Eric Voegelin in Baton Rouge

42BJB

Monika Puhl

Eric Voegelin in Baton Rouge

Wilhe1m Wilhelm Fink Verlag

00042606

PVA

2005. 2736

Bibliografische Bihliografis<:he Infonnation Information Der DeutSChen Bibliomek Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliomek Bibliothek ven.eichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; deta.illierte detaillierte bibliografis<:he DeutsChen bibliografische Daten sind im Internet ube.r übe.r http://dnb.ddb.deabrufbar.

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© cg 2005 Wilhelm Wilhe1m Fink Verlag Munchen München

(Wilhe1m Fink GmbH & Co. Verlags-KG, Verlags·KG, Jühenplan jUhenplan 1, 0-33098 Paderborn) (Wilhelm Internet: www.fink.de Munchen Einbandgcstaltung: Evelyn Ziegler, München Einbandgestaltung: Herstellung: Ferdinand Schoningh Herslellung: Schôningh GmbH & Co. KG, Paderborn Schöningh

ISBN 3-7705-4042-5

Bayerlsche Bayerische Staalsblbllothek Mûnchen München Munchen

42bJ6

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

7

PREFACE

9

PREFACE

10

I. [NTRODUCTlON INTRODUCTION

13

2. BEGINNINGS

17

2.1. Way from Vienna to Baton Rouge 2.2. Voegelin's appointment at LSU

17 23

3. PERSONAL liFE L1FE

27

3.1. Baton Rouge and LSU 3.2. Place of ofResidcncc Residence 3.3. Voegelin's Lifestyle 3.3.1. The Car 3.3.2. Family Life 3.3.3. Health 3.3.4. Leisure Time 3.3.5. Socializing 3.4. Naturalization

27 29 35 35 36 40 42 44 51

4. PROFESSIONAL liFE L1FE

55

4.1. Louisiana State University 4.1.1. Voegelin's Career Carccr at LSU 4.1.2. Voegelin-The Teacher 4.1.3. Voegelin Vocgelin and his students 4.1.4. Voegelin Voegclin and his colleagues 4.1.5. Teaching Teaehing lopics topies 4.2. Books 4.3. The Thc 'Vocgelinian Language'

55 55 60 62 69 74 85 93

5. TRAVELS

106

6. BATON ROUGE AND BEYOND

117

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6

ERle ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

ApPENDIX

121

Al. A I. Additional Information AI.I. Abbreviations A1.2. Chronology A 1.3. Alphabetical List of or Colleagues A1.4. Voegelin's Travels A2. Documents A2.I. leiters Letters A2.2. Petition of ofthe the students A2.3. Newspaper Articles A2.4. Foundation Files A3.Pictures

121 121 122 125 128 132 132 137 138 145 155

BlBLlOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY

159

Sources Interviews Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace / Microfilm (HI) CHI) Documents leiters, Letters, etc Newspapers Secondary Literature Aids Internet

159 159 161 167 168 169 171 180 181

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Above aliI all I want to thank Dietmar Hen, Herz:, my mentor and teacher at the University of Bonn, who introduced me to Eric Voegelin's work and initiated my interest in the subject of this book. Always being interested in the progress of my studies, he often lent me a helping hand. Special thanks also go to Ellis Sandoz and the Eric Voegelin Institute for Renaissance Studies at Louisiana State University. During my three tenns at LSU, Ellis Sandoz was always there for me, sharing his personal memories of Eric Voegelin and his deep knowledge of the philosopher's work. As director of the Voegelin Institute, he created the best possible research environment, introduced me to significant interview partners and provided viable input on my work. I am also particularly thankful for a most generous research grant without which this project would not have been possible. Several of Voegelin's fonner students and colleagues advanced my research their memories of the great scholar or even supplying by freely recounting theu personal notes. Thanks to Josephine Scurria, veteran department secretary of many years, numerous anecdotes and background infonnation were able to be included in this book. I am grateful to Robert J. Steamer, who lent me his personalletters from Voegelin, to Robert Holttnan, Holtman, Robert A. Pascal, and Lewis P. Simpson, who kindly let me probe them about every detail of oftheir their Voegelin memories. mernories. Special thanks go to Robert B. Heilman who invited me to his Seattle home horne to personally recount his time with Voegelin. I also want to thank Voegelin's Voegelin 's fonner students Noblet J. Simmons, Gregor Goethals, Lois Nichols Michelli, Hennan Moyse, Jr., and Victor A. Sachse III for telling me about Voegelin in person, over the phone, or in letters. A heartfelt expression of gratitude goes to Barry Cooper, who generously furnished fumished interviews he conducted with Voegelin. Without them, central questions of this work would have been left unanswered. Also of vital assistance to this project were: Peter Opitz (University of Munich's Eric Voegelin Archives) and Eugene Webb (then University of Washington, Seattle), as weil well as Paul Caringella (Hoover Institution of Stanford University). A travel grant by the Hoover Institution in Fall 200 I enabled me to see some important documents in their Stanford University archives and to meet numerous Voegelin scholars and experts in person at their Centennial Celebration in Los Angeles. Lastly, my thanks go to my friend and colleague at Erfurt University, Susan L. Dortants, who was invaluable in bringing my English into a comprehensive, readable and publishable fonn.

8

ERle ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

I dedicate this book to my parents. Without them, neither neüher my studies nor my repeated travels abroad, let alone alane this work, would have been possible. They have always supported and encouraged me immensely. Danke fiir al/es!

PREFACE

It Jt is with pleasure that I write a few words to introduce Monika Puhl's re-

markable rnarkable study of Eric Voegelin's Voegelin 's Baton Rouge years. She researched and wrote wrole her study while in residence at Louisiana State University so as (0 to utilize the archives arthe afthe Eric Erle Voegelin Voegetin Institute for American Renaissance Stud-

Ies. le5. We had many conversations in the course of her studies and research, and she look took the opponunity to track down every living person she could find who offeT in enlightening her about Voegelin as person, teacher. teacher, had something to offer scholar, and by now something of a legend. Seing Being both intelligent and persistent, not to mention channing and a rather ralber resourceful detective, she succeeded in extracting infonnation 00 no olher oilier researchcr researcher has so far rar uncovered about her subject. The Thc result is this fascinating account, written as a thesis, a real understanding ofVoegelin now published as a book. Anyone who wants areal as he lived, 13ught. taught. and wrote during the Baton Rouge years will find her account in this little study to be both authoritative and indispensable. While Ms. Puhl's study is not primarily directed toward the technical aspeets of Voegelin's work, it is, indeed, particularly illuminating for understanding the linguistic dimensions of his complex thought. This vital aspect aspeet is c10sely closely related, of course, to the core philosophy of consciousness that crowns the late work of ofher her subject. Above all, however, this is an eminently readable and compelling study of a Iife of l)I'je moe oft..'lc gr.:at i'llinds cfth: :we:1tieth cer:.tuTj'. ci"\lcial phliS~;n die life

Ellis Sandoz

July 20,2004

00042636

PREFACE

leh Ich sitze am Straßenrand StraBenrand Rad Oer Der Fahrer wecbselt wechselt das Roo icb herkomme. feb Ich bin Dieht nicht gem, gern, wo ich nieht gem, Ich bin nicht gern, wo ich hinfahre. Warum sehe ich den Radwcchsel Mit Ungeduld? - Bertoh Bertolt Brecht

On March 12, 1938, Hitler triumphantly announced the return of his home horne country Austria into the Gennan Reich. The Tbe National Socialists were still celebrating the Anschluss of the Austrian republic to Germany when the peraUeged enemies began in Austria. As in Gersecution of Hitler's declared and alleged Iife. many, terror and violence soon became pan of daily life. The Tbe Gestapo had prepared 'blacklists' with the names of the opponents to the regime. They were dismissed from public offices-if they were lucky; lueky; if they were less lucky, lueky, they were arrested, taken to concentration camps, or ofthe the lists. Over the years, the murdered. The name Erich Erieh Vogelin Vögelin was on one of contempt for National young assistant professor had never tried to hide his eontempt 50Socialisrn and its emde Socialism crude ideology. Although he was never a member of a socialistic or democratic organization he was a 'danger' to the new mlers rulers neverhirn to be arrested. theless. It was ordered for him ofhis his life-experienced life-experieneed and -efficient wife, Voegelin With the energetic help of frorn his persecutors. perseeutors. In an adventurous flight he-soon was able to get away from followed by his wife-would escape via Switzerland and France to the United States. There, many Gennan poets, scientists, and scholars seholars deprived of their rights had found shelter. Emigrants had often made their way as imponant and recountry's famous universities and Hollyspected eommunity community members in the eountry's wood's movie industry. Voegelin, too, tried his luck at starting a career. Like hc had trouble understanding the local many emigrants before and past him, he eustoms, customs, difficulties with the language, and missed the cultural and linguistic iinguistie surroundings to which whieh he was accustomed. aeeustomed. Success Suecess did not materialize. DeVoegelin had already been in the United States from October 1924 to OeRockefeIler scholarship. In those days of having a fellowcember t 927 on a Rockefeller ship, he wanted to learn leam about American history of culture and ans; now he eam a living for himself and his wife. Oaily Daily needs had replaeed replaced scienhad to earn tifie tific euriosity. curiosity. Voegelin's first years in the United States, his struggles for a permanent job at a university, and his struggle for the English language were a fate he shared with many emigrants. His life was often troublesome and diffieult. cult. Only gradually did he become acclimated.

PREFACE

1I

When he finally gained a foothold at Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge and was able to press ahead with his research, the Gennan-Austrian scholar turned out to be an especially impressive and influential scientist in the Arnerican world ofans. Voegelin was not a 'Southerner', but he started adaptAmerican ing to the culture of ofhis his new home. horne. Yet this was not easy_ The Tbe Louisiana of ofthe the mid-forties to the end of ofthe the fifties-that is as long as the Voegelins stayed in Baton Rouge-was often an unreal and incomprehensible environment to a European scientist of the 'Old World'. Voegelin complained about his university and the little world in which he lived; he regularly spent his summers on the East coast, in the libraries of Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. When the war was over he look took longer journeys joumeys to Europe. Spending all the rest of his life in Baton Rouge did not seem possible to him. hirn. His gratitude and the admiration for the political system of the U.S. did not free him hirn of his homesickness for the European culture and the fonn form of the European mind. In Brecht's Brecbt's words: He was 'sitting on the roadside'. Thus, he staned stal1e
new hOI!le. Voegelin's years in Baton Rouge---<)ne of his most important creative periods-have scarcely been investigated biographically. Little or nothing is known about Voegelin's life in the city, in the country, and at the university. With the work presented here Monika Puhl has closed c10sed the gap. In her researches she has developed Voegelin's private and his university life li fe in Baton Rouge to the exact detail. Sy By talking tal king to many rnany still living contemporaries of Voegelin and looking through througb a raft of documents she has made an important contribution to a scientific Voegelin biography still to be wrinen. wrillen. Because she had done research at LSU for three semesters herself she is familiar with the atmosphere of ofthe the places and sites ofVoegelin's activities from her own experience. Her sketcb-originally sketch--originally a Master thesis at the University of Bonn-makes the attnosphere and the world of Louisiana imaginable. In retrospect retrospeci Voegelin appreciated his time in Louisiana as an important phase of his scientific works. Eric Voegelin in Boton Baton Rouge gives a glimpse into the conditions of his working in Baton Rouge. It is an imponant piece of the history of ofscience science and social history. Erfurt, in March 2004

Dietmar Hen Herz

000426~6

1. INTRODUCTION

There are good reasons to be of highly different opinions about aboot Eric Ene Voegelin's wort, work, aboot about the undentanding of science upoo upon which whicb it is based. and aboot about the understanding of the world and of politics polilics that unfolds in it-what is not controversial, though, is thai mal Voegelin is among the most independent and obstinate political philosophtts of our cenrury century and that the attention that his worlt work receives interDalionally internationally is c1early clearly growing. II

Eric Erle Voegelin was Oße one of oflhe the founding fathers of ofpolitical political science scießee in post-war Science at Gennany. In 1958, he was appointed to the first Chair of Political Scießee the University of Munich. Munieh. Shortly thereafter, he founded the Institute for PoIitical Science Scießee (Iater litical (later to become the Geschwister-Scholl-Institut) and directed it until his retirement. Sißce Since the beginning of the 19505, there had been attempts to introduce political science scießee as an independent subject of research and teaching at Gennan universities. The first professorship had already been created in 1946 at the University of Cologne. But overall, the establishment of political science as an sbortly after academic discipline proceeded very slowly.2 On the one hand, so shortly the downfall of the Nazi regime, Gennany Germany had a lack of qualified personnel that was not politically compromised. comprornised. On the other hand. very few emigrants decided to accept an appointment appoinunent in Germany, Germany. partly because the Gennan authorities were reluctant to make concessions to them. Voegelin himselfhad himself had declined a first offer to come to Gennany Germany in the early 1950s. When he eventually returned retumed to his native country, he was an American workerl in tite Uniteci Swtes fOl 1i1Osi of t>f his adult cltizen who had liveri and worked Citizen life. This book is about the sixteen years preceding the return, years that Voegelin and his wife Lissy spent in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Despite the fact that some of his major works were written weinen during that time, not much is known about this period in Voegelin's life. The sources on Voegelin's life in Louisiana arc are scarce. Little has been writweitten on this topic. and, from these days, only onIy Voegelin's Voegelin 's works and parts of his correspondence remain. The portrait presented here is based mainly on Voegelin's Hn 's correspondence, letters about him, hirn, press reports, reports. and interviews with his documenlS of Americontemporaries. It also draws on the mainly unpublished documents can archives, public records, and of some of the foundations with which Voegelin was in contact. contacl. This makes it difficult to draw a biographical sketch. In terms tenns of the interviews, for example, example. one must note that only the names of such colleagues and students are known who were closely connected with him hirn and his work for a relatively long period of time. It is therefore only onIy natural

, 2

Opitz 1989,235: translalion by au~. See HerzlWeinbttger in BI«.k/Lieczmann Blttk/Lieczmann 1999,269-291. See also Sleek Bleek 2001 and Marsen 2001.

14

ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

that positive impressions and memories of the teacher and mentor prevail. In addition, it must be emphasized that the interviewees were asked about incidents that. in some cases, took place morc than fifty years earlier. For this reason, some of the things they recalled and reponed must be viewed critically_ While it is generally true that a philosopher's work is more important than his biography, there are at least two reasons why it is a worthwhile endeavor to shed light on Voegelin's life in America. For one thing, the biographical information gathered is of use for understanding the thinker-at least in addition to the interpretation and criticism of bis work. For another, Voegelin encountered the typical problems of an intellectual in exile, and his story is part of201h century Gennan and German-American history. The aim of this work is not to deliver an intellectual history but rather to sketch Voegelin's years in the South. The demand for biographical infonnation on Voegelin has grown with the increasing interest his work has found in recent years.) There seems to be a desire for more infonnation on 'Voegelin-the man.' This work is a compilation, classification, and first assessment of infonnation that could function as material for a full-blown biography still to be written. This is why everyday life, the university surroundings, and Voegelin's every· day use of and academic work in American English are given special empha)

In the last twenty years a number of institutions have taken it upon them to catalog and publish Voegelin's works. Over !he years, centers of Voegelin scholarship have been established, e.g. in the United States (the Eric Ycwgelin Institute for RefIDusance Sludies in Baton Rouge, LA), in Germany (the Eric.Yoegelin-Bibliothd: in Erlangen and the Eric·Yoegelin. Archil' at the University of Munich), and in England (the CLntrefor Voegelin Studies at the Univenity of Manchester). The Hoo\V!r Institution on War, Re'I'Olution, and Peoce in Stanford. CA. houses Voegelin's scientific legacy. International conferences on Eric Voegelin's work take place on a regular basis (e.g. at the annual meeting ofw American Political Science Association). In the: 19805. a 34·votume complete edition of Voegelin's work (The Collected Works Series, CW) was undenaken under the direction of the Eric Voegelin Institute for Renaissance Studies. In Gennany, a critical translation of his main work, Order and HislOry. IS In progress. "Several reasons are responsible for the growing interests in his work [in Germany): (I) the editorial activities of the Eric Voegelin Archive in Munich under the dirtttion of Professor Peter 1. Opitz. With the OccasiOtwl Papers Series, the archive has created an international forum of Voegelin studies; furthermore, the Periagoge Series, published with the well-noted Wilhelm Fink publishing house and edited by Opitz, made available important parts of the Vocgelinian oeuvre which had either been out of print for a long time or not been translated into German. (2) Since 1989, the general intellectual climate has become more open to approaches transcending the antagonistic scheme of left and right; at the same time, the idea has been growing thal, in spite of all the differences, National Socialist and Manist· CommuniSI totalitarianislll$ share some common pathological roots. (3) Also since 1989, the histol'izatioo of postwar Germany and ils intellectual-political development-the old Bundes· reptJb/ik~ facilitated a general recollection of intellectual positions of the past noI so commonly known anymore. (4) Finally, in the age of an increasingly brutal capitalism and a global pop-culrure functioning as the secular high religion of this capitalism the general disappointment about modernity has not gone; on the contrary, theoretical approaches otTering a Substantial criticism of the disposition of the modem mind-like Voegelin's-are becoming attr.lcti~ again:' (Weiss 2000&, 753-4).

INTRODUCTION

15

sis. It shows how a Gennan-speaking philosopher whose thought was shaped by a continental way of thinking was able to secure himself a distinguished place in the American world of arts. Born in 1901 as a Gennan citizen under the name of Erich Hennann Wilhelm Vogelin, he grew up, lived and worked in Austria until he fled from the Nazis in 1938 to America. In 1942, Voegelin took a position at the Louisiana State University. How the lives of Voegelin and his wife changed from that day on, is the subject of this book.

42bJb

2. BEGINNINGS

2.1. Way from Vienna to Baton Rouge

Voegelin began his studies at the University of Vienna in 1919, matriculating in the Law Faculty. In 1922, he received his degree ofDr.rer.pol.l with honors. With an Otto Weininger Fellowship 2, he was able to do graduate work in Berlin and Heidelberg. He returned in 1923 to work as Assistant to the Chair for Public Law in Vienna, first to Hans Kelsen and later to one of Kelsen's students, Adolf Merk!. After two years in the United States (Columbia, Harvard, Yale, Wisconsin), from 1924 to 1926, and one year (1927) at the Sorbonne in Paris, France, on a Rockefeller fellowship, he returned to his position in Vienna. In 1929, he started teaching at the University of Vienna as Privaldozenl for Government and Sociology. In 1932, he married Luise Betty "Lissy" Onken. He was promoted to Associate Professor of Government in 1936, and at the time of the Anschluss, 1938, he was expecting to be promoted again, this time to a full professorship with unlimited tenure at the University of Graz. 3 Voegelin never tried to hide his anti-National Socialist sentiments. His critical works about race ideology and the mass movements of his time (1933: Rasse und Slaat; Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichle; 1936: Der auloritiire Staat; 1938: Die Polilischen Religionen) provoked the NationalSocialists' anger. The l:ierhn publisher Junker Imd Diinnhallpl withdrew Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichle from circulation; the remainder of the

,

"Voegelin had hesitated between doctoral programs in mathematics and physics, in law, and a new program in political science offered in the faculty of law, ultimately choosing the last but continuing his interest in the fonner subjects. His decision tumed on a lack of real enthusiasm for mathematics. an unwillingness to become a civil servant (which the program in law probably would have led to), and economic considerations: he was very poor, and the political science degree was attainable in three years, but the law degree would have required four. In addition, he was strongly attracted to the study of politics and to the distinguished faculty in thai field at Vienna." (VR, 34f) See also AR, 3. The topic of his dissertation was Wechselw;rkung und Gezweiung. "Wechselwirkung was the key tenn of Georg Simmel's sociology, which fonned the basis for the further development of the Beziehungslehre in German social science. Gezweiung was the favorite term in the sociology of Othmar Spann:' (AR,

26). Otto Weininger,· 3. 4. 1880 Vienna, t 4. 10. 1903 (suicide); philosopher. Although of Jewish ancestry he had an antisemitic attitude and was advocate of anti-women and anli-sexual positions. He killed himself by the age of 23 in the same house Beethoven died. He had a lasting effect on the history of Austrian Ihought (K. Kraus, E. Canetti, R. Musil, L. Wiltgen. stein) and was used by the National Socialists to legitimize their antisemitism. For a more detailed description ofVoegelin's palh from Vienna 10 LSU, see: Cooper 1999, I·

32.

00042bJ6

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

18

edition was destroyed. By the end of 1933 both books on race were "unavailable. not Die Po/Wschen ReJigionen was especially disliked by the Nazis. As Barry Cooper argues: the identification of the Nazis as a satanic force for evil was sufficiently unambiguous even for the most dull-wined employee of the Gestapo to realize that the author was nol on [their] side. Voegelin was, therefore, not at all surprised that he had been marked as an enemy, though he was very much surprised (and angered) that the western powers would make such an obvious blunder as to permit the occupation of AUSlria in March 1938.~

COOpers, of course, has the benefit of hindsight. The 1938 edition had been published without a foreword or any other comments by the author. Only a quote by Dante, "Per me si va ne la citta dolente" ('Through me one enters the city of pain'), had preceded the hook. After reading this first edition, Thomas Mann warned Voegelin in a letter of July 1938 that the scientist's fascination for his topic might be mistaken for sympathy: To me, [the disadvantage of your work} seems to be that your objectivity sometimes gains such an uncritical, positively interested accent and stans to act as an apology for the disgraceful pragmatism that is so pervasive. One is waiting for moral resistance and for some suppon of the ethical jronde which is arising, I believe, all over the world against this "revolution of nihilism.'.6

To prevent further misunderstandings such as Mann's, Voegelin published the 1939 edition with a foreword (already written in the United States) in which he explained that "anyone able to read will recognize my deep aversion against any kind of political collectivism on the basis of the verse by Dante that precedes the treatise .....7 However, the draft of this foreword that Voegelin had sent Thomas Mann and Alfred Schuetz in advance was never published in full length. After Schuetz' warning it was shortened, in particular by removing the story of Herschel Grynspan and Voegelin's argument deriving from this story.'

•

,

• • 7

"Sebba in 1977 commented on his own early reading of these two early books: 'When I read these two books I knew that Voegelin would be on the Nazi list when Austria fell. I still wonder how he had the nerve to publish both books in Hitler's Germany, and how two German publishers could be blind enough to accept them. ,., (VR, 53). Cooper 1999, 10. Letter from Mann, December 18, 1938. (HI 24.11; translation by author). CW 5, 23 (German: HI 24.11). See also: Opitz in PR 1993. "1m System einer personalistischen Ethik steht der Wert der PersonalitlU hOher als der Wert des Lebens, und eine Person, die geplOndert, bespuckt und verkauft wird, ist sittlich ver· pflichtet diese Handlung unmOglich zu machen, wenn nOtig durch Mord. Nach den GrundsAtzen einer personalistischen Ethik wllre ein Mord, den ein Jude an einem Nationalsozialisten, der ihn als Sache behandelt, begeht. nicht nur zu entschuldigen: er wAre Pflicht." (HI 24.11).

BEGINNINGS

19

"When one considers the content ofVoegelin's four books on modern ideological politics published by 1938, it is small wonder that the Gestapo was hot on his trail after Hitler's annexation of Austria:>9 As early as November 1937, the Gennan National Socialist party had begun to increase the pressure on the Austrian chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg. Schuschnigg's last efforts to save Austria's independence by meeting Hitler on February 12, 1938, and ordering a plebiscite for March 13 did not succeed. When Mussolini fmally agreed to ignore the Gennan march into Austria, Hitler ordered Gennan troops to invade on the day before the plebiscite was to take place. On March 12, German troops invaded Austria and were cheered by the population. Against the regulations of the Treaty of Versailles (1919), Austria was annexed to the Gennan Reich as the Ostmark. The persecution of political opponents as well as the suppression of free speech began immediately. In the following months, many of the best Austrian intellectuals, artists, and scientists had to flee the country. Voegelin immediately began to prepare his departure and, as a known Nazi critic, was soon dismissed from his job and encouraged to emigrate. 10 With the help of his friend Alex von Muralt, a Swiss journalist, Voegelin had previously managed to deposit some money in Zurich. He wrote to the Rockefeller Foundation for help in finding new job. II Because the American government Schuetz on Mann and the f
,

22, 1938),

II

"'Our Minister of Education, Professor Mengbin, has been good enough to inform me lhat I had practically no chance of rtttiving the chair al the University of Gnz. and lhal be would strongly advise me to look for a position in the United States if I had any possibility 10 do so. (...) I could give any routine courses on Sociology, Social Psychology, Social Theory, Social

00042ijJ6

ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

20

had established a quota to limit the number of emigrants from Austria. Voege· lin needed a job offer to be eligible for a non-quota visa. In the following months, Voegelin wrote to countless people in the United States and Great Britain. A first glimmer of hope appeared when Voegelin was told of the Rockefeller Foundation's program for displaced European scholars that included financial suppon. 12 After some unpromising answers, Voegelin received a lener from his Viennese friend Gottfried Haberler, then teaching at the economics department at Harvard, saying that Voegelin had been awarded "'a fellowship of S2,OOO [by the Bureau of International Research at Harvard] for a period of one year, to undertake cenain research workn\J with William Elliott. whom Voegelin had met during his prior stay at Harvard. Now that the Voegelins had a place to go, they wanted to leave soon. By a series of coincidences, Voegelin got a chance to flee to Zurich on July 14. His wife Lissy was obviously not of sufficient interest to the Nazis, so she was able to stay with her parents, "who were National Socialists and had a huge picture of Hitler in their living room,"l. for another week. Lissy joined her

Philosophy, Social Ethics; Principles of Government, Comparative Government; History of Political Ideas. Fwthermore. I am a specialist for polilical ideas of the French 161h century, for !he relations betv,'een European and Oriental political ideas from the 131h to 181h century, and for Ewopean political ideas of the present time. The mosl important contribution I could make would be a series of lectures or a ~ on the ~h work: which I have WKiertaken during the last IWO yean: the interpretation of modem political movements as new types of religion: (Letter to Kinm:lge, April 5, 1938; Rf I: I /705/5/46). The author has intentionally left all ofVoege1in's quotes in the ociginal spelling. wording, and grammar with all idiosyncracies and impafections. 12 "The Rf program for Ew-opean refugee scholars began in 1933 and ended in 1945. The RF expended nearly S1.5 million and aided 303 scholars. Many scholars found salisfactory posts in Ihe USA and became American citizens: others were acconunodated temporarily in Europe or Larin America until the end of the war, or, enabled to continue Iheir work in American universities during the hostilities. returned later to European positions. During the first seven years of the program. the Rf took no initial responsibility in the seleclion of the scholar. all actions were taken at the instance of some U.S. or European institution. In 1940, however, with the invasion of Scandinavia, the Lowlands. and France. and the intensification of the war on England, a new type of problem developed. In the previous program, the refugee scholars, in general. were already in the USA when requests were received. In this new crisis. the scholar. caught at his post. was unable to escape without outside assistance. With the consent of the US Slate Department and in cooperation with the Institute of International Education, the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars, and the New School for Social Research, a special program was initiated. Under this program, American inslitutions. with the aid of RF grants, endeavored to reach the distressed scholars by cable. offering them teaching contracts for two yean and traveling expenses to the U.S. The Rf's temporary Lisbon office generally made Ihe b'avel amngements. Of the 303 scholars aided by the RF, 191 'lAue German. 36 French, 30 Ausman. 12 Italian, II Polish, 6 Hungarian. 5 Czechoslovakian. 5 Spanish. 2 Danish. 2 Belgian, 2 Dutch, and I Finnish. Of the total, 113 had been trained in the social sciences. 7J in the natural sciences. 59 in the humanities. and 58 in the medical sciences." (E-mail from Levold (Archivist of the RF) to PuhJ. April 5. 2001). l} Letter by Kittredge to Voegelin. JWlC 27. 1938. (RF I: I 1705 / 5 /46). •• AR,55.

(..r

OOO~263e

BEGINNINGS

21

husband a week later. Voegelin recalled his last chance to escape in his Auto-

biographical Rejlec/ions: The emigration plan almost miscarried. [...) Just when we had nearly finished OUI prepar3tions and my passport was with the police in order to gel the exit visa, the Gestapo appeared at my apartment to confiscate !be passport. Fortw1ately, I was DOl at home., and my wife [...) was delighted to tell them that the passport was with the police for the purpose of getting the exit visa, which satisfied the Gestapo. We were able, through friends, to get the passport, including the exit visa, from the police before the Gestapo gol it-that all in one day. On the same day, in the evening, with two bags, I caught a ITain to Zurich, Ircmbling on the way that the Gestapo after all would fmd out about me and arrest me at the border. But apparently even the Gestapo was not as efficient as my wife and I in these maners, and I got through unarrested. 13

Lissy Voegelin called her husband immediately after the Gestapo had been at their house and told him not to come home and to leave the country on the same day. From Zurich, Voegelin wrote to Elliott at Harvard: I wish to tell you that I have reached the first stop on my way to America. There has been quite a bit of trouble, because the Gestapo wanted to take away my passport when they found out that I wanted to leave the country-saying candidly that they did so with all university men and other professional people. I had quite a bit of luck and made a very narrow escape when they had already threatened to close the border for me. My wife has been able to join me a week later here in Zurich, but was under close police supervision until the Gestapo was absolutely sUle that I had made my escape and they could not get me any more. I am now Ircmbling that my belongings, particularly my library and my ms.S will be confiscatcd-that would be a rather serious loss. We are waiting here in Zurich for OUI French visa. 1nc French are rather unpleasant in this respect, but I think we shall have them by the end of this week. 'Then we move on to Paris in order to get the American visa, and I hope to them within a month. By the middle of September I think I shall be ready to embark for America.

I'

Finally. the Voegelins were able to get their library and some furninrre out of Vienna. But it still took them quite a while to get the visas necessary for immigration to the United States. They had to go to Paris, from which they finally departed for the United States on the 5S WashinglOll on September 8, 1938. Voegelin's first place of residence in America was Cambridge, Massachusetts, where he worked as a part-time instructor and tutor at Harvard University for one year. He immediately started to write applications to other American institutions because the appointment was strictly limited to one year. As a resull of his efforts, and in addition to his tasks at Harvard, he was appointed to teach American and Comparative Government, Constitutional Law and Public Administration in the spring semester of 1939 at Bennington College in Vermont two days a week. Shortly after he accepted the appointment at Ben-

" 16

Ibid., . 43. Letter to Elliott, August I, 1938. (HI) 1.2) In his Autobiographical Reflutions, Vocgelin did not mention Paris and a French visa. He wrole instead that they had to deal with the American vice-consul in Zurich to get the American visa. (AR, 4J44).

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

nington, Voegelin got an offer from the University of Alabama. An appointment at the University of Kansas City, Missouri, (today: University of Missouri-Kansas City) was also being discussed. The offer of a reappointment at Bennington as assistant professor for the following year was not tempting enough for Voegelin to stay. He wanted to get away from the East, away from the
17

"My reason for rejecting the offer and looking for something else was the environment on the East Coast. In Bennington specificaUy I noticed the very strong leftist element, with a few outspoken Communists among the faculty and still more among the students. This environment was no more to my taste than the National Socialist environment that I just had "ft." (AR. 58).

18

Ibid., 59. "I later learned that Eric Voegelin was cautioned when he began his career in Alabama to keep quiet about race issues. It must have been exceedingly difficult for him, since he knew more and had written more about race theory nonsense than probably any other living man!! [n fact his books on race were perhaps the chief reason he had to 'escape in his socks' from the Nazis Gestapo." (Fritz Wagner, April 25, 2001, E-mail).

BEGINNINGS

23

2.2. Voegelin's appointment at LSD

As a member of the Southern Polilical Science Association,19 Voegelin attracted the attention of some of his colleagues, among them Robert J. Harris, chainnan of the Government Department at Louisiana State University (LSU). Harris, later a close friend, invited Voegelin to give a guest lecture at LSU in the spring of 1941. This lecture, held on March 3 about "German Domination of Europe, Causes and Aims,"20 must have been a success, as it left people at LSU impressed and eager to learn more about this man and his work. Unfortunately, the actual content of this important lecture is lost-even the copy that Voegelin had sent to Tracy B. Kittredge, Assistant Director of the Rockefeller Foundation, has disappearedY While Robert B. Heilman, a colleague and friend at LSU, recalled his first impression of Voegelin as "a speaker of great dignity and ease, of vast learning easily borne and not trimmed to please a general audience, of fonnality and yet graciousness,"22 the university newspaper The Reveille wrote one day after the lecture: Dr. Voegelin, in a masterly manner, traced the background of European power policies over the past 60 years, treating of the balance of power in favor of England and France immediately following World War I. Realizing that Gennany could not look to sea power, Hitler turned toward hegemony over continental Europe. The speaker pointed out that this country has linle to fear by direct invasion in case of a victorious Germany, but

"

20

"

22

The Sout hern Political Science Association is a regional branch of the American Political Science Association. Their main aclivity is an annual meeting every fall and the publication of the Journal of Politics. Voegelin was also a member of the American Political Science Association. APSA, the world's largest professional organization for the study of politics. Additionally, Voegelin was member of the American Association of University Professors. AAUP, and an honorary member of Ihe Academy of Political Science at the University of Notre Dame (HI 3.4). Ln April 1953, he was additionally elected an honorary member of the International Mark Twain Society, Missouri, "in recognition of (his) outstanding contribution 10 American scholarship" (HI 3.4). Among ils 81 members (as of OcIOber 1953) were such world renowned persons as Pres. Dwighl D. Eisenhower, Harry S. Truman, Alben Einstein, and Winston Churchill. In April 1956, Voegelin was appointed a member of the Instilut /nternarionale de Philosophie Politique with its headquaners at the Sorbonne University in Paris. "The inSlitute is an associalion of some 80 internationally known scholars in the fields political philosophy, constitutional law, sociology, and history." (The Re\'eille, April 26, 1956). TheReveille,FebTW1ry27,194J. Dr. Erwin Levold, archivisl of the Rockefeller Archive Center, confinned again in September 2000 that no copy is left. Tracy Kittredge (1891.1957) served the Rockefeller Foundation as Fellowship Administrator for the Social Sciences in Europe from 1931-1936. In 1936 he was named Assistant Director of the Social Sciences in Europe. Kittredge dealt with Voegelin in the lale 19305 and early 194Os. He left the Rockefeller Foundation in 1942 for active Naval duty. Heilman 1999,85.

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

rather might expect internal provocation culminating in the possibility of serious civil uprisings in the next few years. 2l

A letter from Harris in August 1941,2-4 in which he asked Voegelin whether he would be interested in teaching during the second semester of the coming academic year at LSU, can be understood as a reaction to the impression Voegelin had left earlier that year. Voegelin was interested in the offer, and Roscoe C. Martin, chainnan of the government department at the University of Alabama,2S was willing to support this idea by giving him a leave of absence for that semester, as well. The only problem was the payment deal with the Rockefeller Foundation. Through the program for displaced European scholars, Eric Voegelin was granted a Special Research Fund to be used by the University of Alabama to pay half of Voegelin's salary for the first three years there. 26 The question was now how this deal could continue while Voegelin was not teaching in Alabama. Voegelin asked to defer the money from the second semester of 1941-42 to the first semester of 1942-43. After some confusing letters between Voegelin, the Rockefeller Foundation, Alabama University, and LSU, the difficulties were solved: "the RF is to continue paying the Univ. of Alabama for V.'s salary and V. is to pay the U. of Alabama one half of his year's salary for a substitute. In this way there is no need for the grant to be suspended until the fall semester of 1942-43. '027 After a few weeks, all details were worked out, and the Voegelins moved to Baton Rouge. Voegelin was appointed Visiting Associate Professor of Government at LSU for the second semester of session 194 I-42 at a salary of $1800. Due to a further decline in the enrollment, his position as the latest addition to the staff, and his being a foreigner, Alabama University decided not to replace Voegelin and therefore pay back to the Rockefeller Foundation one-half of its contribution to Vocgelin's annual salary, which amounted to $675 ($2,700 per academic year). Voegelin immediately infonned the Rockefeller Foundation and began to look more intensely for a new job, preferably in the

23 24

23

26

27

TheRevei/le,March4,1941. Letter from Harris to Voegelin, August 27, 1941. (Government Files). "(T]he depanment under the chairmanship of Roscoe Martin was more than sufficient to keep me busy for some time to come acquiring new knowledge concerning American institutions. [...) I especially want to remember Mildred Manin, the wife of the chairman, who fonned a perfect friendship with my wife and helped us considerably in giving us all sorts of advice that prevented us from huning feelings through untoward remarks." (AR, 58-59). "( .•. J 2. The University of Alabama wishes to invite Dr. Erich Voegelin, previously of University of Vienna, to join its facuity for the academic yean 1939-40, 1940-41, 1941-42, and requests that the Foundation contribute $4,200 (51200, 51500, 51500) toward his total salary of $8.000 (1] (52,400 the first year) 3. Acting under the above authority the officers hereby approve the payment of not more than $4,200 to the University of Alabama in support or Dr. Erich Voegelin during the three year period beginning approximately July I, 1939." (RF 1.1 /2 /411/486). Rockefeller Foundation Archives, Fellowship Recorder Cards Social Sciences.

OOO~2bJ6

BEGINNINGS

25

South. As long as there were no vacancies at LSU and to help the man of which he thought so highly, Harris wrote in April and May 1942 to the Universities of Chicago, U1inois, Maryland, and Minnesota. 28 Voegelin even thought about volunteering for military service for a while, but due to his resident alien status he was not allowed to volunteer, and as an Austrian with relatives still living in Europe, he was ruled out for any service in the armed forces anyway.29 In June, July, and August 1942, while Voegelin was staying in Cambridge for research work again, Harris wrote to him about a possible reappointment in the event that Professor Alex Daspit would accept an offcr to work in Washington. This would create a job opening for Voegelin. Voegelin was very interested in coming back to LSU and in improving his professional and financial situation by doing so. In August, the officials at LSU had agreed on appointing Voegelin as associate professor for at least the duration of the war and six months thereaftcr at a salary of $3,200 for 1942-43 and $3,300 for 1943-44-assuming that the war was still going on in 1944. After receiving a telegram from Harris on August 18, 1942 saying that the contract was on its way. Voegelin resigned from his position at the University of Alabama ready to start his new job at LSU. His rank was changed to Visiting Associate Professor of Government on the grounds that none but a permanent appointee, besides an instructor, could have a title without the qualification 'Visiting.'

28

29

LenCf'j 10 professors Leonard White, University of Chicago, April 25, 1942; Clarence Berdahl, University of JIIinois, April 9, 1942; H. C. Byrd, UnivCf'jity of Maryland, Apri128, 1942 and May, 4, 1942; William Anderson, University of Minnesota, May 8, 1942. (Govenuncnl Files). Letter to Harris, June 15, 1942. (Government Files) Later that year he wrote to Elliott: "As the things stand now, there is a good chance that I shall be drafted by the end of this semester, unless LSU will be entrusted with specialist training for officers and I can switch over to teaching mathematics. As I am 41 years old and an alien, J shall in all probability not be sent to any active fighting service but have the great privilege of peeling potatoes in some camp. Delighted as 1am to be of help, this particular prospect fills me with little enthusiasm as you will easily understand." (Letter to Elliott. November 21, 1942. HI 11.2).

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p0042bJ6

3. PERSONAL LIFE

3.1. Baton Rouge and LSU

When Eric Voegelin arrived in Baton Rouge, the appointment at LSU was his only chance at having a well-paid job. Voegelin liked the idea of working in the South: When I came pennanently to America in 1938, I wanted to go into the leaching of American government as the core for understanding American political cull\lre; and since as a newly arrived foreigner I would not be admitted to teach American government at an Eastern university, 1 went to the South where reservations in this respect were somewhat less strong. I

In 1942, LSU was a small university with about 6,000 students, only a few of them studying govemment. 2 Founded in 1860 as the Louisiana State Seminary ofLearning and Military Academy on a campus at Alexandria, Louisiana, LSU had a turbulent history. It was closed during most of the Civil War and destroyed by a disastrous fire in 1869 not long after reopening. It was moved to Baton Rouge in 1869 and renamed in 1870. After moving again within Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University was combined with the Louisiana Agricultural and Mechanical College of New Orleans in 1876 and named Louisiana State University and A&M College in 1877. In 1925, LSU moved to today's 4,7oo-acre campus. During his years at LSU, Voegelin taught in the (Old) Law Building, right across LSU's military Parade Ground. Baton Rouge, Louisiana's pennanent capital since 1879, was not much of a major city: In 1940 it had a quiet downtown, a campus university, and 88,415 inhabitants, mainly spread over a large rural region. In the I940s, a country·to-city migration began in Louisiana. Baton Rouge's population increased 77% from 1940 to 1950 and it grew another 47% by 1960. Although Baton Rouge's population had grown from 88,514 inhabitants

, I

AR,31. LSU had 6,112 students enrolled in 1941-42, of these. 4,692 studied on the Baton ROlJge campus (3,078 male and 1,614 female); in 1949-50 LSU had 9,985 students (8,257 in BatOl1 Rouge; 6,525 male and 1,732 female). In 1957-58 11,669 slUdents were enrolled at LSU (I' ,066 on the Baton Rouge campus; 8.315 male, 2,751 female). (LSU Catalogues of 1941-42; 1949-SO; 1957· 58) The total enrollment in institutions of higher education in Louisiana increased £rom 32,546 in 1950 to 57,155 in 1960. (U.S. Bureau of the Census, ed. 1951, 1961) Abtout LSU in the nineteen-thirties and nineteen-forties see: Heilman 1990,3-40.

