Filipino English and Taglish: Language Switching from Multiple Perspectives (Varieties of English Around the World General Series)

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Filipino English and Taglish

Varieties of English Around the World

General Editor Edgar W. Schneider Department of English & American Studies University of Regensburg D-93040 REGENSBURG Germany [email protected] Editorial Board Laurie Bauer (Wellington); Manfred Görlach (Cologne); Rajend Mesthrie (Cape Town); Peter Trudgill (Fribourg); Walt Wolfram (Raleigh, NC)

General Series Volume G31 Filipino English and Taglish: Language switching from multiple perspectives by Roger M. Thompson

Filipino English and Taglish Language switching from multiple perspectives

Roger M. Thompson University of Florida

John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia

8

TM

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thompson, Roger M. Filipino English and Taglish : language switching from multiple perspectives / Roger M. Thompson. p. cm. (Varieties of English Around the World, issn 0172–7362 ; v. G31) Includes bibliographical references (p.) and index. 1. English language--Philippines. 2. English language--Foreign elements--Tagalog. 3. Tagalog language--Inﬂuence on English. 4. Bilingualism-Phlilippines. 5. Phlilippines--Languages. I. Title. II. Series. PE3502.P5T47 2003 306.44’6’09599-dc22 isbn 90 272 4891 5 (Eur.) / 1 58811 407 4 (US) (Hb; alk. paper)

2003057797

© 2003 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microﬁlm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Co. · P.O. Box 36224 · 1020 me Amsterdam · The Netherlands John Benjamins North America · P.O. Box 27519 · Philadelphia pa 19118-0519 · usa

Contents

Acknowledgments Map 1. The Philippines

xi xiii

Chapter 1 Introduction: Language switching from multiple perspectives 1.1 The situation 1 1.2 Rationale for this study 2 1.3 Overview of the chapters 5

1

Part A. Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines Chapter 2 English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935 2.1 The United States takes control, 1898–1902 13 2.1.1 Humanitarian imperialism 13 2.1.2 The Philippine insurrection 15 2.1.3 Winning the hearts of Filipinos 17 2.2 Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935 2.2.1 Schools for the masses 19 2.2.2 Materials and teachers 20 2.2.3 The Filipino reaction 22 2.2.4 A day at school 23 2.2.5 The effectiveness 24 2.2.6 English: The great equalizer 26 Chapter 3 Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973 3.1 Finding a national language 27 3.2 The changing school environment 29 3.3 War destroys the schools 30

9

13

19

27

vi

Filipino English and Taglish

3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7

Rebuilding the school system 31 Controversy over Tagalog 32 The golden age for English 34 Changing attitudes 35

Chapter 4 Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998 4.1 Intellectualizing Tagalog for the schools 37 4.2 Taglish fills the gap 40 4.3 English fails in the schools 41 4.4 Cries for school reform 44 4.5 A personal look at the schools 47 4.6 Ongoing efforts to improve English instruction 50 4.7 Setting local standards for English 52 4.7.1 Pronunciation 52 4.7.2 Grammar 53 4.7.3 Vocabulary 53 4.8 Filipino English in the taxonomy of world English: ESL or EFL? Chapter 5 The Spanish overlay 5.1 The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines 59 5.2 Spanish infiltrates the vernaculars 60 5.3 Spanish withstands English 61 5.4 The end of Spanish 63 5.5 The current relationship of English, Tagalog, and Spanish 65 Map 2. The regions, 1990 Part B. Social support for English after 100 years: Comparing usage in Metro Manila and the provinces B.1 English proficiency in the Philippines today 72 B.2 English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas 74 B.2.1 The participants 75 Chapter 6 English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

37

54

59

67

69

77

Contents vii

6.1 6.1.1 6.1.2 6.1.3 6.1.4 6.1.5 6.2 6.2.1 6.2.2 6.2.3 6.3

Listening to English 77 Radio 77 Music 79 Television 80 News 83 Movies 86 Reading English 87 Newspapers 90 Magazines and journals 91 Books 91 The media and the future of English 92

Chapter 7 English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 7.1 English at work 97 7.2 English in public places 99 7.3 English at church 101 7.4 Interpersonal relations and the future of English 104

95

Chapter 8 English in northern Luzon and Mindanao 107 8.1 Interacting with English media 109 8.1.1 Northern Luzon: Media profile 110 8.1.1.1 Radio 111 8.1.1.2 Television 111 8.1.1.3 Movies and videos 112 8.1.1.4 Print 112 8.1.2 Mindanao: Media profile 113 8.1.2.1 Radio 114 8.1.2.2 Television 114 8.1.2.3 Movies and videos 115 8.1.2.4 Print 115 8.2 Interacting with English in interpersonal relations 116 8.2.1 Northern Luzon 117 8.2.2 Mindanao 118 8.3 The status of English after 100 years: Some tentative conclusions 120

viii Filipino English and Taglish

Part C Modeling English to the masses: A look at the media Chapter 9 The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 9.1 A model for language mixing 128 9.2 A grammatical sketch of Tagalog and its focus system 131 9.3 Alternation 136 9.4 Insertion 140 9.4.1 English into Tagalog 141 9.4.2 Tagalog into English 144 9.5 Congruent lexicalization: Evidence of converging systems 146 9.6 Conclusions 152 Chapter 10 Commercials as language teachers 10.1 Developing communicative competence 10.1.1 Comprehension strategies 157 10.1.2 Grammar 165 10.1.3 Discourse 169 10.1.4 Pragmatics 174 10.2 Conclusions 176

123

127

155 156

Chapter 11 Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 11.1 Languages and products 178 11.2 Languages and social messages 182 11.2.1 English as promoter of good character 182 11.2.2 English as promoter of good fortune 184 11.2.3 English as bad boy 185 11.3 The growing Tagalog backlash 188 Chapter 12 Putting on a public face in TV interviews 12.1 The case studies 192 12.1.1 Case study 1: Striking it rich with roasted chicken 194 12.1.2 Case study 2: Businessmen in trouble in Mindanao 198

177

191

Contents

12.1.3 12.1.4 12.1.5 12.2

Case study 3: A stock market scandal 201 Case study 4: Good luck in the noodle business 203 Case study 5: Basketball English at courtside 205 Conclusions 208

Chapter 13 The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 211 13.1 Two case studies 211 13.1.1 Case study 1: Palibhasa Lalake 212 13.1.2 Case study 2: M&M: The Incredible Twins 221 13.2 The other shows: Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Missis and Mixed Nuts 227 13.3 Conclusions 229 Chapter 14 The language face off in the newspapers 14.1 English broadsheets 233 14.1.1 The news 234 14.1.2 Editorials 238 14.1.3 Sports 239 14.1.4 Entertainment and leisure 241 14.1.5 Advertisements 242 14.2 Tagalog tabloids 246 14.2.2 The news, sports, and opinion 247 14.2.3 Entertainment 249 14.2.4 Advertisements 250 14.3 English tabloids 252 14.4 Conclusions 254 Chapter 15 Afterword: The future of English 15.1 Putting down the language rebellion of 1998 15.2 Conclusion 265 References Index Index of commercials

231

257 260

267 279 285

ix

Acknowledgments This study would not have been possible without the help of many people. Of course major thanks must go to the Fulbright commission for inviting me to spend the 1996–1997 academic year in the Philippines. Alex Calata and his wonderful staŸ at the Philippine American Educational Foundation, the local arm of the Fulbright Commission, made all the arrangements for my stay, including the arrangements for teacher training workshops with more than 4,000 teachers throughout the country. It was through the workshops in the provinces that I became aware that language switching is not just a Manila phenomenon. Thanks too go to the Bureau of Secondary Education at the Philippine Department of Education, Culture, and Sports (DECS) under the direction of Dr. Albert Mendoza and Dr. Ramy Taguba. They provided me with an o¹ce, a daily newspaper, and access to several years of government studies. Of course, special thanks go to Owen Milambiling, who went the extra mile to see that my needs were fulªlled. He made sure that previous Fulbright scholars and I felt welcome working at DECS. Thanks go to Anne West of the Summer Institute of Linguistics and Gale Metcalf and April Herbert of the Peace Corps for their help in collecting language usage data from isolated sections of the country. Carmelo and Camille Guerrero kindly taped the television shows. Guillermo Catral, Carol Mendoza, Janina Perez, Joemer Ta-ala, and Camilla Yandoc, students at the University of Florida, produced the transcriptions and translations. Thanks too to Michael KorŸ-Rodrigues, Cultural Attaché to the American Embassy, and Brother Andrew Gonzales, FSC, a guiding light for sociolinguistics in the Philippines, for their encouragement. Teachers attending workshops at Asia Paciªc College, Ateneo University, De La Salle University, the IT&T Information Congress, Mapa High School, and Philippine Normal University in Metro Manila; at the University of St. La Salle in Bacolod; at the University of the Philippines-Visayas in Iloilo; at the Philippine Association of Language Teachers meeting in Baguio; at the Marinduque National High School in Boac; and at the Leyte Normal University in Tacloban graciously ªlled out language usage surveys.

xii Acknowledgments

Teachers and administrators in the above locations and at Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro; SEAMEO Innotech and the University of the Philippines-Diliman in Manila; St. Louis University in Baguio; and the Region I College English Teachers Association in San Fernando, La Union, are to be thanked for so graciously hosting me and allowing me to observe language switching in action. Additional ªnancial support came from special grants from Metro Bank of the Philippines and a summer research grant from the English Department of the University of Florida. Of course, nothing would have been possible without the support and understanding of my sweet wife Caroly and my children Christina, Wendy, and Deborah who shared my Philippine adventure with me. My daughter Kim proofed the ªnal draft. Preliminary versions of the following chapters were presented as papers at professional meetings. Chapter 9 was presented as “Basketball Taglish: The informalization of Filipino English” at the 12th World Congress of Applied Linguistics (AILA ’99), August 1–6, 1999, in Tokyo, Japan. Chapters 10 and 11 were presented as “Commercials as English teachers: Language socialization through Philippine television” at the 4th Paciªc Second Language Research Forum (PacSLRF2001), October 4–7, 2001, at the University of Hawaii at Manoa in Honolulu, Hawaii. Chapter 13 was presented as “The social dynamics of English/Filipino language switching on Philippine television” at When Languages Collide: Sociocultural and Geopolitical Implications of Language Con¶ict and Language Coexistence, an interdisciplinary conference, November 13–15, 1998, at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. Mabuhay Gainesville, Florida

Vigan 䊏 Baguio䊏

Luzon Manila䊏

Visayas 䊏Tacloban

Iloilo 䊏䊏 Bacolod 䊏Cebu

Mindanao Cotabato䊏 Zamboanga䊏

Malaysia

Map 1. The Philippines

䊏Davao

Chapter 1

Introduction Language switching from multiple perspectives 1.1 The situation You wake up on Monday morning in your apartment in Metro Manila. After a shower and a shave and a quick bite of breakfast, you leave for work nearby at the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS). As you leave the apartment complex, the receptionist and the guard stop their conversation, greet you with a “Good morning, sir,” then return to their conversation in Tagalog. As you wait for the light to change so you can cross the street, you glance at the newspapers displayed at the corner news stand. The serious broadsheets announce “Congress resumes its session today,” “N. Korea hopeless, says top defector,” “7 inmates bolt Valenzuela jail.” The tabloids over to the side note “Solido leader Joel Arnan natodas sa shootout” and “Judge Diokno binira sa sex tapes.” Since this is a Monday, everyone at work has gathered out front for the ¶ag raising ceremony. The Department of Elementary Education is in charge today. English love songs play in the background as last minute arrangements are made. The mistress of ceremonies calls the assemblage of secretaries and government o¹cials to order in English. The invocation is a modern dance routine set to a musical rendition of the Lord’s Prayer in English. As the ¶ag rises, everyone sings the national anthem in Tagalog. Following the pledge of allegiance in Tagalog the mistress of ceremonies announces in English a short cultural program featuring folk dancers from a high school in the provinces. The guest of honor, an in¶uential senator, addresses the gathering in English with humorous asides in Tagalog. At the close of the ¶ag ceremony, the Secretary of Education reports in English his travels and accomplishments of the past week. The ceremony ends with a round of applause and all return to their o¹ces. As you read the English language morning paper in your o¹ce, you overhear the secretaries answering the phone. “Hello, BSE” (Bureau of Secondary Education). The conversation continues in Tagalog with stretches in English. You leave to do some errands before you give a workshop at a university across

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Filipino English and Taglish

town. At the copy center, all signs are in English. The orders are taken in a combination of English and Tagalog. You enter an o¹ce building across the street and take an elevator to the penthouse suite of your Internet service provider to pay your bill. At a stop on the way up a handsome young man steps in. The elevator operator obviously knows him. She serenades him with an English love song until he gets oŸ on the 10th ¶oor. After paying your bill in English, you decide to take the bus across town to the university. You state your destination and pay your fare in a combination of English and Tagalog. The guards at the university entryway check your pass in English. The signs reminding students and visitors of the university dress standards are written in English. The students rushing around you speak a mixture of English and Tagalog. Your presentation is in English. At the ªrst break you eat lunch with the president of the university in his private dining room. Every one speaks English during the lunch except when ordering something special from the waiters. On the way home after your afternoon session, you stop by Mega Mall to check the times for the movies and to pick up a surprise cake for the family. The security personnel guarding the entrance to the mall greet you in English before frisking you for weapons. Six theaters are showing the latest ªlms from the United States, six the latest from the Philippines. You stop at an automated teller to withdraw some money with your bankcard. The instructions ask whether you want “English” or “Taglish” — a mixture of English and Tagalog. You select English, complete your transaction, and enter the bakery. All the signs are in English, the customers are served in a mixture of English and Tagalog. The buko pie `coconut cream’ looks perfect, so you buy one to take home. At home, the guard and the receptionist greet you with “Good evening, sir.” The family decides not to go to the movies. After dinner you settle in to watch the ªnals for the Philippine Basketball Association on television and enjoy another piece of pie. The announcers switch between English and Tagalog. The commercials do the same. At ten you are ready for bed. You have just spent a day with Taglish, the mixture of English and Tagalog used in the Philippines.

1.2 Rationale for this study I became fascinated with Taglish as a Fulbright scholar during the 1996–1997 academic year. With a population of over 70,000,000 the Philippines prides itself in being one of the largest English speaking countries in the world. As a

Introduction

legacy of nearly 50 years of American colonial rule, English is the language of business and higher education. Yet business leaders and university administrators note a decline in English proªciency in the rising generation. They feel the blame lies with the teachers in primary and secondary schools. Surely if the teachers knew better teaching techniques, the problem would resolve itself. That is why I had been invited to spend the year providing inservice training throughout the country under the direction of the Department of Education, Culture, and Sports. I traveled around the Philippines giving workshops on context-embedded teaching to more than 4,000 high school and university English and science teachers. Everywhere I went, I found dedicated teachers and teacher trainers who prided themselves in knowing the latest teaching techniques. I was simply giving refresher courses. They did not need more teacher training, they needed smaller classes (50 the norm), more books (one textbook per three students the norm), and better facilities. I also found college students everywhere whose English compared favorably with students in community colleges and universities in the United States. As a sociolinguist interested in language contact, I looked for other reasons for the perceived decline in English proªciency. What is the social support for being ¶uent in English? Are there times and occasions when English is used exclusively? Are these times and occasions available to all learners of English? Are there informal ways to learn English or does English depend solely on the classroom for its acquisition? What are the social or emotional values assigned to English? As I observed Filipinos using English in churches, on television, at schools, in businesses, in sports, on the streets, on buses, in taxis, on planes, on ferries, at conventions, at government functions, in family gatherings, and in their reading, I noticed that although English predominates in certain domains and Tagalog in others, Filipinos continually shift between English and Tagalog when communicating with each other. Perhaps the perceived decline in English is simply a reaction to the rise of Taglish, this blend of the two languages. The purpose of this study is to investigate the dynamics of this language switching from various perspectives in order to ªnd clues as to the future of English in the Philippines. This is not the ªrst study of the interrelationship of English and Tagalog in the Philippines. The language situation in this former American colony has been studied extensively over the years, primarily by Filipino linguists. (See Gonzalez 1991c for an overview.) In fact Sibayan, one of the most prominent of these linguists, comments that the language situation in the Philippines is probably

3

4

Filipino English and Taglish

the most studied in the world. These studies have focused on such things as language planning (Bauzon 1991, E. Constantino 1981, Gonzalez and Bautista 1981), English language maintenance (Gonzalez 1988c, 1996, 1998a, Prator 1950, Sibayan and Gonzalez 1996), language usage surveys (Gonzalez 1985b), new varieties of English (Bautista 1996a, Garcia-Aranas 1990, Gonzalez 1991b, 1992, 1997a, Llamzon 1969), and the spread of Taglish (Alberca 1998, Barrios 1977, Marasigan 1983, 1986). There is even a sociolinguistic reader devoted to the language situation in the Philippines (Bautista 1996c). However, other than Bautista’s (1998a) look at Taglish in email, Marasigan’s (1983) look at Taglish in newspaper clippings, and Pascasio’s (1978, 1984) look at Taglish in business transactions, there has been little attention paid to the linguistics of Taglish and the social dynamics that underlie this language switching. As I read these studies from the viewpoint of an English-speaking outsider, I see bits and pieces of a puzzle, but I do not see the rich and complex dynamics of language switching that strike the monolingual English-speaking expatriate residing in the country. Three questions immediately come to mind when English speakers arrive in Manila. Why are Filipinos so attached to English? If they like English so much, why do they sometimes speak English, sometimes Tagalog, and sometimes mix the two? Why does the mass media switch between English and Tagalog? These are the research questions which underlie the rest of this book. As Fairclough (1995) suggests, to understand how Filipino language switching works in discourse, we need to look beyond an analysis of the language itself. We must not only look at when Taglish is used but we must look at the social eŸect of Taglish in the promotion of certain ideologies. Thus we will follow the lead of Fairclough as we seek answers to our three questions. In Part A we will look at the question of why Filipinos are so attached to English by reviewing one hundred years of Philippine language planning promoting ªrst English as a replacement for Spanish then Tagalog as a replacement or supplement for English. In Part B we will look for the answer to the second question by examining the social support for English outside the classroom. First, we will compare when English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas who took part in my workshops reported that they use English and Taglish in their everyday lives. We will then look to see if this social support extends into the remote provinces. To ªnd the answer to the third question of why the media uses Taglish, we look in Part C at the language of television and newspapers from various sociolinguistic and sociocultural perspectives to identify the ideologies that underlie this language switching.

Introduction

The data for this study come from a variety of sources. In Part A I synthesize one hundred years of scholarly research into the social foundations of English in the Philippines. This is supplemented by my own observations from my travels throughout the country giving workshops. The data for Part B come from a questionnaire that I used as part of a language awareness activity in my teacher training workshops. The Peace Corps and the Summer Institute of Linguistics provided supplemental information about language usage in less accessible parts of the Philippines. I collected the data for Part C towards the end of my stay. I bought all of the Manila newspapers, both broadsheets and tabloids, that I found sold on the streets on April 21, 1997, as I was on my way to give a presentation at a university. Some friends taped Monday evening television May 26, 1997, on ABS-CBN 2, the most popular television network. To complement the data from the Monday broadcast, they recorded on Tuesday a Tagalog movie and a comedy show from GMA 7, the second most popular network, and on Wednesday a basketball game from IBC 13, the third most popular network, primarily a sports channel.

1.3 Overview of the chapters The chapters in Part A answer the question of why Filipinos are so attached to English by looking the social and political forces that have escorted English through its life cycle in the Philippines from the time that Admiral George Dewey entered Manila Bay in 1898 to the presidential election of Joseph Estrada in 1998. The ªrst chapter looks at the arrival of the English language and its use as a tool for social engineering during the American period of 1898 to 1935. During this time the language was indiginized and claimed by the Filipinos as one of their own. The next chapter looks at the golden age of English from 1936 and 1973 after the Philippines ªrst became a commonwealth and then an independent country. During this period Tagalog began its rise as a rival to English. The following chapter looks at the rise of Taglish, a mixture of English and Tagalog, and its acceptance as the language of the educated classes with the institution of bilingual education in the period from 1974 to 1998. As English undergoes restriction in public domains, the elite complain of the decline in English proªciency in the upcoming generation. The closing chapter looks at the Spanish overlay in Taglish that is usually overlooked or even dismissed by scholars but is readily apparent to English speaking visitors who know Spanish.

5

6

Filipino English and Taglish

Part B looks at the social support for English in Metro Manila and the provinces after 100 years in the Philippines. For English to maintain itself as a second rather than a foreign language, there must be informal ways to learn and practice the language outside the classroom. A look at language usage in various social settings or domains helps to answer the question of why Filipinos can be heard switching between English and Tagalog. Chapter 6 looks at when the English teachers who participated in my workshops reported that they interact with English and Tagalog in the media in Metro Manila, a Tagalog speaking area, and in urban settings in the Visayas, a non-Tagalog speaking area that traditionally has resisted the spread of Tagalog. Chapter 7 examines when these same English teachers reported that they use English and Tagalog in interpersonal relations at work, in public places, and at church. As a counterbalance to this usage data from urban settings, Chapter 8 looks at the penetration of English and Tagalog into remote areas of the Philippines based on information from Peace Corps volunteers and linguists working for the Summer Institute of Linguistics in northern Luzon and in Mindanao. In particular, Part B underscores the important role that the media plays in promoting English and Tagalog in the Philippines. Since the media plays such an important role in modeling language usage to the masses and provides informal means to develop language proªciency, Part C looks at language switching on television and in newspapers from various linguistic and sociocultural perspectives. It shows that competing ideologies, not just linguistics, underlie language switching. Chapter 9 looks at the linguistics of language switching by examining the play-by-play commentary of two sports commentators at a basketball game. What evidence is there that Taglish represents a new style of English that results from a convergence of English and Tagalog? Chapter 10 looks at the role that commercials play as informal language teachers, promoting the acquisition of English outside the classroom. Are the commercials structured in such a way as to make them accessible to English speakers of various proªciency levels and to help these language learners build their language proªciency? What type of English is being promoted? Chapter 11 continues the look at television commercials by examining the social messages signaled by Taglish as it is used to promote various products. How do advertisers target the Filipino consumers by the way they use language? Chapter 12 looks at the role Taglish plays when several successful Filipinos present themselves to the public in televised interviews in a business magazine show and in courtside interviews after a basketball game. In Chapter 13 we look at two Tagalog sitcoms, a comedy sketch show, and a

Introduction

televised Tagalog movie to see the role that language switching plays in the language of social resistance. How do the social messages that advertisers promote by using English in commercials con¶ict with the messages that English portrays in shows aimed at the masses? Chapter 14 looks at Philippine newspapers. How does the Taglish used in English and Tagalog newspapers diŸer? What are the social messages in this language switching? Is Taglish simply a part of the informalization of written English that is taking place worldwide? What does the use of Taglish in the press imply for the future of English in the Philippines? Chapter 15 is an afterword that takes at brief look at political events after I returned home as they relate to the life cycle of English in the Philippines. What does the spectacular rise and the precipitous fall of President Joseph Estrada reveal of the cultural battle inherent in the development of Taglish? Will Taglish become the new Filipino language of national unity as some have suggested? Or will English disappear from the Philippines as French did in fourteenth-century England, leaving only a gigantic vocabulary footprint?

7

Part A

Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines

When England defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588 during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I, no one could have predicted that some 310 years later, English from America would take root in one of the last colonial outposts of the once great Spanish empire and quickly replace Spanish as the local lingua franca. At the time the English language was a minor player on both the European and the world stage. Crystal (1997:25) in his monograph on the historical and cultural contexts for English becoming a global language notes that in Elizabethan England there were 5 million English speakers. The language was emerging from a centuries-long battle with Danish, French, and Latin for dominance in the island nation. In many parts of what would become the United Kingdom, English was still a foreign language. In world aŸairs French, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and even Swedish played more important roles and had wider distribution. Some 400 years later, English has become the world’s lingua franca with one third of the world population routinely interacting with each other through the English language (Crystal 1997:60). Of course not everyone speaks English as a native language. Moag (1982a), extending the terminology in common use, proposed the following taxonomy for describing English-using societies. A wide variety of countries, such as Australia, Belize, Canada, Jamaica, the United Kingdom, and the United States, speak English as a native language (ENL). ENL countries are established when large numbers of English speakers migrate from other English speaking countries, displacing other languages, both local and immigrant. Other countries, such as Fiji, Ghana, India, Singapore, and Zimbabwe use English as a second language (ESL). In ESL countries the language is imported during a colonial period and promoted through education, but there is not a massive migration of native English speakers. Although the local languages continue to be used, the residents use English with each other in various public spheres, such as government, business, education, and the media. In other countries, such as Egypt, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Paraguay, and Tonga, English has the status of a foreign

10

Filipino English and Taglish

language (EFL). The language is studied in school and may have some academic uses, but it is used mostly for international communication. Moag suggests a fourth category of nations, including Argentina, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Mexico, where English is spoken in communities of immigrants as a minority language. He termed this English as a basal language (EBL). English in these various contexts has received much scholarly attention in recent years. For example, the edited collections in Bailey and Görlach (1982), Cheshire (1991), and the two volumes of Schneider (1997) look at English as a world language in various ENL and ESL contexts. The Fishman, Conrad, and Rubal-Lopez (1996) collection of essays depicts how the status of English has changed in former British and American colonies since the Second World War. Kachru’s (1982) collection looks at English world wide mostly in the ESL context. A collection by Viereck and Bald (1986) describes the eŸect of English on various languages mostly in the EFL context. Fishman, Cooper, and Conrad (1977) focus mostly on English in the EFL context of Israel. Kachru (1990) looks at English as a magical power, much as an Aladdin’s lamp, that transforms the nations that it touches. Many case studies focus on one particular aspect of English in a world context, such as Gupta’s (1994) study of children’s English in Singapore. Of course, the present study of Filipino English is part of the Varieties of English Around the World series published by John Benjamins. There are also two international journals dedicated to the study of world English, English World-Wide: A Journal of Varieties of English, established by Manfred Görlach and now edited by Edgar Schneider, and World Englishes, edited by Braj Kachru, leading scholars in the ªeld. How does English in the Philippines ªt into this taxonomy of world Englishes? Why are Filipinos so emotionally attached to English even though few learn it at home as their native language? What does the development of Taglish, the mixture of English and Tagalog, signify? Moag (1982b) suggests that we can ªnd the answers by looking at his model for the life cycle of English in the world context. This life cycle has four possible stages, transportation, expansion, nativization or institutionalization, and restriction. In other words how was the English language brought to the Philippines? How did its in¶uence spread among the people? When did the people claim it as their own for various purposes? Finally, is the language maintaining itself, or is it retreating from public use as another language gains prominence? Moag’s theoretical construct is based on the British colonial experience. How does this model apply to the Philippines, which was an idealistic American experiment with language planning and nation building? The four chap-

Taglish in the life cycle of English in the Philippines

ters in Part A look for the answers to these questions by reviewing the many articles that have been written about the social and political history of English during its ªrst one hundred years in the Philippines as it replaced Spanish and now looks at being replaced by the language switching known as Taglish.

11

Chapter 2

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

2.1

The United States takes control, 1898–1902

2.1.1 Humanitarian imperialism The year 1898 was a pivotal time in American history. Up until then the United States had been an isolationist country that assiduously avoided international con¶icts as the major European powers sought to divide Europe, Africa, and Asia amongst themselves. America focused on ªlling empty spaces with refugees from other countries. The recently erected Statue of Liberty symbolized America’s self-proclaimed role as a haven for the economically and socially oppressed. Upwards of a million immigrants a year took to heart the words of poet Emma Lazarus which are written at base of the statue: Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!

Although US soldiers had intervened from time to time in the aŸairs of nearby Mexico, for the most part, Americans stayed clear of political troubles abroad. However, they did follow with interest the independence struggles of fellow countries in the Americas. For some ªfty years attention had been drawn to the oppressive rule of Spaniards in Cuba, a scarce ninety miles from Florida. From 1848–1851 some Cubans sought to have the island annexed to the United States, but the leaders of the movement were captured and executed by the Spanish. American oŸers to purchase the island were repeatedly rejected. Revolutions continued to break out as the populace struggled against the Spanish. American newspapers widely publicized accounts of the brutal ways the Spanish treated the Cubans. In spite of growing public demand that the United States intervene, presidents Grover Cleveland and William McKinley ªrmly opposed US involvement. McKinley unsuccessfully tried to settle the con¶ict through mediation. In December 1897 the US battleship Maine was sent to Havana harbor to protect

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US citizens and property. On the night of February 15, 1898, a tremendous explosion sunk the ship with the loss of 266 lives. The Spanish were blamed. On April 24 the US Congress declared war with the expressed intention to procure only Cuban independence and not an empire. However, within three months the United States became a reluctant world power with colonies stretching from the Caribbean to the western Paciªc. The events moved so rapidly that everyone was caught oŸ guard. Scarcely one week after the start of the Spanish-American War, telegrams from Manila announced that Admiral George Dewey had destroyed the Spanish ¶eet in Manila Bay on May 1. The papers had for months been ªlled with news about Cuba. But where were the Philippines? Most Americans had never heard of them. One soldier who started his military carrier in the Philippines reported later in his autobiography that most Americans who responded to the call to battle wondered if they would be ªghting the Philistines of the Old Testament or the Philippians of the New (Lininger 1964: 76). In late May, US volunteers sailed from San Francisco to solidify control over the Philippines. In June, US troops sailed from Tampa for Cuba. By mid July the United States controlled Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. The Spanish government requested a settlement. Mixed in with this rapid creation of an American empire was the annexation of Hawaii on July 6. President McKinley faced a dilemma during negotiations with the Spanish. Congress had declared that the war would be fought to secure Cuban independence, not to create an empire. What should be done with the Philippines located some 8,000 miles from Washington, DC? The Democrats insisted that they should either be returned to the Spaniards or granted independence. Some Republicans agreed, but many saw an economic opportunity. Manila would provide a good base for trade with China. Returning the islands to Spain seemed out of the question since the Philippines, like Cuba, had also been demanding independence. Although President McKinley agreed that Cuba should be set free, in the case of the Philippines, independence appeared to be premature. The Filipinos seemed unprepared for self-government. The reports he received indicated that the populace was uneducated, divided by several diŸerent local languages, and susceptible to the tyranny of the Spanish-speaking elite. The president and his advisors also felt a new government in the Philippines would not be powerful enough to defend itself from other colonial powers. The Germans, for example, were trying to take control of Samoa and were looking for other colonies. Admiral Dewey had chased German warships from Manila Bay not

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

long after he defeated the Spanish. Japan had recently taken over nearby Taiwan and was looking to expand its empire southward. The Spanish might even retake the islands if the American forces left. The British encouraged the Americans to remain in control of the Philippines to keep it out of rival hands. McKinley reluctantly decided to insist that Spain cede the Philippines along with Cuba, Puerto Rico, Midway, and Guam in exchange for $20,000,000. The Treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, had a mixed reception in the United States and seemed destined for rejection by the US Senate. In January, magazines in Great Britain and the United States printed a new poem by the popular British author Rudyard Kipling which encouraged the United States to take on “the white man’s burden.” It was this appeal to idealism, so in tune with the social Darwinism of the time, that assured congressional approval. The Philippines would become a great American experiment in social engineering. The United States would show other colonial powers how to transform the world by infusing the American spirit into Filipinos of all social classes as they were being prepared for democracy. In the minds of Americans, true JeŸersonian democracy rested on the backs of a hard working, educated citizenry not in the hands of an elite few. After all, if this American spirit could be infused into the millions of economic and social refugees being welcomed to America, why should it not be possible to do the same abroad among our “little brown brothers”? The United States sensed a humanitarian mission that transcended nationalism and imperialism. 2.1.2 The Philippine insurrection The Filipinos felt betrayed when word came that they would become a colony of the United States whereas Cuba would be granted independence. When Admiral Dewey entered Manila Bay nearly a year earlier, it was during a lull in a war for independence. Unlike the Cubans, the Filipinos were rebelling not so much against Spanish repression as against Spanish neglect. The Philippines had for years been in the backwaters of the Spanish Empire. Up until Mexico declared independence from Spain in 1821, it had been ruled through Mexico and had been kept in economic and social isolation. Phelan (1959: 14) notes that the Philippines had always been an economic burden for Spain and had been kept only for “spiritual value” as an outpost for Christianizing nearby China and Japan. Commerce had been limited to one galleon a year making the four to six month voyage with goods and passengers from Manila to Acapulco.

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There were no metallic riches that seemed attractive to Spaniards so Spanish immigration had been small. After three hundred years of Spanish rule, the census indicated that less than three percent of the population spoke Spanish. The few soldiers, merchants, and civil bureaucrats who came to the Philippines tended to remain in the walled city of Manila or in other garrison towns. In those areas a Spanishbased creole called Chabacano (Lipski 1988, Quilis 1992a, b, Whinnom 1956) had developed but most of the countryside heard little Spanish. The Spanish had divided the country among the various religious orders and had given them charge over everyone living outside Manila. Early on, the Catholic friars noted that knowledge of the Spanish language “almost always caused restlessness among the people” and made them more di¹cult to control (Frei 1959.17). In response, the friars learned the local languages and did little to promote the use of Spanish other than to introduce Spanish words into the local languages for new concepts. Things began to change with the advent of steam navigation, transoceanic telegraph messages, and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. The Philippines were no longer an isolated outpost. Increased trade created a new wealthy class of Chinese mestizos who controlled commerce throughout the islands. They eagerly learned Spanish and spread it throughout the Philippines along with their business interests (Gates 1973: 11, Stanley 1974: 34). The Spanish government in Madrid also encouraged the spread of Spanish. In 1863 Madrid ordered that primary schools using the Spanish language be expanded throughout the islands. Spain also opened its universities to the children of these wealthy business families. As a result, many Chinese mestizos studied in Spain, returning as ilustrados or enlightened ones ªlled with the liberal ideas popular in Europe (R. Constantino 1978: 50). They began the Propaganda Movement, which demanded political, religious, and educational reform. For three hundred years the religious orders had controlled life outside Manila by using the local languages. To counteract the liberal assault that accompanied the spread of Spanish by these Chinese mestizo business families and by the government eŸorts to promote schooling in Spanish, the friars for the most part refused to teach the language in their provincial schools. They felt that if the local population did not learn Spanish, they could keep the ilustrado propagandists with their calls for reform under control (Frei 1959). Even though the government continued to insist that schools switch to Spanish, there was little money to hire Spanish-speaking teachers to replace the friars. As a result, Spanish remained the language of the rich with the poor

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

speaking local languages. Only in Manila and other garrison towns did the poor speak the Spanish-based creole Chabacano. However, the Chinese mestizos were spreading Spanish and dreaded liberal ideas through the countryside as they established residences and conducted business throughout the islands. They refused to be dominated by the religious orders. By the time the Americans arrived, the Chinese mestizos far outnumbered the friars and other Spaniards. In the mid-nineteenth century, there were 240,000 Chinese mestizos but only 20,000 Spanish mestizos and 5,000 pure Spaniards (Steinberg 1967: 9). Thus as Sibayan (1994) reminds us, although less than three percent of the population spoke Spanish when the Americans arrived, this three percent was a powerful force since the Spanish language controlled the domains of government administration, the judiciary, legislation, higher education, business, and “a special sub-domain of protest” demanding independence. The propaganda campaign conducted by the ilustrados ªnally erupted into armed rebellion in August of 1896. Though it was successful at ªrst, with the arrival of reinforcements from Spain, the Spanish soon resumed control. The most famous propagandist among the ilustrados, novelist and medical doctor Jose Rizal, was executed in December. The military leader Emilio Aguinaldo was sent into exile in Hong Kong and Singapore the following August. After Admiral Dewey sunk the Spanish ¶eet in Manila Bay in early May 1898, he sent a ship to bring Aguinaldo to the Philippines to help the Americans defeat the Spanish forces in the rest of the islands. With Aguinaldo’s return, the rebels quickly established control over most of the Philippines with the Americans remaining in Manila. When word came that the United States Congress had approved the Treaty of Paris, the rebels turned their arms against the Americans in a Philippine insurrection that lasted three years. 2.1.3 Winning the hearts of Filipinos There are two accountings of how the American soldiers reacted to the Philippine insurrection. One is of war atrocities, the other of benevolence and good will. The Filipinos conducted a guerrilla war unlike any the Americans had experienced either in the Civil War or in ªghting Indians. Hit and run tactics from an enemy sometimes hidden in the jungle and sometimes hidden in the local populous terriªed the soldiers. As was the case in nearby Vietnam more than half a century later, many commanders and soldiers used extreme measures as they fought the hidden enemy in a hot humid country ªlled with alien

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faces and an alien culture so unlike their own. For a long time closely censored reports kept from the American public news of massacred villages and of the infamous water cure where buckets of water were forced down enemy throats. Also, as in Vietnam, when news of these atrocities ªnally broke in the United States, the public demanded that the war be ended and that certain commanders be punished (Gatewood 1975, S. Miller 1982, Van Ells 1995, Welch 1979). On the other hand, most soldiers sought to win the hearts of Filipinos through a program of benevolent assimilation. From the beginning, President McKinley reminded the military that their earnest and paramount aim should be “to win the conªdence, respect, and aŸection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of free people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice for arbitrary rule” (Van Ells 1995: 615). In accordance with these instructions, as soldiers moved into an area, they established schools, built roads, and improved sanitation. Less than one month after Dewey destroyed the Spanish ¶eet, soldiers opened the ªrst school (Forbes 1928, 1:410). In September after occupying Manila, the army opened 39 schools with Chaplain Father McKinnon in charge with soldiers as teachers (Gates 1973: 60). By 1900 there were 100,000 students in these army schools. Osmena, the ªrst leader of the Philippine legislature, wrote, “the Filipinos will never forget the inspiring spectacle of American soldiers leaving their guns and, as emissaries of peace and goodwill, with book in hand, repairing to the public schools to teach Filipino children the principles of free citizenship” (quoted in Karnow 1990: 234). It was easy to ªnd teachers in the ranks. Although some soldiers were scalawags and adventurers, many were idealists responding to the call to promote social justice and to uplift the world (Gates 1973: 64–66). The Schurman Commission, which arrived in 1899 to gather information about the new possession, noted the success of these schools and recommended their expansion into a system of free public education which would unify the people, teach them the duties of citizenship, and create the desired Philippine nation (Frei 1959: 32). In spite of these gestures of good will, the battles continued, embarrassing McKinley in his reelection campaign of 1900. His program of benevolence did not seem to be working. The Democrats used it as proof that William Jennings Bryan should be elected President. With Bryan as president, the United States would withdraw from its overseas empire and the Philippines would be

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

granted independence. To counter the bad election-year press, President McKinley sent William Howard Taft and a new Philippine Commission to Manila to establish a civilian government. Beginning in August, Taft moved rapidly to win the loyalty of the ilustrados and the masses by promoting a policy of “the Philippines for the Filipino.” Ilustrados who pledged allegiance to the United States were appointed as provincial governors, members of his commission, and delegate-observers to the U. S. Congress and were given access to municipal o¹ce. News of the political problems back in the United States emboldened the rebels. They hoped that renewed hostilities in September and October would swing the election to the Democrats. However, heavy press censorship prevented the news of increased ªghting from reaching the American electorate. Instead, the American voters were hearing that the war was coming to an end and that a new government was being established (Stanley 1974, Steinberg 1967). Theodore Roosevelt, the heroic leader of the Rough Riders in the Battle of Juan Hill in Cuba, was McKinley’s new running mate. His ªery defense of American overseas expansion and his glowing reports of Taft’s work in setting up a civilian administration helped win the election. Following the reelection of McKinley, the Philippine Insurrection lost steam. In 1901 Taft established a Philippine constabulary and set in motion plans to create an elected assembly. Protestant missionaries arrived to serve as a conscience to the military and to other Americans who were coming to develop the country (Clymer 1986). Ever more ilustrados collaborated with Taft in exchange for political o¹ces. In March 1901, the rebel leader Aguinaldo was captured. After he swore allegiance to the United States, most other Filipino military leaders followed his lead. A year later in July 1902, Theodore Roosevelt, now President of the United States following the assassination of McKinley the previous September, declared that the Philippine insurrection was over.

2.2

Social engineering and the rise of English, 1902–1935

2.2.1 Schools for the masses When the Philippine Commission headed by Governor William Howard Taft took over from General Arthur McArthur and the military in July of 1901, the insurrection was not yet over. Yet the Commission expanded its plan to create a showplace for democracy as it prepared Filipinos for eventual independence.

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Good will and conciliation would be the by-words. The three-pronged plan focused on improving transportation, sanitation, and education. However, in the words of Governor Taft, the cornerstone was “widespread common education as protection for the masses” (Devins 1905: 204). The desired result would be a new intelligentsia of lower class origins (R. Constantino 1978: 125). Originally, the plan was to use Spanish or the local languages as the language of instruction. However, the country was divided into anywhere from 75 to 250 languages (McFarland 1994), though most spoke one of eight regional lingua francas either as a ªrst or second language. Not only was the number of languages overwhelming, the Americans found that few children spoke Spanish and the local languages did not have a literacy tradition. The earlier Schurman Commission had found that there were no permanent school buildings, no school furniture, and no textbooks. The few schools that existed held classes in rented buildings or in private homes (Devins 1905: 190). Gonzalez (1998a.496) notes that the Spanish had established some 2000 primary schools, but these were literacy schools, which charged a fee and taught only the catechism, penmanship and basic mathematics. For the most part there were no regular schools leading to higher degrees since the Spanish considered the masses uneducable. Even the University of Santo Tomas, the only university, had limited itself to law, religion, and grammar until 1870 (Stanley 1974: 33). The new Philippine Commission decided that they would start from scratch establishing free public elementary schools in every barrio and a high school in every province, even in the most isolated areas. English would be the language of instruction since local languages would not open doors to the world of knowledge. The English language would be the tool to enrich, ennoble, and empower Filipinos from every walk of life. A Bureau of Education was established in Manila to manage the system. In accord with the educational policy in the United States, which addressed the task of uniting millions of immigrants and teaching them American ideals, the Bureau of Education set out to establish elementary schools as “universities for the masses,” intermediate schools for the middle classes, and secondary schools and universities for the future leaders. 2.2.2 Materials and teachers The Philippine Commission solved the problem of no teachers and no books by importing them from the United States. In 1901, nearly 1,000 teachers were recruited in what might be considered a precursor of the Peace Corps. The ªrst

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

shipload of 500 arrived August 21, 1901, on the US Army Transport Thomas, hence the name Thomasites, which the Filipinos lovingly applied to all American teachers. By 1902 there were 1,074, including discharged soldiers and wives or relatives of soldiers or businessmen (Goulet 1971: 8). By 1903 21 percent of teachers were Americans (Monroe 1925: 17). The qualiªcations for these teachers were quite high, generally higher than for those teaching in the United States at the time. All had college degrees and most had two years teaching experience (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 273). John Devins, an American clergyman who spent two months in 1904 investigating conditions in the Philippines, reported on his return that the American schoolteachers were “splendid people” (Devins 1905: 80). Typically they taught children ªve hours a day, trained teachers one hour, taught adults in evening classes, and supervised barrio schools (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 278). Forbes (1928, 1:429) in his report on his governorship noted, “The American teacher brought with him the American Spirit. He was the Apostle of progress. He gave the children a healthy outlook toward life. He explained to them the principles of hygiene and sanitation. He brought with him the spirit of service. He inculcated into them a realization of the dignity of labor. And the children carried this spirit back into the homes where it made its impress upon the parents.” Although the Thomasites arrived before the war was o¹cially over, they were loved and protected by the people. Alberca (1996) in her review of the activities of the Thomasites notes that their memoirs reveal the expected problems with culture shock but that most adjusted well. However, in the ªrst three years, twenty died of various diseases, one blew his brains out, and six were killed by bandits (Karnow 1990: 204). Devins enthused in 1905 that more Filipinos spoke English after three years with American teachers than spoke Spanish after 300 years with Spaniards (Devins 1905: 188). Through the years the curriculum changed to follow the educational theories popular in the United States, vacillating between academic and industrial education. It seemed appropriate to use American textbooks since these were the same being used in the US to inculcate into the millions of European immigrants the American Spirit that educators felt was the foundation of democracy. No matter the educational approach, the focus was on promoting morals and the work ethic in order to get rid of what they considered the Spanish distaste for labor. Initially, the textbooks had cultural mismatches such as “A is for apple, C is for cow,” and blond children named Mary and John playing in the snow. Children committed to memory short recitations of patriotic character,

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memorized rules of conduct, and recited monthly mottoes. They read stories of the “Little Red Hen” to learn the rewards of hard work and the “City Mouse and the Country Mouse” to learn the drawbacks of easy wealth (May 1980: 102). School bands were organized to play Souza marches and patriotic anthems. In civics clubs and debating societies students practiced parliamentary procedure and learned about voting and other civil duties. Baseball and other sports were emphasized for both sexes to “counteract immorality” (Clymer 1986: 84–85). Eventually the school books appeared in special Philippine editions with “A is for avocado, C is for carabao,” and Juan and Maria playing in a rice ªeld. Some later textbooks were written by Filipino authors (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 271–272). To prepare teachers and leaders locally, the Americans established in 1901 the Philippine Normal School, the ªrst, largest, and most famous teacher education institution in the Philippines, and in 1908 the University of the Philippines. Thomasites also conducted summer camps, correspondence classes, night schools, and teacher institutes. Beginning in 1903, hundreds of bright Filipinos aged 16 to 21 were send to the United States to continue their education at the university level. These pensionados were expected to staŸ the universities and head government o¹ces on their return (Sibayan 1985). At ªrst Thomasites held many of the administrative positions in the educational system, but after 1914 they were replaced by pensionados. 2.2.3 The Filipino reaction Filipinos from all social classes accepted these educational opportunities with enthusiasm. Outside of Manila 72 percent of secondary school enrollment was comprised of children of farmers, ªshermen, artisans, laborers and other wage earners, re¶ecting the charge to protect the masses by creating an educated citizenry. Although school attendance was never compulsory, enrollment in high school far surpassed that found in Europe (Forbes 1928, 1:436). The new Philippine Assembly would reduce spending for road building or other infrastructure projects before cutting appropriations for education (May 1980). Even the former rebel leader Aguinaldo, a member of the Spanish speaking elite, insisted that his daughter be trained in these English language public schools. She later continued her education in the United States. Gonzalez (1987) notes that the Filipinos were embarrassingly eager to learn English. Starting with a population that spoke no English in 1898, by the time of the 1918 census 28 percent of the literate population listed themselves

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

as being able to read English. Philippine literature in English was appearing in the form of poetry and literary magazines (Fernando-Reyes 1986). By the 1920s novels and short stories were appearing, beginning a writing tradition that continues today. Resistance to the English language public schools came only from the elite and the priests. With few exceptions the elite continued to send their children to private schools which taught in Spanish. In rural areas where English language public schools were usually the only ones available, the priests actively discouraged children from enrolling since the Americans forbade the teaching of religion as they promoted the separation of church and state. This block to the spread of the American Spirit among the elite and the rural poor was resolved when Taft negotiated with the Vatican to replace the Spanish clerics with English speaking priests primarily from North America. Since all but 150 of the 746 regular parishes were administered by Spanish monks of the Dominican, Augustinian, or Franciscan orders, this made a big diŸerence in rural areas (Devins 1905: 239). By 1923, even the exclusive private schools in Manila had switched to English. 2.2.4 A day at school The Filipino linguist Sibayan (1991a) describes what it was like to learn English in an absolutely non-English environment in the 1920s. At age seven he entered a one-room thatch-roofed schoolhouse on stilts in a remote mountain town. Only three people in the town of some 100 families spoke English — the male Filipino schoolteacher, the sanitary inspector, and the postmaster. The provincial capital was ten days away on foot over mountain trails. Although he would not hear English from Americans until he reached secondary school, he was immersed in English when he was in school. The punishment for speaking the local language was to carry stones from the river to build a fence around the schoolyard. Every school morning started with the “Star Spangled Banner” and the Philippine National Anthem followed by recitations of poems, maxims, and proverbs. By seventh grade he could recite dozens of poems and literary pieces by heart including The Charge of the Light Brigade and Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address. One popular way to learn the language was to dramatize children’s stories such as The Three Pigs, The Three Bears, and The Three Billy Goats GruŸ, a method closely resembling the modern Total Physical Response approach. Music was another favorite way to learn English. He remembers that there was

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always singing to start and end school, singing before recess and before other breaks. Each song became an English lesson as the pupils not only memorized and recited the words but looked them up in their special Philippine edition of Webster’s Dictionary, which was imported from the United States. Since building vocabulary through reading was very important for academic success, the dictionary was the most important book in the class. It taught them not only the meaning of unknown words but also how to pronounce them. Students especially loved to use the big words. Although Sibayan fondly recalled his school experience in his isolated rural school, he noted that most of the students failed. Since most parents were illiterate and there was no literacy tradition, creating an educated rural citizenry was a formidable task. Those few who completed grade seven usually did not continue in high school because it was too far away in the provincial capital. 2.2.5 The eŸectiveness In the 1920s the Philippine legislature commissioned an in-depth study of the eŸectiveness of the educational program. Paul Monroe, Director of the International Institute of Teacher’s College, Columbia University directed a team of twenty-three educators and educational researchers from the United States and the Philippines. They visited schools throughout the islands interviewing teachers, observing conditions and giving educational achievement tests commonly used in the United States to 32,000 pupils and 1,077 teachers. Most of the problems that they found they attributed to trying to create a school system from scratch within one generation. People were so eager for education the schools were overcrowded. Thus most students were required to wait until they were nine years old to start school. The result was a mature student body. High schools were overcrowded with many students over twenty-ªve years of age. However, most students completed only two to three years in elementary school. Ninety-ªve percent of all students were at the elementary level and half of these were aged eleven to thirteen (Monroe 1925: 45). Some 82 percent did not go beyond grade 4 (Monroe 1925: 32) and it took ªve years to reach that level. This dropout problem was of special concern since the schools had been commissioned to prepare an educated citizenry for self-government. When the Monroe Commission tested twenty-ªve year olds who had been out of school at least ªve years, those with three years of school or less had retained almost nothing. Those with ªve years could still read well (Monroe 1925: 43). How-

English comes to the Philippines, 1898–1935

ever, in spite of this extraordinary dropout rate, they found that during the twenty-four years that public schools had been established, 530,000 Filipinos had completed elementary school, 160,000 intermediate and 15,500 high school. As of 1924 there were 899,759 enrolled in primary school, 178,420 in intermediate, and 51,210 in secondary schools with 3,535 at the University of the Philippines and an additional 73,246 in private schools (Monroe 1925: 13). When they looked at the eŸectiveness of the teaching, they found some interesting surprises. English music programs were well developed and were well received (Monroe 1925: 244). The Filipino children were ahead of American children in mathematics “establishing clearly that Filipino children have su¹cient intellectual capacity.” They were equal to American children in dictation and spelling and editing skills but were a year and a half behind in paragraph development. In reading, fourth graders tested at the second grade level (Monroe 1925.45). They attributed this low reading score to the paucity of reading material, especially reading that is appropriate for the mature Filipino student. They suggested that the schools buy more science books and subscribe to magazines. One researcher on the evaluation team found that all the reading in the ªrst four grades could be read aloud within twelve hours. They also found that the schools with the best readers were those that encouraged silent rather than oral reading. When the Monroe Commission looked at the teachers, they found that 95 percent at the elementary school level had little professional training. Teachers and principals had good vocabularies but could not speak or write smoothly or correctly. They suggested that the normal schools be staŸed with Americans so the teachers would have more contact with native speakers during their training. Their suggestions for improving teaching resemble the same instructions we give English as a Second Language teachers today: use pictures, drama, and story telling, and teach the language through subject matter so the children have more interesting things to talk about (Monroe 1925: 254). They found too much focus on memorization and recitation and wondered why the children needed to memorize such things as Longfellow’s narrative poem Hiawatha. They also questioned the English only policy and suggested that citizenship, hygiene and good manners lessons be taught in the local language rather than use them as the content for English lessons (Monroe 1925: 237). When the Monroe Commission report appeared, most critics ignored the successes which had been identiªed and noted the low reading scores as evidence that the educational system was not working. However, the successes were remarkable considering the limited resources available for creating from

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scratch an English-speaking school system with English-speaking teachers in a country with neither a tradition of education nor a tradition of speaking English. The results probably compare favorably with those that could be found today in schools in the United States which have large immigrant populations. As with so many government studies, this one was shelved and the recommendations were largely ignored for the remainder of the period. 2.2.6 English: The great equalizer Sibayan (1994: 223) in evaluating this period of using English as a tool for social engineering notes that English truly was a great equalizer. Rich and poor had equal opportunities to learn English and gain social mobility. Both rich and poor had equal access to English medium public schools and the quality of education was the same whether in urban or rural areas since American teachers were distributed equally throughout the provinces. Within thirty-ªve years English have been imported to the Philippines, had replaced Spanish in education and government, and was being accepted by the people as a second language. Of course, all this English language education to prepare the masses for self-government earned nothing but scorn from Europeans who controlled nearby colonies. Their policy was to train only an elite few who would help them to control the masses.

Chapter 3

Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973

3.1 Finding a national language Although the Filipinos embraced English education, they grew impatient about the promised independence. National hero Manuel Quezon commented that he preferred hell controlled by Filipinos to heaven controlled by Americans. As long as Republicans were in power in the United States, the time for independence kept being delayed. During the administration of Democrat Woodrow Wilson, the Jones Act was adopted in 1916 promising eventual independence. When the Republicans resumed control with the election of Warren G. Harding in 1920, these promises were set aside. Finally with the election of Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt the Philippines were reorganized as a commonwealth with independence promised by 1946. On November 15, 1935, the commonwealth of the Philippines was established with Quezon as the president. The constitution for the new commonwealth named English and Spanish as the o¹cial languages with the provision for an indigenous national language. Spanish was recognized for historical reasons and for its importance as a language of law, though English had o¹cially replaced it in the courts. After thirty-ªve years of English education, English had become the language of national unity. Filipinos who spoke diŸerent local languages used English to communicate with each other. However, as re¶ected in the high dropout rate in elementary schools which was mentioned in the last chapter, English was a di¹cult language for Filipinos to learn. It had not become the language of the home so few children entered school knowing it. Still, those who did well in school made the English language their own. Filipino literature in English ¶ourished with many poems, essays, and short stories coming to press (Sibayan 1985: 582). The 1939 Census indicated that 26.3 percent of the population of 16,000,000 claimed to speak it, making it the most common and the most widespread language. Quezon wanted a local language that would be easier to learn and would be the symbol of nationalism. The Americans had recognized a need for such a

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national language, but with as many as 156 local languages (McKaughan 1971), they decided to use English until a national language could be selected. Even the pensionados who returned from studying in the United Stated lamented the lack of a common local language to promote Filipino mores and ideas in schools (Bauzon 1991: 108). Zorc (1984) points out that the Philippines is divided into not only 156 languages but into as many as 500 community dialects. However, this diversity is more a matter of language attitudes than linguistic incompatibility. All the local languages are closely related members of the Western Indonesian branch of the Malayo-Polynesian family. The American linguist Prator (1950: 2–4) noted after spending some time working in the Philippines to improve language teaching in the schools that the indigenous languages are more closely related than the Romance languages, perhaps more like the Scandinavian languages or like diŸerent dialects of French or Italian in their similarity to each other. He found that individuals who move from one linguistic area to another, whether educated or not, could speak the language of the new location within a few weeks or months. For example, Mercado (1981) noted that when Waray speakers visit Manila for a week or so, they come back speaking Tagalog. Prator found that non-Tagalog audiences throughout the country understood Tagalog ªlms well enough “to weep and laugh in the right places.” Not only are the various Philippine languages similar to each other, even before the Spanish arrived in 1521 three regional lingua francas had developed: Ilocano in the north of Luzon, Tagalog in the south of Luzon, and Cebuano in the Visayan Islands in the middle of the country and in Mindanao in the south (Gonzalez 1985a: 132). Since most Filipinos spoke one of these lingua francas at least as a second language, one of them would be the logical selection for the indiginized national language. Quezon gave the new Institute of National Language the task to decide which language it should be. In 1937 the institute recommended Tagalog. After the publication of a dictionary and a grammar, the new national language began to be taught in the schools starting in 1940. Tagalog seemed an appropriate choice since it was in an intermediate position linguistically and geographically. It also had patriotic and historical backing since it was one of the languages of the original rebellion against the Spanish. Aguinaldo had selected it as the national language in his original constitution of 1897. It also had the largest literary production of all the indigenous languages. As the language of Manila with its collection of prestigious universities, it would also have a natural support for the development of vocabulary for academic purposes. It

Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973

was second only to English in the number of speakers, with 4,068,565 speakers or 25 percent of the population. However, if the total number of speakers of closely related dialects of Cebuano in Central and Southern Philippines had been considered, Cebuano would have outnumbered Tagalog speakers with 6,491,699 speakers or 40 percent of the population (Frei 1959: 87). This manipulation of population ªgures to favor Tagalog in the decision-making process would lead to decades of resistance to the spread of Tagalog in the Visayas and Mindanao.

3.2 The changing school environment Although English was no longer the only language allowed on the school premises, at ªrst, the promotion of a new national language had little eŸect on the place of English in the schools. Dagot (1998) reminisced on his school experiences on an isolated island during this period when Quezon was encouraging the spread of Tagalog. Except for a class in Tagalog, school remained much the same as reported by Sibayan (1991a) during the American period. Dagot noted that since he lived in a bilingual society where everyone was expected to learn languages in order to talk to neighboring villagers or to the family helpers (the preferred word for servants or hired hands in Filipino English), he did not feel that English was a sign of colonial oppression. It was simply a part of education and a key to government employment. Filipinos claimed English as one of their own languages since they learned it ªrst from fellow Filipinos. He recounts the many mottoes, standards, word games, songs, and poems he recited from memory. Spanish had disappeared. Traditional Spanish songs had been translated into English. He remembers his mother lovingly reciting Longfellow from her school days. In addition to English, he quickly learned Tagalog, but not so much from school as from comics, radio, and movies. Since English was not the language of the home, it depended on the schools for its promotion. Two events in the 1940s reduced the quality of this English instruction. The ªrst was an attempt to make schools more accessible to large numbers of children desiring education. Already in 1939 the English total immersion program had ended in the public schools. Native languages could now be mixed with English in grades one and two if the child did not understand. Thus began a period of language mixing in a domain previously reserved for English. The following year the amount of English instruction in primary schools was further reduced when the National Assembly passed the Education

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Act of 1940. Rather than build more schools to accommodate more students, they shortened the elementary curriculum from seven to six years and placed the public schools on double shift with the same teacher teaching two classes a day. Although Tagalog was only taught as a subject, the rivalry between English and Tagalog began. Eventually, Tagalog became a required subject in all grade levels from grade one through the university. By the end of the 1950s six units of Tagalog, renamed Pilipino in 1959, were required for a bachelors degree. Later that was increased to twelve. With a shorter school day and more time devoted to teaching Tagalog, Filipino students who wanted to enter high school had half as much English instruction as before. The rich shifted their children to private schools where admission depended on English proªciency and the ability to pay high tuition. As a result, the best English speakers now came from private schools. Since professional licensing exams and college entrance exams continued to be given only in English, English began to become a social stratiªer rather than a social equalizer during this period.

3.3 War destroys the schools The Second World War had little eŸect on the amount of English spoken in the Philippines. When the Japanese took over, they tried to use the language issue to gain favor with the Filipinos. They banned Spanish and tried to eliminate English by declaring Tagalog the national language. Tagalog theater ¶ourished as English authors switched to Tagalog. However, they switched to Tagalog merely to get around the censors. The Japanese soon found that they had to conduct their business in English. The language was becoming indiginized. Filipinos were proud of their ability to speak English and used it as a sign of resistance. In fact, after the war, more claimed the ability to speak English than before the war (J. Miller 1978: 38). In many families, English had become one of the languages the children learned at home. This was particularly true in the homes of teachers. The Japanese even had to produce propaganda movies in English for local consumption. Unlike the Indonesians or Vietnamese, Filipinos did not view the Japanese as liberators from colonial oppressors. The American program of winning Filipino loyalty by improving health, education, and welfare had had its desired eŸects. Whereas the Indonesians and the Vietnamese welcomed the Japanese as liberators from the Dutch and the French, Filipinos for the most part hated the Japanese and actively fought them

Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973

throughout the war (Steinberg 1967). Schools continued in English with heavily censored textbooks. Some children were home schooled using books from home libraries to avoid appearances of collaboration with the Japanese (Goulet 1971: 16). However, when the war ended, what remained of the educational system had been devastated. School libraries had been destroyed; stocks of textbooks had disappeared. Nearly all school buildings had been burned down or blown up and there was a tremendous backlog of children who had never attended school. Having sixty pupils in a classroom with an untrained teacher who had inadequate command of English became common. It is estimated that half of the public school teachers in 1946 had no professional training (Prator 1950: 29). Before the war almost all Filipino teachers had learned English at least partially from Americans. In addition, there had been Americans to talk to in all parts of the country. During the war all Americans had been conªned to Japanese prisoner of war camps. Even after the war there were no American teachers in the schools. As a result the few new teachers who received their training during the war or shortly thereafter had limited English proªciency (Prator 1950: 40). High school graduates in the ªrst few years after the war read at a ªfth grade level. It was not until students ªnished college that they felt comfortable in English (Prator 1950: 16–17). This was true in spite of the fact that before 1957 it was not uncommon to have a “Speak English” policy in schools, even during recess (Bautista 1986: 493).

3.4 Rebuilding the school system After the war the two main language questions were how best to learn English for academic success and how to learn Tagalog for national unity. There was extensive American help to rebuild the school system. Linguists such as CliŸord Prator and J. Donald Bowen arrived to study the situation and recommend better ways to teach English. They encouraged experimental programs that used local languages to introduce literacy skills. At the suggestion of American linguists, from 1958 to 1974 the ªrst two grades in public schools were conducted in the vernacular. The Rockefeller Foundation, with later support from the Ford Foundation, funded the new Language Study Center at Philippine Normal College to train teachers and to prepare materials to teach English and Tagalog (renamed Pilipino). By 1974 over 30 percent of all English and Pilipino language supervisors in the Philippines had been trained through

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this center (Fox 1975, Sibayan 1973). Filipino scholars were also sent to various universities in the United States, but primarily the University of Michigan and the University of California, Los Angeles, to study linguistics and the teaching of English as a second language (Gonzalez 1986). They returned to create language centers with MA degrees in language teaching at leading universities. In the 1960s the new Thomasites, the Peace Corps, arrived to supply native speakers of English to teach students and train teachers in provincial schools. There was also increased attention to describing and comparing the various Philippine languages (E. Constantino 1965, 1971, 1981, Lopez 1965, Newell 1991). The Summer Institute of Linguistics was invited in 1953 to study minority languages in isolated rural areas and produce literacy materials. The Linguistic Society of the Philippines was founded in 1969 to encourage the scholarly study of the language situation and to help ªnd solutions to the language problems.

