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". In I Cot 11:7. rom ar. ,be image (.;.run) and &lorynl God. ju," .. hU,,"n, \H:" ,h. imag< (NJ") of ,h. rna" of du" ( I Cor n:49) and ,,·ill ",m orr>< ..-cond- ,nd ,hird-c.n,u,y o.ri,,;.n cnn<.km ... ,ion, of i.lol."y .h. rep"di ..i<>n of 8"...n im.!!", in ,I>< 1<" Com_ m. oom ry~ , ... , s.......... hod ~"Itd h ~ o.hor1.,"", ("""II """ _ _ tIut I>< ~, G,tttd '" ......... itt"'-'l wi.h ~" ..... ,.... Uw ~ . [ ... n tho .. ,'" vi."01 < ... ,.1< d,(fc=>, (tom "",... ,iY< OJ symbol;' ;r\'U5"'- in ,..., 0..;, pri""",}, Pu,p<>ft p ........ , .n ir>
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14
FACE TO FACE
professions that produced, used, Or even brought them into the proxim ity of these kinds of images." Resisting idolatry was not easy for Christians who lived in urban M'I. tings at that time. T heir surroundings were filled with the temptations of luxuries as well as with signs and tokens of polytheistic religions. Greco-Roman cults d.. pended on images, rituals, and public spectacles; they did nOl draw upon texts of sacred scriptures (apart from those myths found in the writings of Homer and Hesiod ) or dogmatic statements of faith. The traditional gods had shrines that were open and reflected civic pride and iden t ity. Almost any aspect of daily life, even just pa~ing through certain neighborhoods, brought early Christian> into contact with imag~s of th~ traditional Gr~~k and Roman gods. Th~refor~. th~ earliest Christian writers who have been presen ted as objoxting to pktorial art were actually p<.Iinting out inherent dange rs that attached tn the making nr even admiration of things that were made for polytheistic cult. Given the wide distribution of such objoxts in the e\"~ryday world. ~ven the most stalwart Christians might be implicated in a kind of accidental idolatry, ewn if they tried to steer clear of anythi ng that might tempt or unwittingly taint them." That Christians were unable always to avoid the images is apparent from the instruction about what they might do if they came into contact with the idols. Apparently some Christians practked explicitly disrespectful behavior toward images or their altars . Tertullian rders to Christians spitting or blowing on smoking altars as they passed by. and according to the Oaaviu> of Minucius Felix, Christians offended pagans by spitting on statues of the gods. perhaps as a way of protecting them selves against inherent and ever-present danger. 1> TertuUian assures martyrs that One of the advantages to their imprisonment is the fact that they no longer have occasion to see strange gods or bump into their images and no longer can be even accidentally involved in some pagan feast or sacrifice.'" Cyprian also urges Christians to avoid looking at the idols, even declaring that Christians who did not awn their eyes from the images were guilty of a form of ap<.lstasy, and their subsequent tears of penitence (a literal cleansing of the eyes ) were a way to make satisfaction to God for their sins." Thus, the typical early Christian theologica l position on visual art was less an objection to art as sllch than an attack on non -Cllris/jml images that invi ted worship and activities that drew the faithful into the values and practices (both religious and soxular) of the surrounding witure. Significantly, these first- and second-century writers said almost nothing about Chri5tian art, either because there was very little (or none ) in their purview nr because if there was, they did not see it as problematic. Clement's recommended motifs for Christian signet rings offer sllch an example. Furthermore, these writers said very little about art that was basically secular or neutral and without obvious pagan reli -
VI!VAl AH, POHItAITI, AND I DOlATlty
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16
FACE TO FACE
Decalogue itself generally played a minor role in Christian theological reflo.><:!;Oll before the mid-second century and moreover was often misunderstood, abbreviated, or quietly sidelined.'" Added 10 that, the ways Ihat Jews themselves understood the injunction against graven images at this time (or any time) are nei ther dear nor consistent. The Hebrew Scriptures themselves offer some internal contradictions, i f we note that Ih .. apparent condemnation of figurative art is shortly followed by vivid descriptions of the cherubim set up in the tabernacle over the mercy seal (E~od 25:17-22). A bronze serpent healed the Israeli tes in the wilderness from snakebite (Num 21 :8-9), and the figurative de<:oral;ons of Solomon's temple induded lions and oxen as well as cherubim (1 Kings 6-8). Enacting the Decalogue's prohibition of graven images may date no earlier than to the religious reforms of images of King Josiah in the seventh century 8 . C.