Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors: Volume I: Historians

S o c i e t y of B i b l i c a l L i t e r a t u r e

UJip

TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS PSEUDEPIGRAPHA SERIES

Harold W. Attridge, Editor

Texts and Translations N u m b e r 20 Pseudepigrapha N u m b e r 10 FRAGMENTS

FROM

JEWISH Volume I:

HELLENISTIC AUTHORS Historians

by Carl R. Holladay

FRAGMENTS FROM HELLENISTIC JEWISH AUTHORS Volume I: Historians

Carl R. Holladay

Scholars Press Chico, California

FRAGMENTS

FROM

HELLENISTIC

JEWISH

AUTHORS

Volume I:

Historians

by Carl R. Holladay

C o v e r p h o t o r e p r o d u c e d f r o m E u s e b i u s , Praeparatio vol. I, E . H . G i f f o r d , O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 0 3 .

©1983 Society of Riblical Literature

L i b r a r y of C o n g r e s s C a t a l o g i n g in P u b l i c a t i o n

Data

M a i n e n t r y u n d e r title: F r a g m e n t s from Hellenistic Jewish authors. (Pseudepigrapha

series

; 10 I S S N 0 1 4 5 - 3 2 3 8 )

a n d t r a n s l a t i o n s ; no. 2 0 ) ( I S S N

(Texts

0145-3203)

English and Greek. B i b l i o g r a p h y : p. Includes I. B i b l e . essays,

index.

O.T.—History lectures.

of

Biblical

2. G r e e k

events—

literature—Jewish

Addresses, authors.

3. G r e e k l i t e r a t u r e — T r a n s l a t i o n s into E n g l i s h . 4. E n g l i s h l i t e r a t u r e — T r a n s l a t i o n s f r o m G r e e k . I. H o l l a d a y , C a r l R. II. S e r i e s . III. S e r i e s : S o c i e t y

of

Biblical

literature.

Texts

a n d translations ; 20. BS1197.F68

1980

221.9'5

79-18090

ISBN 0 - 8 9 1 3 0 - 3 4 9 - 9

P r i n t e d in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s of A m e r i c a

Evangelica,

For DJ

TABLE OF

CONTENTS Page

PREFACE

ix

INTRODUCTION

1

The Transmission of the Texts

7

The Textual History of the Praeparatio Evangelica

9

Preparation of the Text and Apparatus

13

Manuscripts

16

Symbols Used in the Apparatus Criticus

22

Abbreviations

Used in the Apparatus Criticus

23

Bibliography

- Sources for the Fragments

25

Bibliography

- General

38

Bibliography - Abbreviations

47

Other Abbreviations

50

DEMETRIUS

51

EUPOLEMUS

93

PSEUDO-EUPOLEMUS

(ANONYMOUS)

157

ARTAPANUS

189

CLEODEMUS MALCHUS

245

ARISTEAS

261

PSEUDO-HECATAEUS

277

THEOPHILUS

337

THALLUS

343

JUSTUS OF TIBERIAS

371

PREFACE

For some time there has existed prehensive collection of the extant Hellenistic Jewish authors.

the need

for a com­

fragments

from

This was recognized

as the turn of this century when W. N. Stearns a collection entitled Fragments (1908).

as early

published

from Graeco-Jewish

Prior to this time, these fragments were

Writers not

easily available, and even then were most often to be found within larger collections of fragmentary

sources

from antiquity, or within critical editions of

individual

authors by whom they were

quoted. 1

The major exception, of course, w a s J. pioneering w o r k Hellenistische

Studien:

Freudenthal s

Alexander

histor und die von ihm erhaltenen Reste judaischer samaritanischer Geschichtswerke

(1875),

still

critically

researched

For the first time,

serious

Freudenthal

those Jewish historians

preserved

by Alexander Polyhistor, and made a serious effort determine their authorship/pseudonymity,

to

and to examine

h i s t o r i c a l , literary, and textual p r o b l e m s . his highly

und

unsurpassed

in many respects and the starting point for any work on these fragments.

Poly-

Appended

informed and imaginative research were

to

the

texts with limited critical apparatus embodying his many text-critical

suggestions.

Still, Freudenthal

investigation to those "Jewish and Samaritan w o r k s " preserved by Alexander Polyhistor.

limited

his

historical

Left

untreated

were such authors as Ezekiel the Tragedian, Philo Epicus, Theodotus, and A r i s t o b u l u s . Apart

from F r e u d e n t h a l , in the 19th century

standard resource was C. Muller's m o n u m e n t a l Historicorum Graecorum,

a five-volume work

ix

the

Fragmenta

published

Hellenistic Jewish

X

between 1841 and 1872.

In the 20th century,

Fragments

Muller's

collection was superseded by F. Jacoby's equally collection,

if not literary tour de force, Die

der griechischen Historiker, begun in 1923 and though sixteen

stretching

separate volumes until his death in 1959

halted its completion. advance.

monumental

Fragmente

Jacoby's work marked a

Whereas Miiller had collected

a Latin translation, and included

significant

the texts, provided

limited, though

h i s t o r i c a l and critical notes, Jacoby not only

valuable

included

the texts but provided an apparatus criticus, and near the end of the project wrote extensive detailed

commentaries

volumes.

on the fragments in

and

until

richly

accompanying

He did not, however, include a translation.

Both Miiller and Jacoby included primarily texts," w h i c h automatically

"historical

excluded certain

Hellenistic

Jewish a u t h o r s , such as the dramatic poet Ezekiel oddly enough, Jacoby and the philosopher

included Philo Epicus and

(though,

Theodotus)

Aristobulus.

In 1970, in response to the same need, there A.-M. D e n i s

1

appeared

collection, Fragmenta pseudepigraphorum

supersunt Graeca una cum historicorum et auctorum hellenistarum

fragmentis.

in a single volume.

Introduction aux Pseudepigraphes (1970), w h i c h provided

conveniently

Apart

volume,

1

Grecs d A n c i e n t

the necessary

introductory

Yet, Denis' collection

an apparatus criticus or

these

The value of Denis' collec­

tion was considerably enhanced by his companion

to each author.

Judaeorum

For the first time, all

important Hellenistic Jewish texts were collected

quae

Testament material

failed to provide

translation.

from these collections of the Greek texts,

these

authors were mainly available in separate editions of the authors in whom they were preserved, most notably standard editions of E u s e b i u s ' Praeparatio For the 19th century,

this meant Heinichen,

the

Evangelica. Gaisford,

M i g n e , and Dindorf; for the 20th, Gifford and M r a s .

Preface

xi

In translation, these texts were most readily able collectively

in P. Riessler's Altjudisches

ausserhalb der Bibel

Schrifttum

(1927), which included brief

tions along with the translated advance

texts.

avail­

annota­

The next major

in this regard occurred with the beginning of

series edited by W. G. Kummel, Judische Schriften hellenistisch-romischer

Zeit.

Responsible

Hellenistic Jewish fragmentary

the

aus

for most of the

texts was N. Walter who had

devoted extensive research to them in his H a b i l i t a t i o n s schrift at H a l l e , entitled Untersuchungen der judisch-hellenistischen Walter's translation

Historiker

significantly

zu den

Fragmenten

(1967-68).

advanced

Riessler's work

not only in its quality, but also because it took account extensive research on the fragments within the last h a l f - c e n t u r y . followed by Judische Schriften

into

undertaken

In addition, the

format

was distinctly

superior

to that used by Riessler, since it treated as a unit the introductory m a t e r i a l to each author, the and a n n o t a t i o n s .

Walter's bibliography

u s e f u l , though intentionally

translation

is also quite

selective.

His work is also

valuable because of the critical notes based on his use of a critical

text.

The other m a j o r collection of these texts is that of J. H. Charlesworth

(ed.), Old Testament

Pseudepigrapha

(1983-), which provides a long awaited up-to-date translation of these fragments along with other pseudepigraphical

texts.

English

Jewish

Also very useful, and to be

used in conjunction with this w o r k , is

Charlesworth's

bibliographical work, The Pseudepigrapha Research with a Supplement

(1981).

and Modern

Fortunately, most of

the assignments on these authors in Charlesworth's tion of the pseudepigrapha

fell to John

students, many of whom participated

Strugnell's

in the 1970 Harvard

New Testament Seminar devoted exclusively fragments.

1

Charlesworth s

collec­

to these

edition m a r k s the first

the Hellenistic Jewish authors are conveniently into English, and the work is rendered even more

time

collected useful

xii

Hellenistic Jewish

b e c a u s e of the special Appendix containing to the fragmentary

an

introduction

authors written by Strugnell,

detailed critical notes on these particular written by their

and

fragments

translators.

The other form in which these authors were in translation were the translation of the authors in whom they were preserved. important

Fragments

available

individual

The single

most

and widely used work in this regard was

edition of the Praeparatio Evangelica, which

Gifford"s

contained

not only a critical text, but an English translation, a separate volume of critical n o t e s . work on the fragments editions.

Most of the

in this, and

Especially useful, and a mine of

for all subsequent

scholars, were Seguier's

which were included (PG, 2 1 ) .

lay embedded

critical

similar

information annotations

in the Migne edition of the

Another valuable resource, both for

and critical notes, is the edition of the

and

Praeparatio translation

Praeparatio

in Sources chretiennes, although the volume devoted

to

Book 9, w h i c h contains m o s t of the fragments, has not yet

appeared. This collection of Fragments

from Hellenistic

Authors has been conceived and prepared

Jewish

for scholars

and

students who wish to work closely with these texts. It has grown out of my own need in accessible

for a collection which

form the Greek text, critical

English translation, introductory material to each including bibliography, It was not originally

provides

apparatus,

and annotations to the

author,

translation.

conceived a s , nor should

it be used

as, an editio m a i o r , for I have only consulted and worked w i t h the editions prepared by others.

I have

examined

none of the m a n u s c r i p t s themselves, and consequently

in

the apparatus criticus I have attempted mainly to collect, and present accurately, the work of my In preparing

predecessors.

this volume, I have accumulated

many

debts to students and colleagues at Yale and Emory who have participated these texts.

in seminars and conversations

about

Among the research assistants to whom I owe

Preface

xiii

a special word of thanks are Katherine Cunningham Melinda Reagor at Yale, and Allen Black, Steve and John York at Emory, especially

for their

and

Pattison,

assistance

with bibliographical m a t t e r s , but other details as w e l l . John Strugnell was especially gracious, at an early

stage,

in making available to me the seminar papers from the

1970

Harvard New Testament Seminar which have proved

invaluable

in the formation of my own opinions about

authors

these

and in the preparation of my own text and notes.

Harold

Attridge, the general editor of the SBL Texts and Trans­ lations Series

(Pseudepigrapha), has saved me from

numerous

errors while being abidingly patient and unfailingly in returning m a t e r i a l s .

H e , and Robert Doran, were

prompt also

very generous in making available pertinent m a t e r i a l s , including

their own published work on these authors.

should also like to thank the staffs of Yale

School Library and Pitts Theology Library of the School of Theology at Emory for their very kind especially to Sara Mobley,

Candler assistance,

Reference Librarian at Pitts.

The completion of this work was made possible

through

a sabbatical leave from Candler School of Theology 1982-83, and to Dean Jim Waits I am especially for this.

Atlanta June 1,

1983

I

Divinity

in

grateful

INTRODUCTION

The importance of the Hellenistic Jewish whose works exist increasingly.

in fragmentary

authors

form is being

recognized

They are the first named Jewish

authors

from the Hellenistic period known to have written Greek.

Their provenance was the eastern

most likely Palestine and Egypt, although to be certain in each case.

in

Mediterranean, it is difficult

What distinguishes them,

in

p a r t i c u l a r , is that they are the first clear examples

of

Jewish authors self-consciously writing in explicitly Greek

literary m o d e s . Still, their continuity with the biblical

is manifest, even though they appropriate ing variety of w a y s .

tradition

it in a fascinat­

They belong to w h a t appears to have

been an embryonic period

in that stage of the

development

of Judaism when Jews and pagans were becoming more aware of each other's existence and traditions. ingly, they exhibit

fully

Accord­

intriguing configurations where

Jewish

and pagan religious traditions have b e c o m e intermixed fused.

and

They display many of the features and much of the

spirit of the Hellenistic era, and for this reason have been interested

scholars

in them because of the examples

afford of the Hellenization of Judaism.

They have

they

also

engaged the attention of scholars because of h o w they illuminate

the social process through w h i c h a minority

ethnic group accommodates culture in which it lives. as has happened

and adapts to the larger, Research on these

in other areas of Judaism

in the Graeco-

Roman world, has served to alter many previously scholarly

dominant

fragments,

held

conceptions about the nature and shape of Jewish

religiosity in the Hellenistic-Roman

1

period.

2

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

At one time, an author as seemingly open to H e l l e n i s ­ tic-Egyptian

influence as Artapanus was inexplicable,

and

could only be seen as a pagan, an apostate Jew, or perhaps a Samaritan.

Now, however, after decades of research

on

the complexion of Judaism during the period of the Second Temple, the sometimes bewildering variety and of the forms of Jewish religiosity

although scholarly debate still seeks

fuller

of this phenomenon and its historical and implications.

complexity

are more fully recognized, understanding

sociological

Long gone is the positing of a

"normative

Judaism" over against which every other expression of the Jewish removed

faith is measured and assessed from the "center"

periphery.

as an nth degree

toward some

hypothetical

Now, both the "center" and the "periphery"

are

seen to be historical constructs, and historians of reli­ gion have begun to reformulate asked,

the q u e s t i o n s , and have

for example, about modes of self-definition

as they

seek to understand how particular persons or groups persons understood

their own religious experience

traditions, and how they interpreted cal and social

of

and

them in their h i s t o r i ­

setting.

The fragmentary Hellenistic Jewish authors continue intrigue many scholars, not only because they

to

document

many of the less familiar, and less well-known,

aspects

of the life and thought of Greek-speaking Jews, living

in

both Palestine and the Diaspora during the H e l l e n i s t i c Roman period, but also because they are early

representa­

tives of traditions whose later forms and proponents far better known.

The roots of the historiographical

dition as it is embodied nuity with

tra­

in Josephus, long seen in c o n t i ­

1 & 2 M a c c a b e e s , can be explored much more

fully in the fragmentary

remains of earlier exponents of

this tradition, such as Demetrius Eupolemus.

are

the Chronographer

and

That Philo of Alexandria stands within a

hermeneutical tradition much earlier reflected in A r i s t o b u lus has long been known.

In a word, these authors

become valuable evidence in exploring and

have

reconstructing

Introduction

3

the history of traditions within Hellenistic

Judaism

during one of its most shadowy periods where the still remain

sources

scant.

Although the success of these authors' attempts write history, poetry, and philosophy

in a Greek mode

must be judged p a r t i a l , at best, they are valuable

testimonies

nonetheless

for our understanding of

during the Hellenistic-Roman

period.

to

Judaism

At many p o i n t s ,

they exhibit interaction with a tradition of the Greek Bible, and thus become invaluable resources the early history of the Septuagint.

for

In some

uncovering

instances,

they may even provide examples of Greek translations the Bible independent of the Septuagint tradition. much writing of this period, anachronism while they may attempt

to describe an earlier era,

history of the Jews in the Hellenistic-Roman

of these authors.

is especially

period.

illuminated by

some

Because they stand in continuity

with

examples

interpretations, and they continue to raise

questions about the relationship between modes of interpretation

in Palestine vis-a-vis those used

Diaspora settings.

in their

biblical in

Also significant about these

is the degree of self-consciousness endeavors.

their

the

the biblical tradition, they are often important of midrashic

As in

abounds, and

value to us is often in what they tell us about

The Maccabean period

of

authors

literary

The mere fact that they have chosen what

at

the time must have b e e n novel genres in which to reflect and write about their Jewish heritage is itself cant, for it shows that they had entered a new arena, and were expecting much broader setting.

signifi­ literary

their efforts to be judged in a

It also reflects a confident posi­

tion vis-a-vis the culture in which they lived.

That

were doing so in behalf of their faith is almost

unexcep-

tionally true, and in this sense they are engaged religious propaganda. interpreted

they

in

They have long been seen and

as standing within the tradition of

apologetic, a tradition deeply indebted

to pagan

Jewish apologetic

4

Hellenistic Jewish

and highly influential on later Christian

Fragments

apologetic.

The authors included here are generally treated belonging

to a distinct group.

as

They are all named

authors, though in some cases p s e u d o n y m o u s , from the H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n period writing in distinctively g e n r e s : history, ethnography, poetry, and

Greek

philosophy.

This in itself distinguishes them from most all the other authors/texts generally pseudepigrapha, participation

included

and certainly

among the apocrypha

in Hellenistic culture which would

be little known to us from other

otherwise

sources.

They are arranged here in probable order.

chronological

The earliest of them appears to have been

the Chronographer who flourished as early as the mid-third

B . C . E . , and confidently

in Alexandria

century B . C . E .

dated with relative certainty

and

suggests a level of

perhaps

Eupolemus

in the mid-second

located

Demetrius

in Palestine.

after him is the anonymous Samaritan author,

is

century Placed

Pseudo-

E u p o l e m u s , w h o also appears to belong to the early to midsecond century B . C . E . , and reflects a Samaritan Artapanus is confidently

located

in Egypt and most

flourished during the reign of Ptolemy VI (180-145 B . C . E . ) .

provenance. likely

Philometor

Cleodemus M a l c h u s , perhaps a Samaritan

author, is reasonably dated B . C . E . , and Aristeas

in the mid-second

century

"the exegete," who is difficult

locate, at least antedated Alexander Polyhistor first century B . C . E . ) , second century B . C . E .

and may be placed The dating of

to

(mid-

sometime in the

Pseudo-Hecataeus

is complicated by the question of the authenticity of various fragments attributed

the

to H e c a t a e u s , but the

Jewish

author who w r o t e in the name of Hecataeus, however

exten­

sively, can be dated as early as the mid-second B.C.E.

century

Theophilus antedated Alexander Polyhistor

first century B . C . E . ) , with certainty.

and this is all that can be

Thallus likely flourished

late first century C.E.

said

in the mid-

The latest Hellenistic

author whose w o r k s survive in fragmentary

(mid-

to

Jewish

form is Justus

Introduction

5

in Palestine in the

last

quarter of the first century C.E., and perhaps

of Tiberias who flourished

even

into the second century A word

C.E.

should be said about the principle of

inclusion.

This collection attempts to bring together all

those

Greek-speaking Jewish authors whose w o r k s have

survived

in fragmentary construct.

form, but the list is not at all easy

From the above list,

Theophilus, and Thallus are the clearest borderline N e v e r t h e l e s s , in the history of Hellenistic

and it seemed appropriate

cases.

Jewish

scholarship, plausible cases have been argued Jewish identity

to

Pseudo-Hecataeus,

for their

to include

them

here. Authors included by Jacoby in the "Juden" section FGrH 3C, w h o w r o t e about the Jews and w h o s e w o r k s in fragmentary included here. Stern, GLAJJ

of

exist

form, but who were clearly pagan are not These include Apollonius M o l o n

1.148-56, N o s . 4 6 - 5 0 ) , A l e x a n d e r

(No. 728 = Polyhistor

(after N o . 729 = N o . 273 = Stern, GLAJJ 1.157-63, N o s . 515 3 ) , Teucer of Cyzicus

(after No. 729 = N o . 274, T 1 =

Stern, GLAJJ 1.165-66, N o . 5 4 ) , Damocritus Stern, GLAJJ

1.530-31, N o . 2 4 7 ) , Apion

N o . 616, T 11 = Stern, GLAJJ

(after N o . 730 =

1.389-416, N o s .

N i c h a r c h u s , the son of Ammonius

163-77),

(No. 731 = Stern,

1.532-33, No. 2 4 8 ) , Antonius Julianus GLAJJ

(No. 730 =

1.458-61, No. 2 0 1 ) , Philo of Byblos

(after No. 735 =

N o . 790, F r g s . 9-11 = Stern, GLAJJ 2.138-45, N o s . and Ptolemy

GLAJJ

(No. 735 = Stern,

323-39),

(after N o . 736 = N o . 199 = Stern, GLAJJ

1.355-

56, No. 1 4 6 ) . In addition to these, there are those

Hellenistic

Jewish authors known to have written h i s t o r i c a l but of which there are no extant include (1)

the

fragments.

works

These

following:

One such author appears to have been

Judas

(FGrH 2 6 1 ) , mentioned by E u s e b i u s , H.E. 6.6.7, as having composed

a "written discourse on the seventy weeks in

the book of Daniel." The name suggests

that he was Jewish,

6

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

but in what sense, if any, his was an historical is unclear.

It apparently

dealt with

chronological

m a t t e r s , and may well have been an apocalyptic (2)

work.

Jacoby also includes John Hyrcanus I

whose achievements were recorded his high priesthood"

work,

(No. 736)

"in the chronicles of

(1 Mace 1 6 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) , but no

fragments

of this work are extant. (3)

In this same category belongs

"Philo the Elder"

who is said by Clement to have treated the Jewish differently

from Demetrius the Chronographer

1.21.141.3).

He is apparently

kings

(Strom.

the same Philo whom

Josephus regards as a pagan author and includes with Demetrius of Phalerum and Eupolemus as "exceptional their approximation

to the truth"

(Ag.Ap_. 1 . 2 1 8 ) .

in

Clement

seems to imply that this Philo w r o t e a separate work the Jewish k i n g s , but no fragments from the work Though he is sometimes treated as a separate (e.g., W a l t e r , JSHRZ

exist.

author

(1,2) 1 1 2 - 1 4 ) , he has been

with Philo Epicus who will be treated in the volume.

on

identified

second

Further discussion of his "historical work"

w i l l be found there. (4)

Pseudo-Hystaspes

A Greek work attributed

should also be mentioned

to H y s t a s p e s , the father of King

D a r i u s , is mentioned by Justin (Strom. 18.2-3).

here.

(Apol. 1 . 2 0 . 1 ) ,

6 . 5 . 4 3 . 1 - 2 ) , and Lactantius

Clement

(Div. Inst.

The work was apparently apocalyptic

7.15.19;

in n a t u r e ,

containing predictions of the d e s t r u c t i o n of the world and a reference to the Messianic is certainly

Jewish, and arguably Christian.

have survived Literature,

Son of God.

(Cf. Denis, Introduction,

The work No

fragments

268-69; Schiirer,

292-94).

Still another category exists which includes

two

authors: (1)

The memoirs

(unoy.vriy.cxxa) of Herod the Great

cited by Josephus as the source of his account of execution of Hyrcanus

are

the

(cf. Ant. 15.164-68, esp. 1 7 4 ) . It

is likely that he knew them only indirectly

through

Introduction

7

Nicolaus of Damascus, Herod's secretary. mentioned

in Jacoby's

in No. 236.

They

are

listing after No. 736, and

excerpted

Though they deal with historical m a t t e r s ,

as "memoirs" they are generally excluded

from the

category

of Hellenistic Jewish h i s t o r i a n s , and consequently not included (2)

in this

are

collection.

It is well known that Jason of Cyrene

by Jacoby after N o . 735 = N o . 182) devoted

a

(mentioned

five-volume

work to the M a c c a b e a n period, and that 2 M a c c a b e e s is an epitome of this earlier w o r k , written ca. 160 B.C.E. (cf. 2 Mace 2 : 1 9 - 3 2 ) . made to reconstruct

While extensive efforts have

the original w o r k , or to

certain parts of 2 Mace to Jason through analysis, because no other fragments

been

attribute

literary

from the work

exist

apart from 2 M a c e , he is not included here, but is best dealt with in connection with there is abundant

scholarly

2 M a c e . , concerning

Finally, Aristo of Pella, mentioned by Jacoby No. 735, but excerpted apologist

2.122-23; ODCC

generally designated p o e t s — E z e k i e l

those

the

and

authors

Tragedian,

(FGrH No. 7 2 9 ) , and Theodotus

along with Aristobulus

cf.

82-83).

In a separate volume are included

Philo Epicus

after

in N o . 236, was a Christian

(cf. E u s e b i u s , H.E. 4.6.4, on which

Lawlor-Oulton,

which

literature.

(FGrH N o . 7 3 2 ) ,

Pseudo-Phocylides.

The Transmission of the Texts With few e x c e p t i o n s , the authors included here were preserved by Eusebius

in the Praeparatio Evangelica.

had not read them directly, h o w e v e r , but excerpted

He

them

from Alexander Polyhistor's work Concerning the Jews. Accordingly, Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius will be treated as the primary tradents.

Second in importance

Eusebius in this respect is Clement of Stromata in which preserved.

Alexandria

some of the fragments were

Because of the overriding

to

first

importance of the

Eusebius tradition, h o w e v e r , it will be treated

in detail.

8

Hellenistic Jewish

(i)

Alexander Polyhistpr.

Fragments

The majority of

texts were first preserved by L. Cornelius

these

Alexander,

more familiarly known as Alexander Polyhistor, who was born at Miletus in Asia Minor ca. 105 B.C.E.

Taken

prisoner by Sulla in his war against Mithridates V I , he was brought to Rome where he was freed ca. 80 B . C . E .

In

Rome he became an influential teacher and counted

among

his students Julius H y g i n u s .

burned

He was accidentally

to death at Laurentum near Rome ca. 35 B . C . E . Writing at Rome in the mid-first

century B . C . E . ,

Alexander Polyhistor was mainly an epitomist who e t h n o g r a p h i c a l materials on various places and Rome) and peoples

(e.g., the J e w s ) , and

a variety of other materials ranging

collected miracle

He is quite

in his treatment of the materials he

but valuable to us precisely

Delphi

from popular

stories to philosophy and literary criticism. unoriginal

excerpted

(e.g.,

collected,

for this reason, for this

increases the likelihood that the excerpts he preserved were relatively

accurate.

The very fact that a pagan

writing in Rome in the mid-first and used Jewish

sources is itself significant, and

seldom recognized

Unfortunately, only

scattered output

collected

in FGrH 27 3, and even more comprehensively

Muller in FHG 3.206-44.

The fragments excerpted

Jewish authors are most likely from a separate w o r k , nepL

too

from Alexander Polyhistor's vast literary

have survived, but they have been conveniently by Jacoby

knew

in reconstructions of Judaism in the

H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n period. fragments

century B . C . E . both

*Iou6aia)v

(cf. Clement, Strom.

by

from

ethnographic

1.21.130.3;

E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9 . 1 7 . 1 ) , devoted entirely to Judaica.

(ii)

Eusebius.

Alexander Polyhistor became a

primary source for Eusebius in his apologetic work Praeparatio E v a n g e l i c a , written after his

the

celebrated

Historica Ecclesiastica, and conceived as a prolegomenon to the Demonstratio Evangelica.

The fragments are cited

by Eusebius primarily because they are preserved by a

Introduction

9

pagan author w h o became a valuable witness to the of Judaism,

and by extension, to the credibility

Christianity.

apologetic.

With few e x c e p t i o n s , most of the Jewish are excerpted

in Book

9 of P.E.,

(Pseudo-Hecataeus)

authors

although some occur

and Book

The Textual History of the Praeparatio

K. M r a s , Die Praeparatio Evangelica xiii-liv.

in

13 (Aristobulus).

Evangelica.

The textual history of P.E. is most thoroughly

pp.

of

The former, of course, was to become a

major theme in both Jewish and Christian

Book 10

antiquity

treated by

(GCS, 4 3 , 1 ) , v o l . 1,

The earlier work by I. A. Heikel, De

Praeparationis Evangelicae Eusebii edendae ratione

(1888)

is also v a l u a b l e , but was taken into full account by Mras.

P. Henry's Recherches

d'Eusebe et 1'edition par Eustochius Sc.

sur la Preparation

Evangelique

perdue des oeuvres de Plotin

publiee

(Bibl. de l'Ecole des H a u t e s - E t u d e s ,

rel. 50, 1935) was not taken into account by M r a s ,

but does inform the brief survey of the textual of P.E. by E. des Places in La preparation (Sources chretiennes, 206; 1 9 7 5 ) ,

tradition

evangelique

v o l . 1, pp. 55-58.

There is a broad consensus among textual critics who have dealt with the manuscript MS evidence can be divided one MS

tradition of P.E. that

the

into two major families with

(I) occupying a mediating position.

The

first

family has as its chief representative A, the oldest MS of P.E., dated in 914 C.E.

extant

It contains the writings

of several authors, including E u s e b i u s , but only

Books

1-5 of P.E.

from

Since none of our fragments derives

this section of P.E. , as a witness it is irrelevant our p u r p o s e s .

H, an eleventh century M S , but it too contains only 1-5, and is clearly dependent directly on A. is of any value for this collection.

importance.

is

Books

T h u s , neither

In this

des Places also includes S, a tenth century M S of m i n o r

for

The other chief witness of this family

family,

parchment

10

Hellenistic Jewish

The second

Fragments

family constitutes a definable text

whose chief representatives contain Books 1-15.

The principal representative of

family is 0, a paper MS copied at the end of the century by a scribe named N i c e p h o r u s , whom Mras 0^".

type

are BO(G)VND, all of which this

thirteenth designated

Because the ink used by O^" was fading, chapters

1-8

were recopied about fifty years later (but prior to 1344) y z by a scribe designated 0 . A third hand, 0 , made some corrections after the work of 0 , but before 0^.

G, a

paper MS dated

This is

in 1344, has been copied

from 0^.

now well established and widely accepted. only subsidiary

It is

therefore

to 0, but useful enough to be mentioned

separately because it fills in several places where 0 is hard to read.

Two other M S S , F and C, are directly

from G, and thus of no direct value in preparing textual

copied

a

edition.

The other major representatives of the second are of unequal value.

The earliest

is B, a thirteenth

century paper M S , copied primarily by a single L o n g i n u s , who worked very carelessly. and omitted

scribe,

He simplified

lines, sections and chapters.

out the entire twelfth book!

family

He even

Because of his

forms

left

carelessness,

approximately one-third of P.E. has been omitted

in B.

However, according to M r a s , the V o r l a g e he used was of good quality.

The few places where his text is

longer

than the other MSS are likely to be genuine and should given careful consideration.

Not surprisingly,

of several correctors can be detected B^

in B.

be

the work

Not only did

(Longinus) correct many mistakes himself, but other 2 x 4

correctors whom Mras designates as B , B , and B to improve his M S .

indicate that he cannot identify

the hand of a corrector

with certainty, and thus a reading so designated 2 x 4 be clearly assigned to B , B , or B . V, a paper MS from the beginning of the century

worked

B^ is the siglum used by Mras to

cannot

fourteenth

(1335), written by a single copyist, is well

preserved

and of high literary quality.

It is an

excellent

Introduction

11

representative of the second

family, but provides

nothing

really new when compared with other w i t n e s s e s . N, a well preserved

fifteenth century paper M S , was

written by a single copyist, though a few corrections from a second hand. derived

Although Heikel believed

from 0, M r a s regards N as an independent

sentative of the second it has preserved, that family. especially books.

stem

that N

family because in many

repre­

instances

over against 0, the genuine reading of

H o w e v e r , kinship between N and 0 is prominent in Books 1-9

and in the last

N is even more closely related to D and

two

comes

from the same V o r l a g e used by D, except in Book 9

(see

comments on D) . D, a sixteenth century paper M S , is written by two hands, the first of whom is designated

as Damaskenos,

who wrote the majority of the M S . Book 9, however, was 2 written by a second hand, D (my d e s i g n a t i o n ) . Mras 2 establishes that D

copied Book 9 from I or j

comments on I and j ) .

As mentioned

in

(see

the^previous

paragraph, apart from Book 9, D is the twin of N, x from the same V o r l a g e .

Two other copyists —

made corrections and additions Representing

D

stemming 4 and D

(using I or j ) .

a mediating position between these

two

families is another w i t n e s s , I, a fifteenth century M S , written by two copyists, designated by Mras as l a

Book 9 is part of the work of I . on two sources:

Generally,

a

I depends

(1) B, in Books 1-3.1.5, and in Book

1 5 . 1 7 . 1 - 1 5 . 6 2 . 1 8 , and

(2) a V o r l a g e

(now lost)

belonging

primarily to family one, but influenced by MSS from other family.

3

and I* .

O v e r a l l , I is an excellent

unreliable in orthographical m a t t e r s .

text,

It is an

MS primarily because it represents a mediating between the two families

important position

(except in Books 1, 2, and 15,

where it is directly dependent on B ) .

It is also

important because it is the MS translated by George Trapezunt,

the

though

into

Latin

the first Latin translation of P.E.

I also contains corrections

from three other h a n d s :

12

Hellenistic Jewish

x y I , I, T

T

J

Fragments

, z and I . T

Another w i t n e s s , related to I, is j, a fifteenth century MS written

in Rome by Kosmas, a monk,

Bessarion, bishop of Rome.

Though disputed,

for its direct

dependence on I has been established by Mras who the same peculiarities

in j as in I and gives

examples proving direct dependence. establishing

the chronology of I.

and since j is firmly dated terminus ante quern for I. century, was copied

found

convincing

It is important Since j copied

for

from I,

in 1470, this provides a E , a paper MS of the

sixteenth

from j.

At the conclusion of his description of the major M S S , Mras sketches their relationship as follows:

A(H)|

I

|| BO(G)VND

This formula indicates that there are two basic

families,

A(H) and BO(G)VND, with I occupying a mediating

position

which is closer to the A family.

The parentheses

around

H and G indicate that they are copies of A and 0 respec­ tively and are thus only valuable 0.

for supplementing

A and

Mras omits j and E as copies of I. Since A and H do not contain Book

Book 9, D was copied

9, and since

in

from I and j, the relationship of

MSS in Book 9 may be represented

the

as follows:

I (j,D) |B0(G)VN

In this case, j and D are probably of negligible The general principles guiding Mras in the of his text are as follows:

in Books 6-15,

when it is m o r e detailed and complete

value. preparation

I is preferred

than the other M S S .

When this is not the case, a decision has been made on the individual merits of the reading. reading is regarded I agree, and

as correct

Generally,

based a

(1) in Books 1-5 when A and

(2) in Books 6-15 when B and I agree.

should be noted that this procedure

seems

It

questionable

Introduction

for chapter

13

15.17.1-15.62.18 where I copied

has also made a few c o n j e c t u r e s .

from B.

Mras

He is very cautious

in

this respect and is critical of previous editors, who in his opinion m a d e too many

conjectures.

A word should also be said about the chapter

headings

which appear throughout the w o r k , and which occur quently

in the fragments.

Mras convincingly

fre­

demonstrated

that they, along with the table of contents for each book were prepared by Eusebius himself.

Later

editors

often omitted them, but Bidez rightly questioned omission by Gifford

in his edition.

Their

authenticity

can be established by conclusive p r o o f s , e.g., often presuppose versa.

their

the

titles

the contents of the chapters and vice

They should be regarded as an intrinsic part of

the work.

Numerous examples are cited by Mras

Preparation of the Text and

(viii-ix).

Apparatus

In the fragments preserved by E u s e b i u s , I have

used

the text of K. M r a s , Die Praeparatio E v a n g e l i c a , Bd. Eusebius Werke

(GCS, 43; B e r l i n : Akademie Verlag,

with the kind permission of the Akademie Verlag. apparatus criticus

The

for each of these fragments has

prepared, based primarily on M r a s

1

8,

1954-56) ,

a p p a r a t u s , but

been always

in close consultation with Jacoby, FGrH 3C, N o s . 7 2 2 - 3 7 . It should be noted here that in constructing his apparatus, Jacoby consistently omitted references to MS N, probably because of Heikel's contention that N was derived Moreover, M r a s

1

apparatus proved to be constructed

far greater care and accuracy than J a c o b y ' s , and provided

from 0.

a far superior basis for constructing

with

thus

my

apparatus. In supplying M r a s ' text, I have retained punctuation, paragraph d i v i s i o n s , and numbering

system.

format of

his

indentations,

I have also retained his

practice

of supplying the paragraph division numbers of Viger the margin, with a vertical

line

([) within the

marking the page d i v i s i o n s , although

in

text

I have checked

each

14

Hellenistic Jewish

of these in V i g e r independently.

Fragments

Only in the form of the

chapter headings have I altered the form of M r a s ' In constructing

text.

the apparatus c r i t i c u s , I have

sought to include all of M r a s ' variants, but have mented them when necessary from Jacoby.

from other editions,

supple­

mostly

Not all of M r a s ' variants have been

included.

Some minor orthographical variants, insignificant

numerical

variants, and other minor grammatical variants have in some cases been omitted. included,

In selecting

the variants to be

I have followed this p r i n c i p l e :

once the d e c i ­

sion has b e e n made to include a "variation unit," all of the MS evidence adduced by Mras has been transmitted

to

my a p p a r a t u s , and I have sought to do so with as much clarity and exacting detail as Mras did. examined

Because he had

the manuscripts with such painstaking

recording his findings with such lucidity and

care, accuracy,

this has not always been possible to the same degree. Parallel r e f e r e n c e s , explanatory comments, and

other

information provided by Mras within his apparatus

which

is not directly related to the manuscript tradition,

I have

not included in my apparatus, but have sought to incorpo­ rate within the annotations at the end of each I have taken an additional

liberty:

section.

because of the

peculiar tendencies of B, I have been more generous including variants from B in the apparatus, thus the interested some

in

allowing

reader to follow the tendencies of B with

consistency. I have also followed M r a s ' practice of listing

in

the register directly above the apparatus the pertinent MSS for a particular

fragment.

It may be assumed

these are the MSS in which a given fragment is

In most instances, this has meant BION, but there some e x c e p t i o n s .

In those cases, the relationship

the M S S can be clarified by the discussion section, or by consulting Mras

directly.

that

located.

in the

are between above

Introduction

15

This is also the appropriate place to note an 1

important difference between M r a s ' and

Freudenthal s

textual critical work on these authors. was only interested

in reconstructing

of Eusebius, Freudenthal

Whereas

(and later Jacoby)

text

sought

reconstruct the original text of the Jewish themselves.

Mras

the original

to

authors

Accordingly, Freudenthal proposes

conjectures

far m o r e often than does M r a s , w h o , after all, had need to do so, given the nature of his work.

For

reason, internal contradictions within the text in M r a s

1

little this

remain

edition of Eusebius, whereas F r e u d e n t h a l , on

the other hand, sought to reconcile such problems he encountered

when

them.

In preparing the text and the apparatus criticus, I have used M. L. W e s t , Textual Criticism and Technique

(Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner, 1 9 7 3 ) , as the

fundamental guide.

The form of the apparatus

to his suggestions, and the changes in the sigla from those used by Mras are thereby Since it has been impossible exactly,

Editorial

conforms

editorial explained.

to reproduce M r a s

1

apparatus

I have sought to retain the exactness and preci­

sion he achieved but in the form suggested by West. have

I

followed West's suggestions as rigorously as possible,

except when I thought the nature of this demanded o t h e r w i s e .

collection

For example. West recommends

"the statement of sources of a transmitted

reading

should not be augmented by names of editors or who have

approved

critics

it" and that" with conjectures, only

the original propounder I have followed

should be named"

(p. 90, n. 1 9 ) .

this advice in most cases, but in those

instances where the crucial role played by editors reconstructing prominently

that

and

interpreting

these texts has

in

figured

in the scholarly d e b a t e , I have included

than the "original

propounder."

more

16

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

In the case of those fragments not preserved E u s e b i u s , P.E., but in his H.E., or in other

in

sources,

I have followed the same p r a c t i c e : to use the

apparatus

from the critical edition from which the text is cited as the basis of my apparatus, but supplemented information placed

with

from other relevant editions or sources, but

in the form suggested by West.

Thus, I have

sought to achieve uniformity

in the use of sigla,

t i o n s , and format throughout

the w o r k , in spite of the

great variety are

in the editions from w h i c h the

abbrevia­

fragments

taken.

Manuscripts In this listing of the M S S , to assist the reader

in

the use of the apparatus c r i t i c u s , I have included the MSS from the various primary are taken.

The following

sources from which the

fragments

are the most frequently

used

sources for the fragments, with P.E. by far the most important

single source, and Stromata the

E u s e b i u s , P.E., Clement, Strom., The following

sources supply only a few of the

in most cases, only one fragment:

Panarion

fragments,

Eusebius, H.E.

(Aristobulus, Frg. 1 ) ; Josephus, Ant. Frg. 1 ) ; Life

second:

and J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap.

(Cleodemus M a l c h u s ,

(Justus of Tiberias, F r g s . 4 & 5 ) , E p i p h a n i u s ,

(Ezekiel the Tragedian, Frg. 4 ) ; Syncellus

(Thallus, F r g s . 1 & 5; Justus of T i b e r i a s , F r g s . 2 & 3 ) , T h e o p h i l u s , Ad Autolycum Laertius

(Thallus, Frg.

2 ) , Diogenes

(Justus of T i b e r i a s , Frg. 1 ) .

For ease of reference, the sources are listed in alphabetical order

(by a u t h o r ) .

below

Introduction

Manuscripts

1.

17

(cont.)

Clement, L

Stromata

Laurentianus V 3, 11th L^"

The original scribe who corrected manymistakes

2 3 L -L Ath

Two younger hands who corrected mistakes

Cod. A t h o u s

(Codex Lawra B 1 1 3 ) , 11th

(Cf. Stahlin-Fruchtel, GCS vii-xv and xvii.)

2.

Epiphanius, V

Vaticanus

503

M

Marcianus

125

U

Urbinas

B

(52 [15]), vol. 2, pp.

( 3 1 ) , v o l . 2, p. v.)

Ecclesiastica

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale a

cent.

17/18

Eusebius, Historia A

many

Panarion

(Cf. K. H o l l , GCS

3.

cent.

Rome, V a t i c a n u s

1430

399, copy of A

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale

1431

b

Venice, Marcianus

339, copy of B

3

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale of B

D

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale

E

F l o r e n c e , Laurentianus

M

V e n i c e , Marcianus

R

Moscow, Library of H. Synod

T

F l o r e n c e , Laurentianus

70, 20

338

70,7

50

1433

1432, copy

18

3.

Hellenistic Jewish

E u s e b i u s , Historia n

E

Fragments

Ecclesiastica

Text of Greek MSS 1

First hand

c

Older corrector distinguishable original author

r

More recent

m

In the margin

from the

corrector

Syriac translation (Wright and M ' L e a n , The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius in Syriac [Cambridge, 1 8 9 8 ] ; German translation by Nestle TU N.F. 6.2 [Leipzig, 1901]) E

t

Chapter headings within the

S

a

MS in

E

b

London, British Museum Add.

S

a

r

E

m

text

Petersburg 14639

Armenian translation of Syriac t r a n s ­ lation, V e n i c e , 1877. Excerpts, e.g., Wright and M ' L e a n , p. vii.

[G> ]

Agreement of a biblical citation in E with the Syriac translation of the Bible

M a n u s c r i p t s of Rufinus: F

Miinchen 6 375

(Freisingen)

N

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale

18282

0

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale

5500

P

Rome, Vaticanus Palatinus

A

=

(Cf.

Schwartz/Mommsen, GCS

822

Rufinus ( 9 . 1 ) , p.

1.)

troduction

19

E u s e b i u s , Praeparatio

Evangelica

A

Codex Parisinus graecus 451, 914 C.E.

B

Codex Parisinus graecus (3rd quarter)

465, 13th

century

C

Codex Parisinus graecus 466, 16th

century

D

Codex Parisinus graecus 467, 16th (older than E)

century

E

Codex Parisinus graecus

century

F

Codex Laurentianus Plut. VI 6, 15th

G

Codex Laurentianus VI 9, 1344 C.E.

H

Codex M a r c i a n u s graecus

343, 11th

century

I

Codex M a r c i a n u s graecus

341, 15th

century

j

Codex M a r c i a n u s graecus

342, 1470 C.E.

N

N e a p o l i t a n u s graecus II AA 16, 15th

0

Codex Bononiensis Univ.

V

Codex Batopedianus

(Cf. M r a s , GCS esp. p. LIX.)

(43.1

Josephus, Against L

46 8, 16th

century

century

3643, end of 13th

180, 1335 C.E.

[8]), vol. 1, pp. X I I I - L V I I I ,

Apion

Codex L a u r e n t i a n u s , Plut. 6 9 . 2 2 , 11th

Lat. Old Latin version commissioned

by

cent.

Cassiodorus

(Cf. H. St. J. Thackeray, LCL, v o l . 1, pp.

Josephus,

century

xviii-xix.)

Antiquities

Whenever p o s s i b l e , fragments which

first

appear

in Josephus have been taken from Niese's editio maior. For the A n t i q u i t i e s , a thorough discussion of

the

textual tradition underlying Niese's text may be found in vol. 1, pp. v-lxxx. cited by Niese

(summarized

4, pp. xvii-xviii)

The textual

authorities

by Thackeray in LCL, v o l .

are as follows:

20

6.

Hellenistic Jewish

Josephus, Antiquities

Fragments

(cont.)

E

Epitome antiquitatum. Epitome used by Zonaras and conjectured by Niese to have been made in the 10th or 11th century. Written in good Attic Greek and omits V i t a .

L

Codex Laurentianus, plut.

M

Codex Marcianus century

0

Codex Oxoniensis (Bodleianus), m i s c e l l . gr. 186, 15th century

P

Codex Parisinus Gr. 1419, 11th

R

Codex Regius Parisinus Gr. 1421, 14th

S

Codex V i n d o b o n e n s i s 11th century

V

Codex V a t i c a n u s , Gr. no. 147, 14th

69.20, 14th

(Venice) , Gr. n o . 381, 13th

century century

II. A 19, histor. Gr. 2,

Lat. Latin version made by order of 5th or 6th century Zon. Chronicon of J.

century

Zonaras, 12th

century

Cassiodorus,

century

Exc. Excerpta Peiresciana. Excerpts made by order of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, 10th century Other witnesses cited from the fathers cited in the upper register of the apparatus criticus are selfexplanatory. Note: In the apparatus criticus of Niese's edition the asterisk (*) preceding a word for which variants are provided indicates that the word/words in the manuscript(s) cited agree with the epitome of the manuscript(s) so cited. The asterisk has not been included in my apparatus criticus.

7.

J o s e p h u s , Life A

Codex Ambrosianus 11th century

(Mediolanensis) F. 128,

P

Codex Palatinus (Vaticanus) Graecus 14, 9th or 10th century

Introduction

7.

8.

Josephus, Life

21

(cont.)

R

Codex Regius

(Parisinus) Gr. 1423, 14th

M

Codex M e d i c e o - L a u r e n t i a n u s , 15th century

W

Codex V a t i c a n u s Gr. 984, 1354 C.E.

(Cf.

H. St. J. Thackeray, LCL, vol. 1, p. xvii.)

Plut.

century

69, cod. 10,

Syncellus A

Paris 1711, 1021 C.E., used by Scaliger and Goar, the first two editors. E d i t i o n s : Paris, 1652; V e n i c e , 1729.

B

Paris 1 7 6 4 , superior to A.

(Cf. Dindorf, Syncellus (CSHB), preface; W. G. Waddell, Manetho (LCL; Cambridge: M a s s . : Harvard University P r e s s / L o n d o n : Heinemann, 1 9 4 0 ) , p. xxx.

9.

Theophilus, Ad

Autolycum

B

Codex Bodleianus Auct. E I.II,

P

Codex Parisinus graecus

V

Codex M a r c i a n u s 11th century

16th

century

887, 1540 C.E.

(Venetus graecus)

496,

2 V

Corrector of M a r c i a n u s

496, 15th

century

(Cf. R. M. Grant, Theophilus of A n t i o c h : Ad Autolycum [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 9 7 0 ] , pp. xix-xx and xxix.)

22

Hellenistic Jewish

Symbols Used in Apparatus

Fragments

Criticus

<

>

Conjectural addition

{

}

Conjectural

[

]

Lacuna(e) resulting from physical damage (full stops may be used to represent letter-spaces)

H

D

i_ j

deletion

Scribal deletion or Scribal

(omitted in all MSS)

erasure

correction

N o n - c o n j e c t u r a l l a c u n a ( e ) , that is, lacuna(e) whose content is known or can be supplied from another source (full stops may be used to represent letterspaces)

t

Editorial indication of corruption in the text (corrupt phrase enclosed by t t; corrupt word preceded immediately by t )

a|3y

Letters deciphered with

x/x

Stands in letter-space

left by

erasure

:

Separates variants within a variation

|

Separates variation

units

?

Indicates editorial

uncertainty

(!)

=

( 1

uncertainty

) 2

3

unit

(sic)

Encloses parenthetical

remarks

Designates first, second, third correctors (i.e. , B , B = B corrected by the original scribe, by the second hand, etc. 1

2

Letter absent in MS(S) * rP

Beside MS = original MS or MS before

correction

In the MSS, r with p inserted = YPCupexai, to introduce a variant (Cf. M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. LX.)

(Cf. M. L. West, Textual Criticism and Editorial [Stuttgart: Teubner, 1973] 80-81.)

Technique

Introduction

Abbreviations Used in Apparatus

Criticus

abbrev.

=

abbreviavit

ac

=

ante

coweotionem

add.

addidit

aspir.

aspiritus

cf.

confer

cj .

aonjecit

corr.

=

oorrexit

del.

=

detevit

ditt.

=

dittography

ed(d.)

=

editio/'-nes;

emend.

=

emendavit

et al. fort.

et =

frg(s).

alii

f ortasse fragment(s)

K. T. A..

=

xat, TO. AoiTtd

lac.

=

lacuna

lin.

=

line(s)

mg/marg.

in

MS (S)

manuscript(s)

mut.

editor/-e

=

margine

mutavit

or

mutilatus

note(s)

n/not. om.

=

omisit

P(P).

=

page(s)

par.

paragraph(s)

pc

post

correctionem

24

Hellenistic Jewish

Abbreviations Used in Apparatus

Criticus

rest.

re stituit

sq (q) .

sequens(-entis)

superscr.

super scrip sit

transp.

transposuit

x/x

rasura

v. I.

varia

Fragments

(cont.)

lectio

Cf. Association Internationale des Etudes B y z a n t i n e s , Bulletin d'Information et de Coordination 4 (1968) 24-31; also, K. Aland, et al. Novum Testamentum Graece (26th ed.; Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelstiftung, 1979) 776-79; also H. P. Ruger, An English Key to the Latin Words and Abbreviations and the Symbols of BIBLIA HEBRAICA STUTTGARTENSIA (Stuttgart: German Bible Society, 1 9 8 1 ) .

Introduction

25

BIBLIOGRAPHY Sources

I.

for Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

Collections of the F r a g m e n t s . A.

Texts. Muller, C. Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum collegit, disposuit, notis et prolegomenis illustravit, indicibus instruxit. Paris, 1841-72. 5 vols. (= M u l l . , FHG) Fragments of Alexander Polyhistor contained in v o l . 3 (1849), pp. 206-44. Fragments "concerning the J e w s , " N o s . 3-24, arranged in order in which they occur in P. E . , Bk. 9. Reprints Greek text and Latin translation from Gaisford. Freudenthal, J. Hellenistische Studien. Alexander Polyhistor und die von ihm erhaltenen Reste judischer und samaritanischer Geschichtswerke. Breslau, 1874-75. 2 vols. (= Freu.) Bulk of the work (vol. 2) devoted to detailed analysis and discussion based on Freudenthal's pioneering research on these a u t h o r s . Miscel­ laneous n o t e s , especially text critical, pp. 199-218. Freudenthal's text, with critical apparatus, contained in pp. 219-36. Stearns, W. N. Fragments from Graeco-Jewish Writers. Chicago, 1908"] 1= Stearns) Includes texts of most of the authors; reprints Heinichen's text; no translation. Introduction and fairly extensive notes of limited value. Jacoby, F. Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Leiden, 1954-69. 3 vols, in 16 p a r t s . (= J a c , FGrH) The Jewish "historical texts" are contained in Teil III C, Band 2 (1958, repr. 1 9 6 9 ) , N o s . 722-737, pp. 666-713. Extensive critical apparatus at bottom of each p a g e . For texts taken from P^ Ej_, Jacoby uses M r a s ' s text as a basis, but makes a few changes based primarily on F r e u d e n t h a l .

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

Collections of the F r a g m e n t s . A.

Texts. D e n i s , A. M. Fragmenta pseudepigraphorum quae supersunt Graeca una cum historicorum et auctorum Judaeorum hellenistarurn fragmentis (published with M. Black, Apocalypsis Henochi G r a e c e ) . Leiden, 1970. (= Denis, Frag.) The most comprehensive collection of frag­ mentary Hellenistic Jewish authors to date. Useful introduction, texts (pp. 61-228) , minimal critical apparatus, indices of biblical references, ancient and modern authors. Useful introductory material and extensive bibliography of each author provided in Denis, Introduction aux pseudepigraphes grecs d'ancien testament (Leiden, 1970) (= Denis, I n t r o . ) .

B.

Translations. English: Charlesworth, J. H. (ed.). The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 v o l s . Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983. (= Charlesworth, OTP) German: Riessler, P. Alt jiidisches Schrifttum ausserhalb der Bibel. Heidelberg, 1927. 2. A u f l . , 1966. (= Riessler) First comprehensive collection of pseudepigrapha in German. Arranged alphabetically by author and/or title. N o t e s , pp. 1266-1339. Walter, N. Judische Schriften aus h e l l e n i s t i s c h Romischer Zeit. Ed. W. G. Kummel, et a l . Gutersloh, 1976 - . (= Walter, J S ) . "Fragmente judisch-hellenistischer in Bd. 1, Lfg. 2: Historische und Erzahlungen, 1976; pp. 9 1 - 1 6 3 .

Historiker," legendarische

E u p o l e m u s , T h e o p h i l u s , Philo the Elder, Cleodemus M a l c h u s , A r t a p a n u s , P s e u d o E u p o l e m u s , Pseudo-Hecataeus I & I I . "Fragmente judisch-hellenistischer Exegeten," in Bd. 3, Lfg. 2: Unterweisung in lehrhafter Form, 1975; pp. 257-99. (cont.)

Introduction

I.

Collections of the Fragments B.

Translations.

(cont.)

(cont.)

German: Walter

(cont.)

"Fragmente

judisch-hellenistischer

Exegeten"

A r i s t o b u l u s , Demetrius, A r i s t e a s . "Poetische Schriften,"

in Bd. 4

(forthcoming)

Ezekiel the Tragedian, Philo the Epic Theodotus.

I.

Individual A.

Poet

Authors.

E u s e b i u s , Praeparatio

Evangelica.

Texts. Stephanus, R. Eusebii Pamphili Evangelicae Praeparationis libri XV. P a r i s , 1544. (= E s t i e n n e , Etienne, Stephens, Steph.) The earliest edition of the Greek text of P. E . Based on MSS D & E . The page numbers of this edition appear in the margins of some subsequent e d i t i o n s . V i g e r u s , F. Eusebii Pamphili Caesareae Palaestinae episcopi Praeparatio Evangelica. P a r i s , 1628. (= V i g e r , Vigier, V i g u i e r , Vig. ) Contains text expertly revised by V i g e r , also his fresh Latin translation and annotations. His re-division of the chapters was adopted by later editions, especially M r a s . The page numbers of this edition, with the additional a-d division, appeared in the margins of most subsequent e d i t i o n s , and became the most widely used system of reference. Heinichen, F. A. Eusebii Pamphili P r a e p a r a ­ tionis Evangelicae libri XV. Leipzig, 1842-43. 2 vols. (= Hein.) Reprints Greek text based on Stephanus and Viger. Underneath the text are critical notes including textual n o t e s , parallel references, explanations. Indices of authors topics, and Greek w o r d s .

Hellenistic

Jewish

Fragments

Individual A u t h o r s . A.

E u s e b i u s , Praeparatio Texts.

Evangelica.

(cont.)

Gaisford, T. •Eusebii Pamphili Evangelicae Praeparationis Libri XV. Oxford, 1843. 4 vols. (= Gais.) Contains text revised by Gaisford, with full critical apparatus and Viger's Latin translation on each p a g e . Vol. 4 contains Viger's notes (pp. 1 4 8 - 3 3 8 ) , two appendices, one on Aristobulus by L. C. Valckenaer (pp. 3 3 9 - 4 5 1 ) , another on the Orphic fragments by P. W e s s e l i n g i i (pp. 4 5 2 - 5 8 ) , as well as indices of a u t h o r s , biblical passages, names and subjects. Migne, J. P. Patrologia Graeca ( 2 1 ) : Eusebius Pamphili Caesariensis Episcopus ( 3 ) : Praeparatio Evangelica. Paris, 1857. (= PG) Prints Viger's Greek Text, notes, and Latin translation on each page. Greek and Latin in parallel columns. Appendices (cols. 1457-1666) contain notes by Seguier w h o s e French translation of P. E. appeared in 1846. Indices of authors, names, and subjects, Dindorf, W. Eusebii Caesariensis Opera. [Teubner] Leipzig, 1867. 2 vols. (= Dind.) Greek text based on previous editions, but advances earlier w o r k . Ho critical apparatus and no annotations as announced in preface (pp. iv and x x i v f . ) . Indices of a u t h o r s , biblical passages, and Viger's index of names and subjects. Gifford, E. H. Eusebii Pamphili Evangelicae PraeparationesLibri XV. Oxford, 1903. 4 v o l s , in 5 p a r t s . (= Giff.) Greek text based on entirely new collation of M S S ; used MS 0 for the first time. Sig­ nificant advance over previous w o r k . Vols. 1 & 2 contain Greek text with critical appa­ ratus at bottom of each page; v o l . 2 contains index of authors, biblical references, names and subjects based on Greek text. Vol. 3 (in two parts) contains English translation. Part 2 contains index based on English translation. V o l . 4 contains notes in English and index of Greek w o r d s .

Introduction

II.

29

Individual A.

Authors.

Eusebius, Praeparatio

Evangelica.

Texts. M r a s , K. Die Praeparatio E v a n g e l i c a . Bd. 8, Eusebius Werke [Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller (=GCS), 4 3 ] . Berlin, 195456. 2 vols. (= M r a s ) . Standard Greek text of P. E. now in use. Based on collation of all available MSS and takes into account all previous e d i t i o n s . Corrects previous w o r k . Introduction in vol. 1 (pp. xiii - lx) provides description of textual history, manuscript w i t n e s s e s , editions, and introductory material to P. E. Extensive critical apparatus at bottom of each p a g e . Extensive indices, including biblical passages, Christian and nonChristian a u t h o r s , other works of Eusebius, names and subjects. Especially helpful Greek index including Greek terms as well as m a t t e r s of Greek grammar and style. des P l a c e s , E., J. Sirinelli, G. Schroeder, et a l . Eusebe de C e s a r e e . La Preparation evangelique. [Sources chretiennes (= S C ) , ed. C. Mondesert] P a r i s , 1974 -. Only 5 volumes have appeared to d a t e : Book 1 (No. 2 0 6 ) , Books 2-3 (No. 2 2 8 ) , Books 4-5.17 (No. 2 6 2 ) , Books 5.18-6 (No. 2 6 6 ) , and Book 7 (No. 2 1 5 ) . Various translators and c o n t r i b u t o r s . Reprints M r a s s text w i t h facing French translation. Abbreviated critical apparatus at bottom of each page prepared by des Places. V o l . 1 contains useful introduction to P. E. and extensive commentary on Book 1 (pp. 2 1 2 - 3 2 3 ) . Other volumes contain introductory material and n o t e s . 1

Translations. English: Gifford, E. H. Eusebii Pamphili Hvangelicae Praeparationes. Oxford, 1903. V o l . 3 "(Parts 1 & 2) . Cf. entry above.

Hellenistic Jewish

Individual A.

Fragments

Authors.

E u s e b i u s , Praeparatio

Evangelica.

Translations. French: Seguier de Saint-Brisson (Marquis N i c o l a s Maximilien-Sidoine). Eusebe Pamphile. La preparation evangelique ... avec des notes critiques, h i s t o r i q u e s , et philologiques. Paris, 1846. 2 vols. des Places, E., et al. Eusebe de Cesaree. La preparation evangelique. [Sources chretiennes, 206, 215, 228, 262, and 266] 1974 - '. Books 1-7. Cf. entry above.

Paris

Latin: Trapezunt, G. von. Eusebium Pamphili de evangelica praeparatione latinum ex graeco beatissime pater iussu tuo effecti . . . V e n i c e , 1470. Subsequent editions in 1473, 1480, 1497, 1500, 1501, 1522. (= George of T r e b i z o n d / T r e p i z o n d ) . The first Latin translation of P. E . , based primarily on MS I. V i g e r u s , F. Eusebii Pamphili Caesareae Palaestinae episcopi Praeparatio E v a n g e l i c a . Paris, 1628. Cf. entry above. Viger's Latin translation appears in Gaisford, Mliller, FHG, and Migne (PG) .

Introduction

II.

31

Individual A u t h o r s . B.

Eusebius, Historia

Ecclesiastica•

Texts. Stephanus, R. Ecclesiasticae historiae Eusebii Pamphili libri X. Eiusdem de Vita Constantini libri V. Socratis libri V I I . Theodoriti episcopi Cyrensis libri V. Collectaneorum ex Historia eccles. Theodori Lectoris libri II. Hermii Sozomeni libri IX. Evagrii libri V I . P a r i s , 1544. V a l e s i u s , Henricus, Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticae historiae libri decern. Eiusdem de Vita imp. Constantini libri IV, quibus subj icitur Oratio Constan­ tini ad sanctos et Panegyricus E u s e b i i . Henricus Valesius graecum textum collatis IV m s s . codicibus emendavit, latine vertit et adnotationibus illustravit. Paris, 1659. (= Henri de Valois) 1

Subsequent editions of V a l e s i u s edition of E u s e b i u s , Historia were published in 1672 and 1677, but the most notable in Cambridge in 1720; also contained his edition of Socrates, Sozomen, and the other Greek h i s t o r i a n s . Heinichen, F. A. Eusebii Pamphili Historiae ecclesiasticae libri x, ex nova recognitione cum aliorum ac suis p r o l e g o m e n i s , integro Henrici Valesii commentario, selectis Readingi, Strothii aliorumque virorum doctissimorum observationibus edidit, suas animadversiones et e x c u r s u s , indices Leipzig, 1827-28. "3 v o l s . Burton, Edward. Eusebii Pamphili Historiae ecclesiasticae libri decern, ad codices manuscriptos recensuit Eduardus Burton Oxford, 1838. 2 vols. M i g n e , J. P. Patrologia Graeca ( 2 0 ) : Eusebius Pamphili Caesariensis Episcopus Historia Ecclesiastica. P a r i s , 1857. cols. 45-906. Reprints V a l e s i u s

1

1720

edition.

Hellenistic

Individual B.

Jewish

Fragments

Authors.

E u s e b i u s , Historia Texts.

Ecclesiastica.

(cont.)

Schwartz, E. Eusebius W e r k e , Bd. 9_: Die Kirchengeschichte. [Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller , 9] Leipzig, 1903-1909. 3 vols. V o l . 1 & 2: texts; V o l . 3: introductions and indices. Also contains Latin translation of R u f i n u s , edited by T. Mommsen. Schwartz, E. Eusebius K i r c h e n g e s c h i c h t e . Kleine A u s g a b e . 5. A u f 1 . , unveranderter Nachdruck der 2. durchgesehenen A u f l . Leipzig, 1955. Grapin, E. Eusebe de C e s a r e e . Histoire ecclesiastique. Texte grec et trad. francaise. Paris, 1905-13. 3 vols. £ Lake, K. Eusebius. The Ecclesiastical History. [Loeb Classical Library (= LCL)] London, 1926, 1932. 2 vols. Reprints GCS text. Bardy, G. Eusebe de C e s a r e e . Histoire ecclesastique. [Sources c h r e t i e n n e s , 31 (1952), 41 (1955), 55 (1958)] P a r i s , 1952-58. 3 vols. Translations. English: C r u s e , C. F. The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilus. Translated from Greek with notes selected from the edition of V a l e s i u s . London, 1889. McGiffert, A. C. Later Post-Nicene F a t h e r s . [Series 2] London, 1890; 1. 73-387. Lawlor, H. J. and J. E. L. Oulton. Eusebius. The Ecclesiastical History. London, 1927-28. 2 vols. Lake, K. Eusebius. The Ecclesiastical [LCL] London, 1926, 1932. 2 vols. V o l . 2 reprints Oulton's

translation.

History.

Introduction II.

33

Individual Authors. B.

Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica. Translations. French: Seissel, C. L'histoire ecclesiastique. Paris, 1532. Grapin, E. Eusebe de Cesaree. Histoire ecclesiastique. Paris, 1905-1913. 3 vols. Cf. entry above. Bardy, G. Eusebe de Cesaree. Histoire ecclesiastique. [Sources chretiennes, 31, 41, 55] Paris, 1952, 1955, 1958. 3 vols. Cf. entry above. German: Hedio, Caspar. Chronica, das ist: wahrhaftige Beschreibunge aller alten Christlichen Kirchen; zum ersten, die hist. eccles. Eusebii Pamphili Caesar­ iensis , Eilff Biicher; et al. FrankfortMain, 1582. Stigloher, M. Des Eusebius Pamphili zehn Biicher der Kirchengeschichte, nach dem Urtexte vibersetzt. [Texte und Untersuchungen, Bd. 21, Hft. 2] Leipzig, 1901. Hauser, P. Pes Eusebius Pamphili ... Kirchengeschichte Aus dem Grie"chischen ubersetzt. [BKV , 1] Munchen, 1932. 2

Latin: Rufinus, Tyrannius.

Ecclesiastica historia.

According to Fabricius, Rufinus' Latin trans­ lation was first printed in 1476 at Rome. Bibliotheque Nationale, however, lists other editions: Strassburg, ca. 1475-80; also Utrecht, 1474; Rome, 1476; Mantua, 1479; Strassburg, 1500.

Hellenistic Jewish

Individual B.

Fragments

Authors

E u s e b i u s , Historia

Ecclesiastica.

Translations. Latin:

(cont.)

Valesius, Henricus. Eusebii Pamphili Ecclesiasticae historiae libri decern. . . . Paris, 1659. Cf. entry above. Important

subsequent edition in 1720.

Mommsen, T. Eusebius Pamphili. Werke, Bd. 9_: Die Kirchengeschichte. Die latinische Ubersetzung des Rufinus. Leipzig, 1903-1909. 3 vols. V o l . 1 & 2: text; V o l . 3: introductions and indices. C.

Clement of Alexandria, P r o t r e p t i c u s , P a e d a g o g u s , and Stromata. Texts. M i g n e , J. P. Patrologia G r a e c a : Clemens Alexandrinus ( 8 - 9 ) . P a r i s , 1857. P r o t r e p t i c u s , 1.49-246; Paedagogus, 1.247684; Stromata I-IV, 1.685-1382; Stromata V - V I I I , 2.9-602. Dindorf, W. Clementis A l e x a n d r i n i Opera. Oxford, 1869. 4 vols. P r o t r e p t i c u s , 1.1-123; Paedagogus, 1.124-409; Stromata I-IV, 2.1-417; Stromata V - V I I I , 3.1-37 8; A n n o t a t i o n s , 4.1-461 Stahlin, 0., L. Friichtel, & U. Treu. Clemens Alexandrinus [GCS] 3 Bde. Berlin, 1909-72. (Bd. I: GCS 12 (=56), 3. A u f l . , hrsg. U. Treu, 1972; Bd. I I : GCS 15 (=52), 3. A u f l . , hrsg. L. Friichtel, 1960; Bd. Ill: GCS 17 ( = 1 7 ) , 2. A u f l . , hrsg. L. Friichtel & U. Treu, 1 9 7 0 ) . Protrepticus, 1.3-86; P a e d a g o g u s , 1.90-292; Stromata I-VI, 2.3-518; Stromata V I I - V I I I , 3.3-102. 2

M o n d e s e r t , C., et al. Clement d'Alexandrie [SC] 7 v o l s . Paris, 1944-81. C. Mondesert & A. Plassart, Protreptique (No. 2, 2 ed., 1 9 4 4 ) ; C. Mondesert & M. Caster, Les Stromates I_ (No. 30, 1 9 5 1 ) ; P. T. Camelot & C. M o n d e s e r t , Les Stromates II (No. 38, 1 9 5 4 ) ; H. I. Marrou & M. H a r l , Le Pedagogue I (No. 70, 1960) ; C. Mondesert & H. I. M a r r o u , Le Pedagogue II (No. 108, 1 9 6 5 ) ; A. Le Boulluec & P. V o u l e t , Les Stromates V (et commentaire) (Nos. 278-79, 1981) . e

Introduction

II.

Individual C.

35

Authors.

Clement of Alexandria

(cont.)

Translations. English: W i l s o n , William. Ante-Nicene F a t h e r s . Edinburgh, 1867-97. American edition: Grand Rapids, 1962 (repr.) 2.165-605. French: M o n d e s e r t , C., et al. Cf. entry above.

Clement d'Alexandrie

[SC].

German: St'ahlin, 0. Des Clemens von A l e x a n d r e i a Ausgewahlte Schriften aus dem Griechischen Ubersetzt [Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, 2. Reihe, Nos. 7, 18, 1 7 , 19, 20] Miinchen, 1934-38. 5 Bde.

D.

Josephus. Texts. N i e s e , B. maior.

Flavii Josephi Opera. Editio Berlin, 1885-95. 7 v o l s , in 5.

Naber, S. A. [Teubner]

Flavii Josephi Opera Omnia. Leipzig, 1888-96. 6 vols.

Thackeray, H. St. J., R. M a r c u s , W. Wikgren and L. Feldman. J o s e p h u s , w i t h an English translation. [LCL]. London, 1926-65. 9 vols. Translations. English: Whiston, William. The Genuine Works of Flavius Josephus the Jewish Historian. London, 1 7 3 7 - . Thackeray, H. St. J., Cf. above entry.

et al.

Josephus.

[LCL]

French: Reinach, Th. Oeuvres completes de Flavius Josephe. Paris, 1900-32. 7 vols.

Hellenistic

Individual D.

Jewish

Fragments

Authors

Josephus. Translations. German: Martin, R. Die judischen Alterthumer des Flavius Josephus ubersetzt und mit A n m e r k ungen versehen. Koln, 1852. 2 vols. C l e m e n t z , Heinrich. Antiquitates judaicae. Pes Flavius Josephus judische Altertumer, ubersetzt und mit E m l e i t u n g und A n m e r k u n g e n versehen von H. C l e m e n t z . Berlin/Vienna, 1923. 2 v o l s .

E.

Epiphanius. Texts. P. Epiphanii episcopi Constantiae Cypri, Contra octoaginta haereses o p u s , Panarium, sive arcula, art capsula, medica appelatum, continens libros tres, tomos sive sectiones ex toto septem: Iano Cornario interprete. Item eiusdem P. Epiphanii Epistola sive Liber ancoratus appellatus, docens de vera side Christiana. Eiusdem P. Epiphanii A n a c e p h a e o l i s , sive summa totius opera Panari; appellati contra octoaginta haereses c o n s c r i p t i , Eiusdem D . Epiphanii Libellos de mensuris ac ponderibus ... B a s e l , 1542. ... contra octoginta haereses o p u s , Panarium, sive Arcula, aut capsula medica appelatum, continens libros tres, tomos sive sectiones ex toto septem. Iano cornario interprete. Una cum aliis eiusdem De Epiphanii o p e r i b u s , partim nunc demum ultra superiorem editionem adiectis, partim etiam multo quam antea emendatioribus ... P a r i s , 1564. Opera omnia [Greek and Latin] Dion Petavius recensuit ... ed. Nova juxta Parisinam 1622 ... qui accessit vita D . Petavii ... et appendices. Coloneae, 1682. Dindorf, W. Epiphanii episcopi Constantiae Opera. [Bibliotheca patrum graecorum et latinorum] Leipzig, 1 8 5 9 - 6 2 . 5 vols, in 3. V o l s , 1 & 2 contain Panarion.

Introduction

II.

37

Individual E.

Authors.

Epiphanius. Texts. Oehler, F r a n c i s c u s . Panaria eormque A n a c e p h a l a e o i s , Ad veteres libros recensuit et cum latina Dion. Petavii interpretatione et integris eius A n i m a d v e r s i o n i b u s , ed. Franciscus Oehler. Berlin, 1859-61. 4 v o l s , in 2 (Corporis haeresologici t. 2 - 3 ) . v o l . 2, pt. 2: Panarion. Holl, K a r l . Epiphanius W e r k e . Ancoratus und Panarion. [GCS]. Berlin, 1915-33. 3 vols. V o l . 1: Ancoratus und Panarion haer. 1-33 V o l . 2: Panarion haer. 34-64. V o l . 3: Panarion haer. 6 5 - 8 0 . De fide. (ed. H. L i e t z m a n n ) .

Translations. English; W i l l i a m s , Frank. preparation.

Translation of Panarion

in

German: W o l f s g r u b e r , C. Ausgewahlte Schriften des heiligen E p i p h a n i u s , Erzbischofs von Salamis und Kirchenlehrers aus dem Urtexte~ubersetzt von Dr. Colestin W o l f s g r u b e r . [BKV, 64] Kempten, 13 80. Hormann, Joseph. Das heiligen Epiphanius von Salamis Ausgewahlte Schriften, aus dem griechischen ubersetzt von dr. Joseph Hormann. [BKV, 38] Kempten/Munchen, 1919. F.

Theophilus of Antioch, Ad Autolycum, Syncellus, John M a l a l a , Tertullian, Diogenes Laertius -Cf. Index to Editions and Translations in each section.

38

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

BIBLIOGRAPHY General A d l e r , W. George Syncellus and His P r e d e c e s s o r s : AnteDiluvian History in the Chronicle of Syncellus and His Acknowledged Authorities. Unpublished P h . D . Dissertation. University of Pennsylvania, 1982. (= Adler, S y n c e l l u s ) . Baron, S. W. A Social and Religious History of the J e w s . 2nd ed., revised and enlarged. 2 v o l s . P h i l a d e l p h i a : Jewish Publication Society of America, 1952. (= Baron, H i s t o r y ) . Beloch, K. J. Griechische Geschichte. 4 vols, in 8. 2nd ed. Strassburg: K. J. Trubner, 1912-27. (= Beloch, G e s c h i c h t e ) . Bernfeld, S. B i b e l , Apokryphen und judisch-hellenistisches Schrifttum. Berlin: Judischer Verlag, 1921. (= Bernfeld, B i b e l ) . Bernhardy, G. Grundriss der griechischen Litteratur mit einem vergleichenden Ueberblick der Romischen. 3 parts in 2 v o l s . 2nd and 3rd ed. H a l l e : E. Anton, 1856-61. (Vol. 1, 3rd ed., 1861; V o l . 2.1, 2nd ed., 1856; V o l . 2.2, 2nd ed., 1859) 1.485-561. (= Bernhardy, G r u n d r i s s ) . Bousset, W. and Gressmann, H. Die Religion des Judentums in spathellenistischen Zeitalter. 4th ed. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament, 21. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul S i e b e c k ) , 1966. (= Bousset-Gressmann, R J ) . Braun, M. History and Romance in Graeco-Oriental Oxford: Basil B l a c k w e l l , 1938. (= Braun, History and R o m a n c e ) .

Literature.

Cardauns, B. "Juden und Spartaner, Zur hellenistischjudischer Literatur," Hermes 95 (1967) 317-24. (= Cardauns, "Juden und S p a r t a n e r " ) . Charlesworth, J. H. (ed.). The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 v o l s . Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 19 83-. (= Charlesworth, O T P ) . . The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research. Septua­ gint and Cognate Studies, 7. Missoula: Scholars P r e s s , 1976. With a Supplement. Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 7S. Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1981. (= Charlesworth, PAMR and P A M R S ) . C o l l i n s , J. J. Between Athens and Jerusalem. Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora. New Y o r k : Crossroad, 1983. (= Collins, Athens and J e r u s a l e m ) .

Introduction

39

Conzelmann, H. Heiden, Juden, Christen: A u s e i n a n d e r s e t z ungen in der Literatur der h e l l e n i s t i s c h - r o m i s c h e n ~ Zeit. Beitrage zur historischen Theologie, 62. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck) 1981. (= Conzelmann, H J C ) . Dahne, A. F. Geschichtliche Darstellung der judischalexandrinischen R e l i g i o n s p h i l o s o p h i e . 2 v o l s . Halle: Buchhandlung des W a i s e n h a u s e s , 1834. 1.1-15. (= Dahne, G e s c h i c h t l i c h e ) . Dalbert, P. Die Theologie der hellenistisch-jiAdischen M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r unter Ausschluss von Philo und Josephus. Hamburg-Volksdorf: Herbert Reich, 1954. (= Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r ) . Delling, G. ( e d . ) . Bibliographie zur judisch-hellenistischen und intertestamentarischen Literatur, 1900-1970. 2nd ed. Texte und U n t e r s u c h u n g e n , 106^. B e r l i n : Akademie Verlag, 1975. (= Delling, B i b l i o g r a p h i e ) . . "Perspektiven der Erforschung des Judentums," HUCA 45 (1974) 133-89. (= Delling, " P e r s p e k t i v e n " ) .

hellenistischen

Denis, A.-M. Introduction aux Pseudepigraphes Grecs d'Ancien Testament. Studia in V e t e r i s Testamenti Pseudepigrapha, v o l . 1. Leiden: B r i l l , 1970. (= Denis, I n t r o d u c t i o n ) . Dihle, A. Griechische Literaturgeschichte. Kroner,' 1967. 410-19. (= D i h l e , G r i e c h i s c h e ) .

Stuttgart:

Ewald, H. The History of Israel. 3rd ed. 8 v o l s . L o n d o n : L o n g m a n s , G r e e n , and C o . , 1876-86. 5.223-492. (= Ewald, H i s t o r y ) . Fraser, P. M. Ptolemaic Alexandria. 3 v o l s . Oxford University Press, 1972. 1.52-87, 674-716. (= Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a ) .

Oxford: 280-301,

F r e u d e n t h a l , J. Alexander Polyhistor und die von ihm erhaltenen Reste judaischer und samaritanischer Geschichtswerke. Hellenistische Studien, Heft 1 & 2. Breslau: H. Skutsch Verlag, 1875. (= F r e u . / F r e u d e n t h a l , Alexander P o l y h i s t o r ) . Friedlander, M. Geschichte der jiidischen Apologetik als V o r g e s c h i c h t e des C h r i s t e n t u m s . Zurich: C. Schmidt, 1903. (= F r i e d l a n d e r , G e s c h i c h t e ) .

40

Hellenistic

Jewish

Fragments

Gager, J. Moses in Greco-Roman Paganism. JBL Monograph S e r i e s T No. 16. New York: Abingdon Press, 1972. (= Gager, M o s e s ) . Geffcken, J. Zwei griechische Apologeten. Sammlung wissenschaftlicher Kommentare zu griechischen und romischen Schriftstellern. Leipzig/Berlin: Teubner, 1907. Repr. Hildesheim/New Y o r k : G. Olms, 1974. (= Geffcken, A p o l o g e t e n ) . Gelzer, H. Sextus Julius Africanus und die byzantinische Chronographie. 2 vols. (Vol. 1: Die Chronographie des Julius A f r i c a n u s ; V o l . 2: Nachfolger des Julius Africanus). Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1880-85. (= Gelzer, S e x t u s ) . Georgi, D. Die Gegner des Paulus im 2. Korintherbrief. Studien zur religiosen Propaganda in der Spatantike. Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament, No. 11. N e u k i r c h e n - V l u y n : Neukirchener Verlag, 1964. (= Georgi, G e g n e r ) . Ginzberg, L. The Legends of the J e w s . 7 v o l s . P h i l a d e l p h i a : The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1 9 1 3 - 3 8 . (= Ginzberg, L e g e n d s ) . Goodenough, E. R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman World. 13 v o l s . New York: Bollingen Foundation, 1953-68. (= Goodenough, Jewish S y m b o l s ) . Gordon, C. H. "Homer and the B i b l e : The Origin and Char­ acter of East Mediterranean Literature," HUCA 26 (1955) 43-108. (= Gordon, "Homer and B i b l e " ) . G r a e t z , H. Geschichte der Juden von den altesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. V o l . 3: Geschichte der Judaer von dem Tode Juda Makkabi's bis zum Untergange des judaischen Staates. 3rd ed. Leipzig: 0~. Leiner, 1878. Esp. 26-54, 390-451, 621-34. (= G r a e t z , G e s c h i c h t e ) . Gutman, Y. The Beginnings of Jewish-Hellenistic Literature (in H e b r e w ) . 2 v o l s . Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1958-63. (= Gutman, B e g i n n i n g s ) . Gutschmid, A. Kleine Schriften. Edited by F. Rlihl. 5 v o l s . Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1889-94. (= Gutschmid, Kleine S c h r i f t e n ) . H a d a s , M. Hellenistic C u l t u r e : Fusion and New York: N o r t o n , 1959. (= H a d a s , Hellenistic C u l t u r e ) .

Diffusion.

Introduction

41

Harnack, A. The M i s s i o n and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three C e n t u r i e s . New Y o r k : Harper T o r c h b o o k s , 1962. (= Harnack, M i s s i o n ) . Hegermann, H. "Das hellenistische Judenturn." In Umwe1t des U r c h r i s t e n t u m s . 3 v o l s . Edited by J. Leipoldt and W. Grundmann. Berlin: Evangelische V e r l a g s anstalt, 1 9 6 7 - 7 2 . 1.292-345. (= Hegermann, U m w e I t ) . Hengel, M. "Anonymitat, Pseudepigraphie und 'Literarische Falschung in der judisch-hellenistischen Literatur," Pseudepigrapha I. Entretiens su L'Antiquite Classique 18. V a n d o e u v r e s - G e n e v e : Fondation Hardt, 1972. 231-32 (= Hengel, " A n o n y m i t a t ) . 1

. Jews, G r e e k s , and B a r b a r i a n s . Aspects of the Hellenization of Judaism in the Pre-Christian Period. P h i l a d e l p h i a : Fortress P r e s s , 1980. (= H e n g e l , A s p e c t s ) . . Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in Their Encounter in Palestine During the Early Hellenistic Period. 2 v o l s . P h i l a d e l p h i a : Fortress Press, 1974. (= Hengel, Judaism and H e l l e n i s m ) . Herzfeld, L. Geschichte des V o l k e s Israel Zerstorung des ersten Tempels bis zur Mackabaers Schimon zum hohen Priester 3 vols. B r a u n s c h w e i g : G. Westermann, 3.425-579. (= Herzfeld, G e s c h i c h t e ) .

von der Einsetzung des und FiirstenT 1847-57.

Hody, H. Die Bibliorum Textibus O r i g i n a l i b u s , V e r s i o n i b u s Graecis, & Latina V u l g a t a . Libri IV. Oxford, 1705. 97-110. (= Hody, B i b l i o r u m ) . Holladay, C. R. THEIOS ANER in Hellenistic Judaism. A Critique of the Use of This Category in New Testament Christology. SBL Dissertation Series, 40. Missoula: Scholars P r e s s , 1977. (= Holladay, THEIOS A N E R ) . Jackson, F. J. Foakes and Lake, K. The Beginnings of Christianity. 5 v o l s . London: M a c m i l l a n , 1920-33. (= J a c k s o n - L a k e , B e g i n n i n g s ) . Jeremias, J. Jerusalem in the Time of J e s u s : An Investiga­ tion into Economic and Social Conditions During the New Testament Period. L o n d o n : SCM, 1969. (- Jeremias, J e r u s a l e m ) .

42

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

J o n e s , A. H. M. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2nd ed. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971. (= J o n e s , C i t i e s ) . Juster, J. Les Juifs dans 1'empire romain, leur condition juridique, economique et sociale. 2 v o l s . P a r i s : P. Geuthner, 1914. (= Juster, J u i f s ) . Karpeles, G. Geschichte der judischen Literatur. 4th ed. 2 v o l s . (Repr. of 3rd ed. B e r l i n : M Poppelauer, 1 9 2 0 - 2 1 ) . Graz-Austria: Akademische Druck - U. V e r l a g s a n s t a l t , 1963. 1.109-204. (= Karpeles, G e s c h i c h t e ) . Kirk, G. S. and Raven, J. E. The Presocratic P h i l o s o p h e r s : A Critical History with A Selection of T e x t s . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969. (= Kirk and Raven, P r e s o c r a t i c ) . Knaack, G. "Alexandrinischer Litteratur," PW 1 (1894) c o l s . 1399-1407. (= Knaack, "Alexandrinischer L i t t e r a t u r " ) . Laqueur, R. "Griechische Urkunden in der judischh e l l e n i s t i s c h e n Literatur," Historische Zeitschrift 136 (1927) 2 2 8 - 5 2 . (= Laqueur, " U r k u n d e n " ) . Lesky, A. A History of Greek Literature. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1966. 799-806. (= Lesky, H i s t o r y ) . Lieberman, S. Hellenism in Jewish Palestine. Texts and Studies of the Jewish Theological Seminary, 18. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1962. (= Lieberman, H e l l e n i s m ) . Lumbroso, G. L'Egitto dei Greci e dei Romani. 2nd Rome: Ermanno Loescher, 1895. (= Lumbroso, L ' E g i t t o ) .

ed.

M a h a f f y , J. P. Greek Life and Thought from the Age of Alexander to the Roman Conquest. 2nd ed. New Y o r k : M a c m i l l a n , 1896. Repr. New York: Arno Press, 1976. (= Mahaffy, Greek L i f e ) . M a r c u s , R. "Hellenistic Jewish Literature." In The Jewish People - Past and Present. Edited by S. W. Baron, et al. 4 v o l s . New York: Jewish Encyclopedia Hand­ b o o k s - C e n t r a l Yiddish Culture Organization, 1946-55 (Vol. 3: 1952) 3.40-53. (= M a r c u s , "Hellenistic Jewish Literature ( 1 9 5 2 ) " ) .

Introduction

43

. "Hellenistic Jewish Literature." In The J e w s : Their History, Culture, and Religion. 3rd ed. 2 v o l s . Edited by L. Finkelstein. New Y o r k : Harper, 1960. 2.1077-1115. (= M a r c u s , "Hellenistic Jewish Literature ( I 9 6 0 ) " ) . M e e k s , W. A. The P r o p h e t - K i n g : Moses Traditions and Jonannine Christology. Supplements to Novum Testamentum, 14. L e i d e n : B r i l l , 1965. (= M e e k s , P r o p h e t - K i n g ) .

the

Momigliano, A. A l i e n Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975. (= M o m i g l i a n o , Alien W i s d o m ) . N i c h o l a i , R. Geschichte der neugriechischen Leipzig: B r o c k h a u s , 1876. (= Nicholai, G e s c h i c h t e ) .

Literatur.

. Griechische Literaturgeschichte in neuer Bearbeitung. 3 v o l s . M a g d e b u r g : Heinrichshofensche Buchhandlung, 1 8 7 3 - 7 8 . 2.80-81. (= N i c h o l a i , G r i e c h i s c h e ) . Nock, A. D. Essays on Religion and the Ancient World. 2 v o l s . Edited by Z. Stqwart. Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University Press, 1972. (= Nock, Essays) Pfeiffer, R. H. History of New Testament Times With an Introduction to the Apocrypha. London: A. & C. Black, 1963. 197-230. (= Pfeiffer, H i s t o r y ) . Reinach, T. Textes d'auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au judaisme. Publications de la societe des etudes juives. P a r i s : Ernest Leroux, 1895. (= Reinach, T e x t e s ) . Routh, M. J. Reliquiae Sacrae: sive Auctorum Fere jam Perditorum Secundi Tertiique Saeculi Post Christum Natum Quae Supersunt. 5 vols. Oxford: University Press, 1846-48. (= Routh, Reliquiae S a c r a e ) . Safrai, S. and Stern, M. with D. Flusser and W. C. van Unnik. The Jewish People in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and Religious Life and Institutions. 2 vols. A s s e n : Van Gorcum, 1974. (= Safrai and Stern, Jewish P e o p l e ) .

44

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

Schalit, A. ( e d . ) . The World History of the Jewish People. First Series. Ancient T i m e s . V o l . V I : The Hellenistic A g e : Political History of Jewish Palestine from 332 B . C . E . to 67 B . C . E . New B r u n s w i c k : Rutgers, 1972. (= Schalit, Hellenistic A g e ) . Schlatter, A. Geschichte Israels von Alexander des Grossen bis Hadrian. 3rd ed. Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1925. Repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1972. (= Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e ) . Schmid, W. and Stahlin, 0. Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, Handbuch der A l t e r t u m s w i s s e n s c h a f t , 7.2.1; 6th ed. Munchen: C. H. Beck, 1920; repr. 1959. (= Schmid-Stahlin, G e s c h i c h t e ) . Schvirer, E. Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi. 3 vols. Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1960. Repr. of V o l . 1: 1901 (3rd and 4th e d . ) ; V o l . 2: 1907 (4th e d . ) ; V o l . 3: 1909 (4th e d . ) . (= Schiirer, Geschichte) . . The Literature of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus. New York: Schocken Books, 197 2. (= Schurer, L i t e r a t u r e ) . Siegfried, C. "Der judische H e l l e n i s m u s : Ein Ruckblick auf seine geschichtliche Entwickelung mit Beziehung auf die neuesten Forschungen innerhalb seines G e b i e t e s , " Zeitschrift flir w i s s e n s c h a f t l i c h e Theologie 18 (1875) 465-89. (= Siegfried, "Der judische H e l l e n i s m u s " ) . Smallwood, E. M. The Jews Under Roman Rule from to Diocletian. Leiden: B r i l l , 1976. (= Smallwood, J e w s ) .

Pompey

Smyth, H. W. Greek Grammar. Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University Press, 1956. (= Smyth, Greek G r a m m a r ) . Stahlin, 0. "Die hellenistisch-judische Litteratur." Geschichte der griechischen Literatur. 6th ed. 2 vols. Edited by'W. Schmid and 0. Stahlin. M u n c h e n : Verlag C. H. Beck, 1959. 2,1.535-656. (= Schmid-Stahlin, G e s c h i c h t e ) . I

n

Stearns, W. N. Fragments from Graeco-Jewish W r i t e r s . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1908. (= Stearns, F r a g m e n t s ) . Stein, E. "Alttestamentliche Bibelkritik in der spathellenistischen Literatur," Collectanea Theologica 16 (1935) 38-83. (= Stein, " B i b e l k r i t i k " ) .

Introduction

45

Stern, M. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. 2 vols', available; v o l . 3 (with remaining authors and indices f o r t h c o m i n g ) . V o l . 1: From Herodotus to Plutarch; V o l . 2: From Tacitus to Simplicius. Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974-. (= Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, or G L A J J ) . Susemihl, F. Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der A l e x a n d r i n e r z e i t . 2 vols. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1891-92. (= Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e ) . Swete, H. B. Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek. Cambridge! Cambridge University Press, 19 02. Repr. New Y o r k : KTAV, 196 8. (= Swete, I n t r o d u c t i o n ) • Tcherikover, V. Hellenistic Civilization and the J e w s . Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1966. (= Tcherikover, Hellenistic C i v i l i z a t i o n ) . . "Jewish Apologetic Literature Reconsidered," Eos 48 (1956) 169-93. (= Tcherikover, "Jewish Apologetic L i t e r a t u r e " ) . Thraede, K. "Erfinder II ( g e i s t e s g e s c h i c h t l i c h ) , " RAC 5 (1962) 1191-1278. (= Thraede, " E r f i n d e r " ) . . "Das Lob des E r f i n d e r s . Bemerkungen zur Analyse der H e u r e m a t a - K a t a l o g e . " Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie, N.F. 105 (1962) 158-86. T= Thraede, "Das L o b " ) . Tiede, D. L. The Charismatic Figure As Miracle Worker. SBL Dissertation Series, 1. M i s s o u l a : Scholars P r e s s , 1972. (= Tiede, Charismatic F i g u r e ) . Vaillant, V. De historiciis qui ante Josephum Judaicas res scripsere, nempe Aristea, Demetrio, Hecataeo Abderita, C l e o d e m o , Artapano, Justo Tiberiensi, Cornelio Alexandro Polhistore, disputationem proponebat facultati litterorum Pariensi. P a r i s : Firmin Didot F r a t r e s , 1851. (= Vaillant, H i s t o r i c i i s ) . V a l c k e n a e r , L. C. Diatribe de Aristobulo Judaeo, Alexandrino Judaeo, Scriptore Commentarii in Legem Moysis (Lugduni Batavorum, 1 8 0 6 ) ; repr. in T. Gaisford, Eusebii Pamphili Evangelicae Praeparationis Libri XV (Oxford, 1843) 4.148-338 (with original pagination in m a r g i n ) . (= V a l c k e n a e r , Aristobulo or Diatribe de A r i s t o b u l o ) .

46

Hellenistic Jewish

V o l k m a n n , R. "Alexandriner," PW 1 (= Volkmann, " A l e x a n d r i n e r " ) .

(1842-64)

Wacholder, B. Z. "Biblical Chronology in the World Chronicles," HTR 61 (1968) 451-81. (= W a c h o l d e r , "Biblical C h r o n o l o g y " ) .

Fragments

743-53.

Hellenistic

. Eupolemus. A Study of Judaeo-Greek Literature. M o n o g r a p h s of the Hebrew Union College, 3. Cincinnati and New York: Hebrew Union College and Jewish Institute of Religion, 1974. (= W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s ) . . "How Long Did Abram Stay in Egypt? A Study in H e l l e n i s t i c , Qumran, and Rabbinic Chronography," HUCA 35 (1964) 43-56. . "Pseudo-Eupolemus' Two Greek Fragments on the Life of Abraham," HUCA 34 (1963) 83-113. (= Wacholder, " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s Two Greek F r a g m e n t s " ) . 1

W a l t e r , N. Der Thoraausleger A r i s t o b u l o s . Untersuchungen zu seinen Fragmenten und zu pseudepigraphischen Resten der judisch-hellenistischen Literatur. Texte und U n t e r s u c h u n g e n , 86. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1964. (= Walter, A r i s t o b u l o s ) . . Untersuchungen zu den Fragmenten der judischh e l l e n i s t i s c h e n Historiker. Unpublished Habilitationsschrift, H a l l e , 1967-68. (= Walter, U n t e r s u c h u n g e n ) . Wendland, P. Die hellenistisch-romische Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zum Judentum und Christentum. 4th ed. T u b i n g e n : J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck) 19 72. (= Wendland, H R K ) . Willrich, H. Judaica. Forschungen zur hellenistischjiidischen Geschichte und Litteratur. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1900. (= Willrich, J u d a i c a ) . . Juden und Griechen vor der makkabaischen G o t t i n g e n : Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1895. (= Willrich, Juden und G r i e c h e n ) .

Erhebung.

. Urkundenfalschung in der hellenistisch-jiidischen Literatur. Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen T e s t a m e n t s , 21. Gottingen: Vanden­ hoeck and Ruprecht, 1924. (= Willrich, U r k u n d e n f a l s c h u n g ) .

Introduction

47

Bibliography Abbreviations ANET

J. B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Texts

ANF

The Ante-Nicene

APOT

R. H. Charles, ed., Apocrypha and Pseude­ pigrapha of the Old Testament

BAG

Bauer-Arndt-Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature

BDB

Brown-Driver-Briggs, Hebrew and Lexicon of the Old Testament

BHH

B. Reicke and L. Rost, e d s . , BiblischH i s t o r i s c h e s Handworterbuch

BJRL

B u l l e t i n of the John Rylands

BK

Bibliothek der

CAH

Cambridge Ancient

CPJ

V. Tcherikover and A. F u k s , Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum

CSHB

Corpus Scriptorum Historiae

DB

Dictionnaire de la Bible

EHBS

'Ercexnplg xfjs ' Excxipe lag BuCavxivwv ETtou6cu<5v = Annuaire de 1'Association d'Etudes Byzantines

EncJud

Encyclopaedia

ETL

E p h e m e r i d e s theologicae

FGrH

F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der Historiker

FHG

C. Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum

GCS

G r i e c h i s c h e christliche

GLAJJ

M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism

HAW

Handbuch der klassischen schaft in system'atischer

Eastern

Fathers

English

Library

Kirchenvater History

Byzantinae

Judaica Lovanienses griechischer

Graecorum

Schriftsteller

Altertums-wissenDarstellung

48

Hellenistic Jewish

Abbreviations

Fragments

(cont.)

HDB

J. Hastings, ed., Dictionary of the Bible

HERE

J. Hastings, ed., E n c y c l o p a e d i a of and Ethics

HJC

H. Conzelmann, H e i d e n , Juden,

HRK

P. Wendland, Die h e l l e n i s t i s c h e - r o m i s c h e Kultur in inhren Beziehungen zum Judentum und Christentum

HUCA

Hebrew Union College

IDB

Interpreter's Dictionary of the

JAOS

Journal of the American

JE

Jewish

JEA

Journal of Egyptian

JS

W. G. Kvimmel, et a l . , e d s . , Judische Schriften aus h e l l e n i s t i s c h - r o m i s c h e r Zeit

JSHRZ

W. G. Klimmel, et al. , e d s . , Judische Schriften aus h e l l e n i s t i s c h - r o m i s c h e r Zeit

JSJ

Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, H e l l e n i s t i c , and Roman Period

JTS

Journal of Theological

KP

Kleine

LCL

Loeb Classical

LSJ

L i d d e l l - S c o t t - J o n e s , A Greek-English With Supplement

LTK

Lexikon

MGWJ

Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und schaft des Judentums

OCD

Oxford Classical

ODCC

Oxford Dictionary of the Christian

OGIS

W. Dittenberger, ed., Orientis Inscriptiones Selectae

Religion

Christen

Annual Bible

Oriental

Society

Encyclopedia Archaeology

Studies

Pauly Library

fur Theologie und

Lexicon

Kirche Wissen-

Dictionary Church

Graeci

Introduction

Abbreviations

49

(cont.)

OTP

J. H. Charlesworth, ed., Old Pseudepigrapha

PAMR/ PAMRS

J. H. Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research (19 76) wiTh Supplement (1981)

PG

J. M i g n e , Patrologia

Graeca

PL

J. M i g n e , Patrologia

Latina

PW

Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft

RAC

Reallexikon

RGG

Religion in Geschichte und

RHR

Revue de 1'histoire

RJ

W. Bousset and H. Gressmann, Die Religion des Judentums in spathellenistischen Zeitalter

SC

Sources

SEG

Supplementum Epigraphicum

SIG

W. Dittenberger, ed., Sylloge Graecarum

TDNT

G. Kittel and G. Friedrich, e d s . , Theologi­ cal Dictionary of the New Testament

ThEE

A. M a r t i n o s , ed., Threskeutike kai Ethike Enkuklopaideia. 12 v o l s . A t h e n s . 1962-68.

TU

Texte und

VT

Vetus

ZNW

Zeitschrift fur die Wissenschaft

fur Antike und

des

Testament

Christentum Gegenwart

religions

chretiennes Graecum Inscriptionum

Untersuchungen

Testamentum neutestamentliche

50

Other

Hellenistic Jewish

Fragments

Abbreviations

Abbreviations throughout the w o r k , for the most part, conform to those suggested in the Journal of Biblical Literature "Instructions for Contributors." (Cf. Society of Biblical Literature Member's Handbook, 1980.) The major difference is that I have chosen to underline the names of series. For the classical authors and sources, abbreviations in Liddell-ScottJones, A Greek-English Lexicon with Supplement (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968) and Lewis and Short, A Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon, 1879; repr. 1969) have been used, w i t h some minor modifications for the sake of clarity. The most frequently cited sources are abbreviated as follows: Ag.Ap_.

Josephus, Against

Ant.

Josephus,

Apion

Antiquities

H.E. or Hist. e c c l .

Eusebius, Historia

Ecclesiastica

J.W.

Josephus, Jewish War

P.E.

Eusebius, Praeparatio

Strom.

Clement of Alexandria,

Evangelica

The names of persons frequently referred editors, are abbreviated as follows: Denis Dind.

Freu. Gais. Gif f. Hein. Jac. Mull. Riessler Stearns Steph. Walter Vig.

Stromata to, usually

A. -M. Denis Dindorf (of whom there are several; cf. Bibliography of Sources for the Collection.) J. Freudenthal T. Gaisford E. H. Gifford F. A. Heinichen F. Jacoby C. Miiller (= K. Muller) P. Riessler W. N. Stearns R. S t e p h a n u s / E s t i e n n e / E t i e n n e / Stephens/Stephani N. Walter F. V i g e r / V i g e r u s / V i g i e r / V i g u i e r

DEMETRIUS Six fragments

from the writings of Demetrius have been

identified with relative certainty."'" ments deal with events recorded

The first five

frag­

in Genesis and E x o d u s ,

w h i l e the sixth is a chronological

summary of a later p e r i ­

od of Israel's history based on material

from 2 K i n g s .

Possibly, the fragments derive from separate works

since

the title given to D e m e t r i u s ' work by Clement of

2 Alexandria—

Concerning

the Kings in Judaea --

does not

appropriately describe the contents of the first fragments.

five

But if all six fragments derive from a single

w o r k , this chronicle of Jewish history was probably prehensive in scope, extending

com­

from the period of the

patriarchs until the time of the fall of

Judah.

Although the literary remains of D e m e t r i u s ' work not extensive, the text is corrupt

are

in a number of p l a c e s .

This is probably because the bulk of them were

originally

preserved by Alexander Polyhistor, a non-Jew who most likely was recording material unfamiliar were excerpted

to him, and

from Polyhistor by Eusebius

in Book IX of his P r a e p a r a t i o E v a n g e l i c a . or a later editor, may have attempted textual difficulties

transmitted by

Date and P r o v e n a n c e .

for

Either E u s e b i u s ,

to correct

The major clue to the date and

is provided

the reign of Ptolemy

(Philopator, ca. 222-205

in Fragment

is given as the terminus ad quern of his summary.

Assuming

the

Polyhistor.

provenance of Demetrius IV

later

inclusion

6 where B.C.E.)

3

chronological

that he would extend his chronology

the time in which he w r o t e , this suggests that he

to

flour­

ished in the last quarter of the third century B.C.E. M o r e ­ over, this datum provides one of the major reasons suggesting an Alexandrian p r o v e n a n c e , since it is assumed

likewise

that one w h o uses the reign of a Ptolemy to estab­

lish chronology would be living under Ptolemaic notably

for

in Egypt.^

T h u s , the emerging 51

scholarly

rule, consensus

52

Demetrius

is that Demetrius

flourished

in Alexandria during the

last

half of the third century B.C.E. The w o r k . resembled

The genre of D e m e t r i u s ' w o r k seems to have

a chronicle more than anything

else; hence

designation Demetrius the C h r o n o g r a p h e r . chronology of the biblical narrative persistent p r e o c c u p a t i o n s .

the

To be sure, the

is one of his most

The biblical narrative

interests

him not for its religious or moralistic v a l u e , but for

its

historical worth in documenting b i r t h d a t e s , g e n e a l o g i e s , and other matters of chronological biblical

interest.

stories are omitted, abbreviated,

only casually. historians

Important

or mentioned

He stands in sharp contrast to later

in several respects.

Important

figures

in

Jewish history do not loom larger than life in his they are not re-portrayed and heroes current unembellished,

age.

totally without

ideals

preten­

He seeks neither to explain the actions of

charac­ within

narrative.

He is clearly

influenced by Greek literary m o d e l s , yet

shows no direct dependence on them. A l e x a n d r i a was experiencing

a renewed

raphy; not only was the method refined, chronography as a respectable

At the time he w r o t e , interest

in historiog­

for doing history

in particular had become

being

established

intellectual discipline in its own

H e l l a n i c u s , E r a t o s t h e n e s , Hecataeus of Abdera,

w i t h i n w h i c h Demetrius vides an interesting

should be viewed.

horizon

Yet he also p r o ­

contrast to Jewish works

possessing

interests in matters of chronology,

the Book of J u b i l e e s , the Genesis Apocryphon, 01am

right.^

Manetho,

B e r o s s u s , and Fabius Pictor form the intellectual

demonstrable

remains

Stylistically,

literary

ters nor to interpret the significance of events the biblical

account;

His w o r k

free of legend and mythology.

it is simple, unadorned, tion.

in the image of popular

in the Hellenistic

Jewish

notably

and

Seder

Rabbah. Perhaps the most notable characteristic of D e m e t r i u s '

work

is its biblicism.