3.5 Controversy over Tagalog Government eŸorts to promote Tagalog as the new national language were mired in controversy. Not only did the language need to be standardized, it needed to be elaborated to deal with intellectual topics in the sciences and social sciences which were once reserved for Spanish or English. Since linguistic studies indicate that the Philippine languages are closely related and that they share a good portion of their vocabulary, many favored promoting a fusion of Philippine languages based on Tagalog (E. Constantino 1981, Frei 1959: 11). However, the Institute of National Language was dominated by Tagalog purists who insisted on promoting a rural dialect without the assimilated Spanish and English borrowings common in urban speech (Prator 1950: 5). For example, during the 1950s and 1960s the Institute tried to replace commonly accepted borrowings from Spanish such as aeroplano ‘airplane’, libro ‘book’, and maestro ‘teacher’ with Tagalog salipawpaw, aklat, and guro for fear that there would be nothing left in intellectualized Tagalog than ang, a focus marker usually translated as ‘the,’ and mga, the marker for plural (Sibayan 1971b: 1048). However, since more than a third of the roots in Tagalog vocabulary come from Spanish (Llamzon and Thorpe 1972), this suggestion was met with general derision and was ridiculed in the press. This puriªed Tagalog with its strange vocabulary made teachers even in Tagalog speaking areas unwilling to use the language in the classroom since they were

Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973

unsure of whether or not they could use familiar vocabulary. Even if foreign words were maintained, the Institute argued over how they should be spelled. The purists wanted the spelling to re¶ect the Tagalog abakada or alphabet. The antipurists felt the spelling should re¶ect the original language. In addition, since the various Philippine languages share so much vocabulary, Tagalog words proposed for intellectualized Pilipino often had undesired connotations in the cognates found in other Philippine languages (Otanes 1981). To the distress of the purists, the people preferred street Tagalog with its many borrowings from Spanish and English. When Taliba, Manila’s largest daily newspaper in Tagalog, switched in 1967 from purist Tagalog to a new style that used “conversational Pilipino” with widely-used words and phrases from Spanish and English, with English words spelled as they are in English, circulation jumped from 19,000 to more than 65,000 in less than two months (Sibayan 1971b: 1048–1049) and to 100,000 within two years (Gonzalez 1988c: 36). Still the purists remained in control of the intellectualization of Pilipino throughout this period. As mentioned earlier, Cebuano, the regional lingua franca in the southern two thirds of the country, was spoken by more than 40 percent of the population in 1939 as a ªrst or second language when Tagalog was chosen as the national language. In reaction to the Tagalog purists, a national language war broke out in the Visayan heartland of Cebuano. Even though Tagalog was renamed Pilipino in 1959 to make it more acceptable as the national language, it was no more than purist Tagalog in disguise. Many localities in the Visayas refused to teach Pilipino in the schools. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s suits were unsuccessfully brought before the courts to stop the teaching of Tagalogbased Pilipino. However, even without school support in the Visayas, street Tagalog was fairly easily learned through comic books, radio, and movies since the languages in the Philippines are so closely related. Ties to the local languages were also loosening because of massive internal migration. As a result, Tagalog was spreading even in Cebuano speaking urban centers in spite of local opposition from politicians (Gonzalez 1977, 1991a). By 1970 55.3 percent of the population could use at least street Tagalog. In 1973 Pilipino was renamed Filipino so that the name of the national language would represent all Filipinos, not just Tagalog speakers who have no “f” sound. Renaming the national language once more also signaled a new attitude towards the development of the national language. It no longer would be in the hands of Tagalog purists. Words and sounds from other languages, including English and Spanish could be used. Today the labels Tagalog,

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Pilipino, and Filipino are used interchangeably and refer to the version of Tagalog which is spoken in Metro Manila and is rapidly spreading throughout the Philippines through the media (Bautista 1986: 492).

3.6 The Golden Age for English Although the media was spreading Tagalog rapidly outside the schools, this same period became the Golden Age for English as English maintained its hold on the schools. Even though American trained educators tried to reorient teachers to a conversational approach common to English as a Second Language teaching in the United States, the teaching methods introduced by the Thomasites at the beginning of the century had been ingrained in the Filipino soul. English teachers continued to create good citizens through anecdotes and stories that had moral applications. There was still lots of singing during breaks (Manalang 1977). Students still loved to collect and memorize favorite quotations, create vocabulary notebooks, and participate in spelling contests and oratorical tournaments (Goulet (1971: 81). English solidiªed its hold as a Filipino as opposed to a colonial language. Near the end of this period Llamzon (1969: 90) noted that Filipinos loved to speak English, especially in Metro Manila. People did not consider it to be a foreign language when it was spoken in the Filipino way. It was simply one of the languages that they had to learn to be successful. Llamzon (1969) described this Filipino English as a new member of the community of World Englishes. The language had special domains reserved for it, including education, government and law, business, and in many cases religion. Bautista (1982: 378) noted that it had become almost customary for young a§uent or upwardly mobile Filipino families to bring up their children speaking English. In Metro Manila the use of English had become so widespread that motivation studies found that integrative rather than instrumental motivation prevailed in language acquisition. Filipinos learned English to be identiªed with fellow Filipinos rather than with Americans or other English speakers. Filipino English helped deªne a person as being Filipino (Llamzon 1984). A survey of students in Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines (CEAP) schools found that 51 percent of the families with children in CEAP schools spoke English in the home (Llamzon 1969: 84). Noting that English had been accepted as a Filipino language for use in the home, Gonzalez (1976) called for the Filipinization of English standards in the schools. Since

Nationalism and the rise of Tagalog, 1936–1973

the model for Filipino English came from dictionaries and written material, spoken Filipino English had a bookish prose style reminiscent of the nineteenth century (Goulet 1971: 83).

3.7 Changing attitudes Although this was the Golden Age of English, the end of this period was also marked by a rise of student activism against English. It was portrayed as a language of colonialism which was hindering the progress of Filipinos. The activist Renato Constantino (1978) in his oft-cited discussion of the miseducation of Filipinos admitted that the program to use English to teach democracy and self-government had been successful. Still, he and others demanded that the schools switch to using only Filipino. Although Llamzon had found that Filipinos had an integrative motivation to learn English, at least among the educated and upwardly mobile in Manila, other attitude studies presented a diŸerent view of English, especially outside Manila. In 1968 the Language Study Center of the Philippine Normal College conducted a Language Policy Survey of the Philippines questioning 2,379 householders and 2,542 teachers nationwide to ªnd out what the attitude toward English was outside the Metro Manila area. They found that Tagalog (Pilipino) was considered most necessary for success in manual jobs such as carpenter, farmer, ªsherman, housewife, or market seller. English and Pilipino were both necessary for success as a clerk, doctor, lawyer, midwife, policeman, priest, secretary, surveyor, teacher, or electrician. English alone was not associated with success in any profession (Otanes 1977, Sibayan 1984). In this nationwide survey, the motivation for learning English was instrumental rather than integrative. English was seen as the key for education, communication, a good job, and travel. Thus English continued in the role it had been assigned when it was ªrst introduced to the Philippines at the beginning of the century, namely, improve the lifestyle of Filipinos. Pilipino was for patriotism and for integrating oneself with the Philippine nation. Just after this period ended, Sibayan questioned 433 Filipinos in Metro Manila on their usage of English in various domains and their language attitudes. The respondents represented a teachers’ college, a vocational technical college, a private commercial bank, the Institute of National Language, and subjects from the general population. They felt that English had made them a greater people (47.3 percent), had contributed to their economic progress (70

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Filipino English and Taglish

percent), and had made the country internationally known (81 percent). However 44.6 percent felt that English had created a colonial mentality. These negative feelings were even more pronounced among the young. However, 61 percent felt that Filipinos would not abandon English (Sibayan 1978b: 25).

Chapter 4

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

4.1 Intellectualizing Tagalog for the schools In reaction to the student activism and social unrest of the early 1970s President Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law on September 21,1972. The new constitution of 1973 declared that English and Pilipino were the o¹cial languages and that Filipino should be developed as a common national language. One activist demand had been to switch the language of the schools entirely to Pilipino. This was not the ªrst time that removing English from the schools had been considered. The Americans initially intended to create a school system using the local languages but had decided to use English since they would be creating schools from scratch and had neither the time nor the resources to create the necessary textbooks and to train the necessary teachers. Even the Monroe Commission when it evaluated the school system in 1924 suggested using local languages for some subject matter (Monroe 1925). Through the years, schools tried various bilingual experiments to see what worked best for promoting literacy skills, especially in elementary schools (Bauzon 1991). Beginning in 1957 as part of a dropout prevention program, vernaculars were used in grades one and two to teach literacy skills with English and Tagalog being taught as subjects. From grade 3 on, English remained the language of instruction. However, private schools ignored the program since most believed that such policies were simply to help the poor. They felt that students from “good” families did not need special language help (Sibayan 1978a: 322). Before the schools could switch from English, three problems had to be resolved. First, which languages would be used? This was more than just a question of using vernacular or Tagalog-based Filipino or Pilipino. Although the activists demanded a switch to Tagalog as a symbol of nationalism, outside of Tagalog-speaking areas, education in Tagalog was not equated with nationalism, especially in the southern half of the country where Cebuano was the lingua franca. How much should the local vernaculars be allowed in the schools?

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Filipino English and Taglish

Those who were in charge of developing Pilipino for academic purposes were still arguing over spelling and the best source for new academic words. In 1971 the Language Study Center of the Philippines, which had been created to develop Tagalog language materials for the schools, surveyed teachers, school administrators, college instructors, and senior education majors in Tagalog and non-Tagalog areas to identify their preferences for the translation and the spelling for new intellectualized vocabulary. They found that for informal spoken language in the classroom, the respondents preferred English codeswitching (Taglish). However in the written language for textbooks, they preferred Spanish borrowings spelled according to the conventions of the Filipino abakada ‘alphabet.’ English words should follow English spelling conventions (Otanes 1977). On the question of using local vernaculars, researchers found that because of the similarities among the various Philippine languages and their spelling systems, there was no need to use local languages in the schools to introduce literacy skills. When children in non-Tagalog speaking areas began their instruction in Tagalog, they could read and write equally well in the local vernacular without instruction (Soriano 1977: 6). In fact, even in rural schools in non-Tagalog areas with their limited facilities, by the middle of the second school year children did well when taught in Filipino (Gonzalez 1985a: 142). The second question was who would teach the classes, especially in nonTagalog speaking areas? According to the 1970 census, 52 percent could speak some form of Pilipino and 44 percent English. However, outside of Tagalogspeaking areas, the people had acquired street Pilipino through comics, radio, and movies rather than academic Pilipino since no subject matter classes were taught in the language. In many cases, the vocabulary necessary to teach high school psychology or physics in Pilipino had not been developed, or if it had, teachers did not know the words. In the provinces, there was little interest in academic Pilipino on the part of either teachers or students since ¶uency in academic English not academic Pilipino was the key to getting a good job. Though fewer nationwide might know English, it was most likely academic English since it had been the language of their academic subjects. The third question was where would the teaching materials come from? Not only were there no words, there were no textbooks for the new subjects. Gonzalez (1977) noted the overwhelming task of preparing teachers for nonTagalog areas and for preparing materials for all grade levels. Even with English as the language of instruction, there was only one textbook for every ten

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

students in the public schools. How could they write new textbooks and print enough to meet the long-standing goal of one textbook per two students? After long deliberation, the Department of Education, Culture and Sports announced the bilingual policy of 1974. Vernaculars could be used as auxiliary languages for initial instruction. The subjects in all schools from grade one through high school would be divided between English and Filipino. Filipino, music, physical education, health, values education, civics, and social sciences would be taught in Filipino. English, mathematics, natural sciences, and technical education (home economics, industrial arts, agricultural arts, and entrepreneurship) would be in English. Universities would be allowed to develop their own bilingual programs, though their graduates would have to pass professional licentiate exams in English or Filipino. Because of a lack of materials and teachers for teaching academic courses in Filipino, the bilingual program would be introduced one grade at a time beginning in ªrst grade in 1974 with completion in 1982. One major eŸect of this policy was that English would no longer be the language to teach good citizenship, a role it had played since the coming of the Americans at the turn of the century. That would now be the duty of Filipino. English would be purely a utilitarian language. A textbook development board coordinated the development of materials at various university centers. Massive teacher training programs were instituted at regional staŸ development centers (Sibayan 1978a: 316). Linguistic programs were developed at several universities in Manila and Baguio to describe minority languages as well as to prepare teachers and materials for bilingual education (Gonzalez 1986, Sibayan 1981). In 1985, three years after the bilingual program was expected to have been fully implemented, a national survey found that many schools were just beginning the bilingual switch because they lacked teaching materials and trained teachers. Researchers also found that Filipinos still did not equate the use of Filipino in the schools with nationalism. Many schools in Cebuano-speaking areas rejected the new arrangement and continued to teach in English. Benton (1980) in his essay on whether the bilingual programs were helping the masses or were simply preparing a new elite found that in many places the vernacular had replaced both English and Filipino in classroom instruction to the detriment of both languages. He suggested that English should be reinforced in the schools. Filipino did not need schools for its spread since the forces of urbanization and the media were successfully spreading the language everywhere. He reasoned that once Filipinos everywhere felt an allegiance to the language and

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Filipino English and Taglish

were proªcient in street Filipino, it could be intellectualized for the schools. He noted that this had been the approach for the development of the English language in the sixteenth and seventeen centuries. First let the language gain the loyalty of the people as an interpersonal language, then let it become the language of scientists. Otherwise the bilingual programs would result in the rejection of both English and Filipino by all except the elite. The demands of student activists may have resulted in bilingual education, but the people in general were against it. They insisted that English be maintained for economic reasons since it oŸered access to social mobility and jobs abroad (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990). The 1987 Constitution continued to recognize English and Pilipino as o¹cial languages and mandated the development of Filipino based on existing Philippine and other languages. To further remove Filipino from the hands of Tagalog purists and thus encourage nationwide support, in August 1991 the Aquino administration created the new Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino ‘Commission on the Filipino Language.’ Its board members represent major and minor language groups as well as diŸerent academic disciplines. Their task is to develop Filipino as a language of literature and academics as well as preserve and develop other languages (Gonzalez 1997b, 1998a). Cebu province continues to challenge the spread of Tagalog-based Filipino in the schools and uses English to teach both natural and social sciences to the detriment of their students as many of the national exams for the social sciences are now given only in Filipino. However, many feel that the Cebuano politicians are merely grandstanding and do not re¶ect the language aspirations of the general population since Filipino is spreading rapidly in Cebuanospeaking areas through the forces of the mass media and migration. Sibayan (1986) noted that many nationalists hope that as Filipino is intellectualized and spreads into new domains of usage, it will become not only the national language but the language of the home after people forget its Tagalog origins.

4.2 Taglish ªlls the gap Taglish is the creation of educated Filipinos. It began its real growth with the adoption of the bilingual education policy, though Sibayan (1978b: 44) noticed Taglish being used in the late 1960s and Marasigan (1983: 7) noted that the ªrst study of Taglish in newspapers appeared in 1967. For the most part,

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

educated Filipinos rejected Tagalog neologisms that had been created for the social sciences as being too cumbersome. They simply mixed the familiar English word into their Tagalog academic discourse. Their mixing of English and Tagalog, at ªrst called halo-halo ‘mix-mix’, Engalog, and then Taglish, spread rapidly from the classroom to the general populace through radio and television in much the same way that Tagalog had spread earlier. Cedana (1981: 174) noted an upsurge of Taglish on television “where strong emotional reactions, greater involvement, and a clearer apprehension of reality on the part of the viewer are demanded.” Today nearly all educated Filipinos, including those in high places, use Taglish except in formal situations when only “pure” English or “pure” Tagalog may be used. Mixing Tagalog and English is so widespread in Metro Manila that it is hard to say what the home language is since educated Manilans learn English as a second language in the home (Llamzon and Lee 1980). In essence, Taglish has become Filipino street English. Sibayan (1978b: 44) noted the emotional strain on teachers in high schools and colleges as Tagalog in the form of Taglish invaded domains once reserved for “pure” English. Taglish has become an auxiliary spoken language with no body of literature except in tabloids. Sibayan (1994: 220) considers Taglish on its way to becoming a language of its own and suggests that the intellectualized version of Filipino being developed by the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino will be a variation of Taglish since current policy is to have Filipino re¶ect the language used in Metro Manila. Even teenage slang in Metro Manila has a strong Taglish element (Zorc 1996). The various vernaculars may enrich the Filipino vocabulary of everyday life but English remains the main source of intellectualized vocabulary.

4.3 English fails in the schools The 1990s were a time of crisis for English. Just as it was being proclaimed as a new English with its own rules, styles, and registers as worthy of acceptance as Australian, American, South African or any other English, (Alberca 1998, Bautista 1996a, Garcia-Aranas 1990, Gonzalez 1983, 1995, 1997a, 1998b, Llamzon 1969, 1984, Richards 1982) it seemed to be collapsing, as evidenced by the rise of Taglish. This falling language proªciency in the upcoming generation was of concern to all classes of Filipinos, especially to those of the middle

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Filipino English and Taglish

and lower classes. For many of them English was important for work as an Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW), an occupational category endorsed and promoted by the government. In fact, the chief export of the Philippines is educated Filipinos (Gonzalez 1988a). In the 1980s the Philippine government through its overseas employment agency sent abroad more than 400,000 workers annually, mostly to the Middle East. In addition, hundreds of thousands made their own arrangements to work throughout Asia, Europe, and the United States. Since OFWs are hired largely because of their English and their technical skills, they get top preference in hiring in seamanship, health sciences, technology, education, and management. They also predominate in the entertainment and service industry (Gonzalez 1998a: 515). The Philippine Daily Inquirer (December 23, 1998) reported that about four million OFWs work in the Middle East alone with companies planning to recruit several million more because of Filipino ¶uency in English. The pay for overseas work is attractive to Filipinos. For example, a teacher can double her monthly salary by becoming a maid in Hong Kong ($495) (Manila Times, Feb 8, 1999). So many Filipino maids work in Greece that a recent Greek dictionary deªned ªlipineza as ‘a domestic helper,’ creating a weeklong brouhaha in Filipino newspapers and a diplomatic scrap with Greece (Manila Times August 6–12, 1998). Thus it is easy to see why a fall in English proªciency would concern not only the rich and the powerful. Gonzalez (1998a: 515) noted that the o¹cial encouragement of middle class and lower class Filipinos to take employment abroad is probably the most signiªcant in¶uence for maintaining English. Although the children of many educated families learn English in their bilingual homes, most Filipinos learn English only in the schools. Thus the schools receive the blame for what seems to be the rapid demise of English. In 1988, participants in the Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development (Gonzalez 1988c) lamented that with the coming of bilingual schools, the rising generation of Filipinos could converse in Filipino and its associated Taglish but could not carry on basic communication in English even after six years of study. They felt the schools had lost their English focus with the shift of all humanistic education to Filipino. Teachers did not know what they were supposed to teach and were emphasizing non-intellectual English. Thus students ªnishing high school were unprepared for the academic and technical training they needed for employment either at home or abroad (Gonzalez 1988c: 51). They pointed out that even American students had to learn intellectualized English at school.

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

They suggested that schools focus on English for Business, English for Technology, English for Science, or English for some other special purpose rather than the interpersonal English that they would not need for academic success in the Philippine setting. Gonzalez (1995) also noted the mismatch of the type of English students were learning in school and types of English they would need in order to use English as an international auxiliary language. Yet refocusing on English for Special Purposes is more than just teaching the language of math, science, and technology. As Alberca (1998) pointed out, curriculum and materials developers need to rethink how English applies in the Philippine context. Is English to be taught as a local language for intraethnic communication in complementary distribution with Filipino or is English simply a key part of the economic globalization that provides employment opportunities for Filipinos? Alberca suggested that local experts or specialists in diŸerent ªelds or professions, such as engineering, medicine, nursing, and business entrepreneurship, be consulted to decide which types of writing, reading, lessons, projects, report activities, or formats would be most useful for students if English is to be the key to social and economic mobility. In addition, he suggested a renewed focus on reading and grammaticality in the schools. An examination of the teaching materials in the secondary schools reveals why English teachers were having trouble promoting academic English. When Thompson (1997) analyzed the contents of the textbook series that had been developed and approved by the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS) for secondary school English classes in the public school system, he conªrmed that intellectualized English had been trivialized, if not removed from the textbooks and the classroom. For example Unit One of the English textbook for the second year of high school focuses on English in and out of the classroom with lessons on giving advice, following instructions, making friends, and talking about hobbies and past activities. Unit Two continues this focus on English for interpersonal relations by looking at English around the community, including lessons on talking about the weather, sports, arts, and food, and otherwise enjoying oneself. Unit Three looks at the English of work with lessons on using the telephone, making transportation arrangements, reading newspapers, and being a good worker. The last unit looks at the English of science and technology with lessons on classifying and describing things and ideas and following scientiªc instructions. These lessons illustrate why the participants of the Solidarity Seminar lamented the nonintellectual interpersonal approach to English that had been adopted by the schools. Although the text in question was published in 1991,

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the manuscript was approved in 1986, two years before the Solidarity Seminar was held. Still, the topics lend themselves to helping students interact with English as it is used in the Philippines, especially if the teachers are allowed to use outside materials, such as newspapers. However, when Thompson visited public schools and consulted with teachers, he found that they not only had few copies of the textbook but that they had been discouraged from using material from other sources. Teachers often wrote the material for the day on the chalkboard. Even if everyone had a copy of the textbook, it contains very little that would develop the reading or writing skills necessary for academic success in higher education. Included in the 400 pages of this particular text are ªve short poems by Dickinson, Brecht, Poe, Kipling, and a Nancy Smith. There are 42 pages of readings, including such things as want ads, editorials, and sample telephone conversations, and 37 pages of literature, mostly three to four page selections by Filipino authors. The teacher’s edition gives answers to exercises with no teaching suggestions. The texts for the other years of secondary school are similar with most readings being short passages by Filipino authors, perhaps to remind the students that English is a Filipino language. Echoing the Monroe Commission report on the schools in 1925, Thompson concluded that all the reading for four years of high school English could be read aloud in 12 hours. He agreed with the Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development. English instruction had lost its direction.

4.4 Cries for school reform Following the bloodless People Power or Edsa Revolution of 1986 that ousted the dictator Ferdinand Marcos, there was a renewed enthusiasm for revitalizing the country and empowering the people. Improving the schools became a priority. The Congressional Oversight Committee on Education chaired by Senator Edgardo Angara, an ardent proponent of school reform, found that in 1990 48 percent of schools had no water and 61 percent had no electricity (Congressional Commission on Education 1993: 5). Of the 97 to 99 percent of children who started school at age seven, 31 percent did not ªnish grade 6. Only 54 percent entered high school (p.7). Grades 1 and 2 typically were only four hours long. In 1989 elementary school was primarily public with only 7.62 percent of schools private. However, education above the primary grades was increasingly

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

private. One third of secondary schools were private and 85 percent of tertiary schools were. Slightly more than 68 percent of teacher education programs were private. Even though private teacher education programs in general were considered of better quality, only 10.6 percent of those who took the teacher exams at the end of their B. A. passed (p. 37). Classes were large. Although DECS reported an o¹cial teacher to student ratio of 1 to 33, the Commission found there were usually 50 to 70 in a class (p. 17). In 1990 78 percent of public schools had a one textbook to two student ratio. In private schools all students had books since students bought their own books and workbooks (p. 25). Outside of Metro Manila, most students were in public high schools. In Metro Manila private high schools predominated. The best schools were in Metro Manila, the worst in southern Mindanao and eastern Visayas. Private school teachers were paid less and had larger classes. However, since private schools had entrance exams, they enrolled only the better students. As a result, most of the schools in the top ten percent for quality were private. To counteract the high dropout rate at the elementary level, Senator Angara recommended that the medium of instruction be changed to the vernacular for grades 1 to 3 and Filipino for grades 4 to 6. English would be introduced as a subject in grade 3 and Filipino would be taught as a class at all grade levels. At the secondary level he recommended that a three-year middle school be created followed by a two-year high school that would be either academic or vocational. Filipino schools at the time had only ten grades, six elementary and four secondary with children entering school at age seven. Filipino would be the language of instruction in all grades. All high schools would also have libraries with a standard list of books, national newspapers, teacher journals and basic instructional materials. What has happened since the Angara report? The bilingual policy of 1974 remains in eŸect. The ratio of public to private education in the elementary schools has remained somewhat constant. Gonzalez (1998a: 521) cites the DECS report for the school year 1997–1998. The public to private school ratio is 95 percent public to 5 percent private at the elementary level with 11 million students, 60 percent public to 40 percent private at the secondary level with 6 million students, and 21 percent public to 79 percent private at the tertiary level with 1.8 million students. Even with the predominance of private education at the secondary and tertiary levels, there remains a formidable number of public school students for one governmental agency to handle.

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In an eŸort to attract a better quality of teacher, DECS has more than doubled the basic teacher compensation from 1992 to 1997, raising it from P3,102 (Philippine pesos) per month to P8,605 (from approximately $119 US dollars to $254).This compares to the P14,203 monthly pay of ¶ight attendants and airline workers, the highest paid and P6,763 for clerks, messengers, utility and maintenance workers or P7,605 for computer operators and data encoders, the lowest paid (Manila Times July 15, 1998). The pay increase has created turmoil in private schools. Private schools administrators complain that they must raise teacher salaries signiªcantly to keep them from switching to the public system. Then as the private schools raise tuition to pay for the teachers, parents switch their children to the free public secondary schools (Andrew Gonzalez, personal communication). With increased salaries, more students are being attracted to the teaching profession, though those attracted are generally not the best students. A survey by the Teacher Education Council (n.d.) found that 15 percent of high school graduates enter teacher education programs. These are typically those who score the lowest on college entrance exams. Eighty ªve percent are women. Only 71 percent graduate. Of these only 25 percent pass the licensing exam and of those who pass only one third become teachers. As dismal as this may seem, it is a substantial improvement since the Angara report. The Manila Times (July 15, 1998) reported that teachers and religious workers were the most common occupational choices of 1995 university graduates. The Teacher Education Council also found that of the 533 teacher education institutions in the Philippines fewer than 20 percent (96) were accredited. Amazingly, 80 percent of teacher education programs had no overhead projectors, computers, or libraries. The Council also found there were no libraries in 65 percent of elementary and secondary schools. DECS is working to increase technical support at least in secondary schools. Schools of the Future in selected regional high schools now have computers, televisions, videocassette recorders, and libraries. The suggestion to add extra years to the school curriculum has not been followed. For several years educators have proposed that an extra year be added to the curriculum either at the elementary or the high school level. Among the seventeen Asia countries, the Philippines has the shortest course of basic education at 10 years. There is no kindergarten. Thus Filipino children complete only 10 years of school when they enter universities or trade schools as compared to 13 years in most industrialized countries. Although public schools are free, the proposal to add even one year continues to be

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

opposed by students and parents for economic reasons since most parents want their children to attend private schools, especially at the secondary level. Even the government balks at adding another year because it has enough trouble providing classrooms, teachers, and materials for even 10 years of school.

4.5 A personal look at the schools During my 1996–1997 Fulbright assignment as an educational consultant to the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS), I provided inservice teacher training workshops to some 4000 secondary school English teachers throughout the Philippines. Since English functions as a second language in the Philippines, my task was to help teachers tap into the English available around them, even in rural areas, so they could enrich their classroom materials and help the students become more eŸective users of the language. As I visited schools and worked with teachers, I took note of the conditions of the schools, the quality of the teaching materials supplied by DECS, and the support for English in the mass media and the local community. My ªndings were supplemented by data supplied by Peace Corps workers who were doing similar work. Linguists from the Summer Institute of Linguistics kindly provided information from other remote areas. The information I gathered concerning the support for English in the mass media and the local community, I present in Part B. Observations concerning the conditions of the schools I present here. This information, gathered from 218 schools, helps put into perspective the trouble that English faces as a second language in the Philippines, especially outside of Manila, if the classroom is to be the primary agent for language acquisition. The secondary schools in Metro Manila tend to be large and better equipped. For example, Rizal High School in the Metro Manila city of Pasig is said to be the largest public high school in the world with nearly 17,000 students. Though overcrowded, it has computers, libraries, and other resources for students. Teachers in Metro Manila are well trained and highly proªcient in English. But what do students face in schools in the provinces? Although there are regional high schools that are as well equipped as any school in Manila, the condition of most schools has improved little since the time of Senator Angara’s study. The Philippine Daily Inquirer (July 9, 1999) pointed out that as many as 1.5 million children attend classes in stairways, hallways, or even outside under the trees. Close to 13,000 communities or

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barangays do not have a school building. DECS estimates it needs 30,000 more classrooms. Typically 50 to 60 are assigned to a classroom though the number of students present in the class may vary from 30 to 80 depending on student absence or the combining of classes when a teacher is ill. Many classes do not have enough chairs or desks for every student. Some teachers report that when it rains, their classrooms ¶ood so they have to teach standing knee deep in water. In many secondary schools, teachers now teach nine classes per day to make up for a lack of school facilities. In no schools do all the students have textbooks. The distribution varies from two to four students per book to as many as ªfteen students per textbook though the lower ratio is more common. Some secondary schools have a policy of only distributing textbooks to the fourth year students. In some schools the textbooks are in stacks in their original wrappings to protect them. In other schools the books have been destroyed or badly damaged by rains from tropical storms. In the larger high schools the students are more likely to have a textbook. In classes with few textbooks, the teacher copies the material for the day on the chalkboard. The Manila Times (June 14, 1999) reported that education o¹cials admit that the current ratio of textbooks is one book for six students in public elementary schools and one for eight in public secondary schools. The Philippine Daily Inquirer (July 9, 1999) reported a better ratio for high school students of one textbook for every four students. Typically, only the o¹cial DECS textbook is used in public secondary schools. Private schools choose their own materials, which students buy at the school or at local bookstores. In many school districts the teachers have been instructed to use only the DECS textbook without any supplements. The quality of these materials was discussed earlier in this chapter. DECS also supplies daily lesson plans. Most teachers follow them closely, though the more eŸective classroom teachers do not. Some model high schools have special supplemental materials. Seldom do teachers use the newspaper or other outside material in spite of the many inservice workshops they have attended that show them how to do so. As a rule, there is no encouragement for students to read outside of class through special reading programs with awards or prizes. Bigger schools have a school newspaper that appears at least annually. Some are student run, but most are the product of the faculty and administration. The students in some schools have joined book clubs that distribute paperback romances or other light reading. Seldom do teachers use drama, poetry, or

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

other devices to capture student interest. Some classes do dramatic enactments based on Disney cartoons such as Pocahontas or the Lion King. Nearly all high schools have a special room to serve as a library, though in some cases it is only a shelf with an encyclopedia and outdated textbooks in the principal’s o¹ce. Students seldom use the library except as a study area. Since the librarian is responsible for any missing books, she generally keeps the books under lock and key so they cannot be used. This is especially the case in the few libraries that have received books through special donations or special government grants. In most school libraries there is little to read except for old books from the United States or old textbooks. Some of the larger schools have subscriptions to two or three English newspapers. Sometimes fourth-year students are asked to write a research paper based on research in the encyclopedia. Electricity has little eŸect on teaching. Due to a governmental push to make electricity available to all parts of the Philippines, nearly all the schools have electricity, though some have it only in the principal’s o¹ce. Although this is the tropics, if schools have air conditioning, it is only in the principal’s o¹ce. Some schools have ceiling fans or wall fans in the classrooms, most do not. Many schools have open windows with no glass to allow the air to ¶ow through the classroom. To save electricity, some schools allow teachers to turn on the lights only when it rains. Brownouts are common. Some schools have no electricity because the schools have not paid their electricity bills. Few schools have overhead projectors; almost none have televisions, videocassette recorders, or computers. Equipment of this sort, if it is available, is often restricted to the principal’s o¹ce. The most common teaching beneªt from electricity comes through the Xerox machine. Blanchette (1995), one of my Fulbright predecessors at DECS, investigated the English proªciency of a sampling of secondary school English teachers from various regions of the Philippines. The 180 participants in her unpublished study were English department heads attending a summer training program at the National Educator’s Academy of the Philippines (NEAP), a popular teachertraining site in Baguio which was founded by the Americans earlier in the century in the cool mountains north of Manila. They competed three tasks. The ªrst was to describe the ªrst year English classes in their school and to describe one or two speciªc problems that teachers had with the diŸerent sections. The second was to look at a picture of a teaching situation. The respondents were to describe what was happening and to tell what they thought the teacher was thinking

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about. The third was to explain what pakikisama means, assuming that they were explaining the word to an American of the same sex and age and assuming that the American knew nothing about Philippine culture and language. The tape recording of the responses was coded on a scale of 1 to 5 according to completeness of response, creativity, grammatical accuracy, appropriateness of vocabulary, and quality of pronunciation. Although she found excellent English being used by English department heads throughout the country, the best English was spoken by teachers from Metro Manila, the mountain provinces of northern Luzon, and in eastern Mindanao. The worst English was from the Moslem areas in western Mindanao. Generally she found that in those areas where the teachers scored high, private secondary schools predominated, where they scored low, public schools did. In conclusion, my personal inquiry into the status of English language teaching in public secondary schools found that teachers everywhere have attended hours of teaching workshops which demonstrated how to use such things as music, language games, and theatrics to improve their teaching. Those who have taken to heart the techniques report good results with their students. Many teachers say they are reluctant to try out new techniques because their supervisors insist that they follow DECS material and lesson plans to the letter. Others fear that if they do not follow DECS materials, their students will perform poorly on national exams and the teacher will receive a poor evaluation. However, even with all these deªciencies in teaching supplies and teacher support, some eŸective teaching is happening, even in the most isolated schools. It all depends on the skill of the teachers.

4.6 Ongoing eŸorts to improve English instruction The lack of classrooms and textbooks has become a national scandal. In 1988 all public schools were nationalized. Previously, some schools had been under local control. To fund a nationalized school system with more than 16 million students, billions of pesos are appropriated each year by the national government to provide textbooks, classrooms, and equipment. The lure of money has made DECS known as the most corrupt of the governmental agencies. Money is spent for schools that are not built and textbooks, desks and other equipment that are not delivered. Up to 65 percent of textbook funds goes to bribes (Philippine Daily Inquirer March 3, 1999). It makes eyes roll when reformers

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

talk of issuing better textbooks or sending computers and other expensive equipment to the schools. The best solution continues to be to retrain the teachers so they can teach without the supplies. The Peace Corps supplies native-speaking English teachers to work with English teaching supervisors in the various regions. Together they provide inservice training in provincial schools, particularly in rural areas. De La Salle University, the University of the Philippines, Philippine Normal University, and Ateneo de Manila University, the most prestigious universities in Metro Manila, have active teacher training programs that provide workshops in regional training centers through the country. For example, the Ateneo University Center for English Language Teaching (ACELT) administers a program that sends English teaching supervisors from private and public schools throughout the Philippines to study in England for several months to sharpen both their language and their teaching skills. They return to their regional schools to train others. In addition, various professional organizations such as the College English Teachers Association and the Linguistics Society of the Philippines provide training as part of their annual conferences, oft with the assistance of the British Council or the United States Information Agency. The Fulbright Commission for several years provided an ESL consultant to work with the Department of Education, Culture and Sports. DECS also coordinates programs to produce video and audiotapes for distance education using radio and television. In 1996 DECS issued new curriculum guidelines for teaching English in public secondary schools. New textbooks are being developed with the following themes: Year One focuses on Filipino literature in English with the theme of “I am a Filipino.” Year Two focuses on Filipino and Asian literature in English with the theme of “I am an Asian.” Year Three focuses on Filipino, British and American literature with the theme of “I am an English speaker.” Year Four focuses on Filipino and World literature with the theme of “I am a world citizen.” Incorporated into the series will be interactive activities based not only the language needs of the Filipinos but on the latest principles of second language acquisition. Of course, this movement towards literature ignores the call of the Solidarity Seminar in 1988 to focus on English for special purposes to prepare Filipino youths for success in their future academic and technical training (Gonzalez 1988c).

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4.7 Setting local standards for English With any movement to improve English or even maintain it arises the question of standards. Whose version should be promoted? Schneider (2003) in his look at the dynamics of English as a world language proposes that English is not really at home in a new setting until it looks inwardly for its standards. There is a popular movement to accept Filipino English grammar and pronunciation in the schools. As a ªrst step in identifying the characteristics of this version of English, Llamzon (1969) described the structure of Filipino English as used by the educated, or as Gonzalez calls it, “common, a§uent school English.” However, this study was written for the beneªt of scholars and was not meant as a school grammar. Recently an English dictionary for high school students that includes Filipino English words has been published (Anvil-Macquarie Dictionary 2000). However, what are the characteristics of the locally generated and accepted informal style that accompanies the common a§uent style taught in the schools? As Gonzalez (1983) asks, when does something that might be considered an error in the English of other countries become accepted as a feature of Filipino English, at least for informal style? In other words, what are the local norms that might be adopted by the schools? Based on Gonzalez (1983, 1992) and Llamzon (1969), let us take a brief look at some characteristics of Filipino English, especially as it is used in Manila. 4.7.1 Pronunciation American English is the target pronunciation used in teacher education. However, the following characterize the Filipino adaptation of this standard. Perhaps the most notable feature of Filipino pronunciation is the rhythm. Traditionally, Filipino English is described as syllable timed with each syllable coming with even beats, rather than following the stress timing of American and British English where the stress on nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs rather than on the individual syllables follows the even beat. However, Gonzalez (1983: 155) points out that this feature of Filipino English is actually a re¶ection of the lack of vowel reduction in unstressed syllables rather than timing. In other words, instead of pronouncing the unstressed vowel of the second syllable in local as a schwa, it is pronounced with the full value indicated by the spelling, re¶ecting the fact that Filipinos typically learn English from books rather than from native speakers of the language. This book learning is also re¶ected in the stress pattern

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

of polysyllabic academic words, which most likely entered spoken Filipino English through reading or dictionary work than from conversation with Americans, such as establísh, diplomatícally, cerémony, and circúmstances. In addition to the lack of reduced vowels in unstressed syllables, certain vowel contrasts are often missing. For example, many have trouble with the vowels represented in the following minimal pairs: sheep/ship, full/fool, hat/hot. Commonly, there is also no distinction between the pairs /š / and /¦z/ and /s/ and /z/. Thus pleasure is ‘pleashure,’ and seize is homophonous with cease. Interdental /ð/ and /θ/ are often pronounced /d/ and /t/ so these and three are spoken as ‘dese’ and ‘tree.’ 4.7.2 Grammar British rather than American grammar tends to set the standard (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990: 288) with these modiªcations. Tenses and verb agreement diŸer, perhaps re¶ecting problems caused by teaching materials since English is learned in school. There is an overuse of the perfect tenses, as in the use of the present perfect with past time words (I have seen him yesterday rather than I saw him yesterday), and an overuse of the progressive, as with habitual action (He is going to school regularly rather than He goes to school regularly). Verb agreement is oft missing in the present tense. He go to school. The men who arrived yesterday is here. Many transitive verbs are used as intransitives. I cannot aŸord. I don’t like. The patterns with nouns also diŸer at times. Determiners with generalizations (the Filipino heroes instead of Filipino heroes, the food instead of food) and names (United States instead of the United States, the Rizal College instead of Rizal College) seem to be the opposite of the pattern in American and British English. Demonstratives seldom agree with their nouns: this books. Many mass nouns are classiªed as count nouns. He has many gray hairs. He has a research. 4.7.3 Vocabulary Of course there are words borrowed from Tagalog (barangay ‘community,’ boondock ‘mountain,’ and carabao ‘water buŸalo’) and Spanish (merienda ‘mid morning or mid afternoon snack,’ querida ‘mistress,’ and despedida ‘farewell party’), the two languages that have had the most contact with English in Manila, but also loan translations from the two languages: eggs ‘testicles’ (from Spanish slang huevos ‘eggs, testicles’) and open the radio ‘turn on the radio’

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(from the Tagalog verb buksan ‘open/turn on an electrical appliance’). There are also English words with new meanings: bold ‘movie talk for semi-nude’ and jingle ‘urinate,’ and neologisms: comfort room/CR ‘washroom, toilet,’ bedspacer ‘one who rents a bed in a dormitory,’ hold-upper ‘someone engaged in armed robbery,’ presidentiable ‘candidate for president,’ jeepney ‘a customized extended jeep used for public transportation,’ and carnap ‘to steal a car’ Although many are pushing for acceptance of a local standard, there are still lingering notions of purism based on the English of Great Britain and the United States. Australia has begun to replace the United States and Great Britain as a linguistic in¶uence because of the many scholarships oŸered to undergraduates and graduates (Gonzalez 1998a: 511). Complicating this search for a local standard for Filipino English is the development of Taglish as the informal style, to the consternation of purists. How is this language switching to be included in the norms for informal English? It is o¹cially discouraged in schools and universities. However, it cannot be ignored since students and teachers use it extensively in classroom discourse and its use is spreading through the media from the educated classes to all classes of Filipinos.

4.8 Filipino English and the taxonomy of world English: ESL or EFL? We have seen how English was transported to the Philippines to enrich, ennoble, and empower Filipinos. It quickly expanded through the educational system until Filipinos considered it one of their own languages. Until ten years ago we could consider English to have ESL status because of its widespread use for both interethnic and intraethnic communication. What is the status today? Part of the answer lies in a look at the changing attitudes towards English in the upcoming generation. The ªrst attitude change has come with economic development. In the 1990s the Philippines staked a claim as a new economic tiger in Southeast Asia. Gonzalez (1988a) asserts that Filipinos think more of their pocketbook than nationalism. The poor have insisted on learning English because it, rather than Filipino, gives them the chance to get out of poverty, even if it means getting a job in the Middle East. As the economy develops at home and more jobs are available in the Philippines, many feel that English no longer is needed for socioeconomic advancement since Filipinos will be doing business primarily with each other.

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

This attitude change is probably the hardest for the middle classes and the upwardly mobile to accept. For a century they have seen English as the key for improving their lives. Countless numbers attribute their success to the English language and still believe it is the key to success for others, especially their children. For one hundred years they have been memorizing and repeating English sayings and mottos to inspire themselves to greater things. For one hundred years they have been learning English songs and memorizing English words. They believe in the power of English because of their own personal experiences. They see this change in attitude towards the English language in the upcoming generation as a threat to the future of the Philippines. The second attitude change that threatens the ESL status of the Philippines is the aversion towards using the “pure” form of English rather than Taglish or even Filipino. Sibayan (1998) notes that spoken Filipino has replaced English as the national lingua franca. Today a person speaking good English is viewed with ridicule. In the middle and lower middle class, conversations may start in English, but to continue using English throughout the interaction is considered a sign of aŸectation. Sibayan and Gonzalez (1996: 145) lament the “corrosive” eŸect this has on children of the middle class since doing well in English in academic subjects brings scorn from one’s peers. This is especially true among males. Thus ability in the English language is no longer seen as an achievement but as an unwelcome way to demonstrate one’s superiority. Those who go against the peer pressure and use English inside and outside the classroom rather than Taglish and Filipino face negative social consequences. As English language proªciency drops, most young Filipinos reject the English language standards required of students entering universities. They feel that a high school degree rather than language ability should be the criteria for admission. Sibayan and Gonzalez (1990: 290) blame the bilingual schools and declining educational standards for this new attitude towards English. Whatever the cause, most Filipinos in the upcoming generation have a better spoken command of Filipino than English. There are still forces that encourage the acquisition of English. Sibayan and Gonzalez (1996: 154–155) note that English continues to control those professions that require the use of intellectualized language. These include medicine, engineering, law, accountancy, nursing, optometry, business management, civil service, foreign service, and education. Technical texts bring English to the lower levels of industry. Overseas Filipino Workers also need English. However, day-to-day transactions in business, commerce, and industry in the

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Philippines can now be carried out in English, Taglish, or Filipino. Fluent English is only required as one ascends the hierarchy and attains a supervisory position. All technical reading, all board meetings, all negotiations may be done in English. Manuals and written instructions may be in English. But training and other interactions with the rank and ªle are in Taglish. Thus it is the written language alone that keeps English alive in the workplace. There is no indication that Filipino has replaced English as the great equalizer that empowers, ennobles, and enriches Filipinos. This worries the middle classes who still see English as the key to a better life. With the new language situation, the younger generation is not mastering either academic English or academic Filipino. Filipinos in general know how to speak the street Filipino that they have picked up through the media but not the academic Filipino they should have learned in school. They do not learn academic Filipino because schoolteachers are not comfortable using it. With few textbooks or other intellectual reading in Filipino, academic Filipino can be as di¹cult to master as academic English. Filipinos are sociable people. Street Filipino su¹ces for interpersonal relations with Taglish substituting for academic Filipino in the schools. Taglish is also replacing English in the various domains assigned to it in every day life. As a result, the mandate to use Filipino in the social sciences has not improved school performance or created employment opportunities for the masses. It has merely encouraged the spread of Taglish. Thus the spread of Taglish is preventing the Filipino language from replacing English as the language of opportunity since academic English and academic Filipino, not Taglish, are needed to pass academic and licensing exams In an ESL setting people can learn interpersonal English informally outside the schools. This still happens in the Philippines. Children from educated families in urban areas grow up bilingual in English because English is used in the home along side Tagalog or another indigenous language. The media provides enough reinforcement for English so that middle class children even in the provinces become ¶uent in interpersonal English by grade ªve (Gonzalez 1998a: 506). Still, for most Filipinos, the only exposure to English before entering school comes from television, radio, and movies since the parents do not use it along side their indigenous language in the home (Gonzalez 1998a: 503). Unless their parents can aŸord to send them to better schools in urban settings and then to a university, they never become ¶uent in academic English. As we saw earlier in the enrollment ªgures for public and private schools as children

Bilingual education and the rise of Taglish, 1974–1998

progress from primary to tertiary schools, parents are trying to do this. Still only two thirds of Filipino children ªnish six years of general schooling, 47 percent ªnish secondary schools, and 12 percent ªnish a college degree (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1996: 153). With the economic di¹culties of today, the private school route is now out of the reach of most families. That means that although many young people might gain some ability in interpersonal English, fewer today are comfortable enough with English to use it to improve their lives. Thus, as Gonzalez (1998a: 506–507) and Benton (1991: 88) note, as a result of the sociolinguistic changes that have accompanied bilingual education, the masses have been cut oŸ from both academic English and academic Filipino. As a result, neither English nor Filipino function today as social equalizers. Benton (1980) anticipated this ªnding when he noted that English would continue to decline in rural areas and in less a§uent sections of the city as a result of bilingual education. He suggested that this would result in interregional and interethnic rivalries when people realize that Tagalogs and residents of Metro Manila are favored educationally and that a new bilingual intellectual elite controls what is learned from the outside world. As a result, the Philippines will be an ESL country only for the educated elite. The rest of the country will not even qualify for EFL status as it will be ªlled with semi-linguals with limited control over any language as school dropouts increase and the masses see no relevance in education for themselves. The result will be social turmoil as the key to socioeconomic prosperity through either academic English or academic Tagalog is denied the masses. No wonder the loss of English proªciency among the general population concerns so many. Is English dying in the Philippines? Sibayan (1994: 220) suggests that Taglish will eventually become the Filipino version of English, much as Chabacano developed as the Filipino version of Spanish. Schneider (2003) notes that English in the Philippines has been arrested in its development just as it was about to come into its own as a world English. Llamzon (1986) concludes that according the Moag’s life cycle model, English in the Philippines has entered the restriction stage and could disappear. However, Gonzalez (1988b, 1998a) is less pessimistic and doubts that English will disappear because of the ready availability of formal instruction for science and business through the schools and informal instruction through the media. He feels that the key to maintaining English is to ªnd ways to bring it into the lives of the poor. In other words, before we can state whether or not English in the Philippines has an ESL or an EFL status, we have to look more closely at informal uses of the language as Filipinos interact through and with the language in various

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public spheres, including the media. Since most of the gloomy predictions of the demise of English are based on studies at elite universities in Metro Manila, it should be instructive to see what is happening in the rest of the Philippines with ordinary Filipinos. When do they use English? Are the youth really turning away from English? Or are the laments of the older generations simply purist reactions against Taglish as the new interpersonal language of the educated? Parts B and C look at these questions. Part B compares English usage in Metro Manila and in urban settings in the Visayas with usage in more remote areas. Part C looks at the role that the media plays in providing informal support for English. Most Filipinos now accept Tagalog as the base for Filipino, the national language (Gonzalez 1991c). However, rather than call this base Tagalog, Gonzalez (1998a) prefers to call it “the Manila lingua franca which is fast spreading across the Philippines.” The structural base may be Tagalog, but it has large doses of English and Spanish. In other words, it includes Taglish. Before we look at the social support for English and Taglish outside the classroom in Parts B and C, let us look at the Spanish element of this language switching in the next chapter.

Chapter 5

The Spanish overlay

Although Taglish is supposed to be a mixture of English and Tagalog, as Goulet (1971: 1) notes, the outsider who is ¶uent in English and Spanish notes a strong Spanish overlay. In fact some foreigners wonder whether Tagalog is really some sort of Spanish. In their review of a Pilipino English dictionary Llamzon and Thorpe (1972) point out that 33 percent of word roots are of Spanish origin. As an illustration, note the Spanish words in the following sentence from an article about a drug bust in a Tagalog tabloid. Words borrowed from Spanish are in italics, English words are underlined. Notice that Spanish words are spelled using the Tagalog abakada whereas English words follow English spelling conventions. As can be seen by the translation, although most of the Spanish words have English cognates, the Spanish version of the word is preferred. Lumalawak na ang operasyon ng kilabot na Parena drug syndicate na ayon sa pulisya ay may kuneksiyon sa isang international drug syndicate at kimikilos sa buong Central Luzon. Daily Balita: para sa masa, una sa masa (The operation of the Parena drug syndicate, which according to the police has a connection to an international drug syndicate operating all over Central Luzon, is gaining strength. Daily News: for the masses, ªrst with the masses)

It is easy to see why Tagalog purists have resisted the in¶ux of Spanish and English words into street Tagalog saying that if the in¶ux continues, there will be nothing left to Tagalog except for certain grammatical morphemes. Spanish, in particular, seems to have become part of the language. Before looking at the social support for English and Taglish in part B, let us look how Spanish came to be incorporated into Tagalog. The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines may contain some clues as to what will happen to English and Taglish.

5.1 The life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines In contrast to the case history of English in the Philippines, there is limited information as to the extent that the Spanish language spread through the

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Philippines during various periods of the Spanish colonial rule. In fact, the popular adage describing the colonial experience as “400 years in a convent followed by 40 in Hollywood” rings true as it applies to information on language use during the two periods. The English period is characterized by myriad studies advertising the promotion of English as the great American overseas experiment whereas the Spanish period is characterized by rumors and speculation as to what happened behind the closed doors of the Philippines, especially outside Manila. There are major gaps in the historical documentation that would support a discussion of the life cycle of Spanish in the Philippines. Sibayan (1991b: 72) points out that Spanish never became a popular language with mass appeal in the Philippines but remained the language of a tiny elite as an intellectual language for use in the domains of government administration, legislation, the judiciary, higher education, and the professions. However, Goulet (1971: 3) notes that the commonly given statistic that only two to three percent spoke Spanish when the United States assumed control of the islands probably underestimates its widespread use. That statistic is based on the 1870 census, taken not long after the Spanish ªnally began establishing public schools. As noted in Chapter 2, during the last half of the nineteenth century Spanish was beginning to spread among the populace as a second language. The Chinese mestizos were learning the language and were carrying it throughout the Philippines as they pursued their business interests. In fact, Spanish was just entering its golden age in the Philippines with a proliferation of literature under the in¶uence of the illustrados. The increased use of Spanish was also having an eŸect on Chabacano, the creole Spanish spoken by the masses in Manila and various garrison towns ranging from Zamboanga in the south to Vigan in the north. Lipski (1988) notes that Chabacano was rapidly decreolizing and becoming more like standard Spanish. Still the Americans found that few in the general populace spoke more than “kitchen Spanish”, although Spanish controlled the domains of government, business, mass communication, and education. Throughout the countryside the language had not been indiginized except among the rich.

5.2 Spanish inªltrates the vernaculars Although few spoke Spanish, the language thoroughly in¶uenced the local languages. Bowen (1971), Cubar (1984), Lopez (1965), Quilis (1980), and WolŸ (1973–1974) note the extensive in¶uence that Spanish has had on Taga-

The Spanish overlay

log and other Philippine languages not only in vocabulary but in phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. In fact, Spanish is so thoroughly a part of Tagalog that Tagalog speakers who do not know Spanish do not realize they are using Spanish borrowings, just as English speakers today generally are not aware of French or Danish vocabulary and grammar in English. In fact as we saw at the beginning of the chapter, Spanish borrowings into Tagalog generally are spelled according to Tagalog spelling conventions whereas English words generally retain their English spelling. The Spanish vocabulary permeating Tagalog re¶ects the former relations of the Spanish with the locals. For example, Spanish words deªne such things as master and servant relations, sexual conduct, intellectual activities, foods, cultural events, religion, and numbers. Estimates of the percentage of Tagalog vocabulary that comes from Spanish vary from the 20 percent of Quilis, Casado-Fresnillo, and Quilis-Sanz (1997) to the 33 percent of Llamzon and Thorpe (1972). In comparison, only one percent of Tagalog roots come from English. The results are similar for Cebuano and other vernaculars. WolŸ (1973–1974) notes that basic verbs such as gusto ‘want’ and puede ‘can’ and prepositions and conjunctions such as para ‘for’ and pero ‘but’ are found in vernaculars throughout the Philippines. Thus although Spanish may never have been spoken by more than three percent of the population, there were Spanish speakers in communities throughout the islands whose mixture of Spanish and vernacular was imitated by the locals because of their prestige or their continuing presence. Most likely these were the many generations of Spanish priests who, as they learned or tried to learn the local languages for missionary work, created a Europeanized or missionary version of the local language using Spanish words and phrases for new concepts or unfamiliar grammatical structures.

5.3 Spanish withstands English Gonzalez (1990) notes that the Spanish had not started to establish primary schools until 1863. Up until that time Spanish-speaking colonials were concentrated in the Old City in Manila and in Hispanized urban centers such as Vigan in northern Luzon, Cebu in the Visayas, and Zamboanga in Mindanao. However, as these new schools opened up, the Chinese mestizos in particular embraced Spanish enthusiastically, beginning a golden age of literature that was aborted only with the arrival of the Americans. These ilustrados were

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spreading Spanish into the provinces as they conducted their business and lead their rebellion against the Spaniards. This same enthusiasm towards Spanish shifted to English as the general population embraced public education. In 1901 only two Filipinos took civil service exams in English, 1,078 in Spanish. By 1906 2,018 took the English version, 1,680 the Spanish. In 1913 6,901 took the English version, 769 the Spanish (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1990). Although the number of English speakers soon outnumbered the number of Spanish speakers at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Spanish language was not dying. It still had wide usage and its speakers seemed to be increasing in number. For a while, the golden age of Spanish continued among the elite. The 1918 census after two decades of American rule found 49.2 percent of the adult population literate. Of the literate population ten years of age and older, 33.9 percent of the males and 22.4 percent of the females spoke English and 30.9 percent of the males and 16.9 percent of the females spoke Spanish. The continuing attraction of the Spanish language probably re¶ected the continuing use of Spanish in the government. Nearly all judges, court o¹cers, municipal and provincial o¹cers spoke Spanish as they were drawn from the Spanish-speaking elite. All debates, hearings, and interviews were in Spanish. Although all public education was in English, private education continued in Spanish as that was the language of the ruling classes. As pensionados returned from their education in the United States and additional English speaking universities developed in the Philippines, communication between younger and older lawyers, judges, and government o¹cials became more di¹cult. Forbes (1928, 1: 444) noted that the Philippine Commission scheduled the governmental shift to English in 1906, but that had to be delayed. After 1913, English became the language of the court with Spanish a language. Spanish continued to be used in court until 1930, allowing Spanishspeaking judges to stay in power until they could be replaced by Englishspeaking graduates (Frei 1959: 37). The 1920s seem to be when English ªnally began to make inroads among the elite. By the end of the decade Spanish had largely disappeared in government though it persisted in business and in social relations among the wealthy in the larger cities. Private schools switched to English as Americans replaced the Spaniards in the religious orders. Until the 1920s all university education was in Spanish except at the University of the Philippines, which was founded in 1908 to help create a new English-speaking elite. Private Ateneo de Manila switched to English in 1921 when American Jesuits took over. In 1923 the University of Santo Tomas, the original Spanish university founded in 1611,

The Spanish overlay

switched to English (Monroe 1925: 609). The results of this language switch at the university level can be seen in the sources of intellectualized words in Tagalog. Typically, words for objects, devices, or concepts introduced prior to 1920 come from Spanish, those afterwards from English. Some examples from the domain of business include lapis lapiz ‘pencil,’ kahero cajero ‘cashier,’ negosyo negocio ‘business,’ welga huelga ‘strike,’ benta venta ‘sale,’ and komersiyante comerciante ‘trader, merchant’ versus bolpen ‘ballpoint pen,’ sosyal sekyuriti ‘social security,’ kopi breyk ‘coŸee break’ and maternity lib ‘maternity leave.’

5.4 The end of Spanish In spite of all attempts to replace it, Spanish persisted in the government and other public spheres until the Second World War. For example, the convention that wrote the constitution for the Commonwealth of the Philippines in 1934– 1935 conducted its proceedings in Spanish (Sibayan 1988: 93). The Second World War marked the turning point. After the Japanese invaded, they banned the public use of Spanish. Until then Spanish could be heard on the streets of Manila and in other port cities, often in the form of Chabacano. When Manila was virtually destroyed through intense ªghting at the end of the war, the Chabacano speaking population was dispersed (Quilis 1992a: 6). After that, Spanish was limited to the boardrooms of family corporations. Once Spanish disappeared from the streets of Manila, it was no longer available to the local population as a source of new vocabulary. Nevertheless, Spanish remained the language of the elite while English became the language of the masses. The snob appeal of Spanish continued for some time. Not long after the war Prator (1950: 1) noted that Spanish was still in¶uencing vernacular vocabulary more than English was because of this snob appeal. Except for during the Second World War, Spanish had always been an o¹cial language, though it had never been required in public schools. It had maintained itself by continuing to be the language of the elite as well as the language of the streets in Chabacano-speaking areas. Government eŸorts to save Spanish after the war ªnally killed it. The newly independent Republic of the Philippines sought to counteract the sudden loss of Spanish in Manila by instituting at the university level a Spanish language requirement. Earlier, only certain private colleges had required Spanish. A new law in 1952 required 12 units of Spanish for a college degree. In 1957 the requirement increased to 24.

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That meant that of the 120 units to graduate with a bachelor’s degree, 24 units were for Spanish classes, 12 units for Pilipino, and 18 units for English. These 64 units of language instruction accounted for more than half of the credits necessary for a college degree. This stimulated protests from students and parents, making Spanish the most hated of college subjects. In 1969 the requirement returned to 12 units. Later the law was modiªed again to require one course (3 units) of selected writings in Spanish of renowned Filipino heroes, scholars, writers, and poets, one of the justiªcations of the original Spanish law (Sibayan 1974: 229–230). In spite of several years of a Spanish language requirement in the universities, ability to speak Spanish continued to decline. Goulet (1971: 80) in her look at English, Spanish and Tagalog in the Philippines noted that many parents ridiculed the attempts of their children to speak Spanish. In fact, her informants admitted that they only used Spanish in jest or to mock someone. Filipinos no longer found ¶uency in Spanish to be useful. In the Language Policy Survey conducted in 1968, Filipinos indicated that knowledge of Spanish was only useful for lawyers, priests, and physicians (Sibayan 1971a: 137). Still, Spanish had a hold as a private language. Otanes (1977) found that as late as the 1970s educated Filipinos preferred Spanish over English as a source for words to intellectualize Filipino. However, this probably did not re¶ect the attitude of the general population. In the 1980s Spanish was still important in law and among the aging Spanish-speaking elite (Noss 1984: 169). Sibayan (1978b: 48) pointed out that Spanish was mostly an “inner sanctum” language for higher quarters of businesses owned by certain elite families, such as the San Miguel Corporation. The working language for the employees was English. When Sibayan (1978b: 39) asked various educated groups in Metro Manila what they perceived to be the language of the rich, he was surprised to ªnd the order to be English, Spanish, Pilipino, then Chinese. Twenty years later Gonzalez (1998a: 518) observed that between his own and the upcoming generations Spanish was disappearing. Whereas Spanish used to be transferred intergenerationally among elite Filipinos, now their children have only a passive competence in Spanish and for the most part carry on conversations only in English and Filipino, speaking English with superiors and peers and Filipino with friends and household help.

