roglai ap, Haroi om, W. Cham am -v, PR Cham (Lee) am. [The vowel suggests aMK ori? gin] x*ba:l 'mend; to patch', Jarai (Lee) bal, Chru bail, N. Roglai ban, Haroi phial, W. Cham pal, PR Cham pal, Wr. Cham bal; MK: PKatuic *-p_l 'to patch'. With the instrumental infix: x*b-an-a:l 'rag', Rade manai, Jarai (PL) banal, Jarai (Lee) banal, N. Roglai ban?n. Note: The connection between the infixed and the non-infixed forms depends upon acceptance of the semantics of the equation of 'rag' with 'mend; path'. x*boh 'wash; launder', Rade boh, Jarai (PL) boh (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) Chru boh, boh, N. Roglai boh, Haroi phun, PR Cham poh, Wr. Cham bauh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*b-an-at
'a dam;
a fence',
Rade
man??,
Jarai
(PL)
bani?,
Jarai
(Lee)
bani?, Chru ban?:? -f, N. Roglai bana?, W. Cham pana? 'a dam', PR Cham pirii?, Wr. Cham binik; MK: Bahnar (AC) banot. [The vowel and the infix also suggest aMK origin] x*ba?ar 'paper; book', Rade maar, Jarai (PL) ma?ar (Mod.), Chru N. ba?a:r, Roglai ba?a, Haroi pa?ial, W. Cham pa?ar -il, PR Cham pi?ar, Wr. Cham biar; MK: PNB *baqar 'paper; book', PSB (Efimov) *pa?a:r. x*bala 'tusk; ivory', Rade mla, Jarai (PL) bia, Jarai (Lee) bia, Chru bia, N. Roglai bala, Haroi palia, W. Cham pla, PR Cham pila, Wr. Cham bil?; MK: PMnong *bla, PSB (Efimov) *bla:, PKatuic (DT) pal.k 'tusk' (the final -k is unexpected). x*bato 'teach', Rade mato, Jarai (PL) p?to, Jarai (Lee) pato, Chru pato, N. Roglai pato, Tsat to11, Haroi pato, W. Cham pato, PR Cham pato, Wr. Cham
312
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
patauw; MK: PSB (Efimov) *pa'diaw 'teach, dictate'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] ' x*be? IMPERATIVE, negative, don't', Acehnese be? 'don't', Chru be?, N. Roglai be?, PR Cham p??, Wr. Cham baik; MK: PNB *beq. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*biluay 'gourd', N. Roglai biluai, Wr. *?alhuaj. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*blah
'skirt',
'square of cloth',
cf.
'flat
PR Cham plah
object',
Chru
Cham
blah
pluai; MK:
'sheet',
W.
PKatuic
Cham
'un habit; sheet', Wr. Cham blah; MK:
plah
PNB
*blah.
x*blo 'split; pierce; earring', Jarai (Lee) bio, Chru bio 'earring', Haroi ?lo 'earring'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. [The vowel also sug? a MK gests origin] x*blak
'sound
of
turbulent
water
in
stream
rapids;
turn
over',
(Lee) bli? 'rolled up', Haroi pli? -i,W. Cham pli? -v 'spin', PR Cham [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
Jarai
(Lee) pl??.
x*bo:g 'coffin; casket', Rade bog, Jarai (PL) ?og, Jarai (Lee) bog, Chru bo:g, N. Roglai bo:k, Haroi phug, PR Cham pog, Wr. Cham baug; MK: PNB *bog, Bahnar (AC) bog. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*bok 'to swell', Jarai (PL) tSb?k (Ouest), N. Roglai bo?, Haroi phu?, W. Cham po? -v takuai 'goiter', PR Cham po? -v, Wr. Cham bok; MK: Bahnar (AC) bop ?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*buc 'uproot, pull up; scratch', Rade bue, Jarai (PL) b?c, Jarai (Lee) Chru buc, bui?, N. Roglai pui?, Haroi ph?i?; p?i? -v; p?i? -i, W. Cham pui? 'pick, pluck4 ?, PR Cham p?y?, Wr. Cham buc; MK: PKatuic *hapoj?, *yapuaj? 'pull out'. [The final also suggests aMK origin] x*buhay 'otter', Rade kamhe, Jarai (PL) pahai, N. Roglai buhai, W. Cham pahas -f, PR Cham phay, Wr. Cham bhai; MK: Bahnar (AC) ph?y, PKa? tuic (DT) *pih_, cf. Pacoh pih?y. x*bat 'to dam; to fence', Rade bi? ea, Jarai (PL) bi?, Jarai (Lee) bi?, Chru ba?,W. Cham pa? 'to dam up'. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*?ah 'chipped; broken', Rade ?ah 'dented', Jarai (Lee) ?ah, Chru ?eh [The initial sug? v, N. Roglai ?ah, Haroi ??h. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. gests aMK
origin]
x*?ag 'hole; door', Rade ??g, Jarai (PL) ?mag, Jarai (Lee) ??g, Chru ?ag N. 'door', Roglai ?ak, Haroi ??g, W. Cham pa??g, PR Cham ??g, Wr. Cham ?ag, [The initial also sug? Malay pintu; MK: PNB *qm?g 'door', Bahnar (AC) mag. gests aMK origin]
313
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
x*?ar 'coiled; wrapped around', Rade -ar, N. Roglai ?a 'coil (snake)', PR Cham ??r,Wr. Cham Bar. [The initial suggests aMK origin] x*?e? 'elf. long, thin objects', Jarai (Lee) ?e?, Chru ?e?, N. Roglai ?e? objects', Tsat ?e?24, Haroi ?e?, W. Cham ??k -f, PR Cham ?e?, Wr. Cham baik. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] 'stick-like
x*?ia? 'little', Rade ?i??, Jarai (PL) ?i??, Jarai (Lee) ?i??, Chru lu bia? -i, PR Cham (Lee) ?i??. [The initial and the vowel suggest Haroi ?ea? 'a moment', aMK
origin]
x*?o:? 'face', cf. 'nose' Rade ?o? mata, Jarai (PL) ?o?, Jarai (Lee) ???; ?o:? mata 'cheek' and 'eye' ?, N. Roglai ?o:? mata, Tsat ?o?24,Haroi Chru ???, ?o?,W. Cham ?o?, PR Cham ?o?, Wr. Cham ?auk; MK: Bahnar (AC) b?; buk; bok. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*?ram 'arrow', Rade ?r?m, Jarai (PL) ?r?m, ?mr?m, Jarai (Lee) ?r?m, Chru ?ram, N. Roglai ?rap, Haroi ?r?m, W. Cham ?r?m, PR Cham ?r?m, Wr. Cham ?ram; MK: PMnong *k?m, Bahnar (AC) bram; mram. [The initial conso? nant and the vowel also suggest aMK
origin]
x*?u:n 'poor, cheap; easy', Rade ?un, Jarai (PL) ?m?nh, munh (CT), Chru fiuan 'easy', Haroi ?un 'poor, cheap; easy', PR Cham ??n 'cheap; easy', Wr. Cham ?uan; MK: Bahnar (AC) bon 'cheap, easy'. [The initial consonant a and the vowel length also suggest MK origin] x*?uah 'scold', Rade ?uah, Chru ?uah, PR Cham ?w?h, Wr. Cham ?yah. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] x*?uh...x*?oh man ??h; W.
'non
plus';
Cham
'not,
?u...oh; o; o
'yes/no
no;
Chru
Rade
negative', ?uh...au;
question
N.
marker';
?u;
Roglai
?u...?h; ?uh...oh;
PR Cham
ka...o
?u...?ja...?h; Tsat 'pas
pu33 encore',
Jarai
?u
-i; Haroi PSB
[The initial suggests aMK origin] Note: Not (Efimov) *?o:h 'denial particle'. do the initial and final of x*?uh show irregularities, but the initial itself is only totally unexpected if the form is inherited from PAn. Also, while the negative is often bipartite, it is not always so. The origin of this structure is still unclear. Cf. Lee 1996 for further discussion. Acehnese also has a bipartite construction for 'not yet' goh....lom, but the components do not seem related to the constructions in the mainland Chamic languages. Cf. also 'not yet' immediately below. x*?ag 'eat', Rade ?ag, Jarai (PL) ??g, Jarai (Lee) ??g -v, Chru ?ag, N. Tsat ?ag33, Haroi ?ig, W. Cham ?ag, PR Cham ??g, Wr. Cham ?ag; ?ak, Roglai MK: PNB *c?g 'eat rice', PMnong *s?g, PSB (Efimov) *so:g. The initial of the forms is quite unexpected, so it is unclear if these forms are related to the PC form. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin]
MK
314
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
x*?ag 'to burn', Jarai (Lee) ?ag, Chru ?ag, W. Cham Bag, PR Cham ??g, Wr. Cham Bag. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] 'chop, strike', Rade kacoh, Jarai (PL) tacoh, Chru tacoh, N. W. Cham tacoh, PR Cham tacan, Wr. Cham tacauh; Wr. Cham Roglai ticoh, [The vowel also suggests (AC) cacauh, ticauh; MK: PSB (Efimov) *coh 'chop'. x*cacoh
aMK origin] x*cadiag 'finger', Rade kadieg, Jarai (PL) cadeg, Jarai (Lee) cadeg, Haroi cadeag, W. Cham cadiag -i;MK: PNB *d?g 'little finger', PKatuic *?dag. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [The vowel also sug? gests aMK
origin]
x*canah tary;
crossroads',
'cross N.
over; Roglai
crossroads', canah,
W.
Jarai Cham
(Lee) k?n
canah,
Chru
'crossroad'
canah -i,
PR
'tribu? Cham
can?h, Wr. Cham canah. If theW. Cham form is related, that would indicate that the rest of these forms have an instrumental infix -an-, an indication of a likely MK origin. x*ca:g 'wait; await', Jarai (PL) pacag, Jarai (Lee) c?g -1,Chru ca:g, N. Haroi pacag, W. Cham cag, PR Cham cog, Wr. Cham cog; MK: ca:k, Roglai Bahnar (AC) ?ag. [The initial at least suggests aMK origin] x*caramah 'generous', Rade kamah, Jarai (PL) camah, Jarai (Lee) cam ah, N. Roglai caramah -n, PR Cham (Lee) kamah -v; MK: PSB (Efimov) *sramah.
se? -i, Chru cia?, N. Roglai x*cia? 'peel (with a knife)', Acehnese a cleave'. vowel MK [The suggests origin] 'split, x*cica?
'lizard;
gecko;
salamander',
Acehnese
cica?,
tica?,
cia?
Rade
t?klelo, Jarai (PL) k?g k?? (Ouest); c?g c?? (Est), W. Cham tac?? -i, PR Cham kac??, Wr. Cham kacak, Wr. Cham (AC) caca?, Malay cicak 'garden lizard'. x*cic?t 'great grandchild', P-Acehnese cAt, (Durie) *(ce)cet, Acehnese Rade c?? 'great grandchild', Jarai (PL) tac?? (Ss), Jarai (Lee) tace? -1, Chru ce? -n, N. Roglai tice?, Haroi cac??, PR Cham tac??, Wr. Cham tacaik, Wr. Cham (AC) cacai?, ticai?, Malay cicit. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*cih 'write; draw', Rade ein 'to write', Jarai (PL) cih rup, Jarai (Lee) cih, Chru cih, N. Roglai chih 'to draw', Haroi ceh, W. Cham cih, PR Cham cih, Wr. Cham cih; MK: PNB *ach?h, PMnong *cih, PSB (Efimov) *ci:h 'write, draw'.
x*cim 'bird', Acehnese cicem, Rade cim, Jarai (PL) cim, Jarai (Lee) Tsat N. -tsun33 -v, Haroi cem, W. Cham cim, PR Chru cim, cim, Roglai cip, Cham cim, Wr. Cham cirri;MK: PNB *c?m, PMnong *sim, Bahnar (AC) ?em, PSB (Efimov) *shim, PKatuic *hace:m; *?ace:m.
Appendix
315
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
x*cig 'small gong', Rade cig 'small gong', Jarai (PL) cig, Chru ci:g 'gong (with hump)', W. Cham ceg -v;MK: PNB *ch?g, PSB (Efimov) *cig. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. c?h, PR Cham
x*coh 'dig', Jarai (PL) c?h, Jarai (Lee) coh, Haroi Wr. Cham cauh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
c?h,
x*coh 'peck (of bird); strike (snake)', Acehnese coh, Rade ?oh, Jarai (Lee) coh, Chru coh, N. Roglai coh, Haroi c?h 'strike (snake)', W. Cham coh; MK: PNB *joh. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] 'to
x*cok
he a
c??
Haroi
cry',
'to wail,
cry
W.
mourning',
co?
Cham
'weep, mourn', PR Cham c??,Wr. Cham cauk; MK: PNB *kro. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*cuah 'sand', Rade cuan, Jarai (PL) cuah, Jarai (Lee) cuah, Chru cuah, N. Roglai cuah, Tsat tsua55, Haroi coah, W. Cham coah, PR Cham cw?h, Wr. Cham cuah; MK: Bahnar (AC) cuah; coah, PKatuic *sa3uah, *ya3uah. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*cuan
x*cuco
N.
seize',
'grab,
tion to a Highlands MK origin]
Chamic
language plus W. Cham. Rade
'grandchild',
Chru co, N. Roglai tacauw, Wr. Cham
tico, Haroi
Jarai
co,
caco, W. Cham
cuan.
Cham
cuat, W.
Roglai
taco;
(PL)
Note
the
restric?
[The vowel also suggests a taco,
Jarai
taco,
(Lee)
taco, PR Cham
taco, Wr. Cham cucu, PMalayic *cucu?; MK:
(AC) cacauv, ticauv, Malay PNB *c?w, PMnong *sau, PSB (Efimov) *saw. [Adelaar (p.c.) suggests that this might be a very early Dravidian borrowing; if so, the presence of the form in three branches of Bahnaric suggests either very early borrowing into Bahnaric from Chamic or the possibility it was originally MK, not Dravidian. However, remember
that Austroasiatic
suggests aMK
are
speakers
found
in India.
In any
barbecue
whole
case,
the vowel
origin for the PC variant.] 'burn
x*cuh
Rade
trns.',
cuh
'kindle;
Jarai
animal',
(PL) c?h, Jarai (Lee) cuh, N. Roglai chuh 'kindle', Haroi coh, W. Cham cuh 'fry', PR Cham c?h, Wr. Cham cuh; MK: PMnong *chu 'burn', PSB (Efimov) *jhu:
'burn,
on
set
x*cat
fire'.
'mountain
range',
Acehnese
cAt
'hill,
steep,
vertical',
Rade
ci?
-i,
Jarai (PL) ci?, Jarai (Lee) ci?, Chru ca?, N. Roglai ca?, Tsat tsa?24,Haroi ca?,W. Cham ca?, PR Cham ca?,Wr. Cham cak. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*d-an-uc
'stinger',
Chru
danui?,
PR Cham
tan?y?,
Wr.
Cham
danuc.
x*dar 'encircle', Rade dar 'go around', Jarai (PL) dar; dar, dar (Ouest) d'un lieu', Jarai (Lee) dar; MK: PNB *t?p dar.
'circonf?rence
316
Appendix
IL The Chamic
Lexicon
'fell a tree', Rade druom, Jarai (PL) drom; grom (CT), Jarai Chru (Lee) drom, dro:m, N. Roglai dro:p, Haroi trum dial.; carum, PR Cham (Lee) ?rom, trom. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*druam
x*duc 'to sting', Rade duc, Jarai (PL) du??, N. Roglai (ta?), W. Cham t?y?,Wr. Cham due. [The final suggests aMK origin]
tui?, PR Cham
dAg, Rade dag, Jarai (PL) da? d?g, Jarai x*dag 'stand; stop', Acehnese N. Chru Tsat (Lee) dag, dag, Roglai dak, thag11, Haroi thig 'stand', W. Cham tag, PR Cham tag, Wr. Cham dag; MK: PNB *qy?g, PMnong *dak, PKatuic *?tajig, *?a?jig 'stand'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
Roglai
x*dar 'bury', Rade dar, Jarai (PL) dar, Jarai (Lee) dar, Chru dar, N. da, Haroi thul, PR Cham t?r,Wr. Cham dar. [The vowel suggests aMK
origin] x*duh
'poor;
unlucky'
probably
connected
with
duh-dak; MK:
tuh 'sad', PR Cham puh-ta? '?tre de corv?e', Wr. Cham PNB *d-an-?h. Note: The PNB contains an infix.
Cham
x*duh 'respect,
honor',
'serve', W.
cf. Cham
x*duh
'poor,
Chru
unlucky',
tuh, PR Cham
tuh, Wr.
duh,
Cham
N.
thu55, W.
Tsat
'serve',
duh
Roglai
hue?
duh.
x*da:g 'lie suppine; be on back', Rade dag, Jarai (Lee) dag, Chru da:g, N. Roglai da:k, W. Cham dag, PR Cham dag, Wr. Cham dag, Malay t?r?ntang; MK: PNB *qdlag 'lie on back', PKatuic *la-lieg 'face-up position'. [If the Malay form is related, it is through borrowing also suggests aMK origin]
from aMK
x*da? 'crack open', Tsat ?da?24, PR Cham gests aMK
source]
(Blood) da?.
[The initial
[The initial sug?
origin]
'to wedge', Jarai (PL) d?l (Pk), Jarai (Lee) d?l, PR Cham d?l, Wr. Cham dal, Malay s?ndal; MK: Bahnar (AC) stg. d?l. [The initial also sug? gests aMK origin] x*dal
x*day 'very', Chru dai, Haroi d?i, PR Cham tial suggests aMK origin] x*deh 'fry', Rade deh, PR Cham suggests aMK origin]
(Blood) day
(Lee) padeh
-y.
(with causative
[The ini?
prefix).
[The vowel
x*di? 'climb; ascend', Acehnese e?, Rade d??, Jarai (PL) dl?, Jarai (Lee) di:? 'climb; northerly, easterly', N. Roglai di:?, Haroi di?, W. Cham Chru di?, di?, PR Cham di?, Wr. Cham dik, Malay naik, PMP *pa-nahik; MK: Bahnar either the root Two distinct possibilities exist with this root: (AC) dak. from PMP and was borrowed into Bahnar, or the word was borrowed into PC from Bahnar and the PMP forms are simply chance lookalikes. [The ini? tial suggests aMK origin]
descended
Appendix
II: The Chamic
317
Lexicon
x*dih 'sleep; lie down', Acehnese eh, Rade din, Jarai (Lee) dih, Chru dih, Tsat di55, Haroi dih, W. Cham dih, PR Cham dih, Wr. Cham dih, Malay tidur u?, PMP *tiduR; *tuduR. It is not likely that theMalay and PMP are related to the PC.
[The initial suggests aMK
origin for the PC]
'pull', Rade (Tharpe) doh, Jarai (PL) d?h (Ouest et S), Jarai (Lee) doh, Haroi had?h, PR Cham (Lee) doh. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] x*doh
x*dua 'carry (wear) on head', Rade dua, Jarai (PL) dua, Jarai (Lee) Chru dua, dua, N. Roglai dua, Haroi doa, W. Cham doa, PR Cham dwa, Wr. Cham du?. [The initial and the diphthong suggest aMK origin] x*duac 'run; run off; flow', Rade due?, Jarai (PL) duai?, Jarai (Lee) du?i?, Chru duai?, N. Roglai due?; duai?; dlai, Tsat ?doi?42, Haroi d?ai?, W. Cham duai?, PR Cham doy?, Wr. Cham duac; MK: PNB *gad?w ?. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin] x*dug 'wrap up; bundle', Rade dug, Jarai (PL) pa an?g, N. Roglai duk, Haroi d?g, W. Cham dug, PR Cham dug, Wr. Cham dug; MK: Bahnar (AC) dug. [The initial also suggests aMK origin] x*gan 'cross; pass over; go past', Rade g?n 'go past', Jarai (PL) g?n, Jarai (Lee) g?n, N. Roglai gat, PR Cham k?n, Wr. Cham gan; MK: PMnong *g?n, Bahnar (AC) pagan, PSB (Efimov) *gan. x*ganiat 'narrow', Rade kani??, Jarai (PL) gani??, Chru gania? 'narrow; crowded', (N. Roglai caki??; paki??), Haroi kan?a?, W. Cham kanii? (n), PR Cham kanl? (n),Wr. Cham ganik. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*gay 'stick; wood', Rade gie, Jarai (PL) gai, Jarai (Lee) gai, Chru gai 'in various compounds', N. Roglai gai, PR Cham kay, Wr. Cham gai; MK: PKa? tuic
*gir.
x*ge 'boat', N. Roglai ge, W. Cham ke, PR Cham ks, Wr. Cham gaiy. vowel [The suggests aMK origin] x*glac 'error; sin', Jarai (PL) gla??, Jarai (Lee) glai?, Chru gla:i?, N. dla:i?, Haroi tliai?, PR Cham klay?, Wr. Cham glac. [The final suggests a
Roglai MK origin]
x*gleh 'tired', Jarai (PL) gleh; dleh (S), Jarai (Lee) dleh; gleh, Chru N. gleh, Roglai dleh, Haroi tlth, W. Cham klsh, PR Cham kleh, Wr. Cham glaih, l?tih. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Malay x*glo 'brain; marrow', Rade dio, Jarai (PL) dlo ak??, Jarai (Lee) dlo, Chru glo -n, N. Roglai dlo, W. Cham I?lo,PR Cham I?lo,Wr. Cham glauw. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
318
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
x*glo:g 'tall; high; big', Rade dlog, Jarai (PL) dlog, Jarai (Lee) dlog cf. 'long; paglog 'to lengthen', Chru glo:g, N. Roglai dlo:k, Tsat khyog11, Haroi catlug; tlug, W. Cham klag, PR Cham klag, Wr. Cham glaug. [The vowel sug? gests aMK origin] lhAh, x*glah 'descend; sink; knock down; collapse, destroy', Acehnese Chru jarlah -i, N. Roglai tadlah 'collapse', Haroi tlih, PR Cham klah, Wr. Cham glah. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*go? 'kettle; pot, glazed clay', Rade g?? 'cooking pot'; go, Jarai (PL) g??, Jarai (Lee) g??, Chru go?, N. Roglai go?, Haroi khti?,W. Cham k??, PR Cham k??, Wr. Cham gauk; MK: Bahnar (AC) g?. [The vowel also suggests aMK ori?
gin] x*gu:? 'below, lower part', Rade g??, PR Cham ku? 'tirer du haut vers le bas', Wr. Cham guk; MK: Bahnar (AC) gut. [The vowel length also suggests a
MK origin] 'return; go home; again', Jarai (PL) galal?, Jarai (Lee) gl?i?, PR Cham kalay?, Wr. Cham galac; MK: PKatuic *galhiAh, kaliai?, *yalhiAh, *ka[l/lh]a:jh. [The final also suggests aMK origin] x*gulac
Haroi
x*guy 'carry on back', Rade gui, Jarai (PL) gui, Jarai (Lee) gui, Chru gui, N. Roglai gui, Tsat khui11, Haroi kh?i, W. Cham kui, PR Cham kuy, Wr. Cham gu?l; MK: PKatuic *gij, *ku:j. x*gam
'to cover',
Acehnese
gom
'cover
with
a
cuplike
object;
invert
a
container', Rade g?m, Jarai (PL) gom, Jarai (Lee) g?m, Chru gam, N. Roglai gap, Haroi khum; khiam, W. Cham kam, PR Cham kam, Wr. Cham gam. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*gag 'pole; post', Jarai (Lee) gag, Chru gag, N. Roglai gak, W. Cham kag 'main beam', PR Cham k?g, Wr. Cham gag; MK: PNB *gag 'pole, spirit', Bahnar (AC) g?g; g?g. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] gop, Rade ga? -v, Jarai (PL) ga? 'he, x*gap 'other; group', Acehnese N. Chru Jarai she; they', (Lee) ga-, gau?, Roglai -ga?,W. Cham kau?, PR Cham MK: Wr. Bahnar Cham (AC) gap. [The vowel also sug? k?w'(-k?n), gap(-gan); gests aMK
origin]
x*gar '(knife) handle', Acehnese gA, Rade gr?n -ivf, Jarai (PL) gar, Jarai (Lee) g?r, Chru gar, N. Roglai ga, Tsat khan11, Haroi kh?l, W. Cham k?r, PR Cham k?r, Wr. Cham gar; MK: Bahnar (AC) gar. [The vowel also suggests a MK origin] x*ha
see
x*?aha
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
319
x*ha:k 'split', Rade hak 'whittle bark off, Jarai (Lee) hak, N. Roglai ha:? 'ripped', Haroi ha?,Wr. Cham (AC) hak; MK: Bahnar (AC) hak; hek, PSB (Efimov) *[ ]ha:? 'split, tear, divide'. x*ha:g 'bank (river); shore', Rade hag ea, Jarai (PL) h?g, Jarai (Lee) N. hag, Roglai ha:k, W. Cham hag, PR Cham hag, Wr. Cham hag; MK: PMnong *hag, Bahnar (AC) ?ag. [<MK] x*haduah 'look for; search', Rade duah, Jarai (Lee) haduah, Chru duah, N. Roglai duah, Haroi athuh, W. Cham toah, PR Cham twah, Wr. Cham duah. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Jarai (PL) haget, Jarai (Lee) haget, Chru x*haget -f 'why? what?', PR Cham Wr. Cham hagait; gait. [The vowel suggests haket -f; k?t -f, kayua ge, aMK origin] x*halua? 'sharp', Chru lah??, N. Roglai hlua?, PR Cham halwa? -i,Wr. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
Cham haluak.
x*hala? 'chaff; rice dust', Chru lo:? 'remove husk', W. Cham (Headley) to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. [The vowel suggests aMK
/la?/. Restricted origin]
x*hag 'hot; spicy', Rade h?g, Jarai (PL) h?g, Jarai (Lee) h?g, Chru hag, hak, Tsat haig?42, Haroi h?g, W. Cham h?g, PR Cham h?g, Wr. Cham PNB *h?g, PMnong *h?g 'peppery', PSB (Efimov) *hag, PKatuic *ha:g, *he:g 'hot'. Cf. Malay sahang 'black pepper' ?
N. Roglai hag; MK:
PKatuic MK
x*hago 'pine', Rade hago, Chru hago, N. Roglai hago; MK: PNB *hago, [The vowel also suggests a *sagho:. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
origin]
x*hia 'cry; weep', Rade hia, Jarai (PL) hla, Chru hia, N. Roglai hia, Tsat hia33, Haroi he a, W. Cham hea, PR Cham hya, Wr. Cham hi?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*ho? 'sweat; bleed; leak', Rade kah??, Jarai (Lee) h?? 'to bleed', W. Cham hau? -v, PR Cham (Lee) h??, Wr. Cham (AC) huak; MK: PSB (Efimov) *hu:c 'drink; leak'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*hok 'pour out; spill', Rade h?k, Jarai (Lee) hok 'to abort', Chru ho? h?? 'to spill, pour', PR Cham h??,Wr. Cham hauk; MK: PNB *?k, Haroi 'spill', PKatuic *[t/d]aho?, *haho?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*hua 'pull', Jarai (PL) h?a (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) hua, Chru hua 'pull along' hwa -vr, W. Cham hoa, PR Cham hwa, Wr. Cham hu?. [The vowel sug? gests this is of MK origin]
320
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
x*hua? 'eat rice', Rade hu??, Jarai (PL) hu??, Jarai (Lee) hua? -?, Chru Tsat hua?, hua?24,W. Cham hoa?, PR Cham hw??, Wr. Cham huak. [The vowel suggests aMK origin.] x*hual 'cloud, fog, mist', Chru huai, N. Roglai huan, PR Cham hoi, Wr. 'smoke'. Cf. xdhual/r -f; here the same huai; MK: PKatuic *[h/y]ahuol a but with different etymon, probably pr?fixai element, has been borrowed more
Cham
than once into Chamic. x*hayua? 'harvest (rice)', Chru yua?, N. Roglai riyua?, Haroi y??, W. Restricted toHighlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [Both the Chamyoa?. vowel and the restriction suggest this isMK in origin.] x*huret 'rope; vine', Acehnese uret, Rade hru?? (m), Jarai (PL) hr?? hru?? N. Jarai (Lee) (Hd.), (m), Roglai hure?, Haroi har??, W. Cham hr??. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Acehnese form suimuiguip [Note: This Acehnese x*ha?a:p'to yawn', looks like it is from *sama + *gap], Rade haap, Jarai (Phraya Prachakij-karacak) the first morpheme], ?aap, Chru sama?:?, N. Roglai sama-??:? [Note: Notice Haroi ha-?au? [Notice that the word is treated as having two morphemes], PMa? POc PMP PSB *huab; (Efimov) layic *uap, (*ma)huab, gga:p, PNB *mawap, Vietnamese PKatuic ng?p, *hag?ua:p. *kaqa55p, ' x*jaray jarai, W.