The LXX serves as his only

and his knowledge of its contents

is detailed and

source, 7 exact.

Introduction

53

Knowledge of Hebrew or familiarity with

the Hebrew

would have saved him from some simple m i s t a k e s .

text

Although

he closely adheres to the biblical story

line, he does not

read

task is to recon­

it uncritically.

Indeed, his chief

cile difficulties which the biblical

text itself

upon a close reading--not only chronological but moral and logical inconsistencies

presents

difficulties,

as w e l l :

How

twelve children have been born to Jacob within the

could space

o

of seven years? separated

How could Moses have married

as they are by three g e n e r a t i o n s ? ^

Zipporah, Why

did

Joseph remain in Egypt nine years -- flourishing not report his w h e r e a b o u t s

to his aged

Why did Joseph show partiality slight his other b r o t h e r s ? H left Egypt unarmed manage

-- and

father in C a n a a n ? ^

to Benjamin and

thereby

How did the Israelites

who

to obtain w e a p o n s with which

they fought after crossing

the Red S e a ? - ^

Why is the

11 smew

of the thigh of cattle not eaten by Jews?

while his preoccupation with chronology

Thus,

is a distinctive

feature of his w o r k , it appears to be part of a larger concern.

Demetrius

systematically

is perhaps the first Jewish author who

engages in biblical

What prompted

him to this critical reading of the text

presents one of the major problems Whether he does so as an apologist, as an historian-^ sus has yet been Importance.

in assessing

Demetrius.

an e x e g e t e , ^

is still debated, and no clear

Although his work made no

figure n e v e r t h e l e s s .

he is an

lasting important

He is the earliest known

(excepting

independent

the LXX translators, of

to have v/ritten in Greek, and thus is the first tative of Greek-speaking witness

or

consen­

reached.

impression on Greek historiography,

Jewish author

criticism.

Judaism.

He is the

course) represen­

earliest

for a Greek version of the Pentateuch, and thus is

an important assessing

source for locating the origins of the LXX

its initial impact upon Greek-speaking

Alexandria.

He is an important

Judaism

source for examining

and in

the

relationship between Palestinian and A l e x a n d r i a n methods of

Demetrius

54

exegesis.

He is perhaps the first Jewish author whose

w o r k reflects an a w a r e n e s s — a n d historiography,

understanding—of

and is thus an important

Greek

source for

examin­

ing the roots of Hellenization among Jews in the Diaspora. Depending upon how one assesses the work of the C h r o n i 1 7 cler, Jewish

' Demetrius may be said to stand at the dawn of historiography.

Introduction

- Notes

55

NOTES

1. Testimonial J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 1. 218 (although Josephus confuses him with Demetrius of P h a l e r u m ) ; Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 1.21.141.1; E u s e b i u s , Hist. e c c l . 6.13.7; P.E. 9.42.3. (also, cf. individual refer­ ences in f r a g m e n t s ) ; J e r o m e , De viris illustribus 38. The system of numeration and identification of the fragments used in this translation is that originally employed by F r e u d e n t h a l , and adopted by Denis and W a l t e r . This scheme is now widely accepted and used rather than the modified scheme employed by Jacoby in FGrH, N o . 722. Yet another scheme is devised by Riessler, 241-245. 2.

Cf. Frg.

6.

3. Because the dates of the reign of Ptolemy IV Philopator conflict with other calculations made by D e m e t r i u s , various emendations have been suggested. The most plausible s u g g e s ­ tion was that of Freudenthal who emended the text to read Ptolemy III (Euergetes, ca. 247-221 B . C . E . ) . Cf. Gutschmid, "Zeit und Zeitrechnung," 186-91. 4. The weight of this observation is diminished by the fact that the extent of Ptolemaic rule fluctuated fre­ quently and considerably during the Hellenistic era, esp­ ecially during the five Syrian wars (cf. W. W. Tarn, "The Struggle of Egypt Against Syria and M a c e d o n i a , " in CAH, 7. 699-731.; also Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1. 6-12. Generally speaking, however, Ptolemaic rule encompassed Syria (including Palestine) during the third century B . C . E . , but after the battle of Paneion in 200 B . C . E . Palestine was under Seleucid control. T h u s , prior to 200 B.C.E. it is conceivable that Demetrius lived in either Palestine or Egypt. After 200 B . C . E . , however, the likelihood of a Palestine provenance is slim. Other considerations also point to an Egyptian provenance, e.g., that Demetrius knows only the Greek version of the Bible; he apparently knew no Hebrew w h a t e v e r , an unlikely possibility for some­ one living in P a l e s t i n e . Thus he is entering the same literary arena w i t h the likes of Hellanicus and E r a t o s ­ thenes and this would suggest the intellectual environment of Alexandria. 5. The designation p. 37.

is used by F r e u d e n t h a l , 35; cf. also

6. Cf. Wacholder, "Biblical Chronology," 451-81; now in expanded form in Eupolemus 9 7 - 1 2 8 . A l s o , Hengel, "Anonymitat," 236.

56

Demetrius

7. The orthography of proper names in Demetrius corre­ sponds to that of the Greek Bible, for the most part. Also, the calculations which he uses to compute the lengths of the generations presupposes the ages of the patriarchs given in the Greek Bible rather than the Hebrew Bible. There are also specific instances w h e r e his m i s u n d e r s t a n d ­ ing of the biblical narrative stems from his use of a Greek version of the Bible. C f . , for example, Frg. 2, p a r . 10 and Frg 5; also cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 390-40. 8.

Frg. 2, par.

3-5.

9.

Frg. 3, par.

1-3.

10.

Frg. 2, par. 13.

11.

Frg. 2, par. 14-15.

12.

Frg. 5 .

13.

Frg. 2, par. 7.

14. So Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 29; also H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1. 69; cf. J e r o m e , De_ viris illustribus 38. 15. According to Freudenthal, p. 67, Demetrius is p r i m a r ­ ily engaging in hellenistic m i d r a s h , and does so as a member of an established midrashic school of exegesis w i t h ­ in A l e x a n d r i a but not uninfluenced by Palestinian modes of exegesis. A l s o , cf. Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e , 74-75; W a l t e r , JS ( 3 . 2 ) , 287; Denis, Introd., 251; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 99 . 16. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1. 690, calls Demetrius "much less of an apologist than a h i s t o r i a n " ; a l s o , 1. 713, "an academic writer with little interest in apologetic or propaganda." 17.

Cf.

Bickerman,

"Demetrios," 78.

Introduction -

Bibliography

57

Bibliography Bickerman, E. J. "The Jewish Historian D e m e t r i o s . " In Christianity, Judaism, and Other Greco-Roman C u l t s . 5 v o l s . Edited by J. Neusner. Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity, 12. Leiden: Brill, 1975. 3.72-84. Bloch, H.

Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus in

Archaologie. B r o y d e , I.

Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1879.

"Demetrius," JE 4

Charlesworth,

seiner 56-58.

(1903) 512-13.

PAMRS, 93-94, 277.

Collins, A t h e n s and Jerusalem,

27-30.

Conzelmann, HJC, 1 4 1 - 4 2 . Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , Denis, Introduction,

27-32.

248-51.

Ewald, History, 1.212; 2.90; 4.206; Fiebig, P.

"Demetrius

(1)," RGG

Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a ,

2

1

8.62. (1927) 1823.

1.510,

690-94.

Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor, 3 5 - 8 2 , 205-207. Gaster, M. "Demetrius und Seder Olam. Ein Problem der hellenistischen Literatur." In Festskrift in anledning af professor David Simonsens 70-aarige fjzSdselsdagT Copenhagen, 1923. 243-52. Reprinted in Studies and Texts in F o l k l o r e , M a g i c , Mediaeval Romance, Hebrew Apocrypha, and Samaritan Archaeology. 3 vols. London: Maggs B r o s . , 1925-28. 2.650-59. Gelzer, Sextus, 1.52-118, esp.

87-89.

G r a e t z , H. "Die C h r o n o l o g i e des D e m e t r i o s , " Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 26 (1877) 68-72. , Geschichte, Gutman, B e g i n n i n g s ,

3.623-35. 1.132-39.

Gutschmid, A. "Zeit und Zeitrechnung der jiidischen Historiker Demetrios und Eupolemos." In Kleine Schriften. 5 v o l s . Edited by F. Riihl. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1890. 2.186-91. H a d a s , Hellenistic C u l t u r e , 94-95. Hanson, J. S. "Demetrius the Chronographer," worth, OTP.

in Charles­

58

Demetrius

H e g e r m a n n , UmweIt,

1.318-19.

H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, , "Anonymitat," Herzfeld,

Geschichte,

Hoenig, S. 3.

1.69.

235-37. 3.486-87.

"Demetrius

( 5 ) , " IDB 1 (1962)

816.

Holladay, C. R. "Demetrius the Chronographer as Historian and Apologist." In Christian Teaching: Studies in Honor of Lemoine G. Lewis. A b i l e n e , TX: Abilene Christian University, 1981. 117-29. K a r p e l e s , Geschichte, Lewy, H. Lohse, E.

1.174-75.

"Demetrius," EncJud "Demetrius," R G G

3

5 2

(1930) 930.

(1958)

75-76.

Miller, J. and J. Hanson. "Demetrius K i s t o r i c u s , " Unpublished seminar paper. Harvard New Testament Seminar. March 9, 1970. 33 pp. Pfeiffer, History, 200. Schlatter, Geschichte, 72-77. Schmid-Stahlin, Geschichte, 2,1. 583-89. Schurer, Geschichte, S c h w a r t z , E.

3.472-74.

"Demetrios

S u s e m i h l , Geschichte, Swete, Introduction,

(79)," PW 4 (1901) 2313-14.

2.647-48. 17-13, 369-70.

Vaillant, H i s t o r i c i s , 45-52. Wacholder,

"Biblical Chronology,"

, "Demetrius," EncJud

5

451-81, esp.

(1971)

452-58.

1490-91.

, E u p o l e m u s , 54-56, 6 6 - 6 7 , 9 8 - 1 0 4 , 247, 2 8 0 - 8 2 . , "How Long,"

43-56.

W a l t e r , A r i s t o b u l o s , 4 1 - 5 1 , 97-99. , Untersuchungen,

15-36, 141-55.

Introduction -

Index

59

Index to Editions and

Fragment

Translations

One

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

9.19.4.

in P.E.:

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS lines 18-23.

Steph., 246; Vig., (43,1)

421b.

8.1, p. 505,

Editions: Steph., 246; Vig., 421b; Hein., 2.22; G a i s . , 2.375-76; M u l l . , FHG 3. (om.); M i g n e , PG ( 2 1 ) , col. 712B; Dind., 1.487-88; Freu., 219 (= N o . 1 ) ; Giff., 1.531 (notes, 4 . 3 0 3 ) ; Stearns (om.); M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 505; J a c , FGrH 3.671 (= N o . 722, Frg. * 7 ) ; D e n i s , 175 (= Frg. 1) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.452-53.

French: German:

Fragment

Riessler (om.); Walter 284 (= Frg. 1 ) .

(JS_, 3 . 2 ) ,

Two

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

9.21.1-19.

Reference Number in P.E. : Vig., 422d-426a.

Steph.,

247-49;

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 508, line 4 - p . 512, line 10. Editions: Steph., 247-49; Vig., 422d-426a; Hein., 2.24-28; G a i s . , 2.378-85; M u l l . , FHG 3.214 (= N o . 8 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21), cols. 713B-721A (notes, cols. 1 5 6 9 - 7 2 ) ; Dind., 1.489-93; Freu., 219-22 (= Frg. 2 ) ; G i f f . , 1.532-36 (notes, 4 . 3 0 4 - 3 0 7 ) ; Stearns, 18-25 (= Frg. 1 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43 ,1) 8.1, 508-12; J a c , FGrH 3.666-70 (= N o . 722, Frg. 1 ) ; D e n i s , 175-78 (= Frg. 2 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.454-57.

French: German:

Riessler, 241-44; n o t e s , 1281 (Riessler's Frg. 1, chap. 1 = Frg. 2:1-11; Frg. 1, chap. 2 = Frg. 2 : 1 2 - 1 9 ) ; Walter (JS, 3 . 2 ) , 284-90 (= Frg. 2 ) .

60

Demetrius

Fragment

Three

Source:

Eusebius, P.E.

Reference Number Greek Text Used: lines 1-18.

9.29.1-3.

in P.E.:

Steph., 257; Vig., 439 b-d.

M r a s , GCS

(43,1) 8.1, p. 528,

Editions: Steph., 257; Vig., 439b-d; Hein., 2.42; G a i s . , 2.409-10; M u l l . , FHG 3.224 (= No. 1 6 ) ; M i g n e , PG ( 2 1 ) , cols. 737 D - 740 B (notes, cols. 1 5 7 5 - 7 7 ) ; Dind., 1.507-508; Freu., 222 (= Frg. 3 ) ; Giff., 1.550 (notes, 4 . 3 1 5 - 1 6 ) ; Stearns, 25-27 (= Frg. 2 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 528; J a c , FGrH 3.670 (= N o . 722, Frg. 2 ) ; D e n i s , 178 (= Frg. 3 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.469-70.

French: German:

Fragment

Riessler, 245; notes, 1281 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Walter (JS, 3 . 2 ) , 290-91 (= Frg. 3 ) .

Four

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

9.29.15.

in P.E.:

Steph, 262; Vig.,

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS lines 21-26.

445d.

(43, 1) 8.1, p. 536,

Editions: Steph., 262; Vig., 445d; Hein., 2.48; G a i s . , 2.421; M u l l . , FHG 3. (om.) M i g n e , PG (21), col. 745 C; Dind., 1.514; Freu., 223 (= Frg. 4 ) ; Giff., 1.556-57; S t e a r n s , 27 (= Frg. 3 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43 , 1) 8 . 1 , 536 ; J a c , FGrH 3.670 (= N o . 722, Frg. 4 ) ; D e n i s , 178-79 (= Frg. 4 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.474.

French: German:

Riessler, (om.); Walter 291 (= Frg. 4 ) .

(JS, 3 . 2 ) ,

Introduction - Index

Fragment

61

Five

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number Greek Text Used: lines 7-10.

9.29.16.

in P.E.:

Steph., 262; Vig.,

M r a s , GCS

446d

(43,1) 8.1, p. 538,

Editions: Steph., 262; Vig., 446d; Hein., 2.49; G a i s . , 2.4 23; M u l l . , FHG 3. ( o m . ) ; M i g n e , PG (21), col. 748 A; Dind., 1.515; Freu., 223 (= Frg. 5 ) ; Giff., 1.558; S t e a r n s , (om.); M r a s , GCS (43 , 1) 8.1, 538; J a c , FGrH 3.670-71 (= No. 7 2 2 , Frg. 5 ) ; Denis, 179 (= Frg. 5 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.475.

French: German:

Fragment

Riessler, (om.); Walter 291-92 (= Frg. 5 ) .

(JS, 3 . 2 ) ,

Six

Source:

Clement of Alexandria, Stromata

Greek Text Used: Stahlin- Friichtel, GCS p. 87, lines 17-24.

1.21.141.1-2. (52

[15]) 2,

Editions: Miill., FHG 3.208; Dind., 2.114; Freu., 223 (= Frg. 6 ) ; M i g n e , PG (8), c o l s . 887 A-B; Stearns, 27-28 (= Frg. 4 ) ; S tahlin-Friichtel, GCS (52) 2.87; J a c , FGrH 3.671 (= N o . 722, Frg. 6 ) ; D e n i s , 179 (= Frg. 6 ) . Translations: English:

Wilson

French:

M. Caster,

(ANF),

2.332.

German:

Riessler, 245, (= Frg. 3 ) ; Stahlin (BK) , 3.119; Walter (JS, 3 . 2 ) , 292 (= Frg. 6 ) .

(SC 3 0 ) , 1.147.

62

Demetrius

FRAGMENT

ONE

(4)

(Eusebius, P.E.

9.19.4)

T o o a u i a 6 noAuLaxcop-

exepa emcpepei

(4) 421b

"Mex' ou noAuv 6e xpovov Txpoaxd^au ' I a a d x 5

O Z Q ueO'

Aeytov xov Oeov

xcp 'A3padu

xov ulov oAoxapTrcooat- auxcp.

6e dvaycxY6vxa xov rcai&a enl X O opog nupdv nal

ercideivai

xov

'Iaadx-

ocpdC.eiv

6e

xov vfioai

ueAAovxa

xojAudfjvai urco dYY^A.ou, xpiov auxcp npog xfiv

xdp-

ncoaiv rtapaoxriaavxoc• xov 6e *A(3pa.du xov \ibv rcaU6a xaOeAeiv

drco xfjg rtupac,, xov 6e xpiov xapraoaai."

FRAGMENT

TWO

10

(1)

(Eusebius, P.E.

9.21.1-19)

'Arciojuev 6e rcdAiv ercl xov rioAu'ioxopa*

AHMHTPIOY ITEPI TOY

IAKPJB-

TOY nOAYIETOPOE " Ariunxpidc, (pnoi xov

xau^aQ, drcooxaAevxa urco

xai

' I ax GO (3

Yevouevov

XCOV

20

yoveuv

xf)g

exeidev

' Iaxoo(3 eig

d

excov

rcpog

'Haau, 6id xo euAoYfi-

Ywauxa. Xappdv

xov uev rcaxepa xaxaAircovxa

2

MEOOTIO-

6td xf|V

xov rcaxepa 6oxouvxa etvai

orcoac, Ad3n

oijv xov

2

TPA$HE

xov d6eAcpov xpucptav exdpav aai auxov

4

AnO THE AYTHE

e 3 6 o u r i H O V x a rcevxe cpuYeiv eig Xappdv 15

(1)

xfjg ' Ioadx

(2)

xov

*Hoau,

dcpopuxiaai

MeoorcoxauLCig, excov

exaxov

BION 1 6 FIoA. : ouxog B | 1-9 oig -- xaprc. om. B | 10 rcdAiv om. B | _ 1 1 - 1 2 AHM. — rPA$. BON: om. I | 14 e(36ou.. rcev. : o e ' ON: e3<5ou. ercxd Vig. | 17 6 o x o u v x a etvai xov: cbg B ( 18-19 dcpopu. — Meoon. om. B I 2 0 xaxaAirceCv B I excav ovxa B I

(2)

Fragments One and

FRAGMENT

(4)

63

Two

ONE

(19.4)

Thus says Polyhistor,

the following, after some other

to which he adds

remarks:

"Not long after, God commanded Abraham his son Isaac as a whole burnt offering

to offer 2

to him.

And

he led his son up to the m o u n t a i n , heaped up a pile of wood

for an altar, and placed Isaac on it.

When

he was about to kill him, he was prevented by an angel who provided him a ram for the sacrifice. Abraham

took the lad down from the altar and

ficed the

ram."

FRAGMENT TWO

(1)

And

sacri­

(21.1)

3

Now let us turn again to Polyhistor:

D e m e t r i u s ' Remarks Concerning Jacob The Same Book of

From

Polyhistor 4

"Demetrius

says that Jacob was

seventy-five

years old when he fled to Haran in M e s o p o t a m i a .

He

was sent by his parents because of the hidden resentment which Esau had for his brother

(this

because his father had bestowed the blessing upon him thinking he was Esau) and so that he might obtain a 5 (2)

wife while there. in Mesopotamia,

(2)

Thus Jacob set out for Haran

leaving behind his father

Isaac

Demetrius

64

ETxxd,

TpLCiKovia ETiid.

(3)

AdPav

auxov

6e ovxa

excov

Siaxpiijjavxa ouv auxov

xou unxpcoou 6uo Ouyaxepag

e3Sour)xovxa

exei

enxd

yfju-ai, Aeiav

*PaxnA, ovxa excov 6y6orjxovxa xeaadpcov• xai 5

ev enxd exeaiv dAAoic, auxcp nai.6ia i-3'" oy&ocp 6exdxcp ' P o u 3 i v

xtp unvi

EMico A e u i v

xexdpxcp

'Iou6av.

xai

xai

xcp exei

' PaxnA

exei

unvi

xe un xixxouaav

xf|V d6eAcpfiv xal napaxoluiaai

CnAcoaai

xcp 'Iaxcb3 xriv eauxfjg

nai6iaxnv

ZeAcpdv, xcp auxcp xpdvcp

auAAa3eUv

xov NecpdaAeiu, xcp ev6exdxcp

cp

xal

BdAAav

exei

xexeiv

xcp 6co6exdxcp E T E L

unvi

uiov, 6v uno Aeiag

Td6 ovouaaOnvai*

xaL

'Aarip.

(4)

xaL Aeiav ndAiv dvxi

auAAa3eUv

xai

*Pou3nA

ETOUS

xfjs exepov

uno

Aeiag

napd

xcov

exei unvi

(5)

ZeAcpdv xcp auxcp xpdvcp,

xpixcp, xai xexeiv xou

xai ndAiv

xf|V auxnv

6y66cp xexetv

Aa3eiv

Aeiav

6exdxcp uiov dAAov

Za3ouAcov, xai

ev yaaxpi

(4)

"PaxnA,

auxou

unvog 6co6exdxou uiov xai ovouxx auxcp deodai

'Iaadxctp.

unvi

unvi

423b

6euxepcp

xcov unAcov

eiaeveyxeUv

xnv naiSiaxnv

xcp 6co6exdxcp E T E L

unvi

ex

auxfjg xou auxou exoug xai unvog 6co6exdxou

uav6payopou, a

25

6e xcp

xcp exei 6e xcp 6exd-

xcp 6e evfiexdxcp

xexeiv, 6v xai auxov npoaayopeuOfjvcii

20

xai

ETEL

unvi

(3)

423a

yevea-

Oai

neunxcp, xai

15

i

uev

evdxcp unvi 6y66cp Euuecbv

10

exn

xcp xpioxai&exdxcp

xexeiv,

cp

423c (5)

ovoua

xcp xeaaapeoxai6exdxcp exei

uiov 6 v o u a Adv. xcp auxcp xpovcp,

ev cp xai *PaxnA cp

xai

Aeiav

BION 1 ovxa om. B | 1-2 e3<5ou. enxd: o£ BON | 11 nai&iaxnv Freu. | 13 6eux£pcp: uT (!) B | 18 d *Pou3nA G i f f . : dpou3nA. BION: a *Pou3iv Steph. | 19 auAAa3eiv I: ouAAa3eiv (o. xe B) ev yaoxpi BON | xai I: om. BON | xf)V -- xpovcp I: xcp a. XP- nai xf)V n a i 6 . aOxng Z. BON: xcp a. XP- <¥> {xai} xf)v n a i 6 . Z. Freu.: (xcp a. XP- nai xfiv n a i 6 . auxng Z.) Giff. (not.) : {xcp a. xp. >toci xf|V n a i 6 . auxfjg Z.} ? Jac. | 2 5 uiov ovouot Adv: d u y a x e p a o v o u a Aeivav Freu. |

Fragment Two

who was 137 years old, whereas he himself was (3)

seventy-seven years old.^

(3)

Thus, after he

had spent seven years there, he married Leah and Rachel, the two daughters of Laban his maternal uncle.

At that time he was eighty-four years old.

Now in the next seven years twelve children were born to him:

in the eighth year and tenth month,

Reuben; and in the ninth year and eighth month Simeon; and in the tenth year and sixth month Levi; in the eleventh year and fourth month Judah. Now because Rachel was not bearing children, she became jealous of her sister and made her own 7 handmaid Zxlpah lie with Jacob. This was at the time that Bilhah also became pregnant with Naphtali, that is, in the eleventh year and fifth month, and in the twelfth year and second month Q

she gave birth to a son whom Leah named Gad. And in the same year and twelfth month by the 9 same woman he fathered another son, Asher, who (4)

was also named by Leah.

(4)

And Leah, in return

for the fruit of the mandrakes which Reuben brought into Rachel, once again became pregnant at the same time as her handmaid Zilpah, that is, in the twelfth year and third month; and, in the same year and twelfth month she gave birth to a (5)

son and gave him the name Issachar.

(5)

And once

more Leah, in the thirteenth year and tenth month, gave birth to another son whose name was Zebulun; and in the fourteenth year and eighth month the same Leah gave birth to a son by the name of D a n .

1(

At the same time that Rachel became pregnant, Leah

Demetrius

66

xexeiv

Ouyaxepa Aeivav, xal

xai6exdxcp 'Icoonop,

5

coaxe

xoig (6)

yeyovevai

* laxcb(3 n p o g

xov

Oeou

ueivai

ev

naAaiaai

xai

oux

eaOieadai

xai

c p d v a i auxcp x o v

eAOetv

dAA' auxov

Eixiucov, 6uoiv,

6e

oxxcb,

dyyeAov

unvcov e E /

Za3ouAcov

xeaadpcov. exn

6exa,

uno

Suxeu

yfjg

ev6exa

xou6e

unxexi

eig

excov

exepav

unvcov ' Icoan
(8)

unvcov Aeuiv unvcov

T d 6 excov

'Iaadxap Suoiv, excov

xai

(7)

noAiv

evvea

excov o x x c o , enxd

(8)

excov 6 c o 6 e x a

excov o x x c o unvcov 6 e x a , 'Aonp

napoixnaai

xou

xou

veupov.

unvcov x e a a d p c o v ,

'Iou6av

cpOapnvai

Aeivav

eg

6e ' I a p a n A n a p d

424a

excov

unvcov 'Euucop

(9)

xnv "IapanA d u y a x e p a A e i v a v

'Euucbp

unvcov x e a a d p c o v .

eixoai.

xoigunpoig

and

'Pou3iu

xeaadpcov,

(9) xai

ndvxa

dyyeAov

ovouaadnaeadai.

excov

unvcov

ev

(6)

dEjico-

xd

Ad3av exn

xov

60ev

S u u e c o v a excov

e£

dnievai,

u e i v a i , coaxe

Xavadv

xoig

6e

UMPOO

Xavadv

NecpdaAeiu |

exeai

OeAovxa

xou nAdxoug xou

' Iapaf|A

o x x c o unvcov 6 e x a ,

enxd

napd

xcov x x n v c o v x 6

xfjg

xeaaapea-

ovoucxoOfjvai

vapxnaavxa e n i a x d C e i v

exovxa nai6ia

excov 6 e x a oxxco,

xov

xcp 6v

Xavadv

eg

ajjaadai

'Iaxco3,

excov

eig

exn

Xappdv

xou

'Iaxcb3,

25

naxepa

uno Ad3av dAAa

n o p e u o u e v c p 6' auxcp e i g

(7)

20

xexeiv

6y66cp u i o v , ev

auxov

15

unvi

n a p d A d 3 a v 6co6exa n a i S i a .

Oevxa

10

exei

uiou,

eEaAAouevoug

excov o u a a v 6e

xoug

6exaeg 'IapanA

BION 1 Aeivav N: Aivav B | 2 co o v o u a deadai B I 5 Xavadv: Xappdv ON | 8 sq. nepi xfjg ' I a x c b 3 ndAng I | 9 naAAeuaai I | 10 sq. 6iaxi xo ev xoig u n P o C s * E 3 p o t i o i oux eaOiouai veupov I | 11 oux ea&ieaOai BON: ou x a d i eaOai I | xcov xxnvcov post unpoig transp. B | 13 ovouaadnvai B | 14 xfjg Xavadv yfig om. B | exepav om. B | ndAiv om. I | 16-p. 68,5 Suuecova — enxd om. B | 16 ev6exa: T a ON: 6co6exa I | 17 6 e x a : 7 ON: 6cb6exa I | _18 oxxco Freu. | 6£xa I: T ON | 2 0 Aeivav: Adv Mras | 25 fecpaAAouevoug Freu. | m g

1

Fragment

Two

also gave birth to a daughter Dinah.

And in the

fourteenth year and eighth month Rachel gave to a son w h o was named Joseph.

how in the seven years spent with Laban (6)

children were born.

(6)

birth

Thus it is seen twelve

Although Jacob wished

to

return to his father in Canaan, he was asked by Laban to remain six additional years, so that all he remained with Laban in Haran for (7)

years.

1 1

(7)

in

twenty

While he was on the way to C a n a a n ,

an angel of God wrestled with him and struck

the

broad part of Jacob's thigh; it became stiff

and

he limped on it.

the

It is for this reason that

tendon in the thigh of animals

is not eaten.

1

And

the angel said to him that from then on he would (8)

no longer be called Jacob but Israel. 13 he came into Shechem, of Canaan, accompanied

(8)

Then

another city in the by his children —

Reuben

whose age was twelve years and two m o n t h s , 14 eleven years and four m o n t h s ,

land

Simeon

Levi ten years

and

1

1

six m o n t h s , ^ Judah nine years and eight m o n t h s , ^ Naphtali eight years and ten m o n t h s , Gad

eight

years and ten m o n t h s , Asher eight y e a r s , Issachar eight y e a r s , Zebulun seven years and two m o n t h s , 17 Dinah (9)

six years and four m o n t h s , and Joseph

years and four m o n t h s .

(9) Now Israel had

six

dwelt

near Hamor ten years when Dinah, the daughter of Israel, was raped by Shechem, Hamor's son; at this time she was sixteen years and four months And Israel's

sons Simeon

old.

(who was twenty-one

years

68

Demetrius ULOUQ,

Euuecova U E V

ovxa

excov eixoaievoc,

xeaadpcov, AeuLv 6e excov E L H O O L vai

xov xe

'Euutop xaL

Suxeu

unvcov

unvcov eE, drcoxxei-

xov

uiov auxou xai

424b

rcdvxac, xous dpaevae 6id xfjv Aeivas cpdopdv 'Iaxco(3 5

6e T O T E

Eivai

ouv auxov unnexu

'Iaxco3,

exeUOev eig 10

dAA'

6e eAdeiv

Beviauiv,

ELHOOL

xpia.

eig M a u 3 p i

xai

(11)

auxodev

6e T O T E

eig ACyurcxov xai

ev xcp

(10)

' Iaxco(3 exn

xov

' Iaxco(3 rcaxepa.

xai

ueivac

xpidxovxa,

evi eurcpoadev,

CTCOV

x p i v a v T a 6e xcp

ovra 3a.aiAei

Aiyurcxou eTn

'Aaeved,

xov 6e

xai

xou Aiuou

xou

erccyeveadai

rcoiuEva auxov

BION 5 xai sAdovxa B | 5-6 xe ouv auxov om. B | 10 xeAeuxfjaai.: OvnEa-i (!) B | 11 auxfj om. B 17 exaxov el'xoaiv: px BON: exaxov 6£xa I | 24 sqq. an (anuE icoaai) • 6id xo rcoiuEvag etvai xov rcaxepa xai xous d6EAcpoug ou uEXErceurcexo 'Icoancp I

424d

exn

'Icoancp exn Evvsa euxuxnaavxa

rcpog xov rcaxepa un rceuApai, 6id xo

(12)

ercxd,

nevxecppfj

Lepecog Suyaxpi, xai yevvnaai. Mavaa-

'Ecppa'iu*

(11) 424c

rcpadnvac

6eaucoxnpitp excov

auxov

ei'xoaiv, ev cp xai xeAeuxfj-

(12)

ev oig xai auvotxnaai

(13)

xe deov

xexouaav

6e eAOeUv xov

rcpog 'Iaadx

T 6 V ' Icoancp TC\ evurcvia apEjai,

6uo.

auxfj xov

eivai auxov

'Iaadx E T E L

exaTov 6y6onxovxa.

* HAiourcoAecog

yewnaai

' Icoaficp excov 6 e x a e r c T d ,

eivai

afjv xai

xov

ovoudCeadai.

Bn^Aeeu,xai

xfjg Xe3pcbv

' Iaxco3 6e excov exaxov

25

'IapafjA

auu(3i-toaai 6'

exn Gexaxpia, COOT*

20

(10) eAdovxa

xeAeuxnaai. 'PaxnA,

auxov

aai xov

enxd.

eig Xacppadd, evOev rcapayeveadai

'Ecppadd, nv etvai

exeU

xov Bevuauiv,

15

excov exaxov

eig AouCd xng BaidnA, cpdvac

(13)

Fragment

Two

69

and four m o n t h s old) and Levi and six months old) rushed

(who was twenty

forth and killed

years

both

Hamor and his son Shechem, and all their men-folk 18 because of Dinah's rape. Jacob was then 107 years (10) old. (10) Therefore, when Jacob came to Luz in 19 Bethel, God saxd that he was no longer to be 20 called Jacob but Israel. From there he went to 21 Chaphrath, and thereafter he went to Ephrath, 22 w h i c h is Bethlehem.

There he fathered

Benjamin,

and Rachel died while giving birth to Benjamin. Jacob had lived with her for twenty-three (11)

years.

(11)

From there Jacob went to Mamre in Hebron to 23 Isaac his father. Joseph was then seventeen 24 years old, remained

and he was sold into Egypt, and he

in prison for thirteen y e a r s , so that he 2

was thirty years old.^^ Jacob was 120 years o l d ^ and this was one year before Isaac died at the age 27 (12) of 180 y e a r s . (12) After he interpreted the dreams to the king, Joseph ruled Egypt for seven 28 years. During this time he was married to 29 Asenath, the daughter of Potiphera, priest of 30 H e l i o p o l i s , and he fathered Manasseh and Ephraim. 31 (13) Two years of famine followed. Joseph had good

fortune

(13)

But

though

for nine y e a r s , he did not

send for his father because he was a shepherd

Demetrius

70

xe xaL

xoug dSeAcpoug etvai •

Yurcxioig etvai

enoveC6iaxov

xo rcoi-uaiveLV.

oxi

6e A L -

6e 6id

xouxo

oux ferceu^EV auxov 6e6nAcoxevai.* eAOovxcov ydp xcov 5

OUYYEVCOV

cpdvai auxoig,

xou 3a.aiAecog xal AEYEUV

epcoxcovxai

xxrivoxpocpoug

auxoug

peiadai, 6e 6id X L rcoxe'6

auxou

edv

xAndcoacv

TL

6iarcpdaaovxai,,

etvai.

urco

(14) 6iarco-

' Icoaficp BevtauLv

(14)

ETCL X O U

dpiaxou rcEvxarcAaaiova u s p i & a e6coxe, ufi Suvausvou auxou xoaaOxa xaxavaAcoaai xpsa.

10

15

Aa3eiv.

xaL

(15)

coaauxcog 6e xaL

exdaxcp 6ircAag, xcp

xpiaxoatoug

oftv 425a

un^POQ eZvai

L'aov.

'Iaadx

xpidxovxa* ate'.

AtYurcxcp

*A3padu

YLveaOat

eAOeUv

xaL

6e

6e auxoug

xd

rcdvxa exn

eig A L Y U T C X O V

exei xov

xfjg

E V Y?) (16)

E X XCOV feOvcov xaL

' Iaxcb3

xcp xpixcp

drco-

auxou

'A3pa.au excov sl'xoai

egnxovxa,

(17)

otxov

(15)

rcevxe

xcp rcaxpL

xov

(16) oixnaai

E C g Xavadv,

excov

BeviauLv

xal

coaxe

Xavadv, dcp' ou exAeYnvai UEXEAOEUV

ercL X O U xdg axoAdg

6e

xpuaoOg

axeiAat, xaxd xauxd,

25

xouxo

auxov rcETioLriHevat 6id xo E X xfjg Aeiag xcp rcaxpL auxou YEYOVEvai uioug ercxd, ex 6e * PaxnA. xfjg unxpog auxou 6uo* 6td xouxo xcp BeviauLv rcevxe uepi&ag uapadeivai xaL auxov Aa3eiv 6uo* yeveodac oijv ercxd, oaag xaL xoug ex xfig Aeiag uLoug Souvau

20

|

425b

TXEVXE,

excov

exaxov

E V Ytl

Xavadv

Aiuou ouang

ev

(17)

' Iaxco3 ovxa excov

BION 1-2 ercov. — eivai: 6 i ' 6vei6oug eivai A I Y . B | 3 ydp BO: 6e (superscr. yap) N : om. I | 6 eCvai < > Freu. | 6 sqq. 6iaxi 'Icoaficp xcov 1

doeAcpcov auxou auv6e ircvouvxcov auxco, xcov 0

L

S

UEv 1

d6EAcpcov dvd Luav u s p i S a eScoxe, xco 6fe BeviauLv e' I 11 ercxd: eg Freu. | 13 6uo Vig. ( n o t . ) : \xiav MSS [ 14 ercxd: eg Freu. | 18 xauxa ON | 19 eivai: Aa3eiv ? Freu. | 2 4 ouang I: ovxog BON |

Fragment

Two

as were his brothers

too, and Egyptians

it a disgrace to be a shepherd. reason

That this was

he did not send for him, Joseph

declared.

consider the

himself

For when his kin did come, he told

them

that if they should be summoned by the king and were asked what they did for a living, they were 32 (14) to say that they were cowherds.

(14) A

crucial

question arises as to why Joseph gave Benjamin a five-fold portion at the meal even though he would 33 not be able to consume so much meat. He did this 34 because seven

sons had been born to his

father

by Leah whereas only two sons had been born to him by Rachel his m o t h e r . For this reason, he served up five portions for Benjamin and he himself 35 took two. T h u s , there were between them seven portions, ^ that is, as many as all the sons of 37 3

(15) Leah had taken. applies

(15)

The same

explanation

to his giving double-folded

garments

to

each brother, while giving Benjamin five such gar38 39 ments along w i t h 300 pieces of gold. He also sent to his father the same amount (16) mother's house would be e q u a l .

so that his

(16)

when Abraham was chosen from among the and migrated

From the time nations

to Canaan, they dwelt in the land of 40

Canaan as follows: Abraham — twenty-five years; 41 42 Isaac -- sixty years; Jacob — 130 y e a r s ; in all, 215 years were spent (17) Canaan.

(17)

in the land of

In the third year of famine in Egypt

Jacob came into Egypt, and he was 130 years

old.

Demetrius

72

exaxov xpidxovxa,

'Pou3iv excov u e ' , Euuecova excov

]±& ' , Aeuiv excov U Y ' , 'Iou6av excov u3 ' unvcov 6uo, NecpOaAeiu excov uxx' unvcov £', r&6 excov u a ' Y', 5

'Aorip

Aeivav excov AO', Beviauiv 'Icoancp cprioi YeveaOai 6e drco xoG xoug xoO

unvcov 425c

excov u' unvcov oxxcb, Za3ouAcov excov u', excov x n ' .

(18) xov 6e

ev AiYurcxcp exn AO'.

'A6du ecog xou eiaeAOeiv

'Icoancp auYYeveig exn

eig

(18)

eivai AIYUUXOV

, Y X H 6 ' . drco 6e xou

xaxaxAuauou ecog xng Taxco3 rcapouaiag eig AiYunxov 10

exn

,axg'.

dcp' ou 6e exAeYnvai

eOvcov xai eAOeiv ex Xappdv A'I'YUTXXOV xoug (19)

rcepi

' Iaxcb3 eAOeiv,

eniYeveaOai

exn

eAOeiv eig A I Y U T C X O V ,

KAdO, xeAeuxfjaai

20

'Icoancp

coaxe xcp

exn

xeAeuxnaai,

'Au3pdu,

425d

aie'.

Xavadv

(19)

auxov

eivai auxov excov g',

auxcp 6e exei c])

yeveaOai

ovxa excov p u £ ' , xaxaAircovxa Aeuiv

6e yevouevov

excov

KAdO 6e ovxa excov u' Yevvnaai

ov excov eivai

1 6 ' ev cp xeAeuxnaai 'Icoaficp

ev AiYurcxcp ovxa p i ' excov excov exaxov A Y ' xeAeuxnaai. 25

eig

' Iaxco3 ev AiYurcxcp, euAoYnaavxa

uioug,

'Icoancp ovxa excov vg ' . pA£ '

xcov

Aeuiv 6e ev AiYurcxcp

dcp' ou ex

xai Yevvfjaai KAdO,

xoug

ecog

' Iaxcb(3 6e eCs Xappdv npog Ad3av eAOeiv excov

ovxa re' xai Yevvfjaai A e u i v 15

'A3pa.au ex

eig Xavadv

KAdO

6e

yevoiievov

| ' A u 3 p d u 6e

Yuvaixa xfiv xoO Oeiou O u y a x e p a

Aa3etv

'Ico)ca3ex xai

426a

ovxa

BION l-5_ *Pou3iv — x n ' om. B | 2 6uo M r a s : 6. (!) 0 (= 6 GFC apud Gais.) N: 6' < > Freu.: xpicov I | 2-3 6uo Freu. (not.) (cf. Frg. 2, par. 8) | 4 Y ' : xpicov Giff.: eg Freu.: | 'Aanp -6xxcb ON (A. e. u unv. n) : ante 3 NecpO. transp. I | oxxcb, <'Iaaaxdp excov u' unvcov oxxcb, > Freu. | 5 Aeivav (Aeiva N) : Adv Mras (cf. Frg. 2, par. 8) | 6 cpnai om. B| 11 ex: v (= ev ? cf. infra lin. 13) B | 13 eig Freu. (p. 5 3 ) : ev B: ex ION (cf. Frg. 2, par. 1 & 2) | 17 Y E v e a O a i : Yevvfjaai B | 2 2 * A u 3 p d u M r a s : * A u 3 p d v N: ' A 3 p d u (emend, ex ' A 3 p a d u ) O : "Au3pav B: ' A 3 p a d u I: 'Aupdu G a i s . | 22-24 Sv -- xeAeux.: 6v excov pu£ x a x a Aircdvxa icoancp ovxa excov vg B (ditt.?) | 24 *Au3pdu- M r a s : ' A u 3 p d v ON: "Au3pctv B: ' A 3 p a d u I: 'Aupdu G a i s . | 1

Fragment Two

73

Reuben was forty-five years old,^

3

Simeon forty-

four years old, Levi forty-three years old, Judah forty-two years and two

44

months old,

45

Naphtali

forty-one years and seven months old, Gad fortyone years and three

46

months old, Asher

47

forty

48

years and eight months old,

Zebulun forty years

49

old, Dinah thirty-nine years old, Benjamin twenty(18) eight years old."^ (18) Joseph, h e ^ says, turned 1

52

thirty-nine while in Egypt. From Adam until the time when the brothers of Joseph came into Egypt 53

there were 3,624 years;

from the flood until 54

Jacob's arrival in Egypt there were 1,360 years; and from the time when Abraham was chosen from among the nations and came from Haran into Canaan until the time when those with him came into Egypt 55

(19) there were 215 years. (19) Jacob came into Haran to Laban when he was eighty years old, and then 57

he fathered Levi.

From the time when Levi left

Canaan and came into Egypt, he was subsequently 58

in Egypt seventeen years, so that he was sixty years 59

old when he fathered Kohath.

But in the same year

in which Kohath was born, Jacob died in Egypt (after having blessed the sons of Joseph) at the age of 147 years, old.

leaving Joseph who was fifty-six years

Levi died at the age of 137 years, while Kohath,

at the age of forty, fathered Amram, who was fourteen years old when Joseph died in Egypt at the 62

age of 110 years. he died.

Kohath was 133 years old when

Amram took for a wife his uncle's daughter,

BION 'A(3p&u 'A(3pa&u 'Aupdu Sv excov omit) B

(emended from *A3padu by first (?) copyist) 0: Vig. Hein.: "Au3pav B Freu. (p. 2 0 6 ) : 'A3pccdu I: G a i s . Dind. Giff. Jac. | 22-24 Sv — xeAeux.: puC xaxaA ircovxa Ccoaricp ovxa excov vs (all others |

74

Demetrius

eviauxcov oe ' yevvfjaai oai

6e

Mcoafjv

yevouevov

xov

{xaL Mcoafjv}* yevvfj-

'Au3pdu

ovxa

uot

xeiaOco

drco

TT)Q 'AAegdv6pou

xou

noAu'iaxopog ypacpfig.

FRAGMENT THREE

426b

(Eusebius, P.E.

AHMHTPIOY nEPI TOY AYTOY (1)

6e

"AnUnxpiog

9.29.1-3)

OMOIQS

rcepL xfis dvaip£aecog xou

6iacpopag

Aiyurcxiou xaL xfig

ypdcpavxL

Lepdv

Laxopnae* cpuyeiv uevxoi

ye

3L3AOV xov

Mcoafjv

eCg MaSidu naL auvoixfjaai

exei xfj * IoOcop OuyaxpL

Eerccpcbpqi, r\v

axoxdCeaOai

eivai,

oaa

(1)

xfjg rcpog xov uivuoavxa

xov xeAeuxfiaavxa ouoicog xcp xriv 10

excov on', xal

'Au3pdu excov pAg ' xeAeuxfjaai • "

TaOxd 5

'Aapcbv

drco

439c

xcov

ovoudxcov, xcov yevouevcov ex Xexxoupag, xoO *A3padu yevoug, 15

ex

xou

Xexxoupag* ex 6e

*03d3, (2)

ex

xaL

6e

ex

Aa6dv

6e

'Ie£dv xou yevouevou

'PayoufiA

yap

auuxptoveiv

e36ouov, f\6r\ xou

xov yap Mcoafjv

'Iaadx, dcp' ou

eivai, yfjuai

*A3padu

xaL yevvfjaai

'Iaadp eg auxfjg

uaxepov yeyovevai

xov

yeyeveaAoyfjaOai.

(3)

(2)

xriv &t Serccpcbpav E K T T I V , Mcoafjv

xriv Xexxoupav ovxa excov pu'

6euxepov

'Iaadx ovxa excov exaxov Yevvfjaai. coaxe

25

Aa6dv, 'IoOcop xaL

xou 'IoOcop Serccpcbpav, fiv yfjuou Mcoafjv.

xdg yevedg 6e

auvoixouvxog

'Ie£dv yeveaOau

* PayouriA, ex 6e

eivai drco 'A3pa.au 20

xou

*A3padu ex

xov

6e

439d

u 3 ' excov

'Iaadp, dcp'ou xnv Serccpcbpav

ou6ev

ouv dvxircircxei

xov

(3)

BION 1-3 eviauxcov — 'Au3pdu om. B | 1 {xaL Mcoafjv} Mras | 2 'Au3pdu Mras: 'Au3pdv ON: *A3padu I: 'Aupdu G a i s . 3 'Au3pdu Mras: "Au3pav ON: *A3padu I: 'Aupdu G a i s . xeAeuxfjaai < > Freu. | 6 AHM. — OM. BI ON | 11 Ma6idv Steph. | 'IoOcop ON: 'IoOop I : IicoOco (sine aspir.) B | 14 'Iegdv I J 'A3padu B j 15 'Iegdv I | 16 'IoOcop ON: 'icoOoop B: 'IoOop I | 17 '03d3 BON: *03d3 I: 'Ico3d3 Freu. | 'IoOcop BON; 'IoOop I | . m g

1

Fragment

Three

7

Jochebed, and at the age of seventy-five fathered Aaron and M o s e s . ^

Amram

fathered 64

when he was seventy-eight years old was 136

years old when he

FRAGMENT

from Alexander

work.

THREE

6 6

The Same Man (1)

Amram

6

Similarly, D e m e t r i u s ' Remarks

(1)

and

Moses

died." ^

These things I have quoted Polyhistor's

he

Concerning

(Moses)

"With respect to his slaying the

Egyptian

and his disagreement with the informant about

the

dead man, D e m e t r i u s ' account agrees with that of the writer of the Sacred Book:

Moses

fled

6

(2)

to 6

M i d i a n ^ and there was married to Z i p p o r a h , ^ the 69 daughter of Jethro, who was (as can be ascertained 70 from the names) of the descendants of Keturah, and thus of the stock of Abraham. He was descended 71 from Jokshan who was born to Abraham by Keturah. 72 From Jokshan, Dedan was born, and from Dedan, 73 74 Raguel. From Raguel, Jethro and Hobab were born, and from Jethro, Zipporah, whom Moses married. (2) The number of generations coincides 75 as w e l l , for Moses was seventh Zipporah was sixth.

For Isaac

from Abraham (from whom

was descended) was already married when

and

Moses

Abraham,

at the age of 140, wedded Keturah, and by her he fathered a second son, Ishbak.

He was one

hundred years old when he fathered Isaac. Conse­ quently, it was forty-two years later when he 77

(3)

fathered

Ishbak,

traced.

(3) T h e r e f o r e , there is nothing

from whom

Zipporah has been contradictor

19 *A3pa&u B | 20-25 O U V O L K . — yeyev. om. B | 22 'Iaadp: 'Ie£dv Freu. (in not.; cf. p. 206) cf. supra lin. 14-15 I 25 xoivuv ouSfev B I ouv I: dv ON: om. B |

Demetrius

76

Mcoafjv xaL yeyovevai TTOAIV, cpnaL 5

xriv

2eucpcopav

xpdvoug.

xaxd

xoug

xaxoixeiv

auxoug

6e auxoug

Ma&idu

nv drco evog xcov 'A3pa.au n.ai6cov ovouaadfjvai. yap

xov

'A3padu

ercL xaxoixiav rceu^ai • xaL M a p i d u eirceiv ev

xoug rtai6ag npog 6id

xoOxo

'AanpcoO

6e xai

Mcoafjv

dvaxoAdg 'Aapcbv

*Aidiorci6a

yfjuai yuvaixa."

FRAGMENT FOUR

(15)

(Eusebius, P.E.

xal rcdAiv U E X '

9.29.15)

oAiya*

(15) 445d

"'Exeidev rjAOov fjUEpag xpeig, cog auxdg xe 6 10

Anurixpiog Aeyec xai. auucpcbvcog xouxcp f) Lepd 3£3A.og. UM

expvxa

6e

56cop exei yAuxu, dAAd rtixpdv, xou

Oeou eircovxog EuAov X L xai. yeveaOai

yAuxu

'EAeuu eAOeiv xaL 15

xo

eupeiv

u6cop.

eig xf|v

rcnyfiv

exeidev

6e eig

exei 6cb6exa u&v

rcnydg

u&dxcov, epoounxovxa 6e axeAexn cpoivixcov."

FRAGMENT FIVE

(16)

(Eusebius, P.E.

"'EuiCnxEiv

666v

9.29.16)

xaL uexd 3pax£a*

eaxov dvorcAoi

20

eu3aAeiv

6E

xiva rccog oL

egeASovxeg*

(16) 446d 'IapanAixai orcAa

ecpaaav yap xpicov fiuEpcov

egeAOovxeg xaL Ouaidaavxeg ndAiv

cpaivexai ouv xoug uf) xaxaxAuaOevxag

dvaxduipetv.

xoig

exeivcov

ortAo i g xPucraa&ai. "

BION 3 'A3padu B | 4 *A3padu B | 9 exeiOev fiAOov: r)Adev (!) exeiOev B | auxog xe om. B | 13 xaL om. B 14 'EAeLu I: 'EALu B: 'EAeLv ON | 19 egeAOovxeg xaL Ouaidaavxeg Steph.: -Sdvxag x. -aavxag MSS | 20 cpaivexai Steph. : cpaivovxai MSS |

Fragments Four and Five

77

in saying that Moses and Zipporah

lived at the 7 same time. They lived in the city of Midian, which is named after one of the children of 79 Abraham.

For it

says that Abraham

sent his

sons to the East to make their h o m e .

For

this

reason, too, Aaron and Miriam said at that Moses had married FRAGMENT

(15)

(15)

an Ethiopian

Hazeroth 81 woman."

FOUR

And a little further

on:

83 From there they traveled three days, as Demetrius himself says — and the Holy Book agrees 84 85 w i t h this. But finding no sweet water there, only bitter w a t e r , as God had commanded, a piece of wood became sweet.

he

threw

into the spring and the water 86 From there they came to Elim

and there they found twelve springs of water and seventy palm

FRAGMENT

(16)

(16)

trees."

FIVE

And a little further

on:

"But someone asked how the Israelites

obtained

w e a p o n s , seeing that they departed from Egypt 88 89 unarmed -- for they said that after they had gone a three d a y s ' journey and had offered a 90 sacrifice, they would

return again.

therefore, that those w h o did not drown the w e a p o n s of those who did

drown."

It appears, appropriated

Demetrius

78

FRAGMENT

SIX

(Clement of Alex., Strom.

(1) Anunxpiog 6e cpnatv ev xcp

1.21.141.1-2)

ITepL xcov ev xfj

*Iou6aia |3aaiAecov xriv 'Iou6a cpuAnv xaL xaL AeuL un aixuaAcoxladnvai dAA' 5

BeviaueLv

Eevaxnpeiu,

eivai drco xng atxuaAcoaiag xauxng

eaxdxnv, nv ercoinaaxo Na(3ouxo6ov6aop Auuoov, exn exaxov

e'ixoai oxxco

ou 6e al cpuAaL al 6exa ex yeydvaaiv

* IepoaoAuucov

unvag

evvea,

exn xptaxoaia

eig eg

xfiv

*Iepoao-

unvag eg.

Eauapeiag

ecog IIxoAeuaiou xexdpxou

e36ounxovxa xpia 10

urco xou

(1)

(2) do?'

(2)

aixudAcoxoi

exn rcevxaxdaia dcp*

ou

6e

eg

xpidxovxa oxxco unvag

xpeig.

L 3 Eevaxnpetu Freu. (in not.; cf. p. 59) | 6 oxxcb: rcevxe Gutschmid (Kleine Schriften 2.188) apud Stahlin | 8 xexdpxou: xou xpixou Freu. (in not.; cf. p. 6 2 ) : e|366uou M e n d e l s ­ sohn apud Jac. | rcevxaxdaia: xexpaxoaia Reinesius apud Stahlin | 9 oe ? Mendelssohn apud Jac. | 10 xpiaxdaia: xexpaxoaia Raska (Chronologie der B i b e l , 97-8) apud Stahlin | xpidxovxa: xexxapdxovxa Gutschmid (Kleine Schriften) apud Stahlin [

Fragment

Six

91 FRAGMENT

(1)

(1)

SIX

In his book Concerning

Judaea Demetrius

(2)

the Kings

in

says that the tribes of Judah,

Benjamin, and Levi were not taken captive by 92 Sennacherib, but that between the time of this captivity and the last captivity of Jerusal 93 by Nebuchadnezzar there were 128 years and 94 six m o n t h s . (2) From the time when the ten tribes were taken captive from Samaria until 95 the time of Ptolemy the Fourth there were 573 96 years and nine months; from the time that the captivity from Jerusalem took place there were 97 338 years and three m o n t h s .

80

Demetrius

ANNOTATIONS 1. This fragment occurs in the section on Abraham (P.E. 9.16-20) in which Eusebius quotes various authors men­ tioned by Josephus and Alexander Polyhistor w h o refer to Abraham. Previously Eusebius has excerpted authors who discuss Abraham in Egypt and Phoenicia, his status as wise man and astrologer, and now turns to his sons. Frg. 1 occurs between quotations from Apollonius Molon which treats Abraham's travels and his children and Philo the Epic Poet depicting the sacrifice of Isaac. Although this fragment is anonymous, it is now widely attributed to D e m e t r i u s . Cf. Freu., 14-15, 36. 2.

Cf. Gen

22:1-19.

3. This fragment occurs immediately following a set of q u o t a t i o n s concerning Abraham and his sons, and is the first of several quotations devoted primarily to Jacob (P.E. 9 . 2 1 - 2 2 ) . It is immediately followed by a fragment from Theodotus giving further information on Shechem and the family of Emmor. 4. Because this figure contradicts that given in the next paragraph (Frg. 2, par. 2 ) , Viger (PG (21) col. 713D, n. 41) proposes that rcevxe be emended to ercxd. This emenda­ tion is adopted by Freu., 219 (full discussion, 5 2 - 5 3 ) . Actually, the text of Demetrius (i.e. Eusebius) edited by Mras gives three different ages for Jacob when he departed for Haran: 75 years (par. 1 ) : 77 years (par. 2 ) : 80 years (par. 1 9 ) . But since the calculations of Demetrius through­ out are based on the figure 77, the other two figures appear to be corruptions. Cf. Miller-Hanson, "Demetrius H i s t o r i c u s , " 17. Freu., 52-53, attributes the differences to scribal errors. Cf. notes 6 and 56 below. 5.

Cf. Gen

27:41-28:5.

6. According to Freu., 39, Demetrius probably arrives at these figures in the following way. Between the time of Jacob's death at the age of 147 (Gen 47:28) and his departure to Haran, a total of 70 years elapsed. This is calculated as follows: 14 years in the service of Laban (Gen 3 1 : 4 1 ) , at the end of which Joseph was born (cf. Frg. 2, par. 5 ) ; 30 years between the time of Joseph's birth and the time of his entry into the service of Pharaoh (Gen 4 1 : 4 6 ) ; 9 years in the service of Pharaoh before the first appearance of his brothers (Gen 45:6 -- seven years of plenty presupposed and added to the two years of famine before the arrival of the b r o t h e r s ) ; 17 years between the arrival of Joseph's family and the death of Jacob (Gen 47: 28). T h u s , 14+30+9+17=70 y e a r s . Since Jacob was 147 years

Annotations

old when he died (Gen 4 7 : 2 8 ) , he must have been old when he left for Haran (147-70=77).

81

77 years

Isaac's age of 137 years is derived by simply adding Jacob's age at the time of his departure to Haran (77 years) to Isaac's age (60 years) at the time of Jacob's birth (Gen 25:26) . 7. Zilpah, of course, was Leah's handmaid (Gen 29:24, 29; 3 0 : 1 - 1 3 ) , not R a c h e l ' s . In Frg. 2, par. 4, Zilpah appears to be correctly identified as Leah's handmaid, but the syntax is unclear. An apparently simply solution would be to emend the text by substituting BdAAav for ZeAcpdv (line 1 1 ) , but this is impossible because the remarks which immediately follow would not only be incorrect but incomprehensible. Freu. suggests a more extensive emenda­ tion. Assuming that the biblicist Demetrius would not have made such a blatant error, he suggests that homoeoteleuton occurred at some point in the transmission of the text. He proposes the following emendation in par. 3, line 11: TXCXI 6 iOKT)V ZeAcpav. ("Rachel ... made her own handmaidto lie with Jacob,Zilpahthis at the same time that Bilhah became pregnant with N a p h t a l i , that is, in the eleventh year and fifth month; and in the twelfth year and second month he also fathered a son (by Zilpah) whom Lean named Gad . . . " ) . It should be noted that this emendation requires another emendation in par. 5. Since it makes room for Dan, placing him with his proper m o t h e r in the proper sequence, uiov ovoua Adv in Frg. 2, par. 5, is emended to Ouyaxepa ovoua Aeivav (cf. Gen 30:21; Freu., 5 4 - 5 6 ) . Walter, JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 2 85, suggests an emendation even more e x t e n s i v e , but based on Freu.'s suggestion. Cf. below, notes 10, 16, 17, 45, and 49. 8.

I.e.,

Zilpah.

9. Ilras proposes Rachel as the subject of xexeiv Cf. GCS (43.1) 508, app. crit., line 22.

(line 1 6 ) .

10. Freu., 54, suggests that in Frg. 2, par. 3, a section which included the account of the birth of Dan was omitted because of homoeoteleuton. In this case, uldv ovoua Adv here in par. 5 would be a later editor's attempt to include Dan's name in the list of children. The phrase is thus

82

Demetrius

bracketed in Freu.'s text, 220. The similarity between Aeivav and Adv no doubt added to the confusion, and would have prompted attempts at correction. Cf. note 7 above. 11.

Cf. Gen 31:41; also Josephus, Ant.

12.

Cf. Gen

1.319.

32:25-32; also J o s e p h u s , Ant.

1.331-34.

13. The spelling is unusual. WDW is ordinarily rendered E U X . E U or Eixiua.. Bickerman, apud Jacoby, app. crit. , thus calls exepav rcoAiv Eixiucov a "strange variant." Jacoby suggests that the unusual spelling of Shechem here might have resulted from abbreviating the LXX (Gen 33:1718) : xat, ' Iaxco3 drcaipei eig Exnvdg .... xaL n"Adev ' Iaxco3 eig EaAnu ndAiv Eixiuxov, f| eaxiv ev yf\i Xavaav. Polyhistor or, less likely,Demetrius may have taken the genitive plural as a place name. 14. N o t e the discrepancy in MS I (line 16) where age is given as 12 years and four m o n t h s .

Simeon's

15. N o t e the discrepancy in MS I (line 17) where Levi's age is given as 12 years and 6 m o n t h s . The numbers are clearly corrupt. No corresponding variants are given by MS I in par. 3. 16. Freu., 220, in keeping with his earlier emendation in par. 3, line 11 (cf. note 7 a b o v e ) , suggests inserting here Adv excov evvea unvcov oxxco ("Dan, nine years and eight m o n t h s " ) . He was possibly omitted because of the similarity between his age and that of Judah. Cf. W a l t e r , JS (3,2) 286, n. 86. 17. Another way of including Dan in the list is to read Adv here instead of Aeivav, as Mras suggests (GCS ( 4 3 . 1 ) , 509, app. crit. on line 1 9 ) . But the age (six years and four months) would have to be adjusted. To do this, Freu.'s emendation would be required (cf. note 16 a b o v e ) . Still, the order would be unusual. Cf. par. 17, note 49.

18.

Cf. Gen 34.

19. The text, as it stands, implies that Bethel is the region in which Luz is located, thus misconstruing the LXX: eig Aou£a ... n eaxiv BaiSnA (cf. Gen 35:6; Josh 16:1; 1 8 : 1 3 ) . Perhaps it is to be understood as a g e n i ­ tive of apposition (cf. Smyth, Greek Grammar, par. 1322) , or, more likely, a chorographic genitive (cf. Smyth, par. 1 3 1 1 ) . As it stands, it is to be translated "to Luz in B e t h e l . "

Annotations

20.

83

Cf. Gen 35:10; also Frg. 2, par. 7; also Gen 32:2 8.

21. Demetrius, or perhaps Polyhistor, has misconstrued the LXX x.aPpaOa (Gen 35:16) as the name of a place, whereas it is actually a transliteration of m i l 3 in the expression y ^ l K i V m i l ^ . 22.

Cf., Gen 35:16-19.

23.

Cf.. Gen 35:27.

24.

Cf., Gen 37:2.

25.

Cf., Gen 41:46.

In MS I Jacob's age given as 110 years. This 26. reading is adopted by Vig. Gais. Dind. Giff. The majority of witnesses (BON) give his age as 120 years. This is adopted by Freu. Mras Jac. Freu., however, proposes a lacuna after px'. W a l t e r , JS ( 3 . 2 ) , 2 8 7 , n. lid, proposes 121 y e a r s , based on the information given in Frg. 2, par. 2. 27. The Greek wording is puzzling, particularly the phrase "one year before" ( E I E L ivl euTtpoodev). Assuming the figures given in Frg. 2, par. 2, the chronology would require Jacob to be 120 years old at the time when Isaac died at the age of 180, not one year e a r l i e r : 137 20 10 13 180

yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs.

Isaac's age when Jacob left for Haran (par. 2) Length of Jacob's stay with Laban in Haran (par.6) Length of Jacob's stay at Hamor (par. 9) Length of Jacob's stay at Mamre (par. 11) Isaac's age when he died

77 20 10 13 120

yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs. yrs.

Jacob's age when he departed for Haran (par. 2) As above As above As above Jacob's age at the time of Isaac's death

The text, method of 77 yrs. 7 yrs. 7 yrs. 30 yrs. 121 yrs.

Jacob's age when he departed for Haran (par. 2) Length of Jacob's stay in Haran with Laban before he married Leah and Rachel (par. 3) Length of time which elapsed before the birth of Joseph (par. 5) Joseph's age at the time of his release from prison (par. 11) Jacob's age at the time of Isaac's death at age 180

84

Demetrius

If Jacob's age is calculated in this manner, then he would indeed have been 120 years old one year before Isaac died at the age of 180. W a l t e r , JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 287, n. lid, thus suggests placing exei evl eunpoodev before ' Iax(o[3 6e excov exaxdv eixoaiv, thus reading "one year before — when Jacob was 120 years old — Isaac died at the age of 180. " The figures, of course, are even further skewed if Jacob's age when he departed to Haran is taken as 75 (cf. Frg. 2, par. 1 ) ; cf. also note 4. On Isaac's age at the time of his death, cf. Gen 35:28-29. 28.

Cf. Gen 41:46-57.

29. Cf. Gen. 41:45, 50-52; T. Jos. 18.

also Josephus, Ant.

2.91;

30. W a l t e r , JS (3,2), 287, n. 12c, suggests that the summary of Joseph's career based on Gen 41:45-49; 42:6 found in A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 2, par. 4, may originally have belonged here. 31.

Cf. Gen 45:6.

32. Freu., 45, suggests that Alexander Polyhistor has mutilated the text by omitting the explanation offered in Gen 46:34, and thus proposes a lacuna. Cf. W a l t e r , JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 287, n. 13a. As the text stands, Demetrius' remarks alter the point of Gen 46:28-34. The passage does not address the question of the impropriety of Joseph's failure to send for his aged father, once he had met w i t h good fortune in Egypt. Given Demetrius' close familiarity with the LXX, some of the fault may lie with Polyhistor. 33.

Cf. Gen

43:34.

34. All the MSS here read "seven" (enxd.) as the number of Leah's sons. This reading is retained by most editors (Vig. Hein. Gais. Dind. Giff. Stearns Mras D e n i s ) . This agrees with the list in Frg. 2, par. 2-5 (though cf. note 7 a b o v e ) , but disagrees with the biblical account which lists only six sons by Leah (Gen 3 5 : 2 3 ) . Noting how easily confused were the numbers "six" (g) and "seven" (£) , Freu., 5 3 - 5 4 , emended enxd to read eg. This emendation was adopted by Jac., and also incorporated by Walter, JS (3,2) 287-88, esp. n. 14b. The reading adopted affects the rest of the arithmetical scheme in par. 14. Cf. notes 35, 36, 37, below.

Annotations

85

35. All the MSS here read "one" (uiav), a reading which can be retained convincingly only if enxd in line 11 is emended to eg (so Freu. Jac., followed by W a l t e r ) . But, if enxd is retained, to be consistent, it is necessary to emend uio-v to 6uo (so Dind. Giff. Stearns Mras D e n i s ) . The problem was recognized by Vig., who n o t e s : "Sensus et a x o A o u d i a postulat 6uo, alioqui sex tantum, non septem partes habiturus erat" (PG, col. 718, n. 5 3 ) . Some editions, however, do retain the unemended text, and read enxd in lines 11 and 14, and U L C C V in line 13 (so Vig,, Hein., G a i s . ) . 36. As in line 11, so here all the MSS read "seven" (enxd), which may be retained or emended, depending on the arithmetic scheme one adopts, either 5+1 or 5+2. Cf. notes 34 and 35 above, and note 37 below. 37. As already noted above, the text in par. 14 presents two interrelated problems involving (1) the number of Leah's sons, and (2) the number of portions of food served by Joseph. For Demetrius' point to have weight, the total number of portions of food received by Rachel's two sons, Joseph and Benjamin, must equal the total num­ ber of portions received by all of Leah's other sons combined. The main question is whether the total is six or seven. The MS tradition contains a contradiction. In all the MSS, the number of Leah's sons is given as "seven" (enxd) in line 11. Similarly, in all the M S S , the total number of portions of food received by Joseph and Benjamin is given as "seven" (enxd) in line 14. But, all the MSS also agree in stating that Joseph gave himself only "one" portion of food (uiav, line 1 3 ) . The numbers obviously do not tally. If Benjamin received five portions of food (and this is the only uncontested figure given in par. 14; cf. Gen 43:34 and 4 5 : 2 2 ) , and if Joseph gave himself only one portion, this does not equal "seven," the total number of Leah's sons given in the MSS tradition. Thus, either the "seven" in lines 11 and 14 is incorrect, or the "one" in line 13 is incorrect. Accordingly, editors have adopted one of three solutions, and they may be outlined as follows: (1) Retain enxd in lines 11 and 14, and emend uicxv to read Suo in line 13, thus adopting a 5 + 2 scheme (so Dind. Giff. Stearns Mras D e n i s ) . This has the merit of agreeing with the earlier list of Leah's sons in Frg. 2, par. 2-5, w h i c h attributes seven sons to Leah (though, cf. n. 7 above). (2) Retain uiav in line 13, and emend enxd in lines 11 and 14 to read eg, thus yielding a 5 + 1 scheme (so Freu. Jac., followed by W a l t e r ) . This solution is based on the suggested emendation by Freu. noted above in n. 34. In addition, it conforms to the list in the biblical text (Gen 3 5 : 2 3 ) . (3) Retain the contradiction

86

Demetrius

and print the unemended text w h i c h reads enxd in lines 11 and 1 4 , and uicxv in line 13 (so Vig. Hein. G a i s . , though Vig. and Gais. recognize the problem and propose 6uo in a n o t e ) • The problem and its solution obviously relate to other textual problems noted earlier in Frg. 2 , par. 2 - 5 . Cf. note 7 above. 38. It should be noted that Demetrius has xdc, oxoAdc, . . . 6iTiAdc, instead of the LXX 6 i o a d s axoAds (Gen 4 5 : 2 2 ) . Compare M T : IT? DM M D > n . The translation here takes 6uTxAds to mean "double-folded" rather than "two" (so G i f f . ) ; cf. Homer, Iliad 3 . 1 2 6 ; 4 . 1 3 3 ; 1 0 . 1 3 4 ; Odyssey 1 9 . 2 2 6 and 2 4 1 . 39. Giff. incorrectly translates Tplaxoaiouc. as "thirty." Cf. Gen 4 5 : 2 2 . 40. and

I.e., 25 years to the death of Isaac; cf. Gen 21:5.

41.

I.e., to the birth of Jacob; cf. Gen

42.

I.e., to the flight

into Egypt;

12:4

25:26.

cf. Gen

47:9.

43. The ages of the children in this list are rounded off. Cf. Walter, JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 2 8 8 , notes, for details. A l s o , cf. Gen 4 6 : 8 - 2 7 . 44. The MSS read "three" (I) or "four" (ON) m o n t h s . "Two" months is correctly supplied by Mras (cf. GCS ( 4 3 , 1 ) 5 1 1 , app. crit. to line 1 3 ) , since the age difference between Levi and Judah was given as 10 months (cf. Frg. 2 , par. 8) . 45. According to Freu., 5 5 , Dan should be included h e r e : "Dan, forty-two years and four months old." Also, cf. Frg. 2 , par. 8, and notes 7 , 1 0 , 16 and 1 7 . 46. The ages of Naphtali and Gad should be identical; cf. Frg. 2 , par. 3 , though both MSS and edd. read "seven" and "three" months respectively. 47. Some editors place Asher between Judah and Naphtali (cf. app. c r i t . ) . 48. According to Freu. , 206_,_ Issachar should be included after A s h e r : 'Iooaxdp excov u unvcov oHxob ("Issachar, forty years and eight months o l d " ) . 49. Mras suggests reading "Dan" here rather than "Dinah" (cf. note 17 a b o v e ) . Cf. M r a s , GCS ( 4 3 . 1 ) , 5 1 1 , app. crit. to line 1 5 .

Annotations

87

50. According to W a l t e r , JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 2 8 8 , n. 17i, Benjamin's correct age is 23 y e a r s . According to Frg. 2, par. 9-10, he was 16 1/3 - 17 years younger than Dinah. Walter suggests that Demetrius originally w r o t e "22 years and 8 months." 51.

I.e., D e m e t r i u s .

(N.B., cpnoi om. B) .

52. Cf. Gen 3 7 : 2 ; 50:22. 53. This number conforms to the LXX chronology. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 97-128, esp. 102. According to the MT chronology: 2,238 y e a r s . Cf. Walter, JS (3,2) 289, n. 18c. 54. This also conforms to the LXX chronology. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , 9 7-128. According to the MT chronology: y e a r s . Cf. Walter, JS (3,2) 289, n. 18d. 55. 101,

580

H e r e , both LXX and MT support D e m e t r i u s . Cf. Wacholder, n. 8.

56. This is one of the three ages given as the age of Jacob at the time of his departure for Haran. Cf. Frg. 2, par. 1, and notes 4 and 6 above. 57. W a l t e r , JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 289, n. 19b, suggests that Polyhis­ tor has overlooked part of D e m e t r i u s ' calculations at this point, probably because it appeared to duplicate parts of Frg. 2, par. 17. 58. I.e., adding 17 years to his age Egypt. Cf. Frg. 2, par. 17.

(43) when he

entered

59. It should be noted that all the MSS read KAdO (line 17 and f o l l o w i n g ) , the spelling adopted by Mras and Jac. Compare LXX: Kadd (Gen 4 6 : 1 1 ) . 60.

Cf. Gen 47:28.

61. The variation in spelling should be noted. app. crit. on line 22. 62.

Cf. Gen

Cf.

50:26.

63. The words "and M o s e s " have been added by M r a s . Cf. app. crit. This creates an obvious difficulty within the text: Amram is then said to be 75 and 7 8 years old when he fathered Moses -- a problem Mras appears not to recog­ nize nor address. 64. Cf. Exod and Aaron.

7:7

for the differences

in the ages of Moses

65. Cf. Exod 6:20. Amram's age at his death was according to the LXX, 137 according to the M T .

132

Demetrius

88

66. This fragment occurs among the w i t n e s s e s Eusebius gives to the life of M o s e s . Immediately preceding this text is a fragment from Ezekiel the Tragedian which sketches M o s e s ' life prior to the E x o d u s . Following this fragment is another excerpt from Ezekiel the Tragedian depicting M o s e s ' experiences in Midian. 67.

Exod

2:15.

68.

Exod 2 : 1 6 ,

21-22.

69. The several names given to M o s e s ' father-in-law in the b i b l i c a l account are notoriously confusing. He is variously designated as Reuel (>K1V"i, Exod 2 : 1 8 ; Nura 1 0 : 2 9 ) , Jethro ( m m , Exod 3 : 1 ; 4 : 1 8 ; 1 8 : 1 - 2 7 ) , and Hobab ( n n n , Judg 4 : 1 1 ; cf. Num 1 0 : 2 9 ) . Of these three n a m e s , Jethro is consistently applied only to M o s e s ' father-inlaw, whereas the other two are not. Reuel (or Raguel) is also used to refer to Jethro's father, thus the same term is used to designate Zipporah's father and grand­ father (cf. Frg. 3 , par. 1, lines 16 and 1 7 ) . Hobab is used both of Reuel himself (Judg 4 : 1 1 ) and of Reuel's son (Num 1 0 : 2 9 ) ; the latter use is found in Frg. 3 , par. 1 (line 1 6 ) . Cf. L. H i c k s , art. "Reuel," IDB 4 . 5 4 . 70.

Cf. Gen 2 5 : 1 - 6 ;

71.

Cf. Gen

72.

Cf. Gen 2 5 : 3 .

1 Chr 1 : 3 2 - 3 3 .

25:2-3.

73. I.e., Reuel, altough in the biblical account (Exod 2 : 1 8 ; Num 1 0 : 2 9 ) , Reuel is not Jethro's father, as h e r e , but is another name for Jethro himself. It may be a gloss, however. Cf. Gen 2 5 : 3 . 74.

Cf. Num 1 0 : 2 9 ;

Judg 4 : 1 1 ;

cf. note 69

above.

75. I.e., Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, L e v i , Kohath, and M o s e s . Cf. Frg. 2 , par. 1 5 - 1 9 .

Amram,

76. If Demetrius is following the biblical account here (cf. Gen 2 5 : 2 ) , this should be Jokshan rather than Ishbak (cf. Frg. 3 , par. 1, lines 14 and 1 5 ) . 77.

Cf. note

78.

Cf. Gen 2 5 : 2 ;

79. Gen 80.

76

above. Exod 2 : 1 5 ;

I.e., "the sacred book" 25:6). Cf. Num 1 1 : 3 5 ;

12:16.

also Josephus, Ant. (cf. Frg. 3 ,

par. 1;

2.257. also

Annotations

81.

89

Cf. Num 1 1 : 3 5 ; 12:1; also J o s e p h u s , Ant.

2.252-53.

82. After E u s e b i u s recounts Ezekiel's verses concerning the crossing of the Red Sea, still quoting from Polyhistor, he includes this fragment from Demetrius about M o s e s and the bitter water incident. Eusebius then continues the narrative with E z e k i e l ' s description of Moses at Elim. 83.

I.e., the

84.

Cf. Exod 1 5 : 2 2 - 2 7 .

85.

I.e.,

86. LXX: 3.9.

Israelites.

at Marah; AiAiu.

cf. Exod

Cf. Exod

15:23.

15:27; also J o s e p h u s , Ant.

87. E u s e b i u s , still quoting from Polyhistor, places this fragment from Demetrius after Ezekiel's description of the Phoenix at Elim. Following this Demetrius quotation is a fragment from E u p o l e m u s delineating Israel's leaders from Moses to Solomon. 88. Demetrius here tackles a still controversial feature of the Exodus n a r r a t i v e . The MT uses the rarely used term D^WDn whose meaning is uncertain (cf. Josh 1:14; 4:12; Judg 7:11; conjectured in Num 3 2 : 1 7 ) . Its similarity to ffinn, "five," no doubt accounts for the LXX rendering neuTii-n. yevegc in Exod 13:18, i.e. "in the fifth generation," although according to the promise of Gen 15:16 the Israelites were to return to the land of Canaan in the fourth generation. Because the term is e l u s i v e , it has been variously rendered: "in five divisions or squadrons," "by fifties," "marching in array," "armed," "in military order," to m e n t i o n a few. Whether the term implies "armed" in the strict sense is debatable. A. H. M c N e i l e , T h e Book of E x o d u s (London, 1 9 0 8 ) , 81, "The word hamushim appears to describe not the bearing of w e a p o n s but the order and arrangement of a body of troops as though divided into five p a r t s . " At the very least, it seems to imply "in m i l i t a r y formation." So, U. Cassuto, A Com­ mentary on the Book of Exodus (Jerusalem, 1 9 6 7 ) , 156-57, "... on the basis of the A r a b i c , in proper military for­ mation [translate: 'in orderly a r r a y ' ] . They went out not like a mob of slaves escaping from their masters in confusion and d i s o r d e r , but well organized ..." S. R. Driver, T h e Book of Exodus (Cambridge, 1 9 1 1 ) , 1 1 2 , "It in any case implies that the Israelites were prepared for hostile e n c o u n t e r s . " Cf. G. Bush, N o t e s ... Exodus (New York, n . d . ) , 1.162-63. More recent commentaries (Noth, Childs) do not discuss the point. To be sure, with the LXX alone before D e m e t r i u s , he could only con­ clude that the Israelites departed unarmed. Josephus apparently follows D e m e t r i u s . In Ant. 2.321 he calls the Israelites ccvdirAcov (cf. note in Loeb ed., ad loc, 3 0 5 ) .

90

Demetrius

A c c o r d i n g l y , in Ant. 2.349 he (like Demetrius) attempts to explain the aporia of how an unarmed people could be prepared to do battle w i t h the E g y p t i a n s immediately after the Exodus (cf. Exod 1 7 : 8 ) . Cf. also, Freu., 46, who refers to Wis 10:20 and Jalk. Sim. on Exod 1 4 : 3 0 . Also, cf. Ginsberg, Legends, 3.30. 89.

The antecedent

90.

Presumably,

is unclear; presumably, the

Israelites.

to Egypt.

91. This fragment occurs in a chapter about the antiquity of the Jewish laws and i n s t i t u t i o n s . The immediate con­ text is Clement's discussion of the chronology of Israel, w h e r e he compares the duration of the periods of Israel's history w i t h those of other n a t i o n s . 92. The second clause introduced by dAAd in line 4 abruptly changes the subject. Freu. suspects another case of h o m o e o t e l e u t o n , and emends the text as f o l l o w s : dAAd noAAd xPnuo-xa xal axeun xoO vaou, \ir\6t \xex' oXiyov xpovov E K E tvac alxuaAcbxoug yeveadai (" ... were not taken captive by Sennacherib, but ". Cf. app. crit., line 3; also, Freu. 58-59; Schiirer, Gesch. Jud. 3. 473, apud W a l t e r , JS ( 3 , 2 ) , 292; W a l t e r , U n t e r s u c h u n g e n , 17ff. The problem is, of c o u r s e , that in one breath Demetrius denies that there was a "captivity" (aLxuaAcoxiadfjvcu) , and yet in the next breath computes the years "from this captivity." Freu.'s sugges­ tion is i n g e n i o u s , but requires a somewhat forced m e a n i n g of alxucxAcox LC,CO, i.e. "plundering" rather than an offical "captivity." 93. Gutschmid, 2.188, reads "five" instead of "eight," i.e. 125 years instead of 128 y e r a s . Cf. app. crit. on line 6. 94. D e m e t r i u s ' source 2 Kgs 18:9-13.

for this calculation

is

apparently

95. B e c a u s e of the difficulties raised by D e m e t r i u s ' c o m p u t a t i o n s , Freu., 62, suggests that xexdpxou should be emended to xou xpCxou, thus Ptolemy the Third (ca. 245-221). For full discussion of the chronological prob­ lems raised by the text, cf. E. B i c k e r m a n , "The Jewish H i s t o r i a n D e m e t r i o s , " 72-84, esp. 80-84. 96. Note the variant: x e x p a x d a i a . This suggestion attributed to Reinesius w h o thought 473 years would m o r e correct in this chronological scheme.

is be

Annotations

91

97. Note the variant: leTpanoota. The suggestion is attributed to Raska by Stahlin, but according to Bickerman, "Demetrios," 81, n. 35, the suggestion was originally made by Graetz as yet another attempt to correct D e m e t r i u s .

EUPOLEMUS

Eupolemus who flourished

4

B.C.E.

was a Greek-speaking Jewish

3

in Palestine

in the mid-2nd

He is reliably identified

historian century

as "Eupolemus, the son

of John, the son of A c c o s , " whom Judah Maccabee

sent,

along with Jason, the son of E l e a z a r , to negotiate a 5 friendship alliance w i t h Rome in 161 B . C . E .

As a member

of the Accos family, he would have belonged to one of the leading priestly

families of Jerusalem during the

Maccabean

period, distinguished by its long history of service

and

dedication to the temple, its active and influential

role

in foreign a f f a i r s , and its pro-Seleucid sympathies. Title. His work was most likely entitled Concerning 7 the Kings in Judaea.

Although

calculations extending

from Adam until the Maccabean

it included

chronographical period

(cf Frg. 5 ) , both the title and the contents of the surviving

fragments

suggest that it focused mainly on the

period of the united monarchy and exile.

There are no

clear indications of the length of the original w o r k . g

Transmission.

Five fragments

all of which are attributed

from the work 9

to E u p o l e m u s .

first preserved by Alexander Polyhistor Jews

(ca. mid-lst century B . C . E . ) .

have faithfully transmitted

P.E., Book 9.

in his w o r k On the appears

from Polyhistor by Eusebius (Frg. 1) or

by direct­

Frg. 5 was preserved only by

Whether he drew directly on Polyhistor as its

source or depended on another source, e.g. Ptolemy M e n d e s , is

in

subsections

(Frg. 2) were also preserved

ly on Alexander Polyhistor.

to

discourse.

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , who apparently also depended

Clement.

were

the content of the q u o t a t i o n s ,

A l t e r n a t e versions

of these four fragments

F r g s . 1-4

Polyhistor

although he has rendered them into indirect They were later abstracted

survive,

disputed.^ 93

of

94

Eupolemus

Contents.

Frg. 1, a

very

brief

fragment,

describes Moses as the first wise man and cultural factor.

A version of this fragment occurs

through the ancient and medieval p e r i o d s . est of the five fragments, summarizes

Frg. 2, the

Israelite

from Moses to David, but focuses primarily on achievements.

It is especially

remarkable

Solomon's

for its

and construction of the Solomonic

A l s o remarkable

fairly of the

temple.

is its inclusion of formal copies of

exchange of letters between Solomon and Hiram, but for the apocryphal

set of similar

the

also

letters exchanged

Solomon and one V a p h r e s , king of Egypt.

long­

history

detailed, and in many respects unique description preparation

bene­

repeatedly

by

Frg. 3, a frag­

ment of only a few lines, continues the lavish

description

of Solomon, also giving the length of his reign.

Frg. 4,

a longer fragment, relates events from the life of Jeremiah. events

It encompasses under the reign of

"Jonacheim"

from the reigns of the last three kings of J u d a h :

Jehoiakim,

Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah, and describes

destruction of Jerusalem by N e b u c h a d n e z z a r . chronographical

summary

calculating

the

Frg. 5 is a

the number of years

from Adam, and the exodus respectively, until the reign of Demetrius I Soter Another histor

is also attributed

Freudenthal 11 author,

(162-150

B.C.E.)

fragment w h i c h Eusebius extracts from

showed

to a "Eupolemus," but

it to be from an anonymous

Poly­

since

Samaritan

it is no longer included among the genuine

ments of E u p o l e m u s .

ment dealing w i t h Abraham, Pseudo-Eupolemus

frag­

It, along w i t h another anonymous is now generally

frag­

designated

(cf. Introduction to P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s ) .

Features of the w o r k . for the possibility

A l t h o u g h one must always

that the fragments have been

allow

altered

at the hands of Alexander P o l y h i s t o r , and even E u s e b i u s , as they stand, they nevertheless exhibit distinctive tures.

fea-

Introduction

95

The work

was

originally written

in

Greek,

but when compared with classical Greek a u t h o r s , the of Greek in the fragments

is inferior, displaying

quality

crude,

1 and sometimes u n u s u a l , c o n s t r u c t i o n s Eupolemus

and stylistic 14

is clearly dependent on both the LXX

features. 15 and M T ,

indicating that he was b i l i n g u a l , though Hebrew and

Aramaic

were doubtless his native languages.

reflect

The work also

knowledge of, and perhaps direct use of Greek sources, in1 6 eluding the works of Ctesias and H e r o d o t u s . In his use of biblical t r a d i t i o n s , he displays great 1 7 freedom. Haggadic traditions are freely incorporated, 18 and the biblical text is frequently altered, even con1 9 tradicted.

The work most heavily depends on 2 Chr, but

displays a harmonizing Chr.

tendency in its use of 1 Kgs and 2

2 0

The work belongs to a historiographical established authors

in the Hellenistic period,

tradition

and represented

well by

such as Manetho and Berossus w h o sought to depict 21

their own national history in the Greek

language.

Typical of this genre are its pervasive encomiastic

ten­

d e n c i e s , through which Israel's history, h e r o e s , and 2 institutions are magnified and presented in glorious t e r m s . Also typical of this tradition is the interest displayed 23 in chronography

as a means for establishing national

cultural respectability. geographical.

and

The fragments are replete with

c h r o n o l o g i c a l , ^ and grammatical

6

anachro­

nisms, a feature not at all unusual in this genre of encomiastic

history.

The central prominence of the Solomonic temple been taken as an indication of its strong cultic not surprising Theological

in an author from a priestly

has

interest,

family.

tendencies are also v i s i b l e , though

easily

exaggerated: devotion to the temple and the cult; lack of emphasis on the law; rationalizing theophanies, anthropomorphic

tendencies in

treating

language, and p r o p h e c i e s ;

lack

96

Eupolemus

of eschatological

perspective.

The work

a strongly patriotic, even nationalistic its glorified David and

depiction of 28

the Jewish nation

in

under

Solomon.

Importance. of the period an important

Its value for reconstructing

it describes testimony

tions pertaining

to Jubilees

the

history

is n e g l i g i b l e , although it is

to the existence of certain

to historical

figures and

most notably Solomon and the Solomonic

tradi­

institutions,

temple.

Similar

in its handling of the biblical story, it

offers a useful analogue for examining midrashic

exudes

character

treatments of the biblical

and

story

assessing in Hellenistic

Judaism. It is perhaps most useful, for the purposes of h i s ­ torical reconstruction, for what it reveals about the 29 Maccabean period.

If the work is correctly

attributed

to E u p o l e m u s , the son of John, it is a valuable for understanding supporters.

the impact of Hellenism on

source

Maccabean

That it served as a source for 1 Mace has

been plausibly

suggested.

3 0

The fragments are certainly an early w i t n e s s to the existence of Greek translations of 1 Kgs and 2 Chr and their use in Hellenistic P a l e s t i n e .

Eupolemus

appears

be the first named author who sought to harmonize

1 Kgs

and 2 Chr, and as such, he is an important w i t n e s s to harmonistic

tradition of biblical

he was not essentially

interpretation.

a chronographer, as was

he is an early representative

this

Though

Demetrius,

in Palestine of the c h r o n o -

graphical traditions w h i c h were to have a long history pagan, Jewish, and Christian

to

in

circles.

He is an early witness to, and in some cases

perhaps

the first instance of the following t r a d i t i o n s : the depiction of Moses as cultural b e n e f a c t o r , the

reference

to Jeremiah's rescue of the sacred objects from the Solomon's gift of the golden pillar to Hiram for

temple,

display

97

Introduction

in the temple of Zeus at Tyre, and the bar mitzvah

tra­

dition where Solomon begins the building of the temple 31 age thirteen

symbolizing

his entry to

adulthood.

He is the earliest Hellenistic-Jewish the strict

sense of the term, the first

of the tradition importance

later to be embodied

at

historian,

in

representative

by J o s e p h u s .

lies in the fact that he is an early

His

example

of a single individual

in whom the two streams of Hellen32 ism and Judaism merged. His work was apologetic in a 33

qualified

sense.

While it may not have been written

pagans primarily, the fact that it was preserved Alexander Polyhistor

indicates that this glorified

of the Jewish kings was known and read by pagans Palestine.

to

by history

outside

98

Eupolemus

NOTES

1. Testimonial 1 Mace 8:17-20; 2 Mace 4:11 (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1 2 . 4 1 5 ) ; J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.218 (cf. E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9 . 4 2 . 3 ) ; E u s e b i u s , Hist. eccl. 6.13.7 (also J e r o m e , De viris illustribus 38 = PL (23) 879 A and Cyril of A l e x a n ­ dria, Contra Julianurn 7.231 E = PG (76) 853 B-C, all dependent on Clement, Strom. 1.23.153.4, and perhaps 1.21.141.4-5). For medieval testimonia, cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , note 1; also Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 6 8 , n. 171. 2. J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.218, mentions E u p o l e m u s , along w i t h Demetrius Phalerum and the elder Philo, in his discussion of Greek, i.e. pagan historians (ouYYPOupe i s ) who wrote about Jewish affairs. The passage is quoted by E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.42.3, without disclaimer. Yet, in Hist, eccl. 6.13.7, E u s e b i u s includes Eupolemus with other Jewish w r i t e r s ('Iou6aCoov auYYPOupetov) , v i z . Philo (of Alexandria ?) , A r i s t o b u l u s , J o s e p h u s , and Demetrius. The quotations from E u p o l e m u s included by E u s e b i u s , P.E. , Book 9, are all ex­ tracted from Alexander Polyhistor, whom Eusebius is citing as a Greek witness to the antiquity of the J e w s . He does not, h o w e v e r , in these instances address the question of Eupolemus nationality. J e r o m e , De viris illustribus 38, who depends on Clement, Strom. 1.23.153.4, includes E u p o l e ­ mus with A r i s t o b u l u s and Demetrius as "Jewish authors who w r o t e against the nations" (Judaeis ... scriptores adversus gentes). Cyril of A l e x a n d r i a , Contra Julianum 7.231 C, also d e p e n d e n t on Clement, makes no reference to his n a t i o n ­ ality, but is apparently the first to designate him "the historian" (6 L O T O P L K O Q ) . Though Clement makes no explicit reference to his nationality, he does m e n t i o n him along with other Greek witnesses whom he quoted, e.g. Euphorus and Plato. Still, he apparently regarded him as Jewish (cf. E u s e b i u s , Hist, eccl. 6 . 1 3 . 7 ) . 1

Since the earliest reference to an author named Eupolemus (Josephus, AgAp 1.218) included him among pagan authors (Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 2-3, n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g ; N . B . T O L S nuexepOLC Ypotuuaai) , it heavily influenced those scholars w h o regarded him as a pagan author (e.g. Kuhlmey and W i l l r i c h ) . There were other factors, as w e l l : (1) those instances where he displayed an otherwise inex­ plicable ignorance of elementary b i b l i c a l facts, e.g. David as Solomon's son (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 3 ) , and Eli as the high priest at Solomon's accession (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 8 ) ; (2) his free alteration of the b i b l i c a l text, e.g. by enlarging the extent of Hiram's rule to include Sidon and Phoenicia (Frg. 2b, par. 3 3 . 1 ) , depicting the pagan kings Vaphres and Hiram as agreeing to build the temple in obedience to the command of God (Frg. 2b, par. 3 1 . 1 - 3 4 . 3 ) , inventing the names of d i s t r i c t s to assist in the building of the temple (Frg. 2b, par. 33.1) , enlarging the amounts

Introduction - Notes

99

2. (cont.) of provisions for the temple builders (Frg. 2b, par. 3 3 . 1 ) , and altering the measurements of the temple (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 4 ) ; (3) his syncretistic tendencies, e.g. his mention of breast-shaped nails (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 5 ) , and Solomon's gift of a golden pillar to Hiram to be d i s ­ played in Tyre in the temple of Zeus (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 1 8 ) . Earlier scholarship noted even more blatant syncretistic tendencies in the work of Eupolemus (e.g. the identifica­ tion of Atlas with Enoch, P.E. 9 . 3 0 . 1 ) , but this fragment is now attributed to an anonymous Samaritan author, designated as P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , largely through the efforts of F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 0 5 - 3 0 , also 82-103, w h o first convincing­ ly established E u p o l e m u s status as a Jewish historian (followed by Schiirer, Jacoby, Walter, W a c h o l d e r ) . Among other considerations suggesting his Jewishness are his use of H e b r a i s m s , his dependence on the LXX, his heroic d e p i c ­ tion of Jewish figures (most notably Moses and S o l o m o n ) , and his cultic interest (especially his knowledge of and devotion to the Jerusalem t e m p l e ) . Cf. W a c h o l d e r , Eupole­ mus , 1-5, for a more detailed review of the debate. 1

3. A Palestinian provenance is suggested by his use of Hebrew measuring units (cors; Frg. 2b, par. 3 3 . 1 ) , his use of MT and pre-MT traditions (cf. below, note 1 2 ) , and his use of chronological calculations based on Seleucid reigns in Frg. 5 (Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o s . 118 and 121. The references to Ptolemaic and Roman rulers in this fragment are now plausibly attributed to later redactors.) 4. He must have antedated Alexander Polyhistor (fl. midlst century B . C . E . ) , from whom Eusebius quoted his works. His chronographical calculations in Frg. 5 terminate ca. 158/157 B . C . E . , "the fifth year of the reign of Demetrius (I S o t e r ) . " Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 118. Bousset/Gressmann, 20, n. 2, place him after 145 B . C . E . 5. Cf. 1 Mace 8:17-2 0; 2 Mace 4:11; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 12. 415. A l s o , Freudenthal, 127; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 4-21; Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 2.63, n. 269; dissenting view by K r a u s s , 269. On the historicity of this embassy, cf. Schiirer, 1.220-21; Walter, Untersuchungen, 157-58. 6. The Accos family was already an influential priestly family in Jerusalem as early as the post-exilic period (cf. 1 Chr 24; Ezra 2:61; Neh 3:4, 21; 7 : 6 3 ) , and its influence continued through the Maccabean period, perhaps rivalling that of the T o b i a d s . In 198 B . C . E . , E u p o l e m u s father, John, successfully extracted concessions from A n t i o c h u s III, guaranteeing Jewish civil rights following the Seleucid conquest of Coele-Syria (2 M a c e 4:11; Josephus, Ant. 1 2 . 1 3 8 - 5 6 ) . John was also a member of the council of elders (gerousia) in Jerusalem, a position possibly held 1

100

Eupolemus

6. (cont.) by Eupolemus as w e l l . The family thus closely aligned with the Seleucids, exercising an tial role in foreign affairs and flourishing in a place favorable to Hellenization. Cf. Wacholder, mus , 7-21.

became influen­ time and Eupole­

7. This title is given only by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. 1.23.153.4) in his version of Frg. 1, and perhaps implied by his introductory remarks to Frg. 5 (Strom. 1.21. 141.4). E u s e b i u s , however, in P.E. 9.30.1, introduces Frg. 2 as deriving from a work entitled Concerning the Prophecy of Elijah, an unusual title since Elijah is m e n ­ tioned nowhere else in the fragments, although prophecy is a recurrent motif. "Elijah" may be a corrupt reading, or it may refer to a subsection of the larger work. Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o s . 2 and 12. A third work, On the Jews of Assyria, is also attributed to a Eupolemus by E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.17.2, but the title is corrupt and the fragment from this work is now attributed to P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s . Cf. above, note 2, and Introduction to Pseudo-Eupolemus. Also, F r e u d e n t h a l , 82-103; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 21-26. 8. For the location of the fragments, cf. Index to Editions and Translations. 9. The authenticity of Frg. 4 has been disputed (cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 208-209; Jacoby, FGrH 723 = * 5 , "Ohne A u t o r n a m e n " ) . It is, however, attributed in all MSS to Eupolemus in the title, on the authenticity of which, cf. M r a s , Eusebius Werke (GCS, 43.1) V I I I . 10. Cf. W a l t e r , "Uberlieferung;" E u p o l e m u s , 111-14; Fallon, OTP. 11.

Freudenthal,

JS 1.94, n. 4; W a c h o l d e r ,

82-103.

12. The degree of Polyhistor's fidelity to his sources can be measured to some extent in the case of E u p o l e m u s , using the Solomon-Hiram correspondence as a control. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 106. 13. Cf. Frg. 2b, par. 32.1: nepL cov ... rcepl xcov; Frg. 2b, par. 34.3: xaAcog Ttoiriaeis + participle or infinitive; Frg. 2b, par. 3 2 . 1 : cbe, dv. F r e u d e n t h a l , 109-110: "a Jewish w r i t e r w h o breathes superficially the spirit of Greek literature." F. Jacoby, PW 6 (1907) 1229: "His style is m i s e r a b l e , his vocabulary scanty, and the sentence construc­ tion clumsy." 14. As seen by his inclusion of certain features within the n a r r a t i v e , e.g. Solomon's accession to the throne at age twelve (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 8 ) : LXX 1 Kgs 2:12 (codex A ) , the form of Hiram's eulogy (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 1 ) : 2 Chr 2:11, and possibly the reference to the 48-pillared north portico (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 9 ) : 1 Kgs 7:31 (LXX). Orthography

101

Introduction - Notes

14. (cont.) of proper names often follows the LXX, e.g. EnAxou (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 1 4 ) : EnAoo/SnAcou (1 Sam 1:3; 4 : 3 ) , ' Ino-ous and Naun (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 1 ) , EauounA (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 2 ) , EaouAos (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 2 ) , and possibly 'HAeL (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 8 ) . A l s o , technical names for the tabernacle (oxnvn xou uapxupiou, Frg. 2b, par. 34.7; cf. Exod 2 7 : 2 1 ; 29 & 30 p a s s i m ) , its furnishings (Aouxnp xaAxoug, Frg. 2b, par. 34.9; cf. Exod 3 0 : 1 8 ) , and the temple's furnishings (e.g., evSeauoc,, Frg. 2b, par. 34.5; cf. 1 Kgs 6 : 1 0 ) . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 119. 15. Orthography of proper names sometimes depends on the MT, e.g. Eoupov (Frg. 2b, par. 30.4, 33.1, & 34.1) is based on the Hebrew (D~nn) rather than the LXX (Xeipau, Xipau)• Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 108, 209, on the transliteration from n to E. Similarly, Oucppn (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 7 ) : MT (I^QIK) — LXX (EoucpLp) ; EiAoi (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 1 ) : MT (n>*>tt/) — LXX (EnAco/EnAcou) • Especially decisive are those instances where Eupolemus provides an appropriate Greek translation of a Hebrew word merely transliterated in the LXX: e.g. 1 Kgs 6:3 — M T : D>1K; LXX: cuAau; Eupolemus (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 4 ) : o i x o 6 o u n s ; 2 Chr 3:16 — M T : m IWltff; LXX: aepaepcoO; Eupolemus (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 1 1 ) : dAuoiScoxouc,; 2 Chr 4:12 — M T : m^Di; LXX: ycoAad; Eupolemus (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 1 1 ) : 6 O . X X U A L O U C ; 1 Kgs 7:17 — M T : ITl^D; LXX: uexojvcod; Eupolemus (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 1 1 ) : unxavnudxtov. A similar pattern of E u p o l e m u s ' improving the LXX based on his knowledge of the Hebrew is seen in 1 Kgs 5:22 — MT: T^lK & ttn~Q; LXX: x£6poc & u e u x e ; Eupolemus (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 5 ) : xe&pog & xunap laai-vog. The chronological calculations in Frg. 5 are based on figures in both MT and LXX. Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , No. 120. Another Hebraism preserved in Frg. 2b, par. 34.14 is'oAoxdpncoaiv, an indication that Polyhistor has faithfully transmitted rather than altered the text of Eupolemus in some instances. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 119-20. 16. Frg. 1, Frg. 2, par. 30.4; Frg. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 13.

4, par. 4; cf.

17. Moses as cultural benefactor and first wise man (Frg. 1 ) ; the appearance of an angel named Dianathan (assuming no textual corruption) to David instructing him to build the temple (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 6 ) ; the SolomonVaphres correspondence (Frg. 2a and 2b, par. 31.1-32.1); J e r e m i a h ' s rescue of the ark and sacred vessels from the temple (Frg. 4, par. 5 ) . 18. E.g., the m e a s u r e m e n t s of the temple (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 4 ) . Cf. note 2 above. Also, F r e u d e n t h a l , 107. 19. E.g., Solomon began to build the temple in the first year of his reign (Frg. 2, par. 3 4 . 4 ) ; cf. 1 Kgs 6:1; 2 Chr 3:2. A l s o , note 2 above.

102

Eupolemus

20. From Kgs are drawn various d e t a i l s , e.g. the interior paneling of the temple (1 Kgs 6:14-15) and the width of the vestibule ? (1 Kgs 6 : 3 ) . Chr is primarily followed, h o w e v e r : the angel's signifying to David the location of the altar (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 5 - 6 ) : 1 Chr 27:1 and 2 Chr 3:1; David's disqualification from building the temple because of his "shedding much blood" (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 5 ) : 1 Chr 2 2 : 8 ; 28:3; the peaceful transition from David to Solomon (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 8 ) : 1 Chr 29, against 1 Kgs 1-2; David's preparations for the building of the temple (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 6 - 8 ) : 1 Chr 22 & 28; the transportation of the building m a t e r i a l s from Lebanon to Joppa to Jerusalem by Solomon (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 4 ) : 2 Chr 2:16; provision of wine for Phoenician workers (Frg. 2b, par. 3 3 . 1 ) : 2 Chr 2:9; use of foreign workers instead of Israelites as temple builders (Frg. 2b, par. 3 1 . 1 - 3 4 . 4 ) : 2 Chr 2:17-18, against 1 Kgs 5:13-18. The spelling of Soupcov is based on Chr ( D T i n ) rather than Kgs (tnTl). Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 119. 21. al,

Cf. Introduction to D e m e t r i u s , note 6; also Freudenth­ 105; Braun, History and Romance.