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28

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

in 1940 to 230,058 inhabitants in 1960,3 Baton Rouge still had the character of a small town, without anything going on that could attract the world's attention. While the natural climate was semi-tropical, the political climate was sig· nificantly influenced by former governor Huey Pierce Long (1928-32t and his policy of corruption. His successors in office were, during Voegelin's time, Sam Houston Jones (1940-44), Jimmie H. Davis (1944-48), Huey's younger brother Earl K. Long (1948-52 and who previously served as governor in 193940 succeeding resigning governor Richard W. Leche). Roben F. Kennon (1952-56), and Earl K. Long once agaia (1956-60). As governor, each of them was only indirectly responsible for the state's educational matters. but as members of the Board of Supervisors, the governing board of the university system of LSU, and by appointing the other Board members for overlapping terms of founeen years, they were directly involved in LSU's day-to-daybusiness and administration. Ironically, as the Voegelins were on their way to the United States in 1938, they heard a sIory that the president of LSU had been forced to flee into the bayous in order to escape from supporter.; of Governor Huey Long who were intent on bealing him up. Mrs. Voegelin was apprehensive about the country to which they were immigrating if uniVCTSity presidents were treated in such a way. Voegelin assured her that they would be living far from Louisiana. s

From a lener Voegelin wrote to the fonner German Chancellor Dr. Heinrich Bruning in April 1942 (when Voegelin was still a Visiting Professor at LSU) it is clear, how well-liked Huey P. Long-despite his authoritarian manner-and his fellows were due to their many achievements for the State of Louisiana: It is an interesting experience. and I have gained some insight into the peculiar political structure of Louisiana. In particular, I had 10 revise some prejudices with regard to political corruption. The Long-era was, as far as the UniVCTSity is concerned, most beneficent. Practically everybody on the campus who has qualities, owes his appointment to the gentleman who is now in jail (former governor Leche). 11le preceding administration and the present regime compare rather unfavorably. The dissatisfaction with the honest governor seems so widespread that he is considered

, •

,

U.S. Bureau of the Census. ed. 1951, 1961: Population of Baton Rouge in 1940: 88,415 (metropolitan area), 34.719 (city); in 1950: 156,485 (metropolitan area), 125.629 (city); in 1960: 230,058 (metropolitan area), 152,419 (city). H.P. Long was elected in 1928 and left the office in 1932 to win a seat in the US Senate. During his time as gO\'emor, he had an absolute iJq)act on and control over a highly centralized state government And even as a US senator he "never ceased being governor. He was the de facto head of the stale even while in Washington. and when he returned to Louisiana he took charge of the action in the 80"0 1101'S office and in the legislaturt" (Wilds. 122). H.P. Long was assassinated in 1935 in the new slate capitol of Louisiana that he had begun to build during his time in office. lbe bullet holes are still there and are one of Baton Rouge's main tourist attractions. <:oope< 1999. 19.

PERSONAL LIFE

29

politically dead. Everybody whom I meet is waiting eagerly for the return of a more intelligent, if more corrupt administration.'

Voegelin could not know at this time that the people of Louisiana would have to face more than one corrupt governor in the future. The general atmosphere at LSU can best be described by the foreword to the 1943 yearbook of LSU ('The Gumbo'), written by students at the time: The year 1943 and we found ourselves advanced in a war lhat was not of our own choosing but one thai must be won. We expericoced a chan~e----our SIUdeoI activities became war aetivilies, our scboollntining became war training.

Many students had to leave LSU either to serve for the United States overseas or to go home and help their families to survive while all other men in the family were gone. Enrollment dropped drastically and as one of Voegelin's students from 1942, Hennann Moyse, Jr., recalled: "most of the remaining students were aware that it would probably be their last college semester.'"

3.2. Place of Residence

Voegelin had no difficulties coping with the political situation: he did not care about the state government's policy and the state government was hardly in· t,:rested in his act1vj!i{"s::it LSU. whir.h was different than what he was u.c;ed to in Vienna. As Roben B. Heilman remembers: [Tlhe local scene was only a temporary object of inquiry; Eric was more curious about the general habits of American acadcmo-evcrything from instilutional govcmance 10 habits of Ihoughl to philosophical positions; types of administrative personnel and altitudes; power bases; relalions to the outside world; sense of mission and sense of profit; and so on. 9

•

7

• •

April 2, 1942. (HI 8.50); Voegelin shared Ihis impression (in almosl!he same words) with professors Oscar Morgenstern (April 3, 1942; HI 25.35) and Talcott Parsons (April 2, 1942; HI 28.12) as well. Heinrich Bnming (1885-1970) was Chancellcw of !he German Reich from 1930 until 1932. From 1934 to 1939 BrOning traveled as a refugee uoogh the Netherlands, Switzerland, England. and America. He laught at Harvard and Oxford ahematingly. In 1939, he took a teaching position at Harvard thai he kepi until 1952. He Ihen left for Cologne, Germany. After his retirement in 1955, he rrtumcd to Norwich, Vermont, where he died on Easter of !he year 1970. He kept conlact with Voegelin between 1938 and 1956 (according to Hl)-they probably met at Harvard. LSU Gumbo 1943. 2. Moyse 10 Puhl. February 28. 200(). Heilman 1999,89.

000425~e

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

30

Coming from Alabama, Voegelin and his wife Lissy were already used to the Southern mentality and the Southern weather with its hot and humid summers, its mild winters. heavy rainstonns, and unbearable droughts. They especially enjoyed the wintertime; during many summers, they escaped to Cambridge, Massachusetts. When it was clear that Voegelin would come back to LSU after his visiting semester for at least the duration of the war. Harris offered to help them look for a place to live. Voegelin specified what they were looking for in a letter: w~

think w~ can afford about $60.- moothly rent. As to location we should prefer a plac~ either in the general neighborhood in which we Jived last spring. or at the other end of th~ Campus where the Morrisons Jived. We need a minimum of three rooms (bed-

room, parlor, study) and shall take as many as we can get for th~ money. The only special r~uirellJent is that there has to be enough wall-space for a library of some ISOO volumes. I

When they were unexpectedly told to move out of their apartment in Alabama by September first. Lissy had to travel from Cambridge to direct the move from Tuscaloosa. Afterwards, she went to Baton Rouge to look for a house herself. As far as one can detennine it today. they probably first moved to an apartment in North Street. When they moved again in 1943. the Voegelins rented a house at 903 Camelia Street that they seemed to like without feeling too much at home. With his teacher's salary they could pay the rent without living on the brink of ruin, but there was rarely any money left to save for any ex.~specially considering that Voegelin did not usually teach over the summer months and instead went to write and research to Cambridge. In the summer of 1946. just one week after the Voegelins had left for Cambridge, they received a message from their landlady, Pennie A. Brooks, that she needed the house herself so she could give it to her grandson, a war veteran who was studying law at LSU. As was previously mentioned, during and after the war, the city had increased its population by one-third due to the new industries there but had not built additional housing. This had caused a shortage of apartments. Considering this situation it seemed to be a 'catastrophe' for the Voegelins. Within a short period of time they had to find a new, affordable place to live, rent it, and move-and all this from hundreds of miles away. Voegelin therefore requested to be put on an applicant list for LSU housing opportunities. Knowing that lhere were 100 applications for only 84 accommodations ll , he also asked Dean Henry V. Howe to use his clout to secure the Voegelins at least a temporary accommodation in one of the LSU projects. l2 Every week, Voegelin kept Robert J. 'Bob' Harris. then already a close friend, posted about the news: 10 11

12

Letter to Harris. August IS. 1942. (Govemmmi Files). L..ener to Harris, June 28, 1946. (Go,,"emrMnl Files). Letter to Howe, July I. 1946. (Govemm~tll Files).

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PERSONAL LIFE

31

The house situation is improving slighlly. The land-lady has come ofT her August 14th, and is willing to senle for September 30th. I have written her a dark letter which, I hope, will induce her to defer the date until November 15th. (July 1, 1946)13 The house situation is stagnant; unless the OPS [Office of Prize Stabilization] is revived, we have to get out in mid-September. I have written to everybody I know in Baton Rouge, hoping that from the broadcast will result information concerning a house if one should get for sale. (July 10, 1946) The house situation is progressing. There are plenty of houses for anybody who has the money to buy. [...] The problem now is to get money. I am acting on the assumption that a considerable part ofthe price will be covered by mortgage. I am now scraping together the initial sum which I have to pay myself. The scraping has resulted hitherto in S3000.-; I think I can get more. [... ) Since the houses in the closer vicinity to town and University seem to be the more expensive, we are now considering the possibility of buying the smallest and [most] inexpensive house at some distance and of gelting in addition a car. Not only that might be cheaper, but the idea has also aroused a gleam in Lissy's eyesnot that they need any additional gleam. (July 18, 1946) The last week was a nightmare. Houses popping up and disappearing. It seems, we have got hold of something now, unless it disappears again. Without the Heilmans we could not have done anything; they have helped us wonderfully. The house in prospect will cost S95oo.-. I have scraped enough money to make the deal possible. If we get it, the thing will be quite reasonable and fmanciaJly bearable. (July 24, 1946)

The next time Voegelin mentioned looking for a house was, when he borrowed one month later money "for the purpose of buying a house in Baton Rouge, La."I. It can be assumed that the house he mentioned in the letters to Harris was the same house he moved to in rnid-October, the house at 741 CaDal Stre~t, Baton Rouge. Robert Heilman recalled: [Tlhey phoned us and asked us to buy a house for them, that is, to find one for sale, commit them to buying it, [...J This was a forbidding assignment; picking out a house for someone else could never be easy, and for people of the Voegelins' fine taste it seemed close to impossible. (...) Because it was really the only one available, we at least escaped the burden of seeming to have made a sorry choice. (...] Lissy came down by lTain to take care of the paperwork; I believe they borrowed the money for the trip as well as for (he down paymcn( {... J If Lissy's heart sank when she saw their new home, she concealed the fact well (... ] Fortunately, the Vocgclins' fine taste was balanced by a sense of reality. The house we found was roughly downtown, on a narrow street a few blocks cast of the central shopping section. [...] Lissy Voegelin made that house into a very channing place; ~... l We could see the works of art that were an important part of the transformation, ...1

" " "

For this and the following leiters to Bob Harris, see Government Files. For the leiter to his landlady, see appendix A).!, leiter to Willfort, August 28, 1946. (HI 41.25). Heilman 1999,9If.

00042606

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

32

Recalling the whole situation a year afterwards in a letter to his sister Klara (married to Haerdtl) in Germany, Voegelin explained that buying a house with borrowed money instead of renting a place was cheaper, even including interest and payments. Paying off his debts from the sale would at this time of high inflation even work as a savings account. 16 The money that the Voegelins needed to buy the house was borrowed from friends, Margerita Will fort and Marianne H. Low. In a letter, dated August 28, 1946, the Voegelins officially acknowledged having received a loan of $2,500 by Margerita Will fort to buy a house at the price of $9,500. They agreed on paying back the loan within five years and bearing interest at the rate of 4% per annum. '7 Marianne Low lent them another $4,000 to pay for the house. The last payment by the Voegelins took place in January 1954. 18 Concerning the loan, Heilman recalled, "Later, with a frankness in financial matters that was characteristic, Eric said he had received a loan from a relatively well-off refugee, a Jewish businessman, I believe."19 One cannot say for sure whether this was another source of money or if Voegelin meant the two ladies mentioned above. Voegelin soon realized that they were lucky after all: A few months later, the state's rent control system was abolished, and the prices steeply rose. Although they were more or less bankrupt, the Voegelins had comparatively low monthly payments and a safe place to live. Finally, the Voegelins had managed to buy a house just in time to move in before the fall semester. The fact that they had made a good deal can also be seen by the conservative estimate by the fire insurance people of $7,000 for the house alone. In good condition, conveniently located, and with a nice little garden, the Voegelins had found their new home for the next twelve years. They moved in in the middle of October 1946 and immediately started fixing the interior. In December, most of the inside painting and the curtains were done, the electrical wires in the attic were renewed to be able to use the electrical heaters, and the exterminator had searched the house for termites: both the exterminator and the electrician agreed that the house's material was of

very good quality. 16 17

18

t9

Letter to Haerdtl, November 10, 1947. (HI 16.12). Letter to Willfon, August 28, 1946. (HI 41.25). Willfort lived in Cambridge, which leads to the assumption that Voegelin met her there. Nothing else is known about Margerita Willfort and her relation to Voegelin. Their correspondence dates from 193810 1980. Letter to Marianne (Hamburger-)Low, February 10, 1954. (HI 24.3) In 1939 while still at the University of Vienna, Low followed in 1940 with her children her sister-in-law 10 New York. Besides Voegelin she knew Mintz, Schuetz, and Winternitz from Vienna who were all living in New York by then. She was in contact with all of them and kept Voegelin POSled about the news from this group. Voegelin visited her a few times on his way to Cambridge. In summer 1941 she started to study Nutrition at Columbia University. In 1946 Voegelin wrote her, "[ ...] wenn wir in New York wllren. wilrde ich Sie bestimmt mit Billen plagen. mir solche Dinge zu erklll.ren - ich habe noch immcr den Hang mieh fUr alles :lU interessieren was mich nichts angeht." (Iener from DlX:ember 2.1946: HI 24.3) Their correspondence dates from 1939 to 1971. Heilman 1999,92.

2638

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33

As the yard had been neglected before, Lissy, as the 'gardener', had a great deal to do outside. In a letter to Marianne LowlO, Voegelin enthusiastically described the beauty of all their various plants: roses. camellias, azaleas. a dozen old dahlias, and different varieties of asters were accompanied by a new bed of narcissus. There were also two fig trees, a pear tree, a sweet olive, various oleanders, and camphor, a crepe myrtle, as well as different types of shrubbery in the yard. After a great fig harvest in 1947. preserved in thirty jars. they unfortunately missed the harvest time almost every year due to their trip to Cambridge. The only unpleasant feature of the yard was a little slope which tended to erode. Voegelin planted grass to prevent it from slipping, and in the spring of 1948. he bought topsoil to fill in the slope and make the whole yard even. Now, the space that could be used was a third bigger and looked twice as big as before. 21 A six-meter tall banana plant. a big bamboo bush, and a ligustrum hedge surrounded the house in late 1948; bermuda grass was growing in the back yard. In the fan of 1950,lhe back porch got a new roof." The Voegel ins tried to do as much as they could on their own in and around their house. He liked to work in his yard and he often regretted not having more time to do so. The interior design of the house was not less work than the outside, and they added a classic and charming touch over the years. What especially seemed to draw astonishment and admiration among the visitors to the house were the Chinese-red door frames with the yellow doors. As Voegelin loved an and was interested in Asia, he had asked a friend to bring him a nice piece of an from Tokyo in December 1947. The friend. Dr. George Rohrlich,2J was p!C3sed t'J help 3r.d flattered te be asked by tl:Je Voegeli!ls to bring them something for their home. In February, he wrote back. offering a special piece to the Voegelins: It is a Chinese piece, over 100 years old but of unknown origin, a heavy wooden panel. about 1/2 meters by 1/3 big and 2 1/2 cm thick. The board has lillie cracks. Laid into the board is a scene at a river, with ships and people in them and a very nice background. All inlays are made from stone (which makes the picture quile heavy): sandstone, agate, and jade (of course not the shiny light green stone which is used for gems-the whole ensemble is rather subdued and kept in the lone of the dark wooden background) In the front, a piece of stone came otT; everything else is intact. The stone inlays are delicately

20

21 n lJ

Letter to Low, December 2, 1946. (HI 24.3). See letler 10 Low, May 21,1948. (HJ 24.3). Letter to Engel-Janosi, November 20. 1950. (HI 11.8). According to the HI-list, Voegelin and Rohrlich exchanged leum bctwem 1938 and 1971. They had known each other since they were students in Vienna. Social economist Georg Rohrlich (Jewish) born in 1914. doctorate in jurisprudence at the University of Vienna (1937). emigration to the United States (1938); doctorate in political economy and government at Harvard University (1943), in 1947 he ~ for the Allied Powm in Tokyo and helped to re-establish Japan's social security system; returned to the United States in 1950; 1964: University of Oticago; 1967: Temple University: died in 1995.

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

34

carved and chased. In my opinion, the whole thing is very beautiful. Price $48.- With package, postage, etc., it might add up to S50, maybe a bit more. ~

The Voegelins were eager to get the piece, although they had to ask Rohrlich to lend them the money until the next salary raise in March. After receiving the piece, the Voegelins put it in their living room and tried to figure out what light would have the best impact on the appearance of the stone inlays. Proud of their new piece of art, Voegelin wrote to Rohrlich that they liked the panel very much and that they had put it between one of the red doorframes and a Biedenneier case of cherry wood: "And it looks as if it were created for this

very spot...2j In 1949/' Voegelin wrote to Marianne Low that the kitchen was finally

done. Lissy had just started in the dining room. Although the house seemed to look quite messy when Voegelin was work-

ing, he knew exactly where to look when he needed something. One of his students recalled: He had had bookcases built into his dining room and inlO his office which was a bedroom oITlo one side; and you know, he had scads of books around there. {...] I recall pulling out one book: and looking at it. And then when I went 10 put it back, it wouldn't go back. Things were 100 tighl. And 50, I just laid it flat on top of the other books. Oh. be jumped all over me! He says, 'how can I find these books again if you don't put them in the right place1· 27

letter from RobrJicb to Voegelin, February 2, 1948. Tokyo. (HI 30.17) Translation by author. IS MWir sind begeislert wxI studieren es in den venchiedenen Beleuchtungcn. Bei Tag kommen ganz andere Farben in den Sleinen heraus als bei kQnstlicbem Licht und ich vennute, dass die Wahl des Materials etwas mit dtr Bcleuchtung zu lun hat. Ich glaube, die Stcine sind daraufberechnet in eincm malten Tageslicht, (viellcichl gelbe Papierfenster) zur Geltung zu kommen. ledenfalls ist das StUck nicht nur Isthetisch reizvoll, dutch die Qualitll.t des Materials, sondtm auch als sorgfllllig koostruiertes KWlSlWerk. Ich vennutc, dass irgendwelche Sung-Vorlagen darin verwendet sind. Es passl be50nders schOn in unsercn living-room. weil wir das Holzwerlc: der TOren chinesisch-rol und innen an den TOren emsprechend gelb geslrichen haben. Es hAngt zwischen einem Kirschholz Biedenneierkasten und einem solchen roten TOrpfosten, und siehl aus als Db es genau filr diesen Platz angefertigt worden wAre:' (Letter to Rohrlich, May 2, 1948; HI 30.17). 26 Letter 10 Low, February 15, 1949. (HI 24.3). Walters to Cooper, November 4, 1995. In Vienna, Voegelin's desk seemed to have bttn a mess, 100. Even a young Gestapo officer noticed it: "[I]n the general survey of univenity personnel, a Gestapo officer came to our bome and searched around my desk., drawers. and bookcases in order 10 see what I did. [...] First be inspecled my desk f~ incriminating malerial. At the time, since I bad bttn fired and had nothing to do but prqw-e for my emigralioo, I bad complete leisure for the exploration of complicated problems. I was working at the time on questions of empire, and my desk was piled high with matises 00 Byzantinum, several of them in French and English. So he thumbed through tlUs Byzantine empire literature; and after a while he remarked that be was in charge of inspecting all of the professon in Law School, and that my desk was the fint he bad seen thaI looked like the desk of a scholar:' 2.

"

(AR, 54).

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PERSONAL LIFE

35

3.3. Voegelin's Lifestyle

3.3.1. The Car While buying the new bouse, the Voegelins were already thinking about buying a car, too. They already had a car when they moved to Alabama in 1939. But only in May 1948 were they able to buy another car, which broke down in

May 1951, so they had to buy yet another. Back then, both Eric and Lissy learned for the first time how to drive. But in Baton Rouge, as some fonner colleagues and students of Voegelin remembered, Lissy was the only one who drove the car. She always took her husband to the university and picked him up. "Eric had driven when they first had a car, [...] but a mishap when he was at the wheel had led to Lissy's pennanent assumption of the chauffeur's duties."28 "Voegelin [had] bought a 1936 Ford,leamed to drive it with the assistance of the salesman, and promptly smashed a fender."29 Lissy thought that Voegelin was to drive a car but that he always got too excited, gesturing with his fists. As "a menace to the whole highway" she did not want to let him drive. JO At first very excited about the convenient location of their home, the Voegelins soon had to face everyday life in a city that was not built for pedestrians. He wrote to his sister Klara and tried to explain the circumstances to her: This is a situation you probably can not imagine. There is no "city" or a Greislu on the comer. All stores art desilpled as if everybody bad a car so it often takes an hour or more by foot. Without a car you arc lost. It is true that there are busses but they cannot be used: They run very rarely-cspccially because nobody uses them except for a few poor negroes. And taking a cab every time-that would be too expensive. 1be only line that runs every ten minutes is the one from the university to thc main street where you can find the banks, stores, etc.-because students are not allowed to have cars and, therefore, are dependem on the busses.]l

Ernest J. Walters, one of Voegelin's students from the early nineteen-fifties, remembered Voegelin's attitude toward cars and his general dislike of machines and technical achievements very well when he recalled an episode typical of Voegelin: And he always bought Fords. [... J BUI, Ont day the car wouldn't stan. And after trying for a while, Voegelin says, "wail, we will teach il a lesson. Don'I uy 10 stan it." And

21 29

JO

JI

Heilman 1999, 101. Cooper 1999,25. Quoted according to Webb, August 30, 200 I, San Francisco. Letter 10 Haerdtl, December 20, 1948. (HI 16.12; translation by author) A Greisler is the Austrian w~d for the American mom·and·pop stoas • little grocery Slore where people are personally Imown and it is possible to buy on credit.

00042BJB

36

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

they sat there for about five minutes. And Voegelin says, "maybe it's learned its lesson. Now uy." And it staned up. And, of cowse the problem was, it was flooded. n

Not being the driver himself, Voegelin was especially worried about the fact that their garage was behind their house and only reachable trough a steep passageway between their house and the neighbors'. There were just two cement walls and no room to tum the car around before backing up to the street.

3.3.2. Family Life When the Voegelins had to leave Vienna overnight years before, they not only left their money and most of their furniture, but also their friends and families. It was hard to maintain any contact with them within the first few years-not least of all because the Gestapo had taken Voegelin's address book. After an utterly unpleasant separation from his father,)} Voegelin did not have any contact with him anymore. The Voegelins tried to keep in touch with her family, the Onkens,l4 and Eric's aunt KJara. But the only relative according to the known correspondence with whom they had (regular) contact while staying in Baton Rouge was Eric's sister KJara Haerdtl. One of the first letters that Voegelin wrote to his sister was dated August 16, 1939, shortly before the Voegelins moved to Alabama. The tone of this letter was rather unfriendly. Voegelin accused KJara of using "Nazi tricks", and he set the facts straight about his treatment by the Nazis and his own relatives, his reaction to the ··filthy treatment by your brown gang of bastards which [he] was put through."}' The first letter to KJara from Baton Rouge was dated November 10, 1947, and sounded completely different. Voegelin ex.plained to KJara how he got her address in Oberbayern (Upper Bavaria) and told her about his situation in Baton Rouge, the job, the house and their summers in Cambridge. Knowing that Klara and her family's situation had to be quite bad due to the war, Voegelin asked her to send him a list of the things they needed most. Although the Voegelins already had some addresses in Europe to which n Walters 10 Boyer, November 4, 1995. )} Lissy later recalled in an inlerview, "When he wenl to say good-bye 10 his father, his father had the large pictures of Hiller, Goering. and Goebbels in his room. And nol a single one of his children or anybody, even not his wife. And Eric had quite a temper, really, when he was young. He said good·bye 10 his father. then he took these pictures and threw them on the floor so thai the glass broke andjusl, he said. "You better get some other pictures in here." That was it. And we never, we never cOlTe$pOl'lded with his father again. II was too much, no:' (Lissy to Boyer. August 30, 1990) Voegelin's mother had already died in the early nineteeo-thirties. l4 "They lacked family, in the usual sense, and this was a source: of some sadness. Relations with Lissy's family in Vienna were difficult, and may indeed have ended because her relatives were businesspeople who had welcomed the Nazi regime.- (Heilman 1999, lOOt). }, Letter 10 Hacrdtl, August J6, 1939. (HI 16. J2). For the wbole letter see appendix AJ. L; translation by author. Klara HaerdtJ (10I27/1902-12fl2I1970); Chiklren; Gunter Haerdt1 and Brigine (Gitti) Walprrtingcr (~ HI 112.348b).

PERSONAL LIFE

37

they sent food, they wanted to help Klara and her family. About their contact with friends and family in Europe, Voegelin wrote: Most of the ti~ we only hear bad things from Vienna. Lissy's parents were miserable, and two weeks ago her father died; the mother is alone now. Her brother is in Upper Bavaria, too. in Funh, and he had opened up a little shop for himself. Of my personal friends. most of them had gotten 001; but ooe or the other was caught and they haver now disappeared to Auschwitz or another lovely place. I am in correspondence with aunt K1ara., but I have not beard anything from her in haifa year; Kurt died last year.J6

Within the next few years, the Voegelins regularly sent packages to KJara and her family-not only food (especially sugar, lard, and candies), but also everything else that the Haerdtls needed and could neither afford nor obtain (paper and envelopes, balls for the children, shoes, fabric, thread, etc.). They also started sending them money on a regular basis as well as money for additional expenses (such as a trip to the doctor in Munich in 1957). The Voegelins could not send packages to all their friends and all the people they knew who would have needed it, but having received so much help themselves, they tried to support other people as best they could. When asked, they lent Or. Alex von Muralt, the Swiss friend who had helped Voegelin when he had prepared to leave Vienna, $40 in 1953-even though they needed the money themselves to pay for a surgical operation. J7 They also sent regular packages to their Gennan friends Hans and Hedwig Berstel. lI In one of their letters to the Berstels, Voegelin tried to explain that America was-contrary the obviously prevailing opinion in Europe not a fairyland: (I) We liw: on my salary as a professor, this salary is enough to live on. but modest even in the pre-war time. (2) We have had a war. The aftermath; an increase ofthc income taJt by 2C"/.., ;:.nd ;:0 ir.::r.=a.;c of t.~ ~:ice:: by 75~~ rlu~ :0 i,,!1;;.tiar.. Th~ ~a:ari~ -.""c:-e nOl raised. The result is utter shonage. (3) After the last balance. we are able to spend a monthly maximum of S20 for packages to Europe; that is about one package in three weeks. (4) Within these limits there are priorities. At the top of our list is the immediate family. My wife's father suffers a famine edema and the regular support with food is a matter of life and death. Besides. there are people who are bombed out and do not have anything at all. (5) [...} This situation of irregular and insufficient supply will last for at least another year; maybe evcn longer. if there are strikes again.)')

ltI

n 31

39

leiter to Haerdtl. November 10, 1947. (HI 16.12; translation by author). Letter to Schweizcr1sche Bankgesellschaft. January 9. 1953, and letter by Dr. Alex von Muralt, Jooe 24,1953. (HI 26.6). II is not known for how long lhe Vocgelins and the Berstels bad known eaeh other and how lheir relation was. They were probably friends from Vienna, and concluding from the regular mail and lhe open letters. it can be assumed that they WeTe pretty c1~ in these days. lOcir correspondence dates from 1934 until 1958. (HI 8.11). Letter to Hans Ikrstel. January 30, 1947. (HJ 8.11; translation by author) This letter also shows that Vocgelin was not only generous, but that he also had a good sense of humor and irony: "Zuerst die Krawattcnfrage. Glaubcn Sie meinen heiljgen Eiden, dass ich nie so tief sinken wcrdc das Problem dcr Kn.watte zu untcrschatzen; wie kOnnte dcr Mensch ohnc Krawatte leben: und nicht nur mit eioer belicbigen. licblosen soli er seine Tage verbringen; sie soli aoch aus gutcrn Matenal scin und ihr cdcl gefomllcs Muster soli ihren Trtger befricdigen.

38

ERJC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

As Heilman speculated, this situation might have been one of the reasons why

the Voegelins never started their own family: "The Voegelins spoke once or twice about having or adopting children, but it may be that by the time they were financially secure. age had become a bar to parenthood.'-.o Although it also might have been meant as a joke, it can be assumed that there also was a bit of seriousness involved, when Voegelin in 1947 wrote to Dr. Gregor Sebba, that '~Lissy wants to have something like that, too.... 1 Sebba was a colleague from Vienna, then teaching at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, who had just adopted a linle hoy. Voegelin liked children, hut Lissy had tn keep the children from the

neighborhood quiet while he was working. When the Voegelins came to the United States in 1938, it was almost too late to start a family: They were 37 and 32 years old, and they were not sure what would happen to them in the next few years: Would they have to move very often, would they have enough money to live on and to raise a child. would his work load allow him the spare time to care for children? Their only additional family members were pets. In their Stanford years. the Voegelins had two dogs, during their Baton Rouge and Munich time. a cat was their constant living companion. Sometimes, they even had two male cats, but in December 1948, one of them vanished so the remaining one felt "as if he were the sole owner now. '''1 Voegelin liked his cat very much. {aJnd he talked about the cat being his cat, and be compared himself to Rousseau, who never knew if he was playing with the cat, or the cat playing with him. (...J But the cat was always arOlmd when we went out to the house in Baton Rouge for the seminar. 4l

They had several cats over the years. but the last Baton Rouge cat even made it over the ocean. as Lissy recalled: In Baton Rouge we had a cat, a Penian cal. And he was eight yean old when we had to move over to Munich, and all my friends suggested to me to have it pul away, because it's silly to get a cat over when you move to Europe, and I said No, I'm not going to part wilh it. Eric didn't want to eilher. So we took it with us, and he made it up to 16 In years. And we had it in Munich. (... J My husband was however a cat man. and I preferred dogs."

Nie werde ich vergessen, was mir unauslOschlich eingebrnnnt ist, dass :t.B. eine Krawanc keine schragen Strcifen haben darf; und dass cine gewisse Sorte Strickkrawatten nur von Bundesprtsidenten getragen werden. Nie ware es mir eingefallen tu sagen, dass cine Krawane kein Problem sei; nicht nur rur den Dichter ist sie es, sondem auch fllr niedrige Gesellen wie mich. Es schmerzt mich tief, dass sie aucb nur Rlr einco Augenblick glauben konnten, ich hlne sagen wollen, Sie kOnnten die K.rawatte entbebren. Was mtls.sen Sie fllr ein dunklcs Bild von meinem Charakter im allgemeinen und im besonderen haben... He always wore the same brown necktie to class. 40 Heilman 1999, 101. 4\ Letter to Sebba, December 21,1947. (Hl 35.4). 41 Compare letter to HaerdtJ. December 20, 1948. (HI 16.12). 4} Sandoz to Cooper, NO\o"Cmber 1995. ~ Lissy to Boyer. August 29.1990.

42bJb

PERSONAL lIFE

39

Lissy was sure the cat liked his new home: uBibi, the cat, is enjoying it too; there is much more room for jumping around and a refrigerator for adoration.''''5 Not having the need to take care of children or elderly parents and without a job of her own, Lissy dedicated her life to her husband and his work, She was always trying to make everything as convenient as possible for him, "Lissy had a great sense of humor and a nice touch of American slang, [, ..] she was always as independent as she was devoted.'>46 When Voegelin was writing in his office, Lissy only came in to bring him lunch or tea. When he was done with a passage, she read over it and commented on ir. Lissy remembered her role in Voegelin's life as being a part of his structured journey: Well, he insisted on having breakfast at 7:30. And, I'm a very punctual person and I always had it ready, and then I went and called him and said, "Breakfast is ready," and then he put on his lounge Coal and came into Ihe kitchen, and we had breakfasl al 7:30. After that we each took our teacups into Ihe living room, we did that in Baton Rouge and in Munich and here. And, sal down, and Ihen he would star1 talking about what be had been done the night before. And would tell me everything about it. And, I think it was very necessary for him. 1 always called myself, The Wall. He was talking against the wall, you know. Of course you can clear your mind when you speak Ihings out that you have been pondering on the night before. So that's what he did. And sometimes when he had of course written a few pages, during the night, he gave them to me and he said, "Have a look," and 1 tried my best, while he was reading the New York Times. And I, if I've gal into some passages that I did not quite understand, so every word, I told bim, I said, "There is something missing there." And be said, "Well, what is missing?" And I said, "I can't tell you that. Because if I would tell you that, I would write Ihe book:' Then he would get very mad at me and take Ihose pages out of my hand and two days later he would come up again and say, "Now these two pages are three pages." And that was, he thought, not so goOO.. Because his work was always so that he had, let's say seven or eight pages and then it became six pages and fIVe pages and then three pages. And sometimes he overdid it. And I always caught on 10 il. And then of course these two or three pages became four or five pages, and I must really say that in Eric's work there are several pages Ihat I, 1 didn't write them but I'm responsible for. Which sounds very 47 funny to me.

The Voegelins' marriage was not an 'average relationship' of two people with common interests, He, an intellectual philosopher, was always working and too busy to be social, and she was a very bright and intelligent person, very sociable and a "true beauty." She understood and respected his work, and she was able to step back and view some of his character traits with humor. One might even go so far as to describe her caring as a 'mothering' attitude. She kept everything away from him that could either disturb or bore him, She ar~ ranged and planned everything in their lives that did not have to do with his job (socializing, shopping, and their finances). After Voegelin's death, Lissy remembered their relationship and her role in it: 45

-46

47

Letter from Lissy to Jean Steamer, March 20,1958. Heilman 1999, IOOf. Lissy to Boyer, August 29, 1990,

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40

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

Through the fifty-three years of our marriage I tried to be as much a panner of my husband's life as I could manage to be. It was hard going at first. Because I had no formal academic training I had to get acquainted with his world of learning and thinking. With his guidance I tried to absorb, sometimes only dutifully, but with mounting interest in life what the world of learning and science had to offer. But since what I have of lalents goes more in the dire<:tion of loving response, my main and whole interest in life was my husband and his work. I have often been called his silent partner, a title that suits me well and that I would like to keep.48

Although (or because?) they were so different, they always seemed to have a very harmonious life together. Josephine Scurria,49 Voegelin's longtime secretary in the Government Department at LSU, described her impression of the couple as being devoted to each other and that he worshipped her. He always gave her nice, thoughtful, and generous presents. so

3.3.3. Health Voegelin had a long working day, and he rarely allowed himself or Lissy a break.. He even worked on his deathbed. sl The only times he was prevented from working were the times when he or Lissy were ill. In June 1947, Voegelin apologized to the Berstels for not having written for quite a while because Lissy had had a serious blood poisoning (caused by a rusty nail) in March and April that needed to be treated in a hospital with an operation. "This had brought some worries and had messed the daily routine Up."S2 At the end of 1948, a cyst on Voegelin's hand resulted in an operation that forced him to lay down his writing work for two weeks. 53 A more serious health problem came about in the spring of 1952. A virus infection of his intestines caused him persistent troubles. In April 1952, he wrote to Eduard Baumgarten about his illness and the related problems: The main problem is cured, but a chronic infection of the bladder remained. The whole last month, I let a specialist work with me with the (fortunate) result that it is nothing that needs to be operated on, but that (unfortunately) requires a heavy sulfate medication. And so, I have lived for three weeks now under sulfate with the usual side effects of 48 49

so SI

52 53

Foreword to OH V, xv. $curria worked in the GovemmentIPolitical Science Department of LSU from Oclober 1949 to May 1993. $curria to Puhl, December 2, 1999. "OfVoegelin's last days Paul Caringella, who sat by his bedside, writes: 'Eric Voegelin began dictating "Quod Deus DieiNf" on January 2, 1985, the day before his eighty-fourth birthday. He revised the last pages on January 16; further revisions were made on January 17 and in the afternoon on January 18, his last futl day before his death on Saturday the nine, teenth at about eight in the morning:" (VR, 271) See CW 12, "Quod Deus Dicitur", 376394, esp. footnote p. 376f. Letter to the Berstcls, June 28, 1947. (HI 8.11). Compare letters to Haerdtl, December 20, 1948. (HI 16.12) and Dr. Rohrlich, December 26, 1948. (HI 30.17).

POC42838

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41

becoming feebleminded. And this will go on for at least the next three weeks. At the moment, it looks as if the germ of the infection is identified-at least it is rapidly dying.But that is distwbing. in that worlc.ing takes more energy, but all in all it has cost me only ten days ofa real bTea.k. St

UnfortUnately, the infection did not go away. After talking to another doctor, Voegelin decided in favor of an operation at the end of 1952. To 'calm down' the intestines, a first pre-operation by a surgeon named Ochsner took place in New Orleans on December 19." A second operation, a 'colostomy', was done on January 2, 1953. A third and final operation followed in March. Years later, Lissy still recalled how she could cheer him up: He had an operation on his intestines, they had to take out a piece of his intestines, a very serious operation. [... J I know that Eric was in the special care unit, and I couldn't do anything for him, SO I went and bought TIME magazine because I always enjoyed to read it, and there I was sitting, just leafing through it, and suddenly I see (1) and Plato and I say, "Oh my goodness, that sounds familiar to me." And I believe I went back, and then, only then I found out that it was about Eric's work. So I jumped up and went to the nurse and said, could I possibly speak to my husband? Oh, it was quite impossible. So, I said, well, you know, here he had written a book recently and here in TIME magazine is an article about it of thTee or four pages. And if I eould tell him about it, I think h~ will be getting better mueh faster. So the nurse went to another nurse and they said, "Yes, Mrs. Voegelin, you may come in and talk to your husband, but two or three minutes, not more:' So I went with the open magazine and said, "Eric, look here, they have an article about your book, three or four pages:' and I turned the pages and he made such a happy face, and he said, "I cannot see it," because after the anesthetie you know, everything looks so different, you cannot really read. But 00, this is really very good. And he was SO happy about it. And I think it helped him, really. ~

Voegelin was hospitalized for two and a half weeks, and he recovered completely frem :hese cpcrat;o:J.s. B~1t in Mc;y 1953, he hJC new wcr.ics: "The scars look awful-never again will one see me at the beach in my bathing

S6

~,

"

utter 10 Baumganen, April 21, 1952. (HI 7.17; translation by author). Due to the fact that Baumganen asked Voegelin about some common friends of these days, it can be assumed that they had met as students in Vienna. Their exchange of letters is dated 1931 to 1960 (HI 7.17). Baumganen (·190 I) stayed in Gennany after the Anschluss where he had to struggle-together with Karl Jaspers and Edmund Husserl-with Heidegger's influence in Nazi circles. Recommended by Weber, Baumganen got a scholarship by the Abraham Lincoln SlifJlJng in the early nineteen-thinies. Later he worked closely together with Weber's widow in the' Heidelberg circle', he translated Dewey's work into German, and he survived the Hitler years 10 play later an active role in the rebuilding or the Gennan university system. A day later, Robert Harris wrote Voegelin about the students' reaction: "1llc: students in Government 51 took up a collection on Thursday in order 10 purchase some flowen: ror you, and this morning they rendered a ICpon to the class on how they had spent the money for some polted poinsettia plants which in the long run will be very useful for Lissy in planting around the house. They have been very nice students and have shown a genuine sympathy for you." J)c.. cember 20,1952. (HJ 16.15). Lissy to Boytt, August 29, 1990. The: article Lissy is talking about. "Journalism and Joachim's Children.·' was published in the special 30" anniversary edition of TIME Magazine on March 9, 1953, p. 57-61.

42

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

suit.-This time, however. Lissy is the one responsible for the next shadows on the horizon: after the California trip, she has to undergo a hysterectomy."n From neither Eric nor Lissy Voegelin would one ever hear a complaint, a word of sadness, a bit of self-pity. They just went gracefully through everything that they had to face.'"

3.3.4. Leisure Time Sometimes, even Voegelin did not work around the clock. His secretary recalled: lOose who did not understand him tend 10 believe that he was less than hwnan and humble, but to people who were around him and knew him well, he was a very wann, considerate person, who liked Marilyn Monroe movies, but seldom attended "because they get my onc track mind off the track." He could often be seen at the comer drugstore playing the pinball machines, and walking down the streets near his home with his New York Times tucked under his ann and his cap on head, where he was once mistaken for a newsboy,S9

On campus and in the Government department, Voegelin used to walk aroWld and smoke cigars. When he was home and it was hot and humid outside, he loved to sit in his bathtub full of cold water for hours, smoking cigars and working with books and papers that were spread over a board across the tub. Because alcohol made him sleepy, Voegelin hardly drank any alcoholic beverages. This fact would not change in the future. Manfred Henningsen, a student ofVoegelin's later years in Munich remembered: [H)e had no relation to wine or any other type of alcohol. He was drunk after one glass of wine, mostly bad wine. We thought thai was funny. (He didn't enforce any kind of teetotaling regime and was actually very pleased when people enjoyed themselves with lots of wine al his parties, as his students did.) He despised people who could distinguish between good and bad wines. He considered them bourgeois and unser1OUS. He poked fun at Winckelmann from the Max-Weber-Lnslitule because he knew 10 read wines. Voegelin was an illiterate in that regard. 60

Another instance Henningsen remembers also shows how inexperienced Voegelin was with alcohol: For a party at the Voegelins' house in Munich Lissy had mixed a punch with champagne, fruits, and a whole bottle of Cognac. Although Voegelin seemed to be self-disciplined he turned to be "sillier and sillier"-he thought it would be safe to just take the fruits,'l Therefore, his cigar smoking was about the only vice thai this man of self·restraint enjoyed. Lissy recalled: $7

Sf

Letter 10 Alfred Schuett, May 15. 1953. (HI 34.11; translation by author). Heilman to Publ, December S. 2000. et al.

60

Jo Scwria, Reflections after JO )'eon, 7. E.mail from Henningsen. August 2. 200J.

61

According to Henningsen, August 30. 2001, San Francisco.

S9

2606

PERSONAL LIFE

43

Well, he started smoking cigars only after we had been in America for two or three years. He smoked cigarettes up to thai. Then he tried for a while a pipe, and I did not pennil that. I cannol lolerale a pipe, I think. it's awful. And then, be said yes, il takes too much of your atlenlion too, you know, that constant lighting and-. So he went to cigars and he finally in his last years smoked about something between 10 and 15 King Edward . cigars a da" y.