The Spanish overlay

5.5 The current relationship of English, Tagalog, and Spanish In response to the street protests surrounding the use of Spanish and other issues, Marcos declared Martial Law in 1972. Spanish was eliminated as an o¹cial language in the 1973 constitution. However, under pressure from the Spanishspeaking elite who controlled many of the business interests in the country, Marcos issued a presidential decree reinstating Spanish because so many important government documents, especially law documents, were available only in Spanish (Sibayan 1974: 229–230, 1978a: 323). Finally in 1988 after the bloodless People Power or Edsa Revolution of 1986 that ended the Marcos reign, the university Spanish requirement was abolished. Spanish now was only recommended for those interested in historical studies. The new constitution declared it a voluntary language along with Arabic (Gonzalez 1990: 328–329, 1998b: 501) Thus it took English nearly one hundred years to replace Spanish in its ªnal public domain (Sibayan 1991b: 71, 1994: 222). The 1987 constitution states that the national language of the Philippines is Filipino. For purposes of communication and instruction, the o¹cial languages are Filipino and, until otherwise provided by law, English. The regional languages are auxiliary o¹cial languages in the regions and may be used in the classroom as auxiliary languages. Spanish and Arabic are to be promoted on a voluntary and optional basis (Bautista 1996b). In spite of the lowered status for Spanish, Quilis (1980: 84) challenged the notion that Spanish is disappearing. Although there is no longer a Spanish presence on the streets of Manila, the language has not disappeared in the homes. He estimated that in 1969 there were 777,000 Spanish speakers with 800,000 Chabacano speakers for a total of 1,577,000. The 1988 census found an even more vibrant Spanish-speaking community with 1,761,690 Spanish speakers and 689,000 Chabacano speakers for a total of 2,450,000. Based on the Philippine census requirement of having at least one million speakers to be a major language, Spanish still qualiªes. It has more native speakers than does English. However, as Gonzalez (1998a) pointed out, Spanish may not be passing on to the next generation. Quilis (1992a: 118) points to the following legacy for Spanish. It has strongly in¶uenced local languages, survives in Chabacano and among the Spanishspeaking elite, and remains in personal names and place names. Otherwise, it has little in¶uence in the development of Filipino today. In fact, there is now a readiness to adopt a more English pronunciation for Spanish loan words, especially Spanish-derived personal names. For example Gil is now often

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pronounced /gil/ rather than /hil/ (Bautista 1986: 500). Not only are Filipinos beginning to give an English pronunciation to Spanish names, they also supplement their o¹cial Spanish personal names with English nicknames. For example, the prominent religious leader Mariano Velarde is known as “Mike.” The former Secretary of Finance Roberto de Ocampo goes by “Tiger Bobby.” In spite of what Quilis may say, Spanish is disappearing from the Philippines as a living language, leaving only a Spanish overlay in everyday speech that most do not realize is Spanish. In Parts B and C we will look to see if English faces a similar fate as Spanish as it combats the upsurge of Tagalog-based Filipino as the national language.

䉴

Map 2. The regions, 1990

Part B

Social support for English after 100 years Comparing usage in Metro Manila and the provinces

For one hundred years Filipinos have embraced the English language as a force that would enrich, ennoble, and empower them. However, as we saw in Part A, with the coming of bilingual education in 1974, the attitude towards English appeared to change in the rising generation. With the switch to bilingual education Sibayan (1978a:310) predicted that Tagalog would ¶ourish, especially in urban areas because of the many opportunities for informal language acquisition provided by the media, especially radio, television, movies, and light reading such as comics and tabloids. Since Tagalog is so closely related to the other languages spoken in the Philippines, these informal venues make it fairly easy to acquire street Tagalog for interpersonal interactions. Gonzalez (1977) noted too that the extensive internal migration and the rapid urbanization of the population was relaxing traditional language norms that bound Filipinos to more than 150 local languages, making the Tagalog-based Filipino used in the media more attractive than English. Sibayan predicted that although English would still survive in Metro Manila because of its widespread use in business, education, government, and the media, English language proªciency would decline in other parts of the Philippines because of lack of social support outside the classroom. Have these predictions come true? Is there really no support for English outside the classroom in the provinces even after one hundred years of public school instruction in English? Are Filipinos in outlying areas never expected to use English with each other in intraethnic communication? Or is English only one of several possible lingua francas for interethnic communication or for communication with foreigners? Are younger people as adept as older at using English or are they abandoning it for Taglish, Filipino, or a regional lingua franca? If English is disappearing, what is replacing it? If the Philippines is to be classiªed as an ESL or an EFL nation, we need to know the answers to these questions.

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Ferguson (1959) brought to our attention the importance of social support for a language when he proposed the term diglossia to explain why two diŸerent forms of a language, such as colloquial Arabic and classical Arabic in Egypt, Swiss German and Standard High German in Switzerland, and Haitian Creole and French in Haiti are able to maintain a stable relationship with each other over several generations. He suggested that what he called the high and the low versions of a language would maintain themselves over generations if the society has assigned them speciªc social roles. These roles can be determined by looking at when the two versions of the language are used. Are there clearly deªned norms followed either explicitly or implicitly by the speakers of the languages? For example, which version appears in newspapers, in literature, in advertisements, or in government documents? Which version is expected in the marketplace, in businesses, at home, or at school? Do all age groups and all social groups in the society follow these norms? If so, there is enough social support for both versions of the language to maintain themselves even though only one may be promoted in the schools. Fishman (1967) extended diglossia to describe the stable relationship of any two or more languages in a society, whether or not they are related. He limited the term bilingualism to describe when individuals use two or more languages and diglossia to describe when a society does so. He further suggested how the two phenomena interrelate in countries with stable and transitional bilingualism. In countries with both bilingualism and diglossia, all the citizens have opportunities to learn both languages as they interact with each other in the various domains assigned to these languages. The citizens develop proªciency in both languages because they derive a personal beneªt from using more than one language in their interactions with each other in various domains. When the citizens no longer see a beneªt in using one of the languages or no longer have opportunities to learn or to use it, it disappears from the society. Fishman, Cooper, and Ma (1971) applied this extended version of diglossia to describe the bilingualism in a Puerto Rican neighborhood in the United States. Since then scholars interested in societal bilingualism or diglossia have used domain analyses to establish whether or not there is su¹cient social support for a language to be maintained as a second rather than as a foreign language. For example, by analyzing the use of Spanish and English in various types of social interaction, Thompson (1974) found that Spanish among Mexican Americans in Texas was transitional when generation within the urban setting was taken into account, even in Mexican American neighborhoods

Social support for English after 100 years

which seemed to be ªlled with Spanish. Although Spanish was available in the neighborhood, the rising generation found little personal reward in using it, even in intraethnic communication. A few simple phrases and short conversational routines in Spanish su¹ced to show group solidarity. General social needs were met through English. Thus the younger generation was switching to English. He also found that the type of English these transitional bilinguals were adopting depended on their social aspirations (Thompson 1975). What would a domain analysis reveal about English in the Philippines as English completes the ªrst one hundred years of its life cycle there? Has urbanization and the increasing penetration of the mass media only supported the spread of Tagalog? Has English become merely the language of the schools, or are Filipinos expected to use English with each other at various times during a typical day as they take part in business, religious, domestic, educational, and governmental activities? Some say that English is slowly becoming restricted to the educational domain. They use the following to support their assertion. The Commission on Higher Education (CHED), which oversees all tertiary education in the Philippines, administers an English placement exam to all incoming freshmen. Most students have problems with the CHED exam and have to enroll in a non-credit course called English Plus before they can continue their English classes at the university. This is a source of irritation to the many students who feel that universities are out of touch with the reality of how much English is used today in the Philippines. They say that if their English is good enough to graduate from high school, it should be good enough to enter the university without further testing. According to the concepts of diglossia and the social support for language, their complaints may be justiªed. Their English proªciency probably re¶ects the level of English that they encounter in the various public domains, including the schools. The three chapters of Part B look at this issue of diglossia or societal bilingualism in the Philippines in more detail. Has English lost the social support it developed during its 100–year history so that Filipinos can no longer develop their proªciency in the language through informal means? Does Filipino society today not demand enough English outside the classroom to qualify as an ESL country? Is Filipino replacing English in spite of the problems that Gonzalez (1997b) notes have accompanied its development? To ªnd out, as I presented workshops throughout the Philippines, I surveyed English teachers as to when they use English in their daily aŸairs. About half of the teachers in this study live and work in Metro Manila, where Tagalog is home. The other half live and work

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in the urban centers in Visayas, where speakers of Cebuano, Hiligaynon, and Waray predominate. Chapter 6 focuses on when these teachers interact with English in the mass media, ªrst through listening and then through reading. Chapter 7 looks at when they use English with other Filipinos in various public domains, such as work, business, and church. In Chapter 8 we turn from the urban to the rural setting with a look at two other important sections of the Philippines, mountainous and somewhat isolated northern Luzon, where Ilocano is the lingua franca, and the large island of Mindanao in the south, which some call the wild Muslim frontier, where the most common lingua franca is Cebuano. Since I did not use this survey at workshops in northern Luzon or in Mindanao, the only teachers in my sample from these two remote areas were teachers who attended my workshops elsewhere. Thus I cannot give the same detailed analysis for these parts of the Philippines. However, information I gathered from the Philippine Media Proªle 1995/1996 (Philippine Information Agency 1996) and from linguists working for the Summer Institute of Linguistics should give us an indication of how the ªndings from Metro Manila and the Visayas might be extended. But before we turn to these chapters, let us ªrst look at what we know about English proªciency today in the Philippines. Then we will look at the background of the teachers who participated in my survey.

B.1 English proªciency in the Philippines today For reasons that were never fully explained, the 1990 Philippine census did not include a question on English language competence. For this reason the Linguistic Society of the Philippines commissioned the Social Weather Stations (SWS), a national polling agency, to ask two questions of a national sampling of the population in December 1993 (Social Weather Stations 1994). The following questions were translated into English, Tagalog, Ilocano, Bikol, Cebuano and Ilonggo and were asked of 1,200 adults: Which of the following applies to you? (allow multiple responses) Read English Write English Understand spoken English Speak English Think in English None apply In your opinion, is your ability with English….? Full Fair Slight Almost nil

Social support for English after 100 years

The sample was divided evenly between Metro Manila, the balance of Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao with an even balance between urban and rural respondents outside of Metro Manila. They found that nationwide 73 percent read English, 59 percent write English, 74 percent understand spoken English, 56 percent speak English, and 42 percent think in English. Only 7 percent claimed no ability in the language. The generalized ªndings showed interesting trends. SWS presented their ªndings according to economic class (5 classes: 3 comfortable, 1 poor, and 1 destitute), age group (18–24, 25–34, 35–44, 45+) and location (National Capital Region, Balance Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao, urban, rural). As would be expected, the higher the socio-economic class, the greater the use of and facility with English. For example, nationally, only 18 percent claim full ability in English. However, among what SWS terms the comfortable classes 44 percent claim full ability as compared to 9 percent among the destitute and 17 percent among the poor. Gender has no eŸect. The older the respondent, the lower the ability to use English. Of those in the 17–24 age group, 77 percent read English, 68 percent write English, 82 percent understand spoken English, 63 percent speak English, and 54 percent think in English. In the 45 and older group the percentages are 62, 46, 65, 48, and 37 respectively, nearly a 20 percent drop in most cases. This contradicts the current perception that the golden age of English proªciency was somewhere in the past and that young people today do not know English. English is more widely used in urban than in rural areas. Nationwide 83 percent in urban areas read English, 74 percent write English, 83 percent understand spoken English, 69 percent speak English and 51 percent think in English. The rural totals are 64, 43, 65, 42, and 33, approximately a 20 percent diŸerence in most cases. English is most prevalent in urban Luzon and in Metro Manila (National Capital Region) with 91 percent in urban Luzon and 87 percent in Metro Manila reading English, 83 percent and 78 percent writing English, 87 percent and 90 percent understanding spoken English, 80 percent and 73 percent speaking English and 59 percent in both cases thinking in English. In rural Mindanao the percentages drop a dramatic 40 to 60 percent with percentages of 43, 23, 36, 25, and 22 respectively for the various language skills. However, respondents in urban Visayas and Mindanao ranked themselves highest in full ability in English with 43 percent in urban Visayas, 26 percent in urban Mindanao compared to 22 percent in Metro Manila and 15 percent in urban Luzon. The rather high ratings for thinking in English for the

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Filipino English and Taglish

young, urban, and middle classes nationwide is a strong indication that in spite of the doomsday calls, the Philippines continues to be an ESL country, at least in the urban setting.

B.2 English teachers in Metro Manila and the Visayas One of my tasks as a Fulbright consultant at the Department of Education, Culture and Sports during the 1996–1997 academic year was to show teachers how to relate their instruction to ways that English is used outside the classroom. I presented workshops to some 4,000 high school and university English teachers, mostly in the Metro Manila area and in the Visayas. To remind teachers of when they themselves used English outside of class, I prefaced many of my workshops with a short usage questionnaire. Teachers reported when they interacted with English in the media and with other Filipinos at work, at church, and at businesses, and in other spheres of activity, the same places where I had noticed Filipinos interacting with each other in English. Although 1036 teachers from throughout the Philippines completed questionnaires, most questionnaires (850) came from teachers in Metro Manila (494) and the Visayas (356). Metro Manila, also known as the National Capital Region (NCR), is a collection of eight cities that President Marcos linked together under a single metropolitan government in 1976. It lies on the edge of the central plains of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippines. With more than 9 million people, it is the social and economic center of the country. It lies in the Tagalog-speaking part of the country. The Visayas are a band of islands immediately south of Luzon that form the middle of the country. They are divided into three regions, Region VI (Western Visayas) with six provinces, Region VII (Central Visayas) with four provinces, and Region VIII (Eastern Visayas) with ªve provinces. The population of about 12 million is about 60 percent rural. Cebuano is the regional lingua franca though Hiligaynon is more commonly spoken in Western Visayas and Waray in Eastern Visayas. The teachers representing the Visayas come from the cities of Iloilo and Bacolod in Region 6, Cebu in Region 7, and Tacloban in Region 8. Contrasting Metro Manila and urban Visayas should be of particular interest. Bautista (1986:494) notes that English is deeply rooted in urban Philippine society — in popular songs, in movies and plays, in textbooks, in newspapers and magazines, and in radio and television programs. English is the essential language for social and economic mobility. Without English a

Social support for English after 100 years

Filipino cannot fully participate in Philippine economic, cultural, and political life. The best opportunities for learning English are in Metro Manila. The best schools are located there, including a large concentration of universities. However, Metro Manila is also the driving force for the spread of Tagalog. As the media capital, it lies in the Tagalog-speaking area and sets the tone for the rest of the nation as it sends out a mixture of English and Tagalog programming. Although there are better opportunities to learn and use English in Metro Manila, the most positive attitude for maintaining English lies in the Visayas. Here lie the political forces which oppose the replacement of English with Tagalog-based Filipino as the national language. This seems to be re¶ected in the SWS language survey. Although respondents in Metro Manila claimed greater use of English language skills and more claimed to think in English, more in urban Visayas claimed a full English proªciency, perhaps indicating that they felt more comfortable using “pure” English than Taglish. Does this mean that English has a more clearly deªned role in the Visayas than in Metro Manila, one that demands the use of pure English rather than allowing language switching to inªltrate English domains? Is there a stable pattern across generations in both areas, or are there signs that English is disappearing in the upcoming generation in either or both of these areas? Is the media having the same eŸect in Metro Manila and urban Visayas? The large sampling of teachers in this study will also allow us to look for answers to these questions. Of course, we need to remember that the usage of English teachers might not be representative of all Filipinos. Llamzon (1984: 109–110) in his 1968 survey using a much smaller sample found that teachers in Metro Manila used more English than other householders and that more teachers than householders felt that English was important for success in a wide range of professions in the Philippines. He also found that 8.7 percent of teachers claimed that English was the ªrst language they learned. In addition, 44.7 percent claimed to speak a mixture of English and Tagalog to their children as compared to 19.9 percent of other Metro Manilans who had at least a high school or college education. Still, the results from this subset of the “comfortable classes” should give us a look at the social support that English enjoys both inside and outside the National Capital Region.

B.2.1 The participants Most of the 850 teachers who participated in this study learned English in school. Only three claimed English as their native tongue, two in Metro Manila

75

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Filipino English and Taglish

and one in the Visayas. Only 62 or 12.55 percent of the teachers in Metro Manila and 25 or 7.02 percent of the teachers in the Visayas have lived in an “English only” environment. For most this was time spent studying in the USA, the United Kingdom, Australia, or New Zealand. However, many had spoken English as overseas workers in various Asian or Southeast Asian countries. Others noted that their English only experience was from studying in a convent school or working in a government o¹ce. Although Manila lies in the Tagalog-speaking part of Luzon, only 77.53 percent of the teachers in Metro Manila report Tagalog as their native language, re¶ecting the economic draw of the National Capital Region for Filipinos from all language areas. In the Visayas, even after nearly sixty years of promoting Tagalog-based Pilipino or Filipino as the national language and after extensive internal migration, less than twenty percent of the teachers claimed Tagalog as their native language. As would be expected, the educational level of the teachers increases with their age (Table B.1). However, more teachers in Metro Manila had an M.A. or Ph.D. than did teachers in the Visayas. The high number of teachers with only a high school education in the youngest age group re¶ects the fact that some of my workshops were sponsored by teacher education programs, attracting participants who had not yet been granted their college degree. Notice too that the teachers from Metro Manila tend to be older. However, the large sample size from the two areas should allow us to make comparisons. Table B.1 Educational background of teachers surveyed in Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) in percentage according to their age group High School MM 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+ Vis 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+

(n=494) (n=74) (n=130) (n=98) (n=192) (n=356) (n=103) (n=104) (n=67) (n=82)

EDUCATION B.A.

M.A.

Ph.D.

10.81 0.77 0.00 0.00

81.08 71.54 44.90 26.54

8.11 26.92 53.06 56.77

0.00 0.77 2.04 16.67

69.90 1.92 0.00 0.00

30.10 87.50 89.55 60.98

0.00 10.58 8.96 35.37

0.00 0.00 1.49 3.65

Chapter 6

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

Comics, radio, movies, and television in that order seem to have been the most eŸective way to promote Tagalog-based Filipino (Gonzalez and Bautista 1981: 243). What role does the mass media play in promoting the informal acquisition of English among Filipinos? English language media is available nationwide. Are younger people rejecting language input from the English language media? Are there regional diŸerences? Do Visayans prefer English media to Tagalog-based Filipino whereas Metro Manilans prefer Filipino? For clues, let us take a look ªrst at how often English teachers in Metro Manila and in urban Visayas choose to listen to English on the radio or watch English language television and movies. Then we will look at how often they choose to read English in newspapers, magazines and books.

6.1 Listening to English 6.1.1 Radio Because of the widespread distribution of battery-powered radios, radio transmissions can be received in the most remote sections of the Philippines, even when there is no electricity. In 1994 radios were in 81.22 percent of households (Philippine Information Agency 1996). When radio was introduced to the Philippines, English was the dominant broadcast language. However, over the decades Filipino and other vernaculars have steadily gained ground. The choice of language is purely market driven. There is no o¹cial policy, though the Kapisanan ng Brodkasters sa Pilipinas ‘Society of Broadcasters in the Philippines’ encourages a balanced use of Filipino and English songs (Gonzalez 1998a: 515). According to the Philippine Media Proªle 1995–1996 (PMP) published by the Philippine Information Agency (1996), there were 27 AM stations and 25 FM stations in Metro Manila (NCR) and 63 AM and 52 FM stations in the

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Filipino English and Taglish

Visayas (Regions 6, 7, 8). Radio ownership was higher than the national average in Metro Manila with 87.80 percent and slightly lower than the national average in the Visayas with 80.11 percent, though the rate in the Western Visayas around Iloilo and Bacolod was above the national average with 83.78 percent. In the Eastern Visayas around Tacloban it was signiªcantly lower at 71.96 percent (Philippine Information Agency 1996). Encanto (1997: 14) noted that AM radio stations cater predominantly to the mass audiences in urban and rural areas and use mainly Filipino or local languages. This has been the case for at least twenty years. Cendana (1981) reported that most announcements, soap operas, radio plugs, jingles, panel discussions, and taped interviews on the radio were in Pilipino. However, Gonzalez and Bautista (1981: 131–132) reported that in the Visayas, audiences preferred Hiligaynon or Cebuano or even English over Pilipino on the radio. Throughout the Philippines popular music tends to be in English in spite of the guidelines from the Society of Broadcasters. The PMP noted that in Metro Manila a music format was preferred by 59.41 percent of the households. This indicates that even if the talk on the radio is in Filipino, the music is English. In Metro Manila the news was the second most popular programming, preferred by 31.44 percent. Few preferred to listen to dramas. In the Visayas, however, dramas were preferred (43.13 percent), especially in the rural areas (49.42 percent). The news was even preferred (28.38 percent) over music (25.97 percent). This indicates that in the Visayas, radio is promoting Filipino or local languages rather than English since talk radio is preferred over music. Encanto (1997: 14) noted that the situation may be diŸerent for FM stations. They target an educated audience, specialize in music, and broadcast usually in English. In line with this, Llamzon (1984: 113) found that teachers and college students in Metro Manila preferred the news, religious programs, and popular music on the radio to be in English with dramas in Filipino. Based on these ªndings, we would expect the teachers in my sample to prefer English radio both in Metro Manila and the Visayas. Not all of the teachers in my survey listen to the radio but most do. In Metro Manila 92.10 percent do and in the Visayas 90.45 percent do. Table 6.1 shows the language preference according to the age of teachers if they listen to the radio. For Metro Manila and the Visayas, preference for English radio decreases as age increases with older teachers more likely to listen to the radio in Filipino or a local language. However, notice that teachers of all ages in Manila are much more likely to listen to the radio in English than are teachers

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

in the Visayas. In fact the diŸerence is rather striking. Unexpectedly, teachers in the Visayas are more likely to listen to the radio in Filipino than are teachers in Metro Manila. In fact, except for the youngest age group, the Visayan teachers listen to more Filipino radio than English radio. This result is especially surprising since earlier studies indicated that the Visayas were resisting Filipino and were giving preference to English in the broadcast media. Radio is deªnitely promoting Filipino in this non-Tagalog speaking area. Table 6.1 Teachers and the language of radio: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) preference percentage according to age English MM (n=455, 92.10% of teachers) 18–24 (n=72) 59.72 25–34 (n=121) 52.07 35–44 (n=91) 40.66 45+ (n=171) 29.24 Vis (n=322, 90.45% of teachers) 18–24 (n=96) 39.58 25–34 (n=89) 24.72 35–44 (n=61) 22.95 45+ (n=76) 18.42

LANGUAGE Filipino Both

Other

19.44 15.70 15.38 22.22

20.84 32.23 43.96 46.78

0.00 0.00 0.00 1.76

28.13 28.09 29.51 30.26

18.75 24.72 31.15 27.63

13.54 22.47 16.39 23.59

6.1.2 Music One might expect the language preferences for listening to the radio to be related to language preferences for singing. Filipinos, as the singers of Asia, like to ªnd reasons to sing. I was usually welcomed to my workshops with singing. Rest breaks during workshops were ªlled with singing. It is not uncommon to hear Filipinos singing to themselves on the streets, on public transportation, or in stores. I often remarked to my family as we walked the streets of Manila that it was like living in an MGM musical. When President Ramos hosted an economic summit of world leaders during my stay in the Philippines, he included the presidents and prime ministers of the visiting nations in a songfest. Pictures on the front pages of the local newspapers featured Ramos singing with President Clinton and others. A Filipino even claims to have invented the karaoke machine. With this in mind, it is not surprising that about 90 percent of the teachers in my survey claim to sing. Table 6.2 shows their language preferences for song.

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Filipino English and Taglish

Table 6.2 Teachers and the language of singing: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) preference percentage according to age MM (n=437, 88.46% of teachers) 18–24 (n=68) 25–34 (n=122) 35–44 (n=84) 45+ (n=163) Vis (n=327, 91.85% of teachers) 18–24 (n=98) 25–34 (n=97) 35–44 (n=62) 45+ (n=70) Combined MM and Vis (n=764, 89.88%)

English

Filipino

Both

70.59 58.20 60.71 58.28

1.47 1.64 2.38 1.84

27.94 40.16 36.91 39.88

77.55 56.70 56.45 60.00 61.91

6.12 5.15 9.68 10.00 4.19

16.33 38.15 33.87 30.00 33.90

Unlike the language pattern for listening to the radio, the preferred language for singing was strikingly similar for both Metro Manila and the Visayas and across all ages. The language of song is decidedly English with an overall total of 61.91 percent singing only in English, 4.19 percent only in Filipino and 33.9 percent singing in both languages. Notice that although few sing only in Filipino, teachers in the Visayas are more likely to sing only in Filipino than are teachers in Metro Manila and that likelihood increases with age. English used to be the language of music instruction in the schools. With the coming of bilingual education, music education shifted to Filipino. However, English music continues to provide informal support for English outside the classroom, most likely though the medium of radio. In fact, English music may be a major source of informal language input for the younger generation. Note that the youngest age group does the most singing in English. Music radio is more predominant in Metro Manila than in the Visayas, but the popularity of English singing is keeping the language alive in both places. Otherwise, radio programming is promoting Filipino in urban Visayas, even among teachers. 6.1.3 Television In 1994 only 44.93 percent of households nationwide owned a television set (Philippine Information Agency 1996). The percentage in Manila was signiªcantly higher at 86.93 percent, almost the same as for radio ownership. In the Visayas it was signiªcantly lower at 26.87 percent. The rate in Western Visayas around Iloilo and Bacolod was somewhat higher at 32.93 percent and the rate in Eastern Visayas around Tacloban was signiªcantly lower at 15.61 percent.

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

Of course, the percentages are probably much higher in the four urban areas that I surveyed, perhaps approaching the percentage in Metro Manila. However the PMP does not give the urban percentages for these regions. Television broadcasts are provided in Filipino and English with some local programming in various vernaculars. The amount of programming in English is purely market driven. Gonzalez (1998a: 509–510) notes that approximately 60 percent of programs are in Filipino (movies and live shows), and 40 percent in English (mostly pre-recorded programs from English-speaking countries and live shows in Taglish). Some surveys indicate that in the Visayas, English language television is preferred over Filipino. They report that while college students and teachers in Manila tend towards English programming, others in Manila prefer Filipino. They also report that throughout the country, newscasts are preferred in English though they are available in English, in Filipino, and sometimes in the vernaculars in the provinces. Cultural presentations are in English and Filipino (Gonzalez and Bautista 1981: 131–132, del Mundo 1981, Pascasio 1988). However, Taglish plays an important role in broadcasts coming from Manila. Pascasio (1988) noted that although the educated classes in Manila prefer English television, Taglish appears in shows appealing to all sectors of the population. For example, sports which are popular with the upper, middle, and educated classes, such as golf, tennis, and bowling, are telecast in Taglish. Locally produced shows which are marketed to the masses in Filipino include Taglish. Cedana (1981: 174) reported a surge of Taglish on television “where strong emotional reactions, greater involvement, and a clearer apprehension of reality on the part of the viewer are demanded.” Sibayan (1985: 597) predicted that Taglish would eventually be the main language used in entertainment and the mass media except for newspapers. According to the PMP the residents of Metro Manila can receive eleven stations with an antenna. In the four cities in the Visayas that were included in my survey, residents can receive between four and seven stations. The two most popular channels in these cities are a¹liated with the ABS-CBN and GMA networks from Manila, thus providing the English and Filipino mix described above. In both Metro Manila and the Visayas cable television is growing in popularity, making channels from the United States, Australia, England, China and other countries readily available. During the time that I was in the Philippines, cable services were expanding rapidly. One island I visited in May received residential telephone service the previous December and cable television three months later. The company reported to me that they

81

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Filipino English and Taglish

were having trouble keeping up with the demand for new connections. Satellite dishes are also proliferating. How do the teachers in my survey ªt into these ªndings of other researchers? Tables 6.3 and 6.4 look at the preferred viewing language of teachers by age and according to whether or not they have cable. All the teachers in both areas report that they have television or at least watch it. Nearly one third of the teachers in Metro Manila have cable in their homes and nearly half of the teachers in urban Visayas do. There are interesting diŸerences between Metro Manila and urban Visayas for those without cable television. Although teachers in Manila are more likely to watch Filipino television programs if they have no cable, in every age group but one there are more who watch only English programs than those who watch only Filipino programs. However in urban Visayas, teachers in all age groups who have no cable are twice as likely to watch Filipino than English language television. In fact, nearly half of the teachers over age 35 who have no cable watch only Filipino programs. Table 6.3 Television and preferred viewing language of teachers without cable: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) preference percentages according to age English MM (n=494) No Cable (n=339, 68.62% of teachers) 18–24 (n=49) 25–34 (n=93) 35–44 (n=73) 45+ (n=124) Vis (n=356) No Cable (n=189, 53.09% of teachers) 18–24 (n=60) 25–34 (n=54) 35–44 (n=36) 45+ (n=39)

LANGUAGE Filipino

Both

23.60 22.45 32.26 16.44 21.78

15.04 20.41 13.98 16.44 12.90

61.36 57.14 53.76 67.12 65.32

13.76 18.33 18.52 2.78 10.26

36.50 38.33 20.37 47.22 46.15

49.74 43.34 61.11 50.00 43.59

Cable has a profound eŸect on the amount of English language television the teachers watch. In Metro Manila 65.16 percent of those who have cable usually watch only English television as compared to 23.60 percent without. In urban Visayas the diŸerence is 52.10 percent to 13.76 percent. In other words, those who subscribe to cable in both areas are almost three times more likely to

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

watch programs in English. Age makes a diŸerence only in urban Visayas. In Metro Manila, the amount of English programs the teachers watch if they have cable is similar across the age groups. In urban Visayas, however, the eŸect of cable is most pronounced for the youngest age group. Only 39.54 percent of teachers over age 45 watch only English television whereas 79.01 percent of those in the 18–24 age group do. Table 6.4 Television and preferred viewing language of teachers who have cable: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) preference percentages according to age English MM Cable 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+ Vis Cable 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+

(n=494) (n=155, 31.38% of teachers) (n=25) (n=37) (n=25) (n=68) (n=356) (n=167, 46.91% of teachers) (n=43) (n=50) (n=31) (n=43)

LANGUAGE Filipino

Both

65.16 64.00 67.57 60.00 66.18

12.90 20.00 8.11 12.00 13.24

21.94 16.00 24.32 28.00 20.58

52.10 79.07 54.00 29.03 39.54

21.56 9.30 20.00 29.03 30.23

26.34 11.63 26.00 41.94 30.23

Note that in general, teachers in the Visayas with or without cable are twice as likely to watch only Filipino television as teachers in Manila. This result is surprising since earlier researchers consistently reported that English is preferred over Filipino in the Visayas. The SWS language survey even reported that residents of urban Visayas were more likely to rank themselves as fully proªcient in English than were residents of Metro Manila. It seems then that in households without cable, television is promoting Filipino rather than English outside of Tagalog speaking areas. However, cable television is promoting English everywhere, though the attraction of English is stronger in Metro Manila. 6.1.4 News When the teachers were asked to name their favorite shows, those without cable indicated that their favorite shows in English were sitcoms and cartoons. Those with cable added movies, talk shows, sports, and the news. According to

83

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Filipino English and Taglish

the PMP, in 1994 television was the primary source of news in Metro Manila for 67.93 percent of households. In urban Visayas it was the primary source for only 31.63 percent of households. Instead, radio was the primary source of news in 51.24 percent of households. In Metro Manila, radio was the primary source in only 11.50 percent of households. Radio news is in Filipino or in a local language. Television news has traditionally been in English, though it has been shifting to Filipino in recent years. Even though television is not the primary source of news in urban Visayas, the PMP reported that news and popular aŸairs programs were the most watched programs on television in both Metro Manila and urban Visayas. Thus television news could be promoting English language proªciency in both areas. Table 6.5 looks at the news preferences of the teachers in Metro Manila according to whether or not they had cable. Table 6.6 does the same for the teachers from the Visayas. Table 6.5 Teachers from Metro Manila (MM) and the language of TV news compared by cable access and age group in percentage English MM (n=470, 95.14% of teachers) No Cable (n=332) 18–24 (n=47) 25–34 (n=91) 35–44 (n=70) 45+ (n=124) Cable (n=138) 18–24 (n=25) 25–34 (n=37) 35–44 (n=24) 45+ (n=52)

31.93 36.17 26.37 35.72 32.26 45.65 48.00 29.73 41.67 57.69

LANGUAGE Filipino 18.07 34.04 25.27 7.14 12.90 15.94 20.00 24.32 12.50 9.62

Both 50.00 29.79 48.36 57.14 54.84 38.41 32.00 45.95 45.83 32.69

The teachers in my sample are more likely to watch the news than are the participants in the PMP study. In Metro Manila, 95.14 percent of the teachers watch the news on television, in the Visayas 92.98 percent do. In Metro Manila among those who have no cable, 50.00 percent have no language preference and watched it sometimes in English and sometimes in Filipino. Only 31.93 percent watch it only in English and 18.07 percent only in Filipino. For those who have cable, the percent of teachers who prefer to watch the news only in English increases to 45.65 percent, the percent who watch only in Filipino drops slightly to 15.94 percent, and the percent who watch in both languages drops to 38.41 percent. However, only for those who have cable in Metro

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

Manila and are older than 45 did more than half usually watch the news in English (57.69 percent). Table 6.6. Teachers in the Visayas (Vis) and the language of TV news compared by cable access and age group in percentage English Vis (n=331, 92.98% of teachers) No Cable (n=181) 18–24 (n=57) 25–34 (n=51) 35–44 (n=35) 45+ (n=38) Cable (n=150) 18–24 (n=42) 25–34 (n=48) 35–44 (n=29) 45+ (n=31)

28.18 28.07 29.41 20.00 34.21 36.00 40.48 37.50 27.59 35.48

LANGUAGE Filipino 33.70 36.84 31.37 45.71 21.05 13.33 16.67 12.50 13.79 9.68

Both 38.12 35.09 39.22 34.29 44.74 50.67 42.85 50.00 58.62 54.84

The pattern is quite diŸerent in the Visayas. Among those who do not have cable, Filipino is preferred over English as the language for the news with 33.70 percent watching the news only in Filipino, 38.12 percent watching in both languages and only 28.18 percent watching only in English. Only among cable subscribers are the teachers more likely to watch the news in English. Among those who have cable the percentage who usually watch the news only in English increases to 36.00 percent, the percentage who watch in both languages increases to 50.67 percent and the percentage who watch only in Filipino drops dramatically to 13.33 percent. A comparison of Tables 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, and 6.6 shows some interesting patterns. Among those who do not have cable, both in Metro Manila and the Visayas, more watch the news in English than watch English shows in general. This probably re¶ects the traditional preference of the educated to receive their news in English. Cable greatly increases the amount of news that the teachers watch in English, especially in the Visayas. This may be because the cable gives access to CNN, the BBC, and other cable news programs from overseas. However, cable has less eŸect on the choice of language for news broadcasts than on the choice for programming in general. In contrast to the pattern among those without cable, fewer teachers with cable watch the news in English than watch English shows in general. In other words, news broadcasts in Filipino are popular even among the educated. This is re¶ected in the

85

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Filipino English and Taglish

current trend of television stations to switch their news programming from English to Filipino to target a wider audience. 6.1.5 Movies The Philippines has a thriving movie industry, second only to India in the number of ªlms produced each year. Action ªlms are by far the most common, followed by romance and drama. The language of these movies is Filipino with some Taglish mixed in. Metro Manila in particular is enamored with the industry. According to the PMP there are 247 movie houses in Metro Manila with a seating capacity of 163,638. Nearly one third of all homes also have a VCR. Their survey found that 18.89 percent had watched a movie on their VCR and 17.35 percent had gone to a movie theater in the past week. In addition, movies are more popular than sports and sitcoms on television. The daily newspapers keep the reading public up to date on the latest scandals of the stars, especially the “bold” stars (actors and actresses known for nudity and sex in their ªlms). Many use movie stardom as a stepping-stone to political o¹ce. Movies are also popular in the rest of the country, but movie houses are not quite as prevalent. In the four urban areas of the Visayas included in my survey, Iloilo, Bacolod, Cebu, and Tacloban, there are only 38 movie houses with seating for 49,129. This accounts for more than half the movie houses and the seating capacity for an area covering three regions and ªfteen provinces. Six of these provinces have no movie houses or at most two. In addition to movie houses, about 9 percent of homes had a VCR. However, since it is common to have friends and neighbors over to watch movies on the VCR, this expands the reach of Filipino movies among the population. The PMP found that although only between one and eight percent of the population over the age of ten in these four cities had seen a movie in a theater in the previous week, between twelve and twenty-six percent had watched a movie on a VCR. What is the eŸect of movies and videos in promoting English? Gonzalez (1988c: 44) reports that the upper, middle and educated classes prefer videos in English. The lower socioeconomic classes prefer them in Filipino. Attendance at movies follows a similar pattern in Metro Manila. Outside Metro Manila movies in Filipino are more popular than movies in English (Gonzalez and Bautista 1981: 131–132, Pascasio 1988). How do these reported trends re¶ect the movie going reported by the teachers in my survey? Are movies encouraging English or Filipino among the teachers?

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

Table 6.7 Teachers and English language movies: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentage

MM 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+ Vis 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+

(n=494) (n=74) (n=130) (n=98) (n=192) (n=356 ) (n=103) (n=104) (n=67) (n=82)

went to movies last month

movie was in English

57.49 83.78 66.15 48.98 45.83 47.19 78.64 42.30 32.89 25.61

62.68 69.35 54.65 56.67 53.64 26.79 32.10 22.73 22.73 19.05

Table 6.7 compares the movie going of teachers in Metro Manila and urban Visayas. The diŸerence is striking. More than half the teachers in movie-loving Metro Manila (57.49 percent) reported that they went to the movies in the past month. Movies were especially popular with the youngest age group as 83.78 percent went to the movies. Close to ªfty percent of even the older teachers said they went to the movies at least once that month. In all age groups, over half the movies they saw were in English. In the Visayas the situation is radically diŸerent. Less than half of the teachers (47.19 percent) went to the movies the previous month. Although 78.64 percent of the youngest age group went to the movies, about the same as the youngest group in Metro Manila, only 25.61 percent of the oldest age group did. Most signiªcantly, in no age group were more than one third of the movies in English. The average for the Visayan teachers watching movies in English was 26.79 percent, ranging from the high of 32.10 percent for the 18–24 age group to the low of 19.05 percent for those over 45 years of age. Movies are not supporting English outside of Metro Manila, even among English teachers.

6.2 Reading English As part of the legacy of 100 years of American style public education for the general population, the Philippines has one of the highest literacy rates in the world. The PMP reported a simple literacy rate of 93.87 percent and a functional literacy rate of 83.79 percent. This high rate holds fairly constant for both urban and rural areas. The urban rate for simple literacy is 96.32 percent, the rural rate

87

88

Filipino English and Taglish

91.20 percent, and the functional literacy rates are 88.39 percent and 79.12 percent respectively. This lags just behind Japan with 99 percent, Singapore with 98 percent and the United States with 96 percent. In spite of these high literacy rates, the popular perception is that Filipinos do not like to read. At the 1987 Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development, the participants noted that not only do few Filipinos read anything, the audience for literature in general, whether in English or in Tagalog, is diminishing (Gonzalez 1988c: 36). The publishing industry is the smallest in Asia (Gonzalez 1988c: 52). This seeming disdain for reading needs to be investigated more thoroughly before looking at the reading results for my teachers. There certainly is no lack of literacy materials in urban areas. In Metro Manila, for example, newspapers and magazines are sold everywhere along the streets. The malls have sellers of both new and used books. I had no trouble keeping my children well supplied with reading materials during my Fulbright stay. However, most books, including the many used books, were imported. The PMP noted that in their study 29.82 percent of Filipinos over age 10 had read a newspaper in the past week, 36.12 percent had read a book, 22.67 percent had read a comic, and 14.44 percent had read a magazine. As might be expected, the reading rates were much higher for Metro Manila than for the Visayas. In Metro Manila 69.12 percent had read a newspaper, 41.22 percent had read a book, 24.75 percent had read a comic, and 20.94 percent had read a magazine in the past week. In the Visayas, the results were somewhat lower but still above the national average. In Iloilo, Bacolod, and Cebu City in the Visayas only a third of the residents had read the newspaper. Nearly that many had read a comic. Only in Tacloban were the results less encouraging. Only 16.95 percent had read a newspaper in the past week. More had read a comic (17.37 percent). The rates of book reading ranged from 49.35 percent in Bacolod to 30.53 percent in Tacloban. Filipinos may not be reading great literature, but this is hardly the picture of a people who do not like to read. Traditionally, literacy has provided strong support for English, particularly among the educated. Academic writing continues to be in English in spite of the switch to bilingual education. There are annual literary contests to encourage the writing of English and Filipino poetry, ªction, short stories, novels, dramas, even movie and TV scripts (Sibayan and Gonzalez 1996: 158). As late as 1988 Pascasio was noting that English predominated in local print media. What we might call public literacy continues to be in English. Advertisements, billboards, tra¹c advisories, warnings and advice to pedestrians and customers

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

at businesses, and instructions on products are in English. However, the picture seems to be changing for private literacy where the reader can select a preferred language. According to the PMP there are 72 daily newspapers in the Philippines. Most of these (42) are published in Metro Manila. The total in Metro Manila includes 12 broadsheets, 25 tabloids, and 5 Chinese dailies. All the broadsheets publish in English. The tabloids generally use Filipino with some English and Taglish. The more serious tabloids have some columns written in English (Encanto 1997). In the rest of the country weekly newspapers predominate. In 1995 there were 245 of these. Most of these are bilingual or trilingual. Some use English and Filipino or English and a local dialect. That the many broadsheets continue to publish in English should bode well for English. The Philippine Daily Inquirer (October 2, 2000) reported that the Asia Research Organization (ARO) found that 52 percent of Filipinos nationwide read the newspaper, considerably higher than the 29.82 percent reported by the PMP. In Metro Manila that rises to 74 percent. However, this includes reading both English broadsheets and Tagalog tabloids. Only about 14 percent nationwide read English language broadsheets and the percentage is dropping. The remaining 38 percent prefer tabloids, which tend to be in Tagalog. The ARO found that the readers of the English language broadsheets tend to be businessmen, professionals, and college students. In other words, for one type of private literacy Filipinos are not selecting English. The newspapers provide English language support only for a special subset of the population. In addition to newspapers, there are 52 magazines published in the Philippines, 39 of which are printed in Metro Manila. Only four of the magazines published in Metro Manila appear in English. The rest are published in Filipino. Some magazines published in the rest of the country appear in local languages. Thus another form of private literacy supports Filipino rather than English. For the same subset that prefers English language newspapers, professional journals and international magazines in English are available. Perhaps the most popular choice for private literacy comes in the form of komiks. According to the 1995 Philippine Media Factbook (Philippine Information Agency 1995) 89 komiks appear weekly or twice weekly, all in Filipino with occasional English text when one of the characters is depicted as a foreigner or a Filipino from the upper social class. Since the PMP found that more than 22 percent of the population over age 10 read comics in any given week, comics are a powerful tool for Filipino. In many provinces the percentage that reads comics rises to over 40 percent.

89

90

Filipino English and Taglish

Which language do the teachers in my sample use when they exercise their literacy skills? Are they too switching to Filipino as the rest of the population seems to be doing, or are they maintaining the educated pattern of reading in English? Let us look ªrst at newspapers, magazines and journals, then books. 6.2.1 Newspapers Table 6.8 looks at the preferred language when these teachers read newspapers. There is little diŸerence in language preference among the age groups so only the general summaries for Metro Manila and the Visayas are given. Note that these teachers are more likely to read newspapers at least once a week than the general population. Table 6.8 Teachers and newspaper reading: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by language and reading frequency in percentage

MM (n=494) Never read news A few times a week Almost daily Overall preference Vis Never read news A few times a week Almost daily Overall preference

(n=11) (n=248) (n=235) (n=356) (n=9) (n=289) (n=58)

English

LANGUAGE Filipino

Both

69.76 72.76 71.22

1.61 0.43 1.04

28.63 26.81 27.74

75.09 77.59 75.50

5.53 1.72 4.90

19.38 20.69 19.60

Whereas the PMP reported a national average of 29.82 percent, and a Metro Manila average of 69.12 percent and the ARO reported 52 percent and 74 percent respectively regularly reading a newspaper, all but 11 (2.23 percent) of the 494 teachers in Metro Manila and 9 (2.53 percent) of the 356 in the Visayas read a newspaper in a given week. As expected, most read newspapers only in English. Surprisingly, about thirty percent of the teachers in Metro Manila read Filipino tabloids at least occasionally. About twenty ªve percent of the teachers in urban Visayas do. This indicates that the tabloids are beginning to attract the educated readers.

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

6.2.2 Magazines and journals Table 6.9 shows the preferred language for teachers when they read magazines and professional journals. There is little diŸerence between the age groups so they have been combined. Note that there is also little diŸerence in language preference between Metro Manila and the Visayas. Nearly everyone claims to have read a magazine or journal recently. Most commonly they report reading a professional journal, a woman’s magazine, a news magazine, or a religious publication. Unlike the general population, their magazine reading is overwhelmingly in English only. Table 6.9 Teachers and the language of magazine and journal reading: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentage English MM (n=477, 96.56% of teachers) Vis (n=351, 98.60% of teachers) Combined (n=828, 97.41 % of teachers)

83.65 80.63 82.37

LANGUAGE Filipino 1.26 2.85 1.93

Both 15.09 16.52 15.70

6.2.3 Books Table 6.10 shows the preferred language for teachers in their pleasure reading over the last six months. Again, there is little diŸerence between Metro Manila and urban Visayas or between the age groups. English is the preferred language. The teachers noted on their questionnaires that the most popular books for pleasure reading are religious books or inspirational reading such at the Chicken Soup for the Soul series. Note, however, that although most teachers read newspapers weekly and occasionally read magazines, very few had read a book during the last six months. The combined total for teachers from Metro Manila and the Visayas who had read a book in the last six months was only 24.94 percent. If English teachers read so few books, the popular conception of Filipinos in general being non-readers in spite of high literacy skills is probably true if only books are taken into consideration. However, given the popularity of newspapers and comics, it would be wrong to say that Filipinos do not read. They just do not like to read books.

91

92

Filipino English and Taglish

Table 6.10Teachers and language of books in pleasure reading in last six months: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentage English MM (n=139, 28.14% of teachers) Vis (n=73, 20.51% of teachers) Combined (n=212, 24.94% of teachers)

94.96 91.78 93.87

LANGUAGE Filipino 2.16 4.11 2.83

Both 2.88 4.11 3.30

6.3 The media and the future of English What do my teachers reveal about the role of the media in promoting English? As was the consensus of the Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development in 1987 (Gonzalez 1988c), English continues to be on the wane on radio and television. The main support that radio gives to English is through music. Even if the other programming is in Filipino or local languages, the English language music comes through as popular as ever in all age groups, but especially among the young. However, except for music, radio promotes Filipino, especially in the Visayas. Even though the Filipino television networks broadcast the same mix of English and Filipino shows throughout the Philippines, teachers in Metro Manila are more likely to select English language shows than are teachers in the Visayas if they do not have cable. Cable television has a profound eŸect on English, increasing dramatically the amount of English language television that the teachers watch, especially among younger viewers in the Visayas. Among viewers without cable, television promotes Filipino. Among those with cable, it promotes English. Movies play a lesser role in supporting English. In Metro Manila, where teachers are frequent moviegoers, the movies they decide to view tend to be in English. In the Visayas where there are fewer movie houses, teachers attend movies less frequently and these movies tend to be Filipino. English in Filipinomade movies tends to come in the form of Taglish. In the past, literacy supported English outside the classroom. This is still true for the teachers in our sample though it is changing for the population at large. Filipinos primarily read newspapers and comics in Filipino. Even the teachers are beginning to read newspapers in Filipino. Although almost no teachers in Metro Manila or the Visayas read newspapers only in Filipino, about a quarter in Metro Manila occasionally do and about a ªfth in urban

English teachers and the media in Metro Manila and the Visayas

Visayas do. Few teachers, however, ever read books for pleasure. When they do, they are nearly always in English. Since English is available in the media throughout the Philippines, it should be providing second language support for English. However, the consumers are shifting to Filipino, perhaps because they are more comfortable with the language. For the media to help English to stay alive in the Philippines, teachers need to make better use of it in the classroom to strengthen its attractiveness in the language marketplace. The language of the media is only one element in determining whether or not the Philippines continues to be an ESL or has switched to being an EFL nation. We must also look at when Filipinos use English as they interact with each other in their public and professional lives. That is the subject of the next chapter.

93

Chapter 7

English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas

In the last chapter we saw that although English still has a strong hold on English teachers in Metro Manila when they interact with the media, in the Visayas, unless they have cable television, they choose Filipino programming on television, watch Filipino movies, and listen to Filipino radio. Even in Metro Manila the hold of English is weakening. Only music and singing in English still have a strong hold on Filipinos across generations. There was no indication that this turning-against-English is a youth phenomenon as these patterns were fairly constant across all age groups. In fact, in most cases, the younger age groups selected more English than the older. Thus it appears that the mass media is encouraging the spread of Filipino and Taglish among the general population, especially outside of Metro Manila. Even reading is switching to Filipino, though English teachers still prefer English newspapers, books, and magazines. Is this shift to Filipino also apparent when looking at when Filipinos use English with each other in interpersonal activities? Do teachers in the Visayas use more English than those in Metro Manila? Already in 1970 Ramos had noted that anyone who persisted in speaking in English when the others had switched to Taglish was branded a snob or show-oŸ. On the other hand, anyone who insisted on using pure Tagalog was considered ultra-nationalistic or having ulterior motives, such as trying to win votes for a cause. Pascasio and Hidalgo (1973) found that Filipinos switched between English and Tagalog depending on role-relationships and speech situations. Does this situation continue some thirty years later? Do Filipinos still ªnd it strange or odd to communicate in straight English or straight Tagalog among themselves? Are there occasions when Filipinos are expected to use English unmixed with Tagalog for sustained periods of time, or has Taglish become the norm for conversational English? Bautista (1988: 75) noted that upper class, upper-middle class, and upwardly mobile urban Filipinos begin practically at birth to expose their chil-

96

Filipino English and Taglish

dren to English, with parents, siblings, relatives, and other caretakers talking to them in both English and Filipino. Gonzalez (1985b) found that in Metro Manila, Taglish was more frequent than pure English at home and work, for church and play. College students in Manila and educated people in the Visayas tended to use English when communicating with absent family members. Barrios et al (1977) surveyed the language usage of university students in eight high status Metro Manila colleges. They found that at school the respondents used Taglish that was predominantly English. At home or at church the Taglish leaned more towards Tagalog. In a second study to compare the usage of students in high status schools with those in less prestigious public ones, they found that those attending less prestigious schools tended to use Tagalog. Both groups used Taglish which slightly leaned towards English when speaking to superiors. Pascasio and Hidalgo (1973) in their study of when college students at three exclusive private universities in Manila switch between English and Tagalog found that these middle and upper middle class Filipinos used more Tagalog than English at home, more English than Tagalog at school, and spoke English and Tagalog equally in social gatherings. They used Tagalog and English equally with brothers and sisters, friends and schoolmates. With professors and school administrators they almost always used English and with older people at social gatherings more English than Tagalog. To speak to the household help, they used almost only Tagalog. However, to speak to strangers or rank and ªle personnel at school or at social gatherings, English and Tagalog were used equally. In other words, these surveys in the 1970s and 1980s found that English implies respect and social distance, Taglish implies congeniality, and Tagalog denotes a lack of status. What is the usage pattern for my teachers in Metro Manila and in urban Visayas ten to twenty years later? I did not survey their usage at home with other family members. However, I did ask when they use English when interacting with colleagues at work, with strangers on the street, with business personnel to begin conversations, and when participating in religious activities. In spite of being English teachers, do they follow the norm established thirty years ago of using Taglish rather than English in interpersonal relations to show solidarity with fellow Filipinos? Their usage patterns may reveal whether or not in the urban setting there is enough support for English outside the schools and independent of the media for the Philippines to be considered an ESL nation.

English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas

7.1 English at work For most Filipinos the vernacular is used at work with co-workers, whereas English, and sometimes Filipino, is used with the o¹ce head. Professionals and semi-professional use more English, while non-professionals use more vernacular and Filipino. But what is the situation at school among English teachers and other faculty? With the coming of bilingual education, there is no longer an English only policy. Still, we might expect talk between English language professionals to be in English. However, participants at the 1988 Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development noted that test results and classroom observations indicate that teachers using English as a medium of instruction were weak in their English language skills (Gonzalez 1988c: 15). Llamson (1984: 112) found these weak language skills re¶ected in when teachers used English with each other. Only 24.4 percent of teachers in his Metro Manila sample used only English, whereas, 40.7 percent used Taglish, and 33.3 percent spoke only Tagalog with each other. In my survey the percentage of teachers who use only English with each other has slipped even more and the use of Taglish has increased (Table 7.1). The teachers both in urban Visayas and in Metro Manila use predominantly Taglish when conversing with each other. In Metro Manila, the usage of English, Filipino, or Taglish is fairly constant across the age groups, though the youngest age group is somewhat more likely to use only English than are the others (about 15 percent for ages 18–24 compared to about 10 percent for the older). Unexpectedly, in view of the media results discussed in the last chapter, Table 7.1 Teachers and language used with colleagues at work: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages MM 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+ Vis 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+

(n=494) (n=74) (n=130) (n=98) (n=192) (n=356) (n=103) (n=104) (n=67) (n=82)

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

11.13 14.86 10.77 9.18 10.94 7.58 3.88 6.73 10.45 10.98

9.92 9.46 11.54 9.18 9.38 4.21 6.80 3.85 4.48 1.22

77.53 72.47 77.69 81.64 77.08 70.51 75.73 69.23 74.62 62.20

1.42 2.71 0.00 0.00 2.60 17.70 13.59 20.19 10.45 25.60

97

98

Filipino English and Taglish

younger teachers in urban Visayas are less likely to speak only English (3.88 percent) than are the older teachers (over 10 percent for those over age 35). They are also more likely to use only Filipino (6.80 percent) than the older age groups (1.22 percent for those over 45). That still lags behind the percentage in Metro Manila who use only Filipino with other teachers (about 10 percent). In urban Visayan schools, the use of English is deªnitely on the decline with Filipino and Taglish gaining in favor, at least among teachers. The results of when English teachers use English with their supervisors is closer to Llamson’s ªndings in 1984 though the use of Taglish has increased (Table 7.2). About a quarter of the teachers in both Metro Manila and urban Visayas use only English with their supervisors. Interestingly, at least one third of the youngest age group of teachers in both Metro Manila and the Visayas indicated that they use only English with their supervisor. For teachers in both locations, Filipino usage drops when speaking with supervisors, as indicated by both the drop in the use of Filipino only and the drop in Taglish. English continues to denote a relationship of respect and formality. Table 7.2 Teachers and language used with supervisor at work: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages MM 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+ Vis 18–24 25–34 35–44 45+

(n=494) (n=74) (n=130) (n=98) (n=192) (n=356) (n=103) (n=104) (n=67) (n=82)

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

26.72 33.78 26.92 24.49 25.00 28.37 39.81 20.19 25.37 26.83

6.28 10.81 6.15 6.12 4.69 2.25 1.94 1.93 1.49 3.66

66.8 54.06 66.93 69.39 70.31 60.95 52.43 72.11 62.69 56.10

0.20 1.35 0.00 0.00 0.00 8.43 5.82 5.77 10.45 13.41

Teachers also reported the language they use when they write reports. When Gonzalez (1985b) reviewed the language surveys conducted in the Philippines from 1968 to1983, he found that technical reports are in English though Taglish is often used in intero¹ce memos, even in upper-class o¹ces in Makati, the ªnancial center of the country. This pattern seems to apply to when the teachers write reports. Table 7.3 shows that both in Metro Manila and in the Visayas English remains ªrmly in control of formal reports with a combined average of 92.91 percent.

English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas

Table 7.3 Teachers and language used in written reports: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages MM (n=450) 18–24 (n=64) 24–35 (n=123) 35–44 (n=97) 45+ (n=184) Vis (n=328) 18–24 (n=97) 25–34 (n=93) 35–44 (n=63) 45+ (n=75) Combined (n=804)

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

94.54 88.89 91.87 97.94 96.74 90.55 88.69 91.40 85.71 94.67 92.91

1.05 2.78 1.63 1.03 0.00 0.61 1.03 0.00 1.59 0.00 0.87

4.41 8.33 6.50 1.03 3.26 8.54 9.28 8.60 11.11 5.33 6.09

0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.30 0.00 0.00 1.59 0.00 0.13

7.2 English in public places When might English teachers be expected to use English away from their work? Pascasio (1988) notes that in government, English is usually the language of formal transactions. Laws, bills, formal reports and memos are written in English. In government o¹ces, workers use English and Filipino with the public. Political campaigns, however, are in Filipino or the local vernacular. In courts of law, judges and lawyers conduct their trials in English with a translator so testimony in Filipino or the vernacular can be transcribed in English. In business and industry, English dominates high-level staŸ meetings presided over by top management. Promotion to top and middle level management demands competence in English. However, with the rank and ªle, Taglish is more frequent in face-to-face encounters or in telephone conversations. An employee usually speaks to his employer in English, though most use Taglish in less formal situations. Contracts and negotiations with foreigners are in English. Policy statements, memoranda, internal and external reports, minutes of meetings and o¹cial correspondence are all written in English. However, Gonzalez (1990: 329) notes that Filipino is rapidly displacing English in intero¹ce communication, in informal board meetings (where Taglish is common), and in interaction in business o¹ces and commercial establishments, except at the highest levels of management. Pascasio (1978) found that businesses in Metro Manila tended to begin conversations with customers in English to denote respect and give the customer higher status in order to encourage a sell.

99

100 Filipino English and Taglish

The situation is diŸerent on the streets and in the markets. Ramos (1970) notes that on the street when speaking to strangers, pure English is usually used at ªrst with a shift to Taglish once rapport is gained. However, when speaking to a person who would be expected to have little formal education, such as a driver, a salesgirl, or a servant, the conversation would start in Tagalog. Gonzalez (1985b) notes that market transactions are conducted in the vernacular, though Filipino is used in places where there is a linguistically mixed population. This language diŸerence between businesses and markets is re¶ected in the use of number words. English numbers predominate when counting in banks, department stores, bookstores, and drug stores. Filipino and Spanish numbers predominate in the market. When do the teachers in my survey use English when interacting with Filipinos in these settings outside of school? Let us look ªrst at when they use English on the streets and then when they interact with business personnel. Table 7.4 reports their responses to the question “When starting a conversation with someone you don’t know on the street, which language do you use?” There are no patterns or trends according to age groups so I give only the totals for Metro Manila and urban Visayas. In Metro Manila the teachers indicated they would speak Filipino (73.88 percent) with Taglish a distant second (22.27 percent). In the Visayas the preferred language was split three ways between the vernacular (31.46 percent), Taglish (32.86 percent), and Filipino (29.78 percent). In neither location was English expected. This is similar to what Gonzalez noted for language use in markets rather than to what Ramos found for the streets. Table 7.4 Teachers and language used with strangers on the street: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentages MM Vis

(n=494) (n=356)

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

3.85 5.90

73.88 29.78

22.27 32.86

0.00 31.46

Table 7.5 reports their responses to two questions: “When starting a conversation with someone you don’t know in a business, which language do you use?” and “When you telephone a business, in which language do you start the conversation?” Again, there are no patterns or trends according to age groups. The predominance of English over Filipino or the vernacular, at least in initiating a conversation in either case, is noted in both Metro Manila and in the Visayas. However, English dominates much more in Metro Manila. Over

English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 101

half of the teachers in Metro Manila would begin a conversation at a business in English and nearly three quarters would begin a telephone call to a business in English, whereas in the Visayas only slightly more than one third and one half respectively would do so. Also, teachers in the Visayas are more likely to use Taglish in both cases than are teachers in Metro Manila. Few in either location would use Filipino. English continues to be identiªed with business transactions, at least for initiating a conversation. Table 7.5 Teachers and language used to start a conversation at a business: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared in percentages MM (n=494) In Person By Telephone Vis (n=356) In Person By Telephone

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

51.62 71.86

13.16 5.47

35.22 22.67

0.00 0.00

39.61 56.46

9.55 5.34

43.26 31.45

7.58 6.74

7.3 English at church It might seem unusual to look at the use of English in church. When the Americans arrived 100 years ago, most of the inhabitants had not learned Spanish because the Spanish priests through the centuries had insisted on conducting religious activities in the local languages. However, Sibayan (1978b: 21) found that in Metro Manila in response to the question “In what language do you identify your feelings best with the Lord?” more indicated English (39.2 percent) than Pilipino (37.1 percent) with 15 percent saying both. He concluded that this re¶ects the practice of conducting religion classes in private schools in English with more memorized prayers being in English. Llamson (1984: 111–112) found that in Metro Manila 32.4 percent of teachers used English with their priest and another 32.4 percent used a mixture of English and Pilipino, i.e. Taglish. Most reported using English in prayers. Barcelona (1977: 70) found that 38 percent of her respondents nationwide used English in prayer. This use of English in religious practice re¶ects the role that the Catholic Church played in promoting English after Governor Taft negotiated the replacement of Spanish-speaking friars with English-speaking ones after the Americans assumed control of the Philippines at the beginning of the century.