22. The influence and accomplishments of Israel's heroes are greatly magnified. Moses is depicted as cultural b e n e f a c t o r , first lawgiver, and first wise man (Frg. 1 ) . The borders of David's realm are enlarged to encompass regions of northernmost Syria (Commagene), extending to the Euphrates River (though cf. 2 Sam 8:3; 1 Chr 1 8 : 3 ) . His influence reaches from Egypt to the E u p h r a t e s , from northern Syria to the Gulf of Aqaba (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 3 - 7 ) . Solomon's kingdom is said to have included Moab and Ammon, both of which were independent of his rule in the b i b l i c a l account. Eupolemus also elevates him to the status of world ruler beside whom the kings of Egypt and Phoenicia are minor by comparison and who do his bidding. His wealth and generosity are greatly embellished (Frg. 2b, par. 3 1 . 1 - 3 4 . 1 8 ) . Similar encomium occurs w i t h respect to the temple (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 4 - 1 8 ) . The dimensions of the Solomonic tempie are larger: a 6 0-cubit quadrangle rather than a 60 x 20 cubit rectangle, as given in all other accounts, biblical and n o n - b i b l i c a l , although Eupolemus' temple is not 120 cubits high, as 2 Chr states. Eupolemus' temple is far more lavishly decorated and furnished than even the one described in 2 Chr. Especially is it more thorough­ ly wrought in gold. The interior, including the ceiling, is inlaid w i t h gold. It has a bronze tile roof. Each of the two bronze pillars standing at the entrance is covered w i t h a layer of gold a finger thick. The furnishings are m o r e golden: there are ten lampstands made of gold, each weighing ten talents. The doors are also covered, with gold. In all, a staggeringly fantastic 4,600,000 (assuming no textual corruption) talents of gold was said to have

Introduction - Notes

103

22. (cont.) been used in constructing the temple, and some was even left over, and returned to Hiram. Cf. Freudenthal, 106-118; Schlatter, Geschichte, 187-192; Giblet, 548-49. 23. Cf. Frg. 5, especially, but also Frg. 2, par. 34.4. A l s o , W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 97-128.

30.1-2,

24. Geographical divisions from the Maccabean period are retrojected to the period of the United Monarchy and E x i l e : David's kingdom encompassed Commagene and Galadene, both of w h i c h were H e l l e n i s t i c geographical divisions (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 3 ) . David is said to have waged war with the N a b a t a e a n s , who entered Palestine sometime prior to the 4th century B . C . E . There is no evidence that they did so as early as the time of David (cf. Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 3 ) . Solomon's Palestine is described with a sevenfold geographi­ cal division reflecting the Maccabean period: Galilee, Samaria, Moab, Ammon, Gilead, Judaea, and Arabia (Frg. 2b, par. 3 3 . 1 ) . Samaria was not designated as a geographical division until the time of Omri, and Arabia as a geographi­ cal division appears to be late (though cf. 1 Kgs 10:15; 2 Chr 9 : 1 4 ) . N e b u c h a d r e z z a r is said to have conquered Samaria, G a l i l e e , and the city of Scythopolis, the Helle­ nistic name of the biblical city of Beth-shan (Frg. 4, par. 5 ) . 25. The V a p h r e s w h o exchanged letters with Solomon and lent assistance in building the temple appears to have been taken from an E g y p t i a n king list, or is possibly based on Jer 44:30. In either case, the only historical figure with whom he can be identified flourished approximately four centuries after the time of Solomon (Frg. 2a and 2b, par. 3 1 . 1 - 3 2 . 1 ) . In Frg. 4, Samaria is said to have been destroyed by N e b u c h a d r e z z a r , when 2 Kgs 17 indicates that Samaria and the northern kingdom was conquered by Assyria approximately 35 years before the destruction of the temple. Some features of the temple described by E u p o l e m u s , e.g. the absence of the vestibule (though, cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 7 1 ) , the presence of the north portico supported by 48 pillars (Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 9 ) , the 60-cubit wide sanctuary (Frg. 2b, par. 34.14) appear to describe the temple of Zerubbabel. Another chronological anachron­ ism occurs when Solomon is anointed king before Eli, the high priest (Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 8 ) , who flourished much earlier in the time of Samuel. 26. The reference to "artabae" in Frg. 2b, par. 33.1, if it is original with E u p o l e m u s , and is not a gloss by Poly­ histor, is anachronistic, since it was a Persian m e a s u r e ­ ment, though it later acquired widespread use in Egypt. The use of Lepov in Frg. 2b, par. 34.14 is possibly another anachronism. It occurs only once in 1 Kgs and 2 Chr, yet it is the preferred word for describing the temple in 1 and 2 M a c e . The tendency to derive foreign names from Greek words (Frg. 2b, par. 34.13) was Hellenistic.

104

27.

Eupolemus

Cf. Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r ,

35-42.

28. H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 94, especially sizes the strong nationalistic tendency.

empha­

29. The geographical situation depicted in the fragments presupposes a Maccabean setting (cf. note 24 a b o v e ) . Broadening the extent of the Davidic and Solomonic realm may have functioned to justify Maccabean expansionistic policies. Similarly, the heroic depiction of David and Solomon may reflect the kinds of monarchical propaganda used to justify the existence and enhance the position of the Hasmonean dynasty. The depiction of Egypt and Phoenicia as allies of Israel certainly tells us more about realities and hopes of Hellenistic Palestine than about the political situation of the United Monarchy. The depiction of the strength of Israel as requiring the combined forces of the Babylonians and Medes to subdue it may also point to the level of strength the Jewish state hoped for but never achieved in the Maccabean period. 30.

Cf. Walter, J S , 1.96, n. 11.

31.

W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 155.

32. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 11, notes that "John's choice of the name Eupolemus for his son is the first recorded case of a Greek name given in Jerusalem." 33.

Cf. T c h e r i k o v e r ,

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(1,2),

93-108.

, "Friihe Begegnungen zwischen judischem Glauben und hellenistischer Bildung in Alexandrien," in Neue Beitrage zur Geschichte der Alten Welt (Ed. by E. C. W e l s k o p f ; Berlin: Akademie V e r l a g , 1964) 1.367-78. , "Zur Uberlieferung einiger Reste friiher judischh e l l e n i s t i s c h e r Literatur bei Josephus, Clemens, und E u s e b i u s , " Studia Patristica 7 (TU 92; Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1966) 314-20. ,

Untersuchungen,

37-56, 156-75.

Wendland, HRK, 198. White, H. A. "Eupolemus," HDB 1

(1898) 794.

Willrich, H. Juden und Griechen vor der makkabaischen Erhebung (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1895) 157-61. , Judaica (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und 1900) 71-72, 111, 117. .

"Eupolemos

( 9 ) , " PW 6

(1907) 1227.

Ruprecht,

108

Eupolemus

Index to Editions and

Fragment

Translations

One

la) Source:

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata

Greek Text Used: Stahlin-Friichtel, GCS line 20 - p. 96, line 3. Editions: Dind., 2.123 (notes, (= Frg. 1 ) ; M i g n e , PG ( 8 ) , FGrH 3.672 (=No. 723, Frg. GCS (52) 95-96; D e n i s , 179

1.23.153.4. ( 5 2 ) , p. 95,

4 . 2 2 8 ) ; Freu., 225 col. 900 A - B ; J a c , l b ) ; Stahlin-Friichtel, (= Frg. 1 ) .

Translations: English:

Wilson (ANF), 2.335; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 308 (= Frg. lb) .

French:

Caster

German:

Stahlin

(SC, 3 0 ) , 1.155. (BK, 1 7 ) , 3.128.

lb) Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

9.26.1.

in P.E.: Steph., 252; Vig.

Greek Text Used: Mras, GCS lines 4-7.

431b-c.

(43.1) 8.1, p. 519,

Editions: Steph., 252; V i g . , 4 3 1 b - c ; Hein. 2.33; G a i s . , 2.394; M u l l . , FHG 3.220 (= No. 1 3 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21), col. 72 8 C; Dind., 1.498; Freu., 225 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Giff., 1.541-42 (notes, 4 . 3 1 2 ) ; Stearns, 29-30 (= Frg. 1 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 519; J a c , FGrH 3.672 (= N o . 723, Frg. l a ) ; Denis, 179 (= Frg. 1 ) . Translations: English:

Giff., 3.462; W a c h o l d e r , 307-308 (= Frg. l a ) .

Eupolemus,

French:

Giblet,

German:

Riessler, 328 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Walter (JS 1 . 2 ) , 99 (= Frg. 1 ) .

541.

Introduction -

Fragment

Index

109

Two

2a) Source:

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata

Greek Text Used: Stahlin-Friichtel, GCS lines 23-29.

1.21.130.3. (52) p. 80,

Editions: Dind., 2.105 (notes, 4 . 2 1 4 ) ; Freu. ( o m . ) ; M i g n e , PG (8) col. 861 C; J a c , FGrH 3.672 (= N o . 723, Frg. 2 a ) ; Denis, 184 (= Frg. 2 ) . Translations: English:

Wilson (ANF), 2.330; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 308 (= Frg. 2 a ) .

French:

Caster

German:

Stahlin (BK, 1 7 ) , 3.111; Walter 1 . 2 ) , 101 (cf. n. 31, l a ) .

(SC, 3 0 ) , 1.141. (JS,

2b) Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number 447a-451d.

9.30.1 - 34.18.

in P.E.:

Steph., 262-65; Vig.,

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 538, line 11 - p. 544, line 16. Editions: Steph., 262-65; Vig., 447a-451d; Hein., 2. 49-53; G a i s . , 2. 423-43; Miiller, FHG 3. 225-28 (= N o . 1 8 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21) c o l . 748 B - 753 D (notes, cols. 1 5 7 8 - 8 1 ) ; Dind., 1.515-21; Freu., 225-29 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Giff., 1.558-63 (notes, 4. 3 1 7 - 2 1 ) ; Stearns, 30-39 (= Frg. 2-5, om. P.E. 3 4 . 4 - 1 8 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, pp. 538-44; J a c , FGrH 3.672-77 (= No. 723, Frg. 2b; N.B. _ altered paragraph numeration in 3 4 . 1 - 1 8 ) ; Denis, 180-85 (= Frg. 2 ) . Translation: English:

Giff., 3.475-80; W a c h o l d e r , 308-11 (= Frg. 2 b ) .

Eupolemus,

French:

Giblet,

German:

Riessler, 328-32 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Walter (JS, 1 . 2 ) , 99-106 (= Frg. 2 ) .

541-44.

110

Eupolemus

Fragment

Three

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number Greek Text Used: lines 1-4.

9.34.20.

in P.E.: Steph., 265; Vig. M r a s , GCS

452a.

(43,1) 8.1, p. 545,

Editions: Steph., 265; Vig., 452a; Hein., 2.53; G a i s . , 2.433; M u l l . , FHG 3.228 (= N o . 2 0 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21) cols. 753 D - 756 A; Dind., 1.521; Freu., 229 (=Frg. 3 ) ; Giff., 1.563 (notes, 4 . 3 2 1 ) ; Stearns ( o m . ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 545; J a c , FGrH 3. 677 (= N o . 723 , Frg. 3 ) ; D e n i s , 185 (= Frg. 3 ) . Translations:

Fragment

English:

Giff., 3.480; W a c h o l d e r , 311 (= Frg. 3 ) .

French:

Giblet, 544.

German:

Riessler ( o m . ) ; Walter 106 (= Frg. 3 ) .

Eupolemus,

(JS, 1 . 2 ) ,

Four

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number Greek Text Used: lines 1-20.

9.39.1-5.

in P.E.: Steph., 2 6 6 - 6 7 ; Vig. M r a s , GCS

454b-d.

(43,1) 8.1, p. 548,

Editions: Steph., 2 6 6 - 6 7 ; Vig., 454b-d; Hein., 2.55-56; G a i s . , 2.436-37; M u l l . , FHG 3.229-30 (= No. 2 4 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21) col. 757 B-D (notes, col. 1 5 8 2 ) ; Dind., 1.523-24; Freu., 229-30 (= Frg. 4 ) ; Giff., 1.565-66 (notes, 4 . 3 2 3 ) ; Stearns, 39-41 (= Frg. 6 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 548; J a c , FGrH 3.677-78 (= N o . 723, Frg. * 5 , "Ohne A u t o r n a m e n " ) ; D e n i s , 185 (= Frg. 4 ) . Translations: English:

Giff., 3.482-83; W a c h o l d e r , 311-12 (= Frg. 4 ) .

French:

Giblet,

German:

Riessler, 332 1 . 2 ) , 106-107

Eupolemus,

544-45. (= Frg. 3 ) ; Walter (= Frg. 4 ) .

(JS,

Introduction -

Fragment

Index

111

Five

Source:

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata

Greek Text Used: Stahlin-Friichtel, GCS line 26 - p. 88, line 6.

1.21.141.4-5. ( 5 2 ) , p. 87,

Editions: M u l l . , FHG 3.208; Dind., 2.114; Freu., 230 (= Frg. 5 ) ; Migne, PG (8) col. 877 B-C; Stearns ( o m . ) ; J a c , FGrH 3.677 (= N o . 723, Frg. 4 ) ; D e n i s , 186 (= Frg. 5 ) . Translations: English:

Wilson (ANF), 2.332; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 312 (= Frg. 5 ) .

French:

Caster

German:

Riessler, 332-33 (= Frg. 4 ) ; Stahlin (BK, 1 7 ) , 3.119; Walter (JS, 1 . 2 ) , 107-108 (= Frg. 5 ) .

(SC, 3 0 ) , 1. 147; Giblet

(om.) ,

112

Eupolemus

FRAGMENT

A.

ONE

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata

(4)

EunoAeuog

'Iou&aia (3aaiAecov

6e xov

ev

xcp

nepL

Mcouafj

5

xcov

ev

xfj

(4)

cpnai npcoxov aocpov

YEveoSai xaL ypcxuuaxixfiv irpcoxov napaSouvai

1.23.153.4

xoug

*Iou6aioig

xaL napd "Ioudaicov oivixag napaAa(3eiv,

"EAAnvag &t rcapd $oivixcov.

B.

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

(25.4)

9.25.4 - 26.1

T o a a u x a xaL nepL

KaL nepL Mcoaecog

6e

xouxcov 6 noAu'iaxcop.

6 auxog

xidexai, cov xaL auxcov enaxouaai

nAeiaxa

napa-

agiov

EYFIOAEMOY nEPI MQEESE 10

(26.1)

431c

"EunoAeuog 6e cpnai

xov Mcoafjv irpcoxov

aocpov yeveadai xaL ypduuaxa napa6o0vai 6aioig

npcoxov,

napaAa3eiv,

napd

"EAAnvag

Frg. la

—

1 xcov ev

Frg. lb

*Iou6aicov

$oivixag xe

'Iou6aioig."

L

L

—

6t

(1)

xoig *Iou-

6e napd <E>oivixcov, vououg

npcoxov ypdtpai Mcoafjv xoug

(4)

1 m g

| 1-2 xfj

CouSaia

L

1

:

xfjg

Cou6aiag L

a c

[

BION

6 xouxcov: ' Ico3 B | noA. cpnai B | 7-8 6 -- dgiov: xd6e napaxidexai B | 7 ndAiv n A e i a x a C apud G a i s . | 9 EYFI. — MQE . B I O N : ante 7-8 xai — dgiov transp. Vig.: om. Jac. | 11 aocpov y e v e a O a i : L j N ( 14 ypdip. Mcoa. I: Mcoa. ypdip. BON | xoug *Iou6aioug B m g

Fragment

One

FRAGMENT

113

ONE

1 A. (4)

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata

1.23.153.4.

(4) And Eupolemus says in his work Concerning the 2 Kings in Judaea that Moses was the first wise man 3 and that he gave the alphabet and, that the Phoenicians and the Greeks received B.

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

(4)

to the Jews

received

first;

it from the Jews,

it from the P h o e n i c i a n s .

9.25.4 -

26.1.

4

(25.4) So much says Polyhistor on this And concerning Moses the same author

subject.

(Polyhistor)

again quotes many things which are also worth E u p o l e m u s ' Remarks Concerning (1)

(26.1) "Eupolemus

hearing:

Moses

says that Moses was the first wise

5 man and that he gave the alphabet then the Phoenicians received

to the Jews

first;

it from the Jews, and 6

the Greeks received it from the P h o e n i c i a n s . Also, Moses was the first to write down laws, and he did 7 so for the J e w s . "

114

Eupolemus

FRAGMENT

A.

TWO

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata

(3)

' AAejEjav&poc, 6e 6 noAu'iaxcop euixAnOelc

ev xcp rcepl 'Iou6aicov TivaQ xov 5

ACYUTCXOU

xdg

6eixvuxai

3cxaiAea

vecb, axepoc, ex u n x p o s

updg

xe

xov

G>oivixng

6e xds

eiQ olxo&ouuv

L'aac, ouv apxtxexxovi

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

EBAEIAEYEAN (30.1)

9.30.1 - 34.18

KAI EOAOMQNOE

EBPAIQN KAI nEPI

"EurcdAeu-oe, 6e cpnaiv

EiAoi.

exn pi ' TcfJEai (2)

EauouriA. EaouAov

uexd be

ev xivi nepi

(1)

exn u'*

—

—

xe xriv lepdv axrivfiv ev xauxa npocprixnv

yevioQai

paaiAea alpeOfjvai, dpEjavxa 6e exn

3-6 Oudcppnv — 9 Aa&i6: Adv Frg. 2b

447a

(2)

elxa xfi xou 9eou [BouAriaei uno EauouriA

xeAeuxfjaai.

Frg. 2a

01

IEPOEOAYMQN

'Inaouv, xov xou Naufj uL6v, £xn A'* (3icoaai

6' auxov

20

Tupicp

TOUVOUCX.

xfje, 'HAiou Ttpocpnxetas Mcoafjv Ttpocpnxeuaai elxa

XOU

*Iou6aiae, ex xfjs cpuAfjc, Aa(3i6, cog exei

| EYIIOAEMOY nEPI AABIA

15

ac.

Oudcppnc, oxxco uupidSag dv6pcov

YEYPCtrcxat, * Yrcepcov

B.

dveYPCtipev

xe auxcov npos EoAoucovxa, xaO' 6 uev

(3)

uev rcpos xe OOdcppnv

drteaxaAxevai auxcp

ALYUUXLCOV

10

auYYPduuaxi

eTiiaxoAde, EoAouxovog

Tupicov

1.21.130.3

(3)

elxa Aa(3lS xov

xouxou

447b

xa' uiov

(3)

L Oudcppnc, S y l . : ouacppnv — ouacppnc Stan, (cf. Frg. 2b, par. 34.2) |

L

|

BION

11 (et al.) Aa3l6 M r a s : Ad6 (abbrev.) MSS | 11-12 EYJI. — IEP. B I O N | 13-14 ev t X L V L (libri numerus)Ttpo xfjs 'HAei ? Jac. | 14 'HAiou ON | 16 pi ' ION: i' npoc, xoig p ' B | 17 EnAoi IEnAoi < > Freu. (p. 121) | 19 EaouA B 2 0 uiov: YQ-u3pdv B | m g

Fragment

Two

FRAGMENT

A. (3)

115

TWO

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata (3) And Alexander

work Concerning

1.21.130.3.

(who is called Polyhistor)in

his

the Jews recorded some letters of

Solomon to V a p h r e s the king of Egypt and to the P h o e ­ nician king of the T y r i a n s , and also their to Solomon.

letters

These letters show that Vaphres

sent

80,000 Egyptian men to Solomon for the purpose of building

the temple, and that the Phoenician

king

sent an equal number, along with a Tyrian whose 9 was a Jewess of the tribe of David

to serve

mother

as

director of w o r k s , and whose n a m e , accordinq to the r e c o r d s , was Hyperon. B. E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.30.1 - 3 4 . 1 8 .

1 1

E u p o l e m u s ' Remarks Concerning David and Who Ruled the Hebrews and His Remarks

Solomon

Concerning

Jerusalem (1)

(30.1)

"In a certain book entitled

Concerning

The

12 Prophecy of Elijah Eupolemus says that Moses p r o n h e 13 sied forty y e a r s ; then Joshua, the son of Nun, 14 prophesied thirty y e a r s . Joshua lived 110 years and 15 (2) pitched the holy tabernacle in Shiloh. (2) After 16 that, Samuel became a nrophet. Then, by the will of 17 God, Saul was chosen by Samuel to be king, and he 18 (3) died after ruling twenty-one y e a r s . (3) Then David 19 . • his son ruled, and he subdued the Syrians w h o lived

Eupolemus

116

6uvaoTe0oaL,

6v

xov

oCxouvxag noxaudv

Eucppdxnv

xai.

xous

ev r a A a d n v f j

axpaxeuaai. 5

uavixag

6'

auxov

xal

Na3axaioug

oug n a l

unoxeAeiv

npdg

15

xcp

eaxcoxa

Uu I 6 p u < e > a 0 a i

efvai

6' a u x c p o v o u a

x o O x o v oncog

auxov

6e

dvnxovxa,

xcp u l c p

e O x p e n i g"e t v xpuaiov,

xunapiaaiva

xal

'Apa3iag

25

xal

xpuaLxd uexaxouLoau

ev

xov

xeAeueiv

xo

aiuaxi

exn nenoAeunxevai • npoaxd^ai

xe

xd npog

xf|V

(6) 447d

xaxaaxeunv

xaAxdv, ACdoucguAa (7) d x o u a a v x a ev

6e

xov

'EAdvoig ndAei

xfjg

uexaAAeuxdg xfj

xonov

xf|V o l x o d o u i a v ,

xedpiva.

(5)

dYYeAov oij

xal

447c

Aa(3l6

xov Oeov

AtavaOdv

dpyupiov,

neu^ai

xeiuevnv

xov

emxpecpn

Aa(3l<5 n A o i a v a u n n Y n o x x a d a i

vfjaov,

xe

did

(4)

3aaiAea

xonou,

lepov,

noAAd

6e xal

'Ioudaioig

e v O a 6fi

xou

-

xal

Tupou

cpdpoug

dEi-ouv

xo

xal

' A u

audig

(4)

'IepoaoAuuoig,

necpupdai

xal

xov AiYunxiov

endvco

ev

Ooivixag.

3aaiAea

3ouA6uev6v

deep

napd

'Ixoupaloug

xou duaiaaxnplou.

auxov

(6)

20

(5)

Idpuadai

auxcp

KouuaYnvnv

xal

xal

dvaYHaaai

3cou6v

dvSpconivcp

x a L xriv

'Idouuaioug

x e Ouacppfjv

lepov

deiEjai

auxcp ocpdfivai

enl

Eoupcova

auvdeaOai.

olxoSounoaL auxcp

xoug

Na36ouous,

enl

Ooivixng-

cpiAiav

xal

xal

Eupoug

'Aaaupioug

Mcoa3ixag

emaxpaxeuaai

10

xaxaaxpeikxadai

'Epudpqi

exouaav

xal

xo

xoug

uexaAAeuxdg

eig

xriv

©aAdaan, xpuaiov

eig

xf|v

(7)

Oucppfi

uexaAAa exeUOev

'Ioudaiav.

BION 2'Ecppdxnv BON | olx. nox. om. B | 3 ev I: ev xfi BON | 4 'Idouuaioug: 'Ioudaioug B | 5 Mcoauixag I | 9 unoxeAeiv I: enixeAeiv ON: xeAeiv B | Ouacppfjv B i : Ouacppriv I : Ouaacppnv ON | AiYunxiov MSS: -icov Steph. | 15 I 6 p u < e > a d a i M r a s : Idpuodai B: Idpuadat ION: Idpuaai Freu.: Idpuaaadai ? Jac. | 17-26 etvai — 'Ioudaiav om. B | 17 (etvai - A i a v a S d v ) Freu.: dYYeAov 6' auxcp eneuctie did Nddav Herzfeld apud Freu., p. 121 | 18 enioxpecpn: enioxpeijjn I: -ipe i ON | 22 'EAdvoig: 'A'iAdvoig Holsten apud Freu., pp. 209-10 | 23 Oupcpn I: -ei ON: Oucppfj ? Freu. | 1

a c

Fragment

Two

117

along the Euphrates river and near Commagene, Assyrians

in Galadene, and the P h o e n i c i a n s .

waged war against

(4)

(5)

the Idumeans, the Ammonites,

the

2 6

fighting w a r s .

(6) The angel's name was

The angel commanded

materials needed

Dianathan.

him to turn the construction

to his son, but for David himself

(7)

also

M o a b i t e s , the Itureans, the N a b a t e a n s , and the N a b 20 2 deans. (4) After that, he marched against Souron, king of Tyre and Phoenicia, whom he also forced to 22 pay tribute to the J e w s . He also concluded a pact 23 of friendship with V a p h r e s , the Egyptian king. (5) Inasmuch as David desired to build a temple to God, he entreated God to show him a place for the 24 altar. And so an angel appeared to him in a vision standing over the place where the altar was to have been l o c a t e d in J e r u s a l e m . The angel commanded 27 him not to build the temple because he had been defiled with human blood and had spent many years 28 2 2 }

(6)

the He

to prepare

over

the

-- gold, silver, 30 copper, stones, cypress and cedar wood. (7) Now when David heard this, he commissioned ships to be 31 built in Elana, a city in Arabia. He also sent miners to the island of Ophir situated in the Red Sea 32 and possessing transported

for construction

gold m i n e s . the

gold

from

The there

miners to

Judaea.

118

Eupolemus

(8)

BacaAeuaavxa 6b xov AaBl6 exn

xcp ulcp TT}v evcbmov

dpxnv

'HAel

rcapadouvai, ovxi

xou

dpyupov

ucova

6b

|

xal auxov

$a.oiAeueiv

ACyurcxou 3 a a i A e a

(31.1)

i 3 ' / dcbdexa xal

guAa xurcapiaaiva

\xbv x e A e u x n a a i , E o A o -

xr\v urcoyeypauuevnv

"BaaiAeug

(8)

448a

xal ypdipai rcpog Ouacppfiv xov

EFIISTOAH 10

xcov

auxcp xov xe xpuaov

xal xa-Axdv Hal Aidov xal

xal xedpiva.

EoAoucovi

excov

dpxiepecog xal

cpuAdpxoJV xal rcapadouvai 5

u'

erciaxoAnv."

EOAOMQNOE

EoAoucov Ouacppfj Ba.aiAel Alyurcxou

(1)

cpiAcp rcaxpixcp xcupeiv rivcoaxe lie Aa3l6

rcapeiAricpdxa

xou rcaxpog did

xriv 3 c x a i Aeiav rcapd

xou deou

xou

{xal} ercixexaxdxog uoi oCxodounoai 15

6 g xov

oupavdv

xal

ypdcpai drcoaxeiAai rcapaaxriaovxai

xcov

uexPL

xaxd xfiv xpeiav, xaOdxi

(32.1)

aoO Aacov,

xou ercixeAeaai

aoi oi

rcdvxa

emxexaxxai."

EniETOAH OYAOPH 20

rcapd

448b

lepov xcp deep,

exxiaev, duxx 6 e

xr\v yfjv uoi

uoi

ueYLaxou,

ANTITPAOOE

"BaaiAeug Ouacppfig EoAoucovi

3ctaiAei

ueydAcp

(1)

xctipe iv "AUG.

xcp

dvayvcovai

xnv rcapd aou

erciaxoAfiv

448c

BION 1

3 'HAel I (-EL rest. I ) | 4 xdv: xdv I | 5 dpy. xal xaA. : xov dpy. xal xov xcxA. B | xurcapixxiva B | 6-7 EoA. -- ypdcfj. : enl EoAoucovi 3 c x a i A e i ypd^avxi B | 7 Ouacppfiv I: Oudacppfjv B: Oudacppfiv 0: Ouaacppriv 0*N | 8 xriv: xnvde xnv B | urcoyeyp. om. B [ 9 En. EOA. BION: om. Jac. j 10 Ouacppf] B I : Ouaacppfj ON | 13 x o u om. B | 14 {xal} M r a s | ercixexaxdxog: -xdxi ON 18 ercixexaxxai I: uoi ercix. BON | 19 'ErciaxoAri Ouacppfj avxifi I: 'Avxiypacpog erciaxoAf) Ouacppeog B: 'Avxiypacpog erciaxoAfjg r\v eypaipev Ouacppfjg ON: E n . -- A N T . om. Jac. j 20 Ouacppfig I: -pfjv Ouaacppfig ON | ueydAcog B | 2 2 xcp: xo I | 2

B

Fragment

(8)

Two

119

(8) After David reigned

for forty y e a r s ,

he t r a n s ­

ferred the rule to his son Solomon who was twelve 34 35 He did this in the presence of Eli

years old.

the high priest and the heads of the twelve

tribes.

He gave him the gold, silver, copper, stone, cypress and cedar wood.

3 6

the

And then he died, and Solo­

mon ruled, and he wrote to Vaphres the king of Egypt 37 the letter copied

below:

The Epistle of (1)

Solomon

(31.1)

"King Solomon to V a p h r e s , king of Egypt, 38 friend of my father: Greetings. Know that I have received the kingdom from David my father with the help of the Most High God, 39 (and)

that he has commanded me to build a temple

the God who created heaven and earth.

Furthermore,

know that he commanded me to write to you

asking

you to send me some of your people to assist me until everything necessary has been

completed,

just as it was commanded." The Epistle of V a p h r e s : A Copy 40 (1)

(32.1)

"King Vaphres to Solomon

the great

king:

Greetings. I rejoiced exceedingly letter from you.

as soon as I read

Indeed, both I and all my

the

realm

to

120

Eupolemus

acpddpa exdpnv xal Hal

Aaunpdv fiuepav fiYayov

f| duvauig uou ixaaa

xfiv BaaiAeiav

enl xcp

napd xpnoxou

tyoi xe

nape i Ancpevai

dvdpdg H a l

ae

dedoxi-

uaouevou und xnAixouxou Oeou. nepl de cov Ypdcpeig 5

u o i , nepl xcov

naxd xoug

Aaoug xoug n a p '

dneaxaAxd aoi uupiddag oxxcb, cov cov

elai diaaeadcpnxd O O L •

fiuCv,

nal xd nAriOn eg

en \itv xou EegpiOixou

vouou uupioug, en de xou Mevdnaiou nal EeBevvuxou diauupioug* 10

Bouaipixou, A e o v x o n o A i x o u nal 'AOpi-

3ixou dvd uupioug. auxoig

nal

xd

dnoxaxaaxadcoai v xpeiag

cppdvxioov

dAAa, eig

xfiv

(33.1)

nal xd deovxa

euxaxxfj,

Idiav,

nal

iva

cog dv and xfjg

Yevduevoi."

EIIISTOAH 15

de

oncog

448d

"BaaiAeug

Tupou nal

EOAOMQNOE

EoAoucov

Eidcovog

nal

Eoupcovi

d>oivixrig

xcp

BaaiAei

cpiAcp

naxpixcp

(1)

xaipeiv rivcoaxe AaBld xou 20

enixexaxdxog xdv

ue

napetAncpdxa xfiv BaaiAeiav

naxpdg

did

uoi

xou

Oeou

otxodouuoai

oupavdv nal

|

lepov xcp deep, 6g

xfiv yr\v exxiaev, duct de nal

ool YPdcpai dnoaxeUAai auunapaaxriaovxai

napd

xou ueY^axou,

fiuiv

uoi xcov UEXPL

449a

napd aou Aacov, oi XOU

enixeAeaai xfiv

xou Oeou xpelcxv, xaOdxi uoi e m x e x a x x a i . YeYPCxcpa 25

de xal

eig

xfiv

TaAtAaiav

nal

Eauapeixiv nal

BION 4-5 YPdcp. — flUiv: eYPouJjdg uoi Aacov B | 6 <xal> eg ? Mras | 7 elai: ei ae B | EugpiOixou B: EeOpcoixou Kuhlmey apud Jac. | 8 vduou MSS | EeBevvuxou ? Jac. | 9 diouupioug- <ex de xou> Mull. | 9-10 'AOpiBixou Holsten apud M r a s : BaOpiOixou I: 3cxdpioixou 0: Bapioixou N : Badpoiixou B | 11 xal 'iva: iva xe B | 13 xpoiag B | Yevduevoi Vig. ( n o t . ) : -uevng MSS | 14 En. — EOA. I: 'En. npdg Eoupcova SoA. B: "AAAn eniaxoAfi Eoupcovi r)c, dvxiYPOtcpog eniaxoAfi EoAoucovog ON | 19 x o u om. B | x o u om. 0 | u^YdAou B | 20 xal enixexax- N Dind. | 22 napd aol B | 2

3

Fragment

Two

121

observed a day of celebration

for your having

received

the kingdom from a m a n both noble and approved by so great a God.

Now concerning those matters about

which

you wrote to m e , specifically

about your request for 41 some of our people, I am sending you 80,000 men 42 whose numbers as well as where they are from I am 43 now providing you: from the Sethroite nome 10,000; from the Mendesian and Sebennyte nomes 20,000 each; 44 45 (from the) B o u s i r i t e , L e o n t o p o l i t e , and Athribite nomes 10,000 each.

Take care to provide

for

their

needs and anything else so that their stay might orderly, and so that whenever 46 their period of service their own

they have

be

completed

they might be returned

to

homeland." 47 The Epistle of

(1)

Solomon

(33.1) "King Solomon to Souron, the king of Tyre, 48 49 Sidon, and Phoenicia, friend of my father: Greet50 mgs. Know that I have received the kingdom from David 51 my father w i t h the help of the Most High God, that he has commanded me to build a temple to the God who 52 created heaven and earth.

F u r t h e r m o r e , know that he

commanded me to write to you asking you to send me some of your people to assist us until the task of God 53 has been completed, I

have

also

just as I have been

written

to

Galilee,

commanded. Samaria,

122

Eupolemus

McocxBLILV xal 'AuuavUxiv xal raAadixLV auxotg

5

xopriYeCaOai

tot deovxa ex xfig x«pag, xaxd iifiva xdpoug

OLXOU

uupiouQ'

O'LVOU

xdpoug

uexpa

dexa.

aexau auxoUg

6 de x6poQ uuploug*

eaxlv dpxa3cov eE* xai

6 de xdpog xou

eaxl

O'LVOU

xo de eAaLov xaL xd aAAa xopnynd'nex

xfjg 'Ioudalag,

Lepeia

de

449b

eig

xpecocpaylav ex xfjg 'ApaBilag."

EITIETOAH EOYPfiNOE (34.1) 10

"Eoupcov

EuAoynxdg exxuaev,

dg

dvdpdg• ocpddpa

3aaLAei ueydAcp xalpeLV

EOAOUCOVL

d dedg, dg xdv oupavdv xaL xfiv yf\v

etAexo dvdpconov xPnoxdv

Ypdcpeic,

LIOL

xaL

xaL

euAoYTiaa

xdv

OOL

ex unfpdg

Aa3Ld.

UTiep cov dv

oupavdv

ndvxcov

xaL

Oedv

(2)

enl

nepL

449c

xcp

de cov

(2)

'Ioudaiag,

(DOLVLXCOV

auxov

ex xfig

epcoxricrng

xax' dpXLxexxovlav,

noLtiaeL.

dnoaxeAAouevcov

TupLcov xaL

dxxaxLO-

apx^xexxovd O O L drceaxaAxa dvdpconov

TUPLOV,

OOL

xpncaou

, rcepL xcov xaxd xoug Aaoug xoug reap'

fiuiv, drceaxaAxd UupLoug

20

ex

aua xcp dvaYvcovai xriv rcapd aou ercLaxoAfiv exdpnv

reapeuAricpevac at xf)V PaaiAeuav. 15

(1)

OOL

(3)

xfig xdv

ucpnYncJexaL

nepl de xcov dedvxcov xal

naLdcov

axeiAag xoUg xaxd xdnov

cpuAfjg xcov und

xaAcog noLriaeig erti-

(3) 449d

endpxoLg, oncog xopriYnxaL

xd deovxa.

3I0N

1 xal TaAadLxiv om. B | xaxd ufjva xdpoug B I : xaxd xdpoug N : xaxaxdpoug 0 | 6 epefa B | 7 xpecocoay iav: xpxxcpayiav I : xpecocpaytav I O N : xpeocpayLav B | 8 Ell.-EOY. I: 'AvxLYPacpog en. E . BON | 9 EOAOU&VL I: EOAOUCOVXL BON | 10 x. oup. xal x. yf)v B O N : x. yflv xal x. oup. I | 12 napd: nepl B [ 18 xfig : xou B | 19 Aa3l*d: Adv Freu. (cf. Frg. 2a) | epcoxrjoeLg B | 2 0 xax' dpx- M r a s : xal dpx. M S S : <xcov> xaxd dpx. Vig. (marg. ) : {xal dpx.} Freu. [ 21 dedvxcov x a l : dedvxcov xcov Freu. (p. 2 1 0 ) : {dedvxcov xal} ? Jac. | 22-23 e m oxelAag I : dnoaxelAag O N : dneaxeiAag B | A

C

1

2

Fragment

123

Two

Moab, Ammon, and Gilead to furnish their needs from 54 the country -- every month 10,000 cors of wheat (a cor is six artabae) and 10,000 cors of wine (a cor of 55 wine is ten m e a s u r e s ) . The olive oil and everything else will be furnished to them by Judaea. Cattle 57 for meat will be supplied by A r a b i a . " 58 The Epistle of

Souron 59

(X)

(34.1)

"Souron to Solomon the great king:

Greet­

ings . Blessed be the God who created heaven and

earth

who chose for himself a noble m a n , the son of a noble man.°° rejoiced (2) received

As soon as I read the letter from you, I exceedingly and blessed God for your the Kingdom.

(2) How concerning

about which you wrote m e , specifically request

the m a t t e r s

about

for some of our people, I am sending 61

80,000 Tyrians and P h o e n i c i a n s .

having

A l s o , I am

your you sending

you a master builder, a man of Tyre whose mother was a J e w e s s , of the tribe of David.

Any question

under

heaven which you might ask him about architecture he will answer, and any request you make of him he will 63 (3) carry out. need

(3) Now concerning

the slaves which

you

(and which I am sending y o u ) , you will do well

to enjoin the princes needs.

in that area to supply

their

Eupolemus

124

(4)

AieAOcov 6b EoAoucov, excov xoug Txaxpuxouc,

cpiAouc,, enl

TO

dpoc,

xo

xou

(4)

AiBdvou uexd xcov

Eidcovicov xaL Tupitov, uExriveyxe xd EdAa xd n p o x e xouUEva 5

xou

OTTO

Txaxpdg

E L S 'IdnTrnv, exeiOev xal

apEaaOai

oCxodoueiv

excov xpiaxaudexa,

10

eLpnuEva

xaL

napexeiv

xaig

xaxd xou

unva OEOU,

nAdxog |

cpuAdc.

ouxco

yap

ALOivov xaL

dduoug.

X E xdv

AuOivnv

xe xdv vadv

OEueAicov nnxcov

&b

i'.

npoaxdEai NdOav xdv npocprixnv

evdeauov

6b

evaAAdE

xunapLaoLvov,

d' auxov EdAoig

oLxodounv

dduov

XOUS

oLxodounoavxa

duo

EuAcoaai

nal xunapiaaivoig, coaxe uu cpaiveaOai*

npoanAouvxa f|Aoig

xaAavxiaioig

xf|V dAxfiv, uaaxoeideai

xeaaapai

xdv

noifjaai ex

(5)

neAexivoig

xpuacoaai

dpiOudv.

(6)

dpyupoig,

xdv

puOudv,

ouxco d' auxov

xpuacoaai dixd eddcpoug ecog, xfig dpocpfig xd xe dpdcpcoua 25

450a

eacoOev xcovvuvxa nAivOia xpuad n e v x a -

TtriXn Hal npoaxiOevai

6b

vadv

ixAaxog nnxcov E x d

f

xaAavxiaioig x a x a A a u 3 d v o v x a { g } ouxco

xaL

xd deovxa ndvxa,

OeuEAicoaai

oCxodoueuv

eacoOev xedpivoig xf)V

utav.

auxcp

dvxa

dcbdexa xcov 'Ioudaicov

nnxcSv j= '

(5)

'IepoadAuua.

6b xd eOvn xd n p o -

exxaidexa uupidai

UMHOQ

OaAdaang

XV\Q

ele

xd lepdv xou Oeou,

xfig oCxodoung xaL xcov

XaAxoig

20

neCfj

epydC.eaOai

cpuAfiv

xou Oeou. 15

auxou dud

6b

(6) 450b

cpaxvcoudxcov xpuacov, xd 6b dcoua noifiaai

BION 1 ante AieAOcov titulum EoAoucov elg Ai3avov dneAOcov xexdUixev eig "IepouaaAriU xd EuAa d d naxfip auxou npoexeuev habet B | 8 cpuAfjg I j { x a L } Vig. (not.) | 9 eEaxaidexa B | 1 1 nAdxog nnxcov E ' I: om. BON: ucpog n. E ' vel nAdxog T X . x' Kuhlmey apud Freu. (p. 2 1 1 ) | 1 6 xaxaAau3dvovxa Freu.: -ovxag MSS | 1 8 eacoOev BON: eucoOev (!) I: eEcoOev Steph. | E . xedp. xaL x u n a p a x xivoig B | 2 0 xcovvuvxa: xcoveuovxa Freu. (p. 2 1 1 ) | 2 1 f)A. xaAavxiaioig dpyupoig ON | 2 3 xeaa. -- dpiO. 1 0 : om. BN I 2

Fragment

(4)

Two

125

(4) Solomon, accompanied by his father's ad64 visors, journeyed to the mountain of Lebanon w i t h 65 the Sidonians and T y r i a n s . The trees which had been cut previously by his father he transported by sea 66 to Joppa and from there by land to Jerusalem. began to build the temple of God when he was years o l d . ^

The aforementioned

He thirteen

nations supplied

6

l a b o r ^ and the twelve tribes of the Jews also

the

sup­

plied the 160,000 men w i t h all the necessary 69

provis-

ions —

founda­

one tribe each m o n t h .

He laid the

tions of the temple of God sixty cubits long and

sixty

cubits w i d e ; ^ ° the w i d t h of the building and its 71 foundations was ten c u b i t s , for this is what Nathan 72 (5)

the prophet of God commanded to build by alternating

him.

(5) He proceeded

a course of stone and a bond­

ing of cypress wood,

joining the two courses with 73 bronze dovetails weighing a talent each. After he finished building, he paneled the inside w i t h cedar and cypress wood so that the stone construction was 74 no longer v i s i b l e . Then he gilded the inside of the 75 sanctuary by casting gold bricks five cubits long and fastening them with four silver n a i l s , each weighing a talent and each having a breast-shaped 76 (6)

head.

(6) In this m a n n e r he gilded the

from floor to ceiling.

interior

The ceiling he made of

gold, but the roof he made of b r o n z e , using

coffered

bronze

126

Eupolemus

xaAxouv xal

drco xepauldcov xcxAxcov, xcxAxdv xcoveuaavxa

TOOTOV

xaAxoug

xaxaxeavxa.

xal

daxxuAou xd ndxog. 5

xcp vacp

noifjaai

xaxaxpuacoaai. (7)

LooueyedeLS, xd

etvai

de

xous axuAoug

xiova nnxcov dexa* axfiaai de auxoug, xou oixou

dv

uev ex

de

de^Lcov,

dv de eg eucovuucov.

dAxf)V dyouaag, unddeiyucx AaBdvxa

noifjaai

xdAavxa

exdaxnv

ev xfi axnvfj xou ucxpxupiou x e d e i a a v

(8)

xdg uev ex

de^Lcov,

exaxepou xdg

uepoug

de

xou

anxou

eg eucovuucov.

450c

xfiv und Mcoaecog

d*

eE

(7)

de nAdxog xuxAcp exaaxov

xal Auxviag xpuaag <dexa>, dexa

10

de duo axuAoug

auxoug xpuaicp dddAcp,

axfjaai

(8)

noifiaai d' auxov

xal Auxvoug xpuaoug o', coaxe xaieaOai ecp' exdaxng Auxvlag 15

lepoO

enxd.

oixodoufiaai de xal xdg nuAag xou

xal xaxaxoauncxxi xpuaicp xal dpyupicp-

xaxaaxeydaai cpaxvcbuaai xedpivoig voig.

(9)

noifjaai

de

xal

xal x u n a p i a a i -

xal xaxd xd npdg 3oppav

uepog xou lepou axodv xal axuAoug auxfj unoaxfjaai xaAxoug u u ' • 20

xaxaaxeudaai

de

xal Aouxfjpa xcxA-

xouv, unHog nnxcov x' xal nAdxog nnxcov x', uipog nnxcov e'. noifjaai

de

(9) 450d

en' auxcp

xd de

axecpdvnv

npdg xfiv pdatv eEco unepexouaav nfjxuv eva npdg xd xoug

lepeig xoug xe nddag npoaxAuCeadai

xeipag vinxeaOai 25

em3a-ivovxag*

noifiaaL

xal xdg de xal

xdg 3 d a e i g xou Aouxfjpog xopeuxdg xcoveuxdg dcbdexa

BION 1 xepducov B | 4 daxxuAou Freu. : daxxuAcp M S S | 5 laoueyedei I I 6 axfjaai B O N : axfjvai I (cf. infra lin. 10) j x o u : xoug B | 8 xpuadg <dexa>, dexa xdAavxa Seguier: xpuadg, dexa xdAavxa M S S : xpuaag dexa, xdAavxov Freu. | 25 xaupoug xcoveuxoug Freu. (p. 211) |

Fragment

127

Two

tiles w h i c h he made by first smelting the bronze, 77 pouring

it into m o l d s .

and gilded (7)

thick.

He made two bronze

then

pillars

them with a layer of pure gold a finger

(7) The pillars were the same height as the

temple and the circumference of each pillar was ten cubits.

He set them, one on the right side and the 78 other on the left side of the building. He made 79 ten golden lampstands weighing ten talents each, using as a pattern the one placed by Moses in the tent 80 (8)

of testimony.

(8) He set them in the sacred

pre­

cinct, some on the right side and others on the

left.

He made seventy gold

(9)

lamps so that seven of them might 81 burn upon each lampstand. He also built the doors of the temple and adorned them w i t h both gold and silver and he covered them with coffered cedar and 82 cypress. (9) He also built a portico on the north side of the temple and supported it with forty-eight 83 bronze p i l l a r s . In addition, he constructed a bronze laver twenty cubits long, twenty cubits w i d e , 84 and five cubits high.

On the laver he placed a rim

one cubit wide extending away from the base the p u r ­ pose of which was to provide the priests a step on which to stand to wash their feet and dip their

hands

oc

into the laver.

He also made for the laver

pedestals cast of bronze and worked

in relief

twelve each

128

Eupolemus

xal xcp

uijjeL

dvdpounHeig

nal

axfjaai E E

uepoug uno xov Aouxfjpa, ex degicov xou piou.

(10) TioifioaL de xaL

nnxcov duoiv 5

auxfje d BaaiAeug, dxav

Aioug

nnxeug

|

olxodounaai

(11)

mixei-g

noifjaai

x' xal

unepexdvxcov axidCeiv

npoaxpeudaai

xaAavxiaioug

H ' , xd de

xcp uitiei

xdv

endvco navxdg xou

(11)

un

3aAelv

xaOi£n

xoig dnonaxnuaai

de

xal

xal nupyoig

lepou-

e r C L

T

°d

xd

LEPOU

Lepov.

xdcppoig* (13)

unde

xal axocov (12) n e p i xeixeai

oixodounoxxi

de

xal

npoaayopeuOfjvai

de

xd

BaaiAeia

eauxcp.

dvdxxopov

npcoxov U E V lepov SoAoucovog, uaxepov

napecpdapuevcog xfiv ndAiv and xou dvouaaOfjvai,

und

de

xcov

'IepoadAuua A e y e a O a i . lepov xal

xnv ndAiv

xdg

dnoaoBeiv

xd *iEpoadAuua xfiv ndAiv

xal

vadv

xal noifjcai dAag

enl xoug cpaxvcouaai xcov nuAcov

xal uoAuvn

25

451a

exdaxn dixxui xcbdcovag xaAxoug

xexpaxoaioug•

xd dpvea, oncog voaaeun

20

de xaL

de xal daxxu-

dlxxuag npdg xd ijjocpeiv xoug xcbdcovag xal 15

(10)

en'

duo xaAxoug dAuaidcoxoug xal axfjaai auxoug

enl unxcxvnudxcov

xal

uiyei

iv' ecpeaxtixn

xd duoiaoxriPi-ov nnxcov x e ' enl

10

xcp

-

n p o a e u x n x a i , oncog dnxdvn-

xai xcp Aacp xcov 'Ioudaicov.

uiiiog nnxcov dcbdexa.

Ouaiaaxn

Bdaiv xaAxnv

xaxd xdv Aouxfjpa,

uaxepou

(14)

451b

(13)

de

lepou 'iepouaaAnu

'EAAfivcov

cpepcovuucog

auvxeAeaavxa

xeixloavxa

(12)

eAOeiv

de xd

(14)

eig EnAcou

BION 1

2

I {xal } Jac. | 1-20 x a l - - eauxcp om. B | 4 duelv I j 7 xe' om. N: x' Kuhlmey apud Freu. (p. 211) | 8-9 daxxuAioug: dixxua Seguier (PG ( 2 1 ) , col. 1581) | II < > xal axidC.eiv Freu.: cog ax. ? Jac. | 13-14 dAag xdg dixxuag I: dAoug xoug dixxuoug ON: xoiAdg xdg dixxuag ? Freu. | 15 x a O i £ n I: enixaOig"n ON | 20-21 xd d v d x x o p a B | 21 npcoxov U E V post 20 de transp. I | 24 AeyeaOai om. B |

Fragment

129

Two

the height of a man. (10)

These he placed under the 86

from the rear at the right of the altar.

laver

(10) He

also made a bronze platform

two cubits high to be

placed opposite the laver.

This was a platform

on

which the king could

stand when he prayed so that he 87 would be seen by the Jewish people. He also built 88 the altar twenty-five cubits long, twenty cubits 89 (11)

w i d e , and twelve cubits high. two bronze rings wrought placed

(11) He also made

in the shape of a chain

them on supporting devices towering

and

twenty

cubits above the temple, and they overshadowed

the

entire temple.

bells

each weighing

He hung on each net 400 bronze a talent.

He made the whole network

so

that the bells would ring and frighten the birds, preventing

them from alighting on the temple and

from

(12)

building their nests on the tiles of the gates and porticoes and defiling the temple with their dropp90 ings. (12) He also surrounded the city of Jerusalem 91 with walls and towers and trenches. In addition, he 92

(13)

built a palace

for himself.

(13) The shrine was

first called the temple of Solomon. was incorrectly named Jerusalem rived from the t e m p l e ) ; 93 (14)

the Greeks. walled

Later the city

(the name being d e ­

it is called Hierosoluma

(14) After he completed

the temple

the city, Solomon came to Shiloh and

by and

offered

130

Eupolemus

xal Ouoiav xcp deep eCs dAoxdprccoaiv

Aa3dvxa

xiXiovQ.

BOUQ

duaiaaxripiov xaL xd *IepoadAuua 5

(15) xaL

de

oxnvfiv

xaL xo 451c

axeun./ a ercoLnoe Mcoafis,

eveyvteUv

xaL

xi3toxdv

xfiv

xfiv

rcpoaaYaYeUv

ev

de

xcp o'Cxcp

xaL xdv

xpuaouv xaL xfiv Auxviav xaL xfiv

eic.

deivai.

Bcoudv

xdv (15)

xpdrceCav xaL xd

dAAa axeuri exeC x a x a d e a d a i , xaOcbe rcpoaxdEai auxcp xdv

upocprixnv.

10

xoug

eivaL

15

Ttevxaxoauoug.

XLALOUQ

CCQ

(16) rcpoaaYaYeUv

uupiav, rcpd3axa

duaiav

duo

xdAavxa

xcp

u£ ' •

eig de

xdAavxa de

xpidxovxa xaL

xdv

duo- xaAxou

Aouxfjpa

de

xdv

exdaxoug

xcp uev

xdAavxa

xaL

(17)

XOUQ

eig xnv eauxcov, exdaxcp xpuaou

ainAoug ddvxa dexa* xaL

xoug

(17) drcorceuiJjai

SoAoucova xaL xoug AiYurcxioug

Ooivixag,

xtAia

eig

Hal xriv axodv

rcevxfixovxa.

45ld

fiAouQ

XOUQ

diaxdaia

(16)

xd

axuAoug xaL xdv vadv xaxaxpnadev

xaL xfiv dAAnv xaxaaxeufiv dpYupiou

xiovag

deep xpta-

xd de auuxtav xpuaiov

uupiddcov

uupia dxxaxiaxiAia

20

de

diaxiAia, udaxoug

xd de xdAavxov

AIYUTCXOU

3aaiAei

etvai

OLXAOV.

Ouacppfj

eAaiou

uexpnxds uupioug, cpoivixo3aAdvcov dpxd3ag X L A i a s , ueAixog (18) xiova, 25

de

dYYeiva

exaxov xaL dpcbuaxa neu^ai-

xcp de Eoupcovi eig Tupov rceu^ai xdv xpuaouv xdv

ev

Tupcp dvaxeiuevov

(18)

ev xcp Lepcp xou

Aids."

BION 7 naxadeadai BON: naxaxideadai I | rcpoaexa^ev auxcp d Tipocprixns B (cf. supra par. 4) | 10 x d : xdv B | 11 d u o B I : om. ON | naxaxpiodev BON | 12 uupiddcov u£ ' ION: uupiddcov xexpaxiauupicov eEnnovxa B: uupiddcov (uupta xaL ?_) u g ' M u l l . : {uupiddcov} u g ' Freu. | 16 u u p i a (!) cov B | 18-19 xpuaiou aixAag B | 20 Ouacppfj I: Ouaacppfj O N : Ouaacppfj B | 22 xaL dpebu. rceu. : neu^ai de xaL dpebu. B | 2

Fragment

Two

131

a sacrifice to God of 1,000 oxen as a whole burnt94 offering. He then took the tabernacle, the altar, and the vessels which Moses had m a d e , brought them to 95 (15)

Jerusalem,

and placed them in the temple.

ark, the gold altar, the lampstand,

(16)

(15) The

the table, and

all the other vessels he also placed there, just as 96 the prophet had commanded him. (16) And he offered an immense offering to God — 2,000 sheep and 3,500 97 calves.

The total amount of gold used for the

pillars and the temple was 4,600,000

talents.

the nails and all the other furnishings he used talents of silver. (17)

portico he used

the Egyptians and the

(17)

Phoenicians

each to their own countries after having given man ten golden

1,232

For the p i l l a r s , the laver, the 98

18,050 talents of bronze.

Solomon returned

two

For

shekels

each 99

(a talent is a s h e k e l ) .

To

Vaphres the king of Egypt he sent 10,000 measures of olive oil, 1,000 (18)

honey and spices.

artabae of d a t e s , 100 vessels of 0

0

(18) And to Souronat Tyre he

sent the golden pillar w h i c h is now set up in the 0

temple of Zeus in Tyre.""'" "'"

132

Eupolemus

FRAGMENT THREE

(Eusebius, P.E.

EYnOAEMOY nEPI (20)

"noifjaai

EoAoucova

xai

EOAOMQNOE de

cpnaiv

6

EundAeuog

Bicoaai

de auxov

nevxnxovxa duo, cov ev eiprivn BaaiAeuaai

FRAGMENT FOUR

xeiag

(Eusebius, P.E.

'ETXI

(1) xou

xdv

(20)

danidag xpuaag XL-Aiag, cov exdoxnv

rcevxaxooicov etvai xpuacov. 5

9.34.20)

452a

exn

exn u'."

9.39.1-5)

xouxoig xai xfjg 'Iepeulou ixpocpn-

(1)

noAu'iaxopog uvnunv Txenoinuevou, nudg

drcoaicoTifiaai xauxnv

454b

navxcov dv ein TtapaAoycbxaxov.

xeiadco xoivuv xai auxn* 10

EYnOAEMOY nEPI IEPEMIOY TOY nPOOHTOY OMOIflE (2)

"Etxa 'Icovaxe iu' enl xouxou npocpnxeuaai

*Iepeuiav

xdv

rcpocpnxnv.

xouxov

und

(2)

xou Oeou

drcoaxaAevxa xaxaAaBeiv xoug T o u d a i o u g OuaidCovxag eidcbAcp xpuacp, cp etvai ovoua BdaA. 15

auxoig xfiv ueAAouaav 'Icovaxeiu deovxa xdv

de

cpdvai

OLponoif)aeiv

xai

auxov

dxuxlav

dnAcoaai.

eniBaAeadai

xcov Ba3uAcovicov

xdv

(3)

de

xaxaxauaai'

xoig EuAoig xouxoig BaSuAcovioig axdipeiv

xdg xou

Eucppdxou dicbpuxag aixuaAcoxladevxag. 20

(3) xouxov de

454c

Tiypidog xai (4)

xdv de

(4)

3aaiAea dxouaavxa Na3ouxodovdaop

BION 1 EYn. —

EOAOMQNOE

BI:

EYn. —

EOAOMQNTOE

ON

5 cov I: dv BON | 6-9 ere I -- auxn om. B | 9 auxn I: auxn ON | 10 EYn. — OM. ION: EYn. nPO$. B: EYn. — nPO<X>. ante 6 enl transp. Vig. | 18 dipono ifjaai B | 19 'Ecppdxou BON |

| —

Fragments Three and Four

FRAGMENT

133

THREE

E u p o l e m u s ' Remarks Concerning "And Eupolemus

Solomon

says that Solomon also made

1,000

gold shields each of which weighed 500 shekels of 103 gold. And he lived fifty-two y e a r s , forty of u-

v,

u

•

*

which he reigned FRAGMENT (1)

FOUR

"

•

1

0

4

in peace.

1 0 5

(1) In addition

to these things Polyhistor

also mentioned

the prophecy of Jeremiah which it would

be inexcusable

for us to pass over in silence.

let me report

Prophet

Now

this.

E u p o l e m u s ' Remarks Concerning Jeremiah

(2)

has

—

In Similar

the

Fashion

106 (2) "Then Jonacheim ruled. At this time the prophet Jeremiah prophesied. Sent by God, he caught

the Jews sacrificing to a golden idol whose name was 107 (3) B a a l . (3) He declared to them the coming- m i s 108 fortune.

Jonacheim attempted

to burn him alive,

but Jeremiah said that w i t h that very timber

they

would prepare food for the Babylonians and that as captives they would dig the trenches of the Tigris 109 (4)

and E u p h r a t e s .

(4) When N e b u c h a d n e z z a r

the king

of the Babylonians heard what was being prophesied

by

134

Eupolemus

xd und xou 'Iepeuiou n p o u o v x e u d e v x a

xdv Mndcov 3 a a i A e a auaxpaxeueiv auxcp.

'AaxtBdpriv

napaAa3dvxa

(5)

auvayaydvxa 5

uupiddag

de Ba3uAcovioug xaL Mndous xaL

ne£cov

uev dxxcoxaidexa,

dcbdexa

ExuddnoAiv

oixouvxag

10

xdv xal

(4)

de

exi de xal EunoAeuog

,epu$'.

3ctaiAeuovxog (5)

dcp* ou

'Ioudaioug

* Pcbun

de xou

undxcov

Tvaiou

exn exaxov

lepcp xai Ba3uAcova

xaxaaxeiv."

1.21.141.4-5)

ev xfl duoicx npay'Addu dxpt

(4)

xou

3a.ai Aeiag ITxoAeuaiou xd Alyunxou ouvdyeaOai exn xpdvou

eEnycxye Mcouafjg

(5)

enl xnv npoeipnuevnv

exn {dia)xiAia

and

auvaOpoiCexai

xcp

eig

xal xcov ev auxn

and

eg Alyunxou

npoOeaulcxv auvdyeadai dydonHovxa.

de

454d

'Icovaxelu

(Clement of A l e x . , Strom.

exoug Anun^PLOu

Frg. 4 —

ev

xi3coxou

xfjg

neunxou

ev

xdv

fexAe^avxa

xd ndvxa exn cpnalv

XOUQ

20

xpuadv

uotxeicx

dcodexaxov

FaAaadixidi

de xd *IepoadAuua

xauxnv de xdv 'Iepeulav

FRAGMENT FIVE

15

audig

xcxAxdv

d n o a x e i A a i , xcoplg nAaxcov

ev xn

XOUQ

xdv 'Ioudaicov 3cxaiAea

xai

Ccoypnaaidpyupov

de

xaxaaxpec|jaadai xal raAiAaiav

xai

'Ioudaiouc,*

napaAa3eiv

Innecov

(5)

xai ne£cov apucxxa uupia, npcoxov

uev xnv Eauapeixiv xai

riapaxaAeaai

nevxaxdaia

xpdvou xouxou dxpi xcov Aouexiou

xal 'Aaiviou

eixoai.

BION

5 {neCcov} V i g . (marg.) | 6 xaxaoxpecpei B | 7 TaAaadixidi B : TaAadixidi I: TaAaxidi ON: TaAaaxidi Steph. (cf. Frg. 2b, p a r . 30.3 et 33.1) | 10 de — lepcp: d' ev x. lepcp xpuodv B | 11 exAe^avxa Freu. : -avxaQ M S S | Frg. 5 —

L

16-17 {nxoA. — A i y . } Gutschmid apud J a c . | 20 {dio} Clinton (Fasti Hell. 1. 291) apud Stahlin; cf. Freu., 212-15 | 22 Tvaiou Aouexiou xal 'Aaiviou Freu. (p. 2 1 4 ) : yaiou douexiavoO xaaiavoO L: Kaiaapog Aouexiavou xal Ea3ivou S y l . apud Stahlin: Tvaiou Aouexiou <xal 'Aaiviou und> Kaaaiavou Gutschmid (Kleine Schriften, 2.192) apud Stahlin |

Fragment

135

Five

Jeremiah, he called upon A s t i b a r e s , (5)

M e d e s , to join him in making war.

the king of the (5) Using

Babylonians and the M e d e s , after he gathered

the 180,000

footsoldiers, 120,000 cavalry, and 10,000 chariots 111 for footsoldiers, he first subdued Samaria, G a l i 112 lee, S c y t h o p o l i s , and the Jews living in Gilead. Then he took Jerusalem and captured alive Jonacheim 11 3 the king of the J e w s . bute the gold

After he had taken as t r i ­

in the temple, as well as the silver

and

he bronze, he transported it to Babylon without the ark and the tablets which it contained. These J e r e 11 4

miah

withheld."

FRAGMENT

FIVE

1 1 5

116 (4) In a similar work Eupolemus also says that all the years from Adam until the fifth year of 11 7 the reign of D e m e t r i u s , in the twelfth year that 118 119 Ptolemy ruled over Egypt, total 5,149 y e a r s . (5) (5) And from the time when Moses led the Jews out of 120 Egypt to the aforesaid time was 2,580 y e a r s . (And from that time until the time of the consuls of Rome 121 Gnaeus Domitius and A s i n i u s totals 120 years.) (4)

136

Eupolemus

ANNOTATIONS 1. Having sought to demonstrate the antiquity of the Jews and their role as cultural benefactors to the Greeks (chs. 21 & 2 2 ) , Clement launches into a panegyric on Moses (ch. 2 3 ) . Following the biblical account in Exodus 2, but also depending on extrabiblical sources, e.g. P h i l o s Life of M o s e s , h e rehearses the circumstances of M o s e s ' birth and upbringing, focusing especially on his "philosophical" edu­ cation. This quotation from Eupolemus occurs in the con­ text of h i s description of M o s e s ' education in Egypt where he acquired knowledge from G r e e k s , E g y p t i a n s , and C h a l d e a n s It is followed by quotations from A r t a p a n u s (= Frg. 3b) and Ezekiel the Tragedian (= parts of Frg. 1) . 1

This quotation from Eupolemus documenting M o s e s ' status as t h e first wise man became a standard feature in the Christian apologetic tradition. The following w i t n e s s e s are w o r t h noting: Cyril of A l e x a n d r i a PG (76) 853 B - C :

(d. 4 4 4 ) , Contra Julianum

7.231E =

EunoAeuog YoOv 6 laxopixdg xoug en' auxcp Adyoug auvxideig, ev xcp nepl xcov ev xfj * Ioudaia BaaiAecov cpnalv evapycog, Mcoaea 5r\ npcoxov yeveadai aocpov, xaL YpauuaxLxriv xoig 'Ioudaloig n a p a d o u v a i , xfiv x6 xnvixdde xdxa T X O U vevouiauevnv• Ooivixag de n a p ' auxcov xaxaxxriaaadaL xe xfiv eniaxriunv, axe 6f) xaL dudpoug dvxag 'Ioudaloig* napadouvai de xoig 'EAArivcov n a i a i , Kaduou dnAovdxi nap' auxoig yeyovdxog, xaL auxd de d i d d i a v x o s xd npcoxa a x o i x e i a . Tauxng Idicx ueuvnxai xfjs laxopiag ev xoig ZxpcouaxeGaiv d K A T I U M S , dvfip eAAdyiuog x a l cpLAouadriQ, x a l dvayvcoaudxcov 'EAAnvixcov noAunpayuovriaag Bddog, cog dAiyoi xdxa nou xcov npd auxou. Chronicon Paschale (7th c e n t . ) , ed. L. Dindorf (1832) [Corpus Scriptorum Historiae B y z a n t i n a e , 16] 1.117, lin. 11-14 = PG (92) 201 A - B : EunoAeuog de cpnai Mcouafjv npcoxov aocpdv yeveadai xal ypduuaxa rcapadouvai xoig 'Ioudaloig npcoxov, Ooivixag de napd 'Ioudaicov n a p a A a 3 e i v , "EAAnvag de napd $oivixcov, vduoug de npcoxov Mcouaea ypdc[iai iocs 'Ioudaioig. Georgius C e d r e n u s , Compendium Historiarum (11th c e n t . ) , ed. I. Bekker (1838-39) [Corpus Scriptorum Historiae B y z a n t i n a e , 34] 1.87, lin. 8-11 = PG (121) 116 D : "Oxi EunoAeuog cpnai xdv Mcouaea npcoxov aocpdv y e v e a d a i , xal ypduuaxa napadouvai 'Ioudaloig npcoxov, napd de 'Ioudaicov Ooivixas napaAaBeiv, "EAAnvag de napd Ooivixcov vduous de npcoxov Mcouafjg ypdcoei xoig *Ioudaioig.

Annotations

137

Cf. also Georgius H a m a r t o l u s , Chronicon = PG (110) 27-28; J. A. Cramer, A n e c d o t a Graeca (Oxford, 1837) 4.238, 245. 2. Only Clement gives this as the title of Eupolemus' work. It is now generally accepted as accurate. Cf. Frg. 2b, par. 1, and notes 12 and 116 below. A l s o , Freudenthal, 208; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 21-26. 3. YPauucxxixri, ordinarily "grammar" (Plato, Cra. 431 E; Sph. 253 A; A r i s t o t l e , Top. 1 4 2 3 1 ) , but also "alphabet" or "script" (Strabo 3.1.6; Plutarch, Arist. 1; OGIS 56.64 r\ Lepd y. = hieroglyphic w r i t i n g ) . LSJ, s.v. Also, S y r i a n u s ' commentary on Hermogenes ExdaeiQ: f) youv xaxd Kdduov ... YPOtuucxTLXi ) x.x.A.. in W a l z , Rhet. Gr. 443 , apud Freudenthal, 209. It was perhaps E u p o l e m u s ' original word, but changed by Eusebius in Frg. 2b, par. 26.1. Cf. note 6 below. A l s o , W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 73, n. 8, and 77. b

5

4. After citing the testimony of various authors quoted by Alexander Polyhistor who mention the patriarchs Jacob, Joseph, and Job, Eusebius devotes a long section to Moses (P.E. 9 . 2 6 - 2 9 ) . This fragment from E u p o l e m u s , also taken from Polyhistor, is the first of several testimonies to M o s e s , followed by quotations from Artapanus (P.E. 9.27.137 = Frg. 3 ) , Ezekiel the Tragedian (P.E. 9.28.1-4 = Frg. 1 ) , Demetrius (P.E. 9.29.1-3 = Frg. 3 ) , Ezekiel the Trage­ dian (P.E. 9.29.4-14 = Frg. 2 ) , Demetrius (P.E. 9.29.15a= Frg. 4 ) , and E z e k i e l the Tragedian (P.E. 9.29.15b-16 = Frg. 3 ) . 5. That M o s e s ' wisdom both preceded and exceeded that of the Greek "sages," especially Plato, became a recurrent theme within Hellenistic Jewish, and later, Christian apolo­ getic. Cf. A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 3, par. 4; A r i s t o b u l u s , Frg. 3, par. 12.1; Philo, V. M o s . ; J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.1-5; 2.16 8; Clement, Strom. 1.21.101; 25.165-66; 2 9 . 1 8 0 - 8 2 ; E u s e b i u s , Hist, e c c l . 6.13.7; P.E. 9-11. Other Jewish "sage" tra­ ditions developed, for example, around Enoch. Cf. Jub. 4: 17-20; cf. 1 Enoch 12:3-4; 15:1. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 72-77; also Braun, History and Romance; Tiede, Charismatic Figure. Frg. lb constitutes a miniature "cultural benefactor" topos. A more fully elaborated version occurs in A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 3. For an extended treatment of this richly diverse literary tradition on which Eupolemus d r a w s , cf. K. Thraede, "Erfinder II ( g e i s t e s g e s c h i c h t l i c h ) , " RAC 5 (1962) 11911278; also "Das Lob des E r f i n d e r s . Bemerkungen zur Analyse der H e u r e m a t a - K a t a l o g e , " Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie N.F. 105 (1962) 158-86. A l s o , A. K l e i n g u n t h e r , nPQTOZ E Y P E T H E , Philologus Suppl. 26.1 (1933).

138

Eupolemus

6. That the Phoenicians invented the alphabet (Ypduuaxa) was a well-established, though not unchallenged, tradition in antiquity. Cf. Herodotus 5.58; Athenaeus 1.28c; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 7.192-93; Diodorus Siculus 3.67.1; 5.74.1; also Plato, Phdr. 274 C-D; Diodorus Siculus 1.9.2; 69.5. Cf. A r t a p a n u s , Frgs. 1, 2, and 3, par. 4; P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1, par. 3-4; also Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 77-83. On the origin of the alphabet, cf. P. K. McCarter, The Antiq­ uity of the Greek Alphabet and the Early Phoenician Scripts (Harvard Semitic Monographs 9; Missoula: Scholars P r e s s , 1975) . 7. There were many candidates for the status of "first lawgiver." Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist• 7.191; E u r i p i d e s , Supp. 352-53; Isocrates, Helen 35-37; also Diogenes Laertius 1.40. On Moses as the pre-eminent lawgiver, cf. Philo, V. M o s . 2.1-65; J o s e p h u s , AgAp 2.154-89; also Hecataeus of Abdera in Diodorus Siculus 1.94.1. Cf. Gager, M o s e s , 2 5 - 1 1 2 ; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 83-96. On the Christian appropriation of this tradition, cf. W. J. Malley, Hellenism and Christianity: The Conflict Between Hellenic and Christian Wisdom in the CONTRA GALILAEOS of Julian the Apostate and the CONTRA JULIANUM of St. Cyril of A l e x a n d r i a (Analecta Gregoriana. Cura Pontificae Universitatis Gregorianae edita, V o l . 210. Series Facultatis T h e o l o g i a e : Sectio B, n. 68; Rome: Universita Gregorina E d i t r i c e , 1978) 254-58. 8. This fragment occurs in a chapter (ch. 21) where Clement seeks to demonstrate that Jewish laws and institutions are of far greater antiquity than the philosophy of the G r e e k s . In the immediate context, he stresses that Solomon ante­ dated the Greek sages, and cites this testimony from Alexander Polyhistor to document Solomon's renown among his neighboring kings in Phoenicia and Egypt. 9. 2 Chr 2:14 suggests that "Dan," not "David" must have been read originally. Freudenthal, 55, suggests that the similarity between the abbreviation for David (AAA) and Dan (AAN) would have easily led to such a scribal e r r o r , although the fault may have been P o l y h i s t o r s . The same problem occurs in Frg. 2b, par. 34.1. The MSS in both cases read "David," however. 1

10. Stahlin, GCS ( 5 2 ) , 80, app. crit., proposes that Clement has derived "Hyperon" by misconstruing the w o r d s urcep wv dv adxdv eptoxnanc, in Frg. 2b, par. 3 4 . 2 . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 209. 11. This fragment, tracing the major leaders of Israel from M o s e s to Solomon, and concentrating on the accomplish­ ments of the latter, is preceded by quotations from Poly­ histor witnessing to Moses (Ezekiel the Tragedian, D e m e t r i ­ u s , et a l . ) , and followed by other q u o t a t i o n s from Poly­ histor describing the geography of Jerusalem.

Annotations

139

12. The title is problematic. No such work is attested elsewhere, and it is not related to the Apocalypse of Elijah (cf. D e n i s , Introduction, 1 6 3 - 6 9 ) . Elijah is no­ where mentioned in the following p a r a g r a p h s , nor in any of the other fragments. Accordingly, Freudenthal, 208, rejected this as the title of Eupolemus' work, favoring instead the one cited by Clement (cf. Frg. l a ) . Jacoby conjectures that Polyhistor referred to a numbered sub­ division of the larger work which preceded Eupolemus' discussion of ' EAe i (Eli), who is mentioned in Frg. 2b, par. 8. Fallon and Attridge note that the title as given, or perhaps some variation thereof, may not be entirely in­ appropriate, given the recurrent interest in prophecy exhibited in the fragments: Moses and Joshua prophesy (Frg. lb, par. 30.1); Nathan (Frg. lb, par. 6 ) ; Jeremiah (Frg. 4). Fallon and A t t r i d g e , 8, "Perhaps Eupolemus wrote in part to clarify the place of prophecy in the Jewish state" (cf. 1 Mace 4 : 4 6 ) . Cf. above note 2. Also Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 21-26. 13.

Cf. Deut 29:5; also Exod

7:7 and Deut 34:7.

14. Josh 24:29; 14:7; Num 14:30-34 (110-(40+40)=30). Cf. Walter, J S , ad loc.; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 107-108. 15. Josh 18:1. 14: EnAoou.

LXX: EnAco

MT:

n^tt/

Cf. Frg. lb, par.

16. Because the abrupt transition from Joshua to Samuel completely omits the period of the judges, Freudenthal, 121, proposes a lacuna after par. 1. Cf. app. crit. 17.

1 Sam 8:4-22;

9:27-10:27.

18. How Eupolemus derived a 21-year reign for Saul is un­ clear. The most pertinent OT reference is 1 Sam 13:1 (MT: "Saul was one year old when he became king, and he reigned two years"),but the textual traditions, especially the LXX, are unclear. Josephus provides conflicting testimony as to the length of Saul's r e i g n : 20 years (Ant. 10.143) and 40 years, i.e., 18 years prior to Samuel's death, after that 22 years (Ant. 6 . 3 7 8 ) . For the various solutions offered in the textual tradition, cf. notes in LCL, ad loc. A 40year reign is given in Acts 13:21. Cf. Beginnings 4.151; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 108. 19. D o u b t l e s s , Polyhistor's error, though an understand­ able one for a pagan unfamiliar with the biblical text. He may, however, have conflated the story of Ishbosheth, Saul's son who reigned for 2 y e a r s , with the account of David's accession (2 Sam. 2 : 8 - 1 1 ) . Cf. Fallon and Attridge, 9-10. The solution proposed by B, that David was Saul's son-inlaw (yccu3pdv) has biblical support (1 Sam 1 8 : 2 7 ) , but is clearly secondary since uiov is the more difficult reading.

140

Eupolemus

20. E u p o l e m u s ' account of David's exploits and the extent of his reign considerably exceeds the biblical account. The OT records his victories over the Syrians (2 Sam 8:3-8; 1 0 : 6-19; cf. 1 Chr 18:3-8; 1 9 : 1 0 - 1 9 ) , Idumeans, i.e., Edomites (2 Sam 8:13-14; cf. 1 Chr 18:12-13; also 1 Kgs 1 1 : 1 5 - 1 7 ) , Ammonites (2 Sam 10:1-19; 11:1-27; 12:26-31; cf. 1 Chr 19: 1-15; 2 0 : 1 - 3 ) , and Moabites (2 Sam 8:2; cf. 1 Chr 1 8 : 2 ) . David's exploits over A s s y r i a n s , P h o e n i c i a n s , Itureans (cf. 1 Chr 5 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) , N a b a t e a n s , and N a b d e a n s are not m e n ­ tioned in the biblical accounts. Oddly, Eupolemus omits entirely David's wars with the Philistines (2 Sam 5:17-25; 8:1; 2 1 : 1 5 - 2 2 ; 23:8-39; cf. 1 Chr 14:1-17; 1 8 : 1 ; 2 0 : 4 - 8 ) . The political and geographical situation envisioned here is Maccabean, not Davidic. Commagene, a region in northern Syria, is not mentioned in the LXX, though frequent in Josephus (cf. Ant. 18.53, 140; 19.276, 338, 355; J.W. 5.461; 7.219, 2 2 4 - 2 5 ) . "Assyrians in Gilead" is puzzling. raAct6nvn, the Hellenized form of TaAaaS (TV^H) occurs frequent­ ly in J o s e p h u s , w h o commonly identifies biblical place names with names in use in his own time (cf. Ant. 1.324; 2.32; 4.96, 173 p a s s i m ) . Cf. Gifford 4.317; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 133. "Assyrians" (cf. Gen 10:11) here may refer to the Ammonites (cf. 2 Sam 10-12 and 1 Chr 1 9 ) , or more likely to the Syrians. Eupolemus may be drawing on Ps 82 (83):2-8 (cf. Freudenthal, 1 1 5 ) , which may also account for his inclusion of P h o e n i c i a n s . His references to N a b a ­ teans and Nabdeans are clearly anachronistic. The Nabateans entered Edom and Moab sometime prior to the 4th century B . C . E . , but there is no evidence of their existence in Davidic times. They had become well established and power­ ful by the Maccabean period (cf. 1 Mace 5:25; 9:35; cf. 2 Mace 5:8; Gen 25:13 ?; also Ovid, Metam. 1.61; Juvenal, Sat. 1 1 . 2 6 ) . "Nabdeans" may be a corrupt doublet, or a scribal error for Za.Ba6a.iouc, (cf. 1 Mace 12:31; Walter, JS, ad l o c ) . Gifford, 4.312, suggests that it is perhaps a variation of NaBaicod, first-born son of Ishmael (Gen 3 5 : 13). A l s o , cf. lQapGen 21:8-19. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 131-39. 21. Obviously Hiram, though the spelling is u n u s u a l . M T : DITt, t m n , DIITl. LXX: Xeipau, XipauJ o s e p h u s : Eipcouoc,, 'Iepcouoc, Eipauoe, X e i p a u o c Cf. H e r o d o t u s , 7.98: Eipoouoc,. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 0 8 , 209; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 135-37. 22. In the biblical account, David's only contact with Hiram is recorded in 2 Sam 5:11-12 (cf. 1 Chr 1 4 : 1 ) , where they are on friendly terms (cf. 1 Kgs 5:1,7 = MT/LXX 5:15, 21). Ps 82:8 (LXX), however, includes the inhabitants of Tyre among the adversaries of the psalmist, whom Eupolemus doubtless would have taken to be David (Walter, J S , ad l o c ) . Tribute payments are mentioned in 2 Sam 8:11-12.

Annotations

141

23. The treaty with Vaphres is apocryphal. In the bibli­ cal account, David has no dealings with an Egyptian king. Where Eupolemus d e r i v e s the name Vaphres is not known (cf. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 1 3 5 - 3 6 ) . Jer 44:30 (LXX: 51:30) mentions a Pharaoh Hophra (LXX: Ouacppn; M T : y*isn), proba­ bly the Ouacppng mentioned in the Egyptian king lists as the seventh (or eighth) king in the 26th dynasty (cf. Frg. 68 of Manetho in W a d d e l l , LCL, 1 7 0 ) , w h o ruled as successor of Psammetichus ca. 588-69 B.C.E. He is referred to by Herodotus as 'Artping (2.161; 4.159; also Diodorus Siculus 1.6 8 . 1 ) . He may have been introduced here in connection with Hiram because he was a near contemporary with Hiram III, king of Tyre (552-32 B . C . E . ) . Cf. Attridge and Fallon, 11. 24.

2 Sam 7:1-29;

cf. 1 Chr 17:1-27.

25. Ldpuoo, perf. m i d . / p a s s . inf. = "to be situated," "lie," though also used in an active sense (LSJ, s . v . ) . Cf. H e r o d o t u s , 2.42; also, cf. Gifford, 4.318; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 14 0. 26. Cf. 2 Sam 24:15-25; cf. 1 Chr 2 1 : 1 4 - 2 2 : 1 ; also 2 Chr 3:1. 27. idpuco, pres. m i d . / p a s s . inf. "found," "dedicate," esp. temples Prt. 322 A. A l s o , cf. app. crit. 2 8.

(so Mras) = "set up," (LSJ, s . v . ) . Cf. Plato,

1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:8; 28:3; cf. 2 Sam

7:1-17.

29. The OT nowhere refers to an angel named Dianathan. The two separate traditions concerning David and the temple site may have become conflated here, the one mentioning an angel (2 Sam 24; 1 Chr 2 1 ) , the other the prophet Nathan (2 Sam 7; 1 Chr 1 7 ) . Freudenthal, 119-21, conjectures that the text originally read: dyyeXov 6' auxcp eueu^e did Nadav (cf. app. c r i t . ) , with d Y Y ^ r o perhaps dyYeAiav, under­ stood as "message." Consequently, did NdOav was misunder­ stood as the proper name of the sender: AIANA6AN. Attridge and Fallon, 12, suggest another possibility: eivai 6* auxcp dnucx did Nadav (cf. 2 Sam 7:4 and 1 Chr 17:3) might have been misconstrued so that pfjua was understood as dvouct and AIANA6AN as the proper name itself. Whether either of these is p l a u s i b l e , some such m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g must have occurred, probably by Polyhistor, for the present form of the text to have resulted. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 142-43. e

o v

r

30. David's preparations for the construction of the temple are recorded only in Chr. Cf. 1 Chr 14 and 2 2 , esp. verses 2-5, 1 4 - 1 5 , and 1 Chr 28 and 29, esp. 2 9 : 1 - 5 . A l s o , cf. Exod 2 5 : 3 - 7 . On the conspicuous absence of iron in Eupolemus list, cf. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 146-47. 1

142

Eupolemus

31. David's commissioning ships to be built represents another embellishment of the OT account. It doubtless d e r i v e s from 1 Kgs 9:26-2 8 and 2 Chr 8:17-18, which mention Solomon's shipbuilding activity at Eziongeber near Eloth (LXX: AiAad) "on the shores of the Red Sea, in the land of Edom." Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 148. "Elana" is another geographical anachronism. Cf. Strabo 16.4.4; 16.2.30; also Freudenthal, 209-10; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 146-47. 32. Eupolemus expands the OT account by attributing the initiative for procuring the gold for the temple to David. Cf. 1 Kgs 9:28; 10:11; 1 Chr 22:14; 2 9 : 4 ; 2 Chr 8: 18. On Ophir, cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 149-50. 33.

So, 2 Sam 5:4; 1 Kgs 2:11; 1 Chr

29:27.

34. The transfer of power is p e a c e f u l , as in Chr (contrast 1 Kgs 1 - 2 ) . Solomon's age at the time of his accession to the throne is not stated in the MT (cf. 1 Kgs 2 : 1 2 ) , a l ­ though he is said to have been young (1 Kgs 3:7; 1 Chr 2 2 : 5; 29:1; also J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8 . 1 ) . Eupolemus here agrees with, and possibly provides independent testimony to, the LXX textual tradition on 1 Kgs 2:12, represented by Codex A, among o t h e r s , which gives his age as 12 y e a r s . Also, S. 'Olam. Rab. 14; Sipre Deut. 357; Gen. Rab. C 1294-95. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.211, implies that he was 14 years old when he became king ("having reigned 80 of his 94 y e a r s " ) . This age given here agrees with the length of reign given in Frg. 3. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 109-110. 35. This is another striking departure from the biblical text. E l i , of course, was the priest of Shiloh in the time of Samuel (cf. 1 Sam 1 - 4 ) , not a "high priest" in the time of Solomon. In 1 Kgs 1:32, Solomon's accession occurs in the presence of Zadok the priest, Nathan the prophet, and Benaniah, the son of Jehoiada. According to the Chronicler (1 Chr 2 9 : 2 2 ) , Zadok becomes the priest under Solomon. How and why "Eli" occurs in E u p o l e m u s ' text is unclear. He may have written "Abiathar, the last priest of the family of Eli" (cf. 1 Kgs 2:27; 1 Chr 2 7 : 3 4 ) , all of w h i c h may have dropped out except the name of Eli (cf. W a l t e r , J S , ad l o c . ) . Or, "Zadok" may have originally stood in the text, only to have been changed because of the d i s ­ pute over the legitimacy of priestly families, especially during the Maccabean period. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 131, 151-54. Or, again, the fault may be P o l y h i s t o r ' s . Cf. Freudenthal, 121. 36. Cf. 1 Chr 28:1; 29:6, 24; 1 Kgs 4:7 ?. The reference to the twelve tribes may have b e e n inspired by Ezra 6:17 (=1 Esdras 7:8 L X X ) .

Annotations

143

37. The letters exchanged between Solomon and V a p h r e s in 31.1 and 32.1 have no biblical b a s i s , though in 1 Kgs 3: 1-2 Solomon is said to have entered a marriage alliance with an Egyptian king (also, cf. 1 Kgs 1 1 : 4 0 ) . Though at one time thought to be genuine archival materials (Movers, K u h l m e y ) , they are now regarded as E u p o l e m u s ' own fabri­ cations. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 0 9 - 1 2 , and discussion in W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 155-58, also 1 6 7 - 7 8 , where a similar tradition is noted in late rabbinic texts. As Eupolemus' own compositions, they illustrate the practice among Hellenistic historians of composing letters and other archival documents to include in their w o r k s . C f . , e.g., Ep. Arist. 2 8; 1 Mace 11:30; 12:6,19; 15:1; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.50-55; also, E. N o r d e n , Die Antike Kunstprosa (2 v o l s . ; 8th ed., Leipzig/Berlin: Teubner, 1915; repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche B u c h g e s e l l s c h a f t , 1981) 1.88; J. Sykutris, "Epistolographie," PW Suppl. 5 (1931) 185-220, esp. 208-10. These first two letters are built on and modeled after the second set of letters between Solomon and Hiram, which do have biblical b a s i s . Cf. 1 Kgs 5:3-6, 8-9; 1 Chr 2:3-10, 11-16; also, cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.50-54. Useful in assessing their conformity to Hellenistic epistolographie conventions is F. J. X. E x l e r , The Form of the Ancient Greek Letter. A Study in Greek Epistolography (Washington, D . C . : Catholic University of America, 1 9 2 3 ) ; also, C. B. W e l l e s , Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period. A Study in Greek Epigraphy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1 9 3 4 ) , esp. xxxvii-xli on "The Use of Letters in Hellenistic Diplomacy"; W. Schubart, "Bemerkungen zum Stile h e l l e n i s tischer Kdnigsbriefe," Archiv fur Papyrusforschung 6 (1920) 324-47; recent bibliography in N. Dahl, "Letter," IDB Suppl., 538-41. On their structural similarities to Ep. Arist., cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 110; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 168-69; on similarity of language with that of Hellenistic Egypt, cf. Freudenthal, 210. 38.

Cf. below, note

49.

39. Mras's conjectural deletion is based on the omission of nail in the MS tradition at the comparable point in par. 33.1. 40.

Cf. below, note 59.

41.

Cf. below, note 61.

42. The Greek syntax is awkward here, but is improved somewhat by Mras's conjectural addition: cov xal xd nAnOn <xai> eEj cov elai x.x.A. The translation here follows Mras's suggestion.

144

Eupolemus

43. This spelling follows Kuhlmey's emendation of EeBpidixou (cf. app. c r i t . ) , thus conforming it to known Egyptian geographical d i v i s i o n s . Cf. Herodotus 2.164-67; Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 2 - 5 4 , esp. 1.18-20, 24, 27; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.9.49-50. All the nomes mentioned by Eupolemus are located in the Nile Delta. Cf. Freudenthal, 210; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 163-64. 44. Supplying this phrase Muller. Cf. app. crit.

follows the suggestion

of

45. Cf. app. crit. for alternative renderings of this nome in the textual tradition. Also, F r e u d e n t h a l , 210. 46. Since "COQ 'when' scarcely ever takes dv" (Smyth, par. 2399a) , COQ dv should perhaps be emended toficoc,dv. Cf. Sophocles A j . 1117; Ph. 1330. Cf. discussion in Giff., 4. 319. Also, Viger's emendation of yevouevnc, is supported by Plutarch Alex. 683 C and Polybius 5.14.7. Cf. Giff., 4.319. 47. 1 Kgs 5:2-6 (MT/LXX: 3 Kgdms 5 : 1 7 - 2 0 ) ; 2 Chr 2:2-9; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.51-52. The Hebrew, Greek, and Latin versions of the letters may be compared in P. V a n n u t e l l i , Libri Synoptici Veteris Testamenti (2 v o l s . ; R o m e : P o n t i f i ­ cal Biblical Institute, 1931-34) 1.212-21, where the M T , LXX (with app. c r i t . ) , and Vulgate are arranged in parallel columns, accompanied by the texts from Josephus. The letters in Chr are generally longer, and more elaborate than those in Kgs. The temple as the center of cultic activity is more prominently emphasized (2 Chr 2: 4,6). The language of the letters is more liturgical, with special emphasis on the preeminent position of God (2 Chr 2:5-6, 1 2 ) . The request for a skilled architect to oversee the work is unique (2 Chr 2:7, 1 3 - 1 4 ) . The list of m a t e r i a l s needed for the work is more detailed (2 Chr 2:7-8, 1 4 ) , as is the list of provisions for the w o r k e r s (2 Chr 2:10, 1 5 ) . The building project is more grandiose, including a royal palace in addition to the temple (2 Chr 2 : 1 , 1 2 ) . In con­ trast to Kgs and Chr, the letters in Eupolemus and Josephus are cast in formal epistolary style, complete with salu­ tation. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.55, also reports that the Solomon-Hiram correspondence was still present in the Tyrian archives in his own day. Cf. AgAp 1.106-27. On E u p o l e m u s ' dependence on 1 E s d r a s , cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 160-61. 48. With the addition of "Sidon and Phoenicia" to the biblical description of Hiram as "king of Tyre" (also J o s e p h u s ) , Eupolemus enlarges his sphere of influence, thereby enhancing Solomon's status as a world ruler, since the letters cast Hiram in the role of a subordinate vassal king.

Annotations

145

49. If cpiAos rccxxpLK6Q is used here in the technical sense of "royal advisor," as it commonly is in Hellenistic royal c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , it may reduce Hiram's status before Solo­ mon even further. Cf. W e l l e s , Royal C o r r e s p o n d e n c e , N o s . 22.9 and 2 5 . 8 , though the phrase occurs in the plural. Cf., h o w e v e r , SEG 1. N o . 3 6 4 . 2 - 3 : [Pelops, son of Alex­ ander] , cpiAoe cov xou BotoiAecoc nxoAeucciou. A l s o , SIG 1. N o . 189.3. Examples of cpiAoi in the technical sense of the "king's a d v i s o r s " : W e l l e s , N o s . 6.6; 14.9; 2 2 . 1 3 ; 25.25; 45.3; 49.2; 75.2; also, cf. SEG 7. N o s . 1.6; 3.2; 8.1; 62.3; 8. No. 357.1; OGIS 100.1; 219.45; 256.3. A l s o , cf. 1 M a c e 10:65; 2 M a c e 11:14. On cpiAoi as a group of royal advisors and later as a court title in the Hellenistic period, cf. F. Geyer, "Lysimakos," PW 14 (1928) 23-24; G. Corradi, Studi e l l e n i s t i c i (Torino: Societa editrice internazionale, 1929) 231-55; 318-47; A. M o m i g l i a n o , "Honorati amici," Athenaeum 11 (1933) 136-41; M. Holleaux, "Une inscription de Seleucie-de Pie'rie," Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 57 (1933) 6-67, esp. 31-35; W e l l e s , Royal C o r r e s p o n d e n c e (1934), p. 44; H. K o r t e n b e u t e l , "Philos," PW 20 (1941) 95-103; Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.102-104, and e x t e n s i v e bibliography in 2.183, n. 62. 50. Eupolemus alone includes the formal greeting xcupei-v which is typical of royal letters of the period. Cf. W e l l e s , Royal Correspondence 2.4; 4.1; 5.2; passim. Also, cf. Acts 23:26. Cf. H. G. Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters (New York: M a c m i l l a n , 1923) 9 6 - 1 2 7 , esp. 116. 51. The title appropriately expresses the sentiments of 2 Chr 2:5. Cf. Add Esth 8:12q (LXX); 2 Mace 3:36; also 1:16. 52.

Cf. 2 Chr 2:12; Gen

14:18-22.

53. God's command for Solomon of Hiram is another unbiblical

to request detail.

the

services

54. These regions are not specified in the biblical ac­ counts. As before (cf. above, note 2 0 ) , the list (including Judaea and Arabia m e n t i o n e d below) appears to reflect the geographical realities of E u p o l e m u s ' own day, though he may have derived the names themselves from the biblical account. On "Galilee," cf. 1 Kgs 9:11; 2 Kgs 15:29; Isa 9:1; also 1 Mace 5:9-10, 14-23, 55; J o s e p h u s , J.W. 3.35-37. On "Samaria," cf. 1 Kgs 13:32; 16:24; also Ezra 4:8-24; Neh 4:2; J o s e p h u s , J.W. 3.48. In any case, the extent of Solomon's influence is exaggerated. Ammon and Moab were ruled by their own kings independently of Solomon. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 164-65.

146

Eupolemus

55. The numbers differ from the biblical a c c o u n t s . In 1 Kgs 5:11 Solomon gave Hiram 20,000 cors of wheat and 20,000 cors of oil - annually. In 2 Chr 2:10, the amount of provisions is larger: 20,000 cors of wheat, 20,000 cors of barley, 20,000 baths of w i n e , and 10,000 b a t h s of o i l . In E u p o l e m u s , the amounts are smaller, but are distributed m o n t h l y , thus making the total provisions far exceed both Kgs and Chr (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8 . 5 7 ) . The cor 0 * 0 ) is a Hebrew m e a s u r e , the artaba Persian. As a dry m e a s u r e , a cor was approximately 3-6 bushels; as a liquid m e a s u r e , approximately 35-60 gallons. Cf. IDB 4.834. The use of such m e a s u r e s , as Eupolemus illustrates, inevitably rerequired their translation into meaningful equivalents, not always successfully. Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 3.321; 15.314; also 11.16; 12.140; also Herodotus 1.192. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , Eupolemus, 165-67. 56. The provision of oil is mentioned in 1 Kgs 5:11 2 Chr 2:15, but Judaea as its supplier is unique to Eupolemus.

and

57. lepeta, usually sacrificial animals, but also "cattle slaughtered for food" (Hippocrates, Aff. 5 2 ; X e n o p h o n , Cyr. 1.4.17. LSJ, s . v . ) . Cf. Giff., 4.320. Eupolemus alone m e n t i o n s cattle from Arabia. W a l t e r , JS ad loc., suggests that he might have been influenced by Ps 71:10 (LXX). Cf. Diodorus Siculus 2.50.2. Arabia here apparent­ ly refers to the provice between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of Aqaba. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 165; also cf. Frg. 2b, par. 30.7. 58. 1 Kgs 5:8-9 (MT/LXX: J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.53-54.

3 Kgdms

5:21-23);

2 Chr

2:10-15;

59. In the biblical account, Hiram praises Solomon effusively (2 Chr 2 : 1 1 - 1 2 ) , but his subordination to Solomon is not explicit as it is here when he addresses him as 3O.OIA.EIJC, U E Y C X Q . In fact, they cut a treaty as equals (1 Kgs 5:12). The use of this title reflects Hellenistic practice: Antiochus III: OGIS 230.5; 237.12; 239.1; 240.1; 2 4 5 . 1 8 , 40; 249.2; 250.2; 746.1; Antiochus VII S i d e t e s : OGIS 2 5 5 . 1 , 2; 2 5 6 . 2 , 3. References cited in H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.64, n. 284, who notes that the title is rare with the Ptolemies, e.g. Ptolemy III E u e r g e t e s : OGIS 54.Iff. 60. 2 Chr 2:12; also Gen 14:19. For a structural compari­ son with the berakoth of 1 Kgs 5:7 and 2 Chr 2:10-11, cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 120. 61. The number of those sent by Hiram is unspecified in the biblical account. Eupolemus' 80,000 w o r k e r s supplied by Vaphres and Hiram each are apparently derived by round­ ing off the number of workers conscripted by Solomon (153,300 in 1 Kgs 5:13-16; 153,600 in 2 Chr 2:16-17; also

Annotations

147

61. (cont.) 2 : 2 ) , and dividing it by half. Or, the figure 80,000 may have been derived from 2 Chr 2:10, where the total amount of provisions is 80,000 cors. 62. A skilled artisan is requested by Solomon in 2 Chr 2:7 and agreed to by Hiram in 2 Chr 2:13-14, where he is named Huramabi (a detail omitted by E u p o l e m u s ) , and identi­ fied as "the son of a woman of the duaghters of Dan," whose father was "a man of Tyre" (2 Chr 2:14; also 4 : 1 6 ) . In 1 Kgs 7:13-14, he is identified as "Hiram from Tyre" (not to be confused with the king himself) "the son of a w i d o w of the tribe of N a p h t a l i , " whose father was a "man of Tyre." All the MSS in E u p o l e m u s , however, read "David," an error probably resulting from the similarity between the abbreviation for David (AAA) and Dan (AAN). Accord­ ingly, Freudenthal, 55, emends the text to read "Dan." Cf. Frg. 2a, line 9, and note 9 above. 63. His credentials are equally impressive, indeed more detailed, in the biblical account. Cf. 2 Chr 2:7, 14; 1 Kgs 7:14. In 1 Kgs 7:15-44, his smelting work is detailed. Cf. 2 Chr 4:6. 64.

Cf. 1 Chr 2 8 : 1 ; cf. above, note 49.

65. There is no record in the biblical account of a trip by Solomon to Lebanon. Cf. 1 Kgs 5:2; 2 Chr 2:3. 66. Solomon's transporting the lumber by sea to Joppa by land to Jerusalem is unbiblical. Cf. 2 Chr 2:16; Ezra 3:7.

and

67. This would have been a year after his accession (cf. above, Frg. 2b, par. 3 0 . 8 ) , w h e r e a s in the biblical account, the temple is begun in the fourth year of his reign (1 Kgs 6:1; 2 Chr 3 : 2 ) . Cf. above, note 34. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 155: "This is supposedly the first allusion to the bar mitzvah tradition found anywhere." 68. Cf. above, note 61. In 1 Kgs 5:13-18 the labor force consists of conscripted Israelites (cf. 1 Kgs 9:22; 1 2 : 4 ) , whereas in 2 Chr 2:17-18 they are said to have been aliens living in Israel. 69. The method of distributing Eupolemus is u n b i b l i c a l .

provisions mentioned

by

148

Eupolemus

70. These dimensions for the sanctuary (vaog, cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 174, n. 4) agree with neither the biblical accounts nor with J o s e p h u s , and may be compared as follows: Length 1 Kgs 6:2 MT LXX 2 Chr 3:4 MT LXX Josephus, Ant. 8.64 J.W. 5.215 Eupolemus

Width

Height

(in cubits)

60 40 60 60

20 20

30 25

20 20

120 120

60

20

60/120 ?

60

60

unspecified

(20?)

The 60-cubit width Eupolemus may have derived from Ezra 6:3, where the width of the Second Temple is given as 60 cubits. The reference to a 60-cubit width is omitted by BON (cf. app. c r i t . ) . Kuhlmey suggested that it was originally a reference to the height: ui|/oc, nnxoov or that the x ' was misconstrued as E ' : nXdxoQ nnxcov x ' . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 211; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 176-77 71. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 175, renders oixo6oun as "masonry," hence "the thickness of the masonry and its foundations." Freudenthal, 211, takes it as a reference to the vestibule, otherwise unmentioned by E u p o l e m u s . In any case, the width of the foundations is not specified in the b i b l i c a l accounts. Eupolemus also omits reference to the dimensions of the Holy of Holies (cf. 1 Kgs 6:3; 2 Chr 3:4, 8 - 9 ) . In fact, several significant features of the biblical description of the temple are absent from E u p o l e m u s : the elaborate three-story side chambers sur­ rounding the central structure (1 Kgs 6 : 5 - 6 ) , the Most Holy Place (1 Kgs 6:5, 16, 19-20; 2 Chr 3:8-9; Ezek 4 1 : 3 - 4 ) , the cherubim within the Most Holy Place (1 Kgs 6:23-28; 2 Chr 3 : 1 0 - 1 4 ) , the details of the palace and administrative complex (1 Kgs 7 : 1 - 8 ) , separate account of Hiram's work (1 Kgs 7 : 1 5 - 4 7 ) , the ten bronze lavers on wheeled stands (1 Kgs 7:27-37; 2 Chr 4 : 6 ) , the speech of dedication (1 Kgs 8:12-53; 2 Chr 6 : 1 - 4 2 ) . It has been plausibly suggested that E u p o l e m u s ' account actually describes the Second Temple. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 177. 72. The reference to Nathan is perhaps inferred from 1 Chr 2 8 : 1 1 - 1 2 , where David is said to have transferred the building plans to Solomon. Nathan, however, is not mentioned by name. Cf. 2 Sam 7; 1 Chr 17.

Annotations

149

73. Precisely what is envisioned in the mode of wall con­ struction described here is unclear. No such details of how the outer w a l l s of the temple were constructed are pro­ vided in Kgs and Chr, though Eupolemus may have been influ­ enced here by 1 Kgs 6:36 and 7:12. A l s o , cf. Ezra 5:8; 6:4. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 211; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 178. 74.

1 Kgs 6:15-30;

2 Chr 3:5-7; cf. Ezek

41:16.

75. Here the translation follows the suggested emendation of Freudenthal, 2 1 1 : xooveuovxa rather than MSS xcovvuvxa, "stacking up." Cf. app. crit. 76. 1 Kgs 6:19-22; 2 Chr 3:4-9. The details about gold bricks and silver nails are added by Eupolemus. Cf. 2 Chr 3:9. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 179-80. 77. These details of the ceiling and the roof are u n b i b l i ­ cal. Cf. however, 1 Kgs 6:9; 2 Chr 3:7; Ezek 40:13 (MT). 78. The finger-thick layer of gold covering the two pillars is added by Eupolemus to the biblical account (cf. 1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 3:15-17; 4:12-13; also 2 Kgs 11:14; 23:3; 2 5 : 1 6 - 1 7 ; Ezek 40:49; 42:6; Jer 5 2 : 1 7 , 2 0 ) . These dimensions differ slightly from the biblical account. In 1 Kgs 7:15 the circumference of each pillar is 12 cubits (LXX: 14 cubits; cf. Jer 5 2 : 2 1 ) . Eupolemus wisely leaves the height of the pillars unspecified, a detail on which Kgs and Chr d i s a g r e e : 18 cubits + 5-cubit capital according to 1 Kgs 7:15-16 (also Jer 52:21-22; though, cf. 2 Kgs 2 5 : 1 7 ) , but 35 cubits + 5-cubit capital in 2 Chr 3:15 (LXX: Jer 5 2 : 2 1 ) . Cf. also Herodotus 2.44; also Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 181-83. 79. The translation here follows Seguier's Cf. app. crit.; also Freudenthal, 211. 80. Cf. 1 Kgs 7:49; 37 :17-24.

2 Chr

emendation.

4:7, 20; also Exod

25:31-40;

81. The seventy gold lamps are added by E u p o l e m u s , render­ ing the description of the menorah more explicit. Cf. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 184-85. 82. Cf. 1 Kgs 6:33-36; 7:50; 2 Chr 4:22; also Ezek 41: 23-25. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 186-87. 83. The north portico supported by 48 bronze pillars is u n b i b l i c a l , and it is not clear where Eupolemus derived this bit of information. He is perhaps dependent on 1 Kgs 7:31 (LXX), which refers to 48 pillars. Cf. Ezek 42:1-10; also J o s e p h u s , J_.W.5.185; Ant. 20. 220-21. Cf. Freudenthal, 118; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 187-90, suggests that the LXX version of 1 Kgs 7:31 may have been dependent on Eupolemus.