Even while teaching his seminar in his home, Voegelin smoked: "And he would always come out and put two cigars down on the table; that was as much as he would allow himself during that seminar.'>63 He only smoked the mild and cheap King Edward Cigars with little tobacco and much paper. Even when he was offered stronger and more expensive ones he refused to smoke them. The Voegelins both liked art and music. They had several pieces of art in their home from all over the world, and they both were skilled pianists. To relax, Voegelin liked to read mystery and murder novels as well as Shakespeare. He was a very quick reader and could manage a tremendous amount of reading within the shortest time. Sometimes he could be seen at the comer drugstore, leafmg and reading very rapidly through some paperbacks, but never buying them. Nonnally, he worked until midnight and read Shakespeare afterwards. Until he died, he tried to read all of Shakespeare's plays every year. Voegelin never mentioned anything about the Southern American culture of his time, be it Jazz music, art, or cultural events such as concerts or exhibitions. Henningsen said about the years in Munich: He was not very sophisticated when it came to opera, theater productions, symphonic music, and movies either. Lissy made sometimes the mistake of taking Eric 10 the opera in Munich. He fell regularly asleep. She had always to poke him in the side when he slaned to snore. One could sometimes provoke hIm 10 go and see a panicular movie. He loved, for example, some of the early Beatles movies. Whether he accepted their music, I'm nOI sure. He certainly liked to use his familiarity with their movies to needle sometimes some of his sluffy colleagues. I experienced that at a dinner party in Cambridge, Massachusetts in March 1967, when he compared the Beatles with Gregorian music. AI that lime, he had not the slightest idea what he was talking about. But he enjoyed lremendously the barned looks of the other dinner guests. He was amused.&t

It can be assumed that Voegelin's basic opinion on music, theater and movies

did not change too much between the Baton Rouge and the Munich years.

62 6J

&t

Lissy to Boyer, August 29,1990. Walters to Cooper, November 4, 1995. E-mail from Henningsen, Augusl 2, 2001.

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

3.3.5. Socializing Contrary to Lissy Voegelin, Eric did not like to go to social events. This was nothing specific to his Baton Rouge time. As Lissy remembered, he did not even like family gatherings where he knew all the people: No, he wasn't, definitely not a family man [... ] he had his friends, [...] but very, not very intimate friends. That was not in his line. And I remember, at dinner parties at home, when all the family was present, and he looked out and said, "Well, isn't it nice. Everybody is related to each other. Only we two are not related. And is that nice. 6s

Social gatherings were hard work for Voegelin, and talking to people who were incapable of the professional dialogue he was used to seemed to him to be a waste of time. He quickly lost any interest in a conversation---especially with students and colleagues-when he discovered that the other person did not bring anything to the table to discuss with him. He was said to be "incapable of small talk", and when he did talk, he always brought up the problems on which he was currently working. He liked to provoke people, to say something favorable about a person of whom it was very easy for everybody else to speak unfavorably of, to say something that would result in a discussion and reveal the other person's real opinion. He enjoyed these discussions, and he never hesitated to challenge the cliches people around him were spouting. Not everyone at these parties was able or willing to deal with his topics and provocations at a purely social event: Some people were so defeated by Eric's intellectual superiority that they just wished he'd go away. [... ) Obviously, a man who at best was hard 10 understand and who dared to question long-held secular faith was nOI always easy to take. [...] So Eric tended, at social events, to become a solilary, nOI looking disgruntled or censorious or troubled or neglected, but with his ordinarily pleasant mien [...] falling into an expressionless 66 neutrality. {... J Eric was always a thinker before he was a social being.

Voegelin tried to avoid social events in general and only set aside a minimal amount of time for socializing. When he was in the middle of a thinking or writing process, he did not hesitate to stay horne working and to send Lissy without him. Constantly invited by friends, loving parties and loving to be social, Lissy just went alone. And you know, ror six or seven years I wcnt 10 all the panies alone. But, then I came homc, Eric was waiting for me, all the lamps or the house were on, and he said, "How was it'?" And then I had to give a pcrfonnance, orwhat we talked about, and that pleased him vcry much. I always said thai I was Eric's entenainer.67

6S

66

67

Lissy to Boyer, August 29, 1990. Heilman 1999, 87f. "I've heard him described by people who've known him as one of the kindest human beings they've ever met, too, perhaps the most intimidating person they've ever encountered:' (Boyer in an interview, August 30, 1990). Lissy to Boyer, August 29, 1999.

PERSONAL LlFE

45

Whcn he wanted to be sociable, Voegelin was relaxed and talkative. He was hardly seen openly angry or insensitive to other persons. He had a temper but he tried to be patient and understanding. He was described by several persons as charming, warm, and interested. Still, the Voegelins had many acquaintances in the United States. 68 Thus, when the Voegelins arrived in the United States in the middle of 1938, they not only had friends there already but were soon followed by others who became readers, listeners, and critics, just as they had been in Vienna before. Among them were the historian Friedrich Engel-Janosi and the social theorist and philosopher Alfred Schuetz, as well as the lawyers Maximilian Mintz and Eduard [Emanuel] von Wintemitz, (...] (nhe circle of people who saw at least parts of the "History" came to include the American literary scholars Roben Heilman and Cleanth Brooks [both teachers in the LSU English department when Voegelin arrived there] as well as Leo Strauss and Karl Locwith, [...] The correspondence with several of these friends, most notably that between Voegelin and Friedrich Engcl-Janosi, Alfred Schuetz, Max Mintz, and, to a lesser extent, Leo Strauss and Karl Locwith, stresses different aspects of the work in progress, oscillating among the historical, the political, and the philosophical. 69

So, most of Eric's contacts in these days were on a professional basis, and really close friendships were rare and 'not in his line'. KARL LoEWITH was professor at the New School for Social Research in New York, and his correspondence with Voegelin began in 1944. They probably got better acquainted when Loewith published his Meaning in History (Chicago, 1949), and they later even discussed writing a book together, but details were vague. In 1955, Loewith moved to Heidelberg where he was still teaching when Voegelin returned to Gennany in 1958.7{) The historian FRIEDRICH ENGEL-JANOSI 71 also came to the Ueited St~tes in !he late thi!1iet: whe!"e he st3rted wo!"king as Research Associate at the Hopkins University in Chicago. Later he changed to the Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C. From 1938 until the cnd of his life he was in close contact with Voegelin and he was always a critic, friend and advocate, especially when it came to scholarship applications. 68 69

7{) 71

For more on Voegclin's contacts during his Baton Rouge years see: HI 129.431a (handwritten notes) and HI 130 (address books). CW 19, Introduction, 14f. Voegelin and Wintemitz met in the seminars of Kclscn at the University of Vienna. They were both members of the 'Geistkreis'. "Emanuel Wintcmitz was a practicing lawyer connected especially with Bausparkasscn. He used a good deal of his income as a successful lawyer to make extended trips to Italy in order to indulge his interest in art history:' (AR, 6) "Emanuel Wintemitz, who, after we were all thrown out by Hitler, became the curator of the collection of musical instruments in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York." (AR 4-5). E-mail from Sandoz to Puhl, April 6, 2001. Friedrich Engel-Janosi (1893 - 1978), Among others: 1938-40 scholarship recipient of the 'Emergency Committee In Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars,' 1947 president of the 'American Catholic Historical Association,' 1955 scholarship holder of the Guggenheim Foundation, 1973 elected 'Corresponding Fellow' of the British Academy. Author of countless books and articles.

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

People with whom Eric shared a long-lasting friendship were Friedrich A. von Hayek, Oscar Morgenstern, Fritz Machlup, Gregor Sebba (and his wife Helen), Gottfried von Haberler, and Alois Dempf. Haberler, Hayek, Morgenstern, and Machlup had already been in the economics seminars of Ludwig von Mises at the University of Vienna with Voegelin. They stayed in contact for many years. HABERLER immigrated to the United States and was already teaching at Harvard when Voegelin left Austria in 1938. He supported Voegelin's application at Harvard to get him a non quota visa to be able to enter the United States. HAYEK72 also left Vienna during World War n. After a few years in London he moved to the United States (University of Chicago}-only to go back to Germany/Austria twelve years later. He exchanged letters with Voegelin between 1938 and 1966. While Voegelin was still in Vienna, ALOIS DEMPF73 was professor of philosophy at the university. Shortly after the Anschluss he was forbidden to teach any longer. After the war, he went back to Germany and taught in Munich. As close friend of Voegelin's, they exchanged letters between 1949 and 1972. GREGOR SEBSA and Voegelin had known each other from their days as faculty members at the University of Vienna from the early nineteen-thirties or before. While Voegelin was at LSU, Sebba was a professor at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, for many years. He was instrumental in inviting Voegelin to deliver the Candler Lectures ("Drama of Humanity") in Atlanta in 1967. FRITZ MACHLUP had already been teaching as a professor of economics at the University of Buffalo in Buffalo, New York, since 1936. In 1939, he supported Voegelin's teaching position at the summer school at Northwestern University in Evanston, llIinois, with a letter. Starting in the fall of 1947, Machlup taught at the John Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland. He was in contact with Voegelin between 1938 and 1962.74 The Voegelins still maintained contact with some members of group that had regularly met for a few months in Vienna, the 'Geistkreis' (Intellectual Circle):

72

73

"

Friedrich August von Hayek (May 8, I899-March 23,1992) studied at the University of vieona where he came in contact with Othmar Spann and Ludwig von Mises. In Mises' private seminar he met F. von Hayek, G. von Haberler, F. Machlup, O. Morgenstern, F. Kaufmann, A. Schuetz, E. Voegelin, F. Engel-Janosi and M. Her.lfeld. 1923-1924: New York University on a Rockefeller Foundation scholarship. 1929: habilitation. 1931-49: teacher at the London School of Economics; 1950: UniversilY of Arkansas; 1950-62: Professor of Social and Moral Sciences at the University of Chicago. 1962: Universilllt Freibur&"Breisgau. 1968: Univer· sitat Salzburg. 1974: Nobel Prize of economics (together with Gunnar Myrdal). 1977: back 10 Freiburg; 1985: 'Companion of Honour' (GB); 1991 'Presidencial Medal of Freedom: Alois Dempf (1891-1982), philosopher, cultural theorist, historian; opponent of National Socialism; representative of Neothomism. See HI24.7.

42bJ6

PERSONAL LIFE

47

It was a group of younger people who met regularly every month, one of them giving a le<:ture on a subject of his choice and the others tearing him to pieces. [...] To this group. which gradually expanded with sometimes somebody dropping out. belonged on and off [... ) Alfred Schuetz. Emamlal Winternitz. Haberler, Herbert Fuerth. JohaJUlcs Wilde the ar1 historian. Robert Waelder the psychoanalyst, Felix Kaufmann. Friedrich von EngelJanosi the historian. and Georg Schiff. An important characteristic of the group was that we were all hcld together by our intellectual interests in the pursuit of this or that science. but that at the same time a good number of the members were not simply attached to the university but were engaged in various business activities. {... J The economists were affected by the shrinking of the University of Vienna under the conditions of the Republic. One university could not accomodate as many first-rate economists as emerged in these years, and the names of Hayek. Haberler, Morgenstern. and Machlup have become famous in England and Amenca. They intended to leave Vienna even before Hitler. Machlup was one of the last to leave,because he was an independent industrialist. Engel.Janosi, besides being an excellent historian. was the owner of a parquetry factory; (... J [Schuetz) was a banker; [... J Many of these young people. through the advent of Hitler, the fact of being thrown out of their positions, and the necessity to flee. were thrown into their business careers. The friendships fonned in these years held up. The members of this Geistkreis were physically dispersed, but the personal relationships have remained intact.'s

The only personal contacts and friendships the Voegelins pursued within Baton Rouge were their relationships to RUTH and ROBERT HEILMAN and to ROBERT HARRIS and his wife DASHIEL. ROBERT BECHTOLD HEILMAN was a very close friend ofVoegelin's. He and his wife tried to help the Voegelins in getting acquainted with the people, the atmosphere, the weather. the traditions-in short: with everything that made it easier for the Voegelins to settle down and feel at home. Heilman remembered: My wife and I probably met the Voegelins through the Heberles, refugees who had arrived in 1938; Rudolf, a sociologist, had been at Kiel. and his wife, Franziska. was the daughter of the eminent sociologist Ferdinand Toennies. My wife and I found both couples congenial socially. The men were splendid additions to the faculty, and the wives were superior people; they all remained tactfully silent about whatever differences they found between Vienna and Kiel. on one hand. and Baton Rouge on the other. We made special efforts; not only did we want them to feci at home at LSU, but we could imagine their problems in adjusting to a new culture and in having to use a new language. [...] In time we came to use first names. This did not happen rapidly. for society had not yet reached today's stage of instant. obligatory infonnality, and as individuals we were disinclined to a stylistic intimacy that had not been earned by

"

AR. S-7."A more detailed discussion of the various Viennese 'circles' and Voegelin's role in them is given by Friedrich Engel-Janosi. For example. Voegelin gave a dozen papers to the Geistkreis (its most industrious member) over the years from 1921 to 1938, his topics ranging far and wide: "Methods in the Social Sciences." "Philosophy of Judaism." "Meaning of Art History," ..England,····Shakespeare... "Paul Valery," "Age of Augustine," "Concept of The State," and "Mongol Letters" among them." (VR. 37. Sandoz refers to Friedrich EngelJanosi, ... aber ein stalzer Bettler: Erinnenmgen aus einer \'erlorenen Generation (Graz., Vienna. Cologne: Verlag Styria, 1974). pp. 108-28 and passim.

OOO.2bJ~

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ERIC VOEGELlN IN SATON ROUGE

experience. [...) Eric admitted that he found it difficult to call me "Bob," which seemed to him too trivial a vocative to apply to an adult who was at least nominally a scholar. 'M

The Voegelins and the Heilmans shared a close friendship. The mutual trust was especially mirrored in the beforementioned situation when the Heilmans bought a house for the Voegelins, them being out of state and needing support. They met at several social occasions, and sometimes the Heilmans invited Lissy and Eric Voegelin to their home. So I think that as we knew tbem better, we tended to try not to impose too many such occasions on him, lest we seem to be thoughtlessly deflecting him from more serious things. His wife and my wife had a great deal in common, they were very congenial. they shared senses of humor, and as a matter of fact they cootinued a regular correspondence and frequent phone calls up until very late in my wife's life. n

In 1953, the Heilmans even stayed at the Voegelins' house for a week while the Voegelins were in California for summer school. Voegelin and Heilman often worked together. Heilman helped Voegelin to acquire an idiomatic English style, he read over most of his written work, made recommendations for corrections of style, discussed ideas and introduced him to special topics of English literature, as Henry James' The Turn of the Screw, about which Voegelin later wrote an essay.7I In me Eric excited a respect bordering on veneration, for I recognized in him the most extraordinary intellect I had ever encountered, [ ...) But my good luck was that Eric had as it WeT'e established me in a role in which I felt some competence-that, to borrow a tenn from anthropology, of "native informant."19

Heilman left LSU after thirteen years in 1948 for the University of Washington in Seattle, where he is still living today. Widowed since 1985. he lives in a residence for elderly people in downtown Seattle. 1ll Voegelin's relationship with ROBERT J. HARRIS, chainnan of the Government Department, began on a professional basis: As a member of the Southern Political Science Association, Voegelin attracted the attention of some colleagues, among them Harris. Harris invited Voegelin for a guest lecture at LSU and later brought him back as an associate professor. At the end of 1943, the tone of their letters changed to a more personal style and content, and Voegelin no longer addressed him as "Dear Professor Harris" but as "Dear Bob". Harris helped Voegelin with his housing problem in 1946; he wrote letters to all sorts of people to ensure Voegelin the best possible working condiHeilman 1999, 86f. n Hcilman to Boyer, August 29,1990. 71 See SR Vol. 7 I, 348. See exchange of letten between Voegelin and Heilman (HI 17.9) and CW 12, 134-171 as well as Embry 2004. 79 Heilman 1999,88. 10 Raben Heilman is Professor Emeritus of English at the University of Washington, where: be chaired the Department of English from 1948-1971, retired since 1976: scbolarship bolder of the GF in 1964 and 1975. 76

PERSONAL LIFE

49

tions at LSU and to help him obtain financial support for his work and his summer trips to Cambridge. He kept Voegelin informed about 'business' at the university while Voegelin stayed in Cambridge. As Sandoz puts it, "A connoisseur of Supreme Court decisions, Harris deepened Voegelin's understanding of constitutional law, explaining among other things the key role of procedure in the Court's decisions."sl Whenever decisions had to be made in the Department, Harris first asked Voegelin for his opinion. Harris left LSU in 1955. On his yearly trips to Cambridge, Voegelin used to meet many people who were interesting for his work, and with some of whom he exchanged letters during the year. Among them were: Gottfried Haberler, Talcott Parsons, William Y. Elliott, Aron Gurwitsch, and Heinrich Bruning. PARSONS and Voegelin were already in contact with each other in the early nineteen-forties. Voegelin probably met Parsons, a professor of Sociology at Harvard, for the first time during his early months at Harvard University in 1939. Parsons was infonned about the History of Polilieal Ideas project and wrote a supporting letter for Voegelin to the Social Science Research Council in 1943. ELLIOT[ and Voegelin probably knew each other from Voegelin's year at Harvard as Rockefeller fellow in 1924. When Voegelin taught at Harvard in 1939, he worked together with Elliott. It can be assumed that GURWITSCH and Voegelin met for the first time in New York and again later at Harvard. They both fled from Europe to the United States in the nineteen-thirties. In 1939, Schuetz had already mentioned Gurwitsch in a letter to Voegelin. In 1947, Voegelin wrote the following ahout G!Jrwitsch: I am getting more and more impressed by Aron Gurwitsch (mathematics, physics, history of science, etc.). If our mathematics department had any brains thcy would capture such a man; he is not well off here, and always in a marginal position at Harvard. He may go baek to France next year. unless something more promising develops here. The great obstacle in his career seems to be that he is a Jew; and anli-Semilism is rather rampant in New England. s2

In 1949, Gurwitsch was Assistant Professor and in 1955 Associate Professor at Brandeis University in Cambridge. For many years, the Voegelins stayed at the Gurwitschs' apartment over the summer when Voegelin researched at the Widener Library. Gurwitsch wrote two very supportive reports on Voegelin to the Guggenheim Foundation in 1950 and 1955 to help Voegelin obtain a fel10wship.1l Voegelin and Gurwitsch exchanged letters between 1947 and 1971, among others about NSP. 84

"12 Il 84

VR.73. Letter to Harris. August 24, 1947. (Government Files). See appendix A2A. See Opitz 1993.

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

The Voegelins still wrote some letters to people back home and to many people spread all over the United States. Eric Voegelin was an especially frequent letter writer, as can be seen by the large amount of letters in his archive at Stanford's Hoover Institution in Palo Alto, California. Two people with whom Voegelin had a lively exchange of correspondence especially to discuss professional questions were ALFRED SCHUETZ and LEO STRAUSS. In the opinion of Ellis Sandoz, one ofVoegelin's students in the early nineteen-fifties and one of his Ph.D. students in Munich, Strauss was in a position to help Voegelin; Voegelin couldn't help Strauss much, so Ihe best Voegelin could do would be 10 make a good audition and hope that something good would come of it. Strauss was a big-shot at one of the premier universities in the COWltry, and Voegelin was down with us in the swamps. And I think that he was hoping that Strauss would be forthcoming and helpful.8~

LEO STRAUSS and Voegelin probably knew each other already in the early 1930s when they were both recipients of a Rockefeller scholarship. A regular exchange of letters began around 1942 and mostly dealt with philosophical and political problems, books or reviews. Strauss had held the Walgreen lectures in 1949, two years prior to Voegelin. As a professor of political philosophy at the University of Chicago, Strauss was present when Voegelin lectured there. 86 As a Jew, ALFRED SCHUETZ, who had met Voegelin already in Kelsen's private seminar at the University of Vienna, had to close his business in Vienna. He left for the United States in 1939, where he lived and worked in New York. Schuetz stayed in close contact with Voegelin and was an important critic and friend to him who supported him whenever possible-such as, for instance, by writing reports to the Guggenheim Foundation to help Voegelin get a fellowship.87 8~

Sandoz to Cooper, November 4,1995. 86 To the correspondence with Strauss see especially HI 37.1; Sandoz in: Emberley/Cooper, 297-319; "The heart of the correspondence, as we mentioned, was written between 1942 and 195]. During these years the two men became more familiar with one another's work, and the strict formality of the old world epistolary style was slightly relaxed from the highly fonnal sehr geehrter Herr Doktor VoegeliniStrauss to Lieber Herr Strauss/Voegelin. It never evolved into Lieber Freund or Dear Eric and Dear Leo. In short, Strauss and Voegelin retained a consistent respect for one another and an air of gravity throughout their conversa· tion.'· (Emberley/Cooper, xxvi). 87 See appendix AlA. "The philosophical dialogue with Alfred Schutz began in the 19205, in our student days at the University of Vienna; it continued until his death in 1959 broke it ofT. During the Vienna period the dialogue took the form of nighl-Iong conversations. After our emigration in 1938 we were goographically separated-SchulZ lived in New York. I in Lou· isiana. My visits to the eastern United States provided the only opportunity for talks; the bulk of the dialogue was conducted by mail. [.. .]. Thanks to the New York discussions and the subsequent correspondence we succeeded at least provisionally in reaching some clarity con· ceming the experiences that motivate philosophical thinking. I...] The philosophical dialogue ended with SchulZ's death. But did it end? Nearly four decades of shared thinking and mutual criticism do not only leave their marks upon one's work, they also leave behind the habit

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51

Although having been colleagues at LSU, the Voegelins shared a more personal friendship with the artist CONRAD ALBRIZIO who painted some portraits of Voegelin. He even included him in a fresco that can still be seen today in the New Orleans Amtrak station. Albrizio had been on the LSU faculty as professor of Fine Arts for some years, and he and Voegelin were good friends. Albrizio was a well-known artist who had more and more success while he was still teaching at LSU. After some problems with his colleagues, he finally quit his job at LSU. Voegelin and Lissy stayed at least one time in the spring of 1951 for vacation at Albrizio's summer residence on the Gulf of Mexico near Mobile Bay. U

3.4. Naturalization

After having lived in America for six years, the Voegelins became naturalized US citizens on November 14, 1944 in Baton Rouge after having applied two years earlier. 89 Even years later, Voegelin recalled the process of being naturalized as a humorous episode: There was an amusing detail. The Department of Justice, in charge of immigration procedures, had issued a little book that fonnulaled Ihe principal questions that could be asked and Ihe answers one had to give. I noticed that the Dcpanment of Justice, in spile of Roosevelt and the war, was still quite conservative--the American fonn of

.

"

of asking oneself, throughout that work, what the other person would say about it. One of the keenest philosophical minds of our time is still the silent partner in my thinking." (Voegelin "In memoriam Alfred Schutz". In: Opitz; Sebba (ed): The Philosophy ofOrder, 463-465. (HI 109.57) See also: Weiss 2000b. For more on the correspondence VocgeliniSchuelZ see especially HI 34.10, 11: AR, 70-74; Occ. Papers VI. 1997. "Und zwischen Ende des Schuljahres Wld dem Beginn des Sommersemesters waren wir fnr ein paar Tage bei Freunden am Golf, die dort ein Sommerhaus haben, an der Mobile Bay, in einer homcrischen Landschaft von Eichen- und Fichtenwlldem aufInseln und Halbinseln 'mitten im weindunklen Meer: mitl!glichem Ozeanbad; und Ende August wollen wir diesen Besoch wie· derholen. Der Freund ist Maler, Conrad Albrizio, einer der bcsten (wenn nicht der besle) Freskenmaler nachst den Mellikanem. Er hat eben in Mobile prachlVOlle Fresken fUr die Lobby des Watennan Building feniggcstelll." (Letter to Bawngarten, July 10, 1951; HJ 7.17) A picture of Voegelin painled by Albrizio can be seen on the cover of AR (paperback edition 1996). Their close friendship can also be understood from a leiter of August II, 1959. Albrizio wrote in a very personal way to Voegelin telling him about his relationship with his wife, their problems and her last days. The last letter between Voegelin and Albrizio that is kq:Jt in the HI archive is dated 1960. The immigration and naturalization documents of Eric and Lissy Voegelin can be found at HI 111.275.

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52

ERICVOEGELfN IN BATON ROUGE

government was republic: if you said it was a democracy you were wrong. I believe these questionnaire leaflets have by now been changed.90

The fact that Voegelin was not as easygoing as it sounds here with regard to these wrong 'details' was clear to everyone who knew him. He studied the booklet and was about to teach the officials about their mistakes. Fortunately, before he did so, he asked his designated witness (the American citizen whom the immigration authorities would ask about the applicant's personal and political reliability), Robert Heilman, for advice. Heilman related: And what he said to me was, "Robert, when they ask me questions in the procedure, should I say what the book says or shall I give the right answers?" That is to say, he had read himself all the original documents of course, he went to the sources and he knew precisely what was true and what wasn't. You will not be surprised to know that I said, "Eric, swallow your pride and give the answers in the book. If you give the right answers they'll think you're a communist agent or something of the sort." So I guess he swallowed his pride and said what he was supposed to say.91

From the first day Voegelin came to the United States, he wanted to be an American. That was one reason why he came to the South instead of the Eastern centers that were loaded with European refugees, flocking together as a 'European community.' It was important to him to deliberately decide to be an American. He always tried to transform himself as best as possible: I noticed that the institutions on the East Coast were overrun by refugees from Central Europe, and if I stayed in the East inevitably my status would be that of a member of the refugee group. That was nOI exactly to my taste either, because 1 had finnly decided that onee I had been thrown out of Austria by the Nalional Socialists I wanted to make the break complete and from now on be an American. This aim, however, I could hardly achieve if 1was sligmatized as a member ofa refugee groUp.92

So, it was not surprising when he declined the offer of some Austrian immigrants, to join their 'club' in 1941: Quite a bil of time 1 lost recently because an Ausman Free National Council is in formation, and the promoters wanted me to become by all means a member of it. Now they are rather sore at me, because I had to convince them that I preferred to find my way in the American community and did not care to look backwards. It seemed to me rather silly, indeed, to become all of a sudden an Austrian cabinet member in exile.')

90 AR,90f. 'I Heilman to Boyer, August 29,1990. '2 AR, 58. '3 leiter to Prof. Talcott Parsons, October 19, 1941. (HI 28.12). To another friend, Elisabeth de Wal, Voegelin wrote in this matter: "I declined the honor, inspite of the considerable pres· sure put on me, because I am rather sick of Austrian politics after the rather ignominious per· formance in the last days of the Republic; and I certainly would not associate with Chrislian Socialist politicians. Besides I cannot see what earthly good such an outfit could do, considering that this war may last for many many years. and nobody knows what will be left of Europe in general and Austria in particular afterwards. And quite certainly the future of Austrian politics, if any, will not be conducted by persons who were not on the spot during the

00042bJb

PERSONAL LIfE

53

Voegelin preferred to support 'the American side.' "In early 1942 he wrote a 'Memorandum Concerning a Program of Study for the Public Service.' The memorandum addressed the problem of training American civil and military administrators for postwar overseas duties in Europe, Japan, and Africa.'094 In April of the same year, he was asked to teach anny members at LSU about the political systems of Germany, Italy, and Japan. Only two months later, he was asked by the Military Intelligence Division of the American War Department, to suggest some ideas about what the American Military Intelligence Service could do to undennine the Nazis' influence in Gennany. Voegelin answered promptly and in detail, presuming that it does not call for advice concerning specific sabotage acts, but rather for an analysis of points of attack for propaganda efforts aimed at undennining the war·morale of groups in Gennany, which undennining might lead ultimately to a slackening of warreadiness in one way or another. 9S

Voegelin acted like an American and wanted to make it official by becoming naturalized. It was easy enough to obtain the American citizenship, but it was almost more complicated to keep it. When the Voegelins moved from the United States back to their home country Gennany, Eric Voegelin's pass· pon-according to a special three-year rule-ran out in February 1961. In several letters between the Voegelins and the officials responsible, Voegelin was able to convince these officials that he and his wife were residing in Germany only temporarily, that they were planning to come back and, besides, that he was regularly teaching at an American university, at Notre Dame Uni· versity in Indiana. Their American passports were renewed to be valid until April 6, 1963, later until February 9, 1964, and finally until Mareb 4,1964. Refore the Voegeiins' passports could run out again, William Y. Ellioit haa Representative Walters introduce a bill in the House of Representatives detennining the Voegelins' status. The bill (H.R. 5902, 88th Congress, 1st session) also passed the Senate and was thereby approved on December 18, t 963:

'U

9S

critical period. Besides I have not the slightest intention of ever going back to Austria, but want to become as American as possible." (Quoted according to Opitz 1999, 8). Cooper 1999,29. '111e natural thing to do at this time would be to put my abilities to some more direct use in the emergency, but I am hampered by not being a citizen. Nevertheless, I have worked out a brief Memorandum on what seems to me a considerable improvement in the training of public administrators in the contigencies which will arise after the war. I have handed it to my colleagues here in Louisiana; it was received friendly and will come WIder con· sideration by the departments shortly." (Letter to Elliott, February 12, 1942; HJ 11.2). Letter to R. Taylor Cole, Chief Central European Section, between June 6 and July 21, 1942. (HI 38.16) Cole had asked Voegelin in a letter from June 6, 1942 the following: "In connection with some work which is being done by the Military Intelligence Service, I should be quite pleased to re<:eive any suggestions which you might be willing to make regarding: (I) Ways in which military operations might be impeded in Germany (and particular in fonner Auslria) through the aggravation of inter-group conflicts with Germany. (2) Methods by which the average Gennan soldier (and particularly those soldiers who have been recruited from fonner Austria) might be convinced an allied victory is preferable to continued struggle under Nazi control." (HI 38.16).

00042606

54

ERIC VQEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

A BILL. For the relief of Eric Voegelin. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Stales of America in Congress assembled, That, for the purposes of the Immigration and Nationality Act, the provisions of section 352 (a) (I) shall be inapplicable in the case of Eric Voegelin: Provided, That be establishes residence in the United States not later than February 9, 1967.96

No data is available about how the Voegelins managed to stay longer in Germany and only move back to the United States in 1969 while keeping their statuS. 97 In the end, Eric and Lissy Voegelin both died as American citlzens. 98

96 (HI 3.15) "Section 352 (a) A person who has become a national by naturalization shall lose his nationality by • (I) having a continuous residence for three year.; in the territory of a foreign state of which he was formerly a national or in which the place of his birth is situated, [...]." 91 On May 8,1968, the Voegelins got a visa for Germany, valid until March 7,1971. On July 3, 1968, both Voegelin and his wife received American passports-valid for 5 years. They received new American passports on August I, 1973, July 3,1978, and July 8, 1983. (original documents: HI 129. 431 b). 98 The different versions of the last wills of Eric and Lissy Voegelin can be found at HI 111.273 and HI 133.437. Letters of condolence from friends, colleagues, and from official circles (Ronald Reagan, et a!.) to Lissy are archived at HI 111.271.

42bJ6

4. PROFESSIONAL LIFE

4.1. Louisiana State University

In schooling Louisiana ranked near the bottom among the states. It had nearly three times as many illiterates in its adult population as did the rest of the nation. One-quarter of its adult blacks could neither read nor write. [... J The starus of higher education in Louisiana was not significantly better than that of the secondary school system. [...J The state university, LSU, did enjoy high academic standing in such disciplines as history, English, and geography. Its press achieved both regional and national renown. On the whole, however, the university received more recognition for its football team than for .Its acad ' en deavors. ' emlC

4.1.1. Voegelin's Career 01 LSU When Harris received a wire from Professor Oliver Field from the University of Indiana in April 1943 asking about Voegelin's qualifications as a teacher, researcher, person, and colleague, Harris wrote promptly back and praised Voegelin as one of the very best of the European scholars who have come to this country in recent years. He is an extremely polished person, has an enonnous range of information, and with all, is a very modest and unassuming person. We have found Voegelin indispensable in the department for the past three semesters. He is, in fact, a one-man department. He has willingly taken on more work than is ordinarily allocated persons in university positions. He has cheerfully compiled reports and in various ways he has manifested the utmost in cooperativeness with the department. In the short time he has been here, he has become one of the most successful teachers on campus. 2

A month later, Harris wrote to Dean Wendell Stephenson of the College of Arts and Sciences at LSU to infonn him about Indiana University'S offer to Voegelin. He recommended necessary steps by LSU to keep Voegelin. The University of Indiana offered Voegelin an Associate Professorship with unlimited tenure and $4,500 on a twelve-month basis. Another three weeks later, Voegelin was offered a position as Associate Professor of Government for a tenn of three years at a salary of $3,600 on a nine·month basis by LSU promising him an indefinite tenure "as soon as circumstances make it possible." Later that year, the University of Illinois also showed interest in Voegelin for

, ,

Wall,297. Leiter from Harris to Field, April 21, 1943. (Government Files).

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56

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

a one-year appointment to do graduate instruction to the Army within a special Army Training Program. He declined. In the summer of 1943, Voegelin taught summer school at LSU (for $750) and started his new contract in August 1943. Before the three years of Voegelin's contract were over, Harris wrote to Dean Henry V. Howe of the College of Arts and Sciences in December 1945 to improve Voegelin's situation in any way because "Professor Voegelin is such a useful man and an outstanding scholar that the University should make every effort to retain him here on a permanent basis."3 In November, Harris wrote again to Howe and officially recommended Voegelin for a promotion from associate professor to professor. On December 3, 1945, Voegelin was promoted Professor of Government, effective as of July I, 1946, and he was paid $4,000 for nine months (after a general salary increase).· Still, Voegelin was looking for another position, as can be seen in a letter to Harris from July 1946: I had a long talk with Elliott yesterday from which the following news emerged. The Chicago job has gone to Finer; the Michigan job is going to Watkins. A job in Dartmouth is in the shaping. At Harvard, there was, indeed, some talk about getting me there; but there is nothing beyond the stage of talk because the budgetary appropriation for the next year do not permit of any additions. 3

In August 1946, the University of Alabama tried to get Voegelin back by offering him $4,500 for nine months, a full professorship, and pennanent tenure. Voegelin was undecided and wrote to Harris, telling him his concerns and asking for advice: In case you should leave, I think 1 would accept this offer since I have to move in September anyway. [... J Martin is continuing his offer for next year, and I would accept it probably for next fall anyway unless conditions at LSU improve remarkably. [... J But I have been kidded now for two-and-a-half years with the famous merit-raise, and you know that it has become somewhat of a joke on the campus. [...] If I could have a clear, reliable offer from LSU which matches the offers from Martin (taking in consideration that he is willing to offer more than $4500.- for next fall), I would rather prefer to stay. [...) I am fairly sure now from what I hear (here in Harvard and elsewhere) that something is going to happen and that I shall move farther East. Again, smsibly that should rather determine me to stay at LSU for the next two years or so. and nOI shift 6 around unnecessarily just now.

In return. LSU offered Voegelin a raise of $500 (to $4,500--0utside the procedure outlined for merit increases) for the year 1947-48, and Voegelin was assured that Harris would remain head of the Department for the next year. Taking into account that he would earn the same amount of money at LSU the upcoming year as he was offered by Alabama University directly, and that this

,

,• •

Lener from Harris to Howe, March 8.1945. (Government Files). leiters from Halcher (June 13, 1946) and Kirby (July 24, 1946) to Voegelin-boti HI 23.27. leiter to Harris, July 3,1946. (Government Files). leiter to Harris. August 21, 1946. (Government Files).

PROFESSIONAL LIFE

57

only meant a salary difference of $400 after taxes, Voegelin decided that it would not compensate for their moving to Tuscaloosa, the loss of time, and the disturbance of his work. Even when Alabama raised the offer to S4,800, Voegelin declined. "As a result of Alabama's continued interest," LSU decided in January 1947 10 pay Voegelin a salary of S5,OOO for 1947-48. As head of the Department. Harris stated that he additionally would recommend Voegelin for another $500 increase for the following academic year: Though this action in itself is an unusual tribute to the value of your services, I shall take this opportunity of stating that both Dean Frey and Dean Howe eltpressed cordial and enthusiastic views concerning your value as a teacher and as a scholar and the hope that you will remain with us for many years to come. 7

The idea of teaching the spring semester 1947 at Harvard did not materialize.' So, Voegelin not only stayed at LSU. but he also taught in the Summer Teon of 1947 (for S825}-contrary to his habit of spending the whole summer in Cambridge for research. In August 1947. the University of Minnesota offered Voegelin a visiting professorship for the next year. He was not interested. In November, after being an Associate Member, he was elected to be a Participating Member of the Graduate Faculty at LSU.' In 1948, another job opportunity seemed to take shape: Voegelin was invited to lecture at Yale, obviously in connection with a possible offer to teach there: It is very pleasant to hear that Kendall is exerting himself so strongly in my favor; and of course. equally pleasant, that the other members of the department seem to entertain friendly sentiments toward me, too. As to the offer which you indicate as a near possibility, I am delighted, on principle. I know that you hesitated quite a bit before going to Yale; but we are not old Southerners, and for US the prospect of coming to Yale is one of unabashed joy-in particular, Lis.
,

•

,

Letter from Hams to Voegelin. March 17. 1947. (Government Files). Letter 10 Elliott, October 25, 1946. (Hili .2): "I am, of course. very happy to learn that the project of my coming to Harvard for a semester is still under discussion. The idea is appealing under all circumstances. But that it could be the second semester of this academic year. would definitely be a boon. This would be just lhe time when I have 10 pUI finishing touches to the "History," check foomoles, etc. To be near Widener al this critical period. would really be an unexpected stroke of luck. I have shown your letter to Bob Harris. He is not particu, larly happy to see me go for a semester just now when the Department is overcrowded with students. Nevertheless, he is willing to arrange for a leave of absence if the project should materialize." "The Graduate Faculty as a whole consists of the members of the University leaching staff with the rank of assistant professors or above who conduct courses at the graduate level. lbose included in the Graduate Faculty are designated either as participating or as t1$sociate members. 1be participating members fonn an advisory body on graduate inslJUction. They are expected to attend the faculty meetings and take part in the discussions and the voting. They will deal mainly with questions relaling to the educational policies of the Graduate School. and the measures adopled will be put into effect by the Dean of the Graduate School with the cooperation of the Graduate Council:' (Letter by Dean Scroggs to Voegelin. November 19, 1947. HI 23.27).

58

ERlC VQEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

the lowest edge to cause hesitations and serious weighing of pros and cons. Well, all this is neither here nor there for the moment; let us wait and see what the offer will be and whether there will be one at all. 10

Voegelin very much liked the atmosphere, and he hoped to be offered a position: Yale begins 10 show visible interest in my presence. I was invited to give a lecture, for the purpose of getting "acquainted." last week I was up there; and everything seemed 10 go well. No word has yet been breathed about an offer: bUI I was studied with obvious care by the various notables; and the chairman of the department [Corbett) went to the extreme of saying that I was just what they would need and that he hoped for further correspondence. Same has not arrived yet.-Through Cleanth {Brooks], who takes a lively supporting interest in the affair. I know that they intend 10 make an ofTer, but a~ding to Cleanth the offer will be lousy: an Associate Professorship with $6000.-. in the end I would lake that of cowse, if it should materialize, but I would feel exploited. The lecrure looked to me like a great success; with discussion it lasted f~ two hour.; and could have gone on for another hour. Perhaps they are impressed and will think better of the salary. II

Voegelin did not get an offer from Yale. Supporting Heilman's thesis that "Voegelin scared the death out of most people;'lz Heilman and Brooks agreed on the assumption that Voegelin's lecture was just too brilliant and that therefore "some of the members of the department had cooled off because they thought that Voegelin's presence here would jeopardize their own laurels."ll Voegelin wrote to Schuetz: 10 II

12

IJ

Lener 10 Brooks, February 20, 1948. (HI 8.46). Letter 10 Heilman, March 19, 1948. (HI 17.9) See also: Letters 10 Engel-Janosi, March 17, May I, 1948. (HI 11.8) and Heilman, May I, 1948. (HI 17.9): '11tis answer of mine comes almosl by return mail because lhe Yale affair has reached a poinl where I am aching to lell you all aboul it. I wrote you that I gave a lecture there: on March 12110; that !he leclUre was a greal success: thai Corbett, the Chairman of the Department, indulged in broad hinlS thai I were: just the man Ihey could use, and thai correspondence would ensue, etc. I went home with the idea thai in the course of the next two or three weeks an offer would c~. As a matter of fact: nothing has come, not even a line of thanks for giving them a lecture which cosl me six working-days, inconvenience, etc., and for which I did nol receive an honorarium. Neither have I heard a word from Brooks since that day. (I should add lhat I have written, of course, very polite bread~and-butter letters to everybody concerned on the day I arrived back home). The only information lo-date is a letter from Kendall which came last week. He confinns that the lecture was a roaring success and that in particular the graduate students were overwhelmed. Then he goes on to say that hitches have developed. In an extremely vague, conspiratorial tone, he speaks of an attempl that has miscarried. lbat the younger members of the department had the idea of "Changing the department inlO I different kind of enterprise... if you like, to carT}' OUI a revolution: and lhis meant either consent or abdictioo on the pan of the full professors:' Of all such goings-on I had DOl beard a word while I was in Yale. This plan was 'scotched' by the gentlemen who were: supposed to abdi· cate. Where: J come into all this, I do not know; Kendall's letter is silent on this point. Anyway, Kendall opines thai either Driver or Wolfers, ~ both, have vetoed an appoinlJDCnt for me because they were afraid that my presence might invite comparisons wilh their penonn· ance about which lhey did nOI care. That is Kendall's leiter." Heilman to Publ, December 5, 2000. Letter from Heilman to Voegelin, May 18, 1948. (HI 17.9).

PROFESSIONAL LIFE

59

At the meeting in Chicago I heard some news about Yale. A good friend [Brooks) who is at Yale and knows the situation swears that the following happened: After my presentation there was a distinct cooling among the bigwigs concerning the idea of appointing me. The reason for the cooling lay in my presentation. Not in the contents but in the manner of delivery. I was i.mprudc:nt enough to speak without a manuscript. and additionally, we had a discussion of over an hour about very different problems. It became obvious that I was shamelessly familiar with the topics and that I was able to speak relaxed and with precision from memory about them. That was deterrenl. If I had just presented a paper and had acted as ifil was hard work and thai the only thing I know is what I had PUI together here painslakingly-then everything would have been fine. For Ihe moment I have no chances but the position is not filled yet and, maybe things may take a tum yet. The good friend mentioned before ensured me that Yale was an 'intellectual slum' and that some people there are scared to death that someone could start working there who invites comparison.-And the most annoying part of this SIOry 14 is thai allihis is probably true.