~. reforms that may have had political motivations as much as religious purity at heart (2 Kings 23)." The iconoclastic destruction of the high places coincided with a centralized juridical and religious power in Jerusalem and its temple. Thus the prohibition came to be understood as prohibiting any scu lpted figure that might be taken as an image of a god or otherwise draw t he people of Israel into polytheism (the WOr_ ship of foreign or multiple gods) and idolatry (the worship of divine images) and away from the exclusive worship of their one, invisible God. No one is allowed to paint or sculpt an image of God according to the book of Deuteronomy, because no one actually knows what God looks like (Deut 4: 15-18)." Jews in the Greco -Roman period, like Christians, consistently con demned images associated with other religious cults, especially when they were requ ired 10 tolerate Or even worship those images by foreign occupiers or Roman governors. Such repudiation is evident in the polemic againsl worshiping Baals and Aslarles in Judges 2, the humorous description of Bel and Nebo hanging off pac k animals in Isaiah 46, or the I Maccabees account of Jewish resistance to the desecrations and anti -Jewish practices instituted by Antiochus IV Epiphanes.ln the first century C.F.., Josephus criticized Solomon for allowing images in the temple, and he records Jewish repudiation of certain kinds of figurative art (including images of living creatures and God), especially thei r refusal to set up images of the Roman emperor, wh ich, he explains, was an allowance made by the Romans themselves to the Jews." In his history of the jewish war, Josephus teUs about Jewish riots in Opposilion 10 Roman imposition of images of the gods or the effigies of the emperor (busts or portraits attached to the standards). Not only did Jewish law generally forbid figurative images, but these portraits were particularly offensive b-ecause the Romans wan ted to S<'t them up at particular Jewish holy places. Moreover, he insists , the Romans themselves had granted Jews the right to abide by their anc ient religious laws. Like the
V!lVAl AIJ.T. POIJ.TlJ.A IT! , A!'ID IDOLATlJ.Y
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VIIVAL ART, PORTRAI TI, AND IDOLATRY
19
ensure that it was understood in its proper sense. In other words, it should include only ~ppropriate im~ges (excluding certain forbidden ones) and be as different from a pagan idol as possible.
The Earliest Examples and Types of Christian Visual Art: Church Regulation Obviously, such definitions and regulations only make St'nse for a time when Christian images were being produced in enough quantity to make these p<Jlides ne<:essary. As we have seen, Christian writers of the second an d early third centur ies seem unaware of any significant amount or type of Christian an worthy of condemnation. Their objections were aimed at the art of others, paga llS or perhaps Christian heretics, and not 3ttheir own coreligionists. The warnings against idolMry were warnings agaillst the cul t images of other religions, not against Christian artworks. Based on this lack of awareness, we might reaSOn ably conclude that Christians produced very linle religious art , or that what they did produce was so innocuous that it nei ther a11raCled atten tion oor raised concerns. In the third century, however, the ma terial situation began to change. In add ition to the modest domestic objects that may have seemed uncontroversial (small ponery lamps with images of th e Good Shepherd, for example), the catacomb frescoes in Rome, relief carvings on sarcophagi and tomb epitaphs, and early evidence for wall paintings in churches demonstrate that change. Of these, the most imp<Jrtant existing exam ple is the decorated baptistery found in a Christian house church at Dura Europos, with its frescoes depicting biblica l sce nes (ca. 249 C.E .; fig. 10). Above the font, an image of the Good Shepherd and his flock stand over the smaller figures of Adam and Eve. The side walls contain painted scenes particularly apprnpriate for a baptismal space: the healing of the para lyti<;, the stilling of the storm, the wa lking on the water, and the woman at the well, as well as a somewhat enigmatic pain ting of three women carrying lamps approaching a ten t-like structure (variously identified as the three
Fig. 10. f\e<:onruuaion of the interior of the Chrnt>on t>optiste<)c DIn. Europo<. mid- Jrd <:etI. c ... (I'hoto; FI.jgI>to ¥ld
R'F":.o\!Cl¢."!s ~ Y... ~ArtGa""").