150

Eupolemus

84. In 1 Kgs 7:23-26 and 2 Chr 4:2-6 the bronze laver (= Exod 30:18 p a s s i m ) , or "molten sea," is circular, not square as in E u p o l e m u s , with a diameter of 10 c u b i t s , cir­ cumference of 30 c u b i t s , and height of 5 cubits. Though the dimensions are the same in Kgs and Chr, the laver in Chr is said to have 1/3 more capacity. Cf. 1 Kgs 7:26 and 2 Chr 4:5. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 190-93. 85. The syntax describing what appears to be a rim sur­ rounding the base is difficult, and not altogether clear. Cf. Exod 30:17-21; also Ezek 43:13. 86. In the biblical account, the laver rests on "twelve bronze b u l l s " (Jer 5 2 : 2 0 ) , whose height is not given. Cf. 1 Kgs 7:25-26; 2 Chr 4:4. Freudenthal, 211, emends the text to conform to the biblical account. Cf. app. crit. E u p o l e m u s ' description of how the pedestals were positioned underneath the laver is unclear, as is its position within the outer court. The syntax seems to suggest that the laver was positioned "at the right of the altar" in the outer court. His description of the pedestals may repre­ sent a conflation of the biblical account of the molten sea and the ten lavers resting on wheeled stands. 87. The "speaker's podium" is mentioned only in 2 Chr 6:13, and its dimensions are 5 x 5 x 3 cubits. From it Solomon delivers the dedicatory speech (2 Chr 6:14-42; cf. 1 Kgs 8 : 1 2 - 5 7 ) , w h i c h is omitted by Eupolemus. Cf. Wacholder, Eupolemus, 193-94. 88. Cf. app. crit. Kuhlmey, apud F r e u d e n t h a l , 211, proposes ne ' owing to d i t t o g r a p h y : n' enl. Cf. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 195. 89. The presence of the altar is presupposed in 1 Kgs 8:22, 64; 9:25 (cf. 2 Kgs 1 6 : 1 4 - 1 5 ) , but only described in 2 Chr 4:1, where its dimensions are given as 20 x 20 x 10 cubits. Cf. Ezek 4 3 : 1 3 - 1 7 . Also, cf. J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.198; Ant. 8.88. A l s o , Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 194-96. 90. This elaborate device for protecting the temple from defilement is not mentioned in the biblical account, but appears to be derived by Eupolemus from the detailed d e ­ scription of the capitals of the two bronze pillars in 1 Kgs 7:15-22 and 2 Chr 3:15-17; cf. also 4:11-13. 2 Chr 4:13 mentions 400 pomegranates in connection with the capital decoration. Cf. also Exod 39:25-26; 2 8 : 3 3 ; Sir 45:9; J o s e p h u s , J.W. 5.224; Mid. 4.6; cf. Lieberman, H e l l e ­ nism, 173-6; H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.64, n. 285. 91. Cf. 1 Kgs 3:1; 9:15; Ezek 40:5; also 211-12; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 196-201.

Freudenthal,

Annotations

151

92. In the biblical account, the building project also entails the palace and administrative complex (cf. 1 Kgs 3:1; 2 Chr 2:1; 8 : 2 ) , with a fairly detailed architectural description in 1 Kgs 7:1-12. In fact, this part of the project is said to have taken 13 years to build (1 Kgs 7:1; cf. 9 : 1 8 ) , w h e r e a s the building of the temple took 7 years (1 Kgs 6 : 3 8 ) . Eupolemus does not mention the duration of the building project. 93. Similar etymologies are given in J o s e p h u s , J.W. 6.348; Ant. 7.67; AgAp 1.17 4; also Hecataeus of Abdera apud Diodorus Siculus 40.3.3 = Stern, Greek and Latin A u t h o r s , Frg. 11. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 212; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 204-208. 94. This detail is apparently derived from 1 Kgs 3:4 and 2 Chr 1:3, even though it is out of sequence here. The reference to Shiloh is puzzling. Cf. 1 Sam 1:3; 4:3. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 212; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 208-11. 95.

1 Kgs 8:4; 2 Chr

5:5.

96. 1 Kgs 7:48-51; 2 Chr 4:19-22; also 1 Mace Cf. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 212-13.

4:49.

97. The size of the offering is considerably smaller than the one described in 1 Kgs 8:62 and 2 Chr 7:4 (22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep) — one of the few instances where Eupolemus is more modest in his description. Cf. also 1 Kgs 8:5; 2 Chr 5:6. 98. These fantastic '"grand totals" exceed even the exaggerated figures of 1 Chr 22:14 (cf. 29:4,7) where David is said to have provided 100,000 talents of gold, 1,000,000 talents of silver, and immeasurable amounts of bronze and iron for the building of the temple. More modest figures are given in 1 Kgs 9:14, 28. Cf. also 2 Chr 9:13; 1 Kgs 10:10, 14; Exod 38:24-31. For the various efforts to emend the text, cf. app. crit. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 213-15; Freudenthal, 212, suggests that uupi&6cov was added later to enhance the otherwise unimpressive amount of 460 talents. 99. The w o r k e r s ' return home is recorded in 1 Kgs 8:66 and 2 Chr 7:10, but the 10-shekel bonus is added by E u p o l e m u s , effectively underscoring the generosity of Solomon. The talent, however, did not equal one shekel, as Eupolemus states; it was rather equivalent to approxi­ mately 3,000 shekels. Cf. IDB 4.832; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 215-16. 100.

Cf. 1 Kgs 5:11.

152

Eupolemus

101. In 1 Kgs 9:11, Solomon is said to have given Hiram 20 cities in Galilee as a gesture of gratitude, though the b i b l i c a l account oddly notes Hiram's displeasure. 2 Chr 8:2 smooths over this feature, noting that Solomon rebuilt cities given to him by Hiram. (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8 . 1 4 1 - 4 3 ) . In any case, the biblical account makes no mention of the golden pillar given by Solomon to Hiram as a token of gratitude. This tradition, however, is mentioned else­ where. Immediately after this fragment (P.E. 9 . 3 4 . 1 9 ) , Polyhistor cites Theophilus (2nd cent. B . C . E . ; cf. R. Laqueur, PW, ser. 2, 5(1934) 2137-38 = FGrH 733, Frg. 1 ) , who reported that Solomon returned to Hiram the unused gold (cf. 1 Kgs 9 : 1 1 - 1 4 ) , and that Hiram made a fulllength statue of his daughter, using the golden pillar to cover it. Another tradition relates that this was the daughter Hiram had given Solomon in marriage (cf. L a e t u s , apud Tatian, Oratio ad Graecos 37 = Stern, Greek and Latin A u t h o r s , No. 29, pp. 1 2 8 - 3 0 ) . The golden pillar tradition is also mentioned by Menander of Ephesus (2nd cent. B.C.E. = FGrH 7 83, Frg. 1 ) , apud J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.118; cf. also Ant. 8.144-49; also Dio = FGrH 785, Frg. 1 = J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.113. Herodotus 2.44 mentions a golden pillar which stood in the temple of Heracles. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 217-23. 102. Immediately after the long quote from Eupolemus (taken from Polyhistor) describing Solomon's accomplish­ ments (= Frg. 2 b ) , Eusebius includes a brief text from Theophilus (from Polyhistor) relating to Hiram. Then follows this snippet (taken again from Polyhistor) w h i c h completes his treatment of Solomon. It is followed by d e s c r i p t i o n s of Jerusalem. 103. Literally, "each of which was of 500 gold (pieces)." Cf. 1 Kgs 10:16-17 and 2 Chr 9:15-16 which mention 500 shields. Eupolemus is perhaps influenced here by Cant 4:4. 104. 1 Kgs 11:42 and 2 Chr 9:30 record a 40-year reign, though his age at the time of his death is not given. 1 Kgs 11:4 implies an older age. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 8.211 says that he reigned 80 of his 94 y e a r s . Eupolemus' figures here agree with Frg. 2b, par. 30.8. 105. Following various witnesses to the geography of Jerusalem, Eusebius continues his treatment of major events of Israel's history w i t h this fragment (again taken from P o l y h i s t o r ) , followed by other testimonies to the captivity, and to the rise of Persia.

Annotations

153

106. This is probably a reference to Jehoiakim, king of Judah (609-598 B . C . E . ) , during whose reign Jeremiah pro­ phesied (Jer 1:3; 26:1; cf. 2 Kgs 23:31-24:6; 2 Chr 36: 4 - 8 ) , and against whom he railed (Jer 2 2 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) . It may, however, refer to his son and successor Jehoiachin, also called Jeconiah (1 Chr 3:16) and Coniah (Jer 2 2 : 2 4 ) , who ruled 598-597 B . C . E . (cf. 2 Kgs 2 4 : 6 - 1 7 ; 2 Chr 3 6 : 8 - 1 0 ) . The two would be easily confused because the LXX trans­ literation of their Hebrew names (D^P^in* and J 5 1 i"P ) is often identical: ' Icoaxe iu/' Icoax L U (cf. 2 Kgs 24:6 and 2 Chr 3 6 : 5 ) . Jehoiachin is rendered Iexov ictc/E I E X O V lac, in 2 Chr 36:8,9. Not all the events mentioned in this fragment occurred in the reign of Jehoiakim, however. The king of Judah exiled to Babylon (par. 5) was Jehoia­ chin (2 Kgs 24:12; 2 Chr 3 6 : 1 0 ) , though 2 Chr 36:6 implies that Jehoiakim was also exiled. The seizure of the temple booty mentioned at the end of the fragment occurred under Zedekiah (cf. 2 Kgs 2 5 : 1 - 1 7 ; Jer 52:1-23; 2 Chr 36: 11-21). Eupolemus has telescoped events from the reigns of Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah and placed them under the reign of "Jonacheim." Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 227-28. 1

11

11

107. Polemics against idol worship are frequent in J e r e ­ miah (1:16; 2:8; 7:9; 11:11-14; 17:2-4; p a s s i m ) , though the reference to the "golden idol" is unusual here, and may recall Exod 2 1 : 1 - 2 0 . 108.

Cf. Jer

2-6.

109. The details of this paragraph, though unbiblical, appear to be based on Jer 26 and 36. The threat of being burned alive may reflect Maccabean times. Cf. 2 Mace 7:3-6; 4 Mace 9:19-21; also Heb 11:34. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 229-30. 110. Astibares is not mentioned in the biblical account, nor are the Medes said to have collaborated with the Baby­ lonians in destroying Jerusalem. Ctesias of Cnidos (late 5th cent. B.C.E.) m e n t i o n s a Median king A s t i b a r e s , along with A s p a n d a s , in his fanciful history of Persia (cf. Diodorus Siculus 2.34.6; Herodotus 1.74, 103, 1 0 6 - 1 0 7 ) , as the last two kings of Persia. In H e r o d o t u s they are Cyxares and A s t y g e s , and "Astibares" may be a variation of the latter. Ctesias appears to have been a source for Eupolemus for this tradition. Cf. Freudenthal, 118; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 231-34. 111. Neither 2 Kgs 24 nor 2 Chr 36 mentions the number of troops accompanying Nebuchadrezzar. Eupolemus may be dependent here on Herodotus 7.113 and 9.32 for these figures (so Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 2 3 4 ) . Cf. Jdt 2:5.

154

Eupolemus

1

112. On E u p o l e m u s use of anachronistic geography, cf. above, n o t e 20. Scythopolis is the Hellenistic name of Beth-shan. Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 5.84; 1 Mace 5:9-10, 14-15, 52, 55-62; 2 Mace 12:29. 113.

Cf. 2 Kgs 24:10-15; 2 Chr 36:9-10.

114. The biblical account provides a detailed inventory of the temple booty taken by Nebuchadrezzar (cf. 2 Kgs 2 5 : 1 3 - 1 7 ; 2 Chr 36:18; Jer 5 2 : 1 7 - 2 3 ) . Even though the ark and the decalogue are not mentioned in these lists, Jeremiah's rescue of them is an unbiblical detail, and he appears to have been in no position to retrieve them (cf. Jer 39:14; 4 0 : 1 - 4 2 : 7 ) . Understandably, the fate of the sacred temple objects became the topic of various later traditions. Cf. 2 Mace 2:1-8; 2 Bar 6; Paraleipomena Jeremiou 3:8-11; Josephus, Ant. 18.85-87; 2 Esdr 10:22. For rabbinic sources, cf. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 242, n. 74. 115. In Book 1, chapter 21, Clement seeks to establish the high antiquity of Jewish laws and institutions, and naturally devotes much space to chronology. This fragment from E u p o l e m u s , which appears to be a summary rather than a direct quotation, occurs in the section which treats the exile and the post-exilic period. It follows immediately a quotation or chronological summary from Demetrius (= Frg. 6 ) , and precedes a discussion of the origin of the various human dialects. 116. That is, similar to Demetrius' work On the Kings in Judaea w h i c h precedes this. Cf. Frg. la, and notes 2 and 12 above. 117. Doubtless referring to Demetrius I Soter (162-150 B . C . E . ) , and thus bringing the chronology to the year 158/157 B.C.E. Cf. Freudenthal, 124, 212-13; Gutschmid, "Zeit und Zeitrechnung," 2.191; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 6, 40-44. 118. Most likely, Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II Physcon (170-163 and 145-116 B . C . E . ) . The identity of "Demetrius" and "Ptolemy" has been much debated, primarily because it is difficult to synchronize the 5th year of the reign of any of the Seleucids named Demetrius with the 12th year of the reign of any of the P t o l e m i e s . Miiller, FHG 3.208, identifies "Demetrius" as Demetrius II Nicator (145-139 and 129-125) , and emends T O 6 c o 6 e H a . T o v to read T O S K T O V , thus identifying the "Ptolemy" as Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II Physcon, who ruled jointly with Ptolemy VI Philometor from 170-164, alone from 164-163, was then king in Cyrene from 163-145, and finally ruled again in Egypt from 145-116. F r e u d e n t h a l , 123, 212-13, convincingly argued against Muller's idenfitifcation of D e m e t r i u s , insisting rather that Demetrius I Soter (162-150 B.C.E.) was meant. He did agree to Muller's identification of Ptolemy. Since 158

Annotations

155

118. (cont.) B . C . E . , "the fifth year of Demetrius I Soter's reign," was the year when the latter established a formal peace with Jonathan, this would have been a suitable termi­ nus ad quern for his work. Gutschmid, "Zeit und Zeitrechnung," 2.191, w h i l e agreeing with Freudenthal about Demetrius I, argued against Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II Physcon, since the latter was not "ruling over Egypt" (as Eupolemus s t a t e s ) , but w a s rather in Cyrene in 1 5 8 / 157 B.C.E. M o r e o e v e r , a strict calculation puts 158/157 B . C . E . in the 13th year of his reign, not the 12th. This accounts for Gutschmid's conjectural deletion (cf. app. c r i t . ) , and his suggestion that riToAeucuou T O S C O S E H C I T O V 3 a a i , A E O O V T O Q A I Y U T I T O U belongs later in par. 5 with the mention of the consulship of Gnaeus Domitius and C. Asinius (also W a l t e r , J S , ad l o c . ) . He further suggests that both phrases are attributable to Clement of Alexandria who borrowed them from Julius Cassianus, a 2nd century Christian chronographer. Cf. below, note 121. Also, Freud­ e n t h a l , 1 2 4 , 212-15; D e n i s , Introduction, 253-54; Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 6, 40-42. 119.

Thus placing the creation ca. 5307 B.C.E.

120. Or, 1,580 y e a r s , if one accepts Clinton's conjectural deletion {£>IO}X£\ICL, as Stahlin d o e s , thus dating the exodus (using E u p o l e m u s ' figures) 3560 anno mundi or 1738 B.C.E. The higher figure (2580) would place the exodus 2569 years after creation, or 2738 B . C . E . , approximately a thousand years too early. The unemended text conforms m o r e closely to the date of the exodus in MT chronology (266 8 anno m u n d i ) , while the emendation brings Eupolemus into closer harmony w i t h the date of the exodus in LXX chronology (3819 anno m u n d i ) . Cf. IDB 1.580-83. The higher figure is defended by Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 1 1 2 , 2 5 0 - 5 4 , w h o stresses E u p o l e m u s ' reliance on MT and pre-MT traditions. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 212-13; Gutschmid, "Zeit und Zeitrechnung," 2.192-95; Schlatter, "Eupolemus als Chronolog," 633-35; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 111-17; W a l t e r , J S , ad loc., 1.95, n. 7. 121. If this last sentence represents E u p o l e m u s ' own calculation, he obviously would have flourished in the mid-lst century B . C . E . More likely, it is a later addition w h i c h has become fused with E u p o l e m u s ' time scheme, and is perhaps attributable to Polyhistor (assuming this is Clement's source; cf. I n t r o d u c t i o n ) , or even Clement. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 42-44, attributes it to Ptolemy of M e n d e s , an Egyptian priest w h o flourished in the mid-lst century B.C.E. The textual tradition is corrupt. The reading of L: yatov S O U E T I C X V O U H a a i a v o u , i.e., "until the consulship in Rome of Gaius Domitius (and) Cas(s)ian," is clearly impossible. Kuhlmey's emendation, adopted by Stahlin (and attributed to F r e u d e n t h a l ) , is based on J o s e p h u s , Ant. 14.389, and further refined by Gutschmid

156

Eupolemus-Annotations

121. (cont.)(cf. app. c r i t . ) : "And from that time until the time of the consulships in Rome of Gnaeus Domitius and A s i n i u s is calculated by Cas(s)ian as 120 years." This suggestion is based on Clement's earlier reference to a Cassian in the same chapter (Strom. 1.21.101.2 = E u s e b i u s , P.E. 1 0 . 1 2 . 1 ) , whom Gutschmid identifies as a 2nd-century gnostic and chronographer (cf. E u s e b i u s , Hist. eccl. 6.13.7). Though, cf. N. Walter, "Der angebliche Chronograph Julius C a s s i a n u s , " in Studien zum Neuen Testament und zur Patristik. Erich Klostermann zum 90. Geburtstag dargebracht (Berlin: A k a d e m i e - V e r l a g , 1961) 177-92. In any case, the emended text as translated here brings the terminus to ca. 40 B . C . E . , the date of the Roman consuls Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus and Gaius Asinius Pollio. Cf. Freudenthal, 214-15; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 6-7, 42-44.

PSEUDO-EUPOLEMUS

The two fragments mus"'" or Anonymous

(ANONYMOUS)

commonly designated

Pseudo-Eupole­

are now widely thought to have

been

written by an unknown Samaritan author who flourished in . . 2 a Syrian-Palestinian setting in the mid-second century

3

B.C.E. Book

Both fragments

are preserved

by Eusebius in P.E. ,

9, in the section w h i c h treats Abraham.

extracts both fragments directly second

who

attributes the first to E u p o l e m u s , but traces

to "some anonymous

Contents. Abraham,

Eusebius

from Alexander Polyhistor

The central

figure in both fragments

though minor attention

is given to other

chal figures, most notably Enoch.

Fragment

1,

Gen 6-14, including mention of the period

consisting

of the

following the flood, the tower of Babel,

origins in Ur, his sojourn in Egypt his migration to "Phoenicia,"

(in this

is

patriar­

of some 56 lines, treats biblical incidents recorded

ment

the

writings."

in

settle­

Abraham's order),

i.e., Canaan, his battle with

the four foreign k i n g s , and the Melchizedek

episode.

2, consisting of only 10 lines, is a summary

Frg.

rehearsal

of

Abraham's origins among the g i a n t s , the building of the tower of Babel by B e l u s , Abraham's

journey

from

to Egypt via P h o e n i c i a , and his role as inventor teacher of

Babylon and

astrology.

Sources.

The Bible is a primary

source for Pseudo4 E u p o l e m u s . His use of the LXX is certain, the MT probable. The biblical story is freely interwoven with haggadic g traditions and mythological traditions drawn from both 7 Greek and Babylonian

sources:

colonization of the world

by giants in the postdiluvian period, the building of the tower of Babel by the Babylonian hero B e l u s , Abraham cultural benefactor who discovered Babylon and transmitted

this

astrology while

as

in

"Chaldean science" to the 157

158

Pseudo-Eupolemus

P h o e n i c i a n s , and later to the E g y p t i a n s , Abraham's tion with the temple at Mount Gerizim, p r o t e c t i o n of Sarah's chastity during Abraham's activities

the miraculous

in her marriage to Pharaoh

soj.ourn in Egypt, Abraham's

in Heliopolis, and Enoch as the

discoverer of

associa­

civilizing

original

astrology.

Authorship.

Because Polyhistor explicitly

attributed

the first fragment to E u p o l e m u s , earlier scholarship naturally grouped g uted to him.

it w i t h the other five fragments

Doubts about the identity of its

persisted, however, because of its contents. the Eupolemus

fragments handled

quite

attrib-

author

Though

the biblical story

all

freely,

often departing from the biblical text and contradicting 9 10 it, thxs fragment seemed too syncretistic. It freely incorporated

into the genealogy of Gen 10 names drawn

from pagan mythology, it facilely viewed

including B e l u s , K r o n o s , and Asbolus;

identified Enoch with A t l a s ; astrology

in a thoroughly positive

to its negative assessment The other Eupolemus

light, in sharp

in other Jewish

it

contrast

traditions.

fragments, by contrast, exhibited

traces of pervasive pagan i n f l u e n c e . ^

Most decisive

their apparently mutually exclusive cultic loyalty. fragment Gerizim

fewer was This

identified Abraham w i t h the temple at Mount and heralded

the latter as the "mount of the Most

High God," whereas the other Eupolemus

fragments

gave

primacy to the Jerusalem temple w h o s e location had signified by an angel of God, and w h i c h had been built and furnished by David and Solomon, both

been

lavishly

depicted

in heroic terms. Taken together, it was difficult

to imagine that

all

the Eupolemus a Samaritan

fragments stemmed from either a Jewish or 13 author, yet the themes were too biblical to 14

have come from a pagan.

For Freudenthal, these

tions were decisive enough to call for their

this fragment, especially because of the central it gave to Mount Gerizim,

could best be explained

originated within Samaritan

considera­

separation: prominence as having

circles, w h i l e the other

five

Introduction

Eupolemus

159

fragments could stand together as the work of 15

a Jewish author named

Eupolemus.

Coupled w i t h this was the fact that the second ment w h i c h occurs in the same section of Book 9 was ledged by Polyhistor

as being

from an anonymous

frag­ acknow­

source.

Yet, it had clear affinities with the first fragment.

In

both, the building of the tower of Babel is traced to the postdiluvian giants. a prominent

role in both.

each fragment, descended covered

The Babylonian

figure Belus

played

Abraham was also central

and was similarly depicted

from the g i a n t s , and

in

as having

as being the one who d i s ­

astrology while in Babylon and taught it to the

Phoenicians

and E g y p t i a n s .

"Phoenicia"

is used

fragments reflect influence.

A l s o , in both

to designate Canaan.

similar

levels and types of pagan

These lines of continuity,

of terminology,^"^

fragments In general, both

suggested

as w e l l as

similarity

that the two fragments

stood

or fell together, and attributing them both to an Samaritan

author Freudenthal

This has emerged Title.

anonymous 17 saw as the best solution. 18

as the scholarly

Alexander Polyhistor

ment to E u p o l e m u s

1

work Concerning

consensus. credits the first

frag­

the Jews of Assyria,

but this title is seriously disputed.

The phrase

"of

Assyria" may very well belong to the phrase following

it,

and "concerning the Jews" may be a generic description of the content of the work rather than a title in a t e c h n i 19 cal sense.

Most

likely, its correct title has not

survived. Date.

The terminus a quo is provided by B e r o s s u s

Babyloniaca, a source used by Pseudo-Eupolemus 20 after 293-292 B . C . E .

written

Since both fragments were

preserved by P o l y h i s t o r , who flourished

in the

1

first

mid-first

century B . C . E . , this provides their terminus ante quern. 21 antedate its destruction by the Hasmoneans in 132 B.C.E. The reference to the 22 temple at Mount Gerizim appears to 23 Their pro-Phoenician and anti-Egyptian b i a s , if any presuppose its e x i s t e n c e ; if so, the fragments would

160

Pseudo-Eupolemus

indication of the political realities

in which they were

produced, would point to the first half of the 24 century

second

B.C.E.

Importance.

If genuinely Samaritan, as they are

widely held to be, these two fragments are important primary sources for reconstructing the history of the 25 Samaritans and for understanding their traditions in the 26 Hellenistic period. In this respect, they should be considered alongside other ancient Samaritan fragments, including T h e o d o t u s , T h a l l u s , and possibly Cleodemus 27 Malchus. Unlike many later sources which frequently 28 present polemical descriptions of the Samaritans, these fragments would represent the Samaritans' own midrashic 29 traditions reflect

from a very early period.

Because

they

an outlook w h i c h both knows and values pagan

mytho­

3 0

logical t r a d i t i o n s , it may be necessary to modify the common view of Samaritans as a sect immune to outside 31 influences. The type of midrashic tradition w h i c h freely fuses haggadic with pagan traditions provides a useful counterpoint to similar traditions both inside and outside 32 Palestine.

A s "one of the first Palestinians to present

the biblical history

in the form of Hellenistic

33

writing, " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s is an important Israelite historiography

history

testimony

in the Hellenistic period.

to These

two fragments also provide evidence of early

appropriation

of Enochic

although

explicit

legends within

Samaritan

apocalyptic motifs are not

circles,

in evidence.

Equally 34

significant is Pseudo-Eupolemus' use of the LXX and between the Samaritan and Greek versions of the Penta the implications of this for determining the relationship 35 betwee teuch.

Introduction

-

Notes

161

NOTES

1.

For

testimonia,

cf.

Introduction

to

Eupolemus,

note

1.

2. Since Samarita n c o m m u n i t i e s are known to have existed o u t s i d e P a l e s t i n e (cf. Schiirer, 3 . 5 1 - 5 2 ) , it is c o n c e i v a b l e that Pseudo-Eupolemus reflects a non-Palestinian provenance. Egypt w o u l d be a l i k e l y c a n d i d a t e w e r e it n o t for the s t r o n g a n t i - E g y p t i a n b i a s r e f l e c t e d in t h e f r a g m e n t s : E g y p t i a n c u l t u r e is c o n s i s t e n t l y said to h a v e d e r i v e d from Babylonian culture. It s h o u l d b e n o t e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t a s i m i l a r t e n d e n c y is a l s o s e e n in A r t a p a n u s w h o is g e n e r a l l y t h o u g h t to h a v e f l o u r i s h e d in E g y p t . For this reason, an E g y p t i a n p r o v e n a n c e is n o t an i m p o s s i b i l i t y (cf. W a l t e r , J S (1,2) 1 3 9 - 4 0 ) . In any e v e n t , a S y r i a n - P a l e s t i n i a n s e t t i n g is g e n e r a l l y f a v o r e d . C f . F r e u d e n t h a l , 99. Hengel, J u d a i s m and H e l l e n i s m , 2 . 5 9 , n. 2 4 0 , f a v o r s a d i r e c t d e r i ­ vation from Samaria because the fragments are acquainted w i t h P a l e s t i n i a n H a g g a d a and t h e E n o c h t r a d i t i o n s . Also, cf. Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 112. 3.

Cf.

below

for

discussion

of

date.

4. E s p e c i a l l y d e c i s i v e is t h e o r t h o g r a p h y o f p r o p e r n a m e s : ' A B p a c u i , 'Evcox, M a d o u a a A a , M e A x I O C & C K , M e a x p a e i u , X a v a a v , X O U Q , XauCf. Freudenthal, 98; Wacholder, "PseudoE u p o l e m u s , " 8 7 - 8 8 , n. 3 0 . 5. by n.

So, Freudenthal, 83; Wacholder, 87-88, though doubted W a l t e r , " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , " 2 8 4 - 8 6 a n d J S (1,2) 1 3 9 , 9.

6. E.g., his use of Enochic traditions which may reflect a c q u a i n t a n c e w i t h 1 E n o c h , J u b i l e e s , and G e n e s i s A p o c r y p h o n . Cf. Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 88, 9 8 , 109. Similar h a g g a d i c t r a d i t i o n s a r e d i s c u s s e d in G i n z b e r g , L e g e n d s , 1 . 1 4 3 - 3 0 8 and n o t e s in v o l . 5 , and G a s t e r , A s a t i r , 9-61. 7. In F r g . 1, p a r . 9 P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s i n d i c a t e s h i s u s e of B a b y l o n i a n and Greek t r a d i t i o n s . Freudenthal, 96, notes h o w s t r i k i n g is the d e g r e e t o w h i c h H e b r e w , B a b y l o n i a n , and G r e e k t r a d i t i o n s a r e r e f l e c t e d in P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , as w e l l as t h e w a y in w h i c h t h e y are i n t e r w o v e n . Specifi­ c a l l y , B e r o s s u s (cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 9 4 ) , H e s i o d (cf. W a c h o l d e r , " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , " 9 2 - 9 3 ) , and possibly Ctesias (cf. G u t s c h m i d , K l e i n e S c h r i f t e n (1890) 2 . 5 7 5 - 7 6 ) . C f . F r e u d e n t ­ hal, 94; Schnabel, Berossos, 67-70; Gutman, Beginnings, 1.100-101; Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 58, 90-91, H e n g e l , J u d a i s m and H e l l e n i s m , 2 . 5 9 , n. 2 4 1 . 8. cf.

For a review Freudenthal,

of the 82-83.

earlier

history

of

interpretation,

162

Pseudo-Eupolemus

9. On the divergence of the Eupolemus fragments from the biblical text, cf. Introduction to E u p o l e m u s , and notes 2, 17-19. As to P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , the following may be noted: Abraham is dated in the thirteenth generation after Noah (assuming no textual corruption; Frg. 1, par. 3 ) ; A r m e n i a n s as the enemies of Abraham and the "Phoeni­ cians" (Frg. 1, par. 4 ) ; Abraham's capture of the women and children in his battle with the kings of the east (Frg. 1, p a r . 4 ) ; the miraculous protection of Sarah's chastity (Frg. 1, par. 7 ) . 10. The term is used advisedly. As Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.91, n o t e s , Pseudo-Eupolemus does not adopt a polytheistic outlook despite his use of pagan traditions. (Cf. however "the gods" in Frg. 2 ) . Freudenthal, 96, notes the evidence of A s s y r i a n - B a b y l o n i a n , M e d i a n - P e r s i a n , Syrian-Phoenician, Greek, and Israelite traditions within the fragments. 11. F r e u d e n t h a l , 88, also pointed to contradictory claims within the fragments. Most important, Abraham was depicted as the cultural benefactor "who surpassed all in nobility and wisdom," while Moses was cast in the same role in the other Eupolemus fragments. This difference can be easily exaggerated, however, since their respective roles do not specifically overlap: Abraham as the inventor of astrology, but M o s e s as the inventor of laws and letters. A l s o , it should be noted that even within the Pseudo-Eupolemus fragment, a contradiction occurs. Both Abraham and Enoch are said to have been the "original discoverer" of astrol­ ogy. Cf. Frg. 1, par. 4 and par. 8. Cf. Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 84; a l s o , Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1. 90, where Abraham becomes the "(re)discoverer of astrology." 12.

Cf. E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 2.

13. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 85-86, w h o notes that, assuming the strained relations between Jews and Samaritans in the Hellenistic period, it would have been inconceivable for a Jewish author to have spoken so favorably of Mt. Gerizim. Equally inconceivable would have been an author with Samaritan loyalties acknowledging Saul, David, and Solomon as legitimate Israelite k i n g s , Eli as high priest, or Samuel, Elijah, and Jeremiah as prophets of God. Nor would he have conceded Samaritan dependence on Solomon. 14. Besides the fact that he knew and used the LXX, the various features of their content which would have been inconceivable for a pagan are enumerated by Freudenthal, 83-84, e.g. the report "in good biblical language" that Abraham had gone to Phoenicia at the command of God, or that an angel had instructed M e t h u s e l a h in all k n o w l e d g e , and that this revelation was the source of all knowledge. The point of view presupposed is also telling, since he

Introduction - Notes

163

14. (cont.) cites other traditions, e.g. "the Babylonians say," or "the Greeks say," as if he were not a pagan himself. 15. This represents a refinement of a position advocated earlier by Dahne, and defended by Movers and Ewald, which had detected Samaritan interpolations within an otherwise pagan author. Cf. Freudenthal, 89 and 91, where he notes that it w a s through the carelessness of Polyhistor that the fragment was wrongly attributed to Eupolemus, an arch­ enemy of the Samaritans. W a l t e r , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 137, also notes the inappropriateness of the title "On the Kings of Judaea" for the contents of the two Pseudo-Eupolemus fragments. 16. KatoueCv (Frg. 1, par. 4, line 3; par. 6, line 20; and Frg. 2, line 5 ) ; rcapayeveadai, (Frg. 1, par. 5, line 11 and Frg. 2, line 1 0 ) . 'ABpa.au is more problematic than Freudenthal allows. Throughout Frg. 1 and at the beginning of Frg. 2, 'APpaau is used, but "Appauov occurs in line 7 of Frg. 2 with no significant variations within the textual tradition. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 91. 17. Frg. 2 had also been attributed to Artapanus (cf. Muller, FHG 3.212 = N o . 4, and followed by Riessler, 186 = A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 1, par. 4 - 6 ) . F r e u d e n t h a l , 14, 90, notes that unlike this fragment, Artapanus never cites his sources. 18. Accepted by G r a e t z , Schiirer, Susemihl, Stearns, as noted in W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 84, n. 11; also W a l t e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 2 82. So designated in collec­ tions of the fragments by Jacoby, Denis, and Walter. B o u s s e t - G r e s s m a n n , RJ 21, n. 2, still assigns the first fragment to E u p o l e m u s ; also, Schlatter, Geschichte, 189-90. 19. On the title, cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 2; also W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 84-85. 20.

So, W a c h o l d e r ,

"Pseudo-Eupolemus,"

21.

Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant.

22.

Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , No.

85.

1 3 . 2 5 6 - 5 7 ; 275-83; J.W.

1.64-66.

13.

23. In the cultural m o r e than the political sense, since Egyptian culture is finally said to be derivative from B a b y l o n i a n culture. F r e u d e n t h a l , 9 7 , notes other ancient writers w h o treat the Egyptians in similar fashion. 24. Especially significant is the fact that the Samaritans sided w i t h the Seleucids against the M a c c a b e a n s (1 Mace 3:10; cf. 2 Mace 6:2; Josephus, Ant. 12.252-64; also 1 1 . 3 4 ) . In this connection, Freudenthal suggests that Eupolemus and Pseudo-Eupolemus in their respective loyalties to Jerusalem and Gerizim cultic c e n t e r s , and Philo Epicus and

164

Pseudo-Eupolemus

24. (cont.) Theodotus in their respective portraits of Jerusalem and Shechem, may stem from an environment pro­ duced by the hostility of the Maccabean period when Samaritan and Jewish relations were especially strained. F r e u d e n t h a l , 102-103, also suggests that out of this conflict may have arisen a collection of pro- and antiSamaritan documents which would have been used in the d i s ­ pute before Ptolemy VI Philometor in Alexandria (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 13.74-79) concerning the legitimacy of each cultic center. This would account for their presence in Egypt where Polyhistor was likely to have been intro­ duced to them. If the fragments pre-date this conflict, this would provide an even earlier terminus ante quern. According to Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 86, use of Pseudo-Eupolemus is reflected in Sibylline Oracles 3.97, reliably dated ca. 140 B . C . E . Cf. J. Geffcken, ed. Oracula Sibyllina (Leipzig, 1906) 53 (on 3.97) and 59 (on 3 . 2 1 8 ) . Accordingly, Wacholder allows for a date as early as 200 B.C.E. Cf., h o w e v e r , Walter, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 2 8 3 - 8 4 , who sees the possibility for such a level of syn­ cretism in a pre-Maccabean setting. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.88: "between the Seleucid conquest and the Maccabean revolt." 25. H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.91, for example, notes that "despite the competing sanctuaries and the border d i s p u t e s reported by J o s e p h u s , contacts between Jewish upper classes and Samaritans did not break off completely in the third century B . C . E . " 26. Pseudo-Eupolemus is utilized by Montgomery, 284; Gaster, Asatir, 9-61; Kippenberg, 80-85; Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.88-92, 94-95. He is not cited, however, in the indices of Thomson, Bowman, Problem and D o c u m e n t s , MacDonald, Theology, Lowy, and other recent w o r k s . 27. Other Samaritan sources are noted by F r e u d e n t h a l , 101, including Sib. Or. 11.238-42, Thallus (= FGrH 256, Frg. 2; cf. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 2.61, n. 249) in J o s e p h u s , Ant. 18.167, Marinos in Photius 345b, 20 (Bekker). A l s o , Eusebius, P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 8 ; Justin, Coh. 102; T h e o p h i l u s , Ad Autolycum 3.29. 28.

Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 12.156; 13.74-79; Sirach

50:25-26.

29. For example, the central prominence of Abraham is confirmed, and Pseudo-Eupolemus illustrates the types of traditions about him generated within the Samaritan community. Freudenthal, 91, refers to P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , and the other fragments, e.g. T h e o d o t u s , as "the sole remains of the older Samaritan-Hellenistic literature."

Introduction - Notes

165

30. H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.90, remarks P s e u d o E u p o l e m u s ' "explicit interest in the history of culture;" also, 1.91, the fragments' "rational and universalist trait." He also contrasts (1.95) their universalist and international outlook with the more n a r r o w nationalism of E u p o l e m u s . H e n g e l , 1.89, also speaks of the "demythologizing euhemerism" of P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , noting that he freely incorporates pagan m y t h o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s , yet the figures from the OT story remain m o r t a l men. Cf. also W a c h o l d e r , " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , " 96, 99, 113; W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 139, n. 15. 31.

Especially

the view of earlier

scholarship.

32. Useful comparisons may be made with J u b i l e e s , Sibylline O r a c l e s , and the haggadic legends collected in Ginzberg, L e g e n d s . 33.

So, H e n g e l , Judaism

34.

Cf. above, note.

and Hellenism,

1.91.

4.

35. E s p e c i a l l y useful are comparisons with the Samaritan Greek translations of portions of the P e n t a t e u c h , the E a u a p e i x U H O V , from w h i c h fragments were quoted in early Christian w r i t e r s . ,.Cf. P. Glaue and A. R a h l f s , Fragmente einer g r i e c h i s c h e r Ubersetzung des samaritanischen Pentateuchs (cf. b i b l i o g r a p h y ) . W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 139, n. 8, notes the similarities b e t w e e n the Samaritan Pentateuch and the LXX over against the M T , and suggests that this may result from their common use of an older Hebrew text type.

166

Pseudo-Eupolemus

Bibliography Bousset-Gressmann,

RJ, 20-22, 74, 494-95; cf. 9-10,

7 2 , 435.

Bowman, J. The Samaritan Problem: Studies in the Relation­ ships of Samaritanism, Judaism, and Early Christianity (Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series, 4; P i t t s ­ b u r g h : Pickwick P r e s s , 1 9 7 5 ) . . Samaritan Documents Relating to Their History, Religion and Life (Pittsburgh Original Texts and Trans­ lation Series, 2; Pittsburgh: Pickwick P r e s s , 1 9 7 7 ) . Burstein, S. M. The Babyloniaoa of Berossus (Sources and Monographs on the Ancient Near East, v o l . 1, fascicle 5; Malibu, CA: Undena P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1978) 39 pp. Charlesworth, PAMRS, 77-78, 273. Cohen, J. M. A Samaritan Chronicle. A Source-Critical Analysis of the Life and Times of the Great Samaritan Reformer, Baba Rabbah (Studia Post-Biblica, 30; *~ L e i d e n : Brill, 1 9 8 1 ) . Collins, Athens and Jerusalem,

38-39.

Conzelmann, HJC, 145-48. 1

Denis, A.-M. "L'Historien anonyme d E u s e b e (Praep. Ev. 9, 17-18) et la crise des M a c c h a b e e s , " JSJ 8 (1977) 42-49. , Introduction,

261-62.

Doran, R. "Pseudo-Eupolemus," Ewald, History, 8.63.

in Charlesworth,

OTP.

Feldman, L. H. "Abraham the Greek Philosopher in J o s e p h u s , " in Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 99 (1968) 143-56. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria,

2. 962 :101 (ii).

F r e u d e n t h a l , Alexander Polyhistor,

82-103; also 105-30.

G a l l , A. F. von ( e d . ) . Der Hebraische Pentateuch Samaritaner (Giessen: A^ Topelmann, 1 9 1 8 ) .

der

Gaster, M. The Asatir. The Samaritan Book of the "Secrets of M o s e s . " (London/Leipzig: The Oriental Translation Fund, N e w Series 26, 1927) 9-42. . The Samaritan Oral Law and Ancient T r a d i t i o n s . Vol. I: Samaritan Eschatology (London: Search Publishing Co., 1 9 3 2 ) . . The Samaritans. Their History, D o c t r i n e s , and Literature (The Schweich Lectures, 1923; London: The British Academy, 1 9 2 5 ) . Graetz, Geschichte,

3.51, 625.

Gutman, B e g i n n i n g s ,

2.95-108.

Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften

(1890)

H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism,

2.180-95.

1.88-92, 94-95.

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Karpeles, G e s c h i c h t e ,

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1.180.

Kippenberg, H. G. Garizim und Synagoge; Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur samaritanischen Religion der aramaischen Periode (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und V o r a r b e i t e n , 30; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1971) 80-85. Kuhlmey, C. Eupolemi Fragmenta prolegomenis et instructa (Berlin, 1 8 4 0 ) .

commentario

Lowy, S. The P r i n c i p l e s of Samaritan Bible Exegesis (Studia P o s t - B i b l i c a , 28; Leiden: B r i l l , 1 9 7 7 ) . MacDonald, J. (ed. and t r a n s . ) . Memar M a r q a h : The Teaching of Margah (2 v o l s . ; v o l . I (text) and v o l . II (trans­ lation) ; BZAW, 84; Berlin: Topelmann, 1 9 6 3 ) . . The Samaritan Chronicle No. II Walter de Gruyter, 1 9 6 9 ) .

(BZAW,

107; B e r l i n :

. The Theology of the Samaritans Press, 1964).

(London:

SCM

Montgomery, J. A. The Samaritans. The Earliest Jewish Sect: Their History, Theology and Literature (Philadelphia: J. C. W i n s t o n , 1 9 0 7 ) . Poehlmann, W. and J. Miller. "Pseudo-Eupolemus." Unpublished seminar paper. Harvard N e w Testament Seminar. April 26, 1970. 20 pp. Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e ,

187-91.

Schmid-Stahlin, G e s c h i c h t e ,

2,1.591.

S c h n a b e l , P. Berossos und die b a b y l o n i s c h - h e l l e n i s t i s c h e Literatur (Leipzig/Berlin, 1923) 67-93, 246. Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e , Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e ,

3. 482. 2.652.

Thomson, J. E. H. The S a m a r i t a n s : Their Testimony to the Religion of Israel (Edinburgh/London: Oliver and Boyd, 1 9 1 9 ) . W a c h o l d e r , B. Z. "Biblical Chronology,"

esp. 458-62.

, E u p o l e m u s , 104-106, 135, 162-63, 205-206, 287-93, 313-14. , "How Long." 1

, " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m o s Two Greek Fragments on the Life of Abraham," HUCA 34 (1963) 83-113. Walter, N. "Pseudo-Eupolemos (Samaritanischer A n o n y m u s ) , " J S H R Z , 1,2. 137-43. , "Zu P s e u d o - E u p o l e m o s , " Klio: Beitrage zur Geschichte 43-45 (1965) 282-90. , Untersuchungen,

1 1 2 - 2 7 , 236-57.

alten

168

Pseudo-Eupolemus

Index to Editions

Fragment

and

Translations

One

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

9.17.1-9.

Reference Number in P.E.: Steph., Vig. 418c - 419d. Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS line 12 - p. 504, line

244-45;

(43,1) 8.1, p. 502, 9.

Editions: Steph., 244-45; Vig., 418c - 419d; Hein., 2.19-21; Gais., 2.370-73; M u l l . , FHG 3.211 (= No. 3 ) ; Migne, PG (21) col. 705 D 709 A (notes, cols. 1 5 6 5 - 6 7 ) ; Dind., 1.484-86; Freu., 223-24 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Giff., 1.528-29 (notes, 4 . 2 9 8 - 3 0 1 ) ; S t e a r n s , 68-70 (= Frg. 2 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 502-503; J a c , FGrH 3. 678-79 (= N o . 724, Frg. 1 ) ; D e n i s , 197-98 (= Frg. 1 ) . Translations: English:

Giff., 3.450-51; W a c h o l d e r , 313-14.

Eupolemus,

French: German:

Fragment

Riessler, JS (1.2),

11-12 (notes, 1 2 6 6 ) ; 141-43.

Walter,

Two

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

9.18.2.

in P.E.:

Steph.,

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43.1) line 18 - p. 505, line 3.

245-46; Vig.

420 b-c.

8.1, p. 504,

Editions: Steph., 245-46; Vig., 420 b-c; Hein., 2.21; G a i s . , 2.374; M u l l . , FHG 3.212 (= N o . 4, " A r t a p a n u s " ) ; M i g n e , PG (21) col. 709 B-C; Dind., 1.486-87; Freu., 225 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Giff., 1.530 (notes, 4 . 3 0 2 ) ; Stearns, 67-68 (= Frg. 1 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 504-505; J a c , FGrH 3.679 (= N o . 724, Frg. 2 ) ; D e n i s , 198 (= Frg. 2 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.452; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s ,

French: German:

Riessler, 186 (= A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 1, par. 4 - 6 ) ; W a l t e r , JS ( 1 . 2 ) , 143.

314.

170

Pseudo-Eupolemus

FRAGMENT

ONE

(1)

(Eusebius, P.E.

Euvqidei

de

9.17.1-9)

xouxoig

xal 6

noAu'iaxcop

'AAe^avdpog, noAuvoug COV xaL noAuuaOfis dvfiP xoig xe U M rc&pepYOv uevoig 5

xov

"EAAnai

'Ioudaicov

and naideiag xapndv

yvcopiucbxaxog,

auvxdEjei

xd

laxopei xaxd AeEjiv xdv

xaxd xdv

(2) 10

de

cpnai

AnO THE

ev

ndAiv

de

auxoug

AAEHANAPOY

xcp nepl Ba3uAcova

'Ioudaicov

(3)

neadvxog

npcoxov uev

pfjvai xaO' dAnv xfiv Y M V . iv ndAei

xf]g

BaBuAcovlag

Aeyeiv ndAiv Oupinv XaAdaicov

20

xdv

xouxou

Kauapivn,

(3)

diaana-

dexdxn de yevecji, cpnaiv,

(eivai de

ndAiv) , ev

*A3padu Yeved,

de

de

und xfjg xou Oeou evepyeiag xoug YLYavxag 15

(2)

xaxaxAuauou*

yiyavxag, olxodoueiv

laxopouuevov nupyov.

nepL

TPAcDHE

xxiadfjvai und xcov diaacodevxcov in xou eivai

nenoinxfj

'ABpady. xoOxov

nEPI IOYAAIQN

"EundAeuog

xrje, 'Aaaupiag

ev

xpdrcov

EYnOAEMOY nEPI ABPAAMTOY nOAYIETOPOE

dg

(1) 418c

fiv

418d

xivag

ueOepunveuouevnv

xplaxaidexdxn

euyeveia xal aocpia

yeveadai

ndvxag

unep-

Be:Bn>tdxa, dv dfi xal xfiv daxpoAoyiav xal XaAdal'xfiv

BION 2-6 dvf)p — xpdnov: xal yvcbpiuog xoug * EAAfivcov aocpoig, xdde cpdaxcov B | 7-8 EYn. — rPAd>. BION | 10 cpnai I: cpnaiv post de (lin. 9) transp. BON | 16 Kauctplvn r\v B | 18-19 iv xplaxaidexdxn yevea. 'A3. Yevecji M r a s : iv xotvuv dexdxn yevea. *A3« Y£veqL Freu. (not.; cf. 9 3 - 9 4 ) : {iv xpiaxaidexdxn} yevea. 'A3. {yeveqc} Jac. | 20 x a l M S S : xfiv Dahne (Jud. Alex. Relig., 2.221, apud Freu., p. 224) | 2

Fragment

One

FRAGMENT

(1)

(1)

171

ONE

1

And on these matters Alexander

is also in agreement.

Polyhistor

He is a man with a great

intellect and much learning

and is w e l l known

those Greeks w h o have reaped the benefits of by effort not by accident.

In his

to education

collection

Concerning the Jews he records the story of this man Abraham, word

for word,

in the following

E u p o l e m u s ' Remarks Concerning Abraham From the Same Work Concerning Alexander (2)

(3)

manner: —

the Jews By

Polyhistor

2 "Eupolemus in his work Concerning the Jews . 3 of Assyria says that the city of Babylon was first 4 founded by those who were saved from the flood. He also says that they were giants and built the w e l l 5 known tower. (3) When it fell as the result of the action of God, the giants were scattered throughout 7 the whole earth. In the tenth generation, he reports, (2)

g

in C a m a r i n e ,

a city of Babylon, which

some call the 9

city Ur

(and is interpreted

'a city of the Chaldeans'), 1

in the thirteenth g e n e r a t i o n ^ excelled

Abraham was born.

all men in nobility of birth and wisdom.

In fact, he discovered

both astrology

and

Chaldean

He 1

172

Pseudo-Eupolemus

eupeiv

enC xe xfiv eiJaeBeiav dpufioavxa euapeaxfi-

aai xcp deep.

(4)

xouxov

de did xd n p o a x d y u a x a

xoO deou eig oivixriv eAddvxa xpondg 5

f}Aiou

xaL

aeAfivng

diddEjavxa xoug $oivixag auxeov.

uaxepov

de

xaxoixfjaai, xal

xd dAAa rtdvxa

euapeaxfjaai

'Apuevioug

xoUg OolviEi* vLxrio"dvxeov de xaL xdv ddeAcpidoOv auxoO xdv

(4)

xaL

xcp

BaaiAeU

eniaxpaxeuaai aixuaAcoxlaauevcov

"ABpadu

| uexd olxexcov

419a

3ondf|aavxa eyxpaxfi yeveadai xcov aixuaAcoxlaauevcov 10

xaL (5)

xcov TtoAeuLcov aCxucxAcoxiaai xexva xaL npea3ecov de napayevouevcov

XPnUOtTa xoig

duaxuxouaiv

Aa^dvxa 15

Aa3eov dnoAuxpcbarj

xcov

£ev ladfjvai xe auxov und ndAecog

xdv

alxudAcoxa

Lepov 'Apyapi^iv,

dvxog

dcopa.

*A3pctdu dnaAAayfjvai

xd

dpog uijjiaxou*

Lepecog

Aa3eiv

xdxeU xaxoixeiv

(5)

npoeAeadai

eneuBocilve L V , dAAd xdg xpocpdg

veaviaxcov dnodouvai

de xou MeAxLoedex

20

npdg auxov oncog

xauxa, ufi

d eivai uedepunveuduevov

3aaiAeuovxog

yuvaixag.

xou Oeou

Aiuou de

eCg

(6) napd xaL

(6) 419b

yevouevou

Al'yunxov

navoixia

xfiv xe yuvaUxa auxou xdv 3cxaiAea

xcov Alyunxicov yfjuai, cpdvxog auxou ddeAcpfiv eivai. (7)

nepuaadxepov

auxfj

d'

auyyeveadai

laxdpnaev

xaL

OXL

auve3n

auxou xdv Aadv xaL xdv oixov, 25

xaAeaavxog

xouxoug

cpdvai

dxi O U X fiduvaxo

ufl

(7)

cpdeipeadai

udvxeig 6e auxou eivai xnpav xfiv

BION 2 xcp om. B | 3 eAddvxa <exei> ? Jac. | 4 x&AAa B | 8 ddeAcpidoOv B: -ddv ION | 9 a i xuaAcoxi ad ev xcov Jac. 10-14 x a L -- alxu. om. B [ 15 Lepov: <elg> Lepov ? Giff.: *Iepdv ? Jac. | 'Apyapi^eiv B | 16 u e d e p u n v e u duevov I: -veudev BON | 16-18 napd — dcopa om. B | 20 sqq. nepL xfig yuvaixdg xou *A3pctdu xaL xou 3cxaiAecog xcov Alyunxicov ola laxopei I [ 21 xcov ALyunxLcov: Aiyunxou B | 22 n e p i o o . -- O X L om. B [ fiduvaxo BI: eduvaxo ON | 23 auxfj: 6' auxfj B | 23-25 xaL O X L -cpdvaL: cpdeipouevou xoO Aaou auxou xaL xou olxoO, udvxeLg d* auxou xexAnxdxog etnov B | 25 xouxoug ON: xouxo I Jac. | 25 xfipav (!) etvai B | 1

m g

Fragment

One

173

science. (4)

Because he was eager in his pursuit

piety, he was w e l l - p l e a s i n g to God.

(4)

In

of

response

to the commandments given by God he came into . 13 14 Phoenicia and dwelt there. By teaching the 15 Phoenicians the movements of the sun and m o o n , and everything else as w e l l , he found their king.

Later, the A r m e n i a n s ^

favor with waged war

against

the P h o e n i c i a n s .

After the Armenians won a victory 17 and had taken Abraham's nephew as prisoner, Abraham, accompanied by his household servants, came to the assistance of the Phoenicians, gained mastery of 18

the captors, (5)

and women.

and captured (5)

When the ambassadors

requesting that he might exchange

the e n e m i e s '

children

approached

release the prisoners

for money, he did not choose to take

1

him, ^

in advantage

of those who had been unfortunate enough to lose. Instead, after he had obtained he returned

(6)

food

for his young m e n ,

the booty.

He was also received as a 20 guest by the city at the temple A r g a r i z m , which 21 is interpreted 'mountain of the Most High.' 22 (6) He also received gifts from Melchizedek who was a priest of God and a king as w e l l . When a 23 famine occurred,

Abraham removed

all his house and dwelt there.

into Egypt

Egyptians took his wife in marriage because (7)

had

said that she was his sister.

reported

(7)

He

Abraham also

rather remarkably that the king was 24

to have intercourse w i t h her,

summoned,

that the woman was not a widow.

unable

also that it happened

that his people and his household were When he had his diviners

with

The king of the

perishing.

they told

him

Consequently,

the

174

Pseudo-Eupolemus

Yuvaixa*

T6V

de

BaaiAea

eniyvtovai O I L yuvfi r]v auxfiv xcp d v d p i .

(8)

ev *HAioundAei 5

uexadiddgai Aomd

xoig

auxoug

xouxov auxoig

xou

Alyunxicov ouxcog

'Agpadu Hal de

Alyunxicov

LepeOat

xaL

xdv

"ABpadu

Acovioug

xal

e lanyfiaaadai, cpduevov

Aeyeiv

eivai K p d v o v

BaBu-

eupnxevai

npcoxov

ex xouxou de

xcov d>oivixcov, xouxou de

15

Aldidncov, Alyunxicov

ddeAcpdv

yeveadai BfiAov

de

eupnxevai daxpoAoyiav, auxdv

xaL

MadouadAav, 20

'Evcox*

xou

xou de

"AaBoAov, naxepa Meaxpaeiu, Aeyeiv

xdv

eivai de xdv de

(9)

xai

naxepa

Xouu uiov yeveadai,

Aeyeadai

"EAAnvag

BaBu-

Yeveadai BfjAov, dv

Xavadv, xouxov de xdv Xavadv yevvfjaai xdv

und xcov 'EAAfivcov

xd

eupnxevai, xfiv de eupeaiv

'Evcox dvaneuneiv, xaL xouxov

ydp

(8)

noAAd

xfiv daxpoAoyiav

npcoxov xf|V daxpoAoyiav, oux A l y u n x i o u g . (9) 10

419C

dnodouvai

auCnaavxa

Acovioug xauxa xaL auxdv auxfiv eig

xcov

dv

4l9d

de

naxpdg "AxAavxa

"AxAavxa xdv

'Evcox yeveadai

uldv

dv ndvxa di* dyyeAcov deou yvcovai xal

fiudg ouxcog e m yvcovai. "

BION 1-3 xcov — d v d p i : yvdvxa yauexfiv auxfiv 'ABpadu dnodouvai xouxcp B | 3-9 au£r|a. — Alyunxioug om. B | 3 sqq. 6xi xf)V daxpoAoyiav eig 'Evcox tog eupexfiv d v a neunei I | 7 auxdv Steph.: auxdv ION | 10-11 dv -- BfjAov om. B | 11 BfjAov I: BfjAov eig Aiyunxov ON: eig Aiy. B | 12 X a v a d v M S S : Xdu Bochart apud Freu. (p. 2 0 8 ) : xdv <Xdu> Xavadv Gutschmid apud Freu. (p. 224) | 13 xouxou: xouxov B | Xouu I: Xouv BON: xal Xouv Bochart apud Freu. (p. 2 0 8 ) : Xoug Gutschmid apud Freu. (p. 224) | 15 xou: xouxou Gutschmid apud Freu. (p. 20 8) | naxpdg G Mras: naxepa BION | 19 MadouadAav I: -adAa BON | m g

1

Fragment

One

175

king of the Egyptians (8)

learned that she was

w i f e , and he returned her to her husband. (8) While 25 Abraham was livxng in Heliopolis with the Egyptian 26 priests, he taught them many new things. introduced

(9)

Abraham's

them to astrology

He

and other such things,

saying that he and the Babylonians had discovered these things. But the original discovery he traced 27 back to Enoch, saying that this man Enoch, not the 28 Egyptians, had discovered astrology first. (9) For 29 30 the Babylonians say that first there was Belus 31 32 (who was Kronos ) , and that from him was born Belus 33 and Canaan. This Belus fathered Canaan, the father 34 35 of the P h o e n i c i a n s . To him was born a son, Cush, 36 whom the Greeks called A s b o l u s , the father of the 37 E t h i o p i a n s , the brother of Mizraim, the father of 38 the E g y p t i a n s . The Greeks say that Atlas discovered 39 astrology. (Atlas and Enoch are the same.) To Enoch 40 was born a son, Methuselah, who learned all things 41 through the help of the angels of God, gained our knowledge."

and thus we

176

Pseudo-Eupolemus

FRAGMENT

TWO

(Eusebius, P.E.

(2) "iv 6t ddeandxoig

9.18.2)

eupouev

xov

*ABpadu

otxoOvxag

iv xfj Ba3uAcov ic?. did

xcov

xfiv daeBeiav

und

dvaipeOfivai,, cov eva BfjAov excpeuyovxa xdv 5

iv BaBuAcovi xaxoixfjaai nupyov

Oecov

xe Haxaax.eudaa.vxa

iv auxcp diaixaaOai, dv dfi and xou

xaxaaxeudaavxog de "Aftpauov xfiv

BfjAov

eAOeiv

dvou-ciaOfivai,. eniaxfiUnv

eig oivixnv xaL

xdv

naideuOevxa

npcoxov uev

xoug OoLvixag

daxpoAoyiav

d i d d ^ o u , uaxepov de eLg A L Y U U T O V

(2)

Odvaxov

Bf)Aou

daxpoAoy ixf|V

10

dva-

cpepovxa eCg xoug yuyavxag, xouxoug de

420c

napayeveaOai."

BION 1-4 iv -- Odvaxov om. B | 5 iv Bag. xax. nupy. xe ION: xia BfjAog dvduaxi xax. iv BaB. nupy. xe B | 7 "ABpauov B | 9-10 daxpoAoyiav ScSdEoa I: daxpoAoyeCv did. ON: oug xaL dud. xauxnv B | 10 n a p a y e v e a O a i : anievai B I

Fragment

Two

FRAGMENT

(2)

1

TWO

(2)

"In some anonymous writings we found that 43 Abraham traced his family to the giants. While these giants were living in Babylonia, they were 44 destroyed by the gods because of their wickedness 46 One of them, B e l u s , escaped death and came to dwell in Babylon. There he built a tower and lived 47 in it. it.

It was named B e l u s , after Belus who built

After Abraham had been instructed

in the

science of astrology, he first came into and there taught the Phoenicians he went to Egypt."

Phoenicia

astrology.

Then

178

Pseudo-Eupolemus

ANNOTATIONS 1. In Book 9, chs. 16-20, E u s e b i u s cites v a r i o u s pagan w i t n e s s e s to Abraham (e.g. B e r o s s u s , H e c a t a e u s , N i c o l a u s of D a m a s c u s , and Apollonius M o l o n ) , gleaned from J o s e p h u s and A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor. Among them is this fragment taken from Polyhistor w h o attributes it to E u p o l e m u s . It is preceded by an excerpt from Josephus (Ant. 1 . 1 5 8 - 6 8 ) , and followed by an excerpt from A r t a p a n u s (= Frg. 1 ) , also taken from Polyhistor. 2. Cf.

I.e., P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Introduction.

an anonymous Samaritan

author.

3. The title is problematic in two r e s p e c t s . "Of Assyria" seems inappropriate for an account of the Jewish p a t r i a r c h s . "Of Syria" may have been read originally, since the two names w e r e easily and frequently confused (cf. Kuhlmey, 46). Rather than being part of the title, "of A s s y r i a " m o r e likely m o d i f i e s ndAiv Ba3uAcova (so F r e u d e n t h a l , 207; Gifford, 4.299; S u s e m i h l , 2.652, n. 87; W a c h o l d e r , "PseudoE u p o l e m u s , " 8 5 ) . T h u s , "Eupolemus says ... that the A s s y r i a n city of Babylon was first founded ..." As to the first part, nepl 'Ioudaicov, it is difficult to imagine a Samaritan author using a d e s c r i p t i v e title so despised w i t h i n Samaritan circles w h e r e other self-designations were preferred, e.g. Israel, H e b r e w s , the 'Sidonians in Shechem (Josephus, Ant. 1 2 . 2 6 2 ; cf. also Ant. 11.344; also, F r e u d e n t h a l , 89; H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2. 195, n. 233; C o g g i n s , 8 - 1 2 ) . Apart from this instance, 'Ioudaioi occurs nowhere else in the fragments. The original title may have been nepl ''EBpa.L.cov (so, F r e u d e n t h a l , 2 0 7 ) , or nepl 'Ioudaicov m a y have been a generic d e s c r i p t i o n adopted by Polyhistor rather than an actual title. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 85. 1

4.

Cf. Gen

1 0 : 1 - 3 2 , esp.

10-12.

5. The m i d r a s h i c tradition that the settlers were giants stems from the statement in Gen 10:8 that Nimrod, the son of Cush, who settled in the "land of Shinar" was a "mighty m a n " ("QJI), w h i c h the LXX renders as "giant" (yCycug,). Similarly, Gen 6:1-8, on w h i c h cf. Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 1. 158-59; also J o s e p h u s , Ant 1.113-15 and Frg. 2 below. Linking the giants w i t h the building of the tower of Babel would easily be prompted by Gen 10:10, w h i c h asserts that the beginning of N i m r o d s kingdom was "Babel" P ^ l ; LXX Ba3<~>Acov). In other t r a d i t i o n s , Nimrod, the builder of c i t i e s , is the anti-hero responsible for building the tower of Babel (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.113-15; Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 1.17 9; 5.19 8, n. 77; 200, n. 83. For the tower in other t r a d i t i o n s , hence "well-known tower," cf. Enuma Elish 6.60-62 (= ANET, 6 9 ) ; also Homer, Od. 7.59, 206; 10.120; Hesiod, Th. 185. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 93, for refer­ ences to other t r a d i t i o n s . 1

Annotations

179

6. In the biblical account (Gen 1 1 : 1 - 9 ) , the tower is deserted, not destroyed. Cf. Jub 10:26; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.118; also Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 1.180. 7. So, Gen 11:10-32. Also, cf. below, note 10. Compare B e r o s s u s , apud J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.158 (= FGrH 680, Frg. 6; Burstein, 2 1 ) : "In the tenth generation after the flood there lived among the Chaldeans a just man and great, and versed in the celestial lore." Whether Pseudo-Eupolemus is directly dependent on Berossus for this tradition (so, Freudenthal, 94; Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 92, 1 0 2 ) , or d e r i v e s the tradition independently (so, Schnabel, B e r o s s o s , 246; Feldman, "Abraham," 155, n. 44) is disputed. In any case, the biblical springboard is provided by Gen 15:5. 8. How Camarine came to be identified with Ur is not clear. There was a Camarine on the southern coast of Sicily (cf. Sib. Or. 3 . 7 3 6 ) , but no such city is known in ancient Babylon. Since C. A l e x a n d r e , ed., Orac. Sibyll. (Paris, 1 8 4 1 ) , 3.218, it has been suggested that the name is related to the A r a b i c word gamar, "moon," since Ur in the third millennium B . C . E . was a center of lunar worship. "Camarine" is used to fill a lacuna in Sib. Or. 3.218, based on the supposition that Sib. Or. 3.218-35, which asserts that the righteous people of~Ur eschewed astrologi­ cal speculation, is a polemic against Pseudo-Eupolemus. Cf. Ewald, History, 1.283; Charles, APOT 2.382; Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 100-101; Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 141, n. 3b. Its similarity to Shamerine, the self-designation of the S a m a r i t a n s , should also be noted (cf. Gaster, Samaritan Eschatology, 1 4 ) . 9. The "interpretation" of the name Ur, which makes explicit that Ur is the name of a city, may be prompted by the fact that the LXX, rather than transliterating *"HK, regularly renders D^ltt/D ilK as n x.topa xcov Xa.A6a.Lcov (cf. Gen 11:28, 31; 15:7; Neh. 9:7 = LXX 2 Esdr 1 9 : 7 ) . Freudenthal, 87-88, suggests that XaA6aicov T X O A L V may have resulted from 11K being read as "py. If Pseudo-Eupolemus is dependent on the MT for the etymology, he appears to have misconstrued it (so, F r e u d e n t h a l , 87-88, and Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupole­ mus," 88; cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 9 3 ) . If he is dependent on the LXX solely, he must have known of Ur from extra-biblical traditions about Abraham (so Walter, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 286). Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.151; Ewald, History, 1.283, n. 1. The occurrence of the "interpretation" here may point to an early recognition of the well-known crux in Gen 11:31. Cf. Speiser, Genesis, 79. 10. Gen 11:10-32 places Abraham in the tenth generation from Noah. A c c o r d i n g l y , the phrase "in the thirteenth generation" is either a gloss (Niebuhr and Kuhlmey, apud Freudenthal, 93, and thus bracketed by Jacoby and followed by Walter, JS; also Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 2.61, n. 2 5 2 ) , an additional tradition of the dating of Abraham's

180

Pseudo-Eupolemus

10. (cont.) birth supplied by P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s (N.B. c p n a t v ) , with the qualifying phrase (e.g. i) COQ evioi. Xeyoxjoiv) having dropped out, or omitted by Polyhistor (so, F r e u d e n t h a l , 9 3 - 9 4 , and reflected in Mras's conjecture ) , or an interpolation based on Molon (P.E. 9.19.2) who says that Abraham w a s born in the third generation after the flood ( U E T & xpeig yeveac; cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 94; Gifford, 4 . 3 0 0 ) . W a c h o l d e r , " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , " 100, suggests that it may reflect a different method of compu­ tation which used Enoch as the starting point. According to F r e u d e n t h a l , 94-95, since P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s connects Abraham with Nimrod (i.e. B e l u s ) , and the latter lived in the 13th generation after Adam according to Gen 10, of necessity Abraham too would have to be placed in the 13th generation. (Similar looseness in calculating the g e n e r a ­ tions in w h i c h the patriarchs lived is reflected in Sib. Or. 1.284; 3.108.) 11.

Cf. 1 Cor

1:26.

12. "Chaldean science," with T e x v n v implied (so M r a s ) ; o t h e r w i s e , the text should be emended (as, e.g. Dahne xriv daxpoAoylav ir)v XaX6a'iuf]v) , thus resulting in a single discovery. Cf. P h i l o , Abr. 71 if)v XaASatHriv e r u a T r i u n v ; also 77 and 82. H e n g e l , 2.61, n. 253, observes that XaAScuxri ( T e x v n ?) may refer to manticism and visions of the future. He also notes Asatir 2.6 (Gaster, 1 9 8 ) , w h e r e Enoch is said to have received the "book of signs" from Adam. H e l l e n i s t i c - J e w i s h portraits of Jewish heroes t y p i c a l ­ ly include motifs asserting preeminence in nobility, wisdom, and piety, but with v a r i a t i o n s . P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s ' claim that Abraham w a s the "discoverer" (or re-discoverer, so H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1,90, since Enoch in Frg. 1, par. 8, shares the same distinction) of Chaldean science a n d astrology is d i s t i n c t i v e , though elsewhere he is said to have transmitted the knowledge of astrology to the E g y p t i a n s (Pseudo-Eupolemus, Frg. 1, par. 8; also, cf. par. 9; A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 1; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.166-67; perhaps lQapGen 1 9 : 2 5 - 2 6 ) . The discovery of the "science of the heavenly b o d i e s " is also attributed to Seth's progeny (Josephus, Ant. 1.69-71) and Enoch (Jub 4:17; cf. 1 Enoch 2; 17-18; 41:3-9; 43-44; 7 2 - 8 2 ; 2 Enoch, esp. 1 1 - 1 7 ) . Jub 11:23-24 possibly depicts him as t h e inventor of the p l o u g h , but certainly as an innovator in agricultural technology. The role of "cultural d i s c o v e r e r " is also attributed to Joseph and Moses by A r t a p a n u s (cf. Frg. 2, par. 3; Frg. 3, par. 4; cf. A n n o t a t i o n s to E u p o l e m u s , N o s . 5-7). Philo, Abr., similarly stresses A b r a h a m ' s wisdom (68, 255, 275) and piety (60, 1 1 4 ) , but P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s ' positive valuation of Chaldean science, with Abraham as its inventor, contrasts sharply with Philo's negative a s s e s s ­ ment in Abr. 68-72. In Philo, Abraham's departure from "the land of Chaldea" symbolizes his conversion; he abandons his preoccupation with the created order, i.e.,

Annotations

181

12. (cont.) celestial bodies, and gives sole allegiance to the Creator. Similarly, Hut. 16, 70-76. His study of celestial bodies is also viewed negatively in Jub 1 2 : 16-18, as well as in certain rabbinic traditions (cf. Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 103, n. 130; also Ginzberg, Legends, 1.186-89). Astrology is also viewed negatively in 1 Enoch 8 and Sib. Or. 3.218-30. Abraham's adversarial relationship with Chaldea is also reflected in other traditions (cf. Josephus, Ant. 1.157; Jdt 5:7-8; PseudoPhilo, Bib. Ant. 6 . 3 - 1 8 ) . According to Feldman, "Abraham," a more sophisticated form of the cultural benefactor topos as applied to Abraham occurs in Josephus, Ant. 1.161-68, where he is portrayed as a philosophic innovator in a much more nuanced, and original, fashion. Cf. also B. E. Schein, Our Father Abraham (Unpublished Yale Ph.D. dissertation, 1972) esp. 24-40 on Abraham as philosopher and sage; S. Sandmel, Philo's Place in Judaism: A Study of Abraham in Jewish Literature (New York: KTAV, 1971). It is also worth noting that Jews were viewed by pagans as those interested in astrological speculation. Cf. Theophrastus = Stern, Authors , No. 4. Also, cf. extensive note on role of astrology in Jewish and Samaritan traditions in Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 2.62, n. 264. 13. Pseudo-Eupolemus' consistent use of Phoenicia for Canaan is unusual, though technically correct (so, Wach­ older, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 1 0 3 ) . It doubtless derives from Gen 10:19 where Canaanite territory is said to extend from Sidon to the southern tip of the Dead Sea, the probable location of Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboiim. In the LXX, fVJ^ is generally rendered Xavaav (e.g. Gen 1 2 : 5 ) , but occasionally OoiviHn (Exod 16:35; cf. 6:15; Josh 5:1, 12; Job 40:25; Prov 31:24 [v. I . ] ; but = f "i T "> K in Deut 3:9; Isa 2 3 : 2 ) . In any case, this change, along with his claim that Canaan was the father of the Phoenicians (Frg. 1, par. 9) reflects a pro-Phoenician bias, and provides further evidence of the author's Samaritan provenance (so, Freudenthal, 96-97; also Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 103-104; on the SidonianSamaritan connection, cf. Josephus, Ant. 11.344; 12.25764). Cf. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.90-91. 14. The translation follows Jacoby's emendation. app. crit.

Cf.

15. Cf.. Frg. 2; also Eupolemus, Frg. 1, where Moses is said to transmit knowledge of the alphabet to the Phoeni­ cians. Elsewhere, Abraham teaches astrology to the Egyptians. Cf. par. 8; also Artapanus, Frg. 1; Josephus, Ant.

1.167-68.

182

Pseudo-Eupolemus

16. Armenians are not mentioned in Gen 14:1-12 among the kings w h o waged war against the five Canaanite kings. In later Jewish traditions (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.171-78; lQapGen 21.23; Jub 13:22-29) the latter are identified as A s s y r i a n or Babylonian k i n g s . Poehlmann and Miller, 7, note that the Armenians may be cast here as enemies of the Phoenicians owing to the strained relations between A r m e n i a n s and the Seleucids which resulted when Artaxias and Zariadres, the two Armenian underlords of the Seleucids, deserted Antiochus the Great after his defeat at Magnesia in 189 B . C . E . and subsequently sided with the Romans who established them as kings (cf. Strabo 1 1 . 1 4 . 1 5 ) . Cf. also H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.61, n. 254. Armenians are the antagonists of Israel in other Samaritan t r a d i t i o n s , e.g. the Samaritan Chronicle (on J o s h u a ) , chs. 26-37, where Joshua fights king Shobhach and his allies, who include "Greater and Lesser Armina" (cf. MacDonald, Samaritan Chronicle No. II, 1 9 4 - 2 0 4 ) . Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 4.13-17, records another version where Joshua fights forty-five kings of Persia and M e d i a , led by Shobach, king of Armenia. "Armenia" may have derived from "Aramaean," since Shobach is an Aramaean general in 2 Sam 10:16,18; also 1 Chrl9:16, 18 (so, Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 6.179, n. 4 5 ) . 17. I.e. Lot. Cf. Gen 14:12, 16. ddeAcpidoOv (or, ddeAcpiddv, cf. app. crit.; also Cant 2:3 et al.) is more precise than the LXX (Gen 14:16 ddeAcpdv [ddeAcpidoOv v.I.]) and J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.176 o\jyysvr\c,. Cf. Freudenthal,. 207-208. 18. Or, if one adopts Jacoby's emendation (cf. app. c r i t . ) , "(re)gained possession of those who had been taken captive." Gen. 14:16 does not state that Abraham captured the enemies' women and children, although this is not an unjustified inference. 19. In Gen 1 4 : 1 7 - 2 4 , Abraham negotiates exclusively w i t h the king of Sodom. The transfer of the n e g o t i a t i o n s from the Valley of Shaveh (Gen 14:17) to Shechem, i.e. "the city at the temple Argarizin," is the most significant change. Otherwise, Pseudo-Eupolemus generally conveys the gist of the biblical n a r r a t i v e , though Abraham as generous victor is more sharply profiled. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 105. 20. P e r h a p s , "was admitted as a guest into a temple of the city called Argarizin," assuming that etc. may fallen out after rcdAecoc, (so, Giff., 4. 3 0 0 ) .

have

Annotations

183

21. ' A p y a p i C C v = D* i n , commonly written as one word in the Samaritan Pentateuch (cf. Deut 11:29; 27:4 app. crit. in A. F. von Gall ( e d . ) , Der Hebraische Pentateuch der Samaritaner [Giessen: A. T o p e l m a n n , 1 9 1 8 ] ) ; also, regularly D ^ T i n ^ i n in the Samaritan liturgy (cf. A. E. Cowley ( e d . ) , The Samaritan Liturgy (Oxford: Oxford Univer­ sity P r e s s , 1909) 2. p. L I V ) . In the LXX, h o w e v e r , it is consistently rendered opos r c x p i £ i v (Deut 11:29; 27:12; Josh 9:2d; Jud 9:7; cf. 2 M a c e 5:23; 6 : 2 ) . In the Greek t r a n s l a t i o n of the Samaritan Pentateuch (Deut 27:4 and 1 2 ) : apYO-piCiu (.f- - Glaue & A. Rahlfs, Fragmente einer griechischer Ubersetzung des samaritanischen Pentateuchs [Nachrichten der K. Gesellschaft der W i s s e n s c h a f t e n zu Gottingen. P h i l o l o g i s c h e - h i s t o r i s c h e Klasse (1911) 1 6 7 200, 263-66; repr. 68 p p . ) , 37, and 47-48 (note), 49. Similarly, J o s e p h u s , J.W. 1.63 (' Apyapi^iv) ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.14.68 {Avgaris) ; Damascius (6th cent. C.E.) = P h o t i u s , B i b l . cod. 242, ed. B e k k e r , p. 345b (rcpos o p e i . . . xcp 'ApyapCCcp xaAouuevop) . References given in Glaue-Rahlf s, who note that an "interpretation" would be required for Aramaic speaking Samaritans who only k n e w 0 ' P n m n as the name of their holy city, not as the original description of the m o u n t a i n . If a tradition of etymological interpre­ tation already existed in Samaritan circles, this may explain its inclusion in P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s . o p o e , ULjji.axou, h o w e v e r , is u n u s u a l , since uipioxos normally rendered 7I ""7V. D o u b t l e s s , the etymology has been influenced by the occurrence (4x) of uiiitaxog in Gen 14, and may have arisen through the association of Salem, or M e l c h i z e d e k , with Gerizim in Samaritan traditions (cf. W a l t e r , "PseudoE u p o l e m o s , " 2 8 6 ) . It should be noted that in Gen 33:18 D^ctf is translated EaAnu in the LXX, thus "Jacob came to Salem, a city of Shechem." E p i p h a n i u s , Panarion 55.2.1 (GCS, Holl) 2.326, also associates Melchizedek with Shechem. Cf. H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.89. It is possible that the etymology resulted from a confusion of the Greek (cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 8 7 ) . On the temple at Gerizim, cf. Kippenberg, Garizim und Synagoge. 1

c

p

> 1

s

22. Conceivably, 6copa could refer to the bread and wine proffered by M e l c h i z e d e k (Gen 1 4 : 1 8 ) . According to J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.181, M e l c h i z e d e k lavishly entertained Abraham's army. More likely, Pseudo-Eupolemus has diverged from the biblical text, w h e r e Abraham is said to have offered a "tenth of everything" to M e l c h i z e d e k (Gen 1 4 : 2 ) . Both the MT and LXX are admittedly ambiguous as to w h o actually gave the t i t h e , but the context seems to require that Abraham is the giver (so lQapGen 2 2 . 1 7 ; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.181; cf. Jub 1 3 : 2 4 - 2 6 ) . In any case, P s e u d o E u p o l e m u s ' version e n h a n c e s further the status of Abraham.

184

23. The following episode 12:10-20.

Pseudo-Eupolemus

is out of sequence.

Cf.

Gen

24. Similar accounts of the m i r a c u l o u s protection of Sarah's chastity are found in lQapGen 2 0 . 1 - 3 2 ; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.162-65; Philo, Abr. 96-98; cf. Jub 13:13-15. Also, Gen. Rabbah 4].2. Also, on the role of d i v i n e r s , cf. A s a t i r 6.16-19. 25. In Gen 12:10-20 no Egyptian nome is mentioned as Abraham's place of residence. lQapGen 19.25 locates him in Tanis (cf. Jub 1 3 : 1 1 ) . In other t r a d i t i o n s , Jews are associated with H e l i o p o l i s , largely owing to Joseph's m a r r i a g e to Asenath, daughter of Potiphera, priest of On, the H e b r e w rendering of the Egyptian name iwnw (Gen 41:45, 50; 4 6 : 2 0 ) . Later Hellenistic texts specifically mention Heliopolis (Artapanus, Frg. 2, par. 3-4; Jub 40:10; 44:24; T.Jos. 18.3) , and Jacob is said to have settled there (Josephus, Ant. 2.91). Traditions about Moses also locate him there (Artapanus, Frg. 3, par. 2 and 8; J o s e p h u s , AgAp 1.238, 250, 261, 265, 279 (Manetho); 2.10 (Apion)). The only biblical references are Isa 19:18, and Jer 43:13 (50:13 LXX) , where its status as a major cultic center is implied, though no mention is made of the w o r s h i p of the sun-god, A t u m - R e , for which it was well known. Given its later assocation w i t h the p a t r i a r c h s , and its reputation for sun w o r s h i p , P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s ' placement of Abraham t h e r e , associating with Egyptian p r i e s t s , and instructing them in astrology is quite understandable. H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.90, also notes the tradition of the wisdom of the priests of Heliopolis and of the Egyptians in g e n e r a l ; he also refers to Herodotus 2.3.1; 7 7 . 1 ; 160.2 and 54-60. 26. Visits by Greek philosophers to Egypt for the purpose of philosophical inquiry and instruction became a frequent o c c u r r e n c e , and thus a Hellenistic topos (cf. Feldman, "Abraham," who refers to A r i s t o x e n e s , frg. 12 (Wehrli); Isocrates, Busiris 28; 12.33; Diogenes Laertius 8.3; Iamblichus, Vita Pyth. 1 1 ) . Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.161, where Abraham goes to Egypt initially to "learn," but eventually emerged as a p h i l o s o p h i c a l colleague of "the most learned of the Egyptians" (Ant. 1.165; also 1 . 1 5 4 ) . lQapGen 19.26-27, though corrupt, may point to a similar tradition. In A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 1, Abraham actually instructs the Pharaoh himself, representing yet another variation of the tradition where the philosopher becomes the teacher of the king. 27. Cf. 1 Enoch 41-44, esp. 7 2 - 8 2 , where Enoch is intro­ duced to the mysteries of the h e a v e n s . A l s o , cf. above, note 12.

Annotations

185

28. In the genealogy in the following paragraph, the Egyptians are placed in the 3rd or 4th generation after the flood, that is, after Belus and Canaan (or, perhaps Ham). The antediluvian Enoch, by contrast, acquired astrological knowledge much earlier. Cf. Freudenthal, 95-96, who noted that here, too, Pseudo-Eupolemus is probably dependent on Babylonian tradition drawn from Berossus, who locates Edor-ankos and A-memp-sinos in the 7th or 8th generation. Cf. Burstein, 19. 29. It should be noted that the Babylonians and Greeks are quoted here as independent testimony for the claim made in par. 8: they reaffirm the priority of Abraham, and that of the Babylonians, especially over the Egyptians. 30. BfjAog ("Belus," "Belos," "Bel," from Hebrew >n, shortened form of >V^) is the title designating the pre­ eminent status of Marduk (also Merodach) in the Babylonian pantheon (cf. Bel 1-22; Arrian, Anabasis 3.16.4; also M. Jastrow, The Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1915) 213; Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria (New York: Blom, 1911; repr. 1971) 63-142, esp. 19, 38, 100; H. W. F. Saggs, The Greatness That Was Babylon (New York: Hawthorn, 1962) 3 4 2 ) . In Babylonian mythology, Belus assumes the role of Creator god (cf. Berossus, FGrH 680, Frg. 1 ( 8 ) , p. 373 = Burstein, 15 (Frg. 2, par. 3a & 3b, 4 ) ; also Enuma Elish 6.134 = ANET, 69. In some traditions, he is the founder of Babylon, having emigrated from Egypt (Diodorus Siculus 1.28.1; also Abydenus, FGrH 685, Frg. 1 & 6 ) . In other traditions, his son Ninus, and Ninus wife Semiramis, founded Babylon (cf. Ctesias, FGrH 688, Frg. la; cf. Herodotus 1.7; also Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 90-91). The Belus of Greek mythology is the son of Posei­ don by Libya; his twin brother Agenor is said to have settled Phoenicia, and his twin sons Aegyptus and Danaus are said to have settled in Egypt, at least initially (Apollodorus 2 . 1 . 4 ) . His competitive status, alongside Yahweh, is reflected in Isa 46:1; Jer 5 0 : 2 ; 51:44 (= 27:2 LXX), and, of course, Bel and the Dragon. Also, cf. Ep Jer 41; Ahikar 6.16. As Creator of the heavenly bodies, his association with astrological knowledge was natural (cf. Berossus (Burstein, 1 5 ) ; Enuma Elish 5.1-45 (ANET, 5 0 1 ) , though his status as an authority on astrology and astronomy is debated. Cf. Burstein, 15, n. 19; also Jastrow, Aspects, 207-54. 1

31. The identification of Belus as„Kronos, the father of Zeus in Greek mythology (cf. OCD , 573-74; W. K. C. Guthrie, The Greeks and Their Gods [Boston: Beacon, 1 9 5 0 ] , 3 9 - 5 3 ) , is unusual, though fusion of Greek theogonical and cosmogonical stories with Babylonian and Egyptian elements is already well established by the Hellenistic period (cf. G. S. Kirk and J. E. Raven, The Presocratic Philosophers [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1 9 6 9 ] , 9, 36.) On Kronos, cf. Philo of Byblos, Frg. 2C, par. 15-30

186

Pseudo-Eupolemus

31. (cont.) = P.E. 1.10.15-30 in H. W. Attridge and R. A. Oden, Philo of B y b l o s : The Phoenician History (CBQ M o n o g r a p h Series, 9; Washington, D . C . : Catholic Biblical A s s o c i a t i o n , 1981) 47-55. In Philo of B y b l o s , Frg. 2C, par. 26, one of the three children of Kronos is Zeus Belus. On the myth of the revolt of the T i t a n s , and its relation to Pseudo-Eupolemus and later Jewish and Christian t r a d i t i o n s , esp. Sibylline O r a c l e s , cf. Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 90-91; also H e n g e l , Judaism and Helle­ nism, 1.89 and 2.60, n.246. 32. Jacoby suspects dittography in this repetition of BfjAog; if so, BfjAov xal should be deleted. In some genealogical lists of Babylonian d e i t i e s , however, there is a double occurrence of Bel. Cf. T. G. P i n c h e s , The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (London: C o n s t a b l e , 1906) 46-49. The variant readings of ON and B represent secondary attempts to resolve the textual difficulty (cf. app. c r i t . ) . Freudenthal, 95, accounts for the second Belus as an attempt to bring the second fragment into conformity with the first. 33. Bochard's emendation of Xdu for Xavaav is adopted by Jacoby (cf. app. c r i t . ) , and followed by Walter, thus bringing what is clearly a corrupt text into somewhat closer conformity with Gen 10:6-9: "... from this one (Belus) was born Ham; this one (Ham) fathered Canaan, the father of the P h o e n i c i a n s . To him (i.e. Canaan) was born a son, Cush ... " Cf. Freudenthal, 208; H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.89. 34. Cf. Gen 10:15, where Canaan is the father of Sidon. N e v e r t h e l e s s , another indication of pro-Phoenician b i a s . 35. In the biblical genealogy (Gen 1 0 : 6 ) , Cush is the brother of Canaan, not his son, as in P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s . Xouu is most likely a corruption of X O U Q (cf. Gen 10:6, 8 LXX). On the debate concerning the orthography (cf. app. c r i t . ) , cf. Freudenthal, 208; Giff. 4.301; W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 94-95; W a l t e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemos," 285. A l s o , cf. Ezekiel the Tragedian, Frg. 1, par. 28.4. 36. A s b o l u s , an augur, is mentioned in Hesiod, Sc. 185. According to W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 95, he is here connected with the Ethiopians because of the literal m e a n i n g of aaBoAoc,, i.e. "soot," "darkened." 37. of

Cf. Gen 10:6, where Meapai-u XOUQ.

(= Egypt)

is the

brother

Annotations

187

38. On Atlas as the discoverer of astrology, cf. Herodorus of H e r a c l e i a , FGrH 31, Erg. 13, p. 218; Xenagorus of Heracleia, FGrH 2 4 0 , Frg. 32, p. 1010; Dionysius Scytobrachion, FGrH 32, Frg. 7, p. 237 in Diodorus Siculus 3.60.2; also cf. Diodorus Siculus 4.27.5; also cf. Hesiod, Th. 517; H o m e r , Od. 1.53. References cited in W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 96, notes 82 and 83. Cf. also Cleanthes, SVF 1.125, N o . 549, apud H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.60, n. 243. 39. Traditions concerning Enoch's access to the heavens (cf. above, notes 12 and 27) doubtless prompted this identification with A t l a s , otherwise unattested in Hellenistic Jewish w r i t i n g s . Accordingly, Enoch supplants the Greek mythological hero. 40. On Methuselah as the recipient of Enoch's heavenly knowledge, and the transmitter of tradition, cf. Jub 7: 38-39; 1 Enoch 76:14; 81:5; 82:1; 83:1, 9; 85:2; 91:1-2; 1 0 7 : 3 ; 2 Enoch 1:10, also 1 QapGen 2.19-26. 41. Cf. lQapGen 2.19-21; 1 Enoch 106.13; Jub 4:21; also H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.60, n. 243 and 2.164, notes 859-62. 42. This fragment also occurs in E u s e b i u s ' section on Abraham (cf. note 1 a b o v e ) . It is excerpted from Poly­ histor, and occurs immediately after a fragment from Artapanus (= Frg. 1 ) , and precedes an excerpt from Apollonius M o l o n , also taken from Polyhistor. 43.

Cf. Gen

6:4.

44. Perhaps this represents his adoption of a pagan mythological outlook. 45. Though no mention is made of the flood 8 : 2 4 ) , it is the event presupposed here.

(cf. Gen

6:5-

46. Belus here is doubtless to be identified with Noah (contra W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 9 4 ) . Other tradi­ tions record survivors from the flood and these may have influenced Pseudo-Eupolemus (cf. Apollonius Molon in P.E. 9.19; Nicolaus of Damascus in Josephus, Ant. 1.94-95; Berossus in Burstein, 2 0 - 2 1 ) . Cf. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.89 and 2.60, n. 294. 47. In other t r a d i t i o n s , it is Nimrod (cf. Gen 10:9-11) who is reponsible for building the tower of B a b e l . According to W a c h o l d e r , "Pseudo-Eupolemus," 90, Belus has supplanted Nimrod in Pseudo-Eupolemus through fanciful etymological interpretation of "Babel," as "Bel came" (yi Kn). On the identification of Belus as Nimrod, cf. Freudenthal, 94, w i t h numerous references.

ARTAPANUS Three fragments from the work of Artapanus are 2 extant. First preserved by Alexander Polyhistor, from

3 whom Eusebius quoted them,

they treat respectively

Abraham, Joseph, and Moses, primarily as they relate to Egypt. Title.

Two titles of the work are given: Judaica

(Frg. 1) and Concerning the Jews (Frg. 2, par. 1; Frg. 3, par. 1 ) .

The latter is to be preferred since it is also 4

supported, independently, by Clement.

Neither title

provides any clear indication of the nature and extent of the work. Author. self.

Nothing certain is known of the author him­

The name Artapanus is of Persian origin, and this 5

may point to a mixed descent. ed as something of an enigma.

He has always been regard­ The essential dilemma has

always been that the fragments appeared far too syncretistic to have been produced by a Jew, however liberal;

yet,

they are so thoroughly committed to the glorification of Jewish heroes and Jewish history that a pagan origin is 7 impossible. Accordingly, scholarly debate has been especially preoccupied with establishing his ethnic identity and ultimate loyalties, i.e. whether he was Jewish or g

pagan.

Although at one time regarded as a pagan,

there

is broad scholarly consensus now that whatever his motives, Q p.

Artapanus was Jewish. His social setting has been confi­ dently established through analysis of the contents of the fragments. He is now seen to reflect a less sophisti­ cated, popular outlook, perhaps even from a center other 9 than Alexandria. Date and Provenance.

It189 is only known for certain that he predated Alexander Polyhistor (fl. ca. 50 B.C.E.) from whom Eusebius quoted him.

The terminus post quern

190

Artapanus

is more difficult responding

to establish.

to pagan polemics against the J e w s ,

reminiscent of Manetho ly dated

(3rd cent. B.C.E.),'*"^

from the mid-third

B.C.E. •""•*"

Since he appears to be especially he is n o r m a l ­

to the m i d - s e c o n d

century

Efforts have been made to establish his 12

on Hecataeus Eupolemus

(ca. 300 B . C . E . ) ,

Pseudo-Hecataeus,

(ca. 167 B . C . E . ) , but these have not

any consensus.

dependence

produced

Since the existence of the Jewish

at Leontopolis

appears to be presupposed

the period of Ptolemy VI Philometor

and

in the

temple

fragments,

(180-145 B.C.E.)

is 13

perhaps the most plausible period

in which to locate

him. 14

Given the pervasively Egyptian cast of the Artapanus

1

citation of Egyptian

dependence on Egyptian

local traditions, and his

traditions as mediated

through

H e r o d o t u s , and probably H e c a t a e u s , an Egyptian 15 is virtually

certain.

which adequately of the work.

provenance

No other setting has been

accounts

Broad

fragments,

for both the mood and

proposed

content

scholarly agreement exists on

this

point. Genre.

Generally

classified

among Hellenistic

historical w r i t i n g s , in no sense do the Artapanus belong to the category of serious history

Jewish

fragments

in the way

Herodotus and Thucydides do; but, neither are they mere biblical p a r a p h r a s e s . treatment

Because they provide a glorified

of Israel's h e r o e s , they are now widely

as belonging

to the genre of popular romance

Their patriotic, even nationalistic plained

regarded 1

literature. ^

flavor, is to be ex­

in this way, and it is at this level that

should be read

as popular religious propaganda.

they Since

this type of literature often arises among peoples mutual

interest

in each other's

history

with

and culture, be

it Egyptian, Greek, Babylonian, or Jewish, this helps account

for the inclusion of traditions

from

cultural t r a d i t i o n s , and thus explains its flavor.

universalistic

Similarly, the apologetic dimension of the 17

ments is to be understood. often arose to combat

to

other

Such popular romance

ignorance about one's own

fragwriting

cultural

Introduction

tradition.

191

Because they originally were part of

Jewish historical

romance writing, they were not

to be taken any less seriously, sacred

traditions

depicts Abraham

preserved.

of the name Jews

as an emigrant

Pharaoh astrology

("Hermiouth"),

to Egypt who

and returned

Frg. 2, consisting

Egyptian

the

Frg. 1, consisting of only a few lines,

gives an etymology

Joseph story

thereby

for they embodied

through w h i c h their religious, ethnic,

and national identity was Content.

popular

and

taught

to Syria after twenty

of some thirty lines, condenses

years

the

from Gen 37, 39-47, focusing on his rise

fame, his eventual elevation

to "lord of Egypt,"

and his role as cultural benefactor of Egypt. by far the longest of the three from his birth to his death,

to

Frg.

fragments, treats

Moses

following in the main

storyline of E x o d u s , but with many non-biblical The account is thoroughly Egyptianized,

3,

the

additions.

however, as other­

w i s e nameless biblical c h a r a c t e r s , such as Pharaoh

and

his daughter, as w e l l as place n a m e s , are given

Egyptian,

or Egyptian-sounding

Joseph,

so Moses

names.

in this fragment

As was Abraham and

is presented

benefactor, though on a greater scale. trayed as a military

as

cultural

He is also por­

strategist who protects Egypt

fending off the E t h i o p i a n s .

Perhaps most striking

by is the

emphasis on Moses as the founder of Egyptian cults who organized

religious

life and came to be revered by the

Egyptians as himself divine. for its inclusion of M o s e s (par. 7 - 1 0 ) , (par. 1 3 - 1 8 ) ,

This fragment is battle with the

and his eventual encounter w i t h

in which the king died

is an abbreviated

A summary

(par. 2 3 - 2 5 ) .

and rearranged

account of the

account of the exodus is also

rationalistic

Also

omitting the Passover

Also noteworthy is the inclusion of local providing

Moses

Pharaoh

for blaspheming the name of God,

to life by Moses

p l a g u e s , though conspicuously 27-33).

remarkable

Ethiopians

the plot by the king to assassinate

but was restored included

1

(par.

given.

traditions

accounts of the crossing of the

Artapanus

192

Red Sea (par. 35).

Throughout this fragment, Moses

emerges not as the lawgiver of the Jews, as he does, for example, in Eupolemus, Aristobulus, Philo, or Josephus, but as hero and thaumaturge who accomplishes marvelous, if not magical feats, and never meets defeat. 19

Sources. Clearly, the LXX is a primary source, and there is little weighty evidence that Artapanus knew, 20 or used, the Hebrew Bible.

A variety of traditions are

included, however, which are also found in Herodotus, Hecataeus, Pseudo-Hecataeus, Diodorus Siculus, and Plutarch, but he is likely to have known these traditions through popular, oral sources rather than through any use or familiarity with literary traditions. History of Transmission. Artapanus is mentioned — 21 22 nowhere in ancient pagan or Jewish sources other than in connection with these three fragments. Josephus almost certainly knew, and used, his work, but does not mention him by name; 23

nor does Philo.

The first Christian

writer to mention him is Clement of Alexandria who cites two paragraphs from Frg. 3. 24 Freudenthal has reconstructed the history of the transmission of the Artapanus tradition as follows: Artapanus Alexander Polyhistor Eusebius Christian writers

Importance.

(x)

Numenius

Jewish Revision Josephus Christian writers

Midrashim

Artapanus has figured centrally in

scholarly discussion of theios aner traditions, particular26 ly as they became formulated in Hellenistic Jewish circles. His portrait of Moses as a thaumaturge, as well as his general encomium on Moses, has created interest in romance 27 literature as a form of religious propaganda.

Historical

value has been attached to several references in the

Introduction

193

fragments as they bear on the Hyksos invasion of Egypt. The fragments are perhaps most useful in assessing mode and degree of cultural assimilation and accommodation of 29

Diaspora Jews to a pagan setting.

Worth noting especial­

ly is Artapanus' adoption of a distinctly euhemeristic outlook in his depiction of M o s e s . ^

Artapanus has been

seen to reflect a much more liberal outlook, typical of a large segment of Diaspora Jews who did not find pagan traditions threatening or compromising to fidelity to their religious tradition.

194

Artapanus

NOTES

1. No early testimonia exist other than the references to A r t a p a n u s in the fragments themselves. For the medieval period: Chronicon Paschale (7th c e n t . ) , ed. L. Dindorf (1832) [Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 16] 1.117 = PG ( 9 2 ) , par. 64, col. 201A. Also, Chron. anonym, in Cramer, A n e c d o t a , Paris, 2.176, apud Schurer, L i t e r a t u r e , 207. 2. Among older treatments, the fragment now recognized as belonging to Pseudo-Eupolemus (Frg. 2) was attributed to A r t a p a n u s . Cf. Miiller, FHG, 3.212; Riessler, 186. 3. Frg. 1 = P.E. 9.18.1; Frg. 2 = P.E. 9.23.1-4; Frg. 3 = P.E. 9.27.1-37 (par. 23-25 are also quoted in Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata 1 . 2 3 . 1 5 4 . 2 - 3 ) . C f . Index to Editions and T r a n s l a t i o n s . 4. Cf. Frg. al, 216.

3, par. 23 = Strom.

1.23.154.2. So,

Freudenth­

5. On the name, cf. Freudenthal, 216. On the presence of Persians and Jews in Egypt, and the occurrence of the name A r t a p a n u s in Egyptian papyri and epigraphy, cf. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 2.985, n. 199, who also mentions the suggestion of M e y e r , Papyrusfunde der Eleph. , 28, that A r t a p a n u s might have been a descendent of the Elephantine garrison. 6. Among the most striking statements are A r t a p a n u s ' claim that Joseph founded sanctuaries at A t h o s and H e l i o p o ­ lis (Frg. 2, par. 4 ) , that Moses venerated the worship of Isis (Frg. 3, par. 1 3 ) , and that M o s e s consecrated Egyptian d e i t i e s , especially the worship of animals, and played a leading role in establishing Egyptian polytheistic w o r s h i p (Frg. 3, par. 4, 9, & 1 2 ) . This positive attitude towards Egyptian w o r s h i p is commonly contrasted with the negative attitude reflected in other Jewish sources, e.g., Sib. Or. 3.29-31; Frg. 3.22-32; Wis 11:15-16; 12:24-25; 15:18-19; Ep. A r i s . 138-39; Philo, De D e c a l . 7 6 - 8 0 ; J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 1.224-25. So, W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 123, n. 9. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.91, speaks for most modern schol­ a r s : "In him (i.e. Pseudo-Eupolemus) we find no traits tending towards polytheism, and one could w i t h much greater justification apply the term syncretistic to the fictional biography of Moses by the Egyptian Jew A r t a p a n u s . " 7. Besides the generally embellished portraits of the Jewish heroes Abraham, Joseph, and M o s e s , there are specific m o t i f s : Moses is exonerated in the slaying of the Egyptian, since it is an act of self-defense (Frg. 3, par. 1 8 ) ; he raises the Egyptian king back to life (Frg. 3, par. 2 5 ) ; Chenephres is struck with disease as

Introduction - Notes

7. (cont.) punishment for forcing Jews to wear garments (Frg. 3, par. 2 0 ) .

195

conspicuous

8. E.g., by D a h n e , G e s c h i c h t l i c h e , 2.201; Ewald, History, 2.89; Seguier, PG (21) col. 1567, note on 709 B 7 ; cf. Freudenthal, 148, 216. 8a V a l c k e n a e r , De Diatribe A r i s t o b u l o (1806), 26, had already regarded^him as Jewish, as did Herzfeld (1847-57) and Graetz (1878 ) (against Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 2012 0 2 ) , but the case was first convincingly argued by Freudenthal, 143-53, who explained the pagan overlay as the result of a Jewish author writing under a pseudonym, affecting a pagan outlook (esp. based on Ep. A r i s t . 6) . He characterized the work as a Trugschrift, and also pro­ posed that the same author wrote the Epistle of Aristeas to P h i l o c r a t e s , P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , and other pseudonymous w o r k s , including the Solomon-Vaphres correspondence in E u p o l e m u s , and the pseudonymous citations in A r i s t o b u l u s . Although Freudenthal's pseudonym hypothesis never gained acceptance, the Jewishness of Artapanus has never been seriously questioned since. With various qualifications, he has been regarded as Jewish by Schwartz (18951, Willrich (1900), Friedlander (1903), Schiirer (1901-1909 ) , Braun (1938), Dalbert (1954), Merentites ( 1 9 5 7 - 6 1 ) , Hengel (1969), and Fraser (1972). The generous inclusion of pagan traditions, and their thorough assimilation within A r t a p a n u s work, was variously explained: as not unexcep­ tional among ancient Jewish w r i t e r s , even the rabbis (Heinemann); as apologetically motivated, and therefore as necessary accommodations (Schiirer, Schlatter, Friedlander) ; as naive (Heinemann, D a l b e r t ) , and therefore indefensible (Ginzberg); as the result of pagan redaction, e.g. by A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor (discussed, but not defended by F r e u d e n t h a l , 145, 1 4 7 ) . For a more detailed review of the d e b a t e , cf. C o l l i n s - P o e h l m a n n , 1-7; Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 201-204. 1

9. Fraser, 1.704, "...his work ... points to a humbler milieu than that portrayed in the Letter (of A r i s t e a s ) ; " 1.706, "He is familiar with the native life of Egypt and the pure priestly traditions, and it is most natural to see in him not a member of the influential Jewish circles around Philometor or a later Ptolemy, but (as his Persian name suggests) as a Jew of mixed descent, possibly resident in another centre such as Memphis, where the residence of Jews from an early date exacerbated a problem w h i c h was still only nascent in the capital." 10. That he was responding to Manetho's account of M o s e s , or a similar tradition, has long been recognized. Cf. Freudenthal, 1 6 1 - 6 2 ; Braun, 26-31; Fraser, 1.706; C o l l i n s Poehlmann, 7; Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 2 1 2 - 1 4 .

196

Artapanus

11. Cerfaux, "Influence," dates him as early as the reign of Ptolemy IV Philopator (221-205 B.C.E.) because of the importance of Isis worship within the fragments, and other allusions to mystery religions; followed by Denis, Intro­ duction, 257. He is dated in the second century B.C.E. by S c h w a r t z , 1306; Dalbert, 44; Ginzberg, 145; W a c h o l d e r , "Biblical Chronology," 460, n. 34 (prior to the Maccabean revolt; also based on the reference to e l e p h a n t i a s i s ) . He is dated ca. 100 B.C.E. by Hopfner, 52; Reitzenstein, P o i m a n d r e s , 182; Walter, JS (1,2) 125. 12. Cf. Dalbert, 44; Willrich, Judaica, Geffcken, Apologeten, xiii.