A lecture at the Johns Hopkins University on April 5, 1949, in order to be appointed did not work out either." In the spring term of 1949. Voegelin took a sabbatical leave (with full pay al his current salary of $5,500) with the specific goal of working on his project in Widener Library at Harvard (Cambridge), where he also taught Summer School that year. In 1951 he again taught Summer School-this time at LSU for $1,000. When Voegelin was asked to come to Munich in 1951, he declined the offer. He was not interested in the position as professor of American Studies and director of the American Institute, the salary was very low, and the atmosphere after the war years at the University of Munich was not very tempting. Schuetz recommended not going there for more than a year or two as a leave of absence from LSU-ifat all. 16 hi Jl&n~ 1953, LSLi IJonor~u Voegdin by appointing him Boyd Professor of Government: "Be it resolved by the Board of Supervisors that Dr. Eric H. W. Voegelin is hereby designated a 'Boyd Professor; effective June I, 1953 at an annual salary of $9,600 [emphasis added] per academic year effective Sep-

Letter 10 Schuetz. January 6, 1949 (HI 34.11; translalion by author) See also: lener of May 2, 1948. Ij See leiters to Schuetz, April I, 1949 (HI 11.8); to Machlup, April 6, 1949 (HI 24.7); 10 Gurwitsch, April 16, 1949. (HI 15.28). 16 Letter from Schuetz 10 Voegelin, January 10, 1952. (HI 34.11). See also: Letters to EngelJanosi, December 25.1951 (HI 11.8); Sebba, January 5, 1952 (HI 35.4): BrQning, January 8, 1952 (HI 8.50); Dempf, beginning of 1953 (HI 10.4) Voegelin wrole 10 Heilman: MTM Munich JXJ' is boiling higher. TIley want me to come this fall for a visiling-professorship and to make up my mind on the spot (thai is in Munich) whether I want to go on with the job or not. After the visiting year, I could come back here for a year in order to wind up my affairs, and then I should lake the position for good. Fortunately the good people do not have the money to pay for the expenses for IJavelling, my obligations for maintaining the house here, etc., which amount 10 about $4000.-. lbe nexl move will be 10 get a foundation to pay this amount. We'll see. Lissy would like thai year in Ew-ope with the understanding that, of course, we woo'1 take the job pcnnanenlly. These women." (Letter to Heilman, May 22. 1952; HI 65.1). 14

60

ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

tember 14, 1953."11 As the highest and most prestigious academic rank awarded by tbe LSU, Faculty members who are designated as Boyd Professors have attained national or international distinction f~ outstanding teaching. research ~ other creative achievement. 1be professorship is named in honor of David French Boyd, the first superintendent of LSU after the Civil War. and his yOW1ger brother Thomas Boyd, who became president of LSU in 1896 and served in this office f~ 31 years. (...) It is not awarded through individual departments, but rather is a University hon~. II

Nominated and appointed together with Prof. Dr. Philip W. West (Chemistry) and Prof. Dr. T. Harry Williams (History), Eric Voegelin became one of the first three LSU Boyd Professors. He held the post until he resigned from LSU in January 1958" In the fall semester of 1956, Voegelin took his second sabbatical to '"be used most probably for work on a textbook in Jurisprudence. "20 While his salary for 1955-56 was $10,503, LSU had raised it again to $10,903 for the academic year 1956-57. Voegelin spent his sabbatical leave in Munich. This time, he got a very tempting offer that he did not want to decline. 21 At the beginning of 1958, the Voegelins left LSU and moved to Munich, Germany, where Eric Voegelin founded and directed the Institute for Political Science until he retired in 1969.

4.1.2. Voegelin-The Teacher Voegelin was never interested in LSU football, and so he was probably not too devastated that he had left LSU exactly the same year its football team would

17

Letter from LSU president Troy Middleton to Voegelin, June 18. 1953. (HI 23.27) "Faculty members so honored will be given a minimum $1,000 salary hike. In no case will the salary be less than $9,600." (The Rel'eille, June II. 1953) The original document can be fOWld al HI 111.262. 18 LSU Office of University Relations according to the rules of procedure for selecting a Boyd. 19 By December 1999 LSU had appointed 60 professors Boyd Professors. of which 25 are still active. 15 retired, four resigned. and 16 deceased. About eligibility and procedure of nomination of Boyd Professors see 'Regulations for the LSU Board of Supervisors.' Chapter II. Sec· tion 2- 14. For the evaluation process, LSU used statements about Voegelin by Harvard Uni· versity. University of Illinois, University of Chicago. University of Alabama. University of Texas. Northwestern University. Duke University, and Carnegie Institute of Technology. (Hill AOO20. Reel 16). 20 Letter 10 Williamson, October 18, 1955. (HI 23.27); This textbook.. The Nature of the Law, was not published until recently in the Collected Works Series. Vol. 27. (CW 27). 21 Mlch bin noch immer etwas benonunen von dem erstaunlichen Angebot, das man mir ge. macht hat; DM 35,000.- Gehalt. das sich dun:h das Kollegiengeld auf 40.000. e.h6hL Ein Institut mit Bibliotheksappropriation. 2 Assistenten, I Verwaltungsbeamter, 1 Bibliotbekar. Emeritienmg • wenn gewflnscht mit 65 Jahren, mit DM 28.000.-. Kann man da nc.in sagen?" (Letter to Georg Jaffe, December 20, 1956: HI 20.7).

42636

PROFESSIONAL LIFE

6\

become the national champion. 22 During LSU football games, be would stay home and work. He was known to work between sixteen and eighteen hours a day. Voegelin always had high demands on himself and he expected others to work as hard as be did. He lacked a sound sense of limited capacities and restricted possibilities with other people, and he often (unconsciously) spoke several levels above his audience. Over time, Eric had become known as a faculty member of extraordinary knowledge, insight, and depth. But he had none of the feeling for easy or popular targets needed to creale the spellbinder who elicits volumes of praise from students and garners teaching prizes. He was unifonnly admired by lhe best students rather than being widely popular. He never tried to gratify or to upset auditors; [...) He was quietly admired despite the difficulty of intricate and unfamiliar concepts?)

He especially attracted the best students from various departments-though not even all the government students could keep up with his ideas. Although Voegelin liked being at LSU, be sometimes felt unhappy with the professional situation. In a letter to Alfred Schuetz in 1947, hoping to initiate ongoing correspondence, Voegelin complained about the atmosphere at LSU: At the moment I am almost absolutely isolaled and there is no person with whom I could talk about the problems I am working with. Over the yeaTS these problems have developed in such a way that they are far beyond any connection with the intellectual interests of our friends from Legal Theory and Economics, which have remained unchanged. H

His satisfaction with LSU and its students changed over the years. The longer he stayed the more realistically he viewed the atmosphere. In 1942, he was still quite happy with everything: "My job as such is very agreeable. The number of good students is much higher than in Alabama."ll \Vhen he came back from a trip to Yale University five years later, he already sounded different: And I must say the experience was most pleasant. (... ] and the people are definitely preferable to what you find in LSU as a group. [... J I had the feeling, for the first lime in many years, of talking to an audience who could understand what I was talking about and discuss the questions intelligently and critically.26

22

23 2-4

U 26

The next time Ihis happened, Voegelin was no longer alive: The LSU Tigers defeated the team of Oklahoma al the Sugar Bowl in New Orleans on Januray 4.2004, and thus won the Nalional Championship for the first time after 1958. Heilman 1999, 94f. Letter 10 Schuett, December 31, 1947. (HI 34.11: translation by author). Letter to Parsons, December 23,1942. (HI 28.12). Letter to Brooks, March 15, 1948. (HI 8.46) In 1943 Voegelin had already written a letter to Schuetz about the mismlble intdleclUallevel of his Baton Rouge sludents: "Meine Methode, mich in das amcrikanische Milieu zu setzen, wo es am dicksten iSI. hatte ihre Vorzilge. aber manchmal scheint es mir. als ob die Gentlemen an der New School doch das bessere Teil gewlhh hitten. SchOnes Beispiel fUr das Niveau: eine Frage betreffend F6deralismus produzime eben in dner Arbeit eine Antwort aber Feudalismus - auf so kleinc Unterschiede

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ERIC VOEOELlN IN BATON ROUGE

In 1951, he claimed that his students had such a poor educational background that historical studies could hardly be undertaken. According to Voegelin. the generation gap was especially evident among the professors from across the country who were still middle-class, narrow-minded, and iIl-infonned about the world of knowledge outside of their specializations. The students, at least, were as intelligent as anywhere else, willing to learn and eager to jump at any opportunity to study under good professors. 21 Voegclin tried his best to satisfy his expectations and those of his students. His fonner student and colleague, William Havard. remembered him as being busy all the time: I have never known any man who had his combination of physical energy. capacity fOf

sustained concentration, and lhe dedication of will necessary 10 work at the pace and with the degree of continuity that he manages to achieve. While he was at LSU. for example, his usual pattern was to come to the campus for classes. return home for a brief nap, and then work until the small hours of the morning. He held a seminar in his home one evening a week, and even after three or more hours of intensely analytical discussion, he hardly paused before retreating to the study for several hours of research and writing. 2J

4./.3. Voegelin and his students Voegelin especially liked to teach the introductory classes at the undergradu. ate level, because of their-in his opinion-'poor educational background.' He thought that these students were still uninfluenced by ideological systems and more open·minded than older students who already had been confronted with political ideologies. "With undergraduates you have raw material, and you can make and do to lhem what you want to. And that is, Ihat is the interesting thing of being a teacher.,,29 With them, "you do not have to get rid of all the crap of barbarian intelligence first (as at HalVard, for instance) before a problem can be discussed critically."JO Unfortunately, these undergraduates often had the most trouble following him. In his Autobiographical RejIecliofJs. Voegelin remembered: The American students belonged to widely different types. In Louisiana there was a considerable cultural background provided by the Catholic parochial schools. I had

27

n 29 )0

kommt es einer ganzen Reihe von Studenten aus dem Mississippi-Delta nicht an:' (leiter to Schuetz, January 27, 1943, quoted according to Opitz 1999. II). Letter to Baumgarten, July 10, 1951. (HI 7.17). SR 71,61. Lissy to Boyer, August 29, 1990. Letter to Baumganen. July 10. 1951. (HI 7.17) Tnmslation by author. '" think with a shiver of the summer of 1949 when I taught at Harvard. In the lecture thert: was a coll~tion of c1eYff intelligentsia, who sat dogmatk:ally 00 positivism. economic materialism. and Freud It was an almost hopeless situalion: the stUpidity was unbreakable and hard to shake."

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students in my courses who knew Latin and who took courses in Thomist philosophy with the Catholic chaplain at Louisiana State University. That of eourse helped.. The avtnige students, I should say, did DOl have the background knowledge one would eltptCl of European students, bUI !hey had instead some!hing !hal the European, especially the German, sludents usually lack-a lradilion of common-sense culture. In !he South especially, the problem of ideological corruplion among young people was negligible. The students were open-minded and had little contacl with ideological sectarian movements. My experiences in the East were less favorable. JI

Not all students liked Voegelin, but those who were smart enough to keep track "got so wrapped up in his courses that [they) began to evangelize and try to bring in other students. "J2 Many of the students continued laking classes with Voegelin even when they did not need any more credits in government. They already knew that he was an 'above-average' professor and philosopher. Havard recalled: AJlhough I am sure that mosl members of that class were as unsophisticated as 1 was,

nearly all of us came very quickly to realize that Voegelin was a man of extraordinary intellectual power and posscsscd of that rare quality ofbcing able to look at things with a special vision not open to others until !hey bad been exposed to it by his guidance.))

As previously mentioned, he attracted students from different subjects. Some of them had heard about him from friends, others were sent by their main professors. Some of his students have kept their notes from the Voegelin classes to this day, and they all remember him with a smile on their faces. Voegelin was considered by his students to be "a compendium of historical questions;" "a human brain that had DO dimension;" "an absolute genius" (Barry); "a wonderful teacher who 'made you think' and who has a tremendous amount of knowledge, vocahulary. anct l~g11age" (Moyse).~ They "admired him" (Michelli), "adored him" (Barry), and "were humbled because he was so brilliant" (Michelli). He is said to have known everything and to have had an answer to every question without being arrogant; he could quote almost everything by heart and was always friendly. Sometimes his answers were too lengthy because he knew so much. He is described as "extremely polite" and as "an excellent professor who suffered fools" (Michelli). He was greatly enjoyed by his students (Moyse). He had brought a different perspective to LSU (Moyse), and was "believed to be a Mystic" (Michelli) by his students, Lois " AR, 90' 12 Walters to Cooper. November 4, 1995. If not indicated differently, the following quotations from Walters are also extracts from this interview. )) SR 7 I, 58. ~ If 1101 indicated differently, these and the following quoles by Voegelin'! students are taken from interviews on January 25, 2000 (Mrs, Noblet J. Simmons Barry, on the phone). February 28, 2000 (Mr. Hermann Moyse, Jr., Balon Rouge), and October 10, 2000 (Mrs. Lois Nichols Michelli, Baton Rouge). Those quoted were students of Voegelin's in the spring of 1942 (Moyse), the mid-1940s (Havard; colleague of Voegelin from 19.57 on), the late 19405 10 the early 19SOs (Sandoz, Masingill). early 19SOs (Michelli. Walters), and mid-19SOs (Bony).

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

M.ichelli even remembered that some of them used to think, 'There is one God in heaven and onc on Earth. And Voegelin is the one on Earth." This impression might be somewhat far-fetched. According to Sandoz, "Voegelin was (in addition to a brilliant thinker] also [...] an entertaining personality with a contagious laugh and somewhat mischievous sense of humor who attracted both the respect and affection of students and colleagues. "3$ One of his Munich students, Manfred Henningsen, also remembered Voegelin as a very humorous man: He liked jokes and gossip but was unable to remember most of it. Basically. he was not interested. If someone would ask me 10 ctwac:terize Voegelin in the social sphere, I would say that be was an intellectual elitist with proletarian tastes and sensitivities. He would always go to cheap restaurants and smoke even cheaper cigars. [... J Voegelin's humor was of a different kind He had been brought up in Vienna on a weekly dosage of Karl Kraus' Die Fackel (The Torch). Anyone who wants to get a feel for what that cducation meant for inlellecrually sensitive people in Vienna should read Elias Caneni's The Torch. Canctti's remembrances of Kraus are Voegelin's. The Kraus humor was not the Saturday Night type of humor. It was biting, sarcastic, destructive. It was directed against the political, economic and cultural establishment of Austria and Gennany during WWI and, then, the post·war republics, and, finally. Nazi Germany. Kraus's attacks on the Austrian and German emperors and their inane unerances are priceless and should be read now, at the time of George W. Bush's presidency. Kraus would have elevated George W. to emperor status, and Voegelin would have laughed. Eric thought Eisenhower was hilarious as president bec:ause of his peculiar oral speech behavior. Voegelin's K.rausian sense of humor permeates his 1964 lectures on Hitler and the Germans. One has to read those lectures, in order to gel a glimpse at Voegelin', ability to combine analysis and laughter. He uses laughter to destroy the fellow travellers of megalomanical power. 36

Martin Pagnan remembered another episode from the time following his Baton Rouge years, showing Voegelin's humor but also his superiority: I was present when Eric Voegelin had the following exchange with panicipants at one of his lectures: Participant I: "Mr. Voegelin, may I tape record your lecture?" EV: "Why? Are you planning not to listen?" Participant I: "Some lecturers do not like it:' EV: "Why? Are they ashamed of what they say?" Participant 2: "Can I use SO~ of the things that you said tonight in a paper:' EV: "Only if you understood it:' Participant 2: "Then do I have your permission to quote you?" EV: "Yes, if you think it Ylill help you:· J7

Voegelin had a long-lasting influence on some students' lives: "He turned some of us around in a radical way" (Goethals). Especially the small number of women around him seemed to have been influenced by him: "He set me out on a quest for learning. My life plan changed, I got a new time frame. Success was not anymore only gening married and having a family. I just did not want to stop learning" (Goethals). Lois Michelli reported another experience in that

J$

36

J7

SR 21 11,374. E.mail by Henningsen, August 2. 200 I. E.mail by Martin Pagnan, May 22, 2001.

PROFESSIONAL LIFE

65

context: She was a Baptist with a good background in Biblical history who was unhappy with her religion when she first met Voegelin in one of his classes. "[I] needed it intellectually and as a confinnation of [my] beliefs. It was not only an intellectual but especially a spiritual experience and an intellectual reaffirmation of[my] faith." Voegelin was part of her decision to transfer from the Baptist to the Episcopalian church, of which she is still a member to thios day. His lectures changed her philosophy of life and she still tries to live according to what she learned in his class. Officially a Lutheran, Voegelin never practiced any special form of religion, did not regularly go to church, and was never a member of a church. Asked about potential membership, he frankly explained that he and his wife had been "now and then in a church and they always asked for money:' This had put him off.)' Nevertheless, he was always described as a very good Christian. One Sunday he even was the subject of a sennon by a young preacher in a little Baptist church: "He lit into Voegelin with the inflamed rhetoric of a fiery evangelist taking Voegelin to task for teaching college students that the image of Christ changed according to the culture in the eras after succeeding the revelation, [... j" Voegelin simply smiled about this incident, saying that he was glad that at least somebody was paying attention to his work. J9 He was a genuinely independent thinker and neither cultivated nor pcnnitted himself to become a pan of any movement-liberal or conservative; Catholic, Jew, or Protestant; eltistentialist, phenomenologist, or nco-Thomist; or any other political, theological, or philosophical school. 40

Although Voegelin was a remarkable man, there were some students who considered him to be "very arrogant." To 'pro-Voegelinians,' they were simply too ignorant to understand him; his admirers accepted his manner and took it as part of his "aristocratic" appearance. His "etiquette at a classical level" engendered in some students even "the impression that you need to stand up when he enters the room" (Michelli). American students in general considered him to be very formal-while the German students in Munich got a perception

J'

J9 40

Webb to Puhl, December 4, 2000. Heilman 1999, 100: "A lifetime as a profound theorist did not diminish his awareness of how the ordinary world goes and of how to survive in it; he accepted. so to speak, the ways of the world, as long as that acceptance did not run counter to his sense of what was fitting. Once Lissy got the nolion that one had to be a church member to undergo funeral rites; Eric said, matler-of-factly, "All right, we will join a church then." Voegelin was buried after a very moving bUI not religious ceremony, conducted by a couple of minisiers. in the Stanford Memorial Church on February 4, 1985, for which he had chosen the music himself: Franz Schuben's "Death and the Maiden," a last loving joke for Lissy. Eulogies were held by William Havard, Juergen Gebhardt, Ellis Sandoz, and Gregor Sebba. Paul Caringella and Thomas Hollweck did the readings; from the clergy were there Dean Roben Hamerton-Kelly and Reverend Gerhan Niemeyer. For details see H1 3.9. Masingill to Sandoz (E·mail), November 2000. Sandoz 1991,2. Voegelin always stressed: "I have in my files documents labeling me a Communist, a Fascist, a National Socialist, an old Liberal, a new Liberal, a Jew, a Catholic, a Protestant, a Platonist, a nco-Augustinian, a Thomist, and of course a Hegelian-not to forget thaI 1 was supposedly strongly innuenced by Huey Long"· (AR, 46).

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of him as being relatively infonnal. According to Heilman. Voegelin always wished and tried to be more informal but "he was naturally fonnal." Another colleague, Robert Steamer, remembered: As far as I could ascertain, his students had tremendous respect for his learning and his ability to project his ideas, but in the European tradition-his relationship with students, 41 although not antagonistic, was fonnal and distant.

William Havard met Voegelin as a student and later taught by his side at LSU. His impression obviously was that of one who understood him: Having sat through his classes and seminars as an undergraduate, as a graduate student, and later as a junior colleague, I was always swprised when I heard colleagues in the profession speak disparagingly of bis "arrogance" or "rigidity:' I have always found him exceptionally considerate with students, patient with their problems of understanding, and in some ways a rather soft touch in the matter of grades. In supervising research he [was] an exacting critic, as one might expect; but he [was) also generous with both his time and his ideas. He {had) a pixish sense of humor that [came] through somewhat unexpectedly in the light of his Gennan accent, [... ].42

He still remembered his long-lasting impression ofVoegelin's first appearance in class, too: He was, 10 say the least, a striking figure to my provincial eyes. He was dressed (in what I considered to be extremely formal fashion) in a tight-fining coat, striped trousers, and heavy black semi-brogue shoes that made his presence felt before his coming because they squeaked rather loudly when he came down the hall. Voegelin was, [...] a robust man, thick-chested and prominent-featured, with a florid complexion and sandy hair that could have been quite red in his youth. His hands, which he {used} with expressive grace in his lectures (and occasionally in conversation), fonn[ ed] something of a complement by contrast to his features and frame because his fingers [were] long and tapered, with just a hint of delicacy about them. He carried himself most erectly and invariably walked at a brisk pace with his head thrown well back [... ] At that time he wore c1ose-fittin" 4 round, steel-rimmed spectacles; and then, [...] he was rarely to be setn without a cigar.

The students generally liked Voegelin so much that they even wrote a petition to the Dean to keep him as a teacher when he was about to leave after his semester as Visiting Associate Professor in the spring of 1942. Voegelin was touched. 44 In 1944. he was invited to the Pi Sigma Alpha fraternity, and in 1952 he was honored by a membership in the Omicron Delta Kappa Society.45 41

" 4)

"

4j

Letter from Steamer to Publ, December 31,2000. SR 71,59. Ibid., 58. Being 5') I" tall and weighing 190 pounds, Voegelin was hardly to be ignored. Because he was slightly short-sighted he needed to wear glasses. See appendix Al.2. In a letter to Harris, Voegelin wrote: "Let me thank you for the wonder· ful time I had with you and our friends. You have been all so very nice to me that this semes· ter is one of the pleasantest I had in my whole career. And I was particularly touched by the students' petition to the Dean. Your revealing conversation has also contributed considerably to my understanding of the American scene and of the delicate workings of democracy." (June 15, 1942; Government Files). HI 3.4. "Omicron Delta Kappa, national honor fraternity, was founded at Washington and Lee University and established on the LSU campus in 1933. This honor fraternity recognizes

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As mentioned above, when he was sick in 1953, they collected money to buy him flowers. The students not only respected him for his teaching but also because "he was not a demanding person in tenns of his grading" (Walters). Barry recalled a story when Voegelin showed benevolence when he gave her an exam back with an A-full points for every question. Unfortunately, she bad forgotten to answer one question and pointed it out to him. He just answered, "But I know that you knew it," and she kept her A. Whether he was really so generous or whether he just wanted to hide the fact that be had not read over the whole exam is left to speculation. His reading requirements and assignments were "manageable," "very much to the point:' and "with excellent boundaries," His exams were tight with just a few questions to answer and the tenn papers had to be written about just one person or aspect, guided by the concept of ''understand-learn-write'' (Michelli). When a student once asked Voegelin about the unreadable com~ ment the latter had written on the side of his exam. Voegelin read it out aloud to the class: "I cannot read your handwriting." As Walters remembered, Voegelin could hardly be shaken by small matters. Walters related the following episode: Voegelin would sometimes come and talk to students in the hallway. He went to 'the john' and came in and then it was time for class and he started his lecture and he hadn't zipped up his pants. And sitting right in the front row were two ladies. At that time I thought they were in their seventies, but at my age they were maybe in their sixties. Anyway, they were much older than the regular students. And, I guess it was five or len minutes into the lecture, he realiud this woman was trying to hand him a note. And he looked al the note, which probably said "your pants an: wuipped.," and be just turns around with his back to the class, zips his pants up and turns around and just keeps talking. I think it would have thrown me for a loop! But it didn'l faze him.

After class, Voegelin was open to questions and discussions-as long as they were not pointless and a waste of time. He talked to the students in his office, but he never invited chatting about trivial things. Masingill remembered one event when Voegelin lost his patience with a student who was not properly prepared for class:

men who have attained a high standard of efficiency in collegiate activities; it brings together memben of the faculty and student body on a basis of mutual interest and understanding (.. .)" (The Gumbo 1946, 272). "Dr. Voegdin was recognized as an author and 'a scholar who has won international renown by his distinguished conuibutions to the fidd of political science and philosophy'''' (Balon Rouge State Times, April 25, 1952; see also: Balon Rouge Morning Ach'OCate, April 24, 1952: HI 112.348a). Voegelin wrote to Heilman: "Meanwhile, I hne received at this great university a .somewhat quaint honor: I was elected to membership in the famous order of a.O.K. I was flabbergasted when the students came to tell me, because I had assuemd that was only for 'leaders' like Dean Frey or French; and since I am neither french nor fried, how did I come by it? The puzzle was solved when I learned that in the noble fraternity a revolt had occured, the students of Sigma Chi insisting on my election, while the faculty did not like at all the idea of an outsider like myself joining the channed circle. Well. now I am an accredited Fahrer:' (L.etterofMay 3,1952; HI 11.9).

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As she began reporting on this book, Voegelin grew demonstrably more and more impatient. Finally, he could contain himself no longer and virtually exploded as he inquired, "Young lady have you READ ziz bookT She replied in the aflirmative but he pressed further. ~ All of itT Then, she admined that there was one pan at the end she had NOT read It was tilled. ~Epilogomena" she said and continued. ~Quite frankly, I didn't know what this word meant so looked it up in the dictionary and found the meaning as ~afterthoughts~ so I determined from this that it was not important'" This almost brought Voegelin out of his chair. "My dear young lady,~ he burst out, ~you do not look up important words such as this in ze tool of a publisher's trade. Scholars make ze dictionary, DOt ze other way around!..,46

One time a week. he held a graduate seminar in his house in the evening (7II pm). The students felt honored to be invited to his home, as if they were pan of an 'elite group.' The seminars were 'special events' with no more than ten students. Lissy was always in the room listening, but never panicipated in the discussion. [O}nce thc work of the session was done, the gracious lady of the house brought pastries [crackers with anchovy paste (Goethals)] and hot tea to all of us, and lhe conversation resumed on a serious nole until a meaningful silence fell in lhe room as lhe signal to depan...l

These seminars were not always pan of the regular schedule but sometimes were additional meetings. When he was asked by some students to teach a course about Nietzsche, for instance, and the LSU officials rejected this idea of a class, Voegelin just said "well. we have to abide by the rules. So, if you all will come out 10 my house [...]" (Walle,,). Today at eighty years of age and retired after a career as a university professor himself, Frank Masingill is still convinced of the extraordinary qualities of Voegelin: Eric Voegelin, among all of my teachers was lhe one who could most clearly and unequivocally explain the social and political situation of my environment and I have conlinued throughOUI my life 10 draw upon his magnificent amy of knowledge and his marvelous gift of perceplion of lhe ~siluation:' Voegelin was fabled among lhe graduate students that I looked up to the most when I was there for his enviable knowledge of thc original coinage of usages and ideas. This is only ONE or the reasons why I consider thai he was a veritable walking liberal arts education packaged in one man.·'

At Voegclin's time, LSU had no doctoral program in the Government Department, and according to the data, only six students' MAs were advised by Voegelin: Dolph Norton's about Henry and Brooks Adams (1946); Waller P. Carr, Jr.: "Alexander Hamilton and lhe Idea oflhe Closed Slale" (May 1947); William C. Harvard, Jr.: "The Breakdown of the Intellectuals" (August 1947); Clinton Wilson Longwill, Jr.: "Brooks Adams: A Study in Historicall.nlerprelation" (May 1948); George Ellis Sandoz, Jr.: ''Myth and Society; a Compara~ "1

...

Masingill to Sandoz, ovember 2000. (E-mail). Sandoz in SR 21 II, 373f. Masingill to Publ, December 9. 2000. (E-mail).

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tive and Critical Study of the Writings of Edward Burnett Tyler, Henri Bergson, and Henri and Henriette Antonia Frankfort, Proposing to Demonstrate the Irrational Nature of the Bases of Political Order" (June 1953); James Francis Kerrigan: "John Stuart Mill: Modem Progressive" (Voegelin and Taylor; June 1953)." Many of these 'elite students' made their way to successful careers as professors, lawyers, or businesspersons. To mention just a few of his Baton Rouge students: Huben Humphrey, fonner Vice-President of the United States (1964-68) and presidential candidate 1968 for the Democratic Party; Lois Nichols Michelli, who has worked for the National Security Agency in Washington and the State Government of Louisiana; Hermann Moyse, Jr., banker; Ernest J. Walters, Professor of Political Science at Funnan University in Greenville, SC; Ellis Sandoz, Professor of Political Science and director of The Eric Voegelin Institute for American Renaissance Studies at LSU in Baton Rouge, LA; Frank MasingilJ, Dean of Students and Professor of History at the University of New Orleans, LA; Victor Sachse III and his brother Harry Sachse, both successful lawyers; William C. Havard, Professor of Political Sciencc at Vanderbilt in Nashville, TN, today at Virginia Tech. This last mentioned student, William Havard, got to know Voegelin not only from the perspective of a student but also from that of a colleague. After doing his BA and MA at LSU, he got his doctoral degree, taught at different schools and was brought back by Voegelin in 1957 to teach at LSU. lCl

4./.4. Voegelin and his colleagues Over the years, Voegelin had to deal with many different characters in the Government Department of LSU. When Voegelin had delivered his guest lecture in the spring of 1941, he had obviously left behind an impression convincing enough to be hired later. Robert Harris, chairman of the Government Depanment, brought Voegelin to LSU and continued supporting him as much as possible-on a professional as well as on a personal basis. In the Government Department, Voegelin worked especially closely with Professors Robert J. Harris (Ietl LSU in 1955), Alden L. Powell (died suddenly in 1950), Kimbrough J. Owen (came to LSU in 1947, died in a plane crash in 1956), Nelson Taylor (1949-53), Peter Fliess (came to LSU in 1949), Emmell AssefT (1950-53), William C. Havard (former student of Voegelin who returned to LSU as a teacher in 1957), and Rene de Visme Williamson (came to LSU in

DifTerenl klters 10 and from VlXgelin w~ usN as sources (HI 16.15), as well as the LSU University Bulletins from various years, and the theses in the dt-pa.rtment library. ~ Compare ~ern.llettcrs between VlXgelin and Havard in HI 16.23.

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1955).Sl In 1949, there were seven faculty members: Emmett Asseff. Peter Fliess, Robert Harris, Kimbrough Owen, Alden Powell, Nelson Taylor, and Eric

Voegelin. The department was then housed in cramped quarters of the Old Law Building, which was sometimes described as being "in the catacombs". His colleagues seemed to appreciate Voegelin's work and supported him. Taylor, for example, read through the New Science before its publication. Voegelin thanked him in the acknowledgment section of his book: "My colleague,

Professor Nelson E. Taylor, had the kindness to read the manuscript; I have gratefully availed myself of his advice in matters of style."S2 While Voegelin had a lot of support in his department, people from other

fields were even more excited about the news of his coming to LSU. Peter Carmichael from the Department of Philosophy wrote to Harris: I wish to say that 1 was delighted 10 hear Dr. Voegelin when he was here before, and I

thought the University was fonunate in having him here. I will gladly do anything I can to assist in getting the benefits of his learning to as many students as possible during his stay next semester. H

Heilman from the English Department remembered: I had heard him lecture at LSU once before he came. And I was tremendously impressed by the learning, the force, the platfonn he used and that sort of thing. When Bob Harris (...] told me he was going to bring Eric, J thought, this is great few LSU. And I thought of him primarily I think as the most tremendous intellectual giant I'd ever met. And this. that impression holds true to this day needless to say, reinfon:ed by much more actual knowledge than I had then. His personality, I remember. was that of an extremely courteous, somewhat formal, I suppose I would have called European, (... }-very, very easy but formal good manners, a style thai went over well in the South, but you DeVer had really a sense of extreme ease ew of letting down. It was rather the manner of a person who was very much controlled.:W

As stated earlier, Heilman and Voegelin shared a close friendship,-as did their wives. Heilman was then and still is today (at the age of 96) deeply impressed by Voegelin and stressed that it is "one of [his] professional high points to have known someone such as Eric Voegelin."" They not only shared a personal bond but they also worked together. When Heilman had already moved to teach at the University of Washington in Seattle, Voegelin published his book Israel and Revelation, the first volume of Order and History, in which he thanked Heilman for his "thorough analysis of sections of the manu-

'I

Few a complete list of the teachers in the Government Department from 1942-19S8 see appendix A 1.3. n NSP, xii. H Letter from Carmichael to Harris, December I I, 1941. (Government Files). :w Heilman to Boya', August 29,1990. " Heilman to Publ. December S. 2000.

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script, his reasoned advice with regard to grammar and style" as well as for "his help in improving my English."S6 During his sixteen years at LSU, Voegelin had co-operated with many people. Some of them liked him, some of them did not; some "detested him, but they never openly admitted it."S7 Donald Stanford, with whom Voegelin worked in matters of the Southern Review, remembered "that there have been two schools of thought on Voegelin at this campus. Some of the persons, including an historian, think he's a bit of a phony. Others admire him a great deal. "58 By this historian Stanford probably meant Professor Robert Holtman, a history teacher at LSU who was once asked to teach a class in Voegelin's place (most likely while Voegelin was having his intestine operation in 195253). As the first and-besides Voegelin-the only teacher at LSU who taught about Russia, Holtman was the obvious replacement for Voegelin's Russian Government class. He agreed and asked a student for his class notes to get an idea of what subject matter Voegelin used to cover and how he treated it. He reacted unfavorably to the content. "His acceptance of 'modernity' was the very opposite ofVoegelin's attitude toward it. "Where in the world," he asked, "does he get such stuff as this??,,59 It was soon known that Voegelin was not a very social person and that it was not always easy to talk to him, especially when he was in the middle of a project. Heilman remembered Voegelin's effect on his colleagues as rather "intimidating" while there was at the same time "an acceptance of very great superiority. '>60 Hc tcnded to treat his colleagues precisely as if they were fellow members of the philosophy faculty at thc University of Vienna. Whatever our professional competence, we were (or the most pari not quite up to the role. \\-nat man)' o( us feit was less resentment than a regrelful sense of nOI being with it, [... l

t

Although Voegelin was mainly remembered as a very polite and friendly gentleman, sometimes his particular kind of arrogance came through. He always seemed to have the feeling that hardly anyone in the academic world could keep up with his genius. He complained about "all these ignorant people" and sometimes answered an honest question about his work with, "If you were not so ignorant you would not have to ask." In his later years, there was an inciS6 OH I, xv: "A special pleasure is it 10 say my thanks to my friend and colleague Professor

S7

58

. 59

61

Robert B. Heilman (University of Washington) for his help in improving my English. His thorough analysis of sections of the manuscript, his reasoned advice with regard to grammar and style, his congenial understanding of the relations between philosophical subject matter and means of linguistic expression, have had a pervasive effect. I can only hope that the disciple will not disappoint the masler 100 deeply." Heilman to Puhl, December 5, 2000. Stanford to Cooper, May 5,1997. Masingilllo Sandoz, November 8, 2000 and December 7, 2000. Confinned by Holtman. Heilman to Boyer, August 29,1990. Heilman 1999,87.

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dent with a graduate student (today a university professor), Glenn Hughes, Jr., on a trip to Boston College in 1983. Hughes remembered: His peremptory treatmenl of me at the lime was mostly a matter of his being frustrated to learn that he could not, that afternoon, visit-as had been planned-the philosopher and theologian Bernard Lonergan, who had taken a tum for the worse of his illness. InSlead Voegelin had to receive a visit from a wet-behind-the·ears graduate student: myselP. [... J Voegelin could be described as having been either arrogant, or merely snappish and irritable-which faded after aboul 20 minutes, when I heatedly defended my questions as meaningful and expressed my frustration that he was being unduly uncooperative toward someone who admired his work. For the remainder of the hour he was polite, if not loquacious. 62

Another scene showing his feeling of superiority took place at a meeting of the 'Monograph Club,' a faculty study group where professors from different subjects presented their ongoing projects to their colleagues to be discussed. It is said that on one of these occasions Peter Cannichael, professor in the Philosophy Department, complained about Voegelin because he was teaching too much philosophy and too little government. Voegelin's answer was clear and came without hesitation: "Peter, you are a teacher of philosophy, I am a philosopher. ,>6l Robert Holtman remembered him as someone who "tended to look down his nose:>64 and his former colleague Robert 1. Steamer recalled: Occasionally he displayed an intellectual arrogance in the classroom of which I can recall two examples. In replying to a student who had asked a question, he said: 'I can't answer thai question because it contains no thought content.' The second example was his criticism of the New York Times slogan, •All the news that is fit to print: Eric maintained that about halftne news in the Times was not fit to print. 65

A person who remembered Voegelin only with great admiration was his longtime secretary Josephine 'Jo' Scurria: In earlier times the bulk of manuscript typing was done for Dr. Voegelin who later became an international scholar, (...] 1 feel honored to have Iyped manuscripts for this eminent polilical theorist whose works have been recogni7.ed by leading scholars, and who was kind enough to mention my name in Ihe acknowledgments of his work. 66

Scurria remembered Voegelin as a very friendly gentleman, a devoted husband, and a nice man to work for. He never forgot to complement her on her look or the smell of a new perfume. He always thanked her for her work and gave her thoughtful and generous presents for her birthday, Christmas, and 62

63

6'l 65

66

Hughes to Puhl, December 23, 2000 (E-mail). Sachse to Puhl, December 13, 2000, and Pascal to Puhl, January 28, 2000. Goethals said about the relation Voegelin-Carmichael: "Carmichael detested Voegelin because many philosophy students were flocking to Voegelin" (10 Puhl, September 2, 200 I). Holtman to Publ, January II, 200 I. leiter from Steamer to Puhl, December 31,2000. Scuma, 16. She was referring 10 the acknowledgments of the NSP: "[ ... ) My thanks for excellent secretarial help go to Miss Josephine Scuma {... J." (NSP, xii).

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other occasions. Scuma wannly recalled Lissy Voegelin as having said that she wanted their daughter to be like her. And even when the Voegelins had already moved to Munich, he wrote her a letter during the Gennan Karneval season, telling her about the secretaries running around in carnival costumes. He added: "Just imagine how the enrollment would go up if you were on exhibition in black tights with a taiH"" In the English Deparunent, Voegelin also had contact with other colleagues besides Heilman. During his time at LSU, Cleanth Brooks" and Roben Penn Warren" also happened to he at LSU. In 1935 they had founded the (later) well-known journal The Southern Review. 1O a regional achievement of national reputation that grew famous and 'died' in I942---()nly to be revived in 1965. Warren left LSU in 1942 to Minnesota, Brooks in 1947 to Yale. Voegelin met Warren and was friends with Brooks, whose capacities in English language and literature he highly esteemed. In later years, Voegelin frequently worked with The SOllthern Review, mainly with Professors Lewis P. Simpson 71 and Donald E. Stanford. Simpson (later a co-Boyd Professor) aboutVoegelin: I must say that at that time I knew Voegelin entirely by his campus reputation as a distinguished member of the political science faculty who had come to the United States as a refugee from Hitler. I had been told that he was not Jewish. My first personal impression of him confirmed this. When onc day at the Faculty Club he was pointed out to me as he strode imperiously through the lounge smoking a formidable cigar, I branded him a Prussian. n

Simpson remembered Voegelin as "the only one around here who had such a background and knowledge," as an "intensely intellectual" man with «a real sense of humor" who did not like American parties but nevertheless easily identified with tile South. n

67 6B

tfJ

10

71

n n

Lttter from Voegelin to Scwria. February 23,1958. Cleanth Brooks (October 16, 1906-May 10, 1994), one of the founders of New Criticism, Faulkner scholar, educator, and lecturer; studied at Vanderbilt. Tulane and Oxford Universities; 1932 appointed professor of English at Louisiana State University. Brooks and Rohert Penn Warren. who joined the LSU faculty two years after Brooks' arrival. jointly edited The Southern Rl!\.iew from 1935 to 1942. 1947 appointed professor of English at Vale University. He has received numerous honorary degrees and awards. Robert Penn Warren (April 24, 1905-September 14, 1989). the only American writer to win the Pulitzer Prize for both fiction and poetry; studied at Vanderbilt. University of California in Berkeley, and Old'ord. After teaching literature for one year at Southwestern College (Memphis) and three years at Vanderbilt, Warren was appointed to the English faculty at Louisiana State University in 1934. There he joined Cleanth Brooks and Charles Pipkin in founding and editing The Southern Rn-iew. 1942-1950 University of Minnesota; 1950-1952 Vale. For more on The Southun Rn-iew see Heilman 1991. 24-44 et al. Ltwis P. Simpson came to LSU in fall 1948. He was editor of The Southern Rn-iew and has been a Boyd Professor since 1980. Simpson in: Sandoz 1991. 73. Simpson to Publ, April 18,2000.

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Professor Robert A. Pascal was another colleague ofVoegelin's. Pascal met Voegelin in 1946, when he was Assistant Professor in Law and anended Voegelin's lectures. They were together in the 'Monograph Club' and occasionally met off-campus. He described him as "a very pleasant individual" who "was sometimes angry with people who did not want to think" and someone who liked people and was eager to find something out about them and thus social in his own way. Some professors were opposed to Voegelin because of fundamentally different philosophies of life, but he did not let this disturb him in his work. According to Pascal, the very good students liked him, the ordinary students did not appreciate him enough. "Voegelin always knew what he was saying, why, and when. He was very sure and careful about his positions and exhausted himself[of] all possible thoughts."74 In 1954, Pascal asked Voegelin to teach classes at the Law Schoo!. Voegelin agreed and taught one half ofa class of which the other half was taught by Pascal.

4.1.5. Teaching topics Considering that Voegelin had a strong accent and spoke of ideas of whichmost of his students had never heard, he was probably not the easiest lecturer to follow. As William Havard remembered: If one should stand just beyond the limits of the point at which his actual words could be understood, his lectures probably would sound monotonous because both the flow of the sentences and the lack of inflection make for an evenness that could be deadly in one whose ideas are less exciting than Voegelin's.7s

So, it was not surprising that it took him only one lecture, his first public lecture as visiting professor at LSU, to be misunderstood and on this occasion, it was publicly discussed in the university newspaper The Reveille. After this lecture/6 an anonymous 'subscriber' wrote a letter that was published in The Reveille and followed by a flood of protesting leners. He (or she) stated, 1 believe that this lecture is the biggest piece of effrontery ever offered to a university public. [... J it is amazing that a foreigner has to take it upon himself in this day and time

74 Pascal to Puhl, January 28, 2000. 7S

76

SR 7 I, 59. "Dr. Voegelin will divide his subject, 'British War Aims,' into three parts. As an introductory discussion he will talk of the problem of war aims in general. He will also point out implications of the Atlantic charter. Major parts of his speech will be given to a discussion of the British war aims as shown in a pamphlet by British historian R. H. Tawney on 'Why Britain Fights.' Tawney shows the British way of life and the collapse of the order of Western civilization. After the telling of the problems of national states and social justice in the British Isles, the British historian makes suggestions for future international institutions. Dr. Voegelin will bring up the specific views of Tawney and seek to show the aims of the British in the present conflict." (The Reveille, February 24, 1942); See also HI 61.14. For more details about the content of the lecture see "Definite War Aims Are Needed for Fighting War, Voegelin Says" In: The Baton Rouge Advocate, February 25, 1942.