Cham
Jorai',
Rade
jarai
-v-i,
Chru
manih
jarai
-i, N.
Roglai
man?ih
?arai.
x*jaw 'to deliver', Jarai (PL) ja?, Jarai (Lee) jau 'to trust', PR Cham Wr. Cham jaw. With the *pa- 'causative' prefix: x*pajaw, Jarai (Lee) ?aw, N. Roglai pajau. pajau, x*je? 'near; about to' Rade je?, Jarai (PL) je?, Jarai (Lee) je? -1, Chru je?; maje? 'near', N. Roglai je? si 'about to'; je? 'near', Tsat se?42, Haroi st?,W. Cham ???; ma??? 'nearly', PR Cham ce?, Wr. Cham jaik; MK: PNB *ajeq 'near'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*joh 'broken; spoilt', Rade joh, Jarai (PL) j?h, Jarai (Lee) joh, Chru N. joh, Roglai joh, Haroi suh, W. Cham joh 'snap', PR Cham ?oh, Wr. Cham vowel suggests aMK origin] [The jauh. x*ju:? 'black', Rade j??, Jarai (PL) j??, Jarai (Lee) j??, Chru ju:?, N. Roglai ju:?, Haroi su?,W. Cham cu?, PR Cham cu?,Wr. Cham juk; MK: Bahnar [The vowel length also suggests a (AC) j?, PSB (Efimov) *ju:? 'black, dark'. MK origin] x*jua? 'step on; tread', Rade ju??, Jarai (PL) ju??, Jarai (Lee) ju??, Chru jawa?, N. Roglai jua?, Tsat sua?42, Haroi so? -i,W. Cham ?oa?, PR Cham cw??, Wr. Cham juak; MK: PMnong *jot 'trample', PSB (Efimov) *jo:t. [The vowel also suggests aMK
origin]
Appendix
II: The Chamic
321
Lexicon
x*jum 'around' cf. x*pajum 'meet together', Rade j?m, Jarai (PL) jum, Jarai (Lee) j?m 'around', N. Roglai pajup 'assemble, gather', PR Cham yom; MK: PMnong *j?m. x*juay 'don't', Chru juai, W. Cham ?uai, PR Cham ?oy, Wr. Cham juai. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*jah 'PARTICLE', Rade jih 'completely' 'vraiment'. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
PR Cham ?ah,Wr. Cham jah
'firstborn', Jarai (Lee) kacua, N. Roglai kacua, Haroi kacoa 'oldest child', W. Cham kacoa, PR Cham kacwa, Wr. Cham kacu?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kacua
x*kacua 'to spit', Jarai (Lee) kacua, PR Cham lable of the original has dropped). x*k-am-lo
?
'dumb;
mute',
cf. Mnong,
Acehnese
(Lee) cuwa
klo,
Rade
(the first syl?
kamlo,
Jarai
(PL) kamlo, Chru kamlo, N. Roglai kumlo, Haroi kamlo, W. Cham kam 1?, PR Cham kamlo, Wr. Cham kamlauw; MK: PMnong *kamlo, PSB (Efimov) *kamlo:. Notice particularly the lack of the infix in the Acehnese form, and the treatment of the word as two separate morphemes suggests aMK origin]
inW. Cham.
[The vowel also
x*ka:g 'chin; jaw', Acehnese kuiag, Rade kag, Jarai (PL) kag, Jarai (Lee) kag, Chru talka:g; ka:g, N. Roglai ka:k, Tsat ka:g33, Haroi kag, W. Cham kag, PR Cham kag, Wr. Cham kag, Malay rahang ?; MK: PNB *kag, PMnong *kag 'chin', PSB (Efimov) *ka:g, PKatuic *ta?ba:g 'jaw'. x*kadug 'pocket; pouch', Jarai (Lee) kadug, Chru kadug 'bag', Tsat Haroi kath?g, W. Cham katug 'bag', PR Cham (Blood, Lee) kat?g, Malay thug11, MK: PNB *gad?g, Bahnar (AC) kadug, PKatuic *kando:g, *kadug, kandung; 'basket,
*3adug
[Note: The
bowl',
Katu
AD
3adug
'men's
basket
worn
around
waist'
form occurs
'pouch'. Despite
inMK, PC, and Malay, with the core meaning being its occurrence inMalay, this form looks ultimately to be MK in
origin.].
x*ka?u:? 'barkcloth; tree species', Rade (Lee) ka???, Jarai (Lee) ka???, N. Roglai (Lee) ka?u:?. Note the restriction to Highlands Chamic. [The long vowel also suggests aMK origin] Cham
x*ka?u:? 'worried; sad', Jarai (Lee) ka???, Chru ka??:?, Haroi ka?ou?, PR (Lee) ka?u?. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] x*kabac
Restricted gin]
(an itch)', Chru kaba:i?, Haroi kaphiai? 'scratch'. Chamic plus Haroi. [The final also suggests aMK ori?
'scratch
to Highlands
322
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
x*kabaw 'water buffalo', Rade kabau, Jarai (PL) kabau, Jarai (Lee) kabau, Chru kaba:u -1, N. Roglai kabau, Haroi kaphiau, W. Cham kabau, PR Cham kapaw, Wr. Cham kabaw, Malay k?rbau; MK: Bahnar (AC) kap?; kap?, PSB (Efimov) *'grapu:. [Despite its occurrence in various Malayic dialects, this word
looks to be aMK
borrowing]
x*kacuh 'to spit', Rade kacuh, Jarai (Lee) kacuh, Chru kacuh, Haroi -f,W. Cham tacuh -i,Wr. Cham (AC) kacuh, PNB *kacuh, PSB (Efimov) *choh, *jhoh, PKatuic *kacoh, *kaco:h.
kacoh
'hawk; bird of prey', Acehnese kluiag 'kite' -i, Rade tlag -i 'bird of prey; hawk', Jarai (PL) klag, Jarai (Lee) klag 'eagle, kite', Chru kala:g 'bird of prey', N. Roglai kala:k 'bird of prey', Haroi kalag, PR Cham kalag, Wr. x*kala:g
Cham
kalag, Malay
h?lang; MK: Bahnar (1976) also suggested
*kalha:g. Headley later borrowed into a handful ofWMP
(AC) klag-an, PSB *tsalag, PKatuic that this was originally aMK etymon,
languages.
gapuiah, Rade kapaih, Jarai (PL) k?paih, x*kapa:s 'cotton', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) kapaih, Chru kapa:h, N. Roglai kapa, Tsat pa33, Haroi kapah, W. PNB Cham kapah, Malay kapas, PWMP *kapes 'cotton, Gossypium ; spp.' MK: *kapayh, PKatuic *kapa:jh, PKatuic *kapa:jh; *hapa:jh. Note that the PC vowel does not match the PWMP, but does match the PNB and the PKatuic. Inciden? tally,
Lee's
apparent
reconstruction
of
length
in the onset
syllable
is simply
a mis?
take, probably a typing error. [The origin of this word is a subject of an like This word looks commentary. early loan intoWMP, possibly from Indie. Headley (1976:#2.1) notes possible Sanskrit and Hindi sources, cf. Sanskrit kar (1989) analyzes it as an Austroasiatic that includes MK.] larger family
paasa. Baxter
borrowing,
that is, from the
'to close', Rade (Lee) kapuat, kap?t, Jarai (Lee) kap?t, N. Roglai (Lee) kapi:?, Haroi kap?a?. Note the restriction to Highlands Chamic, plus Haroi. [The diphthong suggests aMK origin] x*kapuat
x*kapuat ? 'handful', Rade kap?t, Jarai [The vowel kapoa?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. x*karah 'ring', Rade krah, Chru kr?h -n, N. W. Cham karah, PR Cham kar?h, Wr. Cham karahMK origin] x*katar
'corn;
grain',
(Lee) kate, Haroi katol. Note Chamic languages plus Haroi.
Rade
ka tar,
Jarai
(Lee) kap?t, W. Cham ha also suggests aMK origin] Roglai karah, Haroi kr?h, [The nasalization suggests a
(Lee)
katar
'corn',
N.
Roglai
the restriction of the distribution to the Highlands [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
x*ke? 'bite; snap at; peck', Rade k??, Jarai (PL) k??, Jarai (Lee) k??, Chru ke? 'bite', N. Roglai ke?, Haroi k??,W. Cham k??, PR Cham k??,Wr. Cham kaik. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
II: The Chamic
Appendix
323
Lexicon
x*khan 'cloth; blanket', Jarai (PL) kh?n, Jarai (Lee) kh?n, Chru khan, N. Roglai khat 'cotton cloth', W. Cham kh?n, PR Cham kh?n, Wr. Cham khan, Malay kain; MK: PNB *kh?n 'blanket', Bahnar (AC) kh?n. x*khia? 'burnt smell', Rade khi?? 'crust at bottom of pot', Jarai (Lee) khi??, Chru khia?, N. Roglai khia? 'scarred, scorched', Haroi kh?a? 'burnt (rice)', PR Cham khy??, Wr. Cham khiak. [The diphthong suggests aMK origin] x*kho:g 'dry (weather)', Acehnese khuag 'drought' (Durie notes varia? tion in the nasalization), Rade khog 'end of rain', Jarai (Lee) khog, Chru kho:g 'fair', N. Roglai kho:k 'dry, sunny', Haroi khog 'refers to when it has finished raining', PR Cham khog, Wr. Cham khaug. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kla:s
cf.
'escape',
Acehnese
'lose',
lhuiah,
Rade
Jarai
tlaih,
(PL)
klaih, Jarai (Lee) klaih, Chru kla:h, N. Roglai tla, Haroi tlah, W. Cham klah 'to free', PR Cham kl?h, Wr. Cham klah-clm ti pay; MK: Bahnar (AC) klah, PKa? tuic
*-lah.
*-klah,
(DT)
With
*pa-
causative
prefix:
'escape,
cause
to;
save;
'free', Rade tlaih, Jarai (PL) ta klaih x*pa-kla:s, Acehnesepui-lhuiah dual? (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) paklaih, Chru pakla:h, N. Roglai tatlah, PR Cham pakl?h, Wr. Cham paklah; MK: PMnong *klas 'release'. With *pa- causative release'
'take
prefix:
apart,
dismantle'
Rade
*pa-kla:s,
matlaih,
N.
Roglai
patla.
Cf.
'escape'. x*klah
'to
lose',
cf.
Jarai
'escape',
(Lee)
klah,
Haroi
tlah
'to
slip
away
or escape, e.g. chicken from being tied', W. Cham lah, PR Cham (Lee) klah; MK: PKatuic (DT) *-klah, *-lah. [Note: This looks to be a doublet of the ety? mon
for
'escape'].
uluia lhan, Rade tl?n, Jarai (PL) tian, x*klan 'boa; python', Acehnese kl?n, Jarai (Lee) kl?n, Chru klan 'python', N. Roglai tlat, Haroi tl?n 'boa', W. Cham kl?n, PR Cham kl?n, Wr. Cham klan; MK: Bahnar (AC) kl?n, PSB (Efi? mov)
*klan. x*klay
'penis',
Chru
klai,
N.
Roglai
pitlai
'testicles',
Haroi
tlai, W.
Cham klai, PR Cham klay, Wr. Cham klai, PSB (Efimov) *klAw 'man, male, penis', PKatuic *[k/g]alh[e/a]j. x*kle? 'steal', Rade tie?; kan??, Jarai (PL) kl??, Jarai (Lee) kl??, Chru kle?, N. Roglai tie?, Tsat ke?24 -m, W. Cham kl??, PR Cham kl??, Wr. Cham klaik; MK: Bahnar (AC) kl?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*kloh 'to break', Jarai (PL) kl?h, Jarai (Lee) kl?h -1, Chru kloh 'cut (skin)', N. Roglai tloh, Haroi tl?h, W. Cham kloh 'cut (skin)', PR Cham kl?h, Wr. Cham klauh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kluan klon, N. Roglai
'behind; buttocks', Rade tluon, Jarai (PL) klon, Jarai (Lee) tluat 'buttocks', Haroi tl?n, PR Cham kl?n, Wr. Cham klaug;
324
Appendix
(DT) *tantuun 'behind'. Note cal. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
MK: PKatuic
x*klun
-f 'tadpole',
II: The Chamic
that theMK
is spatial, not anatomi?
tl?n, Chru klu:t -f -1; MK:
Rade
Lexicon
PSB
(Efimov)
*kltun.
x*klap 'stab; poke', Rade tl??, Chru klau?, N. Roglai tla?, Haroi tl?u?, Wr. Cham (AC) klap; klap; MK: PMnong *t?p, Bahnar (AC) klak, kl?k, kl?p, kl?k. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*ko:? 'white', Rade ko?, Jarai (PL) ko, Jarai (Lee) ko? -1,Chru ko:?, N. PR Cham k??; Haroi ko?, W. Cham ko? in patih ko? 'very white', ko:?, Roglai ak?? -1,Wr. Cham kauk; MK: PKatuic (DT) *klook. [The vowel also suggests a MK origin] x*ko:g 'bracelet', Rade kog, Jarai (PL) kog, Jarai (Lee) kog 'brass', Chru ko:g, N. Roglai ko:k, Haroi kog, PR Cham kog, Wr. Cham kaug; MK: PNB PKatuic (DT) *kog, PMnong *kog, PSB (Efimov) *kAi^ 'copper bracelet', *k?ng, PKatuic
*hakag; *hagkag.
[The vowel also suggests aMK
origin]
x*koh 'cut off; shorten', Acehnese koh, Rade koh, Jarai (PL) koh, Jarai (Lee) koh, Chru koh, N. Roglai koh, Haroi koh -1,W. Cham koh 'to lop off. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kro 'dry', Rade kro, Jarai (PL) kro rara, Jarai (Lee) kro, N. Roglai kro, kro; MK: PMnong *kro, PSB (Efimov) *ro. Note that this is limited to Highlands Chamic and Haroi among the Chamic languages, but reconstructs in Haroi
two of the Bahnaric
branches.
[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
kruag, Rade krog, Jarai (PL) krog, Jarai (Lee) x*kro:g 'river', Acehnese krog, Chru ia kro:g 'stream', N. Roglai kro:k, W. Cham karog, PR Cham krog, Wr. Cham kraug; MK: PMnong *krog, Bahnar (AC) krog, PKatuic *karhuag. x*kruac 'a citrus', Rade kru??, Jarai (PL) boh kra?? e, boh kr?al? (E) Jarai (Lee) kru?i?, PR Cham kroy?, Wr. Cham kruac, Proto-Hr?-Sedang (Hd.), *kruc; MK: PMnong *kroc, PSB (Efimov) *kruac. [The vowel and the final also suggest aMK
origin]
x*kuac 'gather, amass', to Highlands Chamic Restricted suggest aMK origin] x*kuah
'shave,
scrape',
Chru kuai?, N. Roglai kuai?, W. Cham kuai?. plus W. Cham. [The vowel and the final also Rade
kueh
-v,
Jarai
(Lee)
kuah,
Chru
kuah,
N.
Roglai kuah, Haroi koah, W. Cham koah; MK: PNB *akoyh 'shave', PMnong *kos 'shave off, PSB (Efimov) *ko:s, PKatuic *kuah, *kuajh 'scrape, shave'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [The vowel also sug? a gests MK origin]
Appendix
II: The Chamic
325
Lexicon
'gibbon', Rade kue? -v, Jarai (PL) kra ku?ft, Chru kuan, W. Cham kuan, PR Cham kon, Wr. Cham kuan; MK: PSB (Efimov) *kua1ji. [The x*kuan
vowel also suggests aMK origin] is 'lungs; placenta', Acehnese *kulit 'skin' + x*so:? 'lungs; placenta' Jarai Rade Jarai kas??, (PL) kas??, (Lee) kas??, Chru kalso:?, N. Roglai s?ap -fn, kuli:? so:?, Haroi kalaso?, W. Cham kaso?, PR Cham tho? 'placenta', Wr. Cham isAustrone?
thauk 'placenta; lungs' MK: PKatuic *sah ?. [The first morpheme ; sian; in the second, the vowels suggest aMK origin]
x*la:g 'spread out (a mat)', Rade lag, Jarai (PL) lag, Jarai (Lee) lag, Chru la:g 'unroll', N. Roglai la:k, W. Cham lag, PR Cham lag, Wr. Cham lag; MK: PMnong *l?k -f 'spread', Bahnar (AC) lag, PSB (Efimov) *la? -f 'spread, unroll'.
x*la?i 'basket, winnowing', Rade ei, Jarai (PL) ra?i, Jarai (Lee) ra?i, la?i 'basket (shallow)', N. Roglai la?i, Haroi la?i, W. Cham la?i 'large round', PR Cham lii,Wr. Cham lit; MK: PSB (Efimov) *la?i:, PKatuic *?arie,
Chru
*karie.
x*lac 'say', Rade lac, Jarai (PL) lal?, Jarai (Lee) l?i?, Chru la:i?, N. Haroi lai?, W. Cham lai? cf. 'if, PR Cham lay?, Wr. Cham lac, la:i?, Roglai [The final also suggests a MK PMnong *lah, PSB (Efimov) *lah 'say, scold'. origin] x*lahia? 'to lose', Rade lue, Chru lah?a?,W. Cham lahii? (n). Restricted toHighlands Chamic plus W. Cham. [The vowel and its nasalization also suggest aMK origin] x*laman lam?n
-v
'weak,
MK: PKatuic
-v soft,
'tired;
Rade
weak',
bloated',
PR
(DT) *qadl_h 'tired'.
em?n,
Cham
liman
Jarai -v
(PL) 'feeble',
r?m?an, Wr.
W.
Cham
Cham liman;
[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
x*le? 'fall into', Rade le? buh, Jarai (PL) le?, Jarai (Lee) le?, Chru le?, N. le?, Tsat le?24,Haroi le?,W. Cham le?, PR Cham le?,Wr. Cham laik. [The
Roglai vowel suggests aMK
origin]
x*lo:k 'to peel', Acehnese plua?, Rade lok 'take bark off tree', Jarai (Lee) lok -v, Chru lo:?; lo:h -f, N. Roglai lo:?; calo:?, Haroi lo?,W. Cham lo?, PR Cham lo?,Wr. Cham lauk, PMP *bulut 'coconut husk'; MK: Bahnar (AC) l?k, PSB (Efimov) *plo:? 'peel, strip off skin, hull', PKatuic also suggests aMK origin] x*lo:g 'try, prove, Cham
test', Rade
(Blood) log, Wr. Cham laug; MK: [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
*liet, *luot.
[The vowel
log, Chru parlo:g 'try, prove, test', PR PNB *log, PMnong *ralog 'try, test'.
326
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
x*luay 'swim', Rade lue, Jarai (PL) loi -v, lua? (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) luai, luai ia, N. Roglai luai, Haroi luai -v, PR Cham loy, Wr. Cham luai, [The vowel also PMnong *re ?, PSB (Efimov) *re:, PKatuic *[b/?b]aluo[j]h.
Chru
suggests aMK
origin]
x*luc 'complete; die, end; perished', Rade lue 'lose'; lue lie 'get lost', Haroi lui? -v,W. Cham luai -vf 'stop, quit', PR Cham l?y?,Wr. Cham lue. [The final suggests aMK origin] Haroi
x*luay 'put, place, discard; allow', Rade lui, Chru luai, N. Roglai lui,Wr. Cham buh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
luai,
x*luay 'reject; quit', Rade lui, Jarai (PL) lui, Jarai (Lee) lui, Chru luai, W. Cham luai, PR Cham loy, Wr. Cham luai. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*lap 'fold', Jarai (PL) lap (Ouest); lap (S), Chru lau?, PR Cham law?, Wr. Cham lap; PMP *le(m)pit -f; *lepet -f 'wrap; fold'. Despite the similarities, the PMP forms are not related. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*maduan
see
x*?aduan
'awaken', Rade madih, Jarai (PL) padih, madih (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) madih, Chru m a da h 'stay awake', N. Roglai madah, Haroi mathih, W. Cham matan, PR Cham mitah, Wr. Cham midah- [The vowel suggests aMK ori? x*madah
gin] x*miag 'cheek; jaw', Acehnese miag, Rade mieg, Jarai (PL) meg, Jarai (Lee) m?g; meg, W. Cham miag, PR Cham mieg, Wr. Cham mieg. [The diph? thong suggests aMK origin] x*mo:? 'wife', Rade mo?, Jarai (PL) m?? (Est), N. Roglai m?:? 'mid? wife', Haroi mo?, W. Cham m?? -v, PR Cham (Lee) mu? -v. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*mag 'from', Rade mag, Jarai (PL) mag, Jarai (Lee) mag, Chru mig -v -n (prep.), N. Roglai muni -vf, Haroi mig (grammatical particle), W. Cham mag, PR Cham mig, Wr. Cham mig. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*ftu? 'dive; submerge', Rade ???, Jarai (PL) paf???; ???, Jarai (Lee) ???, Chru ?u? ia, N. Roglai ???, Haroi ??k -f,W. Cham ??k -f 'submerge', PR Cham ??k -f,Wr. Cham ?uk; MK: PSB (Efimov) *jiap 'dive, submerge, set' ? . Cham
x*neh 'to elbow', Rade (Tharpe) ?eh -n, N. Roglai (Lee) ?eh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
?eh -n julukiac,
PR
x*go? 'upgrade; above; east', Jarai (PL) g?? 'east', gah yang hrai ?le?, Jarai (Lee) g?? 'east', Chru gah go? 'east', Tsat go?42/24 -t?, Haroi g??, PR Cham (Lee) g??,Wr. Cham (AC) gauk. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
327
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
x*padiag -v 'carry; transport', Rade madi?g -v, Jarai (PL) bSdiag -i, Chru pardiag, PR Cham pa?y?g, Wr. Cham pajiag; MK: PMnong *padi?g, PKa? tuic (DT) *pataeng 'transport'. [The diphthong also suggests aMK origin] x*pagam 'dove', Jarai (PL) baragom ?, Haroi pakhum. Note the restric? tion to the Highlands Chamic languages, plus Haroi. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*pah 'to slap', Rade pah, Jarai (Lee) pah, Chru pah, N. Roglai pah, Haroi p?h, W. Cham pah, PR Cham p?h, Wr. Cham pah; MK: PKatuic *[h/ *habah. s]am[p/b]ah, *[h/y]apah, -f 'tell,
x*padar send',
Haroi
demand,
-f
padai
summon'.
send;
Chru
command',
'command,
[The medial
to
tell
consonant
to
do
-1, N.
padar sth',
W.
suggests aMK
Roglai
Cham
pada pad?r
'tell, 'order,
origin]
x*padaw 'warm, hot', Rade madau, Jarai (PL) padau, Chru padau, Tsat dam?42, Haroi padau 'be warm', W. Cham padau, PR Cham padaw, Wr. Cham padaw; MK: PKatuic *[k/g]ata:w, *[k/g]ataw 'hot'. [The medial conso? aMK
nant also suggests
origin]
x*padia? 'hot (weather); sunshine', Jarai (Lee) pa?i??, Chru padia?, N. Roglai padia?, Tsat dia?24, Haroi pad?a?, W. Cham padea?, PR Cham pady??, Wr. Cham padiak. [The medial consonant and the vowel suggest aMK origin] x*pale? Restricted
pale?. MK origin]
'to drop', Rade kapl??, Chru pale?, N. Roglai pale?, Haroi to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. [The vowel also suggests a
x*pet 'pick, pluck', Acehnese pAt, Rade p??, Jarai (PL) p??, Jarai (Lee) Chru p??, pe?, N. Roglai pe?, Tsat pi55 -ft, Haroi p??, W. Cham p??, PR Cham p??,Wr. Cham paik. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*pha 'different', Jarai (Lee) pha, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic. Restricted *pha.
pha, Haroi pha; MK: PNB
x*picah 'broken; break', Acehnese picah, Rade mcah, Jarai (PL) p?cah, Jarai (Lee) pacah, Chru pacah, Tsat tsa55, Haroi pac?h, W. Cham pacah, PR Cham pac?h, Wr. Cham pac?h, Malay p?cah; MK: PMnong *bacah 'break', PSB (Efimov) *'pacah 'split, smash, break', PKatuic *pac[a/a]h, *kac[a/a]h 'crack'. Note me
that this word
like it originated
is found both inAustronesian
and MK,
but looks to
inMK.
x*pioh 'put, place', Rade pion, Chru pion, W. Cham mapiah. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. The vowel suggests that it is either bor? rowed or the result of the coalescence of two morphemes. x*pit 'sleep; close eyes', Rade pit, Jarai (PL) pit, Jarai (Lee) pit, Chru 'shut pi:? eyes', N. Roglai pi:?, Haroi pei?, PR Cham pi?,Wr. Cham pik 'mourir;
328
II: The Chamic
Appendix
fermer
l'oeil'; MK:
PKatuic
PNB
*qb?c 'lie down',
*bic, PSB
PMnong
Lexicon
*bik,
(Efimov)
*?bvj?, *?bAJ?.
-1 'land leech', Rade plum -1, Jarai (PL) plum, Chru plo:m -vl, W. Cham plom -v, PR Cham plom, Wr. Cham plorri; MK: PNB plu:p, *pl?m, PMnong *plom, PSB (Efimov) *pU:m, PKatuic *balhA:m, *palhA:m. 7*plum
N. Roglai
poh, Chru poh, N. Roglai p?h 'to x*poh 'strike; pound', Acehnese [The vowel suggests aMK origin]. pound', PR Cham pap?h, Wr. Cham papauh. With
*-an-
instrumental
infix:
Chru panoh, N. Roglai
'drumstick'
pan?h, Haroi
cf.
x*p-an-oh
panah
'to drum'.
x*poh,
hanoh
Rade
[The vowel
-i,
a
suggests
MK origin] x*pok 'to open', po?; MK:
PMnong
Rade p?k, Jarai (PL) p?k, Jarai (Lee) p?k, N. Roglai *pak, PSB (Efimov) *pa:?. [The vowel also suggests a MK
origin] x*pro:k 'squirrel', Rade prok, Jarai (PL) pro, Jarai (Lee) pr??, Chru Haroi pro:?, pro?, W. Cham pro?, PR Cham pro?,Wr. Cham prauk; MK: PMnong *prok, Bahnar (AC) pr?k, PSB (Efimov) *pr?:?> PKatuic *[b/?b]a(r/rh]og, *ta[r/ rh]og. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*prog 'big', Rade pr?g, Jarai (PL) pr?g, Jarai (Lee) pr?g, Chru prog, N. Roglai prok, Tsat piog?33, Haroi pr?g, W. Cham prug -v, PR Cham pr?g, Wr. Cham praug. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*pu:? 'carry in arms', Rade p??, Chru po:?, N. Roglai pu:?, Haroi po?, W. Cham po?, Wr. Cham (AC) pu?; MK: Bahnar (AC) p?k. [The vowel length also suggests aMK origin] 'blow away; chase', Jarai (PL) p?p?h, (*pa- 'causative') Jarai (Lee) papuh 'chase', Chru pun 'blow', N. Roglai papuh; MK: PMnong *p?h 'blow'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. x*pa-puh
x*puley 'gourd; squash', cf. *biluay, Rade plei, Jarai (PL) plui (m), Jarai (Lee) plai, plui, ploi, N. Roglai pluai (m), W. Cham ploi (m), PR Cham ploy (m), Wr. Cham pluai -v;MK: PNB *pl?y. x*pu:g
'straw
(rice)',
Acehnese
Chru
juimpug,
W. Cham pog, PR Cham apy?g, Wr. Cham apiag. MK origin]
Tsat
apo:g,
[The vowel
pug33
'rice',
a
length suggests
x*puac 'scold; talk', Jarai (PL) p?al?, Jarai (Lee) pu?i?, Chru puai?, N. Roglai puai? 'strong feelings; impatient', Haroi p?ai?, W. Cham puai?, PR Cham poy?, Wr. Cham puac. [The final suggests aMK origin] x*pa-pat
Roglai
pa?, Haroi
'causative')
'to
papa?; MK:
PNB
(*pa-
fan',
Jarai
*p?y,
(Lee)
PKatuic
papi?