111-12;

13. Cf. Frg. 2, par. 4, and note 28; also Conzelmann, HJC, 149. So, Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.704. 14. Cf. esp. Freudenthal, 1 5 7 - 6 0 , who notes A r t a p a n u s ' use of and familiarity with Egyptian traditions. 15. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.704, following F r e u d e n t h a l , notes that Artapanus makes limited use of the current language of administration, but that the native Egyptian element is very marked; also, cf. 1.706. 16. As to former classifcations, Schiirer, Literature, 2 0 6 - 2 0 8 , is typical in treating him under "historical literature." The shift in genre classification is indi­ cated in Charlesworth, OTP, which treats Artapanus in the separate category of "Romance." Interpreting Artapanus as representative of popular romance literature had already begun with Schwartz, "Artapanos," (1895) 1306, and was continued by Weinreich, "Gebet und Wunder" (1929) and Heinemann, "Moses," (1935). It was treated more fully by Braun, History and Romance, who explored the national character of hero romance literature as it developed among subject peoples. Braun distinguished between two levels of such literature. An aristocratic, more literary level, as carried on by priests or u p p e r - c l a s s , educated figures, would be addressed to audiences of comparable social status within the dominant culture. Examples would include B e r o s s u s , Manetho, and (later) Josephus. At a more popular, non-literary level, the literature would tend to be anonymous, and in it history, myth, and legend would be less clearly distinguished, indeed if at all. As the romance literature developed, it became "the spiri­ tual bread without which a proud people can stand the pressure of alien domination, and it is individual heroic figures in whom the feeling and longing of the masses come to a concentrated expression" (pp. 3 - 4 ) . Such heroromances developed around a variety of figures: Ninus and Semiramis (Assyria); Sesostris (Egypt); Manes and Metiochus (Phrygia); Cyrus (Persia); Alexander and Achilles (Mace­ donia) . Accordingly, A r t a p a n u s ' work reflects the develop­ ment of a M o s e s romance within Judaism intended to project

Introduction

- Notes

197

16. (cont.) Moses into the arena of national h e r o e s , but also to respond to anti-Jewish Egyptian p o l e m i c s , although not directly traceable to M a n e t h o , at least as old as the 2nd century B . C . E . T h u s , "In the fragments of A r t a p a n u s which provide us w i t h the oldest available version of this romance, M o s e s combines in a single life p o l i t i c a l , m i l i ­ tary, religious, p h i l o s o p h i c a l , technical and civilizing a c h i e v e m e n t s , w h i c h in the E g y p t i a n - H e l l e n i s t i c view were shared by the deities Isis, O s i r i s , T h o t - H e r m e s and the national hero S e s o s t r i s . Not only does he surpass each one individually, but also all of them combined" (p. 2 6 ) . H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 2.62, n. 2 62: " ( A r t a p a n u s ' ) . . . whole work, which is probably a romantic aretalogy, e x p r e s s e s a strong nationalistic feeling." Cf. also Walter, JS (1,2) 122: "eine Art h i s t o r i s c h e r Roman." Cf. C o n z e l m a n n , HJC, 149. 17. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 6 1 - 6 2 , who notes that in response to the charge that Jews were native E g y p t i a n s , later expelled, A r t a p a n u s emphasized their origin from "Syrian lands" (Frg. 1; Frg. 2, par. 3; Frg. 3, par. 2 1 ) . He also stressed that M o s e s was not an Egyptian priest, as Manetho charged, but the child of Jewish p a r e n t s , not adopted by M e r r i s , but "cared for" by her (Frg. 3, par. 3 ) . In a similar vein, Moses did not form a nation from a collection of Egyptian r e j e c t s , but was in fact the cultural b e n e ­ factor of Egypt (Frg. 3, par. 4 - 7 ) . The J e w s , rather than being those who hate other n a t i o n s ' gods and customs, recognize the value of popular religion, as seen through the work and example of M o s e s himself (Frg. 3, p a s s i m ) . In response to the charge that Jews never produced any great men, A r t a p a n u s presents Abraham, J o s e p h , and M o s e s as great cultural b e n e f a c t o r s who contribute especially to the welfare of Egyptian life. In response to the charge that circumsion is not a divine covenantal sign because Egyptians taught it to other p e o p l e , A r t a p a n u s shows that Moses actually introduced it to the E t h i o p i a n s and the Egyptian priests (Frg. 3, par. 1 0 ) . The apologetic aim of A r t a p a n u s is similarly recognized by V e r m e s , "La figure," 73; W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 125; T i e d e , Charismatic F i g u r e , 148-49; H o l l a d a y , THEIOS ANER, 212-229. 18. Schiirer, L i t e r a t u r e , 206, "... m e t h o d i c a l l y embellished ... remodelled by fantastic and tasteless a d d i t i o n s . " 19. Cf. esp. F r e u d e n t h a l , 152, 215-16, w h o notes the following: Frg. 3, par. 27 onueCov rcoifjoat, (Exod 4 : 8 ) ; pdftdov exftdAovxa d c p i v rcoifjacu (Exod 4 : 2 , 3 ) ; ferciAaBduevov xfic oupdg (Exod 4:4) ; NeiAov xfj pdBdop rcaxdEccL (Exod 7:20) ; par. 30 d u d ... enaoidcov d p d x o v x a r c o i f j a a i (Exod 7 : 1 2 , 2 2 ) ; par. 32, in regard to the terminology for the plagues Bdxpccxov (Exod 8 : 2 ) ; dxpidcoe (Exod 1 0 : 4 ) ; axvircac, Exod 8:16 ( 1 1 ) ; x d A a X a v (Exod 9 : 2 4 ) . A l s o , on Frg. 3, par. 31, Freudenthal notes that £tpdv XL r t x r i v d v could only be derived from the LXX (Exod 8:21 [17]) x u v d u u i a (cf. Ps 77 ( 7 8 ) : 1 4 ) , not Exod 8:17 MT my, "swarm."

198

Artapanus

20. C f . , however, Freudenthal, 216; also A n n o t a t i o n s , N o t e 5. 21. Freudenthal, 173, suggests that the Pythagorean Numenius drew upon the A r t a p a n u s tradition. Noting the similarity of spelling of Mouaaiog, in both Artapanus and N u m e m i u s , Freudenthal also suggests that the J a n n e s Jambres story as recorded in Numemius reflects the earlier version of M o s e s ' conflict with the Egyptian m a g i c i a n s / p r i e s t s found in A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 3, par. 29-31. The story is preserved in other pagan t r a d i t i o n s , includ­ ing Pliny, Nat. Hist. 30.2.11; A p u l e i u s , Apology 90. Cf. Gager, M o s e s , 137-40; Walter, JS (1,2) 122-23, n. 7. 22. S. Applebaum, "The Jewish Community of Hellenistic and Roman Teucheira in Cyrenaica," Scripta Hierosolymitana 7 ^1961) 27-51, esp. 49, apud W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 124, n. 13, reports two instances where Apxacpav, apparently as applied to a Jew, occurs in an inscription from Teucheira. 23. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 169-73, for a detailed comparison of A r t a p a n u s and Josephus; also, Bloch, Quellen, 60-62; Walter, JS (1,2) 121, and references in n. 3 to S. Rappaport, Agada und Exegese bei Flavius J o s e p h u s , 25-32, 113-20; W a l t e r , Untersuchungen, 70-76. According to Walter, JS (1,2) 121, Josephus worked either from the original or from a reworked version of A r t a p a n u s . 1

24. Parts of A r t a p a n u s work are used, or alluded to in later Christian w o r k s . Cf. testimonia for the medieval period in note 1, above. A l s o , traditions from A r t a p a n u s appear to have been preserved, independent of Josephus and Eusebius, in a medieval Syrian work, traceable to Isho'dad of Merw. Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , Note 56. 25.

Freudenthal, 174.

26. Cf. especially, Weinreich, "Gebet und Wunder" (con­ tinued in the work of his student Merentites in his c o m m e n t a r y ) ; Bieler, THEIOS ANER, 2.30-33; Georgi, Gegner, 1 4 7 - 5 1 , 201; Tiede, Charismatic F i g u r e , 146-77; Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 199-232. 27.

E.g., Hadas, Hellenistic C u l t u r e , 90, 96, 125, 172.

28. Especially emphasized by F r e u d e n t h a l , 156-57; though, cf. Walter, Untersuchungen, 68-69; also JS 125, n. 19. 29. Especially, Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 123. 30. Cf. Freudenthal, 146; Heinemann, W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 123-24.

(1,2)

passim;

"Moses," 368;

Introduction - Bibliography

199

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(1962)

257-58

Meyer, E. Per Papyrusfund von Elephantine J. C. H i n r i c h s , 1912) 28.

[in G r e e k ] . (Leipzig:

R a p p a p o r t , S. Agada und Exegese bei Flavius Josephus (Wien: A l e x a n d e r Kohut M e m o r i a l Foundation, 1930) 2 5 - 3 2 , 113-26. R e i t z e n s t e i n , R. Poimandres. Studien zur g r i e c h i s c h agyptischen und fruhchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig: T e u b n e r , 1904) 182. Schalit, A. .

"Artapanus," EncJud pTrmn

m^lftTp

Schlatter, Geschichte, Schmid-Stahlin,

(1971)

193-96.

Geschichte,

Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e ,

3

(Jerusalem,

2,1.590.

3. 477-80.

645-46. 2

1955 )

xlvii-xlix.

Introduction - Bibliography

Schwartz, "Artapanos," PW 2/1 Susemihl, Geschichte,

201

(1895) 1306.

2.646-47.

Tiede, Charismatic Figure, 14 6-77. Tonneau R. M. "Moise dans la tradition syrienne," in M o i s e : 1' homme de 1'alliance (Paris: Desclee &'• Cie., 1955) 245-65. /#

Vaillant, H i s t o r i c i s , 74-83. V e r m e s , G. "La figure de Moise au tourant de deux testa­ m e n t s , " in M o i s e , 1'homme de 1'alliance (Paris: Desclee & C i e . , 1955) 63-92. Wacholder, "Biblical Chronology," Walter, N. "Artapanus," JSHRZ , Untersuchungen,

459-60.

(1,2) 121-36.

57-85, 176-215.

Weinreich, 0. "Gebet und Wunder. Zwei Abhandlungen zur Religions- und Literaturgeschichte." (1. Abhandlung: "Primitiver G e b e t s e g o i s m u s , " 169-99; 2. Abhandlung: "Tiiroffnung im Wunder-, Prodigien- und Zauberglauben der A n t i k e , des Judentums und Christentums," 200-452) in Festschrift Genethliakon Wilhelm Schmid (edd. F. Focke, et al~7~; Tubinger Beitrage zur A l t e r t u m s wissenschaft, 5; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1929; repr. in 0. Weinreich, Religionsgeschichtliche Studien (Darmstadt: W i s s e n s c h a f t l i c h e Buchgesellschaft, 1968) 1-298) 298-309, esp. 299, 307. Willrich, Judaica, 111-17. . Juden und Griechen vor der makkabaischen Erhebung (Gottingen, 1895) 160. ' ' ~ ~

202

Artapanus

Index to Editions and

Fragment

Translations

One

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

9.18.1.

in P.E.:

Steph., 245; Vig.,

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS lines 10-18.

420

a-b.

(43,1) 8.1, p. 504,

Editions: Steph., 245; Vig., 420 a-b; Hein., 2.21; G a i s . , 2.373-74; M u l l . , FHG 3.212-13 (= N o . 4 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21), col. 709 B (notes, col. 1 5 6 7 ) ; Dind., 1.486; Freu., 231 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Giff., 1.529-30 (notes, 4 . 3 0 1 - 3 0 2 ) ; Stearns, 42-43 (= Frg. 1 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 504; Jac.,FGrH 3. 680-81 (=No.726,Frg. 1 ) ; D e n i s , 186 (= Frg. 1) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.451.

French: German:

Fragment

Riessler, 186 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Walter (JS, 1 . 2 ) , 127 (= Frg. 1 ) .

Two

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number 430b.

9.23.1-4.

in P.E.:

Steph., 251; Vig., 429b -

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 516, line 11 - p. 517, line 14. Editions: Steph., 251; Vig., 429b-430b; Hein., 2.31-32; G a i s . , 2.390-92; M u l l . , FHG 3.219 (= N o . 1 0 ) ; M i g n e , PG ( 2 1 ) , col. 725 A - D (notes, col. 1 5 7 3 ) ; Dind., 1.496-97; Freu., 231-32 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Giff., 1.539-40 (notes, 4 . 3 0 9 - 1 0 ) ; Stearns, 44-46 (= Frg. 2 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 516-17; J a c , FGrH 3.681 (= N o . 726, Frg. 2 ) ; D e n i s , 186-87 (= Frg. 2 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.460.

French: German:

Riessler, 186-87 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Walter (JS, 1 . 2 ) , 127-28 (= Frg. 2 ) .

Introduction - Index

Fragment

203

Three

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number 436d.

9.27.1-37.

in P.E.:

Steph., 252-55; Vig.

431d -

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 519, line 8 - p. 524, line 12. Editions: Steph., 252-55; Vig., 431d-436d; Hein., 2.33-38; G a i s . , 2.394-404; M u l l . , FHG 3.220-24 (= No. 1 4 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21), col. 728 C - 736 B (notes, col. 1 5 7 3 - 7 4 ) ; Dind., 1.498-505; Freu., 232-36 (= Frg. 3 ) ; Giff., 1.542-47 (notes, 4 . 3 1 2 - 1 5 ) ; S t e a r n s , 46-56 (= Frg. 3 ) ; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 519-24; J a c , FGrH 3. 68286 (= N o . 726, Frg. 3 ) ; D e n i s , 187-95 (= Frg. 3 ) . Translations: English:

Giff., 3.462-67; Tiede, F i g u r e , 317-24.

Charismatic

French: German:

Fragment

3b = Frg.

Source:

Riessler, 187-91 (= Frg. 3 ) ; Walter (JS, 1 . 2 ) , 128-36 (= Frg. 3 ) . 3, par. 23-25.

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a ,

Greek Text Used: lines 9-18.

Stromata

Stahlin-Friichtel, GCS

1.23.154.2-3. (52) , p. 96,

Editions: Dind., 2.124 (notes, 4 . 2 2 8 ) ; Migne, PG ( 8 ) , col. 900 B - 901 A; Caster, SC (30), 1.155; J a c , FGrH 3.684-85 (= N o . 726, Frg. 3. 23-25b) ; Stahlin-Friichtel, GCS (52) p. 96; Denis, 192 (= Frg. 3.23-25 p a r a l l e l ) . Translations: English:

Wilson

(ANF),

2.335.

French:

Caster

(SC, 3 0 ) , 1.155.

German:

Stahlin

(BK, 1 7 ) , 3.128-29.

204

Artapanus

FRAGMENT

ONE

(Eusebius, P.E.

9.18.1)

APTAFfANOY nEPI TOY AYTOY • TOY IIOAYIETOPOE

AnO THE AYTHE

(1) | "'Apxdnxxvog 6e cpnaiv ev xoig xoug uev *Iou6aioug 6vou.d£eaOaL 5

ue^epunveuOev HaAeUadai

6e

naxd xf]v aOxoug

xc5v

ELMOOL

TtdAiv elg xoug

xououg* AtY^Tixcp

xcov

6e

xaxaueUvaL

duo

rcpog

Hal

Eupiav

xfiv

xriv

420b

eneZ

duaAAaYxivou

auveAOovxcov

6id

*A|3padu.ou.

AIYUTLXOV

u e i v a v x a 6e exn

naxd

xouiip

etg

OapeOooOnv

daxpoAoYLav auxov 6i6dFai" 10

(1)

'Epuioud, 6 etvai

* E(3paioug

fiaoiXea.

ALYUTTXLGLIV

'Iou6a'iKOig

*EAAnvi6a cpcovfiv *Iou6aioi*

xouxov 6e cpnat n a v o t H i a eAOeiv TOV

420a

TPAOHE

noAAoug

eu6aiu.oviav

ev xfjg

xcapag. "

FRAGMENT

TWO

(Eusebius, P.E.

Touxoig KaL 15

9.23.1-4)

xd eEjfjg Ttepl xou

' Icoaficp

en xf)g

auxfig xoO noAu'iaxopog Ypcupfjg fercLauvncpOw APTAnANOY nEPI TOY IfiEH®• TOY nOAYIETOPOE

AnO THE

AYTHE

rPA$HL

(1) "'Apxdnavog 6e cpnaiv fev xcp nepL 'Iou6aioov xcp *A(3padu 'Icoaficp 20

*IaHcb3ou*

auveaei

duoYOvov 6e

nal

Yeveadai,

ulov

cppovriaei rcapd

6fe

(1) 429c

xoug

BION 1-2 A P T . — rPAS>. ON: om. I: 'Apx. — Atjxou B } 8 xcov A L Y U T I X L C O V om. B | Oapedobvnv Steph. | 9-10 S C H O O L eneC B [ 11 xouxcp: xouxoov I | 14 e^ng I: om. BON [ 14-15 xng auxfjg om. B | 15 YPCtcpfjg om. B | eniauvncpdai, I | 16-17 A P T . -- TPAO. O: 'Apx. nepL xou 'Icoa.- 'Arco X O O auxou xoO IIoA. YPOtcpfjg N: 'Apx. nepl 'Two. B: om. I | 18 'Apxaudvog ON | 19 'A(3pa.du B |

Fragment

One

FRAGMENT

205

ONE 2

A r t a p a n u s ' Remarks Concerning the Same Man; From the Same Work by

Polyhistor

3 (1)

(1) "Artapanus, in his work Judaica, 4 the Jews were named Hermiouth, which means when translated

into the Greek

that they were called Hebrews Abraham.

language; and he

says

from the time of

He also says that Abraham

entire household

says that 4a "Jews"

came with

his

into Egypt to P h a r e t h o t h e s ,

king of the E g y p t i a n s , and taught him

the 7 astrology. g

After he had remained returned

to the regions of Syria,

who had accompanied attracted FRAGMENT

there twenty y e a r s , 9

but many of

him remained behind

concerning

to these things, let me also

relate

is said next

Joseph:

A r t a p a n u s ' Remarks Concerning From the Same Work of (23.1) 12 the Jews

in Egypt,

TWO

In addition

descended

those

by the prosperity of the country." ®

from this same work of Polyhistor what

(1)

he

"Artapanus

Joseph;

Polyhistor

says in his book

Concerning

that Joseph, the son of Jacob, was from Abraham.

Because he excelled

all the

Artapanus

206

dAAoug

dieveyxdvxa uno x<3v ddeAcpcov eni3ouAeudfivai/

npo'idduevov

de

daxuye ixdvcov dLaxouLaai,' 5

etvai

xfiv

xoug

yap

eniauaxaaiv

'Apd3cov

eig

xfiv

XCOV

'Apd3cov BaaiAeig

eAddvxa de auxdv

xadevxa

10

'Iaadx

dnoydvoug

de-ddeAcpoug.

eig xfiv A'iyunxov xal a u a -

xcp 3cxaiAei dioixnxfiv xfjg dAng

xcopag.

eAaaadvcov

xouxov

npcoxov

und

xcov xpeiaadvcov

xfiv

xe

yfiv

(2)

yeveadai

xai npdxepov dxdxxcog xcov Alyunxicov

uopouvxcov, did xd xfiv xcopav ddiaipexov xcov

auxdv

de xd evxuyxcxvduevov noifjaai'

XOUQ

'Iapaf)A, uloug xou 'ABpadu, (2)

dendfjvai xcov

A'iyunxov

yeco-

429d

etvai, xai

ddixouuevcov,

dieAeiv

xaL dpoig

diaanufivaaOai xaL noAAfiv xepaeuouevnv yecopyfiaiuov dnoxeAeaai 15

xai xivag xcov

dnoxAnpcoaai.

(3)

xouxov

auxdv

dyanndfjvai.

yfjucu d' auxdv

duyaxepa, eg n£

| npdg auxdv

xaxoixiadfjvai

xfj

de

cpnai

Lepov

xaL

xal u e x p a

eupeiv

(3)

did xauxa

* HAiounoAixou

xoui^ovxag

xoug Eupoug nAeovdaai

lepeuaiv

lepecog

yevvfjaai naidag.

xaL xoug ddeAcpoug ev

xoig

und xcov ALyunxLcov

de xauxa napayeveadai

25

de

xaL ueydAcog

'Aaeved

20

dpoupcov

uexd

xdv xe n a x e p a

noAAfiv unapEiv

430a

xal

'HAiou ndAei xaL Edei xaL ev xfj Alyunxcp.

(4) xouxoug

(4)

xd ev 'Adcbg xaL xd ev 'HAioundAei

xaxaaxeudaai

xoug

'Epuc-oud

uexd de xauxa xeAeuxfjaai xdv

dvoua£ouevoug.

xe 'Icoaficp

xaL xdv

BION 2 npo'idduevov Dind.: npoe idduevov B ( E L r a s . partim) ION | dendfjvai B O : dedfivai I: deixdfjvai 0 N | 4 de xd evxuyx. d' ouxco B | 6 'IauariA, ulou Gais. | "A3pocdu O N : 'A3pctdu BI | 9-15 xaL -- eupeiv om. B | 17 *HAiounoAixou om. B |18 'Aaeved Steph. (cf. D e m e t r i u s , Frg. 2 , p a r . 1 2 ) : 'Aoaeved ION: 'Aaevedeu B : 'Aaexedeu B | 18-19 eE -- xauxa om. B | 19 napay. de B | 21 xaxoixfjaai B | 'HAiou ndAei B O N : ndAei I Steph. | xaL Edei Giff.: xaL Eael O N : xaL Ealv I: om. B: Kaiadv Steph.: xaL Edv (= Tanis) Freu. (p. 2 1 7 ) : ev ndAeL xaAouuevn Edv (vel Keaadv) ? J a c . (cf. F r g . 3, par.2) 22 xouxov B | 23 xd ev 'Adcbg: xd ev neidcp Seguier (PG (21), c o l . 1573) | ev 'Adcbg xaL xd om. B | 24-p.208, 1 xoug — ALyunxLcov om. B | 25 xe O N : om. I | 'Icoaficp: 'A3pctdu vel ' Iaxco3 ? J a c . (cf. F r g . 3, p a r . 1) | 2

1

!

Fragment

Two

207

other sons of Jacob in wisdom and his brothers plotted

against him.

understanding, Anticipating

the

conspiracy, however, he besought the neighboring 14 15 Arabs to transport him to Egypt, and they did as he requested,

for the kings of the A r a b s , being

sons of Abraham (2) of Israel.

and brothers of Isaac, are

(2)

descendants

After he came into Egypt and became

acquainted w i t h the king, he became minister 17 finance

for the entire country.

the Egyptians had

farmed

strong.

of

Prior to that

the land haphazardly

the countryside was not divided consequently

the

time

because

into allotments,

and

the weak were treated unfairly by the

Joseph w a s the very

first to subdivide

land, to indicate this w i t h b o u n d a r i e s , to

the

render

much of the waste land tillable, to assign some of 18 (3) the arable land to the priests. it was he who discovered m e a s u r e s ,

(3) In

addition,

and he was

greatly

loved by the Egyptians because of these accomplish19 20 ments. He married Asenath, the daughter of a 21 . 2 priest of H e l i o p o l i s , by whom he fathered children. Later, both his father and his brothers came to him, 23 bringing with them many p o s s e s s i o n s . They settled 24 25 in Heliopolis and Sais, and the Syrians multiplied (4) in Egypt. (4) He says that these people named 26 27 Hermiouth built both the temple in Athos and the 28 one in H e l i o p o l i s . Eventually Joseph and the king

208

Artapanus

3a.aiA.ea. xcov At Y U T T X LCOV . xfJQ A L Y U T I X O U xaxd

xfiv

xov ouv

X O V XCOV euxd

cpopdv

excov aUxov, Yevojievov

drcAexov,

napadeadac

ALYUTITOU

6eaTi6xr)v YeveaOac."

FRAGMENT

THREE

5

' Icoaficp n p a x o u v x a

(Eusebius, P.E.

nal

xfie

9.27.1-37)

APTAEIANOY nEPI MfiEEfiE OMOIQE

431d >

(1) "'Apxduavog 6e cpnacv ev xfi nepL Iou6aLcov, t

A3padu

xeAeuxriaavxoc, nal

OevcoO, O U O L C O Q xfiv 10

6e nal

6uvaaxeuav

uavcodriv.

(2)

xoO ulou auxou Meu.'Jjexa-

xou 3cxaLAecoe xcov A L Y U T C X L C O V ,

TxapaAa3eUv xov uLov auxou xouxov

Txpoacpepeadac •

6e xoUg

xal upcoxov

naA-

'Iou6aLOis cpauAcog

uev xriv xe Edcv

(3) 15

ev

'HAcounoAeL

xouxov

Xevecppfj X L V L

&t

3aAeadai Mcouaov 20

vaov

uoAAouc, xauxnv

XLVOC.

6e

XCOV

ovoudaaL*

Ydp

axecpav

6e

Meppcv,

nv

xfjg

devxa

6' auxov

Tiapa6ouvaL

-

'Opcpecog

uoAAd

XOLQ

nal Ydp nAoca

urcdpxouaav

UTXO-

TxaL6iov, xouxo 6e

xcov

* EAArivcov

auxov (4)

6i6da>taAov. dv&pcodvdpconoLC.

euxPucrxa

xaL unxavdc, npOQ

xdg

ALdoOeatag nal xd A i y u n i L a oixAa xal xd opYava xd 25

(3)

ALYUTTXOU

dvSpcodevxa MouaaUov npoaaYopeudfjvaL. (4) yeveoSai 6e xov Mcouaov xouxov

432a

unep Meuxpiv xortcov

xdxe

'IouSatcov uno

etxa

naxaoKeudaai.

OuYaxepa

xaxeYYufiaau, xcov

3aacAeuovxL' 3aacAeueLV

|

Yevvfiaai,

(2)

OLHO-

6ouf}aaL xo xe en' auxfi tepov K a d i S p u a a a O a L , xov

(1)

432b

u6peuxcxd xal TtoAeuLxd nal xfiv cpLAoaocpCav e g e u p e i v

BION 2

1 ALYUUXLCOV < > Freu. (p. 145) | 1-3 x o v — napadeaOaL om. B | 2 excov om. I | 3 dnAexov I: a n A n x a ON | 5 APT. — OM. ON: om. BI | 6-p.2 2 4,19 'Apxduavog — evvea om. B | 7-8 Meuijjaadevcbd, ante xou fJaoLAecog transp. Freu. (p. 217) | 11 xe E d L v Mras (cf. Frg. 2, par. 3 ) : Teoaav ION: f Teaaav Jac.: Keoadv Steph. | 20 {dv6pcod e v x a } F r e u . (p. 217) | 20sqq. 'Opcpecog^ 6L6daxaAog 6 Mcouafjg. xal opa o c a nepl xouxou 6Le^eLaLV I | g

Fragment

Three

209

of the Egyptians died. over the financial

As long as Joseph held

affairs of Egypt, he stored

the grain surplus w h i c h had accumulated

during

power up the

seven years as a result of the immense and consequently FRAGMENT

THREE

production, 29 he became the lord of Egypt."

3 0

A r t a p a n u s ' Remarks Concerning Moses In Similar (1)

(27.1)

—

Fashion

"Artapanus

says in his book Concerning 31 the Jews that after Abraham and his son Mempsasthe32 noth died, the king of the Egyptians died as w e l l , 33 (2) and his son Palmanothes received the crown. (2) Now 34 Palmanothes dealt meanly with the J e w s . First he 35 built Sais, then he set up the temple there. Later 36 (3) he built the sanctuary in H e l i o p o l i s . (3) He 37 fathered a daughter Merris whom he betrothed to a 38 certain C h e n e p h r e s , a ruler of the regions above Memphis. At that time there were many rulers in 39 40 Egypt. But since she was barren, she took as her 41 4 own a child of one of the Jews and named him M o s e s . 43 44 When he became a m a n , he was called Mousaios by (4) the Greeks. (4) This Moses became the teacher of 45 Orpheus. When he reached manhood, he bestowed on 46 humanity many useful contributions ships, machines devices

, for he

for lifting stones, Egyptian

for drawing water and fighting,

and

invented weapons, philosophy

210

Artapanus

de

ETL

xfiv

e x d a x c p xcov voutov xd

xe

xoig

xal

noifjaai

dvxag

xous

auxoug,

(7) 15

did

xfiv

de

xivl

Mcouaov xcov

auxoug

yecopycov

padicog a u x d v und

25

xcov

dia

xfiv

e A O d v x a fen I exovxa

xdv

xaxd

noAixag

yeveadai

axpaxidg

ndAiv

xfjg

fev

xdv xdv

fere'

de

xou

euAdycp

urco-

neu^ai

xdv xd

ndAeuov

xdv

df|

(8)

auxou xoug

nAeovexxeiv

cpnaiv

'HAiouexn

xd u e y e d o g

xcp

de

dvouoc^duevov

xouxov

Mcbuaov d i d

432d

dadeveiav (8)

axpaxriyoug

de

de

0noAa3dvxa

yecopycov,

oug

(7)

AlOidncov

duvduecog*

uupiddag

xouxcp x x i a a i

(6)

fepunveiav.

a x p a x icoxcov

Aeyeiv

432C

urco xcov

Xevecppfjv

rcAfjOog,

xobpag,

xdg udxag*

o5v nepl

xdv

uexd

neu^au

oftv

dpexfiv

euOexov

*EpuonoAixnv

dexa

xaxaaxpaxonedeuaai • npoxadedouuevoug

30

xcov

de XOUQ

xauxa

xcov

dvaipedfiaeaOai.

nepl

fenicpavcog

Alyunxcp

(5)

xcp

noxe uev

xaL

auxdv

df) rcoxe

auaxfjaai

noAeuLcov

xaL

npoaayopeudfjvai

xf)V

C.nxeiv

xaL

axpaxnydv

voudv,

xoug

dud

(6)

xaipdv

auxcp

Mcbuaov

(9)

fex3dAAeiv,

dpcovxa

auxcp x a L

xfj

de

ddiaxdxxoug

rcoAAdxig

x a x a g icoOfevxa

eupnxevai fere'

yap

dAAoug.

dveAeiv.

xai

(5) x a u x a d e r t d v x a

xcov lepcov y p a u u d x c o v

ercLOxpaxeuaauevtov Aa3dvxa

dnoveiuou

de

uovapxLav ' 3e3ouav

xaL

Xevecppfjv

xal

aetpdfiaeadai

etvai

xcov dxAcov a y a n n d f j v a i

Mcouaou c p d o v f j a a i alxia

20

xfiv

l a o d e o u xiufjg

xdv

i3eig*

rcpdxepov

de

und

dedv

xtopav.

3cxaiAeig,

fevidxig

'Epufjv,

xdv

dieAeiv

lepeuaiv,

d x A o u g rcoxe u e v

x d v Mcbuaov tepecov

xou

diacpuAdEiai.

xadiaxdveiv 10

xaL

feEoupexov

xdpiv

Xevecppfj

xoig

xuvag

lepeuaiv

Ag ' v o u o u g

dnoxdEjai

Lepd ypduuctxa

alAoupoug 5

eig

TX6A.LV

xoncp x a l

dexa. xfjg

(9)

xfiv

ION 1 vououg Mras: vduoug MSS | 2 voutov M r a s : v o u u v MSS | 3 x a l I: o m . ON | 4 i 3 e i g I: ' i 3 i g ON | 7 y a p ON: o m . I | 12 x a x a E i c o d e v x a I: dEt-todevxa ON | 16 a l x i a x i v l I: x i v l a l x i a ON | 20 yecopycov ON: yovecov I | 24 v o u d v Mras: vduov MSS | 25 x a x a a x p a x e u a a i I | 30 a x p a x i d g Steph.: axpaxiag (!) I: axpaxeiag ON |

Fragment

Three

211

He also divided

the state

into thirty-six n o m e s ,

and to each of the nomes he assigned the god to be 49 . . worshipped; m addition, he assigned the sacred 50 writings to the p r i e s t s . The gods he assigned were . . 51 cats, d o g s , and ibises. He set aside as w e l l land 52 (5) exclusively for the use of the p r i e s t s . (5) He did all these things for the sake of keeping the 53 monarchy

stable

for C h e n e p h r e s ,

time the m a s s e s were disorganized sometimes d e p o s e , sometimes

for prior to this and they

would

install rulers, often

(6) the same p e r s o n s , but sometimes others.

(6) T h u s ,

for these reasons Moses was loved by the m a s s e s , 54 and being deemed worthy of divine honor by the p r i e s t s , he was called Hermes because of his ability 55 (7) to interpret the sacred w r i t i n g s .

(7)

When

Chenephres saw the fame of M o s e s , he became and sought to kill him on some reasonable 56 Thus when the E t h i o p i a n s

marched

C h e n e p h r e s , supposing that he had moment,

jealous

pretext.

against

Egypt,

found the

right

sent M o s e s against them as the commander

a force of troops. for M o s e s , rashly

He conscripted

a band of

of

farmers

supposing that Moses would be killed

(8) by the enemy b e c a u s e his troops were w e a k . (8) Moses 57 came to the nome called Hermopolis with approximately 100,000 farmers, and he camped there. He commissioned as generals those who would eventually preside as 58 rulers over the region, and they won every battle 59 with d i s t i n c t i o n .

He

says that the

(9) report that the war lasted

Heliopolitans

ten y e a r s . ^

(9) T h u s ,

Moses and those w i t h him, because of the size of army,

founded

a city in this place, and they

212

Artapanus

t3t.v

ev

auxiji

£cpa xoug dvdpcbnoug d v a i p e i v

|

6 e auxfiv 'Epuou uoAiv.

ouxco

xaiuep

xov Mcouaov coaxe nal nap'

xoug

oxAoug

vaov

oiHO&ovnag

auxou

eruaxdxnv

uexd

eaxlv

T

Auiv,

xadi&puaaadai

nietv

nal

deAovxa

auxou

AlOioutag

6 e upoaxdgai

xov

xaxeaxeuaa-

xdEai

6e

XOLQ

433b

eul xfig

(12)

xov

6e

(12)

nap*

dvdpcbnoig*

6 u d xo xfiv yf\v

Lepov auxou xoug

xd £cpa d x

dno

xd

xou 6e

xoug cpcAoug

oxAoug

xadi epcoOevxa uno

exei cpepovxag ddnxeiv,

dno Eevcoadv xcov

opKcouoxfjaaL

(11)

x 6 v &e Xevecppfiv, rcpoaayopeuaavxa

xeAeuaac

Mcouaou xeAeueiv

euxpriaxov

xcov 3 o c o v ,

cpdvai yevog

xouxcov dpouaddixaupov

youv

Mcouaou elg Meyxpiv rtudeadai

el' xu dAAo

xov 6 e

(10)

dAAd

Xevecppfiv

Aidivov xaxaaxeudaai,

Naxepcoxa.

433a

duo6eF;aaOaL,

eg onxfjg uACvdou

exepov 6 e

TtAnalov opog Aaxouriaavxag •

eAOovxa

25

XOLQ

6r\

aC6oicov

6e

uapeAou-evov

xdpiv,

npoa-

xouxoug,

xov

xoug \iev fenl xd o p i a xng

npocpuAaxfig

ev A iog uoAei,

(13)

6e

(11)

e m 3 o u A e u e i v.

uevov x a O a i p e i v ,

20

ou uovov

xd

axepgai

xcov

xou noAeu.ou Adycp uev auxov

6e

xo

uepixoufiv

lepeig a n a v x a g .

epycp

neu4iac

(10)

ovxag uoAey.ioug,

xfiv

exei vou uxxdeiv xoug

Audevxog

15

xauxnv

3Aduxovxa

xal

10

TO

ayopeuaai

xoug A t d i o u a g , 5

6id

xaduepcoaai,

xou

xaxaxpu-

Mcouaou feui vofiuaxa.

auxov

xcov

i_if| egaYYeiAai

AIYUTIXICOV xcp Mcouacp

(13) 433c

ION 1 auxfi I: auxcp ON | 7 lepeig: nepiE; Diels apud P. Wendland (Berliner p h i l o l o g i s c h e Wochenschrift 22 (1902) 1322) apud Mras | 11 TtpocpuAaxfig Steph. : rcpog cpuAaxfjg MSS | 12 Aiog u o A e i : Aiog rtoAei I: AioanoAei ON | 13 post Aidivov verbum opog addunt ON 16 Mcouaou ON | 23 d e A o v x a Vig. (in n o t . ) : -xag MSS Mcouaou ON | 24 dnogevcoadvxcov Steph. : dnoEevcbaavxag MSS | 25 opxoucoxfiaac ON | Mcouacp Steph. : Mcouaf) MSS I

Fragment

Three

213

consecrated the ibis reputation (10) to men.

in the city because of its

for killing those animals that were

harmful

6 2

(10) So

They named

it "The City of H e r m e s . "

then, although the Ethiopians had been e n e m i e s , came to love M o s e s , and as a result the practice of circumcising

learned

the genitalia —

(11) they but all the priests as w e l l .

6 3

(11)

they

from him not

When

only

the

war was over, Chenephres welcomed him back in word but plotted against him in deed.

In fact,

after

taking away M o s e s ' troops, Chenephres sent some of them to the borders of Ethiopia as a defense

garrison 64

and ordered others to destroy the temple

in Diospolis.

This temple w a s constructed with baked bricks, but he ordered them to build

another one of stone

from the m o u n t a i n nearby.

He appointed N a c h e r o s to 65

(12) be in charge of the construction.

(12)

came with Moses to M e m p h i s , Chenephres him

6 6

quarried

When

he

inquired

of

w h e t h e r there was anything else useful to m a n ­

kind, and he suggested

a breed of oxen because of

usefulness in tilling the land. 6

bull Apis "^ and commanded

Chenephres named

their a

the people to dedicate a

temple to it. He also ordered that the animals which had been consecrated by Moses be brought there and 68 buried, wishing thereby to conceal the ideas of (13) M o s e s . (13) But when the Egyptians began to reject 69 Chenephres, he swore his advisors to an oath not

214

Artapanus

xfiv eniauviaTauEvnv Oai

XOUQ

auxcp eni3ouAfiv xal

avaipTiaovxas auxdv.

unaxouaavxos

dveLdlaai

dveLdLodevxa xaLpdv.

unoaxeadaL

(15)

und

de

un' auxou-

xfiv

Mcoijacp

xaL

xdv

Mcbuaov

6*

und

xou

xov

Aa3dvxa

xaipov

xfjs

xcov auvetddxcov

Qai

XaveOcbOou dvaipeOriaeadai.

egaYYeUAaL

xiva*

xauxnv

T

eAaxLaxcos n xfiv I a L v . Mcouaou

ddeAcpdv

de

auu3ouAeuaai xdv 20

de

noxaudv

xaL -

(18)

eCs

cos

anddaadai

xaL

XaveOcbdnv•

anaaduevov (19)

*PaYOuf)Acp

xcov

30

YCLV

axpaxeueiv

3ouAduevov

*Apa3lav.

|

434a (18)

Lddvxa

de xdv

xfiv xe xeUpa xaxaaxe L V

xd

E L epos

cpoveuaaL

xdv

de eis Tf|v * A p a 3 L a v

xdncov

A a 3 d v x a xfiv exeivou duyaxepa3ouAeadaL

dia-

xou Mcouaou xf)v

xfiv

dvaLpfiaovxa-

diexdpavaL

xcp

'Apa3lav

xfiv udxcxupav en' auxdv,

de Mcbuaov n p o x a x a x a x n a a v x a auxou

(17)

eniYvdvxa

and Meucpecos xdv NeUAov

dnaAAdaaeaOau

evedpeueiv

epxduevov

xaL

'Aapcova de xdv xou

xfiv eni3ouAf)v

xdv de XaveOcbdnv nudduevov

cpuyfiv

25

xcov eYXtopitov oux

xcp ddeAcpcp cpuYelv eCs xfiv

TiELodEVia,

nAeuaavxa

und

(17)

xd nepL

(16)

xdv de cpuAdaaovxa

xf)v uev MeppLv ddijjai, xdv

de xfiv MeppLV

433d

xdnous Odipai, 0 n o A a 3 d v x a

xfiv ev exetvcp ndAiv Mepdnv npoaaYopeuaai • x i u d a 15

(15)

xov Xevecppfjv xcp

(16) nopeuouevcov de auxcov xfiv enL3ouAf)v xcp Mcouacp

auxdv

(14)

de

xcp XavedcbOn xo acoua. d L a x o u l a a v x a s

els xous unep Aivunxov 10

xov

ETIL'9EOLV,

xouxov

M e p p L d o s x e A e u x n a d a n s unoaxea-SaL xe

npo3aA£a-

undevds

xdv Xevecppfjv XaveOcbSnv,

xov u d A L a x a npoaayopeuduevov 5

(14)

dpxovxL xdv de

* PaYoufjAov

enl xous A l Y u n x i o u s ,

xdv Mcbuaov xal

(19)

OUU3LOUV,

xaxd-

xfiv duvaaxeiav xfj

ION 1-2 npo3dAAeadai I | 4 npoaayopeuduevov I: npoaayduevov ON | 7 Mepidos I | 8 Mcouacp I : Mcouan I | 10 XaveOcbSou I: Xavedcbdn ON | 11 Mcouacp edd.: McoaeL MSS J 13 auxdv M r a s : auxdv MSS | 16 eAaxlaxcos ION: eAaxxov Steph. | 24 npoxaxaxaxucrcxvxa I: npoxaxaxa x"0O"avxa 0 : npoxaxaxxnoavxa N: npoxaxax. D | 27 xcp om. ON | a

p

1

Fragment

Three

215

to inform Moses of the plot which was being

formed

(14) against him and he appointed his assassins. no one obeyed,

and Chenephres reprimanded

whom he had especially designated Duly censured,

for the task.

Chanethothes promised

assault as soon as he found (15) time.

an

(14) But

Chanethothes

to make

the

appropriate

(15)

About this time Merris died, and 70 Chenephres entrusted her body to both Moses and Chanethothes for them to transport it to the region 71 above Egypt for b u r i a l , supposing that Moses would (16) be killed by C h a n e t h o t h e s . (16) But while they were en route, one of those w h o knew about the plot report72 ed it to M o s e s . He guardedly buried M e r r i s , then 73 named the river and the city in that place M e r o e . This Merris w a s honored by the inhabitants no less 74 (17) highly than Isis.

(17)

Aaron, the brother of

M o s e s , upon learning of the plot, advised his brother to flee into A r a b i a . He was persuaded across the Nile (18) Arabia.

(18)

and

from M e m p h i s , escaping Now when Chanethothes

sailed

into

learned

that

Moses had fled, he lay in wait in order to kill

him.

When he saw Moses approaching, he drew his dagger on him, but Moses reacted restrained his hand, (19) killed C h a n e t h o t h e s .

too quickly

for him,

and then drew his own sword 7 5

(19)

He then fled

A r a b i a where he took up residence w i t h

Raguel,

the chieftain of the region, and he married daughter.

Raguel wanted

to w a g e war against

Egyptians because he wished

and

into 76

to return Moses

Raguel's the from

Artapanus

216

TE

Ouyaxpl

Mcbuaov

KCXL

xcp yau&pcp KaiaoKeudoaL •

drcoxcoAOaaL,

xov 6fe *PayounAov "ApatpL Tipoaxdgau 5

6e

XOV

auxov

drcdvxcov

axoxa.£6u.Evov xcov 6laHCoAuovxa

AnaxEueiv xpdvov

dvdpcbrccov

6e 10

u.f|

xoAdCcovxau xcp

dscp,

TtadEucov. ex

TXOXE

( 2 1 ) xov 6e Mcbuaov EuxsaOai

(21)

xaxo-

6' auxou alcpvLSLcog

cpnalv

E V xcp

434c

\if\Te

xorccp.

xov 6 E Mcbuaov 6Eiaavxa xo yEyovog cpeuyeiv cpcovfiv

xal

xoug

S L T I E L V axpaxeueiv

rcoAeiiLav rcpcoxov 6e

( 2 2 ) xov 6e Oappfiaavxa

fercdyeLV

6LayvcovaL

PaoLAsa

xcov

fecp'

rcpoaxdaoELV drcoAuaaL

xotg

Se rcpog 'Adpcova xov d6EAcpov ALYUTCXLCOV

Mcouaou rcapouaLav xaAfeaaL OdvEaOaL

ere' Atyurcxov xal

'Iou6aloug 6i,aacbaavxa etg xfiv dpxctiav

dyayecv Txaxpc6a.

25

fepedv

xfig y"Hc rcup dvacpdfivai xal xouxo xdsaOau,

6* auxcp Oeuav

20

'Iou-

orccog ovxeg fercLanuoL

uAng iifixe dAArig XLVog E,vXeiac, ouang 15

uexaAAdiai* xo xoug

xoug Aaoug rcauaaL xcov

LAaaxou-fevou

(20)

rcpcoxov

aLv66vag duxpievvuadat,

dy-TxexeaOai,

urc' auxou. f|6ri

6ud

434b

xoCg

xfiv A ' L Y U T X X O V . ( 2 0 ) urco

eAecpavx udaavxa

npoaxdgau

eadfixa

6u.ocpuA.cov

axpaxeuecv

xal xov Xevecppfiv

xouxcp 6e xcp rtdSei TxepLTieoeCv 6aioug

xov 6e

xoug

6

auxcp

xc xov

TIKOL*

(22)

AlyuriXLOLg* feAdeCv.

TXU06UEVOV

rcp6g

6uvay.LV

auxov

xfiv xal

xov xou rcuv-

434d

xov 6fe cpdvaL, 6 L 6 X L

xfig olxouu-Evng

6£an6xriv

'Iou6aLoug. -»-

ION 2 xo axoxa.^. I | 33 | 'PayounAov ON | 6LaxcoAudfevxa Jac. | 8 fepsav Steph.: epeav MSS fepfeav MSS | 1 2 cpaalv ? Jac. | 1 3 xdsaOac I: x a L e o Q a L 'ON xaLEadaL | 1 5 yEyovog ON: yfevog I | 2 1 E X xou I | 2 2 22 auxov Steph.: auxov MSS | 2 3 fecp' 6 X L : fecp' St • ' oxcp oxcp Steph. | 2 3 - 2 4 6 L 6 X L rcpoaxdaoELv: rcpoaxagaL Steph. |

Fragment

Three

217

exile and thereby establish the throne daughter and son-in-law.

for his

But Moses would not

of it b e c a u s e he had regard

hear

for his own people.

With his proposal

for an attack blocked, Raguel 77 (20) ordered the Arabs to plunder Egypt. (20) About this time Chenephres also died, the first man ever 78 to contract e l e p h a n t i a s i s .

This suffering

him because he had ordered the Jews to be

befell

clothed

with linen and not to wear woolen clothing.

He

did this so that once they were so marked, they could 79 (21) be harrassed by him. (21) Moses prayed to God that the people might soon have respite from their sufferings. While he was making his appeal to God, 80 suddenly, he

says, fire appeared out of the earth,

and it blazed even though there was neither wood any other kindling

in the vicinity.

what happened, Moses

Frightened

fled but a divine voice

spoke

to him and told him to w a g e war against Egypt, as soon as he had rescued the J e w s , to return 81 (22) to their ancient

fatherland.

from this, he resolved

(22)

Taking

to lead a fighting

nor at

and them

courage

force

against the E g y p t i a n s , but first he went to Aaron 82 83 his brother. The king of the E g y p t i a n s , upon learning of the arrival of M o s e s , summoned him and 83a inquired of him why he had come. Moses replied 84 that he had come because the Lord of the had commanded

him to liberate the J e w s .

universe

218

Artapanus

FRAGMENT 3b Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata 1.23.154.2-3 (23)

T6V

de

nuOduevov

(23)

eig cpuAaxfiv auxov x a d e i p gou • V U K T O Q

vng

xdg

xaL

'Ioudaicov auyypduucxxi

youv ev xcp

cpuAaxfiv Mcouaea und Xevecppfe-

ndaaQ

oug xou Alyunxicov 3cxaiAecog

5 auxoudxtog dvoix^nvai xou deautoxnpiou

'Apxdnavog

laxopei x a x a x A e l a O e v x a eig

6e ercLYevoue-

T E dupag

(2) nepl

enl xcp napaixeiaOai xdv A a -

xcov

cpuAdxcov oug uev xeAeuxfj­

dv eE Alyunxou dnoAuOfjvai,

aai,

vuxxcop dvoixOevxog xou dea­

xivdg

unvou

de

und xou

Ttapedfjvai

10 dnAa

xd

utoxnpiou xaxd 3ouAnaiv xou

xe

Oeou egeAOdvxa

xaxeayfjvai.

(24)

eEeAOdvxa

Mcbuaov

enl

eAOeiv

xdv (24) 3a,aiAeia n a p e A O d v x a eniaxfj-

de

vai xoiutouevcp

xd 3cxaiAeia

xal

eupdvxa de d v e -

cpYuevas

xdg

15 eAOeiv

xai

Oupag elaevOdde

(3)

xcov

xcp

xdv

de

yeyovoxi

Txapeiuevcov

xdv

Mtouaei

BaaiAea

e^eyeipai.

xdv

eineiv dvoucx

exnAayevxa

Yeyovoxi 20 Mcouacp

xd

j

dvoucx,

npoaxucpavxa 25 o5g de

eineiv, xdv

xaxanAayevxa xeAeuaai xou

xcp

neuclxxvxog

Oeou xal xdv

uev npoaxuLpavxa npdg xd ous eineiv,

eineiv

xdv

auxdv,

xcp

dxouaavxa

de xdv

3aaiAea dcpcovov neaeiv, dia­ 435a x p a x n O e v x a dfe und xou Mcou-

diaxAeudoavxa (25)

xd

3aaiAei

xcp

xou rceu^avxoe

auxdv Oeou

auxdv

enl

xeAeuaai

xcp

egeyeipai

cpuAdxcov

de

xal els xd

aecog ndAiv

dva3tcovai.

de (25)

npdg

xd

dxouaavxa

3aaiAea

neaeiv

dcpcovov, diaxpaxnOevxa oe und

xou

Mcouaou

ndAiv

dva3 icoaai •

ION 16-17 xal xdv 3otaiAea

ON |

L 4 Xevecppeoug Potter (Clem. , Opera (Oxford, 1715)p. 413) emend ex E u s . P.E. 9.27.320 passim: Nexxecppeoug L | 1

Fragment Three

(and

3b)

219

FRAGMENT

(23)

Upon

learning

this, 86

the king imprisoned

3b

(2) And so Artapanus

reports

in his work Concerning

the

him. Jews that Moses was shut up

When night

came, all the in prison by Chenephres,

doors of the prison ed of their own and some of the

open87

the king of

the E g y p t i a n s ,

accord,

because of his request

that

guards

the people be released

from

died while others were

Egypt.

overcome w i t h sleep;

prison was opened by

their w e a p o n s broke pieces.^

also, into

(24) Moses

the prison and went the p a l a c e .

left

will of God, Moses

the

doors open, he entered

(3) Frightened

the palace

happened,

and

aroused

the king while the

departed,

came to the palace,

ing, and aroused

guards

the the

stood

over the king who was

to

Finding

At night w h e n

sleep­

him.

at what

the king

ordered

Moses to declare the name

were sleeping on

duty.

of the god who had sent

Startled

happened,

Moses bent over and

Moses

into the king's ear, but

at what

the king ordered

him.

spoke

to declare the name of

when the king heard it, he

the god w h o had sent

fell over speechless.

He did this (25)

him. 89

scoffingly.

Moses bent over

spoke into the king's but when the king

and ear,

heard

it, he fell over speech1 9 0 T"> w less. But Moses picked him up and he came 91 back to life again.

But

Moses picked him up and he came back to life

again.

Artapanus

220

(26)

YPdipavxa 6e T O O V O U X X

aaadac

xcov

reLvaxL6L

xe

xd

OCPLV

xfj 10

15

xaxaxAu£eLV

6e xal

&k

xov

(28)

dno auv-

u6cop

6LacpSeLpaL

£cpa

TOUS

cpdeLpeadaL.

( 2 9 ) x6v 6e 3a.aLAea xouxcov Yevouevcov

xe

435b

rcoAuxouv

6Anv xfiv A L Y U T C X O V • .-

xal xd noxdy,La

Aaous 6La xfiv

&Lipav (29)

xcov xepdxcov cpdvaL uexd u n v a xoug Aaous drcoAuaeLV, drcoxaxaaxfion xov

rcoxauov

TUXALV

xfj

peuuot.

( 3 0 ) xouxou 6t Y e v o u e v o u

dvaLpnaeLV auxol

xal

6fe

Mcbuaov

Hat.

XL.

x6

xov 3ocaLAea xous nal

cpdvaL

xd Lepd xaxaaxdipeLV,

xepaxoupYnacoaL

UaYYdvcov

xov

pd36cp rcaxd^avxa xo uScop auaxeCAaL

lepets xoug urcep MeucpLV xaAeaaL

25

NeUAov

rcoxauov

erco£eaaL

(27)

6e rcdvxcov

xal rcdALV pd36ov

xfiv xaxd3aaLv auxou yCveoQai-

6e

(26)

pd|36ov

xo

fedv

20

3otaLAea anuecov

rcxonOevxcov

oupas dveAeaOaL

rcaxdEcxL,

Yev6y.evov x6xe

TT^J 3LOV

( 2 8 ) rcpoeA06vxa 6e y.LKp6v xov

pd36cp

aYotYov

ev

arcaauou x6v

~cov 6e Mcbuaov f|V elxt TlOLfiaaL•

erccAa3oy.evov xf\Q rcoLfiaaL'

uexd

( 2 7 ) elrceLV xe xov

X L auxcp TtoLfjaaL* ex3ocA6vxa

xov cpauAlaavxa

YEYPCtuueva

exAuuTidveLV• 5

lepecov

els 6eAxov xaxaacppaYL-

435c (30)

auxous

edv ufl nal

xous 6e x6xe 6Ld

XLVCOV

ercaoL6cov 6 p d x o v x a rcoLfiaaL xal

x6v

rcoxauov uexaxpcoaaL.

( 3 1 ) xov 6fe 3a-OLAea cppovn- ( 3 1 )

uaxLadevxa

YEYOV6XL,

HoAdaeL

ercl

xcp

xaxaLXL^ELV

xous

rcdarj XLUCOPLCJC

*Iou6aLOUS.

TOV

xal 6e

ION 2 xe: 6t Steph. j cpauACaavxa: excpauAilaavxa Steph. 3 xd ante ev (lin. 2 ) transp. Steph. | {xd YEYPCtuueva} ? Jac. | 8 rcpoeAOovxa I: rcpoaeAS6vxa ON | 9 rcoAuxouv N: rcoAux ouv N | p

11-12

12

auvaYCXYOv

erco^eaaL:

Steph. :

drcoCeaac

auvaYO-Ycov

Steph.

|

MSS

|

2

[

1 7 xfi pd36cp

I: om. ON |

Fragment

(26)

Three

(26)

221

He

w r o t e the name on a tablet and

it securely, but one of the priests who contempt

sealed

showed

for what w a s written on the tablet

(27) in a convulsion.

(27)

The king then told

died Moses

to perform some sign for him. So Moses threw out 9 3 . the rod w h i c h he held and made it a snake. Since everyone w a s terrified, he seized it by the tail, 94 (28) picked it up, and made it a rod again. (28) He then stepped forward a few steps, struck the Nile w i t h his rod, and the river flooded, inundating all 95 of Egypt. It was from that time that the flood96 ing of the N i l e began. When the stagnant water 97 began to smell, the animals in the river perished 98 and the people as well began to die of (29)

(2 9)

Once these mighty wonders were

thirst.

accomplished,

the king said that he would release the people after a month if Moses would restore the river to 99 its b a n k s .

So Moses again struck the water w i t h

(30) his rod and the w a t e r s subsided.

(30)

When

this 1 0 0

had been d o n e , the king summoned

the p r i e s t s

were over Memphis

to kill them and

and threatened

destroy their temples unless they too performed

who

some

marvelous act. Then, using charms and incantations, they made a serpent and changed the color of the 102 (31) river.

(31)

The king became arrogant as a

result of such performances mistreated

as this and

the Jews with every kind of

consequently vindictive

Artapanus

222

Mcbuaov xauxa dptovxa aAAa xe a n u e i a naxdgavxa dveivai

xfiv

yfjv

xfj

Auucxiveadai

eEeAxcodfjvai xd acbuaxa. 5

10

uevcov

laadai

xuxeiv

xoug

ftdxpaxov

xcov

'Ioudaioug.

xouxoug

xaL

xoug Alyunxioug

nav

lepdv, duoicog de xal

dveivai. xdv

dxpidag

Iolv, (33)

Mcbuaov

de

xfjg

xa.AdC.ng

exxAivovxag neaeiv xoug

xaL xfiv

laxpcov uxi

(32)

ndAiv

axvicpag. pdBdov xfj

naiouevnv

noAAd

duva-

xe

xdv

eig

" I o l 6 l , dud xd xfiv

de xfj pd3dcp xd

xoug

xepaxa (33)

vuxxdg

cpeuyovxag xe

and

xfiv xdAaCav

de xdxe xdg uev olxuag ndaag

-

436a

xcov xe vacov

xeAeuxaiov xdv

(32)

dud xouxo de

und xcov aeiautov diacpdeipeadai. | a u u

(34)

435d

npdg

dvaxiOevai

xe xal aeiauoug 6 L a

dvaipeiadai

nAelaxoug.

dnoAuaai*

xe

xou de &aauAecog exi dcppovouuevou

xdAa£dv

auucpopalg n e p m e a d v x a 20

nxnvdv

ouxcog ndA.Lv dveaecog

d n o x e A e a a i , coaxe xoug xdv aeiaudv 15

xi

did xfjg pdBdou d v e i v a i ,

de

t

£cpdv

xaL

A l y u n x i o u g , ndvxag

xous xduvovxag,

Mcbuaov

yfjv eCvai

pdpdcp

XOUQ

noifjaai

xoiauxaig

(34)

3aaiAea xoug *Ioudaioug

xoug de xPuO"auevoug napd xcov Alyunxicov

uev

exncbuaxa,

oux

dAiyov

de

luaxiaudv

dia3dvxag xoug xaxd xfiv *Apa3icxv noxauoug xal dia3dvxag Lxavdv xdnov enl xf)V 'Epudpdv xpixaioug eAdeiv 0dAaaaav.

25

dAAnv

xe naunAnOfj yd£av,

(35)

Meucpixag \ibv

o v x a xdv

(35)

Mcbuaov xfjg xcopag xfiv auncoxiv xnpfiaavxa did Eupag

436b

xfjg OaAdaang

ouv

Aeyeiv

euneipov

xd nAfjOog nepaicoaai.

* HAiounoAixag

ION 3 AuuaiveaOai: d AuunvaaOai Steph. | ndvxag ON: ndvxa I | 6 xdv I: om. ON | 8 axvicpag: axvinag Steph.: axvinag Giff. | 14 and I: und ON | 18 nAeiaxoug < > Freu. (p. 216) | 21 exnxcbuaxa I | 22 naunAndei I | dia3fjvai xoug vel 23 xal {dia3dvxag} ? Jac. | 25 ou\> om. I |

Fragment

Three

223

chastisement.

When Moses saw this, he

performed

more signs and struck the ground with his rod and raised up a certain

species of winged creatures to 104 scourge the E g y p t i a n s . As a result of his actions, 105 they all broke out in body sores.

Even

the

physicians were unable to cure those who were ing w i t h the sores. ^

suffer­

Thus once again relief

came

107 (32) to the Jews.

(32)

Once again, Moses used

his

108 rod to raise up frogs as well as locusts and flees. It was for this reason that the Egyptians set up a . 109 rod in every temple.

They do the same w i t h

because the earth is Isis and it produced (33) w o n d e r s when it was struck w i t h the rod. the king persisted

Isis

these (33) Since

in playing the fool, Moses

hail and earthquakes

throughout

the.night

those who fled the earthquakes perished

so that

in the hail

and those who tried to avoid the hail were by the earthquakes."*""^

produced

destroyed

Also at that time all the

(34) houses and most of the temples collapsed. "*"''" (34) Finally, after enduring such c a l a m i t i e s , the king 112 released the J e w s . After they had procured from the Egyptians many drinking vessels as well as not 113 a little clothing and numerous other treasures, they crossed the river towards A r a b i a . They covered a considerable distance and then came to the Red 114 (35) Sea in three d a y s . that M o s e s , being watched

(35)

N o w the Memphians

familiar with the

for the ebb tide, then led the

through the dry part of the sea.

claim

countryside, multitudes

The H e l i o p o l i t a n s ,

Artapanus

224

5k A E Y E L V

£TCiHaTa6pau.eiv X O V

&uvdu.£cog,



6id

X6 x f i v

urcapiiv

XPno"ay.£voug

5

decav

axfivai,

xf)v

rcup a u x o i g

ALYUTixCoug

xcov

Epriiicp

xfiv

xov

xpiuvov

ouoiov

xpoav. TiuppaKfi,

rcoAidv,

rcEpl

fixn

6E

xal

pd36cp

6ia-

6ICOH6VXCOV

EHAdu4iai, xfjg

xfj

rcopEUEadai.

nal

xf|v

xoug

(37) 436c

5k

rcAnuuupi6og

Exn

auxoig

x. 16v i xov

xou

E V xfj Oeou

rcapauAria to v xf)V Mcbuaov

d £ icou-cxx i x o v .

6Y6of|xovxa

xaL

erccdiYetv

xeaaapdnovxa

xou.fixr]v, ovxa

xfj

(36)

*Iou6aioug 6 i a -

5k

cpnau

AIYUTTXICOV

ErcixAuaai*

3p£x.ovxog

sAuucp,

YEYovEvai

rtpaElai

666v

£cpoig,

Mcouacp cpcovfiv

66ou

gnpag

xoug

KLV6UVOV

rcoAAfig

U E V vau.a

ALYCJTIXLCOV

UTT6 X E X O U r c u p o g

6 l a x p Ccjxxi,

xo

Euxcpoadsv

tn XCOV

rcdAiv

ddAaaaav dxouaavxa

ouxcog

HOU

6iacpdapfivat, •

cpuYovxag 15

xfiv

6fe 6uvai_uv 6id

5k O d A a a a a v

rcdvxag

(36) xcp 6e

T O V 5k M c b u a o v u&axog,

u.£"td

xcov

'Iou6atoug

6laxou-i£Eiv.

auv£y.3dvxcov 5k

(37) cpnat,

xoug

3aauAea

xadiepcou-Evoig

XOLQ

YEVEaOai rcaxdEou

6iaaxfiaai. pd36cp x o u

10

xal

u.axp6v, x a u x a 5k

Evvea."

ION

2 Steph. | £cofig O N | 4 s q q . x o Oauucx xfig fepudpdg I | 4 Mcoafi O N | 5-6 x a l 6LaaxfiaaL Mras: xal 6iaaxfivai, M S S : {nal 6iaaxfivai} S t e p h . : veal 6i.aaxf)a£iv ? J a c . | 6 ETILOLYECV D i n d . : -OLYELV I: —OfiY£cv O N | 14 x s a a a p d x o v x a : u O N : xpidxovxa I 17 c p a a t O N | 19 o v x a I : om. O N | M

G

Fragment

Three

225

on the other hand, claim that the king rushed

down

on them w i t h full force, carrying with them all the 115 sacred

animals

because the Jews were crossing

sea, having taken the possessions (36)

the

of the E g y p t i a n s .

1

(36)

The divine voice came to Moses instructing him 117 to strike the sea w i t h his rod and divide it. When Moses heard this, he touched the water lightly with his rod and the stream divided, and the m u l t i 118 (37) tude passed through the dry channel. (37) When 119 the Egyptians went in together in hot pursuit, he" says that a fire blazed sea again flooded

in front of them,

their path.

and

the

All the Egyptians were 119 consumed by the fire and the flood. After the Jews had escaped the danger, they spent forty years 120 in the desert. M e a n w h i l e , God showered upon them meal similar in texture to rolled millet resembling 121 122 the color of snow. He reports that Moses was tall, ruddy complexioned, w i t h long flowing gray 12 3 hair, and dignified. He accomplished these things 124 when he was about eighty-nine years old."

6

226

Artapanus

ANNOTATIONS 1. This fragment occurs in the section of P.E. , Book 9, that treats Abraham (chs. 1 6 - 2 0 ) . It belongs to a catena of excerpts which Eusebius takes directly from Alexander Polyhistor. It is preceded by a quotation from "Eupole­ m u s " (= P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1 ) , and is immediately followed by an anonymous quotation (= P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 2 ) , then quotations from Apollonius Molon and Philo Epicus. 2.

I.e.,

Abraham.

3. This is most likely a reference to the work in Frg. 2, par. 23.1. Cf. below, note 12.

mentioned

4. V a r i o u s explanations have been offered for this puzzling designation. Viger, PG (21) c o l . 709 B, n. 29 (cf. Seguier's note, col. 1 5 6 7 ) , suggests that it is possibly a corruption of *Eputou6, a compound form derived from Tin" + D"1K = Epu + loud, i.e., Syrian J e w s . He also refers to Herodotus 1.11 and 2 Kgs 23:29. Freudenthal, 153 (note), attributes it to the creative imagination of A r t a p a n u s , based on its connection w i t h 'Epufjc, the name given to M o s e s by the Egyptian priests (Frg. 3, par. 6; also cf. par. 9 ) ; accordingly, it would have been selected by A r t a p a n u s for its Egyptian ring and because it would have designated the Egyptian Jews as "Moses-ites," i.e., 'Epu(fis) + 'Iou6(cuoi.) = "Moses J e w s , " just as the name "Hebrews" related Jews to Abraham "the Hebrew" (Gen 1 4 : 1 3 ) . Freudenthal also notes that *Apaua.LOi could easily become *Epeu3oL (Strabo 1.41-42; 1 6 . 7 8 4 ) . Cf. W a l t e r , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 127, n. la; also Collins-Poehlmann, 8-9. 1

4a On the derivation of "Jews," cf. Conzelmann, HJC, 149-50. 1

5. If A r t a p a n u s claim here is based on Gen 14:13, this would suggest his dependence on the Hebrew text p i n y r * Q i M ) rather than the LXX (ABpau xcp rcepdxn). E l s e ­ w h e r e in the B i b l e , however, the Israelites are called H e b r e w s , although this is frequently a designation used of them by outsiders (Gen 39:14; Exod 1:16) or by the Israelites to identify themselves to foreigners (Gen 40:15; 43:32; Exod 1 : 1 9 ) . Cf. Speiser, G e n e s i s , 103; G e o r g i , Gegner, 51-60; Kuhn, TDNT, 3.367-68; Conzelmann, HJC, 149. Whether this statement relates to A r t a p a n u s Jewishness, cf. Seguier, PG (21) c o l . 1567, note on 709 B 7 . 1

6. The Egyptian king is unnamed in the biblical account (Gen 1 2 : 1 0 - 1 3 : 1 ) , where Pharaoh is used as a title rather than a name. By contrast, the title becomes a name in A r t a p a n u s , as commonly happens (cf. Herodotus 2.111; also Josephus) .
Annotations

227

6. (cont.) <£apaco, the Hellenized form typically used by the LXX to render N o r m a l l y , Oapacodns in Josephus (cf. Ant. 1.16 3, et a l . ) , though v. I. Oapacovne (cf. Ant. 8.151) and Oapacov. Consistently, $apaco in Philo. Seguier, PG (21) col. 1 5 6 7 , n. on 709 B 9 , notes the absence of the name in M a n e t h o ' s king lists, and sees it as a corruption. M r a s , P.E. (GCS, 43.1) 8,1.504, proposes an Egyptian derivation: <£a + * Pa (= Re) + 6cod (=Thoth) , and is followed by M e r e n t i t e s , EHBS 27 (1957) 306; also W a l t e r , JS (1,2), 127, n. lc. Cf. note in S t e a r n s , 43, n. 6. 7. Cf. P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1, par. 3 & 8; Frg. 2; also A n n o t a t i o n s , N o s . 1 2 , 26-27, & 38. Cf. PseudoH e c a t a e u s II, Frg. 1, par. 167 (apud W a l t e r ) . 8. The length of his stay in Egypt is not given in the biblical account, nor in P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1, par. 6-8, nor Josephus and Philo. C f . , h o w e v e r , Jub 13:11 (5 y e a r s ) ; S. 'Olam Rab. 1 (3 m o n t h s ) ; 1 QapGen 20.18 (2 years at l e a s t ) . C f . Ginzberg, Legends 1.224 and 5.272, n. 78. A l s o , F r e u d e n t h a l , 2 1 6 - 1 7 . 9. I.e., the land of Canaan (Gen 13:12) which is frequent­ ly designated "Syria," or more correctly "Coele-Syria" in the Hellenistic period. Cf. OCD , 1030-31; A. H. M. J o n e s , The Cities of the Eastern Provinces (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971) 2 2 6 - 9 4 . Cf. Sib. O r . 4.125. Literally, the text reads "again ... departed," w h i c h F r e u d e n t h a l , 161, sees as apologetic, showing their non-Egyptian origin, in response to pagan charges that the Jews were originally expelled Egyptians (Josephus, Ag.Ap. 1.228-92; 2.28-32; D i o d o r u s Siculus 1 . 2 8 . 2 ) . Cf. also Frg. 2. 10. This is another unbiblical d e t a i l . According to Gen 1 2 : 2 0 - 1 3 : 1 , Abraham, his wife and Lot, were d i s ­ patched from Egypt "with all that he had." Freudenthal, 156-57, sees here traces of an old tradition about the Hyksos invasion w h i c h is independent of M a n e t h o (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 1.73-92; 227-50) and w h i c h related the entry of some ancient Semitic peoples into Egypt. On the H y k s o s , cf. now J. van S e t e r s , The H y k s o s : A N e w Investi­ gation (New Haven: Yale University P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) ; also, cf. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.506-507, and n o t e s . A l s o , cf. Frg. 2, par. 1, and below notes 39 and 77. 11. A f t e r treating Jacob in chapters 21-22 of P.E., Book 9, Eusebius cites this fragment from A r t a p a n u s , and one from Philo E p i c u s , as w i t n e s s e s to Joseph. Both are quoted directly from A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor, 12. This was likely the original title of the work, since it is independently attested by C l e m e n t (cf. Frg. 3, par. 23 and p a r a l l e l ) ; so, F r e u d e n t h a l , 216. Cf. the title in Frg. 1, above.

228

13. 87.

Artapanus

Cf. Gen 41:33, 39; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.17, 63, 65, 80,

14. A r a b s , an anachronistic description, frequently used in the Hellenistic period. Cf. esp. Strabo 1.2.34; Herodo­ tus 2.11; Ps 71:10 (LXX); Ep. Arist. 114; 1 Mace 5:39; 11:17, 39; 12:31; 2 Mace 5:8; 12:10; Acts 2:11; J o s e p h u s , passim; cf. parallel account in Ant. 2.32: "Apa3a.c, xou * IauanAixcov yevovQ. 15. This modified version of Gen 37:18-36 which not only serves to exonerate the brothers but underscore Joseph's prescience is perhaps apologetically motivated. Cf. D e m e t r i u s , Frg. 2, par. 11. 16. "Israel" here can be understood (mistakenly by A r t a p a n u s , or perhaps by A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor) as Abraham's actual father (so, M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 516, note to lin. 2 0 ) , as the ordinary name of the nation (Giff. 4 . 3 0 9 ) , or as a corrupt form of "Ishmael," hence 'IauanA., U L O U , w h i c h would then require a singular form of dSeAcoouQ (Gais. 2.391; also Seguier, PG ( 2 1 ) , col. 1573, note on 725 B 9 ; also read by F r e u d e n t h a l , 232; M e r e n t i t e s , EHBS 27 (1957) 3 1 3 ) . Cf. Walter, JS (1,2) 127, n. lb on Frg. 2. A l s o , cf. A p o l l o n i u s Molon in P.E. 9.19.1-3 = FGrH 728, Frg. 1, par. 2 = Stern, GLAJJ, 1 5 0 - 5 1 . 17. Cf. Gen 39-41. On dioixnxric, as an apparently genuine Egyptian title, cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 216; Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 2.983, n. 178. 18. A r t a p a n u s ' description of Joseph's land reforms are more humane than the agrarian program described in Gen 47:13-26, where the landowners are reduced to royal tenant farmers. On the privileged status of the p r i e s t s , cf. Gen 4 7 : 2 2 , 26; also Diodorus Siculus 1.21.7. Similar pioneering land reforms and agricultural "firsts" are attributed to Sesostris (Diodorus Siculus 1.54.3,6; H e r o d o t u s 2 . 1 0 7 ) , Isis (Diodorus Siculus 1.14.1; 2 7 . 3 - 4 ) , and Osiris (Diodorus Siculus 1.15.6,8; 17.3; 1 8 . 4 ) . On the priority topos (repcoxoe.) , cf. Thraede, Erfinder. Cf. also similar claims made of Abraham (Pseudo-Eupolemus, Frg. 1, par. 3 & 8, and A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 12) and M o s e s (Artapanus, Frg. 3, par. 4; E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1, and Annotations, Nos. 5-7). 19. On good will and popularity resulting from d i s c o v e r i e s and b e n e f a c t i o n s , cf. D i o d o r u s Siculus 1.54.2; 55.12; 5 6 . 1 - 2 ; 5 7 . 2 ; Herodotus 2.109. 20. Cf. Gen 41:45, 50; also Demetrius Frg. 2, par. 12; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.91; T.Jos. 18.3; 2 0 . 3 ( a ) ; Jub 34:20; 44:24; and, of course, Joseph and A s e n a t h . Note the o r t h o g r a p h i c a l variants in app. crit.

Annotations

229

21. On H e l i o p o l i s , cf. P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1, par. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 25, and below, note 24.

8,

22.

I.e., Ephraim

and M a n a s s e h ; cf. Gen 41:50-52.

23. Cf. Gen 4 2 - 4 7 : 1 2 . According to Gen 45:10; 46:28-29; 47:1-4, 27, Jacob and his family settle in Goshen. 24. Sais: much disputed in the textual tradition (cf. app. c r i t . ) . Heliopolis was widely recognized, and used, as the Greek name for the biblical On (Gen 41:45, 50; cf. esp. Exod 1:11 LXX; also Jer 43:13 = 50:13 LXX; also Jub 40:10; 44:24; T . J o s . 18.3; Josephus, Ant. 2 . 1 8 8 ) . On H e l i o p o l i s , cf. P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1, par. 8, esp. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 25. Sais (Ed'ie,) , the chief city of the Saite nome located in the w e s t e r n Delta (cf. Plato, Ti. 21e; Herodotus 2.59, 62, 163, 165; Diodorus Siculus 5.57.5; Plutarch, I_s. et Osir. 354C; references in Giff. 4.310; also, cf. Jones, C i t i e s , 99) is not mentioned in the Bible (though, cf. Ezek 30:15: Edi£ (-iv) = "p D, i.e., Pelusium, on the eastern frontier; so, BDB, 6 9 5 ) , nor are the patriarchs elsewhere located there. It is not clear why MS I omitted "HAiou, thus reading ev XT^ ndAe i xal Ealv, though conceivably it was influenced by Ezek 30:15. Even so, the syntax remains problematic. This variant, how­ ever, apparently prompted Stephanus' emendation, dropping 'HAiou and reading ev xfj ndAe i Kaiodv, w h i c h is slightly, though remotely, reminiscent of TeaeU/ i.e., Goshen Offi}; cf. Gen 4 5 : 1 0 ; 4 7 : 1 - 4 , 2 7 ) , where the biblical account locates the family of Joseph. Seguier, PG ( 2 1 ) , col. 1573, note on 725 BC9, regards it as a corruption of Teaeu. Stephanus is further refined by F r e u d e n t h a l , 159, 217, who retains 'HAiou because of its MS support, but reads ev xfj 'HAiou ndAei xai Edv. He suggests that Sais was misread for San (Eav), i.e., T a n i s / T a n a i s , also A v a r i s , PerR a m s e s , and in Hebrew Zoan (fV^)• Precedent is provided by similar confusion in Herodotus 2.17 and Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 2 0 , noted by F. Kees, art. "Tanis," PW 4 (1931) col. 2178. F r e u d e n t h a l ' s suggestion also has merit because it is elsewhere associated with Heliopolis (Exod 1:11) and because Jews are elsewhere associated w i t h and located in Tanis (cf. Num 13:22; Ps 77:12, 43 LXX; Isa 19:11, 13; 30:4; Jub 13:12; Jdt 1 : 1 0 ) . Jacoby's suggestion, w h i c h presumably (though this is not clear from his apparatus) reads ev xfj 'HAiou ndAei ev ndAei xaAouuevn Edv (or K e a a d v ) , attempts to bring this reading into closer conformity w i t h Frg. 3, par. 2, where the MSS read Teoaav, though M r a s reads Ediv. 25.

Cf. above, note

9.

26.

Cf. above, note

4.

230

Artapanus

27. A t h o s , otherwise unattested as a city in Egypt. T h u s , since Seguier, PG ( 2 1 ) , col. 1573, note on 725 CIO, seen as a corruption of Pithom (nidcou, cf. Exod 1 : 1 1 ) . Cf. app. crit. Conceivably, the initial n has elided (cf. na.TOUU.ov, Herodotus 2 . 1 5 8 ) . So, F r e u d e n t h a l , 158. A l s o , cf. Giff. 4.310. Collins-Poehlmann, 17, also see a connection with the Egyptian form of Pithom, Pr Jtm = House/Temple of Athum. 28. Conceivably, an allusion to the Jewish temple at Leontopolis established by Onias IV ca. 167-164 B . C . E . (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 12.387-88; 13.62-73; 20.236-37; also 14.21; J.W. 7 . 4 2 3 - 3 2 ) . Since Leontopolis was located in the Heliopolite nome (cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1 3 . 7 0 ) , this association would be natural. The temple at Leontopolis appears to lie behind Isa 19:1-25 and Sib. Or. 5.484-530. The letters to Egyptian Jewry in 2 M a c e 1:1-9 and 1:1029 are plausibly seen as attempts to realign the loyalty of Egyptian Jews away from Leontopolis toward the Jerusalem temple (so, E. Bammel, Cambridge lectures, February, 1 9 7 1 ) . C f . Smallwood, J e w s , 2 2 1 - 2 2 , 3 6 7 - 6 8 , and bibliography cited therein. Could "the temple at A t h o s " be an allusion to the sanctuary at Elephantine? The connection, however, is not o b v i o u s . 29. This last sentence, according to W a l t e r , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 128, n. 4c, does not belong to A r t a p a n u s , but probably w i t h D e m e t r i u s , Frg. 2, after par. 12. Cf. JS (3,2) 287, n. 12c. 30. This fragment occurs at the beginning of the section of P.E., Book 9, which treats M o s e s (chs. 2 6 - 2 9 ) . It is preceded by a brief excerpt from Eupolemus (ch. 26 = Frg. 1) and followed by excerpts from Ezekiel the Tragedian and Demetrius variously intercalated. All of the quotations in this section of Book 9 Eusebius takes directly from Alexander Polyhistor. 31. D o u b t l e s s , Jacob is meant h e r e , especially since the preceding sections (P.E. 9.21-24) dealt with Jacob and Joseph. Cf. M e r e n t i t e s , EHBS 27 (1957) 317. On the death of Jacob, cf. Gen 47:28-31. 32. The translation here adheres to Mras's punctuation. A name of similar length is given to Joseph by Pharaoh in Gen 41:45LXX: WovOoucpavriX. According to F r e u d e n t h a l , 217, M e m p s a s t h e n o t h is A r t a p a n u s fabricated name of the deceased Pharaoh. A c c o r d i n g l y , he transposes it to the following phrase (cf. app. c r i t . ) . 1

33. No such name appears in the Egyptian king lists in the 18th or 19th d y n a s t i e s . A c c o r d i n g to F r e u d e n t h a l , 158, it is a corruption of known Egyptian n a m e s : Pamenothes or P a m o n t h e s . 34.

Cf. Exod

1:9-14.

Annotations

231

35. The MSS (ION) read Teoaav (cf. app. c r i t . ) , most likely a corruption of T E Edv, hence Mras's emendation xe Ediv, w h i c h c o n f o r m s to Frg. 2, par. 3. C f . above, note 24. According to Stephanus (followed by Freudenthal, 158, 2 1 7 ) , the text should read Keaaav, i.e., Goshen (Teoeu, cf. e.g.. Gen 4 7 : 2 7 ) . Cf. Seguier, PG (21) col. 1573, note on 725 C 9 . 36. Heliopolis is one of the three cities built by the Jews at P h a r a o h ' s d i r e c t i o n mentioned in Exod 1:11 On H e l i o p o l i s , cf. above, notes 21, 24, 2 8 .

LXX.

37. Pharaoh's daughter remains unnamed in Scripture (cf. Exod 2:1-10; also Sib. Or. 3.253; Philo, V. M o s . 1.5-17; Ps.-Philo, Bib. Ant. 9 . 1 5 ) . E l s e w h e r e , she is called Thermuthis (Josephus, Ant. 2 . 2 2 4 - 4 3 ) , Tharmuth (Jub 4 7 : 5 ) , Pharia (alias, Isis; cf. Syncellus, 1.227, apud C h a r l e s , A P O T , 2.78; also, cf. below, par. 1 6 ) , Bithiah (Talmud, after 1 Chr 4 : 1 7 ) . References in Thackeray, Josephus (LCL) 4.261. Cf. Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 1.266 and 5.398, n. 48; 5.401, n. 60; F r e u d e n t h a l , 217. 38. C h e n e p h r e s : properly, Xecpprjv (Seguier, PG (21) col. 1 5 7 3 - 7 4 , note on 729 A 2 ) , brother and successor of Cheops. Cf. Herodotus 2.127; Diodorus Siculus 1.64.1. Cf. Scholiast on Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , P r o t r e p t i c u s , 44, apud Seguier, op. cit.; also Giff., 4.312. A l s o , identified with Chenceres (18th dynasty) and M e n o p h r e s (19th d y n a s t y ) . Cf. Freudenthal, 158. 39. According to F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 5 7 , such a political situa­ tion w i t h many rulers could only refer to the time of the Hyksos. 40. Her barrenness is an unbiblical d e t a i l . Cf., however, Philo, V. M o s . 1.13; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.232. 41. In contrast to the biblical account, Philo, and J o s e p h u s , some pagan authors (Pseudo-Manetho, Chaeremon, Apion, and possibly Tacitus) regarded M o s e s as a native Egyptian. Cf. Gager, M o s e s , 19; F r e u d e n t h a l , 161. 42. On the naming of M o s e s , cf. Exod 2:10 (from draw out." Cf. Philo, V. M o s . 1.17 (Mcouafjv, from Egyptian word for w a t e r " ) ; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.228 "the Egyptian word for w a t e r " + eafjc., "those w h o saved").

iifflO, "to uxou, "the (from utou, are

43. F r e u d e n t h a l , 217, suspects dittography here (cf. lines 2 1 - 2 2 ) , hence his conjectural d e l e t i o n of dv6pcodevTa (cf. app. c r i t . ) . 44. Mouaaioc,: a p r e - H o m e r i c , m y t h i c a l Greek poet and seer of Attica to whom were ascribed various oracular sayings, songs, and p o e m s , including c o s m o g o n i e s . In P.E. 9.8.1-2

232

Artapanus

44. (cont.) Moses is also designated Mousaios by N u m e n i u s , a 2nd cent. C.E. Pythagorean philosopher. Cf. Kirk & Raven, Pre-Socratic P h i l o s o p h e r s , 21-24; Rzach, "Musaios," PW 16 (1935) cols. 757-67. 45. In Greek literature, Musaios is ordinarily associated with Orpheus (cf., e.g., A r i s t o p h a n e s , Ra. 1032-34; Plato, Rep. 2.364e; Diodorus Siculus 1 . 9 6 . 2 ) , either as his son (Diodorus Siculus 4.25.1; Justin, Cohort, ad Graec. 15) or his disciple (Tatian, Or. ad Graec. 41 = Eusebius, P.E. 1 0 . 1 1 . 2 7 - 2 8 , 30; Clement, Strom. 1 . 2 1 . 1 3 1 . 1 ) , but not as his teacher, as in A r t a p a n u s . Cf. M. P. Nilsson, "Early Orphism and Kindred Religious M o v e m e n t s , " HTR 28 (1935) 1 8 1 - 2 3 0 , esp. 192 on the relationship between Orpheus and M u s a e u s . A l s o , Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 224. Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 129, n. 4a,- notes the tradition in Hecataeus of Abdera (FGrH 264, Frg. 25 = Diodorus Siculus 1 . 9 6 . 2 ) , according to which Orpheus transmits to the Greeks the sacred wisdom gained in his Egyptian travels (cf. also Diodorus Siculus 1.23; 92; F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 6 0 ) . It is altered by Artapanus so that M o s e s , not the Egyptian p r i e s t s , becomes the ultimate source of Greek wisdom. 46. The following portrait of Moses as cultural b e n e f a c t o r , with its special emphasis on his role as inventor, draws on diverse strands from a well-established tradition of national romance literature and patriotically motivated propaganda. On the tradition as a w h o l e , and its several genres and sub-genres, cf. Thraede, "Erfinder I I , " and "Das Lob." Individual accomplishments and inventions are elsewhere attributed to various heroic figures, such as N i n u s , Semiramis, Sesostris, Isis and O s i r i s . Cf. B r a u n , History and Romance, 3-35. For similar claims elsewhere in the fragments, cf. A r t a p a n u s , Frg. 2, par. 3 (of J o s e p h ) ; E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 1 A & B (of M o s e s ) , and A n n o t a t i o n s , N o s . 5-7; Pseudo-Eupolemus (of A b r a h a m ) , Frg. 1, par. 3, and A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 12. Numerous pagan parallels exist for individual items in the portrait. Similar claims are made for Hermes Thoth: the inventor of writing (Plato, Phdr. 274-75; Diodorus Siculus 1.16.1; Philo of B y b l o s , FGrH 790, Frg. 1 = P.E. 1.9.24, on which cf. A t t r i d g e - O d e n , Philo of B y b l o s , 72, n. 8; Cicero, de nat. deor. 3 . 2 2 ) ; the inventor of culture and scholarship (Diodorus Siculus 1.16.43; Plutarch, Is. et Osir. 3 5 2 B ) ; founder of Egyptian w o r s h i p and author of priestly liturgical books (Diodorus Siculus 1.20.6; Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata 6.3,35.1-37.3; on the designation of ibis as the sacred animal, cf. Herodotus 2.67; Apion in Aelian, NA 1 0 . 2 9 ) . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 155; R. Hanhart, "Fragen urn die E n t s t e h u n g der LXX," V T 12 (1962) 1 3 9 - 6 3 , esp. 143, n. 1; Conzelmann, HJC, 151. As to the individual motifs in A r t a p a n u s ' portrait of M o s e s : many useful contributions (Osiris: Diodorus Siculus 1.13.5; 1 7 . 1 - 2 ; 18.5; 19.5; 20.5; 27.5; I s i s : Diodorus Siculus 1.22.1; 2 7 . 1 ; 2 7 . 3 - 4 ) ; the invention of ships (Sesostris: Diodorus Siculus 1.55.2; Herodotus 2.102; also cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. 7.206; Herodotus 1.171;

Annotations

233

46. (cont.) Thucydides 1 . 4 ) ; machines for lifting stones (crowbars? cf. Herodotus 2.125; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 7.195; M a n e t h o , F r g s . 11 & 1 2 ) ; w e a p o n s and devices for fighting (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 7.200; Pindar, Frg. 281 B; Schol. V e n . Homer, I I . 10.439; Strabo 10.3.19; H e l l a n i c u s , Frg. 71b, 1 8 9 ) ; devices for drawing water (Archimedean screw ?, though xoxAcaQ; cf. Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 3 0 , 52; Diodorus Siculus 1.34.2; 5.37.3; P. Lond. 3 . 1 1 7 7 . 7 3 ) ; philosophy (cf. Plato, Phdr. 274 c-e; Plutarch, Quaest. conv. 9.3.2.; Isocrates, Or. 1 1 . 1 1 - 1 4 , 17-20, 28, 30; Diodorus Siculus 1 . 9 6 ) ; division of state into 36 nomes (Sesostris: Diodorus Siculus 1 . 5 4 . 3 ) ; assignment of local deities and the building of sanctuaries and temples (Osiris: Diodorus Siculus 1.15.3; I s i s : Diodorus Siculus 1.21.56; H e r m e s : Diodorus Siculus 1.61.1; S e s o s t r i s : Diodorus Siculus 1.56.2; 57; Herodotus 2 . 1 0 8 ) ; the assignment of hiero­ glyphics (Sesostris: Diodorus Siculus 1 . 5 5 . 7 ) ; assignment of land for priests (Isis: Diodorus Siculus 1.21.7; cf. 1.54.6; S e s o s t r i s : Herodotus 2.107) the founding of cities (Osiris: Diodorus Siculus 1.15.1; 18.6; 19.7; Isis: Diodorus Siculus 1.27.4; S e m i r a m i s : Diodorus Siculus 2.14.4, P s . - C a l l i s t h e n e s 3.18; Cambyses: Diodorus 1 . 3 3 . 1 ) ; military sagacity (Sesostris: Diodorus Siculus 1.54-56; 94.4; Herodotus 2 . 1 0 2 - 1 0 6 ) ; gaining popular approval (Sesostris: Diodorus Siculus 1.54.2; 55.12; 56.1-2; 5 7 . 2 ; Herodotus 2 . 1 0 9 ) . Many of these references are given in Tiede, Charismatic Figure, 1 4 6 - 7 7 . Clearly, A r t a p a n u s ' portrait is indebted to numerous pagan strands, its thoroughly Egyptian cast represents his own contribution. The portrait has apologetic value as a response to the pagan charges that Jews had produced no figures who had made genuine contributions to humanity. Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 2. 135-36. 47. On M o s e s as the first p h i l o s p h e r , cf. Eupolemus, Frg. 1 and n. 5. The motif is developed on a grand scale in Philo, V. M o s . A l s o , cf. N u m e n i u s , apud P.E. 9.6.9: Tl ydp e o n nAocTcov n Mcoafjs & T T U H C £ C O V ; on w h i c h , cf. G a g e r , Moses, 63-69. 48. Cf.

rc6A.i£, ordinarily "city," but occasionally "country." Homer, Od. 1.170; 6.177; Hesiod, Sc. 380. LSJ, s.v.

49. The translation here follows F r e u d e n t h a l , 147, w h o also notes par. 1 2 : xdt £cpa TO. xaOiepcodevTa urto T O O Mcouaou, and similar language in Diodorus Siculus 1.89.5: naQ' SxaoTov 6' auxcov xa.Ta6ei£ai T O I Q E Y X C O P L O L Q ae3eoOaC T L £cpov. Also, W a l t e r , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 129, n. 4a; T i e d e , Charismatic F i g u r e , 161; C o l l i n s - P o e h l m a n n , 23. Contra Schurer, Geschichte 3. 478, w h o regards aecpdriaeadai as d e p o n e n t : "Moses directs each province to honour God," presumably Yahweh. F r e u d e n t h a l , 160-61, noting the close similarity of Artapanus with Diodorus S i c u l u s , sees a comparable euhemeristic outlook reflected. On the practice of making provisions for n a t i v e patron d e i t i e s , cf. Plato, Leg. 8. 848 c-e.

234

Artapanus

50. lepd Y P & u u a x a : "sacred w r i t i n g s " (OGIS 56. 36 [3rd cent. B . C . E . ] , Philo, V. M o s . 2.290, 2 9 2 ; 2 Tim 3:16; J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 1 . 5 4 ) , or "hieroglyphics" (OGIS 90.54 [Rosetta stone, 2nd cent. B . C . E . ] ; Philo, V. M o s . 1.23; cf. H e r o d o t u s 2 . 3 6 ) . If the latter here, perhaps "he gave (taught?) the priests h i e r o g l y p h i c s . " Contrast Philo, V. M o s . 1.23. Cf. Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 130; Giff., 4.313. 51. The syntax is unclear. This final phrase is presumably governed by arcoxaEcu. Cf. W a l t e r , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 130, n. 5e; Tiede, Charismatic F i g u r e , 161, n. 103. On the Egyptian w o r s h i p of a n i m a l s , cf. Herodotus 2.65-76; Diodorus Siculus 1.83.1-90.4 (abbreviated in P.E. 2.1.335 0 ) ; Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 4 0 . Critiques developed in pagan (Strabo 16.2.35; Plutarch, I_s. et Osir. 71; Cicero, de nat. deor. 1.36.101; Juvenal 15.1-13; A t h e n a e u s , Epit. 7.299-300; Lucian, Deor. Cone. 1 0 . 1 1 ; Im. 11; JConf. 4 2 ) , Jewish (Philo, DVC 8-9; Decal. 76-80; Leg, ad Gaium 139, 163-66; J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 1. 2 2 4 - 2 5 , 254; 2. 66, 81, 86, 139; Sib. Or. Frg. 3.22, 2 7 ; Bk. 3.30; 5.77, 279; Wis 1 2 : 2 4 ; 15:18) and Christian (Aristides, A p o l . 1 2 ; Justin, A p o l . 1.24; Tatian, Or. ad Graecos 9) t r a d i t i o n s . 52. Cf. Frg. 2, par. 2. On the special privileges of p r i e s t s , cf. Herodotus 2.37; Diodorus Siculus 1.21.7. 53. Land and religious reforms produce similar stabilizing e f f e c t s in Diodorus 1.89.5; Plutarch, Is. et O s i r . 3 7 9 F - 3 8 0 C . 54. Ca6deoQ, frequently used to ascribe divine status to h e r o e s . LSJ, s.v.: Homer, I_l. 2. 565; Od. 1. 374; A e s c h y l u s , Pers. 80, 857; S o p h o c l e s , Ant. 837; E u r i p i d e s , IA 626; Plato, Phdr. 255; Isocrates 2.5; H i p p o c r a t e s , Decent.; A n t i p h a n e s 1.47.2. 55. Or, "because of his interpretation of the hieroglyphs." In Greek mythology, Hermes is the herald of the g o d s , and (later) the patron god of literature and the a r t s , and the god of rhetoric. In Iamblichus, De mysteriis Aegypt. 1, Hermes is Oe6c, 6 xcov Aoytov nYEUtov (apud, H a e n c h e n , A c t s , 426, n. 3 ) . Cf. Acts 1 4 : 1 2 . Hermes became appropriated in Egyptian traditions as the inventor of language, especia l l y the alphabet, and the god of the art of inter­ p r e t a t i o n (epunveia), and thus was identified with his Egyptian counterpart Thoth (cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.16.1-2; also Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.208, esp. 2.353, n. 150, and the references to Rusch, "Thoth," PW 6 (1937) c o l s . 379-88, and F e s t u g i e r e , Hermes T r i s . i , 6 7 8 8 ; Also, on Thoth, cf. ANET, 5, 8-9. A c c o r d i n g to M r a s , GCS (8,1) 4 3 , 1 . , 520, note on line 9, this m e n t i o n of Hermes is clearly an allusion to the alleged name of the Jews "Hermiouth" in Frg. 1 and Frg. 2, par. 4. Cf. a b o v e , note 4.- The identification of M o s e s with Hermes-Thoth is made easier b e c a u s e of the similarity w i t h T u t - M o s i s . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 154, w h o also notes H e r m e s - T h o t h ' s role as : r

Annotations

235

55 (cont.) teacher of righteousness and lawgiver (cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.94.1; Plutarch, Ijs. et Osir. 375 F; C i c e r o , de nat. d e o r . 3 . 2 2 ) . Cf., also H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.92-93; 2.62, n. 262. 56. M o s e s ' battle with the E t h i o p i a n s (par. 7-9) is another haggadic addition to the biblical account, most likely deriving from the reference in Num 12:1 to M o s e s ' m a r r i a g e to a Cushite woman (cf. also Hab 3:7; also, Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 3.256 and 6.90, n. 4 8 8 ) . The account in Josephus, Ant. 2.238-53, is more detailed and perhaps dependent on A r t a p a n u s . An abbreviated m e d i e v a l Syrian version, w h i c h o c c u r s in Isho'dad^of M e r w (9th c e n t . ) , is reported by R., M. Tonneau, "Moise dans la tradition syrienne," in M o i s e : 1'homme de 1'alliance (Paris: Desclee & Cie, 1955) 245-65, esp. 257-59. Cf. W a l t e r , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 130, n. 7b. Because of the legendary invinci­ bility of the Ethiopians (cf. Strabo 1 6 . 4 . 4 ; Herodotus 3. 1 7 - 2 6 ) , in the Hellenistic romance literature military victories over them b e c a m e a frequent motif used to enhance the status of heroic figures, e.g., Osiris (Diodorus Siculus 1.17.1; 1 8 . 3 - 4 ) , Cambyses (Herodotus 3 . 1 7 - 2 6 ) , Sesostris (Diodorus Siculus 1.55.1; cf. 9 4 . 4 ; Herodotus 2.110; Strabo 1 6 . 4 . 4 ) , and Semiramis (Diodorus Siculus 2 . 1 4 . 4 ) . Cf. Collins and Poehlmann, 26; Tiede, Charismatic F i g u r e , 158-59. Yet another variation of the M o s e s - E t h i o p i a n story, in which Moses b e c o m e s their ally and king, occurs in rabbinic sources. Cf. Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 2. 283 and 5. 407-10, note 80. On Ethiopians in antiquity, cf. F. Snowden, Blacks in Antiquity (Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 7 0 ) . A l s o , cf. V e r m e s , "La figure," 69-70; I.Levi, "Moise en E t h i o p e , " REJ 53 (1907) 201-11; I. Heinemann, "Moses ( 1 ) , " PW 16.1 (1933) cols. 3 5 9 - 7 5 , esp. 367; F r e u d e n t h a l , 155-56; C o l l i n s Poehlmann, 2 5-27. 57. Hermopolis was the southernmost nome mentioned in the Ptolemaic lists (cf. J o n e s , C i t i e s , 2 9 8 ) , located on the boundary line b e t w e e n Upper and M i d d l e Egypt. It was an important center of Egyptian religion and the location of the main shrine of Thoth and the birthplace of the sun-god Re. Cf. C o l l i n s - P o e h l m a n n , 27. 58.

Cf. Polybius

59.

I.e.,

2.24.8, apud Giff.

4.313.

Artapanus.

60. Sesostris' battle with the Ethiopians y e a r s . Cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.55.9.

lasted

nine

61. On the ibis, cf. Herodotus 2.75-76; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.245-47; A e l i a n , NA 2.38; Strabo 1 7 . 2 . 4 . Cf. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.2 69 and 2.425, n. 661. 62. I.e.,

in honor of M o s e s , so designated

in par. 6.

236

Artapanus

63. A r t a p a n u s , in one sense, here agrees with the w i d e ­ spread tradition that the practice of circumcision o r i g i ­ nated in Egypt (cf. Herodotus 2.36, 104; A g a t h a r c h i d e s , De Mari Erythraeo 61, in C. Miiller ( e d . ) , Geographi Graeci m i n o r e s (Hildesheim: Georg O l m s , 1965; repr. of 1855 ed.) 1.154; Diodorus Siculus 1.28.3; 55.5; 3.32.4; Strabo 1 6 . 4 . 1 7 ; 17.2.5; cf. 1 6 . 2 . 3 7 ; Celsus (dependent on Herodotus) in Origen, Contra Celsum 1.22; also cf. 5.41, 47). The actual origins of the practice are o b s c u r e , but the Egyptian practice is at least as old as the 3rd m i l l e n n i u m B . C . E . (cf. relief from the Sixth Dynasty tomb at Saqqarah, in IDB 1 . 6 2 9 ) , and is confirmed by numerous papyri in the H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n period (e.g. P.Lond. 1. 24.12-13 [164-163 B . C . E . ] ; P.Tebt. 2.292 [189-190 C . E . ] ; 2.293 [ca. 187 C . E . ] ; also 2.291; P.Tebt. 2.314 [2nd cent. C.E.]). The assocation of the practice w i t h Egypt is also attested in C h r i s t i a n w r i t i n g s (cf. Barn. 9.6; Origen, Contra Celsum 5.41; Horn, in Jerem. 5.14 = GCS 6 (1901) 43; Jerome, Comm. in Jerem. 9.25-26 = PL ( 2 4 ) , par. 910, c o l s . 774C - 775A; Justin, D i a l . Tryph. 28.4 [on Jer. 9:25-26]). By depicting Moses as the one w h o taught c i r c u m c i s i o n to the Ethiopians and (if W a l t e r ' s conjecture is sound [JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 131, n. 10b]), to all the Egyptian priests as w e l l , A r t a p a n u s continues the inventor-motif introduced in par. 4, and posits the ultimate Hebrew origin of the practice. T h i s , in itself, is unusual for H e l l e n i s t i c Jewish a u t h o r s , though a similar claim is made by Origen, (Contra Celsum 1 . 2 2 ) , also p r e s u p p o s i n g the higher antiquity of the Pentateuch (cf. Gen 1 7 : 9 - 2 7 ; 34:14-24; Exod 4:24-26; Lev 12:3; Deut 10:16; 30:6; cf. Josh 5 : 2 - 7 ) . Absent in A r t a p a n u s is the d e f e n s i v e tone which later surfaces in Hellenistic-Jewish w r i t e r s w h o respond to pagan ridicule of the practice (e.g. J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 2.137; cf. 1 Mace 1:11-15; Herodotus 2.37; also Sallustius 9, on w h i c h cf. A. D. Nock, Sallustius (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926) lxxii, n. 152; Petronius 68.4-8 [= Stern, GLAJJ, No. 1 9 3 ] ; M a r t i a l [= Stern, GLAJJ, 2 3 8 - 4 6 ) . A typical response is to defend the practice by noting its widespread usage among other nations, hence as nothing peculiarly Jewish (cf. Philo, Spec. Leg. 1.2-11; Q u e s . Gen. 3.47-52, esp. 4 7 - 4 8 ; J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 1.168-71 [= Herodotus 2 . 1 0 4 ] ; 2.140-42; cf. Ant. 8.262). It may in fact have only been practiced by the Egyptian p r i e s t s , not by the general populace, as Herodotus suggests. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 159. A l s o , cf. R. R e i t z e n s t e i n , Zwei r e l i g i o n s g e s c h i c h t l i c h e Frage (Strassburg: K. J. Triibner, 1901) 1-46; I. H. Gray, G. Foucart, D. S. M a r g o l i o u t h , and G. A. Barton, "Circumcision," HERE 3 (1910) 659-80; F. Stummer, "Beschneidung," RAC 2 (1954) c o l s . 159-69; J. P. Hyatt, "Circumcision," IDB 1 (1962) 629-31; R. M e y e r , T t e p i x e u v t o , TDNT 6 (1968) 72-84; M. Stern, GLAJJ, 1.2-4.

Annotations

237

64. There were three Egyptian cities named D i o s p o l i s . This one is Diospolis Magna, or Thebes, located in Upper Egypt. In the B i b l e , it is the city of N o , or No-Ammon (cf. Jer 46 : 2 5 ) . In Egyptian, it w a s niwt 'Imn, the "city of Amon." Formerly the capital of Egypt, it was the cultic center for the worship of Amon, whom the Greeks identified as Zeus, hence "the city of Zeus." Cf. Ezek 30:14, 16 LXX. Cf. Collins-Poehlmann, 2 8 ; Sethe, "Dios­ p o l i s , " PW 5 (1905) cols. 1144-45; Walter, JS (1,2) 131, n. 11a; IDB, 4.615-17. 65.

I.e., N a c h e r o s .

66.

I.e., M o s e s .