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and as a guest of our country and of our university, to tell us that we are an ignorant, Wlthinking, materialistic nation without aims or spiritual values, fighting only with the vague notion of 'keeping the aggressor ofT, possibly.' [... j A SUBSCRIBERn

The (published) reactions to this letter to the editor were completely in favor ofVoegelin and came from such people as Professor Jefferson Fordham of the Law School, Professor Robert Harris of the Government Department, Dean William Scroggs of the Graduate School, Professor Aldeo Powell of the Government Department, Georgia Wilson of the LSU News Bureau. George Dalferes and William Beven from the Kappa Sigma House. and Professor Peter Cannichael of the Departmeot of Philosophy. They tried to stress how glad and grateful the LSU community was about Dr. Voegelin's presence. how right he was that he had only quoted another author's critical remarks about America. and how cowardly, unethical, discourteous, and wrong the "subscriber" was. 7' This was perhaps not the best start at a new university. but probably one of the more effective ways to become known on campus. The lecture that created so much attention was the first of five in a series of 'lectures on war and foreign policy.' Voegelin had offered Harris a list of sixteen possible lecture topics from which Harris chose the following: 1. British War Aims (February 24); 2. The Issue of Principles between America and Japan (March II); 3. Soviet Russia: What is Communist, what is Russian (March 25); 4. Aoglo-American Political Society and the Continental State (April 15, later postponed to April 29); 5. The End of the Western Stale System (April 29. later postponed to May 7; there is no evidence whether the lecture really took place)." The Reveille reported about the second lecture, too. They announced it in a lengthy anicie on the day of the presentation and reviewed it the day after:

The Rt!\~iIIe. February 26,1942. See appendix A2.3. for the whole article and some of the reactions to it. 11 Harris wrote to all these people personally. assuring them how much he appreciated their reaction and saying that "it is to be hoped that the writer of the leiter was made as uncomronable by your letter and others as he deserved to be made." (Several letters from Harris on March 6.1942; Government Files). 79 In a leller to Harris on December 13, 1941, Voegelin wrote: "The titles for public lectures and infonnal talks which I can put at your disposition are the following: I) British War Aims; 2) The Issue of Principles between America and Japan; 3) The Isolationist Sentiment. Its Origin and Its Agony; 4) Soviet Russia: What is Communist, what is Russian; 5) Limits of Toleration; 6) Rational and Emotional Democracy; 7) Political Religions; 8) The Structure of Politics since the Reformation; 9) Spiritual Diseases in Politics; 10) The Asiatic Background of Machiavelli; II) Anglo-American Political Society and the Continental State; 12) The End of the Western State System; 13) The Mystical Roots of Political Theory: 14) Political Theory of the Mongol Empire; J5) The Spanish Conquest of America and the Rise of International Law; 16) OostoievsJcy's Great Inquisiu:.. You see that the number of titles is in excess of your demand; I have selected them from different fields; you may cOOse those which you consickr most interesting for )'OW" community. From the point of view of science the more relevant are numbers 7. 8, 9, 10. 13 and 14 as they contain results of research mostly unpublished." (Government Files).

77

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ERIC VOEGEUN IN 8ATON ROUGE

Dr. Eric Voegelin (... j last night cited documents to prove that the issues between the United States and Japan are those of definition only. [... j Her (Japan's j expansion today, Dr. Vocgelin continued, is parallel with that of Germany·s. While the United States believes that peace exists in living in hannony with other nations, Dr. Voegelin proved that Japan's idea is Japanese domination. 80

One day later, they printed a correction: Dr. Eric Voegelin, visiting lecturer in government, cited documents in his Wednesday night lecture not "to prove that the issues between the United States and Japan are those of definition only," as reported in yesterday's Reveille, but rather to prove that peace in the Japanese sense means Japanese domination, Dr. Voegelin said yesterday.11

Harris and Professor Marvin Osborn of the School of Journalism exchanged letters after this second incident and agreed on a special procedure for covering Voegelin's lectures: The material must be checked and verified by Voegelin before publication. 82 The following lectures during that semester were obviously covered to his satisfaction. 83 It seemed that Voegelin and the university press did not have the same idea on how to cover campus news. Five years later, he would have the opportunity to make his point of view c1ear--once and for all. In his first semester, as in later years, Voegelin not only gave lectures at LSU but "in addition there were three or four lectures to women['s]-clubs, Kiwanis, students, [and a] sociological seminar."84 He also was a well-liked lecturer at the International Relations Club (IRC) at LSU. He spoke about 'The Constant Elements of Italian Politics' (December 1943), 'Imperialism in the Russian Revolution' (October 1945), Bakunin's 'Confession' (November 1945), the current events in Russia (March 1946), 'American Foreign Policy in China' (February 1947), and 'Education and American World Leadership' (May 1954). In March 1946, The Reveille quoted Voegelin as having said that "War with Russia is inevitable." Only one full week later they corrected their quotation to read: "War with Russia is inevitable unless the expansionist movement is stopped. 'oss By then, Voegelin had had enough of The Reveille and their reporters. When he lectured again at an IRC meeting in February 1947, he

80 II 82

13 S4

IS

The Reveille, March 12. 1942: see also The Reveille. March 10 and II, 1942. The Reveille. March 13, 1942. Leiters between Harris and Osborn, March 12, 13, 16, 1942. (Government Files). See The Reveille, March 25. 26. April 29, 30, 1942. Letter to Manin, July 23, 1942 (HI 24.22). He spoke at the Kiwanis club on March 5, 1942 about Japan, her history and her reasons for attacking other nations. "'Ln other words.' he said, 'the groups that now rule Japan have everything to gain and nothing to lose because of the fact thai if the fonner ruling classes again get the upper hand, the position of leadCTShip now will be that of practically serfdom. ". (The RevejlJe. March 6, 1942). See The Reveille, December 10, 1943; OcIOber 30, 1945; November 2, 1945: March 13, 19, 26,1946; May 12, 13, 1954.

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refused to address his remarks 10 an audience that included a Reveille reporter, and rather than deny the assembled group the remarks of Dr. Voegelin, the reporter withdrew. [... J Dr. Voegelin had started to walJc away when he turned and said, 'thai is blackmail. I will DOl submit 10 blackmail. I am going to report you 10 the Journalism School in the morning for attempting 10 blackmail me.' Following this conversation, the reporter left the room and the meeting began. t6

The next day's article was headlined "Voegelin Bars The Reveille From Speech" and, additionally on the first page, "Editorial: Dr. Voegelin and Rights of the Press." The author of the editorial admitted, that "On several occasions in the past, Dr. Eric H. Voegelin [...] has been misquoted by The Reveille-by staffs other than the present one. Dr. Voegelin had reason to be apprehensive." But he also referred to the incident as "one of deeper significance" because "Dr. Voegelin's action has precedence in the dark days of the press' struggle for a voice" and because "to throttle the press for political reasons is a serious infringement on the public's rights. To deprive it of its function for lesser reason is a lesser crime perhaps, but not less dangerous."81 These remarks received a loud response from the LSU community: some defending Voegelin (among them eleven students who wrote a letter together), others taking sides with the reporter. Roben Harris did not even bother to write to The Reveille anymore; instead, he wrote a four-page letter to Dean Frey, acting President of LSU. Harris recalled the incidents of the past years and explained that they had already tried to take "precautions earlier of checking with Reveille reponers on the matter of accuracy and that [it] proved inadequate" and that he therefore had advised Voegelin not to lecture anymore in the presence of reporters. Harris went on: I bdic\oe I lI:11 beill& fOlii tu tile DircciOi c:.f'ilk: Schoul of Juum.tlisl.l WIIClI I sun...' li3J. j:zo: his attitude as follows: (I) Due to the youth and inexperience of The Reveille reporters, they frequently make errors; (2) There must be freedom of the press. including The Reveille, and this freedom includes blackmailing a person who does not desire to speak for publication; (3) The Director of the School of Journalism will defend the right of The Reveille to misquole and unethically 10 attack persons who lake adequate steps to protecl themselves against misquotations; (4) The Director of the School of Journalism, allhough willing to defend and obstruct, has not the courage to assume any responsibility. either personal or institutional, for such outrages. On the basis of this altitude, I am instructing the members of the Department of Government, if they want to be protected against such outrages as occurred on February 12. to refrain from making any speeches on the campus and if necessary to seek the protection of the local constabulary .....hen speaking off the campus. Though such is a definite curtailment of academic freedom and freedom of speech. I can not idly permit my colleagues to be the innocent victims ofjournalistic terrorism. U

16 17

It

Thl! Rl!'lvdlll!, February 13. 1947. Ibid. Harris to Frey. February 21.1947 (Government Files). For the other reactions published in The Rew!jJ/e see appendix A2.3.

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During the following years, the relation between The Reveille and Voegelin stayed calm.

Voegelin obviously liked to lecture, as he pointed out in a letter to Harris in November 1941: Let me state specifically that I am rather extroven about lectures and do not experience them as a burden at all. You can have from me as many public lectures as you want (and as the public will stand without throwing things) if they are necessary for fulfilling requirements of teaching-load.19

Most of the time, Voegelin voluntarily exceeded the required teaching load of twelve hours. 9O He taught all kinds of topics; he used to teach two sections of the introductory class of American Government for undergraduates, and he also regularly taught comparative government. on occasion diplomatic history, as well as the law school's course in jurisprudenee [starting in 1954J. But his main course was always the history of political theory and the graduate seminars in theory which drew many of the university's best students. With the increasing prominence of China in the 19405, Voegelin was elected, because of his linguistic facility. to teach a course in Chinese politics; and he learned enough Chinese to read the classical source materials in 91 the process of developing this course, which he taught for a decade.

In his first semester at LSU, the spring semester of 1942, Voegelin was supposed to teach the undergraduate courses 161 (The Nature ofthe State If) and 148 (War and Defense Policies If) as well as the graduate course 276 (Modern Po/Weal Theory- "A survey of political theory from Rousseau to the present with emphasis upon the development of conflicting political theories and ideologies."). When Professor Charles Hyneman unexpectedly left for Washington, Harris had to change the course arrangements, and he asked Voegelin if he would teach the second semester of the beginning course in American Governmenl in lieu of 161. Voegelin agreed, stressing that he wanted "to be as useful as possible.'>92 When asked for a short outline of his 148 class, Voegelin suggested the following: Evasion and Isolation from Colonial Separatism to Isolationism. The idea of the New World; Western Hemisphere policy. American imperialism from the opening of China and Japan to Theodore Roosevelt. The sentiment of the agricullural frontiers; The end of the Frontier and Isolationism; the entrance on the world-scene. Wilson and the transfer

89

Letter to Harris. November I, 1941 (Government Files). He not only gave lectures at LSU and in the surrounding area, but also travelled. a great deal within the United States and abroad to present his work to a broader audience (sec appendix AI.4.). 90 "While teaching a schedule ranging anywhere from eleven to twenty hours, with fifteen hours the most usual amount. Professor Voegelin has not neglected research." Harris to Dean Howe, March 8,1945. (Government Files). YR. 73-74. 92 leiters between Harris and Voegelin November I, 1941; December 6,13.1941; January 20, 22, 1942. (Government Files). For details on Hyneman see appendix A1.3.

"

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of Victorian ideas to the international field 1be American idea of peace and worldorganization. The new imperialism; Communism., National Socialism., Shintoism. The conflict between !he new imperialism and American policy. 1be organization of American Democracy in thc age of total war. American war and peace aims. The problem of American leadership in international atTairs. 9l

Concerning the theory class he stated: As this is a serninar-course with not too many students I think it will be suffidem if we put such textbooks as are in !he library (Cook [A Hislory of Political Philosophy], Sabine [History of Political Theory), Dunning, etc.) on reserve; otherwise I shall give collateral readings from sources and monographic Iitemture and have them put on reserve when I am with you and see the materials in !he libmry myself.~

Hermann Moyse, Jr. was one ofVoegelin's first students at LSU. He took the theory class and the class on American War and Defense Policies. (Among the theory students was also Hubert Humphrey.) Moyse remembered that Voegelin spoke aboul vocative ideas and original thoughts, be look historical events and synthesized them. Voegelin began the class with bow Jesus' teachings changed the social order of politics. He was sitting there for two hours without a break and when the four· o'c!ock·whistJe blew, he lighted a cigar and !he class was over. After the class, we often lalked for ano!her hour on and off campus. Voegelin had no time schedule for the classes; he tried to cover the malerial as far as he could come in this time. He stayed pretty much in cllronological order, but he never completed everything because he mn out of lime."

After the incident with The Reveille reporter in February 1942, Voegelin "spent the better part of the next class discussing this," Voegelin was very sensitive when someone a."'sociated him with the German Nazi regi.me. The first female editor of The Reveille was in this class, and she had "a very uncomfortable half an hour with Voegelin''''' when he began complaining that her colleague was not sufficiently trained and that he tended to take quotes out of context. In any case, his first semester seemed to be satisfactory to him: My courses are shaping up quite well. The course of war-policies has 23 students, !he seminar on theory has nine regular attendants, and the special course in American Government (for A and B students onlr) has 15; all of which seems gorgeous according 10 the quantity requirements of L.S.V. 9

In April 1942, Voegelin wrote to Elliott about a matter on which the Fourth Army Corps approached LSU:

9l ,. " 96

97

Letter to Harris, Oe«mber 13. 1941. (Government Files). utter 10 Harris, December 6, 1941. (Government Files). Moyse to Publ, February 28, 2000. Ibid, leiter 10 Martin, February 19. 1942. (Government Files).

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ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

They want to make an experiment with a course of twelve hours in which their men should receive some infonnation on Gennan, halian and Japanese political beliefs. The staff of the Army Corps will attend the course and ask such questions as they deem particularly important. One of the more immediate practical aims seems to be 10 get some background for the handling and questioning of priSOOCfS of war. The matter is treated (as} confidential in the sense thaI it must not reach the news-paper zone. Three of my colleagues and myself are selected to give this first course, and the major part seems to fall to me. I am look.ing forward nry much to this experience as I have dont similar work for the Austrian offICers' scbool in the years of our 'waf' with Hitler. It is a good thing, I believe, that under the necessity of war a little pressure may stan from the services that may reach the colleges; for the information which we give in such a course might, after all, be the common possession of aU college-graduates if properly instructed. 98

At this time, VoegeJin could not have known that he would be back at LSU for the fall semester. Thus, if this course really took place, it must have been taught either during the spring semester (there were still six weeks left) or right after it. Only two letters exist concerning the fall semester of 1942 from which one could speculate what Voegelin was teaching in the academic year 1942-43. In August he wrote to Harris about his plans: If you let me organize the course 125 and 126 according to my discretion I would suggest to go in the first semester to 1789, with the provision that one-half of the semester will cover the period from the begilUlings to the English Revolution and the second-half from King James to 1789. lbat would give more than 50-10 to American lbought, if you include Calvinism as an essential part of it. without neglecting the general sening. 1be second semester should treat the period from 1789 to the present. again with due accent on the American development. If you wish to adapt the tille to the contents, perhaps simply: European and American Political lhought to 1789,-from 1789 would be the ~t."

Four months later, Voegelin wrote to Parsons about his obligations: I have a seminar in political theory that meets once a week for an evening at my house with four registered students and about six or seven who come regularly withoul taking it for credit. The background of the students is thin. to put it mildly, but their intelligence loo and eagemess to learn is very pleasant.

The Department seemed to be satisfied with his work, as well. In the spring semester of 1943, Voegelin was leaching twelve credit hours and had enrolled a total of 89 students in his classes (from a total of 234 students in the department with a total faculty of two and a half people). Quanlitative1y, he is doing more than his part, and qualitatively, he is doing excellent teaching and is exerting a profound innuence upon the students who come into contact with him. Since he is teaching more than any other person in the: Department by

91

" lOll

Letler to Elliott, April 2. 1942. (Government Files). LeUer to Harris, August 27,1942. (Government Files). Letter to Parsons, December 23. 1942. (HI 28.12).

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anywhere from 33-1/3% to 300%, his departure would just about complete the wreckage of the Department. 101

According to data from the summer of 1943,102 Voegelin taught one part of the undergraduate American Government class (51), The Nature of the State /I (161: "The nature, elements, and attributes of the state; sovereignty and political obligation; the scope and limits of state action; and the theoretical sources of modem governmental institutions."), as well as an Honors Course (191). In the following years, Voegelin regularly taught the introductory classes in American Government (51 and 52, together with his colleagues), Totalitarian and Constillitional Governments (171 and 172), and Political Theory (181 and 182), always alternating the sections between the spring and fall semesters. Additional classes included the Honors Course (191) and a Methods Class (201). For the next semesters, the books list Voegelin's schedule as follows: • 1943-44, first quarter: 5 J; 172: Constitutional Government IJ ("An examination of the origins, nature and preconditions of modem constitutional government with special attention to British parliamentary institutions"); 182: Political Theory, European and American. ("A survey of the development of political thought from the Greeks to the present with special attention to the elements that have gone into the building of American political ideas"); 20 I: Methods and Materials ofResearch in Government ("lectures, readings, assigned problems"). • 1943-44, second quarter: 52; 171: Totalitarian Governments ("A study of the disintegration of parliamentary institutions in Italy and Germany, and the nature of the totalitarian regimes in these countries, Japan, and Rus· sia"); 181. • 1944-45,firstquarter:51; 171; 181; 191[1);201 (pro forma only). • 1944-45, seeond quarter: 52; 172; 182; 191 [1].'" • 1944-45, third quarter: 51; 173 (~ 172+171; Far East); 183 (~182+181); 191 [1). • 1945-46, first semester: 51: American National Government I, /I ("A survey of the principles, structure, and functions of the national government of the United States"); 171: Great Britain and Western Europe I ("A study 101

'"

10J

Letter from Harris to Dean Stephenson, March 3,1943. (Government Files). The used data are thc Schedule of Classes and thc Bulletin from the years Voegelin was teaching at LSU as well as exams and Voegclin's notes (HI 86.1, 86.4, 88.7, 88.8; for more information about exams, reading lists or course outlines see these sources). Thc sources sometimes provide differcnt information about Voegelin's classes and list classes that Voegelin taught in general but not necessarily in that particular year. If not otherwise indicated, the author thcrefore lislS the given data, but cannot prove for certain that Voegelin really taught those classes in those scmcstcrs. Class infonnation that is clearly questionable is marlced with "(1)..' "I also think that it is better for me to keep the American Government and let Highsaw have the Honors Course---for a change, you know-; I can keep better contact with the students when I have thcm in 51152. So, if it is all right with you, I keep rather both quarters of American Government:' (Lcttcr to Hams, July 31, 1944; Government Files)

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ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

of the origins, nature, and preconditions of constitutional government in western Europe; the constitution of Great Britain; the structure of the British Empire; recent constitutional development in Western Europe"); 181; 281: Seminar in Political Theory. 1945-46, second semester: 52: Elements of Political Science /, II ("A general introduction to the study of political science with emphasis upon the principles and forms of the state and government"); 172: Russia and Central and Eastern Europe II ("A study of political revolution in Central and Eastern Europe and in Russia; the disintegration of parliamentary institutions and the rise of totalitarianism; the constitution of the Soviet-Union; institutional development in Germany and Italy"); 174: China and Japan II ("The Chinese Revolution; the program of Sun Yat-Seni; the Kuomintang; the Chinese constitution; the opening of Japan; the constitution; Shintoism; present social and political structure"); 182; 282: Seminar in Political The-

ory. • • • • • • • • •

• •

\946-47, first semester: 5\; \8\; 20 \; 281. 1946-47, second semester: 52; \72; \74; \82; 282. 1947, summer: 5\; \72; \82. \947-48, frrstsemester: 51; \81; 281. \947-48, second semester: 52; \72; 174; 182; 282. 1948-49, firstsemester: 5\; 18\; 28\; \73. 1948-49, second semester: on sabbatical leave. \949-50, first semester: 51; \73; 18\ (SANDOZ); 281. 1949-50, second semester: 52; 172: Russia and Eastern Europe II ("A study of political revolution in Eastern Europe and in Russia; the disintegration of parliamentary institutions and the rise of totalitarianism; the constitution nf the Soviet-Union"); \82 (SANDOZ); 282. \950-5\, firstsemester: 5\; \72; \8\; 281.'" \950-5\, second semester: 52; \73 (SANDOZ); 182; 282.

104 In March 1951, Voegelin was consulted by a Mr. Donald Maclean about his course offering: "In your current Catalogue, which was sent to me recently, I notice a course marked J72-Russia and Eastern Europe. I am very anxious to learn whether this course aims to expose Communism-both Russian and International-for the vicious thing which it is, and prepares the student to fight against it in his daily life." (leiter from Maclean to Voegelin, March I, 1951; HI 88.7). Voegelin answered promptly: "The course is an objective scientific exposition of the subject indicated in its title. [... J No infonnation beyond what has been conveyed in the proceeding paragraphs can be given to you before you have identified yourself properly. 10 the present confused political situation it is impossible for us to know whether a letter of the type that you have sent us originates with a well intentioned. anxious citizen or with a adjunct provocator or perhaps an agent of the Soviet Union, who is fishing for infonnation. Any further communication from you which is not accompanied by an appropriate identificalion and testimonials from persons or organizations with a well known, reputable standing will be turned over to the F.B.I. for further treatment:' (Letter from Voegelin to Maclean, not dated; HI 88.7).

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1951, summer: 51 (daily); 172 (daily); 191: Reading Course ("individual

reading in specified field of government conferences, repons, and group discussions'l_ •

•

1951-52, fi"t semester: 51; 172; 181 (MICHELLI, 12 students); 281; 202: The Melhods ofthe Political and Social Sciences; with chairman (not mentioned in the Schedule of Classes). 1951-52, second semester: 52; 173; 182 (MICHELLI); 282; 62: Introduction to Politics II ("The purposes and foons of government, historical cycles

and courses of revolution, political forces and movements, and moral problems of the individual and the state with special emphasis on modem political problems"), with Fliess, Taylor (the Schedule of classes lists only Taylor); 202 [1].

In a letter to Baumgarten, Voegelin added about his coune load for that semester: Besides everything else, I am leaching a private seminar about epistemology ('En:enntnistheorie'), which goes from the Aristotelian subjects to quantwn physics because some physics students arc: anending the course, and this causes me a 101 of trouble. Addilionally, our Dean had !he wonderful idea of founding an Honors Colloquiwn in which I am responsible for the evenings on Plato and Confucius. l~

• •

•

• •

•

1952-53, fi"tsemester: 51; 172; 181; 281 (SANDOZ); 202 [?]. 1952-53, second semester: 52; 173; 182; 282 (SANDOZ); 202 [?]. 1953-54, first semester: 51; 172: Russia and the Soviet Empire I ("The

causes of communism in Europe and Russia; the Russian revolutionary intelligentsia; Russian Messianism; the Communist Revolution and the Comintem; the Constitution of the Soviet Union") (still called Russia and Europe in some sources); 181; 281; 202 [?]. 1953-54, second semester: 52; 173; 182; 282; 202 [?]. 1954-55, fi"t semester: 51; 172 (BARRY); 181; 281 (maybe 203 instead); 62 [?] (with Fliess) 1954-55, second semester: 161: Law in Ihe Modern Slate 11 ("The meaning

and objects of law; sources and growth of law; conception of rights and justice") (originaHy, Hams intended to teach it); 173 (BARRY); 182; 282 (maybe 202 instead); 62 [?) (with Fliess). • 1955-56, fi"t semester: 172; 181 (BARRY). • 1955-56, second semester: 182 (BARRY); 282. • 1956-57, first semester: sabbatical leave. • 1956-57, second semester: 172; 182; 282. • 1957-58, fi"t semester: 173; 181; 28\. Other sources also list the cou"es: 51; 52; 62; 161; 202; 173 for 1955-57, and 51; 161; 173 for 1957-59.

10' Letter 10 Baumgancn. April 21, 1952. (HI 7.) 7; translation by aUlhor).

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Starting in 1954, Voegelin taught for four years a course on jurisprudence every spring semester. Even though it was mainly offered for law students, it can be assumed that it was listed as Government 161 (this would also confinn the enumeration aboveV 06 In the fall, law professor Pascal taught the second part of the class (Institutions of Law). Between 60 and 80 students were normally in these jurisprudence classes, and the class was compulsory for firstyear law students. In a lener to the Rockefeller Foundation, Voegelin summarized: The courst: has been a success in two respects: (I) The usual dodges of students to escape a ~, which they do not like, were not employed. The enrolllDall held up. And (2) the results in terms of interested panicipation and good grades can only be called excellent. (... ) Our grealest difficulty is the lack of an adequate textbook. 107

In his leave of absence in the fall semester of 1956, Voegelin worked on a book on jurisprudence (The Natllre of the Law) that was supposed to be used in his course and to be published. After Voegelin left LSU, this class was made optional and for students in their final year. According to Pascal, some of the other professors did not like these two classes by Voegelin and Pascal for being "too catholic." Pascal remembered Voegelin as always saying, "everyone who does not believe what the Roman Catholic Church teaches is a fool. nllll Voegelin knew about the problem, and he had written about it to Baumganen already in 1951: Now for an amusing side note: among the grown up protestants, an obvious anxiety can be fell due to the attracth'C'OeSS of catholicism. and this attraction mainly ties in the better philosophical education of the catholics. I am often suspected to be a Catholic myself, merely because I know something about philosophy and because I am acquainted with such atrocities as Aristotle and Tbomas very well. 109

According to one of his law students, Victor Sachse U1, Voegelin taught the law class in a different manner than his colleagues; he asked questions based on the material, liked discussions, gave interesting assignments, and had very little tolerance for ignorance. Often, the students were not prepared for the content of the classes because it was intellectually too challenging. Nevertheless, many students like Sachse, returned to attend Vocgelin's classes in the law school again, even though they were not required to. The topics Voegelin taught during any given semester often had to do with his own current research. Walters remembered: Whatever he was working on, he would simply come into class and he would read a manuscript, which didn't mean that he could give a lecture off the cuff, it just meant that

106 Letter from Harris to Voegelin, June 26, 1953. (HI 16.15). 101 Letter to Tbompson (Rf). Decembtt 12. 1955. (RF / RG 1.2/ Series 2005 / Box 531 / Folders 4538-4539). 101 Pascal to Publ, January 28, 2000. 109 Letter to Baumganen. July 10, 1951. (HI 7.17; translation by author).

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be was bener organized. But, if someone asked a question, then he coold go ofT for ten or fifteen minutes. In other words, I'm saying that be didn't have to refer to his notes. As a maner of fact, I can remember that Voegelin would finish and then each week woold

read us one of the Walgreen lecnues before be wmlto Chicago and gave them. llo

4.2. Books

In his years in Baton Rouge, Voegelin wrote or began writing some of the most important books of his professional career: The New Science of PoUlics (published in 1952, NSP), Order ond History, Vol I-Ill (1956-57, OH), and The NalUre of Ihe Law (1991). Wissenschafi, PoUlik und Gnosis was published in 1959, when Voegelin was already living in Munich, Germany. One of the most extensive projects of all, which he also worked on during his Baton Rouge years, was published only posthumously in eight volumes between 1997 and 1999: His/ory ojPoliticolldeas (HPJ).'" The idea for this project occurred to Voegelin around 1937 and the outcome was intended to become "a textbook of moderate size." Soon, Voegelin realized that there was more to this project than just a little textbook of2oo pages. I actually had to work through the Iiteralure from the Greek beginnings to the present. That is what I did over lhe years. [...]1 could not deliver on time, becalL~ I WlIS ~iIl hu'ly acquiring knowledge of sources. and lhe more knowledge I acquired the faner the manuscript grew. But that was not all. In the course of the work it became obvious that the limitation imposed on a history of political ideas, the convention of having it begin with the Greek Classic philosophers and end up with some contemporary ideologies, was untenable. 112

Voegelin kept on working, studying sources, and writing for the next few years. In December 1942, he wrote to Talcott Parsons that he was about to fin· 110

III

ll2

Walters to Cooper, November 4, 1995. Thc lecture 'Moses: The Creator of History' of March 1955 (See: H13.3 and The Reveille. March 4.1955) is probably also an extract out of his &Clual wortc-v.'hat is today known as volume I of Order and History, Israel and Revelation. The nine parts of History of Political Ideas are published in the Collected Works series, vol· urnes 19·26: Vol. 1 Hellenism, Rome, and Early Christianity (CW 19). Vol. II The Middle Ages to Aquinas (CW 20), Vol. III The Later Middle Ages (CW 21), Vol. IV Renaissance and Reformation (CW 22), Vol. V Religion and the Rise of Modernity (CW 23), Vol. VI

Revolution and the New Science (CW 24), Vol. VII The New Order and LaSI Orientation (CW 25). Vol. VlII Crisis and the Apocalypse of Man (CW 26). To thc connection of the original nine parts of HislOry of Polilieol Ideas with the edited volumes of the Collected Works series and the original outline of Order and HislOry see Kromkowski 2000, 784. AR,62.

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ish the Middle Ages. Exactly five years later, in December 1947. he wrote to George Rohrlich that the flf'St two volumes already were at the publishing house, hopefully to be followed by the third volume in the summer. II) Alfred Schuetz seemed to have been one of the people with whom Voegelin discussed his work on a regular basis: "An important development in my understanding of the problems that worried me throughout the 19405 and well into the writing of Order and History was marked by my correspondence with Alfred Schuetz on the problems of consciousness."ll. In 1944 he changed the publisher from McGraw-Hili 10 MacMillan, and the project grew into a three-volume college textbook of 1,500 pages. From 1944 to 1953, these three volumes grew further to approximately 4,450 pages. Of this work, Voegelin published individual chapters or parts of them during the 1940s and early 1950s: 'Siger the Brabant' (1944), 'Bakunin's Confession' (1946), 'Plato's Egyptian Myth' (1947), 'The Origins of Scientism' (1948), 'The Philosophy of Existence: Plato's Gorgias' (1949), 'The Fonnation of the

Marxian Revolutionary Idea' (1950), 'Machiavelli's Prince: Background and Fonnation' (1951), 'More's Utopia' (1951), and 'The World of Homer'

(1953).1l5 People who read the manuscript of HPJ were full of praise for the work. 116 Over the years, Voegelin was confronted with more and more difficulties in writing the manuscript. In his Autobiographical Reflections he remembered: My History of Political Ideas started from the conventional assumption that there are ideas, thai they have a history, and thai a history of political ideas would have to work its way from Classical politics up 10 the present. Under these assumptions, I humbly worked throogh the sources, and eventually a manuscript of several thousand pages was in existence. Still, the various misgivings that had arisen in the COWS( of the wort now crystallized into my understanding that a history of political ideas was a senseless undertalcing, incompatible with the present stale of science. Ideas turned out to be a secondary conceptual development [...).

11lese various occasions for becoming aware of the theoretical inadequacy of my conventional preconceptions about a history of ideas did not arise all at once and did not find immediate solutions. I would characterize the five years between 1945 and 1950 as a period of indecision, ifnot paralysis, in handling the problems that I saw but could nOi intellectually penetrate to my satisfaction. The work did not SIOp.ll1

Letters to Parsons, December 23, 1942 (HI 28.12) and Rohrlich, December 21, 1947 (HI 30.17). The publishing house obviously wanted 10 wait with the publishing for the complete woric. They never got it. II. A.R. 70. liS Listed according to SandozIHollweclc in Cw 19, If. 'BaJcunin's Confession' was also the topic of a lecture Voegelin delivered at an IRe meeting in November 1945. Another part of this work is From Enlightenment to Re'I'Olution, edited by John H. Hallowell in 1975. 116 See appendix AZ.4. 117 AR, 78, 64. III

r

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Finally, Voegelin abandoned this huge project, in conflict with its general theoretical (mis-)conception and deficiency: 'Ideas have no history, only experiences do.' This took place around the year 1954. By Voegelin, the continuous process of searching, revising, giving up, and recasting was never seen as a waste oftime: My work on the History of Political Ideas had oot been done in vain, because it had familiarized me with the historical sources. But now the reorganization of the materials under the aspect of experience and symbolization became necessary. Hence, I gave up the project of a History of Political Ideas and started my own work on Order and History. lIt

Although Voegelin had decided to give up on HPl, the editor.; of the Collected Works series decided to publish the script after the author's death. Sandoz and Hollweck explain this step in the 'General Introduction' to HPJ in the Collected Works series with the arguments that (I) Voegelin had published some of the articles himself aod that (2) the primary goal of the CW is to make as many of the author's writings as possible accessible to a larger public [...] Of Voegelin's unpublished work, the 'History' is, without doubt, of central imponance for an understanding not only of the author's own intellectual development but also of the fundamental theoretical problems thaI shaped his later work. llf

Voegelin mentioned the year 1951 as being an especially important point in time concerning his shift in focus and conception: "A breakthrough occurred on occasion of the Walgreen Lectures I delivered in Chicago in 1951. Here I '"~ [bid, 80 .

I :,

cw

19, I. In an e-mail to Arpad Szakolczai from May 26, 2000, Ellis Sandoz added: "Voegelin never intended to publish this after he turned the comer in the early 50s. He then mined it for some articles and for O&-H, (... ) Some of the harshest things be wrote (and we published!) never would have seen the light had he revised the work for publication. so much that we have is in the fonn of a first or at least preliminary draft and left like he wrote it (typed it!!) typos and all-[...} The author's own conception and intentions for a wide variety of reasons kept shifting, often on the question of publishability-first as an undergrad textbook, then and ultimately even as a standard treatise on the subject too big even for so-<:alled scholarly press. But his insight inlO Ihe material. and into the needs of scientific scholarship, also changed and evolved [...]." John A. Kromkowski argues in a similar way: "First. the History is a large pan ofVoegelin's early career in the United States, and as such, il constitules a necessary pan of any serious effon 10 make public the work of Voegelin. (...) it reflects Voegelin's panicipation in the attempted reorientation of American intellectual life at a time when world-class scholarship still required fonnal training and competent audiences abroad Second, [...] publication of History of Political Itkas, [... J facilitates the formation of a new relationship between contemporary readers and this teacher's encyclopedic mind, uncommon knowledge of venerated and obscure .sources, and truly gifted capacities to PW'SlJe the comprehensive project he made his life-work. Publication of History of Politicot tdeas is significant for a third reason as well. Collectively, these eight volumes make Voegelin's later works more undentandable and accessible, offering a window onto his previously published works, especially compact works like Th~ New Sci~nce of Politics or densely detailed., advanced works directed toward specialists. Both types of works had their origins in or were affected by the work Voegelin initially invested into the History 0/ Politico/Ideas." (Kromkowski 2000, 778f).

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

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was forced. in comparatively brief form, to fonnulate some of the ideas that had begun to crystallize... 120 On the initiative of Professor Hans J. Morgenthau. Voegelin was invited to deliver the so-called Walgreen Leclures l2l at the University of Chicago in the winter of 1951. As his topic, he chose 'Truth and Representation.' In November 1950, Voegelin was already done with about two-thirds of the lectures when he wrote to Engel-Janosi: This fall I am even busier than normal because I have to prepare the Walgreen Lectures, which I am supposed 10 deliver in Chicago in January. They plan to publish them, and I wan! to have the publishable manuscript ready by Chrisbnas to be done with it once and for all. II will be a book of about 150 pages. The topic is 'On Representation.' I am working extremely hard on il 10 make it as good as possible since it is my first systematic work on political theory since I have given up on creating a 'system' of 'Staatslehre' around 1930. And, as you know, the most complicated problems arise only

when one is working through it in detail. Anyway, ""'o-thirds arc done and the outline of the rest is planned. As you probably can imagine, il will essentially be a philosophy of history.122

The Walgreen Lectures took place between January 22 and February 2, 1951. On January 23, Voegelin wrote to his wife from Chicago that he considered the lectures a success-as far as the people were able to understand what he was saying. llJ Two months later, he wrote to Engel-Janosi again, telling him that the Chicago lectures went well. About 50 people were sining in all six lectures which is said 10 be a good audience. [... J Nowadays I am working on an introduction of prospectively 30 pages. The title of the lectures shall be: 'The End of Modernity,' as a subtitle: .An lntroduction to the New Science of Politics.. \2-4

When it was published in the fall of 1952, Voegelin seemed to be surprised by lhe success of his firs' book in the United Slates. In March 1953, TIME Magazine made this book pan of a lengthy ankle by Senior Editor Max Ways in their 30th anniversary edition. They called the book "an intellectual detective story, a quest through the history of Western thought for the culprits responsi· ble for contemporary confusion."m Furthermore, under the title "Journalism and Joachim '5 children," they gave "a loose, truncated synopsis of this story" that obviously left a major impression on many people across the States-

n'

Al<.64.

121 1bcsc lectures were initiated and sponsored every year by the Charles R. Walgreen Founda· tion for the Study of American Institutions in Chicago. -The group brings well Imown speakers to the University of Chicago 10 lecture on topics of immediate interest.·' (The Reveille, January 18, 1951). Min 1937. Charles Walgreen began his associalion with the University of Chicago with a donation of $550,000 in company stock to eslablis.h the Charles R. Walgreen Foundation for the Study of American Inslitulions. (hnp:Jlwww.walgrecns.com). Ill: Letter to Engel-Janosi. November 20. 1950. (HI 11.8: translation by author). 123 See Opitz 1993,11. 12-4 Letter to Engel·Janosi, March 29, 1951. (HI 11.8; translation by author). us TIM. E March 9.1953.57. M

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positively as well as negatively. In the next weeks, numerous readers wrote to the editor with comments ranging from, "Your intellectuality (Joachim's egghead children) was far too scrambled for this eggnostic," "Garbled nonsense [...] This Voegelin is just another egghead," and "Someone slipped a dozen eggs too many into that birthday cake of yours!" (all March 23) to "[It is] the most asinine, un factual, unrealistic, unscientific, unintellectual, dishonest, slanted, biased, prejudiced, and wonderfully written thing ever to appear in TlME" (March 30), "A masterpiece" and "Thanks for the absorbing synopsis of Political Scientist Voegelin's thesis. The waters of TIME are running deep. Such earnest probing into the roots of the current intellectual crisis inclines me to agree with you that there are signs of movement toward a solution [...]." (March 23). At the time this article was published, Voegelin was in New Orleans in the hospital, recovering from his last intestine operation. As mentioned before, when Lissy brought the magazine to his bed and read it out to him, he was happy. As soon as he was bener, he wrote to the editor: Your article was a surprise to me-and a very pleasant one. I would nOI have thought that my 'New Science of Politics' would attract your attention. It is a severely theoretical work, and it makes no concessions to popularity. That a magazine which is meant for the general reader should try to mediate problems of such complication is indeed extraordinary. And I can only compliment you on your courage [... ].126

Other positive reviews followed 127 and made the book and its author well known in the United States as well as overseas. The book turned out to be a best-seller by political theory standards. Voegelin even received a request for a copy of the book from one Dr. Renzo L. Romanelli, Consul of Italy in Izmir, Turkey.128 Voegelin seemed to be surprised about this success: "I can remember Voegelin, I was talking with him about The New Science of PaliNcs and the expression, I remember, that he used was: "You know, they have sold ten thousand copies of that? Who on earth would want to buy it?"I29 Soon after the lectures in Chicago, Voegelin started to exchange letters about the NSP with friends and colleagues. The most significant correspondence on this matter was with Leo Strauss, Alfred Schuetz, and Aron Gurwitsch. All three shared the same fate of emigration from Nazi Gennany and exile in the United States with Voegelin. Strauss, at this time Professor of (poIitical) Philosophy and Sociology at the University of Chicago, had presented the Walgreen Lectures two years earlier and was present when Voegelin lee-

126 Letter to Ihe editor of TIME, March 30,1953 (HI 63.14). Parts of the lctter were published in 127

'"129

the TIME on April 20, 1953. Among them was a review by Michael OaJceshott in the TLS, August?, 1953,504. Lettcr from Romanelli, April 24, 1953. (HI 63.14). Waltcrs to Cooper, November 4, 1995.