102 Filipino English and Taglish

Even the most exclusive private schools and universities switched to English by the 1920s. As we saw in Chapter 4, nationwide 40 percent of high school students are in private schools, nearly 80 percent of university students are, most of them run by the Catholic Church. As a result, most educated Filipinos received their religious instruction in English as they continued through high school and college. Only the Protestant churches have tended to use the vernaculars through the years, though the Episcopal Church promoted English in the remote highlands of the Cordillera in northern Luzon as part of their missionary work. Even today, the Cordillera is known for producing some of the best English speakers in the Philippines. Gonzalez (1998a: 494–495) notes that in the majority of places outside Metro Manila, the local language is used for preaching and for religious rituals, with English used occasionally in church services depending on the preference of the worshippers. However, English is especially common in church services among the educated elite. Sometimes Filipino is used instead of the local language, depending on the attitude of the community toward Filipino. During my stay in the Philippines I noted that English is common in church services, especially in Metro Manila, where it is not uncommon to hear English masses when walking past a Catholic church. Sibayan (1985: 587) predicted that the use of English would decrease in religion and the use of Taglish and Filipino would increase. Gonzalez (1985a: 140) noted that clerics in Metro Manila tend to use Taglish to establish rapport with an audience and to show sympathy for the needs of the youth. Pascasio (1988) conªrmed that English, Filipino, the vernacular, or Taglish may be used in religious activities depending on the setting, the clientele, and the o¹ciator. She noted that Taglish predominates among the better educated when they gather for religious purposes as the communicants establish rapport with one another, emphasize certain points in discussions, explain, exemplify, compliment, request, argue, greet, and take leave. In my survey I only asked those who attended church during the past month to report the language used in the sermon and the language used in singing. If they attended religious classes or group discussions, they were asked to report which language they used. Tables 7.6 and 7.7 show the bilingual nature of religious services in the Philippines. Notice that teachers more commonly attend English language church services in the Visayas (41.52 percent) than in Metro Manila (24.89 percent). In Metro Manila, the sermon is most commonly in Taglish (41.49 percent). About one third in Metro Manila attend Filipino church services only. In the Visayas both the singing and the sermon

English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 103

are more likely to be in English. Only twenty percent attend church services in the vernacular. In the Visayas, the youngest age group has the highest rate of attendance at English language services (48.98 percent English sermon, 65.31 percent English singing). Table 7.6 Teachers and language heard in church sermons: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages MM (n=470) 18–24 (n=69) 25–34 (n=119) 35–44 (n=95) 45+ (n=187) Combined Vis (n=342) 18–24 (n=98) 25–34 (n=100) 35–44 (n=64) 45+ (n=80) Combined

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

28.99 25.89 23.16 23.00 24.89

39.13 31.09 36.84 29.41 32.77

31.88 40.34 40.00 46.52 41.49

0.00 1.68 0.00 1.07 0.85

48.98 39.00 34.38 41.25 41.52

8.16 9.00 1.56 6.25 6.72

31.63 32.00 34.38 27.50 31.29

11.22 20.00 29.68 25.00 20.47

Table 7.7 Teachers and language used in church singing: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages MM (n=470) 18–24 (n=69) 25–34 (n=119) 35–44 (n=95) 45+ (n=187) Combined Vis (n-342) 18–24 (n=98) 25–34 (n=100) 35–44 (n=64) 45+ (n=80) Combined

English

Filipino

Taglish

Other

30.43 36.14 29.47 26.73 30.21

44.93 35.29 36.84 32.09 35.75

24.64 26.89 33.69 40.1 33.19

0.00 1.68 0.00 1.07 0.85

65.31 49.00 43.75 42.50 51.17

11.22 14.00 21.88 12.50 14.33

14.29 17.00 12.50 18.75 15.79

9.18 20.00 21.87 26.25 18.71

As we can see in Table 7.8 slightly more than half of the teachers in Metro Manila and two thirds of the teachers in the Visayas report that they took part in religious discussion groups during the past month. English and Taglish are used more in the discussion groups than in the church services themselves. In discussion groups the rate for using only Filipino or only a vernacular drops in both Metro Manila and the Visayas.

104 Filipino English and Taglish

Table 7.8 Teachers and language used in church discussion groups: Metro Manila (MM) and Visayas (Vis) compared by age in percentages English MM (n=271, 54.86%) 18–24 (n=46) 41.30 25–34 (n=61) 31.15 35–44 (n=56) 28.57 45+ (n=108) 25.93 Combined 30.26 Vis (n=238, 66.85%) 18–24 (n=78) 35.90 25–34 (n=66) 40.91 35–44 (n=45) 42.22 45+ (n=49) 51.02 Combined 41.60

Filipino

Taglish

Other

17.40 18.03 21.43 14.81 17.34

41.30 49.18 50.00 59.26 52.03

0.00 1.64 0.00 0.00 0.37

3.84 3.03 11.11 2.04 4.62

55.13 46.97 37.78 36.74 45.80

5.13 9.09 8.89 10.20 7.98

7.4 Interpersonal relations and the future of English This look at English in the daily life of teachers revealed some interesting patterns. Taglish rather than English has become the language that teachers use in the schools. English remains the language of business, at least for initiating conversations in person or on the telephone. Filipino and vernaculars are seldom used for these purposes. In the Visayas, more Taglish is used than English when initiating a business transaction though Taglish is also common in Metro Manila. Sibayan (1985: 586) predicted that Taglish would be the main language for interpersonal communication in business and education. This seems to be coming true. Surprisingly, religion is supporting English and Taglish among teachers both in the Visayas and Metro Manila, though the support for English is stronger in the Visayas. The amount of English and Taglish increases when teachers interact in religious discussions. This may re¶ect the use of English and Taglish for intellectual discussions in the classroom. Another surprise is that outside the domain of religion, the support for English is weaker in the Visayas than in Metro Manila. The results of this survey of teachers in Metro Manila and in the Visayas show that the status of English has become blurred. Other than for reading and writing, there is no sphere of daily usage that draws Filipinos to English. In spheres once reserved for English, either in interpersonal relations or in the media, Taglish is coming to predominate. Is enough English still being used

English teachers and interpersonal relations in Metro Manila and the Visayas 105

outside the classroom so that English remains a second language in the Philippines? What are the characteristics of this English? Should Taglish be considered the new English? These questions will be examined in further detail in Part C of this study as evidenced by the way English and Taglish are used in the media. For teachers at least, English is not a foreign language. It or Taglish is used everyday in a variety of interactions with other Filipinos. But what about less educated Filipinos, especially those who live in more remote areas of the Philippines, in particular northern Luzon and Mindanao in the south? What is the status of English, Taglish, and Filipino among that population? Is the use of English in the media and interpersonal relations su¹cient to support the informal acquisition of English and maintain English language proªciency outside the classroom? My survey did not draw a large enough sample to draw conclusions about the use of English among teachers in Northern Luzon and Mindanao. However, I did collect supplemental information from linguists associated with the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL). Before we look in Part C at the characteristics of Taglish and Filipino English as they are modeled to the masses through the media, let us take a brief look at the evolving language situation in rural areas of northern Luzon and Mindanao based on information from SIL and the Philippine Media Proªle in the next chapter.

Chapter 8

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

In my workshop activities as a Fulbright scholar, I was usually limited to provincial capitals in the Visayas and central Luzon so I was not able to observe the social support for English in more rural areas in any detail. As Quakenbush (1989) and Hall (1991) point out, the linguistic situation in these areas is more complicated than in Metro Manila or other urban centers. Filipinos in these areas may need to communicate in as many as four diŸerent languages as they carry on their aŸairs. At one level, they need to use their own minority language and perhaps one or two other languages spoken in nearby villages. At the next level they use one of eight regional lingua francas. At the third level they use the national language Filipino as they watch television, listen to the radio, go to the movies, or otherwise interact with the media. At the fourth level are school languages, in particular, English and in some schools in Mindanao, Arabic. Thus, multilingualism rather than simple bilingualism is the norm in rural areas. To get a feel for what is happening outside the urban setting and away from the in¶uence of Tagalog, I sent a questionnaire to linguists working for the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), which has been developing literacy programs among various minority language groups in isolated regions of the Philippines since 1953. I received responses from 28 linguists serving in CAR (the Cordillera Administrative Region, sometimes known as the Mountain Provinces), in Region I (Ilocos), and in Region II (Cagayan Valley) in northern Luzon and in three of the four provinces on the large island of Mindanao in the far south, Region IX (Western Mindanao), Region XI (Southern Mindanao) and Region XII (Central Mindanao). These linguists had been serving in these minority language areas from 1 to 45 years with an average of 11 years. They reported on recent population changes including migration both into and out of the areas, the eŸect of migration on local language usage, the availability of electricity in support of radio, television and other mass media, and the spread of English, Filipino, and Taglish. Ilocano is the regional lingua franca in northern Luzon. Although CAR and Regions I and II share Luzon with Metro Manila, they are located in the mountainous north of the island. Region I hugs the narrow coast between the

108 Filipino English and Taglish

South China Sea and the Cordillera mountain range that runs north to south separating Regions I and II. The infrastructure of Region I is the best in northern Luzon because of the largess of native son President Marcos, the long time president of the Philippines who was deposed for corruption in the People Power Revolution of 1986. Region II is bounded by the Cordillera Mountains on the west and south and the Sierra Madre on the east. Some call this isolated river valley that ¶ows northward away from Manila Luzon’s last frontier, as there is no easy connection to the rest of Luzon. Rugged and largely unexplored, CAR separates these two regions. Its people have resisted assimilation. Unlike the rest of the Philippines, Christianity came not with the Spaniards but with the Americans through Episcopal missionaries. As a result of their work, people from these provinces have the reputation of speaking the best English in the Philippines. Baguio, the mile high summer capital established by the Americans, and the rice terraces of Benawe attract thousands of foreign tourists each year. Mindanao, second only to Luzon in size, lies south of the Visayas, a day or two journey from Manila by ferry, depending on the route. It is of irregular shape with ªve major peninsulas and ªve major mountain systems. The island has an abundance of minerals, including nickel, copper, silver, and gold and has great agricultural resources. However, the island has not been fully developed because of continuing con¶ict between the Muslim and the Christian population. Until the Americans came, Muslim Mindanao was never completely controlled by the government in Manila. After the Second World War, the newly independent Philippines encouraged hundreds of thousands of Visayans to move there to help develop the resources. Now the Muslims are in the minority. As a result of this migration, Cebuano has become the lingua franca in most areas. Because of civil unrest, infrastructure has been slow to develop. Travel within the island is mostly by plane or boat. In the last decade, new regions have been formed in Mindanao as part of a plan to bring economic development and political stability to the island. Since the data for our discussion is based on the alignment of regions in 1990, we will follow that political configuration. Region IX (Western Mindanao) has been the center of many government skirmishes with Muslim separatists. Zamboanga, the largest city in Region IX, was established centuries ago by the Spanish as an outpost to keep control over the Muslims. Spanish-based Chabacano is widely spoken in the area. Region XI (Southern Mindanao) is dominated by the rapidly growing port of Davao, the second largest city in the Philippines and the commercial center of Mindanao. It also has the largest Chinese population in the Philippines.

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao 109

Region XII (Central Mindanao) lies in an agricultural area west of Region XI. Region X (Northern Mindanao) was not included in this study. Since northern Luzon and Mindanao diŸer so much from Metro Manila and urban Visayas, a look at how well English has penetrated the rural areas should give us further clues as to the future health of English in the Philippines. Before we look at when rural Filipinos in these two parts of the country use English to interact with the media or with each other, let us look at what the Social Weather Stations (SWS) 1994 survey found were the characteristics of their English usage. The SWS results are presented according to the general areas of Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao rather than regions so we cannot use the SWS report to determine English usage in northern Luzon. However we can use the general ªndings for the use of English in rural areas as a benchmark. The rural average for all of the Philippines is that 64 percent read English, 43 percent write English, 65 percent understand spoken English, 42 percent speak English and 33 percent think in English. This is quite a bit lower than the report for the National Capital Region with 87 percent reading English, 78 percent writing English, 90 percent understanding spoken English, 73 percent speaking English, and 59 percent thinking in English, but still remarkable considering the problems in delivering education to rural areas. However, the rates for rural Mindanao are even lower. There only 43 percent read English, 23 percent write English, 36 percent understand spoken English, 25 percent speak English, and 22 percent think in English.

8.1 Interacting with English media Most of the media in the Philippines emanates from Metro Manila. As we saw in Chapter 6, it comes in a combination of English and Tagalog-based Filipino. Are these languages understood in outlying provinces? Barcelona (1977) reported the preliminary results of a language usage survey of the National Media Production Center. They elicited information on language use and proªciency from 200 respondents in eight sites from rural and urban settings in areas representing eight major Philippine languages. They found that about half the respondents understood English radio, television, or movies. About sixty percent understood the same in Tagalog. With that in mind, let us look at the social support that the media gives English in these outlying provinces.

110 Filipino English and Taglish

8.1.1 North Luzon: Media proªle Modern media depends on electricity, a scarce commodity outside the National Capital Region for many years. As late as 1987 only 45 percent of Cagayan Valley (Region II) had electricity (Philippine Information Agency 1988: 67). The rate for the Mountain Provinces (CAR) was not given, but the rate could be expected to be even lower, given the rugged nature of the area. However, in Ilocos (Region I) 72 percent had electricity, one of the best rates of electriªcation outside of the Metro Manila region, re¶ecting the massive development projects instituted by native son President Marcos during his twenty years in o¹ce. A major push of the Ramos administration from 1992 to 1998 was to make electricity available in all parts of the Philippines. The SIL linguists report that as a result most remote areas in north Luzon have had electricity for the last three to ªve years, though often only in houses near main highways. We would expect this lack of electricity in the Cagayan Valley and the Mountain Provinces to limit severely the in¶uence of the media in promoting English outside the classroom since television and movies depend on electricity. Radio can penetrate anywhere if batteries are available, but as we have seen, radio tends to promote Filipino or local languages rather than English. The Philippine Information Agency (1996) gives the following picture of northern Luzon in the Philippine Media Proªle 1995–1996 (PMP). Northern Luzon had a 1995 population of 7,870,000 that was predominantly rural (67.43 percent). Ilocos has four provinces, both the Cordillera or Mountain Provinces and the Cagayan Valley have ªve provinces. In Ilocos, which has been electriªed for some time, there are 7 television stations, 37 radio stations, and 26 movie houses distributed through all the provinces. With the recent arrival of electricity in much of the Mountain Provinces, the number of television stations has multiplied and nearly equals the number of radio stations (14/16). Each of its ªve provinces has at least two television stations. Two of the provinces have no local radio stations. There are few movie houses. Outside of Baguio, the only city in CAR, most provinces have none or at most one or two movie houses. In Cagayan Valley there are no television stations but 17 radio stations. In Batanes Province, a group of islands oŸ the northern coast, there are no movie houses, but in the rest of the region there are 30. Throughout northern Luzon, AM radio predominates over FM (40/30) with most FM stations located in urban centers. With these facts in mind, let us look at the reported viewing and listening habits of the rural residents according to the PMP and the SIL linguists.

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

8.1.1.1 Radio Households in northern Luzon are at the national average for ownership of radios (national, 81.22 percent, Region I 82.21 percent, CAR 79.97 percent, Region II 81.45 percent). The PMP reports that in rural areas of the Mountain Provinces drama series were the most frequently tuned in program on radio (43.33 percent) followed by news (26.79 percent) and music (20.16 percent). The results are similar for rural Cagayan Valley. Drama series were heard most frequently by 51.50 percent, followed by news (22.90 percent) and music (20.33 percent). In rural Ilocos the picture diŸers. The news is heard most frequently by 37.81 percent followed closely by music (34.61 percent). Drama is a distant third at 21.37 percent. Since only music on the radio tends to be in English, radio does not seem to be supporting the maintenance and spread of English in north Luzon. The SIL linguists report that this is true. In the rural areas where they work, most people listen to the radio in Ilocano, the regional lingua franca, or a local language, if it is available. Filipino is a distant second. Seldom does anyone listen to the radio in English except to listen to music. 8.1.1.2 Television Except for Region I with its longstanding electriªcation program, the lack of electricity has had an eŸect on ownership of television. Most of northern Luzon is signiªcantly below the national average (national 44.93 percent, Region I 51.81 percent, CAR 23.69 percent, Region II 25.04 percent). In the Mountain Provinces the most frequently watched shows are drama, news, sports, and music, in that order. In Ilocos the order is news, drama, music, and sitcom. In the Cagayan Valley the order is news, drama, movies, and sports. Drama, sitcoms, and movies tend to be in Filipino with some Taglish unless they are imported shows from the United States. News may be watched in either English or Filipino. Music is in English. Sports tend to be broadcast in Taglish unless they come from overseas. Thus, unless the viewer watches the news or music in English, television is probably supporting Filipino and Taglish rather than English. The SIL linguists reported that in most of the areas where they work, electricity has only recently arrived, thus there are few if any television sets. However, in those areas where there has been electricity for several years, not only television, but cable television is common, especially among the middle and upper classes. As we saw in Chapter 6, the arrival of cable television has a profound eŸect on the promotion of English. Thus the continued electriªcation of rural areas with the accompanying spread of cable television could

111

112

Filipino English and Taglish

change the language situation so that television is supporting the spread of English. 8.1.1.3 Movies and videos Even in areas with no electricity, the VCR can bring language to the people if they buy a generator. According to the PMP Northern Luzon is below the national average for ownership of VCRs (national 13.56 percent, Region I 11.77 percent, CAR 9.13 percent, Region II 12.12 percent). However, the SIL linguists report that in many towns families have bought generators to power their VCRs and televisions. Many run video houses or Beta houses and charge admission. Thus the in¶uence of the VCR is wider than the ownership statistic would indicate. Several provinces are even above the national average in ownership. For example, on the islands of Batanes province in Region II, where there are no movie theaters, 33.98 percent of homes have a VCR, higher than the average for the Metro Manila (30.19 percent). The PMP reports that in north Luzon, action videos were most watched in November 1994 (Region I 62.94 percent, CAR 49.32 percent, Region II 49.07 percent). Few attended the movies in a theater in any given week (Region I 4.39 percent, CAR 6.08 percent, Region II 3.95 percent) For those who went to the movies the preferred movie was overwhelmingly an action ªlm (Region I 52.66 percent, CAR 47.02 percent, Region II 48.04 percent). In action ªlms and videos, the visual is more important than the language. The SIL linguists reported that about 80 percent of the movies or videos shown in their areas were in Filipino. Sometimes action ªlms in English or even Chinese were shown since the language could be ignored. When I visited small towns in the Mountain Provinces, I noted how the viewers in public places such as hotel lobbies or restaurants or even in their homes sometimes minimized the language input of televised action movies and sports by turning the sound low. Thus VCRs and movies are having a limited eŸect on English. 8.1.1.4 Print What about print? According to the PMP, in northern Luzon daily newspapers are imported from Manila. Most local papers appear weekly at most. As a general rule the locals read newspapers at less than the national average of 29.82 percent (Region I 28.45 percent, CAR 30.83 percent, Region II 23.13 percent) but read comics at a rate higher than the national average of 22.67 percent (Region I 25.22 percent, CAR 27.23 percent, Region II 27.96 percent). Note that in the Cagayan Valley (Region II) the rate for reading comics exceeds

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

that for reading newspapers. Of those who read newspapers in rural areas, most of them read national newspapers published in Metro Manila rather than local newspapers that may be in regional or local languages, though readers in the Mountain Provinces have a strong preference for local newspapers. (Region I 91.29 percent national, 8.42 percent local, CAR 60.33 percent national, 36.77 percent local, Region II 89.90 percent national, 9.74 percent local). In other words, the national newspapers, if they are broadsheets, are supporting English. However, the comics are supporting Filipino. Since comic reading is higher than the national average and newspaper reading lower, literacy skills are promoting Filipino rather than English in Ilocos, the Mountain Provinces, and the Cagayan Valley. 8.1.2 Mindanao: Media proªle Electricity is even scarcer in Mindanao. In 1987 only 31 percent of Western Mindanao (Region IX) had electricity, 38 percent of Southern Mindanao (Region XI), and 29 percent of Central Mindanao (Region XII) (Philippine Information Agency 1988: 67). This electricity was available primarily in the few urban centers. As in northern Luzon, in mountainous areas electricity is available only near major roads and highways. The Social Weather Stations survey (1994) found that although general use of English was lowest in Mindanao, more in urban Mindanao ranked themselves as having a full ability in English (26 percent) than the national average (18 percent), even higher than residents of English dominated Metro Manila (22 percent) and second only to urban Visayas (43 percent). Is this positive attitude towards English re¶ected in how the residents interact with the media even though there is little electricity? The PMP gives the following media proªle. The 1995 population of this portion of Mindanao was 11,686,000 with 58.42 percent rural, somewhat less rural than Northern Luzon. The three regions we are looking at, Western Mindanao, Southern Mindanao and Central Mindanao have ªve provinces each. There are 21 television stations, but they are not distributed evenly through the regions. In Western Mindanao all the stations are located in Zamboanga. In Southern Mindanao they are all in Davao. Only two provinces in Central Mindanao have television, and they have one station each. Of course, if the transmitters are located on mountaintops, nearby provinces may share reception. Although over half the radio stations are located in just two cities, Zamboanga and Davao, all but one of the provinces have at least one

113

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Filipino English and Taglish

radio station. Of the 91 stations, AM stations predominate with 51. All of the provinces have at least one movie house, most have at least four. 8.1.2.1 Radio The PMP reports that radio ownership is slightly below the national average of 81.22 percent (Western Mindanao 75.09 percent, Southern Mindanao 80.22 percent, Central Mindanao 78.19 percent). In rural Western Mindanao drama is the most frequently listened to program (48.62 percent) followed by news (25.11 percent) and music (23.78 percent). In rural Southern Mindanao the preferences are drama (45.48 percent), music (27.65 percent), and news (24.94 percent). The preferences in Central Mindanao are similar (drama 43.12 percent, music 28.16 percent, news 26.87 percent). With a predominance of AM stations and an overwhelming preference for radio drama, we would expect that radio is promoting Filipino and local languages rather than English. The SIL linguists report that most radio is in Cebuano, the regional lingua franca. In some areas, the radio is also available in a local language. One popular type of program allows listeners to call in messages in local languages. Filipino is a distant second or third in popularity though in some areas English programs are more popular than Filipino, in particular, the music programs. In some places younger listeners prefer Filipino music on the radio and can be heard singing in Filipino rather than English. Thus radio is having a mixed eŸect on language in Mindanao. In most cases it is promoting the regional lingua franca rather than either English or Filipino, though both English and Filipino are receiving some local support. 8.1.2.2 Television Re¶ecting the lack of electricity, television ownership is considerably below the national average of 44.93 percent of households (Western Mindanao 26.04 percent, Southern Mindanao 32.61 percent, Central Mindanao 27.41 percent). However, a much higher percent of the population watches television in any given week (Western Mindanao 35.19 percent, Southern Mindanao 50.l4 percent, Central Mindanao 46.35 percent). The eŸect of long-term availability of electricity can be seen in the urban centers of Zamboanga and Davao. There 77.74 percent and 81.94 percent respectively view television in any given week, approaching the percentage for Metro Manila (91.11 percent). Among those who have television in rural areas, the order of preference for most frequently watched shows are drama, movies, news and sports for Western Mindanao and drama, news, movies, and music for Southern Mindanao

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

and Central Mindanao. The PMP reports that the most popular television stations are a¹liated with the national networks based in Metro Manila. Gonzalez (1998a: 510) reports that 60 percent of television programming from Manila is in Filipino and 40 percent in English. That means that depending on the programs the viewer selects, television is promoting English, Filipino, or Taglish rather than regional or local languages. The SIL linguists reported that television ownership in rural areas depends almost entirely on how long electricity has been available. Most areas have no electricity or have only received it in the last year or two. Where electricity has been available from some time, televisions are common, in a many as 50 percent of the homes. Some neighborhoods without electricity from the government are connected to private generators. Cable television is not readily available except in urban centers that have had electricity for some time. Thus, except for areas that have had electricity for some time, television is having little eŸect on English. The SIL linguists report that it is helping spread Filipino. Children can be heard reciting Filipino television commercials from memory. 8.1.2.3 Movies and videos Mindanao prefers to see movies on television or VCRs rather than in a theater. In most rural areas they are the second most popular programming on television. Although television ownership is considerably below the national average, according to the PMP VCR ownership is at or near the national average of 13.56 percent (Western Mindanao 13.61 percent, Southern Mindanao 12.34 percent, Central Mindanao 11.49 percent). Nearly half the families who have television also have a VCR. As in northern Luzon many homes that have electricity only from generators consider owning a television with a VCR a family business. These video houses charge admission to watch movies that are brought in each week. In fact, the SIL linguists report that in some communities, video houses have replaced the local movie theaters since they are more economical to run. Very few go to the movies in theaters in any given week (Western Mindanao 5.57 percent, Southern Mindanao 5.88 percent, Central Mindanao 5.49 percent). As in Northern Luzon, action ªlms are the overwhelming choice both on video and in the theaters. The SIL linguists report that nearly all the movies and videos in rural areas are in Filipino. 8.1.2.4 Print According to the PMP although some of the cities in Mindanao have low circulation daily newspapers, most provinces have no local newspapers except

115

116 Filipino English and Taglish

for a weekly. As a result few in Mindanao rely on print for their source of news. They report that they read newspapers and comics at a much lower rate than the national average (Newspapers: national average 29.82 percent, Western Mindanao 20.66 percent, Southern Mindanao 17.12 percent, Central Mindanao 13.70 percent. Comics: national average 22.67 percent, Western Mindanao 14.68 percent, Southern Mindanao 18.41 percent, Central Mindanao 16.65 percent). Note that for Southern Mindanao and Central Mindanao, more read comics than newspapers. For those who read newspapers in rural areas, most read national newspapers from Metro Manila rather than local ones. (Western Mindanao: national 53.08 percent, local 44.02 percent; Southern Mindanao: national 81.19 percent, local 18.25 percent; Central Mindanao: national 88.05 percent, local 9.72 percent). As in northern Luzon, literacy skills would be supporting English if the national newspapers are broadsheets. However, tabloids and comics support Filipino. Since reading comics is preferred over reading newspapers, as in northern Luzon, literacy is promoting Filipino over English.

8.2 Interacting with English in interpersonal relations In both north Luzon and Mindanao, when is English used in interpersonal relations in rural areas? Are there certain times when English is expected, even when speaking to Filipinos of the same ethnic group? When schools were conducted only in English, the teacher was the chief model for the language in rural areas. She could also be expected to set the pattern for usage outside of school because of her special status. Her lifestyle re¶ected the urban experience she had during her teacher training, possibly in Metro Manila. She was not only more educated than the small farmers, her regular income allowed her such amenities as television, stylish clothes, a ¶ush toilet, and a gas or electric stove (Foley 1976). With the coming of bilingual education, the situation changed. Now the teacher might just as well be the model for Filipino. As electricity becomes more available in a community, is television extending the example of the teacher in speaking English or Filipino? Quakenbush (1989) may have found the answer when he examined language use among Agutaynen speakers in northern Palawan province, a chain of islands west of Luzon in Region IV. These island dwellers are mostly ªshermen and farmers, with a growing number of professionals. He found that although English is highly esteemed, it has only limited use, mostly by those with

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

advanced education, and then only in educational or other formal contexts. Filipino, on the other hand, is replacing English as the lingua franca and is on the verge of replacing local languages among the younger generation, mostly because of its use in the mass media. Is the situation the same in north Luzon and Mindanao? Let us look at the SIL reports for clues. 8.2.1 Northern Luzon The SIL linguists working in rural northern Luzon note that although English plays a limited role in interpersonal relations in all age groups, the developing language situation diŸers in the three areas studied. In Ilocos, which has been electriªed for many years, television is widespread and is common in all social classes. This is the homeland for Ilocano, the regional lingua franca, so, as expected, Ilocano is spreading among the various minority languages. However, Filipino is having a strong eŸect on younger speakers of minority languages. They are mixing the two, to the consternation of the older generations. English for the majority of the people in rural areas is spoken at a very superªcial level, though the middle class and above speak it quite well. Older people seldom use Taglish. However, it is increasing among the younger generation as they hear it modeled in Filipino movies and in Filipino television shows. Thus television is encouraging the spread of Taglish and Filipino, rather than English. The linguists in rural areas of Cagayan Valley report that Ilocano is spreading as an interpersonal language as Ilocanos move into the area. Neither English nor Filipino are having much impact. Teachers and high school graduates know English and Filipino, but most others know only market Tagalog and a few English phrases. Ilocano rather than Filipino or English is aŸecting the local languages. A third pattern has developed in Mountain Provinces. Historically, CAR has been known for producing English speakers. Many continue to favor English over Filipino and mix some English with the minority languages. However, they seldom use just English with each other. Most keep English and Filipino separate though Taglish is spreading among the young people through the in¶uence of television. Many mix English with the minority languages but seldom do they use English or Filipino outside of school. In spite of television and video houses, the standard of English is dropping. Ilocano rather than Filipino is taking over.

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In all three rural areas in the north, English is not seen as the language for economic advancement except for those in the middle class. Most in search of work conªne themselves to other Ilocano-speaking areas. If they seek work overseas, they tend to go to nearby Hong Kong or Taiwan. 8.2.2 Mindanao We would expect the situation in Mindanao to diŸer from northern Luzon. It has been subject to massive migration from the Visayas where English has been held in high regard but not Filipino. Especially in the large urban centers of Zamboanga in the southwest and Davao in the southeast we might expect the use of English to resemble that which the teachers in my survey revealed for the urban centers in the Visayas in Chapter 7. However, according to the data from the Social Weather Stations 1994 survey, the urban usage of the English language in Mindanao (62 percent read English, 55 percent write English, 65 percent understand spoken English, 46 percent speak English, and 22 percent think in English) resembles the rural usage in the Philippines as a whole (64 percent read English, 43 percent write English, 65 percent understand spoken English, 42 percent speak English, and 33 percent think in English). Even though the people in urban Mindanao report that they use English far less than any other area of the Philippines, they rank their ability with the English language higher than do Filipinos in Metro Manila, (urban Mindanao full ability 26 percent, Metro Manila 22 percent). This would indicate that they take special pride in their English, even though they might not use it. But what is happening in the rural areas? The rates for using English are lowest in rural Mindanao. Only 12 percent claim full ability in English, 43 percent read English, 23 percent write English, 36 percent understand spoken English, 25 percent speak English, and 22 percent think in English. Is Filipino spreading at the expense of English? The SIL linguists in Western Mindanao around Zamboanga report than many Visayans have moved into the area. As a result, several languages are spoken, each with a special purpose. Most of the people they work with are ªshermen and farmers, though some are o¹ce workers or even government employees. They ªnd that Tausug has become the trade language between Muslims whereas Cebuano or Chabacano is the language for non-Muslims. Sometimes they hear English being used, probably because of the urban in¶uence of Zamboanga.

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

They report hearing little Taglish. English and Filipino are kept as separate languages, sometimes the third and fourth languages that people learn. Cebuano is having more of an eŸect on local languages than either English or Filipino, though under the in¶uence of television and video houses English phrases such as “hey, man” are appearing in the local languages. Since television is so limited because of a lack of electricity, it does little to enhance English proªciency in rural areas. However, many areas prefer to use English rather than Filipino for interethnic communication. Outside of school, neither English nor Filipino plays any role in daily life except to speak with outsiders. In Southern Mindanao around Davao the SIL linguists report that Cebuano rather than Filipino is spreading as the lingua franca as thousands of Visayans move into the rapidly developing area. In some areas other languages from the Visayas, such as Hiligaynon or Ilongo are widely spoken. Most people in rural areas are farmers and ªshermen. Vegetable farms and coconut plantations are common. English is used mostly for interacting with the government. Few speak English unless they have ªnished high school. Most drop out during elementary school. In some areas only the boys continue in school so the women know little English or Filipino. Outside of school, English and Filipino are seldom heard except to speak to outsiders. Some areas prefer to use English to speak to outsiders, other areas, Filipino. Even those who have little schooling can pick up Filipino because it is easier to learn since it is related to the local languages and shares many cognates. However, English, Filipino, and Cebuano play no role in interpersonal communication other than to speak to those of other ethnic groups. In Central Mindanao, which is more rural than the other two regions under consideration, the SIL linguists report that Cebuano is becoming the lingua franca. It is also in¶uencing the local languages. Older people who have an education speak English better than Filipino. The young understand English if they went to high school, but do not speak it well. English is not mixed with Filipino or other languages, except as a source of loan words. As electricity spreads, more English and Filipino is being heard, though younger people prefer to learn English even though it is more of a struggle. In most rural areas in Mindanao English is not that common. It is not viewed as the passport for better employment since most have very limited English proªciency. When they leave for better employment opportunities, most go to nearby urban centers such as Davao or Zamboanga where Cebuano is more useful than either English or Filipino. Some go as far away as Manila. If

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120 Filipino English and Taglish

they go overseas, most go to nearby Malaysia or to Saudi Arabia or some other Muslim country.

8.3 The status of English after 100 years: Some tentative conclusions After looking at the usage of English among teachers in Metro Manila and in urban Visayas and the reports of the PMP and SIL linguistics in northern Luzon and Mindanao, what can we say is the status of English in the Philippines after 100 years? English for interpersonal relations is an urban rather than a rural phenomenon. It is more common and has more social support in Metro Manila than in the provinces, even in those provinces that have a positive attitude towards the language. Its usage is closely related to education, government, and business, with strong ties to religion among the educated. In Metro Manila, the mass media provides social support for English. Although television is in both English and Filipino, the educated choose the English programs. The in¶uence of English increases in homes that have cable. Movies also support English. Literacy skills also support English through widespread reading of English language newspapers. English is also more prevalent in interpersonal relations, being used to initiate conversations in businesses and converse with supervisors at work. The use of Taglish is also widespread. English continues to be a second language in Metro Manila, at least among the educated. In urban Visayas, even though the same social support for English is available and surveys indicate that the attitude towards English is more favorable than in Metro Manila, less English is used. Filipino television is preferred over English, as is Filipino radio. Cable television increases the presence of English in the home, but not as much as in Metro Manila. Filipino language movies are preferred over English language ones. Literacy skills also give less support to English. Although the Visayan teachers in my survey read newspapers more frequently than the teachers in Metro Manila, other surveys show that in the population at large, fewer read newspapers in urban Visayas than in Metro Manila. In some areas more read comics in Filipino than read newspapers, which may be in English or Filipino. They were also less likely to use English with colleagues at work or in business activities, but more likely to use it with their supervisor or in religious activities. Still, in both Metro Manila and urban Visayas television attracts younger audiences to English, especially with

English in northern Luzon and Mindanao

the spread of cable television. Except for the power of cable television, English is losing its status as a second language among the educated in urban Visayas. In rural areas, English does not play a role in interpersonal relations because of limited proªciency. As Quakenbush (1989) noted in his look at languages in rural Palawan, English must be learned in school. Although it has more prestige than Filipino, Filipino is rivaling the local lingua franca because it can be learned informally through the media. In our review of the SIL data we found that English is limited to the middle classes who have ªnished high school. Even in areas with a positive attitude towards English, regional lingua francas are preferred over either English or Filipino for interpersonal relations, in particular with outsiders. The media plays a limited role in supporting English because of the lack of electricity. The available media supports the local lingua franca or Filipino. Literacy supports Filipino since the most popular reading is comics. As electricity becomes available and more buy television sets and are connected to cable the language situation may change since cable television increases the amount of English from both Metro Manila sources and from overseas that is available in the home in both urban and rural areas. Thus electricity holds the key to the future of English and its spread among those who are not aŸected by the forces of urbanization and inter-island migration in search of work. Reading in English can be avoided. But as electricity spreads, so does television, especially cable television with its attractive programming. In remote areas without television, English is seldom heard outside of school since it plays little if any role in interpersonal relationships. This lack of social support outside the academic setting makes English an unattractive language for many school children, especially now that there is bilingual education and teachers are free to use local languages in school. Thus in rural areas, English now has the status of a foreign language. Taglish is not an issue in these rural areas since English is seldom used outside the academic setting, and when it is, it is seldom mixed with Filipino. However, with the spread of television, not only English but Taglish will be modeled to the young English language users since it is the informal version of English that has been developed by the educated in Metro Manila, the chief source of television programming. Thus we need to look at what type of English is modeled to the masses through Philippine television. That is the major focus of the chapters in Part C.

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Part C

Modeling English to the masses A look at the media

If English is truly a second rather than a foreign language in the Philippines, there must be opportunities for informal acquisition of the language outside the classroom. As we saw in part B, the main promoters of English in the public sphere are music, newspapers, and television. All are available to all social classes in all parts of the nation. However, Tagalog is also promoted through the media. Thus it is more than simply a matter of whether English is available for local consumption. For two languages such as Tagalog and English to maintain themselves side by side, the local population must derive personal beneªt from using both languages. Both English and Tagalog are second languages for most Filipinos; both have long standings as national languages. In other words, both are competing with each other for local aŸection. As programmers, scriptwriters, advertisers, journalists, and others decide which language to use in the media, they consciously or subconsciously reveal their feelings about the social appropriateness of each language. Their language choices at times hide messages, much like the innuendos and snide remarks that might surface from time to time in a long simmering family squabble. In part C we will look at this language squabble from various perspectives with a focus on how well the media supports the spread of English as a second rather than a foreign language. Our family did not have television while in the Philippines. However, during my stay in hotels in various parts of the country I took note of the language switching in the local programming. Language switching is such the norm that the title from the TV guide is not an accurate indication of when a program is in English or in Tagalog. Sometimes a show with a Tagalog name is predominantly in English and vice versa. For example, Usapang Business is a business show with a newsmagazine format that is predominantly in English. Mixed Nuts is a comedy sketch show almost entirely in Tagalog. Even English and Tagalog commercials appear mixed in together with programs in either

124 Filipino English and Taglish

language. Without actually watching the programs and measuring with a stopwatch, it is di¹cult to determine how much television programming on a given evening is in English and how much is in Tagalog. Before we returned to the United States, I had a friend tape Monday evening television May 26, 1997, on ABS-CBN 2, the most popular television network. He also recorded on the following Tuesday a Tagalog movie and a comedy show from GMA 7, the second most popular network, and on Wednesday a basketball game from IBC 13, the third most popular network, primarily a sports channel. Approximately 40 percent of the programming for those three nights was in English. One half hour of news was entirely in English, a one hour business show was about three quarters in English, and a nearly three hour basketball broadcast was about two thirds in English. About ten minutes worth of scenes in a televised Tagalog movie were in English. In addition 70 percent of the commercials were in English. That means that even those who prefer Filipino programming hear quite a bit of English since English is mixed into every show at least through the commercials. What type of English is being modeled in this informal learning context? At the 1988 Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development (Gonzalez 1988c), the participants noted that the English used in the media is not the English language that language planners talk about. Richards (1982) notes that one characteristic of new Englishes around the world is a codeswitching variety that serves as an informal register. In the Philippines this code switching variety is called Taglish. We have seen that it has become the language of the elite in business, in schools, in religion, in the media, and elsewhere. Although at one time it was not unusual to ªnd Filipinos who spoke only English to each other and even claimed English as their native language, a Filipino who uses nothing but English today among Filipinos is rare. Thus any look at English in the media must look at codeswitching with its underlying social messages The six chapters in Part C look at how English is modeled in the media from diŸerent perspectives. The ªrst ªve chapters look at commercials, situation comedies, sports broadcasting, a movie of the week, and other typical television shows from an evening of viewing. The ªrst two chapters look at how English is modeled from a linguistic standpoint. Chapter 9 examines the linguistics of English Tagalog language switching based on Muysken’s (2000) typology of code-mixing. The codeswitching data comes from the play-by-play commentary of two sports commentators at a televised basketball game. How much English does a Filipino need to know to follow the switching pattern modeled by these commentators? Chapter 10 looks at the role that commer-

Modeling English to the masses 125

cials play as informal language teachers in promoting the acquisition of English outside the classroom so that Filipinos can engage in the switching pattern modeled by the basketball commentators. Are commercials structured in such a way to teach communicative competence with its associated grammatical, discourse, pragmatic, and strategic competences? The next three chapters look at the social messages that accompany English-based rather than Tagalogbased code switching. Chapter 11 looks at how English in commercials promotes values traditionally associated with the social engineering of the American colonizers a century ago: the English language enriches, empowers, and ennobles Filipinos. Chapter 12 examines in ªve case studies the language switching of successful Filipinos. How do they present themselves to the public in televised interviews? Four of the case studies come from a business news magazine show. The ªfth is an interview with the coach and a basketball player on the winning team in the basketball ªnals analyzed in Chapter 9. What do the principles of Accommodation Theory reveal of their adherence to the values and principles which were promoted by the commercials in Chapter 11? Chapter 13 examines the backlash against English that is revealed in the language switching in two Tagalog sitcoms, a comedy sketch show, and a televised Tagalog movie. How do the social messages that advertisers promote by using English in commercials con¶ict with the messages that English portrays in shows aimed at the masses? The ªnal chapter of Part C shifts the focus from television to newspapers as it looks at the English in newspapers which were sold on the streets of Manila on Monday April 21, 1997. How does language switching in the newspapers re¶ect the social messages of language switching on television? Has Taglish become an informal style for written English as it has for spoken English? What does the use of Taglish in the press imply for the future of English in the Philippines?

Chapter 9

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

The Philippines is engulfed with basketball fever. The sport is close to the hearts of millions of Filipinos across generations. Probably only cock ªghting surpasses it in popularity. Not only are games of the Philippine Basketball Association televised throughout the country, so are games of the National Basketball Association from the United States. College and professional teams are located throughout the islands. Newspapers regularly report basketball scores and team standings for both the Philippines and the United States. Since basketball telecasts are part of the 40 percent of local television programming that is in English, a look at the language used by the commentators should give insights into Filipino English as it is modeled to the masses in a popular program. The viewers at home can see and hear that English is the language of basketball as soon as they turn on the program. In the background they can hear the arena announcer speaking only English. The texts of all courtside advertisements and the motto written on the playing ¶oor of this particular arena, “Sportsmanship is our goal,” are in English. Even the text on the television screen giving background on players or reviewing plays is in English. However, if the viewers are native English speakers, they soon note incomprehensible stretches as the play-by-play commentators switch from English to Tagalog in the broadcast. What is the linguistic form of this Taglish that is being modeled to the masses? That Taglish rather than pure English is modeled to the masses in Filipino English language programming should not be unexpected given the nature of English in the Philippines. As Fairclough (1995) points out, English worldwide is undergoing an informalization process where public or professional English is adopting conversational forms to make it accessible to the general public. As we have seen in earlier chapters, the informal version of English that has developed in the Philippines mixes English and Tagalog. Thus as television informalizes its English language broadcasts, Taglish rather than pure English is modeled to the masses. The use of Taglish refocuses the dilemma that Gonzalez

128 Filipino English and Taglish

(1998b) notes that linguists face when deciding whose English should be described when investigating the English language in the Philippines. Should it be the spoken English of the better private schools, the English of the carefully edited English language press, or the less educated English of the streets? As Ferguson advises in his foreword to Kachru’s (1982) collection of papers on English in a variety of world contexts, rather than follow the model traditionally favored by American linguists of using only the monolingual version of English as the basis for a linguistic description, we should recognize that much of the world communicates in two or more languages on a daily basis and characteristically mixes them in everyday conversation. As Romaine (1989) points out, code switching is what is modeled to children in these societies and learning how to codeswitch in socially appropriate ways is an important part of developing communicative competence. In Philippine homes, for example, though most children do not learn English as their native language, Taglish is modeled to them by parents and other family members, yayas ‘child care workers’, and of course television. Thus the linguistic characteristics of this codemixing rather than the particulars of pure Filipino English should be of more interest as we look at how television informally promotes English.

9.1 A model for language mixing Since Taglish has developed as an informal style of English, social norms govern its use. Gingras (1974), for example, found that Mexican Americans raised in a community in the United States gave diŸerent grammatical judgments on what kinds of code-mixed sentences were appropriate than recent immigrants from Mexico. Thus we can expect that although there may be some general principles that govern code switching, rules for when it is appropriate to code switch in a conversation may vary in diŸerent speech communities. This makes it di¹cult for an outsider like myself to get a true picture of the phenomenon since my presence as a European-looking native speaker of English who cannot speak Tagalog automatically changes the social dynamic and thus the switching behavior. I could describe the linguistics of written Taglish as it appears in tabloid newspapers, novels, and other written forms, but these are subject to editing and may not re¶ect everything that is happening in the spoken language. For that reason, I decided to use for my description of Taglish a transcript of the fourth quarter of Game Five of the nationally

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 129

televised 1997 Philippine Basketball Association ªnals between Gordon’s Gin and the Purefood Corned Beef Cowboys. The game was played on Wednesday May 28, 1997, in the Araneta Coliseum in Quezon City, Metro Manila and was broadcast on the IBC network, which frequently features sports programming. The transcription and glosses were provided by Carolina Mendoza, an educated speaker of Tagalog from Manila. The transcription was then divided in clauses for this analysis. Given the nature of basketball commentary even in the USA, the clause category includes elliptical clauses in the form of phrases as in the series of six clauses and elliptical clauses that I have marked in example (1). Note that in the examples given in this chapter, in order to highlight the English aspect of Taglish, the Tagalog elements are given in italics. Under the Tagalog is a literal translation. Under the literal translation is the conversational equivalent in English in quotes. The source code following the examples indicates the location of the utterance in the transcript according to the speaker and the clause number. (1) Pumaren looking up. #Six point lead. #Patrimonio nasa gitna. #Finger in middle roll.#Wala!# No foul# nothing ‘Pumaren looking up. Six point lead. Patrimonio in the middle. Finger roll. Missed. No foul.’ (N99, N100, N101, N102, N103, N104)

Thus the following description of Taglish is based on unscripted language aimed at a Philippine audience of avid basketball fans. The rapid pace of a very close game keeps the language ¶owing. We will look at the language of the two play-by-play commentators, Andy Jao (better known as Dr. J) and Noli Eala (Noli). Dr. J appears to be in his forties or ªfties. His English follows the Filipino standard with the air of formality which has oft been noted by Gonzalez (e.g. 1983, 1992, 1997a). As is so often heard in Filipino English, he carefully pronounces his vowels, even in unstressed syllables, and his syllables seem evenly timed. His co-commentator Noli appears to be in his twenties or thirties and sounds as though he has spent some time in the United States as his speech has the vowel reductions in unstressed syllables that are characteristic of American English.

130 Filipino English and Taglish

Table 9.1 Taglish in the speech of two basketball commentators Words Total English % English Clauses Total Words/clause English only % English only Tagalog only % Tagalog only Taglish % Taglish

Dr. J

Noli

2405 2081 86.53%

2996 1813 60.51%

364 6.61 276 75.83% 37 10.16% 51 14.01%

488 6.14 172 35.25% 143 29.30% 173 35.45%

In Table 9.1 we can see the amount of English and Tagalog the two commentators use. Noli speaks slightly more than Dr. J though Dr. J speaks in longer utterances as he gives background comments and explanations in careful, methodical English with little language switching. Dr. J. seems to be targeting the older generation of Filipinos who feel less comfortable with Taglish. As slightly less than 14 percent of the running transcription of his speech is in Tagalog, his switching slips by native speakers of English almost unnoticed. More than 75 percent of his clauses are only in English. Slightly more than 10 percent are only in Tagalog. Nearly 15 percent mix the two languages. His cocommentator Noli seems to be targeting the younger Filipino audience with his rapid-ªre Taglish description of the action. Nearly 40 percent of his words are Tagalog as he blends the vocabulary, grammatical forms, and syntax of English and Tagalog. About 35 percent of his clauses are in English, 30 percent are in Tagalog, and 35 percent are in Taglish. However, simply reporting the percentage of words that are in English or Tagalog does not give a true picture of how Taglish works. What are the linguistic characteristics of this code mixing in the Philippines? How English is Taglish? Muysken (2000), after reviewing his own work and the work of Auer (1995), Clyne (1967), Labov (1972), Myers-Scotton (1993), Poplack (1980), Trudgill (1986), and others, suggested the following three way typology for analyzing language switching: alternation, insertion, and congruent lexicalization. Let us look ªrst at alternation and insertion, the two most common types of language switching.

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

With alternation, the two languages act like language fortresses. The grammar of one language alternates with the other, often at clause boundaries as in (2). (2) Noli: A weak pass tapped out by Benny Cheng at mananatili ang bola sa And will remain the ball on panig ng Purefoods. (N256, N257) side of ‘A weak pass tapped out by Benny Cheng and the ball will remain on the side of Purefoods.’

With insertion, one language serves as the base or matrix language. Words (typically content words such as nouns and verbs rather than function words), phrases, or ªxed expressions from one language are inserted into sentences based on the matrix language, much like language islands. The following example uses Tagalog as the matrix language. (3) Dr. J: Parang walang problema kay Jerry yong fade away. (J18) Like no problem for that ‘It seems like Jerry does not have any problem with that fade away.’

With either type of switching Poplack’s (1980) equivalence constraint would be expected to apply. In other words, the code switches should occur at points in the discourse where the grammar of the two languages match so as not to violate the grammar rules of either language. English and Tagalog are genetically unrelated languages and diŸer so greatly that the US Army’s Defense Language Institute has found Tagalog to be one of the more di¹cult languages for English speakers to learn. Since this is the case, let us take a brief look at some basic rules of Tagalog grammar to see where Tagalog grammar might converge with English to allow language switching.

9.2 A grammatical sketch of Tagalog and its focus system Since Bloomªeld (1917), one of the founders of American structural linguistics, ªrst presented Tagalog grammar to American linguists and subsequently used many Tagalog examples in his classic introductory textbook Language (1933), generations of American linguists have worked through Tagalog language problems as an introduction to how languages diŸer. Traditionally, English word order is considered SVO with the subject preceding the verb and

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132 Filipino English and Taglish

the object following. In Tagalog the predominant order is VSO with the verb coming ªrst as in example (4). (4) a.

Tagalog VSO Kumain ang bata ng mangga sa silid. ate the child a mango in room b. English SVO The child ate a banana in the room.

Notice that ang translates as the determiner ‘the,’ ng as the determiner ‘a,’ and sa as the preposition ‘in’. These translations are common in dictionaries, phrase books, and simple introductions to Tagalog. However, such an analysis hides the focus aspect of Tagalog that characterizes it and the other Philippine languages (E. Constantino 1965). Before we look at how the focus system works in Tagalog, let us review how information focus works in English. In English conversation word order and focus stress work together to point out to the listener the new information that is being emphasized or focused. Let us use example (5) to illustrate what we mean. Note that when we simply say the sentence without a discourse context, the heaviest stress is on mango since the object of the verb eat is most likely the information of interest rather than the location. (5) The child ate a mango in the room.

This placement of heavier stress on mango also complies with what we call in English end focus. We like the new information or focus information after the verb near the end of the sentence. We put heavier stress on the focus word and then let our voice pitch fall to tell the listener that the following adverbial is interesting background information but is not the focus information. Notice too that since the focus information is being mentioned for the ªrst time, a is used rather than the. Let us look at how this changes in a discourse context. For example, if the speaker is responding to the question Where did the child eat the mango? the word room would now receive the heaviest stress. In fact, the words the child and the mango would probably be changed to the appropriate pronouns to make the focus on room more prominent, as in (6). (6) Where did the child eat the mango? The child ate the mango in the room. or He ate it in the room.

Notice how the stress shifts to child in (7).

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

(7) Who ate a mango in the room? The child ate the mango in the room. or The child did.

We could say the entire sentence The child ate the mango in the room with stress on child but the alternative answer in (7) is more natural since deleting the information after the focus stress makes child the last information in the sentence, thus complying with end focus even though it precedes the verb. In (8) we can see more emphatic answers. Notice how they use end focus. (8) Where he ate the mango was in the room. Who ate the mango in the room was the child. What he ate in the room was a mango.

In (9) we can see another emphatic focus. (9) It was in the room that he ate the mango. It was the child who ate the mango in the room. It was the mango that he ate in the room.

Notice how the heavy stress falls on the noun following the it was construction and how the intonation drops afterwards to indicate the information is secondary to the stressed word. These so-called cleft sentences are used only for emphasis and are not the usual way that we focus information in conversation. Sometime a passive is used if we do not want to mention who did the action, as in (10). (10) The mango was eaten.

Notice that if we add either in the room or by the child, room or child becomes the focus information because of end focus. In other words, in regular sentences there is no particular structure that we use in English to denote information focus other than placement in the sentence, stress patterns, and the use of pronouns to de-emphasize information. Even the written language relies on word order and pronouns to indicate information focus. In fact, our methods of focusing information are so subtle they have to be taught to native speakers in college composition classes and they have escaped the notice of many linguists through the years because they depend on a discourse rather than a sentence context. This is not the case in Tagalog. Information focus is an integral part of every sentence. Read through the following examples and note how the verb

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134 Filipino English and Taglish

a¹xes change as ang ‘the’ is placed on diŸerent nouns in the sentence. I have underlined the changes to aid the reader. Example (11) might be the answer to Who ate a mango in the room? (11) Kumain ang bata ng mangga sa silid. Ate the child the/a mango in the/a room. ‘The child ate the mango in the room.’

Example 12 might answer What did the child eat in the room? (12) Kinain ng bata ang mangga sa silid. Was eaten the/a child the mango in the/a room ‘The child ate the mango in the room.’

Notice that the English translation is the same as for (11). The stress pattern would simply be diŸerent. Traditionally linguists have translated sentence (12) as the passive The mango was eaten by the child in the room following the grammatical analysis suggested by the Spanish friars in colonial times who called such sentences passives since that is the case in Spanish and other European languages when the verb agreement is based on the object of the verb rather than the actor who does the action (E. Constantino 1971). However, as we have seen in our brief look at English focus structures, this passive translation does not re¶ect the focus of the Tagalog sentence since both room and child are in focus positions in the English passive, but not mango, which is the focus target in the Tagalog sentence. The Tagalog verb agreement changes again if the location becomes the focus. For example, sentence (13) might be the answer to the question Where did the child eat the mango? (13) Kinainan ng bata ng mangga ang silid. Was eaten in the/a child the/a mango the room. ‘The child ate the mango in the room.’

Notice again that the English translation is the same. The focus stress simply shifts to room. In Tagalog the focus marker ang has been placed on the location, replacing the sa and the verb agreement has changed to indicate that a location is the focus. In other words, ang, rather than being the equivalent of the, marks the focus target. The semantic case of the focus target is marked on the verb and ang replaces the semantic case marker that would normally precede the noun. Again, since the verb agreement is based on the location rather than the actor, linguists have traditionally also called this a passive. Sentences such as

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

(12) they call object passives, those like (13) they call location passives. Since location passives are not possible in English they often give translations such as the following: ‘The room was where the child ate the banana.’ However, as we saw in our look at English focus structures, this is an emphatic focus structure in English. The Tagalog is not emphatic. It is simply the expected sentence based on the discourse rules. Two other focus passives with similar permutations in verb agreement are beneªciary passives (traditional translation: ‘The boy was made a cake by his mother’) and instrumental passives (traditional translation: ‘The spoon was used by his mother to make him a cake’). In brief, the Tagalog rule is to place an ang before the noun that is the focus target for the sentence and to indicate on the verb whether the focus is on the actor, the object, the location or direction, the instrument, or the beneªciary. All nouns that are not the focus are marked for semantic roles in the sentence such as actor, object, location, etc. using ng, sa and other semantic markers that will be introduced later as we look at the basketball commentaries. This brief introduction to the important role of focus and semantic case markers in every Tagalog sentence should su¹ce as we look at the code switching structures in these basketball commentaries. We will see later that they have an unexpected in¶uence on Taglish. Since these so-called passive forms rather than actives not only predominate but are the expected forms in Tagalog discourse, Hopper and Thompson (1980: 288) make special note of the passive nature of Tagalog in their treatise on transitivity in language. However, as we have seen, translating all the sentences as ‘The boy ate the mango in the room’ and shifting the stress probably indicates more accurately the English equivalent when we take into account how focus works in English. Today rather than call these sentences passives simply because of the mismatch of European and Tagalog verb agreement, Tagalog grammar books call sentences such as (11) active sentences with actor focus and sentences such as (12) and (13) non-active sentences with object focus and location/direction focus respectively. Such an analysis re¶ects both the in¶uence of Fillmore’s (1968) case grammar and the shift to analyzing languages on a discourse as well as a sentence level. For a look at how the analysis of Tagalog has shifted through the years compare Bloomªeld (1917), Schachter and Otanes (1972), Llamzon (1976), and Schachter (1990, 1993). Dumasis (1984) inadvertently discovered the important role that discourse plays in the Tagalog focus system. He noted that researchers had found that the so-called “passives” predominate when Tagalog ªction and other texts are analyzed. However, in an experiment with Tagalog-speaking tenth graders

135

136 Filipino English and Taglish

he found that sentences such as (11), which are now called active sentences with actor focus, are the elicited sentence type when Tagalog speakers are given verbs and nouns and are asked to create sentences without a context. In other words, the non-active sentences predominate in ªction and other texts because the sentences occur in a discourse sequence. Active sentences predominate only when there is no such context. In any case, marking every noun for its semantic role is an integral part of the focus system in every Tagalog sentence. Since not only the word order but the focus system diŸer so greatly from English yet are such an important part of the grammar, what will be their eŸect on the Taglish used in basketball commentaries? To ªnd out let us look at how Dr. J and Noli model alternation and insertion to the viewers of the basketball game.

9.3 Alternation Perhaps as a consequence of the great diŸerences between English and Tagalog grammar, the chief characteristic of the Taglish in this basketball commentary is alternation between Tagalog and English at the clause level. Let us look at alternation ªrst between turns in the commentary and then within turns. Table 9.2 shows the language switching of Dr. J and Noli when they take turns in speaking. Table 9.2 Alternation between turns: Language of speaker 2 Speaker 2 Dr. J

Noli

Language Pattern: Speaker 2 starts in English Speaker 1/Speaker 2 English/English Tagalog/English Total turn starts in English

74 46 120 (80.54%)

65 10 75 (50.34%)

Language Pattern: Speaker 2 starts in Tagalog Speaker 1/Speaker 2 Tagalog/Tagalog English/Tagalog Total turn starts in Tagalog Total Turns

14 15 29 (19.46%) 149

27 47 74 (49.66%) 149

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 137

As might be expected, both had the same number of turns at speaking as they give the play-by-play commentary during the fourth quarter of the game. However, they diŸer dramatically in whether they start their turn in the same language the other commentator is using. Note that Dr. J prefers to start his turn in English even when Noli is speaking in Tagalog. On the other hand, although Noli usually continues in English if the previous comment is in English, he often shifts to Tagalog. Whereas Dr. J started about twenty percent of his turns in Tagalog, Noli started nearly ªfty percent of his turns in Tagalog. We can see how this works in the following examples. In (14) the commentary continues in English between turns. (14) Dr. J: Noli: Dr. J: Noli:

They are not wilting under the pressure right now (J59) So far, so far. Patromonio (N84) Good (J60) It is good. He gets the basket, but he travels in this case after that. (N85–87) Dr. J: Yeah, he had extra step after he stopped. (J61)

In (15) the commentary continues in Tagalog. (15) Noli: Malalaki na ito, Dr. J. (N30) Big already these ‘These (players) are already tall, Dr. J.’ Dr. J: Talagang malalaki at saka, mabibigat. (J26) Really big and also heavy ‘They are really tall and heavy.’ Noli: Ito na ang Itramuros Wall ng Corned Beef Cowboys. (N31) This already the of ‘This is already the Intramuros Wall of the Corned Beef Cowboys.’

In (16) we see how Dr. J usually speaks English while Noli adds his comments in Tagalog. (16) Dr. J: They have three to give before they get into the penalty. Almost, huh (J232–234) Noli: Ipinasa niya. Natapik palabas ni Dindo Pumaren. (N337–338) Passed he tapped out by ‘He passed the ball. It was tapped out by Dindo Pumaren.’ Dr. J: That’s what we can expect from Dindo Pumaren at these stages of the ballgame, the hustle, the pick-up. You really got to protect the ball as if it was your life. (J235–237)

138 Filipino English and Taglish

Although there is usually no obvious communicative purpose for the switching, at times there is a switch from English to Tagalog to emphasize or clarify something that was just said, as in (17) and (18). (17) Dr. J: Nobody is calling a time out? (J251) Noli: Walang timeout. (N360) None ‘No timeout’ (18) Dr. J. He’s playing hurt. (J101) Noli: Oo. Nagkaroon po ito ng kapansanan back in the ªrst half. (N134) Yes had this of disability ‘Yes, he had an injury back in the ªrst half.’

Table 9.3 shows the switching pattern between clauses when Noli or Dr. J continue talking within their turn. Table 9.3 Alternation within a commentator’s turn Language pattern: No shift between clauses Continues in English Continues in Tagalog Total no shifts between clauses Language pattern: Shift between clauses Tagalog to English English to Tagalog Total shifts between clauses Total possible shifts

Dr. J

Noli

143 17 160 (74.42%)

85 96 181 (53.39%)

25 30 55 (25.58%) 215

78 80 158 (46.61%) 339

Note again that Dr. J is more likely to continue in English between clauses and does relatively little switching within his turn. On the other hand, Noli switches back and forth between the two languages when it is his turn to give the commentary. Example (19) shows Noli’s switching pattern when the game gets exciting. (19) Noli: This is going to be a close one down the stretch. Bal David pumapay ng baseline. fanning of ‘This is going to be a close one down the stretch. Bal David is fanning the baseline.’

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 139

Dumaan siya sa kanto. Mintis. Rebounds. Sa kanya pa rin. Lumapit. Passed he in corner missed in him still approached Fall away. ‘He passed to the corner and missed. Rebounds. Still has the ball. He approaches. Falls away.’ Medyo pinilit iyan. Rebound. Nakuha ni Wilmer Ong. (N138Little bit forced that got by N146) ‘Looks a little forced. Rebound. Wilmer Ong got it.’

Contrast Noli’s continual switching with the usual pattern of Dr. J. a few seconds later in (20). Dr. J. may insert a comment or two in Tagalog, but for the most part his commentary is in English. (20) Dr J: Kanina, one, one ang foul. Ngayon apat na naman sa isa. A while ago the now four linker again on one ‘A while ago the foul was one, one. Now, it is already four on one.’ Gordon’s just gives up the fouls so easily. They don’t challenge with their defense and they just cannot. They really have a lot of problems with the movement pace of Purefoods. (J112–117)

Sometimes the alternation is a clarifying comment given in the form of a conditional or a relative clause as in (21) and (22). (21) Dr. J: By the way, they also let him sit out because of the deliberate foul. He’s back in the ballgame. He has ªve personal fouls kung hindi ako nagkakamali. (J97–100) if not I mistaken ‘if I’m not mistaken.’ (22) Noli: Twenty second time out, ang hinibingi ni Eric Altamirano, the being asked for by ‘asked for by Eric Altamirano’ with four seconds remaining in the shot clock. (N323)

A few times (seven times for Dr. J and thirty times for Noli) a clause started out in one language and switches to the other partway as in (23) and (24). (23) Dr. J: That is why medyo may itatagal siguro. (J33) a little bit have sustain maybe ‘That is why he can probably keep going.’

140 Filipino English and Taglish

(24) Noli: And Gordon’s really cranking it up ngayon sa depensa. (N335) now in defense ‘And Gordon’s really cranking it up now in the defense.’

9.4 Insertion This switching in the middle of a clause in the previous two examples introduces another type of code mixing: insertion. With insertion one language serves as the base or matrix language and words and phrases from the other language are inserted in grammatically appropriate places. Note in (25) how an English adverb and noun have been inserted into a Tagalog sentence. (25) Dr. J: Usually, yong score na yan, nagpapanalo na. (J156) that that determine winner already ‘Usually with that score we can determine already which team will win.’