67. On the veneration of the bull owing to its usefulness in Egyptian a g r i c u l t u r e , cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.21.10 (= P.E. 2 . 1 . 1 9 ) . Generally, on the Egyptian w o r s h i p of Apis, cf. Herodotus 2.153; 3.28-29; Diodorus Siculus 1.84. 4, 8 (=P.E. 2 . 1 . 4 8 ) ; 1.85.1-5; 88.4 ( = P . E . 2.1.41; also cf. P.E. 3 . 1 3 . 2 ) ; Plutarch, I s . et Osir. 353A, 355C, 359B, 362 C-D, 363 C-D, 364 C - E , 368 C-F, 380 E ; Aelian, NA 10.28; 1 1 . 1 0 - 1 1 . Cf. Pietschmann, "Apis ( 5 ) , " PW 1 (1894) cols. 2807-09. 68. On the famous necropolis at M e m p h i s , cf. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.269. 69. The translation here follows the conjecture of Stephanus (adopted by M r a s ) . T h e reading of the M S S (dnofsevobaavTas) is clearly impossible . Literally, "having treated h i m as an alien." Cf. Giff. 4.313; W a l t e r , JS (1,2), 1 3 2 , n. 13a. 70. The translation here attempts to render urcoax.eodoa, w h i c h is read by all M S S and retained by M r a s . Ordinarily, it is rendered "promise" (LSJ, s . v . ) , and "entrust" here may be stretching it too far. Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 1 3 2 , n. 15a, plausibly emends the text to read urcodeadou, suspect­ ing dittography (cf. line 5 ) . T h u s , "Chenephres instructed both Moses and Chanethothes to transport the corpse ..." 71. I.e., Upper Egypt, most likely Ethiopia. So, Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 1 3 2 , n. 15b. 72. M S S : Mcooet. (cf. a p p . c r i t . ) . Following earlier editors, Mras brings the spelling here into conformity with the rest of the text. 73. Literally, "But h e , while protecting himself (reading with Mras the contracted reflexive auxov instead of the more obscure reading of the M S S a u x 6 v ) , buried the aforementioned M e r r i s . " Meroe w a s the capital city of Ethiopia (cf. Herodotus 2.29; Strabo 1 7 . 2 . 2 ) , some 1100 miles (10,000 stadia; cf. Strabo 17.3.1) south of

238

Artapanus

73. (cont.) Alexandria. It was located on an island with the same name in the Nile (Diodorus Siculus 1.33.1; Strabo 1 7 . 1 . 2 ) , and is said to have been founded by Cambyses and named by him for M e r o e , variously designated as his m o t h e r (Diodorus Siculus 1.33.1-4) and sister (Strabo 17.1.5; Josephus, Ant. 2 . 2 4 9 ) . No river by the same name is known among the ancient sources. Cf. W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 132, n. 16b; Collins-Poehlmann, 30. 74. Strabo 17.2.3 lists Isis among the deities revered at M e r o e . According to Diodorus Siculus 1.22.2, one tradition held that Isis and Osiris had been buried on an island in the Nile near the border of Ethiopia. Against the editorial tradition which prefers-the comparative fXaxxov, Mras follows the MS tradition in retaining eAaxtoxcoe. On the use of the superlative for the compara­ tive, cf. M r a s , Rheinisches Museum N.F. 92 (1944) 231, apud P.E. (GCS, 8,1) 4 3 , 1 . 5 2 1 . 75. M o s e s ' murder of Chanethothes in self-defense repre­ sents a variation of the biblical account of his murder of the Egyptian (Exod 2 : 1 1 - 1 5 ) . The episode is variously treated e l s e w h e r e . The biblical account is followed by Jub 4 7 : 1 0 - 1 2 ; also by Philo (V. M o s . 1.43-44, though freely allegorized in Leg. A l l . 3.37-39; Fuga 1 4 7 - 4 8 ) . The episode is omitted entirely by Josephus (cf. Ant. 2. 2 5 4 - 5 7 ) . Cf. Ginzberg, Legends, 2.278-82. 76. 'PayouriA.: so, Exod 2:18 LXX (though Iodop in A, after Exod 3:1; 4:18; 18:1 passim.) Cf. Demetrius, Frg. 3, par. 1, and note 69. 77. The syntax is difficult, and perhaps results from abbreviation by Polyhistor. The translation here follows the suggestion of Jacoby to render SuaKcoAuovxa in the p a s s i v e : 6ia.KcoA.udEVTa. Giff., 3,1.464: "And Raguel for­ bidding him to march against the A r a b s , ordered him to plunder Egypt." M r a s , P.E., ad loc.: "At M o s e s bidding, Raguel prevented his Arabs from launching a military campaign against the Egyptians, but led them in guerilla w a r f a r e instead." A l s o , Walter, JS (1,2) 133. F r e u d e n t h a l , 157, by altering the punctuation, s u g g e s t s : "And M o s e s , having prevented Raguel from launching an attack, ordered the Arabs to plunder Egypt." On the relation of this to the H y k s o s , cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 2 1 7 . 1

78. According to Plutarch, Quaest. conv. 8.9 (= M o r a l i a 731A; also cf. 7 3 2 A ) , elephantiasis w a s first noted in the time of Asclepiades of Prusa who flourished in Rome ca. 100 B . C . E . A work On Elephantiasis is attributed to Democritus by some ancient w r i t e r s , but by Diels-Kranz (Frg. der V o r s o k . 68B 306.10, ii.216.8ff.) to Bolus of Mende (3rd cent. B . C . E . ) . Cf. note in Plutarch (LCL) 9.187; also W a c h o l d e r , "Biblical Chronology," 460, n. 34. Also, cf. Ptolemy, Tetr. 151. Elephantiasis was similar to 8

Annotations

239

78. (cont.) leprosy and the name under w h i c h leprosy was sometimes mentioned. The disease envisioned here was most likely to have been a skin condition, so called because it resembled the skin of an elephant. Accordingly, it was sometimes used for leprosy. Later, the term also came to be used for the enlarged leg condition, but this condition was apparently unknown to the Greeks. Cf. H. A. Skinner, The Origin of M e d i c a l Terms (Baltimore: Willimans and W i l k i n s , 1949) 130. Frequent in Hellenistic-Jewish literature is the theme of the villainous ruler/official who in life seeks to obstruct the ways of God, but dies an extraordinarily violent death. Cf. 2 Mace 9:5-11; 3 Mace 2:21-24; Philo, Flacc. 180-91; Acts 12:23. The reference to the death of the king is perhaps based on Exod 4:19. On e l e p h a n t i a s i s , cf. further Deut 28:27 Symm; also Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 2.296-300. 79. Linen, or muslin, clothing would have been a remark­ ably honorable mark of distinction, given its fine quality and association w i t h honorable status, especially the priesthood. Cf. Herodotus 2.37; Plutarch, Is. et Osir. 352 C-D; Diodorus Siculus 5.46.2; P.Tebt. 703.87-117; P h i l o s t r a t u s , VA 8.7.5; cf. also 3 Mace 2:29 where Jews are branded w i t h the Dionysiac ivy leaf. Cf. Heinichen 2.36, n. 10. 80.

I.e.,

Artapanus. 1

81. A r t a p a n u s portrait of Moses as the leader of a military expedition against the Egyptians is distinctive. Cf., however, J o s e p h u s ' treatment of M o s e s as "general" in Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 69-71. A l s o , cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 155, and 1 5 7 , w h o takes this as evidence of A r t a p a n u s use of traditions about the H y k s o s . Cf. A r i s t o b u l u s , Frg. 4, par. 3; Philo, V. M o s . 1.65-84; Josephus, Ant. 2.266-76; Ginzberg, Legends, 2.303-36. 1

82. On the consultation with Aaron, cf. Exod 4:27-31. W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 1 3 3 , n. 22a, notes, there is a sharp break at this point, suggesting that Polyhistor has omitted a section.

As

83. I.e., C h e n e p h r e s ' successor, although in the parallel account in Clement (cf. following p a r a g r a p h ) , M o s e s ' antagonist in Egypt is called C h e n e p h r e s . Cf. app. crit. on Clement parallel to par. 23 below. Also, cf. Josephus, Ant. 2.277; Exod 4:19. 83a. Literally (following Stephanus' emendation, accepted by M r a s , against the M S S ) , "... he called (Moses) to himself ..." Pharaoh's summons is an unbiblical d e t a i l . Cf. Exod 5:1.

240

Artapanus

84. In Greek literature, 6ecm6xr|£ is frequently used as a divine appellation, especially when emphasizing the power of the gods (cf. esp. X e n o p h o n , An. 3 . 2 . 1 3 ) . The e x p r e s s i o n in Artapanus conforms to the typical LXX pattern where deoTCOTnc, is qualified with a more concrete e x p r e s s i o n (cf. Wis 6:7; 8:3; Sir 36:1; 3 Mace 2:2; Jdt 9 : 1 2 ) . It is frequently used of God in Philo (cf. esp. Her. 22-29) and Josephus (cf. J.W. 7.323, 418-19; Ant. 8.111; 1 8 . 2 3 ) . Gf. also Ezekiel the Tragedian, Frg. 2, par. 11. The usage continues in Christian writings (cf. Luke 2:29; Acts 4:24; 2 Pet 2:1; Jude 4; Rev 6 : 1 0 ) . Cf. BAG, s.v.; K. H. Rengstorf, TDNT 2 (1964) 44-49. 85. This fragment occurs in the final section of Book I of the Stromata w h i c h is devoted to M o s e s and the Mosaic law (chs. 2 3 - 2 9 ) . Its immediate context (ch. 23) is a panegyric on the life of M o s e s , specifically his education in the w i s d o m of Egypt. It is preceded by a quotation from Eupolemus (= Frg. la) and is followed by an excerpt from Ezekiel the Tragedian (= Frg. 1, par. 2 ) . 86. The imprisonment detail.

of Moses by Pharaoh is an

unbiblical

87. The m i r a c u l o u s escape of the hero from prison is a common motif in ancient literature. Cf. E u r i p i d e s , Ba. 431-641 (Dionysus); P h i l o s t r a t u s , VA 7.38; 8.30 (Apollonius of T y a n a ) . Cf. extensive discussion by 0. Weinreich, "Gebet und Wunder;" also Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 205-209. Cf. Acts 5:17-26; 1 2 : 6 - 1 7 ; 1 6 : 2 3 - 3 0 , on which see Haenchen, A c t s , 383-85; J. J e r e m i a s , TDNT 3 (1965) 175-76; also Matt 28:2-4; Origen, Contra Celsum 2.34. 88.

Cf. Acts 12:7.

89. As W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 134, n. 24a, notes, if the kings jeers at the name of God, one would expect a u x o , not auxdv. M e r e n t i t e s , EHBS 30 (1960) 298, takes Moses as the subject of duaxAeudoavxa, and Pharaoh as the antecedent of auxdv, but this strains the already difficult syntax too much. Literally, the phrase should be rendered "having scoffed at him," i.e., either God, the "Lord of the u n i v e r s e " (cf. par. 2 2 ) , or M o s e s , his emissary. 90. The magical power of divine names is well established in E g y p t i a n magical texts. Cf. Nock, E s s a y s , 1.37, 188-90. Gager, M o s e s , 135, has noted the frequency of Jewish divine n a m e s , including A d o n a i , Iao, Sabaoth, in m a g i c a l t e x t s . Tiede, Charismatic F i g u r e , 169, n. 118, notes PGM 2.126-28; 3.158-59; 5.108-18; 12.92-94. Similarly, Goodenough, Symbols, 2.162, Cf. Josephus, Ant. 2.275-76; Acts 5:1-11; 16:18; also L. Cerfaux, "Influence;" Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 2.331-41; Collins-Poehlmann, 33-34. 91.

Cf. 1 Kgs 17:17-24; Acts 20:10; P h i l o s t r a t u s , VA

4.45.

Annotations

241

92. Presumably, n. 26a.

the king.

Cf. W a l t e r , JS

(1,2) 134,

93. Cf. Exod 4:2-3, 20; 7:8-13; also, Ezekiel the Tragedian, Frg. 2, p a r . 1 2 ; Bib. Ant. 1 9 . 1 1 . On M o s e s magical rod, cf. C o l l i n s - P o e h l m a n n , 35; Tiede, Charismatic F i g u r e , 1 7 1 - 7 3 ; Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 2. 320-21. 1

94. Cf. Exod 7:8-13. The scene change required by par. 27 suggests that the text has been abbreviated h e r e , probably by P o l y h i s t o r . 95.

On par. 2 8 - 3 0 , cf. Exod

7:14-25.

96. By attributing another cultural achievement to M o s e s , A r t a p a n u s reinforces his portrait of Moses as the b e n e ­ factor of Egypt (cf. a b o v e , par. 4 - 6 ) . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 159. Providing such explanations of remarkable natural p h e n o m e n a , especially the overflowing of the N i l e , had b e c o m e a well established tradition by the time of A r t a p a n u s . Cf. Herodotus 2.19-27; Diodorus Siculus 1.36.737.5. A l c o , cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 2 1 7 . 9 7 . The reading of the MSS auvayccYcbv p r e s u p p o s e s Moses as the subject, but w a s corrected by Stephanus to ouvaycxYov, understood intransitively (contra F r e u d e n t h a l , 217; so, M e r e n t i t e s , EHBS 30 (1960) 313, who adduces Theocritus 22.82; Polybius 1 1 : 1 8 4 ; Plutarch, Polit. 9.3). Cf. Exod 7:19 auvea"rr|H6g u 6 c o p . References in C o l l i n s - P o e h l m a n n , 36. It should also be noted that ETCo^eorxi, "to stink," supported by the M S S , is p r e f e r a b l e to S t e p h a n u s drco£eaou, "to b o i l . " So, F r e u d e n t h a l , 217. Cf. Exod 7:18, 21. 1

98.

Cf. Exod

7:21.

99. Pharaoh m a k e s so such promise in the biblical account. Cf., however, J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.295, who either follows A r t a p a n u s , or reflects a common t r a d i t i o n . Cf. C o l l i n s P o e h l m a n n , 36. 100. F r e u d e n t h a l , 173, sees here the core tradition w h i c h appears in modified form in N u m e n i u s , w h e r e M o s e s ' competi­ tors in magic are named Jannes and Jambres (P.E. 9.8.1-3; also Contra Celsum 4 . 5 1 ) . The story is preserved in modified form in Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3 0 . 2 . 1 1 ; A p u l e i u s , A p o l . 90; 2 Tim 3:8. Cf. G a g e r , M o s e s , 1 3 7 - 4 0 ; IDB 2. 8008 01; Ewald, History, 1.89, n. 1. 101. This may be a response to c h a r g e s , such as those levelled by Molon and L y s i m a c h u s , that M o s e s w a s a charlatan and m a g i c i a n . Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 2.145. So, Collins-Poehlmann, 36-37.

242

Artapanus

102. I.e., presupposing that the river had been into blood. Cf. Exod 7:18.

changed

103. An expansion of Exod 7:27, w h i c h m e n t i o n s the king's heart was hardened.

that

104. Probably a reference to the flies, the fourth biblical p l a g u e (Exod 8 : 2 0 - 2 4 ) ; if not, a midrashic addition. 105. The sixth plague in the b i b l i c a l account. Cf. Exod 9:8-12. 106. A n o t h e r midrashic addition, but a common motif in Hellenistic miracle stories. Parallels are given in 0. Weinreich, A n t i k e H e i l u n g s w u n d e r (Religionsgeschichtliche V e r s u c h e und V o r a r b e i t e n , Bd. 8, Hft. 1; G i e s s e n : Topelmann, 1909) 1 9 5 , apud C o l l i n s - P o e h l m a n n , 37. 107. Giff. 4.466: "And as the physicians were unable to h e a l the sufferers, the Jews thus again gained relief." 108. H e r e , Artapanus combines three biblical p l a g u e s : the second (frogs, Exod 7 : 2 5 - 8 : 1 5 ) , eighth (locusts, Exod 1 0 : 1 - 2 0 ) , and the third (lice, Exod 8 : 1 6 - 1 9 ) . On CTHVLTictQ, cf. Exod 8 : 1 6 ( 2 2 ) ; Ps 104:31; Wis 1 9 : 1 0 . Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 218. 109. The m e a n i n g is unclear. W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 135, n. 32a, suggests "... especially in the temple in w h i c h Isis is worshipped." The point is v a g u e , but appears to be that the E g y p t i a n s , mistakenly p e r h a p s , venerate a sacred object w h i c h actually symbolizes M o s e s ' power over the earth. Cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.12.13; Plutarch, I_s. et Osir. 363 D - E , 374 C. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 160. 110. In the biblical account, the seventh p l a g u e is hail (Exod 9 : 1 3 - 3 5 ) , but no nocturnal earthquakes are mentioned. This may be an allusion to the ninth p l a g u e , darkness (cf. Exod 1 0 : 2 1 - 2 9 ) , which is otherwise omitted by A r t a p a n u s . Cf. Ps 77:17-19; also Acts 1 6 : 1 8 , 21. 111. The b i b l i c a l account does not m e n t i o n that the Egyptian temples were destroyed, though cf. Num 33:4 LXX. 112. The death of the first-born (Exod 11:1-12:32) is conspicuously omitted in A r t a p a n u s ' account, and may be P o l y h i s t o r ' s omission. So, F r e u d e n t h a l , 216. 113. According to Exod 12:36, the Israelites "despoiled the E g y p t i a n s " (OHV\EVU)/*?¥3 ) . A r t a p a n u s language here (XPno"auevoos) tones down the b i b l i c a l account, though not as much as J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.314. Cf. Holladay, THEIOS ANER, 2 1 3 , n. 89. 1

Annotations

243

114. Cf. Exod 12:37-39; 1 3 : 1 7 - 1 4 : 2 2 . A l s o , J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.315-16. 115. On the use of sacred animals in insuring victory in w a r f a r e , cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.86.1-5; 8 8 . 6 - 7 ; Plutarch, Is. et Osir. 379F - 380B. Cf. Freudenthal, 160. On &u.a, cf. app. crit. and F r e u d e n t h a l , 218. 116. As Walter n o t e s , JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 135, n.35a, the practice of supplying alternative explanations for remarkable events was a common literary d e v i c e . Cf. Herodotus 2.3-4; also Philo, V. M o s . 1.163-80; Josephus, Ant. 2.347-48; Arrian, An. 1.26. 117. In contrast to the M S tradition, Mras correctly prefers the transitive to the intransitive form, and emends the text accordingly (cf. app. c r i t . ) . Likely, dittography has occurred, since Siaaxfjvai occurs in the next line. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 2 1 8 , who regards xal 6uaoTfjvaL as a gloss. 118.

Cf. Exod

14:10-25.

119. I.e., A r t a p a n u s . The reference to fire likely derives from Exod 14:24; also, cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 2.344, w h i c h , again, may reflect dependence on A r t a p a n u s . Cf. Exod 14:28; also Ps 78:53.

120. Cf. Deut 2:7. T p i d x o v T a is read by MS I to conform with the figure 89 in the final line, thus agreeing with the biblical account that Moses died at 120 years of age (cf Deut 34:7; also Josephus, Ant. 4 . 3 2 7 ) . Obviously, Mras has preferred the more difficult reading. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 218, w h o prefers x p u a x o v x a . 121.

Cf. Exod

122.

I.e.,

16:4-36.

Artapanus.

123. This glowing d e s c r i p t i o n expands Deut 3 4 : 7 . Cf. Josephus, Ant. 4.323-331; Philo, V. M o s . 2.288-92; As. Mos. 11-12. A c c o r d i n g to F r e u d e n t h a l , 218, similar d e s c r i p t i o n s occur in Egyptian texts, including warrants and c o n t r a c t s . Cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.44.4. 124. Cf. Exod years).

7:7; also Josephus, Ant. 2.319

(eighty

CLEODEMUS Only one fragment

MALCHUS

from the work of Cleodemus Malchus"''

is extant, but it exists in two versions. the fragment directly

found in Eusebius

from Josephus

The version

of

(P.E. 9.20.2-4) is taken

(Ant. 1 . 2 3 9 - 4 1 ) , who in turn

utes it to Alexander Polyhistor.

attrib­

Most likely, it derives

ultimately not from Polyhistor's work Concerning the J e w s , as do most of the other Hellenistic

Jewish h i s t o r i a n s , 2

but from another work of his Concerning Libya.

The

versions of the fragment

some minor

(Frg 1 A and B) display

syntactic differences but differ primarily

in the

phy of proper n a m e s , and the textual tradition displays

immense variety in this regard

Title. "reported

Josephus merely concerning

two

orthogra­

for each

(cf. app.

crit.).

states that Cleodemus

Malchus

the Jews"

(loxopcov xd rcepL

'Iou6aicov).

This is even less clearly a reference to the title of his work in a technical sense than are similar phrases in the 3 other

fragments.

Content.

The fragment, w h i c h consists of some dozen

lines, deals chiefly w i t h Abraham. represents

More specifically,

an expansion of Gen 25:1-6, the

d e s c r i p t i o n of Abraham's descendants wife Keturah. rearranged: mentioned:

genealogical

through his

second

The d e t a i l s of the biblical genealogy three children of Abraham by Keturah

Iapheras/Apher,

Sures/Assouri, and

are

are

Iaphras/

Aphran, after whom A f r i c a , Assyria, and the

otherwise

unknown city of Aphra are said to be named.

The most

striking

features of the fragment

Abraham's descendants

to Libya;

are

(1) the tracing

incorporation of Heracles Author.

giant

conquest of Libya; and

into the genealogy of

Alexander Polyhistor

attributes

to Cleodemus, who is also designated

the

(3) the

Abraham. fragment

"the prophet,"

given the surname M a l c h u s . He is variously seen as 4 5 6 7 a Jew, Samaritan, and pagan, either Syrian or 245

of

(2) the m e n t i o n of the

pagan tradition of H e r a c l e s ' defeat of the Libyan Antaeus, and his subsequent

it

and

246

Cleodemus

Phoenician.

The continuing

has centered on 9

controversy over his

(1) the significance of his

Malchus,

and its ethnic origin;

"prophet"

and its significance;

of syncretism reflected

identity

surname

(2) his designation and

(3) the high

as

level

in the fragments as seen by

his interweaving pagan mythological b i b l i c a l traditions.

Malchus

traditions

with

Certainly, none of these is an

a priori impossibility for either a Jewish author, as 12 13 F r e u d e n t h a l thought, or for a Samaritan author. It is less likely that he was a pagan, although this too is c o n c e i•v a bul e . 14 Provenance.

The brevity of the fragment makes

difficult to establish the author's provenance.

it

Most

frequently, it has been located in 15

Syro-Palestine,

especially

suggestion, based

in Samaria.

Walter's

the prominence of African, i.e., Libyan traditions, he was a member of the Jewish Diaspora in Carthage

on that

has

merit. Date.

It is only known for certain that he

A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor

(fl. mid-first

m e n t i o n of H e r a c l e s ' progeny

(Diodorus and S o p h o n ) ,

also occurs in the account of Libya by the Juba II of Mauretania

preceded

century B . C . E . ) .

His which

historian-king

(ca. 50 B . C . E . - 23 C.E.)

provides

no clear indication of d a t e , since both could easily been drawing on widespread popular traditions. generally dated between Sources.

have

He is 17

200 B . C . E . and 50 B . C . E .

It is inherently probable that he used

Greek Bible, but the orthography of proper names considerable divergence even here.

the

shows

There is no hint

that

18 he knew, or used, the Hebrew Importance. obscure

text.

To be sure, Cleodemus Malchus is an

figure, but his w i l l i n g n e s s

to combine pagan

tra­

d i t i o n s with the biblical account places him somewhere along the spectrum of Hellenization near Artapanus and 19 Pseudo-Eupolemus.

Positing Abraham as the

universal

ancestor of all other c u l t u r e s , in this case Africa Assyria, and even as prior to the heroic

and

figure H e r a c l e s ,

Introduction

247

places Cleodemus M a l c h u s in the same tradition as other Hellenistic Jewish authors who sought to enhance

their

own cultural and national tradition by establishing with other renowned

peoples and by tracing all

cultures to Jewish o r i g i n s . ^

other

kinship

Cleodemus

248

Malchus

NOTES

1. Testimonia: Cleodemus is otherwise unattested, except in the references in the fragments (Josephus, Ant. 1.240; E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9 . 2 0 . 3 ) . Cf. Giff., 4.303, note on 422 b l . A l s o , cf. Index to Editions and T r a n s l a t i o n s . 2. Suggested by Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften, 2.182; also, cf. Susemihl, Geschichte, 2.652, 362, n. 78; Denis, 260. Against F r e u d e n t h a l , 14-15, cf. W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 115, n. 3. On AiBuxd, cf. FGrH 273, Frg 32-47. 3. F r e u d e n t h a l , 215, regarded rcepi 'Ioudaicov as a title, but because he saw the author as a Samaritan for whom this would have been unacceptable, he posited the original title as rcepi 'Eftpaicov. 4. W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 116; Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.74; 2.51, n. 135. The possibility is allowed by Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e , 3.481; Literature, 209; followed by Jacoby, "Kleodemus," PW 11 (1921) 675. 5. Argued most strenuously by F r e u d e n t h a l , 131-36, on several g r o u n d s : (1) the reference to the books of M o s e s ; (2) that Malchus is a Semitic, but not demonstrably Jewish name, occurring mostly in Syrian and Phoenician sources; (3) the reference to Heracles, understood to be the Tyrian god worshipped by the Samaritans in Mt. Gerizim; and (4) the overall syncretistic complexion of the fragments, w h i c h ruled out a Jew, especially one designated as "proph­ et." Followed by Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 11; Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 2.963, n. 101 [iii]; Denis, 261, 276. A l s o , cf. Siegfried, 476-7. 6. Most recently defended by W a c h o l d e r , " P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , " 87, n. 27; "Cleodemus M a l c h u s , " 603; and E u p o l e m u s , 54, n. 114; 55, n. 119, for the following r e a s o n s : (1) M o s e s is referred to as their lawgiver; (2) the designation "prophet" is unlikely for a Jew of this period, but more likely refers to a temple official, perhaps of Phoenician or Nabataean origin; (3) Josephus quotes him as if he were a p a g a n author. 7. Herzfeld, G e s c h i c h t e , 3.498, 575; Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e , 409, n. 1 0 0 : "Ein Jude war er sicher nicht, vermutliche ein in die Nahe Palastinas gehdrender Syrer." 8.

Ewald, History,

9.

Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 10.

10.

8.62.

Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o .

9.

Introduction - Notes

11.

As seen, e.g.,

12.

Freudenthal,

13.

As seen, e.g.,

249

in A r t a p a n u s .

131-36. in

Pseudo-Eupolemus.

14. If he is dated late, e.g., in the first century B . C . E . , it is no less likely that a pagan would have known the Abraham traditions than that Alexander Polyhistor knew and used Jewish t r a d i t i o n s . 15. E.g., by F r e u d e n t h a l , 130-36; Denis, 260-61; Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 2.963, n. 101 [iii]. 16. Walter, JS (1,2) 116; also Conzelmann, H J C , 143. On the Jewish Diaspora in North Africa, cf. E. Schiirer, "Diaspora," H_DB 5 (1904) 91-109; also M. Stern, "The Jewish Diaspora," in Safrai and Stern, Jewish People, 1.117-83, esp. 133-37. 17. Schiirer, 3,481: 200-100 B . C . E . ; Charlesworth, PAMR, 93: "sometime in the second century B . C . E . " ; W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 1 1 6 - 1 7 : prior to Alexander Polyhistor; also, Jacoby, FGrH 3,686. As to the connection with Juba, Denis, 260, n. 54, suggests that the legends concerning H e r a c l e s ' progeny were perhaps borrowed by Juba by his Jewish wife who had taken them from Cleodemus M a l c h u s . 18.

So, Walter, JS

(1,2) 117.

19. Schiirer, L i t e r a t u r e , 209:"(Cleodemus Malchus) ... a classic example of that intermixture of native (Oriental) and Greek t r a d i t i o n s , w h i c h was popular throughout the region of Hellenism." 20. Cf. Walter, JS (1,2) 117, who notes 1 Mace 12:5-23; 2 Mace 5:9, and B. C a r d a u n s , "Juden und Spartaner. Zur hellenistisch-jiidischen Literatur," Hermes 95 (1967) 317-24, esp. 322-23. On the Jews and Spartans, also cf. APOT 1.112, n. 21.

250

Cleodemus

Malchus

Bibliography Bickerman, E. "Un document relatif a la persecution d'Antiochus IV Epiphane," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions 115 (1937) 188-221. B r o y d e , I. "Malchus

(Cleodemus, P r o p h e t ) , " JE 8

(1904) 2 7 7 .

Charlesworth, PAMRS, 92-93, 276. Collins, A t h e n s and Jerusalem,

40.

Conzelmann, HJC, 143. Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , Denis, Introduction,

11.

259-61.

Doran, "Cleodemus M a l c h u s , " in Charlesworth, Ewald, History, 8.62. F r a s e r , Ptolemaic Alexandria, F r e u d e n t h a l , Alexander 215. Graetz, Geschichte, Gutschmid,

2. 963.101

Polyhistor,

OTP.

[iii].

13-15, 33-34, 130-36,

3.621.

Kleine Schriften,

2.182.

Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism,

1.69,

74, 302; 2.50, 52.

Herzfeld, G e s c h i c h t e , 3.498, 575. Jacoby, F. "Kleodemus," PW 11.1 Karpeles, Geschichte, M u l l e r - B a r d o r f f , J.

(1921) 675.

3.180-81.

"Kleodemos," BHH

2.969.

Sanders, B. and D . Fraikin. "Cleodemos M a l c h o s . " lished Seminar Paper. Harvard N e w Testament April 13, 1970. 7 pp. Schlatter, Geschichte, Schmid-Stahlin,

Siegfried,

408-409, n. 100.

Geschichte,

Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e ,

Unpub­ Seminar.

2,1.591.

3.481.

"Der jiidische H e l l e n i s m u s , "

476-77.

Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e , 2.652; also 362, n. 78. Vaillant, H i s t o r i c i s , 72-74. W a c h o l d e r , B. Z. "Cleodemus M a l c h u s , " EncJud

5

(1971) 603.

,

E u p o l e m u s , 7, 44, 46 , 53-55, 95.

,

"Pseudo-Eupolemus' Two Greek Fragments,"

n. 27. W a l t e r , JSHRZ

( 1 , 2 ) , 115-18.

, Untersuchungen,

9 7 - 1 0 7 ; 224-33.

87,

Introduction - Bibliography

and

Index to Editions and

Fragment

Index

251

Translations

One

A. Source:

J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.15.1, p a r . 239-41.

Greek Text Used: N i e s e , v o l . 1, page 58, line 3 page 59, line 2. E d i t i o n s : M u l l . , FHG 3.214 (= N o . 7 ) ; Freu., 230; N a b e r , 1.48-49; N i e s e , 1.58-59; S t e a r n s , 60-61; Thackeray, LCL 4.116-19; J a c , FGrH 3.686-87 (= N o . 727, Frg. 1 ) ; Denis, 196-97. Translations: English:

Thackeray,

LCL,

4.116-19.

French:

Reinach, Antiquite*s Judaique, 1. 5 6 - 5 7 ;

German:

Riessler, 667 (notes, 1 3 1 1 ) ; (JS, 1.2) 115-19.

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

Walter,

9.20.2-4.

in P.E.: Steph.,

2 4 6 - 4 7 ; Vig., 422 a-c.

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 507, line 5 - p. 508, line 2. Editions: Steph., 2 4 6 - 4 7 ; Vig., 422 a-c; Hein., 2.23; G a i s . , 2.377-78; M u l l . , FHG 3.214 (= N o . 7 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21) col. 713 A-B (notes, col. 1 5 6 9 ) ; Dind., 1.488-89; Freu., 230; Giff., 1.531-32 (notes, 4 . 3 0 3 - 3 0 4 ) ; S t e a r n s , 60-61; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 5 0 7 - 5 0 8 ; J a c , FGrH 3. 686-87 (= N o . 727, Frg. 1 ) ; Denis, 1 9 6 - 9 7 . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.453-54.

French: German:

Riessler, 667 (notes, 1 3 1 1 ) ; (JS, 1.2) 115-19.

Walter,

252

Cleodemus

FRAGMENT A.

ONE

Josephus, Ant.

(239)

... Aeyexai

xeuaac

fercL

1.15.1, par. 2 3 9 - 4 1 . 6 6 , coc.

ouxog 6 * Ecbcppnv o x p a -

xfiv Aiftunv naxeaxev auxfiv

ulcovol auxou KaxoiHfio~avxes xou 5

exeivou

(240)

ovouaxos

yiapxupeC

uoAuiaxcop

6e

Aeycov

OIL

10

xal EM

ouxcog*

LHOCVOL

.

(241)

6voud£cov

Aeyei

xpeig

xfiv 15

xtbpav

'HpaxAei

6e auxcov

nal

xd ovouxxxa

'Iacppdv.

xeHAfjadai, duo

6voua.adfjvai.

auaxpaxeuaai.fereI Ai3uriv

auxcov, uai6eg

EYEVOVXO

'Iacpepou, uoAcv

'Acppixd

(240)

* Iou6aicov,

6 vouodexng

'Iacpepav Eoupnv

' Iacppd xe xaL

6

"KAe66ni_ios 6e cpnaiv 6

*A3pduxp

Eoupou u.ev xfiv 'Aaaupiav 6uo

ev auxfj xfiv Yflv duo

laxopcov xd uepl

Kaxoupag

(239)

oL

'Acppivtd npooriYopeuoav.

Mcouafic, laxopnaev

xfjg

nal

iiou xcp A6ycp 'AAe||av6poc,

upocpfixng 6 Hal MaAxog xadcoe

Malchus

xe

6e xcov

'Ecppdv

xouxoug nal

(241)

duo

nal Ydp

'Avxaiov

Ynuctvxd xe xfiv 'Acppdvou duyaxfepa * H p a x A e a Yevvfjaai

ulov

ei auxfjg Ai6copov

Socpcova, dcp' ou xoug

xouxou 6e

3ap3dpoug

ROMSPLE Lat. Zonaras, C h r o n . Hieron., Quaest. Gen.

YEveaOau

Edcpaxag AeYeadai.."

Eustathius,

Hex.

1 ' Ecbcppnv: fecbcppnv 0: cocppna M: cocppfiv SP: cbcppfia L: dcppf)V E : opher Lat.: Scocppfiv E u s t a t h . : Aphev H i e r o n . | 2 Ai3unv, i ex u corr. R | 4 'Acppixd: R E ( n o m i n . in E) : dcppixf|V OL E u s t a t h . : dcppixa M: dcppixav SP: affvioam Lat.: Aphrioam Hieron. | 9 Kaxoupag: xotxoupaa MSPE: x a x x o u p a a L: oethuva Lat. | 11 'Iacpepav: dcpepav M L : dcpepav SP: dcpepav E : aphevan Lat.: | Eoupnv: ooupiv 0: aoupeiu M L E : aoupiv SP: suvim Lat. | 'Iacppdv: L'acppav M: Cacppdu E | 12 Soupou: aoupeiu M L E : aoupeu S: aoupf) P : suvim Lat.: 'Aooup E u s t a t h . | 'Aaaupiav: daupiav S !? Eustath. | 13 'Iacppd xe nal 'Iacpepou: iaphram et aphevan Lat. | 'Iacppd x e : cppdxL M: cppdxei S: cppaxfi P (fj i. ras.) : cppd xe L: dcppd xe E | 'Iacpepou: Cacppduou E | 'Ecppdv: dcppdv ME: dcppav SPL: abvan Lat. | 14 'Acppixd: dcppixa M: dcppixav S P E : dcppixfiv L: afvioam Lat. | 15 o u v o x p a xeuaai M | 'AvxaCov: avxaiov SL: dvxeov M: (cont.) p c

1

1

Fragment

One A

FRAGMENT

253

ONE

A}

2 3 ... It is reported how this Heophre waged 4 5 war against Libya and conquered it and how his

(239) (239)

g r a n d s o n s , after they had settled there, named the 6 7 (240)land Africa after him. (240) Alexander Polyhistor g

bears w i t n e s s to my account when he says, "Cleodemus 9 10 the prophet, also called M a l c h u s , reported concern­ ing the Jews, just as M o s e s their own lawgiver had reported,

1 1

that numerous children were born to 12 (241)Abraham by Katoura. (241) He even gives their names -- three of them are named -- Iapheras, Sures, 13 and Iaphras. Assyria was named after Sures, while 14 the city of Ephra named

and

after the other

respectively.

the d a u g h t e r

joined with Heracles 15 Libya and A n t a e u s . Heracles 16 of Aphranes

and

fathered

son by her whose name was D i d o r u s . Didorus Sophon, after whom the b a r b a r i a n ! ..17 named.

Sophakes

a

fathered are

haeteam Lat. | 16 YnUOtvxd: YuUcxadv R | xe: 'Acppdvou: dcppav M: dcppa SP: dcppav L: iaphvam Ouacppfj E u s t a t h . | 17 Audcopov: dedcopov M: de dodovim Lat. : Bddcopov Eustath. | 18 Edcpcova: acbcpcova S P : soron Lat.: Ecocpovd Eustath.: Freu. | SdcpanaQ: adcpcovaa 0: osophaai Lat.: aocpuaxdg Eustath. | 1

were

Iapheras

These, in fact,

in fighting against married

the country of Africa

two, Iaphras and

om. Lat. j Lat.: dcbpoov L: aocpcova M: Socpcoxa

254

Cleodemus

FRAGMENT B.

Malchus

ONE

E u s e b i u s , P.E. (2)

9.20.2-4.

T a O x a uev 6f) euro xfjg

noAu'iaxopog Ypacpfje,.

6

xal

rcpoeipnuevne T O G

'Icbarinog

de

ev

(2)

xfj

npcbxrj xfig ' Apxa.ioA.OY lag xou auxoO uvnuoveuei

6 id

xouxcov • 5

"Aeyexat enl

xfiv

auxoO

cog ouxog 6

de

'Acppfiv

Aiftunv xaxeaxev auxfiv ual

xaxoixfiaavxeg

ev

auxfj

xfiv

axpaxeuaag OL

Yfiv and

exeivou dvduaxog 'Acppixd n p o a n Y d p e u a a v .

10

xupei

de

A^YCOV

ouxcog*

6

xal MaAxag,

xcp 1

xoO uap-

Adycp 'AAeFjavdpog d noAu'iaxcop

KAeddiyuog

iaxopcov

de

xd nepl

'Ioudaicov,

xfjg Xexxoupag

ixavoi*

'ABpaducp

eYevovxo

naideg

auxcov xai xd dvduaxa, dvoudCcov

'Acpep, 'Aaaoupi,

'Acppdv

(4)

'Acpep,

ndAiv

xe

dvouaaOfivai. enl AiBdnv

'Acppdv xai

xouxoug xal

de

'Avxaiov

xai

dnd

xpeUg,

'Aaaoupl

xfiv xtbpav

(4)

'Acppixd

auaxpaxeOaai

Y n u a v x a de xfiv 'Acppd

422c

eg auxfjg Aiddcopov.

Eocpcovav, dcp' o5

xouxou de yeveadai

ex

'Acppd xe xai

'HpaxAei

d u y a x e p a "HpaxAea Yevvfjaai uiov

422b

xadtog OXL

de

(3)

cpnaiv d npocpf)xr)S/

uev xfiv 'Aaaupiav, dnd de xcov duo,

20

(3)

xal Mtoafig laxdprinev d vouodexnc auxcov,

Aeyei 15

uou

ulcovol

xoug

Bapftdpoug

Eocpdg A e Y e a d a i . ' " Td

uev

o5v

nepl

xoO

'Appadu cog ev

dAiYoig

xooauxa napaxeiaOco.

BION 1-2 x a O x a — d: xal xauxa \itv o 5 x o g . xai B | 3 xfjg om. B | d p x a i o A o " (signif. fort, -ia) B | 3-4 xou — xouxcov: ouxco cpriaiv B | 5 s q q . d n d xng * Icoannou d p x a i o A o Y i a g BI O N | 5 'Acppfiv I: Scocppf)V BON | 9 uou xcp Adycp: uoi B | 10-11 KAedd. -- 'Ioudaicov om. B | 11 xadtog: dxi B | 12 auxcov om. B | 13 xfjg BON: om. I | Xexoupag N | ' ABpaducp ION: 'ABpadu B | 15 'Acpep I: "Acpep BON | ' A a a o u p i B: 'Aaoupi ON: 'Aaoup I | 'Acppdv I: "Acppav BON | 'Aaaoupi BON: 'Aaaupl I 1 1 6 - 1 7 'Acppd xe xai 'Acpep I: "Acppa xe xal "Acpep BON | 17 'Acppdv I: "Acppav BON | "Acppixa ON j 19 "Acppa BON | 20 A iddcopov BON: Aicodcopov I | 23 'A3padu B | 24 napaxeiadto om. B | r

1

m g

1

Fragment One B

FRAGMENT

(2)

255

ONE

(2)

These, then, are the things from the

aforementioned work of Polyhistor. the first book of the Antiquities same author in the following

And Josephus also mentions

they had settled 19 (3)

him.

(3)

there, named

after

the land Africa

after

A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor bears witness

to

'Cleodemus the prophet,

called M a l c h u s , reported concerning

also

the Jews, just as

Moses their own lawgiver has reported,

that

numerous

children were born to Abraham by Kettourah.

He even

gives their names — (4)

against

it and how his grandsons,

my account w h e n he says,

the

remarks:

"It is reported how this Aphre waged war Libya and conquered

in

three of them are named

Apher, A s s o u r i , and Aphran.

(4)

Assyria was

after A s s o u r i , while the city of Aphra and

Heracles

the daughter of Aphran and

a son by her w h o s e name was D i o d o r u s .

are

two,

These joined with

in fighting against Libya and A n t a e u s .

Heracles married

fathered

named

the

country of Africa w e r e named after the other Aphran and Apher respectively.

—

fathered

Diodorus

Sophon after whom the barbarian

Sophakai

1

named. " Let it suffice then that the story of

is briefly

set forth in these q u o t a t i o n s .

Abraham

Cleodemus

256

Malchus

ANNOTATIONS 1. This fragment is quoted by Josephus in his treatment of the story of Abraham as narrated in Genesis (Ant. 1 . 150-256). In listing Abraham's descendants by his second wife Keturah, expanding Gen 2 5 : 6 ("But to the sons of his concubines Abraham gave gifts, and while he was still living he sent them away from his son Isaac, eastward to the east c o u n t r y . " ) , he states that Abraham sent out his children and grandchildren as colonizers of the regions around the Red Sea ("Troglodytis and that part of Arabia Felix which extends to the Red Sea," par. 2 3 9 ) . The one descendant w h o s e accomplishments Josephus details was E o p h r e , a grandson of Abraham, and he does this by quoting Alexander Polyhistor's excerpt from Cleodemus M a l c h u s . Following this statement from Cleodemus, Josephus resumes the Genesis account, recounting the story of Isaac and Rebeccah. 2. I.e., Malchus.

in the following citation

from

Cleodemus

3. I.e., the grandson of Abraham. Josephus, Ant. 1 . 2 3 8 3 9 , summarizes Gen 2 5 : 1 - 4 . Following Gen 2 5 : 2 , Josephus lists Abraham's six sons by Ketura, the third being Madan w h o , according to Gen 2 5 : 4 , had five sons, the second being Epher/Eophre (IBV/Acpep; 1 Chr 1 : 3 3 nBy/Ocpep) . cf. app. crit. for the many orthographical variants. A l s o , cf. Frg. 1 B, par. 2 , and app. crit. 4. Cf. Ezekiel the Tragedian, Frg. 1 , par. 4 , w h e r e , on the lips of Zipporah, Libya is said to be inhabited by E t h i o p i a n s , and is apparently equated with M i d i a n . On the basis of this common occurrence, Denis, 2 6 0 , 2 7 6 , following, Kuiper, Ezechiele, 2 7 8 - 7 9 , raises the p o s s i b i l i ­ ty that the work of Ezekiel the Tragedian was inspired by Cleodemus M a l c h u s , and that both were S a m a r i t a n s . 5.

Cf. par. 2 4 1 ,

below.

6. On the geographical boundaries of Africa and Libya the H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n period, cf. O C D , 2 2 - 2 3 , 6 0 8 .

in

2

7. A c c o r d i n g to Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften, 2 . 1 8 2 , A l e x a n d e r P o l y h i s t o r s work Concerning Libya (Ai&wna, FGrH 2 7 3 , Frg. 3 2 - 3 7 ) is the source of this q u o t a t i o n , not his work Concerning the J e w s . This suggestion is supported by the fact that Eusebius (Frg. 1 B) breaks his pattern of citing from Polyhistor's Concerning the J e w s , and quotes rather from J o s e p h u s . Since this is J o s e p h u s ' only reference to A l e x a n d e r Polyhistor, it is clear that the latter work was unknown to him. Cf. D e n i s , 2 6 0 ; W a l t e r , JS: ( 1 , 2 ) 1 1 5 , n. 4 , and esp. his "Zur Uberlieferung einiger Reste frliher jiidisch-hellenistischer Literatur bei J o s e p h u s , C l e m e n s , und Euseb," Studia Patristica VII (TU, 9 2 ; Berlin, 1 9 6 6 ) 3 1 4 - 2 0 , esp. 3 1 6 - 1 9 . 1

Annotations

257

8. This Greek name is attested in Hellenistic Egypt. In CPJ 1.227-230 (238-237 B.C.E.) = No. 126.20, Tlepolemos, the son of Kleodemos (TAnrtdAeuoe, KAeodriuou) is one of the witnesses to a Greek will which also mentions a Jewish slave. Cf. also Supp. Epigr. Gr. 18, N o . 88.12, an inscription from Delphi (137/136 B . C . E . ) : KAeddauoc. 9. According to Freudenthal, 133, this designation is striking because of its infrequent use in Judaism in the Hellenistic-Roman period owing to the demise of the pro­ phetic movement (cf. 1 Mace 4:46; 9:27; 14:41; Ps 74:9; J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 1 . 4 1 ) . This he saw as further proof of Cleodemus' non-Jewish status — such a title would have been inappropriate and unlikely for a Jew so syncretistic. (Followed by D e n i s , 2 6 0 ) . This analysis is now seen to be far too limited in scope. The development of the Jewish prophetic movement in the Hellenistic period, and the related phenomenon of apocalypticism, are now regarded as far more complex and interrelated. As Freudenthal himself recognized, the use of "prophet" and related terms within pagan traditions was widespread (cf. T D N T , 6.781861). Consequently, the term itself, much less its correlation w i t h relative degrees of syncretism, is no firm indicator of the author's ethnic status, nor even of the nature of the w o r k . Cf. Walter, JS (1,2) 119, n. 240a. 10. J o s e p h u s : MdAxpe,; E u s e b i u s : MaAxdc, (cf. Frg 1 B, par. 3 ) . The latter is better attested. The name is Semitic, and probably, though by no means certainly, Jewish. Cf., e.g., John 18:10, as noted by Siegfried, 477. F r e u d e n t h a l , 1 3 1 - 3 2 , notes the relative infrequency of it and its cognate forms in the OT Ol>D/MaAcox, 1 Chr 6:29 (44); CDVrVMeAxag, 1 Chr 8 : 9 ) , apocryphal (though, cf. 1 Mace 11:39 v.I., and note in APQT 1.109, n. 3 9 ) , and other Jewish sources. This, along w i t h the syncretistic nature of the fragment, led Freudenthal to regard the author as a Samaritan. Pagan use of the name may be attested as early as the 6th century B.C.E., when used of a Carthaginian g e n e r a l , although the actual form of the name is uncertain, and may be a corruption of *]"7fr (cf. OCD , 642; also, on the use of 1*70 and its compounds as proper n a m e s , cf. G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names (London: Black, 1896) 1 1 5 - 2 0 ) . A first century B . C . E . Nabataean king named M a l c h u s is also known and mentioned several times by Josephus who uses the name almost ex­ clusively of G e n t i l e s , especially of Nabataean Arabs (cf. Index, LCL, 9 . 7 3 2 ) . M o u l t o n - M i l l i g a n , 387, note the occur­ rence of ' I p u m o e , MdAuxog, "the only Semite name ^n a ii/ A . D . military letter ...;" also, P. Magd. 15 verso (221 B.C.E.). Certainly, at a later period its use by pagans is documented, notably in the case of Porphyry who was possibly originally called Malchus (noprcOpiog 6 nal MdAxog, VP inscr.; also Plot. 17, apud BAG, 489-90, s . v . ) , though his Tyrian origin should be noted. Other later uses

258

Cleodemus

Malchus

10. (cont.) include OGIS 640.3 (Palmyra, 3rd cent. C . E . ) ; P.Brem. 5,3 (117-119 B . C . E . ) ; 6,3. Cf. W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 115, n. 1, and reference to U n t e r s u c h u n g e n , 99, 226, for instances of its presumed use of Jews in Egyptian s o u r c e s . 11. "Their own lawgiver" need not reflect the author's pagan status (so, W a c h o l d e r , "Cleodemus M a l c h u s , " 6 1 3 ) , so much as A l e x a n d e r P o l y h i s t o r s outlook and indirect cita­ tion of C l e o d e m u s . Nor is it significant that the M o s a i c a u t h o r s h i p of G e n e s i s is presupposed, since this was the common a s s u m p t i o n in antiquity. 1

12.

Cf. Gen

25:1-6.

13. Schiirer, 3.481, notes that in the biblical account these are Arab t r i b e s . The genealogies in the biblical account are conflated h e r e , producing some c o n f u s i o n . Iapheras ( ' I a c p e p a v ) and Iaphras ( ' I a c p p d v ) d o u b t l e s s c o r r e ­ spond to Ephah ( r i E P y / r a i c p a ) and Epher ( I B V / A c p e p ) , two of the grandsons of Abraham and Keturah by their son Midian (Gen 2 5 : 4 ) . Sures ( E o u p n v ) appears to correspond to Shuah ( m W / E c o u e , Gen 2 5 : 2 ) , the sixth m e n t i o n e d son of Abraham and Keturah. In the Eusebius m a n u s c r i p t tradition, h o w e v e r , Assuri ( ' A o a o u p i ) occurs instead of S u r e s , and this appears to correspond to A s s h u r i m (D11 t t f K / A a a o u p i i u . Gen 2 5 : 3 ) , the grandson of Abraham and Keturah by their son Dedan. The o r t h o g r a p h i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s in the E u s e b i u s MS t r a d i t i o n should be noted. Cf. Frg 1 B, par. 3 ( ' A c p f e p , 'Aaaoupi,

'Acppdv),

and

app.

crit.

14. Presumably a, if not the chief, city of A f r i c a , though no such city is known in antiquity. It is perhaps a reference to Ephah in Isa 60:6. So, Denis, 260. 15. On H e r a c l e s ' defeat of A n t a e u s , the Libyan giant and son of Poseidon and G e , and his subsequent conquest and civilizing of Libya, cf. Diodorus Siculus 4.17.4-5, w h i c h is included as part of the longer account of H e r a c l e s ' Twelve Labors and other deeds (4.8-39; also 5 7 - 5 8 ) . Cf. also 1.21.4; 2 4 . 1 - 8 . A l s o , cf. A p o l l o d o r u s , B i b l i o t h e c a 2.5.11., and the comprehensive list of r e f e r e n c e s to H e r c u l e s and A n t a e u s cited by J. G. Frazer in LCL 1.222-23, n. 2. In the Greek accounts, H e r a c l e s accomplishes these feats singlehandedly. On A n t a e u s , cf. W e r n i c k e , "Antaios ( 1 ) , " PW 1 (1894) 2 3 3 9 - 4 2 . A c c o r d i n g to F r e u d e n t h a l , 133, this is not the H e r a c l e s of Greek m y t h o l o g y , the son of Poseidon and G e , but the Tyrian H e r a c l e s , identified in P h o e n i c i a n circles with the god M e l k a r t w h o w a s worshipped by the Samaritans as Z e u g S e v u o c on M t . Gerizim. A c c o r d i n g l y , b e c a u s e of the S a m a r i ­ t a n - P h o e n i c i a n connection (cf. 2 M a c e 4:19; 6:2; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1 2 . 2 5 7 - 6 4 ) , Freudenthal regarded this as further e v i d e n c e of a Samaritan o r i g i n for the fragment. He is followed by F r a s e r , Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 2.963, n. 101 [iii], in identifying Heracles w i t h the Tyrian god and in p o s i t i n g a Samaritan origin. Cf., h o w e v e r , W a l t e r , JS

Annotations

259

15. (cont.) (1,2) 116. Cf. also Giff. 4.304: "That the Samaritans connected Heracles with the history of Abraham is made probable by a statement of E p i p h a n i u s , Haer. 55.2. 1 M e l c h i s e d e k i a n i etnov de xivee * HpaxAxxv xiva xaAeiadai xov auxou (xou MeA-x^o-edex) rcaxepa, unxepa de 'Aax&pd xf)v 6f) nal 'Aaxoptavnv. No Pagan, Jew, or Christian would have spoken thus about M e l c h i s e d e k , but the Hellenizing Samari­ tans in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes claimed to be Phoenicians of Sidon (Josephus, Ant. 1 2 . 2 5 7 - 6 4 ) , and as such would be likely to claim descent from the union of a grand-daughter of Abraham with the Phoenician Heracles, M e l c a r t h of Tyre, w h o s e w o r s h i p was still maintained (2 Mace 4:18; 6 : 2 ) . " 16. Though the spelling of Aphranes ('Acppdvou, line 16) differs from that of Iaphras ('laeppdv, line 11) in Niese's edition, the two should be equated, as they are in the Eusebian text. Hence, according to Cleodemus M a l c h u s , Heracles marries the granddaugther of Abraham. Cf. Frg 1 B, par. 4, and app. crit. 17. This represents a variation of the tradition related in Plutarch, Sert. 9.3-5, w h e r e Heracles, after slaying A n t a e u s , is said to have married his w i d o w Tinga, who bore him a son Sophax, w h o became king of Libya. To Sophax was born a s o n , D i o d o r u s . It is not clear why Cleodemus reverses the order. Plutarch also states that this genealogy is traceable to King Juba of M a u r e t a n i a (ca. 50 B.C.E.-23 C . E . ) , the historian-king who traced his ancestors to Sophax and D i o d o r u s . The orthography in the Eusebius version of the story (Frg 1 B, par. 4) agrees with that of P l u t a r c h : Aiddtopos. Cf. app. crit. On Juba, cf. FGrH 275, T 10, and Kommentar in FGrH 3a (Leiden: Brill, 1943) 323-24; also F. Jacoby, " I u b a ( 2 ) , " PW 9 (1916) 2384-95. 18. This excerpt from Cleodemus M a l c h u s occurs in the section of Book 9 devoted to Abraham (chs. 1 6 - 2 0 ) . It occurs after a quotation from Philo Epicus (Frg. 1 ) , and is the final w i t n e s s Eusebiues adduces for Abraham. After this, he turns to Jacob (chs. 2 1 - 2 2 ) , b e g i n n i n g with a quotation from Demetrius (Frg. 2 ) . It should be noted that this fragment is taken directly from J o s e p h u s , who in turn cites Alexander Polyhistor as his source. This is the only time Eusebius cites Alexander Polyhistor indirect­ ly. Cf. a b o v e , note 7. 19.

I.e.,

Aphre.

ARISTEAS

One fragment

from A r i s t e a s

1

work Concerning the Jews

is preserved by E u s e b i u s , who quoted it directly from 2 Alexander Polyhistor. Unless this is the work referred 3 to in E_£. Arist. 6, Contents.

it is otherwise

unattested.

The fragment, consisting of some

lines, summarizes

thirty

the story of Job who is identified

Jobab, the great-grandson of Esau

with

(Gen 3 6 : 3 3 ) , though

here

4 he is said to be the son of Esau.

Job is thus

included

among the patriarchs and portrayed as a descendant of the Edomites.

Apart

from his identification with Jobab,

Edomite connection, and the designation of Job's friends as kings

(following Job 2:11 L X X ) , the

the

three

fragment

presents no major divergencies from the biblical story. Author. The author was a Jew, as seen from his close 5 adherence

to the LXX.

"exegete" and the biblical

He is variously designated

"historian," primarily because he text while

showing

specificity and genealogy

some concern

for

similar to that found

us; there is not, however, comparable

as

summarizes historical in Demetri­

chronographical

6 concern. Title.

The title of his work Concerning the Jews may

be a general d e s i g n a t i o n of the contents of the work than a title in the strict sense.

It is used

of historical w o r k s , though it includes w o r k s from romance

(Artapanus) to history

rather

elsewhere ranging

in the stricter

sense

(Eupolemus). Sources.

The fragment reflects an exclusive use of

the LXX, with no evidence of dependence on the 7 text or rabbinic

sources and traditions.

Hebrew

Nor is there

any influence of pagan traditions, as there is in Artapanus and P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s .

In fact, it advances the

interpre­

tation of the Hebrew version of Job along the lines begun 261 by the Greek translators who had already established links

262

Aristeas

between Job and Gen 36, and translated the text accordingg ly. It bears closest similarity with the epilogue of the Greek version of Job

( 4 2 : 1 7 b - e ) , and this constitutes

one

of the chief critical p r o b l e m s : w h e t h e r Aristeas used 9 epilogue, whether the author of the epilogue used

the

A r i s t e a s , ^ or whether both used a common 11

source or tradi-

tion. Date and Provenance.

It is only known for certain

that Aristeas antedates Alexander Polyhistor

(fl. mid-

first cent. B.C.E.) who first preserved

The

it.

fragment

contains no historical or literary allusions which assist

in pointing to a date any more precise.

can

To be sure,

it presupposes a Greek translation of Genesis and Job, thus suggesting a terminus post quern in the mid-3rd B . C . E . , at the earliest. 2nd cent.

B.C.E.

It is commonly dated

cent.

in the

1 2

In light of its strict dependence on the LXX, and absence of any explicit Palestinian

influence, an

the

Egyptian

provenance is perhaps most likely, although the brevity 13 the fragment

makes any suggestion very

Importance.

tentative.

It is valuable as an early testimony

the Job tradition, and should be considered

along with

more complete documents which preserve this

tradition,

e.g.,

the Testament of Job and H Q t g J o b .

of

to the

It is an early

testimony to the Greek translation of Job, providing a 14 valuable evidence for the critical assessment of the Greek terminus ad quern for its d a t e, and also constitutes 15 epilogue to Job

(42:17b-e).

It also provides

testimony of early attempts to date Job in the

additional patriarchal

period and to establish his connection with Edom."*"^

Introduction - Notes

263

NOTES 1. Testimonia: Ep_. Arist. 6 (?); E u s e b i u s , P.E. 2-3 ( ? ) . 2.

P.E. 9.25.1-4.

9.38.

Cf. Index to Editions and Translations.

3. Ep_. Arist. 6: "On a former occasion, too, I sent you a record of the facts which I thought worth relating about the Jewish race (nepl xou yevoue xcov 'Ioudaicov), — the record which I had obtained from the most learned high priests of the most learned land of Egypt." This may be an attempt of the author of Ep_. Arist. to identify himself with an already known and established work such as A r i s t e a s Concerning the J e w s . However, since the author of Ep. Arist. presents himself as a pagan, this would imply the pagan authorship of the work referred to, but this is unlikely in light of its content (Freudenthal, 1 4 2 , notes the "slavish dependence" on the L X X ) . The reference in Ep_. Arist. may be to another work no longer extant nor elsewhere attested. Cf. APOT, 2.95, n. 6. Since it cannot be established that Ep_. Arist. 6 is a reference to A r i s t e a s Concerning the Jews, the two are best left unre­ lated. So, Schwartz, 879; Freudenthal, 141-43; W a l t e r , JS (3,2) 294; Denis, 259. Wendland, 9 2 , suggests that the author of Ep. Arist. probably borrowed his name from Aristeas the h i s t o r i a n - e x e g e t e . 1

1

4. This is a disputed point, however. Cf. par. 1. F r e u d e n t h a l , 23, emends the text by omitting the reference to uiov; hence, xov 'Haau Y n u a v T a 3aaadpav ev Edtou Yevvfj­ aai 'IcoB. 5. So, Ewald, History, 8.63; F r e u d e n t h a l , 137-38; Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 68; D e n i s , Introduction, 259. 6.

Cf. Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r ,

69.

7. In par. 1, Baaadpav reflects Gen 36:33LXX in Boaoppag (MT m^HD) . Cf. below. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 3. Also, ev xfj Auaixidi (cf. Job 1:1 ev x.
So, F r e u d e n t h a l , 137.

9. So, G. B. Gray, "The Additions in the Ancient Greek Version of Job," The Expositor 19 (1920) 422-38, esp. 431-34, though tentatively; Wendland, 92; E. Dhorme, JoB (London: Nelson, 1967) x v i i - x v i i i , cxcvi, 653.

264

Aristeas

10. According to Freudenthal, 138-41, the epilogue is based on direct use of A r i s t e a s , nor the excerpted version from Alexander Polyhistor. A l s o , W a l t e r , JS (3,2) 293; Denis, Introduction, 258, esp. n. 5 0 . W a c h o l d e r , 438, suggests that the epilogue is an attempt to correct the earlier version of A r i s t e a s . 11. E.g., M. Jastrow, Job (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1 9 2 0 ) , 369, though he dates Aristeas much later in the second century C.E. 12. So, Freudenthal, 143; S u s e m i h l , 2.651; Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 68; Wendland, 92. W a l t e r , JS (3,2) 2 9 4 : ca. 100 B . C . E . , or earlier. W a c h o l d e r , 438: second or early first cent. B.C.E. 13. F r e u d e n t h a l , 137-39; Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 68, Denis, Introduction, 259, allows Egypt as a possibility but prefers a Palestinian setting. 14.

As e.g., D h o r m e , Job, cxcvi.

15. On the epilogue, cf. besides Gray, "Additions" (note 9 a b o v e ) , S. R. Driver and G. B. Gray, Job (ICC; Edin­ b u r g h : T. & T. Clark, 1921) lxv, lxxi; G. F o h r e r , Das Buch Hiob (KAT, 16; Giitersloh: G. M o h n , 1963) 542, 560; Dhorme, Job (note 9 a b o v e ) , xviii-xix. 16. Job

On the traditions of Job's homeland, cf. M. Pope, (AB, 15; Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1965) 3-5.

Introduction - B i b l i o g r a p h y

265

Bibliography Charlesworth, PAMRS, 8 0 - 8 1 , 274. C o l l i n s , Athens and Jerusalem, Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , Denis, Introduction,

30-31.

67-70.

258-59.

Doran, "Aristeas the Exegete," in Charlesworth, Ewald, History,

OTP.

8.63. 1

Fraikin, D. "Alexander P o l y h i s t o r s Fragment from A r i s t e a s . " Unpublished Seminar Paper. Harvard New Testament Seminar. April 13, 1970. 11 pp. Freudenthal, Alexander P o l y h i s t o r , 136-43, 231. Ginzberg, L e g e n d s , 5. 384. Gutmann, J.

"Aristeas," EncJud

Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, Karpeles, Geschichte,

(1930)

316.

1.169.

1.176.

Maugenot, E. "Aristee," DB 1/1 Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e , Schmid-Stahlin,

3

(1926) 9 6 3 - 6 4 .

75-76.

Geschichte,

2,1.590-91.

Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e , 3. 480. S c h w a r t z , E. "Aristeas Siegfried,

( 1 4 ) , " PW 2/1

(1849) 879.

"Der jiidische H e l l e n i s m u s , " 477.

Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e , Swete, Introduction,

2.651. 25, 256-57, 369-71.

W a c h o l d e r , B. Z. " A r i s t e a s , " EncJud Walter, JSHRZ

(3,2),

(1971)

438-39.

293-96.

, Untersuchungen, Wendland, P.

2

8 6 - 9 2 , 216-21.

"Aristeas, the Historian,"

JE 2

(1904) 92.

266

Aristeas

Index to Editions

Fragment

and

Translations

One

Source:

Eusebius, P.E.

Reference Number 431b. Greek Text Used: 5-22.

9.25.1-4.

in P.E.: Steph.,

M r a s , GCS

(43,1)

251-52; Vig.,

8.1, p. 518,

430d-

lines

Editions: Steph., 251-52; Vig., 430d - 431b; Hein., 2.32-33; G a i s . , 2.392-94; M u l l . , FHG 3.220 (= No. 1 2 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21) c o l . 728 A - B (notes, col. 1 5 7 3 ) ; Dind., 1.497-98; Freu., 231; Giff., 1.540-41 (notes, 4 . 3 1 0 - 1 2 ) ; Stearns, 57-59; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 518; J a c , FGrH 3.680 (= N o . 725, Frg. 1 ) ; Denis, 195-96. Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.461.

French: German:

Riessler, (JS, 3.2)

178 (notes, 1 2 7 5 ) ; 293-96.

Walter,

268

Aristeas

FRAGMENT ONE

"Axoue

(Eusebius,

ola

6e

P.E.

9.25.1-4)

xal nepl

xou

' Icb3 6 a u x o e

430d

laxopeU• A P I S T E O Y nEPI TOY IQB (1) 5

"'ApLOxeac,

'Icbp*

xaxoixeiv

(2)

yeveadaL

xa]af)A.ous ovoug

Oeov

TT)Q

6' a u x o v

yap

XOLQ

euueCvaL,

(3)

xouxov

xou

elxe

xoug

xe

xfjc,

xov

(3) 431a

auxov

OVOUQ

xal

x d rcp63ctxa

rcea6vxoc x a x a x a f j v a i a u v

u e x ' otj rcoAu

rceaouaric,

6e xa-L

* Ico3 r c p o x e p o v

rcepL3a.Aeiv

6e

(2)

rtevxaxoaLa,

3ocov

drcoAeaOaL, e f x a

urto Anaxcov d r c e A a d f j v a L • drcoOaveCv,

rcoAuxxrivov • ercxaxLaxLALa,

6e x o v

y a p auxou

oupavou

'ApaBLaQ.

r c e i p d £ o v x a 6' a u x o v

ueydAaLC,

3oug urco A n a x c o v ex

xal

voud6ac, nevxaxooLac•

Ixavde,.

uoLufeoL-

£euyn

xcbpa

xfj A U O L X L 6 L

6CxaLov x a l

' Ico3d3 6 v o u d £ e a d a i .

urco r c u p o g

ev

(1)

e v *E6cou y e v v f j a a L

*l6ouuoaas

6e x p L O X L A l a s ,

d x u x L C X L g . rcpcoxov u e v xoug

20

e v xcp n e p l *Iou6aLcov

aux6v rcp63axa u e v

dnAeiac,

yecopyLag |

xouxov

6e

opoig

XOLQ

xxriaaaOaL

15

6e c p n a t v

x6v ' H a a O y n u c x v x a B a a a d p a v ul6v

ercl

10

OMOIQS

etxa

6e x a l xd

OLXLae,*

xde

xau^Aouc;

xexva

auxou

audriuepov

6e

BION 1 - 2 OLa — laxopeC: x a l x d nepl ' Ico3 ]ISTO. ' Icoaricp B | 3 AP. - - OM. r^ON : 'ApiaxaLOU -- O u . B : 'ApiaxaCou, nepl x o u ' I c o 3 ante 1-2 "Axoue - - l a x o p e L transp. Vig. | 5 * Haau I | Baaadpav B: Baaadpag ION | 6 'Ico3 BON: ul6v I (hie et post Baaadpae) | 7 'l6ouucxiae I: *Iou6aLag BON | 8 rcoAuxxriUOV O N: rcoAuxxrivov B I O ' 9 ydp: \xtv y d p B | 10 6 s om. B | 13 ' Ico3d3 BON: ' Ico3du I | 14 TiepL3. a u x . : a u x o v rcepL3a-Ae i v B | 15 x e om. B | 16 x o u g : xdg ? J a c . | d r c o A e a S a L BON: drteAadfjvaL ( f « i n f r a l i n . 19) | 17 urco — r c e a o v x o g : urcoupavlou (!) rcupog B | 19 s q . O X L x o acoucx x o u ' Ico3 a u d n u e p 6 v o f t x o g c p n a l v e A x c o a a g xfjg ypacpfjg x o u x o un rcapaariUCXLVouaris I | ?

a c

1

c

1

Fragment

One

FRAGMENT

269

ONE 2

Listen to what the same author

relates

about

Job: A r i s t e a s ' Remarks Concerning (1)

(1)

Job -

Similarly;

"Aristeas says in his book Concerning

the

3 Jews

that after Esau took Bassara as his wife 4

Edom, he fathered

a son Job.

This Job dwelt in the

land of Ausitis"^ by the borders of Idumaea (2)

Arabia.

(2)

for he owned

(3)

in

and

He was both righteous and rich in c a t t l e , 7,000 sheep, 3,000 c a m e l s , 500 yoke of

oxen, and 500 grazing she-asses. He also owned sub6 7 stantial farmland. (3) This Job was formerly Jobab. As a way of testing his fidelity, God overwhelmed him p

with great m i s f o r t u n e s .

First, his asses and

cattle

were driven off by rustlers, then his sheep, along with their shepherds, were consumed by a fire which from heaven.

fell

Not long after this, his camels were

stolen by rustlers. house collapsed.

also

Then his children died when

his

On the same day his body broke

out

270

Aristeas

auTC-O xaL

diaxeluevou

eAOeiv

6a i uav i TCOV

3a.ai.Aea

Tupavvov 5

T O acoua. eAxcoaai.

&t nal

xal

10

eniaxeijuv BaAddd

'EAicpav TOV

TOV

Zauxaicov eAOetv

T O V BapaxtnA. T O V Z c o 3 i T n v

napa-

de

euueveiv

auTdv

detvoiQ.

TOV Te

xaL

cpauAtoc. de auTou

Scocpdp T O V Mivvaicov 3 a a i A e a ,

'EAiouv

KaA.ouuevov

etc

(4)

cpdvai ev de

xal xwple,

xe

Tfj

dedv

vdaou

dyaadevTa

auTou

Tfjc.

xupiov

urcdpEetov noifjaai."

napaxAriaetos

eixjefieia

nal

TOLQ

TTIV euijjuxiav

auTOv dnoAuaai

xal

noAAtov

BION 1-5 cpauAtoc, -- Zco3iTnv om. B | 3 OeuaviTiov ON | Sauxecov ON | 4 Eocpdp ON | 5 Zco3iTnv MSS: BcoCtTnv Freu. | 5-7 napaxaAouu- -euueveiv: xaL und TCOV tpiAcov napaxaAouuevov euueveiv B | 7 euueveiv BON | auxov Steph.: auxov ION: om. B

(4) 431b

Fragment

(4)

One

in sores.

271

(4)

While he was thus afflicted,

Eliphaz,

the king c^ the Temanites, and Bildad, the ruler the Shuhites, and 9 visited him. 0

also came."'"

of

Zophar, king of the M i n n a i t e s ,

Elihu, the son of Barachiel the

Zobite,

Although he was exhorted by them,

he

said that even w i t h o u t their exhortation he himself would remain steadfast

in his piety even with

his

a f f l i c t i o n . I n admiration of his fortitude God relieved him of his disease and made him master over „ 12 many p o s s e s s i o n s . "

272

Aristeas

ANNOTATIONS 1. This fragment occurs in the section of P.E., Book 9, where Eusebius adduces witnesses to early Jewish figures. Having treated Abraham (16-20), Jacob (21-22), and Joseph ( 2 3 - 2 4 ) , Eusebius includes this fragment from Aristeas as a w i t n e s s to Job (25), after which he treats Moses (26-29). It is quoted directly from Alexander Polyhistor. 2.

I.e., Alexander

Polyhistor.

3. Whether this is a title for the work in a technical sense or a generic description of its contents cannot be determined. Cf. Introduction. 4. Literally, the last phrase should be translated "... Esau, having married Bassara, fathered a son in Edom (named) Job." MS I omits uiov after B a a a d p a s . In doing so, MS I may be acknowledging the difficulty that the Bible nowhere refers to Job as the son of Esau, but the substi­ tution of uldv for 'ld)3 produces a senseless redundancy. H e n c e , this reading is correctly rejected by Mras who follows the majority reading of BON. Three features of A r i s t e a s ' statement are worth noting: (1) that Job is said to be the son of Esau; (2) the naming of Bassara as Esau's w i f e ; and (3) Edom as Job's b i r t h p l a c e . This doubtless represents an expansion of Gen 36:33 (cf. 1 Chr 1 : 4 4 ) . One of the kings mentioned in the list of Edomite kings (Gen 36:31-39) is "Jobab Cim Vlco3aB) the son of Zera ( m T / Z a p a ) of Bozrah (ni^nn/ ex B o a o p p a s ) . " Aristeas identified Job with this Jobab, and through a misreading or m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the LXX, took Bozrah as the name of his m o t h e r , thus understanding ex Boaoppag not as a geographical location, but as his genealogical descent. Or, through corruption fllT 11 could have become Bev-aapa •> B a p a a p a -> Baaaapa. A similar tradition occurs in the LXX addition to Job ( 4 2 : 1 7 b - e ) , which could easily serve as an explanation of the more cryptic Aristeas statement, though the sourcecritical relationship between the two remains unresolved (See I n t r o d u c t i o n ) . There, we are told that "formerly his (i.e. Job's) name was Jobab," that his father was Zerah and his mother was Bozrah, and thus that he was a descen­ dant of the children of Esau, fifth in descent from Abraham. It is not at all unlikely that the tradition preserved in Aristeas stemmed from the more elaborate form which occurs in the epilogue to Job LXX, and that the garbled form of the tradition is owing to Polyhistor's c a r e l e s s n e s s . Cf. Walter, JS (3,2) 295, n. lb. Given "the Edomite connections of the characters and the setting of the story [of J o b ] " (IDB, 2 . 9 1 2 ) , it would have been natural to look for biblical links connect­ ing Job with Esau, even if it meant o r t h o g r a p h i c a l altera­ tion.

Annotations

273

4.

(cont.) Though r e m o t e , Gen 36:10 may also have influenced this connection, w i t h its m e n t i o n of Eliphaz and Reuel (elsewhere used as the name of M o s e s father-in-law, also called Hobab; cf. Num 11:29; Judg 4 : 1 1 ) , the son of Basemath (= Basarra ? ) . It would appear that A r i s t e a s is w o r k i n g with a Greek version of the Bible rather than with the M T . n *> K is not easily connected w i t h *>. Nor could nniD easily be misconstrued as "from (his mother) Bozrah," as could in Boooppac, (e.g., by P o l y h i s t o r ) . Job is placed within the patriarchal period in later Jewish traditions (e.g., Bib. Ant. 8.7; Targum of Job 2 . 9 ) . On the identification of Job with Jobab, cf. Testament of Job 1.2; 2.1-2; 3.1b, and subscript. A l s o , cf. F r a i k i n , 3-4. 1

5. The location of Job's homeland is unspecified in the biblical book of Job. There developed two traditions for its location: the Hauran and Edom (Pope, Job, 3 - 5 ) . The latter is reflected in the epilogue to Job (LXX 42:17b iv uev vfi naxoiKcov xfj Auoixi6i ercL X O L Q opcoic, xns I6ouu o u a s xal 'Apa|3£ag) , w h i c h A r i s t e a s here d o u b t l e s s echoes. The Hellenized form of Uz (i.e., the Hebrew form yiy transliterated A u o + adjectival ending -(e)txig; cf. H. St. J. Thackeray, A Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1909) 169-70.] A r i s t e a s could have easily derived from Job 1:1 LXX ev Xcbpa xfi A U O L X L S L , another indication of his dependence on the LXX rather than the M T . On A U O L X L Q , cf. F. Delitzsch, Job (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1881) 1.46; S. R. Driver & G. B. Gray, Job (ICC; E d i n b u r g h : T. & T. Clark, 1921) xxviii. 6. Cf. Job 1:3, although uronpeoia rcoAXf) a c p 6 6 p a . 7.

Cf. above, note

8.

Cf. Job

YecopyCaQ

Ixavds

replaces

4.

1:13-2:10.

9. On the three friends' status as k i n g s , cf. Job 2:11 LXX, d o u b t l e s s influenced by the d e s c r i p t i o n of Eliphaz in Gen 36:10, 15, 3 1 - 4 3 . Similar dependence on the LXX is seen in the d e s c r i p t i o n of Bildad as 6 Mivaicov

(MT i n n y s n ) . 10. Cf. Job 3 2 : 1 - 3 7 : 2 4 , esp. 3 2 : 2 , 6, w h e r e Elihu is 6 Bou£ixnc.. F r e u d e n t h a l , 231, emends the text accordingly (Bco£ixnv) , against the MS tradition. Cf. Giff. 4.311-12. 11. Literally, "in his piety and a f f l i c t i o n s . " The origi­ nal syntax must have intended an adversative sense, however slight. So, W a l t e r , JS (3,2) 296, n. 4f. Also, cf. Smyth, Greek Grammar, par. 2974. 12.

Cf. Job

42.

On euipuxCa, cf. 4 M a c e

6:11;

9:23.

274

Aristeas

Epilogue 17b

to Job 42:17b-e epunveuexai

OUTOQ ev

uev

vfi

npounfjpxev 17c

&k

nv

auxdg

coaxe 17d

xal

el vac ouxoi fig

xal

npcoxog

Auaixidi

Bi3Aou

enl

xoig

dploig

xfjg

Ico3a3*

uev

vevvqc

ZapefO],

uiov,

xcov

cp o v o u a

Haau

ulcov

Evvcov,

uldg,

Boaoppag,

auxdv

neunxov

3aaiAeig

auxdg

BaAax

Eupiaxfig

'Apd3iaaav

naxpdg 6k

ol

Rahlfs)

'Apa3iag,

auxcp o v o u a

yuvaixa

unxpdg

xfj

xal

6k

AaBtov 5k

£ H xfjg

xaxoixcov

Idouualag

(LXX -

6

ol

fjpgev

xoO

and

ABpaau.

3aaiAeuaavxeg

ev

Edcou,

x
Becop,

xal

ovoua

xfj

ndAei

auxou

Aevva3a* uexd

de

BaAax

uexd

6k

xouxov

dog

xcbpag*

6k

xouxov

uexd

nedlcp 17e

ol

&k

Ico3a3

d

xaAouuevog

Aaou

d

undpxcov

Adad

uldg

Mcoa3,

eAOdvxeg

EAicpag

tuuog

lco3*

fiyeutov

Bapad

6

xal

ovoua

xfj

npdg

auxdv

tpiAoi*

xcov

Haau

au(u)vcov

xou

xp3ap]

xfig

exxdipag

ndAe i

acocpav/p]

ex

auxou

ulcov

6atuavixi-

Madiau

ev

xcp

reddaiu.

Gaiuavcov

3aaiAeug, BaAdad

[uiog

Ecocpap 6 [Oauuav ouxog

Mivaicov uiog

npounnpxev auxou

de

xn xo

CapeO

Eauxaicov

xuppavog,

3aaiAeug.

eAicpaC

epunveuexat

xaxoixcov

6

eyeucov

ex

xng

auaixidi ovoua eg

xng

idouuaiag*

aupiaxng eni

auxou

avaxoAcov

xcov

3L3AOU opicov

ico3a3, nAiou]

nv

ev

xou de

uev

yr\

eucppaxou* o

naxnp

Appendix - Epilogue to Job

Epilogue to Job 17b

This

275

42:17b-e

[man] is explained

from the Syriac

Book

as living in the land of A u s i s , on the borders of Edom and Arabia; formerly his name was Jobab. 17c

He took an Arabian w i f e and sired a son whose was

name

Ennon.

But he himself was the son of his father

Zare[th],

one of the sons of Esau, and of his mother so that he was the fifth from 17d

Abraham.

Now these were the kings that reigned w h i c h land he also

Bosorra,

in Edom,

over

ruled:

first Balak, the son of Beor, and the name of his city was

Dennaba;

and after Balak, Jobab who is called and after him, Asom,

the governor

Job;

from the country

of Teman; and after him Adad, the son of Barad, w h o

destroyed

Midian in the plain of M o a b , and the name of his city was 17e

Gethaim.

And the friends who came to him were Eliphaz,

[a son of Sophan/r] of the sons of Esau,

king of the T e m a n i t e s ; Bildad,

son of Am(m)non

[the son of C h o b a r ] ,

ruler

of the Sauchaeans; Sophar, king of the M i n a e a n s . [Teman, son of E l i p h a z , ruler of This one is described

Edom.

in the Syriac Book as

in the land of A u s i s , on the b o r d e r s of

living the

Euphrates; formerly his name was Jobab, but his father Zareth from the rising of the

was

sun.]

(Translation from M. Pope, Job (AB, 15; Garden New York: Doubleday, 1965) 293.

City,

PSEUDO-HECATAEUS

To Hecataeus of Abdera

(or Teos) the

Hellenistic

ethnographer, p h i l o s o p h e r , critic and grammarian

who

flourished ca. 300 B . C . E . , are attributed several fragments 2 treating the Jews. A former pupil of the Sceptic Pyrrhon

3

of E l i s ,

he wrote a treatise on the poetry of Homer and

Hesiod, a work about the H y p e r b o r e a n s , and a more widely known work On The Egyptians based on his own travels in Egypt.^ Only a few fragments from the works On the Hyper5 boreans and

On the Egyptians are extant.

This last work,

in keeping with the encomiastic tendency of

Hellenistic

ethnography, portrays Egypt as the source of and stresses the antiquity,

and therefore

Egyptian culture over Greek culture.

civilization

superiority,

It exercised

ence on later authors who wrote about Egypt,

including

Manetho and Diodorus Siculus; in fact, major

portions

appear to be incorporated

in Book I of D i o d o r u s

In the course of his treatment of Egyptian Hecataeus

1

of

influ­

History. history,

(apud Diodorus Siculus 1.28.2) refers to the

J e w s , noting that they were emigrants from Egypt. He also gives a more detailed account of the Jews (apud Diodorus 7 Siculus

40.3.1-8;

informed

also cf. 40.2) which is

and sympathetic

in its treatment.

remarkably These

two

p a s s a g e s , which qualify him as one of the earliest

Greek

authors to exhibit more than a superficial knowledge

of

g

the Jews,

are w i d e l y regarded as genuine and 9

authenticity

is not

their

disputed.

Also attributed

to this same Hecataeus, however,

several other passages whose genuineness

is seriously

are con­

tested and which are thought by many scholars to derive from Jewish p s e u d e p i g r a p h s . treated here under

For this reason, they are 9a "Pseudo-Hecataeus."

277

278

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Besides the question of their authenticity, considerable disagreement Pseudo-Hecataeus

there

concerning the number of

fragments, the extent of each

the nature and title of the work they d e r i v e , their authorship

(or works)

is

the

fragment,

from w h i c h

(whether reflecting the work

of one or several a u t h o r s , and the identity of such au­ thors) , and their historical classified

setting.

They have been

in various w a y s , depending on the

interpretation

and use made of the testimonia that mention H e c a t a e u s , the fragments attributed

to him, and other related

evi­

dence . The earliest testimony to a work of Hecataeus Abdera treating the Jews occurs in Ejo. Arist. Hecataeus

is said to have reported

of

31, where

that the Jews' concep­

tion of life is "so sacred and religious" that they were ignored

"by literary men and poets and the mass of h i s t o r i ­

cal w r i t e r s . "

The same statement, with slight

tion, occurs in Josephus, Ant. 1 2 . 3 8 , and later E u s e b i u s , P.E. 8.3.3.

modifica­ in

The difficulty here is that none

of these versions of the statement mentions the name of the work

from which they are derived.

that Ep. Arist.

31 was prompted

It is

conceivable

by H e c a t a e u s ' remarks

about

the Jews in On the E g y p t i a n s , given the nature,

content,

and tone of the extant fragments from this work 12

preserved

by Diodorus Siculus.

On the other hand, this precise

form of argument, v i z . , that the Jews were ignored

by

pagan w r i t e r s because of the sacredness of their way of life

(cf. Ep_. Arist.

68),

is not explicitly articulated

fragments.

313-36; also Josephus, Ag.Ap_. in the genuine

1.60-

Hecataeus

Thus, it is just as conceivable that Pseudo-

H e c a t a e u s , i.e. a separate work treating the Jews and attributed

to Hecataeus of Abdera,

is the source of 13

this

argument and lies behind Ep_. Arist. 31. Passages

from a later period, beginning with J o s e p h u s ,

do m e n t i o n two specific works attributed Abdera:

On Abraham

and On the Jews.

to Hecataeus

of

Introduction

279

On Abraham.

The earliest reference to a work with

this title is Josephus, Ant. 1.159: "Hecataeus to Berossus) has done more than mention him has left us a book which he composed 14 P.E. 9 . 1 6 . 3 ) .

(in contrast

(Abraham); he

about him"

(= Eusebius,

A later reference to this work,

apparently

independent of Josephus, occurs in Clement of Alexandria, Strom.

5.14.113.1

with an expanded

(= E u s e b i u s , P.E. 1 3 . 1 3 . 4 0 ) , title.

although

Clement mentions the pagan

author

Hecataeus and identifies him as the one who composed

the 15

"histories ... the work about Abraham and the Egyptians." Because Clement names Hecataeus as the source of nine 16 lines of poetry attributed the work On Abraham

to Sophocles,

it appears

(and the Egyptians) contained

that

quotations

from Greek authors, especially poets, perhaps those which follow in Strom. 5.14.114.1-4 from Euripides and A e s c h y l u s , 17 among others.

This work On Abraham, with its

claims attributed

monotheistic

to Sophocles, is widely regarded

as a

forgery written by a Jewish apologist, and there is some doubt whether the work even existed, especially

as a

separate work. On the Jews.

The earliest reference

to this work is

J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 1.183: "(Hecataeus of Abdera) ... makes no mere passing allusion to us, but wrote a book entirely 19 about the J e w s . "

From this work Josephus quotes

several

excerpts in Ag.Ap_. 1. 184-204. These excerpts mention

the

emigration of the Jews to Egypt after the battle of Gaza (312 B . C . E . ) ,

and single out one of the Jewish emigrants,

Ezekias, a high priest who heralded gration.

They also mention

the benefits of emi­

the tenacious

loyalty of the

Jews to their laws and ancestral faith, and include a d e s c r i p t i o n of the Palestinian c o u n t r y s i d e ,

Jerusalem

itself, and especially

incident,

the temple.

A final

involving a Jewish soldier Mosollamus who bests a pagan seer, is reported

as another triumph of Jewish

wisdom over pagan superstition.

this section from Josephus is also quoted by (P.E. 9.4.1

faith and

An abbreviated version of Eusebius

= A g . A £ . 1.183; P.E. 9.4.2-9 = Ag.Ap_.

1.197-204)

280

Pseudo-Hecataeus

who mentions H e c a t a e u s 20 the J e w s . "

1

"special book on the history

The existence of such a work is

apparently

later attested by Origen, C. Cel. 1.15, who states "a book about the Jews is attributed

to Hecataeus

that the

historian," but also mentions that Herennius Philo 21 cent.

C.E.)

had doubts about its

(2nd

authenticity.

As to the content and scope of this work,

Josephus

remarks imply that On the Jews w a s a comprehensive 22 ment of Jewish history and c u s t o m s , same scope and genre as H e c a t a e u s so, it would have followed by ethnographers to treat (2) geography;

1

1

treat-

presumably of the On the E g y p t i a n s . If

the traditional outline (1) native cosmogony and

(3) native rulers; and

In addition to this fairly

of

used theology; 23

(4) c u s t o m s .

long fragment, or

series

of excerpts, from Book I of Ag_.Ap. , another passage from Book II (Ag.Ap_. 2. 42-43) is generally assigned to On the 24 J e w s , even though Josephus attributes the statement to Hecataeus without naming the work from which it is taken. In this brief fragment (which is sometimes extended to 25 include par. 4 7 ) , ed Samaria by

it is stated that the Jews were

Alexander the Great because of "the

eration and loyalty

award­ consid­

shown to him by the J e w s . "

That there existed a work entitled On the Jews w h i c h was attributed concerning

to Hecataeus of Abdera is not doubted.

its authenticity

nor even emerging,

scholarly

Yet,

there still exists no real, 26 consensus.

Scholarly

opinion remains divided between those who regard the two fragments deriving

from Josephus, Ag.Ap_., Books I and II, as from an authentic work On the Jews written 27

by

the p a g a n author Hecataeus of Abdera,

and those who

contest their genuineness and attribute

them instead to a 28

Jewish apologist writing under the pseudonym of H e c a t a e u s . 29 Still others suspend judgment. Assigning these two fragments from Ag.Ag.to Hecataeus 30 of Abdera has been questioned for the following r e a s o n s : w(1) orks Acknowledged to H e c a t a e u s precedent . As noted of attributing earlier, the pseudonymous work On Abraham,

Introduction

281

which Clement attributes to Hecataeus, is now 31 with certainty as a forgery. pseudonymous, pseudonymous the work.

it is equally as w e l l .

regarded

Since this work is

likely that On the Jews was

(2) Presence of anachronisms

The passages attributed

to Hecataeus by

are thought by some scholars to reflect a later setting.

admittedly

within Josephus

historical

In p a r t i c u l a r , the understanding of the practice

of tithing

(Frg. 1, par. 187) and the commendation of the

Jewish spirit of martyrdom

(Frg. 1, par. 190-91) have been

taken to reflect a M a c c a b e a n , or post-Maccabean Also, the reference

to Alexander's granting the Jews

region of Samaria as a reward

later period.

(3) Ex­

The genuine Hecataeus

fragments

in Diodorus are more sober and objective

in

their treatment of the Jews while those statements uted to him by Josephus are more explicitly

in Frg. 1, par. 193, where Hecataeus reports

attrib­

panegyrical.

Coupled with this is the anti-pagan tone of the

remarks

approvingly

that the Jews destroyed pagan temples and altars were erected

the

for their loyalty to him

(Frg. 2) is seen to reflect a much plicit pro-Jewish tendency. preserved

setting.

that

in Babylon; indeed, Hecataeus reportedly

that they deserved

admiration

for this.

doubts about their authenticity.

(4)

said

Ancient

As early as the

second

century C.E., the authenticity of the work On the Jews was questioned by Herennius Philo of Byblos C. C e l .

1.15).

(apud Origen,

3 2

In response, those who favor the authenticity of the fragments and attribute them to the pagan Hecataeus argued as follows:

(1)

The two works On Abraham

On the Jews need not stand or fall together; the pseudonymity

no means unambiguous.

(2)

from an intelligent

the

The anachronisms are by

These statements arguably

the level of m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g expect

and accepted

of the one does not necessarily prove

pseudonymity of the other.

have

reflect

and confusion one might

and reasonably

pagan writing in the early Hellenistic

well-informed

period.

(3) To be

sure, the tone of the remarks about the Jews in the

Pseudo-Hecataeus

282

genuine fragments preserved by Diodorus is different that of the fragments preserved by J o s e p h u s . the generally

from

given

favorable tone of the former, the even more

positive portrait 33 tension.

But

in the latter is not an unnatural ex-

M o r e o v e r , the literary context of the two

of fragments is different, the one having b e e n taken

sets from

a work On the Egyptians where one might expect a more "objective" description of the Jews since they are secondarily

treated

in the course of Hecataeus' description

of

Egypt, the latter having been taken from a work On the Jews, w h e r e one would expect explicit

encomium, even as one

finds encomiastic description of Egypt in Hecataeus' genuine work On the E g y p t i a n s . Jews destroyed pagan temples

The statement that

the

is indeed difficult to

to the pagan Hecataeus, and consequently has been by some scholars as an editorial addition the version of Hecataeus used by J o s e p h u s .

ascribe

taken

later made

to

But, given

sceptical outlook of Hecataeus, even this explanation not be required.

The critique of popular worship by

the may

pagan

authors w a s well established by the time of H e c a t a e u s , and it is not inconceivable that an enlightened pagan have reported

the destruction of Babylonian temples

altars as an admirable

act.

(4)

The testimony of

would

and Herennius

Philo should not be given too much weight; after all, the statement only raises questions about the authenticity the work, it is not an outright d e n i a l . It actually the possibility of authenticity. Philo flourished

concedes

Herennius

in the time of Hadrian, when the memory

of Jewish history

for the past half-century was fresh,

not altogether pleasant, have questioned

Also, because

of

and

it is easy to see why one would

the authenticity of a statement by a w e l l -

known pagan author who spoke favorably of the J e w s . To be sure, it is no longer possible, as it was

in

an earlier period of scholarship, to deny a priori that educated Hellenistic

an

author, such as Hecataeus of Abdera,

should exhibit

this level of knowledge and sympathy

things Jewish.

The question of the authenticity of

with these

Introduction

283

fragments remains open and awaits further

investigation.

Even if they are inauthentic, it is probable that 34

they

preserve

In any

some authentic portions of H e c a t a e u s .

case, the pseudonymity

of the three fragments

here under Pseudo-Hecataeus

appears

included

likely.

N e v e r t h e l e s s , assuming that the fragments works are p s e u d o n y m o u s , other questions still

from both persist.

Do they stem from the same work which has been different

assigned

titles within the Hecataeus tradition? Or, do

they stem from two separate works? If separate w o r k s , are they by the same author, or by different authors? different authors, are they from the same period provenance, or from different periods and

If and

provenances?

A u t h o r , Date, and Provenance. Because the various of evidence pertaining and interrelated,

to Pseudo-Hecataeus are

complex

several proposals have been offered

cerning authorship, date, and p r o v e n a n c e . best to elaborate the various positions taken in the history of scholarship on

con­

It will be

scholars

have

Pseudo-Hecataeus.

(a) Single work by a single author. 35 solution, offered by Schurer,

bits

The

simplest

is to regard On Abraham

and On the Jews as variant titles of the same w o r k : "the work was indeed entitled rcepl 'A3pdy.ou, but 36

dealt

in fact rcepl *Iou6aicov."

spurious

and is thus classified heathen mask," of H e c a t a e u s

1

Although

the work is

as "Jewish propaganda under a

it was probably based on genuine work On the E g y p t i a n s .

mous work that was cited

It was this

in Ep_. Arist.

is dated by Schurer prior to Ep_. Arist. in the third

century

portions

31 and

pseudony­

consequently

(200 B.C.E.)

B.C.E. 37

(b)

Two works by the same author.

Schaller,

allowing that the two w o r k s might have been composed two different a u t h o r s , concludes that they were by the same author w h o , after having composed then composed On Abraham. collected various to demonstrate

while by

written

On the J e w s ,

In this latter work, he

(spurious) quotations

from Greek poets

the antiquity and superiority of the

Jewish

284

Pseudo-Hecataeus

faith, the major theme of the first work.

Schaller,

too, dates the two works prior to Ep_. Arist. , placing between

165

(145) and 100

B.C.E.

them

3 9

40 (c)

Separate works by different

(i) Jacoby.

authors.

The four Pseudo-Hecataeus

fragments

are treated by Jacoby, F G r H , N o . 264, F r g s . 21-24, the two separate titles On the Jews On Abraham

(Frg. 2 4 ) .

In his Kommentar

in FGrH 3 a . 6 1 - 7 5 , this distinction rated.

(Frgs. 21-23) on the

and elabo­

They are to be regarded as two separate

(Ag.Ap_. 1.183, content

fragments

is retained

primarily because Josephus, who m e n t i o n s both

works

titles

214; Ant. 1.159) treats them as such.

is also different.

On the J e w s , with its

in the Jewish p e o p l e , their history, temple, and its encomiastic

land, city

Their

interest

and

tone, was clearly an ethno­

graphical w o r k , free of the clumsily composed such as the verses attributed Abraham.

under and

forgeries,

to Sophocles, found in On

As to the date and p r o v e n a n c e , Jacoby

thinks

On the Jews influenced, and thus antedated Ep. Arist., 41 which Bickerman

reliably dated ca. 145-127 B . C . E .

Following Willrich, Juden und Griechen, 32, Jacoby in the high priest Ezekias

sees

(Frg. 1, par. 1 8 7 - 8 8 ) , a

veiled reference to Onias IV, the son of Simon the Just, who fled to Egypt in the period immediately Antiochus

preceding

IV Epiphanes' arrival in P a l e s t i n e ,

establishing

thus

a terminus post quern ca. 170-168 B . C . E .

A c c o r d i n g l y , he dates the work ca. 170 B . C . E . , and

further

suggests that the author, who was associated with O n i a s , was a Palestinian Jewish priest who emigrated to Egypt as a result of the turbulent events in Jerusalem 170-168 B . C . E .

On Abraham,

by contrast,

is to be

ca. regarded

as a separate work. Although Josephus mentions this work only once (Ant. 1 . 1 5 9 ) , he appears to have drawn e x t e n s i v e 42 ly from it. According to Jacoby, it was w r i t t e n by a different Jewish author at a later period, though how 43 much later cannot be ascertained.

Introduction

(ii)

285

Walter.

but modified

Jacoby's position is made more 44

somewhat by Walter,

who distinguishes b e ­

tween the two authors Pseudo-Hecataeus Jews, and Pseudo-Hecataeus

I, who wrote On the 45

II, who wrote On

Unlike Jacoby, h o w e v e r , Walter

Abraham.

sees no connection

the reference to Hecataeus in Ep_. Arist. 46 Jewish p s e u d e p i g r a p h s .

explicit,

between

31 and these

two

Rather, the most that can be

said is that Ep_. Arist. reflects knowledge of H e c a t a e u s treatment of the Jews in his work On the E g y p t i a n s . this is not the c a s e , there is an outside chance Ep. Arist.

31 points to the existence of yet

Jewish pseudonymous work attributed otherwise unattested.

Consequently,

1

If

that

another

to H e c a t a e u s , but Ep_. Arist.

have no bearing w h a t e v e r on the dating of

31 can

Pseudo-Hecataeus

I and II. As to date and p r o v e n a n c e , Walter proposes Pseudo-Hecataeus who composed

I was an author of the Jewish

that Diaspora

the work On the Jews sometime following

M a c c a b e a n uprising.

reference to tithing, and the similarity of ments presupposed

the

More specifically, because of its the arrange­

there with conditions obtaining

the reign of John Hyrcanus

during

(134-104 B . C . E . ) , he dates

the work in the last quarter of the second century B . C . E . , 47 probably ca. 100 B . C . E .

He proposes an

Alexandrian

setting because of the attention given to the

Ptolemies

in the fragment. As to the date and provenance of On Abraham, because of its heavy emphasis on Egypt in the fragments believed 48 to be derived

from this w o r k ,

Walter attributes

work to a Jewish Hellenist Pseudo-Hecataeus in Alexandria.

As to its d a t e , nothing certain can be

claimed except that it must have preceded Accordingly,

this

II who w r o t e

Josephus.

its time of composition could have been

any

time between the first century B . C . E . and the mid-first century

C.E.

286

Pseudo-Hecataeus

(iii) Wacholder.

This multiple work/multiple

position is refined even further by Wacholder. 1971 article on Hecataeus of Abdera

in

author

In his

Encyclopaedia

Judaica, he essentially reproduces Walter's proposal of two w o r k s by the two authors Pseudo-Hecataeus

I and II.

This position is expanded, however, in his 197 4 book 49 Eupolemus. To begin w i t h , he extends the number of

pertinent

Pseudo-Hecataeus passages to seven, and treats both the testimonia and fragments attributed

together

to H e c a t a e u s .

W o r k i n g with Walter's proposal of Pseudo-Hecataeus

I and II,

W a c h o l d e r offers the novel suggestion that the two

sets

of passages mentioned by Josephus in Books I and II of Ag_.Ap_. do not stem from the same work, and should not be treated together.

The grounds

for this separation

are

that the two sets of passages reflect different

authorial

p e r s p e c t i v e s , thematic interests, and attitudes

towards

the P t o l e m i e s .

Accordingly,

the excerpts in Book I of

A g . A £ . are seen to have derived time of Ptolemy

from a work composed

I Soter, perhaps as early as the

decades of the fourth century B . C . E .

in the

last

The passage

in

Book II of A g . A £ . , by contrast, comes from a later

period,

"during the second half of the second century B . C . E . , " 50 sometime after the composition of E_p_. Arist. reflects his conviction that the former work influence on Ep_. Arist. , and thus preceded

This exercised

it, w h i l e the

latter bears no demonstrable relationship with Ep_. Arist. Consequently, Wacholder proposes three separate from three different p e r i o d s : Pseudo-Hecataeus B . C . E . ) , Pseudo-Hecataeus

II

authors I

(ca. 300

(after Ep_. Arist. and before

J o s e p h u s ) , and Pseudo-Hecataeus

III

(before A r i s t o b u l u s , 51

who incorporates excerpts of the Greek

poets).

W a c h o l d e r gives the most attention to the

fragments

from the work of Pseudo-Hecataeus I which, on this showing, are "the oldest remnants of a Greek treatise w r i t t e n by a 52 Jew."

The frequency of the first person in the

fragments

suggests that they were written by an eyewitness who was

Introduction

287

"expert in priestly

law and w e l l informed

as to the condi53

tions of the country during the Persian occupation," a Palestinian author. archaeological

The early date is defended

grounds.

Scholars at one time dated

later in the second century because of such

thus

on them

references

as those to Ezekias the high priest whose name

does

not appear in the known lists of high priests and who was thus thought to be u n h i s t o r i c a l .

However, the recent

discovery of a coin in the late Persian period

bearing

the name of a high priest Hezekiah makes this early 54

dating

much more p r o b a b l e . T h u s , according to W a c h o l d e r , this work On the Jews was written by a Jewish priest of Jerusalem, only as Pseudo-Hecataeus fourth century B . C . E .

identifiable

I, in the last decades of the

Possibly writing ca. 312 B . C . E . ,

shortly after the battle of Gaza, the author,

"elated 55

by the prospects of the M a c e d o n i a n o c c u p a t i o n , "

wrote

in

order to insure Ptolemy's kind treatment of the Jews, and this accounts

for the flattering remarks about Ptole­

maic policies of open immigration.

It accounts, as w e l l ,

for the panegyrical treatment of the Jews, since it repre­ sents an attempt

to correct those few negative

features

of H e c a t a e u s ' account of the Jews in his On the E g y p t i a n s . The fact that it nowhere shows dependence on the Greek Bible is explained because it was written much

earlier.

Thus, the author of On the Jews actually knew the high priest E z e k i a s , and w r o t e an eyewitness account of events of this period.

In fact,

he "abandoned his

priestly

garments to serve together with another Judaean

named

Mosollamus

Alexander's

(Meshulam)

in a Jewish contingent of ,.56

army marching towards the Red Sea. Wacholder

states that "Pseudo-Hecataeus

In conclusion, I may then be

regarded as the first G r a e c o - P a l e s t i n i a n writer, an analogue of the Babylonian Berossus and the Manetho."

Egyptian

288

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Summary

and C o n c l u s i o n s .

As is clear from this

of the various postions concerning the

review

Pseudo-Hecataeus

fragments, the number of works attributed

to Hecataeus

Abdera, and the number of Jewish authors responsible writing

them, tend to increase as the number of

attributed

to or related to Pseudo-Hecataeus

For the purpose of this collection of the

is

fragments, however, a minimalist position is

expanded.

adopted, between

testimonia and fragments should be adhered to more This edition includes only those fragments attributed

titles

themselves.

earlier, the fragments are here

as p s e u d o n y m o u s .

regarded

M o r e o v e r , the position that the

stem from two separate works written by the same poses the fewest p r o b l e m s , and is thus adopted

fragments author

as the

organizing principle for arranging the fragments follow.

strictly.

explicitly

to Hecataeus and does so under the

As indicated

for

passages

Pseudo-Hecataeus

primarily on the grounds that the distinction

which occur in the sources

of

that

They are most likely the work of a single

author writing with an apologetic p u r p o s e . Quite

Jewish

under­

standably, he writes under the pseudonym of Hecataeus

of 58

Abdera who had previously written Consequently, both passages 2.42-43)

favorably of the J e w s .

On the Jews is treated

from both books of Ag.Ap_.

that are ordinarily regarded

this work are included.

On Abraham

so regarded

it.

and

(1. 183-204

as excerpts

and from

is listed as a second

separate work because of the difference b e c a u s e Josephus

first,

in title, and

Although

it is

first

mentioned by Josephus in Ant. 1.159, this is, strictly speaking, only a testimonium. Strom.