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tured. All three men were impressed by the NSP, but they also discussed problems they had with the text. 130 Until today, NSP is probably Voegelin's best known piece of work; translated into several languages and sold as a classic among works in political philosophy. It is interesting to note that Voegelin barely mentioned the book in his Autobiographical Reflections. In August 1978, Voegelin was awarded the Lippincott Award for the NSP as a piece "of exceptional quality" in the field of Political Theory.13l The NSP was the first step for Voegelin towards gaining renown with a broader audience in the United States and in Europe. He soon followed with the first three volumes of Order and History. 132 As already mentioned above, Voegelin did not start OH as a totally new project. Much of the material from the abandoned HPJ inspired and aided the first three volumes ofVoegelin's subsequent five-volume work Order and History. Voegelin dedicated OH to his wife Lissy: "Coniugi Dilectissimae"-"To my beloved spouse." She had helped and supported him in every possible way in all the years of his work. After over 50 years, she still remembered the time when Voegelin started to use a typewriter for his massive work: Yes, he wrote by band until we came to Tuscaloosa. And there we had an upstairs apartment and it was so terribly hot there, and he could not write because his hand was sticking through to the paper, and then you cannot write on paper that has been sticky with sweat. So, from one day to another he started to type, and that was it. lJ)

Voegelin only typed with two fingers, but very fast. And he produced an extraordinary amount of writing this way-hundreds of pages for the OH alone. The problems with publishing OH were soon solved when LSU Press agreed to print it. Voegelin was requested by LSU Press to name a few people who could give them an idea of what his book was like. Schuetz, Gurwitsch, and Engel-Janosi were most familiar with his work. On April 22, 1955, Schuetz wrote a very supportive letter concerning the publication of a manuscript, then still entitled 'Order and Symbol,' to the director of LSU Press, Donald R. Ellegood:

For more on the correspondence and the friendships between these men see HI 15.28 (Gurwitsch), HI 34.10,11 (Schuetz), HI 37.1 (Strauss) as well as Weiss 1997, Opitz 1993, Cooper 1993, Grathoff 1985, et al. III See Opitz 1993, 13. "The Lippincott Award was established by the Association [APSAI to recognize a work of exceptional quality by a living political theorist thaI is still considered significant after a time span of at least 15 yean since the original date of publication." (http://www.apsanet.orglaboutlawards/lippincott.cfm). In 1985, the award was changed from an annual to a biannual basis. Among the recipients are: 1975 Hannah Arendt; 1976 Karl Popper, 1977 Louis Hal1Z; 1979 C. B. Macpherson; 1980 H. L. A. Hart; 1981 Simone de Beauvoir; 1982 Michael Oakeshott; 1983 Duncan Black; 1985 Sheldon Wolin; 1987 John Rawls; 1989 Robert A. Dahl; 1991 Michael Walzer; 1995 Charles E. Lindblom; 2001 Quen. tin Skinner; 2003 Albert O. Hirschman. III See also VR, 91-115 (NSP) and 116·142ff(OH 1·U1). III Lissy to Boyer, August 29,1990. DO

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For almost twelve years I had indeed the privilege of following closely the various phases of Dr. Voegelin's work in progt"ess. It is my considered opinion that Dr. Voegelin's study makes ao outstanding conrribution not only to the history of ideas but also to the philosophy of the symbolic forms and the theory of the myth. I do not hesitate to state thaI, in my opinion, Dr. Voegelin is one of the outstanding experts in this particular field. His erudition is tremendous and his dealing with the problems involved reveals the author as a seminal mind of [the] first order. In its finished form his book will have, in my opinion, an importance comparable to Toynbee's Study in History. I do not only recommend publication of this important work but I feel strongly that your Press would fulfill a cultural mission of international significance by publishing this book. It is certainly not a book which will be a best-seller but I am sure that scholars all over the world will be eager to study this book and it will also have appeal to the intelligent layman. ll4

In the two years following, 1956 and 1957, the first three volumes ofOH were published by LSU Press: Israel and Revelation, The World of the Polis, and Plato and Aristotle. In Baton Rouge, the first publication of OH was celebrated by the newspapers: Dr. Voegelin, LSU Boyd Professor of government, and one of the nation's foremost political philosophers is author of the six-volume [sic) work. The volumes will be published during the next three years. 'Order and History' is a comprehensive study of the order of human existence in society and history, ranging from the Egyptian and Mesopotamian empires of the Ancient Near East to the modem national states and the contemporary conflict of civilization. [... J It is expected that 'Order and History' will be of interest to historians, political scientists, philosophers, theologians and all serious students of the origins and development of Christianity and Western civilization. Those of us who have looked forward to the publication of this work will, I predict, find that its author has more than measured up to expectations. us

The still unpublished volumes were named as follows by the press: Empire and Christianity (IV), The Protestant Centuries (Y), and The Crises of Western Civilization (Yr). Before the next volume could be published, Voegelin moved to Munich and took on his new position. Volume IV ofOH. The Ecumenic Age, was published in 1974 when Voegelin was back in the United States. Volume V,ln Search of Order, could only be published in 1987, two years after his death. In a foreword to this last work of Eric's, Lissy Voegelin gave a few facts about the origin of this volume: My husband started to write these pages in the summer of 1980 after four years of research [... J; and he continued his extensive readings and his writings during (he next three years. In late 1983 his health began to fail and the strenuous concentration required for writing became more and more difficult. By that time he had already sent a good part of the manuscript to the Louisiana State University Press, always hoping that some day he would be able to write again. But, as his illness advanced, he finally understood that it

114 Schuetz to Ellegood, April 22, 1955. (HI 34.11). IlS Both Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, October 28, 1956. See also Baton Rouge Stale-Times, October 29, 1956; Baron Rouge Morning Advocate, April 6, 1958 (vol II) and Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, July 6,1958 (vol Ill).

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was not meant for him to go on living. In his last months I saw him, almost every day, reading and rereading the manuscript, making slight corrections occasionally, and always pointing out to me: This will be Volume 5. He liked his work and oftcn talked about it, and he let me know that he knew very well that these pages are the key to all his other works and that in these pages he has gone as far as he could go in analysis. saying what he wanted to say as clearly as it possibly could be said. l16

Between the first three and the following volumes of OH, Voegelin had continued researching and publishing. in 1957, The Nature of the Law "appeared in a mimeographed 'temporary edition exclusively for the use of students registered in' that course. "137 The course referred to here was Voegelin's jurisprudence course that he taught in cooperation with law professor Pascal from 1954 until he left LSU. It seems that the monograph was never distributed to the students, and it was only published in 1991 with Pascal as one of the editors. Within the book were also an 'Outline of Jurisprudence Course' and 'Supplementary Notes' that were used in this law class. u8 The editors, Robert A. Pascal and James L. Babin, saw The Nature of the Law as "a modem instance of philosophizing in the classical style." The 'Outline of Jurisprudence Course' is, they wrote, concerned more with the criteria for legal order discovered through philosophy and revelation than it is with the law's essence or nature, which was the primary subject of The Nature a/the Low. The two, therefore, are complementary. (... J The 'Supplementary NOles' for students in the jurisprudence course are in themselvcs a compact course in the subject. [...] Voegelin also distributed to his jurisprudence students a mimeographed manuscript entitled 'The Symbolization of Order,' copyrighted in 1954, to supplement his lectures. The manuscript was identical with the Introduction to Volume I of Order and HistQry, published in 19S6. m

In 1957, Voegelin sent a copy of the manuscript The Nature of the Law to Schuetz, who was very enthusiastic about it: Most of all I would like to drop everything-including finishing my studies of Israel and Revelation-lto read this book] {...]. In any case, every line of your book is exciting and studying it gives me infinite pleasure and satisfaction. You know, I had expected a great deal but what I have read so far exceeds all my expectations.l~

In addition to his books, Voegelin also wrote numerous essays and articles 141 that were published in the United States and Europe. He was always busy re· searching a broad range of subjects,-and not only in the field of politics.

OJ. 0 H V. xv. 137 CW 27, xiii. See CW 27. See also HI 88.9: 88.10. OJ, CW 27, xv, xviii-xxi. I~ Schuetz to Voegelin, February 17, 1957. (HI 34.11; translation by author). 141 For a list ofVoegelin's work see VR, 281·288, and http://www.cricvoegclin.org. IJ8

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4.3. The 'Voegelinian Language'

Voegelin was very aware of the linguistic difficulties that would arise when living and working in lhe United States. It is true that he already spoke English, but he was not fluent enough to publish his work in English---especially since he had such high demands on himself, the topic, and the reader. When Voegelin finally settled down at LSU he soon found help at the English de~ partment with his efforts to improve his English: The friendship with [Cleanth] Brooks and [Roben B.] Heilman, furthermore, helped me to acquire some knowledge of the stratification in American English by social groups. When you come as a foreigner to America, you are of course swamped by the language that all sorts of people speak around you, some of them speaking correct English, some of them local idioms, some of them a vulgarian vocabulary with all sons of mistakes. If you do your best to adapt yourself to your environment without having any critical knowledge of what level that environment belongs to, you can easily end up at the bottom of the vulgarian scale. Heilman and Brooks were of eourse very much aware of such social stratification of language and helped me confinn my suspicions with regard to language I heard in the environment. The nature of the problem can be gathered from a conversation with Clealllh Brooks. Once, when crossing the campus, I met him deep in sorrow and thought. and I asked him what worried him. He told me he had to prepare a chapter on typical mistakes for a textbook on English style that he was re~editing with Roben Penn Warren, and that il was quite a chore to find typical mistakes. I was a bit surprised and innocently told him, "Well, il is very simple to find typical mistakes. Just take any education textbook and you will find half a dozen on every page." He then explained to me that he could not use this method because educationists were far below tile level uf average literacy, and their mishlkcs could r.ot ue consiuelC\l 1)'J,iciil for
The problem Voegelin had to face is a typical phenomenon someone acquiring a new language experiences.The essential factors are the society and its language, both influenced by several sociological factors. 143 Language and society were two aspects in Voegelin's life that had suddenly changed and were direcdy influencing his life and work in the new surroundings. But the fact that his students at LSU still had difficulties understanding him even after he had been living in the US for quite a while was due to a more obvious reason than the impact of a complicated web of sociological de142 1<J

AR,59f. Since the 1950$. expens have been scientifically investigating this field of Sociolinguistics. For a definition see Biber 1994, 3.

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tenninants on his language. The main reason Americans had trouble understanding Voegelin was his Austrian accent, which was described as being quite strong. He would never be able to completely imitate American pronunciation, which is a typical phenomenon: What is referred to as a foreign accent is an obvious reflection of cross-linguistic influence at the level of pronunciation. (... ] interference arises when a bilingual identifies a phoneme of the secondary system with one in the primary system. When he reproduces it, he subjects it to the phonetic rules of the primary language. 144

Sometimes Voegelin left his students puzzled: The class heard about the Greek divinities "Ahtaynah" and "Tsoiss," and from context soon identified them as the goddess of wisdom and the head Olympian. But an apparently common noun, "wahzy," remained an unsolved mystery for weeks. [...) But enlightenment had to come from Eric himself, who, questioned by students, cltplained, "Oh, you 1mow, a watenng . spot 10 . Ihe descrt. •• 0 aslS. . 145

Hennann Moyse remembered an incident when it took them about ninety minutes to find out what Voegelin meant when he was talking about an "anthropological miff [muff according to Goethals; myth] of the soul." Some of the students eventually started to take notes in phonetic transcription. l46 Voegelin kept this unmistakable Austrian accent until the end of his life but his pronunciation turned into an English easier to understand for 'the common American.' While an accent is a phenomenon that is related to the speaker (as is dialect), language variations that are dependent on the situation of the use are defined as register, genre, text type. or style. Even to a non-linguist it is obvious, though, that one speaks in another manner to a little child than to an academic colleague, that a children's book is written in a different style than an encyclopedia or that one talks among friends much more relaxed or casually than one would do in a job interview with a potential boss. While speaking, the decision about the respective choice is made more or less unconsciously. In the process of writing it is more conscious. So this is not a phenomenon specific to Voegelin, it is something wilh which (almost) everyone is regularly confronted. What made 'the Voegelin case' so interesting was the fact that he not only had to deal with these language variations in his mother tongue but rather bilingually, in a second language. Voegelin, however, was known for not adjusting to his audience or the situation when he was talking. He often spoke at a level above his students, he used technical tenns, he held academic monologs at parties, and he was not able to switch over to small talk. Concurring with the following definition, it can be said that Voegelin hardly varied his register:

Romaine 1989,52. 145 Heilman 1999,95. 146 Goethals to Puhl, Seplember 2, 200 I. 144

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The concept of register is typically concerned with variation in language conditioned by uses rather than users and involves consideration of the situation or context of use, the purpose, subject-maner, and content of the message, and the relationship between panicipants. I...J Vocabulary differenc~ither a special vocabulary or special meanings for ordinary words-arc most important in distinguishing different 141 registers.

Voegelin seemed to be good at languages. His ambition certainly helped in that area. He was quoted to have said that one can learn any language with a good grammar book and one hour study time a day within one year. 141 He had a remartcable facility. He was a linguist of competence. For example, when somebody had to teach Chinese politics after the Red Chinese came to power in 1949, he went out and studied Chinese to the point that he could read the documents and talk about China from the beginning of time to the present, I...] When he needed to read the Old Testament he studied Hebrew with a rabbi in Tuscaloosa, [... J And the same with Greek. He learned Greek after he had finished all of his work, was a professor, and realized that the kinds of things that he needed to know about were written in the Greek language, specifically classical philosophy. So up to 17 languages he worked in. He knew a lot of history, he knew a lot of philosophy. He didn't studr. it because it was nice to know, he studied it so he could interpret the human experience. 49

Voegelin eventually became bilingual. He spoke Gennan at home with his wife and English on the street and with students and colleagues. l50 Because he had learned English after his native language German and with the help of it, Voegelin could be said to be a compound bilingual. lSI In the case of bilingualism, one cannot prevent the two languages from mixing with one another, and this applied to Voegelin as well. The problem of language choice can be especially well demonstrated with his leners from these days. Generally, he wrote to G;:rmany and :0 his Gerrn...!1. friends and colleagues in the United States in the Gennan language. In America, accordingly, especially Schuetz, EngelJanosi, Machlup, Sebba, Morgenstern, Gurwitseh, and Marianne Low received

147

148 149

150

lSI

Romaine 1994,20. "For example, two lawyers discussing a legal maner use the register of law; the language of police detectives reviewing a case reflects a register particular to their profession and the topic under discussion. If we hear words such as 'Our merciful Father in heaven, gram us strength to do Thy will', we know instantly that we are dealing with the register of religion." Sandoz to Cooper, October 1.1995. Sandoz to Boyer, August 30,1990. Spolslcy 1998.45-47: "The simplest definition of a bilingual is a person who has some functional ability in a second language. This may vary from a limited ability in one or more do-mains, to very strong command of both languages (... J Bilinguals have a set of domainrelated rules of language choice. 1be home·school or the home-work switch is probably the most common." "A compound bilingual who has 1~ the meaning of words in another language by attaching them to the words of his or her first language demonstrates semantic interference. There can be interference in all aspects ofa language, from the sound system (having an 'accent") to conversational rules (interrupting or saying 'please' in the wrong way).- (Spolslcy 1998. 49).

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such letters from Voegelin. m But sometimes there seemed to be quite a confusion: Voegelin wrote, for instance, to Machlup in English (4/6/1949) and he answered in Gennan (4/19/1949). To Morgenstern, Voegelin wrote in German (5/14/1948), he answered one time in English (5/17/1948), another time in German (5125/1948). Voegelin wrote to Bruning in English during the first rew years (41211942; 10124/1946) hut later in German (1/8/1952). One can only speculate as to whether this language mix was due to the fact that he (or his correspondent) simply did not think about the choice of language or if he consciously chose the English language to be more precise or perhaps to stress his distance from the German Reich. It is also possible that Voegeli" dictated some of his letters to the department secretary. who only spoke English.") What is again and again striking in his German letters is a phenomenon that Bnna Hufeisen describes as retroaktive Intetjeretlz (retroactive interference). She discovered with Gennan speaking immigrants in Canada "that the English language finds its way into one's native language to different extents. Often the sentence itself remains Gennan and only single elements are taken out of the English language. Most of the time, this happens unconsciously."lS4 Some of the transfers could also be understood as code-switching because in these cases, the change into the other language occurs consciously in order to express oneself more suitabl, more precisely, or simply because the expression does not exist in the other language. ISS "What has been called 'interference' is ultimately a product of the bilingual individual's use of more than one language in everyday interaction."lso In literature, the tenn interference is often replaced by other terms such as integration, transfer, or cross-linguistic injluence. Another distinction is made between borrowing and interference, whereas intetjerence is related to individual persons and borrowing stands more for collective and systematic 'language mixtures. ,m It is striking that Voegelin predominantly mixed the two languages in contact with other bilinguals. Letters to his sister, for instance, did not have English expressions. It seems that Voegelin was able to differentiate after all.

m Compare: HJ 34.11 (Schuetz), HI 11.8 (Engel-Janosi), HI 24.7 (Machlup), HI 35.4 (Sebba), HI 25.36 (Morgenslem), HI 15.28 (Gurwilsch). HI 24.3 (low), HIS.50 (BrOning). IS) According to what is known, Voegelin did not have his own secretary, and the inslitule's secretary only agreed to help type the manuscripts in her spare lime. Addilionally, the following descriptions of German-American interferences would be more lhan unusual for an American secretary. 1S4 Hufeisen 1995; translation by author. IH "(SJpeakrn of a language who have received advanced education in a professional field in a second language will usually not have the lerms in their nati~ language. Scientists lrained in an English-speaking country giving univCfSity leclureS in their own language often mix in EngLish words or even switch 10 English phrases and sentences." (Spolsky 1998, SO). 1)6 Romaine 1989, SO. IH For more on the ditTerenl tenns and their ~ see: Romaine 1989. sotr A case of borrowing would be small talk, an expression that is integrated inlo the German language and that is no! only used by a single person in Gennan senlences.

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Nevertheless he (unconsciously?) mixed English and Gennan every once in a while. lSI Examples for this kind of interference can be found in Voegelin's letter, which are very interesting to look at because, in contrast to hios books, they were not revised. Only a few examples shall be given here:

"[...J
wird wieder X-rays, Proktoskopie und lhnliche Freuden geben. Nie wieder wird man micb in meinem Bikini-suit am Strande sehen [... J;" "[ J und ausserdem noch verschiedene shrubbery, mit der wir uns nieht auskennen [...);" "[ ) (knapp zwei Wochen, dass ich die application abgeschickt habe). [... J Die einzigen outsider, die ich zugelassen habe, sind Ellion und Coker [...]:.. "[ ) ich babe einen blind-spot tnr seine Vorzilge [...);" "[ ] Zum Verfahren gebOrt, dass opinions eingehoh werden (...);" "[ ] Jedes Jahr der Meetings in unserer Association zcigt dieses Krachen mehr [...J;" "[ J Dieses Frilhjahr babe ich eine "Fuhr" topsoil fUr den back-yard kommen lassen [ .. .].',159

When Voegelin consciously used English words, he usually marked them with quotation marks. That means that one can assume that the above mentioned examples were the result of an unconscious choice of words. In another type of language mixing, similar tenns in both languages are spelled the wrong way. Some examples where this happened to Voegelin are: "( ) Die HausatTaire (Gennan AfJlre) vom lettten Sommer [...);" "( ] gelegentlich in der Debate (German Debane) ein profundes Wort zu Sprtthen [...);" "( ] wir haben das Apartment [GeTman Appartment) eines Freundes fUr den Sommer gemietet [...);" "(... ) vielleicht ooch langer, wenn es wieder Strikes (Gennan Streile] gibt [... J."I60

But even when Voegelin wrote 'pure Gennan; he sometimes used wording that sounded strange or was simply wrong: "Ausserdem baben die drei Nachbarh!user, die man von unsercm Garten aus sehen Ieann, sich entsehlossen sieh frisch anzustreiehen [...];"

Hufcisen in her study: "Thc non-existing separation of language-spheres is the main reason for the production of so many retroactive interferences among the other persons. This is be-cause they trust the fact that the respective interlocutor-the colleagues in tbe department amVor the family-is able to speak both English and Gennan, botb languages are mixed. In the long run this mixing leads 10 a blurring of tbe 'borders' between the languages so that to these persons it is not obvious (anymore) that the word paragraph in the sense of (German) Absan is a German word with English meaning." (Hufeisen 1995; translation by author) In Germ.an the word Paragraph has a legal connotation and refers to a section or article in English. Over time the usage of the word has changed, and it is used in German in the same con· text as it is in English. In The quotes are taken from letters to SchOtz, May 15. 1953 (HI 34.11); Low, December 2, 1946 (HI 24.3); Gwwitsch.. November 3, 1949 (HI 15.28); Engel-Janosi, March 17, 1948 (HI 11.8); Schuetz, April 7, 1955 (HI 34.11); Engel·Janosi. March 29, 1951 (HI 11.8); Low, May 21,1948(HI24.3). See letters to Rerstd, June 28, 1947 (HI 8.11); Dempf, May 8, 1956 (HI 10.4); Haerdtl, July 3. 1956 (HI 16.12); Berstd. January 30. 1947 (HI 8.11). lSI

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"Ich rnOchte natnrlich genie mittWl.. abet [...};" "[...) da der Gehal! an die Inflation angeglichen [.. .).',161 (0

some cases, only by re·translating back into English it turns out how these

formulations were construed: "An der bin icb nun wieder beschlftigt" - .,) am working on it again;" "zwei Drittel ist fertig" - '"two thirds is done;" "Heute muss icb kurz setn" - "Today I need to be short... I6J

Futhennore, Voegelin was not very precise with the German use of commas,

especially in cases where in English a comma is only used in special exceptions (as for instance with an extended infinitive or relative clauses). To Voegelin, the German language seemed to have an amusing side, too. In a Jetter to Parsons he said: I was particularly delighted by your remarks about German 'titles': they reminded me of the horrible mistake which a friend of mine once made in a Bavarian small town when he addressed the Frau Apothekenbesitzersgattin as only Frau Apothekersgartin, overlooking the abcs which separates a man who owns an pharmacy from a man who just works in one. I

Voegelin seemed to be very careful with the study of the English language. Difficulties with English idioms and the use of Gennan sentence constructions disappeared over the years-not least due to Heilman's active help. Voegelin wrote in his Autobiographical Reflections: I especially want to mention the help extended by Robert B. Heilman, who inb'oouced me to certain secrets of the American history of liten.ture and who was kind enough to help me with my difficulties in acquiring an idiomatic English style. I still remember as most important one occasion when he went through a manuscript of mine. of about twenty pages, and marked ofT every single idiomatic mistake, so that I had a good list of the mistakes that I had to improve generally. Heilman's analysis. I must say. was the turning point in my understanding of English and helped me gradually to acquire a moderate mastery of the language. 1601

In 1947, almost ten years after moving to the United States, Voegelin wrote to Berstel that he still had to work on his English and that English is not as easy as it seemed to be at first Moreover. problem that might be known to you, is that it is hard work to study a foreign language up to the point that you can use it to express yourself in a literary way. Especially English, due to its idiosyncratic character. Without thinking about it. one often says that there is hardly any granunar in English; and that is correct in the sense that there are only a few general rules. That does not make it easier, though: Ihis is even the source of the difficulties. The absence of genen.1 rules does not mean that one is fr«

1'1 See letters to Low, May 21,1948 (HI 24.3); Morgenstern, May 14, 1948 (HI 25.36): Bawnganen. July 10. 195 I (HI 7.17). 161 See letters to Baumgarten,. July 10, 1951 (HI 7.17); Engel-Janosi, November 20. 19SO (HI 11.8); Haerdtl. June 4.1956 (HI 16.12). IU Letter to Parsons, January 16. 1943 (HI2S.12). lfot AR.59.

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in a merry realm of arbitrariness. It means that the order reigns on the level of the concrete. of the singular. Every single usage of a word etc. has to be acquired individually. The idiomatic strictness is very highly developcd. A huge amount of my time is used for language acquisition. Since September, for instance, I have been busy re.writing the first volwnc of my History. The language was 'grammatically' COlTCCt, but I have learned 50 much over the past five years that I shiver when I read this completely unidiomatic English. If I did noc have the help of American friends who arc good in questions of style and explain the problems to me, I would be los1. 1 have to read a great deal oflitcrature for improving my English. From English rnctaphysical poetry-Donne. Herbert, Trapheme, elc.-l have learned a lot about English 'moods' which determine the merits of word associations. 165

One of the major problems that Voegelin's students had to deal with in the beginning besides his dialect was his vocabulary. Heilman described it as: "Eric's basic technical vocabulary and idioms were not always in line with standard academic English."16o!!i Voegelin's English was fluent but highly technical and filled with idioms of a philosophical background, special tenninol· ogy, and new word creations that made it easier to him to express something for which the already existing words did not seem to be precise enough. Voegelin talked, for instance, about the gnostic deformation of spiritual experience as 'the immanentization of the eschaton'-a piece of jargon so compelling that some of his students at Louisiana State University apparenlly produced a lapel badge reading 'Don'1 immanenlize the eschaton,' 167 a vulgarization he found deeply embarrassing.

To help people better understand Voegelin, Eugene Webb added a Voege/in Glossary to his book Eric Voegelin. Philosopher ofHislory. Although Voegelin liked the book and thought that the glossary was well done, he did not like Ole fact that it was included in the book after aiL Voegelin thought that anyone who could not understand the book without these explanations simply did not deserve to read iL I6I In his texts, Voegelin used a number of tenns that appeared again and again. Most of them were Greek or Latin expressions, but also English and German words were used as well as new, self-created terms. What made it confusing once in a while was the fact that Voegelin did not al· ways use these tcnns in their original sense or with the meaning that one finds in a dictionary. To understand Vocgelin's texts the reader either needed to be familiar with Voegelin's complete works, or he needed some assistance in translation. Therefore, a Shorl Eric Voegelin Glossary as well as a Diclionary of Voegelinian Tenninology were published and can even be found on the

165

I" 167 161

Letter to B~tel. January 30, 1947 (HI 8.11: translation by author).

H~ilman 1999,96. TLS, December 24, 1999, 10. Webb to Publ, December 4, 2000. See: Webb 1981, 277-289. Webb himself explained his doing: "Because Voegelin uses many technical terms that may not always be readily clear from the context or easy to remember from one chapter to the next, I have appended a glos· sary in addition to a topical index:' (vii).

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internet. l69 Sandoz explained Voegelin's constant striving for staying as close as possible to the original and to use the teons in the language they were fanned and initially used: Voegelin once remarked to me that he tried to model his English style on thaI of Oscar Wilde. He also once became quite aggravated with me wha1 flold him that he used 100 many non-English words and should put everything into English when he wrote a book in English. He gave me a lecture on scientific writing with many examples drawn from books on his shdf demonsualing how real scholars analyze materials! lbe key is his axiom of interpretation that the language symbol emerges from the medidativc's experience of reality and, therefore, the initial use of a temVsymbol will convey its genuine signification/true meaning. Thus he is vcry mindful of who coins a term. its very first use and meaning-a sort of genetic theory of linguistics one might say. Symbols art not something lying around out there to be used in a willful way, the Humpty-Dumpty theory of language has be derisively called that altitude: words say what I say they mean. per Alice in Wonderland. (... J You see this conviction renected in all of Voegelin's interpretive work and not merely in a narrow sign/symbol context: the development of philosophical vocabulary from Homer through the presocratics into Plato and Aristotle; the Apostle's articulation of truth experienced in Jesus; Paul's vision of the ressurected; Anselm as the first Scholastic philosopher; Marx as opposed to the epigones who prattle his ism, etc. (...} Voegelin was always amused by/contemptous of linguistic professors l7O who knew no foreign language but had big opinions about the subject of language.

Some accidental examples from Webb's list show what kind of 'material' one could expect from Voegelin (italics added): ANIMA MUNDI. Worlds soul. Lati" term for Plato's animate cosmos in the Timaeus. One of the hypostases of Plotinus. COMMON SENSE. According to Voegelin's interpretation of representalives of the late eig.hleenth-century school of thought that goes by this name (particularly Thomas Reid), a compact form of rationality made for good habilS of judgemenl and conduct deriving hiostorically from noetic experience, bUI withoul a differentiated Icnowledge of n()('Su. CONSUBSTANTlALiTY. Term adopted by Voegeli" from Joh" A. Wilson (The intellectual Advenlure of Ancient Man) for the sensed underlying unity of reality. the common participation of all levels of being in Ihe lension of existence toward transcendental perfeclion. DOGMATOMACHY. philodoxy.

Voegelin's term for connict over opmlOns: motivated by

ERISTIC. From Greek eru: strife. in Plato, contenlious reasoning, characleristic of philodoxy. The opposile of "dialectic:' HISTORJOGENESIS. Term coined by Voegelin for !he type of symbolism developed in speculation on !he origin and cause of a society. Along with the other symbolisms of origin collectively (designaled by the standard tenns, anthropogony, cosmogony••nd

,..

hltp:Jlwww.ericvoegelin.org. 110 Sandoz to Puhl, May 25. 2001 (E-mail).

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theogony), it is considered by Voegelin to be the mythic equivalenl of a noetic quesl for the ground of being. HORIZON. In Voegelin's use, a genel1l.1 term for !he experience of limiledness: symbol of the boundary between the blown world and thai which remains beyond it and cconsequently mysterious. MYTHO-SPECULATlON. Voegelin's term for a speculation (especially regarding ultimale origins and ends) in Ihe medium of myth. A combination of mythopesis (mythmaking) and noesis intermediale between the compactness of cosmological myth and noetic differentiation. QUESTION, THE. Voegelin's lerm for the tension of existence in its aspecl as a questioning unrest seeking not simply particular truth, but still more the transcendental pole of truth as such: "not just any question but the quest concerning the mysterious ground of all being," Expresses itself in mythopoetic as well as noetic acts. SECOND REALITY. Voegelin's term. draK." from ROMrt Musil, for a fictitious world imagined as b'Ue by a person using it to mask and thereby Meclipse" a genuine reality. SECULARIZATION. According 10 Voegelin (OH, 4:196), "a polite word for ·deculturation·... WORLD. In Voegelin's use, not a quantity of lerritory but a substantive order involving thc experience of 'universality.' Contrasls in this respect with ccumcne, which in Voegelin's interpretalion is a territorial term. According 10 Voegelin,lhe symbol 'world' developed historically when !he 'cosmos' separaled in the differentiated consciousness of existence into its immanent (symbolized by 'world') and transcendent (symbolized by 'God') components. 'World' in this sense involves an ordering orientation toward tranSCendental pcnection of being. 111

It is particularly striking that Voegelin not only used Latin (Amicitia, Anima

mundi) or Greek words (Eristic, Epekeina), but that he also created neologisms derived from Greek or Latin by forming compounds and by the addition of affixes (Dogmatomachy. Historiogenesis, Mytho-speculation). Moreover, Voegelin adopted tenns whose meaning had formerly been defined by other scholars (Apperception: Leibniz; Egological: Husser!; Fides formata: Thomas Aquinas; Consubstantiality: Wilson; Second Reality: Musil). However, he often attributed different meanings to these established tenus without explicitly redefining them. Other difficulties stem from the fact that terms like 'Common Sense,' 'Horizon: 'Index,' 'The Question,' or 'World' seemed to need no ex· plicit explanation, but were imbued by Voegelin with a further layer of mean· ing that went beyond the obvious. This problem of understanding especially gained importance when a universally accepted translation ofVoegelin's Anamnesis was to be written. The existing English version was said to be 'bad' and 'wrong:' 171

Wcbb 1981. 277-289.

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[...] English-speaking students of Voegelin have been dreadfully impeded by the existence of a volwne, published Wlder the title of •Anamnesis,' that is a wretched travesty of the book. The translator clearly did not understand much of the text, [.••] made a mess of every sentence, and, worst of all, completely demolished the structure of the book by hacking out halfits substance. In

In the conte~t of the collection and publication of Eric Voegelin's work, The Collected Works Series, a new translation was published in 2002 (CW 6). A clear defmition afthe 'Voegelinian tenns' was requested: There are many specific words that we needed to 'convene' a consistent translation of some words that were like levers that pried open a door thai had always been closed, others that created lUlderstanding in my mind by pWlS and ambiguities. And it was

always important to be careful when be was telling a joke-his usual way of telling jokes was 'tongue in cheek' and some of the jokes were missed in the previous translation!l73

The fIrst idea for the translation-to use a version of Anamnesis written by Voegelin himself-was of linle help. 00 the contrary: the English and German versions were not at all identical: 'Historiogenesis' [as a part of Anamnesis} was one of the chapters stupidly excised from this 'translation,' so the question becomes, how to translate the chapter? Voegelin himself prepared a version as the opening chapter of the 1974 volume The ecumenic age, of course, but the author's bland prefatory statement that it "has been increased in size by about half' barely begins to express the transformation that has occurred. So this much later vmion cannot be used to represent what was published in 1960 and reprinted in 1966. In addition, as can be seen in the 'What is history?' volume [CW 28], he had made an English vmion around 1968 as part of a never-completcd work entitled 'Anxiety and reason.' This venion too is very dilTerent from the German essay. m

An excerpt from the above mentioned text demonstrates this dilemma: Here is the opening sentence stating the theme of section I of the essay as published in 1966: 'Sobald dcr mythospelcuJative Typos als solcher crbnnt isl, crhebt sich cine Reihe von Fragen, die von allgemeiner Bedeutung fOr cine Philosophic der Politik und Geschichte sind' As early as 1968 this had become, in the author's own English, 'Once the type is recognized, it will compel questions that conccm a philosophy of order.' Thus the philosophy of 'politics and hisl<:/fY' becomes the complex of problems symbolized by the unifying tenn ·order.' Then in 1974, the sentence becomes, 'Once the type is recognized as such, it raises certain questions for a philosophy of experience and symbolization.' Exactly the same complex of problems is now seen under the aspect of the experience of reality (particu1arlr the experience of el(istence in history) and the quest for its adequate symbolization!\ 5

Questions for vocabulary, grammar and structure stayed in the background. One bad to ask for interpretation and typical terms instead-a job that would

In Theodoropoulos, August 25, 2001. (£...mail).

In Quandt, August 17,2001. (E-mail). m Tbeodoropoulos, August 2S, 2001. (E-mail). m Ibid.

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have turned into a game of chance without knowing Voegelin's complete works or having a glossary at hand-such as the one by Webb. When writing his texts, Voegelin always struggled for the right words. As mentioned above, with Robert Heilman he had the help of an expert-at least when it came to writing in correct English. In 1951-52, Voegelin sent him a manuscript with the title Symbolizalion of Order. In May 1952, Heilman sent him the thirteen pages back, tightly wrinen and overly crowded with additional commentary. Apologizing, he added: One thing I realized was thai a sense of sl}'le is not only a funclion of personalily but a symbol of an imellectual modus operandi. So when one says '00 it this way instead of that way' one is, except in the most minor matters, actually trying to impose a diffttenl set of intellectual habits upon a verbal system., and that if this is carried far enough it is in effect trying to sneak a conversion in the back door. This is very bad mannen. 1be only possible justification f~ il is the expedient one-and the correctee woold have to accept the expediency---thal the intellectual-verbal habits of the correct~ are nearer than those of the correctee to the genen.1 audience at which the correctee aims, and thai by some concessions the correctee might gain auditors and even converts more readily. BUI even though he may formally think that.. the corrector feels that most of his proposals can fail of presumption only thru the good nature of the correctee. 176

Heilman's suggestions for improvement were mainly minor details. Several times, Heilman pointed out the improper use of 'perhaps' Voegelin: "It does not mean perhaps that man [... ) Heilman: "mean, say, thai"; "mean, for instance, that;" Voegelin: "(... J and not perhaps concepts denoting objects [.. .)" Heilman: "does this mean 'so to speak'? Perhaps suggests a polite that is clearly not presenl in your thought;"

~

actual uncertainI}'

or a bad word choice Voegelin: "( ...) the: horizon should be narrow (...)" Heilman: "small? At very close range? (narrow seems not to go with horizon);" VDqtelin: "(... J of Paradisical or Olympian existence." Heilman: "paradisiac.1 ~ paradisal ~ paradisial or paradisaic;" Voegelin: "(...) does not know for sure who he is himself I...)" Heilman: "for sure is very much more colloquiallhan the resl of your sl}'le."

In some cases, Heilman only corrected what he called an "idiom":

r

Voegelin: "( ) as il is boWld to happen [... Heilman: "[ ] as is bound to happen [... );" Voegelin: "( ] sameness for being is conduclive for magic: c:\UTtIlts [.. Heilman: "[ ] sameness f~ being is a conductor of magic currents [...];" Voegelin: "( ] the change ofone representation f~ another [... Heilman: "exchange of one f~, change from one to;" Voegelin: "[ ] express itself in pairs of symbolism [... Heilman: "[ ] express itselfin symbolic pairs {..

r

r

r'

176

r

Leller from Heilman to Voegelin, May 13, 1952 (HI 65.1) The following suggeslions for improvement are all quoled from this letter. 1be corrected manuscript as well as the final manuscript of 1954 are archived at HI 65.1.

104

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

To prevent misunderslalldings, Heilman closely examined particularly com· plicated cases: Voegelin: "{...] with the lasting and the passing of the partners

[...]." Heilman's comment: there you may need another word like transiency, since passing inadvertently suggests the sense of 'passing each other on the street: passing by.' Perhaps passing on would do it, though that has disadvantage of being a euphemism for dying. ... by this: bow about 'lasting and passing, i.e.• durability and tTanSciency?' The definition avoids ambiguity, but you keep the two basic words which I see you also repeal (dfecti"dy) a number of times later.

Another example shows how intensively Heilman worked with the text. Voegelin wrote: "[...] will be a conduct of existence in hearkening to that [...)." Heilman commented: A conduct ofexistence in hearkening is quite awkward. Could we do it accurately thus: 'will be the quality (or ouilude? Or receptiveness? Or ochievemenn) of the actor in existence who hearkens ... who maintains a (ension of awareness ... who listens attentively .. .' (?) I like the theatre metaphor and wish it might be used more. Could the next sentence begin: 'we are thrown upon. and resurrected from, the stage of existence ... ; but while on it we are also in (of? Belong to?) the theatre of being ... (?) (something like this would leap up nicely to last sentence on page)'

One week after having received the corrections Voegelin thanked Heilman for his constructive criticism. He did not adopt all suggestions for improvement. He wrote: For an appreciable pan of my mistakes are 'typical,' that is to say. I make them repeatedly: and your bringing them to my attention will help me to correct other sections. Unless I were already hardened, and resigned to the fate I never shall write decent English. the survey of the banlefield would be an excellent reason to commit harakiri. As to the detail. most of your corrections were so thoroughly justified that I could do nothing but transferring them to my clean copy of the Ms while biting my nails that I still do not know which prepositions to use aRer cenain verbs. There were, however, a few emendations which I hesitated to accept, (... ).177

Voegelin explained one example to Heilman and concluded: 'In existence we act our role in the greater play of the divine being that enters passing existence in order to redeem precarious being for e(emity.' You remark: accidentally misleading, since 'divine being' so oRen - God! Again, IleR the sentence as it is. In this case, the suggestion of 'God' by means of 'divine being' is deliberate. The sentence is supposed to express in metaphysical language the mystery of Incarnation. Later, in the sections on Christianity, this sentence will serve in the unravelling of the symbolism of the God who becomes man. (... ). There are altogether thr~ or four instances ofmis kind. 1bey cause me considerable sorrow because obviously they originate in a conflict between literary conventions and philosophical language. And in this conflict quite frequently I do not know which side to take. In German. naturally, I know what I can do and what not; but what the b'affie will bear in English by way of adapting the linguistie instrument (which is basically created to express re1alions of the external world) to the

In Letter to Heilman, May 22.19.52 (HI 65.1).

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intricacies of the dialectics of being, still escapes me. I am afraid I shall never find a way out of this mess. 178

Even many years later, Heilman remembered his attempts to offer corrections and-in his eyes-their inadequacy. Being Eric's consultant on style was flattering but difficult. My philosophical shortcomings often left me feeling insecure in suggestions I wanted to make. I would see apparent problems in idiom, phrasings not in accord with the expectations of readers in English, locutions I felt to be literal translations of German idioms that, when Englished, still did not become English; but when I broached the subject, I would find that the way he had put the matter seemed to Eric essential to the accurate communication of his thought. In such cases I was not only failing to help Eric, but also causing him the additional labor of explaining his intent to a well-meaning but philosophically defective copyedilor. What I always hoped for, of course, was conspicuous and unmistakable derangements of idiom, the correction of which would make me look competently helpful rather than conceptually hopeless. Little luck of that kind. I can still hear his 'But you see, Bob ... ' [...] A reviewer of one of Eric's later books declared it a pity that Voegelin had given up writing in English. What the reviewer meant was that Eric's basic technical vocabulary and idioms were not always in line with standard academic English. I can understand this criticism, provided that it is aimed at stylistic mannerisms and is not used as a defense mechanism against his thought. For instance, 'tension toward,' a phrase Eric frequently used, seems to me not to work well because it runs counter to anglophone expectations with regard to 'tension.' But such views are not necessarily shared by readers of greater philosophical expcrtise. 179

Even in his final days, Voegelin was neither able to speak nor write English perfectly, but his reputation as a philosopher never suffered because of this.

178

'"

Ibid. SR 7 I, 948.

00042bob

5. TRAVELS

Voegelin used to travel a lot in his Baton Rouge years. He liked to give lectures and speeches and to present his ideas to larger audiences than he was used to at LSU, and he was always eager to meet new people who could be interesting for his work. Within a few years he knew people all over the United States whom he visited once in a while or met at conferences. 1 Sometimes his wife travelled with him; sometimes she stayed home in Baton Rouge. Yet Voegelin always tried to keep her posted on his well-being. From a trip to Gatlinburg, Tennessee, he sent her a telegram to let her know that he had had a safe trip. The cheapest way to communicate his safe anival was a pre-formulated telegram for a special occasion: UA bouncing baby boy has arrived."2 Especially important to Voegelin were his research trips. As far as it is known, Voegelin annually went to Cambridge to do research in the Widener Library of Harvard University. To have enough spare time for research, he hardly taught any summer classes. This unfortunately left the Voegelins always short of money over the summer months. For a few years, Voegelin managed to pay for all the expenses himself; in others, he attempted to receive additional funding. In a letter to Talcott Parsons from January 1943, Voegelin wrote that he had applied for a grant-in aid at the Social Science Research Council "because last year's moving around has exhausted my reserves, and because the income-tax payment of this year simply does not leave me enough money for the considerable cost of a trip to Harvard.") Voegelin named Talcott Parsons, William Elliott, Morstein Marx, and Gottfried Haberler to the Council as "the only ones with whom I have talked about the 'History' and who have an approximate idea of what I am doing." It cannot be detennined for certain whether or not the Research Council granted him any money. A year later, Voegelin was again short of money: I am really somewhat handicapped because I cannot even buy a few new books which are not yet in the library and which I should include in the bibliography. I am living on Ihe meagerest cafeleria food because a square meal here in Cambridge costs about $1.40, and I cannot afford that..(

Voegelin tried a new source and applied to the Research Council at LSU for a $400 grant-in aid and later for a supplemental grant. Both were granted, and

,

, , •

For a list of his activilies see appendilt A1.4. Sandoz to Puh!. The only lime this city is mentioned is in a letter from Oclober 1956 where Voegelin says that he is nor participating in Ihe conference there. (HI 16.15). Letter to Parsons, January 16, 1943. (HI 28.12). leiter to Harris, July 31, 1944 (Government Files).