'to vibrate',
*[h/y]api?;
N.
*?api?.
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Restricted
to Highlands
329
Lexicon
Chamic
plus Haroi.
[The vowel also suggests aMK
ori?
gin] W. Cham pah, PR x*pah 'to open', Chru pah 'open up', Haroi p?h, Cham p?h, Wr. Cham pah; MK: Bahnar (AC) paha, PKatuic (DT) *paah. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] Chru pag; pa:g x*pag 'to nail; to hammer', Rade p?g, Jarai (Lee) p?g, 'to pound', N. Roglai pak, Haroi pag, W. Cham pag, PR Cham pag 'frapper sur la tete', Wr. Cham pag, PMP *paku; MK: PMnong *p3g. [The vowel also sug? gests aMK origin] It is only the Rade x*par 'to fly', Acehnese phA -i, Rade phiar -iv Note: that looks to be borrowed after PC, Jarai (Lee) par, Chru par, N. Roglai pa, Tsat Wr. Cham par; MK: PNB *p?r, pan33, Haroi pol, W. Cham par, PR Cham par, PMnong *p?r, Bahnar (AC) ap?r; par, PSB (Efimov) *par, PKatuic (DT) *p?r, PKatuic
*par, *pa:r.
[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
'Rhade', Rade ede, Chru manih rade, N. Roglai man?ih rade, PR Cham rade, Wr. Cham rade. [The vowel and the meaning rade, a suggest MK origin] x*ralo 'flesh; meat', Rade hlo, Jarai (Lee) hlo, Chru ralo, N. Roglai ralo x*rade
W. Cham
elf., W. Cham ralo, PR Cham ralo, Wr. Cham ralauw.
[The vowel suggests aMK
origin] rhah -iv, Rade rau, Jarai (PL) rau, Jarai (Lee) x*raw 'wash', Acehnese ra:u Tsat N. Chru rau, za:u33, Haroi rau,W. Cham rau, PR Cham -1, Roglai rau, raw, Wr.
Cham
rau; MK:
(Efimov) *raw, PKatuic
PNB
*-raw,
PMnong
*raw,
Bahnar
(AC)
rao,
PSB
*?ariaw.
x*reh 'cut', Jarai (Lee) r?h, Chru reh 'clean fish', N. Roglai reh 'oper? ate, dissect', Haroi r?h, PR Cham (Lee) reh, PMnong *sreh, PSB (Efimov) *sre:h
'chop',
suggests aMK
PKatuic
*hareh,
*tareh,
*[s/c]arhe:?,
*tarhe:?.
[The
vowel
also
origin]
x*ribui? 'storm', Rade eb??, Jarai (Lee) rab??, Chru rabu:?, N. Roglai Haroi rubu:?, laphu?, W. Cham gin rapu?, PR Cham ripu?; rapu?,Wr. Cham rib?k, Malay ribut; MK: Bahnar (AC) habut, PKatuic (DT) *rapuuq. Within wider this form is restricted to languages in western Indonesia and so is Austronesian, most
likely also a loan into these An
languages.
x*ro 'cage', Jarai (PL) ro (Pk), Jarai (Lee) ro, Chru ro, N. Roglai Haroi ro,W. Cham ro. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]
ro,
x*ro:g 'raise; nourish', Rade rog 'take care of livestock', Jarai (PL) rog, Jarai (Lee) rog, Haroi rog 'raise, feed', PR Cham rog,Wr. Cham raug; MK: Bah? nar (AC) r?g. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
330
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
x*ruah 'choose', Rade ruah 'election', Jarai (PL) ru?h, Jarai (Lee) ruah, Chru rawah, Haroi roah, PR Cham rw?h, Wr. Cham ruah; MK: PNB *r?yh, PKa? tuic (DT) *r_s (vowel unclear), PKatuic *hariah. [The diphthong also suggests a MK origin] x*ruay Chru
ruai
-n, N.
ruai, PR Cham
'fly; bug; insect', ruai,
Roglai
Tsat
Rade
rue, Jarai (PL) rual, Jarai (Lee) ruai, a11
za:i33;
zuai33;
roy, Wr. Cham
roai, W.
la?24, Haroi
Cham
PNB
ruai; MK: *roy, PMnong *rahway, PSB (Efimov) *rahwa:y, PKatuic (DT) *r??y, PKatuic *[h/y]aruaj, *ra-ruaj, *?aruaj. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
x*ruay 'to crawl', Rade rui, Jarai (PL) rui, Jarai (Lee) rui, Tsat zoi33, Haroi rui,W. Cham ruai. [The triphthong suggests aMK origin] x*rak
Rade
weeds',
'grass;
rak,
Jarai
(PL)
rak,
Chru
ra?
weeds',
'grass;
N. Roglai ra?, Tsat za?24, Haroi ra?,W. Cham ra?, PR Cham ra?; hara?, Wr. Cham rak; harak. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] suiat 'bail (water to catch fish); splash; shake out', Acehnese sac ea 'bail water to catch fish', Jarai (Lee) s?i?, Chru sa:i?, N. sa:i?, Tsat sai?24, Haroi s?? -v,W. Cham sai?, PR Cham thay?, Wr. Cham x*sac
'bail', Rade
Roglai thac. [The final consonant x*sadar hadar,
Chru
'remind;
'remember',
sa dar,
cause
suggests aMK
N.
Roglai
to remember',
vowel suggests aMK
Rade sida, PR
hadar, Haroi Cham
origin] Jarai athul hat?r;
(PL) 'feel, t?r, Wr.
hadar, sense', Cham
Jarai W.
(Lee) Cham
hadar;
dar.
hadar; pa-d?r [The
origin]
x*sagar 'drum', Rade hagar, Jarai (PL) hag?r, Jarai (Lee) hag?r, Chru N. sagar, Roglai saga, Haroi akhul, W. Cham k?r, PR Cham hak?r, k?r, Wr. Cham hagar, hagar; gar; MK: PNB *hag?r, Bahnar (AC) hagar; car, PSB (Efi? [The vowel also suggests a MK ori? mov) *sagghar, PKatuic *sagir; *sagka:r. gin] x*sadap 'old (things)', Rade had?p, Jarai (Lee) had?p ??, N. Roglai The restriction of the distribution to Highlands Chamic suggests that, this may be a post-PC borrowing. [The despite the regular correspondences, medial consonant also suggests aMK origin] sada?.
x*salog 'forever; eternally', Rade hl?g lar, Jarai (Lee) hlog, PR Cham Wr. Cham klaug. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] klog -i, x*sapal
'arm',
Acehnese
sapai,
Rade
p?l
'forearm',
Jarai
(PL)
hapal,
Jarai (Lee) hapal, Chru spal 'forearm', N. Roglai sapan, W. Cham pha pal 'fore? arm muscle', PR Cham hap?l, Wr. Cham hapal; MK: PKatuic (DT) *qapaal 'shoulder'.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
331
Lexicon
x*sapuat 'to harvest', Rade puot -v?, Jarai (PL) pu??, Jarai (Lee) Chru hapu??, spua?, N. Roglai sapu??; sapua?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*(si)?joh 'drip; a drop', Jarai (PL) cf. t??joh, Jarai (Lee) ?joh; cf. ta?joh 'to leak', Chru sa?ioh, N. Roglai si?joh, Tsat ?iu55,W. Cham ta?joh, PR Cham ta?j?h, Wr. Cham ta/?auh; MK: PNB *katoh 'drip; drop'. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin] x*siya:m 'good; nice; pretty', Rade siam 'beautiful', Jarai (PL) hi?m, Jarai (Lee) hiam, Chru sia:m, N. Roglai sia:p, Haroi seam, W. Cham seam, PR Cham thyam, Wr. Cham siani; MK: PKatuic *[l/lh][e?e]:m, *la-[l/lh][e/e]:m. x*soh 'only; empty; free, leisure', Acehnese soh, Jarai (PL) sah (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) soh 'empty', N. Roglai (Lee) soh;W. Cham soh, PR Cham than, Wr. Cham thauh; MK: PNB *sasoh, PKatuic *[s/c]anhah 'empty'. [The vowel also suggests aMK
origin]
x*sua 'pull out; seize', cf. xsuac 'pull out', Rade (Tharpe) sua, Jarai sua 'seize', Haroi soa 'pull'. Note the distribution is restricted to High? (Lee) lands Chamic plus Haroi. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*sua 'skin, dead', Jarai (Lee) sua, N. Roglai suggests aMK origin]
sua, PR Cham
(Lee) sua.
[The vowel
x*suay 'fish trap', Rade sue 'long fishtrap, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
suai. Restricted
x*sula 'leaf, Rade hia, Jarai (PL) hia, Jarai (Lee) hia, Chru sala, N. hia:? -h-f, Haroi hala, W. Cham hia, PR Cham hala, Wr. Cham hal?; MK: Roglai PNB *hla, PSB (Efimov) *_lha:, PWB (Thomas) *hlaa, PKatuic *[p/b]alhah, *halhah.
x*suay 'slow; long time', Rade sui, Jarai (Lee) sui, Chru suai, N. Roglai suai, Haroi sui, W. Cham suai, PR Cham (Lee) soy; sroy -m. [The vowel sug? gests aMK origin] x*sam
Chru masam
'to
wrap',
som
Acehnese
'cover'; MK: PMnong
'hide,
*klam.
put
?,
away'
Jarai
(Lee)
som
[The vowel also suggests aMK
-1,
ori?
gin] x*sag ? 'with; and', Rade mab?t h?g, Jarai (PL) h?g, Chru sag; sa- 'neg? ative
particle',
[The vowel
W.
Cham
suggests aMK
h?g
-v
'with;
and',
PR
Cham
th?g
-v, Wr.
Cham
saug.
origin]
x*sana 'crossbow', Rade hana, Jarai (PL) hna (Pk), Chru sana, W. Cham hanig -f tapog, PR Cham hani, Wr. Cham hani; MK: PMnong *sana, PSB (Efimov) *sana: 'bow', PKatuic *sanha:.
332
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
x*tadrua? 'lid', Rade kadru??, Chru tadrua?, PSB (Efimov) *khr?:p 'to cover; a lid'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. [The vowel also suggests this is of MK origin] x*tagu:? 'get up; to stand up', Rade kag?? pit, Jarai (PL) dag?? -i, Jarai (Lee) tagu?, Chru tagu:?, N. Roglai tagu:k -f, Haroi cakhu?, W. Cham ta ko?, PR Cham tako?, Wr. Cham tagok. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] takua, Rade kakue, Jarai (PL) takuai, Jarai x*takuay 'neck', Acehnese Chru N. takuai, takuai, (Lee) Roglai takuai, Tsat kua:i33, Haroi cak?ai, W. Cham PR takuai. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Wr. Cham Cham takuai, takoy, x*taliat f? 'flute (front flute)', Rade dig kli?? -v 'side flute', Jarai (PL) Chru talia?, N. Roglai talia?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] talia?, x*taluc
'last,
cf.
lastborn',
(Lee) talui?, N. Roglai talui?, Haroi [The final suggests aMK origin]
kluc
Rade
x*luc,
cal?i?, PR Cham
Jarai
sibling',
'youngest
tal?y?, Wr. Cham
taluc.
x*taluc plus reflex of *apui 'fire' is 'firebrand', Rade (Tharpe) kluic, Jarai (Lee) talui?, N. Roglai (Lee) talui?. Limited to Highlands Chamic. [The a final also suggests MK origin] x*tameh
tameh, Rade kameh, Jarai (PL) tameh, 'pillar; post', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) tameh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*tano N.
Roglai
son',
Wr.
'male',
Rade
tano
-n, Haroi
cano;
Cham
tanauw
'male;
ka no,
Jarai
(PL)
ta?o
dial.,
W.
son';
MK:
ta no, Cham
Jarai
PR
tano, *cano
PNB
(Lee)
ta no, Chru
Cham
'male;
tano
ta no, 'male;
husband'.
[The
vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*tarapay 'rabbit', Rade pai, Jarai (PL) pai, Jarai (Lee) pai, Chru N. Roglai tarapai, Haroi kapai -i,W. Cham tapai, PR Cham tapay, Wr. tarpa:i, Cham tapay, Malay tapai Treng.; MK: PMnong *tarpay, PSB (Efimov) *tsrapa:y. x*tatuan
aMK
Chru
'wobbly',
tat?an,
W.
Cham
tat?an.
vowel
[The
suggests
origin]
'hang up', Rade (Tharpe) ka?ak, N. Roglai (Lee) ta?a?, PR (Lee) ka???; MK: PKatuic (DT) *_bak 'hang up'. [The medial consonant also suggests aMK origin] x*ta?ak
Cham
x*te?
'torn,
tion to Highlands x*toh
worn',
Rade
te?, N.
Roglai
te?.
Note
the
restric?
[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
Chamic. 'undress;
tl? -v, Chru
take
off,
Jarai
(Lee)
Roglai toh, Haroi t?h,W. Cham toh. Restricted [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
t?h
-1, Chru
to Highlands
toh
'dismantle',
Chamic
N.
plus Haroi.
333
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
x*tram 'soak', Rade tram, Jarai (PL) tr?m (Pk et N), Jarai (Lee) tram, Chru tram, N. Roglai trap, Haroi tr?m; dial, car?m, PR Cham tr?m, Wr. Cham tram, PMP (*r)endem; MK: PNB *tr?m, PSB (Efimov) *tram, PKatuic *tarh[a/ a]m.
truag, Rade trag, Jarai (PL) trag, Jarai (Lee) x*trog 'eggplant', Acehnese trog, Chru trog, N. Roglai trok, Tsat (hu11) tsiog?33 -medial, Haroi trag,W. Cham trag, PR Cham trag; cr?g, Wr. Cham traug; craug, Malay t?rung; MK: PNB *haggig; *sakig ?.
*tr?g, PKatuic
[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]
x*truh 'arrive', Acehnese troh, Rade truh, Jarai (PL) truh, Jarai (Lee) PNB *tr?h. ; truh, Chru truh, N. Roglai truh, Haroi troh 'escape' MK: x*tu:? 'to receive', Rade tu? a 'accept; consent, Jarai (Lee) tu?, Chru [du:?ma?], N. Roglai tu:?,W. Cham to?, PR Cham to?,Wr. Cham tok. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] 'snare', Rade kaho, N. Roglai tuho, Haroi cano. Note the to Highlands Chamic, plus Haroi. [The vowel also suggests aMK ori?
x*tuho restriction gin]
x*tuleh cal?h, W. Cham MK origin]
'untie', Jarai (PL) tal?h, Jarai (Lee) taleh, Chru taleh, Haroi taleh, PR Cham tal?h, Wr. Cham talaih. [The vowel suggests a
x*tul?k 'disk shape; spherical shape', Jarai (Lee) tala?, N. Roglai (Lee) tul?k -nf,W. Cham (Headley) /tal?k/, PR Cham (Lee) kal??. [The vowel sug? gests aMK origin] x*tu?uac
cf.
'beak',
'lips',
Rade
ka?oc
-f, Jarai
(PL)
t??uk,
Jarai
(Lee)
ta?u?i?, Chru ta?uai?, N. Roglai tu?ue?, Haroi ca??ai?, W. Cham ca?uai? 'lips, bill', PR Cham caboy?, Wr. Cham cabuac; MK: PKatuic *ca?bah, *tar?bah ?. [The vowel and the final consonant also suggest aMK origin] x*tal (PL)
tal,
Jarai
'arrive; (Lee)
Rade
tal ka
'sufficient',
Tsat
until', tal
'to
the
tan33,
point
that,
Haroi
t?l
so much -v
'come'
that', dir.
Jarai v., W.
Cham t?l, PR Cham t?l,Wr. Cham tal; MK: Bahnar (AC) t?l; toi, PSB (Efimov) *tat 'arrive; reach'?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*wil 'round', Rade wll 'circle', Jarai (PL) wll, Jarai (Lee) wll, Chru wil N. 'circle', Roglai win, Haroi wll, W. Cham wll 'circle', PR Cham wll, Wr. Cham wil; MK: PMnong *wll, PSB (Efimov) *wil. x*wir 'turn around; dizzy; churning of rapids', Rade wir, Jarai (PL) wir, Jarai (Lee) wir 'dizzy'; MK: PSB (Efimov) *wi:, *wa: 'dizziness'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
334
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
x*war 'forget', Acehnese tuwA, Rade war, Jarai (PL) war, Jarai (Lee) Chru N. war, (rabit), Roglai wabi?, Tsat van33, Haroi wol, W. Cham war, PR Cham war, Wr. Cham war. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*ya:g 'spirit; god', Jarai (PL) yag hrai, Rade yag, Jarai (Lee) yag, Chru ya:g, N. Roglai ya:k, Haroi yiag, PR Cham yag, Wr. Cham yag, Malay yang; MK: PNB *yag 'spirit', PMnong *yag, Bahnar (AC) i?g, PSB (Efimov) *ya:g, PKatuic *?aje:g, *?aje:g. x*yog 'to lift; take off, Rade y?g, Jarai (Lee) yog, N. Roglai yok 'carry [The by hand', Haroi y?g; yig ?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*yuam
Rade
'expensive',
yom 'price, cost'. Restricted suggests aMK origin] x*yun 'hammock',
yuom,
the Highlands
Chru
Tsat
yo:m,
Chamic
zuan33,
W.
Cham
[The vowel
andW. Cham.
Chru ayun, PR Cham ay?n; MK: Bahnar
(AC) ay?n.
x*yah 'PARTICLE', Jarai (Lee) yah 'why', N. Roglai yah, PR Cham Wr. Cham miyah; MK: PMnong *yah 'emphatic'. [The vowel also sug? miy?h, a MK gests origin] x*yar 'lift, raise', Haroi yol, PR Cham yer, Wr. Cham yer. suggests aMK origin] 1.3
PC words
of uncertain
[The vowel
(or other) origin
This
third list of forms that reconstruct to PC consists of words that, given the current state of knowledge, seem to lack an etymology. Some of these will inev? itably turn out to be MK borrowings, but simply have not yet been identified as such. For instance, many of the forms that are listed as restricted to Highlands
are likely to turn out to be borrowings, perhaps even post-PC Chamic borrowings but ones that cannot yet be confidently labelled as such yet.
Chamic
Note that many of the forms occur both in Chamic and in Bahnaric, but this by itself is not enough to establish that the form is ultimately MK as many forms are found widespread in Bahnaric languages. demonstrably Austronesian *?abaw 'large
ocean
Acehnese
'snail',
snail',
W.
Cham
ubo,
pau,
PR
Rade Cham
abau, apaw,
Chru Wr.
N.
abau, Cham
Roglai
abau
ab aw.
*?agam 'incest; desire, lust', Jarai (PL) ?g?m, Jarai (Lee) ?ag?m, Chru agam, PR Cham ak?m, Wr. Cham agarri. *?aka
see
*ka
*?ala 'below; beneath', alia, W.
Cham
la tog
'under
the
Jarai (Lee) ?ala, Chru ala, N. Roglai house',
PR
Cham
ala, Wr.
Cham
ala.
ala, Haroi
335
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
*?alak 'yolk', Rade al?? 'eye' ?, Jarai (PL) ?l?k, Jarai (Lee) ?al??. *?a?u? 'beads', Rade a??? 'necklace', Jarai (PL) a???, Jarai (Lee) ?a?u? N. -vl, Roglai a??? 'seed bead necklace', Haroi a???, PR Cham ?u?,Wr. Cham ftuk.
*?anug 'package', Rade an?g, Jarai (PL) an?g, Jarai (Lee) ?anug 'to Haroi an?g -v 'bundle', PR Cham an?g, Wr. Cham anug; MK: Bahnar wrap', (AC) anug. gui, Chru agui, W. Cham gui 'wear' ?, PR *?aguy 'to use', Acehnese Cham aguy; guy, Wr. Cham agu?i; gy?i. W. *?apan 'hold; take', Jarai (PL) ?pan, Chru apan, N. Roglai apat, Cham pan, PR Cham ap?n; pan, Wr. Cham apan. *?ariag 'crab', Rade arieg, Jarai (PL) areg, Jarai (Lee) ?areg, Chru N. ra?iag, Roglai ayak; ariak, Tsat liag?33 -i, Haroi areag, W. Cham riag, PR Cham arieg; ryag, Wr. Cham arieg; riag. *?asuk 'shavings', Jarai (Lee) ?as?k, Haroi asok. Note the restriction to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. *?ay 'elder sibling', Rade ie 'older sister's husband, older brother's wife', N. Roglai ai, Haroi ai 'brother-in-law (of elder sibling); sister-in-law', PR Cham ay, Wr. Cham ai. *?ura? 'now', Rade ar??, Jarai (PL) r??, Jarai (Lee) ?ar??, Chru ara? ni, PR Cham ur??; ar??, Wr. Cham urak. *?urah 'bedbug', Rade areh -v, Jarai (PL) arah, Jarai (Lee) ?ar?h, Chru ura? -f, Tsat zua55 (m),W. Cham rah, PR Cham ar?h, Wr. Cham
arah, N. Roglai arah *?usar 'soup
solids',
'flesh, N.
Roglai
meat', usa,
Acehnese Haroi
as?l,
sia,
Jarai
PR Cham
(Lee)
?asar;
ath?r, Wr.
?as?r, Cham
Chru
asa:r
asar.
*ba 'bring, take, carry', Acehnese ba, Rade ba, Jarai (Lee) ba, Chru ba, N. Roglai ba, Haroi phia, PR Cham pa, Wr. Cham b?. *ba 'to lead', Rade at?t ba, Jarai (Lee) ba, Chru ba in ba jalam 'ad? vise', N. Roglai ba, W. Cham pa, PR Cham pa, Wr. Cham b?. Chru pabug 'peak of roof, *babug 'roof; ridge of (house, mountain)', N. Roglai babuk 'tall center pole of house', Haroi paph?g 'roof, W. Cham papug, PR Cham papug, Wr. Cham pabug, Malay bumbung; bubung, PMP *bubug; MK: PKatuic (DT) *-phuung 'roof. bantai, Jarai (PL) hanal ak??, Chru patal, 'pillow', Acehnese Wr. Cham patar -f,Malay bantai. W. Cham pat?l, PR Cham pat?r -f, *bap 'fill; full', Jarai (PL) bu??; b??, Jarai (Lee) b??, N. Roglai paba?, Haroi phlau?, W. Cham pau?, PR Cham p??,Wr. Cham bak. *bantal
*bapha
see
*mabha
336
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
*bha:n 'sneeze', Jarai (PL) ph?n (Pk), Jarai (Lee) phan, Chru pham -n pha:t, Haroi aphan, W. Cham pahan -v, PR Cham phan, Wr.
la:i?, N. Roglai Cham bh?n.
*bhu 'dry' cf 'dry in the sun',
Rade
(Lee) bhu, Jarai (Lee) bhu, PR
Cham
(Lee) phu. *bia? 'true, right; good', Chru bia?, Haroi phia?, W. Cham pea? 'indeed; true; very', PR Cham py??, Wr. Cham biak, Malay baik 'good'. *bijow 'shaman', Rade mj?u 'diviner', Chru pajau, N. Roglai bijau, Haroi paslau, PR Cham pac?w, Wr. Cham pajuw; MK: PNB *paj?w 'sorcerer'. 'to butt', Rade manuh, Jarai (PL) b?banuh, Jarai (Lee) banuh, N. Roglai bin?h, W. Cham panuh, PR Cham pinuh, Wr. Cham binuh. *bit 'forget', Rade war bit, Jarai (PL) rablt, Jarai (Lee) rabit, N. Roglai wabi? -1,Haroi phi?, PR Cham piw?l. *binuh
*bitu? 'star', Rade mat??, Jarai (PL) p?t??, Jarai (Lee) patu?, Chru patu? -f, N. Roglai pitu?, Haroi pato?, W. Cham pat??, PR Cham pit??; pat??; pat??, Wr. Cham bituk; batuk. *blah flat object', Jarai (Lee) blah, Chru blah elf., PR Cham plah, Wr. Cham blah. *blus -f 'to blow', Jarai (Lee) bluh -v, Chru blu:h, N. Roglai bluh, Haroi pl?h, W. Cham pluh 'breathe, puff, PR Cham pluh, Wr. Cham bluh. *boh
maw
'mushroom',
Rade
mamau,
Jarai
boh
(PL)
m?u,
Jarai
(Lee)
bam au, Chru bam au, N. Roglai bum au, Haroi pa miau, W. Cham poh m au, PR Cham pimaw, Wr. Cham bimaw. [The first element is the widespread An round classifier it is the PC second element that has the unknown origin] *boh; object *bru:g 'streaked; colorful, striped', Rade brug 'striped', Jarai (Lee) brog, Haroi prug. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. *buh 'wear ornaments', Jarai (PL) buh, Jarai (Lee) buh, Chru buh, N. to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. Haroi Restricted Roglai buh, ph?n. *bug 'large basket', Rade bug 'back basket', Jarai (PL) ??g -i, Jarai (Lee) bug, Chru bug 'storage', Haroi ph?g, PR Cham pug, Wr. Cham bug, Malay rombong.
'Cham', Rade cam, Jarai (PL) cam, Chru manih cam, N. Roglai cap, Tsat tsam?42, Haroi cam 'Montagnards, highlanders', W. Cham *cam
man?ih cam,
PR
Cham x*ca?a:g
cam, Wr. 'branch;
Cham fork
cam. of
tree',
Acehnese
cabuiag,
Rade
ka?ag,
Jarai
(PL) ta?ag i?, Chru ca?a:g, W. Cham ca?ag, PR Cham ca?ag, Wr. Cham ca?ag, The PMP *cabag 'bifurcation', Malay cabang; MK: PKatuic (DT) *-beeng. glottalized ?- is quite unexpected, as is the medial Ibl inMalay, which probably this forms seems to be attested should be /w/. Although PC it certainly patterns as a borrowing.
inAustronesian,
within
Appendix
II: The Chamic
337
Lexicon
*campa < *cam + pa 'Champa', Acehnese Wr. Cham campa, Wr. Cham (AC) campa. *cata
Restricted
'parrot',
to Highlands
N.
Roglai
'pierce, prick', Rade Chamic.
*cut 'to dress; wear', cu?, Wr.
Cham
Cham
cata,
W.
Cham
(Headley)
cata.
??t 'wear (ring)', Chru cu:?. Restricted
to
Rade cut, Jarai (Lee) cut,W. Cham cu?, PR Cham
cuk.
*dadit Wr.
Cham
campa,
Chamic.
*cut Highlands
cata, W.
juimpa, PR Cham
'a fan', N. Roglai
dadi:?, Haroi
cathi? 'to fan', PR Cham
tati?,
tadik.
*dahla?
'I (polite)', Jarai (PL) darn 'de sup?rieur ? inf?rieur', Chru ' dalha?, W. Cham hl?n hl?? P, PR Cham tahla?, Wr. Cham dahlak. *dap 'line up; straighten', Jarai (PL) d?p, Chru da? 'put in, place', N. da?, PR Cham t??,Wr. Cham dak. *dih 'that; there', Acehnese hideh, sideh 'there (far)', Rade adih, Jarai (PL) ?dih, Jarai (Lee) dih, Chru dih 'there (far)', N. Roglai udih, Haroi thth, PR Cham te h -v,Wr. Cham de h -v.