20
FACE TO FACE
WOmen arriving at the empty tomb; three of the five wise brides carrying their lamps to the tent of the bridegroom; or virgins escorting Mary
10 the temple, an illustrat ion of a passage in the ProtQevu"ge/;,,", of James)." Based on the example from Dura, it seems likely that other early Christian buildings were similarly adorned. We do know that Christian
buildings were demolished during th .. great persecution of the early fourth century, and their walls may well have been enhanced with paintings." Despite certain di stinctions in slyle, the similarity between some of the themes found on the Dura baptistery walls and motifs from the Roman cata(Combs also suggests some common intluem'c and
perhaps {'ven some shared models. Although we have no extan t examples, it seems possible that certain influential prototypes (illuminated biblkal manusnipts, perhap~) provided patterns or cartoons contained in cir.::ulating books of artisans' motifs that could account for some level of consistency." In any case, given the certain fact of an emerging and distinctive Christian iconography, church authorities may well have tried to regulate the trend, especially if they con tinued to be concerned about the snares of the surrounding pagan religious or even secular culture. Surprisingly, however, we do not have much evidence of such reaction. The earliest known regulation of Christian visual or figurative art comes from a canon of a local ch urch council held in Elvira, Spain, about 305 C.H. Curiously, the canon's meaning is a bit ambiguous. Two different translations of a key Latin clause in that canon are possible, resulting in two rather different meanings. The Latin reads: Plaw;1 picwras itl ecdesia eJ5e non debere, lIe quod co/jwr et adorawr i" parie/iblls drpj"garur. One possible translation is: "There shall be no pictures in chur.::hes, lest what is reverenced and adored be depicted on the walls,M while a s«ond reverses the verbs and modifier~ of the second clause, that is, "lest what is depicted on the wall~ be reverenced and adored."" The first translation, which seems the more grammatically straightforward, prohibits pictures b«ause of the danger that certain sacred or holy things or persons might be inappropriately portrayed (or even exhibi ted to view). If one accepts this as a limited prohibition, then perhaps other images might be permissible (perhaps in other places than the walls of a chur.::h ), or at least not as problematic. The second translation demon ~trates a concern that viewers might confuse the image with its model and mistakenly offer the image some kind of adoration or worship, thereby falling into idolatry, in which case the prohibi tion primarily attends to the poteotial for misuse, not exactly on the images them selves. Nevertheless, both translations appear to prohibit art 00 the walls of the ch urch , albeit for so mewhat diffe rent reasons. Furthermore, the
VI!VAL
A~T.
PORTRAIT). AND (DOLATIW
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22
FACE TO FACE
aside the problem of what image Gregory might have meant when he referred to reading by~lookingat the walls; it is clear that he considered
certain ·appropriate~ images of things deserving of devotion when he made his case for the value of visual images. Since Gregory speaks of saints' stories, we may assume that what he refers to are representations of biblical stories or episodes from the lives of saints. The issu .., then, was about how images were actually regarded, not aoout their existence per se or even their placement in churches. Given that the ecclesial authorities (at least initially) supervised the construction and de.:oration of the earliest Christian catacombs in Rome- it seems logkal to assume that someone offidally approved the doxorat ion of the Christian building at Dura- we may conclude that the kinds of images produced for and placed in these spaces were jndged acceptable by local church authorities at the t ime, The elaboration of Chri stian buildings gained enormous momentum in the fourth century, initially fueled by the patronage of Emperor Constanti ne. By Gregory's time, the view that the images had no place in the church would likely have been regarded as out of step as well as unpopular, which is perhaps why a significant part of Serenus's congregation went into schism against th eir bishop. In the mid-fourth century, however, the motifs and themes of Christian art had jus! begun to change, deemphasizing the symbolic and narrat ive art of the third and early fourth centuries in favor of the more dogmatically derived representations of Christ's passion, enthronement, and triumph. The visual art