TRAVELS

107

he was paid $600 to pay part of his expenses, estimated at $780. On the way to Cambridge, he stopped (as he usually did) in New York and in Washington,

D.C. for consuilations with mends who are specialists in the fields which I am treating; for research in the Metropolitan Museum which happens to have an eltcellent collection of Minean facsimiles which I had not used in my study on Aegean political ideas; for negotiations with publishers.~

Voegelin seemed to have worked extra hard during that summer, as he himself pointed out to Harris: "I am working like a nigger, (J wonder, by the way, who invented that simile; I never saw a nigger work like that), in order to get through with all the technical details. '06 In December 1944, the search for money began again. In the years 1924-27, Voegelin had studied in the United States and France on a Laura Spelman Rockefeller scholarship. In 1931 and 1932, the Rockefeller Foundation had granted him a total of $900 paid in installments of $50 a month "to complete the research involved in his work on a general treatise on government, and to prepare the manuscript for publication."" The next time the Rockefeller Foundation supported Voegelin was in 1939 when they agreed to pay for half of his salary for three years as part of their program of Special Re~ search Fund for Displaced European Scholars. For the year 1948, the Rockefeller Foundation had already agreed to pay Voegelin $1,500 in travel expenses to take part in a summer school in Vienna. Due to some bureaucratic problems, Voegelin could not get a military pennit in time and had to stay in the United States after al1. 8 In this situation, the Rockefeller Foundation came to Voegelin's mind. He explained his project and his financial situation to them, and they asked some people about Voegelin. Professor Sidney B. Fay, Chainnan of the Bureau of International Research at Harvard University and Professor Burton R. Morley from the University of Alabama both supported Voegelin's application. 9 A last letter by President Hatcher of LSU convinced the Rockefeller Foundation to grant Voegelin $700 to complete the third volume of his HPJ. During this summer he met with Joseph Schumpeter,

, , , •

,

Lencr to Dean Scroggs, July 31, 1944. (Govenunent Files). Letter to Harris, August 12, 1944. (Government Files). RF I RG 101 Fellowship Recorder Cards I Social Sciences. The summer school was organized by Hayek who had not invited Voegelin-saying that the Rockefeller Foundation wanted to limit the meeting to national economists. That was later denied by the Foundation and Voegelin was invited to deliver a series of lectures between July I and July 21; the Foundation had agreed to sponsor the series in connection with its European educational rehabilitation program. Voegelin was in contact with other participants as there were Friedrich von Hayek, Gottfried Haberler and Osksr Morgenstern. Finally, Voegelin could not manage 10 get a military permit in time and stayed in the United States. (Letters to Schuetz, May 2, 18, 21, 1948 (HI 34.11); Morgenstern, May 14, 17, 25, 1948 (HI 25.36); Haberler, May 14, 1948 (HI 15.33); the State Department, Passport Division, Washington D.C., May IS, 1948 (Government Files). RF I RG 1.1 I Series 200S I Bolt 411 I Folders 4862-4863.

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108

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

Gottfried Haberler, Talcott Parsons, Henry Schwarz, Aron Gurwitsch, Heinrich Bruning, Friedrich Engel-Janosi, and Robert B. Heilman. They made him a guest member in the Harvard Club (without dues) and favored him with a two-hour talk. About the library he said: "Widener Library, as always, is a curse and a blessing. You find everything, but entirely too much. Work is progressing prodigiously under these conditions. »10 When Voegelin found in June 1945 that the $700 would not be enough to cover all the expenses, he asked the Rockefeller Foundation for additional funds. In an internal Rockefeller Foundation document, the result of this conversation was summarized as follows: When V called back, RFE told him that the officers would be willing without commitment to consider a supplementary request, provided LSU funds are nOi available, that it would not eltceed $ I,000, and that it would insure completion of the book for publication. V will accordingly pursue the matter with LSU and will write us only if necessary. I I

According to the Foundation data, Voegelin did not use this opportunity. Instead, he wrote a month later a letter to Harris, explaining to him the situation: The Rockefeller Foundation is for the moment oul. I have seen them when I was in New York, with the following result: (I) On principle, they give no grants to individuals of the sort which I received, and they did it only because of old connections. Reason: "We have no facilities to conduct a retail trade; that is done by the Social Science Research Council." (2) To the Research Council I went therefore, and made friends. They are openminded. but on a competitive basis. 1 can hand in my application, like everybody clse, and they will consider it. The chances are favorable,-but for neltt year. They can't work fastY

He also sent Harris a table of contents of the work that he had done in the six weeks prior to this (Chapter 3: Speculation, § I Bruno, §2 Phenomenalism, §3 Schelling). Whether the Council gave him money for the next or any of the following years cannot be said for sure, but in a letter of 1950 to the Guggenheim Foundation. he listed as the sponsors "for the last six years" of his research in Cambridge the Social Science Research Council, the Rockefeller Foundation, a research fund at LSU, and a research fund at Harvard. 13 Voegelin went to Cambridge every summer until 1950, even when he had only a few weeks to do so due to his teaching summer school at LSU (1943,1947,1951).101949, Voegelin took a sabbatical leave to work at Harvard, where he also taught

10

11 12 I)

Letter to Hams, June 24, 1945. (Government Files). The fact thai he was a club member without paying any dues seemed to be important to him. All in all he obviously had a critical opinion about these things at Harvard when he told one of his students in Baton Rouge after a summer in Cambridge: "All materialists, but I beal them all {... J." (Sachse to Puhl, December 13, 2000). RF I RG 1.1 I Series 2008 I Box 411 I Folders 4862-4863, June 14, 1945. Letter to Hams. July 24, 1945. (Government Files). Letter to OF of 1950 (HI 15.25).

TRAVELS

109

summer school. In this year he did not receive any grants. Over the summer, the Voegelins lived in Aron Gurwitsch's apartment, as they did many other years as well. In November, Voegelin wrote to him from Baton Rouge: And now let me strike up a lamentation about the outrage I commined in your appartment [sic] this summer: I smashed your ashtray!!! I still wake up in the middle of the night in bad dreams and I have visions of the ashtray. Our efforts to find an equivalent substitute were fTuitiess; and you now have this dreadful blue piece. But if I ever see a similar thing of beauty, I will directly get it and send it to you-a holy promise. Maybe I find something in New York at Christmas. [... J Everything works out according to the program. It is only that-as always--everything takes longer than you think. I am revising the first volume. 14

In 1950 and 1955, the Voegelins used the summers to go to Europe for research. Voegelin had already applied at the Guggenheim Foundation to sponsor a trip to Europe for his sabbatical leave in 1949. Voegelin explained his project to them: It is for the completion of this systematic work [OH], that I really want to spend a period from three to six months in Europe. The reason why is that political science is today something entirely different from what it was still twenty years ago. (I am speaking of political science on the level of critical advancement of theory, not of academic routine; on the latter level, as far as I can see, not much has happened). During the last generation, there has grown to its full stature the restorative movement in philosophy that one may date as to its beginnings with the 1890's. Today we again have treatises on politics and political ideas which make use of a highly developed philosophical anthropology in the classic and Christian tradition. Most of this work is done in Europe. And while, on the whole, with regard to theory I can stand on my own feet, I feel that I could profit greatly from personal contacts with colleagues in the field; this is particularly true because the war has hampered publication greatly, and because I should like to know more about work of which I know that It has been dOlle but that Its publication is not assured for several years. Of particular importance for me would be such contacts with de Lubac in France, with Urs-Balthasar in Switzerland, and with n_ f·In A ustna. ." ......mp

Voegelin was too late with his application for 1949 and so he tried again in October 1949 for the following year. In his application Voegelin listed Francis W. Coker (Yale University, New Haven), William Y. Elliott (Harvard University, Cambridge), Friedrich von Engel-Janosi (Catholic University, Washington, D.C.), Aron Gurwitsch (Brandeis University, Cambridge), and Alfred Schuetz (New School for Social Research, New York) as his references. He included a detailed 'plan for work.'16 In February 1950, the LSU Council on Research approved a grant-in-aid of SI,500 "to meet actual expenses incurred for consultation with European authorities and library research in Europe in connection with your study and development of a systematic theory of poli14

I'

I~

Letter to Ourwitsch, November 3, 1949. (HI 15.28; translation by author). Letter 10 the OF, August 20, 1948. (HI 15.25; OF Files) Voegelin added a detailed plan of his work with a list of the people and work.s that could be importanl for his work.. (OF Files). Letter to the OF, October 8, 1949. (HI 15.25; GF Files); For more on the confidential reports on Voegelin and the 'plans for work' see appendix A2.4.

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

tiCS."17 In the event that the Guggenheim Foundation would give Voegelin a fellowship, this grant would have to be cancelled. In early April, Voegelin received a letter from the Guggenheim Foundation that they had approved his appointment to a fellowship with a stipend of $1,200. 18 Voegelin left from New Orleans on a cargo ship on May 31 to arrive in Genoa after fourteen days.19 The first stop was planned for Vienna to meet his wife and to give some lectures at the university and then continue on to Munich, Basel, Fribourg, and Paris. On August 30 they wanted to leave from Rotterdam to go back to New Orleans. Lissy had left the United States earlier to visit her family even though they had received word of the sudden death of Lissy's mother (who had probably died of stomach cancer) only a few weeks before. Lissy had not seen her in twelve years. She left early in spite of her mother's death to see her brother and his three daughters in Vienna. She was obviously not very excited about the city, as Voegelin wrote in a letter to Low: Lissy is already in Vienna-her first reports are mixed. Her brother's children make her very happy; the impression of the city seems to be depressing through shabbiness. She also had to go to the Dean of the Law Department to arrange some things for my lectures at the end of June, and she is a bit touched through the provincial 'Gschaftelhuberei.' All in all I am very happy about these reactions. I had feared that something like homesickness would emerge; but the general impression is obviously so lousy that no deeper emotions are roused.2(I

The Voegelins met in Vienna and travelled together through Europe. Close to Munich they visited his sister with her children. 21 As Voegelin wrote afterwards to some friends and to the Guggenheim Foundation, the trip had been a success: Of special value were the weeks in Switzerland, and more specifically the conversations in Basel with Jaspers, Salin, Karl Barth, Jakob Hegner and Hans Urs von Balthasar. In Vienna I was invited to give a couple of guest.lectures in the University (on the subject of 'State and History'), and besides meeting old friends I could make the new acquaintance of Lesky and Heer. Paris was primarily important for stocking up books. In Munich I had a few valuable days with Dempf. Some important points of my program

leiter from the University Council on Research, February 7, 1950. (HI 15.25). L8 Letter from the GF, March 31,1950. (HI 15.25; OF Files) "The Guggenheim Fellowships are granted persons of unusual capacity for scholarly research, demonstrated by previous publication of contributions to knowledge of high merit, and to persons of unusual and proven creative ability in the fine arts. The awards are designed to assist them to continue reo search and creative activities." (The Reveille, April 26, 1955) In March 1952, Voegelin received an increase offellowship of S I00 to help pay his income tax. (GF Files). 19 Voegelin seemed especially excited about the trip by ship: "Am meisten freue ich micb auf die Schiffsreise, jedesmal vierzehn Tage, auf einem grossen Frachtdampfer, mit nur vier Kabinen auf dem obersten Deck, ein grosser Rawn mit Bad, und das Essen soli sehr gut sein. Nach den Bildem und Besehreibungen sieht es so aus wie ein Stateroom auf einem Luxusdampfer." (Letter to Low, February 13, 1950; HI 24.3). :w Letter to Low, May 12, 1950. (HI 24.3; translation by author). To Voegelin's impressions of Vienna see HI 63.3. 21 See letter to Engel-Janosi,March 12, 1950. (HI 11.8). L7

42636

TRAVELS

1I 1

unfortunatdy could not be covered. I could not go to Lyons to see de Lubac. The University of Lyons was just in turmoil because of some tifT between Jesuits and Dominicans. De Lubac was suspended from teaching and had retired to Chamonix (in the meanwhile he has been reinstated), and I was advised not to go there just DOW. The trip to Brussels, in on\er to see Fran.k Duquesne, did not materialize because at the time occured tM local revolution and its railroad-strike. And then the time ran out, so that I could neither go to Belgium nor Holland. Well, that must be left for some future occasions. n

Only five years later, in 1955, Voegelin received another opportunity to visit Europe. In December 1954, he once again wrote to the Guggenheim Founda· tion: The work is still the same as at the time of my first application for tM year 1950. II is a systcmatic exploration of the symbols of social order, historically and theoretically. [... J The lirst fruit of the expedition to Europe, which I could undertake in 1950 thanks to the assistance of the Guggenheim Foundation, has been my book on The New Science of Politics. [...] Moreover, during the last four years the historical work has continued. During that time I have completed the study on Egypt, as well as a manuscript of 400 pages on Israel. [... J The completed Se<:tion on Myth, History, and Philosophy represenlS a manuscript of about 1700 pages. (... J At present I am working on the second major section of the study. It deals with the symbolic fonns of Empire, Christianity, and Gnasis; (... J In connection with this work has arisen what I fondly hope to be the last great obstacle. It has proven impossible to treat adequatdy, with the resources in this country, the sections on Jewish apocalyptic, on ancient Gnosis, and on early Christianity. [...) In order to solve these problems it would be necessary to go to Europe next summer. The principal stations would be the Protestant theological centers al Tuebingen and Uppsala. with such stop-oVttS and side-trips as time and funds will alow. Of particular importance it would be to spend again a few days with Hans Urs von Balthasar in Basel, and with Alois Dempf and Romano Guardini in Munich. n

As references he named this time Professor Max Rheins(ein of the Law School of Chicago University and, again, Gurwitsch and Schuett?· In December, the LSU Council on Research approved a grant-in-aid of 5500, to be returned "in the event of realization of monetary returns" from this project. 2S The Guggenheim Foundation infonned Voegelin on April 15, 1955, that he was awarded a fellowship of $1,500. 26 Voegelin left in early June for Cambridge and from there (0 Europe. In a letter to Heilman he recalled his trip: I pressed into the Iwo-and-a-halfmonths in Europe what I could. First a week in London, then one in Munich. After Munich came the circuil of the southwestern comer of Germany; Heidelberg, Stuttgart, Freiburg, Marburg, Frankfort. In Frankfort Lissy joined me again (she had been in Vienna after Munich); and we proceeded to Cologne. and from there to Scandinavia. There was a stopover in Helsingoer and Helsingbork (with

21

l.! lot

25

u.

leiter 10 the GF, May 18. 1951. (HI 15.25; GF Files) See also: Lenen 10 Gurian, November 20. 1950 (HI 15.27); Heilman, December I, 1950 (HI 17.9): Engel-Janosi, NO\'ember 20. 1950 (HI 11.8). utterlolMGF,Decernber 16, 1954.(HI15.25;GFFiles). See appendix A2.4. Letter from LSU Council on Research, December 2 I, 1954. (HI 15.25). uller from the GF, April 15. 1955. (HI 15.25; GF Files).

112

ERIC VQEGElIN IN BATON ROUGE

appropriate visits to Hamlers castle), a day in Stockholm (no hOlel-rooms available), and then the main purpose of the trip: two weeks in Uppsala. Before retracing our steps south-west-ward, we spent a few days in Gotland, in Visby. And then we went, with sbon stops in Stockholm and Copenhagen, to Holland. There we took our domicile for a few days in Utrecht, with digressions to Amsterdam and the Hague. And in the end we were a few days in Paris.-For my pan, the trip was rather hard work, because I had to collect the materials, which I could 001 get here, for Israelite and Jewish history, for early Christianity and Gnosis. and generally to bring myself up-to-date in the literature. Hence the stops in Munich (Egyptology and Catholicism), Heidelberg (Old Testament), Marburg (Goosis), Uppsala (the new methods of comparative religion). Utrecht (Gnosis). [... ]]be trip W3.'j [of] the greatest importance for me. I have done the work on my 'History' now substantially and I know what I want. Hence, the trip could be planned carefully. And now I know personally mosl of Ihe first-rate scholars in my field-the partnttS of Ihe discussion, as distinguis.hed from the previously memioned objecls of investigation. As a consequence of Ihe extended conversations I feel sure that what I am doing is not only solid, but indeed a considerable advance beyond Ihe present slate of science. 27

Volume I of Voegelin's OH, Israel and Revelation, was published in 1956. In the acknowledgement, Voegelin specifically pointed to the importance of his trip to Uppsala and the help of his numerous sponsors. Concerning the years between his two trips to Europe, there is no information about whether Voegelin went to Cambridge or not. In a letter to Baumgarten in 1951 he wrote: Almost every year we are in the East, in Cambridge. for one to three months. Lasl year il was nol possible due 10 Ihe trip to Europe, Ibis year the wen load makes it inrsible. BUI next year we will probably spend some time in New York and that vicinity.

It can be assumed that he travelled there each of these years to continue his research. He even went there in the summer of 1955, immediately before his

departure for Europe, "in order to prepare properly the points which must be covered abroad. "29 In summer 1953, Voegelin travelled with his wife to California where he was one of three professors at the University of Southern California at Los Angeles to teach a course entitled 'Theory of the Capitalistic Economy.'lO The course was offered by the School of Commerce from June 22 to July 31, 1953, and was "designed primarily for advanced graduate students and instructors in economics, business administration, and political science."3l Voegelin gave Letter to Heilman, December 19, 1955. (HI 17.9). See also: Lencrs to the GF, December 27, 1955 (HI 15.25; OF Files); BrOning. December 31. 1955 (HI 8.50): Baumgarten. January 10, 1956 (HI 7.17): Dempf, January 10. 1956 (HI 10.4). 21 Leiter to Baumgarten, July 10, 1951. (HI 7.17; translation by author). 29 Letter to the GF, December 16. 1954. (HI 15.25). JO He taughl the course together with Frank H. Knight, Professor of Economics at the University of Chicago, and Ludwig von Mises. Visiting Professor of Economics at the New York UnivttSity Graduate School of Business Administralion and one ofVoegelin's fonner leachers at the UnivttSity of Vienna. 11 HI 90.11; see also: HI 3.5, HI 86.4. 27

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one public lecture and taught the course for the first two weeks (June 22-July 18). He was paid $2.000 plus transportation and lodging. The class met five days a week from three to five in the afternoon. Voegelin's topics were: 'The Causes of Revolutionary Unrest' (First Week: Institutional Factors: (I) Economic Institutions. (2) Political Institutions, (3) The Marxian Interpretation; Second Week: Spiritual Factors: (I) The Civilizations and Mankind, (2) The Spirit in Western Politics, (3) The Idea of Man, (4) Gnosis, (5) Westernization). Voegelin seemed to have enjoyed the trip and was satisfied with its professional and financial results. l2 After being back. he wrote to Marianne Low of an interesting cultural experience: The trip to California was very nice because of tbe landscape. Los Angeles itself is a dreadful town. But the Pacific Ocean and the road between the ocean and the mountains which stretches hundreds of miles are gorgeous. Besides, thanks to the Spaniards the coast is a relatively old cultural area. The missions (Franciscan convents and churches) in Santa Barbara, San Luis Rey, and San Juan Capistrano are beautifully situated and also of a special, even if provincially modest, importance in architectural matters. They were a revelation to us because it the first time we saw Spanish altars and sculptures. Especially the statues of Christ and some saillls in draperies were new to us. Unfortunately, this antique culture is perishing. The Franciscan father in Santa Barbara mentioned that the last old Indian had died last year. Hollywood and Beverly Hills are horrible. Miles and miles of luxurious villas built with the money that was earned from cultural destruction. It can be seen how a world perishes: an apocalyptic racket that can only be compared to Auschwitz. Beautiful, on the contrary, is Huntington library, especially because of the botanical garden-a marvelous collection of palm trees and cacti. H

In December 1955, Voegelin informed the Rockefeller Foundation about his work and his plan for the corning summer to write a textbook for his Jurisprudence Course at the Law School at LSU: Our greatest difficulty is the lack of an adequate text-book. [...] The first thing I have to do, therefore, is to write an 'Introduction 10 Jurisprudence,' that will bring the subjectmatter up to date. On this work I am engaged, on and ofT, since I started to give the course, and I have received half-time ofT during the current semester to devote myself to the task. That. however, is not enough, and I have to give aU of next summer, as well as the winter-semester of 1956/57 (when I have my sabbatical leave) to the writing. Of course, it will not be a text-book in the sense that has become a by-word for a secondrate write-up job, but indeed an Introduction to the subject, based on the years of work with political and legal philosophy that have gone into my 'History of Order,' of which the first volume is just going to the printer. In order to complete that 'Introduetion' adequately, I must spend most of the time in the Harvard library.~

Lener from Schuetz to Voegelin, September 9, 1953. (HI 34.11). 13 Letter to Low, July 14, 1953. (HI 24.3: translation by author). " Letter to Thompson (RF), December 12, 1955. (RF I RG 1.2 I Series 200S I Box 531 I Folders 4538-4539). 32

I 14

ERlC VOEGELlN IN BATON ROUGE

With this summary Voegelin asked for a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to cover ''the inevitable expenses for loss of summer-school salary and living in Cambridge" from June to December 1956. Although the Rockefeller Foundation "normally [doesn't) provide grants for the writing of textbooks no matter how extraordinary they may be:' they were willing to suggest ..that it be considered on an exception basis!')$ Voegelin planned to spend three to four months on the jurisprudence book and another four to five months on his work on OH. To receive fmancial support for the OH research as well, he applied to the William Volker Fundwith success, as he wrote to his colleague Peter Fliess. l6 The Rockefeller Foundation first-as usual-had to 'collect opinions' again, this time from M. A. Fitzsimons, editor of The Review of POlilics, H. A. Rammen of Georgetown University, Hans J. Morgenthau of the University of Chicago, Erich Hula of the 'Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science organized under the New School for Social Research,' and Leo Strauss from the University of Chicago. They convinced the Rockefeller Foundation of the importance of the project and Voegelin's workY The Rockefeller Foundation decided to pay Voegelin a grant-in aid of SI,860 (of which Voegelin finally used S1,729.37) for four months' work on a jurisprudence book. Over the summer of 1956, the Voegelins stayed again for three months at GUlwitsehs' residence (for a monthly rent of$85). At the beginning of September, Lissy Voegelin went back to Baton Rouge while Eric Voegelin stayed another few weeks working on OH. In mid-September he went to Washington. D.C., to give a speech ('Dynamics of Institutions') at the State Department (Foreign Service Institute.). He followed his wife to Baton Rouge on September 25.

Letter from Thompson to Voegelin, January 25, 1956. (RF / RG 1.2/ Series 200S / Box 531 / Folders 4538-4539). ~ Letter to Fliess, February 25,1956. (HI 12.25). To Voegelin's contact to the William Volker Fund see H142.1. J1 RF / RG 1.2/ Series 200S / Box 531 / Folders 4538-4539. Especially Leo Strauss was very enthusiastic about the grant, at the same time critical of Voegelin '5 approach: '" rate his professional qualifications very highly, as a maner of fact as highly as those of hardly any other American scholar working in this field. He has an unusually broad sweep ofknowledgc, being thoroughly familiar with the history of political philosophy from the original sources, and being an extraordinarily prodigious worker. His whole approach can fairly be called original; he approaches political philosophy and history from the point of view of non-Roman Catholic Christianity, but being extremely critical of the Reformation. This approach sheds an entirely new light on the whole history of political philosophy. especially of modem philosophy, and leads, to say the least, to provocative results. 1be history of political thought which he is preparing and which I understand will be a work ofthr« or four major volumes will be a major contribution which no serious student in the field can afford. to neglect. In brief. there can be no doubt that he belongs to the leading men in this field both in the United States and in Europe. (... ) I wish to make it dear that I thoroughly disagree.. both with his approach and with many of his conclusions. But I regard it as both stupid and illiberal to judge men by their opinion.~ (April 12, 1956). JS

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TRAVELS

115

On November 8, 1956, the Voegelins left New York together on the 'Queen Elizabeth' and arrived in Frankfurt. Gennany. on November 15. Voegelin was the third American ever to be invited to deliver the Loeb lecturesl l at the University of Frankfurt from November to January. He spoke on 'Laws and the Prophet' and used his time in Gennany also for negotiations for a position in Munich. The Voegelins spent the Christmas holidays in Vienna and were back in Baton Rouge on February I, 1957. By the end of August 1956, the University of Munich had sent Voegelin a job offer he did not wish to decline. In his Autobiographical Reflections, Voegelin remembered: Still, when in the second half of the 1950s I was offered the professorsh.ip in Munich, I did not r~fuse. There w~r~ several reasons. In the first place. I could organize my own institute and train young scholars who would continue the work that I had initiated. Second, at the time the salary in Munich was higher tban the salary in Louisiana. Third, old friends like Alois Dempf. the historian and philosopher. had been highly insUWDental in getting me to Munich. and I certainly had no objections to entering this very congenial intellectual and spiritual environment. Besides, the spirit of American democracy would be: a good thing to have in Germany.)'

In May 1957, Voegelin finally agreed to accept the offer of the University of Munich. In February 1958, the Voegelins moved to Gennany, away from Baton Rouge, once and for all.

)8

"The Loeb lectures deal with the hislOry and ph.ilosophy of Judaism. They were set up during the past summer at the Gennan university with funds from the bequest of the late Jaques Loeb, New York banker. The philosophy faculty of the Univenity of Frankfort sponsors the series." (Baton Rouge State Times, September 26. 1956). On December 20, 1956. the Frankjurter Allgemeine Zeitung wrote: "Eric Voegelin, Professor rur Gesc:hichte der politischen ldeen in Louisiana (USA) und gegenwlrtig Gastprofessor in Frankfun, hane sid den 'Zusanunenbruch der ldeologien in unsertt ~il' zum Thema eines MTentlichen Vortrages an der Univenil1t gewlhlt. DaB dieser Zusammenbruch nicht ent heute ~oMen hat, daB wir gle.ichsam an die letzte Etappe, die 'ErschOpfung' im ontologischen Proze8 gekommen sind und das Zeitalter der ldeologie abgelaufenist, das war die Quintessenz der AusfWuungen. Mit einer geradezu verblQtTenden Prlgnanz holt der Redner aus allen Epochen die zwn Ideologieproblem gehOren<1en Elemente zusammen. [.. (FAZ, 12n0l1956; HI 112.348a) See also: Letten to Baumgarten, April 24, 1957 (HI 7.17). and Haerdtl, July 3, September 4, 1956{HI16.12). AR, 91. For more details on Voegelin's path to Munich see Opitz 1999.

r

39

00042S~5

IlOO42636

6.

BATON ROUGE AND BEYOND

Eric Voegelin did not only newly found Political Philosophy and Science in Germany but he also did an invaluable good tW1l in the building of the lnstitule for Political Sciences in Munich. His name will go down in history of Political Theory. It is mostly thanks to him that Political Science-above pure observation-has newly constituted itself as theory of man in society. I

With these words Professor Dr. Hans Maier, Bavarian Secretary of Teaching and Education, consoled Lissy Voegelin on the death of her husband Eric in January 1985. At this point in time, Voegelin's years in Munich had been over for 15 years and he had emigrated back to the United States. Having been an American citizen since 1944, he had decided to leave Germany again after his retirement. The story had begun in 1938 when Eric and Lissy Voegelin were forced to leave Vienna after he had lost his job so as not to fall into the hands of the Nazis. With the help of friends and colleagues who had already emigrated, they were able to flee Germany overnight to the United States. There, Voegelin financially survived with jobs at Harvard, Bennington College, Northwestern University, and the University of Alabama. Due to their membership in the SPSA, Professor Robert Hams of the Government Deparunent at LSU became aware of Voegelin. He invited him to give a guest lecture that later resulted in teaching a whole semester there and, in the end, even in permanent employment at LSU. In 1942, the Voegelins senled down in sleepy Baton Rouge, a provincial city in the South with a small university. They bought a house and became friends with the Hanises, Heilmans, and Brooks' since the men taught at LSU. Lissy Voegelin took care of everything relating to daily Iife-shopping, driving the car, taking care of the household, and gardening-and she was eventually made responsible for maintaining their social contacts. The Voegelins had left family and friends in Europe. While Eric Voegelin threw himself into his work and lived through the most productive phase of his working life, his wife Lissy enjoyed her life in a land that was totally new to her. Both private and professional contacts outside of Baton Rouge especially in Europe--were fostered through the writing of countless leners. There was one low point when Eric Voegelin had problems with his intestines, which lasted for over a year and finally resulted in surgery.

Cable from Maier to Lissy Voegelin on January 22,1985. (HI 111.271; translation by author).

118

ERIC VOEGELIN IN SATON ROUGE

From the beginning of their time in the United States, Voegelin wanted to assimilate himself as best as possible, and he did not have any plans to go back to Gennany on a long-tenn basis. Professionally, Voegelin aspired to be known internationally while he was in the United States. Despite a few difficulties with some of his colleagues, Voegelin was mostly well respected and liked at LSU and his students admired him. LSU did not have a doctoral program in these days and so therefore only a handful of these students managed to write their dissertation under Voegelin's direction. Most of the time, he voluntarily exceeded his teaching obligations to meet his own high standards and to pass them on to his students. He taught everything he was interested in and that in demand in the curriculum ofLSU. Nevertheless, he always had enough time to work academically and to fill countless pages with his theories and ideas. On the other hand, he did not hesitate to stop a project after having worked on it for years when he realized that it would not bring him any further. In the years between 1942 and 1958, his works The New Science of POlilics, Order and Hislory (volume I-III), and Wissenschaft, Po/ilik und Gnosis were written. For his research Voegelin travelled almost every summer to Cambridge. In addition, he used to travel to present his work to a larger audience and to press ahead with his research. Furthermore, he used these trips to try to find a new position at a university in the Eastern United States. His efforts came to nothing, and he started to think about the idea of accepting an appointment in Europe. After having rejected an offer from Munich in 1951 to lead the American Institute there, the University of Munich made him another offer in 1956: About two weeks ago I was in Mumch. They made an excellent ofTer: salary $9000.(in fact. with the marginal benefits. about 510,000.-) an Institute with two assistants (Ph.D.s). one secretary, and one librarian; an emerirus salary, 10 which I am entitled at age 65, ofS7000.-(LSU only &: 4000.-); a widow's pension of 60"1. (LSU nothing). If the thing goes through the bottleneck of the Ministry of Finance, and if the Faculties concerned will maJce the necessary arrangement5 to iotegrate the new field in the curriculum, I am very much inclined to take it. 2

In 1958, the Voegelins left Baton Rouge and moved to Munich, where Eric Voegelin founded and until his retirement also directed the later so called Geschwisler-Scholl-lnslitut. In the year 1969, they went back to the United States-this time to California: Upon reaching relirement age al Munich, Voegelio availed himself in 1969 of the opportunity afforded by the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace al Stanford University to return to the United Stales as Henry Salvatori Distinguished Scholar. a litle he held Wltil 1974. The position provided leisure to conlinue his work., including writing, lecruring, and teaching al Stanford and as a visiting professor at Notre Dame, Harvard, the University of Dallas, the Umversity of Texas at Austin, and elsewhere. (... ) Retirement is hardly the right word for Voegelin's starus after he left Munich or, even. after formally departing the Hoover Inslitution. At eighty and residing

,

Letter 10 Heilman, December 29, 1956. (HI 17.9).

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BATON ROUGE AND BEYOND

119

in Stanford, in good health with Wldiminished powers, he remains constantly in demand as a lecturer in 1981.}

Voegelin died in 1985 and left behind manuscripts that are now being published as a 34 volume complete edition. In 1987. the Eric Voegelin Institute for American Renaissance Studies was founded at LSU-in his honor and to benefit academics: With a two-year S50,000 seed grant from Exxon, the LSU Board of Supervisors has established the Eric Voegelin Institute for American Renaissance Srudies, named after one of LSU's most famous former professors. (... ) The institute is expected to serve as the headquaners for the 400-member international Eric Voegelin Society. [...] The Voegelin Institute will sponsor a distinguished visiting professorship to rotate ill the departments of political science, history, English, philosophy. and religious studies.· The Eric Voegelin Institute itself is a humanities and social sciences research institute, devoted to the revitalization of teaching and Wlderstanding of the 'great books' of Western civilization in comparison with other traditions. [...] The Institute's principal activities involve seminars and conferences, research, publications, and teaching.!!

Not least through projects of this kind, the importance of research on Voegelin is growing internationally. This biographical sketch of his Baton Rouge years shall only serve as introduction to the understanding of this exceptional scientist and philosopher as man and to grasp his personal motives.

)

•

,

VR.87·88. Crowley Metropolitan, April 21, 1987. hup:/lwww.ericvoegelin.org.

p0042bJ6

ApPENDIX

A I. Additional Information

A 1.1. Abbreviations AAUP

American Association of University Professors

APSA

American Political Science Association

AR

Autobiographical Reflections

CW

The Collected Works Series of Eric Voegelin

FBI

Federal Bureau of Investigation

GF

John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation

HI

Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace

HPI

The History of Political Ideas

IRC

International Relations Club

LSU

Louisiana State University

NSP

The New Science of Politics

OH

Order and History

RF

Rockefeller Foundation

SPSA

Southern Political Science Association

SR

The Southern Review

SSRC

Social Science Research Council

TLS

Times Literary Supplement

VR

The Voegelinian Revolution

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ERIC VOEGELrN IN BATON ROUGE

122

A 1.2. Chronology 1901

Erich Wilhelm (Eric) Vogelin is born on January 3 m Co-

logne. (Christening on April 7)' Parents: Otto Friedrich Stephan Vogelin and Elisabeth Anna, born Rtihl

1906

Luise Betty (Lissy) Onken is born on September 3 in Vienna

(?). (Christening on September 27)' Parents: Ernst Ulrich Onken and Betty Wilhelmine, born Leib

1910

The Vogehns move to Vienna.

1919

Vogelin starts his studies in Vienna.

1922

Vogelin earns his Dr. rer. pol. under Hans Kelsen and Othmar Spann at the University of Vienna, Staatswissenschaftliche

Fakultiit. Summer School in Oxford.

1922-23

Otto Weininger Fellowship: Graduate studies in Berlin and Heidelberg.

1923-24

Assistant to the chair of 'Offentliches Recht' under Kelsen, University of Vienna.

1924-26

Voegelin studies in the U.S. on a Rockefeller stipend: Columbia, Harvard, Wisconsin, Yale.

1926-27

Voegelin studies at the Sorbonne in Paris, France on a Rockefeller scholarship.

1927-29

Assistant to the chair of 'Offentliches Recht' under Kelsen, University of Vienna.

1928

Uber die Form des amerikanischen Geistes (CW I, engl.,

1995) 1929

,

Privatdozent for 'Staatslehre' and Sociology, University of

There are two different birth certificates for Voegelin: According to one of them Voegelin is born in Karlsruhe, the other states Cologne as place of birth. The certificate from Cologne is issued on March 18, 1910 while the certificate from Karlsruhe is issued on June 16, 1938. One can assume that Voegelin needed a birth certificate to emigrate but had no access to the original document in Cologne. In Karlsruhe they issued a "substitute certificate·'. The marriage certificate of Eric and Lissy names Cologne as Eric's place of birth, too. (original documents: HI 111.275). Different information exists about Lissy's place of birth as well: Until today one considered Bremen to be Lissy's place of birth, but their marriage certificate says it was Vienna.

42bJ6

APPENDlX

123

Vienna.

1931,1932

Voegelin receives research stipends of $400 and $500 by the Rockefeller Foundation.

1932

Eric Voegelin and Lissy Onken marry on July 30 in the Reformiene Stadtkirche (Wien I, Dorotheergasse 16) Minister: Professor J. K. Egli.

1933

Rasse und Staat (CW 2, engl., 1997) Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichte (CW 3, engl., 1998)

1936

Alisserordentlicher Professor for "Staatslehre," University of Vienna. Der autoritiire Staat (CW 4, engl., 1999)

1938

Immigration into the U.S. on September 15 on a non-quola visa.

Die politischen Re/igionen (CW 5, engl., 2000)

1938-39

Part-time instructor and tutor in Government at Harvard University, paid by a research fellowship by their Bureau of International Research.

1939

Spring semester: instructor, Bennington College, Bennington, Vermont (in addition to his work at Harvard two times a

week). Summer semester: Visiting Professor, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois.

1939-42

Assistant Professor of Government, University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, Alabama.

1942

Spring semester: Visiting Associate Professor of Government, Louisiana State University (LSU), Baton Rouge, louISiana.

1942-46

Associate Professor of Govemment, LSU.

194-4

The Voegelins are naturalized on November 14.

1946

Professor of Government, LSU. The Voegelins buy a house at 741 Canal Street, Baton Rouge.

1952

The New Science ofPalitics (CW 5, 2000)

1952-53

Voegelin has to undergo three operations on his intestines.

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124

ERJC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

1953

Boyd Professor of Govemment, LSU.

1956-57

Order and History:

I Israel and Revelation (CW 14,2001) fl The World ojthe Polis (CW 15, 2000) ff/ Plato and Aristotle (CW 16,2000) 1958

The Voegelins move back to Gennany. Professor of Political Science at the Geschwister Scholllnstitut at the University of Munich.

1959

Wissenschaji, Politik lind Gnosis (CW 5, engl., 2000)

1963

"A Bill. For the relief of Eric Voegelin" is passed by the American Congress on December 18.

1966

Anamnesis (CW 6, engl., 2002)

1969

Retirement and return to the U.S.

1974

Order and History: IV The Ecumenic Age (CW 17,2000)

1985

Eric Voegelin dies on January 19 in Stanford. Voegelin is buried on February 4 after a ceremony at Stanford Memorial Church.

1987

Founding of the Eric Voegelin Institute for American Renais· sance Studies at LSU. Order and HiStory: V In Search of Order (posthumous) (CW 18,2000)

1996

Lissy Voegelin dies on October 8 in Stanford.

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APPENOlX

125

AI.3. Alphabetical List a/Colleagues (Assistant) Prof. ASSEFF, Emmett (1950-53). "He was evidently unimpressive as twice he was mistaken for a graduate assistant by Dr. Voegelin who gave him examination papers to grade." (Scurria, 8) (Assistant) Prof. BERNS, Walter (1955-57). He specialized in Constitutional Law and taught at Yale, Cornell, and Toronto and is still teaching at Georgetown. (Assistant) Prof. CRAMER (1948/49) (Associate) Prof. DASPIT, Alex (-1947). When he gave up his position at LSU, Voegelin was hired. "Your appointment is subject to the terms of the leave of absence granted Professor Alex Daspit, whom you will replace." (Letter by the LSU President to Voegelin on August 19, 1942; HI 23.27) Instructor DAVIES (1949/50) (Assistant/Associate) Prof. FUESS, Peter (since 1949). "He was a very suave, handsome gentleman who looked more like a model rather than a very intelligent university professor. He spoke with only a hint of a German accent which everyone found very pleasant. ... he was never in a hurry to get to his classes, and he seldom got there before 5 or 10 minutes after the bell had rung." (Scurria, 7) Instructor FRIEDMAN, Bob (since 1957)

(Asso::::iJtc) Pref. GYCRGY, Ar.d:ew (!950-53). Spe::::iJlizec in Ea!;tem Europe and International Relations. Visiting Prof. GRACE, Frank (Summer 1951). Specialized in Political Theory. (Assistant) Prof. HAVARD, William C. (he came in 1957, was chaimlan from 1961 ~ 1964 and left 1964 for the University ofMassachusetts). "I can truthfully say that Dr. Havard was one of the most forceful, yet understanding chairmen for whom I have had the pleasure to work. He was considered an authority on Louisiana politics and because of his knowledge, he was often called upon by local television stations on election nights to analyze political tendencies and predict outcomes of elections throughout Louisiana.... Dr. Havard had a good rapport with his faculty. They trusted his judgment and they always felt free to discuss future plans for the department with him as he listened to, and wel~ corned their suggestions." (Scurria, 12) Prof. HARRIS, Robert J. (-1955), chairman of the department until leaving LSU. Ph.D. from Princeton, student of Edward S. Corwin, taught Constitutional Law. He brought Voegelin to LSU and became later friends with him. He always tried to support Voegelin as much as possible. "In addition to being

00042b36

126

ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

a very capable chainnan. he was an extremely thoughtful person for whom I enjoyed to work." (Scurria, 10) "Robert Harris, one of the distinguished Vanderbilt alumni on the faculty, was a wonderfully witty observer of academic and political matters; he was an artist both in the needling of folly and the deadpan leasing of complacency." (Heilman 1991, 16) "His gray eyes twinkle and a slight smile creeps over his face. [...] 'There are two instances when capital punishment should be implemented,' Constitutional Law Professor Robert J. Harris says: 'Taking two parking spaces and failing to signal left hand tum.'" (The Cavalier Daily, 2.3.1977; Hl 112.348a) (Assistant) Prof. HIGHSAW (1945/46). He later left for the University of Ala-

bama. Prof. HYNEMAN, Charles S. (-1947), chairman of the department from 1937 to 1942. At the beginning ofVoegelin's time at LSU, Hynemann was on a leave of absence. "He was an easy, articulate, and forceful speaker; he was effective in the public pressing of issues in faculty and AAUP meetings; in debates on policy, he was really the only competent public speaker among us who felt that we wanted to 'make it more like a university.' ... [Voegelin] had little of Hyneman's interest in the immediate political scene, which for the most part he found obvious or amusing or at best a useful illustration of theory.... To sum up: [Voegelin,] the traditional political philosopher, European in intellectual and personal style. combining graciousness with formality and punctiliousness; and [Hyneman,] the American pragmatist. a folksy. slangy, midwestern small-town boy, were both welcomed and made at home by a provincial state university, ..... (Heilman 1991, 17-19). He mentored Hubert Humphrey's master's thesis at LSU, was APSA president and left for the University of Indiana. Voegelin and Hyneman were born within a few months around the tum of the century and died on the same day in January 1985. (Assistant) Prof. MILLIKAN, George (1947/48)

•

•

(Assistant) Prof. MORRISON (-1945) (Assistant! Associate) Prof. OWEN, Kimbrough 1. (1947-56). "He was a very softspoken. quiet man who probably would not have caused anyone to take a second look. But he favorably impressed aU who knew him.... His vast knowledge of state and local politics became internationally known and in 1956 he was the only government expert from the United States invited to Alaska to participate in their constitutional draft.... In April 1956, Dr. Owen was invited by the Mayor of Baton Rouge, Jesse Webb, Jr.• to accompany him to ... a conference. They traveled in a single engine, private airplane owned by the city.... The Mayor, the pilot and Dr. Owen were instantly killed when the plane crashed en route to the conference in Michigan." (Scunia, 8-10)

Prof. POWELL, Alden L. (-1950). "He was one of the gentle political scientists who had a very easy-going and casual manner.... He was the type person who

APPENDlX

127

said very little. but when he did speak. everyone listened as he was quite knowledgeable....he passed away very suddenly in the Summer of 1950:' (Scurria, 6). "Alden Powell, a genial midwesterner. had a natural ease with all kinds of people; he gained the confidence of established figures on the campus and hence became valuable as a mediator in some of the skinnishing between the older and the younger insurgents. With an amiable reasonableness he could define different objectives and attitudes in unquarrelsome neutral terms." (Heilman 1991, 16) Assistant PROTHRO, James W. (Summer 1947). He later left for the University ofNorth Carolina. Prof. SCROGGS (-1950) (Assistant) Prof. STEAMER, Robert J. (since 1957). He later left for Northwestern University and lives today in Rochester, NY. (Assistant) Prof. TAYLOR, Nelson (1949-53). He taugh' American Political Thought. '"He was a difficult person to get to know. He could be quite flip and abrasive. but well liked by his students because he was a good teacher. ... At one time the Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences came to the departmental offices. and behind closed doors he and the Dean had a long discussion which led to Dr. Taylor being reprimanded. He was reprimanded a second time. and this led to his eventual resignation." (Scuma. 8) Prof. W'LLIAMSON, Rene de Visme (since 1955), chaimwn 1955-1960/61, 1964-67. He resigned from his position as chainnan after some internal problems in the department., but he later agreed to keep hi!' position until the semester of 1968-69. When Voegelin left. LSU Williamson taught his courses. When Williamson left LSU, Ellis Sandoz took his position.