Table 9.4 shows the frequency that Dr. J and Noli insert English words into Tagalog clauses and elliptical clauses and the frequency that they insert Tagalog into English. Table 9.4 Code mixing through insertion Dr. J Clauses with English base With Tagalog inserts Clauses with Tagalog base With English inserts Total clauses with inserts

288 20 (6.94%) 76 29 (38.16%) 49 (13.46%)

Noli 240 73 (30.42%) 248 99 (39.92%) 172 (35.25%)

Note that clauses in either English or Tagalog typically do not have insertions. In fact, when comparing the totals and percentages in Tables 9.3 and 9.4, we can see that for both speakers, language switching most commonly occurs as alternation between clauses rather than as insertion within clauses. In other words one of the chief characteristics of Taglish in this basketball commentary is that language switching comes between clauses rather than within clauses. When insertions do occur, they most likely happen when Tagalog is the base or matrix language. Since this is the case, let us look ªrst at English insertions into Tagalog.

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

9.4.1 English into Tagalog As we saw in Table 9.4, when either Dr. J or Noli are speaking Tagalog, nearly forty percent of their clauses have English insertions. Table 9.5 shows the grammatical classiªcation of these insertions. Note that the totals in Table 9.5 are greater than those in Table 9.4 since a single clause may have more than on insertion. Table 9.5 Grammatical category of English insertions in Tagalog clauses Noun Complex Nominal Det. Adj. Noun Prepositional Phrase Verb Predicate Adjectival Coordinating Conjunction Subordinating Conjunction Rejoinder/tag Adverbial Number TOTAL

Dr. J

Noli

7 14 0 2 4 2 2 2 2 3 2 40

32 45 2 8 4 4 6 0 11 8 3 123

Let us take a look at some examples of each of these. Notice that the insertions into a Tagalog matrix clause are typically noun related. Of the 40 insertions in Dr. J’s Tagalog commentary, 23 or 57.50 percent were nouns, complex nominals or prepositional phrases. For Noli the percentage was even higher. Of the 123 insertions in Noli’s Tagalog commentary 87 or 70.73 percent were in these noun categories. In (26), (27), and (28) we see examples of nouns and complex noun insertions. (26) Noli: Patromonio sumiksik sa baseline. moved closer to ‘Patromonio moved closer to the baseline.’ (N167) (27) Dr. J: Ang plano talaga, isasagad siya dito sa second half. The plan really push the limit he here in ‘The plan is to really push him to the limit here in the second half.’ (J34) (28) Noli: Pero isa pa ring good presence of mind mula kay Dindo Pumaren. But one more also from ‘But one more (display) of good presence of mind by Dindo Pumaren.’ (N13)

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142 Filipino English and Taglish

Note that complex nouns include adjective-noun combinations and nouns with post-nominal prepositional phrases but not English determiners. As noted in Table 9.5, there are only two occurrences of a complete English noun phrase insertion including a determiner, as in (29). (29) Noli: At kasama ngayon ni Anthony, the winning coach si Sonny Jaworski. And with now with subject marker ‘And now with Anthony is the winning coach, Sonny Jaworski.’ (N459)

Keeping in mind the importance of marking the semantic cases of nouns as part of the Tagalog focus system, is it any wonder that noun insertions from English do not include determiners or prepositions? To include them would violate the equivalence constraint since the focus system is basic to any Tagalog sentence. In fact, as shown in (30) and (31), those few times when English prepositional phrases are inserted, they appear as adverbials of time at the beginning or the end of the clause so as to be outside the matrix sentence and thus not interfere with the focus system. (30) Dr. J: Nahuli lang siya doon in that last play. Caught only he there ‘Only he was caught in that last play.’ (J96) (31) Noli: Since 1991, pamula noong nanalo ang Ginebra from a 1,3,1 since when won the deªcit…. ‘Since 1991, when Ginebra won from a 1,3,1’ (N16)

English verbs were occasionally inserted either as the main verb of the sentence with the appropriate Tagalog markings, as in (32) and (33), or in participle form as a predicate adjective, as in (34). (32) Noli: Nagha-huddle yong mga azul. Nagha-huddle rin yong mga puti. Huddling those pl blue huddling also those pl. white ‘The blues are huddling. The whites are huddling too.’ (N190, 191) (33) Dr. J: Siyempre, tatayo lang si Marlou, hindi na di-dribble yan. Of course, stand only focus marker not already will dribble that ‘Of course, Marlou will just stand there, he will no longer dribble.’ (J323, 324)

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 143

(34) Dr. J: Yong covered na yan, parang may maktapat na board diyan. That that like have across that there ‘That is covered like there is a board across it.’ (i.e. the shot is blocked) (J56)

Occasionally English coordinating and subordinating conjunctions are inserted as in (35) and (36) below. (35) Noli: So hindi nakapagtawag ng time out no able to call a ‘So they weren’t able to call a time out.’ (N406) (36) Dr. J: Because may ano,pero mali lang yata ni Evangelista. have what, but wrong only maybe by ‘Because there is something, but I think that Evangelista only made a mistake.’ (J221,222)

At times English rejoinders are attached to the beginning of a clause. The most common rejoinder was ‘well’ as in (37). (37) Noli: Well, dies y ocho puntos na si Defense Minister. eighteen points already actor case ‘Well, the Defense Minister already has eighteen points.’ (N52)

Adverbials too are inserted at the beginning or the end of clauses as in (38). The beginning of a Tagalog sentence before the verb is the place for strong focus or emphatics. Notice the discourse emphasis of this inserted English adverbial. (38) Noli: Only once na hindi siya naka double digits. that no he able to ‘It only happened once that he was not able to score double digits.’ (N26)

The last category of English insertions is numbers as in example (39). (39) Noli: Three, one ang ating talaan sa series. the our list in ‘Our list for the series says three, one.’ (N146)

Before we look at how insertion works when English is the base or matrix, let us summarize the general pattern that is modeled to the viewing audience when Tagalog is the matrix. When inserting English into Tagalog clauses, nouns and complex nominals without determiners or prepositions are freely inserted and marked according to the Tagalog focus/case system. Verbs may be inserted

144 Filipino English and Taglish

sparingly. When verbs are inserted, they are given appropriate a¹xes re¶ecting the focus system of the clause. Other insertions, which are also done sparingly, are placed at the beginning or the end of the clause outside the focus system. 9.4.2 Tagalog into English In Table 9.4 we saw that these commentators insert much less Tagalog into their English clauses than they do English into Tagalog. Whereas both Dr. J and Noli inserted English into nearly forty percent of their Tagalog clauses, Dr. J inserted Tagalog into only seven percent of his English clauses. Noli inserted considerably more with about thirty percent, though that was still less than the amount of English he inserted into Tagalog. Not only do they insert less when the clauses are English, the pattern they model to the audiences is asymmetrical to the Tagalog pattern, as can be seen in Table 9.6. Table 9.6 Grammatical category of Tagalog insertions in English clauses Noun Complex Nominal Focus/case marker + Nominal Focus/case marker Verb Coordinating Conjunction Subordinating Conjunction Rejoinder/Tag Adverbial clitics Numbers TOTAL

Dr. J

Noli

0 0 1 4 0 2 1 10 5 0 23

0 0 7 41 0 9 0 12 15 4 88

Whereas insertion of nouns and complex nominals is typical when the matrix language is Tagalog, when the matrix language is English this almost never occurs. One of the few occurrences is given in (40). (40) Noli: This is really the kind of basketball that ang dalawang koponan are trying to ªnd. the two teams ‘This is really the kind of basketball that the two teams are trying to ªnd.’ (N124)

There were no Tagalog verbs inserted into English. The interesting categories of some frequency are Tagalog tags/rejoinders, adverbial clitics, coordinating

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 145

conjunctions, and focus/case markers. The ªrst three are similar to the English insertions into Tagalog and rank about the same in frequency. The surprising category is focus/case markers since researchers working with language switching in other languages have found that grammatical words such as case markers and prepositions usually are not subject to insertion, though it might be expected in Taglish considering the importance of case and focus in Tagalog. Let us look at some examples of the ªrst three categories before turning our attention to the insertion of Tagalog focus/case markers into English clauses. Examples (41), (42), (43), and (44) show the four most common rejoinders and tags, oo ‘yes’, ano ‘right,’ ‘isn’t it’ or the Canadian ‘eh’, mga kaibigan ‘friends’, and ika nga ‘as we say.’ (41) Dr. J: Oo, it’s been a big quarter for Purefoods. Yes ‘Yes, it’s been a big quarter for Purefoods.’ (J4) (42) Noli: They’re responding to the challenge, ano, Dr. J? right ‘They’re responding to the challenge, aren’t they, Dr. J?’ (N83) (43) Dr. J: And they are not yet in the penalty,mga kaibigan. pl friend ‘And they are not yet in the penalty, my friends.’ (J 290) (44) Dr. J: Expensive hardware, ika nga. say really ‘Expensive hardware, as we say.’ (J204)

The adverbial clitics were of two types, emphatics such as na lamang ‘just, only’, na lang ‘only’, pa rin ‘still’ as in (45) and (46) and the locative dito ‘here’ usually followed by a location as in (47). (45) Noli: Point lead na lamang. now only ‘There’s just a point lead.’ (N72) (46) Noli: …and they have too much points pa rin. still also ‘and still they have too much points.’ (N480) (47) Noli: They’ve come out in droves dito sa Araneta Coliseum. here loc ‘They’ve come out in droves here at the Araneta Coliseum.’ (N125)

146 Filipino English and Taglish

The most common coordinating conjunction inserted into English was pero ‘but’ as in (48). (48) Noli: Pero Dindo decided to give it to Alvin. But ‘But Dindo decided to give it to Alvin.’ (N405)

Except for the general paucity of Tagalog insertions into English clauses and especially the near absence of noun insertions, there is nothing unusual about the insertions that do occur except for the fairly frequent insertions of Tagalog case/focus markers, especially in Noli’s commentary as in examples (49), (50), and (51). (49) Noli: There is no tomorrow para sa Gordons team. Patient ‘There is no tomorrow for the Gordons team.’ (N3) (50) Noli: We will have game number six on Sunday sa Cuneta Astrodome. Location ‘We will have game number six on Sunday at the Cuneta Astrodome.’ (N482) (51) Noli:

Si Noli Locsin has four fouls. Focus target for names of people ‘Noli Locsin has four fouls.’ (N279)

To explain this unexpected phenomenon we have to turn to the third type of code mixing suggested in Muysken’s typology, congruent lexicalization.

9.5 Congruent lexicalization: Evidence of converging systems Muysen in his typology of language mixing proposes the term congruent lexicalization to describe a third type of code mixing that he found in his search through various case studies of language switching. With congruent lexicalization when the grammars of the two languages coincide, the vocabulary of the two languages may be freely alternated. In other words, the two languages converge and share vocabulary. What governs the choice of one word over the other is simply a matter of style. Even in monolingual situations without language mixing, users of a language make vocabulary choices in the cases of formal versus informal writing, spoken versus written language, or private versus public conversation. However, as we have seen so far, in genetically

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 147

unrelated and typologically distant languages there may be few points of grammar where such convergence can take place. In the case of English and Tagalog, such things as verb agreement, basic word order, and focus structures diŸer greatly. In fact, as mentioned earlier, the diŸerences are so great that Tagalog is considered one of the more di¹cult languages for English speaking people to learn. There are two ways that convergences might occur in dissimilar languages such as English and Tagalog. One possibility would be with discourse features, such as tags, rejoinders, and conjunctions, which lie outside or at least on the periphery of the clause. We have already seen examples of these in the section on insertions. Here are some more examples in (52), (53), (54), and (55). (52) Dr. J: It was a second time around, ano? what? ‘It was a second time around, right?’ (J15) (53) Noli: Well, walang gumagalaw. none moving ‘Well, nobody’s moving.’ (N242) (54) Dr. J: Oo, and a loose ball foul on Jerry. Yes ‘Yes, and a loose ball foul on Jerry.’ (J179) (55) Noli: Pero Dindo decided to give it to Alvin. But ‘But Dindo decided to give it to Alvin.’ (N405)

What evidence is there that these insertions that appear at the beginning and end of clauses are actually alternatives from a converged lexicon and are chosen just for the stylistic eŸect? Let us look at four possible convergences: tags (ano , you know, huh), a¹rmation (oo, yes), negation (wala, hindi, no), and conjoining (pero, but). Do they freely alternate with each other indicating stylistic choice? When Dr. J adds tags to his clauses, as in example (52) above, 69.23 percent are in English (e.g. you know, huh) and 30.77 percent in Tagalog (e.g. ano ‘right,’ ika nga ‘as we say’). Perhaps this is a stylistic feature that allows Dr. J to preserve the integrity of his English clauses yet add a Tagalog ¶avor. On the other hand, Noli uses only Tagalog tags, re¶ecting his more frequent use of Tagalog in language switching. This switch between English and Tagalog rejoinders for stylistic eŸect can be seen again in the use of negative and positive rejoinders. When Dr. J begins

148 Filipino English and Taglish

his turn with a negative rejoinder, 60 percent are English (no) and 40 percent are Tagalog (wala/hindi). In positive rejoinders, Dr. J uses English 80 percent of the time (yes) and Tagalog 20 percent (oo). Again, English predominates with just enough Tagalog to show solidarity with the people. Noli shows his preference towards Tagalog in tags and rejoinders by using for negatives Tagalog 66.67 percent (wala/hindi) of the time and English 33.33 percent (no) and for positives Tagalog 54.54 percent (oo) and English only 45.46 percent (yes). Notice in the sequence in example 56 how Noli switches between yes and oo as he reacts to Dr. J’s comments. (56) Dr. J: It’s strictly inside na ginagawa niya ngayon. Almost always all play. that doing he now ‘It’s strictly inside what he’s doing now. Almost always all play.’ (J266–268) Noli: Oo. ‘Yes’ (N 382) Dr. J: Tama rin naman. The other team is in penalty. Correct also too ‘That’s also correct. The other team is in penalty’ Why not try to go for the foul? (J269–271) Noli: Oo. One more. Twenty free throws ngayong araw na ito si Yes. Now today this TG Alvin Patrimonio ‘Yes. One more. Alvin Patrimonio now has twenty free throws.’ (N384–385) Dr. J: For himself? (J272) Noli: Oh, yes. (N386) Dr. J: Ton of free throws (J273) Noli: Yes. (N397)

With coordinating conjunctions showing contrast as in example (55), Dr. J uses English but 58.82 percent and Tagalog pero 46.18 percent of the time. Noli interchanges the two equally. It looks like these English and Tagalog conjunctions can be interchanged freely in extended discourse to give either an English or Tagalog ¶avor to Tagalog or English-based Taglish. These few items seem so trivial, lying outside the basic grammar of the sentence as they do, that it hardly seems worth considering them evidence of converging grammars and congruent lexicalization. In fact, they can easily be incorporated into the insertion model with the same comments on stylistic

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary 149

motivations to explain their use. However, the extensive use of Tagalog case markers in Noli’s English makes it worthwhile to consider lexical convergence more seriously. The case markers are especially interesting because they are part of the Tagalog focus system that is alien to English. To create congruence, Taglish speakers have to change the grammar of either English or Tagalog for the two languages to converge. Weinreich (1953) in his classic Languages in Contact pointed out that changes of this sort often occur when language contact results in extensive bilingualism. The bilinguals initiate changes that aŸect all levels of the languages they speak. Anyone who has studied the history of the English language can give numerous examples of how bilingualism has changed English grammar, especially after the Danish and French invaded and settled in England in the ninth and eleventh centuries. In our own time Gumperz and Wilson (1971) documented an extreme case of how bilinguals may change the grammar of a language. They found that the bilingual residents of a village in India have converged the grammars of Marathi and Kannada, two unrelated languages, one Indo-European and the other Dravidian, so that there is word for word translatability. If we were to look for areas where Tagalog might pressure a change in English grammar to create congruence, it would be focus, which is so basic to Tagalog but so amorphous in English. The one English grammatical item that resembles the semantic case markings in Tagalog is prepositions. In fact many teaching grammars call these Tagalog case markings prepositions. We normally do not mark the actor or the object in English, but we do mark with a variety of prepositions such things as locations and directions (in the box, on the box, towards the box, etc.), instruments (with an axe, by hand), and beneªciaries (for a friend). Since nouns and complex nominals without determiners from English are the most common insertion into Tagalog, the Tagalog case markers are already being associated with English nouns without determiners. As we examine more closely the Taglish in these basketball commentaries, let us look for evidence that Tagalog speakers are reinterpreting these English prepositions as case markers and are merging the Tagalog focus system into English. In Table 9.7 we can see the frequency that various Tagalog case markers appear in the English of our basketball commentators. Note that Dr. J. only uses the Tagalog case marker sa for locatives and directionals. Noli uses a wider range, though markers for benefactives (para sa, and para kay) and actors (ng, ni) are most common. He also uses focus targets (ang, si).

150 Filipino English and Taglish

Table 9.7 Frequency of various Tagalog focus/case markers in English Dr. J Focus Target ang si (personal names) Semantic Case laban sa (adversary ‘against’) laban kay (adversary-personal name ‘against’) mula sa (source ‘from’) mula kay (source-personal name ‘from’) ng (actor ‘of’ ‘by’) ni (actor-personal name ‘of,’ ‘by’) para sa (beneªciary ‘for’) para kay (beneªciary-personal name ‘for’) sa (location/direction ‘at,’ ‘in,’ ‘to,’ etc.)

Noli 6 7

4

1 3 1 1 3 4 9 3 4

Let us look ªrst at Dr. J. In the few times that he inserts Tagalog markers into English, he uses only the general purpose locative/directional sa, as in (57). (57) Dr. J: There is a call of that nature again sa Gordon’s Gin, so it’ll be a side to court throw in. ‘There is a call of that nature again against Gordon’s Gin’ (J29, 30)

Two things are interesting in this example. First, Dr. J chose sa. McFarland (1984: 237) in his computer analysis of the dialog in short stories, serialized novels, and various prose passages in seven issues of a popular Filipino magazine found that the focus/case markers (he called them articles) sa, ang, and ng together accounted for almost 15 percent of the words with sa the most frequent. Only the linkers na/ng, which are used to link the words that form a noun phrase, occurred more frequently than sa. Not only is sa the second most common word in Tagalog, its use in English simpliªes the choice of prepositions, a notoriously di¹cult aspect of English grammar, as it replaces in, to, from, into, on, through, at, and several other prepositions that indicate direction and location. The other interesting thing is that Dr. J always uses it with English based names of places or organizations. Such names are used in both English and Tagalog and thus belong to both languages — an example of lexical convergence. In examples (58), (59), (60), (61), and (62) we can see examples of Noli’s usage.

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

(58) Noli: We will have game number six on Sunday sa Cuneta Astrodome. at ‘We’ll have game number six on Sunday at the Cuneta Astrodome.’ (N482) (59) Noli: And it’s back to a ten-point lead para sa Gordon’s Gin boys. for ‘And it’s back to a ten-point lead for the Gordon’s Gin boys.’ (N21) (60) Noli: Hizon from the corner, missed it, rebound ni Bong Ravena. by ‘Hizon from the corner, missed it, rebound by Bong Ravena.’ (N313–315) (61) Noli: He’s played defense laban kay Patrimonio in addition to a total of six against points para kay Wilmer Ong. for ‘He’s played defense against Patrimonio in addition to a total of six points for Wilmer Ong.’ (N182) (62) Noli: Second personal foul ni Bal David. First team foul ng Gordon’s Gin. of of ‘Bal David’s second personal foul. Gordon Gin’s ªrst team foul.’ (N60-61)

He also uses the Tagalog focus target forms for actor focus (si for human names, ang otherwise), as in (63) and (64). (63) Noli: And so, si Sonny Jaworski loses one white body. ACTOR FOCUS ‘And so, Sonny Jaworski loses one white body.’ (N183) (64) Noli:

Ang Purefoods is not yet in the penalty. ACTOR FOCUS ‘Purefoods is not yet in the penalty.’ (N416)

It is interesting that the only time Tagalog target focus is used in English sentences is with the English subject, in other words, with actor focus. Bautista (1991) noted that in her research, whenever an English verb is inserted into Tagalog, it always has actor focus. If this is the case, it would be expected that in English sentences actor focus would be expected too when the focus case markers are inserted. In the exchange in 65 we can see how Noli adds actor focus for emphasis.

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(65) Dr. J: Noli:

You’re talking about Gordon’s? (J341) Ang Gordon’s Gin. (N473)

Re¶ecting the nature of basketball commentary, the majority of these Tagalog case markings are used with the names of the players and the team. However, they do occur with common nouns as in (66). (66) Noli: Eight seconds sa shot clock. The last two minutes of the ball game is in brought to you by Tanduay Rhum. ‘Eight second in the shot clock The last two minutes of the ball game is brought to you by Tanduay Rhum.’ (N297–298)

We can see some evidence that this use of Tagalog case markers as preposition/ determiner combinations in English is lexical congruence in these ªnal two examples, which occurred just seconds apart in Noli’s commentary. In (67) the English preposition against is used in a Tagalog clause, the only example in the transcript of an English preposition being inserted into Tagalog. In (68), the Tagalog equivalent of ‘against’ laban kay is inserted into English. (67) Noli:

(68) Noli:

Sinenyas ni Ballecer against Noli Locsin. Signaled by “Ballecer signaled Noli Locsin.” (N148) Patrimonio head to head laban kay Wilmer Ong. against “Patrimonio head to head against Wilmer Ong.” (N157)

This incorporation of the Tagalog focus system into English-based Taglish merits further investigation.

9.6 Conclusions What is the linguistic pattern for Taglish that Dr. J. and Noli are modeling to those who are watching this championship basketball game? Because of the disparity between Tagalog and English grammar, the languages to a large extent are kept separate. Alternations predominate and are at the clause level. Insertions, except for English nouns and complex nominals being inserted into Tagalog, tend to be limited to rejoinders, tags, and conjunctions. In English locative constructions, the Tagalog case marker sa can sparingly be used to replace the English preposition and determiner. At the most informal level,

The linguistics of language switching in basketball commentary

other aspects of the Tagalog focus system can be incorporated into English to replace prepositions and determiners. Actor focus is always used if a focus target is speciªed. How does this pattern compare to what other researchers have found? Bautista (1986) found the same asymmetrical pattern that we have seen in the basketball commentaries. She noted that when the matrix is Tagalog, insertion is the predominant form of language mixing. These insertions were nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions, interjections, the a¹rmative marker yes and the negative no, as well as formulaic and social expressions. She noted that the similarity between English prepositional phrases and Tagalog focus marking made code-switching nouns particularly easy. In a later, more extensive review of code-switching in the Philippines Bautista (1991) found that in spoken or written Tagalog, 90 percent of English insertions were nouns. The rest were divided between verbs and adjectives. Most of these insertions were to ªll lexical gaps. In the other hand, when English was the matrix, Bautista found that the code mixing tended to be limited to discourse items such as conjunctions, linkers, enclitics, the plural marker mga, the a¹rmative marker oo, and formulaic expressions. McFarland (1984: 237) in his computer analysis of the dialog in short stories, serialized novels, and various prose passages found that the Tagalog case markers, conjunctions, adverbial enclitics and other discourse markers that were found as insertions in Bautista’s and our English basketball data were among the top 50 most frequently used words in Tagalog. It appears that inserting them into English is an easy way to give a Filipino ¶avor to English without disturbing the grammar. Cuadra (1999) in his look at the Taglish of Filipino students studying in Japan found the same asymmetrical pattern. Whereas they inserted into their Tagalog clauses many English (and Japanese) nouns and a few verbs to ªll lexical gaps, the Tagalog they inserted into English clauses was limited mostly to tags, interjections, and function words. Though Marisigan (1986) in her survey of language usage by teachers and students in exclusive Catholic schools at the elementary, secondary, and tertiary level in Metro Manila did not give a complete linguistic analysis, she noted a similar asymmetry between Tagalog-based and English-based Taglish. For example, interjections in English conversation tended to be in Tagalog and adverbials of time in Tagalog tended to be in English. The converging of the Tagalog focus system with English prepositions has also been noted. Sobolewski (1982: 60) in his analysis of Taglish in letters

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written by young people to movie and song magazines in Metro Manila found that when the preposition/case marker sa appeared in an English sentence, it was never followed by an English article. In one of the earliest looks at Taglish, Ramos (1970) noted that when English is the structural base, function words, including Tagalog case markers (she calls them prepositions), often substitute for English words. In other words the switching patterns of Noli and Dr. J ªt into what other researchers have found, including the insertion of semantic case and focus markers through congruent lexicalization. Thus the informal version of English that is developing in the Philippines is still basically English. Its speakers still follow English grammar rules though they may add tags, rejoinders, adverbial clitics and the locative case marker sa to give it a Filipino ¶avor. In the most informal versions, there is evidence that the Tagalog focus system is being adapted for use in English. However, since alternation at the clause level predominates, in order to speak Taglish well, one must be ¶uent both in English and Tagalog. In other words, Filipinos who want to speak English-based rather than Tagalog-based Taglish must be competent in English. Since schools are the primary source of English instruction, does this mean that the more than thirty percent who drop out of school before the sixth grade are doomed to be left out of the language switching pattern that has developed among the educated in Metro Manila? Can Filipinos gain the necessary competence in English through informal means outside the school system, such as through the media? In the next chapter we look at the role commercials play as informal English teachers.

Chapter 10

Commercials as language teachers

Since the coming of bilingual education thirty years ago, academics in the older generation of Filipinos have lamented that although more Filipinos claim to speak and read English than ever before, English ability is deteriorating. As we saw in Chapter 4, they blame the schools. However, Gonzalez (1998a: 506) reminds us that middle class children even in the provinces are ¶uent in interpersonal English by the time they ªnish the ªfth grade not only because their parents occasionally use English at home but because of the in¶uence of television. As we saw in Chapter 8, the in¶uence of English in the home is even stronger if the family has cable television. However, not everyone is so positive about the role that television plays in promoting English at the home front. Even twenty years ago participants at a round table on language planning and language development lamented that commercials were having “a very grave in¶uence on our children” (Gonzalez and Bautista 1981: 238). The Taglish they used was discouraging the correct use of language, even among the educated. More recently Georgina Encanto (1997), the former dean of the College of Mass Communication at the University of the Philippines, blamed television for turning the upcoming generation of middle class students against English, especially those who do not have cable. In Chapter 6 we saw that this seems to be happening even among English teachers in the Visayas, a region that has traditionally promoted the use of English. Today as the media switches to Filipino, the younger generation seems to be more conversant in Filipino and feels less compelled to speak and use English. Encanto (1997: 15) complained that media modeled English that is characterized by “mangled phrases and sentences, glaring lapses in grammar such as disagreement between subject and predicate, unidiomatic expressions, confusion in the use of tenses, disagreement between pronouns and their antecedents, mixed ªgures of speech, and other booboos.” If the media is to be blamed for the deteriorating English language skills of the educated middle class, what is its eŸect on the majority of Filipinos who do not even ªnish high school? How can children from less a§uent homes who attend poor quality public schools develop their English language skills outside the classroom? What about the 33 percent who drop out of school before the

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sixth grade? Are they cut oŸ from employment opportunities because there are no informal means of learning English? What about those who do not complete a tertiary educational program? Will their English language skills diminish because of lack of support from the media? Since television and, in particular, television commercials have been blamed for diminishing English language skills, let us look at the role that television commercials might play as English teachers in the Philippines. During the nearly nine hours of evening television under investigation in this section of our look at Filipino English, there were 292 commercials advertising 192 products. Nearly 70 percent were in English, representing close to forty minutes of viewer time each evening. This means that the average Filipino viewer is enrolled in a forty minute long English class every evening, even without cable. In other words, English language commercials may be providing a distance education course with almost the same amount of formal English instruction that the viewer would have received if enrolled in night school. Let us take a look at the quality of this instruction.

10.1 Developing communicative competence How can we judge whether or not commercials qualify as good language teachers? Since the 1970s language pedagogues and sociolinguists have pointed out that language programs fail when they focus too much on teaching grammatical and phonological accuracy rather than on how to communicate eŸectively. Halliday (1973), Hymes (1972, 1974), and Labov (1970, 1972) and were some of the ªrst to recognize that students must also learn how the language ªts into a social context. Take, for example, commands. When is it more appropriate to say, “Give me the package,” which follows the grammatical form of a command, and when is it more appropriate to say, “Would you please give me the package?” which does not? Hymes termed this ability to use grammatical patterns eŸectively in various social situations communicative competence. Saville-Troike (1989) explored how language learners develop this communicative competence in both ªrst and second languages as they interact with others in a variety of formal and informal situations. Through this interaction they learn not only grammar rules but how to make sense out of what people are saying or writing to them, how to take turns, how to be polite, how to keep a conversation going, and how to tell when things that sound like questions such as “Wouldn’t you like to put your toys away now?” are really commands.

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Canale and Swain (1980) suggested how the notion of communicative competence could be applied to the classroom. Teachers should extend their traditional concern for grammatical form to include instruction in discourse to create longer and more appropriate interchanges, pragmatics or sociolinguistics to show how social situations change grammar and discourse rules, and strategies to make sure the message is understood. Add to this the work of Krashen (1985), Long (1985), and Wong-Fillmore (1979) that language acquisition grows out of meaning or understood messages, Vygotsky (1978) that visual and verbal clues can help learners stretch beyond their normal ability, Gary (1978) that listening comprehension is basic to the rapid development of language proªciency, and Meskill (1998) that television plays an important role in the language development of immigrant children in the USA once they have limited skills in English and we have an outline of what we should look for as we evaluate television commercials as languages teachers. In other words, in spite of the misgivings of the older generation of Filipinos, commercials might teach communication skills if they are designed in such as way that the viewers can understand the message and if they demonstrate the various aspects of communicative competence. Let us examine a sampling of the commercials shown on these three nights of television to see how well they do. First, let us look ªrst at the commercials from the standpoint of teaching communication strategies that promote understanding. Next we will look at how the commercials focus on particular grammar items. Then we will look at what the commercials teach Filipinos about English discourse or the appropriate ways to use long stretches of English with each other. Finally, we will look at the commercials from a pragmatic or sociolinguistic point of view. In other words, what do the commercials teach Filipinos about when it is appropriate to use English with other Filipinos? 10.1.1 Comprehension strategies In almost any setting, listening is the most frequently used language skill and as such is probably the most important language skill for someone learning English outside the classroom. Wolvin and Coakley (1985: 74) deªne listening as “the process of receiving, attending to, and assigning meaning to aural stimuli.” It is a complex problem-solving skill that allows the brain to ªgure out how a language works. Thus for English language commercials to be good language teachers, the average Filipino needs to understand them. Halliday points out that the meaning attached to language comes from four sources

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(Halliday and Hasan 1989). The ªrst is experiential meaning based on our interaction with processes, events, actions, states, or other aspects of the real world. Language in this instance is a way of re¶ecting on the world around us. Another type of meaning is interpersonal, based on our interactions with other people. For example, we make requests and we oŸer things. In other words, language expresses our actions. Based on our experiences with the real world and with other people we attach logical meaning to language as we organize what we say to indicate such things as causes and eŸects. The way information is presented in language through such things as thematic structure, rhythm and information focus generates textual meaning. Thus the role of meaning in promoting language acquisition involves more than just understanding the words. As Scarcella and Oxford (1999: 149) point out in their discussion of how to teach listening skills, good listening activities tap into the experiential, interpersonal, logical, and textual experiences that the learner has already had with language. They oŸer many environmental clues to meaning, require no special background knowledge, and should be of interest to the students so they will want to solve the problem of how the language works. Let us look at a sampling of commercials to see how they comply with these standards. In the following examples, the ªrst column gives the voice over, the second in capital letters gives the actions or other visual clues, and the third in square brackets gives any corresponding written text. Some commercials carefully illustrate each spoken phrase. In the commercial for Panda ballpoint pens, cartoon pandas act out the words of a happy jingle. Commercial Transcription 1: Panda pens [Panda] Write with a Panda, Sing with a Panda, Think with a Panda, too Sport with a Panda, Grow with a Panda, Panda was made for you.

PANDA WRITES PANDA SINGS PANDA THINKS PANDA PLAYS TENNIS PANDA GROWS PANDA HOLDS PEN

The jingle continues as the pandas act out the verbs joke, laugh, love, teach, read, and reach. Not only is each verb illustrated, the happy jingle is simple and clearly sung, encouraging the language learners to memorize it and repeat it to themselves.

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The following commercial for Gilbey’s Gin Twist and Shout promotion is a more adult version of an ad where each phrase is clearly illustrated. Cartoon people interact with various objects to illustrate each phrase of the voice-over. Commercial Transcription 2: Gilbey’s Gin Twist and Shout You and your four friends could PARTYING CARTOON be shouting all the way to Hong PEOPLE TRAVEL TO Kong HONG KONG if you twist those caps in Gilbey’s CAP TWISTS OFF BOTTLE twist and shout. Not one PARTY GOER BOUNCES OFF ONE CAR not two PARTY GOER BOUNCES OFF TWO CARS but 15 Lancers are up for grabs PARTY GOER BOUNCES OFF 15 CARS if you twist PARTY GOER TWISTS CAP and look under the cap in Gilbey’s PARTY GOER LOOKS twist and shout. UNDER THE CAP

More often, actions or objects just illustrate key words or general concepts. In the following commercial for Johnson & Johnson diapers the father comes home and talks to his baby daughter. Commercial Transcription 3: Johnson & Johnson diapers (father’s voice) Daddy’s home. FATHER ENTERS ROOM AND APPROACHES BABY (father’s thoughts) Tell me FATHER LEANS OVER BABY now. Soon she’ll be walking GIRL. CAMERA FOCUSES ON HER FEET and talking FOCUS ON MOUTH and meet boys FATHER KISSES CHILD but for now, I’m the only FATHER PICKS UP CHILD man in your life.

Sometimes the clues are visually stimulating but the connection to the spoken text is a bit esoteric. For example, in a Coca Cola commercial the camera zooms in on a worker drinking Coca Cola while building a skyscraper.

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Commercial Transcription 4: Coca Cola Every time you drink a CAMERA ZOOMS INTO THE BOTTLE Coca Cola, OF COCA COLA AS THE WORKER DRINKS you feel the diŸerence, ENTERS THE LIQUID you taste the diŸerence, BUBBLES SWIRL AS VIEW MAGNIFIES you know the diŸerence. DNA WITH COCA COLA BOTTLES BINDING THE HELIX STRANDS IN THE BUBBLES

Notice how the same phrase is repeated with only a change of the verb, focusing the attention of the language learner on only one part of the sentence, the part being illustrated. Most advertisements combine actions, objects, and written text to give meaning clues. The ad for Condura air conditioners looks like a 15 second science lesson. An authoritative looking older American man in a white smock announces: Commercial Transcription 5: Condura air conditioners The new generation Condura OLDER MAN IN WHITE quiet series SMOCK STANDS NEXT TO A WINDOW AIRCONDITIONER delivers up to 5% more A BAR GRAPH cooling power COMPARES THE COOLING POWER OF “OURS” AND “THEIRS” 15% less in electricity A BAR GRAPH COMPARES ENERGY CONSUMPTION plus a 24 hour programmable PICTURE OF THE timer for maximum TIMER convenience and savings.

[Our air conditioning delivers up to 5% more cooling power] [Our air conditioning consumes up to 15% less electricity] [24-hr programmable timer]

The commercial for Quaker Oats looks like a health lesson with ¶ash cards for vocabulary building. A British voice speaking in clearly enunciated phrases tells the audience that “Energy giving Quaker oatmeal is a good source of carbohydrates, minerals, vitamins, and soluble ªber but is cholesterol free energy and nutrition in a delicious meal.” As each healthy ingredient is men-

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tioned, the word appears as a building block that is pieced together as a puzzle to create a drawing of a house with a chimney. In some ads the visual clues and the oral text tell related but diŸerent stories, almost as though one is aimed at those with lower English language proªciency while the other is a delightful reward for doing well in English class. Take for example this ad for Philips Liteline ¶uorescent lighting for the home. Commercial Transcription 6: Philips Liteline You value your home DRAWING OF A HOUSE but ªre can take it away THE PAPER DRAWING from you. BURNS You need ªre insurance.

New Philips Liteline ¶uorescent ªxture carefully designed for ªre protection.

CLOSEUP OF THE FIXTURE ANIMATED TOUR OF THE FIXTURE

The ballast mounted away from the ceiling, safety wired to prevent short circuit. Best used with

ANIMATED TOUR CONTINUES

Philips energy saving ¶uorescent lamps. Cover your home with ªre insurance. New Philips Lifeline series

ZOOM IN ON PHILIPS LABEL

so safe it can never start a ªre.

STICK DRAWING OF HOUSE, TREE, SUN, AND HAPPY FAMILY

Philips. Let’s make things better.

[Philips Liteline ¶uorescent ªxture] [ventilated mounting] [continuous wiring]

[rota-lock lamp holders]

[3 year guarantee] [Philips Lifeline. Fluorescent ªxture available in 10/20/30 watts

[Philips. Let’s make things better]

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Some ads are designed more like reading comprehension exercises. An extreme is the commercial for Motorola StarTAC cellular phones. The view is of earth from outer space. Suddenly the words in the orbiting graphic appear one at a time as though this is a timed reading. Commercial Transcription 7: Motorola StarTAC cell phones (futuristic music) VIEW OF EARTH FROM [In the future digital OUTER SPACE. WORDS OF cellular phones will be no THE GRAPHIC ARE ADDED bigger than your business IN WHITE ONE AT A TIME IN card] UPPER LEFT QUADRANT NEXT ORBITING GRAPHIC [weigh so little they’ll APPEARS IN SAME MANNER seem to defy gravity] ACCOMPANIED BY DARK THIN CASE-LIKE OBJECT NEW GRAPHIC IN SAME [and will place in your MANNER AS OBJECT hands the power of ROTATES tomorrow’s technology] OBJECT OPENS AS CELL [but why wait for the PHONE AS NEW GRAPHIC future?] APPEARS AS ABOVE NEW GRAPHIC APPEARS AS [Motorola StarTAC ABOVE BESIDE CELL cellular phone. The PHONE smallest, lightest phone we’ve ever created] HAND GRABS CELL PHONE [Now at your authorized AS NEW GRAPHIC APPEARS Motorola signature AS ABOVE dealer]

Usually the ads are clearly and carefully spoken. However, some have garbled pronunciation that is di¹cult even for native speakers to understand. For example, the voice-over for Mazda Powervan is unclear. The ad begins with a voice reading the graphic [Prepare yourself for the ultimate power trip.] As the voice continues, only the word power is clear as the ªrst word in a series of phrases such as “power to defy rough road conditions” and “power to dare new heights.” With each power phrase diŸerent parts of the car are shown accompanied by graphics such as [independent double wishbone with torsion bar], [powerful 20 liter gas engine], [power steering], [dual aircon system], and [fully loaded dashboard].

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Many ads appear to assume that Filipinos daydream during English classes so visual stimulation is substituted for language. Approximately 20 percent of the English commercials had no language at all, written or spoken, until the end, when the closing comment or graphic was in English. Ten of the fourteen clothing commercials, three of the ªve cigarette commercials, and four of the eight alcohol commercials were in this category. For example, in the ad for Gem table napkins, a hand is stacking cups and saucers to build a tower on a napkin held tight by an embroidery ring. Then someone pours coŸee into the top cup of the tower as a British voice says “If you want it strong, Gem table napkins” followed by the graphics [If it has to be strong, it has to be Gem] and [Do not attempt unless with a GEM]. The ad for Marlboro cigarettes shows several cowboys riding from a mountain ridge to a cabin in the desert. The voice-over at the end says, “Come to where the ¶avor is. Come to Marlboro.” The voice in the ad for Club Roman jeans and shirts simply says ªve times “Club Roman jeans and shirts” while showing the waist of a girl putting on jeans, the waist of a boy and girl close together, and the waist of a muscular boy sitting in jeans, all wearing no shirts. Other commercials show skateboarding, basketball playing, dancing, and other daydreaming activities with closing phrases such as “for those who appreciate quality,” “living with the master is a breeze,” “look no further,” and “sounds good, tastes good” — not much of an English lesson. Several commercials use what I would call a language sandwich to fool Filipinos into listening to the English language ad. They start in Tagalog, switch to English, then switch back to Tagalog. For example, in the commercial for Decolgen cold medicine a mother comes to the aid of her sick family. The family conversation is in Tagalog. A Decolgen pill appears on the screen and a man’s voice explains in English that “Decolgen relieves cold misery, even headache and fever” as various English graphics appear listing the symptoms that will disappear. In some other commercials the voice-over is in Tagalog but the graphics are in English. For example, in the ad for Maxx menthol candy, a young Filipino man in a native barong-Tagalog or dress shirt is sitting, uncomfortably sweating away in a ªxed-route taxi with several other passengers stuck in tra¹c. As the voice-over explains in Tagalog the menthol solution for cooling down his throat, an English graphic appears that reads [Maxx — menthol candy for Maxximum menthol satisfaction]. Other commercials go to the other extreme and target those who are highly educated and are quite ¶uent in English. Take for example the ad for Isuzu Fuego. It is ªlled with visual stimulation metaphorically related to what is

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being said, but the visuals have literary roots that are probably beyond the comprehension of those who did not do well in school. Notice too the use of the low frequency word inextricably. Commercial Transcription 8: Isuzu Fuego (deep British male voice) Notice SHOT OF ORIENTAL YING how some completely opposite YANG CIRCLE elements are inextricably linked together. That’s the concept behind the new CUT TO A STAINED GLASS Isuzu Fuego Monster 280 Turbo WINDOW OF A SAINT Engine and 2.5 direct inject diesel. FIGHTING THE DEVIL EMERGING FROM THE FLAMES OF HELL. Built to handle any load on any CAR MERGES FROM A FIERY road. So with a car that can carry LAVA PIT AND DRIVES OVER like this, it’s an angel. THE FLOW So let all hell break loose outside. VOLCANO EXPLODES IN THE It’s still on the inside. All told, BACKGROUND this beauty is a beast.

Others have lots of talk, even philosophizing, and but few clues for the meaning other than clues from within the language itself. As such these commercials would be accessible only to those who have advanced English skills. Notice the complex grammar and the philosophizing in the following ad for Nestle’s Milo. Commercial Transcription 9: Nestle’s Milo (slow serious male voice) In ASIAN YOUTH PLAYING sports individuals make the score SOCCER but it’s the team that wins the game; for victory is achieved not by one ASIAN YOUTH IN A man alone but by the team SCIENCE LAB working together to achieve the common goal. ASIAN YOUTH PLAYING SOCCER

[Sports teaches teamwork]

[Sports teaches teamwork. Get your child into sports.]

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Approximately one third of the English language commercials have lots of talk with advanced vocabulary and complex linguistic structures with few clues for meaning. As such they are out of range for low-level language learners though they might be useful for helping intermediate learners become advanced users of English and would help advanced users of English maintain their skills. The products they advertise are usually luxury items beyond the reach of ordinary citizens who did not complete a college education. They include automobiles, electronics, life insurance, and banking services. But surprisingly they also include shampoos and baby supplies such as diapers and baby formula. The marketing messages behind the use of English in these various products is the topic of the next chapter. In short, when the English language commercials that target the highly educated are totaled with the twenty percent of commercials with limited language, less than half of the commercials remain to provide language instruction to those with limited English language proªciency. Thus rather than providing forty minutes of English instruction each evening, the commercials provide less than twenty minutes of instruction to the nearly sixty percent of Filipinos who claim they do not yet think in English. Let us now take a look at the grammar that these commercials teach. 10.1.2 Grammar Commercials are potentially a good stimulus for grammar instruction because of two characteristics. First, they use an inductive approach rather than the deductive approach so common to classroom instruction. Rather than point out the grammar rule to daydreaming students, they demonstrate how the rule works in an interesting context and let the viewers ªgure out the rule themselves. Second, since the same commercials are usually shown several times during the week, the same short grammar lesson is repeated, allowing the brain ample time to discover the underlying grammar rules as the viewer attends to the message. This shifts from the classroom teacher to the student the responsibility for learning how English works. Research shows that this is the most eŸective approach to language learning. Brown (1994) in his chapter on teaching across proªciency levels reminds us that diŸerent grammar items are more appropriate for learners at diŸerent levels of proªciency. Using the ACTFL Proªciency Guidelines (Omaggio 1986) as a standard, he notes that beginners typically speak in words and phrases rather than sentences. When they do speak in sentences, they tend to be in one

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tense, the present. They ªnd it di¹cult to attend to more than one sentence at a time. To become intermediates, they need to learn the basic syntactic structures of English and understand longer stretches of language so they can do things such as ask and answer questions, follow directions, and handle other uncomplicated communicative tasks. The intermediate level learners need to learn more complex grammatical structures and learn how to use the language for a variety of social purposes such as complaining, advising, elaborating, apologizing, and philosophizing. The advanced learners need to maintain their skills while learning how to use diŸerent kinds of English for diŸerent purposes, whether oral or written. As we can see, the grammatical aspect of commercials is probably more important for helping learners at lower levels of proªciency. Discourse and pragmatics, the subject of the next two sections, are more important for those developing advanced English proªciency. Let us analyze the commercials from the standpoint of the grammar they present for Filipinos with beginner or intermediate English proªciency. As we have already seen, many commercials seem to have been created with the classroom in mind. Flashcards teach vocabulary as in the Quaker Oats and the Mazda Powervan commercials. Some commercials resemble total physical response drills where characters in the commercial act out the language the viewer is hearing as in the commercials for Panda pens and Gilbey’s Twist and Shout. Several take the familiar form of a grammatical pattern drill, such as the Coca Cola ad with the repetition of “you feel the diŸerence, you taste the diŸerence, you know the diŸerence.” An ad for Winston cigarettes has a rock and roll jingle that repeats three times “Give me the feeling, give me the taste, give me the spirit of the USA.” The highly frequent verb be is demonstrated in various contracted forms. For example, in a Nike advertisement, several children of various ethnic origins are shown one at a time repeating “I’m Tiger Woods.” We have already looked at the advertisement for Isuzu Fuego with its uses of that’s and it’s. Because of the nature of commercials, commands and the simple present tense predominate, though the future tense is also demonstrated as in the commercials for Johnson & Johnson diapers and Motorola cell phones. The simple past often alternates with the present tense as in the following section of a commercial for Sunsilk shampoo. A Filipina is shown graduating from college, interviewing for a new job, and then starting work. She says “Graduation day, my hair felt great. It looked better during the interview, even better on the big day. It just keeps getting better.” Almost never are the perfect tenses or the progressive used. The three times when the present perfect was used were in rhethorical

Commercials as language teachers 167

questions introducing an advertisement, such as the “Have you ever wondered why Chinese skin is smoother?” at the start of the commercial for Dr. Wong’s Bioderm ointment. All the pronouns are taught, though it and you are most common. Of course comparatives and superlatives are common, as we saw in the ad for the Motorola cell phone. Most commercials use clearly spoken simple sentences. Commercials use a combination of American, British, Australian, and Filipino accents to prepare the language learners to interact with a variety of world Englishes. Often commercials use elliptical sentences so as to focus on the prepositional phrases, as in the following commercial for Magnolia milk. The visuals show in succession cows, milk being poured, children drinking it, and a family enjoying the outdoors while the voice-over says, “Now, Magnolia Nestle fresh milk, in the new slim pack, with the unique easy to reseal cap, for lasting freshness, Magnolia Nestle fresh milk, with the freshness you can feel.” However, this use of elliptical sentences to sound hip and conversational might lead Filipino language learners to misinterpret English grammar. Take for example the following sequence in an ad for Head and Shoulders shampoo. A Filipino rock star sings about the itching and scratching of dandruŸ. He stops singing and says “Man, that ain’t cool.” Then he describes Head and Shoulders shampoo saying “feels so cool and so refreshing, gives me dandruŸ free, great looking hair. Look cool, huh. So put an end to scratching and get that real cool feeling.” This mixture of elliptical sentences and commands makes English look like a verb-initial language, the dominant pattern in Tagalog. Notice also the use of ain’t in our English lesson. More complex grammar is also taught. If clauses and when clauses are common. In an ad for Sun Silk Nutrient shampoo a young woman remembers the in¶uence her hair had on her boyfriend. At the end she says, “When he proposed, it was more beautiful, and even more beautiful when we got engaged.” We already saw the use of an if clause in the Gem napkin commercial. An ad for Konica Photo Express practices if clauses to a tune with a heavy drum beat. An attractive young woman brings in a ªlm to be developed. While the commercial shows snaps from the woman’s outdoor adventures, a group sings, “If you like it hot, hot burning woman, if you like it hot, long lasting memories, if you want it fast.” Notice how the following commercial for Motorola MemoJazz pagers demonstrates modals, negatives, adverbial clauses of reason and time, indirect questions, tag questions, comparison and contrast, as well as the comparative and superlative of adjectives, all with an upbeat conversational tone.

168 Filipino English and Taglish

Commercial Transcription 10: Motorola MemoJazz pagers (Guitar music with rock YOUNG COLLEGE AGE beat) MALE DANCES You can’t really miss AROUND IN MemoJazz, the new ¶ex BACKGROUND. A pager from Motorola, PAGER FILLS THE BOTTOM RIGHT CORNER. BOTH APPEAR ABOUT THE SAME SIZE specially ‘cause MemoJazz MALE CONTINUES has a memory big enough to DANCING store your friend’s phone numbers and tell you when it’s time MALE CONTINUES to meet them. DANCING Smart, eh? When they call, MALE CONTINUES it’s big enough to store 20 DANCING messages, but the biggest thing about MemoJazz is that it’s so small.

Motorola’s MemoJazz. Motorola’s smallest, smartest pager.

[pager] appears on the display screen of the pager when the word pager is said

[phonebook] appears on the pager display screen. [diary] appears display screen. [messages] appears on the pager display screen.

MALE STOPS DANCING AND STEPS FORWARD TO PICK UP THE SMALL PAGER. IT FITS IN THE PALM OF HIS HAND [Motorola pagers. What you never thought possible]

Since Filipinos love to sing, we would expect a wide use of jingles to encourage them to rehearse the language. As with the Panda Pen commercial, sometimes this is true. However, often the jingle is peppy and the visuals are fun, but the words make little sense or give little language practice that would be useful for everyday conversation. Take, for example, this jingle for Chippy Treats, “Take the thing that’s really sweet, add the really spicy treat, it’s called Jack and Jill Chippy, inspired quite a treat, Chippy Treat, with a Jack and Jill beat, with a Jack and Jill beat, right now, right now.” The rhythm focuses attention on the rhyming words “sweet,” “treat,” and “beat” with the ending couplet “right now.” Other jingles were so unclear that even I as a native speaker could not understand them.

Commercials as language teachers 169

At times grammar that might not be taught in an English classroom is modeled. We’ve already seen the use of nonstandard ain’t. However, more interesting is creative play with grammar as in an ad for Birch Tree Thick Cream which ends with the graphic [Birch Tree Thick Cream. The way you should cream.] The ad for Oxygen shirts ends with the graphic [Oxygen. Exhale your soul.] Sprite repeatedly tells Filipinos during the telecast of a basketball game, “When you practice, play your thirst.” Del Monte announces, “We grow quality.” In general though, the commercials provide Filipino viewers with an overview or review of English grammar. Now let us take a look now at what the commercials teach Filipinos about English discourse. 10.1.3 Discourse Most people think that all there is to knowing English or any other language is to memorize some words and some basic grammar rules. However, as we noted in the discussion of communicative competence, we do not randomly produce sentences as we interact with others. Depending on such things as the purpose of our interaction with others, our social relationship, and the setting, we decide which grammar rules to use and how to organize our sentences most eŸectively in extended discourse. Hatch (1992) reviews various approaches to discourse analysis and suggests ways that teachers can use the ªndings. If these commercials are to teach communicative competence, we should check to see how the discourse principles she outlines are presented. Of course, when English teachers think of discourse, they immediately think of rhetoric. Do the commercials teach Filipinos how to tell stories or to explain what happened (narration), how to describe what things look or sound like or how they taste or smell (description), how to give instructions or explain how things happen (procedure or process), or how to encourage others to accept new points of view (argumentation or persuasion)? Within their 15 or 30 second time limit they do. We have already seen narration used in a commercial for shampoo. Narration is used to sell products ranging from cable TV to banking services. We have seen ads for oatmeal, air conditioning, and automobiles demonstrating how to use English to give descriptions. Ads for various contests show how to give instructions. Others tell how to activate new cell phone accounts and have nicer looking hair. Of course most commercials illustrate how to use language to persuade others to try something new. Hatch also suggests that we look at the commercials from the standpoint of the four maxims of Grice’s (1975) co-operative principle. They should be

170 Filipino English and Taglish

truthful (Grice’s maxim of quality). Of course we expect that commercials tell the truth, but careful shoppers always keep in mind caveat emptor. They should give only as much information as required by the context (Grice’s maxim of quantity). We saw earlier how this maxim leads to twenty percent of the commercials having almost no language. They should not include irrelevant information (Grice’s maxim of relevance). We would expect this to be the case because of the time limit. However, several commercials such as the Johnson & Johnson diaper commercial with the father thinking of the baby daughter’s future stretch the relevance maxim. Finally, they should be clear and not unnecessarily long-winded (Grice’s maxim of manner). Most commercials were clearly pronounced, though several had garbled sound tracts or, as we saw in the Nestle’s Milo commercial, had few clues as to the meaning of several long, grammatically complex sentences. The 30-second time limit makes longwindedness less likely. However, other aspects of discourse that Hatch presents are probably more important if commercials are to teach Filipinos how to use English in interactions with each other. Do they teach the stereotypical sequences or routines that typify English discourse? For example, do they teach Filipinos how GoŸman’s (1976) universal signal constraints in human communication apply to English? In other words, how does English signal what GoŸman called channel openings and channel closings to indicate that a routine such as making a telephone call or preaching a sermon is beginning or ending. How about turnover signals for exchanges of turns, and bracket signals for side comments? Sinclair and Coulthard (1975) in looking at the role of discourse in the classroom call these signals moves (framing moves, focusing moves, opening moves, answering moves, follow up moves). The elements of these routines can be analyzed according to Searle’s (1969, 1976) speech acts. Do the commercials teach Filipinos how to request that something be done (directives), how to promise to do something or decline an invitation to action (commissives), how to state the facts (representatives), how to use language to create a new state of aŸairs (declaratives), or how to express feelings and opinions (expressives)? We could also look at them from the standpoint of semantic notions such as giving advice, complaining, complimenting and expressing various moral and emotional attitudes. (See van Ek (1980) for the Council of Europe’s suggested list of notions and functions for achieving the Threshold Level of language proªciency.) One area that Hatch did not discuss was politeness. Do the commercials teach Filipinos how to use English politely as they interact with each other? I think the three maxims in LakoŸ’s (1973) version of the politeness principle

Commercials as language teachers

are useful guides. First, avoid imposing on others. English speakers especially use modals to soften their advice, opinions, and requests. Commands are often reformulated as statements or questions to soften their impact. Second, give options for response. English speakers oft use questions and statements to frame their requests and suggestions to give the listener options. Third, make the listener feel good. We would expect commercials to tap into this maxim both visually and verbally. Let us look at two commercials to see how these suggestions for analyzing discourse in teaching materials apply. The ªrst is a commercial for Sprite using American actors. The second is for the Bank of the Philippine Islands Dial a Dream contest using Filipino actors. Commercial Transcription 11: Sprite and Grant Hill (Manager) Grant, it’s time MANAGER TALKING TO to look beyond basketball. BASKETBALL STAR I’m thinking made for TV GRANT HILL drama. (Grant) You want me to be GRANT HILL IN like Tommy, Dad. I can DRAMATIC POSE WITH only be Jeb. TEARS FLOWING (Manager) After that you go GRANT HILL POSING on tour with your book. BEHIND THE COVER OF BOOK (Manager) Then you do an album. (Grant sings) I’m a cowboy (Backup women singers) He’s a cowboy.

GRANT HILL, DRESSED AS A COWBOY, SINGS

(Manager) So, what do you think? (Grant) I’d never do something like that. Care for a Sprite?

MANAGER AND GRANT HILL TALK

GRANT HILL GRABS A SPRITE

Written on book cover [Polite like me. The Grant Hill Story.] Written in the corner as in music videos [Grant and the Hilliones “Cowboy” Rodeo Pop Hack Records]

171

172 Filipino English and Taglish

[Image is nothing.] [Taste is everything.] [Obey your thirst.]

Notice the various aspects of discourse that are being demonstrated. Politely, the manager is trying to persuade Grant Hill to take his career in new directions. He starts with a framing move (Grant, it’s time…) to direct the attention to the upcoming exchange. He uses a statement as a polite directive that does not use a command, thus not imposing on the listener. It’s time to look beyond basketball. He then politely focuses the exchange I’m thinking… by giving attractive alternatives. Notice the softening eŸect of using the progressive thinking. He then indicates a turn exchange with the polite question, So, what do you think? Grant Hill politely uses a commissive in the form of the statement I’d never do something like that to turn him down. Notice the use of the contracted modal (would or could in I’d) to make the refusal more polite. He continues his politeness by oŸering an alternative Care for a Sprite? Notice how the graphics continue the counter argument. Contrast this polite interchange with the following entertaining commercial for the Bank of the Philippine Islands Dial a Dream commercial. The viewer looks in at the commotion in a business o¹ce, which, as expected in the Philippines, uses English. For our purposes, let us just look at the beginning and the end of the commercial when the o¹ce workers are conversing. Commercial Transcription 12: Bank of the Philippine Islands Dial a Dream (male employee) My bills FILIPINO MALE OFFICE have arrived! EMPLOYEE GLEEFULLY SHOWS A HANDFUL OF BILLS. (male employee) My boss is SHOT OF MEAN LOOKING demanding money! BOSS LOOKING IN ON THE EMPLOYEE (his coworkers) He’s crazy! OTHER OFFICE WORKERS CONVERSE WITH EACH OTHER (announcer) No, he just [dial a dream]

Commercials as language teachers 173

wants to win in BPI’s express phone’s dial a dream. Every time you use the express phone to pay bills, transfer funds to express teller, passbook, or even current account, get a chance to win thousands and a brand new Volvo. (Commercial continues to show how to enroll with graphics and actions matching words.) (boss) Honey, pay all our bills through the express plan.

EMPLOYEE DIALS A PHONE [pay bills] [transfer funds to express teller] [passbook] [current] [Volvo]

THE MEAN BOSS, WHO HAS BEEN LISTENING IN, SNEAKS TO THE TELEPHONE.

Notice that in contrast to the Grant Hill Sprite commercial even though there are several characters, the script does not teach Filipinos how to use English with each other. The characters use expressives to state their opinions, representatives to state the facts, and directives to order things done, but they do not show the viewing audience how to interact with each other through English. English is presented as a display language rather than a language for interaction. Note too that the politeness forms used in the Sprite commercial are missing. This is the common failing of the commercials. As we have seen in the sampling we have looked at in this chapter, English is used to instruct and otherwise display knowledge rather to interact with others. As a result, when we looked at the grammar used in the commercials, we saw that the progressive and the present perfect, both frequent verb forms in conversational interaction, were seldom used. Other high frequency features of conversational English, such as modals, are either scarcely used, or are used in unusual ways. Take questions, for example. Only three times are questions used in the question-answer sequence expected in conversational interactions. One was in the Grant Hill Sprite commercial we looked at earlier. The other was in a com-

174 Filipino English and Taglish

mercial for Strepsils sore throat relief. The scene is a wedding. The minister says “Vivian, do you take this man…?” The voice-over interrupts the scene because she cannot answer. She takes the medicine and answers, “I do.” In a commercial for Mobiline cell phones, a father says to his child on the telephone, “Hello, how’s my baby?”, but the answer is unclear and seems to be in Tagalog. Otherwise, all the questions that occur in the commercials are rhetorical and expect no answer from the listener or any other character in the commercial. For example, the ad for Nissan Ceªro begins with “Have you traveled ªrst class lately?” then continues without pause to talk about the superiority of the engine of this car. The ad for Pantene Pro V shampoo starts with the question “Do you really know how your shampoo works?” then continues to explain how the moisturizing formula works. In other words, the commercials do not teach lower level English language learners how questions are used to initiate a conversation, give polite options, or to redirect a conversation in new directions. They are only used to introduce information that the speaker wishes to display. This display quality of English is seen even more clearly when we look at the pragmatics that English language commercials illustrate. 10.1.4 Pragmatics What do the commercials teach about the pragmatics of English in the Philippines? In other words, when is it appropriate to use English with Filipinos and what does the switching between English and Tagalog signify? In the sampling of commercials we have looked at so far we have seen that it is appropriate to use English with other Filipinos in school related activities, in ªnancial and business aŸairs, and in matters relating to science and technology. This would be expected, based on what we know about the history of English in the Philippines. It is also appropriate to sing in English. The jingles for all the commercials, even the Tagalog commercials, were in English. The commercials also teach Filipinos that it is appropriate to use English in the family. We have already seen a father speaking English to his baby daughter in a diaper commercial and a father talking to his daughter in English on the telephone. In a Toyota commercial, a father speaks English to his young sons about driving safety as they play in the driveway of their home. In a commercial for Cookie Delight, four children wake up their older brother napping on the couch. They start singing in English about wanting a Cookie Delight. Mother comes in with a tray of cookie, chips, and drinks and adds her comments in

Commercials as language teachers 175

English. However, in each of these cases, the use of English does not lead to an English conversation between the participants. Instead, the commercials teach that Taglish, rather than English, is appropriate when using English for interpersonal communication rather than for displaying knowledge. Let us look at several commercials as an illustration. The commercial for STI College, a technical college specializing in computer education, starts with a catchy jingle. “Let’s go, let’s go, enroll in STI. Get skills, get jobs, STI education now.” Then a young male student says “For me STI ang best in computer education.” Notice the use of the Tagalog focus particle ang in place of the English determiner. A young female student adds that STI has “a guaranteed hire program para sa iyo (‘for you’)”. A commercial for another computer school has similar switching between English and Tagalog as the students interact with each other. In a Tagalog commercial for Eden cheese, a young boy is watching television. The mother comes in and announces in English “Meryenda time.” Meryenda is Filipino English for their customary mid-morning or mid-afternoon snack. The child does not respond. The mother returns and says “Eden time,” obviously a play on eating time. The child runs for the treat. In an English commercial for Zesto milk children are drinking milk at a dairy while the voice-over explains the beneªts of this brand of milk. A young girl says “Wow, so good.” A teenage boy adds “mmm, sarap (‘delicious’).” Sometimes the only English is in graphics that accompany the spoken Tagalog text. For example, the eleven times that Tagalog beer commercials appear, the ad ends with the English graphic [Drink Moderately]. The Tagalog commercials for health aids end with a list of ingredients in English and a warning graphic to consult a doctor if symptoms persist. A patriotic public service announcement explaining the history of the Philippine ¶ag is spoken in Tagalog but all graphics are written in English. A government health announcement is in Tagalog but the graphic announcing the program reads [3 Steps to Good Health]. Some of the graphics accompanying Couples Choice birth control read [safe], [convenient], [eŸective], and [3 months protection]. The other graphics and the voice-over are in Tagalog. Often a Tagalog commercial starts in English and then switches to Tagalog with a strong mixture of English words. For example, the commercial for the Sanyo washing machine begins with a happy young Filipina announcing, “Introducing the Sanyo jumbo washing machine with a big and powerful pulsator.” She then continues in Tagalog with a liberal sprinkling of English words such as gentle, washing, and powerful. The commercial for Biogesic cold

176 Filipino English and Taglish

medicine starts with a mother carrying a tray of medicine as she enters a bedroom with a sick husband and a sick son. She says in English, “When my boys have fever, I give them Biogesic, tablets for big boys (the husband) and syrup for little boys.” The commercial continues in Tagalog. In a Tagalog commercial for Axion dishwashing detergent a chubby, gap-toothed kitchen helper interrupts to say in English, “Be smart. Use Axion.” The commercial for Clover Chips shows another integration of English and Tagalog into Taglish. Teenagers are stu¹ng themselves into a telephone booth while the announcer speaks in Tagalog. The commercial ends with the unread rhyming graphic [Come on over sa sarap ng Clover] ‘Come on over to delicious Clover’. In other words, commercials teach that Taglish, rather than plain English, is appropriate in extended discourse with fellow Filipinos.