Roglai
*dra:g 'hornbill rhinoceros', Chru dra:g, N. Roglai dra:k, cf. Malay ?nggang. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *dra? -n 'hands on hips', Jarai (Lee) dr??, N. Roglai dr?? -n. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *duy 'to guide', Jarai (PL) dui, Jarai (Lee) dui, Chru dui, du:i, N. Roglai dui, Haroi thui, PR Cham puy,Wr. Cham du?i. *gah 'side, direction; bank', Jarai (PL) gah, Jarai (Lee) gah, Chru gah, N. Roglai gah, Haroi khiah, W. Cham kah, PR Cham kah, Wr. Cham gah; MK: Bahnar (AC) gah. Jarai (Lee) ganam -f, Chru ga?ap -v?, N. Roglai *gahnap 'wealth(y)', gahn?p, PR Cham kan?p-mipa, Wr. Cham ganup. *gaw 'rim', Rade gau 'back of knife', Jarai (Lee) gau 'helix', Chru gau, PR Cham kaw 'dos'; hakaw, Wr. Cham gaw; hagaw. *gig 'stove', Chru gi:g apui 'cooking fire', W. Cham kig 'cooking fire', PR Cham kig 'cusine', Wr. Cham gig. *glag 'look at; watch' Rade dl?g, Jarai (PL) lag -i; dl?g (Est), Haroi tllag, PR Cham klag, Wr. Cham glag; MK: Bahnar (AC) lag. *glay 'forest, jungle; wild, savage', Rade dlie lui, Jarai (PL) glai, dlai et (N S), Jarai (Lee) glai, Chru glai 'jungle; forest; wild'; kaih, N. Roglai dlai; kaih, Tsat khiaii?42, Haroi Cham
tllai [cf. tlua], W. Cham klai, PR Cham r?m-klay, Wr.
rarri-glai.
*gulam 'carry on shoulder', Acehnese gulam, Rade klam, Jarai (PL) Jarai Chru N. (Lee) gl?m, gal?m, galam, Roglai gulap, Tsat khiag?42 -ft, Haroi W. PR Cham Cham kaliam, kil?m; kal?m, Wr. Cham gila ni; gala ni. kl?m,
338
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
*gunam 'cloud', Rade kanam, Jarai (PL) gan?m, Jarai (Lee) gan?m, Chru ganam 'rain cloud', Haroi kanlam, PR Cham kan?m, Wr. Cham ganani. *gut 'cave', Jarai (Lee) g??, Chru gu:? 'lair', N. Roglai gu:? 'cave', PR Cham ko?,Wr. Cham gok. *ha 'you; thou', Acehnese gata (sg./pl.) (neutral); ta-; -tui(h), Jarai (PL) h? (N), Jarai (Lee) ha, Chru h?, N. Roglai h?, Tsat ha33, Haroi h?i -v,W. Cham hi, PR Cham hi,Wr. Cham hi. *hadum -1 'how much, many?', Rade d?m, Jarai (PL) had?m, Jarai dorn -v, Chru hadu:m
(Lee) hadom; Cham
hatom
-v; hat?m
-v, PR
hadu:p -1, Haroi
-vl, N. Roglai hatom
Cham
-v;
torn
-v, Wr.
Cham
ath?m, W.
hadom.
*haley 'who; question word', Rade hlei, Chru halai, N. Roglai Tsat ?a33 za:g33 -i v?, Haroi halai -v (grammatical particle), W. Cham 'whatever', PR Cham hal?y; ley, Wr. Cham hal?i.
alai, hlay
*halim 'rainy season', Rade hllm 'rain for two or three days'; lip Jarai 'flood', (Lee) hlim, Chru halim 'wet weather', N. Roglai halip 'continual halim 'flood', PR Cham halim 'rainy season', Wr. Cham Haroi rain; flood', halim.
'perforated; pierce', Rade hluh, Jarai (Lee) hluh, Chru haluh, N. haluh 'to have a hole', PR Cham hal?h, Wr. Cham haluh. Haroi haluh, *hayow 'like (prep.)', Chru yau, W. Cham yau, PR Cham y?w, Wr. *haluh
Roglai Cham
yug
?. *huna?
'asthma',
Chru
N.
nana?,
Roglai
hun??,
W.
Cham
hanic
-f, PR
Cham hani?, PR Cham hani?, Wr. Cham hanik. *jah 'weed, clear brush', Rade jah, Jarai (PL) jah, Jarai (Lee) jah, Chru jah 'chop small wood', N. Roglai jah, W. Cham ?ah 'cut with a knife', PR Cham ?ah, Wr. Cham jah. *jalu? 'bowl', Rade el??, Chru jalu?, N. Roglai jalu? (also a elf.), PR Cham
(Lee) pagln-cal??; MK: Bahnar *ka,
*?aka
'not
yet',
Rade
(AC) jalu. ka...oh;
Jarai
(Lee)
ka;
?aka;
Chru
ka...au;
ka; ka Buh; Haroi ka?; W. Cham ka...o; PR Cham ka...o 'pas encore'. *ka:l 'to lock; bolt', Rade kal, Jarai (Lee) kal, Chru kal -1; k-an-al 'a lock', PR Cham (Lee) kian -vf. *ka?iag 'loins; waist', Rade kaieg 'rib (back)', Jarai (Lee) ka?iag, Chru
N. Roglai
ka?iag 'waist', N. Roglai ka?iak 'lower back', Haroi ka?eag, W. Cham ka??g, PR Cham ka?g,Wr. Cham kaig. *kacaw
'scratch,
scrape',
Rade
kacau,
Chru
kacau,
N.
to Highlands Chamic. *kadow 'jump', Rade kad?u, Jarai (Lee) kadau, N. Roglai -d, PR Cham kat?w, Wr. Cham kaduw.
Roglai
kacau.
Restricted kad?u
kadau, Haroi
Appendix
II: The Chamic
339
Lexicon
*kaka:s 'fish scales', Rade kaih, Jarai (PL) rak?h -i, Chru kark?:h -n; N. karka:h, Roglai kaka, Tsat ka33, Haroi kak?h 'fin of fish, shell of anteater', W. Cham kakah, PR Cham kak?h, Wr. Cham kakah, Wr. Cham (AC) kakah. *kala 'bald; bare', Rade k?? kla, Jarai (PL) kla, Chru kala ak?, N. Tsat kiu33 -f?, Haroi kala; kalo, W. Cham kla, PR Cham kala, Wr. kahlo, Roglai Cham kal?. *kalih 'miserly', Jarai (PL) kaTih, Jarai (Lee) klih, Chru karlih, Haroi kaleh, PR Cham kallh, Wr. Cham kalih. *kapit 'to close', Rade (Lee) kapl?, Jarai (Lee) kapit, PR Cham (Lee) kapi?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *karam
'sink; sunk', Jarai (PL) kr?m, Jarai (Lee) kr?m, Chru kram, N. Haroi kr?m, PR Cham kar?m, Wr. Cham kararri, Malay karam; Roglai karap, MK: PNB *kr?m. *kata:l 'thunder (-bolt); lightning', Jarai (PL) katal, Chru kata:l, N. katan, PR Cham katal, Wr. Cham katal. *kata:g 'strong; well', Rade katag, Jarai (Lee) katag, Chru kadag -1, Haroi katag, PR Cham (Lee, Blood) kat?g -1. Roglai
*katit 'to crush', Rade ka tit -1 'wring, twist', Jarai (Lee) katit, N. Roglai kati:?, Haroi kat?t -f 'fall on something', W. Cham kat?? 'pinch'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic, Haroi, andW. Cham. *katrow
'pigeon', Rade katr?u, Jarai (Lee) katrau, Chru katrau, N. Roglai katrau, Haroi katrau, W. Cham katrau play, PR Cham katr?w-catoy; MK: PNB *catr?w, PMnong *katap. *katug
Tpuir,
Rade
kat?g,
Jarai
(Lee)
katug,
Chru
katug,
N.
Roglai
katuk, Haroi katog 'tear (thread)', PR Cham (Lee) katug. *kayua 'because', Rade kayua dah, Jarai (PL) yua (ka), Jarai (Lee) yua ka, Chru kayua, N. Roglai kayua, Haroi kayua ka-, W. Cham kayoa, PR Cham kaywa,
Wr.
Cham
kayu?.
*khag 'hard; stiff; strong', Acehnese kAg 'strong' -v, Rade kh?g, Jarai Jarai (PL) kh?g, (Lee) kh?g, Chru khag, N. Roglai khak 'solid, dense', Tsat khaig?42, Haroi kh?g, W. Cham kh?g, PR Cham kh?g, Wr. Cham khag. *klam 'afternoon; night', Rade tlam, Jarai (PL) kl?m (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) Chru kl?m, klam, N. Roglai tlap, Tsat kian?33, Haroi tl?m 'night', W. Cham makl?m, PR Cham kl?m; makl?m, Wr. Cham klam; maklani; MK: Bahnar (AC) klam.
*klap 'old', Chru kla?, W. Cham klau?, PR Cham kl??, Wr. Cham klak; MK: PNB *kr?q. *klaw 'laugh', Rade tlau, Jarai (PL) kl?u, Jarai (Lee) klau, Chru klau, N. Roglai tlau, Tsat kiau33, Haroi tlau, W. Cham klau, PR Cham klaw, Wr. Cham
340
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
tawa, PMalayic *tawa?, and PMP *tawa do not [The forms in Malay to related the PC] appear *klum 'to cover', Jarai (Lee) kl?m, Chru klum 'cover up', N. Roglai tlup, Haroi tl?m; kalom.
klaw.
*krah 'middle; half, Rade ti krah, Jarai (Lee) kr?h, Chru kr?h, N. khr?h -i, Tsat kia55, Haroi kr?h, W. Cham krih; kih, PR Cham krih, Wr.
Roglai Cham krih
*kra:g 'clam; kra:k
'clam',
Acehnese
shellfish',
knuag, Chru kara:g -v, N. Roglai
k?rang.
Malay
*krih 'whittle', Rade kri? -f 'whittle, sharpen', Jarai (PL) krih, Jarai (Lee) krih, Chru kri:h -1, N. Roglai krih, Haroi kreh 'sharpen'; car?h -v, PR Cham krih, Wr. Cham krih. Jarai (PL) kamai, Jarai (Lee) kamai, Chru *kumey 'female, woman', kamai, N. Roglai kumai -n, Tsat mai33, Haroi kam?i, W. Cham kamay, PR Cham kam?y, Wr. Cham kam?i. Cham
*la 'spleen; pancreas', Wr. Cham l?. la, *labua
PR Cham Tsat
khe55
taro',
plant;
(Lee) kap?a *lagah
lagan,
'a
Jarai (PL) la, Jarai (Lee) la, N. Roglai labua
Chru
'spinach',
Haroi
laphua
di:?la, PR 'taro
'tired', Rade -v, Haroi
egah, Jarai (Lee) ragah, Chru W.
lakhlah,
Cham
lakah
'ache',
lagah, N. Roglai PR
Cham
likoy; likah, Wr. Cham ligah; liguai; lagah; MK: Bahnar (AC) ragah. Jarai (PL) rajau, Jarai (Lee) *lajaw or *rajaw 'hammock', Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *lakow Roglai
root',
-i.
likah;
rajau.
'ask for', Rade ak?u, Jarai (PL) rakau, Jarai (Lee) rakau, N. lakaw, PR Cham lik?w; lak?w, Wr. Cham lakaw.
lakau, W. Cham *lama:n
'elephant',
Chru lama:n, N. Roglai Wr. Cham limin.
Rade
eman,
*lanag 'earthworm', Chru la nag, N. Roglai lanak Wr. Cham lanig.
Rade
Jarai
(PL)
raman,
lamian, W. Cham
lum?n, Haroi
Jarai
(Lee)
lam?n, PR Cham
raman,
limin,
en?g, Jarai (PL) r?n?g, Jarai (Lee) ran?g, lan?g, W. Cham lanag, PR Cham lanlg,
-f, Haroi
*lasun
'onion', Rade es?n, Jarai (PL) ras?n, Jarai (Lee) ras?n, W. Cham las?n, PR Cham lith?n; lath?n, Wr. Cham lisun; lith?n; lathun. Rade ewag, Jarai (PL) rSwag, Jarai *lawa:g 'thin; lean; emaciated', (Lee) rawag, Chru lawa:g, N. Roglai luwa:k 'lean; thin', Tsat va:n33 -f, Haroi lawag, W. Cham lawag, PR Cham liwag; lawag, Wr. Cham liwag; lawag, PMP *niwag.
x*lamo 'cow; ox; cattle', Acehnese humo, Rade emo, Jarai (PL) ramo, Jarai (Lee) ramo, Chru lamo, N. Roglai lamo -n, Tsat mo33, Haroi lamo, W.
II: The Chamic
Appendix Cham MK:
341
Lexicon
lamo, PR Cham limo; lamo, Wr. Cham limauw; lamauw, Malay l?mbu; Bahnar (AC) ramo; lamo. [This word has a limited distribution inAN.] liah, Jarai (PL) liah, Jarai (Lee) li?h-i, *liyah 'lick; taste', Acehnese
Chru layah 'taste', N. Roglai liah, Tsat lia55, Haroi leah, PR Cham ly?h, Wr. Cham liah; MK: cf. PEastern MK *liat 'lick'. *lu 'much, many', Acehnese la, Rade lu, Jarai (PL) lu, Jarai (Lee) lu 'very', Chru lu la; lu bi?, Tsat lu33,Haroi lu; lo -v,W. Cham lo pay, PR Cham lo -v,Wr. Cham lo;MK: Bahnar (AC) la. *lukut 'absent', Rade ek?t, Jarai (PL) r?kut, Chru laku:?, N. Roglai liku:? -v, Haroi lakou? 'avoid; escape'?, PR Cham (Lee) liku?. *ma?i?k 'urinate', Acehnese ?ia?, Rade ma?iek, Jarai (PL) ma?a? ?a?, Chru maTia?, N. Roglai ma?i??, Haroi ma????, W. Cham ma?ii? (n), PR Cham mii? -v (n),Wr. Cham miik; MK: Bahnar (AC) ik. 'naked', Acehnese Ion, Rade ml?n, Jarai (PL) hlun, *(ma)(sa)lun mahlun, Jarai (Lee) mahl?n, Chru sarlun, N. Roglai salut, Haroi mahal?n, PR Cham mil?n, Wr. Cham milun. *ma?ih 'soured', Jarai (Lee) ma?ih, W. Cham ma?ih mimih, Wr. Cham mimih.
'spoiled', PR Cham
*mabha, *bapha 'divide; share', Rade mabha, Jarai (Lee) papha < *p-, Chru parpha, N. Roglai mupha, Tsat pha33, W. Cham papha, PR Cham pha; parapha; rapha, Wr. Cham bh?; p?rabh?; rabh?; MK: PMnong *pa?. 'move,
*magey
agitate;
wobbly,
Rade
loose',
shaky,
Chru
magei,
magai, N. Roglai magai, W. Cham makay. Rade
'fox',
*maja
Jarai
'weasel',
mja
(PL)
m?ja,
Chru
maja
'weasel',
N. Roglai maja, PR Cham mica 'civette', Wr. Cham mij?. *makrah 'middle; half, cf. *khrah, Rade ti krah; m a kr?h, Jarai (PL) makr?h, Jarai (Lee) makrah, Haroi makr?h, W. Cham krih. *mal 'beam', Cham
mal,
Wr.
Cham
-v 'suck; suckle',
*mam m?m -v, PR
-v, Chru Cham
Jarai (Lee) mal, Chru mal, N. Roglai man, Haroi mal, PR mal.
mem m?m
-v; mum -v; m?m,
-v, N. Wr.
Rade mam, Roglai
Cham
mam,
muni;
Haroi
mem
-v, W.
Jarai (Lee) Cham
m?m
mani.
'itch', Rade ruih lak, N. Roglai maruh Chamic.
*marus to Highlands
Jarai (PL) pam?m,
'itchy, sores'. Restricted
*mat 'take; fetch, get', Acehnese mat, Rade m??, Jarai (PL) m??, Jarai (Lee) m??, Chru ma?, N. Roglai ma?, Tsat ma?24, Haroi m?? 'to take, get, catch, seize', W. Cham ma?, PR Cham ml?, Wr. Cham mik. *mit 'always', Chru mit, W. Cham Highlands Chamic language plus W. Cham.
/mit/ (Headley). Restricted
to one
342
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
*ga? 'make, do', Rade g??, Jarai (PL) g??, Jarai (Lee) g??, Chru ga?, N. g??, Tsat gau?24, Haroi g??, W. Cham g??, PR Cham ag?? cf. g??, Wr.
Roglai Cham agap; gap. *pa?
-i 'to,
distance)',
Chru
towards',
PR Cham
pa?
'at',
(Lee) pa?, Wr. Cham
N.
pa?, Haroi
Roglai
pa-
(AC) phak -i;MK: Bahnar
'at,
in (far
(AC) ph?
*pa?a:k 'armpit', Rade p?l-ak, Jarai (PL) pa???, Jarai (Lee) pa???, Chru N. Roglai ala pa?a:?, Haroi pa?a?, W. Cham pa?a?, PR Cham paa?, Wr. pa?a:?, Cham
paak.
*pabah 'spittle, slaver, drool', Rade Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
bah, Chru ia pabah, Tsat pha55.
*padar 'spin; turn', Jarai (PL) padar; padar (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) pad?r; pa dar, Chru padar -1, N. Roglai pada 'turn upside down', W. Cham t?r, Wr. Cham (AC) padar. *padey 'rest', Rade madei, Jarai (Lee) pedai, Chru padai, N. Roglai Haroi pathli, PR Cham pat?y, Wr. Cham pad?y; MK: PNB *bad?y. padai, *paga:g
'protect',
Rade
magag
used
in
a
phrase
meaning
'to
get
a
shot', Jarai (PL) pagag, p?gig -v, Jarai (Lee) pagag, Chru pagan -fl 'to barri? cade'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *padi? 'pain; ache', Jarai (Lee) pa?ia? -m, Chru padi:?, N. Roglai padi:?, Haroi padi?, W. Cham padi?, PR Cham padi?, Wr. Cham padik. Note: the Acehnese may, Acehnese pui de h, Malay p?dih represent a distinct etymon; in fact, be borrowed from Malay. *pajum 'meet together', cf *jum, Jarai (Lee) bajan?m, N. Roglai pajup, Haroi pas?m, PR Cham pac?m, Wr. Cham pajum. *pak-ke 'lizard; gecko', Acehnese pa?e, Rade p?k ke, Jarai (PL) p?k ke, Jarai (Lee) pakake, Chru pak ke, N. Roglai pake, PR Cham pake, Wr. Cham pakaiy.
*pag 'to make a wall', Jarai (Lee) p?g cf. kh?n p?g 'curtain', W. Cham (AC) pag; MK: Bahnar (AC) p?g; pag. Restricted to Highlands Chamic andW. Cham.
*pataw 'master; lord', Rade matau, Jarai (PL) patau, Jarai (Lee) patau, Chru patau, N. Roglai pitau, Haroi patau, W. Cham patau, PR Cham pataw, Wr. Cham patau; MK: PNB *pat?w, PSB (Efimov) *'pataw 'king, state'. Marrison (1975:53) follows Aymonier and Cabaton (1906) in suggesting that this word might
be
composed
of
*po
plus
tau
'person'
as
in Tagalog
tao
'man'.
Rade magan 'plate'; big 'bowl or x*pigan 'bowl; dish', Acehnesepigan, or gourd', W. Cham paf?in , PR Cham pag?n-?alu?, plate made from squash Malay pinggan, PMP *piggan; MK: PMnong *tiggan 'bowl'; *bag 'bowl', PSB (Efimov) *[ba]ggan, PKatuic (DT) *p/t-in9an> PKatuic *pagha:n 'bowl'. This
Appendix
II: The Chamic
343
Lexicon
word, according to Coope, is a Persian borrowing by way of Hindi; certainly, the vowel length of all the Chamic forms suggests a short vowel, rather than the long vowel that would be expected from the proposed PMP reconstruction. Note not only that the form also occurs in PMnong, PSB, and PKatuic but that it shows considerable variation in these MK languages, strongly suggesting it was bor? This form is a borrowing into all the languages of the area. *pioh 'keep, store; conserve', Rade pion 'to put, to place', Jarai (PL) pioh wai, Jarai (Lee) pioh, PR Cham pyah, Wr. Cham piah *plag 'citronella grass', Rade plag, Chru pla:g -1,N. Roglai plak, Haroi rowed intoMK.
apl?g, W. Cham plag, Wr. Cham (AC) plag. *pras 'scratch (of chicken)', Rade (Tharpe) praih, Chru pra:h, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic. Restricted pipra. 'to plant', Acehnese pula, Rade pla, Jarai (PL) pl?, Jarai (Lee) p?a, Chru pala, N. Roglai pila, Tsat pia33, Haroi pala, W. Cham pla, PR Cham *pula
Wr.
pala,
Cham
pal?.
*pusa:g < (? *po + *sa:g 'master' + 'house' (AC)) 'husband', Chru N. pasa:g, Roglai pisa:k, W. Cham pasag, PR Cham pathag, Wr. Cham pathag. [The word for 'house' looks borrowed but the word *po 'master' may be inher?
ited] (causative prefix *pa-gha:g *pa-) 'dry over fire', Rade bhag -i to have coalesced), Jarai (PL) kh?g, Jarai (Lee) pa khag, N. Roglai (appears Haroi 'roast, broil', pakha:k pakhag, PR Cham pakhag. The Malay form pang a tempting comparison,
gang 'to roast' makes would
require
would
be
but the *g- to > gh- change that it
unique.
'forbid', Jarai (Lee) pakh??, Chru kha?, *pa-gha? (*pa- 'causative') Haroi kh??, PR Cham kh?? trlh,Wr. Cham ghak drih. *pa-klah 'divide; separate', cf. *klah 'to lose', Rade kah, Jarai (PL) p?klah; pacalah (Pk), Jarai (Lee) peklah, Chru klah, N. Roglai patla; pak, PR Cham kl?h-nlh, Wr. Cham klah-nih. *pa-pah
papah
'causative')
(*pa-
'clap hands', W. Cham pah.
'clap,
rub',
slap;
Restricted
Rade
pah,
to Highlands
N.
Chamic
Roglai
plus W.
Cham.
*rah/s Cham
ran, Wr.
-f 'separate Cham
a fire', Rade
raih -f pui, PR
raih pui, N. Roglai
rah.
*ram 'dead fire', Rade pui ram, W. Cham pui r?m. *ranam Wr.
Cham
rana *rawag
Cham
rawag.
'love',
Chru
ranam,
'visit',
Chru
rawag,
Haroi
W.
Cham
ran?m,
PR
Cham
ran?m,
ni. N.
Roglai
lawak
-i, PR
Cham
raw?g,
Wr.
344
Appendix
'land, interior; earth', N. Roglai
*riya
II: The Chamic
riya, PR Cham
Lexicon
(Lee) riya, Wr.
Cham
(AC) riy?. *rata:k 'bean; pea', Acehnese nutuia?, Rade etak, Jarai (PL) rata?, Jarai (Lee) rata?, Chru rata:?, N. Roglai rata:?, Haroi lata? -1,W. Cham rata?, PR Cham
rita?;
rata?, Wr.
Cham
rit?k;
sui a g 'hut,
Acehnese
'house',
*sa:g
rat?k. tent',
Rade
Jarai
sag,
(PL)
sag,
Jarai
(Lee) sag also 'family', Chru sa:g, N. Roglai sa:k, Tsat sa:g33, Haroi sag, W. Cham sag, PR Cham thag, Wr. Cham sag. *sa?ay 'elder sibling', Chru sa?ai, N. Roglai sa?ai, Haroi ca??i -i (Note: looks like a compound, not a disyllabic root), PR Cham ay, Wr. Cham ai; MK: PKatuic *sa:j; *sa-sa:j 'older sibling'. The existence of this root in both PC and PKatuic
some
needs
*salih Restricted hamiau.
explanation.
m alih
<
*pa-, Chru salih, W. Cham halih. W. and Cham. (Chru) *samaw 'prompt; on time', Jarai (Lee) hamau, Chru sam? -f, Haroi Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. Rade
'trade',
to Highlands
Chamic
*samu Rade (Tharpe) hamo, Rade (Lee) 'compare; comparable', N. PR Cham hamo, (Lee) hmu. Roglai (Lee) sam?, *sana 'roast; parch', Jarai (PL) han?, Jarai (Lee) ha na, Chru sana 'fry', sana -n, Haroi nana, W. Cham hana (first syllable N. Roglai atypically PR
retained),
Cham
Wr.
hana,
Cham
han?.
anal k?? -i, Jarai (PL) ha nal ak??, Jarai (Lee) 'pillow', sanan. to Highlands Chamic. N. Restricted hanal, Roglai *sanig 'think', Rade han?g; m?n, Chru sa na g, N. Roglai sin?g, Haroi *sanal
hanlg,
W.
Cham *saraw
Rade
sana
'sting,
to Highlands
Restricted
*sarum
g -i, PR
Cham
hurt',
Chamic
'sheath-like',
Chru
sahig sr?u,
-i, Wr. N.
Cham
sanig.
Roglai
sarau,
W.
Cham
hrau.
andW. Cham. Jarai
(Lee)
hrum
'scabbard',
Chru
srum
?, Haroi
har?m, PR Cham har?m, Wr. Cham harum; MK: Bahnar (AC) co rum. Although the final nasal is a complete mismatch, Malay sarung comes tomind. *satuk 'boil; cook', Rade t?k, Jarai (PL) hatuk, Jarai (Lee) hat?k, Chru stu? 'boil', N. Roglai satu? 'boil', Tsat tu?24,Haroi ato?, W. Cham t??, PR Cham tuk; hatuk; MK: Bahnar (AC) hat?k. *sijaw 'hammock', N. Roglai sijau, Haroi asiau. lands Chamic plus Haroi.
hat??; t??,Wr. Cham
Restricted
to High?
*sukat 'cork; stopper', Rade k?t, Jarai (PL) hak?t, Jarai (Lee) hak?t -v, Chru ska?, N. Roglai suka? -v 'poke in; insert'. Restricted toHighlands Chamic. *tagak -f 'cleaver', Rade kag?? 'small bush knife', Jarai (Lee) tag??, Chru tagak -f 'bushknife (long curved handle)', N. Roglai tagak -f 'bush knife', Wr. Cham
(AC) taga?; MK: Bahnar
(AC) tagak.
*tamaha
345
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
tuwan
Acehnese
in-law',
'parent
kamha,
Jarai
'also an address
term',
-mf,
tarn aha, Haroi cahma
(Lee) tahma; tahmua, N. Roglai W. Cham tarn aha, PR Cham (Lee) hma.
Rade
*tamut 'hammer', Rade kam?t, Jarai (PL) mut, t?mut, Jarai (Lee) tam?t, Chru m?:?, N. Roglai m?:?, W. Cham mu?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. *tana:? 'fagot; bamboo strip', Jarai (PL) cana?, Jarai (Lee) tana? 'fagot',
PR
Cham
can?
tan?;
?, Wr.
tanak.
Cham
'deaf, Rade kag?l, Jarai (PL) t?gll; t?gal (N), N. Roglai (dan), Tsat (ga33) gin33 v?, W. Cham tagoh -f, PR Cham tag?h -fv,Wr. Cham tagaurj. *tapa? 'lie full length', Rade kap??, Chru tapa? 'standing upright', W. *tagal
Cham tap?? also *tarah
to Highlands
'sit up'. Restricted cut
'trim;
up;
to
Chamic plus W. Cham.
Jarai
sculpture',
'to
trah
(Lee)
N.
sculpture',
Roglai tarah, PR Cham tar?h, Wr. Cham tarah. *tasa? 'ripe; cooked', Rade kas??, Jarai (PL) tasa?, Jarai (Lee) tasa?, Chru tasa?, N. Roglai tisa?, Tsat sa?24, Haroi casa?, W. Cham tas??, PR Cham tath??,
Wr.
tathak.