was still edifying, but t hose previ ously popular biblical narl"3tives that showed the Old Testament heroes or the works of Jesus (for example, his hea ling or wonderworking) were gradually supplanted by images of lesus handing over the law to his apostles or being judged by Pilate. The depiction of Jesus' mission or divinity was thereby changed from an emphasis on the deeds of his earthly ministry to an emphasis on the events of his passion, ascension, and judgment. By the end of the fourth century, this development went another stcp further, when explici t ly devotional images of Christ and portraits of the saints also began to appear. These images had a role in the developing cult of martyrs and saints, not only by honoring a holy person with a portrait, but also by playing a part in the cult itself, in parallel development with the cult of relics, which sta rted to appear at the shrines of martyrs. As we have noted, the earlier symbolic and narrative images, perhaps even the dogmatic images of the later fourth century, were not intended to attract prayer or veneration, Their purpose was to symbolize or iIIustl"3te a key aspect of Christian belief (such as the 10~'e of God or Christ for the individual believer, the resurrection of the dead to Paradise) or to offer a visual reference to a bibl ical story that might convey ce ntral Christian beliefs or values, or to serve as christological or sacramental
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VIIVAL ART, PORTRAITI, AND IDOLATRY AS we ha~e s~n, the criticism of portraits as essentially fTaudulent did not emerge first within Christian thwlogy but was a standard philosophical truism that can be traced all the way back to Plato's doctrine of mimesis, in which the earthly «COpyMis many steps removed from the reality of the eternal ~model."" This standard philosophical adage was carried forward into the Ch ristian period in the thin king of the middle and neo-Platonists, but most notably Plotinus (ca. 20~270 C.E. ), who was said to refuse any attempt to have his por trai t made . His rebuff incorporated the standard Platonic objection: "Is it not enough to carry about this image in which nature has enclosed us? I){) you really think that I must also consent to leave, as a desirable spectacle to posterity, an image of the image?"" His disciple and biographer, Porphyry (ca. 232- 305 C.E. ), began his Ufeof Plotir1ll5 by recounting how the foremost portrait artist of the day, a certain Carterius, attended Plotinus's public lectures so that he could obs<>rve the philosopher and catch his ~most telling personal trai ts" in order to produce from memory (and clandes t inely) a sketch that could then be circulated among friends for their cri tique and suggestions until a lifelike portrait had emerged. Such a portrait would have been a sort of hybrid of~from Iife Mand "from mem ory"- an attempt not simply to capture an e~ternallikene:ss but also to represent the character of the model." Sin<;e the Christian chuKh emerged in this cultural milieu, we must assume that converts not on ly were familiar with the practice of making and using port raits but were possibly also awa re of the criticism of that practice. If so, they may have adapted this criticism to reflect the ir own theological issues a<serting, with Plotinus, that portraits mistook the external world for the true ( invisible and ideal) one or that they were products of a materialistic and idolatrous culture that adherents to the new faith ough t to reject on general principle. If such objections were taken from the ph ilosophical sphere into the Christian theological one, we may also assume that wncern with the dishonesty and even danger of portraits wuld run deep within the intellectual tradition, affecting the everyday practice of Christians, including the art they created to express their faith . Evidence for Christian adoption of Platonist objections to art may be found within the wider Christian intellectual circles including the writ ings of Valentin uS (ca. 120-160 c.~. ), who offers a criticism very similar to Plotinus's, but from a century earlier: Howew, m""h • por!ra~ is inferior to . n aclu.al f3<~. ju" so is the world wors.lhan the living ,eal m. Now, what is the ,"use of lhe [df""'iven= of 'he] 1'0'trait11t i. lhe maje"Y of the faooe Ih.l has furnished 10 Ihe painter. prct01ype 00 (hat the port .... i{ mighl bt honoml by hi. name leilh« of Ihe model Or the pa imer l. F<:>r Ihe form was n01 rel'rodu<ed with pe rfect fidelily. )'e{ the name compktN Ihe lack within 'h" act of modeling. And aloo God', invi ,ibk [nalure) cooperale, with whal " .. been modelN IAdam] to lend it credenooe."