10.2 Conclusions In this chapter we have seen that the commercials tap into language learning strategies and give a good overview of grammar, though providing limited discourse support for improving interpersonal communication. In the area of pragmatics we have also seen that the commercials show Filipinos that it is appropriate to use English both at home and in public, though Taglish rather than plain English is expected in extended discourse. But pragmatics in a bilingual society deals with more than when it is appropriate or expected to speak one language or the other. It also deals with the social messages that underlie language switching. Are the values that marketers promote through English language commercials appealing to those Filipinos who did not do well in school yet need the informal English instruction that the commercials can provide? If not, they probably will not pay attention and this somewhat ¶awed English instruction will have little eŸect on their language proªciency. In the next chapter we will look more closely at the marketing messages of both English and Tagalog commercials.

Chapter 11

Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials

Television commercials are designed to sell products. Maddock and Fulton (1996) point out that although successful commercials have three dimensions, one based on rationalization, one based on memory, and one based on motivation, it is the motivational dimension which taps into the emotions and mores of the consumer that is most important. Traditionally these emotions and mores are passed from generation to generation through interactions with family and friends in the home, through secular and religious instruction, and through other social venues. However, Kellner (1995) proposes that with the advent of television, commercial advertising is taking over as the arbiter of thought and behavior in popular culture. Thus commercials have become a tool for social engineering either reinforcing the traditional values of the community or spreading new values based on national, global, or simply commercial priorities. For example, in multiethnic India, Johnson (2000) found that once television comes to an isolated rural village, long cherished beliefs are modiªed or abandoned as children adopt the new belief system and the image of life that is portrayed in the commercials and other programming. What eŸect does this new approach to social engineering have on a society such as the Philippines with its long history of social engineering using ªrst English and now Tagalog? What are the emotions and beliefs that Filipino advertisers tap into as they look for ways to motivate consumers? The answer is not straightforward since, as Fernandez (1989a) points out, Filipino culture is multilayered with competing values from various sources. As we saw in part A, after nearly four hundred years of Spanish colonization with its heavy emphasis on Roman Catholic values, the United States brought some forty years of secular education and social engineering through English. Today the English language is associated with business, education, government, and other activities associated with an educated populace. For the last sixty years Tagalog has spread throughout the nation mostly through informal venues, primarily comics, movies, and radio, though it received it biggest boost with the institution of

178 Filipino English and Taglish

bilingual education thirty years ago. Today it is associated with interpersonal relations and the activities of the poor. Blend in layers of traditional Malay culture from at least seventy-ªve highland and lowland ethno linguistic groups. Add to the mix values that come from several centuries of cultural contact with Chinese, Arab, and Indian traders, many of whom settled in the Philippines. This complicated mixture of eastern and western values makes Filipino culture perhaps the most complex in Asia. How do advertisers sort through all of this? To ªnd out, let us look ªrst at the languages that the advertisers use to market the various products. What is the overall picture they paint of the Filipino consumer? Then we will examine the commercials themselves to see the underlying values that advertisers hope will motivate Filipino consumers. The primary focus will be on the English language commercials, since they predominate. We will close with a brief look at the contrasting messages of Tagalog commercials.

11.1 Languages and products As we saw in the introduction to these chapters in part C, whereas only 40 percent of the shows which were broadcast during this nine-hour sampling of Filipino television were predominantly in English, nearly 70 percent of the commercials were. Given the acceptance of language switching in the Philippines, the English and Tagalog commercials were not segregated to special language periods but were interchanged with each other during both English and Tagalog dominant shows. In the same way that English and Tagalog were mixed in the basketball commentary that we looked at in Chapter 9, the commercials mixed the two languages, though commercials in straight English predominated. Of the 292 commercials advertising 192 products that were shown during this prime viewing time, 171 or 58.56 percent were only in English and 31 or 10.61 percent were predominantly English but included some Tagalog words or phrases. Only 33 or 11.30 percent were only in Tagalog except for the name of the product. Another 57 or 19.52 percent were in Tagalog with English words and phrases. Thus nearly 70 percent of all commercials were predominantly in English. Another way to break it down would be that almost 60 percent were in English, 30 percent in Taglish, and 10 percent in Tagalog. Not included in these totals were the advertisements for other television shows or movies. As a rule, ads for television shows were in Tagalog regardless of the language of the show.

Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 179

Usapang Business, for example, a predominantly English language program, was advertised in Tagalog. Action movies from the United States that were opening soon in local movie theaters or television specials from the United States were usually the only movies or programs advertised in English. Most commercials, 129, were shown only once, 36 twice, and 27 were shown three or more times. Table 11.1 shows the distribution of product types according to two sets of language groupings: only Tagalog, mostly Tagalog, and Table 11.1 Language of commercials by product type Product Type

T*

T(E)

Pharmaceuticals

5

10

Toiletries

1

0

Child Care

0

0

11

14

Non-alcoholic Drinks 0

0

Alcoholic Drinks

0

5

Cigarettes

0

0

Detergent/Cleaning Supplies Home Maintenance

3

4

1

1

Appliances/Electronics 0

2

Banking/Finance

0

1

Education/School Supplies Automobiles/Travel

0

0

0

1

Clothing

0

0

Government/Public Services Language Totals

1

3

22

41

Food

T + T(E)

E

15 2 (71.43%) 1 10 (8.33%) 0 6 (0.00%) 25 11 (60.98%) 0 9 (0.00%) 5 8 (35.71%) 0 5 (0.00%) 7 0 (100.00%) 2 2 (40.00%) 2 20 (7.69%) 1 12 (7.69%) 0 2 (0.00%) 1 8 (10.00%) 0 14 (0.00%) 4 0 (100.00%) 63 108 (32.81%)

E(T)

E+E(T)

4

6 (28.57%) 11 (91.67%) 6 (100.00%) 16 (39.02%) 11 (100.00%) 9 (64.29%) 5 (100.00%) 0 (0.00%) 3 (60.00 %) 24 (92.31%) 12 (92.31%) 4 (100.00%) 9 (90.00%) 14 (100.00%) 0 (0.00%) 129 (67.19%)

1 0 5 2 1 0 0 1 4 0 2 1 0 0 21

Total 21 12 6 41 11 14 5 7 5 26 13 4 10 14 4 192

*T = only Tagalog, T(E) = Tagalog with some English words and phrases, T + T(E) = total and percentage of Tagalog and mostly Tagalog, E = English only, E(T) = English with some Tagalog words and phrases, E = E(T) = total and percentage of English and mostly English

180 Filipino English and Taglish

the total and percentage of Tagalog and mostly Tagalog commercials; only English, mostly English, and the total and percentage of only English and mostly English commercials. What is the socioeconomic picture that is presented by the association of English and Tagalog with the various products? Notice that there are deªnite patterns as to the choice of language for most types of products. Commercials for childcare products, non-alcoholic beverages, cigarettes, and education, are only in English. Ads for detergents and cleaning supplies and government or public services are only in Tagalog. Further diŸerences surface when the top ªve product types for Tagalog and English are examined more closely. Table 11.2 presents the top ªve product types according their respective language. Table 11.2 Top ªve product types as percentage of commercials predominantly in English or Tagalog Products predominantly in Tagalog 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Food Pharmaceuticals Cleaning Supplies/ Detergents Alcoholic Beverages Government Services

Total

% of total 39.68% 23.81% 11.11% 7.94% 6.35% 88.89%

Products predominantly in English 1. Appliance/Electronics 2. Food 3. Clothing 4. Banking/Finance 5. (tie) Toiletries Non-alcoholic Beverages

% of total 18.60% 12.40% 10.85% 9.30% 8.53% 8.53% 68.21%

What is the picture that is painted of consumers who prefer Tagalog? Food is the most frequent category for Tagalog dominant commercials, accounting for nearly forty percent of Tagalog commercials. Six of these commercials (42.86 percent of the food total) are for fast food restaurants. The rest are for snack foods such as chips and cookies or for tuna ªsh, corned beef, and various sauces that are typical of Filipino cooking. The second most common Tagalog based commercial is for health products such as pain relievers, cold and fever medicines, vitamins, and birth control. In third place are advertisements for laundry soap and dish washing detergent. These are never advertised in English. Alcoholic beverages rank fourth, though in Tagalog, beer is the typical beverage advertised. As a rule, harder liquors, such as whiskey, gin, and rum are advertised in English. The last of the Tagalog top ªve is for government or public services such as electricity, health insurance, and patriotic celebrations. These ªve types account for nearly ninety percent of the commercials aired in Tagalog. The picture they paint is of the Tagalog dominant consumer struggling just

Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials

to stay alive. There is no money for clothing, home appliances, or even childcare. Nearly two thirds of the Tagalog advertisements are for inexpensive foods and condiments to supplement rice and other foods bought at the market and for medicines to restore health. The English dominant ads present a diŸerent picture. As seen by the percentages for each category, they present a much wider range of products. By far the most common advertisements are for appliances and electronics such as air conditioners, cell phones, kitchen appliances, televisions and stereos. In second place are English language commercials for food, though they are less frequent than food commercials in Tagalog. Milk products typically are advertised in English and account for one third of the English food advertisements. The rest are for an assortment of snack foods and oatmeal. In third place is clothing, mostly shoes and jeans found in shopping malls. In fourth place are ªnancial advertisements for various bankcards, other banking services and life insurance programs. I also included in this category various lotteries and drawings. Tied for ªfth place are advertisements for toiletries, mostly shampoos, and advertisements for non-alcoholic beverages such as Sprite, fruit juices, and bottled water. If I had extended the list one more place, the English list would have ended with advertisements for hard liquors and advertisements for automobiles and travel, including gasoline, airlines, and automobiles. In other words in contrast to the Tagalog advertisements, the English advertisements paint a picture of a§uence and ªnancial security. In 1983 one of Sibayan’s students Roopa Dewan looked at the commercials on ªve television stations in Metro Manila and came up with similar ªndings (Sibayan 1985: 593–594). She noted that 144 products were advertised, mostly foods, beverages, toiletries, appliances and pharmaceuticals. She found that 61 percent of the advertisements were in English, 22 percent in Tagalog, and 17 percent in Taglish, almost the same percentages that I found almost 15 years later, though with the increased use of Taglish the percentage for Tagalog has dropped. Dewan observed that the use of English and Tagalog correlated with the perceived market for the product. More expensive products or more prestigious products were in English since they were targeted at the middle and upper income classes. Only products aimed at the masses were advertised in Tagalog. Thus, in spite of the changes in language usage patterns and language attitudes that we have seen developing in the Philippines in recent years, advertisers still embrace English. Let us now see if the social messages of the commercials continue the tradition of associating English with the social engineering of the past.

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11.2 Languages and social messages When the Americans arrived in the Philippines at the turn of the twentieth century and were confronted with a set of multilingual islands with no lingua franca accepted by the majority of the population, they decided that English would be their medium for developing the qualities of good citizenship and preparing the people both socially and economically for independence. This long-term association of English with developing good character and promoting good fortune continues as an underlying theme in commercials. Let us take a look at these two premises and their various correlates. 11.2.1 English as promoter of good character Foremost in the minds of the Americans when they took over the Philippines was to use English to develop good character in the natives. Look at how this premise continues in full force in the following commercials for Gatorade and Nestle’s Milo. The Gatorade commercial shows people jumping rope, playing soccer and basketball, and participating in other sports with the uplifting reminder “In the great sport of life, it doesn’t matter what you do, but how you do it.” The commercial for Nestle’s Milo starts with the unread graphic [Sports teaches teamwork] then shows youths playing soccer and doing science projects. The voice-over says, “In sports, individuals make the score but it’s the team that wins the game. For victory is achieved not by one man alone, but by the team working together to achieve the common goal.” The ending graphic [Sports teaches teamwork. Get your child into sports] is not read. An extension of the good character theme is that English serves as a conscience or trusted advisor. At the bottom right corner of the sometimesracy Tagalog sitcoms is the warning in English [parental guidance]. Commercials for alcoholic beverages, whether in English or Tagalog end with the English graphic [Drink moderately]. Viewers see written on the ¶oor of the basketball arena [Sportsmanship is our Goal]. Marisigan (1986) found English serving a similar purpose when she surveyed the language usage of teachers and students in exclusive Catholic schools at the elementary, secondary, and tertiary level in Metro Manila. Her subjects often switched to English to state slogans or maxims. The commercials for Mobiline cell phones strikingly follow this theme that English is the voice of the conscience. In one, a young couple is seen leaving a social gathering. The father calls home on the cell phone to ask the family

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helper how things are going. She reports in Tagalog that the daughter is not feeling well. He hangs up and looks at his wife. Then a graphic ªlls the screen as an authoritative, deep male voice with an American accent reads the graphic, [When Was The Last Time You Really Talked?] The father immediately calls back and with Filipino accented English says to his little daughter in English “Hello, Kim. How’s my baby?” The daughter mumbles something in Tagalog. The father replies in English “O. K. you can stay in our room tonight. O.K?” The authoritative American voice continues, “Don’t miss a chance to say goodnight. [Take Time To Talk] A message from Mobiline.” In another version of the commercial, a young businessman is delayed in Cebu on a business trip. He calls home to say in Tagalog that he will be late coming home. As he gets ready to hang up, the same [When Was The Last Time You Really Talked?] message appears, read by the same authoritative American voice. The young husband says, “Hold on, hon” and the conversation continues in Tagalog. Sometimes the role of English as conscience or trusted advisor borders on nagging or intimidation. For example in the commercial for Condura air conditioners a large grandfatherly white-haired American dressed in the white smock of a scientist explains how the air conditioner works. In the closing shot, the camera angle looks up at him from waist level so he appears to be looking down at the viewer as he shakes his ªnger and says “New generation Condura. You have a better choice.” Solemn oaths and promises to do better are also given in English. In a commercial for Johnson & Johnson diapers, a young father is interacting with his baby daughter in a crib. The father talks to himself in English about the child’s future. Another male voice advises, “Give your little one the best. Johnson super absorbent diapers.” The father continues, “I promise, I’ll always be there for you.” This theme that English promises Filipinos a better future underlies an ad for Prudentialife. The ad directs a question to young fathers. “What can you give to those who mean everything to you? The child who has your eyes and who spoke to you of his dreams. A wish that resides in your heart. Give them a future they can look forward to with Prudentialife.” Dunlop socks are “designed for the future”. The woman voice in the PCI bank card announces “I come from the future to tell you about this microchip.” It would appear that God himself prefers English. The wedding setting for Strepsils sore throat lozenges is in English. The peppy church choir for Del Monte 202 fruit juice sings in English. The monk in the advertisement for Coat Saver latex paint says, “It’s a miracle”. In an amusing advertisement for

184 Filipino English and Taglish

Polymagma we have an aerial shot of a fully packed jeepney, the omnipresent extended jeep that serves as public transportation in the Philippines, on a wild and crazy ride down a dusty mountain road. One of the women passengers has a panicked look on her face as she motions to the driver in Tagalog. One needs to have experienced such a ride to understand the feelings she may be expressing, perhaps even a quick prayer for safety. Suddenly a voice from heaven says, “The problem with diarrhea is you never know when or where it will start. Relieve your suŸering with doctor-trusted Polymagma.” It is not just the voice of God or the voice of the conscience that promotes better living. English-speaking experts do the same. In the commercial for Motolite batteries a large Eurasian man in a white coat speaks English as he leads the viewer through a ¶amethrower test of a car battery. The people manning the ¶amethrowers speak Tagalog. After the test, one of them says in Taglish to conªrm the results “Start naya? Let’s see. It works” then resumes talking to the others in Tagalog. Even in Tagalog commercials, English as the reliable voice of an expert prevails. In an ad for Cell Card, a cell phone prepayment service, young Filipinos are talking in Tagalog. A voice interrupts in English to introduce Cell Card and explain how it is used. When he ªnishes, the people talk to each other in Tagalog. In an Axion commercial for dish soap, a chunky gap-toothed family helper breaks into the Tagalog commercial to exclaim in English “Be smart, use Axion,” and “7 out of 10 use Axion.” 11.2.2 English as promoter of good fortune English assures ªnancial success. We have already seen that commercials dealing with ªnances are in English. The intertwining of money and English is the focus of the commercial for PRULIFE-UK life insurance. A collage of the faces that appear on world currencies appears on the screen. An English voice proclaims, “A face you can trust.” Get rich quick schemes such as lotteries, ra§es or other contests for big prizes are announced in English. Even products such as fast foods that are normally advertised in Tagalog switch to English when announcing a ra§e or drawing. Not only is English directly associated with money, it is implied by the visuals of the commercials. Symbols of a§uence such as air conditioners, cell phones, stereos, kitchen appliances, even electric fans are sold in English. In commercials for shampoos, the men and women take showers with lots of water, something unusual in the land of dip and pour bathing and chronic water shortages. In a land of chronic housing shortages with two or three

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families often sharing housing, young English-speaking newlyweds are shown moving into their own spacious apartments. The commercial for Nissan Ceªro asks the viewers, “Have you traveled ªrst class lately?” English provides for a better life in other ways. It helps Filipino babies grow taller and stronger, seemingly a major concern for a nation ªlled with short people. All products for babies and pregnant women are in English. Commercials tell Filipino parents to use Johnson & Johnson baby oil for infant massage so their babies will grow taller. Hi-Nulac infant formula has the same eŸect. Gain baby formula creates more beautiful eyes, extremely important in a land where beauty queens are the envy of everyone. The commercial for ProKids diapers features a giant baby stalking the town like Godzilla with the ending voice-over stating, “ProKids disposable diapers, for the world’s greatest babies.” Of course, good fortune comes from international connections that reach beyond English-speaking countries. The spokesperson in the commercial for Northwest Airlines is a Japanese architect. The man in the easy chair in the Skycable commercial says that “My view was so small before Sky, but, of course, is there anything bigger?” Then another voice adds, “Skycable. Let’s enjoy the world together.” An ad for Shell gasoline starts out in Italian as some young boys interact with a man and a Ferrari. The voice-over says “Only one fuel is allowed inside a Ferrari.” The United States in particular plays a role in many commercials. The ad for Timex Indiglo watches features the Statue of Liberty. The characters in all the cigarette advertisements are Americans. Winston advertises itself as “the spirit of the USA.” When young people in ads are participating in sports, it is rollerblading, soccer, football, and other sports which are more common in the USA than in the Philippines. Perhaps a good summary of how English promotes good character and good fortune can be seen in the commercial for Toyota Corolla. A young Filipino father is playing with his two young children in the driveway of his large home. He pushes them around in their toy car explaining to them in English how to drive safely. Later when he gets into his car to go to work, he reads a note they have written to him in English. “Dad, Drive safely. Love Rain and Robin.” 11.2.3 English as bad boy From the beginning of English in the Philippines, the language has been associated not just with eŸorts to improve the lives of Filipinos, but with decadence. While the schools were working to uplift the people, soldiers,

186 Filipino English and Taglish

businessmen, and other fortune seekers had other things in mind. American churches sent missionaries to the Philippines not just to convert Filipinos, but to start YMCAs and other organizations to keep the soldiers and other Americans in check. Many commercials re¶ect this long standing relationship between English and cigarettes, whiskey, and wild, wild women. All cigarette and hard liquor advertisements, as well as commercials for imported beer are in English. But the wild, wild woman motive is a bit more subtle. It becomes more evident when the commercials are analyzed on the basis that English serves as a love potion. English as love potion sells everything from shampoo to chewing gum. For example, in the Sun Silk shampoo commercial a woman shampoos her hair and says, “That ªrst date, he said he loved my hair.” A male voice explains how the shampoo nourishes her hair. The commercial ends with the woman adding, “When he proposed, it was more beautiful, and even more beautiful when we got engaged.” In the Lux shampoo commercial, after the woman shampoos her hair, she walks through a crowded restaurant with all the young men turning to look at her. The man she meets kisses her and gives her a necklace. A young man uses Close-up toothpaste and sings, “I want to get close to your smile.” The ad for Eggnog cookies is in Tagalog until two teenage girls, who are standing on a porch with a box of cookies, see a handsome young man go by. They take turns rating him in English “I give him three Eggnogs. I give him six. No he’s a nine. He’s a box.” The young man then looks their way. The commercial for Strepsils sore throat lozenges takes place at a wedding. The ceremony is in English. The bride has a sore throat and can’t say “I do” until she takes a Strepsils. An enthusiastic Filipino male voice says, “It really works.” Then the wedding chimes play and the happy couple leaves the church. Even alcoholic beverages use the English as love potion theme. In the commercials for hard liquors, young European men and women party together. It is obvious that these men have no problems getting and keeping the attention of women. This is not the case in Tagalog beer commercials. In these, men interact only with other men. An interesting illustration is one for Red Horse beer. A young Filipino saves the day when a girl mountain climber is threatened by a rockslide. She oŸers him a seat on the bus, but the scene cuts away immediately to the young man having a beer with the boys. Men who use Tagalog have to be content to hang out with the guys. The Doublemint gum commercial plays on the power of English to bring love into the life of these beer-drinking Filipino young men. A blond girl is sunning herself by the pool. Re¶ected in her sunglasses are two young Filipino

Marketing messages through language switching in television commercials 187

men in swimming suits drinking beer. One, who is wearing only a skimpy Speedo, looks like a body builder on steroids. The other one is thin and wears a shirt and a baggy swimming suit that comes to his knees. As the commercial explains in English the beneªts of chewing Doublemint gum, the body builder with a beer in his hand shows oŸ his muscles and tries to kiss the girl. He is rejected. The thin Filipino, who is chewing Doublemint gum, gets the girl even though he too has a beer. The English of cigarette commercials has the same eŸect on helping men attract women. The power of English as a love potion leaves little to the imagination in two racy commercials, one for deodorant and the other for men’s underwear. The setting for Axe body spray is an African safari. A tall handsome European man with dark brown hair is looking over the African plains. He sees a beautiful dark-haired European girl standing by her car, obviously lost as she checks her compass. As a cheetah starts to run towards her, she drops her compass. The hero jumps into his safari wagon to rush to her side. She faces him and stoops down to pick up her compass. With her face close to his crotch, she slowly starts to rise. The camera quickly switches for a few seconds to him naked putting on a deodorant body spray. A female voice says, “Spray with conªdence with Axe.” Another voice adds, “The deodorant body spray for men. Axe Africa because ªrst impressions last.” The closing shows four Axe deodorants shaped like phallic symbols. The woman in distress and the rescuer are standing again on the African plains. She drops her compass once more and the viewer is left to imagine what happens next. The Hanford underwear commercial is ªlled with homoerotic images. A handsome young European man wearing knee-high riding boots is sitting on the hood of his sports car with one foot on the hood and his knee bent upward. A herd of sheep and another young man pass by. He comes home. His butler serves him a drink by the ªreplace. He showers then picks up his Hanford briefs as a woman’s voice says “Hanford. Some things are too good to hide.” A male voice continues as the camera pans the man’s waist. “The continuous comfort seam of Hanford is only one feature that makes it too good to hide.” The camera then switches to the other feature that is too good to hide, a frontal close up of this well-endowed male as he lifts weights. To drive in the message, the graphic [Hanford, too good to hide] appears with another close up of his abs and crotch as he walks on his treadmill. Cigarettes, whiskey, and wild, wild women (and men) aren’t the only vices depicted by English. Some advertisements take the viewer on a feel-good drug high with psychedelic colors and dissolving shapes. The most blatant example

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of this is for the LG Corporation. No product is mentioned, though electronics are implied. A soft male British voice intones, “The face of the future will behold sights so dazzling they will mesmerize you to no end (As the face of a woman ¶oats by, her eyes grow larger), sounds so enchanting you’ll want to hear them again and again (As a man’s head ¶oats by, his ears grow larger), scents so appetizing you’ll hunger for more (As a woman’s head ¶oats by, her nose grows) because it will come face to face with the company (an air conditioner ¶oats by) that creates world wide conveniences (a television set ¶oats by) so innovative they’ll overwhelm your senses, so advanced you’ll experience the future.” As we saw in the good fortune section, English is also associated with the sin of avarice. All but one of the commercials for lotteries, drawings, and various cash give-a-ways were in English. Even fast food hamburger chains such as McDonald’s and Jolibee, which usually advertise in Tagalog, advertised in English when some sort of give-a-way was involved. Yet in spite of these sins of smoking, drinking, sex, drugs, and avarice, advertisers generally depict Filipinos who are ¶uent in English as thoughtful and of good character. They manage their money well and prepare for the future well being of their family and are interested in a comfortable lifestyle.

11.3 The growing Tagalog backlash The image of Filipinos in the Tagalog commercials is not so ¶attering. Those who are weak in English language skills are superstitious. For example, the Tagalog commercial for Wonderseal features a vampire bat that ¶ies around at night looking for holes in the roofs of squatter huts or other poorly constructed habitations. When the vampire ªnds a hole, she extends her tongue through and sucks blood from the bellies of unsuspecting sleepers. Wonderseal blocks the hole and the vampire is killed by the rising sun as she spends the night trying to break through the seal. Tagalog speakers make fools of themselves when they try to appear educated. If scientists speak English, mad scientists speak Tagalog. A mad scientist with a frightening hairdo proclaims the virtues of Ajax soap in Tagalog. But even he at the end of his spiel adds in English, “Ajax, all in one, the only one with all new Bacteria ªghting TC3.” Advertisements for technical schools have the students speaking in Taglish rather than English, implying that their English is not good enough for a good university education.

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In matters of the heart, Tagalog is of little use. We already saw that Tagalog beer drinkers must resign themselves to hanging out with the guys rather than the girls. The commercial for Minute Burger makes light of the rudeness of Tagalog-speaking males in aŸairs of the heart. The commercial opens with a young man saying goodbye to his girlfriend as her train leaves the station. He chases the train down the platform and reaches towards her window. As she looks longingly at him, he reaches in and steals her hamburger out of her hand. Advertisers teach Tagalog speakers that they need to practice responsible sex to limit the number of children they have so they can aŸord to give their children the products advertised in English. All birth control information is in Tagalog. A birth control advertisement for women shows images of a small family with nice possessions. The commercial for condoms depicts two men at a restaurant discussing responsible sex. In other words, the advertisers depict those who do not use English as poorly educated people living in desperation, their lives revolving around putting basic foods on the table and meeting basic health needs. Rather than shopping in malls for brand name clothing or other ªne things in life, they shop in open-air markets for basic foods that can be enhanced by condiments. But are the advertisers out of touch with the reality of life in the Philippines of today? Do these messages re¶ect the views of an isolated moneyed class that is living in the past? If social mobility and wealth were readily available to everyone simply by improving English language skills, the lifestyle portrayed by the English commercials would encourage people to develop their English. However, the public schools are overcrowded and English language instruction is deteriorating. The large percentage of the population with limited English skills sees the social mobility promised by English as an impossible dream since opportunities to learn English are limited. In addition, this desperation now extends to the middle class. Middle class wages are depressed and employment opportunities within the Philippines are limited even for those who are highly trained and ¶uent in English. In the eyes of many, English no longer matters except as a way to escape from the Philippines. In other words, approximately one third of the English language commercials ignore both working class and middle class Filipinos, targeting the elite few with advanced degrees, lots of money, and family connections. Today there is a growing backlash against English and what many consider to be its false promises. The values associated with English commercials rather than promoting English may actually be turning people against the language. In fact, many see the overriding bad boy sin of English to be arrogance. This

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arrogance of English speakers is the basis for the following commercial for PS Bank, the only bank advertisement in Tagalog. The commercial begins with a long row of men in business suits with their backs to the viewer. As a small, knee-high adult male Filipino in a native barong-Tagalog, the standard business attire for Filipinos, walks behind them, a voice says in English, “Among the big banks there is one… (The last man turns around and stoops down to pick up the Filipino in his hand while speaking to him in Tagalog.).” The commercial continues in Tagalog. As the friendly banker helps the Filipino with his personal and business banking needs, the Filipino grows taller and leaves the bank with his head high. As we said in the introduction, Philippine culture is multileveled and complex. It is also a free society where ideas and values are allowed to compete with each other. As a result, this mismatch of values in the commercials should not be unexpected. In the next two chapters we will look at more evidence of this mismatch. First we will look at the English and Tagalog that various successful Filipinos use when they are interviewed on television. How does their use of English re¶ect the values shown in these commercials? Then we will look at the values associated with English in programs targeted towards the masses. We will ªnd an interesting contrast that is just hinted at in these commercials.

Chapter 12

Putting on a public face in TV interviews

Taglish originated among the educated in Metro Manila as a solidarity language in response to the social turmoil of the 1960s when students demonstrated in the streets to demand that Tagalog be used as an expression of nationalism. As we saw in Chapter 9, because of the disparity between English and Tagalog grammar, two forms of Taglish developed: one with a Tagalog base and one with an English base. Ramos (1970) noted that from the beginning Taglish with an English base was considered informal conversational English. With a Tagalog base, it was considered conversational Tagalog. But what seems to be the basis for choosing either English-based or Tagalog-based Taglish? Marasigan (1986) found in her investigation into educated Taglish that in general the various language functions and speech acts showed little in¶uence on the language choice. Instead, the switching tended more to follow the value system that underlies the English language commercials discussed in the last chapter. English, being a symbol of good character, is mixed with Tagalog to indicate the truthfulness of what was being said. It is the language of slogans, maxims, and vows. Because of its role in improving the lives of others, commands in English carry more authority. Switching to Tagalog denotes less seriousness, even joking and frivolity. However, the amount of English that is used in Taglish seems to re¶ect class-consciousness. Gonzalez (1982b: 90) writing during the time of the Marcos rule noted that Filipinos learn English not because they wish to integrate themselves with Americans or British, but because they want to integrate with the Filipino elite who promote English as the key to socioeconomic success. As we saw in the last chapter, this notion that English is the key to prosperity underlies the visuals of most commercials. When Barrios et al (1977) compared the language usage of students at high status private universities in Metro Manila with the usage of students in less prestigious public universities, they found that those at more prestigious schools tended to use Taglish that aimed towards English. Those in less prestigious schools used Taglish that aimed towards Tagalog. Both used Taglish that aimed more towards English for above peer communication.

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The social diŸerentiation between these two types of Taglish presents an interesting research question when we take into account the principles of accommodation theory. Which version do successful Filipinos use when they are addressing the public in televised interviews? Accommodation theory (Giles, Coupland, and Coupland 1991) suggests that people modify their language either to converge towards their conversational partners when they wish to reduce social distance or they modify it to diverge from their conversational partners when they wish to emphasize their distinctiveness or to increase social distance. Sociolinguists have noted this phenomenon at work in various settings. For example, Thompson (1975) found that second-generation Mexican Americans were adopting diŸerent dialects of English depending on their social aspirations. Trudgill (1986) found that his own language changed as he interviewed speakers of diŸerent dialects of English. Coupland (1984) found that the pronunciation of a travel agent changed to match the social class and educational background of her customers. Edwards (1986) discovered that participants in small group discussions changed their language according to the perceived status of outsiders who joined their group. Probably of most interest to us is the discovery of Bell (1991) that the same newsreaders changed their pronunciation when they broadcast on diŸerent radio stations that targeted diŸerent audiences. In other words, we linguistically modify our public face according to our attitudes about the people we are talking to. What is the public face that successful Filipinos put on when they are interviewed on national television? What does their use of English, Taglish, and Tagalog reveal about their solidarity with or disassociation from the viewing public? Let us look at several interviews broadcast on Philippine television to see what accommodation theory reveals.

12.1 The case studies To ªnd out whether successful Filipinos when they are interviewed on television use English to announce that they are successful or Taglish to connect with the viewing audience, let us look at ªve case studies. Four are based on interviews shown on Usapang Business ‘Business Talk,’ an hour-long business magazine show broadcast in the late evening on ABS-CBN, the most popular television network. It follows the late night English language news. As indicated by the title, Taglish is the language of the show, though the language of the hosts and the featured guests ranges from pure English to pure Tagalog

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depending on how they want to present themselves to the viewing audience. The ªfth case study features courtside and locker room interviews after the basketball game that we studied in Chapter 9. Before we look at the ªndings, let us remind ourselves of what we found to be the characteristics of Taglish in Chapter 9. Because of the disparity between the grammars of English and Tagalog, the two languages are usually kept separate by using alternation at the clause level. However, English-based and Tagalog-based Taglishes have developed that also make use of insertion. When English forms the base, Tagalog insertions tend to be limited to discourse markers, rejoinders, tags, and adverbial clitics. Similar English insertions occur when Tagalog is the base though most common are English nouns with occasional verbs, adjectives, and adverbs. As we saw in the basketball chapter, since Taglish functions as both informal English and informal Tagalog on a scale that ranges from English to English-based Taglish to Tagalog-based Taglish to Tagalog, simply reporting the percentage of Tagalog words gives an incomplete picture. As we look at these interviews, we need to know not only the percentage of Tagalog but also the percentage of clauses that occur purely in Tagalog or English and the percentage that occur in the two versions of Taglish based on insertion. This will give us an indication of how much the speaker is using alternation and insertion in language mixing. The business show opens with the two hosts Cathy Yang and Ces Drilon standing in front of the camera in what appears to be a hotel dining room introducing the audience to the four featured segments for the evening. The ªrst focuses on the roasted-chicken magnate Sandy Javier, who in a few short years has gone from being jobless and deep in debt to the owner of a business empire that not only breeds and sells roasted chicken but breeds race horses, smiths guns, and cultivates roses and orchids for distribution. The second section looks at the frequent kidnapping of Chinese-Filipino businessmen in Cotabato in Mindanao and its eŸect on business. The third section investigates a case of alleged stock market swindling in a brokerage house. The last section looks at a family-owned chain of successful fast food pancit or Philippine noodle shops. The focus for the evening is to present business success stories to encourage Filipino entrepreneurs. Perhaps to encourage those in the viewing audience whose English is weak to stay tuned to the program, the hosts begin their introduction in pure Tagalog. In fact, all announcements for Usapan Business that were broadcast earlier in the evening were in Tagalog. After their intro-

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ductory statements the hosts switch to Taglish. Notice in Table 12.1 how Tagalog predominates in the speech of both hosts. Table 12.1 Taglish in the introduction to Usapang Business Total Words English (%) Tagalog (%) Total Clauses English only (%) English-based Taglish (%) Tagalog-based Taglish (%) Tagalog only (%)

Drilon

Yang

167 73 94 13 3 1 3 6

100 42 58 5 1 1 1 2

(43.71%) (56.29%) (23.08%) (7.69%) (23.08%) (46.15%)

(42.00%) (58.00%) (20.00%) (20.00%) (20.00%) (40.00%)

We can see that both are targeting the same audience, one that needs to be encouraged in their English for business purposes. Ms Drilon’s introduction was 56.29 percent Tagalog, Ms Yang’s 58.00 percent. The Tagalog nature of the introduction is even more apparent when Tagalog and Tagalog-based Taglish clauses are totaled: Drilon 69.23 percent, Yang 60.00 percent. Less than one quarter of their talk is purely in English. That so much Tagalog is used to introduce a show that is primarily in English conforms with a pattern that Alberca (1998) notes is common in school. Taglish is so widespread and common among the younger generation that teachers and students use it as a conªdence builder in academic settings. He notes that teachers have trouble encouraging straight English for formal oral and written discourse. In other words, Ms Drilon and Ms Yang are using Tagalog and Taglish to build conªdence in the viewer for the English that follows. Now let us look at the case studies themselves to see how English is used. 12.1.1 Case study 1: Striking it rich with roasted chicken Ces Drilon presents this section, which reports the rags to riches business success of Sandy Javier, seller of lechon manok ‘roasted chicken.’ Although thirteen years ago when he started his business Mr. Javier had only 500 pesos and was deeply in debt, he revealed during the interview that he was not a poor boy from the provinces who was raised in a nipa hut and plowed his rice ªelds with a carabao or water buŸalo. He is a graduate of Ateneo University, one of the most prestigious universities in the Philippines. Its students generally come from wealthy families and have an excellent command of English. He also

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revealed that after graduation he spent time wandering around Germany looking for work before he returned to the Philippines, branded the black sheep of the family for his lack of success. He is casually dressed for the interview with a colorful open collar shirt and long pants. This is not unusual for the Philippines. Most of the businessmen featured on the program that evening, except for those in the stock market report, are dressed similarly. The notable diŸerence is that Mr. Javier is wearing ¶ip-¶ops, known as slippers in Filipino English. Normally, most wear slippers only when bathing, certainly not when entertaining guests. Outside the home only the poor wear them, usually with shorts and a t-shirt. That Mr. Javier is wearing them for the interview and for the tour of his workplace is so unusual that the camera focuses on them several times. Ms Drilon comments in Tagalog that these are a sign that success has not spoiled him. But are these a sign that he remembers his Filipino roots or that he ¶aunts Filipino conventions? How he presents himself in English may give some clues. Given his elite education and background and his experience abroad, will he speak predominately English or will he abandon his background and use Tagalog to show solidarity with the Filipinos he is trying to inspire? The language proªle in Table 12.2 indicates that Mr. Javier stays true to his elite background and speaks primarily English. Note too that Ms Drilon uses more English than she did in the introduction to the show. Table 12.2 Taglish in the roasted chicken interview Total Words English (%) Tagalog (%) Total Clauses English only (%) English-based Taglish (%) Tagalog-based Taglish (%) Tagalog only (%)

Drilon

Javier

728 430 298 74 29 4 21 20

1143 895 (78.30%) 248 (21.7%) 164 111 (67.68%) 6 (3.66%) 11 (6.71%) 36 (21.95%)

(59.07%) (40.93%) (39.19%) (5.40%) (28.38%) (27.03%)

The way Ms Drilon and Mr. Javier switch between English and Tagalog shows some interesting patterns. Whereas Ms Drilon started the broadcast speaking pure Tagalog then switched to Taglish, she introduces this section in pure English, seemingly to prepare the viewer for the predominantly English interview that follows. Although the viewer sees Ms Drilon interviewing Mr. Javier in his o¹ce, we only hear his comments. Whenever the report shows video clips of the business ventures under discussion, Ms Drilon’s voice provides transitions

196 Filipino English and Taglish

between whatever Mr. Javier has to say. In other words, Ms Drilon’s words are directed to the viewing audience, not to Mr. Javier. In the following example, notice how she introduces Mr. Javier by switching from English to Tagalogbased Taglish with one section giving semantic clues to aid in the comprehension of the other. She also announces to the viewing audience in English that this story should be of interest to Filipinos who want economic success. A note on the examples: as in Chapter 9, the Tagalog is in italics. However, since the linguistics of language switching is not our interest, rather than a literal translation, only a free translation in single quotes follows. (1) Drilon: Tonight, the compelling story of a man who build his fortune from scratch. Sinimulan ni Sandy Javier ang kanyang lechon manok business sa limang daan pisong puhunan lamang. ‘Sandy Javier started his roasted chicken business with only ªve hundred pesos as capital.’ Thirteen years ago he was jobless and deep in debt. Today he is a millionaire many times over and is living proof how small Filipino entrepreneurs can hit the big time.

Mr. Javier most commonly uses straight English. To summarize what Mr. Javier has said and to prepare the viewer for Mr. Javier’s next comment, Ms Drilon typically gives her comments in Tagalog or Taglish. Notice how Ms Drilon’s comments in the following exchange work to break up a long stretch of English as an aid to the viewer who may prefer Taglish to pure English. (2) Javier: I wanted to make egg-laying process good, you know, and perfect, and the best. But we have the only farm in the Philippines that does not smell of chicken dung. Drilon: Tinaasan niyan ang bahay ng mga manok at may stages bago bumagsak ang dung upang matuyo ito, bago bumagsak ang dung sa lupa kaya’t environment friendly.Bukod dito ay malaki ang natitipid ng consumer. ‘He increased the height of the chicken house, and there are stages before the dung, which dries ªrst, falls on the ground, thus environment friendly. Aside from this the consumers save a lot.’ Javier: My outlet can sell at a much lower price than the market price. And yet, the farmer, that’s yours truly, is happy because we can sell at a much higher price, because we don’t have a middleman.

Notice too in Table 12.2 that Mr. Javier, perhaps re¶ecting on his superior educational background, as a general rule keeps English and Tagalog separate at

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 197

the clause level, using alternation rather than insertion in his language switching. His use of English and Tagalog also follows the value system that underlies the commercials we looked at in the last chapter. For example, Tagalog is the language of despair and defeat. Notice how he switches to Tagalog to note his despair when his ªrst attempt at selling roasted chicken failed. (3) Javier: When I was starting it, the craze just went crazy. It was all over the place, and I said, Wow,wala na ako na naman. Patay na naman ako nito. ‘Wow, I’ll be a loser again, with this I’ll be dead again.’

He then tells in Tagalog how for two weeks they ate nothing but chicken cooked in various sauces. He reports that he then opened a stall next to a successful stall in the market to see how they did business. He then switches to English to report success. “So the next day, I think I sold ten chickens and that was the start of Andok’s.” He also switches to Tagalog when he reports the shame he felt when he met one of his successful former classmates from Ateneo and had to confess that his life was a failure. He switches to Tagalog to express despair when his business suŸered a series of hold ups. He also uses Tagalog to report interactions with poor and rural Filipinos such as when at the local palengke ‘open-air marketplace’ or when conversing with a neighboring farmer. English is the language of hope and success. He reports in English his lengthy vow to be a success and to make his father proud. His vow to protect himself from the hoodlums who kept robbing his business is in English. He talks of all his successful business ventures and his ideas for new businesses in English. Of course this success comes because English allows him to make international connections. His idea for growing cut ¶owers came from a magazine he was reading on his way home from the USA. His idea for a better way to grow vegetables came from Israel. He discusses in English the new technology that he is importing from around the world. His latest is equipment for preparing American-style barbecued and smoked ribs. Everything he does is the best, and the best is based on ideas and technology imported from abroad through English. At the close of his interview he reveals in English the secret of his success then summarizes it in Tagalog. (4) Javier: The secret is, you think of it now, do it now. Don’t do it tomorrow because tomorrow you’ll forget. And then, day after tomorrow, it’s not there anymore. I had nothing, you know, a typical Filipino who was spending more than what he was making. But you know, when I threw that away, I put that in my past and I decided to make it. I did it. So

198 Filipino English and Taglish

desisyon lang ho ito, eh. Kung gugustuhin ng Pinoy, gagaling ang Pinoy. ‘So this is really the deciding point. If a Filipino really wants to, he can do well.’

In other words, the secret is to stop acting like a Filipino, appropriately expressed in English. Ms Drilon then closes this section with a Tagalog admonishment to the viewers, “If Sandy did it, you can easily do it too.” In summary, although Mr. Javier switches between English and Tagalog, the message he sends to the viewer is not one of solidarity. Though he presents himself on the screen as a pleasant, relaxed person, he avoids the Tagalog based and the English based Taglishes that have developed to show solidarity with other Filipinos, using mainly alternations of long stretches of pure English or pure Tagalog. His language-switching pattern reveals that he is disassociating himself from the masses, telling them that he is proud of his education in the best schools, which discourage language mixing. His switching pattern also shows that he believes the traditional values attached to English and Tagalog by the moneyed elite. Ms Drilon has done her best to try to bridge the gap with the viewing audience. 12.1.2 Case study 2: Businessmen in trouble in Mindanao Cathy Yang hosts the next section on the kidnapping of Chinese-Filipino businessmen in Cotabato in Mindanao, a large ethnically mixed island south of the Visayas that is the home base for Islamic insurgents. We would expect a diŸerent switching pattern from this part of the Philippines. Although Tagalog is promoted in the schools and is heard in the media, as we saw in part B of our study, Cebuano rather than Tagalog is spreading among the people in Mindanao. English proªciency is also lower than in the rest of the Philippines. In fact, the Social Weather Stations (1994) language survey found that the average proªciency in urban Mindanao was lower than the average for the Philippine rural total. However, when urban residents in Mindanao were asked to rank their overall ability in English, 26 percent felt they had full ability, higher than both the national average and the average for Metro Manila. In other words, those who know English are proud of their proªciency and may be less inclined to mix it with Tagalog. Thus Taglish is probably not considered a solidarity form in this part of the Philippines, except perhaps among the young who have picked it up through television. This case study presents comments from fourteen interviews, which in-

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 199

clude business and government leaders as well as young people and owners of small stalls at the market. In Table 12.3 I present Ms Yang’s language proªle separately but have combined the proªles of the others according to their position in the community: business leader, government o¹cial, ordinary citizen. Notice the lack of Taglish except for Ms Yang and the ordinary citizens who operate stalls and other small businesses in the local market. Table 12.3 Taglish in Cotabato Yang Total Words 1002 English (%) 661 (65.97%) Tagalog (%) 341 (34.03%) Total Clauses 80 English only (%) 43 (53.75%) Eng-based Taglish (%) 2 (2.50%) Tag-based Taglish (%) 25 (31.25%) Tagalog only (%) 10 (12.50%)

Business Leaders 478 444 34 55 49 1 2 3

Government O¹cials

Ordinary Citizens

180 64 (92.89%) 179 (99.44%) 6 (9.38%) (7.11%) 1 (0.56%) 58 (90.62%) 16 8 (89.09%) 15 (93.75%) 0 (0.00%) (1.82%) 1 (6.25%) 0 (0.00%) (3.64%) 0 (0.00%) 5 (62.50%) (5.45%) 0 (0.00%) 3 (37.5%)

The business and the government o¹cials used only English to state their positions on the kidnapping with one exception. One business leader, the president of the Metro Cotabato Chamber of Commerce, appears to have spent considerable time either doing business in Manila or interacting with business contacts from Manila as he unexpectedly used Taglish following the norms identiªed for Manila. Whereas the others used only English to describe the situation, he used Tagalog to indicate despair and hopelessness and English to indicate that things will get better as in the following two examples. (5) Santos: You’re not even sure now maski magbibigay kami, kung ilalabas mo yong aming mga loved ones bubay. ‘You’re not even sure now even if we pay whether the kidnapper will give back our loved ones alive.’ (6) Santos: Well, my occupancy really went down by more or less 50 percent, but I know this is temporary.

Otherwise, neither business leaders nor government o¹cials use Taglish to make connections with the viewing audience. The common citizens, who owned stalls at the market, used Tagalog, perhaps because they did not know English. The only English words in their Taglish were kidnapping and business. Since the interviews were edited, it is not known whether these on-the-street

200 Filipino English and Taglish

interviews were typical or were the only ones suitable for broadcast to a national audience because the other interviews were in Cebuano or another local language. Ms Yang’s language showed some interesting accommodation features that are not apparent in the data we have looked at so far. We saw that Ms Drilon used Taglish in the ªrst presentation of the evening to break up Mr. Javier’s English presentation for the beneªt of those who are not comfortable with English. However, the high percentage of English in Ms Yang’s speech in Table 12.3 implies that Ms Yang did not do the same in this report. However, this is not so. The amount of English she used changed dramatically throughout the report. During the introduction and interspersed with the English interviews with the business leaders, Ms Yang’s comments were nearly 60 percent Tagalog as she explained to the viewers the seriousness of the situation and expanded on what the business leaders were saying. However, in the short section featuring Tagalog interviews with ordinary citizens, her presentation switched to over 70 percent English to accommodate the English-speaking viewing audience that would otherwise not understand what was being said. When the interviews switched again to English to report the eŸect that the kidnappings were having on the local restaurant, shopping, entertainment, and hotel business, she increased her use of Taglish. Only 50 percent of her words were in English. An interesting thing happened at the end of the special report. When the local business leaders and the government o¹cials used English to describe their determination to overcome the problem, even to use military force, Ms Yang, rather than add commentary in Taglish for the beneªt of the viewer, as she had done earlier, also switched to using more than 80 percent English, perhaps to show her solidarity with their cause. (7) Yang: For now, Cotabato remains a province full of promise. The growth in neighboring Davao, General Santos, and Cagayan de Oro are already startling, but some call Cotabato’s misfortune a temporary situation. Candao: If we can show by December that the government will be able to control this spate of kidnappings, I think that we can recover from the ill eŸect that for a while was caused by kidnapping. Yang: And as for Cotabato’s businessmen, it’s a ªght or ¶ee situation. The good news is, the pillars of business here have decided to ªght. Blanco: I was born in this place. I grew up in this place, and I think I will die in this place.

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 201

12.1.3 Case study 3: A stock market scandal In the next report Ces Drilon introduces us to another wealthy resident of Metro Manila, Ninez Cacho Olivarez, a hard-hitting newspaper columnist who accuses a broker and three security ªrms of embezzling millions of pesos of her investments. This report should be interesting for two reasons. First, English is the language of money, especially high ªnance. Will those involved in this ªnancial scandal resort to Taglish to elicit sympathy from the viewers? Second, newspapers are probably the last bastion of pure English in the Philippines. Will Mrs. Olivarez, a newspaper columnist who uses English rather than Tagalog to promote her causes to the reading public, use Tagalog now that she is presenting her case publicly on national television? In Table 12.4 we can see evidence of the arrogance of English and the persuasive power of Tagalog. Ms Drilon’s language continues the pattern that she and Ms Yang set in the two earlier reports. Since most of the interviews in this segment are in English, Ms Drilon uses Taglish to explain to the viewer the complexities of the issue being discussed. Her longer stretches of English come mostly from reading sections from legal briefs and other documents written in English. This accounts for her slightly higher percentage of clauses in straight English and masks the Tagalog-based Taglish nature of most of her comments. Notice that unlike in her earlier presentation with Mr. Javier, this time almost no clauses are only in Tagalog. Given that English is the language of ªnance in the Philippines, this is not unexpected since nearly every Tagalog clause uses English words related to activities at brokerage ªrms and the stock market. Table 12.4 Taglish and the stock market Drilon Total Words English (%) Tagalog (%) Total Clauses English only (%) Eng-based Taglish (%) Tag-based Taglish (%) Tagalog only (%)

990 689 (69.60%) 301 (30.4%) 90 49 (54.44%) 2 (2.22%) 33 (36.67%) 6 (6.67%)

Olivarez 523 514 (98.28%) 9 (1.72%) 69 65 (94.20%) 3 (4.35%) 1 (1.45%) 0 (0.00%)

Company Rep

Defense Attorney

270 269 (99.63%) 1 (0.37%) 32 31 (96.77%) 1 (3.23%) 0 (0.00%) 0 (0.00%)

116 37 (31.90%) 79 (68.10%) 10 0 (0.00%) 2 (20.00%) 6 (60.00%) 1 (10.00%)

More interesting is the language performance of the other participants. Mrs. Olivarez, dressed for the interview in a bright yellow jacket, stylish baggy blue pants and a black top, seems to be seated on the ¶oor of the stock market.

202 Filipino English and Taglish

Re¶ecting her background as a newspaper columnist, she eloquently presents her predicament in English. A young stockbroker she trusted lost millions of pesos worth of stocks and securities in dealings that she did not authorize as he transferred from one brokerage ªrm to another. She is suing the various ªrms involved in the transactions. Notice that she used only nine words of Tagalog during the entire interview. Twice these were rejoinders. The third time was in the following Taglish sentence that she stumbled through, almost as though she were choking on the Tagalog words. (8) Olivarez: Without any contact, without anything, without any authorization from me, napa-revive niya ang account ko. ‘he was able to revive my account.’

With her talk of her millions of pesos in various stocks while she sits on the stock market ¶oor wearing expensive clothing, I doubt that nine words of Tagalog gained her much sympathy from the viewers. In fact, her entire performance smacked of arrogance towards the viewers. Arrogance is even more apparent in the speech of the representatives of the various brokerage ªrms she is suing. Whereas all the other business people featured in the reports for this evening wore sport shirts, some even wearing jeans, the men in this ªnancial report are wearing dark suits or white dress shirts and ties, with an occasional barong Tagalog, the open collared square bottomed Filipino business shirt that is worn with the tails out. Notice that except for one word, they never use Tagalog to explain their actions. That one word was the a¹rmation tag ano that Filipinos often attach to English statements to invite agreement from the listener. That this appeal to the listener occurred only once seems almost condescending. Most common were arrogant pronouncements such as the following. (9) Bunag: If you learn the forces of the market, you should be prepared to suŸer the consequences of whatever you do. There are a lot of people who lose their money in the market. She was not the ªrst one.

The implied message of both Mrs. Olivarez and the company representatives is that there is no need to use Taglish to connect with the viewers since only those ¶uent in English have any understanding of ªnancial matters. In both dress and language they distance themselves from the viewing public. Interestingly, just minutes before this display of arrogance appeared the commercial we looked at in the last chapter that drew attention to the arrogance of English-speaking ªnancial institutions by having a line of bankers in business suits turning their backs on a poor Filipino entrepreneur.

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 203

The ªnal person we want to look at in this case study of accommodation is the lawyer who represents one of the ªrms being sued. Lawyers have to plead their cases before juries, and much like advertisers, must play not only on the logic but on the emotions of the case. Trials in the Philippines are in English. However, notice how this lawyer takes his case to the people. Though dressed in a suit and tie and representing a ªnancial institution, he avoids the arrogance of English and uses almost only Tagalog-based Taglish to present his case to the viewer. The following is his introduction to the other side of the story. Notice how only the accusations are in English. (10) Castro: Hindi totoo na, yong sinasabi ni Mrs. Olivarez na we’re dishonest, na we’re out there to rip oŸ our clients of hard-earned money. ‘What Mrs. Olivarez claims is not true, that we’re dishonest, that we’re out there to rip oŸ our clients of hard-earned money.’

A lengthy explanation soon follows where the only English words are stock certiªcates, legal implications, and for my personal account. He is obviously playing to the viewing audience. 12.1.4 Case study 4: Good luck in the noodle business This last segment of Usapang Business is interesting because it presents the Caligay clan, which has made its fortune by creating a homegrown fast food chain selling pancit Malabon, a popular style of Filipino noodles. They started out by selling pancit in small eating sheds near market places before World War II. Their noodles became famous after they were discovered by Filipino movie stars during location shooting. They shut down the shops during the war but the grandchildren started the business again in 1965. The language in this segment should be interesting since their success came by focusing on traditional Filipino values rather than the English values of individual selfdevelopment and global outreach that were demonstrated by Mr. Javier in segment one. During this report the viewers see the many members of the extended family working together in business meetings and in the various branches of the restaurants. They see many Filipino workers preparing and serving traditional Filipino foods on banana leaves, Filipino style, rather than hamburgers and other symbols of the global power of English. The visuals also give a subtle call to turn from the secularism of English to the religious values of the past. There are religious items and large pictures of Catholic saints in the background as the camera scans the activities at the company o¹ces. In one

204 Filipino English and Taglish

sequence a Catholic priest seems to be giving his blessing at the opening of a new restaurant. Let us see in Table 12.5 how the language proªle follows the message of the visual clues. Table 12.5 Taglish and the noodle business Total Words English (%) Tagalog (%) Total Clauses English only (%) Eng-based Taglish (%) Tag-based Taglish (%) Tagalog only (%)

Yang

Tony

Gardy

539 297 242 51 22 3 14 12

265 111 154 30 3 4 19 4

273 76 197 38 7 4 19 8

(55.10%) (44.90%) (43.14%) (5.88%) (27.45%) (23.53%)

(41.89%) (58.11%) (10.00%) (13.33%) (63.34%) (13.33%)

(27.84%) (72.16%) (18.42%) (10.52%) (50.00%) (21.05%)

Notice that Cathy Yang, the host for his special report, provides most of the English. In fact, if it were not for her comments, an English speaking person would have trouble following this segment. The two being interviewed are Gardy and Tony Cruz, the chief o¹cers of the family corporation. Gardy, president and CEO, manages the operations of the entire company while Tony, chairman of the company, sees to the needs of the branches. Both appear to be in their late forties or early ªfties. Since Gardy has a degree in civil engineering and has completed a business management program at the Asian Institute of Management, we might expect him to use the most English since English is the language of science, technology, and business classes. Notice that he actually uses much less English than any one. In fact the entire report, including Ms Yang’s comments, is weighted towards Tagalog as it gives advice to ordinary Filipino families on how best to create a prosperous family business based on Filipino values. Gardy and Tony report that their clientele is older Filipinos because the younger generation is more interested in hamburgers. Their task is to make Filipino food attractive to younger Filipinos. This marketing problem might be seen as a metaphor for the ongoing cultural battle between English and Tagalog. In the eyes of many Filipinos noodles (Tagalog) are for the poor and those mired in the past. Hamburgers (English) are for the upwardly mobile who are embracing the future. However, these two business leaders reject this cultural paradigm and through their use of language indicate to the viewers that they too should rebel against these long cherished beliefs. In fact, Gardy, in spite of his extensive university education in English, uses the least English of all. Still,

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 205

since he was raised in the Philippines and knows that English is the language of good advice, he slips brie¶y into English to explain his family’s success. In the following example he speaks the longest stretch of English outside of Ms Yang’s comments. (11) Gardy: By planning, O. K. First we know our weaknesses, O. K. we know our strengths. Analysis, we analyzed the situation. We set up our vision, O. K. tapos, we changed the management style.

The only Tagalog word was the discourse marker tapos ‘ªnally.’ Later he states in English-based Taglish the maxims for their successful business. (12) Gardy: Good product, sa amin, good food. Second, kailangan mo, tao, you need to have good happy people with you, so sa akin, simple as that. ‘Good product, for us, good food. Second, we need you, people, you need to have good happy people with you, so for me, it’s as simple as that.’

Thus in spite of slipping brie¶y into English to explain their success, Gardy and Tony are subtly leading a rebellion against English and are promoting a return to Tagalog and traditional values as the key to the future. This seems to be reinforced in Ms Yang’s closing comment in straight Tagalog. (13) Yang: Kaya sa ating maga manonood, sana’y magsilbi itong inspirasyon kung kayo’y magne-negosyo. ‘And thus, for our viewers may this serve as an inspiration if you’ll ever go into business.’

12.1.5 Case study 5: Basketball English at courtside For this last case study, let us return to the basketball game we analyzed in Chapter 9. Here we can see another set of social dynamics in the interviews of a young reporter with the winning basketball coach and one of the best players after the game. Gordon’s Gin, the underdogs by three games in game ªve of the national championship, has just beaten the Purefood Corned Beef Cowboys by one point. When we looked at the language dynamics of the basketball commentators, we saw that although both commentators spoke primarily in English, the older one did so signiªcantly more than the younger one: the former perhaps addressing those in the older generation who are resisting Taglish and the latter addressing a more hip younger audience. What does accommodation theory reveal about the language dynamics of courtside and locker room

206 Filipino English and Taglish

interviews after the game? Let us look ªrst courtside. Immediately following the game Anthony, who appears to be in his twenties, interviews the winning Coach Jaworski, who is older, perhaps in his forties. Note carefully the switching between English and Tagalog in the interviewer’s initial question. (14) Anthony: Well coach, congratulations once again. Alam mo, sabi ng mga tao, ‘You know, people said’ your team does not have the maturity to win in the end game. Pero ngayon, ipinakita mo sa kanila. ‘But now, you showed them.’

The young interviewer shows his good manners and education by complying with the traditional values attached to English and Tagalog. He shows politeness in initiating a conversation with an older authority ªgure by using English to give congratulatory remarks. He then switches to Tagalog as an aside to indicate what the people say. Then he reports what they say in English to verify its truthfulness. This is followed by his retort in Tagalog to show the power of the underdog. Coach Jaworsky continues this power-to-the-people theme by answering the question in Tagalog using only English discourse markers and the insertion of an English verb and an English noun. (15) Jaworski: Well, uh, siguro e, napagsama-sama na. At medyo na-minimize natin yong mga errors nat dating nangyayari. So, sana, merong pang dalawa. ‘Well, maybe it is a lot of diŸerent things. We minimized our errors, the ones that we used to commit. So I hope that there will be two more wins.’

Anthony then asks another question in English with a Tagalog rejoinder alam mo ‘you know’ to show friendliness. (16) Anthony: Coach, alam mo, were you pleased with the intensity of your boys tonight?

Coach Jaworski’s answer is interesting. He starts out in English to emphasize the truth of what he is saying. Then he switches to Tagalog with inserted English discourse markers and nouns to give his real feelings. (17) Jaworski: I’ll tell you honestly, we should’ve won by a bigger margin, di ba? You know, but O. K. na. Kahit na half a point pa, basta panalo kami,

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 207

O. K. na sa akin yon. So, the intensity, puwede pa sigurong madagdagan. Puwede pang dagdagan. ‘I’ll tell you honestly, we should’ve won by a bigger margin, shouldn’t we have? But you know, that’s ªne. Even if it is only half a point, as long as we won, that is O. K. with me. So, in terms of intensity, I think they can still improve on it.’

Anthony asks another question in English with the Tagalog adverbial clitic nga ‘really’ to direct the coach’s attention to the outside fans. (18) Anthony: So, at least nga Gordon’s Gin fans outside can be happy tonight and look forward to your next game.