Clement of Alexandria,

5.14.113.1-2, by contrast, both m e n t i o n s

the

and quotes the passage from Sophocles attributed work.

Because Clement only explicitly

attributes

Sophocles passage, and none of the others that to H e c a t a e u s , this fragment demarcated

at that point.

(listed as Frg.

to this the

follow,

3) is

To enable the critical

ment of these fragments, however, the most

title

assess­

relevant

Introduction

289

passages have also been quoted after Frg. 3. As to the date and provenance of the author, the only certainty

obviously,

is that the terminus ante quem for On

the Jews is provided by J o s e p h u s .

Since the work

is

cited neither by Alexander Polyhistor nor Philo Judaeus, some scholars have understandably preferred work in the mid-

prior to J o s e p h u s . work existed

D U

the

immediately

But, it is more likely that

the

as early as the mid-second century B . C . E . ,

primarily because Ep. Arist. on P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s . have been prompted as preserved

to date

to late first century C.E.,

6 1

31 appears to be

dependent

To be sure, this reference

by the authentic Hecataeus

may

fragments

in Diodorus Siculus 40.3, but the tone of

the reference m o r e nearly echoes that of the disputed fragments in Ag.Ap_.

In addition, the dependence of Ep.

Arist. on Pseudo-Hecataeus

at other points should be

more seriously than it usually is.

taken

Since Ep. Arist. has

been reliably dated in the first half of the second

century

B . C . E . , Pseudo-Hecataeus may be reliably placed as early as the first quarter of the second century B . C . E . , perhaps during the reign of Philometor It is impossible composed

(ca. 180-164

B.C.E.).

6 2

to d e t e r m i n e which of the two works was

first, but both On the Jews and On Abraham can be

confidently placed

in the first half of the second

century

B.C.E. As to the provenance of the author, either a Pales­ tinian or Egyptian setting

is conceivable.

nothing excludes a Palestinian

Certainly,

setting, and the

that the author was a Palestinian who migrated 63 has m e r i t .

suggestion to Egypt

H o w e v e r , the favorable p o r t r a i t of the

Ptolemies and the emphasis on the advisability of

emigrat­

ing from Palestine to Egypt, combined with the less

than

accurate description of Jerusalem and the location of the 64 temple, point to a setting outside P a l e s t i n e . Egyptian

setting is also favored

reference to P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , generally given an Egyptian

An

if Ep_. Arist. is a

since Ejo. Arist.

setting.

is

Little else

can

290

Pseudo-Hecataeus

be affirmed

about the author's identity or outlook.

Importance.

If Pseudo-Hecataeus

is dated as early

as the first quarter of the second century B . C . E . , he becomes an early witness to the Jewish apologetic tion, especially of certain m o t i f s which later standard apologetic

features, such as the

tradi­

became

surpassing

wisdom of the Jews, their great n u m b e r s , their

fidelity

to the law and readiness to suffer persecution,

their

ridicule of pagan superstition,

loyalty

to the ruling p o w e r s .

their political

If Pseudo-Hecataeus

is written

in response to the genuine H e c a t a e u s , and indeed portions of his work, it illustrates a Jewish

preserves

author's

use and interpretation of a pagan's treatment of the J e w s . Because of the stylistic clues embedded within J o s e p h u s ' text, it may be possible to reconstruct

to a

considerable

degree the outline of the work; if so, it presents skeletal Hecataeus

the

form of an early Jewish apologetic work.

Pseudo-

is also very useful in further critical

assess­

m e n t s of Ep. Arist., since he may have b e e n a major for this work. ethnography,

its value for historical reconstruction

Jewish history in the early H e l l e n i s t i c period is than once believed.

of

greater

Further discussions of the Jews'

status under Alexander the Great, and certainly his successors, the tangled question of their

during the early Hellenistic

under

Alexandrian

c i t i z e n s h i p , the relationship between Jews and

Samaritans

period, the historicity

the high priest E z e k i a s , the priesthood and the

of P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s ' testimony.

In tracing

history and development of Jewish apologetic stages, Pseudo-Hecataeus

of

practice

of tithing during this period w i l l inevitably take

earliest

source

Although the work belongs to the genre of

account

further

the

in its

still remains

valuable

testimony to the articulation of radical monotheism,

and

the Jewish response to paganism during the Maccabean

period.

The anecdote concerning M o s o l l a m u s also deserves

further

attention as an example of the Jewish-pagan encounter

in

the popular tradition, and the Jewish debt to the p a g a n critique.

Introduction

- Notes

291

NOTES

1. The standard treatment of Hecataeus of Abdera, who is to be distinguished from Hecataeus of M i l e t u s , the 6th century Ionian logographer, is F. Jacoby, "Hekataios ( 4 ) , " PW 7 (1912) cols. 2750-69; also E. S c h w a r t z , "Hekataeos von T e o s , " Rheinisches Museum 4 0 (1885) 2 2 3 - 6 2 ; also "Diodoros ( 3 8 ) , " PW 5 (1905) c o l . 663-704, esp. 669-72; Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e , 1.310-14. More recently, Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.496-505; 2.718-27, notes 5-92; Gager, M o s e s , 2 6 - 3 7 ; Murray, "Hecataeus," 142-44; Stern, GLAJJ, 20-44, N o s . 11-13, and extensive bibliography, p. 25; also F. H. Diamond, Hecataeus of Abdera. A New Historical Approach. P h . D . dissertation, University of California Los A n g e l e s , 1974 (Summary in Dissertation A b s t r a c t s , 35 (1975) 5 2 7 1 A ) . 2. All the fragments from antiquity attributed to Hecataeus of Abdera are collected by Jacoby in FGrH 12-64 = No. 264, Frg. 1-25, with commentary in FGrH 29-87. 3.

Cf. Diogenes Laertius

4.

Cf. Diodorus Siculus

3A. 3a.

9.69. 1.46.8.

5. For references to this latter work, cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.46.8; Plutarch, De Is_. et Osir. 354 C-D; also cf. Diogenes Laertius 1.9. 6. Cf. Murray, "Hecataeus," 144-45; cf., however, A. Burton, Diodorus Siculus. Book I. A Commentary (Leiden: B r i l l , 1972) 1-34, esp. 2-10. 7. This section is also preserved in Photius (9th c e n t . ) , Bibliotheca = Photii Bibliotheca 244, ed. I. Bekker (1824), col. 380 A (= PG [103] 1 3 9 2 - 9 3 ) . Photius attributes the passage to Hecataeus of Miletus (fl. ca. 500 B . C . E . ) , but this is widely regarded as incorrect, though an understand­ able identification. Cf. Aelian, NA 1 1 . 1 . The m i s t a k e most likely entered the textual tradition of Diodorus Siculus 40.3.8 through Photius and not through Diodorus himself (cf. Diodorus Siculus 40 [LCL, 287, n. 1 ) . Cf. Jacoby, Kommentar in FGrH 3 a . 4 6 - 7 ; however, cf. Dornseiff, Echtheitsfragen, 5 2 - 5 7 , apud W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 145, n. 9, w h o defends the attribution to Hecataeus of M i l e t u s . 8. He is, in fact, the first pagan author known to refer to M o s e s . Cf. Gager, M o s e s , 26. Whether his is the "oldest account of Jewish origins in Greek literature" (so Stern, GLAJJ, 2 0 ) , is disputed. Cf. Stern and Murray, "Hecataeus of Abdera." A l s o , cf. Jaeger, D i o k l e s , 1 3 6 - 3 7 .

292

Pseudo-Hecataeus

9. For a fuller treatment of these authentic fragments, cf. Jacoby, Kommentar, FGrH 3 a . 2 9 - 8 7 , esp. 4 6 - 5 2 ; G a g e r , M o s e s , 26-37; Stern, GLAJJ, 26-35. 9a. T e s t i m o n i a : E p . A r i s t . 31; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.159; 12.38; Ag_.A£. 1. 183, 205, 213-14; 2.43; Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 5.14.113.1; Origen, C. C e l . 1.15; E u s e b i u s , P.E. 8.3.3; 9.4.1,9; 1 3 . 1 3 . 4 0 . 10. Reinach (1895), T e x t e s , 227-36, includes ments under " P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s " : Frg. A Frg. B Frg. C

five

J o s e p h u s , Acj.Ap. 1.22, par. 183-205 J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 2.4, par. 4 2 - 4 3 . Ep_. Arist. 31 (= J o s e p h u s , Ant. 12.2.3 (?) , par. 38) J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.7.2, par. 159 Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 5.14.113.1

Frg. D Frg. E

Jacoby ( 1 9 4 0 ) , FGrH, No. 264, attributes H e c a t a e u s the following f r a g m e n t s : From

nep

to P s e u d o -

' Iou6cutov:

Frg

21

Frg Frg

*22 23

From KctT

frag­

J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ajo. 1.186-205 (= E u s e b i u s , 9.4.1-9) J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 2.42-47 Ep_. Arist. 31 (= J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1 2 . 3 8 ; E u s e b i u s , P.E. 8.3.3.)

'ABpauov xal

Frg

24

xous

AIYUTCX

P.E.

louc,:

Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 5.14.113.1 (= E u s e b i u s , P.E. 13.13.40)

Denis (1970), F r a g m e n t a , 1 9 9 - 2 0 2 , under the general rubric of Jewish h i s t o r i o g r a p h e r s , includes only two frag­ m e n t s under "Hecataeus A b d e r i t a " : Frg. 1 Frg. 2

J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 1.22, par. 184-204 J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 2.4, par. 42-43

In a footnote, Denis quotes these additional

passages:

J o s e p h u s , Ag_.Ap_. 1.23, par. 213-14 J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.7.2, par. 159 Origen, C. C e l . 1.15 W a l t e r (1976), JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 1 4 4 - 6 0 , a s s i g n s m e n t s to " P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , " but d i s t i n g u i s h e s two separate a u t h o r s : Pseudo-Hecataeus Frg. 1 Frg. 2

four frag­ between

I:

J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 1.183b-205a, J o s e p h u s , Ag_.A£. 2.43

Pseudo-Hecataeus II: Frg. 1 J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.154-68 Frg. 2 Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom.

213b-214a

5.14.113.1-2

Introduction - N o t e s

293

10. (cont.) W a c h o l d e r (1974), E u p o l e m u s , 2 6 2 - 7 3 , further refines Walter and d i s t i n g u i s h e s between three separate authors from different p e r i o d s : Pseudo-Hecataeus Frg. 1 Frg. la Frg. 2 Pseudo-Hecataeus Frg. Frg. Frg. Frg.

3 3a 3b 4

Pseudo-Hecataeus Frg. 5 Frg. 6 Frg. 7

I

(ca. 300

B.C.E.):

J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 1.183-205 Ep_. Arist. 83-120 J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap_. 1.213-14 II

(after Ep. Arist. and b e f o r e

Josephus):

J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 2.43-47 J o s e p h u s , Ant. 12.3-8 Ep_. Arist. 12-27 EJD. Arist. 31 III

(before A r i s t o b u l u s ) :

J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.159 Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 5.14.113.1-2 Herennius Philo in Origen, C. Cel. 1.15b

11. For the Greek text of Ep_. Arist. 31, cf. Testimonia, p. 320. 12.

Cf. Spoerri, KP 2

(1967) 981 ; H a d a s , A r i s t e a s , 111.

13. How this question is resolved significantly affects the dating of the Pseudo-Hecataeus fragments. It is widely held that Pseudo-Hecataeus has influenced, and therefore, antedates Ep.Arist. 31. So, Schurer, 3.604; Literature, 302-306; Jacoby, Kommentar in FGrH 3a.62, 65-6; Stein, E o s , 474-75; S c h a l l e r , 30; Murray, "Aristeas," 342-43; F r a s e r , Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 2.968, n. 115. The problem is especially illustrated by Jacoby w h o , in PW 7 (1912) 2767, denied that Ep. Arist. knew or used P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , and consequently dated the latter immediately prior to Josephus' in the mid- to late first century C.E. Later, in his commentary on the Hecataeus fragments in FGrH 3a (1943) 62, he reversed himself, arguing that Ep_. Arist. had indeed used P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s . Following Bickerman, who dated Ep. Arist. ca. 145-127 B . C . E . , Jacoby dated Pseudo-Hecataeus ca. 170-168 B . C . E . Walter, JS (1,2) 146, by contrast, denies any direct connection between Ep_. Arist. and P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , and thus disallows the use of Ep. Arist. in establishing the date for P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s . Instead, he regards the reference in Ep_. Arist. 31 as a "free fiction of the author," and perhaps even a reference to yet another, otherwise unattested, pseudonymous work attributed to H e c a t a e u s . 14.

For the Greek text, cf. Testimonia, p. 320.

15.

For the Greek text, cf. Frg. 3, p. 320.

16. The lines attributed to Sophocles are also quoted by Clement in Protr. 7.74.2, but without reference to H e c a t a e u s . For their occurrence in other Christian texts, cf. Frg. 3, app. crit., p. 318.

294

Pseudo-Hecataeus

17. These are attributed all too easily to PseudoHecataeus by W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 264. Cf. Schaller, 25. 18. Cf. Reinach, Contre Apion (Bude) 35, n. 3; Schaller, 16, n. 6; cf. Conzelmann, HJC, 165. Cf. below, pp. 2 8 3 - 8 7 . 19.

For the Greek text, cf. Frg. 1, par. 183.

20. P.E. 9.4.1: * ExaxaCog de 6 'A3dnpixng, dvftP tpiAdoocpog duct xal nepl xdg npdgeig Ixavcoxaxog, Id lav 3i3Aov dvadelg xfj rcepL ' Ioudaicov Laxoplcx, nAeiaxa nepl auxcov die^eiaiv. . . 21.

For the Greek text, cf. Testimonia, p. 322.

22. Ag.Ap_. 1.183: ou napepytog, dAAd nepl auxcov 'Ioudaicov auyyeypacpe 3 L 3 A . I O V . A l s o , Ag_. AJD . 1.214: dAA' ouoog * Exaxaiog uev nal 3i3A-iov eypa^e nepl fiutov. 23. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 1.497, notes that these four m a i n sections were "characteristic of philosophical and programmatic ethnographical writing." 24. With the notable exception of W a c h o l d e r , 265-66, who assigns it to a separate work. 25. As e.g., Jacoby, FGrH, N o . 264, Frg. W a c h o l d e r , 26 3, 266.

Eupolemus,

* 2 2 ; also

26. For a review of the earlier history of scholarship, beginning with Scaliger (d. 1 6 0 9 ) , cf. Muller, gegen Apion, 170-71; also L a F a r g u e - C o l l i n s , 1-6. Also, Lewy, 117; S c h a l l e r , 1 6 - 1 7 . Also, M u l l e r , FHG 2.385. 27. M u l l e r , gegen Apion (1877) 170-71; Elter, G n o m o l o g i orum (1893-95) 9.247-54; Reinach, Oeuvres ... Josephe (1900) 7,1.35, n.l; Wendland, "Aristeas," (1900), 2.1-2; E n g e r s , Mnemosyne (1923) 232-33; Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e ( 1 9 2 5 ) , 398, n. 50; Heinemann, PW (1931) 32; Lewy, ZNW (1932) 117-32; Dornseiff, Echtheitsfragen (1939) 52-65; Gutman, Beginnings (1958) 1.39-73, esp. 70-71; T c h e r i k o v e r , Hellenistic Civilization (1966) 4 2 6 - 2 7 ; Gager, ZNW (1969) 130-39; Stern, GLAJJ (1974) 20-44; Jewish Peopli~Tl976) 2.1105-1109. 3

28. M u l l e r , FHG (1853) 2.385-86; Reinach, Textes (1895) 227 ?; cf. Contre Apion (Bude, 1930) x x x i - x x x i i ; W i l l r i c h , Juden und Griechen (1895) 48-51; Judaica (1900) 8 6 - 1 0 2 ; Schiirer, Geschichte (1901-1909) 3.605-608; G e f f c k e n , Apologeten (1907) x-xvi; Jacoby, PW (1912) 2766-67; FGrH 3a (1943) 46-52, 61-74; Schmid-Stahlin, G e s c h i c h t e (1920) 2,1.618-19; B o u s s e t - G r e s s m a n n , RJ (1926) 26; Stein, Eos (1936) 463-78; Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r (1954) 65-67; H a d a s , Hellenistic Culture (1959) 88-89; Schaller, ZNW (1963) 1 5 - 3 1 ; W a l t e r , A r i s t o b u l o s (1964) 187-200; JS (1,2; 1 9 7 6 ) , 1 4 4 - 5 3 ; Murray, " A r i s t e a s , " JTS (1967); " H e c a t a e u s , " JEA (1970) 144; D e n i s , Introduction (1970) 2 6 2 - 6 7 ; W a c h o l d e r , "Hecataeus," EncJud (1971) 236-37; Eupolemus

Introduction - N o t e s

295

28. (cont.) (1974), 272-73; Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria (1972) 2.968, n. 115; Hengel, "Anonymitat," (1972) 295-96, 301-303, 324-25; Judaism and Hellenism (1974) 1.69, 256. 29. Thackeray, J o s e p h u s , Against Apion (LCL, 1926) 1.23637; Olmstead, JAOS (1936) 243-44 (?); Jaeger, Diokles (1938), 134-53, esp. 150. Others noted in S c h a l l e r , 2 2 , n . 4 4 . 30. These arguments are summarized in Stern, 23-24; also, Conzelmann, HJC, 166-68. 31.

Stern, GLAJJ,

2 2 : "with almost absolute

GLAJJ,

certainty."

32. Cf. the Greek text on p. 322. Cf. Chadwick, Origen, Contra Celsum, 17, n. 4. Attridge-Oden, Philo of B y b l o s , 99; also J. Barr, "Philo of Byblos and His 'Phoenician History,'" BJRL 57 (1974) 1 7 - 6 8 , esp. 31-32. 33. Gager, "Pseudo-Hecataeus," 1 3 1 - 3 2 , especially censures scholars from an earlier period who treated any favorable treatment of the Jews by pagan authors as later interpola­ tions. He notes correctly that pagan attitudes towards Jews varied according to time and place, and that in the early Hellenistic period pagan attitudes -towards the Jews w e r e decidedly more favorable than the harsher attitudes displayed later by pagan authors such as Manetho and Apion. 34. So, Reinach, T e x t e s , 227; Schurer, Literature, Schmid-Stahlin, 2,1.619.

305;

35. Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e , 3.605-608; L i t e r a t u r e , 302-306. A similar position is held by F r e u d e n t h a l , 165-66; Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e , 2.645; Willrich, Judaica, 108-109; SchmidStahlin, G e s c h i c h t e , 2,1.618, n. 7; Stein, E o s , 467-68; Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 65; perhaps Reinach, Textes, 227. 36.

Schurer, L i t e r a t u r e ,

305.

37.

Schaller, "Hekataios," 1 5 - 3 1 , e s p . 26.

38.

Schaller, 26.

39. Schaller, 31. Fraser, Ptolemaic A l e x a n d r i a , 2.968, n. 115, likewise regards the fragments as pseudonymous, stemming from two separate w o r k s , but finds it difficult to believe that they are from separate authors, much less different p e r i o d s . 40. This position is also held by Spoerri, KP 2 981-82.

(1967)

41. This, of course, in contrast to his earlier position in PW (1912) when he argued for a later d a t e . Cf. note 13.

296

Pseudo-Hecataeus

42. Willrich, Judaica, 86-103, suggests that the following passages from Josephus are dependent on P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s ' On Abraham: Ant. 1.161, 164-66, and possibly Ant. 1.20741, and all the citations in Ag.Ap. 1.166-83. Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 158-59, also takes a maximalist approach, treat­ ing Ant. 1.154-68 under Pseudo-Hecataeus II, i.e.. On Abraham. Cf. also Jacoby, FGrH 3a.75. 43.

FGrH, 3a.75.

44. Walter, Aristobulos 144-53.

(1964),

187-200; JS

(1,2;

45. Murray, "Aristeas," 342, n. 4, also holds the w o r k s / t w o authors" view. 46. Cf. esp. JS above, n. 13. 47.

JS

(1,2),

(1,2),

1976),

"two

146, esp. 148, n. 25; also, cf.

148.

48. As noted earlier (cf. above, n. 4 2 ) , W a l t e r , JS (1,2), 144, thinks Josephus has used Pseudo-Hecataeus On Abraham throughout Ant. 1.154-68, thus is confident that more of this work is extant than is often supposed. H e r e , he continues the suggestion made earlier by Willrich and Jacoby. 49.

Cf., esp. pp. 263-73.

50.

W a c h o l d e r , Eupolemus,

266.

51. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 266. A fuller elaboration his reconstruction is found in note 10 above. 52.

Wacholder, Eupolemus, 2 6 6 .

53.

Wacholder, Eupolemus, 2 6 7 .

54.

Cf. A n n o t a t i o n s , note 1 1 .

55.

Wacholder, Eupolemus, 2 7 2 .

56.

Wacholder, Eupolemus, 2 7 3 .

57.

Wacholder, Eupolemus, 2 7 2 .

58.

So, e.g., Conzelmann, H J C , 1 6 8 .

of

59. As seen from the earlier review, suggested d a t e s for Pseudo-Hecataeus (esp. On the Jews) range from the late fourth century B . C . E . to the mid- to late first century B . C . E . For a review of the range, cf. Schaller, 2 6 , n. 6 0 .

Introduction - N o t e s

297

60. As e.g., Jacoby, in his earlier article in PW (1912); W i l l r i c h , Judaica, suggests a date at the beginning of the first century C.E. 61. So, Schiirer, G e s c h i c h t e , 3.604; Schaller, 30. Similar dependence is reflected in Ep_. Arist. 12-13, in remarks reminiscent of Frg. 1, par. 186. Cf. APOT 2.95, n. 12. 62. Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 3a.62; Fraser, Ptolemaic 2.968, n. 115. 63.

Cf. Jacoby, FGrH

Alexandria,

3a.61-63.

64. An Egyptian provenance is favored by Walter, JS ( 1 , 2 ) , 148, 151; Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , 66; also Gager, "Pseudo-Hecataeus," 135, although he regards them as authentic. Denis, 266, favors a Palestinian setting.

Pseudo-Hecataeus

298

Bibliography Bernfield, 36.

I. "Hekataus von Abdera," EncJud

Bousset-Gressmann,

7

(1930) 1135-

RJ, 2 6 - 2 7 .

C h a r l e s w o r t h , PAMRS, 119-22, 2 8 7 . Conn, L. Review of Reinach, Textes in MGWJ Collins, Athens and Jerusalem,

41

(1897)

285-88

42-43.

Conzelmann, HJC, 1 6 4 - 7 0 . Dalbert, M i s s i o n s l i t e r a t u r , D e n i s , Introduction,

65-67.

223-28, 2 6 2 - 6 7 .

Doran, R. "Pseudo-Hecataeus,"

in Charlesworth,

OTP.

Dornseiff, F. Echtheitsfragen antik-griechischen Literatur. Rettungen des Theognis, P h o k y l i d e s , H e k a t a i o s , Choirilos (Berlin; deGruyter, 1939) 52-65. Droysen, J. G. Geschichte des Hellenismus (6 vols, in 3; G o t h a : P e r t h e s , 1877-78; repr. in 3 v o l s . B a s e l : Schwabe, 1953) 3.40-41. Elter, A. De Gnomologiorum graecorum historia atque origine commentario (Bonn: C~. G e o r g i , 1893-95) 9. 247-54. E n g e r s , M. "De Hecataei Abderitae F r a g m e n t i s , " N . S . 51 (1923) 229-41. Ewald, History, 1.202;

Mnemosyne

2.91-94; 5.246-48, 432.

Feist, S. "Ein Zeitgenosse Alexander des Grossen liber die Juden," Menorah 19 (1931) 4 6 8 - 7 0 . Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 1.496-505, 695; 2.718-27, notes 5-92; 733, note 117; 9 6 8 , n. 115. F r e u d e n t h a l , Alexander P o l y h i s t o r , 165-66, 178. Gager, J. M o s e s , 26-37. , "Pseudo-Hecataeus A g a i n , " ZNW 60 G e f f c k e n , Apologeten,

(1969) 130-39.

xii-xvi.

Graetz, Geschichte,

3.626-27.

Gutman, B e g i n n i n g s ,

1.39-73.

H a d a s , M. Aristeas to Philocrates

(Letter of

Aristeas)

(New Y o r k : Harper, 1951) 98-99, 110-11, 130, 222-23. , Hellenistic Culture, Heinemann, Hengel,

88-89.

I. "Antisemitismus," PW Suppl. 5

"Anonymitat,"

(1931) 32.

295-96, 301-303, 324-25.

, Judaism and Hellenism.

1.69, 256; 2.76, 105.

Introduction -

Bibliography

299

Herrmann, L. "La lettre d'Aristee a Philocrate et l'empereur T i t u s , " Latomus 25 (1966) 5 8 - 7 8 , esp. 76-78. Jacoby, F. "Hekataios 2766-67.

( 4 ) , " PW 7

(1912) 2750-69, esp.

, Kommentar on FGrH, No. 264 ("Hekataios von A b d e r a " ) , Frg. 21-24 in FGrH 3a (Leiden: B r i l l , 1943) 29-87, esp. 46-52 and 6 1 - 7 4 . Jaeger, W. Diokles von Karystos 134-53.

(Berlin: de Gruyter,

1938)

, "Greeks and J e w s . The First Greek Records of Jewish Religion and Civilization," JR 18 (1938) 127-43. K a r p e l e s , G e s c h i c h t e , 1. 188, 204. La F a r g u e , M. and J. C o l l i n s . "The Allegedly PseudoH e c a t a e u s . " Unpublished Seminar Paper. Harvard New Testament Seminar. May 1, 1 9 7 0 . 24 pp. Lewy, H. "Hekataios von Abdera rcepl *Iou6aicov," 31 (1932) 117-32. Lohse, E. "Hekataeus aus Abdera," Muller, FHG,

RGG

3

3

(1959)

ZNW 206.

2.385-86.

Mialler, J. G. Pes F l . Josephus Schrift gegen den (Basel: Bahnmaier Verlag, 1877) 1 7 0 - 7 8 , 243.

Apion

Murray, O. "Aristeas and Ptolemaic Kingship," JTS N . S . 18 (1967) 337-71, esp. 342-43. , "Hecataeus of Abdera and Pharaonic JEA 56 (1970) 1 4 1 - 7 1 . Olmstead, A. T. "Intertestamental 242-57, esp. 243-44. Pfeiffer, History,

Kingship,"

Studies," JAOS

56

(1936)

201.

Posner, A. "Griechische Schriftsteller iiber Juden," in Jiidische Lexikon 2 (1928) 1277. Reinach, T. Flavius Josephe Contre Apion (Bude; Paris: Soci^te d e d i t i o n "Les belles lettres," 1930) xxxixxxii, 35-39, 65-66. 1

, Textes, 14-20, 227-36. Safanov, A. "Greek W r i t e r s on J e w s , " U n i v e r s a l Encyclopedia 5 (1941) 94.

Jewish

Schaller, B. "Hekataios von Abdera Uber die Juden. Zur Frage der Echtheit und der Datierung," ZNW 54 (1963) 15-31. Schlatter, G e s c h i c h t e , Schmid, J.

10, 24, 31, 38, 68, 398-99.

"Hekataios v. Abdera," L T K

Schmid-Stahlin, G e s c h i c h t e ,

2

2,1.618-19.

5

(1960) 206.

300

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Schurer, G e s c h i c h t e , , Literature,

3.603-608. 302-306.

Sellers, 0. The Citadel of Beth-Zur W e s t m i n s t e r , 1933) 73-74.

(Philadelphia:

Speyer, W. Die literarische Falschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum (HAW 1,2; Miinchen: Beck, 1971) 160-61. S p o e r r i , W. "Hekataios

( 4 ) , " KP 2

(1967) 9 8 0 - 8 2 .

Stein, E. "Pierwsi apologeci h e l l e n i s t y c z n o - z y d o w s c y " ["Die ersten h e l l e n i s t i s c h - j u d i s c h A p o l o g e t e n " ] , Eos 37 (1936) 4 5 8 - 8 0 , esp. 463-78; 38 (1937) 73-93; 210-23; 470-91. Stein, M. "The P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s . The Date and Purpose His Book on the J e w s , " Zion O . S . 6 (1934) Iff. Stern, GLAJJ,

of

1.20-44.

, Jewish P e o p l e , and 0. Murray,

2.1105-1109. "Hecataeus of Abdera and T h e o p h r a s -

tus on Jews and E g y p t i a n s , " JEA 59

(1973) 159-68.

Susemihl, G e s c h i c h t e , 2. 644-45. T c h e r i k o v e r , Hellenistic Civilization, 426-27, note 49. W a c h o l d e r , B. Z. E u p o l e m u s , 60, 195, 235-36, 262-73, 289, 292. , "Hecataeus of Abdera," EncJud

8

(1971) 236-37.

Walter, N. A r i s t o b u l o s , 86-88, 172-201. , JSHRZ

(1,2),

144-60.

Walton, F. R. "The M e s s e n g e r of God in Hecataeus Abdera," HTR 48 (1955) 255-57.

of

Wendland, P."Der Brief des A r i s t e a s , " in E. Kautzsch (ed.), Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des Alten Testaments (Tubingen: J. C. B. M o h r , 1900; repr. Hildesheim: G. 01ms, 1962) 2.1-2. , Review of Willrich, Judaica in Berliner gische Wochenschrift W i l l r i c h , Judaica,

20

(1900) 1 1 9 9 - 1 2 0 2 .

86-130.

, Juden und Griechen,

20-33, 48-51.

Philolo-

Introduction - Index

301

Index to Editions and

Translations

On the Jews Fragment

One

Source: J o s e p h u s , Against Apion 1.22.7-16, 183-204. Greek Text Used:

Thackeray, LCL,

par.

1.236-46.

Editions: M u l l . , FHG 2. 393-95 (= Frg. 1 4 ) ; Freu. (om.); J. G. M u l l e r , Apion, 38-40 (commentary, 1 7 0 - 7 8 ) ; N a b e r , 6.217-21; N i e s e , 5.33-37; Stearns ( o m . ) ; Reinach (Budd), 35-39; J a c , FGrH 3A1.19 ( = No. 264, Frg. 21; commentary, FGrH 3 a . 6 6 - 7 4 ) ; Denis, 199-201 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Stern, GLAJJ, 35-44 (= N o . 12) . Translations:

B.

English:

Thackeray, Josephus, Against LCL, 1.236-46.

French:

Reinach, T e x t e s , 227-34; Blum ed. R e i n a c h ) , 35-39.

German:

Walter

Parallel to A £ . A £ .

Source:

(JS, 1.2)

(Bude,

154-57.

1.197-204.

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number 409b.

Apion,

9.4.2-9.

in P.E.: Steph., 239-40; Vig.,

408a-

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 490, line 1 - p. 491, line 12. Editions: Steph., 239-40; V i g . , 408a-409b; Hein., 2.8-9; G a i s . , 2.351-53; M u l l . , FHG 2.393-95; M i g n e , PG (21) c o l s . 688D - 692A (notes, cols. 1 5 5 7 - 5 8 ) ; Dind., 1.473-74; Freu. ( o m . ) ; G i f f . , 1.516-18 (notes, 4.289; cf. 4 . 2 5 5 ) ; Stearns (om.); M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8. 1, 490-91; J a c , FGrH 3A1.19 (= N o . 264, Frg. 21; commentary, FGrH 3 a . 6 6 - 7 4 ) ; D e n i s , 199-201 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Stern, GLAJJ, 35-44 (= No. 1 2 ) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.439-40.

French: German:

Riessler 154-57.

(om.); Walter

(JS,

1.2)

302

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Fragment

Two

Source:

Josephus, Against Apion 2.4, par. 42-43.

Greek Text Used:

Thackeray, LCL,

1.308-309.

Editions: M u l l . , FHG 2.395 (= Frg. 1 5 ) ; J. G. M u l l e r , Apion, 54-55 (commentary, 2 4 3 ) ; Naber, 6.247-48; N i e s e , 5.59; Reinach (Bude), 65-66; J a c , FGrH 3A1.21 (= N o . 264, Frg. * 2 2 ; commentary, FGrH 3a. 7 4 ) ; D e n i s , 201-202 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Stern, GLAJJ, 44 (= No. 1 3 ) . Translations: English:

Thackeray, J o s e p h u s , Against LCL, 1.308-309.

French:

Reinach, T e x t e s , 235; Blum ed. R e i n a c h ) , 65-66.

German:

Walter

On Abraham Fragment

(and the

(JS, 1.2)

Apion,

(Bude",

157.

Egyptians)

Three

Source: Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Stromata 113.1-2. Greek Text Used: Stahlin-Friichtel, GCS p. 402, line 15 - p. 403, line 7.

5.14.112.4(52) 15,

Editions: M u l l . , FHG 2.396 (= No. 1 8 ) ; M i g n e , PG (9) col. 169 B - 172 A; Dind., 3.93-94; Freu. ( o m . ) ; Reinach, T e x t e s , 236 (= Frg. E ) ; Stearns ( o m . ) ; J a c , FGrH 3A1.22 (= N o . 264, Frg. 24; commentary, FGrH 3 a . 7 5 ) ; Denis ( o m . ) ; LeBoulluec, SC (228) 1.210. Translations: English:

Wilson

French:

Voulet (SC, 278) 1.211, 213 (commentary by L e B o u l l u e c , 2 . 3 3 6 - 3 7 ) .

German:

Stahlin, (BK, 1 9 ) , 4.213-14; Walter (JS, 1. 2) 159-60 = Ps.-Hecataeus II, Frg. 2 ) ; Riessler ( o m . ) .

(ANF),

2.470-71.

304

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Pseudo-Hecataeus,

On t h e

Jews

FRAGMENT ONE ( J o s e p h u s , A g . A p . 1.197-204 = Eusebius, P.E. (183)

KAeapxos uev

xev,

yap

T O

ouxcog fiuwv

5

uvnuoveOoai.

fjv

xaux'

" E x a x a i o c de

6

xcp

xcp

Adyou

ou

PouAoucti

'Ioudaicov

eipnuevcov.

(184)

uvnuoveuei

yap

xfjs

e&dduns Kdoxcop. cpnaiv xaxd

'AAeEdvdpou naL (185) "enl

rd£av

de

xaL

npoadelg xauxng

udcxn

xdv

duoAoyoOaiv

dexdxng 20

exeivov edvog.

L

enl xfjg

dAuuniddog. xaL (186)

xaxd Aeyei

ouv

'AAeEa.vdpov xotvuv

d

uev

Loxopei

Adyou

dxi

(185)

evixa

'Avxiydvou

exaxoaxfjg

dfjAov

npdg

xfiv d A u u n i d d a d

(184)

dAuuxtiddog cog

ercixAndevxa noAiopxnxfiv. " 'AAeEavdpov de ndvxeg

xpdvov

TdCav

enl d e

Ydp x a u x n v

AnunTpiov

xcov

evdexdxcp

exaxoaxfjg,

nxoAeucuog

eE

evta xdv

nepL

yeyovev

xaL

napepycog,

3L3AIOV,

erudeiEjto

xeAeuxfjg,

dexdxng

ou

enidpaueiv

nxoAeuaiou

auxn

(183)

iHavcbxa-

auvaxudaag

auyyeypacpe

x a L npcoxov xfjg

Anun"T"Pi-ov u d x n g , exei

3a.atAei

auyyevduevog,

xecpaAaitodcog

e'ipn-

'A3dnpixng,

xog,

'AAegdvdpcp

11 1 8 3 - 2 0 4 ?

auxcp x a O ' e x e p o v ,

HaL Tiepl x d g n p d g e i g

dAAd rcepL auxcov

15

ev n a p e x B d a e i

npoxeiuevov

d v r i P cpiAdaocpog d u a

nxoAeuoucp

10

ouv

1.22.7-16, 9.4.2-9)

xdv

xedvdvai

xeaaapeaxaixaL

fixuaCev "Exaxaiog

xax'

fiucov

xd

ndAiv

(186)

Lat.

1-3 K A e a p x o g - - u v n u o v e u a a i : clearchus siquidem facta digres sione cum aliud propositum haberet, nostri generis ita meminit Lat. | 1-2 eipnxtbg cj . Nie. | 2 x a d ' om Hud., apud N i e . | 2 - 3 x a O ' e x e p o v ouxcog: e x e p o v xaL ou xd Gutschmid apud N i e . | 3 u v n u o v e u a a g Hud. apud N i e . : feuvnudveuaev c j . Nie. | 6 Adyou e d . p r . : Aayco L L a t . 7 dAAd < L ' d i o v > n e p L R e i n a c h | 14 n p o d e i g C o l e t a p u d Reinach | 15 Adyou ed. pr.: Aayda L L a t . | 16 x a x d : xfj x a x d c j . N i e . | 19-20 xax' Exeivov. secundum illud tempus Lat. | 3

Fragment

One

305

FRAGMENT (183)

(183)

ONE

This allusion of Aristotle to us is mentioned

parenthetically by C l e a r c h u s , w h o was dealing with another subject.

Of a different nature is the evi2 dence of Hecataeus of Abdera, at once a philosopher 3 and a highly competent man of affairs, who rose to fame under King A l e x a n d e r , and was afterwards asso4 ciated with Ptolemy, son of Lagus. He makes no mere passing allusion to u s , but w r o t e a book entire5 ly about the Jews, (184)

from which I propose briefly

touch on some p a s s a g e s .

6

to

(184) I will begin with

fixing his d a t e . He mentions the battle near Gaza between Ptolemy and D e m e t r i u s , which, as Castor 7 narrates, (185)

was fought eleven years after the death

of A l e x a n d e r , in the 117th O l y m p i a d . under the head of this Olympiad "In this period Ptolemy, defeated

son of Lagus,

Poliorcetes."

And all agree that Alexander died

(186)

(185) For

he says:

in a battle at Gaza D e m e t r i u s ,

son of A n t i g o n u s , surnamed

Olympiad.

8

It is evident,

in the

114th

therefore, that our

race

was flourishing both under Ptolemy and under 9 Alexander. (186) Hecataeus goes on to say that

306

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Td6e,

xcov

rcoAAol xal 5

uexd

O I L

eyevexo

xcov

r)BouAr)Orioav.

egfixovxa

6e

10

xal

xcov,

eg

xcov

xfjg

napaAa3cbv

auxcov

20

'Exaxatog vououg, xouxoug (191) 25

L

urco

d ^ L c b u a x L xcp r c a p d

xoUg

rcepl

§urceLpog.

lepetg

xcov

XLA.LOugudA.iaxa x a l

"ouxog,"

xcov

auvfidrig eauxou

ueO'

rcdALV

EEXEV

rccog

rcpoaLpouueOa x a l

xfiv

xfiv

xd

xoLvd

fixouev

xExsuxcog

YEv6u£vog,

xaxoCxriaiv (190) rcpog

etxa

(190)

xoug

x o u uf| rcapa3fivaL

xaAov

xal

(189)

{ x e } 6Lacpopdv

Y d p xfiv

urcep

cpriOL, "xal

LXOVCOV

fiuCv

YEYpa-UUfevriv. "

rcdvxa rcdaxELV

daxuYE

ol

(188)

rcevxaxoaloug

cprialv, "odvOpcorcog

rcoALxelav

6riAoC

Kal

x o u rcpoeLpriuEvou u v n u o -

xal

auxoCg*

rcpayudxalxoL,"

'Iou6aLcov

Aau3dvovxeg

rcdALV 6 e

xcov

(188)

(187)

fiALxlav

xoUg

"xoLYcxpouv," xcov

"*E£exlag

uev

nal

XLvag

O I L

xfiv

6uvax6g

rcepl

xfiv

rcpayudxcov

oux dvonxog, C X L

rcaaav xal

xcov

elg

cpuxfiv

xauxrig

XLufig

dveYvco

xcp 6 '

Y L V O U ^ V C O V

dv6pog

VEUCOV

dvSpconog

firudxrixa

auvartaipetv

xfiv

(189)

E L O L V . "

xfjv

xai

xal

XLg dAAog,

6iOLXOuvxeg 15

excov,

" O L rcdvxeg

Sexdxriv

xoLVCovetv

nxoAEua.Log

eYxpaxrig,

"cov E L S fjv," c p n a C v ,

(187)

AeyeLV

elrcep

cpriaLV,

xal

u^yctg

6

rcuvdav6uevo L

xcov * I o u 6 a L c o v ,

ouoeOvoLg

xorccov

xoO nxoAeucuou

auxcp

dpxLEpEug

rd£rj u d x r i v

iv

Eup l a v

dvdpcbrccov

cpiAavOpcorcLav

A L Y U T C X O V

cog

xfiv

rcepl

etvaL xaxcog

xcov

voul£ouev. dxouovxeg

(191)

e laacpLxvouuevcov

Lat.

6 e£exiaa L | 7 6 d p x i e p e u g ed. p r . | 9 O U K Hud. apud Nie.: O U T 'L | 10 x o f g r c e p l d a m n . Hud., apud N i e . : < x o i g r t e p l > ? Nie. | 10-11 x o f g — r c p a Y U d x c o v : oivoa oausas Lat. | 12-13 xf)V S e x d x r i v : deoatas Lat. | 18 t x f i v Reinach | x e Nie.: o m . Lat. Hud., apud N i e . | 18-19 6 L a c p o p d v d v E Y V c o r c a a a v : differentiam cunotam exposuit L a t . , apud R e i n a c h | 20 a u x c o v : suam Lat. 21 rcpog: civca Lat.: rcepl cj. Nie. | 23 xouxoug ed. p r . : x o u x o L: eas Lat. | xal o m . ed. p r . | voul£ovxeg ed. p r . I 25 x a l - - e C a a c p L x v o u u ^ v c o v o m . Lat. |

Fragment

One

307

after the battle of Gaza Ptolemy became master of Syria, and that many of the inhabitants, hearing his k i n d l i n e s s and humanity,"'"

0

desired

to

of

accompany

him to Egypt and to associate themselves with

his

realm. (187)

(187)

"Among these

(he says) was

Ezechias,^

12

a chief priest of the Jews,

a man of

about

sixty-six years of age, highly esteemed his countrymen,

an able speaker and unsurpassed (188)

(189)

(190)

business.

(188) Yet

as a man of

(he adds) the

total

13 number of Jewish priests who receive a tithe of the revenue and administer public affairs 14 is about fifteen hundred." (189) Reverting to E z e c h i a s , he says: 15 "This m a n , after obtaining this honour 16 and having been closely in touch with us, assembled some of his friends and read to them [a statement showing] all the advantages 17 [of e m i g r a t i o n ] ; for he had in writing the conditions attaching to their settlement 18 and political status." (190)

In another passage Hecataeus mentions

our

regard

for our laws, and how we deliberately

choose

and hold it a point of honour to endure 19 rather than transgress them. (191)

by

intellectual, and moreover

(191)

"And so

(he s a y s ) , neither

slander of their neighbours and of

anything

the foreign

308

Pseudo-Hecataeus rcdvxeg

xaL

nepauxcov

rcporcnAaxuCduevou

BaauAecov

uexarcei.adfjvat xouxcov 5

xaL

(192)

rcapexexau

rcoxe xd

Oapau

xaL

ou

xaL

exi

y e ufiv

dcpuxvouuevcov

advxcov

arcavxa

Criulav

xoig

Aeyeu

cpriauv,

BaauAea

erci

xdv

ercoinaav

rcoAAdg

urco-

ueydAag, xfiv

ftcououg

e^exuvov,

rcepi

xai

xou

xd eOvog-

ecog

ddeiav.

cpnai,

rcpog

rcepi

uev

xuvcov

de

rcpoaercLxi-&nauv eaxu

dauudcCeuv.

rcoAuavdpcorcdxaxov

BaBuAcova n e p a a u oux

ddvaxou

(193)

xaxaaxeua-

rcoAAdg u e v

uupuddag,

'AAegdvdpou

xoug

douvau

xouxoug auxoug

de x a i

fiutov

xaL dvaxa-

x a x e a x a r c x o v , x a L xcov

aaxpdrcaug

(192)

yap,

udvoug

xfiv x c b p a v ,

vecog x a i

xauxa

dvaoTcdaxoug e i g

{auxcov}

cprial

yevouevou

dAAd x a i

auyyvcbunQ u e x e A d u B a v o v .

(194)

iaxupoyvco-

x o i g a x p a x u c o x a u g duoicog

xcov e i g

auxoug

yeyovevau

xfig

C n u i a g drcoxuaau

a u y y v d v x a xdv

O X L dixauov

x d rcaxpcpa. "

dAiya.

BaBuAcovu

rcpoaaxeuv,

rcAnydg

(193)

uexd

oux

rcepi

deuvoxdxoug

dpvouuevou

rcpoaxdEavxog,

auxoug

xaL

L

davdxoug

xexunPia

auxou

xouv

'Ioudaioug

25

ev

xcov

duvavxau

x o u Bf)Aou rcercxcoxdg l e p o v

rcaauv

xdv

xal

ou

dAAd y eyuuvcouevcog

xaL

xcov vdutov

'AAe^dvdpou

ueuvau

20

de

xfig r c e p i

rcpoe A o u e v o u

cpepeuv

15

xfj 6 t a v o i a , alxiaug

rcoAAdxug urco

aaxparctov

u d A t o x a ndvxcov drtavxcoau, U M

uoauvng

10

xal

dAiyau

yap

(194)

nucov,

rcpdxepov de

e i g Auyurcxov

xai xai

Lat.

1 rcdvxcov e d . p r . | und ed. pr. : urcep L : a Lat. | 3 yeyuuvaouevcog i n t e l l e x i t L a t . | 5 ndxpta c j . Nie. : rcaxpcoia L | 12 r c p o a x e u v L: c o r r . Bekker, apud N i e . | 15 exu cj . Nie.: erceu L e t u t v i d . L a t . : xcov e d . p r . | 16 v e c o g : x a i vecog ed. pr. | 18 e E j e x e u v o v L : corr. Dind. , apud N i e . | 19 r c p o o e r c u x i d r i a u v : adioit Lat. : rcpooxiOriouv cod. E l i e n s i s r e c t e , apud N i e . j 20 x o u x o u g ed. pr. : xouxoua L | 2 2 fiucov fort, spur.: auxcov B e k k e r , apud N i e . | 24 auxcov Nie.: om. L a t . B e k k e r , apud N i e . | dAiyou ? R e i n a c h | 1

Fragment

One

309

v i s i t o r s , to which as a nation they exposed, nor the frequent outrages

are of

Persian kings and satraps can shake their 20 21 determination; for these laws, naked and d e f e n c e l e s s , they face tortures death

in its most terrible

form,

rather

than repudiate the faith of their fathers. " (192)

(192)

2

and

fore­

2

Of this obstinacy

in defence of their laws he 23 furnishes several instances. He tells how on one occasion A l e x a n d e r , when he was at Babylon and had 24 undertaken to restore

the

ruined temple of Bel,

gave orders to all his soldiers, w i t h o u t

distinction,

to bring materials for the earthworks; and how the Jews alone refused severe chastisement pardoned (193)

to obey, and even submitted and heavy

them and exempted

to

fines, until the king

them from this

task.

(193) Again, when temples and altars were erected

in

the country by its invaders, the Jews razed them all to the ground, paying in some cases a fine to the satraps, and in others obtaining pardon.

For 25

(194) conduct, he adds, they deserve admiration. then goes on to speak of our vast

such (194) He 26

population,

stating that, though many myriads of our race had 27 already been deported

to Babylon by the Persians,

yet after Alexander's death myriads more migrated

to

310

Pseudo-Hecataeus

(195)

6 6 e aOxoQ

xcbpag

riv

dpiaxrig

y.f)v

xfiv

oxi

xoOuev

nal

xe x a l

xal

rcepl

veco x a x a a n e u f j g ydp

xcov

rcepl

* IepoadAuuoc.

ufjxog

cog

xfig

\xtv

Ag.

Ap.

endaxriv

-

L

xd

rcepl

eixoai

xfjg

fevxaOOa

6'

riv

&t rcrixcov p ' ,

6e

6'

naxd

(198)

AiSivog,

xexpdycovoQ

uipog

408b

OLKOUOL

eaxi

auyxetuevog,

(197)

naxd

xaAoOai

rtepi|3oAog

eupog

rcrixcov,

xoO

"eaxi

rcdAig 6 x u p d rcevxfi-

rc6Aecog

(196)

xaxoi-

(197)

xfiv r c e p l u e x p o v ,

Aidcov ouxco

dAAd

* Iepoa6A.uu.a

6cb6exa u u p i < d 6 e g , (198)

xfjg

(196)

rcoAAd 6xupcoua.xa 6e

(195)

cpnatv

rcaAaioxdxou

e v cp |3cou6g e a x i

auAAexxcov dpycov 20

ulcx

rcevxdrcAeOpog,

6 i r c A a g rcuAag*

auxfiv

xd uev

axa6icov

dvdpcbrccov

udAiaxa

rcAdxog e a x i v . "

tn

xfie

Lax6pnKev

axe66v

rcAf)doug dv6pcov n a l

Hovxa udAiaxa

ueaov

dpoupcov

rcoAiv

xcouou,

aOxfiv

x6 u£yedoc,

ouxcog a G x o g 6 i n y e i x a i -

'Iou6aicov

axdaiv.

xcbpag v e u o v x a i , "

ueyiaxriv

xfiv xcopav n a l

uev 15

uupid6ag

xoaauxn

ev E u p i a

KaL x o ndAAog

rcaucpopcoxdxrig

"f| y d p * I o u 6 a i a

xaAAiaxriv

10

ydp

nal

xfiv

d v f | p nal

OUIOQ

KaxoLKoOuev

"xpianoaiaG 5

6id

UET^oiTioav

OOIVIHTIV

excov

axufl^cov rcAeupdv

6exdrcnxu.

Lat.

6 rcAdxog H u d . a p u d N i e . : rcAfj06g L N i e . : amplitudinis Lat. | 8-9 x a x o i x o o u e v ed. pr.: inhahitamus Lat.: naxoLHOuu^vriv L | 9 x a l — dv6pcov: et vivovum multitudine oopiosam Lat. | 10 a 0 x 6 g : idem ipse Lat.: au v e l 6 a 0 x 6 g Bekker apud N i e . | eaxi incip. Euseb. , P.E. 9.4.2 | 14 ufev om. L e t u t v i d . L a t . | 6cb6exa Uupid6eg: CL milia Lat. | 17 ufJHog — rcevxdrcAedpog om. L a t . | eupoQ - - p ' : centum per circuitum aubitorum Lat. | 6 e om. L e t u t v i d . L a t . | 1 8 - 1 9 dxuf)"tcov — AcQ-cov: ex lapidibus non dolatis sed colleotis atque iaaentibus Lat. | 1 9 auAAexxcov L | OUXCOQ L Nie. | P.E.

-

BION

1 0 a n t e e a x i t i t u l u m EKATAIOY nEPI IOYAAIQN h a b u n t BON: om. I | 1 1 u e v BON: o m . I | 12 r c o A i g BON: n ' IepouaaAfiu rcoAig I | 15 6 ' e a x i : 6 e e a x i ION: 6' eaxi B | 17 rcfixecov BION | rcfixetov e x a x o v M r a s | 19 ouxcog BION M r a s 2 0 \xev: 6 e BION | rcrixecov BION M r a s | 6 e 6eHdrcr|xo: S e x d r c n x u BON M r a s : ScoSexdrcrixu I I

Fragment

One

311

Egypt and Phoenicia in consequence of the disturbed 28 s (195) conditions of Syria. (195) The same writer has 29 referred to the extent and beauty of the country which we inhabit

in the following w o r d s : 30

"They occupy almost three million

arourae

of the most excellent and fertile soil, productive of every variety of

(196)

fruits. 31

Such is the extent of Judaea." Again, here is his description of Jerusalem 32 itself, the city which we have inhabited from 33 (196)

remote ages,

of its great beauty and extent,

numerous population, and the temple

its

buildings:

34 (197)

(197) have many but only "The one Jews fortified city, fortresses which has aand 35 36 villages in different the country, circumference of about parts fifty ofstades and 37 some hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants;

(198)

they call it Jerusalem.

Nearly in the 38 centre of the city stands a stone w a l l , enclosing an area about five plethra long 39 and a hundred

(198)

cubits broad,

a pair of gates.

approached

Within this enclosure

by is

a square altar, built of heaped up stones, unhewn and unwrought; each side is twenty 40 cubits long and the height ten cubits.

312

Pseudo-Hecataeus

xal

reap' auxov o'ixnua ueya, ducpdxepa

XUXVLOV,

(199)

xdg

odd' dvdOriUCX oudev,

xpuaa d u o xdAavxa xfiv dAxf)v.

fiuepag.

xd

dyaAua

d' oux

oiov dAacodeg f| xi xoiouxov.

dyveiag

xivdg dyveuovxeg

nivovxeg

ev xcp Lepcp."

'AAegdvdpcp xcp 3 a a i A e i

xfiv

axpaxeCav

(201) 15

Aeyei

'EpuOpdv uexd

xcov

SiaxpLBouai

xaL xd rcapdrcav oCvov ou

auveaxpaxeuaavxo

cpnaiv urc' dvdpdg

d'

ouxcog*

OdAaaaav

"euou

xcov

(200)

xal uexd oig d'

'Ioudaiou xaxd

xouxo

BadLCovxog

dAAcov

lepeig

(200) £xi ye ufiv O X L xaL

yevouevoig,

408d

napadfiaouai •

youv

eni

auvrinoAouOeL

xfiv (201) xig

naparceuTxdvxcov fiudQ Lnnecov

'Ioudaicov ovoua MoadAAauog, ijjuxnv, eupcoaxog

408c (199)

fiaxiv

xdg fiuepag

xauxa xoig diaddxoig auxou u e u a p x u p n n e v auxdg napaxuxeiv

xaL xdg

rtapdrcav oude cpuxeuua navxeAcog

d' ev auxcp xaL xde, vuxxag xaL

10

eaxi xaL

BOOUOQ

enl xouxcov cptog eaxiv dvarcdaBeaxov

vuxxag xaL 5

ou

dvSpcorcog

Ixavdg

xaL xo^dxrig dfi ndvxcov

xaxd

duoAoyou-

uevcog xaL xcov * EAAfivcov xai xcov 3apBdpcov

apiaxog.

Ag. Ap_. - L L a t . 3-4 xaL — fiuepag: noctibus et diebus Lat. fiuepag: et noctibus et diebus L a t . | 10-11 'AAeidvdpcp -auxou: cum alexandri regis successoribus postea castra metati sunt L a t . | 10 auveaxpaxeuaav xo Lat.: a u v e a x p a xeuouev L | xaL om. L | 11 d' om. L Lat. | 12 cpriOLv: dicens L a t . | 16 fiuCv L | 17 'Ioudaiog c j. N i e . | Ixavdg L Lat.: lxavcog N i e . | xaxd: xaL cj . N i e . | 18-19 duoAoyouuevcog cj . N i e . | duoAoyouuevoa L: indubitanter Lat. | P.E. - BION 2 Auxviov B I : Auxvia ON | 3 eni de BION Mras | 3-4 xaL — fiuepag I O : d e l . O : vuxxdg xaL fiuepag BO (f)uepa£. mut.)GN | 6 oudev: oude BION Mras | xotouxo ON | 7 xaL — fiuepag IO: xal vuxxdg xai fiuepag B : vuxxdg xaL fiuepag N | 9 exi ye unv: Tauxa eincbv urco3dg BION Mras | 10 auveaxpaxeuaaxo B | 10-13 xaL — rtapaOfiaouai om. B | 13 axpaxidv ON | 17 MoadAAauog M r a s : Moaduauog BION | Lxavdg BON: Lxavcog I N i e . | xaxd xfiv I | 18 und dfi BION Mras | 18-19 duoAoyouuevog BION Mras I 19 xaL xcov 3ap3- Hal x. *EAA. B | 1

z

Fragment

One

313

Beside it stands a great edifice,

containing

an altar and a lampstand, both made of gold, 41 and weighing two talents; (199) upon these is a light which is never extinguished by 42 night or day. There is not a single statue or votive offering, no trace of a plant, in 43

(199)

the form of a sacred grove or the like. Here priests pass their nights and days performing certain rites of purification, and abstaining altogether from wine while 44 in the temple." (200) (200) The author further attests the share which 45 the Jews took in the campaigns both of King Alexan46 der and of his successors. One incident on the march, in which a Jewish soldier was concerned, he 47 states that he witnessed himself. story (201)

I will give

in his own w o r d s : (201) "When I was on the march towards

the

the 49

Red Sea, among the escort of Jewish

cavalry 50

which accompanied

us was one named

Mosollamus,

a very intelligent man, robust, and by consent,

common

the very best of bowmen, whether

Greek

Pseudo-Hecataeus

314

ouxog ouv 6 dvdpcorcog 6 i a 3 a 6 i L " 6 v x c o v

(202)

666v

naxd xfiv Mat' rcdvxag

rcpoauevouoL. 5

auxcp x 6 v

10

6elgavxog

(203)

|

dvaxcopetv xogov

xo

drcexxe ivev. XLVCOV

(204)

xal

xov o p v i S a

acoxnplav

ou dv

xaxapcou^vcov

auxcp,

(204)

"xl

opvida

"rccog ydp," ecpri, "ouxog xfiv rcpo'iScov rcepl xfig

fiutv

X L uyieg drtfiyyeAAev;

f)6uvaxo

rcpoytyvcbaxeLV

x 6 u^AAov,

xouxov oux dv fjAde, c p o 3 o u u e v o g drcoxxeivn MoadAAauog

409a

elg

rcaxdgag

ecpri, " x a x o 6 a i u o v e g ; " elxa xov

rcopetag

Ag. Ap. -

6'

dyavaxxouvxcov 5t xoO udvxecog xal

Aa3cov elg xdg xeCpag, auxou

dvaaxdg

edv

(203)

u£vn

a&dig, aiamfiaag xal rcapeA-

£3aAe

dAAcov

XL

udvxeoog

6'

rcexrixai rcpodyeiv,

xoumadev

ualveaOe,"

15

xoO

auucp£peiv rcaaiv, edv

xouuTipoaOev

xuaag

xal

6e

(202)

6pvlOeuoufevou

f)pcbxr)ae, 6 t d

o p v i d a xal cpfiaavxog, edv uev auxou

npoaueveuv elg

xal udvxecbg xivog

erciaxeiv dFjiouvxog

rcoAAcov

6

fiuetepag el

ydp

elg xov

x6rcov

ufl xogeuaag

auxov

'Iou6al"og."

409b

L Lat.

1 6ia3a6i£6vxcov: pvopevantibus Lat. | 5 xfiv opviOa L uev: \iiv o 5 v L | 6 auucpfepri L | edv: dv L Nie. | dvaaxda L | 9 xfiv opvida L | 12 x a x o 6 a l u o v e g • etxa xov: xaxo6aiuoveaxaxov L Lat. | 13 Aa3cov: Aa36vxea L Lat. | £cpri om. L Lat. | 18 u o o o A a u o o L: a mosollarno Lat. | 6 om. L | * I o u 6 a U o g : fin. E u s e b . , P.E. 9.4.9 I 1

P.E. - BION 1 3a.6i£6vxa)v BION Mras | 5 xov opviOa BION M r a s | 6 ouucpfepeiv ON: auutpfepei BI | 6 edv BION Mras | 8 xourcLOdev BON: xo orciodev I | 8-9 eAxuoag BION Mras j 9 e3aAAe ON | xov opvc&a BION M r a s | 10 6 e : xe BON | 13 ecpri, ouxog BON: ouxog ecpn I | 14 auxou Gais.: auxou BION [ rcpoei6cbg I [ 15 dvriyyeiAev BION Mras | 16 e 6 u v a x o I | rcpoy tvcbaxe iv BION Mras | 18 MoadAAauog M r a s : Mooductuog BION |

Fragment

(202)

315

One

or b a r b a r i a n .

(202)

This man,

observing

that a number of men were going to and

fro

on the route and that the whole force was being held up by a seer who was taking

the

auspices, inquired why they were halting. ~* (203)

(203) The seer pointed out to him the bird he was observing, stayed

and told him that if it

in that spot it was expedient

them all to halt; if it stirred and forward,

to advance; if backward,

retire.

The Jew, without

for flew

then to

saying a word,

drew his bow, shot and struck the bird, (204)

killed it.

(204)

The seer and some

others

were indignant and heaped curses upon 'Why so mad, you poor w r e t c h e s ? and then, taking the bird continued,

1

he

and

him.

retorted;

in his h a n d s ,

'Pray, how could any sound

mation about our march be given by

infor­

this

creature, which could not provide for its own safety?

Had it been gifted with

tion, it would not have come to this

divina­ spot,

for fear of being killed by an arrow of 52 Mosollamus the Jew.'"

316

Pseudo-Hecataeus

P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , On the Jews FRAGMENT TWO

(Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.4, 1| 4 2-4 3)

(42)

0 0 ydp drcopLcx ye xcov olxnadvxcov xfiv

. . .

uexd anoudfjc. On' auxou dpoc.

xcov

rtdvxac, 5

xouxo

fiuexepcov

doKLudCcov

nucov,

O X L

§ O V O Q ,

xxi£ouevnv

'AAeEjav-

xLvde, exeU auvfiOpoLaev, dAAd eruueAcos dpexfjc,

nuexepoie xd yepac,

X O L Q

yap fiuoov xd

rcapeaxov

TIOALV

(42)

COS

xat

xaL

Sdcoxev.

cpnoiv

did xriv erueLxeiav xaL

rcLaxecog

(43) exCua

'ExaxaiOQ TILOXLV,

'IoudaCoi, xfiv SauapeUxLV

(43)

nepl

nv auxcp

x&pav rcpoae-

Orixev exeiv auxoCc, dcpopoAdynxov.

L Lat. 4 dpexfjc, xaL rctaxetoe: Lat. |

et virtute

ae fide

dignos

inveniens

Fragment

Two

317

P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , On the Jews FRAGMENT (42)

TWO

5 3

(42) ... For it was not lack of inhabitants

to

people the city, w h o s e foundation he had so much at heart, that led Alexander 54 colony of our nation.

to assemble

This privilege he

on our people, after careful and thorough (43)

as a reward of valour and fidelity.

by the statement of Hecataeus that, in and loyalty

conferred scrutiny,

(43) The

honour in which he held our nation may be

of the consideration

in it a

illustrated

recognition

shown to him by

the Jews, he added to their territory 55 of Samaria free of tribute.

the district

Pseudo-Hecataeus

318

P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , On Abraham

(and the Egyptians

?)

FRAGMENT THREE (Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 5.14.112.4-113.1-2 = E u s e b i u s , P.E. 13.13.40) (112.4) Nal ur)V xal n xpaycpdla d n 6

xcov etdcb-

A.cov duoarccoaa etc "edv oupavdv dvaBAerceiv

dtddaxet.

(113.1) 6 xde 5

xal

*0 uev EocpoxAfjc,, COQ cpnatv *ExaxatoQ

laxoptae auvxagduevog

X O U Q

A I Y U T L X I O U Q ,

iv xcp

dvxtxpuQ

Kax'

(4)

^

"ABpauov

erci xfjQ oxnvfig ex-

3ogL* (2) etQ xatQ dAndetataiv, OQ

oupavdv

C Z Q eaxt

OedQ,

(2)

xe exeuge xal ycxtav ucxxpfiv

udvxou xe xpcportdv oldua xal dveucov 3lav. 10

Ovrixol de rcoA.Aol xapdtav

rtAavcouevot,

Idpuadueada rcriudxcov rcapacpuxuv decov dydAuaxa ex AtOcov, fi xcxAxecov f| xpuooxeuxxcov f| eAecpavxtvcov

XUTXOUQ*

OuataQ xe xouxotQ xal xaxdQ rcavnYupetc 15

axecpovxeg,

OUXCOQ

euae3etv voulCouev.

L Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus 7.74.2 (Stahlin-Treu, GCS 56, p. 56, lines 4 - 1 2 ) ; Pseudo-Justin, De Monarchia 2 (PG [ 6 ] , c o l . 316 A - B ) ; Pseudo-Justin, Cohortatio ad GRAECOS 18 (PG [ 6 ] , c o l . 273D - 2 7 6 A ) ; E u s e b i u s , P.E. 13. 13.40 (Mras, GCS [43,2] 8.2, p. 214, line 17 - p . 215, line 7 ) ; Cyril of A l e x a n d r i a , Contra Julianum 1.32 (PG [76], c o l . 5 4 9 D ) ; Theodoret, Graecarum A f f e c t i o n u m Curatio 7.46 (Raeder [Teubner], p. 193, lines 1 1 - 1 7 ) . 3 uev: uev ydp E u s . | 4 K a x * : xaxd E u s . | "A3pauov: "A3pauov Eus. | 7 eaxt: eaxlv Clem., Protr. Ps.-Justin, Mon., Coh. E u s . Cyr. Thdrt. | 8 xe gxeuge: xe gxeuxe P s . - J u s t i n , Mon. F et vav. EC apud Denis, 1 6 2 : x' ^xeu^e Clem., Protr. Ps.-Justin, Mon. E u s . Cyr. Thdrt.: xexeuxe Ps. -Justin, Coh. ) uctxpfiv: ucxxpdv Ps.-Justin, Mon. , Coh. Cyr. | 9 xcportdv Clem., Protr. Ps.-Justin, Mon. , Coh. Eus. Cyr. Thdrt.: xcxponotdv L | xal dv£ucov: xdveucov P s . Justin, M o n . , Coh. Cyr. Thdrt. | 3tav: 3laQ Clem., Protr. P s . - J u s t i n , Mon., Coh. Eus. Cyr. Thdrt.| 10 xapdtav: x a p d t a Clem., Protr. Ps.-Justin, Coh. Cyr. | 11 rcnucixcov: rteudxcov P s . -Justin, Mon. F apud D e n i s , 1 6 2 : rteuuotxcov P s . Justin, Coh. F apud Denis, 162 | 11 rcapaijjuxnv: c

o

n

t

Fragment

319

Three

P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , On Abraham FRAGMENT (4)

THREE

(112.4)

(and the Egyptians

?)

5 6

Nay, indeed, Tragedy,

in

recoiling

from idols, teaches us to look up to heaven. (1)

(2)

(113.1) In fact, as Hecataeus, the composer 57 of histories reports in his book According to 58 Abraham and the E g y p t i a n s , Sophocles exclaims 59 plainly on the stage: (2)

One, in truth indeed, God is o n e .

Who made both the heaven and the

far-stretching

earth, The Deep's blue billow, and the might of w i n d s . But as most m o r t a l s , having erred in heart, We have established, as solace for our w o e s , 60 Images

of gods —

of stone, or of b r a s s ,

Or statues wrought of gold or

ivory;

And to these, sacrifices and immoral

festivals

Appointing, we thus reckon ourselves

religious.

rcctpd 4;ux.r)V L: rcapaipuxa-G Ps.-Justin, Mon. | 12 d y d A u a x a : dydAuax' Clem., Protr. Ps.-Justin, Mon., Coh. Eus. Cyr. Thdrt. | Aidcov: Aidivcov Clem., Protr. P apud Stahlin-Treu | n xaAxecov: Clem., Protr. P apud S t a h l i n - T r e u : xe nai guAtov Ps.-Justin, Coh~. [ 13 eAecpavxLVCov: ' Aecpavx i vcov Cyr. |

Pseudo-Hecataeus

TESTIMONIA Ep.

Arist. 31 8.3.3)

(31)

... 616 rcoppco yeydvaoiv

Hal

nal

TCOLri't"a-i<

eruuvfiaecog nax'

(= J o s e p h u s , Ant.

auxd

xcov

oi

xe auYYPOicpeig

laxopixcov rcAfjdog

rcpoe ipnuevcov

xfjg

BifBAlcov, n a l

xcov

{ x a l rcoAixeuouevcov }

rcercoAixeuuevcov

dv6pcov, 6id x o ev

x6 xcov

12.38; E u s e b i u s ,

dyvfiv xuva n a l a e u . v f ] V

xfiv

elvai

a u x o i g Qecoplav, cos cpriouv 'Exaxatog 6 *Ai36ripl-

Tns-

J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1.7.2, par. 158-59 (cf. Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 5.14.113.1-2; E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.16.3; also 13.13.40) (158)

Mvnuoveuei

Bnpcoaaos dfivai

6e

rcAeiov

xou rcaxp6s nucov * A3pdu.ou 'Exaxaios 6e x a l xou

(159) XL

rcercoirixe •

auxou a u v x a £ d u . e v o g

xaxeAme.

J o s e p h u s , Ag.AjD. 1.23, par. (213)

alxlas

xexuriPLOV

OLUOLL

rcepl xcov 6ia66xcov

xcov

OUYYPO--

urt6 cpdovou xtv6g n 6i'

oux UYieig x f i v rcapegeiv.

u v r i u ^ v rcapeAircov,

' Iepcbvuuos Y d p 6

laxoplav auYYeYPOtcpcog x a x d

auxov u e v riv 'Exaxalcp xpd^ov, cpiAog 6'cov Yovou dAA'

xou 3a.aiAecog x f ) V Euplav

6'

e u v n u d v e u a e , xalxoi xexpicpcbg. 6ir|veYHav

xoaouxov a l xcp

\xev

elvat uvriuris dgiou,

laxoplav

x o C g xorcoig 6 i a -

rcpoaipfeae ig

yap

x6v

'Avxi-

eypaij/e rcepl

ou6auou x a x d x f i v axe66v e v

xfiv

ercexpdrceuev . (214)

oucog 'Exaxatos u e v x a l 3 L 3 A I O V

fiucov, Iepcbvuuos

nepl

213-14

" O X L 6e oux d y v o o O v x e s Svioi

cpecov x o eSvos fiucov, dAA' dAAas

3c3Alov ydp

uvna-

TCOV

dvOpcorccov

e66£auev x a l arcou6alas

xcp &t rcpog x f i v dAfidetav rcdv-

xcos X L rcdOog oux euyvcouov erceaxoxricrev.

P.E.

Testimonia

321

1

Ep. Arist. 31""" (31)

...

It is for this reason that authors

and

poets and the mass of historians have abstained

from

mentioning these aforesaid books, and the men who have lived and are living in accordance with

them,

because the views set forth in them have a certain holiness and sanctity,

Josephus, Ant.

as Hecataeus of Abdera

1.58-59

(158)

And Berossus also mentions our

Abraham

...

(159)

merely mention him; book w r i t t e n about

Josephus, Ag.Ap_. (213)

says.

father

But Hecataeus does more

than

indeed, he has left an entire him.

1.213-14

That the omission of some historians to mention

our nation was due, not to ignorance, but to envy or some other disingenuous position to p r o v e . of Alexander's

reason, I think I am in a

Hieronymus, who wrote the history

successors, was a contemporary

of

H e c a t a e u s , and, owing to his friendship with

King

A n t i g o n u s , became governor of Syria.

Yet,

(214)

w h e r e a s Hecataeus devoted a whole book to us, Hierony­ m u s , although he had lived almost within our b o r d e r s , has nowhere mentioned

us in his history.

different were the views of these two m e n .

So widely One

thought us deserving of serious notice; the eyes of the o t h e r , through an ill-natured totally blind to the truth.

disposition,

were

322

Pseudo-Hecataeus

Origen, Contra Celsum (15)

xal

*Exaxalou de xou

' Ioudaicov COQ

BiBAlov,

aocpcp xcp edvei

y.ev du
laxopixou cpepexai nepl

ev cp npoaxidexai

enl xoaouxov,

daAcova ev xcp nepl 5

1.15

'ioudaicov xou

udAAdv ncoQ

COQ xal

'Epevviov

auYYPduucxxi.

laxopixou

npcoxov

eaxi xd ady-

deuxepov de Aeyeiv dxi, einep eaxlv auxou,

elxoQ auxdv

auvnpndadai dnd xfig napd

nidavdxrixoQ xal auyxaxaxedeUaSai

'Ioudaioig

auxcov xcp Adycp.

Testimonia

323

Origen, Contra Celsum (15)

1.15

M o r e o v e r , a book about the Jews is

attributed

to Hecataeus the historian, in which the wisdom the nation is emphasized

of

even more strongly -- so

much so that Herennius Philo in his treatise

about

the Jews even doubts in the first place whether

it

is a genuine work of the historian, and says in the second place that if it is authentic, he had probably been carried away by the J e w s ' powers persuasion and accepted

their d o c t r i n e .

of

324

Pseudo-Hecataeus

ANNOTATIONS 1. In Ag. Ap_. 1.161-218, after having cited Egyptian, Phoenician, and Chaldean witnesses attesting the antiquity of the Jews, Josephus gives several examples of favorable testimony by Greek authors, including Pythagoras, Theop r h a s t u s , H e r o d o t u s , C h o e r i l u s , Clearchus and A g a t h a r c h i d e s . This fragment, attributed to Hecataeus of Abdera (4th 3rd cent. B . C . E . ) , occurs between the testimony of Clear­ chus and A g a t h a r c h i d e s . The translation is that of H. St. J. Thackeray, Against Apion (LCL; Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University Press/London: Heinemann, 1961) 1.236-46. 2. Cf. Ag.Ap_. 1.161; also Ant. 1.108, where Josephus includes Hecataeus among ol nap* "EAAnai xal BapBdpoic, auYYPO-cpduevoi """dg dpxaioAoY lac,. Similarly, included in Ag.Ap. 1.215 among xoaoOxoi XCOV * EAArivcov auYYPCxcpe ig. His pagan status is elsewhere assumed by J o s e p h u s . Cf. Ant. 1.159; 12.38; Ag. Ap_. 1.213-14; 2.43. Also, by Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , Strom. 5.14.113.1-2, and Eusebius, P.E. 8.3.3; 9.4.1; 16.3; 13.13.40. Note also that Ag.Ap. 1. 183b = E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.4.1: 'Exaxaiog de d 'A3dnplxng, dvnp cpiAdaocpog duct xal nepl xde npdEjeig ixavcbxaxog, Idlav 3lBAov dvaOelg xiji nepl 'Ioudaicov laxopia, nAeiaxa nepl auxcov die^eiaiv, dcp' cov enl xoO napdvxog dpxeaei napaxeOevxa xaOxa. 3. Cf. Suda-Life (p. 417 West) : 'Exaxaiog 'A3dnpixng, cpiAdaocpog dg enexAndn xal xpixixdg YPOtuuaxixdg, oia YPauuaxixi*)v excov napaaxeunv. Cf. Diogenes Laertius 9.69; Diodorus Siculus 1.46.8. 4. I.e., and king

Ptolemy I Soter, satrap of Egypt (305-283 B . C . E . ) .

(323-305

B.C.E.)

5. Thus, to be distinguished from the excursus on the Jews in his On the Egyptians apud Diodorus Siculus 40.3.1-8. That it was a separate work devoted entirely to the Jews is also stated in Ag.Ap. 1.214(cf. Greek text, p. 320 ) ; also Origen, C. Cel. 1.15 (cf. Greek text, p. 3 2 2 ) ; cf. also E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.4.1 (Greek text in note 2 a b o v e ) . On the relationship of this work to On Abraham, also attributed to Hecataeus in Ant. 1.159; Clement, Strom. 5.14.113.1-2, cf. Introduction. Whether nepl *Ioudaicov was a technical title is problematic; still, the work is generally designated On the J e w s . 6. What follows are excerpts from the work, with breaks clearly signalled, e.g. ndAiv (186, 1 9 0 ) , elxa ... ndAiv (190), exi ye (193, 2 0 0 ) , dAAd unv (196). In spite of the b r e a k s , the excerpts may p r e s e r v e , or at least point to the skeletal structure of the larger work. Jacoby, FGrH 3a.66-67 notes the "eyewitness" flavor of the sections at the beginning and end (186-89 and 2 0 0 - 2 0 4 ) , w h e r e a s the internal sections (190-99) exhibit the features and

Annotations

325

interests typical of ethnographic w o r k s . The actual content consists of the following topics (xecpdAaia) : xaxoixnaig xal u o A i x e i a (189), TICOQ ex.oy.ev rcpog xoug v o u . o u £ — x e x u n p i a xfig laxupoyvcouoauvrig T f j e nepl xcov vduxov (190-93) , uoAuavdpcorcia (194) , xo ueyeOog xal x 6 xdAAog xfig xwpag ( 1 9 5 ) , * IepoaoAuua (197), the temple and the cult (|3cou.dg x.x.A., 1 9 8 - 9 9 ) , uxxvxeia ? (200-204). Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 3a.67; Conzelmann, HJC, 170. 7. I.e., Castor of Rhodes, 1st c e n t . - B . C . E . rhetorician and author of Xpovixa. Cf. FGrH 2B, No. 250, Frg. 12. A l s o , Kubitschek, "Kastor von Rhodos ( 8 ) , " PW 10 (1919) cols. 2 3 4 7 - 5 7 ; S c h m i d - S t a h l i n , Geschichte, 2,1.398. Cf. Ag.Ap. 2.84. 8. The Olympiads began w i t h the year 776 B . C . E . Thus, 776 - (116 X 4) = 312 B . C . E . + 11 = 323 B . C . E . for the death of A l e x a n d e r the Great. 9. Thus, a response to pagan charges of the "late origin of our constitution" (Ag.Ap_. 1. 58-59; also 1 . 2 ) . On the use of chronology in establishing antiquity, cf. W a c h o l d e r , "Biblical Chronology." 10. This flattering portrait of Ptolemy I Soter contrasts markedly with Ep_. Arist. 12-13, where his actions in the Syrian campaign are depicted as severely harsh (cp63cp rcdvxa urtoxeupia rcoiouuevog) . A l s o , in J o s e p h u s , Ant. 12.3-10 his hostility is stressed ( 3 - 4 ) , though in a statement remi­ niscent of P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , Josephus says that the subju­ gated Jews were attracted to Egypt because of his "liber­ ality" (cpiAox iu.ua, 9; cf. LCL 2.6-7, n. b) . Similarly, A g a t h a r c h i d e s , apud Ag.Ap_. 1.209-11, describes him as 6 e o n 6 x n Q ruxpdg. For a more positive assessment of his c h a r a c t e r , cf. Diodorus Siculus 1 8 . 1 4 . 1 ; 1 9 . 5 5 . 5 ; 86.3. Cf. Stern, GLAJJ, 40; H a d a s , A r i s t e a s , 98-99; A P O T , 2.95, n. 12; Jacoby, FGrH 3 a . 6 9 - 7 0 . It should also be noted that the J e w s ' emigration is here depicted as voluntary w h e r e a s in Ep_. Arist. 12-13 it is a forced resettlement. 11. The existence of this Jewish chief priest E z e c h i a s , who is not mentioned in the standard lists of high priests (1 Chr. 6:16-30; 5 0 - 5 3 ; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 10.151-53; 20.22451; cf. h o w e v e r , J.W. 2.429; also W i l l r i c h , Juden und G r i e c h e n , 107-15) or in other literary sources, w a s for a long time doubted. So, Miiller, gegen Apion, 17 2; W i l l rich, Juden und G r i e c h e n , 31-32, who saw in Ezechias "only a mask for the high priest O n i a s ; " Jacoby, FGrH 3a.62; Lewy, 12 2. H o w e v e r , the discovery at Beth-Zur of a P h i l i s t o - A r a b i a n coin dated in the early Hellenistic period bearing the Hebrew names TTP and r P p T T P has reopened the q u e s t i o n . Cf. S e l l e r s , C i t a d e l , 73-74; Olmstead, 243-44; Gager, "Pseudo-Hecataeus," 138-39. This numismatic evidence has not only convinced some scholars

326

Pseudo-Hecataeus

11. (cont.) that Ezechias w a s an h i s t o r i c a l figure, but has enhanced the credibility of P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s ' account of the Jews' resettlement of Egypt. Cf. esp. Olmstead, 244: "With this unexpected proof that Hecataeus knew m o r e than his critics, we are constrained to accept his other s t a t e m e n t s , that Jewish soldiers w e r e taken to Egypt by Ptolemy I, given some sort of modified citizenship, and granted lands under military tenure." For Gager, "PseudoH e c a t a e u s , " 138-39, the numismatic evidence is decisive enough to reinforce Lewy's contention that the excerpts in A g . A p . 1.183-204 attributed to Hecataeus of Abdera are genuine. Cf. Stern, GLAJJ, 4 0 - 4 1 , n. on 187; W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 268; L a F a r g u e - C o l l i n s , 9-11; Tcherikover, 425-26, n. 46; W a l t e r , JS (1,2) 146, n. 15. L e

e u c

12. apx P . i w i t h o u t the article, need not refer to "the high priest" (cf. Ag_.Ap_. , LCL, 2 3 8 , n. a ) . Stern, GLAJJ, 4 0 , n. on 1 8 7 : "We know that, at least in the last g e n e r a t i o n s of the Second Temple, the terms ctpxi-epeug and a p x t e p e i s w e r e used loosely to denote different mem­ bers of the high priestly oligarchy and the chief d i g n i ­ taries of the Temple of Jerusalem. In any case, the titles were not confined to actual high priests or exhigh p r i e s t s . " Besides the literature cited in Stern, cf. Schrenck, TDNT 3 (1965) 221-83, esp. 2 6 5 - 8 2 . 13. This reference to the Jewish p r i e s t s ' reception of tithes from the populace has figured centrally in the authenticity d e b a t e . Schaller, "Hekataios," 22-26, regards the p r a c t i c e described here as unquestionably a n a c h r o n i s ­ tic, on the grounds that it became common only during the H a s m o n e a n period. Prior to this t i m e , the established p r a c t i c e , dating at least to the period of the e x i l e , w a s rather that the tithes w e r e given to the L e v i t e s , w h o in turn gave a tenth of their proceeds to the p r i e s t s . So, Num 1 8 : 2 1 , 24; 2 Chr 3 1 : 2 - 1 0 ; Neh 10:38-39; 1 2 : 4 4 ; 13:5, 10. After the Maccabean revolt, h o w e v e r , the situation w a s different. Cf. Ant. 20.206; also 181; Life 80, also 63; Ant. 4.68, 205; Heb 7:5; Philo, V i r t . 95, though cf. Spec. Leg. 1.156. T h u s , the earlier period, i.e. the 4th-3rd cent. B . C . E . , represented by Neh 10:38-39 and Tobit 1:7, is sharply contrasted with the later period, i.e. the mid-second century B . C . E . , represented by Jub. 32:15 and Jdt 11:13. Schaller's analysis cannot be easily dismissed, as does Gager, "Pseudo-Hecataeus," 1 3 7 38, by noting that a pagan author is unlikely to have d i s t i n g u i s h e d b e t w e e n priests and L e v i t e s . After all, his point is that the practice itself described in the fragment is demonstrably late, and that a Jewish forger, in an incidental remark, betrays his actual historical setting. So, Walter, JS (1,2) 148. Cf. full d i s c u s s i o n in Stern, GLAJJ, 4 1 - 4 2 , n. on 188.

Annotations

327

14. According to Stern, GLAJJ, 42, n. on 1 8 8 , the number 1,500 for all the p r i e s t s in the w h o l e country is too small. Cf. Ezra 2:36-9(4,280); Neh 11:10-36 (1,192 priests in J e r u s a l e m ) ; 1 Chr 9:13 ( 1 , 7 6 0 ) ; Ep_. Arist. 95 (700 priests in the temple s e r v i c e ) ; J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 2.108 ( 2 0 , 0 0 0 ) . On their role as "administering public a f f a i r s " (xd x o i v d dioixouai) , cf. H e c a t a e u s apud Diodorus Siculus 4 0 . 3 . 4 - 5 . 15. Perhaps the high priesthood, or some other d i s t i n c t i o n granted him by Ptolemy I. So, Reinach, Contre Apion, 36, n. 3. 16. N o t e the first p e r s o n p l u r a l , an indication of the e y e w i t n e s s p o s t u r e adopted by P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , obviously serving to enhance the credibility of his report. A l s o , cf. par. 194 (fiuxov) , 200 (oig d' auxdg rtapaxuxeiv c p n a i v H . x . A..) , 201 (euou) . 17. The m e a n i n g is unclear, and is probably due to a textual corruption. Literally, "having gathered some of his a s s o c i a t e s , read to them every advantage (xfiv d i a c p o p d v . . . l x d a a v ) . Lewy, "Hekataios," 123, emends the text to d i c p d e p a , "book," thus "he read to them the entire (Torah) s c r o l l . " Similar cases of confusion between d i a c p o p d and d i c p d e p a : Ep_. Arist. 176; Galen 17.1; 1 8 . 2 , cited by Lewy, 123, n. 3. Given the d e s c r i p t i o n in Heca­ taeus apud Diodorus Siculus 4 0 . 3 . 3 : x a l xd x a x d xfiv r c o A i x e i a v e v o u o d e x r i a e x e x a L d i e x a ^ e , Lewy's e m e n d a t i o n ap­ pears m o r e d e f e n s i b l e . Reinach, Contre Apion, 36, n. 4, refers to J. F e v r i e r , La d a t e , la composition et les sources de la lettre d A r i s t a e , 70, who s u g g e s t s that d i a c p o p d v w a s a rare word m e a n i n g "book," i.e. Pentateuch. Cf. W i l l r i c h , Judaica, 91; Wendland, Review of Willrich, 1200; E n g e r s , 236; Jacoby, FGrH 3a.71; Stern, GLAJJ, 42, n. on 189, and additional literature; C o n z e l m a n n , HJC, 169-70, who states the various o p t i o n s . 1

18. On the civic rights of A l e x a n d r i a n Jews as bestowed by A l e x a n d e r and Ptolemy I Soter, and evidenced in docu­ m e n t a r y form, cf. J o s e p h u s , J.W. 2.487-88; Ant. 1 2 . 8 ; Ag.Ap_. 2. 3 5 - 3 7 . The e x i s t e n c e of such d o c u m e n t s is also mentioned in C l a u d i u s ' e d i c t , apud Ant. 19.278-81 (on w h i c h cf. extended d i s c u s s i o n in F e l d m a n , LCL 9 . 3 4 3 - 5 1 ) : ertiYvoug dvexadev X O U Q ev " A A e ^ a v d p e C A 'Ioudaloug *AA.egavdpeig Aeyouevoug a u Y x a x o i x i a d e v x a g xoig rcpcbxoig eudu xaipoig 'AA.e£avdpeuai xal i a n s uoAixeiag napd xcov B a a i Aecov xexeuxdxag, xadoog cpavepdv IYIVEXO ex xcov YPotuu&xcov xcov n a p ' auxoig nal xcov diaxaYUCtxcov ... On the vast literature on the question of Jewish A l e x a n d r i a n citizen­ ship, cf. J o s e p h u s , LCL 9. 5 8 3 - 5 ; also Smallwood, J e w s , 224-55, esp. 225, n. 22 on H e c a t a e u s ; also 229, n. 40; also, cf. T c h e r i k o v e r , CPJ 7, n. 18. If, as Jacoby, FGrH 3a.67 suggests, xaxoixnaig xal rcoAixela served as a major d i v i s i o n (xecpdAaia) in P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s ' w o r k , it is even m o r e likely to have been a standard apologetic t o p o s .

328

Pseudo-Hecataeus

19. The language used here (and in par. 191) is remark­ ably similar to that of the Maccabean period: 1 Mace 2: 42 (reds 6 e x o u a i a £ 6 u e v o s xcp vouxp) ; 2:50 (£nAcbaaxe xcp voyxp nal 6 6 x e xds cpuxds uucov urcep 6 i a d n x r i s rcaxepcov riucov) ; 2 M a c e 6:1-31, esp. 28 (xal yevvaiwQ urcep xcov aeuvcov xal aylcov vdu.cov drceuOavaxl^e L V ) ; 7:2 ( e x o i u m Ydp drcodvfjaxe i v eauev f\ rcapaftalveiv xous rcaxpious v o u o u s ) ; 7:11 (xal 6 i a xous auxou vouous urcepopco xauxa) ; 7:37 (eyco 6e ... xal acoua xal cjjux.'hv rcpo6i6couL rcepl xcov rcaxpucov voucov) ; cf. also 7:30; also cf. Dan 6:6 (el u.f| ev vouluois Oeou auxou). Consequently, in the debate concerning the authenticity of the fragments, the passage has been adduced as another historical anachronism. E.g., Willrich, Juden und Griechen, 21; Judaica, 92-94; Jacoby, FGrH 3 a . 6 2 , 7 2 . In response, those favoring authenticity (Lewy, 124-25; Stern, GLAJJ, 42, n. on 1 9 1 ) , or at least a much earlier dating (e.g., Wacholder, Eupolemus, 268-69) argue for the probability of Persian e x c e s s e s , even in the absence of hard evi­ dence. Cf. Ant. 11. 297-301; Esth 3:8; Ant. 12.45; Sib. Or. 3. 599; 5. 93-109; Ep_. Arist. 13. On fidelity to the ancestral laws as an apologetic motif, cf. Josephus, Ag.Ap_. 2.232-35, 271-80. 20. This is perhaps a reference to actions taken against the Jews by Bagoses, a general under Artaxerxes II Mnemon (404-359 B . C . E . ) , or Artaxerxes III Ochus (359-338 B.C.E.) as reported in Ant. 11.297-303. The text, however, is disputed. Cf. Marcus's note in LCL 6.456-61, and his discussion in Appendix B, 498-511. Also, cf. Dan 6:7 ol xaxxuxol xal ol aaxpdrcai; also 6:9, 13, 16. 21. YEYUu.vcou.evcos: on adverbs formed from p a r t i c i p l e s , cf. B l a s s - D e b r u n n e r - F u n k , Greek Grammar, par. 102 (6); Ant. 18.22; 1 Clem. 37; 1 Tim 3:16. Cf. Muller, gegen Apion, 173. Also, cf. 4 Mace 6:2; 9:11. 22. On repudiating the ancestral faith, cf. 4 Mace 8:7 (dpxds ercl xcov euxov rcpaYudxcov fiYeuovixds Ariu^eade dpvrioduevoi x6v redxpuov uuxdv xfis rcoAixelas Oeauov) ; also in general 4 Mace 8-12, esp. 9:1, 29; also 2 Mace 7:2; 1 M a c e 2:19-21. 23. f) LaxupoYvcouoauvr] ... rcepl xcov voucov: probably one of the m a i n divisions of the w o r k . So, Jacoby, FGrH 3 a . 6 7 - 6 8 , w h o also notes that "law" in Pseudo-Hecataeus is much more sharply defined than in Hecataeus apud Diodorus Siculus 40.3. Radical m o n o t h e i s m appears to be the crucial issue in Pseudo-Hecataeus (cf. Frg. 3 ) , i.e. the "cult of the one God." So, also Conzelmann, HJC, 170, n. 165. This also points to a date during the 2nd cent. B.C.E. when the issue of fidelity was more sharply defined. On laxupoYVcouoouvri, cf. Philo, Som. 1.218.

Annotations

329

24. On Alexander's rebuilding the temple of Bel, cf. Arrian, An. 7.171; Strabo 16.1.5 [C 7 3 8 ] . On his tolerance for the ancestral customs (xcx u&xpia) of his subjects, cf. Strabo 15.1.63 [C 7 1 5 ] ; Curtius Rufus 4.7.5. Cf. LaFargueCollins, 15-16; Stern, GLAJJ, 42-43, n. on 192; Muller, gegen Apion, 173. Also, cf. Ant. 1 3 . 2 5 0 - 5 1 . On Lep6v d v a x a O a p a i , cf. 1 Mace 4:36. 25. The h i s t o r i c a l b a s i s , if any, for this incident is unclear, but the razing of pagan altars also fits well into a M a c c a b e a n setting. Cf. 1 Mace 2:25, 45; 5:44, 68; 11:84; 1 3 : 4 7 - 4 8 ; 2 M a c e 1 0 : 1 - 2 . As to Hecataeus' express­ ing admiration for their d e e d s , cf. 1 M a c e 5:63-64. 26. The p o p u l o u s n e s s of the Jews is remarkable to Heca­ taeus apud Diodorus Siculus 4 0 . 3 . 8 , and subsequently b e ­ comes a standard t o p o s . Cf. Stern, GLAJJ, N o . 11, par. 8. On the p o p u l o u s n e s s of the J e w s , cf. Philo, Leg, ad Gaium 281-84; Flacc. 4 5 - 4 7 ; J o s e p h u s , J.W. 2.398-99; 7:43; A g . A £ . 2.282; Strabo 16.2.28 apud Josephus, Ant. 14.11418; Sib. Or. 3.271; also 1 Mace 1 5 : 1 5 - 2 4 . On their numbers in Palestine (Josephus, J.W. 2.280; 3.41-43; 5.24850; 6.40, 420-34; Life 2 3 3 - 3 5 ) ; Syria and Asia (Philo, Leg, ad Gaium 245; J o s e p h u s , J.W. 7 . 4 3 ) ; Egypt (Philo, Leg, ad Gaium 214-15; Flacc. 43; V. M o s . 2 . 2 7 ) ; Rome (Josephus, J.W. 2.80; Ant. 1 7 . 2 9 9 - 3 0 0 ; 1 8 . 8 1 - 8 3 ) ; Cyrene (Josephus, J.W. 7 . 4 4 5 ) . On p o p u l a t i o n estimates for the H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n period, cf. Safrai and Stern, Jewish People, 1.119-22; and standard treatments in Juster, 1. 210; Harnack, M i s s i o n and Expansion, 1-9; Baron, History, 1.170-71. A l s o , cf. T a c i t u s , H i s . 5.5. Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 3 a . 6 7 - 6 8 ; Conzelmann, HJC, 1 7 0 , esp. n. 168 and 170. 27. "Persians," rather than C h a l d e a n s , is commonly re­ garded as P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s ' error. M u l l e r , gegen Apion, 175, sees this as a slip, understandable for a pagan, and thus proof of the authenticity of the fragments. However, cf. 2 M a c e 1:19 where the Babylonian captivity is said to be etc xfiv nepoixriv. Cf. Reinach, Contre Apion, 36, n. 2. Similar confusion between Persians and Assyrians occurs in Propertius 3.11.21. On the resettle­ ment of captives by the P e r s i a n s , cf. Herodotus 4.204; 5.16; 6.9, 32, 119. 28. On the Jews' settlement in Egypt, cf. Ant. 19.278-85; J.W. 2.487; in Syria, Ant. 1 2 . 1 1 9 - 2 4 . On the "myriads" of deportees and m i g r a n t s : after the fall of Jerusalem in 597 B . C . E . , the number of captives deported to Babylon is variously given:10,000 (2 Kgs 24:14; cf. v. 1 6 ) ; 3,023 (Jer 5 2 : 2 8 ) . After the d e s t r u c t i o n of the temple in 587 B . C . E . (cf. 2 Kgs 2 4 : 1 8 - 2 5 : 2 1 ; 2 Chr 36:11-21; Jer 39:1-10; 5 2 : 1 - 3 4 ) , 832 captives are mentioned in Jer 52:29. A f t e r the o v e r t h r o w of Babylon by Cyrus in 538 B . C . E . , and the decree to return (Ezra 1:1-4; cf.

330

Pseudo-Hecataeus

28. (cont.) 6:1-5; Neh 7 : 6 - 7 3 ) , the number of returnees given in Ezra 2:64-65 and Neh 7:66 is 42,360, less 7,337 slaves. Ep. Arist. 12-13 reports that 100,000 Jewish slaves were transported from Judaea to Egypt by Ptolemy I Soter, 30,000 of which were garrisoned. Cf. 1 Mace 5:20; 12:41. On the deportation of Jews by Artaxerxes III O c h u s , cf. Eusebius, Chronicle (ed. S c h o n e ) , 2.112; Orosius 3.7.6; Syncellus (ed. Dindorf) 1.486, which refer to their removal to Hyrcania on the Caspian Sea. So, Stern, GLAJJ, 43, n. on 194. On military resettlement as a chief cause of the Diaspora, cf. Safrai and Stern, Jewish People, 1.117. 29. TO UEYEOOS Trig xa>pag ... T O x&AAog probably marks the beginning of the geographical section of the work (cf. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 1 . 4 9 7 ) . Cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.30-41, esp. 1.30.1 which opens by describing the extent and beauty of the landscape (xeiTai ... xaTa u-eanu3pLCxv ... xdAAei) . Cf. also Ep. Arist. 83-120 for a Utopian description of Judaea, Jerusalem and the temple, on which cf. H a d a s , A r i s t e a s , 49-50, and ad loc. 30. I.e., approximately 2,400 square miles which, accord­ ing to W a c h o l d e r , Eupolemus, 271, was a "fair estimate of Judaea's area." An aroura was a section of land measuring 100 Egyptian cubits (52.5 meters) square, i.e., ca. 2750 square m e t e r s . Cf. Herodotus 2.168. Cf. H a d a s , A r i s t e a s , 147, n. on 116; IDB 4.838; Thackeray, Ag.Ap. 1.86 (LCL, 197, note c ) ; L a F a r g u e - C o l l i n s , 17. An area 20 times (!) as large is given in Ep. Arist. 116: "originally the country comprised no less than sixty million arourae" (eEjotxiax.L-A.icov ux>pid6cov dpoupcov) , though H a d a s , A r i s t e a s , 147, translates "six million aroura." 31. The reading of L: TtArjdog, "extent," is preferred to Hudson's rcA.&Tog, "width," though Josephus earlier (Ag.Ap. 1.86) takes the aroura as a measure of width. Cf. LCL, 197, note e. 1

32. A comparison of P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s description of Judaea, Jerusalem, etc. in par. 197-99 with the mythical portrait of the land of Hiera in Diodorus Siculus 5.42-46, as noted by Lewy, 1 2 7 , is especially illuminating. Among the common m o t i f s : the antiquity of the temple ( 5 . 4 2 . 6 ) , although Josephus notes the antiquity of the city (Ag.Ap. 1.196, the splendor and beautiful setting of the temple ( 5 . 4 2 . 6 ) , the materials of its construction ( 5 . 4 4 . 1 - 5 ) , its dimensions ( 5 . 4 4 . 1 - 5 ) , the presence of statues and votive offerings ( 5 . 4 4 . 1 ) , and gardens ( 5 . 4 2 . 6 ) . Also, cf. the description of Babylon and the temple of Bel in Diodorus Siculus 2.7.2-10.6. 33. ex TtaAcxLOTdTOU xa.Toixouu.ev: another echo of the antiquity topos, perhaps apologetically motivated. Cf. Acts 15:21.

Annotations

331

34. At this point, Eusebius, P.E. 9.4.2-9 begins excerpt­ ing Hecataeus from Josephus. This fragment, attributed by Eusebius to the pagan Hecataeus, is one of a series of testimonies by "illustrious Greek authors" who men­ tioned the Jews. It occurs in Eusebius after a fragment from Porphyry about the Essenes and precedes a fragment from C l e a r c h u s . Both it and the Clearchus fragment appear to have been taken directly from J o s e p h u s , Ag.Ap. 35. J o s e p h u s , L i f e , 235: 204 cities and villages in Galilee. Reinach, Contre Apion, 37, n. 4, regards the reference to "fortresses" as anachronistic. Cf. 1 Mace 9 :50-53. 36. I.e., slightly less than six m i l e s , assuming that a stade was 200 y a r d s . Cf. IDB 4.838. This is larger than other estimates of the city's c i r c u m f e r e n c e : 40 stades (Timochares, apud P.E. 9.35.1 = FGrH 2B, N o . 165, Frg. 1 = Stern, GLAJJ, N o . 41; Ep. Arist. 1 0 5 ) ; 33 stades (Jo­ sephus, J.W. 5.159, ca. 70 C.E.; 39 furlongs in J.W. 5 . 5 0 8 ) ; 27 stades ("The Metrical Survey of Syria," apud Eusebius, P.E. 9.36.1 = FGrH 3C.935, No. 849, Frg. 1 = Stern, GLAJJ, 1 3 7 - 8 , N o . 4 2 ) . Cf. Thackeray, Ag.Ap., LCL, 242, note c; Giff., 4.321; Stern, GLAJJ, 43, n. on 197, noting Avi-Yonah's estimate of the circumference of the First Wall as ca. 3,800 m e t e r s , and that of the city after the building of the Third Wall as 5,500 m e t e r s . Cf. Rev 21:16. 37. The number appears high. Jeremias, Jerusalem, 2 7 , 84, 252, calculates the population of Jerusalem in the time of Jesus as ca. 25-30,000 (though, p. 83: 5 5 , 0 0 0 ) . Cf. J. Jeremias, "Die Einwohnerzahl Jerusalems zur Zeit Jesu," ZDPV 66 (1943) 24-31, repr. in Abba (Gottingen: V a n d e n ­ hoeck & Ruprecht, 1966) 335-41. Cf. Lam. Rab. 1.2 on 1.1 [Soncino 7 0 - 7 1 ] : nine and one-half billion (!), apud Jeremias, Jerusalem, 83, n. 24. J o s e p h u s , J.W. 6.423-27: 2,700,000 participants in the Passover feast (!). 38. Pseudo-Hecataeus' location of the temple in the center of the city has figured in the authenticity debate. According to Lewy, 128, 131, this is one of several indi­ cations that the author was ill-informed on Jewish m a t t e r s , hence likely a pagan writing from a distance. Followed by Gager, "Pseudo-Hecataeus," 135. Walter, JS (1,2) 156, n. 198a, suggests that the author does not know Jerusalem from his own observation. N o t e , however, that he says "nearly" (udAiaTa) in the center. Cf. W a c h o l d e r , Eupolemus, 270, n. 47. 39. I.e., approximately 500 feet long and 150 £eet w i d e , assuming the plethron was ca. 100 feet (Cf. OCD , 659) and the cubit was ca. lh feet (cf. IDB 4 . 8 3 7 ) , thus considera­ bly larger than the description in Ezra 6:3: "height 60 cubits ... breadth 60 cubits." Cf. Ep_. Arist. 8 4 : the three walls enclosing the temple were ca. 70 cubits high.

332

Pseudo-Hecataeus

40. The dimensions of the altar of burnt offering given here (20 X 20 X 10) conform to those of the bronze altar in 2 Chr 4:1. Cf. E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 2B, par. 3 4 . 1 0 : 25 X 20 X 1 2 . On the construction from "unhewn stones," cf. Exod 20:25; Deut 27:6; 1 Mace 4:47; Philo, Spec. Leg. 1.274; J o s e p h u s , Ant. 4.200. 41. The language used of the temple (oixr|u.a U E Y O O and its furnishings (3cou.6g) is remarkably unlike the usual language of the LXX: vaog, olxog, lepov and duaLaaxripiov; also cf. Ep_. Arist. 87. Cf. 2 Chr 6. Auxviov is closer. This probably suggests P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s unfamiliarity with the Greek B i b l e . The amount of gold here surpasses the biblical p r e s c r i p t i o n of one talent for the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the lampstand (cf. Exod 2 5 : 3 9 ) , though m o d e s t compared with E u p o l e m u s , Frg. 2B, par. 3 4 . 7 : 10 golden lampstands w e i g h i n g 10 talents each. Cf. 1 M a c e 1:21-23 for a more detailed inventory of the temple contents; also J o s e p h u s , J.W. 1.152-53. A l s o , cf. 1 Kgs 7:48-50. 1

42.

Cf. Exod

27:20; Lev 24:1-3.