Cham
*thu 'dry', Acehnese tho, Rade thu, Jarai (PL) thu, Jarai (Lee) thu, Chru 'to thu, N. Roglai thu; pathu dry', Tsat thu33,Haroi thou,W. Cham thu, PR Cham thu,Wr. Cham th?. Chru
'dance',
*timiya
N.
tamia,
Roglai
-v, W.
timiya
Cham
tamanea,
PR Cham tamya; mya, Wr. Cham tami?; mi?. *tiya:p
N. Roglai
run
'chase,
after',
Acehnese
tia:?, Haroi teau?, PR Cham 'full,
*trey
satiated',
Rade
ti??
Rade
tiyuiap,
-fv, Chru
tia:u?,
tyaw?, Wr. Cham tiap.
trei,
Chru
trai, N.
Roglai
trai, Tsat
tsia33
v?,
troi -1,W. Cham tray, PR Cham tr?y,Wr. Cham tr?y. *tuh 'change; metamorphose', Jarai (PL) tuh, Jarai (Lee) tuh, N. Roglai tuh, Haroi toh 'give birth (animals)'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic and, pos?
Haroi
sibly, Haroi. *tuh Roglai
'pour', Rade tuh, Jarai (PL) tuh, Jarai (Lee) tuh, Chru tuh, N. Haroi tuh, catoh; toh, W. Cham tuh, PR Cham t?h,Wr. Cham tuh. >
'follow'
*tuy
to',
'according
Rade
tui
hlue
hlue
'according to', Chru tui 'according to', N. Roglai namese, W. Cham tui 'according to, with', PR Cham
'imitate,
copy,
follow',
theu -v 'follow'
< Viet?
tuy 'suivre', Wr. Cham
tu?i.
*tuy 'to follow', dorn, tuy,Wr.
Haroi Cham
toi
dir.
v.
only
Rade tui hlue, Jarai (PL) tui, Chru tui, N. Roglai occurs
as
an
auxiliary
verb,
W.
Cham
tui, PR
theu; Cham
tu?i.
*tuy 'to mate', Chamic plus W. Cham.
Chru tui; tu:?,W. Cham
tui.
Restricted
to Highlands
346
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
tuirho? -m, Rade kadl?k, Jarai (Lee) *taglak 'choke; cough', Acehnese tagl?k, Chru targla?, Haroi catlla?. *wah 'to fish', Rade wah, Jarai (PL) wah, Jarai (Lee) wah, Chru wah 'fish with pole', N. Roglai wah, Tsat va55, Haroi w?? -f 'hang on a hook', W. Cham wah, PR Cham w?h, Wr. Cham wah *wah 'weave; twist', Rade (Lee) wah.
(Lee) wah, Jarai (Lee) wah, N. Roglai
(Lee)
wah, PR Cham
*wag 'sickle', Rade w?g kuok 'hoe', Chru wag, N. Roglai wak 'blade for weeding', Haroi w?g, W. Cham w?g, PR Cham w?g, Wr. Cham wag; MK: Bahnar (AC) u?g. *yah Wr.
Cham
take apart', Haroi yiah, W. Cham yah, PR Cham y?h,
'destroy;
yah.
'yoke', Chru yau, W. Cham yau, PR Cham y?w, Wr. Cham yuw. 'to to use', Rade (Tharpe, Egerod) yua, Haroi yua. Restricted *yua Highlands Chamic. *yow
2.
Words
Borrowed
After
the Breakup
of PC
contains lists of forms borrowed into Chamic languages after the In addition to the continued borrowing of MK forms throughout of PC. breakup the history of the Chamic languages, there were also contributions of loanwords
This
from
2.1
section
two main
sources
of
cultural
influence:
India
and Arabia.
Of Indie origin
layer of Indie borrowings in insular Southeast Asia seems to date back a little over two thousand years. As discussed earlier in this work, Indie loan?
The oldest
words are found in the earliest Indie inscriptions and six forms that reconstruct the PC level have proposed Indie etymologies.
x*?asar
'seed',
Rade
as?r
-1, Jarai
(PL)
asar,
Tsat
sa?42
-f, Haroi
to
as?l
'grain', W. Cham
s?r, PR Cham ath?r, Wr. Cham asar; MK: PMnong *gg?r ?, *ggar. [? < Indie, cf. Sanskrit saara. It is unclear if theMK forms
PSB (Efimov) listed are related.]
x*?aseh 'horse', Rade aseh, Jarai (PL) aseh, Jarai (Lee) ?aseh, Chru N. aseh, Roglai aseh, Tsat se33, Haroi as?h, W. Cham seh, PR Cham ath?h, Wr. Cham asaih; MK: PNB *aseh; MK: PMnong *?aseh, PSB (Efimov) *?ase:h, PKatuic *?aseh. [< ? Indie; Headley, #2.2; cf. Sanskrit ashva]
Appendix
II: The Chamic
347
Lexicon
x*bih 'poison; venom', Jarai (Lee) bih, Chru bih, Haroi phlh, PR Cham Wr. Cham bih. [< Indie; Headley, #2.9; cf. PIE *visa]; MK: PKatuic (DT) pih, *piih. (Durie) *bijeh, Acehnese bijeh, Rade mjeh, x*bijeh 'seed', P-Acehnese Jarai Jarai (PL) pajeh; bajeh (S), (Lee) paj?h -? -i, Chru pajeh, N. Roglai bijeh, Tsat se55, Haroi pasih, W. Cham pa?eh 'seed for planting', PR Cham pa?eh, Wr. Cham pajaih -i, Malay form is from Sanskrit]
to Coope,
[? < Indie cf. Sanskrit; according
biji.
this
x*kapa:s 'cotton'. MK < Indie ?; Headley, #2.1; Hindi; Sanskrit kar Note: this as a There is, so far, no PC internal grounds for designating paasa; borrowing. Incidentally, Lee's apparent reconstruction of length in the onset syl? lable is simply a mistake, more than likely simply a typing mistake. Much ink has been spilled discussing
this form and its origins.
x*radeh 'vehicle', Rade edeh, Jarai (PL) radeh, Jarai (Lee) radeh, Chru radeh, N. Roglai radeh, Tsat the11, Haroi lathih, W. Cham rateh, PR Cham rite h -v; rateh -v, Wr. Cham rideh, radeh; MK: PMnong *randeh, PSB (Efimov) [? < Indie; Headley,
*rande:h.
#2.8; Sanskrit
ratha]
For these six, it is likely that they were already in the Austronesian developed into Chamic.
language that
The remaining Indie loans clearly postdate that period, as may one or two of the forms above now reconstructed to PC. For some of the words listed below,
Indie
are
languages
as
suggested
the
source.
In most
cases,
it is clear
that
the words are borrowings and in some but not all cases it appears that the ultimate source was an Indie language. However, it is not likely that the Indie language itself was always the immediate donor. Instead, it is likely that some of these forms
were
borrowed
from
other
Austronesian
languages
of
the
area,
such
as
Malay.
x?ama(:)s 'gold' ,Acehnese muih, muiih (long), Rade mah (short), Jarai (PL) mah, Jarai (Lee) mah, Chru mi:h (long), N. Roglai m?h, Tsat ma33 (long), Haroi mah, W. Cham mih, PR Cham mih (short), Wr. Cham mih (short), Malay ?mas, mas; MK: PNB *mah, PMnong *mah, Bahnar (AC) mah- [< ?]. In addi? tion to its apparent resemblance to Sanskrit hema-; heman (Headley, #4.5), it looks remarkably like Chinese, Chinese kim, Mandarin jin. x?amrec
'pepper;
hot',
cf. Baxter
Rade
(1992:768) Old Chinese
amrec
-v, Chru
amre?
-f, N.
*krjin, Middle
Roglai
amre?
'red pepper', Haroi amr?k 'red pepper shaker (bamboo tube)', W. Cham mr?? f, PR Cham amr?? -f; mr?? -f, Wr. Cham amraik; mraik; MK: Bahnar (AC)
348
Appendix
amre, PSB (Efimov) *mre?, PKatuic #2.7; Sanskrit marica]
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
[? < Indie; Headley,
*pa[r/rh]i?, *pa[r/rh]i?.
xja:l 'casting net', Acehnese juia, Rade jal, Jarai (Lee) jal, Chru ja:l 'conical net', N. Roglai jan,W. Cham cal, PR Cham c?l -1,Wr. Cham jal, Malay jala; MK: Bahnar (AC) j?l; jol. [< ? Indie; Headley, #2.6; Sanskrit jaala] xja:g 'to guard; gate (way)', Acehnese jaga < Malay, Rade gak -i, Chru < N. cf. Sanskrit Roglai ja:k, Malay jaga. [? Indie, ja:g, (according to Coope)] -f
xmana:s
anu? h
boh
Acehnese
'pineapple',
xmanus -f 'man; person', manih
Chru
Rade manuih,
N.
'person',
Roglai
teinan
Rade
'pineapple',
-i, Jarai
f; rina:t -f, Malay nanas. [ < Portuguese were introduced from South America] >
xnagar
(independently Cham
nak?r
-i, Malay make
spondences
xlagar
'country;
borrowed
[< Indie this
that
form
Acehnese
area',
cf.
Sanskrit a
was
(Lee)
rup,
Chru
-f, N.
ru:p
The
nagara].
post-PC
<
-
ina:t
Pineapples
*-i
'country'
laga, W. corre?
irregular
borrowing.
rupa, Rade
-f 'body',
ru:p
Roglai
naggroa
[? <
Roglai
ia lagar, N. Roglai
Chru
xrupa 'form; image; body', Acehnese Jarai
N.
panan,
*-s, W.
manusia.
apparently by way of Hindi.
into Acehnese),
n?geri.
it clear
city;
(Lee)
Jarai (Lee) -v <
manlh
-f, Haroi
Cham m anus -f, PR Cham minuyh -f,Wr. Cham minuis -f,Malay Indie; Headley, #2.4; Sanskrit manus, manushya, manusha] x~na:n
[ < Portu?
Jarai (PL) manuih,
man?ih
-f, W.
nanas.
-f, PR Cham minan, Wr. Cham minah, Malay guese, apparently by way of Hindi]
manuih,
manaih
-f, Chru
Cham manas
rup, Jarai (PL) rup,
Haroi
rup
-fl
W.
'picture',
Cham
rup -f, PR Cham rup -f,Wr. Cham r?p, Malay rupa; MK: PSB (Efimov) Note that this is an Indie loanword; the PSB is borrowed from Chamic. [< *ru:p. Indie; Headley, #2.3; cf. Sanskrit r?pa] 'sound;
xsap
voice;
Rade
language',
s?p
'hear;
obey;
tape-recorder',
Jarai (PL) s?p; hi?p, Jarai (Lee) s?p, Chru sap -f 'voice, sound', N. Roglai ?p
-f), Tsat
Wr. Cham
se?24,
Haroi
s?p
-f, W.
sap. [? < Indie; Headley,
Cham
s?p
#2.n;
-vf,
Sanskrit
PR
Cham
-f, cf.
s?p
(s-an
ch?p
-f,
shabda]
xtara 'sky', PR Cham tara,Wr. Cham tara. This form may (ormay not) be related to PSB *tru:? and PMnong *tr?k. If so, the phonetics of the Chamic forms may eventually provide clues as to which language was the donor. [? < Sanskrit
tara;
a Sanskrit
source
exclusive with
sarily mutually is clear is that it is a borrowing.] x*yuan
man?ih
-v
'Vietnamese',
has
also
theMK
Rade
been
proposed,
suggestion.
yuan
a
suggestion
not
neces?
In all this, the one thing that
-v, Chru
manih
Yuan,
N.
Roglai
yuat, Haroi yun, W. Cham Yuan, PR Cham yon, Wr. Cham yuan; MK:
II: The Chamic
Appendix
349
Lexicon
PNB *yun, PSB (Efimov) *'yyuan. [? < Indic; Headley, #2.10; Sanskrit yavana This last proposed Indic etymology 'barbarian, Greek']. is, at the very least, speculative.
In the literature Indic etymologies that can now be shown to have Austronesian
have been proposed
for two forms
origins.
*phit 'bitter; bile', cf. Sanskrit pitta., see Acehnese phet, Rade phi?, Jarai (PL) phi?, Jarai (Lee) phi?, Chru phi:?, N. Roglai phi:?, Tsat phi?24, Haroi phei?, W. Cham phi?, PR Cham phi?, Wr. Cham phik, Malay pahit, PMP *paqit. it has been suggested that this form is Indic in origin, the suggestion Although lacks any merit as the form is reconstructable back to PAn. *sira -i 'salt', Acehnese sira, Rade hra, Jarai (PL) hra, Jarai (Lee) hra, Chru
sra, N.
Roglai
Haroi
sara,
sra
-i, W.
sra
Cham
-i, PR
Cham
sara
-i, Wr.
Cham
sar?, PMalayic *sira, PMP *qasiRa. Aymonier and Cabaton suggested Sanskrit source for this form but it now can be established as Austronesian.
2.2 Even
Of Arabic
origin
the earliest Arabic
butions. None borrowings
a
contributions
are much
later than the earlier Indic contri?
of them reconstruct
as widely
to PC, nor are the relatively few post-Chamic distributed as the Indic forms.
x?alak 'rice wine; liquor; alcohol', Acehnese ara? -i, Jarai (PL) ?lak, N. W. l?c Cham PR Cham al?k; l?k, Wr. -f, Roglai alak, patih -f, Cham alak, lak, Malay arak 'rice wine; liquor' MK: PSB (Efimov) *?alak. As ; Coope correctly notes, the form is a borrowing from Arabic, so the Efimov recon? struction bears closer examination. Either the PKatuic time depth is rather shal? or some the reconstruction has low, problems. [
xtalabat
'worship', Chru talbat Wr. talabat -f. [
late borrowing
'age,
e.g.
the modern
from Arabic
age',
-f, N. Roglai
talabat
Acehnese
Malay
umu,
-f, PR Cham
umur.
[< Very
umuru].
This handful of forms underplays theArabic contribution. Even a cursory exam? ination of Aymonier and Cabaton's dictionary of Cham would show a large num? ber of Arabic loanwords, but a survey of the rest of the Chamic languages would indicate that the Arabic loans were not widely disseminated.
350
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Of MK
2.3
Lexicon
(and other) origin
The overwhelming majority of the words in this section are of MK origin. Many have been provided with partial MK etymologies and many more are found restricted to the Highlands Chamic area, where the only neighbors areMK speak? ing. Only a handful of these words have been borrowed from another source, such as Malay or French. x?abual -v 'blunt; dull', Rade b?l -v, Chru bual, N. Roglai Cham bul; MK: PKatuic (DT) *p_l 'dull'. x?amiat 'fr?re
cadet
du
'uncle,
mia?
p?re',
Cham mii? (n)'uncle,
-v
amiet
Rade
aunt', Chru
N.
'maternal',
'uncle,
Jarai
aunt', mi??,
Roglai
aban -v, PR
Haroi
met
(PL) met
-v, W.
aunt', PR Cham ml? (n) 'paternal', Wr. Cham mik.
x?amuan
see
x?anro:g
'carry
xkamuan (two
objects
a
from
suspended
Rade
stick)',
enog
-v,
Jarai (PL) anog; ?nog (N), Jarai (Lee) ?anog, Chru ano:g, N. Roglai anro:k, Tsat nog33, Haroi anog, W. Cham nog 'carry with pole (shoulders)', PR Cham anog, Wr. Cham anaug; MK: PNB *t?g 'carry on pole', Bahnar (AC) anog, PSB (Efi? mov)
*tu:g
on
'carry
-f
x?anrog PR
Cham
aro?, Wr.
pole'. 'toad',
Jarai
Cham
arauk.
(PL)
N.
ajl-?ro?,
anro?
Roglai
aro?
-f, Haroi
-f,
x?i?w 'left (side)', Rade di?u -iv, Jarai (PL) lau, Jarai (Lee) ?ieau -v, Chru iau, N. Roglai iau, Tsat taii?42 -iv, Haroi eau, W. Cham iu, PR Cham iw, Wr. Cham iw; MK: PNB *haqew, PMnong *ki?w, PSB (Efimov) *'giaw. 'bamboo
x?jraw Chru
ira:u
sp.',
-1 'thornless,
?rau < *jr- 'thornless, *ka[l/lh]a:w,
Rade
drau
'thornless
long-sectioned',
N.
long-sectioned',
PR Cham
Roglai
bamboo',
long-sectioned ?jrau,
Haroi
?jrau, W.
Cham
PKatuic
(Lee) ?jaw, draw,
*3a[l/lh]a:w.
gluih; jluih, Jarai (PL) ?jru?h, Jarai x?jruah 'barking deer', Achenese (Lee) ?jruah, Chru iruah 'barking deer', N. Roglai ?juah, Haroi ?jroah 'barking deer', W. Cham ?joah 'mouse de er', PR Cham ?jrw?h, Wr. Cham ?jruah. 'morning;
x?am-xagu?h
dawn',
Rade
im
'early',
aguah
'morning';
magac 'light, morning', Jarai (PL) maguah, guah, Jarai (Lee) maguah, Chru a:m -1, gu?h, N. Roglai mugu?h; gu?h, Haroi am. Both forms are restricted in their distribution
to Highlands
x?amra:k
'peacock',
Chamic
plus Haroi;
Acehnese
muira?
both forms contain loan phonemes. -v, Rade
amrak,
Jarai
(PL)
amr??,
Chru amr?:?, N. Roglai amra:?, Haroi amra?, W. Cham mra?, PR Cham mra?; amra?, Wr. Cham amrak; mrak, Malay m?rak; MK: PMnong *brak, Bahnar (AC) amra, PSB (Efimov) *bra:?, PKatuic *ria?.
-vf
xaguat
'jew's
aguat -f 'Jew's harp'. -f
xbamo:g
351
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
harp',
Restricted 'banana
(Tharpe) mamog, N. Roglai
Rade
aguat
to Highlands
blossom',
Rade
-v
'one
string
instrument',
mog
'stalk
of
bananas',
bumo:k -f, Haroi pa mug, PR Cham
xbaram -i 'light (fire)', Rade found in the highlands languages.
Chru
Chamic.
r?m, Chru param
Rade
(Lee) mo? -f.
-i, Tsat zan11. Only
xbay 'basket, kind of, Rade bai, Jarai (PL) bai, Jarai (Lee) bai, Chru ba:i (large, round), N. Roglai bai, Haroi bai; phiai, W. Cham pai (kep), PR Cham pay; hapay, Wr. Cham bai; MK: Bahnar (AC) bai. xbiam -lv 'crop (of bird)', Rade bi?m 'goiter', Jarai (PL) bem (Ouest); (DT) *phl_m 'crop, craw', PKatuic *biam 'craw of fowl'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
MK:
PKatuic
Chamic.
xbo 'empty', Rade (Tharpe) bo, Jarai (Lee) bo. Restricted [The vowel indicates aMK origin]
to Highlands
xbu:r -f 'soup', Acehnese bu 'rice, Rade bur -f, Jarai (Lee) bur, Chru bu 'porridge', N. Roglai bu, Haroi phu -f 'cooked rice', W. Cham pu, PR Cham pu f,Wr. Cham b?, Malay bubur 'broth', PMP *buRbuR;MK: PSB (Efimov) *po:r 'gruel, soup'. Although quite irregular reflexes.
this form is also found in PMP, within Chamic
it has
xbube 'goat; sheep', Rade be, Jarai (PL) be, babe (S), Jarai (Lee) babe, Chru pabe, N. Roglai mube, Tsat phe11, Haroi phi, W. Cham pape, PR Cham pape
'goat';
PMnong
papo
'sheep',
Wr.
Cham
pabaiy
*be, PSB (Efimov) *babe:, PKatuic
'goat';
*?b[e/e]:,
pabauh;
MK:
PNB
*babe,
*?b[e/e]:?.
xbum -vl 'blind', Rade bum -1, Jarai (PL) bom; bum, Jarai (Lee) bum; bom
Blood)
-v, Chru
bo:m
mata
-vl, N.
Roglai
bu:p
-1, Haroi
phum
-1, PR
Cham
(Lee,
bom 'night blind'.
x?a? -i 'carry on back', Rade ???, Jarai (PL) ???, Jarai (Lee) b?? -i, Chru ba? -i, N. Roglai ba? -i, Haroi ??? 'carry in carrying cloth', W. Cham p?? -i, PR Cham p??, Wr. Cham bak -i; MK: PNB *p?q ?, PMnong *ba?, PMalayic *ba? 'carry'. The irregularities in the Chamic forms plus existence of the two Bah? naric forms mark the word as MK; thus, the PMalayic form looks to be bor? rowed.
x?ag 'table', Chru ?a:g, N. Roglai ?ag -f, Haroi ba:g -?-vr; MK: (Efimov) *b?(o):g. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. x?ig 'we', '(incl.)', PMnong lands Chamic.
PSB
Jarai (PL) ?ig-, Haroi big sia 'other'; MK: PNB *(q)b?n *b?n, PSB (Efimov) *ba:tn 'we (incl.)'. Restricted to High?
352
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
blag 'rice field, rice growing x?lag 'plains, delta; yard', Acehnese cultivated Chru flood ?la:g 'yard', N. Roglai ?la:k, W. Cham ?lag plain', plain, Wr. PR Cham Cham ?lag; MK: Bahnar (AC) blag; balag, ?lag, 'plains, delta', PKatuic
*traaji 'field, plain'. x?lit see x(ma)klit
x?luar -f 'to tell a lie', Rade luar -v, Jarai (PL) ?lar, Jarai (Lee) ?lor -v; blor -v, Chru lar -i, N. Roglai la -i, PR Cham (Blood) ??r -f 'slander'. x?uan -ivf 'island', Jarai (PL) ?ul (Ss), Chru bu:t -ivf pala:u, N. Roglai PR ?on 'island; small hill', Wr. Cham ?uan. Cham ?uat, x?uh 'see', Rade ?uh, Jarai (PL) ?uh, Jarai (Lee) ?uh, Chru ?uh, N. Roglai ?uh, Tsat ?u55, Haroi ?5h -vr,W. Cham ?oh -v, PR Cham ?oh; ?oh -v,Wr. Cham ?oh; MK: Bahnar (AC) b?h.
Cham
cay, Wr.
trai? -f, PR
Jarai (PL) cai, Chru ca:i -f, N. Roglai
xca:i -f 'sap; resin', cai.
Cham
xcabi? 'sack', Jarai (PL) cabl? (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) cabi?, Chru sabi:?, PR Cham capi?; kapi?, Wr. Cham cabik; kabik. xcagam 'handspan', Rade kagam, Jarai (PL) cagam, Jarai (Lee) cagam 1,Chru sagam, N. Roglai cagap 'thumb to middle finger', Tsat kha:gn ?-l, Haroi 'measure
cakhiam
-1,Wr.
cakam
Cham
xcagow jagau,
Chru
to middle
thumb
from
W.
finger',
Cham
-1, PR
cakam
Cham
cagam.
bear',
'Malaysian 'black
sagau
bear',
N.
Acehnese Roglai
cagea, Rade Haroi
cagau,
Jarai (PL)
kag?u, cakhiau,
W.
Cham
du? 'black bear', PR Cham cak3w, Wr. Cham caguw; MK: PMnong *cak?w, Bahnar (AC) ?ag?u, PSB (Efimov) *'jrakaw. This word for 'bear' is found throughout Southeast Asia. Probably originally aMK word.
cakau
xcada:g; xrada:g 'crack open', Rade kadag 'split, divide', Jarai (Lee) cadag, Chru cada:g; sada:g, N. Roglai cada:k, Haroi cadag, PR Cham rad?g mi, Wr.
Cham
radag.
xcadog N.
Roglai
Cham *kando:g,
cadok
-f
'flat
-f
cadaug; MK:
basket',
'large,
round
PMnong
Chru basket',
*d?g
cadog
round
'large,
Haroi
'winnowing
cadog,
PR
basket',
basket',
winnowing Cham
cadog
PKatuic
-1,Wr.
*kadug,
*3adug.
xcaku:g 'carry (several)', Rade kakug, Jarai (PL) cSkug (Pk), Jarai (Lee) cakug, Chru sako:g, N. Roglai caku:k, Haroi cakog 'two carry something heavy on a stick over the shoulders', W. Cham cakog, PR Cham cakog; takog, Wr. Cham cakog; MK: Bahnar (AC) cakug; cokag ?, PKatuic *caka:g 'carry on pole'.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
353
Lexicon
xcana:g 'furniture; bed', Jarai (PL) canag, Jarai (Lee) canag, Chru cana:g, N. Roglai can?g, W. Cham canig 'wooden bed', PR Cham tanig -i,Wr. Cham tanig 'bed'; MK: PSB (Efimov) *'cA:g 'bed'. cante?, Wr. Cham (AC) cantik, Malay 'beautiful', Acehnese is a late borrowing from Malay into both Cham and Acehnese.
xcantik cantik. This
xcaguar -f 'flat basket', canua
-f, Chru
cagua
Haroi
basket',
nowing
-gf
basket
'winnowing W.
cagoa,
-f, Jarai (Lee)
Rade kaguor, Jarai (PL) cSgua Cham
N.
(pointed)', -vf
cagoa
'win?
cagu?
Roglai
'winnowing'.
xcap 'bundle, tie', Rade cap, Jarai (Lee) c?p, c?? -f ca? -f 'of chignon', Chru ciau? ?i, Haroi c?u? 'to tie', W. Cham cau?, PR Cham (Lee) c??,Wr. Cham (AC) cap. xcata?see
xtatuh
xch-an-ar,
'dibble
cf.
stick',
xchar
cf. cha; chana? kalai Roglai these terms to Highlands Chamic. chana
Haroi
'plant
with
digger'.
'posthole
Chru
stick',
Note
N.
ca?ar,
the restriction
xchar -f 'gong', Rade char, Jarai (PL) car, Chru sa:r, N. Roglai sal, PR Cham char, Wr. Cham char; MK: Bahnar (AC) car.
of
cha,
xcho? 'scoop up; ladle out', Jarai (PL) so? ia, Jarai (Lee) s5?, Chru so? ia 'dip water', N. Roglai cho? (ia), W. Cham ch??, PR Cham ch5?, Wr. Cham jhauk; MK: Bahnar (AC) kh. chak. xchum
-1 'pants;
chum
Rade
clothes',
-1 cf.
chi?m
Jarai
'cloth',
sum glog (Mod.), Jarai (Lee) som -v, Chru sum pha -1, N. Roglai cupha Cham capa -v 'trousers'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. xchap 'dirty', Rade cho?, Chru sau?, N. Roglai soc
-fv groe,
PR Cham
xchar
'plant
tasow?, with
Wr.
Cham Chru
stick',
Chru
ciam
-1, N.
'feed; Roglai
Rade
nourish', ciap,
N.
clem
cha
Roglai
Chamic
ce am, W.
Haroi
-f,W. Cham
tica?; magap
tasap. car,
restriction of these items to the Highlands xciam
(PL)
-1,W.
Wr. Cham ciem, PSB (Efimov) *siam, PKatuic
chana.
Note
the
languages. Jarai
-v; meiern, Cham
cf.
kiam
*hace:m,
(Lee)
-iv, PR
[pa] Cham
cem
-v,
ciem
-v,
*?ace:m.
xciag 'carry on side', Rade cleg, Jarai (PL) cieg -v, Chru ce:g -v, Haroi ce g -v,Wr. Cham (AC) qag. xcreh
'mark;
draw
line',
cf.
'write;
draw',
Rade
treh
'make
lines',
Jarai
(Lee) creh 'to strike', PR Cham cr?h, Wr. Cham craih. xcrih 'strange; unusual', crlh, Wr.
Cham
crih.