29
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VIIVAL ART, PORTRAITI, AND IDOLATRY
31
and bishops) Were added to the frescoes of the Roman catacombs long after burials ceased in these places, particularly at the sites where their remains were interred. The emerging cult of the saints in the fourth and fifth centuries brough t pilgrims to these places, where they might share a commemorative banquet to honor the holy persons near their mortal remains. Jerome, for example, menlions regular Sunday visits 10 the calaco mbs when he was a boy in Rome "to pay homage to the sepulchers of the apostles and martyrs.~" The art o f the catacombs changed from symbolic and narrative images to representations of the sain ts buried therein , or portraits of the martyrs, apostles, or Mary in company with the deceased ." Just prior to the emergence of saints' portraits, however, the first examples of portraits of Christ appear, including one in the vault of a burial chamber in the Catacomb of Com mod ill a, showing the head and shoulders of Jesus featuring a fuJI dark beard and long wavy hair (fig. 11 ). Dated to the late fourth century, his head is framed by a halo and on either side we see the letters alplla and omega. Christ's face seems to float on a patterned background of squares and rosettes, perhaps meant to represent a coffered ceiling. Elsewhere in this catacomb are images of the denial of Peler and o f Christ shown between two martyrs (or
Fig. II. Bust of am". C".,-omb of Coo, .,oi .... I\omo. mid- to tote 'Ith ""'. c!. (PI>oto; ItoIyIHeId Coile
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between Peter and Paul}. Ano ther such image, also dated to the latt' fourth century, was found a\ Ostia Antka, made of opus sectiJe (colored marble). Like the Commodilla image, Christ's head, here framed by a simple nimbus, also has a dark beard (but in this image with a pronounced fork) and long dark curly hair. The face of Ch rist alone, without any background or context, had become a subj«t of art and perhaps an object of devotion." A third famous late fourth-century portrait of /esuscomes not from Rome at all but from a mosaic pavem{'nt in the Roman villa (or perhaps small house church) discovered in the 19605 at Hinton St. Mary in Dorset, England, and now in the British Museum (fig. 12). A medallion in the center of this large mosaic shows Je,us with quite a different facialtyp.: than that of the Commodilia or Ostia imag~s. This portrait of Jesus. which may have been plac~d originally in the domed ceiling, shows him beardless and wearing a rather mild expr~ssion. His hair is light in color and pullo.>
VIIVAL ART, PORTRAITI, AND IDOLATRY
Concurrent with the development of visual art for the church, along with t'Xplanations of its potential value , was a fading concern about idol atry in the late third and early fourth centuries. This may have been becauS<.' the surrounding culture was gradually becoming Christian (and thus less threatening), or because the traditional gods were steadily disappearing from the sc.. ne, or perhaps, even more significant, because the focus of theological condemnation moved from the danger~ of idolatry to the (Contr(>versies about the person and namrds) of the savior. Th .. demons that entrapped the people into worshiping the vain and empty creations of human hands now had another way to drag the unwary into perdition, through false teachings rather than through the worship of false gods or the veneration of idols. Pagan gods were no longer the competition and threat that they were in the first centuries, and the secular world was something to be accommo dated rather than avoided . Unt il the beginning of the eighlh century and the outbreak of iconoclasm, portrails of Ihe sa inls, Mary, and even Chri~t were hardly a matter for concern. In stead, images of saints as well as scenes taken from the Bible became more and more popular for church decoration. Intended 10 inspire awe as well as to teach, th .. artwork in church was as much a mode of theology as th .. writing of treatises or delivering of homi lies, and il was as effectiv.. a means of nurturing devotion or pious emotion as any of the rhetorical arts. However, even though the material evidence certainly demonstrates
33
Fe. I J. StMett<:
34
FACE TO FACE
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that portraiu of the sain ts, Io.lary, Or Chris t had arrived, at leas! one provincial but famous bishop at th ... turn of Ihe fifth century was worr ied 300ul how the uistence and popularity of su.h images still might lead his congregation astray. Noting that some of the better educa ted pagans in his ci ty had turned the tables and actually were chiding Christians for being "ador.. rs of columns, and sometimes .. ven of pictures,~ Augustine grants that such things are taking place ("would to God that we didn't have them") and notes that the practice is defended by what will become the standa rd Christian 3gum... n!: ~ 'We: they say, 'don't adore images, but what is signified by the image.'~" Augustine obj&ts 10 such an argument by poin ting out that it would be wiser to pray directly to the saint rather than to the image of that saint, an argument that might seem eminently sensible if posed to a congregation that was unat tached to such visual and material aids to prayer. Whether his congregation was persuaded or not (we hal'e no surviving icons from Hi ppo) is ultimately less interesting. however, than the fact that, accord ing to Augustine. Christians are being accused of the very acts their authorities had formerly ridiculed in others.