43. N o t i n g the absence of images is reminiscent of Hecataeus apud Diodorus Siculus 4 0 . 3 . 4 ; cf. Diogenes Laertius 1.10. H e r e , P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s effectively feigns the p e r s p e c t i v e of a pagan author for w h o m these would h a v e been especially conspicuous d i f f e r e n c e s . Cf. Lewy, 126-27. On the other hand, they are precisely the differences a discerning Jewish apologist would point out. On the d e s c r i p t i o n of the sacred precinct of Apollo, cf. H e c a t a e u s , apud Diodorus Siculus 2.47.2-3; also A e l i a n , NA 1 1 . 1 0 . All of these items are standard features in d e s c r i p t i o n s of pagan temples, real and m y t h i c a l . C f . , e.g., Diodorus Siculus 2.7.2-10.6; 5.42-46. On the p r o h i b i t i o n of p l a n t s near the altar, cf. Deut 16:21; cf. Philo, Spec. Leg. 1.74-75. Cf. also the polemic against images in P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s , Frg. 3. 44. On priestly abstinence from w i n e , cf. Lev 1 0 : 9 - 1 0 ; Ezek 4 4 : 2 1 ; J o s e p h u s , J.W. 5.229; Ant. 3.279; Philo, Spec. Leg. 1.98-100. A l s o , in pagan t r a d i t i o n s , Plutarch, De Is. et Osir. 353B; Diodorus Siculus 1.70.11; Iamblichus, Pythag. 9 7 - 9 8 . Cf. Lewy, 127. 45. The translation here follows the Latin textual tradition of Josephus in reading a u v e o i p a T e u o a v T O (also BIO in P.E. ; N reads - O C X T O ) , rather than -ou.ev, as in L of the Josephus MS tradition. The latter is preferred by W a l t e r (or, perhaps - o a u e v ) , who translates a c c o r d i n g l y : "dass wir ..." E T L ye u.f)v m a r k s another break.

Annotations

333

46. Cf. Josephus, Ant. 11.339; also 11.321-45. There is reason to suspect P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s claim that Jews served as m e r c e n a r i e s under A l e x a n d e r , since this is elsewhere one of the bases Josephus uses to argue for their Alexandrian citizenship. Cf. Ag.Ap. 2.35, 42, 71-72; J.W. 2.487-88. Thus, T c h e r i k o v e r , Hellenistic Civilization, 272-73, doubts it. Reinach, Contre Apion, 38, n. 7: "Mensonge Evident." H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.15, h o w e v e r , regards it as likely. That they served under the Diadochi seems certain. Cf. Ep_. Arist. 13, 36; CPJ, N o s . 1 8 - 3 2 ; also Josephus, Ant. 12.149; 2 Mace 8:20; cf. 1 Mace 1 0 : 3 6 - 3 7 . On Jewish m e r c e n a r i e s , cf. Tcheri­ k o v e r , CPJ, 1.11-15, who treats the well-known case of the Jewish garrison at E l e p h a n t i n e , ca. 6th cent. B.C.E. Also, H e n g e l , Judaism and Hellenism, 1.15-18; cf. also Stern, GLAJJ, 43, n. on 200. 1

47. On the "eyewitness" perspective of the author, cf. above, note 16. 48. According to Jacoby, FGrH 3a.66, 74, this anecdote probably did not occur in the section on the land and p e o p l e , but belongs to a separate section containing a m i s c e l l a n e o u s collection of stories. 49. Niese conjectures ' Ioudaiog for ' Ioudaicov, i.e. "a Jew whose name was M o s o l l a m u s . " Followed by Walter, JS (1,2) 156. On Jewish cavalrymen, cf. 2 Mace 12:35; 1 Mace 1 6 : 4 . References in Stern, GLAJJ, 43, n. on 201. 50. The Greek transliterated form of D*71»n. Cf. 2 Kgs 22:3; 2 Chr 34:12; Ezra 10:29; Neh 3:4; also 1 Esdr 8:44; 9:14. A l s o , J o s e p h u s , Ant. 13.75 (MeoadAauoe,). Note v.I. in P.E. : BION Moaduauoe,. References in Stern, GLAJJ, 43, n. on 201. 51. The scene depicted here has an air of verisimilitude given the well-established pagan practice of augury, especially in military m a t t e r s . Cf. Homer, I_l. 12.195250, esp. 238; also 1.68-84; Sophocles, Ant. 998-1011; Xenophon, An. 6.1.17-24. Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 18.195; 19. 346. The pagan critique of the practice was also w e l l established. Cf. V e r g i l , Aen. 9.327; Cicero, Div. 2.33. 70-41.85; and in general Plutarch, Superstit• = Moralia 164E - 171F, on which cf. S. Dill, Roman Society from Nero to M a r c u s Aurelius (New Y o r k : M e r i d i a n , 1964) 443-83; also M. P. Nilsson, Greek Folk Religion (New York: Harper, 1 9 4 0 ) , 121-39 on "Seers and O r a c l e s . " The critique, in anecdotal form, is illustrated in the confrontation between Diogenes and the diviner in Diogenes, Epistle 38, par. 2. Cf. A. J. M a l h e r b e , The Cynic Epistles (SBL Source for Biblical Study, 12; M i s s o u l a : Scholars P r e s s , 1977) 161; also cf. Diogenes Laertius 6.24. References noted in Lewy, 129, n. 4, w h o adduces another anecdote without citation of source. Cf. Ag.Ap. 1.258.

334

Pseudo-Hecataeus

52. The diatribal style of the anecdote should be noted. Cf. Diogenes, Epistle 18, in M a l h e r b e , Cynic Epistles (note 51 a b o v e ) . This triumph of Jewish faith and m a r k m a n s h i p ! — over pagan superstition should be seen in the context of the pagan critique of popular religion, traceable to the p r e - S o c r a t i c s .

—

53. This fragment from Hecataeus is used by Josephus in defending Alexandrian citizenship of the Jews. The translation is that of H. St. J. Thackeray, Against Apion (LCL, 9; Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University P r e s s / L o n d o n : Heinemann, 1961) 309. The limits of this fragment are often extended to include par. 44-47. So, Jacoby, FGrH 3A, N o . 264, Frg. 22; Wacholder, Eupolemus, 263-65. Walter, JS (1,2) 148, n. 25 and 157, n. 43a, rightly o b j e c t s , noting that par. 44-47 appear to be dependent on Ep_. Arist. 13-16. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 2 6 5 , stresses the substantial differences between the outlook and con­ tent of this fragment, over against Frg. 1, noting that (a) it was not an eyewitness account, as was Frg. 1; (b) the central concern is Alexandria, not Judaea, as was the case in Frg. 1; and (c) the portrait of Ptolemy is unfavorable (in par. 4 4 ) , as opposed to the kindly treatment of him in Frg. 1, par. 186. Accordingly, he attributes it to a different author writing at a later period (after Ep_. Arist. and before Josephus) . 54. On Jewish citizenship in Alexandria as bestowed by Alexander himself, cf. above, note 18. 55. The incident referred to here is uncertain. P e r h a p s , it is a reference to Demetrius II Nicator's grant in 145 B . C . E . of three Samaritan districts to the Jews for their support of the Seleucids. Cf. 1 Mace 10:30-38; 11:34. If so, it is another historical anachronism, pointing to a M a c c a b e a n provenance for P s e u d o - H e c a t a e u s . So, W i l l r i c h , Juden und Griechen, 21-22; Walter, JS (1,2) 147-48. In contrast, Gager, "Pseudo-Hecataeus," 135-36, sees behind it a reference to the Samaritan revolt against Alexander in 331 B . C . E . (Q. Curtius Rufus 4.8.9-11 = Stern, GLAJJ, No. 197; Eusebius, Chron. 123d [GCS, 4 7 ] ) , w h e n the Jews sided with Alexander. The language of 1 M a c e 11:34 is then taken to refer to a reaffirmation of a situation that existed much earlier. This position is also favored by L a F a r g u e - C o l l i n s , 18-19. Cf. Stern, GLAJJ, 44, n. on 13, w h o suggests that as early as the time of Alexander "some territorial changes, w h i c h preceded the incorpora­ tion of southern Samaria within Judaea in the forties of the second century B.C.E. were made in favor of Judaea." So 1 Mace 10:38; 11:34. Cf. Josephus, Ant. 11.304-307.

Annotations

335

56. In chapter 14 of the Stromata, Clement cites several Greek authors to show how they plagiarized from the Hebrews. His numerous citations from pagan authors are now widely regarded as Christian forgeries. Following this passage attributing nine lines of poetry to Sophocles and cited from H e c a t a e u s , there occur quotations from other authors including E u r i p i d e s , A e s c h y l u s , and Plato. It is conceivable that these too were excerpted from Pseudo-Hecataeus, but Clement does not explicitly state this. Cf. Introduction; also Schaller, 25, n. 57. The translation here is based on that of Wilson in ANF 2.470-71. 57. 6 xde loxopiae auvxa^duevoe' cf. E u s e b i u s , P.E. 9.4.1: idiav Bi3A.ov dvadele xfi rcepi 'Ioudaicov laxopia rtAeiaxa rcepi auxcov die^eiaiv. Possibly, Clement's description derives from Diodorus Siculus 1.46.8, which includes Hecataeus of Abdera as one of those who composed histories of Egypt: auvxaEauevcov de xde AIYUTCXlaxde

laxopiae.

58. The title appears to be a conflation, recalling the work of the genuine Hecataeus On the E g y p t i a n s , and the work on Abraham, perhaps dependent on J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1. 159, but there is no clear evidence for this. Freudenthal, 165-66, suggested that Pseudo-Hecataeus was to be equated with the author of P s e u d o - A r i s t e a s and A r t a p a n u s . The title of this work does betray similar interests as those reflected in these two w o r k s . Cf. Schaller, 16. 59. The passage is nowhere found among the works of Sophocles. Cf. F r e u d e n t h a l , 166.

genuine

60. Cf. Frg. 1, par. 199. As C o n z e l m a n n , HJC, 170,n. 165, notes, the stress in Pseudo-Hecataeus is on the law as it relates to the cult of the one God. This passage is similar in outlook in this respect, and in this instance recalls the description of the cult in Frg. 1, par. 199, as being "without images." Similarly, the story of M o s o l l a m u s would be seen to reflect this outlook. Cf. Frg. 1, par. 200-204. 61. The translation is that of M. Hadas, Aristeas Philocrates (New Y o r k : Harper, 1 9 5 1 ) , 111.

to

62. The translation is that of H. St. J. Thackeray, Against Apion (LCL, 1; Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University P r e s s / L o n d o n : H e i n e m a n n , 1961) 249, 251. 63. The translation is that of H. Chadwick, Origen: Contra Celsum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953; repr. 1965, 1980) 17.

THEOPHILUS Theophilus is included by Josephus among the

Greek

historians who attest the antiquity of the Jews and who "have made more than a passing allusion

to us."''"

Whether

this is the same Theophilus excerpted by Eusebius Alexander Polyhistor

is unclear, but it is quite

from possible.

No specific work of his is mentioned by Josephus, nor does Eusebius m e n t i o n a title. fragment, however,

This single

extant

suggests that T h e o p h i l u s , in whatever

form he dealt extensively with the J e w s , discussed temple.

More than that cannot be

Because

Solomon's

said.

the fragment deals with a Jewish

theme,

Theophilus has been regarded as a Hellenistic Jewish or 2 Samarxtan author, though it is more likely that he was 3 a pagan. As to his date, it is only known that he Alexander Polyhistor Eusebius quoted

(first century B.C.E.)

antedated

from whom

him. NOTES

1.

Josephus, Ag.AjD.

1.215-16.

2. So, Reinach, T e x t e s , 51-52, followed by Walter, JS 109. 3.

So, Stern, GLAJJ,

126-27.

337

(1,2),

338

Theophilus

Bibliography Freudenthal,

117-18.

Laqueur, R. "Theophilus

(11),"

PW 5.A

(1934)

2137-38.

Reinach, Textes, 51-52, 216. Stern, GLAJJ,

126-27.

W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 7, 15, 243, 289. Walter, JS

(1,2) 109-110.

, Untersuchungen,

93-96 , 222-23.

Index to Editions and Fragment

Translations

One

Source:

E u s e b i u s , P.E.

Reference Number

9.34.19.

in P.E. :

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS lines 1 7 - 2 0 .

Steph., 265; Vig.

452a.

(43,1) 8.1, p . 544,

Editions: Steph., 265; V i g . , 452a; Hein. 2.53; G a i s . , 2.433; M u l l . , FHG 3.228 (= No. 1 9 ) ; M i g n e , PG (21), col. 753 D; Dind. 1.521; Freu. (om.); Giff., 1.563 (notes, 4 . 3 2 1 ) ; Stearns (om.); M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 544; J a c , FGrH 3. 694-95 (= N o . 733, Frg. 1) Denis (om.); Stern, GLAJJ, 126-27 (= No. 37) . Translations: English:

Giff.,

3.480.

French:

Reinach, Textes, 51.

German:

Walter

(JS 1.2)

111.

340

Theophilus

FRAGMENT ONE

(Eusebius, P.E.

OEOfclAOY nEPI (19)

9.34.19)

EOAOMQNOE

"OedcpiAoc, de cpriai xdv rcepi aaeuaavxa

(19)

Ttduijjcu •

452a

Xpuadv x6v EoAoucova. xcp Tupicov Ba.aiA.ei xov de eixdva xfjs 5

duyaxpoc,

xaxaaxeudaat, xai eAuxpov

Ccpov

dAoacbuaxov

xcp dv6pidvxi

xdv xpu~

aouv x i o v a rcepiOeivai. "

BION 1 6E0$. — EOA B I O N | 2 rtepixxeuaavxa B | 3 ucovxa B : xco EoAoucovxi O N 4 Ccpov om. B |

E O A O U C O V X O Q

ON

|

xdv EoAoucova I : xdv EoAo| Tupicov B I : Tupcovi O N

Fragment

One

FRAGMENT

341

ONE

Theophilus' Remarks Concerning (19)

(19)

Solomon

"Theophilus says that Solomon sent

the king of the Tyrians the gold that was left 2 over, and that the latter made a life-like, 3 4 full-length statue of his daughter and used 5 the golden pillar to make a covering for it."

to

Theophilus

342

ANNOTATIONS

1. This fragment occurs at the end of the long fragment excerpted from Eupolemus (= Frg. 2) in w h i c h Eusebius described Solomon's building of the temple. Immediately b e f o r e , Eupolemus had noted that Solomon sent to Hiram the golden pillar "which is dedicated in the temple of Zeus at Tyre." Like the Eupolemus fragment, this fragment from Theophilus is also taken by Eusebius from Alexander Polyhistor. 2. Cf. 1 Kgs 9:11-14. A n n o t a t i o n s , N o . 101.

Cf. also Eupolemus, Frg. 2, and

3. So, M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 5 4 4 : £cpov 6Aoocou.a.TOv "eine Statue mit ganger Korper" (nicht bloss B u s t e ) . 4. I.e., the daughter given in marriage to Solomon. Cf. Laetus apud Tatian, Oratio ad Graecos 37 = Stern, GLAJJ, N o . 29, 1 2 8 - 3 0 . 5. The syntax is unclear. Cf. Walter, JS n. 19 b.

(1,2),

111,

THALLUS

Possibly to be included

among the Hellenistic

authors is the historian Thallus

Jewish

to whom Eusebius

a three-volume chronological work encompassing

ascribes

the period

from the Trojan war to the 167th Olympiad, i.e., 112-109 2 B.C.E. H o w e v e r , the extant fragments of T h a l l u s work, 3 w h i c h are presumably from the same book and are preserved 4 only by Christian w r i t e r s , indicate that the work was broader in scope, reaching from approximately 300 years 5 prior to the Trojan war until the first century C.E. Thus, either the testimonium from E u s e b i u s Chronicle 6 7 is corrupt, or the work was later extended. 1

1

The work was doubtless written in Greek and

appears

g

to have been entitled The H i s t o r i e s . at least, regarded consistently

the work as history,

included

as Thallus is

in the company of P o l y b i u s ,

Siculus, Castor, and H e r o d o t u s . medieval chronographers Syncellus

Ancient w r i t e r s , 9

0

Diodorus

The assessment of the

is even more glowing:

George

and John M a l a l a include him among the

"wisest"

and "most distinguished" h i s t o r i a n s . ^ Date. His flourit has been put as late as the mid12 to late first century C.E.

The terminus post quern is

either 112-109 B . C . E . , if the testimonium

from E u s e b i u s

1

Chronicle is correct, or 29 C.E., if Frg. 1 is reliable. The terminus ante quern is ca. 220/221 C.E., when history was used by the Christian chronographer

his Julius

Sextus A f r i c a n u s , who is the earliest author to mention . . 13 him. Identity. He has been identified as A u g u s t u s 14 1

secretary who is mentioned

by Suetonius

but also as "the man of Samaritan origin man of the emperor

Tiberius"

(Aug. ...

67.2), (and)

freed-

(Josephus, Ant. 1 8 . 1 6 7 ) ,

in 36 C.E. loaned Agrippa a million d r a c h m a s . """"^ Thallus is not explicitly identified 343

who

Although

elsewhere as a

344

Thallus

Samaritan, Africanus describes him as one of the h i s t o r i a n s , 16 along with Castor, who treated "Syrian m a t t e r s . " 17 F r e u d e n t h a l argued noting

strongly

for his Samaritan

(a) that he is said to be among those

"who mentioned Moses as a very ancient and 18 prince of the Jews;" reflect interest there; and

time-honored

(b) that the contents of Frg. 1

in Palestine and events that

(c) that the euhemeristic

Pseudo-Eupolemus.

the

Samaritan

However, the case for his 19

Samaritan identity is by no means certain. difficult

occurred

tendencies of

work are similar to those of the anonymous historian,

identity, historians

to decide, with respect to

It is

(a) and

( b ) , whether

they reflect the interests of Thallus or the authors who w e r e quoting him

(Pseudo-Justin and A f r i c a n u s ) .

As to

(c), euhemerism per se need not point to a Samaritan identity, although in this respect he would be similar 20 to P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s . As a rule, he is included by 21 ancient w r i t e r s with other Greek h i s t o r i a n s . Whether 22 23 he should be classified as a pagan, Hellenistic Jewish, 24 or Samaritan

historian remains

Importance• the fragments

uncertain.

Among the more intriguing

features of

is Thallus' mention of an eclipse

which

occurred

in the year 29 C.E., i.e., the fifteenth year of 25 the reign of Tiberius. For this reason, he has been counted among the earliest non-Christian w r i t e r s w h o , at the most, reflect knowledge of Jesus and the synoptic 26 tradition, or, at the least, a version of the Christian 27 story of the crucifixion.

Because of the

indirect

n a t u r e of the e v i d e n c e , however, this connection tenuous, and should be used cautiously.

If Thallus

among the Samaritan authors, his interest tions is strikingly

similar to those of

in pagan

influences.

His central interest

belongs tradi­

Pseudo-Eupolemus,

and this would further reinforce the picture of in the first century C.E. as open to

is very

Samaritans

syncretistic

in chronicles

would

place him in the same tradition with Demetrius the C h r o n o g r a p h e r , and he would thus become another example

345

Introduction

of the use of chronography

for apologetic

purposes.

Because of the indirect and fragmentary

nature of the

material

to know how,

from T h a l l u s , it is impossible

if at all, he treats Jewish history and e v e n t s , that his strong euhemeristic

outlook is

except

well-documented,

and this doubtless accounts for his popularity among 28 Christian c h r o n o g r a p h e r s . If, on the other hand, he was a pagan, he belongs among those pagan authors who 29 mentioned M o s e s , albeit only briefly.

346

Thallus

NOTES 1. Testimonia: E u s e b i u s , Chronicle (= FGrH 2B.1156 [= N o . 256, T 1 ] ; Africanus in E u s e b i u s , P.E. 10.10.8; Tertullian, Apol. 19.5-6. 2. E u s e b i u s , Chronicle, ed. J. Karst (GCS, 2 0 ) , p. 125, lines 2 2 - 2 3 : "aus des Thallos drei Buchern; in welche er abrissweise zusammengefasst hat von der Einnahme Ilions bis zur 167. Olympiade." The Chronicle survives only in Armenian. Cf. FGrH 2B.1156 (= N o . 256, T 1 ) . 3.

So, Jacoby, FGrH

2D.835.

4. Thallus has also been regarded as a source for V e l l e i u s (Christ) and Pseudo-Lucian, Macrobioi (Ruhl), but this is doubted by Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835, who also notes that it is not at all clear from Tertullian, Apol. 19.5-6, that Josephus knew, much less responded, to T h a l l u s , as argued by Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften, 4.212. Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 2D.836, on T 3. 5. In Frg. 2, Thallus says that Belos "antedated the Trojan war by 322 y e a r s , " i.e. ca. 1515 B.C.E. According to Frg. 1, Thallus mentioned an eclipse which Africanus equated with the darkness accompanying the crucifixion of Christ. Africanus dated the crucifixion in 29 C.E., and thus the chronicle of Thallus appears to have extended at least this far. Cf. Pfeiffer, History, 203. 6.

So, Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835; Rigg, 2

113.

7. So, M u l l e r , FHG 3.517; O C D , 1050; against FGrH 2D.835.

Jacoby,

8. Cf. Frg. 1, w h i c h indicates that the book had a title and numbered book d i v i s i o n s . So, Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835. 9. Africanus = Frg. 1: ev xpixfj xcov * Ioxopicov; Theophilus = Frg. 2: xaxa ... xf|V QaAAou laxopiav; A f r i c a n u s , apud Eusebius, P.E. 10.10.4 = Frg. 4, par. 4: xal xcov ©aAAou xal Kaaxopog laxopicov. 10. Cf. Tertullian, Apol. 10 = Frg. 3; also Minucius Felix, Oct. 21.4; L a c t a n t i u s , Div. Inst. 1.13; E u s e b i u s , P.E. 10.10.4 & 7-8 = Frg. 4. 11. On S y n c e l l u s , cf. K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der b y z a n t i n i s c h e n Litteratur von Justinian bis zum Ende des ostromischen Reiches (527-1453) (HAW 9.1; 2nd ed.; M u n c h e n : C. H. Beck, 1897) 339-42; and now, W. A d l e r , George Syncellus and His P r e d e c e s s o r s : Ante-Diluvian History in the Chronicle of Syncellus and His Acknowledged A u t h o r i t i e s (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of P e n n s y l v a n i a , 1 9 8 2 ) .

347

Introduction - Notes

11. (cont.) Syncellus = Frg. 5: T T . O A A . O L X C O V ercLoriucov LaxopLxcov; Malala = Frg. 6: ol aotpwxaxoi 6aAAoQ H . X . A . Though, cf. Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835. 12. E u s e b i u s , Chron. (FGrH 2 B . 1 1 5 6 ) , extends the limit to the 167th Olympiad, in Greek presumably pEA, i.e. 112-109 B.C.E. M u l l e r , FHG 3.517 emends the text to a £ , the 207th Olympiad, i.e. 49-52 C.E. Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften, 4.412, emends the text to read the 217th Olympiad, i.e. 89-92 C.E. Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 2B.1156, app. crit. 13.

On A f r i c a n u s , cf. Gelzer, Sextus.

14. So, Taubler in Rhein- Museum 71 (1916) 572, apud Laqueur, PW, 1226;„though, doubted by Stein, "Thallos ( 4 ) , PW, 1226. Cf. OCD , 1050. 15. So, Muller, FHG 3.517; Freudenthal, Alexander Poly­ histor, 100; Gelzer, S e x t u s , 2.96; cf. Stein, "Thallos (5) PW, 1226-27. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 1 8 . 1 6 7 : nal yap r\v ctAAoc, (Hudson: OdAAoQ) Eauapeus yevoQ Kaiaapog de drceAeudepoc, • rcapd xouxou ddveiaua y,upLadae, exaxov eupduevoe, xfj xe ' A V X C O V L Q C xaxaBdAAei xd dcpeiAnOev xpeoQ x.x.A. (LCL). As early as the 17th century, dAAoe was seen as problemati and difficult to render. Accordingly, J. Hudson emended the text to read OdAAoe,, and thus identified the otherwise unnamed Samaritan as the historian of the Augustan age. The e m e n d a t i o n was rejected by Niese, also Schmid-Stahlin, Geschichte, 2,1.415-16, n. 3 ("falsche Lesung von J o s . ) , though accepted by N a b e r ; also Schiirer, Geschichte 3.495, but doubted by Jacoby, FGrH 2D.836. A l s o , cf. L. Feldman, ad l o c , LCL 9.107, n. f, w h o , following Rigg, h o w e v e r , finds meaningful alternatives for translating dAAoe,. Cf. Rigg, 119. A l s o , cf. M i e r i s , Rev. Beige de Philol. et d'hist. 13 (1934) 733 ff., apud LCL 9.106. Note the inscription mentioned by Laqueur, PW, 1226: Tiberius Cladius Thallus; cf. Denis, 267. The name frequently appears in Greek inscriptions from the 4th cent. B.C.E. o n w a r d s . Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 2D.836. 1

16. A f r i c a n u s , apud E u s e b i u s , P.E. 10.10.8 = Frg. 4, par. 8: O L xe xd Eupia Kaoxcop xai OdAAog. Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835: ('Ao)aupLaxd. 17.

F r e u d e n t h a l , Alexander Polyhistor,

100-101.

18. So, P s e u d o - J u s t i n , Coh. ad Gen. 9; cf. text included after Frg. 4. Clearly, Pseudo-Justin is dependent on A f r i c a n u s , apud Eusebius, P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 7 - 8 . Cf. Jacoby, FGrH 2 B . 1 1 5 8 , Frg. 5.

348

Thallus

19. Jacoby, FGrH, 2 D . 8 3 7 , e.g., stresses the differences between Thallus and P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s , and sees greater similarity between Thallus and Castor, esp. FGrH, No. 250, Frg. 1, noting that Castor was probably Thallus' Vorlage. The differences in their chronographical calculations are acknowledged, h o w e v e r . 20.

Especially questioned by Jacoby, FGrH

2D.836.

21. Cf. esp. L a c t a n t i u s , Div. Inst. 1.13: Gracei Diodorus et Thallus; also Minucius Felix, Oct. 2.14; Tertullian, Apol. 10 = Frg. 3; A f r i c a n u s , apud Eusebius, P.E. 10.10.8= Frg. 4, par. 8; cf. F r g s . 5 & 6. 22. Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835: "... war er vermutlich weder jude (oder Samaritaner) noch Christ" (because he was excerpted by P o r p h y r y ) ; Rigg, 111-19; Pfeiffer, 202, following Rigg: "... no compelling reason ... to consider Thallus a Samaritan," D e n i s , 2 6 8 : "l'historien de la Syrie;" W a c h o l d e r , EncJud, 1045: "probably heathen." 23. Schmid-Stahlin, Geschichte, 2,1.415: h e l l e n i s i e r t e r Jude (Samaritaner ? ) . "

"vermutlich

24. Miiller, FHG 3.517; Gelzer, Sextus, 2.97; Wachsmuth, Einleitung, 146; Taubler, Rh. Museum 71 (1916) 572, apud Jacoby, FGrH 2B.836; Stearns, F r a g m e n t s , 6 2 : "a Syrian — probably a Samaritan .. a Grecizing Samaritan;" Goguel, J e s u s , 91; A. H. McDonald, OCD , 1 0 5 0 : "... may perhaps be the Samaritan T h a l l u s , A u g u s t u s ' secretary or T i b e r i u s ' freedman;" Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.89: "Thallus ... who was possibly a countryman of the anonymous Samaritan, and at least a Syrian;" Charlesworth, PAMR, 2 0 9 : "apparently ... a Samaritan." 25.

Cf. Frg.

1.

26. So, Goguel, J e s u s , 9 1 : "... the first non-Christian author w h o , so far as we know, has alluded, if not to J e s u s , at least to the Gospel tradition," in the chapter on "Non-Christian Sources for the Gospel story." Also, cf. G o g u e l , RHR, following Eisler, 2.140-41. Conceivably, Thallus merely mentioned the eclipse of 29 C.E., without any k n o w l e d g e of or reference to the events described in the Gospel tradition. It is A f r i c a n u s , after all, w h o says "this d a r k n e s s " ( T O U I O O H O I O Q ) , not T h a l l u s . On the other hand, he is not cited by Christian authors as an indepen­ dent pagan w i t n e s s to the e c l i p s e . He is rather censured for seeing it merely as a natural phenomenon. From this it has been deduced that he knew the Gospel tradition but in keeping with his euhemeristic outlook interpreted it rationalistically, and it is this to which Africanus takes exception. Cf. Rigg, 112, n. 7, and 113.

Introduction - Notes

349

27. So, Guignebert, J e s u s , 13, n. 1, who is only w i l l i n g to concede that Thallus "was acquainted with the account of the crucifixion given by the Christians of his time," noting that Goguel and Eisler over-argue their case. The more modest position is also argued by F. F. Bruce, Jesus and Christian Origins Outside the New Testament (Grand R a p i d s : E e r d m a n s , 1974) 29-30, esp. 30. 28.

So, Jacoby, FGrH

2B.835.

29.

Unmentioned by G a g e r , M o s e s .

350

Thallus

Bibliography B r u c e , F. F. Jesus and Christian Origins Outside the New Testament (Grand R a p i d s : Eerdmans, 1974) 29-30. Charlesworth, PAMRS, 209-10. Denis, Introduction,

267-68.

Eisler, R. 'InooOg BaaiAeuc oO BaaiAeOaag (2 v o l s . ; H e i d e l b e r g : C. Winter, 1929-30) 2.140-41. F r e u d e n t h a l , Alexander Gelzer, S e x t u s ,

Polyhistor,

100-101.

2.96-97.

Goguel, M. "Un nouveau temoignage non-chretien tradition evangelique d'apres M. Eisler," 98 (1928) 1-12. , The Life of Jesus 91-93. Guignebert, Ch. Jesus

sur la RHR

(New York: Macmillan,

1944)

(London: Kegan Paul, 1935) 13.

Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, and 249.

1.89;

2.60-61, notes

247

Jacoby, F. FGrH 2D.835-37 (commentary on FGrH 2 B . 1 1 5 6 - 5 8 , N o . 256, Frg. 1 - 8 ) ; also FGrH 3b [Supplement], v o l . 1, pp. 380-89 (commentary on FGrH 3B, No. 328, Frg. 92 = P h i l o c h o r u s ) , and notes in FGrH 3b [ S u p p l e m e n t ] , v o l . 2, pp. 278-84, on No. 328, Frg. 92. M u l l e r , FHG

3.517-19.

Laqueur, R. "Thallos 1225-26. Pfeiffer, History, Rigg, H. A.

( 1 ) , " PW, second series 5

(1934)

202-203.

"Thallus: The Samaritan?" HTR 34

(1941)

111-19.

Sanders, B. "OdAAog, the Samaritan?" Unpublished Seminar Paper. Harvard New Testament Seminar. April 10, 1970. 7 PP. Schmid-Stahlin,

Geschichte,

Schurer, G e s c h i c h t e ,

2,1.415-16.

3.368-69.

Stearns, F r a g m e n t s , 62-66. Stein, A. "Thallos (4 & 5 ) , " PW, second 1226-27. W a c h o l d e r , "Biblical Chronology," 476, n. 101.

series 5

463, 466, n. 60, 471,

, Eupolemus , 116-23. , "Thallus," EncJud

15

(1934)

(1971) 1045.

Wachsmuth, K. Einleitung in das Studium der alten Geschichte (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1895) 146.

Introduction - Bibliography

and

Index to Editions and

Fragment

Index

351

Translations

One

Source: Julius Sextus A f r i c a n u s , XpovoYpaxpicti 1 8 . 1 , apud Georgius Syncellus 'ExAoyn XpovoYPCtcpiac. Greek Text Used: G. Dindorf, Georgius Syncellus et Nicephorus (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 12 [microfiche]; Bonn: E. W e b e r , 1829) v o l . 1, p. 609, line 21 - p. 610, line 16. Editions: Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2.297-98; M u l l . , FHG 3.519 (= Frg. 8 ) ; M i g n e , PG (10) col. 89 A - B ; S t e a r n s , 66 (= Frg. 6 ) ; J a c , FGrH 2B.1157 (= N o . 256, Frg. 1; commentary FGrH 2 D . 8 3 6 - 3 7 ) . Translations: English:

ANF

6.136-37.

French: German:

Fragment

Two

Source:

T h e o p h i l u s , Ad Autolycum

Later C i t a t i o n s :

3.29.

L a c t a n t i u s , Div. Inst.

1.23.2.

Greek Text Used: R. M. Grant, Theophilus of A n t i o c h : Ad Autolycum (Oxford: Clarendon P r e s s , 1970) 144. Editions: Mull. FHG 3.517 (= Frg. 2 ) ; Stearns, 6364 (= F r g s . 2 & 4 ) ; J a c , FGrH 2B.1157 (= N o . 256, F r g s . 2 & 3 ) ; Grant, 144. Translations: English: French: German:

M. Dods, ANF

2.120; Grant,

145.

352

Thallus

Fragment

Three

Source:

Tertullian, Apologeticus

10.

Later C i t a t i o n s : Cf. Tertullian, Ad nat. 2.12; L a c t a n t i u s , Div. Inst. 1.13; Minucius Felix, Oct. 21.4. Latin Text Used: Oehler as printed in J. E. B. M a y o r , Q. Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Apolo­ geticus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1917) p. 36, line 33 - p. 38, line 6. Editions: M i g n e , PL (1) col. 383A; T. H. Bindley, Tertulliani Apologeticus (Oxford: Clarendon, 1889) 40; M u l l . FHG 3.517 (= Frg. 1 ) ; Stearns (om.); Jacoby, FGrH 2B.1158 (= N o . 256, Frg. 4 ) . Translations: English:

A. Souter, in M a y o r , A p o l o g e t i c u s , 37 & 39; T. R. Glover in Tertullian, Apology, De Spectaculis (LCL), 57; S. T h e l w a l l , ANF 3.26.

French: German:

Fragment

Four

Source: Julius Sextus Africanus in Eusebius, 10.10.4 & 7-8. Later C i t a t i o n s : Reference Number 489a.

Pseudo-Justin, in P.E.:

P.E.

Coh. ad Gent.

Steph., 286-87; Vig.

9. 488b-

Greek Text Used: M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, p. 591, line 21 - p . 5 9 2 , line 2; p. 592, lines 9-18. Editions: Steph. 286-287; Vig. 488b-489a; Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2.271-72; G a i s . , 2.508-509; M u l l . , FHG 3.518 (= Frg. 6 [P.E. 10.10.4] & Frg. 3 [P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 7 - 8 ] ; M i g n e , PG (10) 73 C 76 A; PG (21) 812 C - 813 A; Dind., 1.565-66; Freudenthal ( o m . ) ; Giff., 2.38-39 (notes 4.3545 5 ) ; Stearns, 63 & 65 ( = Frg. 3 [P.E. 10.10.4] & Frg. 5 [P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 7 - 8 ] ) ; Jacoby, FGrH 2B.1158 (= N o . 256, Frg. 7 [P.E. 10.10.4] & Frg. 5 [P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 7 - 8 ] ; commentary FGrH 2D.835-37; M r a s , GCS (43,1) 8.1, 5 9 1 - 9 2 ; Denis (om.). Translations: English: French: German:

Giff., 3.523; ANF

6.133.

Introduction - Index

Fragment

353

Five

Source:

Georgius S y n c e l l u s ,

'

EHA.OYII

XpovoYpacpiac.

Greek Text Used: G. Dindorf, Georgius Syncellus et Nicephorus (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzan­ tinae, 12 [microfiche]; Bonn: E. W e b e r , 1829) vol. 1, p. 172, lines 17-23. Editions: M u l l . , FHG 3.518 (= Frg. 4 ) ; Stearns, 62 (= Frg. 1 ) ; J a c , FGrH 2B.1158 (= No. 256, Frg. 6 ) . Translations: English: French: German:

Fragment

Weissbach, PW second series (1920) 2453-54.

l.A

Six

Source:

John M a l a l a ,

Chronographia

Greek Text Used: L. Dindorf, Ioannis M a l a l a : Chronographia (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 15 [microfiche]; B o n n : E. W e b e r , 1831) Book 6, p. 157, lines 18-21. Editions: M i g n e , PG (97) col. 260 A; M u l l . FHG 3. 519 (= Frg. 7 ) ; Stearns ( o m . ) ; Jacoby, FGrH 2B.1158 (= N o . 256, Frg. 8 ) . Translations: English: French: German:

354

Thallus

FRAGMENT ONE (Julius Sextus A f r i c a n u s , XpovoYPaxplai 18.1, apud Georgius Syncellus "ExAoYn XpovoYPCtCPLCXS)

xaO' dAou xou Koouoi) axdxog enriYexo cpo3epcb-

(1)

xaxov, aeiaucp noAAd

xe

'Ioudalag xal xng

Aomfjg

YH£ naxepplcpOn-

xouxo xd axdxog exAeiijJiv xou f\Xiov OdAAog 5

AeC ev xplxn xcov 'Iaxopicov ycog.

id', npd

de

auu3a-lvei. xdv 10

ydp

'E3PO-LOL

CXYOUOL

ui-dg xou

xfiv

cog euol doxei,

dnoxadAd-

xd n d a x a xaxd aeAnvnv

ndaxa xd nepl xdv acoxfjpa

exAenlag de n^iou aeAnvns uneAdouang

nALOv YLvexai*

dduvaxov de

uAnv iv xcp uetocEu uLdg auvodov

vouLodeln

(1)

al rcexpai dieppnWvuvxo nal xd

dno3nvau.

auxfiv

xaxd

aeAnvnQ nA.lcp;

iv dAAcp xpdvcp,

xal xfig

npd

auxfjg xaxd

ncog ouv £xAeic|ug

duduexpov axeddv unapxouang xfig eaxco df), auvapnaCexco xoug noAAoug

xd Yeyevnuevov xal xd xoautxdv xepag r\XCov exAei15

C|JIQ

unovoeladco

laxopei

enl

iv

xfj

Ti3eptou

xaxd

xfiv

Kalaapog

OCJJIV.

iv

exAeicpiv f)Aaou YEYovevai xeAelav and uexPLg xoLvcovia 20

uevaug

evdxns, aeiaucp

dnAcov nal

cog

xauxnv.

cDAeycov

navaeAnvcp copag exxng xlg d'

exAelcyei., nexpaig

n

pnyvu-

nal dvaaxdaei vexptov, xoaauxn xe xuvnaet

xoauixn;

AB 1 inr\yexo Dindorf: eneiYE"ro vulg. apud Dindorf: eneyevexo Scaliger apud Dindorf | 2 xe B: de Goar apud Dindorf | 3 xfig ' Ioudalag Goar apud Dindorf | naxepplcpOn B: naxeppicpn Goar apud Dindorf | 6 aeAnvns Routh | 7 de xng Routh | 8 auv£3n Routh | 10 ui-dg: vouunulag Routh | 15 iv xfj B: ev X L Goar apud Dindorf: ex Y E xng Routh | post diKv add. nAdvng Routh | 17 xeAela A | 18 evvdxng Routh | dfjAov Goar et Scaliger apud Dindorf | 2 0 xoaauxn B | 20-21 xuvnaei xoau-ixfj Dindorf: xivncag xoai_uxf| AB |

Fragment

One

FRAGMENT

(1)

(1)

355

ONE

On the w h o l e world there pressed

a most

fearful

d a r k n e s s ; and the rocks were rent by an earthquake, and many places in Judaea and other districts

were 2 thrown down. In the third book of his History, 3 4 Thallus calls this darkness an eclipse of the sun — in my opinion, w r o n g l y .

For the Hebrews

celebrate

the Passover on the 14th day according to the moon, and the passion of our Savior

falls on the day

before the Passover; but an eclipse of the sun

takes

place only w h e n the moon comes under the sun.

And

it cannot happen at any other time but in the

interval

between the first day of the new moon and the

last

of the old, that is, at their junction.

How then

should an eclipse be supposed to happen w h e n the m o o n is almost diametrically

opposite the sun?

Let

that

opinion pass however; let it carry the majority

with

it; and let this portent of the world be deemed

an

eclipse of the sun, like others eye.

a portent only to the

Phlegon records that, in the time of

Tiberius

Caesar, at full moon, there was a full eclipse of the sun from the sixth hour to the ninth — 5 that one of w h i c h w e speak.

manifestly

But what has an eclipse

in common w i t h an earthquake, the rending

rocks, and

the resurrection of the dead, and so great a pertur­ bation throughout

the universe?

as this is recorded darkness

Surely no such

for a long period.

induced by God, because the Lord

then to suffer.

event

But it was a happened

356

Thallus

FRAGMENT TWO (Theophilus, Ad Autolycum 3.29)

(29)

Kal ydp

BTIAOU

xal Kpovou xou xov

xou 'Aaauplcov 3a.ai Aeuaavxog

(29)

Tixdvog OdAAog u e u v n ^ a i , cpdaxcov

BfjAov rcercoAeunxevai

rcp6g

auv xoig Tixaai

xov A l a nal xoug auv auxcp deoug Aeyouevoug, evda 5

fixxn^elg

cpnaiv, "Kal "Qyuyog

ecpuyev elg Tapxno—

aov, xoxe uev xfig xcbpag exelvng 'Axxfjg xAndelang, 6e

vuvl

'AxxLxfjg rcpoaayopeuouevrig/

rjg

"Qyuyog

xal xdg Aoircdg 6e xcbpag xal rcoAeig

xoxe rjpEjev."

dcp' cov xdg rcpoacovuulag eaxov, oux dvayxaUov f)you10

ueOa xaxaAfeyeiv, udAiaxa rcp6g ae xov eruaxduevov xdg

laxoplag.

O I L uev ouv dpxouoxepog

Seixvuxai arcdvxcov auyypacpecov dAAd xal uevoi) 15

ol

xal

6

'IAiaxou exeai

Mcoafig

(oux aux6g 6e udvog

rcAeloug uex' auxov rtpocpfjxai Kpovou

xal BriAou xal xou

rcoAeuou, 6fjA6v eaxiv. plav

6

BfjAog

exeai,

r\ xal a rcpodyei f

'iAiaxou

xaxd yap xf)v OdAAou

rcpoyeveaxepog

rcoAeuou

yevo-

laxo­

euplaxexai

xou

x x 3 ' • 6 x i 6e rcp6g

6 Mcoafjg xfig xou

rcou 'IALOU

dAcoaecog, ev xoig ercdvco 6e6nAcbxauev.

= L a c t a n t i u s , Div. Inst. 1.23.2 20

(2) x a x d ydp xfiv OdAAou laxoplav 6 BfjAog rcppyeveaxepog euplaxexai xou 'iAiaxoO rcoAeuou

(2)

exeai

»xx3' •

VBP 2 xou Tixdvog QaAAog edd. : xou xixavcoaOaAAog V | 5 "Qyuyog Niebuhr: 6 Tuyog V | 5-6 xal — Tapxriaadv: Kpovog fixxriOelg ecpuyev elg Tapxriaaov, "Qyuyog 6e elg xr\v arc' auxou ovouaadeUaav 'Qyuyiav M u l l . FHG 3.518 | 6 exelvng 'Axxfjg: exelvng 'Axxfjg N i e b u h r apud M u l l . FHG 3.518 | 7 "Qyuyog Wolf apud Grant: 6 Tuyog V |

Fragment

Two

357

FRAGMENT TWO

(29)

(29)

In

over

the

that and

fact,

with the

Thallus

Assyrians, the

and

Titans

mentioned

Belos,

who

reigned

the

Kronos,

and

said

Belos

Titan

waged war

s o - c a l l e d g o d s on h i s

side.

against

Zeus

Then

says:

he

g

"And O g y g o s the

in

country

that

time

Attica."

named

consider

lands

cities

received the to

be more

also

most

Belos

the

the

and

is

necessary the

names, it

to

Tartessus; ruled

now

especially is

than

Trojan

obvious all

was

at

called

war;

the

list

for

writers

for

we h a v e of

(not and

according

by

know

proves

only

he,

Kronos to

the

already Troy

other they

y o u who Moses

him)

antedated

capture

the

f r o m whom

that

after

Belos

while

antedates

to

persons

prophets

Thallus,

322 y e a r s ,

Moses

it

ancient

of

Akte

and

But

of

and

history by

their

history.

fled

Ogygos then

9

We d o n o t and

defeat

which

the

Trojan

shown

war

that

900 o r

1,000

years.

Lactantius, (2)

(2)

(Theophilus

history, years

Div.

that

before

Inst. says

Belus the

1.23.2 that)

...

Trojan

is

Thallus found

war.

to

relates have

but

and

in

his

lived

322

358

Thallus

FRAGMENT THREE

(10) Saturnum neque

tor

itaque,

Diodorus

Seuerus

5

(Tertullian, Apologeticus

aut

Graecus

Cornelius

eiusmodi

post

hospitia

lane,

Thallus neque

fideliora

Saturnus

Attica

aut

quam

apud

multas

consedit,

ut Salii

rerum

docent,

neque ullus

aliud

si quantum

inuenio

in qua

litterae

Nepos

antiquitatum

promulgauerunt, quam

si quantum

10)

Cassius commenta­

quam

hominem

argumenta, ipsam

nus-

I tali am,

expeditiones exceptus

(10)

postque

a Iano,

uel

uolunt.

= Minucius Felix, Oct. 2 1 . 4 : 10

(4)

Saturnum

examinis, Eomanique Cassius hoc

15

principem

scrip tores

hominem in

huius

tradiderunt.

historia,

et

generis

vetustatis Scit

Thallus

hoc ac

et

(4)

Graeci Nepos

et

Diodorus

loquuntur.

= L a c t a n t i u s , Div. Inst.

1.13:

(13)

tantum

... omnes

toricarum hominem Italia Diodorus 20

enim,

omnes

Varro.

ergo

quoque fuisse gestae

non

ac rerum consentiunt,

memoriae

et Thallus,

poetae,

antiquarum qui

res

sed

eius

prodiderunt:

Latini

Nepos

his-

s crip tore s

et Cassius

in

Graeci et

(13)

Fragment

Three

FRAGMENT

(10)

(10)

359

THREE

With regard

to Saturn therefore, if we make

appeal to what we can learn from literature, neither 12 13 the Greek Diodorus nor Thallus nor Cassius 14 . 15 Severus nor Cornelius N e p o s , nor any other recorded of such ancient b e l i e f s , has proclaimed 16 anything but a man;

if to proof from facts, I find

nowhere more reliable proofs han in Italy

itself,

in which Saturn after many expeditions and a residence

him

after

in Attica took up his abode, having

been

welcomed by Janus, or J a n e s , as the Salii prefer call

to

him. 17

Minucius Felix, Oct. (4)

(4)

21:4

Saturn, the fountainhead of this family

and

clan, all a n t i q u a r i a n s , Greek and Roman, treat as a man. So N e p o s , and Cassius in his history,

and

Thallus and Diodorus say the same. 18 Lactantius, Div. Inst. (13)

(13)

1.13

Not only therefore

all the p o e t s , but

the

writers also of ancient histories and e v e n t s , agree that he was a man, inasmuch as they handed to memory his actions in Italy:

down

of Greek w r i t e r s ,

Diodorus and Thallus; of Latin w r i t e r s , Nepos, Cassius, and V a r r o .

Thallus

360

(Eusebius, P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 4

FRAGMENT FOUR

(4)

uexd

nepacov cog e x Hal 5

6e

xd o '

xfig a l x u a A c o a l a g

e3a.alAeuaev, xcov

eueAnaev

laxopicov,

eaxiv

Kupog

(4)

ve',

488c

xcov 6 a A A o u

dAAd n a l

drcaau

exn nx^n

6e noAu3lou

ixi

eupeiv,

' OAuuxud6cov

'OAuunidg

Aio6copou n a l

BL^ALOOTIHCOV

Kdoxopog

OAeyovxog

cp exei

& 7-8)

ydp

nal

exepcov,

oig

auvecpcbvriaev

6

Xpovog. * * * * *

(7)

xdg

6e

npo

xpovoypacplag 10

xouxcov

exelvoig

auxox^ovog

6 ueyag

nal

$opcovecog

'Apyelcov

l a x o p e U,

uexpc

auvdyexai

xe 20

3aaiAeuovxog,

xoug


xd>

xe x a l

xd Eupia

Ai66copog

xal

3eaxepov

yeyovev

cog

'AxoualAaog ouodev

evou-Laav, e x n xoUg

'AOnvalcov ol

laxopouvxeg, xdg

xuveg,



ey.vno"dno"av x a l

(8)

O L

ndvxcov

'AAeEjavSpog xe

xcov x a O '

nudg

xcov ' A x x i x c o v

(8)

* EA-

'Axdl6ag,

0aAA6g x a l <6> xd

Bi3Ai,oOr|xag

489a -

npoeipn

xoUg egfig 6 e i x ^ n o x x a u .

$tA6xopog

xdg

cog x a l

(7)

nap*

xaxaxAuau.6g,

*OAuunid6og, | xpdvoug

Kdaxcop x a l

6

noAutaxcop

nal

'Axxtxfig xou

ecp o u

'Axxixfj

xl*^La e i x o a i v ,

xauxa yap Advixog

xfj

npcbxrig

l a e v o c g auu.cpcovei

d n o 'Qyuyou

niaxeudevxog,

npcoxog e v

"EAAriveg d x p i 3 o u v 15

co6l rccog xfig

dpiduouuevng,

6

dxpi-

andvxcov.

BIGN(D) 1 6e xd om. N D ( a d d . D *) | 2 n e v x e x o a x f j n e u x c t n N: nevxnxoaxfj D | 3 Bi3A. A L O 6 . I: A i o 6 . B I $ \ . GN | OaAou IGN | 4 £xi 6e: xal N D (corr. D ) | 5-6 e a x i v — ' OAuumd6cov: x a l exepcov e a x i v e u p e i v N D (corr. D ) | 8 xdg: xd ? Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2 . 2 7 1 | 15 a u v d y e xai IG: a u v d y o v x a i BN f xTAia e i x o a i v I: , a x ' GN: ,an B | cog: 6 ? Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2 . 2 72 | 17

? Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2 . 2 7 3 | 18 o l : 6 ? Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2.272 | 1 8 - 2 2 O L — a n d v x c o v om. B | 19 e a A A o g I: 8 a A 6 g GN | < 6 > ? Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2.272 | 2 0 6 xcov B13A lodnxcov N D | 2 1 xaL x i v e g < o i > Mras: x a l x i v e g M S S : o i x i v e g ? Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2.272. 1

1

1

1

1

k

Fragment

Four

FRAGMENT

(4)

361

FOUR

1 9

20 (4) "After the seventy years of the Captivity, Cyrus became king of Persia, in the year in which 21 the fifty-fifth Olympic festival was held, as one 22 may learn from the Bibliotheca of D i o d o r u s , and 23 the histories of Thallus and Castor, also from 24 25 Polybius and Phlegon, anf from others too who were careful about O l y m p i a d s : for the time agreed in all of

them."

* * * * * (7)

(7)

"And the Athenian chronology computes

the

26 earlier events in the following way; from O g y g e s , who was believed among them to be an aboriginal, in whose t i m e that great and first flood occurred 27 Attica,

in

when Phoroneus was king of A r g o s , as

Acusilaus r e l a t e s , down to the first Olympiad

from

which the Greeks considered that they calculated their dates correctly, a thousand and twenty years 28 are computed,

which agrees with what has been

stated

b e f o r e , and will be shown to agree also with what (8)

comes after. (8) For both the historians of A t h e n s , 29 30 Hellanicus and Philochorus who w r o t e The Attic 31 . 3 2 Histories, and the w r i t e r s on Syrian history, 3T~ Castor and T h a l l u s , and the writer on universal history, Diodorus the author of the Bibliotheca, 34 and Alexander Polyhistor, historians recorded

and some of our own

these events more

even than all the Attic w r i t e r s . "

accurately

362

Thallus

FRAGMENT

FOUR

= P s e u d o - J u s t i n , Cohortatio ad Gentiles 9 (9)

"ApgOUOtL

Txpocpnxou X O U Q

reap'

u c x p x u p i a g exdeuevoQ*

uy.iv

xauxa a n o d e L E O U

xcov

atg

npoydvcov

uuelQ oudenco uucov

Iva

aocpcov eCxe noiryxcov elxe

npcoxog xf)Q yeyovtoQ, LoxopuaL.

laxop loypdcpcov t) cpiAo-

'Ev yap

xaL

O U Q

X O L Q

nuCv

yeyovev 6

al xcov * EAAnvcov

xpdvoLg 'Qyuyou xe

ynyeveLQ

X L V C Q

une LAticpaat yeyevfjadaL, McouaecoQ

20

elxe

OeoaeBeLac dLddaxaAog fiucov McouafjQ

C O Q drjAouaiv

'Ivdxou,

xaL

Laxopi-

yvcoxe O X L ndvxcov xcov n a p ' uulv

adepcov fj vouoOexcov noAAcp n p e a B u x a x o Q

15

nAdvnv

3 o u A e a 0 e , dAA' and xcov uuexepcov

undev xfj fiuexepa d p n a x e l a diacpepouacov cov,

ou

reap* fiulv l a x o p L t o v udvov

neipcouai,

naAaidv

ntaxeueuv

10

f]\i.Zv

uexd ndanQ

yeyove,

O U Q

ydp drco xcov Oelcov xaL

did xf|v

Ttap'

TCpcOTOU

T O U

vouodexou Mcouaecog, npdxepov

xad'

xpdvoug,

dgLoniaxou 5

xaL

xe

&TT.6

T O L V U V

xaL

xaL

nap' b]±Zv

ueuvnvxai

xe

yevouQ.

Ouxco yap TJoAeucov xe ev xfj npcoxrj xcov laxopicov ueuvrixai,

noaeidcovlou ev xfj xaxd xfj

xexdpxrj

"ApyouQ

xoO xcov

cog

fiyeuovoQ

eAArivLxcov

dpxovxoQ

XCOV

'Ioudaicov

xaL 'Annicov

6

' Ioudaicov 3t3Acp xal ev

xcov laxopicov, Aeycov xaxd

BaaiAea ' A u d a L d o Q

Alyunxicov

"Ivaxov BaaiAeu-

ovxog dnoaxfivai 'loudaiouQ, cov fiyeiadai Mcouaea. 25

Kal nxoAeuouoc. de laxopcov, 'AOrivaicov cKAdxopoQ xal

30

anaaL de

Alyunxicov

auvxpexe^.

Kal ol xd

Laxopouvxec,,

"EAAavixdQ xe xal

d xde, 'AxOldac, Kaaxcop xe xal OaAAdg

'AAdEavdpoQ

aocpcbxaxoL daAcov 'Ioudaioug

6 MevdriaioQ, xd

X O U X O L Q

6 xe

noAuiaxcop, exi de xal

ol

xal 'IcbarynoQ, ol xd xaxd

laxopfjaavxee,

C O Q acpddpa

dpxexlou

xal naAaiou xcov 'Ioudaicov dpxovxoQ McouaecoQ u e uviyvxai.

_

(9)

Fragment

Four

FRAGMENT

363

FOUR

Pseudo-Justin, (9)

(9)

Coh. ad Gent. 9

I will begin, then, with our first prophet

and

lawgiver, M o s e s ; first explaining the times in which he lived, on authorities which among you are worthy of all credit.

For I do not propose

to prove

these

things only from our own divine h i s t o r i e s , which yet you are unwilling

as

to credit on account of the

inveterate error of your forefathers, but also

from

your own h i s t o r i e s , and such, too, as have no refer­ ence to our w o r s h i p , that you may know that, of all your teachers, w h e t h e r sages, poets, h i s t o r i a n s , p h i l o s o p h e r s , or lawgivers, by far the oldest, the Greek histories first religious

as

show us, was M o s e s , who was our

teacher.

For in the time of Ogyges

and Inachus, whom some of your poets suppose been earth-born, Moses is mentioned and ruler of the Jewish nation. is mentioned both by Polemon his H e l l e n i c s , and by Apion

as the

to have

leader

For in this way he

in the first book of son of Posidonius in his

book against the Jews, and in the fourth book of his history, where he says that during the reign of Inachus over Argos the Jews revolted

from Amasis

of the Egyptians, and that Moses led them. Ptolemaeus the Mendesian, Egypt, concurs

in relating

in all this.

king

And

the history of

And those who write

the Athenian history, Hellanicus and

Philochorus

(the author of The Attic H i s t o r y ) , Castor and Thallus, and Alexander Polyhistor, and also the very informed writers on Jewish affairs, Philo Josephus, have mentioned Moses as a very and time-honoured

prince of the Jews.

well

and ancient

364

Thallus

FRAGMENT FIVE Ypatplag)

xauxnv nod

(Georgius S y n c e l l u s ,

'Aaaupicov u a ' diedeEavxo

dpEduevoL

xdauou

, Y O L S '

eig xd , 6 x o e '

eAn^av

diapxeaavxeg 5

and xoO

5Aa

exn

.auE'

' E X A O Y M

3aaiAeig, O L

xaOoAixou exog xou dnd xoG

auxcov BfiAou ecog xou \ia' MaxoaxoA^pou EapdavandAAou,

Xpovo-

cog auucpcovouai noAAol

exoug

KOOLIOU,

npcbxou xou

xcov

xal emot)-

ucov laxopixcov, noAuBiog xal Aiddcopog, KecpaAlcov xe xai Kdaxcop xal GdAAog

FRAGMENT xauxa 10

Kdaxcop auxoug

xal exepoi.

SIX (John M a l a l a ,

de xal

laxdpnaav IIoAuBiog

'Hpddoxog

d a o c p d g GedcpiAog

6

ol

Chronographia) aocpcbxaxoL GdAAog x a l

auYYPOtipduEVOu l a x o p lOYpdcpog*

x a l \IET' dxLva

xal

expovoYPacpnaev.

5 QcovoaxovxoAepou mg apud Dind. | aapdavanaAou Bm. ? apud Dind. | KecpaAAicov Goar apud Dind. | 8 QdAAcog Goar apud Dind. | 9 GdAAog vulg: GdAng Bentley apud L. Dindorf |

Fragment

Five

365

J D

FRAGMENT

FIVE

This one

(i.e., the kingdom of the Arabs)

succeeded

the forty-one Assyrian kings w h o , having begun the 3216th general year of the world ended

in

(2286/85),

in the 4675th year of the world

(927/26),

lasting in all 1460 y e a r s , from Bel their first, 37 until their forty-first M a k o s k o l e r o s , who is also 38 called S a r d a n a p a l l u s , as all the distinguished 3 historians agree -- Polybius, and Castor,

FRAGMENT

Didorus,

Kephalia,

and T h a l l u s , and others.

SIX

And these things the wisest of the historians reported -- Thallus and Castor and Polybius, and with them H e r o d o t u s the historian; such things 41 the wise Theophilus chronicled.

also

366

Thallus

ANNOTATIONS

1. Of the surviving fragments from A f r i c a n u s ' chronography, No. 18 treats the chronological details pertaining to the death and resurrection of Christ. This reference to Thallus occurs at the beginning of Frg. No. 18, where A f r i c a n u s discusses the darkness accompanying the death of Christ. The translation is that of ANF 6.136-37, with slight m o d i f i c a t i o n . 2. al laxopLai, perhaps the title. ly titled and divided into numbered

The work was sections.

apparent­

3. TOUTO TO OM6IO£: It is not clear from the text whether "this d a r k n e s s " of the crucifixion story is mentioned by Thallus, or w h e t h e r he merely mentions an eclipse which Africanus has connected with the Gospel story. Jacoby, FGrH 2D.836, doubts whether Thallus mentioned the eclipse in connection with Jewish history. Cf. Mark 15:33; Luke 23:44; Matt 27:45. Cf. also V. Taylor, The Gospel According to St. Mark (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966) 592-93. G o g u e l , J e s u s , 91, thinks Thallus knew the Gospel tradition but gave it a rationalistic interpretation. 4. On the solar eclipse reported on Nov. 24, 29 C.E., cf. Phlegon, FGrH 2B.1159-94 (= N o . 2 6 0 ) , esp. Frg. 16; also Boll, "Finsternisse," PW 6 (1909) 2329-2364, esp. 2360. A l s o , cf. E. Bickerman, Chronology of the Ancient World (London: Thames and Hudson, 1968) 105, n. 69, and literature cited therein. 5.

Phlegon, cf. FGrH 2B.1159-94

(= No. 2 6 0 ) .

6. In Ad Autolycum 3.16, Theophilus turns to the question of chronology, seeking to demonstrate the antiquity of Christianity. This passage occurs at the end of the "chronological epilogue." Thallus is cited by Theophilus to clinch his point that Moses was far older than the Greek accounts of the Trojan war. The translation is that of R. M. Grant, Theophilus of Antioch: Ad Autolycum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970) 145. 7. On Belos as king of the A s s y r i a n s , cf. John of Antioch, FHG 4.541-42 (= Frg. 4, par. 1 - 6 ) , who notes that Belos was the son of Zeus and Hera, and came to rule in Assyria. Cf. also N o n n u s , Dionys. 1 8 . 3 0 2 ; 4 0 . 3 8 2 . Cf. Tumpel, "Belos ( 3 ) , " PW 3 (1899) 2 5 9 - 6 4 , esp. 263, section k.

Annotations

367

8. Ogygos - m y t h i c a l king, originally associated with Boeotia (Pausanias 9 . 5 . 1 ) , later (by the 8th cent. B.C.E.) with A t t i c a , as father/founder of Eleusis (Pausanias 1. 38.7; Africanus apud E u s e b i u s , P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 1 0 ) . The Athenian connection is doubted by Jacoby, FGrH 3b (Suppl.) vol. 2, p. 282, n. 44 (commentary on N o . 328, Frg. 9 2 ) ; also cf. FGrH 3b ( S u p p l . ) , vol. 1, p. 387, and generally pp. 380-87. In Christian chronography the reign of Ogygos in Attica serves as a terminus a quo for e s t a b l i s h ­ ing Athenian chronology. Cf. Africanus apud E u s e b i u s , P.E. 10.10.4 & 7-8 = Frg. 4. Cf. J. M i l l e r , "Ogygos ( 1 ) , " PW 17 (1937) 2 0 7 6 - 7 8 , esp. 2078; also Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 115-24. According to Castor of Rhodes, FGrH 2B.1132 (= No. 250, Frg. 1) , Ogygos was a king of the Titans. N o t e the app. c r i t . : the MSS tradition reads 6 T U Y O Q . Thallus possibly confused O g y g o s , king of Thebes in Boeotia, with G y g e s , king of Lydia ca. 680 B . C . E . So, Stearns, 64. 9. Or, according to M u l l e r ' s e m e n d a t i o n : "Having been defeated, Kronos fled into T a r t e s s u s , but Ogygos fled into the region of Ogygia which was named for him." Cf. app. crit. T h u s , Kronos would have fled to the west (Tartessus= Tarshish, near Gibraltar) where he then ruled (cf. Diodorus Sic. 5.66.5; C i c e r o , de nat. deor. 3.17; Pindar, 0 1 . 2 . 7 0 ) . O g y g o s , however, would have fled to Ogygia, later named Attica. Cf. M u l l . , FHG 3.518; Pfeiffer, History, 203. 10. I.e., 1515 B . C . E . (1193 B . C . E . + 3 2 2 ) . As Jacoby, FGrH 2D.837, n o t e s , Thallus is cited to document the dates of Greek chronology, not to prove the high antiquity of the Jews; the latter is T h e o p h i l u s ' agenda. 11. In defending the Christian refusal to worship pagan gods, Tertullian turns to pagan authors themselves to demonstrate that the Greek and Roman gods of mythology were originally human b e i n g s , later deified, and therefore not worthy as objects of veneration. Thallus is cited as a pagan author who attests the original humanity of Saturn. Similarly, cf. Ad nat. 2.12, although Thallus is not mentioned. The same argument is repeated by Minucius Felix and L a c t a n t i u s . Cf. also Tertullian, A p o l . , Frg. to ch. 19, cited in Bindley, 6 5 - 6 8 : Secundum enim historiam Thalli, qua relatum est helium Assy riorum et Saturnum Titanorum regem cum Jove dimicasse ... The translation of Frg. 3 is that of A. Souter in Mayor, Tertulliani A p o l o g e t i c u s (Cambridge: Cambridge University P r e s s , 1917) 37 & 39. 12. Cf. Diodorus Siculus 5.66.4-6; esp. F r g s . of 6.1.1-3; 8-10; 2.1.

68.1; 6 9 . 4 - 5 ; 70.1-6;

13. Making the same point in Ad nat. 2.12, Tertullian adduces a similar list of pagan a u t h o r s , omitting however T h a l l u s , and substituting instead T a c i t u s . Cf. Hist. 5.2.4.

368

Thallus

14. Perhaps Cassius Hemina or Cassius L o n g i n u s . Cf. M u l l e r , FHG 3.517. Bindley, Tertulliani A p o l o g e t i c u s , 40: "Not Cassius Severus, the satirist and orator, who was banished by Augustus and died A . D . 33, but Lucius Cassius Hemina, a Roman annalist (ca. B.C. 1 4 0 ) , who wrote a history of Rome from the earliest times to the end of the third Punic W a r . " 15.

Died ca. 24 B . C . E .

16. On the use of euhemerism by Christian apologists, cf. M i n u c i u s Felix, Oct. 21; Theophilus, Ad Autolycum 1.9; Clement, Cohort. 1.9; Lactantius, Div. Inst. 1.11; A u g u s t i n e , de civ. Dei 6.7; 7.26; cf. Cicero, de nat. deor. 2.42. References cited by Bindley, 40. 17. The translation is that of G. H. Rendall, Minucius Felix (LCL; L o n d o n : Heinemann/New York: P u t n a m ' s , 19 31) 375. 18.

The translation is that of W. Fletcher in ANF

7.25.

19. Towards the end of Book 10, Eusebius turns to a d e m o n s t r a t i o n of the antiquity of Moses and the prophets ( 1 0 . 9 - 1 4 ) , by citing pagan (Porphyry), Christian (Afri­ canus, Tatian, C l e m e n t ) , and Jewish (Josephus) authors. This fragment, excerpted from A f r i c a n u s ' Chronographia, is derived from a section where he sought to synchronize Hebrew history with that of other p e o p l e s . The translation is that of E. H. Gifford, 2.523-24. It should be noted that the value of the following fragments (Frgs. 4-6) is seriously doubted by Jacoby, FGrH 2D.835. 20. Having previously mentioned the Babylonian captivity, Africanus noted that Nebuchadnezzar is also mentioned by the Babylonian h i s t o r i a n / e t h n o g r a p h e r B e r o s s u s . 21. I.e., ca. 560 B.C.E. (776 B.C.E. - (54 X 4) = 560559 B . C . E . ) . Cyrus' defeat of Astyages did not occur, however, until ca. 550 B . C . E . Cf. Giff., 4.354; IDB 1.754. 22. Cf. Diodorus Siculus 2.34.6; 9.20.4; P.E. 1 0 . 1 0 . 4 . 23.

Cf. FGrH 2B.1130-45

24.

Cf. FGrH 2B.1153

25.

Cf. FGrH 2B.1159-94

9.21.1, which =

(= N o . 2 5 0 ) , esp. Frg.

6.

(= No. 2 5 4 ) , Frg. 4. (= No. 2 5 7 ) , Frg.

8.

26. Cf. Frg. 2, and above note 8. On the use of Ogygos chronology, cf. Jacoby, FGrH 3b (Supplement), v o l . 1, pp. 380-89, and notes in 3b (Supplement), v o l . 2, pp. 278-84.

in

Annotations

369

27. On the flood in the time P.E. 10.9.20; 11.20 (Tatian); flood traditions, cf. Jacoby, 2, p. 282, n. 50 on Frg. 328,

of O g y g o s , cf. Eusebius, 12.9 (Clement). On the FGrH 3b (Supplement), v o l . Frg. 92.

28. I.e., 1796 B . C . E . (776 B.C.E. + 1 0 2 0 ) . Also, cf. P.E. 10.10.21 (Africanus). Elsewhere, Ogygos is cited as contemporary with the E x o d u s . Cf. Eusebius, P.E. 10.10. 9-11 (Africanus). A f r i c a n u s , apud Eusebius, PTE. 10.10. 14-15, computes the time from Ogygos until the time of Cyrus as 1237 y e a r s . 29.

Cf. FGrH 1A.104-52

(= N o . 4 ) , Frg. 47.

30. Cf. FGrH 3b (Supplement), vol. 1, pp. 280-395, esp. 383-85 (= No. 328, Frg. 9 2 ) . Also, texts in FGrH 3B.97-160 (= No. 3 2 8 ) , Frg. 92, and commentary in FGrH 3b (Supple­ m e n t ) , vol. 2, pp. 380-89. 31. Pseudo-Justin, Coh. ad Gen. 9, gives the title as 6 xdg 'Axdi-dag. Cf. Thucydides 1.97. 32. xd Eupi.a: Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.89, cludes, apparently on the basis of this text, that Thallus was "at least a Syrian." 33.

Cf. FGrH 2B.1130-45

34.

Cf. FGrH 3A.96-126

con­

(= N o . 2 5 0 ) , Frg. 7. (= No. 2 7 3 ) .

35. This fragment from Pseudo-Justin appears to be directly dependent on Africanus = Frg. 4. The translation is that of M. Dods in ANF 1.277. 36. This fragment occurs in the section of S y n c e l l u s chronology treating the 18th generation, anno m u n d i , specifically the Arabian kings who succeeded the Chaldean rulers.

1

37. M a x o o x o A e p o u : perhaps a conflation of uaAaxdg and xaAapdg = M a ( A a ) x o a x a A a p o g . On the effeminacy of Sardanapallus, cf. Diodorus Siculus 2.23.1-4. So, S t e a r n s , 63. Note app. crit.: 6covooxovxoAepou. A l s o , Syncellus 1.312 apud Weissbach .(cf. next n o t e ) , 2454: Gtovog 6 AeyduevoQ KovxdAepog 'EAAnvuoxl EapdavdnxxAAog. 38. Sardanapallus is perhaps a conflation of Ashurbanipal (668-627 ?) and Shamashshumukin. On Sardanapallus, cf. Weissbach, "Sardanapal," PW second series l.A (1920) 2436-75, esp. 2 4 5 3 - 5 4 , par. 19. 39.

Cf. FGrH 2A.436-46

(= N o . 9 3 ) , Frg. 2.

40. This fragment occurs in a section of Malala's cle which treats Croesus and Cyrus. 41.

Cf. above, Frg. 2.

chroni­

JUSTUS OF

Justus of Tiberias,

TIBERIAS

who flourished

century C.E., is known primarily

in the late

through the

portrait of him in Josephus' Life.

first

unflattering

Like Josephus, he

played an active role as a leader of the resistance in Galilee in the Jewish revolt against

the Romans

forces in

66-70 C.E., though he eventually

left his native city of 2 Tiberias and went over to Agrippa II. Although Josephus assails his character, impugns his m o t i v e s , and casts him 3 in the role of political agitator and extremist, most likely he was a man with far more moderate views who was 4 forced -into the war unavoidably

and lived

to regret

it.

The exact nature of his role in the Galilean campaign his motives for opposing Josephus' military efforts Tiberias are still debated, polemic.

lost in Josephus'

and

in

heated

5

Ironically enough, however, it was J o s e p h u s , his literary and political rival, w h o immortalized he is largely unknown

from any other source.

Justus

since

In spite of

its polemical n a t u r e , Josephus' account makes

several g

things clear.

First, Justus, and his father, Pistus,

were prominent

Tiberians well enough reputed

to assume 7

positions of leadership in the early stages of the w a r . For all his disparaging

remarks, Josephus

nevertheless

attests Justus' cultural achievements and social

standing, g

asserting that he was "not unversed

in Greek

Josephus also openly admits his oratorical Further evidence of his Hellenization 1

name, as well as that of his f a t h e r . ^

culture." 9

ability.

is seen in his Greek He was

doubtless

fluent in Greek as seen by his later elevation as the private secretary of Agrippa was later

II, a position

dismissed. 371

from which he

372

Justus of

Tiberias

The fragments, though scant, with their citation of 12 an anecdote about the young Plato, and their clear 13 interest in history

in the form of world

chronicle,

reinforce this portrait of a Jewish man of affairs, directly

involved

in war and politics, thoroughly

in the H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n world.

at home

Though his career

after

the war was checkered with setbacks, imprisonments, banishments

from his native city, to which he

and

returned

after the war, he managed to fend for himself rather 14 w e l l in court p o l i t i c s . The year of his death is unknown, but is mentioned as late as the N erva, and he lived at least until after the reign death of of id : Agrippa II. 16 1 5

Works.

Three separate w o r k s , all apparently

in Greek, are attributed the Jewish K i n g s .

to J u s t u s :

(1)

written

A Chronicle

The title is attested by Photius

of

(9th

cent.) who describes

it as "very scanty in detail" and 17 as having "passed over very many necessary items." It appears to have extended from the time of Moses until the 18 death of Agrippa II, and may in fact have been a corapre19 hensive world chronicle. The work was most certainly 20 used as a source by Julius A f r i c a n u s , from whom Eusebius 21 22 in his Chronicon and Syncellus probably cited it. The work was possibly used by the Arian historian 23 Philostorgius (d. ca. 429 C . E . ) , and may have had even 24 wider influence among later Christian c h r o n o g r a p h e r s . (2) A History of the Jewish W a r . Although sometimes identified w i t h the Chronicle, this was most likely a 25 separate w o r k .

This work was the object of J o s e p h u s

1

scorn in his Life, and was mentioned by later writers including E u s e b i u s , Jerome, Photius, the Suda, and 26 Stephanus of Byzantium, all of whom appear to be directly dependent on Josephus for their information. J o s e p h u s ' Life was written largely as a refutation of 27 the w o r k .

Once again, Josephus' remarks about the work

in his Life provide unintended about the work.

historical

information

The work apparently concentrated on the

Introduction

373

Galilean campaign prior to the arrival of Vespasian, and directly attacked Josephus for his punitive actions 28 against the city of T i b e r i a s . Josephus assails Justus for describing events he had not witnessed, e.g., certain events in Galilee, the siege of Jotapata, and the 29 of Jerusalem,

and for writing

long after the

Though he worked on the History during a period,

siege

fact.

twenty-year

3 0

Justus did not publish it until after Vespasian, 31 Titus, and Agrippa II were dead. It is also clear from J o s e p h u s remarks that J u s t u s account of the war was 32 both comprehensive and detailed. The impact of the work 33 was apparently n e g l i g i b l e . (3) Jerome attributes a third work to J u s t u s , a scriptural commentary, but the work is nowhere else attested, and its existence is 34 generally doubted. 1

1

Importance.

In many respects, Justus

E u p o l e m u s : both w e r e Greek-speaking from Palestine who were actively

resembles

Jewish

involved

historians in war and

politics during a turbulent period of Jewish Obviously, Josephus belongs to the same tradition.

Justus also represents

chronography continued

history.

historiographical

the tradition of Jewish

that was seen as early as Demetrius

in other Hellenistic-Jewish

Eupolemus and P s e u d o - E u p o l e m u s .

writers such as

He becomes

another

valuable witness to the degree of Hellenization Palestine.

and

within

He continues to remain central to the d i s c u s ­

sion of Jewish historiography and a valuable

in first century

Palestine,

source, albeit indirectly through

Life, for reconstructing

Josephus'

the events in Galilee in the

early stages of the Jewish

revolt.

The Fragments and Their Arrangement.

Strictly

speaking, no fragments of Justus' works survive. remaining evidence is more in the nature of

N e v e r t h e l e s s , the materials have been included arranged

as "fragments,"

in FGrH 734.

A sixth

following Jacoby's

The

testimonia. and

arrangement

"doubtful" fragment is mentioned

Jacoby, but is not included h e r e .

Cf. Note 23.

by

Justus of Tiberias

374

NOTES 1.

Testimonia:

Josephus, Life

32,

36-42,

65,

87-88,

1 7 4 -

= FGrH 7 3 4 , T 3 & 6 ; Eusebius, H . E . 3 . 1 0 . 8 ; Chronicle ad ann. Abrah. 2 1 1 3 = FGrH 7 3 4 T 5 ; Jerome, De viris illustribus 1 4 = PL ( 2 3 ) c o l . 6 3 1 = TU 1 4 . 1 ( 1 8 9 6 ) p . 1 6 = FGrH 7 3 4 T 1 ; Pseudo-Sophronius = TU 1 4 . 2 ( 1 8 9 6 ) p. 1 7 = Suda s.v. ' I O U O T O Q TiBepeug; Stephanus of Byzantium s.v. TuBepidc. = FGrH 7 3 4 T 4 ; P h o t i u s , Bibliotheca 3 3 = FGrH 7 3 4 T 2 ; Syncellus, ed. Dindorf 1 1 6 , 1 8 ; 1 2 2 , 9 ; 655,7. 78,

276-78,

336-44,

349-50,

2.

J o s e p h u s , Life

3 5 4 ,

3.

J o s e p h u s , Life

36-42,

355-60,

357,

390-93,

410

390-97.

344,

391.

4. S o , Schurer (Vermes-Millar) 1 . 3 4 - 3 5 ; also Schalit, EncJud, 4 8 0 ; against K r a u s s , 3 9 8 - 9 9 , w h o is more sympa­ thetic to Josephus' interpretation of Justus' actions. Cf. , esp. Josephus, Life 3 6 : urcexpLvexo uev ev6otd£eiv

Txpos T 6 V rcoA.euov . . . 5.

For a recent treatment, cf. Cohen,

6.

Cf. J o s e p h u s , Life 3 4 ; Photius, Bibliotheca 3 3 .

7. C f . J o s e p h u s , Life 3 2 - 3 4 . group of dvSpes euaxnuovec,.

8. J o s e p h u s , Life 4 0 : "EAAncav. 9.

114-43.

Pistus belonged

to the

o u 6 ' drceipos f\v TiaiSeiag xfjs reap'

J o s e p h u s , Life 4 0 , 2 7 9 .

10. The name Justus is well attested in the period, and most likely h i s Hebrew name w a s Zadok, or possibly Joseph. Cf. K r a u s s , 3 9 9 ; Cohen, 1 4 1 , w h o notes the inscriptional evidence for Justi of Tiberias in Frey, CIJ 1 . N o . 5 0 2 ; Vincent, RB 3 0 ( 1 9 2 2 ) 1 2 1 (as noted by Rajak, 3 5 1 ) ; also IG 5 . 1 , N o . 1 2 5 6 . Cf. Acts 1 : 2 3 ; 1 8 : 7 ; Rom 1 6 : 2 3 ; Col 4 :11.

11.

J o s e p h u s , Life

356.

12. Cf. Frg. 1 . As Cohen, 1 4 3 , n. 1 4 7 , notes, "Historical or not, the story is a good sign of Justus' Greek educa­ tion." 13.

Cf. F r g s . 2 - 3 .

14. K r a u s s , 3 9 9 , raises the possibility that h e , like J o s e p h u s , spent his last years in Rome.

Introduction - Notes

375

15. Cf. E u s e b i u s , Chron. = Karst, GCS ( 2 0 ) , p. 2 1 8 , where Justus of Tiberias is mentioned as a Jewish author during the reign of Nerva ( 9 6 - 9 8 C . E . ) . 16. This is according to the testimony of P h o t i u s , Bib. 3 3 , who places the death of Agrippa II in the third year of the reign of Trajan ( 9 8 - 1 1 7 C . E . ) , that i s , ca. 1 0 0 C.E. Cohen, 1 7 0 - 8 0 , h o w e v e r , notes that the testimony from Photius is the primary evidence for this, and argues for putting the death of Agrippa ca. 9 2 - 9 3 C.E. 17. P h o t i u s , Bibliotheca 3 3 , p. 6 b 2 3 - 7 a 5 , = ed. R. Henry, Paris ( 1 9 5 9 ) 1 = FGrH 7 3 4 T 2 : 'AveYVtboOn ' I O U O T O U Ti3epiecog X P O V L K O V , ou f\ ereiYPoupf) ''Iouaxou TiBepiecog 'Ioudaicov BaaiAecov xcov ev xous axeuuaaiv. ( 2 ) ouxdg drc6 rcdAecog xng ev raAiAaia TiBepiddog copuaxo. (3) 'dpxExai de xfjg iaxoplag drco Mtouaecog, xaxaAf)YEi de £cog xeAeuxfjg 'AYPtrcrca xou e 3 6 d u o u U E V X C O V drco xfjg olxiag * Hpcodou, uaxdxou de ev xoig 'Ioudaicov BaaiAeuaiv, dg rcapeAaBe U £ v xriv dpxnv erci KAaudlou, riuEjridri de erci Nepcovog nal £xi udAAov urcd Ouearcaaiavou, xeAeuxd de exei xpixcp Tpa'iavou, ou xal n laxopla xaxeAn^ev. ( 4 ) eaxi de xfiv cppdaiv auvxoutbxaxdg xe xal xd rcAeiaxa xcov dvaYxaioxdxcov rcapaxpextov. C O Q de xd 'Ioudaicov voacov, *Ioudaiog xai auxdg urcapxtov xd Y E V O Q , xfJQ Xpiaxou rcapoualag xai xcov rcepi auxdv xeAeaOfevxcov xal xcov urc' auxou xepaxoupYndevxcov oudev dAcog uvnunv fercoinaaxo. ( 5 ) o 5 x o g rcaig U E V ?)v ' Ioudaiou xivdg dvoua niaxou, dvdpcorccov de, cos cpnai 'Icoanixos, x a x o u p y d x a x o g , xpnudxtov xe xai ndovcov nxxcov. dvxercoAixeuexo de 'Icoanrccp, xal rcoAAdg xax* exeivou Aeyexai erciBouAdg paipai, dAAd xdv Y E 'lebanrcov, xaixoi urcd xeipa rcoAAdxig Aaftdvxa xdv exdpdv, AoYOig udvov dveidiaavxa drcadfj xaxcov dcpeivai. ( 6 ) xai xfiv iaxoplav de nv exeivog SYPOciiie, rcercAaauevnv xd rcAeiaxa cpnai xuYX&veiv, nal udAiaxa O I Q xdv * Pcouotlxdv rcpog 'loudaloug die^etai rcdAeuov xal xnv ' IepoaoAuucov aAcoaiv. Full translation in Cohen, 1 4 2 ; also cf. C o l l i n s , 4 9 . 1

18.

I.e.,

ca. 1 0 0 C.E., though cf. above note 1 6 .

19.

Frg. 1 suggests that it also treated Greek

20.

So, Gelzer, Sextus,

21.

Cf. Frg.

2.

22.

Cf. Frg.

3.

events.

246-65.

23. Suda s.v. O A C Y C O V : X O U X O U X O U 3>AeYovxog, cog cpnoi d>i AoaxdpY iog, t daov t xd xaxd xoug 'Ioudaioug auurteadvxa did rcAeiovog erceEeAOeiv xou rcAdxoug ... = FGrH 7 3 7 , Frg. 3. V a l c k e n a e r apud Jacoby emended the text to read: xouxou xou <E>AeYOVXOg {cog} cpnai $1 AoaxdpY Log, 'Iouaxov (or perhaps 'lebanrcov) ... As Schiirer (VermesMillar) 1 . 3 7 , note, "It is possible that the original reading was 'Iouaxov, but more likely in fact that it was 'lebanrcov, for Josephus is explicitly referred to a few lines lower down."

376

Justus of

24.

Cf. Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften,

25.

Cf. Schurer

(Vermes-Millar)

Tiberias

2.203.

1.35.

26. Cf. references in note 1 above. The title is given by Stephanus of Byzantium: 6 'IouScuxoe rtoAeuoc, 6 xaxd Ou e orcaa i av o 0. 27. Laqueur also suggested that Ag.Ap_. 1. 46-56 was directed against Justus. Cf. Cohen, 116, esp. n. 64. 28.

Cf. Cohen,

116.

29.

Cf. Frg.

30.

Cf. Cohen,

31.

J o s e p h u s , Life 359-60; cf. Frg.

32.

Josephus, Life

4. 115. 4.

40, 336, 338. 1

33. Cohen, 143, remarks the greater success of J u s t u s C h r o n i c l e : "While the Chronicle had some influence, the History of the War disappeared without a trace. Josephus so dominated Christian historiography that Justus was ignored. There is no sign that any pagan author even read Justus' History." 34. Jerome, De viris illustribus 14 = FGrH 734 T 1.= PL (23) col. 63: Iustus Tiheriensis de provincia Galileae eonatus est et ipse Iudaicarum rerum historian! texere et quosdam commentariolos de soripturis; sed hunc Iosephus arguit mendaoii. constat autem ilium eo tempore scripsisse quo et Iosephum.

Introduction - Bibliography

377

Bibliography Baerwald, A. Josephus in Galilaa. Sein V e r h a l t n i s s zu den Parteien, insbesondere zu Justus von Tiberias und Agrippa II (Breslau: Koebner, 1 8 7 7 ) . Cohen, S. J. D. Josephus in Galilee and Rome. His VITA and Development as a Historian (Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition, 8; Leiden: B r i l l , 1979) 15-16, 17, 21, 75, 79, 114-43, 159, 167-69, 172, 218, 238-39. Collins, Athens and Jerusalem, Denis,

Introduction,

48-49.

267.

Drexler, H. "Untersuchungen zu Josephus und zur Geschichte des jiidischen Aufstandes 66-70," Klio 19 (1925) 277-312, esp. 293-306. Frankfort, T. "La date de 1'autobiographie de Flavius Josephe et des oeuvres de Justus de Tiberiade," Revue Beige de philologie et d'histoire 3 9 (1961) 52-58. Gelzer, Sextus, 1.4, 20, 118, 207, 265. Gelzer, M. "Die V i t a des Josephos," Hermes G r a e t z , History

2

(1893; repr. 1946)

80

(1952) 67-90.

274, 319-20, 390.

, "Das Lebensende des Konigs Agrippa II, des Justus von Tiberias und des Flavius Josephus und Agrippa-Munzen," MGWJ 26 (1877) 337-59. Gutschmid, Kleine Schriften Hegermann, Umwelt,

die

2.196-203.

1.321.

Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism,

1.99,

Jacoby, F. "Iustus

(1919)

( 9 ) , " PW 10

105.

K r a u s s , S. "Justus of T i b e r i a s , " JE 7

1341-46. (1904) 398-99.

Laqueur, R. Der judische Historiker Flavius J o s e p h u s . Ein biographischer Versuch auf neuer quellenkritischer G r u n d l a g e . (Giessen, 1920) 6-23. Landman,

I

(ed.),

"Justus of Tiberias," UJE 6

Lohse, E. "Justus von T i b e r i a s , " R G G

3

(1942) 272.

3 (1959) 1077.

378

Justus of

Tiberias

Luther, H. Josephus und Justus von Tiberias. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des judischen Aufstandes (Doctoral dissertation, Halle. 1 9 1 0 ) . M u l l e r , FHG

3.523.

N i e s e , B. "Der judische Historiker Josephus," Historische Zeitschrift 40 (1896) 193-237, esp. 227-29. Pelletier, A. Flavius Josephe. A u t o b i o g r a p h i e . Texte et traduit. (Paris, 1959) xiv. Pfeiffer, History,

etabli

210.

Rajak, T. "Justus of Tiberias," CQ n . s . 23

(1973)

Ruhl, F. "Justus von Tiberias," Rheinisches 71 (1916) 289-308. Schalit, A. "Josephus und J u s t u s . Studien J o s e p h u s , " Klio 26 (1933) 67-95. , "Justus of Tiberias," EncJud

10

345-68.

Museum

zur Vita

des

(1971) 4 7 9 - 8 0 .

Schlatter, A. "Der Chronograph aus dem zehnten A n t o n i n s , " TU 12,1 (1894) 37-47.

Jahre

, G e s c h i c h t e , 17, 329, 342-44, 367. Schmid-Stahlin, Schurer

Geschichte,

2,1.601-603.

( V e r m e s - M i l l a r ) , 1.34-37. , Geschichte,

1.58-63;

3.496-97.

, Literature , 222. Wacholder, E u p o l e m u s , 43, 56, 60, 63-64, 67, 1 2 3 - 2 7 , 243, 2 6 0 , 298-306. Wachsmuth, Einleitung,

4 38.

Introduction - Index

379

Index to Editions and

Translations

Kings of the Jews Who Are in the Genealogical Fragment

Lists

One

Source:

Diogenes Laertius

2.41.

Greek Text Used: R. D. H i c k s , Diogenes Laertius (LCL; New York: Putnams / L o n d o n : Heinemann, 1 9 2 5 ) , v o l . 1, p. 170, lines 17-21. Editions:

Jac,

FGrH 3C. 699

(= No. 734, Frg. 1) .

Translations: English:

R. D. H i c k s , Diogenes Laertius (LCL), vol. 1, p. 171.

French: German:

Fragment

Two

Source:

Eusebius,

Chronicon.

Later C i t a t i o n s : E u s t a t h i u s , In Hexaemeron commentarius = PG (18) col. 707A/708A; Georgius Syncellus, * E K A O Y H XpovoYpacpictc.. Greek Text Used: G. Dindorf, Georgius Syncellus et Nicephorus (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae B y z a n t i n a e , 12 [microfiche]; Bonn: E. W e b e r , 1 8 2 9 ) , v o l . 1, p. 122, lines 3-10. Editions: M i g n e , PG (19) c o l s . 315A - 317A; R. Helm, Eusebius W e r k e : Die Chronik des Hieronymus (GCS, 47 [24 & 3 4 ] , p. 7, lines 11-17 (Latin); also, cf. p. 279, line 7; J a c , FGrH 3C.699 (= N o . 734, *Frg. 2 ) . Translations: English: French: German:

380

Justus of

Kings of the Jews Fragment

Tiberias

(cont.)

Three

Source:

Julius

Africanus

Later C i t a t i o n s : Georgius Syncellus, Xpovoypacpiac,.

'EHAOYTI

Greek Text Used: G. Dindorf, Georgius Syncellus et Nicephorus (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae B y z a n t i n a e , 12 [microfiche]; Bonn: E. Weber, 1 8 2 9 ) , v o l . 1, p. 116, line 17 - p. 117, line 3. Editions: J a c , FGrH 3C. 699 (= No. 734, *Frg. 3) ; cf. Migne PG (10), col. 77B; Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2.276. Translations: English: French: German:

The Jewish War Against Fragment

Vespasian

Four

Source:

Josephus, Life 357-60.

Greek Text (LCL; Press 130 &

Used: H. St. J. Thackeray, Josephus Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University / London: Heinemann, 1 9 6 1 ) , v o l . 1, pp. 132.

Editions: N i e s e , 4. 378-79; J a c , 734, Frg. 4; cf. T 3c; 6 g ) .

FGrH 3C. 699

(= No.

Translations: English:

Thackeray,

LCL, v o l . 1, pp. 131 & 133.

French:

A. Pelletier, Flavius Josephe. Autobiographie (Paris: Societe d'edition "Les Belles -Lettres," 1 9 5 9 ) , pp. 5758.

German:

Heinrich Clementz, Des Flavius Josephus. Kleinere Schriften (Halle: Hendel, 1 9 0 1 ) , p. 63.

Introduction -

Jewish War Fragment

Index

381

(cont.)

Five

Source:

J o s e p h u s , Life 340.

Greek Text Used: H. St. J. Thackeray (LCL; Cambridge, M a s s . : Harvard University Press / London: Heinemann, 1 9 6 1 ) , vol. 1, p. 124. Editions: N i e s e 4. 376; J a c , Frg. 5 ) .

FGrH 3C.699

(No. 734,

Translations: English:

Thackeray,

LCL, v o l . 1, p. 125.

French:

A. Pelietier, Flavius Josephe. Autobiographie (Paris: Societe d'edition "Les Belles Lettres," 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 55.

German:

H. C l e m e n t z , Des Flavius J o s e p h u s . Kleinere Schriften (Halle: Hendel, 1901) , p. 60.

382

Justus of

1.

IOYAAIQN

FRAGMENT (41)

BAEIAEIE

ONE

(Diogenes Laertius

Kpivouevou

6' auxou

pueug ev xcp Exeuuaxi xal

5

eineiv

01 EN TOIE

ETEMMAEIN 2.41)

cpnaiv ' louaxog

nAdxcova dvaBfivat

'vecoxaxog cov, co dvdpeg

enl xd 3nucx dva3dvxcov, 'xaxd3oc, xaxd3a.

Tiberias

6 TiBe-

(41)

enl x6 Bfjua,

'Adnvaioi,

xcov

xous de dixaaxdg ex3ofjaai

1

1

FRAGMENT TWO (Eusebius, Chronicon apud Georgius Syncellus *ExA.OYn XpovoYPacplag, p. 122,3-10 Dindorf) Mcouaea

* E3pcuov,

Y E V O Q

npocpnxcov

andvxcov npcoxov,

duxpl xou acoxfjpog nutov, Aeyto de xoO Xpiaxou,

10

xe

xfig

nal

AoYLa Oela

dxudaai

xcov edvcov di' auxou OeoYvcoaiag

xaxd

YPacpfj napadedcoxdxa,

"Ivaxpv

YvcbpiuoL, KAfiung, nudg

Adyou

'louaxog, unoaxcov

xcov

Idlcog

xpdvoig

ev

naideuaei

elpfixaaiv dvdpeg

ex

nepixoufig

xPucruoug

xoug

'Atppixavdg, Taxiavdg xe

ducpi

xou

xad'

' Icbannnog xal

exaaxog xfiv anode lEjiv ex

naAaiag

laxop lag.

FRAGMENT THREE (Julius A f r i c a n u s apud G e o r g i u s Syncellus ' E X A O Y H XpovoYPacpiag, p. 116,17 p. 117,3 Dindorf) 15

OL

xe ydp ex nepixoufig ndvxeg,

'louaxog,

o'l

xe

eg

'Anlcov noaeidcoviog xal nope lav xoO

xe

xal

'EAArivcov, noAeucov cpnu'i- xal 'Hpddoxog

xfiv eg

' IapafiA xaxd Oopcovea xal

'Apyelcov 3cxaiAeig auveypa^av, 20

' Icbannndg

Alyunxou

"Anida

'Aucbaecog

xoug

Alyunxicov

3aaiAeuovxog

6 y£vog *E3pal"ov Scaliger apud Dindorf: yevog ' E3pa.lcov S y n c : x a x d yevog *E3po(.tov mg apud D i n d o r f : gentis hebraeae Hieron. | 9 deia A: Qela B: Oeia Goar apud D i n d o r f : sacris (littevis) Hieron. | napadedcoxdxag Goar apud Dindorf | 16 noAeuto B | 17 noaidcoviog B : noaeidcovlou mg apud Dindorf [

Fragments One, Two, and Three

383

1. Kings of the Jews Who Are in the Genealogical

Lists

2 FRAGMENT (41)

(41)

ONE

And while he

was being

tried, Justus of 4

Tiberias says in his book The Genealogy, ascended to the platform since I am the youngest

and said,

Plato

"0 men of A t h e n s ,

to have ascended

but the judges cried out,

that

the

platform

"Get down! Get

down!" FRAGMENT

TWO

5

Men of distinguished and Tatian

learning

-- Clement, A f r i c a n u s ,

from our persuasion, and

from among

those

of the circumcision Josephus and Justus -- have

said

that M o s e s , by race a Hebrew,

all

preeminent

among

the p r o p h e t s , who transmitted oracles and utterances 7 in sacred scripture for the sake of our Savior, I mean Christ, and for the sake of the n a t i o n s ' knowledge of God through him,

flourished

in the time

g

of Inachus,

each in his own way claiming

belonged to a period of remote FRAGMENT

THREE

that he

history.

9

For indeed all those of the circumcision

-- Josephus

and Justus -- as well as those of the Greeks

--

I also include Polemo, Apion, the son of P o s i d o n i u s , and Herodotus Egypt Apis,

-- described

(as occurring)

the journey of Israel

at the time of Phoroneus

kings of A r g o s , while Amosis

the Egyptians

....

reigned

from

and over

384

Justus of

2.

( 0 KATA

IOYAAIKOE ITOAEMOS

FRAGMENT (357) OIL

FOUR

OYEEIIAEIANOY) 357-60)

(Josephus, Life

6auu.d£eiv 6' erceial U O L xoAudS

AeyeLv

xauxnv yeypacpoxcov

xfiv ariv dval6eLav,

drcavxcov xcov xrjv auxos

due Lvov

fjs

yap

ercaOov

ev

Bripuxcp

xoxe

eruaiduevos,

rcapd BaaLAeL, u n O '

ercl iris * Icoxarcdxcov

'PCOUOILOL

rcpALopxouuevos 6uvnOels

oaa

rcoALOpxlas n

e6paaav n u d s rcapaxoAoudriaas, \if\Q' ooa xax' enpa^a

(357)

repayuaie Lav e^nyyeAxevaL,

unie xd rcpax^evxa xaxd xrjv raALAalav 5

Tiberias

euaui6v

rcudeadaL*

rcdvieg

yap ol drcayye IAavxes dv 6Lecpddpr)aav ercl xfjg rcapa10

(358)

xdEjecos exelvriS-

dAA'

LOCOS

* IepoaoAuu-Licov rcpaxQevxa uexd auyyeypacpevaL.

xal rccos olov

xd

xaxd

dxpcBelas

xe;

xfiv

(358)

cpnaeLs

ouxe

yap

xcp

rcoAeucp rcapexuxes ouxe xd Kalaapos dveyvcos urcouvnuaxa. 15

ueyLaxov

6e x e x u n p i o v

el 6e O a p p e t s XL

Ccovxcov

{yap} Kalaapos

pcov xoO rcoAeuou yevouevcov

dv6pcov

exL

xfje

xal

xcov

' EAAr|VLxf)S

xal

T L I O U

xal

XCOV

yap

el6oxcov cpepeaOaL. 25

(359)

auxoxpaxo-

BaaLAfecos 'Ayplrcrca

ex y e v o u s auxou rcdvxcov, rcaL6elas

ercl

rcAeLaxov

fixovxcov, xfiv laxoplav oux ecpepec, els ueaov; rcpo

(359)

due Lvov drcavxcov auyyeypacpevaL, 6La

OuearcaoLavoG

rcepLovxoQ 20

I O L S

urcouvnuctOLV evavxlav rcercolnaaL xf]v ypacpnv.

(360)

(360)

elxoaLv excov efxes yeypauuevnv xal reap' eueAAes vuv 6',

xfis d x p L 0 e l a s xfiv uapxuplav drcoox' exeCvoi uev ouxex'

ueO' nucov, eAeyx^nvaL

elalv

6' ou v o u l C e L S , xedapprinas.

PRAMW I 6e U O L erceiaL MW | dval6Lav P | 3 yeypacpriHoxcov MW | 5 \ir\Te MW | 6 Icoxarcaxcov P: Icoxarcdvxcov A | 7 ufiie MW | 8 ertpaga: e6paaa P | 9 dv om. R | 10 xfiv: xd R | II lepoaoAuuiTCov AMW: 'IepoaoAuua N i e s e | uex* R | 13 dveyvcos: d v a y v o u a PRMW | 14 6e om. P: 6v MW | {yap} Thackeray: ydp N i e s e : om. PAMW | 18 xou rcoAeuou yevouevcov (yevouevou M) PAMW: xcov xov rcoAeuov xaxepyaaauevcov Niese | dyplrcna A | 1 9 rcepLOvxos: e ex a corr. R | ex: ex xou w| drcavxcov MW | 2 2 C L X O O L V RAM: C L X O O L Niese | 2 4 6e MW | 6xe AMW | oux exL AMW | 2 5 6t MW | u

Fragment Four

385

12 2.

The Jewish War

(Against

Vespasian)

13 FRAGMENT (357)

(357)

FOUR

I cannot, however, but wonder at your

in daring to assert that your narrative

impudence

is to be

preferred to that of all who have written on this subject, when you neither knew what happened

in

Galilee -- for you were then at Berytus with

the

king -- nor acquainted yourself with all that

the

Romans endured or inflicted upon us at the siege of Jotapata; nor was it in your power to ascertain part which possible (358)

(358)

I myself played

in the siege, since

informants perished

in that

the all

conflict.

P e r h a p s , however, you will say that you have

accurately Jerusalem.

narrated

the events which took place at

How, pray, can that b e , seeing

neither were you a combatant the Commentaries

account?

(359)

it in the lifetime of the

Emperors Vespasian and T i t u s , who conducted and while Agrippa and all his family, thoroughly conversant with Hellenic (360)

culture, were

You had it written

to your accuracy.

the w a r ,

persons

years ago, and might then have obtained of eyewitnesses

proved

But, if you

that your history excels all o t h e r s ,

why did you not publish

(360) still among us?

that

perused

of Caesar, as is abundantly

(359) by your contradictory are so confident

nor had you

the

twenty evidence

But not until

now,

when those persons are no longer with us and you think you cannot be confuted, have you ventured publish

it.

to

386

Justus of

FRAGMENT FIVE (340)

(Josephus, Life

ricos ouv,

Iva cpco rcpos

340) auxov

cos

rcapdvxa,

'louaxe, deivdxaxe auYYPotcpecov, xouxo yctp rcepi aeauxou, aixioi

Tiberias

yeydvauev

iy&> xe nal

au^eic raAi-

Aaioi xfj rcaxpi6i aou xfjg rcpos 'Ptoualous xal rcpos 5

xdv BaaiAea axdaecos;

PRAMW 4 xfjs-

xfj

PR

5 axdae L R

|

(340)

Fragment

Five

FRAGMENT (340)

(340)

387

FIVE

How, then, Justus -- if I may address

as though he were present

him

-- how, most clever of

historians, as you boast yourself

to be, can I and

the Galileans be held

for the

responsible

of your native city against the Romans and the king?

insurrection against

388

Justus of

Tiberias

ANNOTATIONS

1. The title is supplied by Photius, Bibliotheca FGrH 734 T 2 . Cf. Introduction, N o t e s , no. 17. 2. The fragment occurs in Diogenes L a e r t i u s of Socrates ( 2 . 1 8 - 4 7 ) . 3.

I.e.,

1

33 =

treatment

Socrates.

4. H i c k s , LCL, renders xcp oxeuuctxi "The Wreath," a fully justified rendering in its own right. However, other sources suggest that J u s t u s work was genealogical, in some form. Cf. Schiirer ( V e r m e s - M i l l a r ) , 1.37, who suggests that the anecdote in Diogenes Laertius is taken from another genealogical list (oxeuua) belonging "to another part of the complete work" other than the oxeuua of the Jewish kings known to Photius. On the difficulty of the title ev xcp axeuuaxi, cf. Cohen, 143, n. 145, and the literature cited there. 1

5. This fragment occurs in the foreword to the second book of the Chronicle which contains chronological tables arranged synchronistically. Cf. A d l e r , Syncellus, 89, n. 1. Syncellus u s e s , or refers to this fragment, several times. Cf. Dindorf 1.118, 228, 280. It should be noted that Jacoby marks this fragment with an asterisk (*), thus as defective. 6. Several variations of this phrase occur in the tradition. Cf. app. crit.

textual

7. Or, "sacred utterances in Scripture" (A.6YLCC d e i a Ypacpij) . In his text, Dindorf reads AoYia deia. The text here follows Jacoby. Cf. app. crit. 8. Inachus was the first king of Argos, ca. 1976 B . C . E . , with whom both Jewish and Christian chronographers syn­ chronized M o s e s and the Exodus. The synchronization ill fits that of the following fragment where Moses is placed in the time of P h o r o n e u s . Cf. W a c h o l d e r , Eupolemus 119, 124. 9. This fragment is marked by Jacoby with an (*), thus as defective.

asterisk

10. The translation here follows the marginal reading reported by Dindorf: nooe 16cov i ou. Cf. also PG (10) 77B; Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae 2. 2 76: 'Arcucov 6i b Uooe i6cov Cou.

Annotations

389

11. In an older chronographical tradition, Phoroneus was the first king of A r g o s . Cf. W a c h o l d e r , E u p o l e m u s , 124. On the synchronization of Moses with A m o s i s , cf. Thallus, Frg. 4, par. 7. 12. The title is supplied by Stephanus of Byzantium (ed. Meineke) s.v. TiBepidg = FGrH 734 T 4: ex lauxne f)v ' IouaxoQ 6 x6v ' Iou6a'ixov rcoAeuov xov xaxd OOeoTcaaiavoO taxopnoas. 13. This fragment occurs after Josephus describes Justus' relationship with Agrippa, and is included here because in it Josephus directly discusses Justus' historical work itself. The translation is that of H. St. J. Thackeray, Josephus (LCL), v o l . 9, pp. 131 & 133. 14. This fragment occurs at the beginning of J o s e p h u s ' long digression of Justus, beginning with par. 65. The translation is that of H. St. J. Thackeray, Josephus (LCL), vol. 9, p. 125.