Chru crih crag, N. Roglai
ctih -n, PR Cham
354
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
xcroh 'stream, creek', Rade crok -f, Jarai (PL) croh, Jarai (Lee) croh, Chru croh, N. Roglai croh, Haroi caroh, W. Cham croh, PR Cham croh, Wr. Cham
crauh.
xcu:r 'lime (for betel)', Rade c?r -f, Jarai (PL) c?r, Jarai (Lee) cur, Chru cu:r, N. Roglai cu, Haroi col, W. Cham cu -f, PR Cham cur,Wr. Cham cur; MK: PSB (Efimov) *cu:r. xcum 'kiss; smell', Acehnese com, Rade (bi) ??m, Jarai (PL) cum, cum 'nose Jarai Chru bacum, kiss', N. Roglai cum -f, Haroi com, W. (Lee) cum, Cham cum, PR Cham c?m, Wr. Cham cum, Malay cium 'kiss, smell' MK: PNB ; *tach?m, PMnong *c?m, PSB (Efimov) *cum 'nuzzle'. -vf 'squeeze; grasp', Acehnese (Pk), Jarai (Lee) capa? 'to knead',
jupat -i, Rade kap?t, Jarai (PL) Chru capa?, N. Roglai capa?,
xcupa/et k?pit, Haroi
capit capa?,
W.
Cham
-f.
cap?t
xcu?uay; xtu?uay 'lips; gums', cf. 'beak', Rade ka?ue, Jarai (Lee) ca?uai; ta?uai; tabuai; sa?uai, Chru sa?uai, N. Roglai cu ?uai; cubuai, Haroi ca??ai, W. Cham ca?uai, PR Cham caboy, Wr. Cham ca?uai; MK: PKatuic *ha?bar, *tam?bar 'lips' ? [cf.Malay bibir]. dhoi < *-l, Rade dhul 'fog, mist,
xdhual/r -f 'dust; fog, mist', Acehnese vapor',
Chru
thul
-v, N.
Roglai
Cham dhur -v. [The vowel xdian
-v, W.
indicates aMK
Rade
'candle',
thun
pui
di?n,
th?l
Cham
-v, PR
th?r
Cham
-vf, Wr.
origin] dian
Chru
-v, N.
Roglai
then?42,W. Cham tian, PR Cham tien, Wr. Cham dien, Malay (DT) *taen.
di?n
-f, Tsat
dian; MK: PKatuic
xdriaw 'exclaim; acclaim', Jarai (PL) dreu, Haroi triau, PR Cham triew, [The vowel indicates aMK origin]
Wr. Cham driew. xdran
-if
trtin 'benumbed;
'numb',
asleep
cf.
xnran
-if, Chru
drin
-v, N.
Roglai
diin
-vf, Haroi
(foot)', PR Cham tr?n,Wr. Cham dran.
xdap -ifv 'hide', Rade due? d?p -fv, Jarai (PL) kad?p, pad?p; bad?p 'quelque chose', Jarai (Lee) (pa)dop -fv, Chru padau?, N. Roglai da?; pada? -i; kada:? -v, W. Cham patau?; tau?, PR Cham thow?; pakadow? cacher dans un endroit secret; pa?ow?; kadow?; kawa?, Wr. Cham thap; p?gadap; gadap ?tre cacher; kawak, Malay
?ndap.
xdaw 'all', Chru dau so far, both Highlands Chamic xdel
'shallow',
den; MK: PMnong
'at all', Tsat ?dau33. Only found in Chru and Tsat languages;
Acehnese
*thal, PKatuic
dui a
[<MK] -i, Rade
*[h/s]andial,
edal
-v, Chru
del,
N.
Roglai
*[p/b]a?di:l.
xdig -f 'tube; pipe (for smoking)', Rade dig, Jarai (PL) dig, Jarai (Lee) dig; dig, Chru dig -1,N. Roglai dit -f, Haroi dig, W. Cham dig v? ?ju? 'pipe'; dig
Appendix
II: The Chamic
355
Lexicon *qd?g 'bamboo
tju?, PR Cham dig, Wr. Cham dig; MK: PNB *dig, Bahnar (AC) dig, PSB (Efimov) *dig.
PMnong
pipe',
'glutinous rice', Rade dio?, Jarai (PL) dia?? ?, Haroi diu?, W. to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi and W. (Headley) /diau?/. Restricted xdiap
Cham Cham.
xdoh 'flow; run off, Rade doh, N. Roglai doh 'subside'. Note run flow' to two Highlands x*duac. Cf. off; 'run; languages.
the
restriction
Roglai
xdu:g 'float', Rade dug, Jarai (PL) padug; dug hie g hlo g, Chru do:g, N. du:k, Haroi dog -vr, W. Cham dog, Wr. Cham (AC) do:g; MK: Bahnar
(AC) d?g. xduan 'bamboo hat', Rade duon, Jarai (PL) hado?n, Jarai (Lee) duan v, N. Roglai duat, Tsat duat33 -f, PR Cham don, Wr. Cham don; MK: PMnong *?du?n, Bahnar (AC) duan, PSB (Efimov) *'duan, PKatuic *?duan. xdvt -v 'small', Rade diet, Haroi d?t.
Restricted
to Highlands
Chamic
plus Haroi. -lv 'tickle', P-Acehnese (Durie) *gle?, Acehnese gli?-gli? -vi, Jarai (PL) glek, Jarai (Lee) gl?k ??, Chru galek -f; glek -if, N. Roglai gilet -f, Haroi kal?k -vf, PR Cham kal?k, Wr. Cham galaik, Malay g?le te k; g?li; g?lak xgalek
'laugh'; MK: PKatuic
(DT) *-lek.
xgiam/p -ivf 'carry under arm', Jarai (PL) g?p, Chru kiap -1,N. Roglai 'clutch,
kiap Chamic,
carry
Haroi,
under
and W.
arm',
W.
Cham
kiam
-v.
Cham.
xgoh 'clean', Chru goh, N. Roglai goh; MK: restriction to closely-related Chru and N. Roglai. xgriag
'fang;
tusk',
Rade
gri?g
-v, Chru
griag,
N.
W. Cham kr?g -v, PR Cham kr?g, Wr. Cham gr?ln, PSB eye
to Highlands
Restricted
PNB
Roglai
*ragoh.
Note
giag
-f 'incisor',
(Efimov)
the
*gani:g 'fang;
tooth'.
xgrit 'dirty', Jarai (PL) grl?, Jarai (Lee) grl?, Haroi khri?; kri?,W. Cham kroc -vf, PR Cham (Lee) kri?. dloh; kloh -i, (Durie) *groh, Acehnese xgroh 'to bark', P-Acehnese N. Jarai Jarai Chru (PL) groh, (Lee) groh, groh, groh, Roglai groh, Tsat khia55, Haroi kr?h -v; krouh -v, PR Cham kro h,Wr. Cham grauh; MK: PMnong
Rade
*groh,
PKatuic xgrua?'lie
*garuah. prone'.
xgrak 'vulture; garuda', Jarai (PL) gri?, Jarai (Lee) gri?, N. Roglai gra?, Haroi kri?,W. Cham kra?? PR Cham kra?,Wr. Cham grak, Malay Garuda 'eagle of Vishnu'.
356
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
xgram -vf 'thunder', Rade gr?m, Jarai (PL) grom, Jarai (Lee) grom, Chru gram, N. Roglai gram -f, Tsat khim11 or khien11, Haroi kriam, W. Cham kram -v, PR Cham kr?m -v,Wr. Cham grurri;MK: Bahnar (AC) gram, PKatuic *garim. xgua?'lie
prone'.
xhadruam
'book', Rade hadruom hr??, Haroi catr?m; hatrum -i. Thus seems to two languages, one a Highlands this restricted far, language and the now other found in the highlands. xham -1 'greed', Jarai (Lee) ham, Chru ha:m -1 la:m, N. Roglai MK: Vietnamese th?m lam, PKatuic *ha:m 'greedy'.
ham -f;
xhanu?? -v 'right (side)', Rade hanu??, Jarai (PL) hanu??, Jarai (Lee) hanu??, Chru hanua?, N. Roglai ha nu?? (this form either indicates the original or that it was reanalyzed in Northern Roglai), Haroi form was bimorphemic, hand?,W. Cham hanui?, PR Cham han??; n??, Wr. Cham hanuk; nuk, PMP *ka wanan, *qaqay; *taqu 'right hand', Malay kanan. Note that it is possible that this form may ultimately turn out to be related to the Austronesian forms given here, and the irregularities may simply reflect the reduction of a multi-syllabic, multi-morphemic
entity to a single disyllabic
form.
xho:g -f 'wasp', Acehnese h?ag, Rade hog, Jarai (PL) hog, Jarai (Lee) hog, Chru ho:g, N. Roglai hog -f, Haroi hog, W. Cham hog; MK: PNB *og, PSB (Efimov) *?o:g, PKatuic *ha:g. xhuac 'fear', Rade hul? -f, Jarai (PL) hul? -f, Jarai (Lee) hu?? -f, Chru huai? -f, N. Roglai hue?, Haroi hw?i? -vr, W. Cham huai?, PR Cham (Blood) hoc; MK: PSB (Efimov) *rahyu:. xhuc 'whistle', Rade hoc, Jarai (PL) hoac, Chru srui:t -if, N. Roglai huai? -v, W. Cham hui?, PR Cham huyt -f, Wr. Cham huit -f; MK: PKatuic *gaho:j? *haho:j?. xhuni 'bee; honey', Acehnese hani, Jarai (Lee) hani, Chru hani; hani:g hani, W. Cham ea hani; hog, PR Cham pected final ill that primarily marks this some related forms inMalayic (Adelaar). xhama?
-ivf
Chru mahu?, N. Roglai Cham
ham?t
-f, Wr.
'hear', Rade hami?, Jarai (PL) ham!?, Jarai (Lee) hml?, hma? -v, Haroi hmak -f,W. Cham hamlt -f metial?, PR
Cham
hamit
xih 'you; thou', Rade (polite)'; MK: PNB *?h. Cham
unoa, Rade ea hanue (m), Jarai (PL) 'honey', N. Roglai hun?, Tsat ni33, Haroi hani, Wr. Cham hani. It is the unex? as a borrowing; itmay, however, have
-f.
ih 'you (sg.)', Jarai (PL) ih 'to a single person
xjam 'plate; dish', Rade jam 'dish', Jarai (PL) jam, N. Roglai (jia), W. cam -1, PR Cham cam -1,Wr. Cham jam; MK: PMnong *jam, Bahnar
(AC) jam.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
357
Lexicon
xja?u 'dry in sun', Rade ?hu madie, Jarai (PL) c???? -f, Chru sa?u -i to 'dry rice', N. Roglai ja?u padai, Haroi ca?u, W. Cham ca?u -i 'spread rice ba?u. The varies Cham Wr. first PR Cham pabu -i, inexplicably. syllable dry', Jarai (Lee) sig 'stilts', PR Cham xjhuag -n (?) 'long-legged', MK: PSB (Efimov) *jo:g 'long', PKatuic *(ha)?jog, *ga?Jog 'long'. xjia 'taxes', Rade jia, Jarai (Lee) jia, Chru ji?, N. Roglai v, PR Cham (Lee) ci.
(Lee) ch?g;
ji?, Haroi
sia -
xjo:g 'axe', Rade jog, Jarai (PL) jog, Jarai (Lee) jog, Chru jo:g, N. Roglai Tsat suog11; sog11, Haroi sug; sug, PR Cham ?og; a?og, Wr. Cham jaug; jo:k, ajaug; MK: PNB *c?g, PMnong *sug, PSB (Efimov) *su:g, PKatuic *cu[a/a]g. xjr?w 'medicine', Rade drau, Jarai (PL) jrau, Jarai (Lee) jrau, Chru jra:u, N. Roglai jrau, Tsat sia(:)un, Haroi cari?u, W. Cham cru, PR Cham cru, Wr. Cham jr?; MK: Bahnar (AC) jar?u, PSB (Efimov) *jrA:w?, PKatuic *taha:w.
*harhaw,
xjro 'large jar', Chru jro, N. Roglai Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
jro 'water crock'
(also a elf.).
xjro 'rainbow', Rade ke? ero; keft kro, Jarai (PL) ero (Se), Jarai (Lee) cro ?, N. Roglai tagalo jro, Haroi caro -vr, W. Cham cro -i. Restricted to High? lands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. xjut -fl 'small bamboo', Rade j?t, Chru Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham.
jut -il, W.
Cham
cut
-f.
xjag -vf 'become', cf. *pajag, Rade jig -v, Jarai (PL) p?gi?g, Jarai (Lee) Chru jig -v, jiag -v, N. Roglai jak, Haroi slg,W. Cham ?iag -v, PR Cham ?yag v, Wr. Cham jiag; MK: PMnong *j?g, PSB (Efimov) *jeg 'be born; become'. xkadual
'heel', Rade kadul, Jarai (PL) kadul, Jarai (Lee) kadul, Chru 'elbow', N. Roglai kaduan, Haroi kadul, W. Cham kadual, PR Cham kadol, Wr. Cham kadual; MK: PNB *kaqn?l, PMnong *kandal, PSB (Efimov) kadual
PKatuic
*gandA:l,
*gan?dA:l,
*sandual.
-f 'porcupine', Rade kasua -f, Jarai (PL) kats?a, Jarai (Lee) kasu? Chru -f, N. Roglai kasu? -f, Haroi kasoa, W. Cham kasur, PR -f, Cham kath?r, Wr. Cham kathur; MK: Bahnar (AC) gacor, PKatuic *[h/?]agkAjh, xkasu?r
kasua
*yagkA:jh. xkatri 'scissors', Rade katrei, Chru katrai -f, N. Roglai katri, Haroi W. Cham katray, Malay k?l?kati 'areca-nut scissors' from Tamil?; MK: katr?i, PKatuic *-darh[e/a/a]j, Bru kantraj.L. xkhi:n 'dare; brave', Jarai (PL) khin, Jarai (Lee) khin, Chru khin, N. Roglai khin -f, Haroi kh?n, W. Cham kh?n 'covet; desire', PR Cham khin, Wr. Cham khin, Proto-Hr?-Sedang
*khln.
358
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
xkhiag -fi 'want; desire; marry', Rade cl?g -v, Jarai (PL) ki?g, Jarai (Lee) ki?g -iv, Chru khiag -v, N. Roglai khiag -f also verbal auxiliary, Haroi ceag -i,W. Cham khin -f, PR Cham khlg, Wr. Cham khiri-kh?g; MK: PSB (Efi? mov)
desire'.
'want,
*kA:ji
xkr?m -lvn 'bamboo', Chru
-1 'large,
kra:m
Rade N.
thornless',
kram, Jarai (PL) kram, Jarai (Lee) kram, kram
Roglai
kram
-f, Haroi
Cham
-1, W.
krim -v, PR Cham krim -v,Wr. Cham krirri.
Haroi
'to cut
pa-kreau
off
xkuac
dead
-1 'pick up (handful)' Chamic plus Haroi. xkuho
man?ih
-iv
'Koho',
kuac
Rade
claw',
'scratch,
koai?
-f
PNB
;MK:
cit.
Jarai
'scrape,
*kuc. Again,
kaho
Rade
kaho
-f, Haroi
to Highlands
restricted
manih
Chru
-iv,
kuac
(Lee)
-v, N.
Roglai
cr?u 'Tring, Koho', W. Cham kaho.
kuho; man?ih
xkun -f 'fold; bundle; curled', Rade k?n, Jarai (Lee) kun 'curled', N. kun -f 'lie in a heap'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
Roglai
-f, Tsat
Rade
'grasshopper',
xkuto:k/p kutoik
to?42 ?, Haroi
katok
-f, W.
-vf, Chru kato:k
katuop
-f MK: ;
katok
Cham
-f, N. Roglai
PKatuic
xkajap 'firm; solid', Rade kaj?p, Chru kajap -f,W. Cham MK: PMnong *kalj?p. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. x?amuan
xkamuan, amuon
niece', -v, Wr.
(Efimov)
'nephew,
N. Cham
'nephew; Jarai
niece',
'nephew,
'nephew, kamon
PSB
-i,
.
-v
branches'
Rade ku?t, Chru kuit, N. Roglai
xkuit 'tangerine',
ki?u
Jarai (PL) kre?, Jarai (Lee) kreu, N. Roglai
xkri?w 'castrate',
Roglai
kamuan;
*kamo:n
(PL)
kamu?n, MK:
'nephew,
sister's aman, Haroi
amon,
PNB
*mon
niece',
?amon,
(Lee) W.
Cham
'nephew',
PKatuic
kac?p
km m uan,
Acehnese
son', Jarai
*gu[a/o]?.
Chru
kamuan, PMnong
*[s/?]amha:n,
-vf;
Rade
kamuan PR
Cham
*kamon,
*karmha:n
niece'.
xla:t 'flat', Rade lat, Jarai (PL) lat, Jarai (Lee) lat; la?, N. Roglai la:?, Haroi la?, PR Cham klet -ivf, PMnong *ralat. Headley (1976) identified the PC form as borrowed from MK, an analysis supported both by the internal irregular? ities and by the presence of the form in various MK languages. Two lookalikes, rata and Malay rata 'smooth; level' are unrelated to the PC. As Ade? Acehnese is PMP laar (p.c.) noted, the ultimate source of the Malay and the Acehnese *datar. From PMP *datar, Malay has, not unexpectedly, datar, but in addition Malay has rata, borrowed from Javanese (also descended from PMP *datar). The Malay form rata was then borrowed into Acehnese. xla?an 'cold', Rade e?t -f, Jarai (PL) ra?ot -fv, Jarai (Lee) ra?ot -fv, N. Roglai la?at, Tsat ?an33, Haroi la?a? -vf, W. Cham la??n -v, PR Cham li?n; la?n, Wr. Cham lian; laan; MK: PMnong *?lik, PSB (Efimov) *la?i:? 'cool, chill'.
II: The Chamic
Appendix
359
Lexicon
*lan 'earth' + xkliat -v '?' > 'clay', Rade l?n tliet, Jarai (PL) l?n, Chru lan klia?, N. Roglai lat matli:?. The xkliat -v '?' is restricted to Highlands Chamic.
x(li)hug 'papaya', Rade tei hug -1, Jarai (PL) hog (Pk), Jarai (Lee) hug, Chru lahog -v, N. Roglai lahog -f,W. Cham lahSg -v, PR Cham (Lee) lihog; MK: PNB *rah?g. xligiaw 'outside', Rade egau -v, Jarai (PL) r?g?a?, Jarai (Lee) ragiau, lagiau -v,W. Cham lagiu, PR Cham ligiw; lagiw; giw, Wr. Cham ligiw; lagiw; giw. [The vowel suggests aMK origin.]
Haroi
xluan -v 'to swallow', Rade lun, Jarai (PL) l?n, Chru lu?n, N. Roglai luat -v, Tsat luan33 -vf, Haroi lun,W. Cham luan -v, Malay telan, PMP *telen; *tilen; MK: PKatuic *hali:n, *halA:n. xlayuh 'shake', Rade eyuh, Jarai (PL) ray?h, Jarai (Lee) rayuh, Chru N. Roglai yuh 'wiggle', Haroi lay?h, W. Cham yuh 'chill, shivering', PR layuh, Cham y?h; r?h -i, Wr. Cham yuh; ruh; MK: PMnong *ragu 'shake', Bahnar (AC) ruh. kliat -iv, Rade ?llt 'stuck; x(ma)klit; x?lit 'sticky; pasty', Acehnese caught', Jarai (PL) ?lit, Jarai (Lee) tli? -i, N. Roglai tli:? 'in sticky rice', Haroi ?li?;MK: Bahnar (AC) klep. -f 'rich',
xmadar mada,
PR
ami?,
Chru
Cham xme?
mipa -vf
Jarai
-f, Wr.
-f, N.
(awai),
Roglai
'to cheat',
Chru
mada
-f, N.
Roglai
mid?.
Acehnese
'mother',
ame
m a dar
(Lee)
Cham
ma,
mak, Haroi
umi,
ami?
Rade
mi, 'mother;
ami?, address
Jarai
(PL)
term',
W.
Cham me?; m??, PR Cham ame?; me?, Wr. Cham maik, Malay (?)ma(?); MK: PMnong *me; *me?, PSB (Efimov) *me: 'mother, female', PKatuic *hambe:?, *?amh[e/e]?. xmray mara:i,
N.
'thread', Rade mrai, mrai;
Roglai
murai,
Tsat
Jarai (PL) mrai, za:i33,
Haroi
marai;
Jarai (Lee) mrai, Chru camroi
'string',
W.
Cham mrai, PR Cham mray, Wr. Cham mrai; MK: PNB *bray, PMnong *bray, PSB (Efimov) *bra:y 'web, thread', PKatuic *[h/s]amriaj, *pariaj, *pej. xmuar -f 'termite', Rade muor -v, Jarai (PL) mua, Jarai (Lee) mua, Chru mua, N. Roglai mua, Tsat mua33 'termite'?, Haroi moa, W. Cham mur, PR Cham mu -f,Wr. Cham m?; MK: PKatuic *kamhuar. xnran
-if
'numb',
Chru pran -i;MK: PKatuic 'silver'.
cf.
xdran
-if,
Jarai
(PL)
kron,
Jarai
(Lee)
nron
-v?,
*sabi:n.
x*gan 'money' from 'silver', Rade g?n, Jarai (Lee) g?n, cf. Tibetan dgul [This form is from the Tibeto-Burman word for 'silver'.]
360
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
xpajag -vf 'create', cf. xjag, Jarai (PL) pajig -v, Jarai (Lee) pajig Chru pajiag -v, N. Roglai pajak, Haroi pasig, W. Cham pa?iag -v.
-v,
buiruitoh -i, Rade matuh, Jarai (Lee) xpatuh 'to explode', Acehnese N. Haroi Chru partuh -r, Roglai patuh, patuh, patouh -v, PR Cham pat?h, Wr. Cham patuh; MK: PSB *bratoh, PMnong *bartoh, PSB (Efimov) *bratoh.
Roglai
xpayar -f 'to offer', Rade myar, Jarai (Lee) payar, Chru paya? -f, N. paya ga, Haroi payol, PR Cham (Lee) payai, Wr. Cham (AC) payar, cf.
Malay
bayar
'to pay'. -v
xpetrug
Rade
madrog,
to Highlands
Chamic
'rich',
*padr?g. Restricted
Haroi
-vr;
petrug
MK:
PMnong
plus Haroi.
xphaw 'gun', Rade phau, Jarai (PL) phau (modern), Jarai (Lee) phau, Chru pha:u -1 'rifle', N. Roglai phau, Haroi phau, W. Cham phau, PR Cham Wr.
phaw,
Cham
phaw.
xphug 'leper; leprosy', Rade ph?g, Jarai (PL) ph?g, Jarai (Lee) phug, N. Roglai phug -f, Haroi p?g -i. xpirak -If 'silver; money', Acehnese pira?, Rade pr?k, Jarai (PL) prak, Jarai (Lee) pr?k, Chru pria? j?n -1 (m), N. Roglai paria? (m), W. Cham parea? (m), PR Cham pary?? (m); pirak 'white', Wr. Cham pariak; birak 'white', Blust Malay p?rak; MK: PKatuic *[p/b]arha?, Khmer prak 'silver; money'. (p.c.) notes that this form is a loan inmany An MK
languages and is found in some
as well.
languages xpliar
-f
'hail',
Rade
'snow,
plier
Chru
plia
-f, Haroi
paleal,
W.
Cham
(Headley) /plia/; MK: PNB *pr?l, PMnong *pli?r, PSB (Efimov) *pliar, PWB (Thomas) *priaw, PKatuic *parhiel. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. xpra:l -vf 'strong; well', (Lee)
pr?n
-f, Chru
pram
Rade pral 'well, healthy',
-f 'strength',
N.
Roglai
pran
Jarai (PL) pran, Jarai
-f, Haroi
pral;
-f, W.
pran
Cham prin -f, PR Cham prin -f,Wr. Cham prin. (?)
xpruac
'stomach;
intestine,
large',
Acehnese
pruat,
Rade
proc
-v,
Jarai (PL) proal?, prua??, Jarai (Lee) pru?i?; pre? -f, Chru pruai?, N. Roglai para? -f; puai?, Haroi pr?ai?, W. Cham proi? -f, PR Cham proy?, Wr. Cham pruac; MK: PKatuic
*ruaj?
'instestine'.
xprus/h -vf 'to squirt', Rade pruih, Chru kapru:h, N. Roglai kapru -vf, Haroi prouh -v 'spit out', W. Cham pruh. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. xpak -fvl 'granary', Rade (Lee) pi? -v, Jarai (PL) pik -f, Jarai (Lee) pik f, N. Roglai pa:? -1. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. xraba:g
raba:k, W. Cham rabag.
-if
'bridge,
suspension',
rapo g 'canal'
Rade
-v, PR Cham
kaban
-if, Chru
raba:g,
N.
ripag; rapag, Wr. Cham
Roglai
ribag;
Appendix
II: The Chamic
xrada:g
see
xramah
361
Lexicon
xcada:g -v
emeh
Rade
'rhinoceros',
'rhinoceros
horn',
Jarai
(Lee)
ramah, Chru ramah, N. Roglai rum?h, Haroi lamlah, W. Cham ramih, PR Cham ramih, Wr. Cham ramih; MK: Bahnar (AC) ramai, PKatuic (DT) *ramaas. xramiat 'prepare; put away', Rade emiet -v, Jarai (PL) r?met pioh, Chru ramia?, N. Roglai lumia? -i, Haroi lamia?, W. Cham ramii? (n), PR Cham raml? (n),Wr. Cham ramik; MK: Bahnar (AC) ram?t, PKatuic *mian 'prepare'. xraguat 'sad', Rade eguot -v, Jarai (PL) r?got, ragua?, Jarai (Lee) ragua? Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
-v, Chru raget-f.
xrimo:g 'tiger', Acehnese rimuag, Rade emog, Jarai (PL) ramog, Jarai N. Chru ramo:g, (Lee) ramog, Roglai lum?g -i, Haroi lamug -vr, W. Cham Wr. Cham rimaug; ramaug, Malay rimau; hari ramog, PR Cham rimog; ramog, mau. This history of this word is quite unclear; Hudson reports the same word in theWest
Barito branch of his Barito
but with
the meaning
'leopard':
languages
Kapuas
of southeast Borneo,
(1967:14)
harimau, Ba'mang harimau, Ketingan and Siang horomaug. Note
haramaug, Dohoi haramaug, Murung (II) horomaug, the final velar nasal in several of these. xriya:?
-1 'wave;
Acehnese
surf',
ripple;
riyuia?,
Chru
ria:?
Tsat
'wave',
(pho11) za?24, W. Cham raya?, PR Cham raya?, Wr. Cham ray?k, Malay riak. Blust (p.c.) notes that xriak is confined to a few languages in Borneo, plus Malay and Malagasy lan? (which, of course, is a Southeast Barito subgroup of Malayic form riaka is a borrowing guages of Borneo); the Malagasy denced by it Ixl to Ixl correspondence with Malay (Adelaar).
as evi?
from Malay
ruag, Rade r3g 'upper back', Jarai (PL) xrog 'back (anat.)', Acehnese < Jarai *kChru (Lee) rog, grog r?g, 'upper back', N. Roglai tulaik turok 'back bone', Haroi r?g -vr, W. Cham rag, PR Cham rog -1,Wr. Cham raug; MK: PNB *(ka)r?g, PKatuic *[k/g]arhag; *[k/g]alhog; *[k/g]alho:g. xrua? -v 'painful', rawa?
-v
saki:?,
'sick',
PR
Cham
Roglai PKatuic
N.
Rade rua?
Roglai
rw??, Wr.
Cham
ru??, Jarai (PL) ru??, Jarai (Lee) ru??, Chru 'ache',
Haroi
r??;
ru??
-v
-vr, W.
Cham
roa?
ruak.
xruc 'pull', Jarai (PL) rot; ruh, Jarai (Lee) rue, Chru grui?; prui?, N. rui? 'set trap or bow', Haroi rui? -v, PR Cham r?y?,Wr. Cham rue; MK: (DT) *r.q 'pull up'.
xraga 'shake', Rade ega; MK: PMnong *ragu 'shake', PSB (Efimov) *ra'ggu:. Restricted to Rade. *sa xsit 'little; a few', Chru sit -If, Haroi aset -vf 'a little', W. Cham haslt
-f;
sit
-f, PR
petit'; MK: Bahnar
Cham
asit
-i, sit;
sit
(AC) to?iet, PKatuic
'petit,
peu',
*[h/s]ag?i:t.
Wr.