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P t.OTI N 5 objected 10 having his portrait pa inted because he dis tinguished between an individual's character and mere external appearance. 'Ine outward form and, even more, the representation oftha! form made by an artist using pigments on wood was, to his mind, an illusion. A paillled portrait had no life, depth, or meaning beyond recording the transitory and superfidal aspoxt of the model, and, if it pretended to show any more than that, it was a fraud. P]otinus, like Plato, not only regarded artistic images as inferior wpies bUI also as deceptive snares that would lure the eye and turn the mind away from con templation of r..alily. Plotinus was wary of the material world and of seductive physical delights that entrapped the soul in base pursuits and pleasures, keeping it from ascending to more lofty truth. Whether or not this philosophical critique was heeded, the ancient monuments that till today's museums show that the production of portrait images was widespread in the ancient world and no less in the Roman Empire in late Antiquity. The disapproval of intellectuals does not appear to have affected the PQl'ulation's desire for artistic representations of family members, great heroes, rulers, statesmen, and the gods. However, the question of what consti tuted a worthy PQrtrait-or like ness-is complex. Although the ancient Egyptians may have been the tirst to have fashioned PQrtrait-like art works, art historians (l ike many ancient philosophers) generally cred it Greek sculptors with the tirst rec ognizable artistic likene:SSl:s, a development that characterized the tran_ .ition from the archaic to the classical period, reflecting an increased emphasis on individuality and naturalism over standardized types or forms. From that time on, classical portrait images ranged back and forth on a spectrum between realistic and idealized representation- the matter of what constituted a PQrtrai t dependent on how the concept itself was understood.
35
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imperial limes. Although this era was known for its emphasis on real ism, there was also a continued tradition of idealized heroic represen tations based on earl ier Hellenistk models. Scholars have noled that late Republican -era realistic portraits focused more on the expression of ind ividual persona lily through certain unique facial features , depict ing their subjects Uwarts and aiL" Possibly bas...:! on the practice of making death masks for funerary purposes (se .. discussion below), this shift also seemed to capture the Republican values of practicalily, frankness, and unsentimentality. One particularly vivid example of this. now in the National Museum of Naples but originally from Pompeii, is the bust of the Augustan-era banker and businessman Lu<;ius Cedl iu. locundus (fig. \5).' lbe literalism of this portrayal, wi th its wart and protruding ears, suggests that the aim was to create a particu larly detailed and recogn izable (and not noticeably beautified ) likeness of its model. During the early imperial era, the classical heroic or idealized portrayal became more popular, although somewhat infl uenced by the earlier tendency toward realism.' The tendency to vacillate between the classicist or idealizing mode and the realistic one sometimes produced odd combinations of realistically executed heads on heroically posed bodies (see fig. 18). Good enmpIes of idealized portraits are the representations of Augustus, who is usually shown as a youthful and heroic figure (fig. 16). The next generations of the Julio -Claudian fam ily generally kept up the ideal izing tradition, especially 111 posthumous portraits of the deified ruler, al t hough occasional reappearances of older Roman realism sometimes reappear in certain instances, such as the almost com ical portrait of Claudius in the guise of Jupiter, now in the Vatican Museum (fig. 17). At the end of the first century, the portraits of Vespasian (69- 79 c.~.) are also quite realistic, perhaps meant to associate this middle-class emperor with old Republican values. But even Vespasian could be represented as having a rea listic visage on an idealized body (fig. (8). Although we
IMAGE AND PORTRAIT IN ROMAN
39 Fig. 17 (\