Coach Jaworski gives a 46-word answer in Tagalog thanking the fans throughout the country. Anthony politely thanks the coach in Tagalog (salamat), as is customary even among English speakers, then makes an announcement to the viewing audience in English. (19) Anthony: Ok. Salamat, Maraming salamat, coach. Congratulations. We’ll take a break. We’ll be right back.

Table 12.6 shows the language proªle of the interview. Table 12.6 Taglish and the coach Total Words English (%) Tagalog (%) Total Clauses English only (%) English-based Taglish (%) Tagalog-based Taglish (%) Tagalog only (%)

Anthony

Coach Jaworski

76 58 18 10 5 2 1 2

113 29 84 18 1 2 6 9

(76.32%) (23.68%) (50.00%) (20.00%) (10.00%) (20.00%)

(25.66%) (74.34%) (5.56%) (11.11%) (33.33%) (50.00%)

As we can see, the interviewer used English or English-based Taglish to show respect when addressing the coach, an older authority ªgure. In fact, in the running text, only 23.68 percent of the words were Tagalog, which seems about standard in our case studies when English predominates in interactions. The coach, however, used Tagalog-based Taglish as he was showing solidarity with the fans in the provinces who may have limited ¶uency in English. His Taglish was 74.11 percent Tagalog, with most of his English being insertions. Let us turn now to Anthony’s interview a few minutes later in the locker

208 Filipino English and Taglish

room with Bal David, a player who is about his same age. When comparing Tables 12.6 and 12.7 we can see a deªnite contrast in Anthony’s language proªles at courtside and in the locker room. Table 12.7 Taglish and the basketball player Anthony Total Words English (%) Tagalog (%) Total Clauses English only (%) English-based Taglish (%) Tagalog-based Taglish (%) Tagalog only (%)

75 18 57 7 0 0 5 2

(24.00%) (76.99%) (0.00%) (0.00%) (71.43%) (28.57%)

Player Bal David 67 16 51 8 0 0 6 2

(23.88%) (76.12%) (0.00%) (0.00%) (75.00%) (25.00%)

In the locker room both the interviewer and the basketball player avoided English by speaking Tagalog-based Taglish with insertions of English nouns, verbs, and discourse markers. Notice how closely the language proªles of Anthony and the player match each other. This pattern contrasts dramatically with the pattern for the courtside interview. Here is a sample interchange. (20) Anthony: So, anong mga maasahan ng mga fans nyo come Sunday? ‘So, what can your fans expect from you this Sunday?’ Bal: A, sa Sunday may game plan ulit kaming, panibago. Mga instructions ni Coach. ‘Oh, this Sunday we have another game plan, a new one. These are the coach’s instructions.’

Both Anthony and Bal had approximately the same percentage of Tagalog in their running text. Note that this is also about the same percent that Coach Jaworski used as he directed his comments towards a mass audience. However, the coach while addressing a national audience uses a higher percentage of straight Tagalog rather than Taglish.

12.2 Conclusions What do these case studies of language accommodation tell us about English in the Philippines? The ªrst study showed us that many people still believe the values underlying the commercial messages we looked at in Chapter 11: En-

Putting on a public face in TV interviews 209

glish opens the door for personal development and ªnancial security, the social-engineering message promoted by the Americans when they took over the islands a century ago. English shows Filipinos how to stop acting Filipino so they can be successful. The second case study shows us that the battle between English and Tagalog is Manila based. In outlying areas, English continues to be the language for the public discussion of issues, no matter how emotionally charged. The third case study shows the arrogance of English when those who believe that English lights the road to wealth ignore the dynamics of Taglish in Philippine society. Except for the lawyer, no one interviewed used Taglish to make connections with the viewers, indicating that they felt that those who did not understand straight English would probably not understand the ªnancial problem anyway. The fourth case study hints at a growing rebellion against English as the language of success and endorses a return to Tagalog and traditional Filipino values. The ªfth serves as further evidence that there is a growing rebellion against English and the values it represents. The educated young interviewer used English in accepted ways to indicate respect to an older authority ªgure. The older person rejected English and answered in Tagalog and Tagalog-based Taglish, addressing his comments to the viewing audience. When the young interviewer questioned a player his same age, he too rejected English and spoke in Tagalog-based Taglish. Is this perceived rebellion against English simply a misreading of language accommodation patterns? No one publicly spoke against using English. The messages were subtly given through visuals and patterns of language switching. But sometimes a revolution is fought in quiet ways, especially when the enemy controls the ªnances and other power structures. In the next chapter we will look at the language dynamics of sitcoms and movies that are directed towards a mass audience for more overt evidence of this rebellion.

Chapter 13

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms

Gonzalez (1982b: 90) noted that Filipinos learned English during the Marcos era because they aspired to the riches and the grandeur of the elite. However, Fernandez (1989a) notes that since the time of the 1986 Edsa Revolution that replaced the Marcos dictatorship, there has been a concerted cultural revolution to promote a new mass culture based on local rather than Western traditions. As Phillipson (1992) points out, much of this is because English raised unrealistic expectations and failed to deliver on its promises for most people. But if there is a cultural revolution going on, where is it re¶ected in the media? As we have seen, there is little evidence of it in television commercials. In the last chapter we saw hints of it in the television interviews with successful Filipinos. If a cultural revolution is going in, there should be other evidence in television programming unless the media-based culture industry is so set on protecting the power and privileges which are conferred through English that the revolution has been driven underground so that only subtle hints of it appear. This might be so. According to scholars such as Lembo (2000), Kellner (1995), Barker (1999), and Reeves (1993), whoever controls the media in our postmodern society controls the thoughts and the worldviews of ordinary people. Are the supporters of English using the media to suppress the cultural revolution that Fernandez noted more than a decade ago? If a cultural revolution is taking place, what is the worldview that it promotes? Before we draw conclusions, let us look at the language of the sitcoms and movies directed to common Filipinos for further evidence.

13.1 Two case studies Among the television shows that we are examining, in addition to the basketball game that was the subject of Chapter 9 and the business show that was the focus of the last chapter, there were two Tagalog situation comedies, a comedy sketch show, and a Tagalog movie. On the most popular network ABS-CBN

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between the Tagalog evening news TV Patrol and the late night English news World Tonight appeared Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis and Palibhasa Lalake. The following night on GMA, the second most popular network, appeared M & M The Incredible Twins, a Tagalog movie, followed by Mixed Nuts, a comedy sketch show. The most extensive uses of English were in Palibhasa Lalake and M&M: The Incredible Twins. Let us use these two shows as case studies. The two shows make interesting contrasts. The ªrst show is set in a typical Filipino neighborhood and depicts the role that English plays in the lives of ordinary people. The second depicts the life style of the extremely wealthy, showing the viewer the role that English plays in the lives of the rich. After we see the social messages associated with English in these two case studies, we will look brie¶y at the other two shows to conªrm that the social messages we identify are part of a generalized worldview being promoted to the viewing public. 13.1.1 Case Study 1: Palibhasa Lalake Let us look ªrst at an episode from the popular situation comedy Palibhasa Lalake, which in 1998 ended an 11-year run. The way English is interwoven into the story line reveals language attitudes and values which are the antithesis of those portrayed in the commercials we examined in Chapter 11. Let us ªrst review the scenes that make major use of English and then make some cultural observations. So that the dialogue in the scenes will ¶ow faster, English translations of Tagalog portions are given in parentheses following the Tagalog. The ªrst scene opens in a Manila neighborhood with three young men in their twenties. Tikboy is trying to read an announcement attached to a telephone pole. The audience can see that it says, “We want you to join the military” but Tikboy reads, (1) Tikboy: We went to the market.

Not sure that he has read it correctly, he takes the announcement to his friend Johnny, who has been talking with his friend and boss Ricky to get an advance on his salary. Johnny berates Tikboy in Tagalog for not learning anything in school. Johnny rubs his eyes and says that he too has problems reading it, so they call over their friend Ricky, the young owner of a neighborhood eating stall. Ricky reads the sign correctly. Tikboy gets excited about joining up. As they discuss in Tagalog the pros and cons of joining the military, Minerva, the middle-aged owner of the guesthouse/dormitory where they live, runs out to tell them that Joey is coming for a visit and is bringing his father, a general, and

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 213

a guest. Other than the words in the misreading and reading of the English announcement, the scene is in Tagalog with a borrowed English word or phrase here and there. In the next scene Minerva and her daughters are busy trying to clean up the living room before the guests arrive. Better said, Minerva is busy. One daughter, who is in her teens, is half-heartedly sweeping, but the other one, Cynthia, who is in her mid twenties, is sitting on the couch clutching her large, red, plush Elmo doll doing nothing. Minerva berates lazy Cynthia, who replies in Taglish, (2) Cynthia: Mommy, don’t you think it’s a bit incongruous for my dainty little hands to be performing these common household chores? Masisira ang aking (‘it will ruin my’) smooth, delicate skin.

Minerva continues to berate her when a knock comes at the door. Minerva says, “Pasok (‘come in’)” while the lazy daughter says, “Come in.” Joey enters with two men in military uniforms. The older one looks like he is in his sixties. The younger one looks American with sandy hair and a bushy moustache. He looks to be in his thirties or early forties. However, unlike most Americans, he is the same height or shorter than the Filipinos in the scene. After some introductory chatter in Tagalog, Joey introduces the older military man, his father. Notice his jumbled English. (3) Joey: Ah tita Minerva (‘Ah, aunt Minerva’), I would like to pre-… introduce to you, our, my introductory price… my one and only…the wife of my mother… the uh…the… general of the Philippine military academy of the United States of the marines… the one and only… my fafa…(reading the name tag)… Elticol, General Elticol.

The lazy English speaking daughter stands up and says, (4) Cynthia: Pleased to meet you, general. I’m Cynthia.

The general ignores her and talks to the younger daughter and says some ¶attering words to Minerva in Tagalog. The general interrupts the Tagalog conversation to say in English, (5) General: By the way, I want you to meet my assistant from the military, Colonel Duda. How about a round of applause? Colonel Duda.

Cynthia rushes over to the American looking military man, rubs her Elmo doll down his chest to his crotch and wiggles coyly as she says in English,

214 Filipino English and Taglish

(6) Cynthia: I’m Cynthia. Can I get you anything?

Duda grimaces. Joey grabs Cynthia, says “Excuse me, sit down” and then sits with her and berates her in Tagalog that she is trying to rape him. The scene continues as the General tries to be friendly with Minerva as love music plays in the background. The scene closes as Colonel Duda explains that he is recruiter for the military. The next scene is entirely in Tagalog, with some notable exceptions. The young men in the neighborhood are sitting in the street near Ricky’s eatery discussing joining the military. Ricky interjects the following advice in English (7) Ricky: Think twice, ten times.

Colonel Duda comes out and is introduced to the young men. When he is introduced to tall handsome Ricky, his eyes lock on Ricky’s and instrumental love music begins. In a trance he looks Ricky over with his eyes ending on his crotch as he sighs. Duda is jolted out of his trance in the following sequence. (8) Gabby: (in background) Uncle, uncle? Ricky: (directed to Duda staring at his crotch) Ah excuse me. May problema ka? (‘Do you have a problem?’) Problem? Gabby: Uncle, uncle. (waves arms at Duda) Ricky: Hello? Duda: (breaks trance) Yes? Gabby: Uncle, ikaw ba yan? (‘Uncle, is that you?’) Duda: Gabby? Gabby? Anong ginagawa mo dito? (‘What are you doing here?’ Gabby gives Duda playful jabs to the shoulder. Duda whines.) Ouch, that hurts.

Duda then begins his recruiting. He shakes hands with Ricky, pressing the shake to Ricky’s groin, and asks in Tagalog if he wants to join because “we really want people like you.” Ricky answers in Tagalog, “oh, is that so?” Duda pats him down ending at his crotch saying in Tagalog “tall, hard body.” Ricky backs away into his food stall and shuts the counter top to separate himself from Colonel Duda. The recruiting continues in Tagalog, except for “yes, sirs,” and “no, sirs.” Cynthia comes out singing and makes a pass at Duda in Tagalog, saying that she wants to join the military. He says that she cannot and accuses her of not keeping up with current events through the television, newspapers, or radio. She haughtily replies in English, (9) Cynthia: Excuse me. I’m very aware. I read. I know.

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms

Duda says he only wants men. The next scene is in Minerva’s kitchen. Johnny has just ªxed her toaster and announces his technical ability in English. (10) Johnny: It’s a close ªx to perfection. Minerva: Galing! (‘Great!’) Johnny: And in addition, ginawa ko ng (‘I made’) radio and at the same time blower.

They try out the toaster. At the end of the scene they ªnd that it does not work. In fact, it untoasts the bread. In the meantime, Joey and his general father enter the kitchen. The general is in love with Minerva and wants to make love to her. He is afraid to approach her. Joey tries to break the ice by being the intermediary. Minerva insists that the general speak for himself. As the general starts to talk, the viewer hears Nat King Cole singing “When I Fall in Love.” She stops him, saying his pants are unzipped. He fumbles to zip himself up and continues to try to persuade Minerva to be his girl. She refuses. He closes with the following military motto in English “Never, never say die.” She replies in English, “I will never say yes.” There are two more scenes in the show where the general tries to win her aŸection with Nat King Cole singing love songs in the background to no avail. The last time ends with Minerva chasing the general around the living room with a machete ready to cut him to pieces. Cynthia continues her pursuit of Colonel Duda with English phrases throughout the show. In one scene when Colonel Duda is training his recruits, she comes out and says “Thank you darling,” makes a comment in Tagalog that he should take a break because he looks so tired, then adds in English as she coyly backs into him “Why don’t you have a break? Have a Cynthia.” Another time she interrupts telling him, “There’s a full moon tonight.” He rejects her again and again. The last time that she interrupts his pursuit of Ricky, Colonel Duda grabs her around the neck with his arm and squeezes. Though the following sequence is in Tagalog, it is important for the analysis of the portrayal of English in this sitcom. (11) Cynthia: Sandali, sandali, gusto ko lang sabihin na gust ko lang ng matipunong kataway galing sa militar. Pero…. aray day, has masakit ha, masakit, masakit. (‘Wait a minute, wait a minute. I just want to say that I only want a muscular body from the military, but … ouch, it hurts, it hurts, it hurts.’)

215

216 Filipino English and Taglish

Duda: (looking over his shoulder at Ricky.) Alam ko, naiintindihan kita, nangyari na rin sa akin yan. (‘I know, I understand, that has happened to me too.’) Cynthia: Hindi naman… (‘It’s not….’) Duda: Masakit ang ma-reject. (‘It hurts to be rejected.’) Cynthia: Hindi naman reject. (‘It’s not really reject.’) Duda: Naiintindihan ko ang iyong damdamin. (‘I understand how you feel.’) Cynthia: Bitiwan mo ko, malandi ka pa kaysa sa akin eh. Ang sakit ng sakal mor. Ah! Bitiwan no ko! (‘Let go of me, you’re a bigger ¶irt than I am. You’re choking me and it hurts. Ah! Let go of me!’) Duda: I’m sorry. Ricky! Ricky! (He lets go and races after Ricky.)

Colonel Duda uses English in his continuing pursuit of Filipino men. After he lines up his potential recruits, he announces, (12) Duda: Ready for examination. I will have to examine you, um. We’ll start oŸ with your urine.

He grabs one of the handsome Filipinos and heads with him into a shed to help him do it right. Right then, someone throws a bucket of water on him and the scene ends. Only Cynthia and Colonel Duda persist in using English throughout the episode, Cynthia to make passes at Colonel Duda, and Colonel Duda to make passes at Ricky and the other Filipino young men. The other characters only use English in trivial ways, usually no more than a word or a phrase, such as for greetings or to give mottos. English is never used for extended social interaction. Only twice is an English comment followed up with a related comment in English as might be expected in a conversation. Even in these cases the English is more to display superior knowledge or wit rather than to promote understanding. When Colonel Duda comes down for breakfast, the following conversation takes place between Colonel Duda, Cynthia, and Ricky. (13) Ricky: Good morning. Duda: (comes down the stairs) Good Morning! Cynthia: Hi, Colonel. Did you sleep well last night? Let me feed you breakfast. Duda: No. It’s okay, uminom na ako ng gatas (‘I drank milk already.’) Ricky: Sir, ah, saan ang punta nyo ngayon? (‘Where are you going now?’) Duda: Eh, ano pa, di sa mga lalake, ah sa mga… (‘Where else? To the men, to the..’)

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 217

Cynthia: But of course. The colonel has to train and discipline future military men. Duda: That’s right. Yes. (The scene continues in Tagalog).

Later when Colonel Duda is inspecting his recruits to prepare them for the last recruitment drill, the following takes place. (14) Duda: Ba’t ganyan ang pantalong mo? (‘Why are your pants like that?’) Recruit: Ah, navy, sir, navy. I wanna be sailor. Duda: Sailor, ha? You look like a stupid o¹ce boy!

In Tagalog he completes the inspection and announces that they are ready for the last drill. The recruits ask if it will be something di¹cult, such as jumping out a window or oŸ a roof. Colonel Duda tells them that they will paint their nails. At the climax Colonel Duda still cannot convince Ricky to join the military, Cynthia still cannot get Colonel Duda’s attention, and the general still cannot win Minerva’s heart. Everyone is gathered on the street where the program started. Colonel Duda appears with his recruits and their brightly painted ªngernails. They report that he wants them to wear tights and perm their hair. Ricky, wearing sunglasses, stands taller than anyone. In Tagalog he questions the reports of the recruits and ask Colonel Duda what he is really doing. Before Colonel Duda can give an answer, an eŸeminate young Filipino runs up to Colonel Duda and says in Tagalog, (15) Gay Male: (in Tagalog) Mother! Mother! So there you are. The customers have been looking for you. What are you doing here?

Colonel Duda protests. Cynthia and the general turn against him. Duda runs over to Ricky, falls on his knees and presses his head into Ricky’s crotch as he says in Tagalog (16) Duda: Ang aking….mahal na mahal ko si Ricky! (‘My love, my love, Ricky’)

Someone throws a bucket of water on him and the cast breaks into laughter. Duda and Ricky give each other high ªves. The scene closes with everyone laughing hysterically — after all, this is a situation comedy. But what are the social messages behind the buŸoonery? For me as an outsider watching the show for the ªrst time, certain anti-English themes stuck out as the various characters either used or avoided English. These ªrst impressions were reinforced when I read the transcript and translation of the Tagalog portions of the show. Let us look at key characters in this episode to

218 Filipino English and Taglish

see how the way that they use English presents revolutionary social messages to the viewing public. Of course, Colonel Duda symbolizes the corrupting power of English. He looks American rather than Filipino so that the viewer will make the connection that English is an import to the Philippines. An English translation for his name would be Colonel Doubt or Colonel Dubious, showing distrust for the ennobling power of English. His position in the military symbolizes the o¹cial power behind English as it seeks to recruit Filipinos and change them. However, his recruitment methods symbolize the false promises of English. As we saw in the scene that included Example 14 and the closing scene, whereas the Filipino young men think that the military (English) will empower them and make them better men, English (Colonel Duda) insults the Filipinos for their eŸorts and works to emasculate them and make them play things to entertain and amuse other English speakers. Example 12 hints that for English to have any power to improve Filipinos, they must ªrst be stripped of their Filipino cover and must expose their most private parts to the advances of English. Note Colonel Duda’s continuing haughtiness towards his greatest fan, Cynthia. He insults her in the scene surrounding Example 9, implying that even though she is the only Filipino speaking to him extensively in English, she is probably illiterate. In Example 11 we see a metaphor of the reaction of English to being rejected by Filipinos. When Colonel Duda is hurting Cynthia in a headlock that she cannot escape from, he reports that he too feels pain from being rejected. Still he is indiŸerent to her pain and he will not let go until he sees a chance to conquer another Filipino. Yet in spite of this power lock on the people, English is a paper tiger that can be resisted. In Example 8 Colonel Duda (English) is hurt by a playful jab to the shoulder by a Filipino. In Example 13 Colonel Duda shows his wimpiness by having milk, an imported product from English-speaking New Zealand or Australia, rather than a good Filipino breakfast to start the day. We saw in Examples 8 and 11 that he whines when things do not go his way. Of course, the closing scene shows that if a Filipino stands straight and tall, even the most aggressive English push can be resisted. Ricky is the archetype Filipino. He is tall, thin, and handsome, a hard worker and an entrepreneur who manages his own eatery, which, according to the menu on the wall, sells only Filipino food. As he reads the recruitment poster in the opening scene, he shows that he knows English better than the other characters, though he uses it cautiously. In one scene he wears a University of the Philippines-Diliman shirt. UP-Diliman is the most prestigious

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 219

public university, traditionally a hotbed of Tagalog activism, suggesting that his character is leading the cultural revolution against English. He is the only one who recognizes the dangers of English. In the scene that includes Example 8, he questions the motives of Colonel Duda (English) at their ªrst meeting and then retreats to the safety of his eatery (Tagalog) at the ªrst sign of aggression. He warns the ordinary Filipinos in Example 7 to “think twice, think ten times” before succumbing to the recruiting power of English. As the best looking, most qualiªed Filipino, he is the primary target of the recruitment eŸorts, yet he resists all advances. The closing scene, which includes Examples 15 and 16, metaphorically sums up the struggle between those who promote English and those who promote Tagalog. Ricky (Tagalog) stands taller than the aggressor (English), wears sunglasses to shield himself from Colonel Duda’s gaze, and successfully resists the ªnal attack, even though the one who uses English (Duda) switches to Tagalog in one last desperate attempt to take control by declaring undying love for Filipinos (Ricky). But it is too late. Everyone sees the real motives behind those who promote English, and it is not to help Filipinos better themselves. Tikboy, who thought in Example 1 that the announcement said “We went to the market” symbolizes the naïve Filipino who is carried into any English language scheme that comes along, not truly understanding what is involved. He is the enthusiastic joiner for all of Colonel Duda’s schemes. He never does ªgure out what is happening to him. He truly is a product to be taken to the market. As we saw in part A of this study of English in the Philippines, the marketing of Filipinos abroad through various overseas worker programs is the chief byproduct of English teaching in the Philippines. In several scenes Tikboy’s T-shirt reads “Bizaare,” a shrewd commentary on both his behavior and the behavior of other Filipinos who allow themselves to be taken to the market by English. Johnny symbolizes the miseducation of Filipinos and the false expectations that come from the promotion of English. First he criticizes Tikboy for not being able to read English even though he is enrolled in school. Then we see that he cannot read the sign either. However, in Example 10 we see that he believes in the power of English as the language of technology when he tries to ªx the toaster. English has so empowered him with technological ingenuity that he thinks he has made the toaster also work as a radio and a blower. However, nothing works. In fact the toaster now untoasts toast. In other words the technological training that Filipinos get through English is superªcial and of little practical worth, especially if they only know spoken English and cannot read.

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Cynthia with her Sesame Street character, which she carries constantly, symbolizes the immaturity and superªciality of Filipinos, especially women, who think that English will get them an easy life, perhaps even life in an English-speaking country. As we saw in the scenes surrounding Examples 2 and 6, they are lazy and an embarrassment to other Filipinos. As we saw in the interactions of Colonel Duda and Cynthia, no matter how persistent Filipinos are and no matter how hard they try to please English speakers, they will be considered second-class citizens in the English-speaking world. Joey portrays how English language education makes inarticulate fools of Filipinos. Although he is the son of a general and probably went to good schools, Example 3 shows that when he speaks English, nothing he says makes any sense. His father, the general, symbolizes older Filipinos who not only speak English but superstitiously believe in its power to transform life in the Philippines. Though his grammar may be perfect, he lacks discourse and pragmatic sense when he uses it with other characters. Notice his use of English in the scene surrounding Examples 4 and 5. Though he has been introduced in English and Cynthia responds in English, he ignores her and speaks Tagalog to others in the scene. When he remembers to introduce Colonel Duda, he inappropriately asks for applause. During the attempted love scenes, the love potion power of English music has no eŸect. In fact, the Nat King Cole love songs from the 1950s that play in the background show how out of touch the older generation is with the reality of the present. In other words, English corrupts and humiliates Filipinos, making them little more than merchandise for an international market. It makes women lazy whores and it tries to seduce the men with false promises. It has trivial force in the lives of real Filipinos. Its magic does not work either in personal or material aŸairs. Even its music has no power. The true Filipino is cautious and even rejects the advances of the English language. This is a powerful message for a situation comedy. But this message is even more powerful when the sitcom is juxtaposed with the commercial messages that were broadcast during the show. In Chapter 11 we looked at how these commercials promoted English as a developer of good character and socioeconomic well being, though some promoted a bad boy image that tended to focus on the power of English as a love potion. Let us look at a few key commercials that played during the show. At the ªrst commercial break there were eight commercials, ªve in English. This break was between the scene that introduced the theme that Filipinos are mislead by the English language and the scene where Cynthia threw herself at

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 221

Colonel Duda after they were introduced. The Mobiline commercial “Have you really talked” with its use of written text as a conscience appeared. This was followed by a Sunsilk shampoo commercial that showed how English language products help a woman receive a marriage proposal. Gilbey’s Gin showed Europeans having lots of fun and Decolgen medicine showed how English comes to the rescue of ill Filipinos. At the next break after Colonel Duda has made his ªrst pass at Ricky, Winston promotes the “Spirit of the USA.” At the next break after the general has failed to win the heart of Minerva in the kitchen and after Colonel Duda has tried to take his recruits into the shed so he can personally check their urine appears the Axe Africa deodorant spray commercial which gives the impression that a beautiful girl wants to provide sexual favors for her rescuer. This is followed by a birth control commercial in Tagalog and a Pennshoppe Jeans commercial in English that shows a girl wearing no other clothing who is pulling on her jeans. In the break just before the climax, when Colonel Duda acts out on Ricky a gay version of the Axe Africa commercial we just mentioned, appear the following: the Eggnog Cookies commercial where the girls use English to rate boys as “One eggnog, two eggnogs….”; the Doublemint Gum commercial where the Filipino who chews English language gum gets the girl; and the commercial for STI computer college that English gets you ahead with technology. As I thought about this con¶ict of social messages between the sitcom and the commercials, I wondered whether or not those who write the commercials and buy the commercial time bother to watch the shows. Even someone like myself who does not understand Tagalog can see the disparity between the messages in the commercials and those in the show. 13.1.2 Case study 2: M&M: The Incredible Twins The Tagalog movie M&M: The Incredible Twins is about two mismatched twins who are reunited after being separated at birth. Marcelo, tall, husky and uneducated, re¶ects the tough life of the poor part of town. Marcelino, short, thin, and with glasses, re¶ects the pampered life of the rich. The plot revolves around Marcelino trying to get Marcelo into his university so he can become educated and worthy of his newly discovered family. Of course, much of this worthiness depends on English language proªciency. Marcelo’s problems with English are the source of much of the humor.

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According to the pragmatics and the social messages attached to English, which we investigated in Chapters 10 and 11, we should expect to hear quite a bit of English being used among family members in the home, in social gatherings, and in school activities since we are watching a movie about life among the wealthy. However, very little conversation is carried out in English. As we saw was the case in Chapter 10 when we looked at the pragmatic and discourse features of English in commercials, most English in the movie is used for greetings or introductory remarks and announcements or pronouncements rather than for extended interaction. In fact, greetings and short social routines are often the only English spoken in a scene. At a poolside birthday party for Marcelino with perhaps one hundred extended family members and other guests dressed in tuxedos and other expensive clothing to denote their social status, the guests routinely greet Marcelino with “happy birthday” then continue the conversation in Tagalog. At the university when Marcelino wants to join the track team, he goes to the coach’s o¹ce. The following routine occurs. (17) Coach: Come in. Marcelino: Morning, sir.

The coach asks him in Tagalog to sit down. Marcelino replies, “Thank you” in English. Otherwise the conversation is entirely in Tagalog except for the borrowed nouns coach, starting line, and track team, and the verbs mag-join, and mag-try out. In another scene Marcelino says, “excuse me, ho,” before leaving the room. Marcelo, the newly discovered twin who is trying to ªt into his newfound social class, also tries out for the track team. He sees a sign at the school that says in English, “Training for track team. Join! Apply now.” Rather than speak English to the coach, Marcelo takes the sign with him. The entire conversation is in Tagalog except for the English word experience. The coach gives all his instructions to the university track team in Tagalog, except just before the big meet when he gives these encouraging words in English. (18) Coach: You’re not competing for yourself, but for our school.

He then explains what he means in Tagalog. English is even avoided in settings where the commercials suggest that English should appear. In a bedroom scene the uncle gives Marcelino advice in Tagalog. When Marcelino needs medical attention, no English words are

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 223

spoken. When people discuss the ethics of the situation, they speak only in Tagalog. In other words, English is of trivial use even among the rich and can be avoided. When English is used beyond these greetings and other social routines, we see that even the scriptwriters for this movie have joined the cultural rebellion against English. Rather than uplift and make Filipinos better people, English is used to put them in their place. In one scene the family has gathered in Marcelino’s opulent bedroom to convince him of his folly in trying to upgrade the social status of Marcelo by claiming him as his brother. His aunt begins her Tagalog comments with, (19) Aunt: Stop fooling yourself, iho (‘son’)!

She berates him in Tagalog, telling him that Marcelo is simply an opportunist taking advantage of his kindness. In another scene, one girl berates another with (20) Girl: Anna Jean, how could you?

The scriptwriters use humor to show how English brings ridicule and trouble to Filipinos. In the following scene, the dumb but street-wise twin sees the girl of his dreams as she comes up the stairs to the university library. This is the conversation he uses to get her attention. Notice the garbled English, much like the English Joey used when introducing his father in Palibhasa Lalake. Notice too his lack of discourse skills. (21) Marcelo: Oh, hello out there somewhere. You’re there. I’m here. We’re here and there, really. Girl: (she says something in Tagalog then adds) Are you talking to me? Marcelo: I did. I’m Marcelo. What’s yours? Girl: Anna Jean Marcelo: I heard.

The girl switches to Tagalog and enters the library. Marcelo follows trying to make a date in Tagalog for the following Saturday. The girl then starts out in English, “Well, in this case,” and continues in Tagalog before walking oŸ. Marcelo shows his misunderstanding of English vocabulary and discourse strategies in the following two incidents. In the Tagalog portion of the scene that we looked at earlier when Marcelo signs up for the track team, the coach asks him if he has had any experience, using the English word. However, when Tagalog speakers use the English word experience, it frequently means sexual

224 Filipino English and Taglish

experience, ªtting in with the bad boy image of English. After Marcelo lists his experiences in cars, jeepneys, and in a ªeld, adding the names of the girls, the coach tells him he is not interested in that kind of experience. In the scene following Example 18 when the coach tries to inspire the team in Tagalog to win the big track meet, he ends with a rhetorical question in English which Marcelo answers. In Example (22) we see that Marcelino berates him for doing so. However, Marcelo cannot ªgure out why since he simply did what he ªgures any schoolteacher would want him to do when asking him a question. (22) Coach. Do you get me? Marcelo: I get you. Marcelino: O, huwag kanang sumagot. (‘Oh, you don’t answer.’) Marcelo: Eh, siya ang nagtatanong, eh. (‘But he was the one asking.’)

At the end of the pep talk, the coach has the track team huddle together with their right hands in the middle for a team cheer in English. Notice how Marcelo again does not understand how the routine works. (23) Coach: All together now! One, two, three, ªght, tayo na! (‘Let’s go!’) Team: (jumping around enthusiastically) Fight, tayo na! (‘Let’s go!’) Marcelo: Mabuhay, mabuhay ang Pilipinas, mabuhay ang Pilipino, mabuhay ang Katipunan. (‘Long live, long live the Philippines, long live the Filipinos, long live the Katipunan.’.) Marcelino: (interrupting Marcelo) Anong Katipunan? (‘Why the Katipunan?’)

Marcelo thought it was a war cry, not a team cheer so was inappropriately cheering the country and the original revolutionaries, the Katipunan, rather than the team. Probably the funniest Example of how English brings trouble and ridicule to Filipinos takes place in Marcelo’s math class, the only extended use of English is the show other than the interchange in Example (21). The teacher is giving an incomprehensible math lecture as he writes on the board. Marcelo, who is quite a bit larger than the other students, is blocking the view of the student behind him. (24) Teacher: If x equals 66 and y equals 6 and z equals 22 if a equals y over x and b equals z over x, what is the least common denominator of a and b? Let’s refer to the table: x equals 66, y equals 6 and z equals 22 and a equals x over y and b equals x over z…

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 225

Student: (in Tagalog) Hey, can you move over? I can’t see. Marcelo: (in English) What? Student: (in Tagalog) I can’t see. Teacher: Divide the table. Marcelo: (in Tagalog) Is that my problem? Eat a snack. Teacher: Martinez. Marcelo: Sir? Teacher: What is the answer? Marcelo: The answer, the answer to the question? Teacher: Do you know the question? Marcelo: No, but I know the answer. Teacher: How can you know the answer when you do not know the question? Marcelo: Then I do not know the answer. Teacher: Divide the table. Marcelo: Divide? Teacher: Do you know how to divide? Marcelo: (in Taglish) Sir, naman, divide lang eh? (‘Come on, sir, just divide?’) Teacher: Then divide the table! Marcelo: Divide the table? Teacher: Yes, divide the table! Marcel: Yes, sir. (He comes forward and gives a karate chop to break the teacher’s table in half.)

Another theme in this cultural battle against English is that Filipinos use English to mask corruption. Marcelino schemes to ªnd a way to make his newfound brother acceptable to the rest of his wealthy family. His friend Henrikito reminds Marcelino in Tagalog of his father, a great multi-capitalist, multi-millionaire, and empire builder. He tells him to hasten Marcelo’s education so that he will be accepted by the family. Suddenly Marcelino interrupts the Tagalog conversation with the following. (25) Marcelino: Henrikito, Henrikito. You’re a genius.

Marcelino explains in Tagalog that he will use his father’s money to get Marcelo into school and make him into a real person. We ªnd out how he plans to do this in the following conversation with Mrs. Masulungan, the head of Soliman University. The conversation is in Taglish with just enough English words mixed in so that even an English speaker knows what Marcelino is up to.

226 Filipino English and Taglish

The conversation starts out pleasant enough with Marcelo explaining to Mrs. Masulungan that he wants his brother to be enrolled in the university. Mrs. Masulungan explains that the school follows the policies of the Department of Education, so it will not be possible. Marcelino asks if Mrs. Masulungan doubts the ability of his twin. Mrs. Masulungan responds in English and the conversation continues in Taglish. (26) Masulungan: No, no, no. You are our top student here. Marcelino: Mrs. Masulungan. Natatandaan po ba ninyo kung ah, ilang buildings na po ang nadodonate nang aming pamilia dilo sa university natin? (‘Do you remember how many buildings my family has donated to the university?’) Masulungan: Four, (she then lists them plus the parking area and new disco for the teachers) Marcelino: (He reminds her in Tagalog that she has requested another building) Masulunga: Yes, yes Marcelino: Eh, seguro naman ma-didisappoint ang ibang o¹cers at mga Board of Trustees nang ating university kung hindi matutuloy ilang maga plans na buildings. (‘Surely the other o¹cers of the board of trustees of the university will be disappointed if these building plans won’t go through.’) Masulunga: That is also true. Marcelino: (He then suggests in Tagalog that maybe they should build two more buildings) Mrs. Masulungan, madidisappoint ho kaya ako? (‘Mrs. Masulungan, will I be disappointed?’) Masalungan: (in Tagalog) Uh, when does your brother start?

Even though the discussion was mostly in Tagalog, the English words make it clear even to English speakers that a bribe is taking place. This ªts in with the notion that English is corrupting the nation. The educational system in the Philippines, the main source for English, is thus portrayed as a center of corruption under the control of the rich at the expense of the poor. There is one more anti English theme that the scriptwriters have inserted. At the poolside birthday celebration for Marcelino, Marcelino introduces Marcelo in English to his friends and extended family. When he asks for a round of applause to welcome him into the family, only Marcelino and his aunt and uncle clap no matter how hard Marcelino encourages the others. In other words, in spite of Marcelo’s eŸorts to improve his English and attend a

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 227

good private university to become a “real” person, in Marcelino’s words, and ªt into the world of the rich and powerful, he is rejected because he comes from the streets. Moments later it turns out that Anna Jean, the girl that Marcelo met in Example 21 and tried to date, is Marcelino’s girlfriend. In fact Example 20 “Anna Jean. How could you?” was the reaction of her friend when she discovered that Marcelo, a former boiled-peanut salesman, had tried to date Anna Jean. Now even Marcelino turns against Marcelo. In other words, English does not empower the average Filipino. In fact, the wealthy will turn against upwardly mobile Filipinos when they see that they want their share of whatever the wealthy enjoy. According to life as it is portrayed in the movies, the wealthy do not use any more English than common Filipinos do in their everyday aŸairs. In other words, the claim that English proªciency is needed to be wealthy is a phony mask that the wealthy hide behind. Of course this social message seems to be glossed over in the happy ending. Marcelo and Marcelino are reconciled and work together to win the track meet for Soliman University. The movie ends with all the actors joining together to sing a peppy Tagalog song and dance in a production number that was ªlmed at a national folklife village which features houses built in the styles of the major ethnic groups in the Philippines. However, even this happy ending carries the subtle message that without English, Filipinos can work together to make the Philippines a better place.

13.2 The other shows: Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Missis and Mixed Nuts To show that I did not select these two case studies for their shock value or for their anti-English messages, let us look brie¶y at the other two shows, Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis and Mixed Nuts. Rather than portraying English as enriching, ennobling, and empowering Filipinos, they too remind Filipinos that English plays a trivial role in their everyday aŸairs, makes fools of them, and is associated with corruption. The episode for Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis revolves around the activities of a family that lives next to a street side lunch stall. Except for an occasional okay, there is very little English. One scene uses English as part of the characterization of a young woman who works at the lunch stall. She can best be described as a bimbo. She does little more than bounce around, swat ¶ies, and jiggle her bosoms to attract male customers. While the older woman serves the customers, the bimbo does a Madonna imitation singing “Like a virgin. Yes,

228 Filipino English and Taglish

when your heart beats” and “Material, a material girl. A material, a material girl.” It is obvious that she doesn’t know the words to the song and is using what little English she knows to get the attention of the men. The obvious cultural association is that English is for the lazy who want to use sex and American pop culture to get ahead. However, the men all get food poisoning and run away — quite a strong reaction to English. As a side plot, the police raid a suspected gambling establishment. At the door they hear people inside singing “Happy Birthday.” They burst in to ªnd little old ladies and an assortment of men sitting around small tables claiming to be celebrating a birthday. They all join in singing “Happy Birthday” in English. After the police apologize and leave, the gambling equipment appears. In other words, English hides corruption. Later the young son of one of the police o¹cers and the woman who seems to own the lunch stall gets dengue fever and has to be taken to the hospital. When the parents visit, there is no interaction between the parents and the sick child in English, as we might expect from watching the commercials. Also, unlike in the commercials, the doctor and the nurse speak no English and use no English medicine to cure the child. There is nothing the parents can do and English provides no help either. In other words, even in Kaya ni Mister, Kaya ni Misis, English makes fools of Filipinos, hides corruption, and is of little worth in their daily lives. Mixed Nuts, a comedy variety show, has a series of comedy sketches that take place in a pizza parlor, Pizza by Golly Wow! It also has a comedy news report and two music/dance numbers. Although the show takes place in a business, English is limited. The names of the products are in English, as are the advertising posters in the background. When workers answer the telephone or take orders, they use greetings and polite rejoinders such as yes, ma’am, right away, ma’am, excuse me, and enjoy your pizza. The jokes use English nouns such as janitor, manicurist, driver, and tra¹c enforcer to name occupations that common Filipinos ªll when serving the wealthy. In other words, English plays only a marginal role in the business life of these Filipinos. It certainly does not provide for socioeconomic advancement. The theme that English corrupts Filipinos is the theme of a humorous song that the host of Mixed Nuts sings in Tagalog backed up by dancing girls, all wearing T-shirts imprinted with American ¶ags, bald eagles, or other symbols of the USA. I give an English translation of a portion below. (27) It’s truly okay by me if we become a state of the USA. It’s truly okay by me. Our countrymen will be Negroes.

The language of social resistance in movies and sitcoms 229

There will also be plenty of problems, oh, my God, because of the naked Americans. It’s truly okay by me if we become a state of the USA. It’s okay by me. When Madonna parties in Tondo, there will be plenty of English speaking. Okay too is the dollar for you. There will be plenty of piercings and tattoos and nigger talk. There will be lots of bikinis and also big HIV. It’s truly okay by me if we become a state of the USA. It’s truly okay by me. There will be no more visas to freeze in Chicago. It’s truly okay by me.

Of course the anti-American and anti-English language message would be missed by anyone who prefers to watch English language television. In fact, they probably would only have noticed the English language cigarette commercials and American beer commercials extolling the beneªts of life American style that played on both sides of the song.

13.3 Conclusions Yes, the cultural revolution against English that was ignored by the commercials and hinted at in the interviews that we looked at in Chapters 11 and 12 is in full force in Tagalog programming. The cultural values attached to English and Tagalog are colliding, with each language depicting the other in the least favorable light possible. When we compare the values portrayed in commercials with the values in this small sampling of sitcoms and movies we see that although the rich believe in the traditional power of English, the masses do not. At least that is the message that is being promoted by the scriptwriters. Rather than ennobling Filipinos and preparing them for a better life, English degrades them and lacks any power to make their day-to-day lives any better. In fact, it plays only a trivial role in their lives and symbolizes the corrupting forces that Filipinos must deal with on a daily basis. This triviality of English in the everyday lives of Filipinos is noted in the research of others. McFarland (1997) reports his study of the English borrowings in 50 short Tagalog romance or suspense novels. In a running text of more than one million words, only 97 English words appear more than twenty times. A look at the semantic categories reveals that most were words for social

230 Filipino English and Taglish

relationships: such as Mr., Mrs. ma’am, sir; parents: such as mommy, daddy; occupations and business relationships: such as boss, waiter, maid, customer, waiter, security guard, teacher, attorney; greetings: such as hello, hi, and good morning; transportation and destinations: such as taxi, driver, jeep, bus, o¹ce, avenue, apartment, building, restaurant, school, college, and addresses; rejoinders: such as okay or wow; politeness forms: such as sorry, please; and the words of romance: party, sexy, excited, make-up, motel, baby, boyfriend, and girlfriend, a re¶ection of the romance and suspense novel source of the vocabulary. Notice that though most of these words are useful for brief encounters with the English-speaking world to denote role relationships and locations, they are of little use in extended conversation in everyday aŸairs. Many of these words appeared in the language examples we looked at in this chapter. Thus there is a mismatch of the language and the social messages of the commercials and the programs that they advertise. It is as though Tagalog and English, as they vie for the aŸections of Filipinos, are calling each other names and are throwing cultural mud at each other in a heated cultural battle. I do not know the viewing habits of the common Filipino, but if they channel surf whenever commercials appear, they can easily avoid the cultural messages of the English commercials and can simply be schooled in the competing values associated with Tagalog. It appears that using English in the media is a liability when directing a cultural message to the masses. After competing this analysis I asked several Filipino friends if they had noticed this anti-English bias in Filipino programming. Without fail they said they had not noticed it because they thought the shows were silly and preferred to watch English programs on cable, re¶ecting the viewing preferences that we saw with English teachers in part B. In other words, since those who prefer English and believe in its power usually do not watch Filipino programs, they may not be aware of the strength of the cultural war being fought around them guerilla style in the Tagalog jungle. In our next chapter, we will look for further evidence of this culture war in another form of the media, the newspapers. The broadsides are in English. The tabloids typically are in Tagalog or Taglish. Let us see if the two languages are doing the same subtle mud slinging there.

Chapter 14

The language face oŸ in the newspapers

Perhaps it is appropriate that the ªnal chapter of this look at English in the media focuses on the linguistic and cultural battles that are taking place in the newspapers. For one hundred years English has been the language of the news. Fernandez (1989a, b) notes that although the Filipino press had Spanish beginnings in 1637, it had a long apprenticeship in American style journalism with the establishment of the ªrst English language newspaper just ten days after the military occupation of Manila in 1898. The Filipino press is known as Asia’s most rambunctiously free press, oft called a Wild West press. It blends the personalism of Philippine culture, the patronage patterns learned both from Spanish colonial government and American big business, Western liberal democratic ideas of press freedom, and the crusading courage of underdog revolutionaries. At the lower levels, ethnic and folk elements are strongest, at the higher levels, artists and scholars and Western in¶uences predominate. Following the suppression of the press under both the Japanese occupation and the dictatorship of President Ferdinand Marcos, the English language press returned to its perceived job of being the watchdog of the people to keep the government in check. It sees itself as the critic and conscience of the government and an educator for the people. Filipino readers turn to the English broadsheets for hard news, investigative reporting, news analysis and editorials, and the major columnists. It might seem little more than intellectual curiosity to look at English language newspapers for their role in the language revolution that is going on since, as the participants in the 1987 Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development (Gonzalez 1988c) pointed out, Filipinos are not a reading people. At the conference Faustino Lapira, the anchorman for a TV news show, noted that his radio and television guests resisted brieªngs that were written. Nine out of ten could complete complicated tasks if the brieªng was oral or on video tape (Gonzalez 1988c.36). The conclusion was that the general masses would rather watch TV or listen to the radio than read the newspaper. However, that is probably true of the English-speaking world at large.

232 Filipino English and Taglish

In spite of the lament of the Solidarity Seminar, newspapers are sold on the street everywhere and are probably the most common reading material of Filipinos. In fact, the Philippine Daily Inquirer (October 2, 2000) reported that the Asia Research Organization (ARO) found in a nationwide survey that 52 percent of Filipinos read newspapers. In Metro Manila, that rises to 74 percent. However, only 14 percent read the English broadsheets rather than the tabloids, which are usually in Tagalog or Taglish. Has the English language press become irrelevant in the lives of Filipinos? Gonzalez (1997a) notes that newspapers in the Philippines are highly edited according to international publication standards with the American variety of English being the model. Does that mean that editors carefully monitor the language to maintain its formal purity or are they starting to follow the market forces that have allowed Taglish to replace English in network television? If they are allowing Taglish, does it carry the same social messages that we saw in the commercials and the television programs? Gonzalez (1982a, 1991d) analyzed the English used in Philippine newspapers and weekly magazines. When the foreign-authored articles and syndicated columns were eliminated and the articles were classiªed into columns, feature articles, and editorials, he found three styles of English: formal, informal, and familiar. The formal style followed the characteristics of what he called “composition style”: formal and elegant, in the tradition of essay writing popular before the Second World War. He postulated that this re¶ects the fact that English is learned in the classroom rather than on the streets and that the main input for language acquisition is literary and scientiªc texts. This style is characterized by complex sentences with many adverbials and relative clauses and Latinate rather than Anglo-Saxon vocabulary. In fact it is the choice of vocabulary that is the most salient feature distinguishing formal from informal style. The informal style uses slang and shorter sentences but is still moderately formal due to a lack of familiarity with the conventions of informal English as it is used in the rest of the English-speaking world. Gonzalez found that Taglish characterized the familiar style of English. As we found to be true in our analysis of spoken Taglish in Chapter 9, he found that the Taglish of this familiar style usually does not mix the two language systems but alternates them. Gonzalez did not look at the social messages that underlie the use of Taglish in the newspapers other than to note that its use establishes solidarity with the Tagalog-speaking reader. Let us take our own look at broadsheets and tabloids to see whether or not the cultural battles that we identiªed in television programming are also taking place in the Philippine press.

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 233

On Monday, April 21, 1997, while on my way from the headquarters of the Department of Education, Culture, and Sports in Pasig, Metro Manila to De La Salle University on Taft Avenue in Manila, I bought copies of all the newspapers that were being sold on the streets to businessmen and others as they passed the busy transportation transfer points at the intersection of Shaw Boulevard and Edsa near the Shangri-la Mall in Mandaluyong and at the intersection of Edsa and Taft in Pasay near the entrance to the Light Rail Transit. On the way home I bought copies of the evening newspapers. Seven newspapers were English broadsheets, ªve were English tabloids, and ten were Tagalog tabloids. Let us look ªrst at the English broadsheets then turn to the Tagalog and the English tabloids.

14.1 English broadsheets Although only slightly more than 14 percent of those surveyed by the ARO reported that they read English broadsheets, these tended to be executives, managers, professionals, and students. In other words, the English language press is important in the lives of the movers and shakers and the potential leaders of Philippine society. When these respondents were asked what they valued most in newspapers, the top answers were accurate and balanced news, fearless views, and innovations. The classiªed ads and entertainment news were low on the list of priorities. The broadsheets I collected on this day ranged in size from 16 to 100 pages. Three were in the heftier category of 88 to 100 pages. The Manila Bulletin bills itself as “the nation’s leading newspaper” and “the exponent of Philippine progress since 1900.” It declares, “Let us unite the nation and move forward.” This issue had 100 pages. Also with 100 pages was the Philippine Daily Inquirer with its “balanced news, fearless views.” Slightly smaller with 88 pages was the Philippine Star, where “truth shall prevail.” The ARO reported that these are the top three newspapers among the broadsheet readers and that they also rank the highest in credibility. The smaller broadsheets ranged from 16 to 32 pages. The Manila Times, “creating a new thinking class,” was the largest with 32 pages. Both the Manila Standard and Today had 20 pages. The smallest with 16 pages was the Evening Paper, presenting “tomorrow’s news tonight.” According to the ARO survey, in Manila the Inquirer and the Manila Bulletin both have 41 percent of the readership. The Star is a poor third at 19 percent. This amounts to more than 100 percent of the readership without counting those

234 Filipino English and Taglish

who read the smaller broadsheets. This is probably because many Filipinos read more than one newspaper every day. Outside of Manila 55 percent of broadsheet readers read the Inquirer, 23 percent the Bulletin and 13 percent the Star. Thus these three newspapers have substantial in¶uence among the educated and the in¶uential throughout the country. However, the ARO reports that the readership of the Bulletin and the Star appears to be declining. What are the social values associated with this English-speaking press? English was introduced into the Philippines a century ago with the expressed mission of enriching, ennobling, and empowering Filipinos. We have seen that these are the values underlying the English language commercials on television. The subtitles of the broadsheets suggest that these English newspapers also continue to take this charge seriously. Let us take a look at the contents to see how they fulªll this charge. 14.1.1 The news As you walk down the street passing the newsvendors with their newspapers spread out on the ground or on small tables, a wide array of headlines meets your eye. All except the Bulletin list the number of the latest sweepstakes winner. The Inquirer headlines the ¶ight to South Korea of a North Korean leader who had been hosted in the Philippines after defecting in China. Another article deals with the eŸect of this defection on Korean peace talks. There is also a headline for an article on page 2 about politics. The Bulletin headlines tax reform as the national congress resumes its session, a push for faster agricultural growth in the Philippines, and a warning from President Ramos against a return to the graft and corruption of the past. The ¶ight of the North Korean defector warrants only a small section of the front page. There is also a picture of the opening of a Philippine sports festival. The Star headlines a jailbreak, a transportation project for Mindanao, an International Earth Day meeting of youth with President Ramos, and problems with an ongoing murder case. There is also a picture of a bloody body in a car after a police shoot out with the leader of the Solido Gang. The smaller broadsheets headline additional topics. The Times features a biography of presidential candidate Edgardo Angara, the shootout with the Solido Gang, the government reaction to hosting the North Korean defector, the defector’s reaction to his stay in the Philippines, information on an import tax, and President Ramos’s call for Filipinos to unite in politics and sports. There is also the picture of another presidential candidate Joseph Estrada. The

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 235

Standard features only the Solido shootout with a picture of the bloody body in the car ªlling the page. Headlines along the top point to other sections featuring a German supermodel who wants to be cloned, the results of a golf tournament, lottery results, and the weather. The Times headlines a movement to depreciate the peso, Indonesian worries about demonstrators, warnings of the North Korean defector of an upcoming war, and the diversion tactics used to protect the defector. The picture shows the plane that carried the defector to South Korea. The Evening Paper features a ªre that hit a local shopping mall, a meeting of President Ramos with environmentalists, the new international status of the Philippines for hosting the North Korean defector, and headlines for the sports page featuring a basketball game in the United States and a motocross race and a cycling race in the Philippines, a headline for an interview with an artist, and a headline for an article on corruption charges against Netanyahu in Jerusalem. In other words, although these newspapers all appeared the same day, each is distinctive in style and focus. Some focus more on domestic news, others international, some ªnance and business, others politics and crime. There is little overlap on news coverage, at least from what the passing customer can see on the top half of the front page. The larger broadsheets cost 7 pesos, the smaller 6. They deªnitely are not carbon copies of each other. To get a better idea of the similarities and diŸerences among these newspapers, let us look ªrst at the topics of the domestic and world news that were reported for this day. Tables 14.1 and 14.2 show us the distribution of world and domestic news according to the categories of business and economics, politics and con¶ict, crime, and other. The ªrst thing that is apparent from Tables 14.1 and 14.2 is the focus on enriching Filipinos. All had business sections with ªnancial advice and information from the stock exchange. Approximately half the domestic and world news focuses on business and economic development. Much of the domestic business news features announcements and updates on real estate developments. Many of the business and economic articles in the world category deal with potential joint ventures or investments from overseas countries. Except for the Manila Bulletin and the Philippine Star of the larger broadsheets and the Manila Standard of the smaller ones, the newspapers seem to be targeting those who are using English to make international contacts. The Bulletin, the Star, and the Standard have more of a domestic focus that includes news about a wide range of topics in addition to local business news.

236 Filipino English and Taglish

Table 14.1 Distribution of world and domestic news articles by topic in larger English language broadsheets

World News business/economics politics/con¶ict crime other World Total Domestic News business/economics politics/con¶ict crime other Domestic Total Article Total

Manila Bulletin (100 pgs)

Philippine Daily Inquirer (100 pgs)

Philippine Star (88 pgs)

28 8 6 9 51 23.72%

55 7 1 2 65 55.08%

19 15 0 10 44 32.35%

67 19 22 56 164 76.28% 215

23 13 11 6 53 44.92% 118

59 9 16 17 92 67.65% 136

Table 14.2 Distribution of world and domestic news articles by topic in smaller English language broadsheets

World News business/economics politics/con¶ict crime other World Total Domestic News business/economics politics/con¶ict crime other Domestic Total Article Total

Manila Times (32 pgs)

Manila Standard (20 pgs)

Today Evening Paper (20 pgs) (16 pgs)

39 2 0 0 41 50.62%

14 8 0 2 24 39.34%

19 15 4 5 43 64.18%

19 13 3 4 39 54.93%

28 3 5 4 40 49.38% 81

24 5 5 3 37 60.66% 61

11 6 9 7 24 35.83% 67

18 6 8 0 32 45.07% 71

Tables 14.3 and 14.4 look at the geographic distribution of the international news. We might expect a similar distribution in each since the papers are reporting the same news for the last twenty-four hours. Generally, this is true. This Monday issue of the English language broadsheets has an Asian/Paciªc

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 237

orientation. For both the larger and the smaller broadsheets, half the international news deals with that area. The rest is divided almost evenly between the Americas and Europe. This indicates that the editors feel that English is most valuable for making economic connections with other countries in Asia, the Paciªc, and Europe, where English serves as a lingua franca, rather than with the United States, the former colonial master, where English is a native language. Only the smaller broadsheet Today leans heavily towards news from the USA. Surprisingly, although several hundred thousand, perhaps more than a million Filipinos are employed in the Middle East, there is little news from there, re¶ecting perhaps the preference of Arabs to import workers rather than to invest their money in joint ventures in the Philippines or elsewhere. Table 14.3 Geographic distribution of world news articles in larger English language broadsheets Manila Bulletin Philippine Daily Inquirer (100 pgs) (100 pgs) Americas Europe Asia/Paciªc Africa/Middle East International Total

12 (23.53%) 10 (19.60%) 28 (54.90%) 1 (1.97%) 51

Philippine Star (88 pgs)

13 (20.00%) 16 (24.62%) 32 (49.23%) 4 (6.15%) 65

12 (27.27%) 8 (18.18%) 22 (50.00%) 2 (4.55%) 44

Table 14.4 Geographic distribution of world news articles in smaller English language broadsheets Manila Times Manila Standard (32 pgs) (20 pgs) Americas Europe Asia/Paciªc Africa/Middle East International Total

11 (26.83%) 7 (17.07%) 21 (51.22%) 2 (4.88%) 41

6 5 12 1 24

(25.00%) (20.83%) (50.00%) (4.17%)

Today (20 pgs) 18 4 16 5 43

(41.86%) (9.30%) (37.21%) (11.63%)

Evening Paper (16 pgs) 7 10 17 5 39

(17.95%) (25.64%) (43.59%) (12.82%)

Although the Manila Bulletin, the Philippine Star, and the Manila Standard focus more on domestic than international news, all the broadsheets have a similar balance in their international news and feature nearly the same number of articles reporting overseas events. However, the smaller newspapers have only one half to one quarter as many articles about domestic aŸairs indicating that they are targeting an elite audience that is more interested in life and business connections overseas than in local events.

238 Filipino English and Taglish

How much Tagalog is featured in the news section? The answer is none, or almost none. At times a Tagalog word is allowed for the name of an event, an award or an organization. It is always in italics. The Star, Today, and the Standard allowed a few Tagalog quotes in interviews with ordinary Filipinos, such as a retiring sea captain, a victim of ¶ooding, and a soldier ªghting in Mindanao. The Tagalog was always in italics. The Star always followed the Tagalog with a translation in parentheses. Tagalog is allowed so sparingly that an English speaker might miss it. 14.1.2 Editorials The ARO survey found that Filipinos who read English broadsheets want more than news; they want fearless opinions. This is the Wild West aspect of Filipino journalism. The Philippine press, the freest in Asia, is unafraid to tackle any issue. In fact, the number of opinion columns in the smaller broadsheets (Table 14.5) suggests that many of the smaller broadsheets are published not because the editors feel they have a better way to present the news. In fact, as we have just seen, they are weak in the news department, especially for domestic news. They exist because so many Filipinos have strong opinions they wish to express. Notice that generally, the smaller broadsheets have more opinion columns and publish as many or more letters to the editor as do the larger broadsheets, even though they are only one third or one sixth the size of the larger papers in the number of pages. They may cut down on the news, but not on opinion as they use English as a weapon to change life in the Philippines. Table 14.5 The editorial page of English language broadsheets Larger Broadsheets (88–100 pages)

editorial cartoons opinion columns letters to the editor

Smaller Broadsheets (16–32 pages)

MB

PDI

PS

MT

MS

Td

EP

1 8 2

2 5 4

1 6 0

2 10 3

1 10 3

1 5 2

2 5 2

Key: MB = Manila Bulletin, PDI = Philippine Daily Inquirer, PS = Philippine Star, MT = Manila Times, MS = Manila Standard, Td = Today, EP = Evening Paper

The seven English language broadsheets averaged seven signed and unsigned editorials each. Two of the newspapers also included a daily scripture reading on the editorial page. The topics for this particular Monday ranged from

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 239

criticism of politicians and presidentiables (Filipino English for presidential candidates), government policies, and business practices to the problems of Filipinos living in the USA, the eŸects of dog inbreeding, the need to involve more young people in sports, and the advantages of sexual impotence. No topic seems to be oŸ limits. English is the language of the editorial page. Four of the seven broadsheets, the Manila Bulletin, the Philippine Star, the Manila Standard, and Today, allowed no Tagalog. When Tagalog was allowed in the other papers, it was usually to quote the less educated or politicians pandering to the masses, with some exceptions. For example, while the Philippine Daily Inquirer allowed Tagalog in a political cartoon to quote the uneducated, it also used it in a scholarly look at the etymology of the name Mindanao. The Manila Times allowed the most Tagalog, but even here the use was sparing. Some columnists used it to quote the less educated. Two of the three letters to the editor also ended with short Tagalog exclamations as a special eŸect. This use of Tagalog for special eŸect was also apparent in an editorial in the Evening Paper analyzing the qualiªcations of a presidentiable. The editorial cartoon also quoted an anti-environmentalist driver of a bulldozer in Tagalog. In other words, noble thoughts are in English. Tagalog is the language of the less educated or the unscrupulous, though the educated might add a word here or there for eŸect. English allows Filipinos to make connections with the serious thinking of the rest of the English-speaking world. Some columnists even back up their opinions by referring to their experiences in other English speaking countries. 14.1.3 Sports Given the dominance of men in business and the business orientation of most of the newspapers, it is not surprising that all the broadsheets have extensive male-dominated sport coverage. On Table 14.6 we can see the contents of the sport section divided into world and domestic sport events. At the time that this issue appeared, there were golf tournaments, a cycling road race, basketball games, and a track and ªeld sport festival going on in the Philippines. All the newspapers cover these sports. The Manila Bulletin with its strong domestic focus has the largest sport section covering a wide array of sports of interest to the average Filipino, including the most extensive coverage of cockªghting. Notice that the smaller broadsheets, which seem to target internationally oriented businessmen, have a stronger focus on world sports, including swimming, soccer, and baseball, sports with limited following in the Philippines.

240 Filipino English and Taglish

Table 14.6 Topic of sport articles in English language broadsheets Larger Broadsheets (88–100 pages)

World Sports basketball baseball golf soccer swimming tennis other World Total Domestic Sports basketball chess cock ªghts cycling golf motorcycles sportfest other Domestic Total

Smaller Broadsheets (16–32 pages)

MB

PDI

PS

MT

MS

Td

EP

1 0 1 0 0 1 2 5

2 0 0 0 0 2 1 5

2 2 2 0 0 1 1 8

1 3 1 1 1 1 1 9

1 1 2 1 0 1 3 9

0 1 2 1 1 1 3 9

4 1 0 1 1 0 4 11

5 2 3 1 6 3 1 8 29

6 0 1 3 3 0 2 4 19

4 2 0 2 3 1 2 1 15

3 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 7

3 1 0 3 5 1 2 4 17

3 1 1 2 5 0 1 0 13

3 1 0 2 1 1 1 1 10

Key: MB = Manila Bulletin, PDI = Philippine Daily Inquirer, PS = Philippine Star, MT = Manila Times, MS = Manila Standard, Td = Today, EP = Evening Paper

The Evening Paper even gives ice hockey results from New Jersey! Only Today mentions cockªghting. The Manila Standard gives the results of the local horse races. As with the editorials and the news, English is the language of sports with some exceptions. International sports are reported only in English. In this Monday edition, the four smaller broadsheets allowed Tagalog to be used when quoting Filipino participants in domestic events. Of the larger broadsheets, only the Philippine Star did so. The Tagalog words are written in italics. Although the Star followed Tagalog quotes in the domestic news with a translation, this was not the case on the sports page. The Tagalog appears without translation.