Cham
asit,
sit;
sit
'peu
362 ea
Rade
'gasoline',
xsag
ma?i?
II: The Chamic
Appendix
s?g,
sag, N.
Chru
Roglai
ia
Lexicon
Cham
-f, W.
sag
s?g.
xsagat 'asthma; rhinitis', Jarai (PL) bagat -i, Jarai (Lee) hagot -vi 'asthma', N. Roglai saga? 'stuffed-up nose'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.
MK] [Probably xsi?jual -v 'light (not heavy)', Rade ha?jul, Jarai (PL) ?jul; ?jhul, Jarai (Lee) ?jhul -v, Chru sa?ual, N. Roglai si?juan, Haroi ha?jul, W. Cham ?jual, PR Cham ha?jol; ?jol,Wr. Cham ?jual; ha?jaul; MK: Bahnar (AC) hajac. -iv
xsimag Cham
g -v
samo
Rade
'cement',
-i, Chru
sim?g
samag,
N.
sim?g,
Roglai
W.
[< French].
xxsisi(r) > xtasi 'a comb; hand of bananas', Rade kasi; kasir matei, Jarai (PL) tasi; tasi, Jarai (Lee) tasi; sir; si -if, Chru tasi; tasi, N. Roglai kasi; tasi, Tsat si33, Haroi casei; casei, W. Cham tasi; tasi, PR Cham tathi; tathi, Wr. Cham tathi, Malay sisir; MK: PKatuic *kaci:?; *[h/s]anci:?. The post-PC bor? Malay
xxsisi(r) form is what I assume the earliest Chamic sisir) before it underwent dissimilation).
Roglai
xsr?p 'crossbow', Jarai (PL) harau, Jarai (Lee) hra? -f, Chru sr?:u? -1,N. sr??, Haroi sr?u?, PR Cham thru?,Wr. Cham thruk.
rowing
form looked like (cf.
xsra:p -f 'tired of, Jarai (Lee) hr?p, Chru sr?p -f 'fed up with', . Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. sr?p -fv 'tired of xsr?
'debt,
Chamic
Highlands
xsroh Cham
-n?
sroh; MK:
Chru
owe',
sr?, N.
sr?, W.
Roglai
sre.
Cham
Haroi
to
Restricted
plus W. Cham. rice',
'polish PKatuic
Acehnese
*saruah
sroh;
rhoh,
Chru
Rade
'pound
rice',
W.
'pound'.
xsro:k 'fishtrap', Rade hrok, Chru sro:?, N. Roglai Highlands Chamic. xsro? -n 'subside',
sroh
hro?, Chru
sro? -n.
sro:?. Restricted
Restricted
to
to Highlands
Chamic.
xsr?h 'nest; swarm', Rade hruh, Jarai (PL) hr?h, Jarai (Lee) hr?h, Chru N. sr?h, Roglai sr?h, Haroi srouh -v; cahrouh -v, W. Cham sruh, PR Cham thr?h, Wr. Cham thruh; MK: PKatuic (DT) *sr.h, PKatuic *soh, *so:h. Note that this form borrowed into PC is only attested in Katuic thus far. xsuac extract',
Highlands
N.
'pull out', Rade
Roglai
Chamic
suai?
-f, Haroi
kasu??,
Jarai (PL) so??, Chru
s?ai?, W.
Cham
soa?
-f 'extract'.
sua? -f 'pull, Restricted
to
plus Haroi andW. Cham.
xtali -if 'flat (of large rocks)', PR Cham tali, Wr. Cham tali.
Jarai (Lee) kli -i (borrowed), Haroi calei,
-v 'corn; grain',
xtagay
363
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
tagai,W. Cham
Chru
PSB
tagai,
(Efimov)
*tagA:y.
xtatuh; xcata? 'shake (blanket); tremble', Chru tartuh, N. Roglai tatah, cata?, tata?. The first variant seems restricted to Highlands Chamic; the second occurs in coastal Chamic dialects.
W. Cham
xthaum 'visit', Rade bi tuom 'visit', Chru to:m 'meet', Haroi th?m, W. Cham torn; torn kau?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. Restricted
jin paria?, Haroi
xtlen 'money', Chru pria? jen, N. Roglai < Vietnamese
?en.
thug -f,W. Cham
xthug 'barrel', Rade th?g, Chru thug, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham.
tien
'money'.
The
other
root
thug.
sin,W. Cham
is 'silver'.
xtiog -fvl 'mynah bird', Chru tio:g ira:u, N. Roglai tiog -f, Malay tiung. This word has been independently borrowed intoMalay and Highlands Chamic.
Roglai
xtra:p 'heavy', Rade katro? -vf, Jarai (PL) trau, k?tr??, Chru tra?, N. tra:?,Haroi trau?,W. Cham trau?, PR Cham tr?? -1,Wr. Cham trak.
xtu?y 'guest; visitor; stranger', Rade tue -v, Jarai (PL) toai -v, Jarai (Lee) tuai, Chru tuai, N. Roglai thu?i -i, Haroi t?ai, W. Cham tuai, PR Cham toy, Wr. Cham tuai; MK: PNB *tamoy. xtruam -f 'trunk (of animal)', Jarai (PL) trom, Chru tro:m, N. Roglai PR W. Cham Cham trom, Wr. Cham traurri;MK: trom, trom,
trom -f, Haroi
not
'trunk'
*tam
PMnong
clear
from
gloss
sort
what
. [The
trunk
of
vowel
also
suggests aMK
origin] xtuki -v 'horn; antler', Rade ki -v 'antler (deer)', Jarai (PL) t?ki, Jarai (Lee) taki, Chru taki, N. Roglai tuki, Haroi cake -v,W. Cham take -v, PR Cham take, Wr. Cham take; MK: PNB *ake, PMnong *gke, PSB (Efimov) *gke:, PKa? tuic
*yake:,
*yaki:. see
xtu?uay xtabiat
'go
xcu?uay out;
appear',
Acehnese
kabi??
Rade
tuiblet,
'go
out',
Jarai
(PL) tabi??r Jarai (Lee) tabi??, Chru ta?ia?, N. Roglai tubia?, Tsat phia?42, Haroi caphia?, W. Cham tape a?, PR Cham tapy??, Wr. Cham tabiak. xwa:r
-fl
'stable;
pen',
Acehnese
wuia,
Rade
war
-f,
Jarai
(PL)
war,
Jarai (Lee) war, Chru wa:r 'pen', N. Roglai wa, Haroi wal, W. Cham war -1, PR Cham wal -f,Wr. Cham wal -f ;MK: PSB (Efimov) *wa:r, *wa:g 'shed, cattle pen'. xwa:s
away'.
-f
Restricted
'wipe
away',
to Highlands
Rade
Chamic.
waih
'clean
up,
Chru
wa:ih
-f
'clear
364
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
xway -f -vr 'spider', Rade w?k wai, Jarai (PL) w?g wai, Haroi wiai -vr; MK: PNB *way 'spider web'; *wey 'spider web'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. xweh -vf 'turn aside; visit along the way', Rade weh 'turn (right or we Jarai N. Haroi -f, (Lee) w?h; wlh -v, W. Cham weh left)', Roglai weh, 'dodge', PR Cham w?h, Wr. Cham waih; MK: PNB *weh 'turn aside', PKatuic *wih,
*wi:h
'turn'.
xyu:? 'descend', Jarai (PL) y?? 'ouest', y?? gah yang hrai le? ( Ouest), Jarai (Lee) y?? 'west', Haroi yo? -vr, PR Cham (Lee) yo?, PNB *j?r, PMnong *j?r. If theMK forms are related, the final -r is unexpected.
Appendix
II: The Chamic
3.
English-Chamic
A a few, 361 abdomen, 306 able, 305 about to, 320 above, 282, 326 absent, 341 acclaim, 354 according to, 345 ache, 342 after, 290, 292
the modem
e.g.
bamboo
age,
alcohol, 305, 349 alive, 290 all, 280, 354 allow, 326 341 324
amass,
and, 289, 331 ant, 303 363
antler,
348
area,
289
armspan,
321
arrive, 333 313
arrow,
ascend, 316 ashamed, 297 ashes, 289 ask, 304 assemble,
301
asthma, 338, 362 at, 288, 294 aunt, 282, 307, 350 await, 314 326
awaken,
axe,
357
small,
banana,
284
banana
blossom,
357
3 51
bank, 337 bank (river), 319 banyan, 283 bare, 339 bark, to, 355 barkcloth, 321 barking deer, 350 barrel, 363 basket, flat, 353 basket, kind of, 351 basket, large, 336 winnowing,
325
bathe, 297 be on back,
arm, 304, 330 armpit, 342 around,
349
bamboo,
basket,
363
appear,
350
sp.,
bamboo strip, 345
agitate, 341 air, 298
always,
Index
back(anat.), 361 bad, 292 bail (water to catch fish), bald, 339 balete, 283 bamboo, 358 bamboo (medium), 309
again, 318 age,
365
B
339
afternoon,
Lexicon
335
316
beads, beak, 333, 354 beam, 341 bean, 344 bear (Malaysian), 352 beat (gong), 310 beautiful, 353 because, 339 become, 357 bed, 353 bedbug, 335 bee, 356 before, 288 behind, 290, 323 belly, 306 below, 318, 334 beneath, 334 betel, 300 betel lime, 354
330
366
300
betel-nut,
328
big, 282, 302, 318, bile, 300, 349 bird, 314 bird of prey, 322 bird, mynah, 363 bite, 322 bitter, 300, 349 black, 290, 320 blanket, 323 bleed, 319 blind, 286, 351 blood, 287 blossom,
blow,
away,
blow
e.g.
282
carry carry
348
suspended
brother-in-law,
335
buffalo,
322
312
327
348
net, 358
castrate,
335
320,
337 shoulder, on side, 353 under arm, 355
casting
360
suspension,
carry
on
casket,
book, 303, 311, bough, 287 bow, a, 300, 331, 362 bowl, 278, 338, 342 bracelet, 324 brain, 317 branch, 287, 336 brave, 357 break, 327 break, to, 323 breast, 304 breath, 298
water,
objects
stick), 350 carry (wear) on head, 317 carry on back, 318, 351
356
bring, broken, 312, broom, 303
(two
carry
300
boat, 317 body, 281, 288, boil, 344 thunder, 339 bolt, to, 338 bone, 306
bridge,
cadet, 280 cage, 329 calf of leg, 285 call, 310 can, 305 carry, 310, 327, 335 carry (several), 352
blow nose, 299 blow whistle, 282 blue, 290 blunt, 350 blush, 297 boa, 323 board,
358
315
c
328 the wind,
bug, 330 bunch, 310 bundle, 317, 353,
Lexicon
bum, to, 314 burnt smell, 323 bury, 316 butt, to, 336 buttocks, 323 buy, 285
336
blow
II: The Chamic
burntrns.,
351
banana,
Appendix
cat, 298 cattle, 340 CAUSATIVE,
301
362
cement,
center, 301 centipede, 295 chaff, 319 Cham, 336 Champa, 337 change, 345 charcoal, 290 chase, 328, 345 cheap, 313 cheat,
to,
359
cheek, 326 chest, 287 chew, 297 chicken, 297 child, 281
from
a
Appendix
II: The Chamic
298
child-in-law,
324
a,
count,
307
to,
country, 348 cover, to, 318, 340 cow, 340 crab, 335 crack open, 316, 352 330
to, 360
creek, 354 crocodile, 286 crop (of bird), 351 cross, 317 314
crossover,
clay, 359 clean, 355 clear brush, 338
crossbow,
elf. for round objects, elf. long, thin objects, climb, 316 close eyes, 327 close, to, 322, 339 cloth, 277, 323 clothes, 353 clothing, 310 cloud, 320, 338 coffin, 312 coiled, 313 cold, 358
331,
crow,
285 313
a,
309
crush, 339 crust at bottom of pot, 323 cry, 310, 319 cry, to, 315 cucumber, 305 cup, 278 curled, 358 cut, 329 cutoff, 324 cut up, 345 D 311
dam,
a,
collapse,
318
dam,
to,
colorful,
336
damp, 284
comb,
362
a,
come,
dance,
297
command,
compare,
327
to,
comparable,
344
344
complete,
326
conserve,
343
contents, 281 cook, 305, 344 cooked, 345 copy, to, 345 cork, 344 com, 322, 363 corpse, 281
362
314
crossroads,
344
cleaver,
cotton, 277, 322, 347 cough, 284, 346
create,
358
to,
310
crawl,
city, 348 civette, 341 clam, 340 clap, 343 claw, 293 claw,
367
correct,
chin, 321 chipped, 312 chisel, to, 300 choke, 346 choose, 330 chop, 284, 314 churning of rapids, 333 citronella, 343 citrus,
Lexicon
312
345
dare, 357 dark, 292 dawn, 350 day, 291 deaf, 345 debt, 362 deer (Sambhur), 302 deer, barking, 350 defecate, 310 deliver, to, 320 delta, 352 descend, 306, 318, 364 desire, 296, 334, 358
368
destroy, 318, 346 dibble stick, 353 die, 298, 326 different, 286, 327 dig, 292, 315 direction, 337 dirty, 353, 355 discard, 326 dish, 278, 342, 356 disk shape, 333 dismantle, 332 distant, 291 dive, 326 divide, 341, 343 dizzy, 333 do, 285, 286, 342 dog, 281 don, 277, 312
earring, 312 earth, 296, 305, 340
earthworm,
east, 326 easy, 313 eat, 313 eat rice, 320 egg, 285 eggplant, 333 eight, 289 elbow, 357 elbow, to, 326 elephant, 340 eleven, 302 340
emaciated,
empty, 331, 351 encircle, 315 end, 326 enter, 304
321
don't,
II: The Chamic
Appendix
done, door, dove, downy
280 312 327 feathers, 286
escape, 323 eternally, 330 evening, 296
draw,
314
exclaim,
draw line, 353 295
dream, dress,
drink, to, 298 drip, 331 drool, 342 drop drop,
anchor, a,
3 54
excrement,
310
expensive,
334
explode, 360 extinguish, 299 eye, 297
337
to,
317
error,
F
294
331
drop, to, 327 drum, 330 drunk, 296 dry, 302, 324, 336, dry (weather), 323 dry in sun, 357 dry in the sun, 336 dry over fire, 343 duck, 309 dull, 350 dumb, 321 dust, 354 E ear, 307 ear of grain, 310
345
face, 313 faded, 295 fagot, 345 fall down, 294 fall into, 325 fan,
a,
fan,
to,
337 328
fang, 355 far, 282, 291 fart, 294 fast, 288 fat, 296 father, 280 fear, 356 feed, 353 fell a tree, 316 female, 340
344,
Lexicon
359
II: The Chamic
Appendix
fence, 299 fence, to, 311, fetch, 341 few, 288 few,
312
361
a,
field, cultivated, 291 fight (war), 297 fill, 335 finger, 314 fingernail, 293 finished, 280 fire, 281, 332 fire, dead, 343 firebrand, 332 firewood, 310 firm, 358 first (go), 288 firstborn, 321 fish, 282 fish scales, 339 fish trap, 331 fish, to, 346 fishtrap, 362 five, 295 flat, 304, 358 flat (of large rocks), 362 flat object, 312 flatus
ventrus,
294
flesh, 281, 329, float, 355 flour, 305 flow, 317, 355 flower, 286 flute (front flute), fly, a, 330 fly, to, 329 fog, 320, 354 fold, 326, 358 fold, to, 326 follow, 345 food, 311 foolish, 289 foot, 292 for (goal), 294 forbid, 343 forearm,
369
forever, 330 forget, 334, 336 fork of tree, 336 form, 348 formerly, 288 four, 299 fowl, 297 fox, 341 free, 331 from, 326 fruit, 285 fry, 316 full, 335, 345 furniture, 353 G garuda, 355 gasoline, 362 gate(way), 348 gather, 324 gecko, 314, 342 generous,
332
(c. teenage),
287
give, 285 glazed clay, 318 glutinous rice, 355 go, 294, 299 go home, 318 go out, 363 go past, 317 goat, 351 god, 334 gold, 347 gong, 353 gong, small, 315 good, 331, 336 gourd, 312, 328 grab, 315 grain, 322, 363 granary,
337
314
get, 341 get up, 332 ghost, 281 gibbon, 325 ginger, 295 girl
335
330
forehead, 280 forest, 291, 301,
Lexicon
360
grandchild, 315 grandchild, great, 314 grasp, 354
370
348
to,
guest, 363 guide, to, 337 gums, 354 gun, 360 H hail, 360 hair, body, half, 340,
I I (familiar), 293 I (polite), 291, 337 image, 348 imitate, 345
286 341 345
hammer, hammer,
to,
Lexicon
hole, 295, 312 honest, 307 honey, 356 honorific prefix?, 303 horn, 363 horse, 346 hot, 319, 347 house, 343, 344 how many, 338 how much, 338 hundred, 302 hungry, 295 hurt, 344 husband, 311, 343 hut, 344
grass, 330 grass (congo), 301 grass (thatch), 301 grasshopper, 358 grease, 296 greed, 356 green, 290, 298 group, 318 grow, 304 guard,
II: The Chamic
Appendix
329
277, 312
hammock, 334, hand, 304
340
IMPERATIVE, in, 287, 288
hand
362
INADVERTENT, 307 incest, 334 insect, 330 inside, 287 INSTRUMENTAL infix, 280 insufficient, 294 interior, 344
of bananas,
handful, 322 handle (knife), 318 hands on hips, 337 handspan, 352 hangup, 332 hard, 339 harvest (rice), 320 harvest,
to,
intestine,
331
hat (bamboo), 355 hatch, to, 293 have, 280 hawk, 322 he, 299 head, 309 head hair, 287 hear, 356 heavy, 363 heel, 357 here, 306 hide, 354 high, 318 hit with implement, hold, 310, 335
intoxicated,
360 large, 296
invite, 291 iron, 287 island, 301, itch, 341 itchy, 289 ivory, 311
352
J jar, large, 357 jaw, 321, 326 Jew's
310
harp,
351
Jorai, 320 jump, 338 jungle, 291, 301, just now, 283
337
Appendix
II: The Chamic
K keep, 343 kettle, 318 kiss, 354 knee, 306 knife, 278 knockdown, know, 305 Koho, 358
318
L ladder, 302 ladle, 310 ladle out, 353 lake, 287 lance, 292 land, 344 language, 348 last, 292, 332 lastborn, 332 later, 292 laugh, 339 launder, 311 lazy, 296 lead,
to,
335
leaf, 331 leak, 319 lean, leech,
340 land,
leech, water,
328 295
left (side), 350 legumes, 311 leisure, 331 lemongrass,
343
leopard, 361 leper, 360 leprosy, 360 less, 294 letter, 303 lick, 341 lid, 332 lie down, 317 lie full length, 345 lie prone, 355, 356 lie suppine, 316 lie, to tell a, 352 lift, 334 lift, to, 334
Lexicon
371
light (fire), 351 light (not heavy), 362 lightning, 339 like (prep.), 338 lime (for betel), 354 lineup, 337 lips, 333, 354 liquor, 349 little, 288, 313, 361 live, 288, 290 liver, 290 living beings, 288 lizard, 314, 342 lobster, 290 lock, to, 338 log, 300 loins, 338 long, 282 longtime, 331 long-legged, 357 look at, 337 look for, 319 loose, 341 lord, 301, 342 lose, 323 lose, to, 323, 325 louse, head, 294 love,
343
lower
part,
318
lungs, 325 lust, 334 M make, make
342 a wall,
342
Malaysian bear, 352 male, 294, 311, 332 man, 348 many, 338, 341 mark, 353 317
marrow,
marry, 358 master, 301, mate, measure,
to,
342, 343
345 to,
303
meat, 281, 329, 335 medicine, 357 meet together, 342
372
nourish, 329, 353 now, 335 numb, 354, 359
345
metamorphose,
middle, 340, 341 miserly, 339 mist, 320, 354 money, 359, 360, monkey, 293 month, 286 moon, 286 more, 296 morning, 350
363
280
residence,
much,
338,
mucus,
299
open
362
owe,
N
ox, P
341
package, 335 pain, 342 painful, 302, 361 palm, 299 palm (areca), 300
281
name,
317
narrow,
navel,
301
near,
320
neck,
332 335
necklace,
needle, negative, 277, nephew, 358 nest, 362 casting,
coconut,
palm,
292
net,
340
329
to,
naked,
287 wide, 318
359
outside,
my nah bird, 363
nail,
335
286, 312
otter,
309
muzzle,
eyes
other,
321
mute,
335
open, 328, 329 open (mouth to say sthg.), 309
341 336
mushroom,
husband,
on time, 344 one, 302 onion, 340 only, 331
mouth, 283 move, 341 move
sister's
older
315
range,
305
front, 281 offer, to, 360 oil, 296 old, 309, 339 old (people), 306 old (things), 330 older brother's wife,
mosquito, 298 mother, 359 mother (animal), 282 mountain
o ocean,
296
mortar,
Lexicon
not, 313 not yet, 338
305 311
melon, mend,
II: The Chamic
Appendix
312,
348
new, 283 nice, 331 niece, 358 night, 296, 339 nine, 302 no, 313 nose, 282, 313
313
294
340
pancreas,
pants, 353 papaya, 359 paper, 311 parch, 344 345
in-law,
parent
parrot, 337 PARTICLE, pass
over,
pasty, patch,
306, 317
359 to,
path, 291
311
321,
334
Appendix
II: The Chamic
Lexicon
pound, 328 pour, 345 pour out, 319 prepare, 361 press, 293 pretty, 331 prick, 337 prompt, 344 protect, 342 prove, 325
pea, 344 peacock, 350 peck, 322 peck (of bird), 315 peel (with a knife), 314 peel, to, 325 pen, 363 penis, 323 pepper, 347 perforated, 338 perished, 326 permit, to, 285 person, 283, 294, 301, pestle, 290 pick, 327 pierce, 312, 337, 338 pig, wild, 283 pigeon, 339 pillar, 332 pillow, 335, 344 pinch, 293 pine, 319 pineapple, 348 pipe (for smoking), 354 pit, 295 place, 326, 327 placenta, 325 plains, 352 plane,
to,
300
plank, 300 plant, 300 plant floss, 286 plant with stick, 353 plant,
a,
340
plant, to, 343 plate, 356 play, 296 pluck, 327 pocket, 321 poison, 347 poke, 324 pole, 318 polish rice, 362 poor, 313, 316 porcupine, 357 post, 318, 332 pot, 318 pouch, 321
373
348
pull, 317, 319, 339, pull out, 331, 362 pull up, 312 pus, 294 put, 326, 327 put away, 361 python, 323 Q question word, quit, 326
303,
361
338
R rabbit, 332 rain, 290 rainbow, 357 raise, 329, 334 304
ransom, rat,
305
rattan (generic?), 290 raw,
298
receive,
to,
333
red, 296 reflexive (-self), 288 reject, 326 330
remember, rescue,
304
resin, 289, 352 rest, 342 return,
318
Rhade, 329 rhinitis, 362 rhinoceros, 361 rhinoceros, hornbill, 337 ribs, 302 rice (glutinous), 355 rice (husked), 285 rice dust, 319
374
rice wine, rice,
349
scoop
295
cooked,
rice, paddy, 299 rich, 359, 360 ridge of (house, mountain), right, 310, 336 right (side), 356 right hand, 356 rim, 337 ring, 322 ripe, 345 ripple, 361 river, 324 road, 291 roast, 311, 344 Roglai, 301 roll,
289
to,
285
round,
333
rub, 343 run, 317 run after,
355
317,
361 314
salamander,
salt, 303, 349 salted, 297 salty, 297 sand, 315 sap, 289, 352 satiated, 345 337
savage,
saw,
304 to,
311
say, 325 scabbard, 344 scales (fish), 339 scar,
319
search,
separate,
343
separate
a fire,
servant,
291
343
316 294
sesame,
306
seven,
sew, 291 shade, 286 shadow, 286 shake, 359, 361 shake
(blanket),
shake
out,
363
330
shaman,
336 341
sharp, 319 352
sad, 321,
save,
345
see, 352 seed, 346, 347 seize, 315, 331 sell, 301 send, 327
share,
S sack,
to,
sculpture,
sea, 305
shaky, 341 shallow, 354
345
runoff,
335
353
up,
scrape, 324, 338 scratch, 312, 338, 358 scratch (an itch), 321 scratch (of chicken), 343
serve,
roof, 335 roof thatch, 301 room, 280 root, 283 rope, 304, 320 rotten,
II: The Chamic
Appendix
295
scissors, 357 scold, 313, 328
sharpen, shave,
281 324
shavings, 335 she, 299 sheath-like, 344 sheep, 351 shellfish, 340 shirt, 310 shoot (bamboo), 301 shoot (bow), 300 shore, 319 short time, 288 shorten, 324 shoulder, 284, 330 shrimp, 290 shy, 297 sibling, elder, 335, 344 sibling, younger, 280
Lexicon
II: The Chamic
Appendix
Lexicon
sick, 302 sickle, 346 side, 337
sister's
358
son,
spherical shape, 333 spicy, 319 spider, 364 spill, 319 spin, 342 spirit, 286, 334 spit, to, 321, 322 spittle, 342 splash, 330 spleen, 340 split, 284, 312, 319 spoilt, 320 spoon, 310 spread out (amat), 3 25 sprout, to, 304 squash, 328 squeeze, 293, 354 squirrel, 328 squirt, 360 stab, 324
363
335
sister-in-law,
sit, 288 six, 299 skin, 293, 325 skin, dead, 331 skirt, 312 sky, 295, 348 slap, to, 327, 343 slave, 291 342
sleep, 317, 327 slow, 331 slurp, 303 small, 355 smell, 354 smell burnt, 323 smoke (of fire), 281 smoke tobacco, 310 snail, 334
stable,
star,
333
sneeze,
336
sniffle,
299
step on,
309
snout,
333
soak,
soil, 305 sole, 299 solid, 358 someone,
283 298
son-in-law, sorcerer,
336
soul, 286, 298 sound, 348 sound
of
336
stay, 288 steal, 323 stem, 300 stench, 285
322
snap at,
363
a,
stalk, 310 stand, 316 stand up, 332 standing upright, 345
283
snare,
292
spear,
360,
snake,
341
soured,
silver, 359, sin, 317 sing, 309 sink, 318 sip, 303
slaver,
375
turbulent
rapids, 312 soup, 351 soup, thin, 310 sour, 297
water
in stream
320
stick, 317 stick, dibble, 353 stick, plant with, 353 sticky, 359 stiff, 339 still, 288 sting, to, 316, 344 stinger, 315 stomach, 306, 360 stone, 284 stop, 316 stopper, 344 store, storm,
343 329
stove, 337
376 straight, 307 straighten, 337 strange, 353 363
stranger,
straw (rice), 328 streaked, 336 354
stream,
strike, 314, 328 strike (snake), 315 string, 304 striped, 286, 336 strong, 339, 360 strong feelings, 328 submerge, 326 subside, 362 suck, 341 suck in, 303 suckle, 341 307
sugarcane, sun,
291
surf, 361 surplus, 296 swallow,
to,
swarm,
362
sweat, sweep, sweet,
359
303 297
swell, 284, 312 swim, 326 swollen, 284 sword, 278 T table, 351 tadpole, 324 tail, 282 take, 335, 341 346
take apart,
takeoff, 332, 334 talk, 328 tall, 318 tangerine, 358 taro, 290, 340 taste, tasteless,
tell a lie, 352 ten, 300 tender, 298 tendon, 283 tent, 344 termite, 359 test, 325 testicles (of animal), that, 281, 337 there, 337
341
there is, 280 they, 299 thick, 293 thigh, 300 thin, 340 thin (material), 295 think, 344 thirst, 296 this, 282 thorn, 289 thou, 338, 356 thousand, 302 339
thread, 359 three, 293 thunder, 356 tickle, 355 tie, 353 tie together, 301 tie, to,
taxes, 357 teach, 311 tell, 327
282
tiger, 361 tired, 317, 325, 340 tired of, 362 to, 294, 342 toad, 350 299
tomorrow,
tongue, 288 tooth, 289 torn, 332 tortoise, 294 towards,
342
trade, 344 transport,
304
293
280
there are,
tear,
319
II: The Chamic
Appendix
327
trap, 333 trap (fish), 331 trap (fish-), 362 tread, 320
Lexicon
Appendix
II: The Chamic
tree, 293 tree species,
turn around, turn aside, turnover,
w waist, 338 wait, 314 walk, 294, 299 want, 358 war, 297 wash, 311, 329 wasp, 356 watch, 337 water (fresh), 282
333
312
turtle, 294 tusk, 311, 355 twenty, 289 twill, 297
wave,
346
u uncle, 282, 307, undress, 332 unlucky, 316 unripe, 298 untie, 333 until, 333 unusual,
353
urinate,
341
use,
335,
to,
346
V
vegetables, 311 vehicle, 347 vein, 283 venom,
347
verb prefix, 298 very, 316 vessel, 283 Vietnamese,
village, 299 vine, 320 vinegar, 297 virgin, 284
350
348
361
wax (candle), 301 we, 351 we (ex.), 292 we (incl.), 288, 291, 351 weak, 325 wealth, 337 wealthy, 337 wear wear,
336
ornaments, 337
to,
weasel,
341
weave,
297,
wedge,
upgrade, 326 uproot, 312
364
363
364
twist, 284, 339, two, 288
377
visit, 343, 363 visit along theway, visitor, 363 voice, 348 vomit, 300, 311 vulture, 355
321
tremble, 363 trim, 345 true, 336 trunk, 300 trunk (of animal), try, 325 tube, 354 tuber, 290 tumeric, 294 turn, 342
Lexicon
to,
346 316
weed, 338 weeds, 330 weep, 319 well, 339, 360 west, 364 wet, 284 whistle, 356 white, 301, 324 whittle, 340 who, 303, 338 why? what?, 319 wicked, 292 widowed, 283 wife, 326 wild, 337 wind, 281 wine (rice), 305, 349 wing, 303
378
304
winnow, wipe
wrapped 363
away,
wire, 293 with, 289, 331 withered, 295 wobbly, 332, 341 340
woman,
wood, 293, 317 work, 285, 286 worm, 291 worn, 332 worried, 321 worship, 349 wound, 295 wrap up, 317 wrap,
to,
331
Appendix
II: The Chamic
around,
wring, 339 write, 303,
313
314
Y yam, 290 yard, 352 yawn, 320 year, 305 yell, 310 yellow, 294 yesterday, 298, 306 yoke, 346 yolk, 335 you, 338, 356 young, 298
Lexicon
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-.