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cannot make dear judgments about uact likeness, the works suggest an apparent effort on the part of artisans to achieve realism while still flattering their subjects and showing them at their best. The women of the Flavian court, for example, affected elaborate hairstyles on their official portraits and sometimes had themselves appear with the figure and pos ture of Venus, At the same time, women of this and the next dyna5ty were also shown as aging, with wrinkled foreheads, bags under their eyes, and sagging cheeks (fig. 19).' Ar t historiam note a pronounced return to ideal types during the era of Emperor Hadrian, when urtain facial features clearly were intended to suggest aspects of the mode!", character or virtues. Hadrian, however, was the first emperor to show himself with a full beard, in the style of the Greek philosophers, a trend that caught on for male portraiture, since it seemed to emphasize the gravitas of the model. Hadrian's lover Antinous, on the other hand, was shown in the form of a young Greek god, with a beardless face, curling hair, and a sensuous, even feminine body type, The bearded emperor types (with luxuriant and curly hair ) were still in vogue toward the end of the second century, especially for the portraits of Antoninus Pius and his successors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, who wished to be regarded as intellectual rulers (fig. 20). Marcus Aurelius's portraits are especially
40
FACE TO FACE
'OS 10. Bust of AnIInorIinu< PM, GO. 138--40 CEo. t1u>oo PaIot.OO, Rome (POOle; ~-)
interes ting. however, .~ince they show a progression from attractive youth (beardless), through vigorous middle age (bearded), and finally to a wise and ,omewhat world-weary old man . The same pa!lern describes the portraits of his wife, Faustina, who also moved from youthful beauty 10 midd le-aged matron and finally showed the dignity and wisdom of age .' At the b.>ginning of the third century, the St>1'eran .. mperors were likewise portrayed with long curly hair and forked beards (fig. 21). CaracaUa however, favored a more clipped beard and hairstyle (fi g. 22).' Verisimilitude came back into style beginning in the nos for portraits of the soldier·emperors Maxim in u~ Thra:o; and Balbinus.ln order to express the personality of the model and to achieve a realistic Ekeness, artists employed rough and even impressionistic modeling. T he results produced an appearance of severity and implied strength of character. H. P. L'Orange has analrt.ed this shift in style as the attain ment of~psychologi cal" imagery. Musing on one example of this type, the bust of Emperor Philip the Arab (244--249 C.F.. j, L'Orange writes: With. great simplifying 10IKh the anisl has managed to concentrate ph)"· iognom;'; life in one characteri!t;'; ''''''''P.'Ihe central motif is the th""'lening lo"'
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The "man of action" type disappeared again as portraits of Gallien us (253--268) returned to t he idealized types. Shown wi t h a Short beard, this ruler's smoothly modeled and almost delicately rendered portraits present him as a sensitive person, and his upturned eye~ give him the look of spiritual or in teUe<:tual aspirations, even though he was an active soldier-emperor in the style of his father, Valerian. Possibly intended to remind the viewer of youthful depictions of Augustus , Gallienus's image also bears some resemblance to a contemporary portrait found in Ostia and identified by some art historians as a portrai t (finally achieved) of the ph ilosophe r Plotinus. " The intell&tual image was dislodged again, however, at the end of the third century, as the Tetrarchs (Diodetian, /I.1a:o;imian, Constantius, and Ga1erius) wished to have themselves portrayed as strong and de<:isive types, like the soldier-emperors of t he mid-third century. The style was more abstract than realistic, however, and likene~s appean to have been less important than a kind of conventional frontality and symmetry. In place of smooth modeling, sharp lines and geometric shapes predominate. Facial features are stylized, with the wide-open and staring eyes that make these subj&ts look, in Diana Kleiner's phrase, like " bearded
IMAGE AND PORT RAIT I N ROMAN
(fi g. 23)." However, they also lend the portraits a kin d of hieratic quality that foreshadows the portrai ts of the ea rl y Byzantine period, especially their emphasis on the eyes as the mos t striking facial feature (fi g. 24)." These styli led or abstract types were adapted onet' aga in with the portrai ts of Constan tine. Earlie r images of Cons tantine followed those of the tetrarchs, showing him with a short bea rd and sold ier haircut. After the bailie of the Milvian Bridge, however, Co nstantine's port raiture underwent a dramati c reinvention. He began to be shown as beardless and youthful, with longer hair in curls ove r his forehead, somewhat like the portrai ts of the first August us, or possibly Trajan. " One of the best-known portraits of Constantine, the head from the co lossal statue from the Basilica Nova (now in the Museo del Palazzo dei Conservatori; fig. 25). shows some si milar ities to the ea rlier tetra rch portraits, with its wide-staring eyes, geometric shapes, and sharp angles. But it also shows the empe ror as beardless, looking slightly npward-giving him a kind of spiritualized appear ance possibly intended to associate him with his patron gods (Sol and/or the Chr ist ian God ). Port raits of the S{)ns of Constantine are often difficult to distinguish from those of Constantine himself, as once more the portrait type became convent ionalized , now having a more idealized appearance and what Kleiner calls "the bland dassidsm of Augustan times which also subsumed individuali ty.~" All these changes in the way that imperial portrai ts were produced show the difficulty in trying to establish the parameters of a "likeness." Roman portraits, especially portraits of rulers, were carefully con· structed images, revealing more than the mere physkal appearance of the model. Character and pa rticular virtues were prnjected through blockheads~