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 241

14.1.4 Entertainment and leisure The ARO survey found that the executives, managers, professionals, and students who tend to be the readers of English language broadsheets are less interested in the entertainment and leisure sections. Even though the targeted audience says it is less interested, these sections form a major part of some of the broadsheets. For example, this Monday edition of the Philippine Star devoted 26 pages, nearly 30 percent of the paper, to leisure and entertainment, by far the most of any of the broadsheets. In contrast, the Philippine Daily Inquirer devoted only 17 pages and the Manila Bulletin only 11 pages to leisure and entertainment. The smaller broadsheets averaged 3 pages each. However, the 4 pages of entertainment and leisure in Today and the 3 pages in the Evening Paper represented 20 percent of their pages, making the entertainment, sports, and editorial pages a major focus of their papers. Table 14.7 Distribution of entertainment and leisure articles by topic in English language broadsheets Larger Broadsheets (88–100 pages) Entertainment comics crossword puzzles horoscope Showbiz movie/tv reviews gossip personalities movie/TV ads Life Styles/Leisure book reviews fashion/arts travel events

Smaller Broadsheets (16–32 pages)

MB

PDI

PS

MT

MS

Td

EP

14 1 0 1

14 1 0 0

13 1 0 0

7 1 2 0

0 1 3 1

3 1 0 1

0 1 0 0

4 1 0 9

8 2 6 10

5 2 1 15

3 2 4 0

0 3 3 0

3 2 2 3

1 0 3 0

0 3 3 5

0 2 1 5

1 10 3 3

1 0 0 4

0 0 0 0

1 3 0 2

1 0 0 4

Key: MB = Manila Bulletin, PDI = Philippine Daily Inquirer, PS = Philippine Star, MT = Manila Times, MS = Manila Standard, Td = Today, EP = Evening Paper

Table 14.7 shows what is included in these pages. Note that all the broadsheets have crossword puzzles. The larger ones feature an extensive collection of comics, most from the USA. Showbiz reviews and gossip are common features

242 Filipino English and Taglish

of all the papers though movie schedules and movie advertisements are primarily a feature of the larger papers. On this particular Monday, the Philippine Star has the most extensive lifestyles section. Articles that might attract women readers, such as fashion, arts, and travel, are features of the larger papers. As a rule, in the entertainment section only English language movies, books, and events are promoted, though the showbiz gossip columns usually concern the stars of Tagalog movies and television. The books that are reviewed tend to come from overseas. We might expect these less serious sections of the paper to allow more Tagalog as they provide entertainment through crossword puzzles and comics, gossip columns and celebrity interviews, and articles about leisure activities. However, except for a few comics and some insider gossip about the aŸairs of the sexy, bold stars of Tagalog ªlms, everything listed in Table 14.7 was in English. Of the smaller broadsheets, Today was all English. The Evening Paper was all English except for one comic. The Manila Standard allowed Tagalog only in quotes in the showbiz gossip columns. The Manila Times had one Tagalog comic in addition to the Taglish showbiz gossip. Except for the advertisements for Tagalog movies and a few comic strips, the larger broadsheets with their lengthy entertainment and leisure sections allowed no more Tagalog than did the smaller ones. In the Philippine Star even the comics were all in English. The Bulletin had three in Tagalog, the Inquirer ªve. The Star allowed Tagalog quotes in the gossip columns, the Manila Bulletin did not. The Philippine Daily Inquirer allowed Tagalog in the titles of the gossip columns, but not in the columns themselves. 14.1.5 Advertisements So far we have seen that the English language broadsheets are resisting the spread of Taglish. Tagalog is found mostly in captions for cartoons and in quotes from politicians, less educated Filipinos, and sexy movie and television stars. The image portrayed is that English is the language of the good life and of noble thoughts. Tagalog is useful for amusement and for interacting with the less educated. What is the message of the advertisements? How are English and Tagalog used to oŸer goods and services so Filipinos can improve their lives? Let us look at Tables 14.8 and 14.9 to see what types of products and services are advertised. Notice the dramatic diŸerence between the larger (Table 14.8) and the smaller broadsheets (Table 14.9). The larger broadsheets advertise a wide

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 243

range of services and products. However, the four smaller newspapers carry almost no advertisements, perhaps re¶ecting the ªnding of the ARO survey that the readers of English language broadsheets were not interested in classiªeds and advertisements. Still, advertising plays an important part in the larger broadsheets. In fact, the type of advertisements they carry help to deªne the newspapers. The Manila Bulletin, as “the exponent of Philippine progress since 1900,” seems most dedicated to the premise that English should help common Filipinos improve their lives. We have already seen their focus on domestic news and sports that should interest a wide range of Filipinos. It is also ªlled with advertisements for products of interest to small business owners, such as copy machines, water coolers, storage shelves, computers or even building supplies such as paint, compressors, pumps, rooªng materials and fans. The automobile related ads instead of focusing on fast cars, feature dependable family cars and vans that can be used for delivering people and goods. Even the classiªeds focus

Table 14.8 Products and services advertised in larger English language broadsheets Manila Bulletin Business Development 150 (37.50%) o¹ce equip/supplies 55 building materials 24 telecommunications 24 transport/delivery 28 ªnances 19 Announcements 185 (46.25%) ªnancial notices 10 trade shows/bus opp 5 bid invitations 2 jobs: professional 119 jobs: skilled labor 17 jobs: unskilled labor 32 Personal 65 (16.25%) health/beauty 14 travel/tourism 10 education 8 clothes/home furnishing 3 housing/real estate 17 food/dining 5 guns 2 greetings/condolences 6 Total 400

Philippine Daily Inquirer 77 (47.53%) 25 3 18 13 18 30 (18.52%) 11 7 8 3 1 0 55 (33.95%) 15 9 9 4 7 6 0 5 162

Philippine Star 38 (32.76%) 5 6 7 7 13 22 (18.97%) 5 2 13 2 0 0 56 (48.28%) 5 12 5 7 18 9 0 0 116

244 Filipino English and Taglish

on the interests of Filipinos who are using English for socioeconomic advancement. It is the only paper with extensive job advertisements for bookkeepers, engineers, managers, and other occupations that require a college degree. It also includes employment opportunities for unskilled laborers. For those starting businesses with limited funds there are ads for second hand delivery wagons and second hand o¹ce equipment and machinery. In addition to advertisements to help the business traveler, the Bulletin includes maritime shipping schedules for within the Philippines and abroad. We have already seen that the Bulletin has the least Tagalog of the larger broadsheets, even in its entertainment section. Tagalog was found only in the names of ªlms, display ads for Tagalog movies, and three comic strips. Whereas the other English broadsheets featured gossip columns ªlled with Taglish for its breezy eŸect, the Bulletin did not. This same lack of Tagalog carries over to the advertisements. Of the 400 ads only seven had any Tagalog words, one was for birth control, another for a long distance calling plan to the USA, and the rest were for foods. There is little marketed to the female reader. Of the ªve ads targeting a female audience, four dealt with weight loss and one with facial cleansers. On the other hand, the Philippine Sun and the Philippine Daily Inquirer seem to have abandoned the common Filipino to focus on using English to maintain the economic dominance of the successful. For example, in the Philippine Star nearly 40 percent of the ads were for banking and real estate services or were invitations for bids. The remaining were for a variety of male oriented products ranging from expensive automobiles and electronics to airline travel and fancy resorts. Of their 116 ads only six had any Tagalog. One was an anti drug ad from the government, two were from banks, one was for beer, one for cement, and one was for cable television. Only three ads targeted a female audience. Two were for baby food and one was for women’s clothing. The results were similar for the Philippine Daily Inquirer. Of their 162 advertisements only nine had any Tagalog and only ªve targeted women, one for women’s shoes, three for weight control, and one for menopause. Notice that neither paper advertised jobs to help Filipinos use their English to improve their socioeconomic standing in the community. In fact the only ad for skilled labor in the Inquirer was a warning written in Tagalog to be cautious when taking overseas employment, the only job ad in any paper that was not written in English.

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 245

Table 14.9 Products and services in advertised in smaller English language broadsheets Business Development o¹ce equip/supplies telecommunications ªnances Announcements ªnancial notices trade shows/bus opp bid invitations jobs: professional Personal travel/tourism education housing/real estate food/dining Total

Manila Times

Manila Standard

Today

Evening Paper

7 (31.82%) 1 2 4 13 (59.09%) 7 1 5 0 4 (18.18%) 1 1 1 1 24

1 (10.00%) 0 1 0 9 (90.00%) 5 0 4 0 0 (0.00%) 0 0 0 0 10

1 (12.50%) 0 1 0 5 (62.50%) 1 1 3 0 2 (25.00%) 1 0 0 1 8

0 (0.00%) 0 0 0 3(37.50%) 2 0 0 1 5(62.50%) 1 0 0 4 8

The smaller broadsheets have almost no advertisements. Most that they do have could be classiªed as announcements, mostly annual ªnancial statements for businesses and government corporations, invitations for bids, or the latest lottery results. In other words, these newspapers may want to inform Filipinos about international news and sports, state their opinions about national issues, and entertain them, but they do not want to reach out to help them improve their lives in practical ways. In addition to the ªnancial statements and the bid invitations, the Manila Standard had one ad in Taglish for telephone service. Today had ªve ads in English for a telephone service, a bank, an airline, beer, and a newspaper. The Evening Paper had four ads in English for restaurants and an ad for an airline. Even the slightly larger Manila Times had only 12 ads that were not bid invitations or ªnancial statements, mostly for banks and telephone services all in English except for a cell phone ad in Taglish. So what is the overall picture of Philippine society that is painted by the English language broadsheets? As we saw in the subtitles of the larger newspapers, the English language broadsheets take themselves seriously. They are resisting the onslaught of Tagalog. Although the Manila Bulletin still aims at using English to enrich, ennoble, and empower ordinary Filipinos, the others seem to have abandoned the upwardly mobile to focus their attention on the interests of rich businessmen and professionals while giving vent to their opinions on various issues. In fact, they so ignore Tagalog that an English speaking person buying one of these newspapers could come to the conclusion

246 Filipino English and Taglish

that this is an English-speaking nation ªlled with rich English-speaking capitalists and that Tagalog plays a secondary role in the Philippines. The news tends to have an international orientation, in particular on the sporting page. Economics and business aŸairs predominate with lots of news about new land developments. Columnists often refer to their overseas experiences in other English-speaking countries. The books that are reviewed tend to come from overseas. In other words, with few exceptions the English language broadsheets sustain the wealthy and the elite rather than speak to the needs of common Filipinos. Is it any wonder that their readership is dropping?

14.2 Tagalog tabloids Filipino readers turn to the English broadsheets for hard news, investigative reporting, and editorials. Tagalog newspapers, all tabloids, focus on sex and scandal with front page photos of bloody bodies and semiclad women to tantalize the readers, at least that is how they appear at ªrst glance when an English speaker passes the display of newspapers. What type of language accompanies this display of sex and gore? At one time Tagalog newspapers, re¶ecting the style of English broadsheets, were written in formal Tagalog. Circulation was poor until a looser language policy was adopted in the 1960s. Once Taglish was accepted on their pages, the circulation of tabloids soared. Today, as the ARO survey pointed out, most of the 52 percent of Filipinos who read newspapers read tabloids rather than broadsheets. Are Tagalog tabloids simply the antithesis of the pure and noble English broadsheets, as meets the eye? Or, as we found when comparing English language commercials and Tagalog programming on television, is Tagalog reaching out to Filipinos while English is ignoring them? Let us take a look at the Tagalog tabloids more closely and see what we can ªnd. On this particular Monday, I bought ten Tagalog tabloids. Typically they are 12 pages long and sell for about half the price of a broadside. After examining their contents I eliminated ªve of them from our study. Three of those eliminated, Remate Tonight ‘Results Tonight,’ Abante Tonite ‘Advance Tonite,’ and Bandera Tonight ‘Banner Tonight,’ are the evening versions of morning tabloids that we will examine in more detail. Nearly half of the People’s Balita ‘People’s News’ was devoted to English language public notices of government hearings, making the newspaper of little interest to us. The ªfth, the Daily Aliwan ‘Daily Comfort’ was a strange combination of healing sched-

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 247

ules, miracle home remedies, and spiritual advice from El Shaddai, a charismatic oŸshoot of the Catholic Church, mixed in with bare chested women in g-stings, young men in speedos, sex advice, and crossword puzzles. We will focus on the remaining ªve. The translations of their names and their subtitles show their populist orientation: Abante. Una sa balita ‘Advance. First in the news,’ Daily Balita. Para sa masa, una sa masa ‘Daily News. For the people, ªrst with the people,’ Bulgar. Pahayagan ng katotohanan ‘Plainness. Newspaper of truth,’ Pilipino Star Ngayon. Diyaryong disente ng masang intelihente ‘Philippine Star Now. The decent daily of intelligent people,’ and Remate. Ang diyaryo ng masa ‘Results. The people’s daily.’ 14.2.2 The news, sports, and opinion Let us ªrst compare the news and sports coverage and the opinion sections of these tabloids with their English broadsides. When we compare Table 14.10 with 14.1, 14.2, 14.5, and 14.6 the ªrst thing we notice is that although the news and sports coverage is sparse, the tabloids stay true to the Filipino journalism penchant for expressing opinion and giving advice. Although I did not note it on the table, all except Remate had a political cartoon. None had letters to the editor. The topics of editorials ranged from corruption in the military, pedophiles from overseas, mistreatment of workers, gambling, AIDS, ªre prevention, and political campaigns to a call for Filipinos to ªnd employment for street children and to treat each other more wisely. The advice columns oŸered self-help information on a wide variety of topics ranging from law and health to religion and relationships. The columns dealing with relationships seemed at bit crude at times, headlining topics such as cock therapy. However, remember that the English broadsheets included a column extolling the advantages of impotence. The spiritual advice ranged from a scripture discussion to a palm reading. In fact, the orientation towards common Filipinos rather than the rich and powerful is evident not only in the columns but in the selection of the news itself. Except for the Pilipino Star Ngayon, which is the tabloid counterpart of the English broadsheet the Philippine Star, there was little mention of business and ªnance except to mention a business caught in corrupt business practices or a business development that might help the average worker. The political news dealt mostly with the presidentiables for the upcoming election, though there were also stories of government corruption and problems with rebels in Mindanao. Most stories dealt with the street crimes that Filipinos face every day as they walk the streets of Metro Manila.

248 Filipino English and Taglish

Table 14.10 News, sports, and opinions in Tagalog tabloids

News business/economics politics/con¶ict crime other Editorial opinion columns Advice love/relationships legal medical/health spiritual Sports cock ªghts basketball cycling track other

Abante

Daily Balita

Bulgar

Pilipino Star Ngayon

Remate

2 8 5 0

1 3 6 0

2 3 3 1

5 3 10 1

1 1 7 2

3

6

3

6

4

1 0 0 0

2 2 2 2

5 1 3 1

1 0 0 2

2 0 1 0

1 1 1 2 2

1 1 1 0 1

0 2 1 0 1

0 3 1 0 3

0 0 0 1 2

Common Filipinos have little leisure time for sports. Basketball had the most coverage. Only the Star with its broadsheet background covered chess and motorcycle racing. Both the Star and Bulgar gave basketball results from the USA. Abante included golf coverage. Surprisingly, only Abante and the Daily Balita included cock ªghting. Remate was the only paper not to mention basketball. It covered boxing and track instead. In the news articles and opinion columns, English is used sparingly, mostly for nouns denoting violent crimes, corruption, and sex. Thus, when an English speaker scans the articles, the following words stand out: shootout, suspect, get away vehicle, hand grenades, drug tra¹cker, jail, robbery, murder, rape, inªdelity, sex tapes, scandal, grease money, child prostitution, smuggling, kidnapper, hit and run. Interestingly, while the English broadsheets quoted politicians in Tagalog to indicate their pandering to the people, the Tagalog tabloids oft quoted politicians in English, perhaps to indicate their corruption. In other words, from the viewpoint of Tagalog speakers, English is not the language of noble activities but of decadence, the same message carried by the sitcoms and the movie that we examined in the last chapter.

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 249

14.2.3 Entertainment The decadence of English is even more apparent when we look at the language used in the entertainment sections of the tabloids, which typically encompass nearly half of the issue. When we compare Table 14.11 with Table 14.7 we see signiªcant diŸerences. First, comics do not play an important part in the tabloids. Typically there is only one and it is usually of a steamy romance nature. In other words, the English broadsheets, which avoid Tagalog, include more Tagalog comic strips than do the Tagalog papers. The Tagalog papers also focus more on developing language skills through crossword and other word puzzles than do the English papers. Horoscopes appear in all except Abante. There is lots of showbiz gossip but few reviews. Movie ads are usually only for Tagalog movies though English action movies may be advertised, reinforcing the image that English is the language of violence and gore. The most English appears in the showbiz gossip columns, in much the same way that Tagalog was included in the English counterparts to give a breezy style. However, unlike the English papers, which allow Tagalog only in italics to show its foreign status, English is not in italics in these papers. The usual format of the Taglish is either to insert English words and phrases into Tagalog or to alternate between English and Tagalog clauses, following the pattern that we saw in Chapter 9 when we looked at the linguistics of Taglish in basketball commentary. At times there is also the same converging of the two languages that we saw in the basketball commentary with the use of Tagalog case markers in English, as in the following sentence from a column announcing that the British singer Boy George was coming to Manila: “Well, reminisce no more, as the two new wave artists ng 80’s are coming to Manila para sa backto-back concert on May 30 and 31, 7:30 p.m. sa Areneta Coliseum.” (Pilipino Star Ngayon, April 21, 1997) The items listed under lifestyles in Table 14.11 are actually display ads. The editors of Abante, Bulgar, and Remate must feel that Tagalog speakers do not have time for or interest in fashion, the arts, books, or travel, but are in the market for phone sex and various imported ointments, herbs, charms, and other devices to enhance sexual performance, as well as treatments for various sexually transmitted diseases. Surprisingly, even the Pilipino Star Ngayon with its daily bible verse and good news message on the editorial page had one ad for phone sex. Yet even this touch of decadence makes a comment about English. Generally the copy is in English or Taglish with the headlines and much of the other large print in English. The gay and heterosexual phone sex is “for fun

250 Filipino English and Taglish

excitement across the seas.” The women and men pictured are Americans. English warnings in smaller print remind the caller that international rates apply. In other words, the English language is a sex elixir from abroad, which, if taken, will cost Filipinos dearly. Table 14.11 Entertainment and Tagalog tabloids

Entertainment comics crosswords puzzles horoscope Showbiz movie/tv review gossip movie ads Lifestyle phone sex sex treatments

Abante

Daily Balita

Bulgar

Pilipino Star Ngayon

Remate

1 1 0 0

1 2 1 2

1 2 0 1

3 1 0 1

2 1 0 1

2 3 6

0 6 1

1 3 3

0 7 13

2 5 8

7 2

0 0

9 5

1 0

6 3

14.2.4 Advertisements Let us turn now to the other advertisements in the tabloids. As we compare Table 14.12 with 14.8 and 14.9 we can see that although the ads are few in number, they illustrate in interesting ways how the tabloids are taking over from the English language broadsheets the task of improving the lives of ordinary Filipinos. The language of advertising remains English except for ads for insurance, watches, face creams, prickly heat powders, and engine repair. The ads classiªed under business development were mostly for jeepneys, delivery trucks, and motor repair for small businesses. Bulgar included international exchange rates. The other ªnancial services were lottery results, signaling the unlikelihood that a bank would ever help a struggling Filipino. An interesting English feature I have listed under personal advertisements. Several of the tabloids include the names and addresses of people seeking pen pals and new friends. These included addresses, which seemed a dangerous gamble since these newspapers focus on the personal nature of crime and violence in Filipino society. Birthday greetings in English were also common. Mixed among the ads were English exhortations such as “Say no to drugs” and “Support the gunless society.” The notion that English is the language of noble

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 251

Table 14.12 Advertisements and Tagalog tabloids

Business development motors/machines ªnances Announcements legal notices jobs:professional jobs: skilled labor jobs: unskilled labor Personal health/beauty education clothes/furnishings housing greetings/connections

Abante

Daily Balita

Bulgar

Pilipino Star Ngayon

Remate

5 0

0 0

0 4

1 3

55 0

3 0 1 0

18 0 0 0

1 0 6 33

0 0 0 4

2 16 18 22

4 0 4 2 7

1 0 0 0 0

4 1 3 0 8

0 0 1 1 9

2 1 5 0 0

thoughts runs strong even in Tagalog tabloids that are positing a contrary message by the way they use Taglish. Under announcements we can see that some of the Tagalog tabloids are taking over from the English broadsheets the task of ªnding jobs for Filipinos. Though still not at the level of the Manila Bulletin, these tabloids oŸer more job opportunities than the other English language broadsheets. A high percentage of the jobs advertised in Remate require a college education, such a nurses, x-ray technicians, and computer programmers, indicating that some employers realize that their prospective employees do not look to English language reading material to enhance their socioeconomic advancement. Still, most of the jobs being advertised are for unskilled labor, such as cooks, maids, drivers, receptionists, candy packers, and service crews at restaurants. Several of these job oŸerings also specify the need for high school and college diplomas, hardly the kind of reward one would expect for successfully completing an English education. In other words, the promise that mastering English will result in a good job rings hollow. It simply means that you might get a low paying job working for the rich. We see then that the Tagalog tabloids present a social message regarding English that is similar to the one that we saw in the television shows. English is the language of violence, sex, drugs, and various corrupt practices. Rather than empowering Filipinos and enriching and ennobling their lives, it exploits and degrades them. This task of empowering, enriching, and ennobling Filipinos is slowly but surely being taken over by Tagalog.

252 Filipino English and Taglish

14.3 English tabloids As we have seen, the English broadsides, with the exception of the Manila Bulletin, are resisting the spread of Taglish by aligning themselves with the interests of rich businessmen and professionals who use English to maintain their status. No longer do they feel that it is their task to use English to improve the lives of common Filipinos. That task is being assumed by the Tagalog tabloids. As these tabloids advise and inform Filipinos, they use Taglish in such a way that sends a subtle message to their readers that English corrupts them and that their future happiness lies with Tagalog. Where do the English tabloids ªt in this language battle for the hearts of Filipinos? On this Monday I bought ªve English tabloids: Isyu, Tempo, which is the tabloid version of the Manila Bulletin, Bandera, People’s Journal, and its evening counterpart the People’s Journal Tonight. A closer look reveals that they suŸer from identity problems. Are they supposed to be serious purveyors of the news or are they supposed to be scandal sheets for the entertainment of the masses? Isyu, with its “bold news on the hottest issues” is the size of the tabloids yet costs the same as the broadsheets, perhaps to indicate that it is a serious newspaper. Isyu is the Tagalog spelling for issue. This paper takes the Filipino love of editorializing to the extreme. It covers a wide range of news topics from economics, politics, and entertainment to sports from the viewpoint of twentythree of Manila’s self-appointed opinion makers. There is no straight news. Although the name implies that the tabloid is in Tagalog or perhaps Taglish, the only Tagalog appears in a political cartoon, in a gossipy show biz column, in a jab at the International Monetary Fund, and in one of the four advertisements. All ªve of its cartoons are editorial in nature. One of them, Doonesbury, signals the arrogance of the newspaper and its disconnect from Filipinos. The humor of this cartoon from the USA depends on an understanding of American culture and current events in the USA. As we have seen in our look at Filipino broadsheets, such information is not available through Filipino sources. The editors of Bandera, “the all-day newspaper,” cannot decide if it should be an English or a Tagalog tabloid. The evening version is in Tagalog. Its layout and features closely resemble the Tagalog tabloids we just looked at except that the news and sport articles are in English. There are no editorials. The rest is in Tagalog, including two sex advice columns and six showbiz columns. Only Tagalog movies are advertised. The three crossword puzzles and two horoscopes

The language face oŸ in the newspapers 253

are in Tagalog, as are the two cartoons. There is even a Taglish phone sex ad. Tempo, with its “news in a ¶ash, the nation’s fastest growing newspaper,” is the tabloid version of the Manila Bulletin. A headline at the bottom of the front page reminds the reader that the Bulletin is the workhorse of English broadsheets. “To help you ªnd a job or buy anything, etc. Read — Manila Bulletin Advertisements & Classiªed Ads.” The news section presents an abbreviated version of its broadsheet counterpart with a wide selection of local, national, and international news covering economics, politics, and crime. In line with the premise that English ennobles as well as enriches and empowers Filipinos, the paper honors college graduates and highlights leadership seminars, pastoral development courses, and youth camps. The editorials focus on eŸorts to improve the economy by developing new sources of energy, overcoming temporary setbacks in the environment, and ªnding ways to improve the political process. The editorial page even has a prayer for the day. The entertainment section talks about uplifting developments in movies and television. Three pages report on a wide range of sports popular among all classes of Filipinos from chess and cock ªghting to basketball and golf. The minimal use of Tagalog resembles that in the larger broadsheet except that the crossword puzzle, the cartoon, and one of the showbiz columns are in Tagalog. No movies are advertised. As mentioned earlier, the reader is referred to the Manila Bulletin for classiªeds and employment opportunities, The People’s Journal, “everybody’s newspaper” is a tabloid that thinks it is a broadsheet. It is twenty-four pages long, twice the size of most tabloids, and is larger than most of the smaller broadsheets. The print is smaller than in the other papers so that more news can ªt on every page. As does Tempo, it covers a wide range of ªnancial and political news as well as news about crimes. It is weak in international news, covering only three items concerning Filipinos working overseas. The advertisements cover a wide range of products of interest to the upwardly mobile. It also includes SuperFerry shipping schedules. Five pages are devoted to a wide range of sports. Two pages of classiªed ads are packed with job advertisements for a wide range of positions, mostly for unskilled or skilled labor. The pattern for using Tagalog resembles that of the broadsheets. Most Tagalog is in the advertisements or in the four-page entertainment section. All but two of the movies advertised are Tagalog. Following the pattern of the broadsheets, showbiz columns are in English with Tagalog words or phrases for eŸect. Longer stretches of Tagalog are usually quotes of people being interviewed. There are six ads for phone sex.

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14.4 Conclusions English was introduced to the Philippines one hundred years ago as a tool for a social revolution that would help common Filipinos improve their lives. Newspapers played an important part in educating the public about the issues and helping them develop and maintain their literacy skills. After Tagalog was introduced as a national language, English began to lose its focus. It became a language that protects the elite rather than one to promotes the well being of all Filipinos. This shift in focus can be seen in the English language broadsheets. Only the Manila Bulletin maintains the original focus of helping Filipinos of all social classes. Through its pages it oŸers products, services, and employment opportunities as well as domestic news of interest to everyone who wants to use English as a tool for socioeconomic advancement. The other broadsheets have turned towards the business and professional classes who often have more interest in international than domestic aŸairs. The smaller English language newspapers have become little more than vehicles for expressing personal opinions while entertaining the reader with sports news, show biz gossip, and crossword puzzles. Although the business and professional classes in the Philippines commonly speak Taglish, it is almost absent from the papers. It is used mostly to quote common Filipinos to show their lack of education or to quote politicians to indicate that they pander to the masses. It is also used sparingly in the showbiz gossip columns. As a result, the image that the English language press presents to the masses is one of arrogance and elitism. To the English-speaking outsider the Tagalog tabloids appear to be cesspools of sex and violence. However, a closer look shows that they are assuming the role of helping Filipinos improve their lives. Whereas the English broadsheets try to improve the lives of Filipinos by promoting “good thinking” through editorials and articles about ªnance and the good life in the international scene, the Tagalog broadsheets oŸer legal, health, and spiritual advice as well as help with relationships. They are also taking over the job of oŸering employment opportunities. The way they use Taglish subtly implies to the reader that English is the language of violence, sex, drugs, and various corrupt practices. The message of the Tagalog press is that rather than empowering Filipinos and enriching and ennobling their lives, English exploits and degrades them. We saw in the other chapters in this section that this clash of cultures permeated the media in 1997. Yet our look at the television commercials and interviews in Chapters 11 and 12 and our look at the broadsheets in this

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chapter revealed that those who believe in the power of English are oblivious to this social revolution that is being fomented in the Tagalog media. Even the English tabloids that have been created to recapture market share from their Tagalog counterparts miss the mark. To promote English more must be done than adding blood, guts, and sex, or simply downsizing the broadsheets. Even the editors of the Tagalog press and the writers for the Tagalog television programs may not be aware of the messages they are sending, but they are there. In the afterword, we will see how this culture clash came to a dramatic head in political events that took place soon after I returned to the United States.

Chapter 15

Afterword The future of English

We have come to the end of our look at English and language switching in the Philippines. By looking at English and Taglish from multiple perspectives, we have been able to gain new insights into the role that English plays in the Philippines. In part A we looked at the historic role that English has played as a tool for social engineering. One hundred years ago it was introduced by the Americans to ennoble, enrich, and empower the masses. Following Moag’s model of how English has invaded the world, we saw how English was transported to the Philippines, how it expanded in use among the common people through the eŸorts of the Thomasites, or imported American teachers, and how the language was enthusiastically adopted by Filipinos as one of their own as it was nativized and institutionalized as the language of education, the press, government, business and ªnance, and in many cases even religion. By all accounts, the Philippines became bilingual, proclaiming itself to be the thirdlargest English speaking country in the world. We also saw the beginning of the restriction phase in its life cycle when President Marcos introduced bilingual education in 1974. Previously, Tagalog, the o¹cial national language, also known as Pilipino or Filipino, had been only a subject in school. Because of its similarities to other Philippine vernaculars, street Tagalog spread rapidly as a second language among the masses under the tutelage of the media, mostly comic books, movies, and the radio. There is evidence that this street Tagalog included some English, or Taglish, since the Tagalog tabloids in the 1960s only became popular reading after they started to include Taglish rather than pure Tagalog on their pages. However, Taglish became more fully developed among the educated classes with the coming of bilingual education. Since Filipinos through the years had developed a proªciency in street Tagalog rather than intellectual Tagalog, when the schools switched to using Tagalog as the language of instruction for all classes except for mathematics, science, and technology, the teachers and students were not

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prepared to speak only in the intellectualized variety. They solved the problem by switching between English and Tagalog. Once the educated accepted Taglish in the schools, it rapidly spread to other domains that had once been reserved for English, making it less important to use pure English. Taglish broke the spell that English had cast over Filipinos. Within a few short years they changed their attitudes towards the language. As the public schools struggled to keep up with the demands of a growing population, the best English education was provided by private schools in urban centers. As the English language proªciency of students in public schools dropped, English became identiªed as the language of the rich rather than as the language for becoming rich. Yet even in the private schools, Taglish was commonplace. As a result, even the children of the wealthy saw little reason to use English in extended discourse with other Filipinos whether at school or in other public spheres. Already by 1984 Llamzon was declaring that English had shifted from being a second language to a foreign language in the Philippines. At the 1988 Solidarity Seminar on Language and Development the participants noted that with the coming of bilingual education and the increased use of Tagalog in the media, a substantial portion of the upcoming generation were unwilling to communicate in English (Gonzalez 1988c). Sibayan (1998) remarks that Filipinos speaking good English today are viewed with ridicule or at least with suspicion of showing oŸ. Even the notion that good English should be required for entry into the university is being rejected both by politicians and the people. Filipino has replaced English as the lingua franca of the Philippines. However, those who believe in the power of English have not been ready to admit that English is no longer a second language. They believe that English still enriches, ennobles, and empowers Filipinos in their daily lives. We looked at this premise more closely in part B. When do Filipinos use English with each other for extended discourse? Are there enough opportunities outside the classroom to use English so that even the poor can develop their skills? This would be prima facie evidence for building the case that English remains a second language. Or do only the a§uent and the talented have opportunities to develop their English language skills? Looking at data from the Social Weather Stations, we found that contrary to popular opinion, the ability to use English is more widespread than ever and it is more so in the upcoming generation than in the older. We also saw that English proªciency is highest in the urban setting. However, the language proªciency survey did not look at when Filipinos use English and whether they are using English or Taglish with each other. Since the middle class probably

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believes most strongly in the power of English to improve their lives, we looked at the language usage of a sampling of English teachers in Metro Manila and in urban Visayas as representatives of the middle class. Looking ªrst at when they interact with English in the media, we found that they were more likely to interact with English in Metro Manila than in urban Visayas. Both groups preferred to sing in English. The teachers in Metro Manila preferred English language radio whereas those in urban Visayas preferred broadcasting in Tagalog or the local vernacular. Only the teachers in Metro Manila usually went to the movies in English. Cable television was the key to how much television was reinforcing English language skills in both groups. If they did not have cable television, only in Metro Manila did they watch more English than Tagalog television programs. Only literacy skills were almost universally in English. Both groups usually read in English and usually wrote reports in English. However, even the hold that English has on literacy is starting to break down. About one quarter of both groups also read Tagalog tabloids. In interpersonal relations, we found again that English was usually more prevalent in Metro Manila. Metro Manilans were more likely to start a conversation in English at a business whether in person or by telephone. They were also more likely to use English with their coworkers, though for both groups, Taglish rather than English or Tagalog prevailed. However, in church, those who lived in the Visayas were more likely to use English than were those in Metro Manila, though both English and Taglish were the expected languages in sermons and discussion groups. In short, the media provides the most common extended contact with English, with cable television having a profound eŸect in promoting English. Otherwise, Taglish has replaced English in the lives of middle-class Filipinos. We then took a brief look at rural Mindanao and northern Luzon. We found that local languages rather than English or Filipino serve as the lingua franca. Though English has more prestige than Filipino, Filipino rather than English is rivaling the local lingua franca because it can be learned informally through comics, tabloids, radio, and television. English is limited to middleclass Filipinos who have ªnished high school. Even in this case English plays a limited role in interpersonal relations because of limited English proªciency in the general population. Because of the lack of electricity, television programming plays a limited role in supporting English, though that may change with rural electriªcation and the spread of cable television. Since television and newspapers seem to play such an important role in developing and maintaining language skills outside the classroom, in part C we

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looked at a sampling of television programming and newspapers. We found that English language commercials, television programs predominantly in English, and the English broadsheets continued to promote the traditional message that English is the key to the good life. We even looked at the role that commercials play in developing language skills. However, when the language used on television was examined more closely, we found that English projects itself to the viewers as the language of arrogance and corruption. Rather than enrich the lives of common Filipinos, it degrades and humiliates them. The language in the newspapers projects a similar image. Thus hidden in the media is the damning message that the promise that English will enrich, ennoble, and empower Filipinos is hollow. English brings to the masses little more than low paying jobs where they serve the rich either in the Philippines or abroad. These are hardly the messages that encourage Filipinos to master English. As a result, although studies show that more people claim proªciency in English, and although there are increased eŸorts to improve English language education, the people are turning against the language and its promises. The hidden messages in the media signal a brewing rebellion against those who promote English.

15.1 Putting down the language rebellion of 1998 It might seem far-fetched that hidden in the media are signs of a brewing language rebellion if it were not for the events surrounding the presidential election of 1998, which was held one year after I returned to the USA. There were eleven candidates. One of them, Joseph Estrada, was considered the joke candidate by the English language media. A former star in Tagalog action movies who played the part of a tough guy with a heart of gold who fought for the poor and downtrodden against the rich, Erap, as he is aŸectionately known, campaigned to be the president for the masses. Given his ªlm persona and his warm, personal way with people, the masses loved him. Though he came from a wealthy upper middle class family, Erap was the black sheep who dropped out of college to become an actor. His anti-establishment actions so embarrassed the family that his father forced him to use his mother’s last name Estrada rather than his father’s name Ejercito. After his movie career ended, Erap moved to politics where he continued his antiestablishment ways as mayor, senator, and later vice president. Early in his presidential campaign while serving as vice president, he bragged that he was proof that

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you did not need English and a university education to succeed in the Philippines. “My brothers and sisters are all professionals. I did not ªnish college but they’re known today as the brother or the sister of the Vice President” (Daily Balita April 21, 1997). The English-speaking establishment was shocked when the joke candidate became president with 10 million votes, the largest landslide in Philippine history. He was the ªrst president to be elected by the poor without the endorsement of the elite. What is often referred to in the press as the “Makati crowd” lost their inside connection to the ªscal and economic agencies of the government that they had cultivated during the Aquino and Ramos presidencies after the fall of Marcos. Makati, located in the heart of Metro Manila, has a large concentration of gated communities for the wealthy and is the ªnancial center of the Philippines. The establishment could not bear to deal with a movie star and school dropout, especially one who declared his intention to drop English in the schools and in the government. The English language broadsheets began their attack immediately. He was ridiculed when he gave his inaugural address in Filipino, the ªrst president to do so. They were appalled when he told them he planned to address the United Nations in Filipino rather than English. The newspapers noted whenever the president spoke in English, Filipino, or Taglish. The Manila Times and the Philippine Daily Inquirer were especially outspoken. The Times oft detailed his grammar errors, mispronunciations, and misreadings in public addresses. The Philippine Daily Inquirer questioned every action he took. After a year of personal attacks, President Estrada shut down the Manila Times by having a friend purchase the newspaper. He tried to quiet the Philippine Daily Inquirer by hitting them in the money belt by organizing an advertising boycott of the paper. He also ªled a sedition complaint saying that the Inquirer was defaming the president by portraying him as a buŸoon and a nitwit to gain readers. News reporters for a time wore black armbands to presidential news conferences in protest to the perceived attack on press freedom. The newspapers then turned to publicizing scandals. Business and government dealings in the Philippines have always been ªlled with kickbacks and “commissions,” sex and scandals, but traditionally they received only light coverage in a press that was controlled by the establishment. Now that an outsider was in charge of approving contracts and the money was ¶owing in new directions, the newspapers were ªlled with stories of crime and corruption attributed to the president and his advisors as though these were a new phenomenon. That 65 percent of textbook costs for the public schools went to

262 Filipino English and Taglish

bribes was linked to the president. Long-standing irregularities in accounting practices in government agencies were now the fault of the president. He was faulted for improving the kitchen facilities in the presidential palace. Accounts of gambling scandals, dealings with the Marcoses, poor work habits, attacks on the English language, shady business partnerships, mistresses and illegitimate children ªlled the newspapers. Every morning when I turned on my computer in my o¹ce in Florida to read the online versions of the English language broadsheets, I wondered what the latest surprise would be. Erap’s real problem was revealed in a report of an interview with Cardinal Sin, the archbishop of Manila and an ardent opponent of the president. During the previous administration the archbishop had been upset that President Ramos was a protestant, thus limiting the in¶uence of the Catholic Church in setting public policy. Now he was even more upset that this Catholic president not only preferred to take his spiritual advice from the leaders of El Shaddai, a charismatic oŸ shoot of the Catholic Church that is popular with the masses, and other spiritual advisers from folk religions, but that he bragged that their advice was better than any advice the Virgin Mary or the Church could give (Manila Times May 7, 1999). Note the self-righteous tone of this report of an interview with Cardinal Sin that appeared in the Philippine Daily Inquirer (July 23, 1999). “The cardinal said he was praying that the 62-year-old President, a college dropout and former movie star who is also a self-confessed former adulterer ‘may learn statesmanship and diplomacy in public service.’” In other words, the president should be more discrete with his sins and play the game the way the establishment does. After two years his opponents tried to impeach him on various politically motivated charges. The case presented against him related more to his life style than to the charges of corruption. They did not succeed. In January of 2001 in response to a call from Cardinal Sin and the English broadsheets, tens of thousands of people ªlled Edsa, an expressway loop that links the cities that form Metro Manila, to stage a second People Power Revolution modeled after the one Filipinos had staged in 1986 to oust President Marcos. But the participants in Edsa II did not include the common people who had elected Estrada. Foreign news reporters noted that they saw neatly-dressed school girls from exclusive private schools clutching mobile phones, who were dropped oŸ by their parents in air-conditioned cars; lawyers, businessmen, and secretaries who had left their o¹ces early; and bunches of Roman Catholic nuns, priests and seminarians, who were working to keep the morale up. Professors and students from exclusive universities joined them to conduct teach-ins. Private

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citizens and corporations paid for information kits. Doctors, nurses, dentists, and physical therapists organized marches. Even rock bands appeared to entertain the demonstrators. Although the local English broadsheets praised the demonstrators for restoring honor and decency to the Philippines, the foreign press noted that the poor had been excluded except as vendors of snacks along the side of the road. One vendor remarked to a foreign reporter, “This is just the rich, ganging up on our president because he supports us, the poor” (BBC News, January 28, 2001). The establishment made deals with the military so they would join in. Within 24 hours President Estrada had resigned, replaced by Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, the antithesis of Erap Estrada. She is the churchgoing representative of the establishment, born into privilege, the daughter of a president, educated in America, and married to a wealthy man. She is also known as being cool and aloof, a princess who looks uncomfortable when trying to reach out to the masses. A week later in remarks to military leaders, GMA, as she is referred to in the press, said that she had helped lead Edsa II because President Estrada was “an incompetent leader” and that a sense of professionalism needed to be restored to government (Philippine Daily Inquirer January 28, 2001). Three months later GMA staged for the media the arrest, ªnger printing, booking, and jailing of former President Estrada. The poor who had elected him were outraged at this public humiliation. An estimated half million poor took to the streets and staged Edsa III or Edsa Tres. The rich and privileged who had staged Edsa II were taken by surprise. Cardinal Sin denounced the demonstrators for desecrating the Edsa Shrine with their human ªlth. While El Shaddai and Iglesia ni Cristo, the two major religious organizations that supported President Estrada, encouraged further support of Edsa III, the English broadsheets decried the criminal element who they felt had obviously organized the masses. They were upset that the masses had no obvious leader, no obvious organization. They circulated stories that these half million protestors had obviously been paid for their eŸorts and reassured themselves that the money would soon run out. After all, how could anyone oppose the decency and goodness that English was restoring to the Philippines? Still the demonstrations continued to grow and rumors abounded of a counter-revolution on May 1 with a storming of Malacañang, the presidential palace. However, before that happened, the two populist religious organizations withdrew their support and Edsa III became part of history. Two weeks later the elite who had lead the Edsa II revolution had another

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unexpected shock. In the senatorial elections that were held on May 14, 2001, there were 37 candidates for thirteen positions in this election cycle. In the Philippines, the thirteen candidates who receive the most votes nationwide win. The powers behind Edsa II, who wanted to restore the primacy of English, ªelded thirteen candidates in the People’s Power Coalition, appropriately an English name. The backers of ex-president Estrada, who had participated in the Edsa III demonstration to defeat the power of the English language establishment, ªelded eleven candidates under the Puwersa ng Masa banner, Tagalog for People Power. The establishment counted on a sweep of the election to demonstrate that they had widespread public support for ousting President Estrada. In the surprise results, the top vote getter was an independent, Noli De Castro, a Tagalog newscaster for the most popular evening television news, who was running for his ªrst public o¹ce. He joined ranks with Puwersa ng Masa. Another four were elected from the Puwersa ng Masa party. Only eight of the People’s Power candidates were elected. In other words, the revolution is still going strong even though there are only hints of it in the English broadsheets today. Periodically they report the ¶ight of middle-class families from the Philippines because English language jobs in the Philippines pay so poorly. Or there might be intellectual discussions in the editorial pages of how other countries in Asia are prospering without English while the Philippines stagnates. Otherwise, things seem to have returned to the way they were before the short-lived populist revolt lead by President Estrada. The establishment, with its ªrm trust in the power of English, is in charge again. The poor have been put back in their place. The language revolt has been driven underground. The Internet versions of the news from the Philippines are no longer ªlled with scandals. There is no more talk of protecting English from Tagalog encroachments. Financial news in English once again reigns supreme. The broadsheets talk of the civilizing in¶uences of English. New programs are being instituted to help Filipinos learn English so they can be employed as maids and laborers overseas. As before, the newspapers portray the Philippines as an English-speaking country. In other words, the arrogance of English has returned, oblivious to the language revolution fomenting among the masses. Yet Edsa Tres showed that the population no longer believes the promise that English is the key to prosperity. It also showed how out of touch the establishment is with the feelings of Filipinos.

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15.2 Conclusion The future of English in the Philippines does not look good. It no longer is viewed as a useful tool for socioeconomic advancement except for ªnding work overseas. All that is keeping English alive in the Philippines is literacy for the professions. However, only the highest paying jobs require English. For the others, Taglish su¹ces. Once an intellectualized version of Filipino is accepted for a wide variety of scientiªc, technical, and professional purposes, English will die out except among an elite few, as French did centuries ago in England. English will then have completed its life cycle in the Philippines.

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Index

A abakada, Tagalog alphabet 33, 38, 59 accommodation theory 192, 200, 203, 205, 208–09 advice, language of English 43, 88–89, 170–173, 214, 222, 238–39 Tagalog 204–05, 222, 247–48, 254, Aguinaldo, Emilio 17, 19, 22, 28 American teachers 21, 26, 31. See also Thomasites Angara, Edgardo 44, 234 report on education 44-47 Arabic, voluntary language 65 Ateneo de Manila University 51, 62, 194, 197 attitudes, changing language. See also English, attitudes towards towards English 35–36, 55–56, 120–21, 258 Tagalog 33, 69 Spanish 64 Australia, in¶uences Filipino English 54 B benevolent assimilation, policy of 18 bilingual policy of 1974 language of school subjects 39 British encourage USA to retain the Philippines 15 develop English teachers 51

Spanish 16 English 23 promotes English 34, 101–02 Cebuano regional lingua franca 28–29, 74, 108, 114, 118–19, 198 speakers oppose Tagalog 29, 33, 78 reject bilingual education 39–40 Chabacano 16–17, 57, 60, 65, 108, 118 disappears in Manila 63 Chinese mestizos, embrace Spanish 16–17, 60–61 comics preferred reading 88–89, 92, 112–13, 116, 120–21 promote Tagalog 29, 33, 38, 113, 116, 259 Tagalog and English in newspapers 241–42, 244, 249–50 Commission on Higher Education (CHED) 71 Commonwealth established 27 constitutional convention in Spanish 63 congruent lexicalization discourse markers conjunctions 148 rejoinders/tags 147–48, 202 case markers/prepositions 149–52 word order considerations in 146–47 Cuba 13-15

C Catholic Church clerics oppose spread of

D De La Salle University 51 Democrats, favor Philippine independence

280 Filipino English and Taglish

14, 18–19, 27 Dewey, Admiral 14–15, 17 diglossia 70–71 E Edsa Revolution 44, 65, 211 Edsa II and III 262-264 English, see also Filipino English academic, promotion of 38, 43, 56–57 a§uence, sign of in commercials 181 arrogance of 189–90, 209, 260, 264 case study 201–203 in newspapers 252, 254 as equalizer 26, 30, 56 attitudes towards 22, 34. See also attitudes, changing language avarice, symbol of 188 best speakers of 50, 108 call to Filipinize 34–35 corruption and in schools 50, 226, 261–62 in Tagalog tabloids 247–48, 251, 254 on television 220, 225–27, 228 decadence and 185–86, 248, 249 deªnes Filipinos 34, 74–75 display language rather than interpersonal, as 173–74, 202, 216 empowers Filipinos 20, 54, 245, 260 for special purposes needed 43, 51 hollow promises of 189, 218–20, 227, 251, 254, 260 informalization of 38, 52, 54, 57–58 in the media 123–25, 127–28, 152–54, 191, 232, 258 literacy and 24–25, 31–32, 87-92, 120– 21, 254–55, 259 middle class and 55–56, 95–96, 117– 18, 155, 258-60 missionaries promote in Cordillera Mountains 108 moral education and good citizenship, language of 21, 34, 39 motivation to learn 34–35, 191

national unity, language of 27 o¹cial language 27, 37, 40, 65 proªciency drops 30, 41–42, 55, 258 proªciency in 22–23, 27, 30, 38, 62, 72–74, 258 pure avoided 41, 95–96, 127–28 begin conversation in 99–100, 206. See also English, social routines in considered formal 41, 54, 127–28 denotes ªnancial success 196–98, 201–02, 245–46 Visayas traditionally prefer 75 school dropouts and 24–26, 37, 45, 56–57 social routines in 104, 214, 216, 222 success, language of 191, 193–98, 201– 03, 205, 209 Visayas shifting away from 104 establishment, opposes President Estrada 260-264 Estrada, President Joseph 234, 260-264 F Filipino English, see also English pronunciation of in commercials 160, 162–63, 167, 188 rhythm 52 Spanish loans 65–66 vowel reduction 52–53 grammar elliptical sentences 129, 167 determiners 53 tense 53 verb agreement 53 stylistic characteristics 232 Tagalog insertions into, see also Taglish adverbial clitics 144, 145, 193, 207 discourse markers 205 conjunctions 144, 146, 152

Index 281

rejoinders/tags 144–45, 152, 202, 206 focus/case 144–45, 146, 150, 152, 153–54, 175. See also congruent lexicalization locative sa 150, 152, 154 interjections 153 nouns 144 verbs 144 vocabulary, see also congruent lexicalization borrowing 53–54 classroom basis of 23–24, 232 neologisms 54, 86, 239 Filipino language, see also Tagalog, Pilipino academic 40, 56. See also Tagalog, intellectualizing Cebu opposes 40 Manila lingua franca as 58 materials development in 38–40 national language 33, 40, 65 President Estrada promotes 260–61 street 40, 56 Fulbright 47, 49, 51 G Germany, covets Philippines 14 I ilustrados 16–17, 19, 60 Institute of National Language 28, 32, 35 J Japan bans public use of Spanish 63 covets the Philippines 15 produces propaganda in English 30– 31 Taglish in 153 Jones Act 27 L language mixing, begins in schools 29

Language Study Center 31, 35, 38 lingua franca English as 9, 69, 182, 237 Cebuano as 33, 37, 72, 74, 108, 114, 119 Filipino as 55, 116–17, 121, 258 Ilocano as 107, 111, 117 regional languages as 20, 28, 107, 259 Tagalog as 58 linguists encourage using vernaculars in schools 31 trained in US 32 study Philippine languages 32, 131–32 linguistic programs 39 Linguistic Society of the Philippines 32, 72 M Macapagal-Arroyo, Vice-President Gloria 263 Manila Times, opposes President Estrada 261–263 Marcos, President Ferdinand 37, 44, 65, 74, 231, 262 develops Ilocos 108, 110 McKinley, President William 13-15, 18–19 Monroe Commission 24–26, 37, 44 suggests using local languages in schools 25 O Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) 42, 55, 76, 219, 237, 244, 264, 265 P Peace Corps 20, 32, 47, 51 pensionados 22, 28, 62 People Power Revolution 44, 65, 108, 262 People’s Power Coalition 264 Philippine Commission 19–20, 62 Philippine Daily Inquirer, opposes President Estrada 261–63 Philippine Insurrection 15–17, 19 Philippine languages

282 Filipino English and Taglish

number of 20, 28 similarities of 28, 38, 132 Spanish in¶uence on 60–61 studied 32 Philippine Normal College 31, 35, see also Philippine Normal University Philippine Normal School 22, see also Philippine Normal College Philippine Normal University 51 Pilipino, see also Tagalog; Filipino language attitudes towards 33, 64 intellectualizing, see Tagalog, intellectualizing materials development 31, 38, 59 national language 30, 32–33, 35 o¹cial language 37, 40 proªciency in 38 purists control 32–33, 40, 59 renamed Filipino 33 Spanish in¶uence in 59 street 38 Visayas oppose 33, 76, 78–79 Puwersa ng Masa 264 Q Quezon, Manuel 27-29 R Ramos, President 79, 110, 262 rebellion against English 28, 37, 260–64 in the media 205, 209, 211, 218– 20, 223–24, 228–29, 254–55 against Spanish 63–64 regional languages, see also lingua franca, regional languages as auxiliary o¹cial languages, as 65 religion domain for English 34, 101–04, 120 Republicans, delay independence 14–15, 27 Roosevelt, President Theodore 19 Roosevelt, President Franklin D. 27

S schools facilities 20, 23, 31, 47–49 primary Spanish establish 16, 20, 61–62 private best English in 30, 55–56, 101– 02, 128 enrolment in 25, 45 materials, use own 48 resist Tagalog and vernaculars 37 switch to English 23, 62–63 Taglish in 258 public American soldiers open 18 curriculum in 23–24, 29, 39, 43, 46 eŸectiveness of 24–26, 29–31, 44– 47, 258 enrolment in 22–23, 25, 45 materials in 20–22, 38–39, 43–44, 45, 48–49, 50–51 Schurman Commission 18, 20 Sin, Cardinal 262–63 singing English masks decadence in media 227– 28 sign of love 186–87, 215, 227–28 promotes English 24, 78–80, 102–03, 158, 168, 174–75 Filipino in parts of Mindanao 114 social engineering through English American experiment in 15, 19–20, 26, 124–25, 257–60 role of commercials in 177, 181–85, 230 newspapers in 242–45, 250–51, 254–55 Spanish language disappears from schools 23, 29 o¹cial language 27 63, 65 proªciency in 16–17, 60–62, 65 voluntary language 65

Index 283

Spanish-American War 14–15 Summer Institute of Linguistics 32, 47, 72, 107, 110–12, 117–21 T Taft, Governor William Howard 19–20, 23, 101 Tagalog, see also Pilipino; Filipino language; Philippine languages despair, language of 197, 199 English insertions into, see also Taglish adjectives 142, 153, 193 adverbials 140, 141, 142–43, 193 discourse markers conjunctions 141, 143 rejoinders/tags 141, 143 nouns 141–43, 153, 203, 208 social routines 153, 175–76, 214, 216, 222–23 verbs 141, 142–43, 222 grammar focus/case system 133–36 verb agreement 134–35 word order 131–32 intellectualizing 32–33, 38, 40–41, 63 national language 27–29, 37 poverty or low status, sign of 96, 180–81 pure avoided 33, 41, 95–96 considered formal 41 school language, as 30 street 33, 59, 69, 257 vocabulary, see also congruent lexicalization English borrowed 41, 229–30, 248 similarity of among Philippine languages 28, 38 Spanish borrowed 33–34, 38, 61, 63 word frequency count 153 Taglish, see also Filipino English, Tagalog insertions into and Tagalog, English

insertions into academic Tagalog 40–41 characteristics of 152–54, 193 class consciousness and 191–206, 208–09 conªdence builder, as 194 intellectualized Filipino 41, 56 English-based, see also Filipino English, Tagalog insertions into competent English speakers, requires 154 informal English, see English, informalization respect, sign of 207–98 solidarity, sign of 148, 191, 198 truthfulness, sign of 191, 206 prevents Filipino from replacing English 56 Tagalog-based, see also Tagalog, English insertions into informal Tagalog 193 teachers, see also Thomasites pay of 42, 45, 46 training 21–22, 25, 30–32, 45, 46 teaching materials, see schools, public, materials Thomasites 20–22, 34, 257 U University of California, Los Angeles, trains scholars 32 University of Michigan, trains scholars 32 University of Santo Tomas 20, 62 University of the Philippines 22, 25, 51, 62, 218 vernaculars, see also Philippine languages media, in the 77–78, 81, 89 public spheres, in 100 religion, in 102–04 schools, in encouraged 25, 31, 45 used 31, 37–39 work, at 97

Index of commercials

A Ajax soap 188 Axe body spray 187, 221 Axion dishwashing detergent 176, 184

H Hanford underwear 187 Head and Shoulders shampoo 167 Hi-Nulac infant formula 185

B Bioderm ointment 167 Biogesic cold medicine 175–76

I Isuzu Fuego 163–64, 166

C Cell Card 184 Chippy Treats 168 Close-up toothpaste 186 Clover Chips 176 Club Roman jeans and shirts 163 Coat Saver paint 183 Coca Cola 159, 160, 166 Condura air conditioners 160, 183 Cookie Delight 174 D Decolgen cold medicine 163, 221 Del Monte 169, 183 Doublemint gum 186–87, 221 E Eden cheese 175 Eggnog cookies 186, 221 G Gain baby formula 185 Gatorade 182 Gem table napkins 163, 167 Gilbey’s Gin 159, 166, 221

J Johnson & Johnson diapers 159, 166, 170, 183 Johnson & Johnson baby oil 185 Jolibee fast food 188 K Konica Photo Express 167 L LG Corporation 188 Lux shampoo 186 M Magnolia milk 167 Marlboro cigarettes 163 Maxx menthol candy 163 Mazda Powervan 162, 166 McDonald’s fast food 188 Minute Burger 189 Mobiline cell phones 174, 182–83, 221 Motolite batteries 184 Motorola StarTAC cell phones 162, 166–67 Motorola MemoJazz pagers 167–68 N Nestle’s Milo 164, 170, 182 Nike 166

286 Filipino English and Taglish

Nissan Ceªro 174, 185 Northwest Airlines 185 O Oxygen shirts 169 P Panda pens 158, 166, 168 Pantene Pro V shampoo 174 PCI bank card 183 Pennshoppe jeans 220 Philips Liteline 161 Polymagma diarrhea medicine 184 ProKids diapers 185 Prudentialife 183 PS Bank 190 Q Quaker Oats 160, 166 R Red Horse beer 186

S Sanyo washing machine 175 Shell gasoline 185 Skycable 185 Sprite 169, 171-73 STI College 175, 221 Strepsils sore throat relief 174, 183, 186 Sun Silk shampoo 166, 167, 186, 221 T Timex 185 Toyota 174, 185 W Winston cigarettes 166, 185, 221 Wonderseal 188 Z Zesto milk 175

In the series VARIETIES OF ENGLISH AROUND THE WORLD (VEAW) the following titles have been published thus far: G1. LANHAM, L.W. & C.A. MaCDONALD: The Standard in South African English and its Social History. Heidelberg (Groos), 1979. G2. DAY, R.R (ed.): Issues in English Creoles: Papers from the 1975 Hawaii Conference. Heidelberg (Groos), 1980. G3. VIERECK, Wolfgang, Edgar SCHNEIDER & Manfred GÖRLACH (comps): A Bibliography of Writings on Varieties of English, 1965-1983. 1984. G4. VIERECK, Wolfgang (ed.): Focus on: England and Wales. 1984. G5. GÖRLACH, Manfred (ed.): Focus on: Scotland. 1985. G6. PETYT, K.M.: ‘Dialect’ and ‘Accent’ in Industrial West Yorkshire. 1985. G7. PENFIELD, Joyce & Jack ORNSTEIN-GALICIA: Chicano English. 1985. G8. GÖRLACH, Manfred and John A. HOLM (eds): Focus on the Caribbean. 1986. G9. GÖRLACH, Manfred: Englishes. Studies in varieties of English 1984-1988. 1991. G10. FISCHER, Andreas and Daniel AMMAN: An Index to Dialect Maps of Great Britain. 1991. G11. CLARKE, Sandra (ed.): Focus on Canada. 1993. G12. GLAUSER, Beat, Edgar W. SCHNEIDER and Manfred GÖRLACH: A New Bibliography of Writings on Varieties of English, 1984-1992/93. 1993. G13. GÖRLACH, Manfred: More Englishes: New studies in varieties of English 1988-1994. 1995. G14. McCLURE, J. Derrick: Scots and its Literature. 1995. G15. DE KLERK, Vivian (ed.): Focus on South Africa. 1996. G16. SCHNEIDER, Edgar W. (ed.): Focus on the USA. 1996. G17. PETER PATRICK: Linguistic Variation in Urban Jamaican Creole. A sociolinguistic study of Kingston, Jamaica. 1999. G18. SCHNEIDER, Edgar W. (ed.): Englishes around the World, Volume 1. General studies, British Isles, North America. Studies in honour of Manfred Görlach. 1997. G19. SCHNEIDER, Edgar W. (ed.): Englishes around the World, Volume 2. Carribbean, Africa, Asia, Australasia. Studies in honour of Manfred Görlach. 1997. G20. MACAULAY, Ronald K.S.: Standards and Variation in Urban Speech: Examples from Lowland Scots. 1997. G21. KALLEN, Jeffrey L. (ed.): Focus on Ireland. 1997. G22. GÖRLACH, Manfred: Even More Englishes. 1998. G23. HUNDT, Marianne: New Zealand English Grammar - Fact or Fiction? A corpus-based study in morphosyntactic variation. 1998. G24. HUBER, Magnus: Ghanaian Pidgin English in its West African Context. A sociohistorical and structural analysis. 1999. G25. BELL, Allan and Koenraad KUIPER (eds.): New Zealand English. 2000. G26. BLAIR, David and Peter COLLINS (eds.): English in Australia. 2001. G27. LANEHART, Sonja L. (ed.): Sociocultural and Historical Contexts of African American English. 2001. G28. GÖRLACH, Manfred: Still More Englishes. 2002. G29. NELSON, Gerald, Sean WALLIS and Bas AARTS: Exploring Natural Language. Working with the British Component of the International Corpus of English. 2002.

G30. ACETO, Michael and Jeffrey P. WILLIAMS (eds.): Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean. 2003. G31. THOMPSON, Roger M.: Filipino English and Taglish. Language switching from multiple perspectives. 2003. T1. TODD, Loreto: Cameroon. Heidelberg (Groos), 1982. Spoken examples on tape (ca. 56 min.) T2. HOLM, John: Central American English. Heidelberg (Groos), 1982. Spoken examples on tape (ca. 92 min.) T3. MACAFEE, Caroline: Glasgow. 1983. Spoken examples on tape (ca. 60 min.) T4. PLATT, John, Heidi WEBER & Mian Lian HO: Singapore and Malaysia. 1983. T5. WAKELIN, Martyn F.: The Southwest of England. 1986. Spoken examples on tape (ca. 60 min.) T6. WINER, Lise: Trinidad and Tobago. 1993. Spoken examples on tape. T7. MEHROTRA, Raja Ram: Indian English. Texts and Interpretation. 1998. T8. MCCLURE, J. Derrick: Doric. The dialect of North-East Scotland. 2002. T9. MÜHLHÄUSLER, Peter, Thomas E. DUTTON and Suzanne ROMAINE: Tok Pisin Texts. From the beginning to the present. n.y.p.

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Doric: The Dialect of North-east Scotland (Varieties of English Around the World)

Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Varieties of English Around the World)

Discovering Language: The Structure of Modern English (Perspectives on the English Language)

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