1972.
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with
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Austrone?
in non-Oceanic
cognates
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1977.
The
pronouns
proto-Austronesian
a preliminary
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9.2:1-15.
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Oceanic
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Author
Index
A Abdul Hamid Mahmood, 25 Abdul Rahman al-Ahmadi, 22, 24 Adelaar, 8,18,34,39, 239, 308 Antilla, 8
Chappell, 225 Ciochon
and James,
1
Cobbey, 44 Coed?s, 3, 20, 83, 229
81,82,129,147,
Collins,
I. V.,
48
Collins, J.T. 34, 36, 49, 50, 52, 139,
140
Awoi-hathe, 110,271,272 Aymonier, 30, 77, 78, 109, 113, 116, 144, 145, 147, 228, 229, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 245, 249, 268, 269, 275, 342
Collinson, 116 Coope, 147, 150,245,278 Court, 156, 165, 172
B
102, 115, 138, 139, 140,145, 150, 237, 238, 244, 257, 258 Crawfurd, 30, 31,40, 46, 237
Cowan,
Banker, 240, 242, 245 Bastian,
8,48,49,50,52,54,55,56,94,
146,
40
D
Baxter, 278, 322, 347 Bellwood, 15, 18,32 Benedict, 151, 178, 214, 215, 218, 227 Benjamin, 308
Dahl, 244 Dempwolff, 114, 115,243 Diffloth, 10, 24, 58, 64, 140, 239 Donegan, 61, 115, 116, 117, 126
Blagden, 41,48 Blood, David, 9, 187, 193, 194, 279 Blood, Doris, 7, 39, 60, 62, 63, 88, 105, 187, 190,279 Blood, H., 10, 11, 12, 105 Blust, 8, 12, 17, 25, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39,40, 41,48, 57, 58, 81, 84, 85, 86,87,90,91, 100, 141, 146, 147, 172, 239, 240, 243, 245, 246, 303, 308, 360 Bui Kh?nh The, 268, 275
Drewes,
55
Durie, xi, 7, 8, 23, 48, 49, 51, 56, 58, 63, 68, 70, 77, 85, 88, 94, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 117, 127, 130, 145, 147, 214, 217, 225, 237, 244, 262,
263 Dyen, 7, 25, 31, 37,41,87,
105, 115
E Edmondson, 106, 178, 181, 182, 189, 190, 193 Efimov, 10, 11, 12, 105, 150, 158 Egerod, 89, 269, 270
Bumham, 7, 10, 11, 45, 105, 178, 204, 205, 206, 265, 266 C Cabaton, 77, 78, 83, 109, 110, 113, 116, 144, 145, 147, 239, 241, 242, 244, 245, 249, 268, 269, 275, 342 Chambert-Loir, 228, 229
F Friberg, 45, 106, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 199,274,275 Fuller, 84
395
396
G Gage, 10 Goschnick, 69, 155, 198, 210, 265,
Author
Index
Lewis, 58 Li, Fang Kuei, 90 Li, Paul, 141
266 Grace, 254, 256 Greenberg, 60, 63, 86, 87, 88, 89,
188 Gregerson, 28, 106, 178, 181, 182, 189, 190, 193 Grimes, 44, 271 H Hall,D.G.E.,
17,
18
Hall,K.R., 14, 18, 19 Han, 178, 189, 190, 193 Haudricourt, 90, 178, 214, 215 Headley, 10, 45, 61, 105, 119, 145, 150, 186,187, 199,322,347,358 Henderson, 93, 179, 181, 196, 235 Herzog, 255 Hoang, 193 Holle, 40 Hudson, 361 Huffman, 198 J Javkin, 120 Jr?ng, 263, 264
M Maddieson, 160, 161, 163, 166, 167, 215,218,223,272,273,274 Maitre, 263 Mak Phoen, 22 Manguin, 228, 229 Manley, 68 Marrison, 3, 34, 247, 249, 303, 342 Maspero, 227, 228 Matisoff, 61, 154 Medcalf, 245 Mistry, 70 Morice, 40 Moussay, 113, 188, 193, 268, 269, 275, 279 Mundhenk, 265, 266
N Ni, 160, 161, 163, 164, 167, 178, 214,215,218,272,273,274 Niemann, 8, 48, 49, 237 Nothofer, 36, 37
K Kaufman, 254, 256 Kern, 48 Keyes, 15, 27 Kvoeu-Hor, 45, 106, 178, 181, 183, 184,185,186,187,199,274,275
O Oey, 4, 218, 258,275 Okrand, 161 Ouyang, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167,214,215,218,230,272,273,
274
L Labov, 255 Ladefoged, 92, 166, 179 Lafont, 22, 40, 90, 196, 238, 266,
267 Lee, 7,10,11, 13,44,45,57,58,61, 62, 69, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 96,100,105,106,110,125,140, 151,155,157,158,159,178,204, 205,206,243,244,265,267,270, 279,313
P Pang, 160, 215, 218, 223, 227, 230, 272, 273, 274 Pawley, 40, 244 Peiros, 11, 12, 106, 151 Pham Xu?n Tin, 7, 266, 267 Pittman, 31, 105 Prachacakij-karacak,
Priebsch, 116
10,
12,
105
Author
Index
397
R Ravaisse, 228 Reid, Anthony, 228, 229 Reid, L., 20, 240, 241, 244 Relandus, 31 Rischel, 242 Ross, 34, 35,40,
151,243,244
S Sapir, 116 Sch?fer, 225, 228, 229 Schmidt, 31,237 Schrock, 210 Scott, 172 Sebeok, 31,237 Shorto, 8, 48, 49, 52, 56, 138, 139, 140, 150, 237, 238, 257, 258 Smith, 10, 12, 105, 131, 144,211, 212,213,243,247,293 Solnit, 4, 47, 87,90,91 Stampe, 116 Starosta, 32, 244
Thomas, Dorothy, 7, 60, 87, 88, 89, 105,106,114,115,279 Thomason, 254, 256 Thompson, 196 Thurgood, 32, 33, 90, 106, 120, 178, 183,185,197,199,205,208,214, 215,222,230 Ting, 230 Tryon, 32 Tsuchida, 31
W Watson, 240 Weinreich, 255 Wolff, 31, 151,243,244
Y Y-Bham,
89
Y-Chang, 89, 269, 270
T
Z
Tadmor, 25
Zheng, 2,21,22,160,161,163,164, 165,167,214,215,218,225,226, 227, 229, 230, 272, 273, 274 Zorc, 82, 151
Tegenfeldt, 155, 198,210 Tharp, 89, 269, 270 Thomas, David, 10, 12, 28, 61, 105, 179, 240, 242
Topic Index A Abu Hasan, 228 accommodation area,
Austronesian
earlier mainland
Acehnese Katuic
loans
49
loans
contact,
Malay
migration, MK place
Thai
42-43,47
early
48-50
34-40,
23-26
and Kelantan, an loanwords
in Acehnese,
dating Kelantanese
and Kelantan,
25
B
54
Bac-son, among
the
Be,
among
the
Borneo
50
consonants, Shared
24,
Chamic
poetry, innovations
Shared
innovations
MK
Shared innovations in the epic
poetry,
J. Drewes,
sanja'
patterns, poetic
borrowings
Cham inChrau, 9 Haroi inHr?, 10 Haroi inKatu, 10
55
55
tradition,
Jarai
Mischsprache,
in Bahnar,
9
MK intoPC, 10,307-309 Headley (1976), 10 of Arabic origin, 349 of Indic origin, 346-349
55
Annamite Cordillera, 14 Atayalic, 32 Austroasiatische
258
of vowel length, 257-259
54-56
Hikajat Potjut Muhamat, 55 iambic foot, 55 rhyme
18
substratum,
of grammar, 54,
Cowan (1982), 55 G. W.
1
borrowability, 238
53
lexicon,
15
22
Binh-dinh,
51
vowels,
32
Formosan,
MP, 32
of Nonthaburi,
and mainland
Acehnese
24
traditions,
Pattani,
Acehnese
32
migration into the Pacific, 32 primary subgroups, 32
24
24 place names, dialects the Malayic
of, 31
32
Formosa, the presence,
and early
33
recognition
homeland,
24,
58
Acehnese
scholars
32
family tree, 31 family tree (Figure 5), 35 Hadrianus Relandus (1708), 31
to mainland
Chamic, Acehnese
in proto-Kam-Sui, in proto-Tai, 32
Thurgood (1994), 32
MK substratum in, 237 Niemann (1891), 47 relationship
32-33
33
area,
loans,
58
names,
32
evidence,
Guizhou
58
loans,
loss of the presyllable initials, 72
Asli
evidence,
archaelogical
Crawfurd's survey (1852), 31 dating of sites, 32
to a linguistic 258-259
31
399
348 Portuguese, in eastern Mnong, Rade See
borrowings.
continued
voice
with
of
enlongation
Chamic
voiced
See
83
obstruents,
the vocal
tract,
179
Chamic
of
larynx,
179
Phan Rang Cham low lower
resultant
15-17 prehistory, also Sa Huynh reconstruction
7
lexical,
190-194
tones,
vowel
Fl,
Thomas, Dorothy (1963), 7
179
Chamic
studies,
Chamic
within
Chamic,
early
dialect
C
Chamic,
of vowels
centralization
larynx lowering, 179
and
the formants
centralized tract
vowels,
lengthening,
Haroi
179 179
formants,
larynx
raised,
wave
shortened
of
shortening
180
Chinese
in Kelantanese,
first historical reference (137 AD), 20
180
the name
inscription
Tsat,
Jarai,
2
zenith
2
Cham Kur (Khmer), 2 Cham Raglai (Roglai), 2 Cham Ro (Chru), 2 earlier
usage,
2
History of the Song Dynasty (960 1279), 2 Zhan (inMandarin), 2
at Tra-ki?u,
20
northern capital sacked (982), 20 The History of Chin (c. 280AD), 20
Bahnar Cham (Haroi), 2 Cham
19-22
important sites (Fig. 2), 21
180
Cham and
21-27
history, peripheral, 24
20
references,
diaspora,
180 more
14
China in north Vietnam (111 AD), 19
179
lengths, the vocal
26, 27
in assimilation
26-27 patterns, and Hr?, 27
Champa,
raising the formants (F2), 179
Cepa
9
affiliations
the Vietnamese,
changes
voice higher
vowels
31-39
mainland
(F2), 179
tract,
of, 40
and theMK, 26
179
lengths, lowering
vocal
continuum,
genetic
Chamic,
wave
lengthening
more
history
Austronesian,
Lafont, 238
voice
breathy
6-13
work,
previous
179 raising, of vowels centralization
creaky
26
Blood, Doris (1962), 7 Bumham (1976), 7 Dyen (1971), 7 Lee (1966), 7
Haroi, 84, 197 inChru, 84 inHr?, 212 lowering
of
influence
Vietnamese,
breathy associated
5
in Vietnam,
arrival
comparative
methodology
See
2
Zhancheng, Chamic
9
Index
Topic
400
in sixth
century,
Chong (MK), 69 Chru, 2, 7, 84 etymology Chru
presyllables
of, 2 from
morphology?, 69-70 Haroi classification
counterparts, of Chamic
69
20
401
Index
Topic
Austroasiatische
31
Mischsprache,
creaky
of Champa,
Malay
179 higher Fl, of the vocal tract, shortening of vowels See centralization resultant
30
Schmidt (1906), 31 Sebeok (1942), 31 vs. genetic criteria, typological 93 clusters with -h-, 85-86, 8 methodology, comparative "inverted reconstructions",
D 15 DaNang, dialect chain
8
57
innovations, 34
9
continuum,
22-23 diaspora, 1662 missionary
22
account,
Aceh, 22
main
62
inventories,
syllable
See
also
See
also
Cambodia, 22 Guangzhou (Canton), 22
consonants
presyllable word-final
consonants
contact
with
210-213
Hr?,
195-197
Cham,
Rang also network
22
Java,
22
Annals,
Khmer Royal Chronicles, 22
on Hainan,
230-232
Malaka,
22
Tsat with theLi, 230
See
Western
SejarahMelayu, 22
186-187
Cham,
convergence Chamic
22
Hainan (See Tsat), 22 highlands (See N. Roglai), 22 Khmer
224
Tsat,
records,
Guangzhou
contact Haroi
23
Acehnese,
presyllable inventories, 62
See
72
and Rade, dialect
consonants
Phan
179
30
9, 13 borrowings, dialect 34 chains, lexical evaluating shared innovations,
voice
Ladefoged, 179 raising of the larynx, 179
Aymonier (1899), 30 Crawfurd (1822), 30
also Western
Southeast
Asia,
4-5,
True
6 consonant
finals,
merger
diphthongization 117 chains,
of, 6
and 5-6
tendencies,
consonants, 4, 6 glottalized loss of obstruent 6 voicing, 6
monophthongization, 4 Oey, phonological restructuring
Solnit, 4 development
vowel
contrasts,
Germanic Written
proliferation 6
115
116-117 parallels, Cham 115 records,
voicing 70
of voiceless
obstruents,
disyllabic tomonosyllabic, 60-66 clusters
inventories,
vowels,
diphthongization chains, 116 Donegan (1985), 115
dissimilative of, 4, 6
of, 6 vowel
stressed
dipththongs reflexes of the PMP diphthongs, 124-126
systems, of, 6
tones,
of the Emperor
115-117
diphthongization, Acehnese
6 monosyllabic, loss of, 6 finals,
general
Records
Xian
Zong of theMing Dynasty (1368-1644), 22
6
inventories,
dysyllabioiambio
22
22
Thailand, with
Cham,
with
-h-, 64
disyllables with liquids > loss of the unstressed
initial
disyllables with liquids >
Hainanese Tan-chou
in informal speech (Acehnese), 63 colloquial
62 paths of change, loss of the vowel before
etymology of, 2, 210 vowel
pre-Haroi
complex,
197
voice,
breathy
-h-, 63-64
cultural
22
Min),
(Southern
Haroi
internal
medial
230
dialect,
Ting (1980), 230 Hainanese
speech
(Cham), 62
Dong-son
70
H
with
monosyllables 64-65 clusters,
The
21
Guangzhou, Gujarati,
65-66
syllable,
informal,
Index
Topic
402
15
changes
PC shwa backed, 200 shared with Western
Cham, 199
E Eastern
Cham.
See Phan
Cham
vowel
4
sentence,
equative
Rang
velars,
before
raising 200
and vowel
registers
splitting, 201-206
F final
*-l
(and
to -n, 176
*-r)
14
Funan,
20
Chinese
19
envoys, with
Borneo,
18
connection
with
Chamic,
17-19 tense
17
contact,
voice
20 Ch'i
history,
envoy
and
influence,
192-194
consonants
Gong Cepa, 24 abrupt
4
4 terminology, of the Five Dynasties History
obstruents
versus
Coastal
46-47
Hindu
geographical setting, 14-15 glottal stop, final tone splitting inPR
?13
(907
960), 228 History of the Song Dynasty (960 1279), 2, 22 Hoa-binh,
change
themajor Haroi chan
44-45
versus
Chamic,
gradual
197-198
restructured 197, 214
register, and Cham,
Haroi
to, 18
syllable
high
204
system,
vowels
G
glottalized See main
after
assimilation
Highlands
Cham,
197
Donegan (1985), 204
prince fled to Lin-yi, 19 Wu
205-206
and presyllable quality and *h, 208-209
vowel
18
Oc-eo,
obstruents,
vowels,
18
location,
205
aspirates,
voiced
voice,
18
K'angT'ai,
202-203
voice,
voiced
vowel
18
18
Jayavarman,
204
197-199 register, 198-199 described,
Hall (1955, 1981), 17 Hsiang-lin, in Southern
204
restructured
connection
first Austronesian
consonants,
sonorants, tense
Blust (1992a), 17 Ch'ii-lien,
glottalized
Hr?, 2, 210
15
*s
403
Index
Topic
Li (Hainan), 22
and Proto-North 211-213
Bahnaric,
19, 20
Lin-yi, loans.
Smith (1972), 211
See
borrowings
15
Hue,
M I
80-99 consonants, syllable 85-86 clusters with -h-,
main
iambic
defined, 61
consonant
1,20
Indrapura, inscriptions
fourth
Chamic,
3
century,
oldest,
Malayo-Polynesian, and external
in Haroi, internal
paths,
178-179
93-94
external
232 general, 231-232
voiced
See
82-84 80-82
obstruents,
*c, 81-82
proto-phoneme vowels syllable
main
methodology
comparative
aspirated
84-86
obstruents,
voiceless
reconstructions.
86-93
84
consonants,
paths
Isbukun (Bunan dialect), 141
94-96
clusters,
obstruents,
and voiceless
voiced
Tsat, inverted
clusters,
sonorants,
213
versus
96-99
primary
glottalized PC *w-, 84
Srivijaya, 3 internal
clusters,
secondary 3-4
93-99
clusters,
post-PC
126-137
borrowed,
inherited, 113-126 J
151
summarized,
Jiaozhi, 22
Malagasy
to Acehnese,
parallels
57
languages
Malayic
Adelaar (1988, 1992), 34
K Kampong Kelantan,
Cepa, 23
Kelantanese
Malayo-Chamic shared
24
Malayo-Chamic
25
Malay,
Khmer
Mentawai,
Henderson (1952) on registers, 181 King Pau Kubah, 22 Kufic inscriptions dated 1025 1035, 228
Mentu,
causes,
internal 253-256
Grace, 254, 256 implementation, relative stasis,
254
Thomason
and Kaufman, Labov,
Herzog, names.
172
165,
sporadic,
methodology
110
for identifying, 278-280
1,20
MK
substratum
inheritance
253
Weinreich,
language
39-43
in Acehnese,
237-238
Cowan (1933 etc.), 237 Durie (1990a), 237 Niemann (1890), 237 Shorto (1975), 237 MK substratum inChamic, 237-238 Aymonier, 237 Crawfurd (1822), 237
L Land Dayak, 165, 172 language change vs. external
subgroup, 172
metathesis,
Mi-son,
39
innovations,
254,
and
255 See Appendix
I
256
accounts,
256-??
Malay of Champa, 237 Schmidt (1906), 237 Sebeok (1942), 237 Moken,
58-59
Lewis (1960), 58
Topic
404 typologically similarities to Chamic, 59
sporadic, 153, 154
4
monophthongization,
nasals
sandhi forms, 166
inHaroi, 206 morphology
nasals,
"only", 249 *m- verbal prefix, bipartite causative
243-244
instrumental
Haroi with MK, 41 Phan Rang Cham with
245-246
infix,
network,
negative
243
imperative,
41
social, 1,20
NhaTrang,
nominalizing prefix, 244-245
Nonthaburi Malay, 24, 25
nouns
northern
and affixes,
244-249
Roglai and Tsat first migration (986), 15
247-249
pronouns,
quantifier, 249 relative sa-, the
clause
second migration (1486), 15 See
239-241 prefix, and affixes, 239-244
N finals
in Tsat,
164-167
reconstituting
nasalization,
reconstituting
place
articulation,
of
vowel
length,
Sung
late borrowings
into N.
Roglai, 174 and vowel deletion inCham, 155 176-177
inCham, 155-160 inChru, 153-154 inHaroi, 155 inN. Roglai, 170-176 in PC, 152-153 inTsat, 160-170 Matisoff, 154 174
Oc-eo,
15
Oc-eo.
See
Paiwanic, 161
allophonic before final stops, 155
perseverative,
Roglai
Northern
and Tsat,
43-44 22
dynasty,
also
Funan
P 164
163,
with the 42 falling tone, 169
in Acehnese,
Northern
161
nasalization
and
subgrouping
O
167 168
reconstruction,
reconstituting
also
Northern Roglai etymology of, 224
161-170
and glottalization, and subgrouping, internal
15
Hainanisland, 249
marker,
siy, 249 'inadvertent'
verbs
Cham
= Northern
prepositions, 246-247
nasal
41
Vietnamese,
249
-kan,
41
interactional,
network,
242
prefix, 249
165,166,167,172
preploded,
Blust, 172 Court, 165
241-242
negatives,
connectives,
176
(Acehnese),
pseverative
Index
32
Pattani Malay, 25 Pengkalan Cepa, Phan Rang, 1,20
24
Phan Rang Cham an incipient
tone
187-197 system, 194-195
phonation spreading, 187-197 tones, breathy
tones,
> low
voice
tone,
190
Vietnamese
comparing
196
David Blood (1967), 187 Doris Blood (1962), 187 Greenberg (1970), 188 Han,
Edmondson,
and
Gregerson (1992), 188, 193 instrumental
study,
189
Index
Topic
4?5
Lafont
the nonexistent
and
of
on
literature
remnants
reconstruction 187-188
tones,
connection
of voice
contact-induced
Haroi,
register
type. See
voice
ancient Khmer, 179 Modern Central Khmer, 179 Modern Northern Khmer, 179
presyllable Acehnese
vowel
Acehnese
voiced
initial
presyllable *c-, 70
*k- and
70
creaky voice Western Cham, registers
stops
and
voiceless
106-113 of,
preservation secondary
shifts,
sporadic metathesis, 22 Pu-Luo-E, 4 puny a as a genitive,
also
1,20
Huffman (1976), 198
107-110
of, 2
etymology
110-113 109
S
Sa Huynh burial jars, 15 15
dating,
comparison R
with
Rade
HangGon, chain,
and Jarai,
raising,
72
45-46
179
reciprocal
inHaroi, 69
lingling-o, location of overview, pennanular
northern
15
Borneo,
dialect
197-199
comparison with Niah and Tabon, 15
Q
Rade
complexes
Roglai
carbon
Quang-Tri,
178-179 register tones
register, 198-199
Haroi, 69-72
obstruents, vowels,
See
restructured 72-75
breathiness,
also
the array inChamic, 178 the origins, 232-235 the starting point, 178
74-75
sonorants,
See
180-181
tones
and
overview,
79-?? correspondences, retention and reduction, 75-76
voiced
of vowels
See
70
'horse', guda extra-Chamic
presyllable
proliferation See breathy voice See centralization
166 stops, 67-80 consonants, voicing, of reflexes
of, 179 origins voice quality
phonetic See also
final
dissimilative
179
Vietnamese,
quality
1
post-nasalized
179
manifestations,
pitch, 179 Po Nagar,
4
4
complexes
in PR Cham, 194-195 inTsat, 221-223 inWestern Cham, 183-186 phonation
contact,
similarities,
described, 179
235-236
spreading, 206-208
to language
genetically-inherited similarities, 4
quality, 189 tones split by final glottal stop, 192 phonation
4
historical,
reconstruction,
(1971), 188
Moussay
See Chamic
Chamic.
reconstruction,
PR tones, 196
15 16 sites,
15
15-17 stone
earrings,
Phu Hoa, 15 sites,
dating
of,
16
16
406
See
also
consonants
presyllable
Southern
Min.
Southern
Vietnam
sporadic
stop, 223-224 from final nasals
See Hainanese highlands
sub
highlands
sub
or
219-220
vowels,
from final stops, 218-219
Vietnam
from PC
91
area,
of, 214-224
fortition of a final glottal
47
area, southern
of, 212-21A
description evolution
sesquisyllabic defined, 61 SIL, 261
Index
Topic
*-s and
*-h,
in monosyllables, 76-79
dissimilation,
literature
Srivijaya, 3
216
215-216
on, 214-215
secondary
stress
223-224
constriction, in modern
Tsat and Northern Roglai, 43^4
61
Malay,
in proto-Austroasiatic, 61
61
Tunjung, 172
Southeast
throughout
61
Asia,
62
ultimate,
U
subgrouping Northern
32
Tsouic,
penultimate,
and Tsat,
Roglai
120
acoustically-motivated, upglides, Utsat = U + Tsat
217,
224, 224-227 Summer
Institute
of Linguistics, 22
261
V
Indera Berman,
Syah
Vietnamese
Syah Pau Ling, 22 stress,
syllable
stress,
and
reduction,
67
T Tao
reflexes,
Be, 22 Li (Hainan), 22 20 Cham, temples, See also Mi-son,
tense
Phan
Trang, voice
voice.
Tra-ki?u,
See
voice
Rang
also
vowel
voice
creaky
see phonation
spreading
proliferation 199
Haroi, See
with
See Appendix 227-229
Islam,
on Hainan,
230-232
contact with theLi, 230 development
of
179
spreading
voice
creaky tables.
connection
also
73
71,72,
voice breathy centralization
vowel gliding, 179 vowel length, 179
Tsat
of
tones,
214-232
etymology of, 224 migration history, 225-227 phonation tones
See
quality
1
Transliteration
contact
also
See Nha
Haroi, 197 inHr?, 212 tense
See
vowels,
Vijaya,
20
1,20,22 Vijaya, voice quality, 179 and splits in consonant
20
Huang, Tai-Kadai
migration to the South",
"push
spreading,
221-223
I
also
restructured
register
vowels inventories,
62
inventories,
PMP,
literature,
105-106
overview,
104-105
104
presyllable vowel See
also main
reduction, syllable
vowel length, 138-151
62 vowels
Topic
407
Index
w Western
word-final Cham literature
on register, 179-187
register, Edmonson
181-182 words
182 Gregerson, and Kvoeu-Hor
final
sonorants,
100-102
*-s,
of uncertain
102-103 origin,
334
Y ya relative
(1977), 181 instrumental
yang
description,
phonation spreading, sonorants,
vowel
*-h and
and
Friberg
voiced
99-103
consonants,
final
Yeh-po'-t'i, Yuan-shan
marker,
182-183
culture
Z 182-183
180-181
Zhancheng,
3 3
18
183-186
obstruents,
proliferation,
182
marker,
relative
2, 21,22
complex,
32