41 Fig. 21 Potp/»<"y ~p ~oftheT~
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IMAGE AND PORT RAIT I N ROMAN
ally heaven -bound or apotheosized,as he was trans formed into a special kind of transitional deity, a god-man-hero savior figure along the lines of Dionysus, Orpheus, or Hercules." As art historians have noted, the pallern of Alexander's elevation was borrowed for subsequent rulers, in particular certain Roman emperors who, like the heroes of mythology, were seen as acting with divine guid ance in life and undergoing apotheosis or deification after death (Julius Caesar or Domitian, forexample}.And as these mortals were elevated to the level of the semidivine Or divine, they acquired a particular type of portrait image that transfigured even the plainest visage into one of stri king beauty. The coin portraits of Julius Caesar before and after his death are a case in point. While the rea lism of the Republican style guided his portraits in ljfe, after death he was granted a you thful beardless face and an abundance of long, curling hair, often held back with a fillet or a diadem surmounted by a comet-the sign of his elevation to the rank of a god." This affiliation with a Hellenistic prototype (Alexan der) alS{) drew upon an actual divine image, the portrayal of Apollo or the sun god, Sol, who served as a model for many of the coin portraits of la ter emperors, including Constantine I (see fig. 41, p. 6t\). The heavenward turn of the eyes suggested both pious affiliation with the upper world and ITans<:endcnce of mundane or eart hly matters. As discussed above, emperors such as Anti noninus Pius and Marcus Au relius, however, d ropped Apollo in favor of a different model - the facial features of Jupiter or Serapis with full beard and abundant hair (fig. 26}." According to scholars, these emperors chose to project the maturity o f age and to appear mOre majestic and wise than beautifu l and heroic. In his book The Mask of Socrnles, Paul Zanker wri tes that the male population of the Empire adopted a new style during the seco nd century (a ~clas sical face~ ) and tha t it was • Hadrian's appearance with a beard that marked the turning point." Imperial portra its that reflect this
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43
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(Phot"Autho<).
44
FACE TO FACE
type include the busts of Lucius Vern. and Septimius Severns (compare fig. 21)." Facial features associa ted with the ~seniorH gods (especially Jupiter) emphasize the d'3raCleristics these emperors valued-sagadty, gravitas, and ruling authority. In Zan ker's view, tit is shift of portrait Iype WaS driven by a «profound transformation of Roman society and signal..d an emerging ~cult of Jearning.H Prior 10 this time Roman men had been depicted as clean shaven. This transition to the bearded type reflected an interest in being portrayed as intellectuals. even in the guise of philosophers or poets, with longer beards and hair. They carried scrolls in their hands or had them in baskets at their feet. One p<Jpular figure in Roman art was a readn shown ;n profile, holding a partially unrolled scroll and wearing the traditional philosopher's garb of the pallillm (an outer mantle wrapped ~omewhat like the larger and more formal toga, and mu<;h like H
Fig 27. RMro Head s.rcop'lagu~ \no 3rd c.... , CL I'1u>eo Pio Crist;."", VatjCi!rI City (Photo; ""-'tho<).
the Greek himMiOlI), often without the undertunic, thus leaving a partially bare chest (fig. 27). Such 3 physical presentation suggested indifference to worldly beauty and a preference to cultivate the mind and to develop a disciplined or spiritual outlook on li fe. " Many such (XIrtraits, ~hown in half or three-quarter profile, appear on ~econd- and third_ century sarcophagi, all with the apparent aim of (XIrtraying the deceased as a learned and reflective man.
Fune rary Portraits As we have seen, portraits of living people, from Roman emperors to more ordinary persons, usually had a practical as well as an aesthetic function. They honored, enhanced, and even shaped the character and reputation s of their model~ while preserving evidence of their existence. The funerary portrait, by contrast, was a sp&ial kind of image, usually produced after death but also occasionally made while the subject was still alive, meant only as a re<:ord of the deceased's physical appearance for posterity. These funerar y (XIrtraits had a particular ceremonial func-
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