128

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

AlA. Voegelin's Travels TIME

PLACE

April 16-18, 1943

Social Science Research Council, Washington, D.C.

November 20-22, 1943

Committee on Government of the Social Science Re· search Council, Washington,

CONTRIBUTION

Panel discussion on Political Theory and Civil RighlS

D.C. Summer 1944

visit al Engel-Janosi's, Washington, D.C.

March 27-30. 1946

APSA, annual meeting, Phi· ladelphia

April 25·27, 1946

Convention of the Louisiana Speech

short fifteen to twenty minute speech on some phase of political theory,"

"3

Parent·Teacher Association:

"Character, the Cornerstone of Citizenship", Shreveport, Louisiana September 1946

Visit at Engel·lanosi"s. Washington, D.C.

November 8. 1946

15'" SPSA meeting, Knox·

Paper. "The Cyclical Theory

ville. Tennessee

of History and Twentieth Century Disinlegration"

December 28. 1946

42 APSA annual meeting, Cleveland, Ohio

Remarks, Round Table: "Be· yond Relativism in Political Theory"

March 12, 1948

Yale University, New Ha· ven, Connecticut

Speech: "The Western RevoIUlionary Movements"

September 1948

Visit at Engel·Janosi's, Washington, D.C.

December 27·29,1948

Conference, Chicago (with Prof Fliess)

April 1949

John Hopkins University. Baltimore, Maryland

Speech

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APPENDlX

129

Summer 1949

Summer school at Harvard

Teaching

November 10-12, 1949

181b SPSA meeting, Knoxville, Tennessee (with Proffs. Harris and Powell)

Lecture (paper?): "The Church"

December 26-29, 1949

541 APSA meeting, New York

Paper: "The Political Religions and their Implications for the Traditional American Doctrine" Chairmanship in a roundtable, Participant in discussion

June-August 1950

Guggenheim Fellowship: Studies in Europe (with Lissy)

Principal cities visited: ZU rich, Basel, Vienna, Paris, Munich, Fribourg (?), Rotterdam

June 1950

University of Vienna, Austria.

Lecture series: "Das anthropologische Prinzip" "Kreislaufund Fonschritt"

June 20-21, 1950

Rechts- und Slaatswissenschaftliche Fakultlit der Universit1it zu Wien. Vienna, Austria.

Speech: "Staat und Ge schichte"

January 22-February 2, 1951

University of Chicago

Walgreen Lectures: six lectures on: "Truth and Representation"

Spring 1951

Vacation with Lissy at Albrizio's summer residence at the Gulf of Mexico, near Mobile Bay

February 12, 1952

Washington, D.C., Humanitics Club

Speech: "History of Ideas and Periods ofCivilizalion"

February 13. 1952

John Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland

Talk at a graduate seminar in political science: "Political Gnosis"

February 14, 1952

John Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland

Speech, History of Ideas Club: ''The Discovery of the

o

o

130

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

Soul-in Ancient and Modem Philosophy" February 15, 1952

St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland

Speech: "The Wrath of Achilles"

February 17, 1952

S1. John's College, Annapo-

Speech: 'The Nature of

lis. Maryland

Modernity"

APSA meeting, Buffalo, NY

Paper: ""Political Science and

August 26. 1952

the Intellectuals"

June 22·July 31,1953

November 1953

University of Southem Califomia, Course in ''Theory of the Capitalistic Economy", School of Commerce

SPSA meeting, Gainesville. Florida (with Profs. Harris and Berns, Jr.)

12 (1) Ie<:tures on: ''The Causes of lhe Modem Revo-

lution•• Week I: "Institutional Factors" Week II: "Spiritual Factors"

Discussion of a paper by Prof. Harold Lasswell of Yale University on "Recent Trends in Methodology in Political Science" (Novem-

ber 5) December 2.1953

November 5.1954

Great Issues Course. Univer-

sity of Texas. Austin, Texas

Speech: "Future ofCommuOIsm••

26 SPSA meeting, Univer-

Paper: "What is Political

shy of South Carolina. Columbia, SC

Theory?"

•

April 14. 1955

University of Michigan, De· Lecture: "The Quest for partment of Political Science. Principles in Political SciAnn Arbor, Michigan ence"

April 22, 1955.

Tulane University, Depart. ment of Government. New Orleans. Louisiana

Lecture: "The Quest for Principles in Political Seience"

June 22-30, 1955

The Foundation for American Studies. Conference on Democratic Theory. Buck Hill Falls. Pennsylvania

6 lectures: '"Hegemonic Democracy"

July-September 1955

Guggenheim Fellowship: Studies in Europe

Principal Universities visiled: Munich, Heidelberg.

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APPENDIX

131 Marburg, Uppsala, Utrechl

November 18-19, 1955

Loyola University, Chicago, Toynbee Symposium

Lecture: MThe Historical Validity ofToynbee's Approach 10 Universa1 States" (the other participants were: William McNeill. Hans Kohn, Dean Hardy, Oscar Halecki. Friedrich EngelJanosi, and M,A. Fitzsimons)

March 20·23, 1956

Marquene University, 75 Anniversary Celebration. Anniversary Conference No. 4, Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Lecture: "Necessary Moral Bases for Communication in a Democracy" (March 2 I)

April 3, 5,12, 1956

The Tulane Program of Professional Study. The School of Law, Tulane University. New Orleans, Louisiana

Speech: "Law, Morals, and the Spirit" (April 3)

April 13·14, 1956

Annual South-CenlTal Renaissance Conference. Baton Rouge.

Paper: "More and Utopia"

June 10·20, 1956

The Foundation for American Studies, Conference on Democratic Theory. Buck Hill Falls. Pennsylvania

Speech: "On Toynbee's Study of History" (June 14) (Voegelin met Leo SlTaUSS there who delivered six lec· tures)

June 20(1)-25, 1956

New York

November 5-6, 1956

Foreign Service Institute, Washington, D.C.

Speech: "Dynamics of Institutions"

Loeb Lectures, University of Speeches on "Laws and the November 1956·January 1957 Frankfurt. Gennany Prophet" (1) (On November 1lh• they stopped in New York and on November Sill the boat left for Europe where theyar· rived on the 15~ December 1956

Loeb Lectures. University of Speech: "Zusammenbruch der Ideologie in unserer Zeit" Frankfurt. Gennany

132 January 14, 1957

ERIC VQEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

Loeb Lectures, University of

Frankfurt, Germany May 6-7, 1957

Speech: "Causes of Revolu· stration. Georgia Comer Lec- tionary Unrest in the Modem

College of Business Adminitures and Seminars, Univer-

sity of Georgia, Athens,

May 8,1957 Christmas vacation 1957/58

Speech: "Ergebnisse der klassischen Staatstheoric"

World" (May 6)

Georgia

Seminar: l1le Breakdown of Ideologies"

Emory University. Atlanta,

Speech: "Mankind and

Georgia

History"

Mexico

In addition to these trips, Voegelin spent aLmost every summer in Cambridge to research in Widener Library at Harvard University. On the way there, he often stopped for a few days in New York. (Sources: HI 3.1; 11.8; 11.9; 12.25; 7.17; 16.12; list of 'Speeches and Writings' of the HI lists; Government Files; The Re\'eille; Files of the LSU Bureau a/Public Relations)

A2. Documents

A2./. Lellers The letter to Voegelin's land-lady (source: Government Files) shows a tone that is rather atypical ofJetters written by Voegelin. Nonnally known as being friendly and easy to get along with, one can see here that Voegelin could change his tone if needed. The letter to Voegelin's sister Klara (source: HI 16.12) is one of the few documents in which Voegelin mentions the problem of National Socialism in his family. It is obvious how much he hates this part of his German/Austrian past and why he made such a definite and final break with his family.

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133

Letter to the lond-lody 7 Acacaia Street Cambridge, 38, Mass. July 1st, 1946. Mrs. Pennie A. Brooks 1103 Park Boulevard Baton Rouge, La. My dear Mrs Brooks:

I am very glad to have your letter of June 27th, for several reasons. First of all, I am glad that a misunderstanding has been cleared up. When you wrote me first, simply requesting me to vacate the house on August 14th, in spite of all the damage involved. I thought this was just the inconsiderateness of a landlady who forgets that renters are human, too. Now you assure me that you acted in perfect good faith, on the assumption that I was leaving Baton Rouge for good; and I also learn from my colleague, Professor Fordham, who talked with your grandson, that he has no doubt about your good faith. I accept this; and I wish to apologize for having designated your procedure as a deliberate trick to cause us trouble; and I hope you will accept this apology. Now that our correspondence is on an amicable basis - as it would have been from he beginning if you had asked me directly about my plans - I should like to enlist your support in clearing up this situation. Since you have acted in good faith, on "reliable information" that 1 would not return to Baton Rouge. the question of the reliable information arises. Concerning the relations between a University and a Professor employed by the University, there are only two reliable sources, that is the two parties to the relation. You have received your infonnation neither from me, nor from !.he University authorities. The "reliable information" thus comes down to gossip by an irresponsible person. Such gossip, in itself irrelevant, may become important if it results in considerable damage to property values. And this is the casco Let me explain to you a situation, of which I am sure you have not been aware hitherto. The research on which I am working represents a capital investment of which I can say off-hand that it is in excess of $50.000.-; how much in excess I am not prepared to say without exact computation; but J would not be surprised if the final figure runs into $80.000.-. To give you an idea of the proportions. let me mention that during these three summer months the cost of the project increases by the sum of $4000.-, The "reliable information" on which you have acted in requesting me to vacate the house by August 14th, has caused hitherto a wastage of 7 to 10 days .Jr the three months which cost $4000.-. You can figure out this damage your-

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ERlC VOEGELIN IN SATON ROUGE

self if you want to. In addition, this delay causes damages with regard to the fmal date of the research·work. Delay of a week in this business may mean delay of one or two years in publication with all the damage resulting from such delay. I do not know what the further course of this affair will be, but it looks to me at the moment very much as if a heavy suit for damages against the source of the ureliable infonnation" would result from it. I think it would be in your interest as well as mine, if you give me the name of this source so that the procedure for future eventualities is simplified. Let us now come to the question of the house. 1 am glad to sec that you do

not wish to cause us undue hardship; and, of course, I do not want to cause any inconvenience to the young couple and they should have a desirable living place as soon as possible. You know that we shall be back by September 15th; and you ask me to vacate by September 30th. Of course, you are within your rights - so at least it seems to me without that 1 wanl 10 make a stalement thai would bind me legally. But 1 would pUI it up 10 your consideration, thai two weeks are somewhal short time for fmding a new place and for moving. Again I wish 10 enlisl your support in this matter. I have laken already steps 10 find an apartmenl in one of the University projecls; bUI I do nOI know yel of the result I, furthermore, shall try 10 buy a house - but I cannol pursue this affair 100 well before I am back. I suggesl to you, therefore, Ihe following. In order 10 proieci the interesl of Ihe young couple who want a fixed dale, we should fix such a date by which I would have vacaled the house under all circumstances. 1 suggesl as such a dale the 151b of November - that would give me two monlbs lime to fmd a new place and 10 move; and it would nol put the young couple 10 extraordinary hardship_ If I find a place earlier, of course, I would move Oul earlier. This dale now could be considerably extended [1] if you, or your relatives, would help me in locating a house that is for sale - preferably in the Roseland Terrace section. Since you are in the house-business yourself, instances might come to your attention that would not come to mine. And you have the advantage of being on Ibe spot during the two months and a half, while I am not I should like to have a twobed-room house. I want to make it clear that I accept your declaration of good faith, though I Ibink that your assumptions were rash. Please, show this letter to your son who is a lawyer and consult with him. And let me know of your counter-proposals at the earliest convenience. With my best regards, I am, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin Professor of Government

jloo42636

APPENDIX

135

Leiter 10 Klara Haerdll Evanston, 16. August 1939. Liebe Klarn: Es ist sehr nett. wenn Du mir sehreiben willst, aber probier' lieher keine NaziTricks bei miT. Du koenntest eigentlieh wissen, dass ieh nicht durnm genug bin, urn darauf hereinzufallen. Zwischen uns stehen keine Meinungsversehiedenheiten, wie Du mir vormachen willst, sondem Mord, Diebstahl und Pluenderung. Du brauchst also gar nieht vomehm zu tun. dass Du es immer vermieden haettest, ein solches Thema zu beruehren - das ist ein wohlbekannter Nazi-Kniff: man beruehn vomehm kein Thema, aber man pluendert die Leute bis aufs Herod und schlaegr sie tot, wenn sie sich's nieht gutwillig gefallen lassen, oder zwingt sie auszuwandem mit 20 Mark in der Tasche. Als wir in Amerika ankarnen. hatten wir 800 Schilling Schulden und ich musste mir Geld ausleihen, damit wir essen konnten. Dass es uns jetzt gut geht, ist nieht euer Verdienst. Dass ich ueber Fritz Oinge schreibe, die euch keine Freude Machen ist seibstverstaendlieh. Bei aller Empoerung wagst Du es selbst nieht zu behaupten, dass sic nieht wahr seien. Falls irgend etwas wirklieh nieht wahr sein 5011te, wuerde ich geme hooren. in welchem Punkt ich mieh geirrt habe. Mit allgemeinen Behauptungen kommst Du bei mir nieht weiter. - Dass die Darstellung gehaessig ist, gebe ieh geme zu. Das ist das Mindeste an Reaktion auf die schweinische Behandlung, die ich von eurer braunen Dreckbande erfahren habe. Oder wilisl Du bestreitc:n. dass ich ohne Gehalt, untt:r V'ertragsbruch. ohne Angabe von Gruenden entlassen wurde? Oder willst Du bestreiten, dass die mir zustehende Pension unterschlagen wurde? Oder willst Du bestreiten, dass ich ueberhaupt in Arnerika bin? Oder willst Du bestreiten, dass ich mit knapper Muehe entkommen bin? (Vnd class Du zum Abschied
136

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

lrgendwelche Hetze gibt es hier niehl. Die Tatsachen genuegen. Du scheinst das alles fuer cine groBe Hetz' zu halten. Aber ich habe 10 Jahre meines Lebens gearbeitel, urn miT cine Stellung zu schaffen. uDd als ich so weit war, wurde mir alles weggenommen. Uorl Dutzenden von Freunden und Bekannten ist es ehenso gegangen - WiT haben aile ehrlich gearbeitet uod niehl cine Pluendenmg organisien. Dass euch das riesig gefaellt, ohoe Arbeil Geld zu

verdienen, das glaube ich gem; aber Du kannst niehl erwarten, dass die Gepluendenen davan entzueckt sind. Also: ich will mit Dir persoenJich keinen Streit anfangen, - aber versuch' ja niehl so ZU tun, als ob alles nur cine kleine Mcinungsverschiedenheit sei, die sich wieder geheo wird. Wir fahren Ende der Woche oach dem Norden, oach Wisconsin, UDd werden dort eine Woche an einem See in einem Blockhaus leben. Dann werden wir in kleinen Tagesreisen nach dem Sueden fahren, nach Alabama. Am 7. September muessen wir dort sein. Wer hat Dir uebrigens erzaehlt, dass das Klima in Alabama "ungesund" sei? Es ist zwar im Sommer sehr heiss (35 Grad C), aber das uebrige Jabr das herrlichste rnilde Riviera-Wetter; und ich habe vertragsmaessig drei Monate Sommer·Urlaub. so dass wir in der heissen Zeit nicht dort sein muessen. Die Stellung ist sehr gut, das 6-fache des Wiener Einkommens; und ich babe die Haupt-Vorlesungen. so dass icb mitten im Betrieb stebe. fcb bin sehr froh, dass icb nacb einem Jahr Arbeit schon so weit bin. Die letzten drei Wochen waren etwas anstrengend, da wir cbauffieren lernen mussten. Aber jetzt geht es scbon sehr gut. Der Wagen ist in sehr gutem Zu· stand, obwohl er zwei einhalb Jahre alt ist. Meine neue Adresse ist: University of Alabama Department of Political Science University, Ala. Viele Gruesse.

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APPENDIX

137

A2.2. Petition ofthe students PETITION WHEREAS: Professor Erich Voegelin is in our opinion an excellent professor of World Power Politics, American Government, Political Theory, and other phases of political science.

WHEREAS: He is needed at this moment of world international crisis most acutely as a professor at L.S.V.

WHEREAS: Due to the expiration of his contract as a visiting professor, he will leave L.S.V. at the end of this semester,

WE THE UNDERSIGNED Petition that he be requested to continue as a professor at this L.S.V. [signatures of] Hepburn Armstrong Clifton Smith J. A. Blanchard George H. Witter Jeanne Kellar Mary Lynn Ryle Yandell Boatner [?] Hermann Moyse Herbert Benham, Jr.

[?] Anna Lee Brown David Prowell Ben Levy, Jr. Robert E. Sail [?] (Source: Government Files)

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138

ERIC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

A2.3. Newspaper Articles Reactions to Voegelin's lecture on British war aims The Reveille, February 26, 1942: Dear Editor: I take it that your reporter was correct in his synopsis of Dr. Eric Voegelin's lecture, given under the auspices of the department of government to students of the University. Lf so, I believe that this lecture is the biggest piece of effrontery ever offered to a university public. Most of the so-called intellectuals who have escaped from the totalitarian states and have sought refuge in this land of hospitality have at least been grateful. If they did find us to be a nation fighting a war ignorantly and without aims, allied to the English who also "have no definite aims." with the sole elemental thought "of keeping the aggressor off, possibly," they have kept quiet. I can imagine no more impudent statement than that "our democracy would have to fonnulate some sort of spiritual value in order to win this war; that our material values offer nothing on which a youth may get a spiritual hold; that our youths become fifth columnists because democracy's order is so uninspiring that fascism seems to fill the void." In the light of the elemental thought that this World War is a war between de~ mocracy and totalitarianism. between the very thing we have here and what Dr. Voegelin escaped from in Vienna, with aims clearly defined in the Atlantic charter, it is amazing that a foreigner has to take it upon himself in this day and time and as a guest of our country and of our university, to tell us that we are an ignorant. unthinking. materialistic nation without aims or spiritual values, fighting only with the vague notion of "keeping the aggressor off, possibly." The final insult lies in the word ··possibly." A SUBSCRIBER (Name withheld by request)

The Reveille, February 27, 1942 Dear Editor: We feel that it is not only the right but also the duty of every resident of these United States to offer constructive criticism regarding the conduct of this country both in peace and in war. If your anonymous subscriber had had any real interest in the matter he would have attended Dr. Eric Voegelin's lecture of last Tuesday evening and would not have relied on the very thing he condemns, hearsay.

p0042bJ6

APPENDIX

139

It is such Sunday morning quarterbacks as these who have disrupted a once

united nation and made the struggle in which we are now engaged a harder one. We feel assured that Dr. Voegelin left Vienna in order to exercise such prerogatives and liberties that your reader attempts to deny him. As to the reference of ..the insulting word, possibly," it may have been a typographical error or over zealousness on the part of the typesetter that led every paper in the nation to print the story of the attack on the California coast. As long as our deeply cherished and oft discussed civil liberties are maintained and practiced by the American people and their guests, this nation has nothing to fear from the subversive actions of outside powers. Most sincerely,

WILLIAM F. BEVEN and GEORGE DALFERES Dear Editor: Concerning the "uninspiring" charge led by "a subscriber" against opinions allegedly expressed in a recent lecture on the campus, this person feels that the ultimate in "effrontery" has been reached by "a subscriber" himself. He indicates by his letter not only disbelief in free speech but by withholding his name, complete lack of courage to stand behind his pop-gun. Like a cowardly ostrich, he flaps his wings wildly, utters a feeble peep, and buries his head in the sand. ALDEN L. POWELL Dear Eriitor: In reply to the letter of "subscriber" who wished his name to be withheld in

The Reveille of February 26, 1942, pertaining to the lecture of Dr. Eric Voegelin did not make the remarks erroneously attributed to him. The remarks, taken completely out of their context, were quotations and paraphrases of a pamphlet, entitled "Why Britain Fights," written by R. H. Tawney, the English social historian and circulated by the British library of infonnation, presumably with the approval of the British government. Although it is understandable in these times that men should vent their pent-up emotions in wrathful statements, it is obvious that if "subscriber" had attended the lecture and had listened carefully he could have had no cause to write his letter, and his belated interest in war aims might have been given rational baSIS.

Persons were permitted freely to question the speaker from the floor so that the presentation of Mr. Tawney's remarks was in no way one-sided, and the speaker readily agreed that some of Mr. Tawney's proposals for organizing the world after the peace were unrealistic as applied to the contemporary American scene.

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140

ERJC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

The series of lectures, of which the one on British war aims was the first, was planed and sponsored by the graduate school and the departtnent of government for the purpose of elucidating various aspects of the war for the campus community and of awakening us to present dangers. If "subscriber" will follow the whole series of lectures, to which we cordially invite him, any doubts concerning Dr. Voegelin's loyalty to democracy will, ofa certainty, disappear. WILLIAM O. SCROGGS, Dean of the Graduate School ROBERT J. HARRJS, Head of the department of government

The Reveille, February 28, 1942 Editor, The Reveille, Campus. Dear Editor: The anonymous letter which was published in your issue of February 26th is a matter of serious mortification to me as a member of the University faculty. I suppose it is reasonable to presume that the letter was written by a faculty member or a student. At all events the following observations concerning it are in point: (I) An anonymous attack in the press is cowardly. If the author of the letter disagrees with Dr. Voegelin let him say so to his hean's content, but openly. (2) The letter was gravely discourteous to a distinguished visitor on our cam· pus. (3) The letter was supercharged with intolerance, a quality of mind which should be most out of place upon a University campus. I like to think of LSU as a University with great potentialities, to the development of which those of us here should dedicate our efforts. If we are to be afraid to entertain the ideas and viewpoints of others and if we are to maintain a provincial aloofness we will not deserve the name "university." This campus should be a veritable marketplace of ideas, not a secluded spot hostile to differences of opinion. For my pan I consider the University exceedingly fortunate to have Dr. Voegelin with us as a visiting professor during the current semester. certainly, on a University campus, of all places, he should be free, in keeping with our democratic tradition, to express his ideas on any public question, particularly in an open public discussion. Very truly yours, JEFFERSON 8. FORDHAM, Professor of Law

APPENDIX

141

Dear Editor: May I address a brief answer to your "subscriber," whose letter in regard to Mr. Voegelin's address appeared in your Thursday paper? I would not answer "subscriber," except that in times like these when so much, even the ultimate safety of our country, possibly, depends on our being sane and calm in our judgments, we so often make the dangerous mistake of being emotional and irrational. There may be others who have the same attitude as "Subscriber," and to them, also, I should like to address my remarks. I ask "subscriber" to allow me to continue his figure of "guest and host," which he has made the chief leverage for his remarks: My dear young man-or young woman-if a guest came calling on me for an afternoon visit and proceeded to tell em the plan of my house was all wrong, the color scheme bad, and a few other things about it all on the unfavorable side, J am rather sure that I would have a bad afternoon and would probably be an unappreciative host. But if he came to my house seeking refuge from an enemy, one whom I considered my enemy also, and he sought to tell me what was wrong with my house so that it might be made better and more enduring for the good of both of us, I hope that I would have only gratitude and some· thing of shame that I had not had the foresight to see the flaws and make the corrections myself. After all, it's the intention and not the deed itself that counts in such an instance. I believe there are few surer ways to disastrous downfall than the inability or unwillingness to recognize the capacity of one's opponent or the defects in one's own side, or party, or country. Only by facing realities, no matter how unpleasant, can we hope to attain any enduring good. GEORGIA WILSON Dear Editor: The letter signed "subscriber" in your issue of February 26 is a singular exhibition of animus, and, being an anonymous attack upon an individual, it is thoroughly unethical as well. I will also say that the publication of an anonymous attack upon a person is quite contrary to good journalistic practice. The University is exceedingly fortunate to having on its staff a man possessed of the learning and critical acumen of Dr. Eric Voegelin. He deeply impressed those who heard his addresses here last year, and it was doubtless an occasion for gratification on their part when they learned of his appointment for this session. The attack upon him can only make these persons, who include a large number of the University faculty, feel mortified and apologetic. It is ironical that on the same day of the address to which "subscriber" objects, Mr. Westbrook Pegler published in the Baton Rouge State Times a column roundly criticizing Americans for lacking a clear program for the war, and saying that we, like the British, have been apathetic about it. On previous occasions Mr. Pegler has written in that same vein. AIso, there have been many complaints both here and in England that the war aims of the Americans and

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142

ERJC VOEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

the British were not clear. These are not utterances of traitors but of intensely patriotic persons. One aim of the war, let us hope, is the preservation of the freedom of thought and expression, in countries so fortunate as to possess such freedom still. "Subscriber" is evidently not in favor of that; so I infer that he or she is to that extent not in favor of our cause. His remarks, or hers, suggest not the freedom hoped for in the Atlantic charter but rather its opposite. They make the reader think of the Gestapo and, if he can remember the 'twenties in this country, they call to mind the tactics of the Ku Klux Klan. It is exceedingly regrettable that your paper should have been used for this vicious attack upon a gentleman and a scholar. May I suggest the propriety of an apology to him by The Reveille? Yours very sincerely, PETER A. CARMICHAEL

Reactions to Voegelin's refusal to speak in/ront 0/a reporter The Reveille, February 14, 1947: To the Editor: Congratulations on a splendid editorial on freedom of the press. It's about time some members of the faculty awake to the fact that The Reveille is a newspaper in every sense of the word and not a University bulletin board. Them's my sentiments-thanks for expressing them. CHARLES M. HARGRODER To the Editor: The Reveille has led the field again. It has used its powers of persuasion to level a vicious attack on Dr. Eric Voegelin of the Government Department because he refused to make a statement before The Reveille reporter. Considering the situations which have occurred in the past, the best thing that could have been done to keep the peace everywhere was the very thing that Dr. Voegelin did: to refuse to allow any coverage by your paper. It should be pointed out in this regard that on at least three occasions in the past this paper has very inaccurately quoted and reported the remarks of Dr. Voegelin. Above all, you base your "editorial" on the rights of the press. Perhaps it hasn't occurred to your statT that there is also such a thing as the right of the individual. The very manner in which you have used your power of the pressplacing two vehement articles on the front page in an unusually prominent position-is a malicious perversion of that power. It cannot legitimately be doubted that the individual's right to speak freely involves the residual right not to speak. dr. Voegelin cannot be compelled to address anybody for restatement or publication.

APPENDIX

143

Your attempt to coerce Dr. Voegelin into making a statement for publication is the real issue involved and the one which you have attempted to ridicule in your article. This press gangsterism, using blackmail to force a statement, is particularly contemptible in view of the crime of violating the right of free press. We have been associated with Dr. Voegelin for some time and can report that no faculty member with whom we have been in contact has been more considerate in his willingness to assist students and student activities. The very fact that you made a mistake in reporting Dr. Voegelin's position (referring to him as "assistant professor" rather than as "professor") is an indication of the inaccuracies that occur in you paper. In the past these things must have led to serious altercations and misunderstandings the effects of which can scarcely be overcome through mere retraction. We urge that The Reveille, if serious in the promotion of liberty, exercise a little more discretion in interpreting the constitutional guarantees. If you desire to attain a true perspective of the manifold nature of constitutional rights, we recommend that you take a course in government under Dr. VoegeHn. WILLIAM C. HAVARD, JR.

EDWARD H. LOMBARD JAMES W. PROTHRO VIRGINIA L. MARTIN DOROTHY M. WALKER THOMAS ATKJNSON FRED BECKER EMOGENE PL1NER CLU-ITOH W. LONGWILL, JR. JOHN A. RJCHIE, JR.

FRITZ L. SPENCER The Reveille, February IS, 1947: To the Editor: For over four years now I have read repeatedly various examples of cheap sensationalism that has been published in The Reveille, but I have always considered it a waste of my time and other people's too, to either say or write anything about it; I only had time to be ashamed. However, I felt after reading the Thursday edition of The Reveille that the time has come when something has to be said. I refer, of course, to the editorial and article regarding Dr. Voegelin's speech. the article went under the guise of reponing and free press. It is immediately apparent it was not reponing in any matter, nor were any rights of the press infringed. The bold truth is th::tt the whole writing was in spite, as some 2-year old only might conceive.

144

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

Looking at the maner closer, The Reveille admitted that mistakes had been made about political subjects where no mistakes should have been made; !.his was the fault or The Reveille and occurred repeatedly. The Reveille admitted lhat Dr. Voegelin had reason to be apprehensive but was mistaken in assuming that he had no reason to assume the same mistakes would occur again. The article went on to quote conversation of Dr. Voegelin which attempted. and only attempted, to give the reporter a halo. Anyone reading the anicle can easily see that the reponer, as other reporters have done, took the opportunity to pour a balm of healing fluid on their easily disrupted feelings. The article merits no more comment, its cheapness speaks for itself and of the individual who wrote it. Turning to the editorial, The Reveille spoke of freedom of the press and used a common psychological mechanism in creating in itself a martyr to justify the cheap sensationalism of Thursday. It overlooked the fact that the press does not have the privilege of going any way it wishes. It also overlooked the fact that there is such a thing as free speech, that a person has the right to say what he wants, how he wants, and where he wants to say it. Journalism plays an imponant role in our society; to infonn people of what actually goes on, not of the petty grievances presented in biased and unfair manner. I hope for the sake of the Journalism Department. of LSU and of the student body that this sort of thing will not occur again. HERMAN EUGENE NELSON, JR. To the Editor: The lener signed by I J students defending Dr. Voegelin which appeared in your Thursday issue was definitely misleading. J think a few pertinent facts should be pointed out to these individuals and to everyone interested in a free press. A Reveille reporter was sent to cover an open meeting of the International Relations Club at which Dr. Voegelin was to make an address. This reporter went to Dr. Voegelin prior to the meeting, stated that he was there to cover the meeting for The Reveille and offered him a chance to check his story before publication. Dr. Voegelin said he would not speak if a reporter of The Reveille took notes for publication. I acknowledge that, had Dr. Voegelin been addressing a class or a closed meeting, he would have been within his rights in barring a reporter or anyone else he so desired from the meeting. I further acknowledge that, had the reporter asked Dr. Voegelin for a specific statement for publication. Dr. Voegelin would have been within his rights to refuse to make such a statement. However. such was not the case. The meeting at which Dr. Voegelin spoke was an open meeting. It was advertised and the posters distributed over the campus stated that the public was invited.

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In such a case it is the privilege and duty of the press (and the press includes col· lege newspapers) to report such meetings and any attempt to bar such reporting is a direct violation of freedom of the press as established through precedent, the Constitution and various court decisions. WILLIAM S. BAXTER

A2A. Foundation Files Confidential Reports on Eric Voegelin

FELLOWSHIP APPLICATION 1950 (Source: GF Files, November, December 1949)

By

PROFESSOR FRANCIS W. COKER, YALE UNIVERSITY, NEW HAVEN, CON. NEcrICUT, DECEMBER 21, 1949

Dr. Voegelin is a meticulous scholar, a skillful expositor, and a fluent writer. Several years ago I read with great care (for the Macmillan Co.) the manuscript for his forth-coming volume of History of Political Ideas; I strongly recommended its publication. I have also read and admire his two articles on the Platonic myths. I have no direct knowledge of his competence in the field of Asiatic cultures (mentioned in the middle paragraph of page 3); but he knows the competent scholars in that field; and I don't think there can be any doubt about his outstanding knowledge of western intellectual and cultural history, on which fie wiil draw for the great~r part of his propuseu hook as desci ibed in his application. I think I know enough about myths in the works of Plato and a few later writers to have some appreciation of their significance in the history of political ideas. That topic has never been covered comprehensively. Moreover, one of Voegelin's general aims is to help restore the classic range of a theory of politics; and I believe he is one of the two or three best classicists in ArneI'· ica in the field of political science. I believe an interesting and useful book will result from Dr. Voege· lin's work and I hope his modest request can be granted.

By PROFESSOR WILLIAM Y. ELLIOTT, HARVARD UNIVERSITY, CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, DEZEMBER 21, 1949

Professor Eric Voegelin is, at the present time, finishing one of the most re· markable histories of political theory that, in my judgement, has yet appeared. It is, as he notes, a four volume work. I have yet to find any qualified critic

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN SATON ROUGE

who does not regard it as an outstanding, original and brilliant perfonnance in the department of scholarship. As I have just finished a one volume work on Western Political Heritage, I am prepared to appreciate the depth of scholarly insight in Voegelin's work. While he was here at Harvard, (he has been in the regular academic year and the Summer School), we worked together on many of the questions which he has outlined. I have agreed with him that he is uniquely qualified to bring American scholarship back into contact with European conditions. His remarkable command of languages, his work at the University of Vienna in the pre-Nazi days, and his extraordinary ability, recommend him in every way for the type of scholarly mission which he proposes. In this field, it would be difficult to find anything more useful than to make American scholars more aware of the astonishing developments in theory in Europe to which very little attention is being paid in our own journals. I do not know anyone who is better qualified than Voegelin.

By PROFESSOR FRlEDRICH VON ENGEL-JANOSI, CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY,

WASHINGTON, D.C., NOVEMBER 5, 1949 If the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation wants to award a fellowship to a man endowed with unusual capacity for productive scholarship, it will, to my knowledge, find in the field of humanities nobody better equipped than Dr. Eric Voegelin. Dr. Voegelin came to the United States of America of his own will; fonnerly associate professor at the University of Vienna, the Nazis would have offered him a first rate academic career, had he chosen to stay with them; he did not consider this for a single moment His books and articles, published before he came to this country in 1939, have already won him a brilliant reputation in his field: however, they hardly can be compared to his "History of Political Ideas" at which he has worked with all concentration possible for more than ten years. I had the privilege to read the manuscript I may say that only very few books have made on me an impression comparable to that of Voegelin's '1-listory"; it will, according to my conviction, mark after its publication a turning point in intellectual history. It enriched and enlarged all of my intellectual life and I always shall remain deeply grateful to its author therefore. To the full command of the systematic problems, to a rare insight into the historical trends at work from the Babylonians up to the most recent times, to a profound and sympathetic understanding of the towering personalities in the realm of political action and political thought is added a powerful presentation and an impressive command of the language. There is absolutely nothing in the field of the History of Political Thought that in any language I know of, could be compared in scholarship, originality and broadness of approach to the manuscript of Dr. Voegelin;

APPENDlX

147

chapters like lhose - to mention only a few - on Plato, Dante, Bodin, Vico, I consider masterpieces lhat reveal lhemselves fully only after re-iterated study. The accomplishment achieved in the "History" is the best guarantee for the importance of the new work on a systematic theory of politics as outlined in the attached Plan. May I repeat in concluding that -if I may be allowed to say 50- the Guggenheim Memorial Foundation will do honour to itself and its high ideals by affording the requested fellowship to Dr. Eric Voegelin.

By ASSISTANT PROFESSOR ARON GURWITSCH, BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY, CAM-

BRJDGE, OKTOBER 31, 1949

I have personally known Professor E. Voegelin since a certain number of years and have found him a most outstanding personality, both as a scholar and as a man. Before making his personal acquaintance, I had known of Professor Voegelin through some of his publications. The latter always impressed me by their scholarly qualities. Professor Voegelin is an author of an enormous erudition, he has broad perspectives, and is extremely conscientious in his work. It has been my privilege to read considerable portions of his forthcoming UHistory of Political Ideas" in manuscript. Since my field of work is philosophy, and not Political Science, J wish my opinion to be understood as referring to lhe philosophical aspect of Professor Voegelin's work. His treatment of the Platonic myth sheds most illuminating light on a question which since long had been a serious obstacle in the interpretation of Platonic philosophy. Professor Voegelin's discussion of the problem in question makes clearly appear the necessity of basing a theory of politics upon philosophical anthropology. Here as well as in his other contributions, e.g. his article "Siger the Brabanf' (Philosophy and Phenomentological Research, vol. rv, 1944) Professor Voegelin shows himself as a scholar most attentive to details and still considering the latter within a wide horizon. A systematic theory of politics is a task whose realization seems to me most desirable also from the point of view of philosophy. Because of his erudition, the clearness and profundity of his thought, his most intimate familiarity with philosophical problems in general as well as with those which prove relevant for a theory of politics, Professor Voegelin, I believe, is one of the very few men of the present generation who are qualified to embark upon such an enterprise. It is my considered opinion that whatever seems to Professor Voegelin commendable in the interest of his work, should receive sympathy and furtherance. His accomplishments speak: for themselves as far as his capacity for productive work of research is concerned.

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

By VISITING PROFESSGR ALFRED SCHUETZ, NEW SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK, NOVEMBER 10, 1949 I take pleasure in stating that I have been a close friend of Professor Eric Voegelin since our student days at the University of Vienna, that is for over thirty years, and that I have been in contact with him and his work during all mis time. Under these circumstances it is only natural that I have the highest regard for him both as a person and as a scholarbut I don't think that my judgment is biased by our personal relationship. As to his character I can safely testify that hardly another Austrian scholar will be found who fought the oncoming wave of Nazism with so great courage and disdain of personal risks. As far as his scholarship is concerned, the forthcoming four volumes of his HISTORY OF POLITICAL IDEAS will speak for themselves. During the last ten years I have had the privilege of following with admiration the progress of this amazing enterprise and of reading parts of the manuscript. It is my sincere conviction that this outstanding opus is unique in its field and that its importance equals, ifnot surpasses, that ofToynbee's STUDY rN HISTORY. Yet this historical work, in spite of its significance in its own right, has always been considered by its author as a mere foundation of a THEORY OF POLITICS - the book in connection with which the grant of a Guggenheim Fellowship is being sought. Being familiar with Dr. Voegelin's working methods I feel sure that personal contact with European scholars and research in European libraries is of vital importance for the successful realization of this project. It is my considered opinion that a grant from the Guggenheim Foundation for the purpose as outlined by Dr. Voegelin would contribute to the completion of a work of the highest merit.

FELLOWSHIP APPLICATION J 955 (Source: GF Files. January 1955) By PROFESSOR MAX RHEINSTEIN, LAW SCHOOL, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO,

JANUARY 14, 1955 The new project of Mr. Voegelin's constitutes the second part of a large work, the first part of which, I understand, has now been completed. The total work constitutes an enterprise of large scope and great significance. It belongs to that category of large-scale historical interpretation of which the works of such scholars as Oswald Spengler or Arnold Toynbee are outstanding examples. Indeed, Mr. Voegelin's book may well come to rank with these works. I have had occasion to read a few chapters of the first part and now to see that survey of it which Mr. Voegelin has given in his Memorandum. I am also familiar with that preview of his thoughts about the later historical stages which Mr.

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149

Voegelin has presented in his Chicago Walgreen Lectures. I am deeply impressed. His approach opens up new insights not only into the development of man's thought about the foundations of his existence in the cosmos and in society but also holds implications for the attitudes with which we have to face the basic problems of our own age. Mr. Voegelin's learning is enormous. However, it is not just an accumulation of data but a systematized arrangement of essentials. This very systematization presents a cenain danger, viz. The danger of yielding to the temptation of reducing the infinitely complex concatenation of social phenomena to oversimplified causes. Mr. Voegelin is inclined to bring together a considerable number of seemingly unrelated movements and trends in the one category of "gnosis" which in common historical parlance has a strictly limited meaning. However, the divers phenomena thus brought together have indeed a common feature. They all constitute movements implying a rejection of traditional truths, the postulate of a need of completely destroying whatever order of things exists at the given time, and the confidence in the ability of man to erect a perfect order not impaired by sinfulness or other human failing. In a time in which such beliefs are strongly held in various forms and by powerful groups, a presentation of the historical antecedents, of the fallacies involved, and of the means of protection against their destructive consequences is timely. To perform this task, Mr. Voegelin is uniquely qualified. The study of the problem has constituted the center of his life's endeavor. For many years he has been content to live in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and to teach at louisiana State University. I know that University quite well. It is a good teaching institution, but not exactly the place at which one would expect to find a schoiar of the eminence of Mr. Voegeiin. He has chosen to stay at Louisiana State University because, impressed by Mr. Voegelin's work and personality, the authorities there have been providing him with good working conditions. However, the facilities at L.S.V. are not sufficient for research such as Mr. Voegelin must carry on to finish his work. This work, once completed, will constitute an achievement of much more than ordinary scholarly significance. I realize that the award of a second Guggenheim fellowship is unusual. But so is the work of Mr. Voegelin. I am confident that an award would be justified.

BY ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY ARON GlIRWITSCH, BRANOEIS UNIVERSITY, CAMBRJDGE, JANUARY 6, 1955

Professor E. Voegelin's work has become familiar to me through his book New Science ofPolitics (Chicago 11952), through numerous articles published in various learned periodicals, through a great many personal conversations which I had with him in the course of the last ten or so years. He also showed oe a cenain number of manuscripts pertaining to the work in which he is now engaged, manuscripts written at various phases of its development.

150

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

Among the learned projects now in progress, about which I am infonned, the work pursued by Professor Voegelin seems to me to belong too the most important ones. A philosophy of symbolic fonns and their historical

genesis is most urgently desired at the present stage of

political~

but not

merely political, philosophy. 1 mention in this connection the growing interest in the work of Ernst Cassirer, though Professor Voegelin's orientation is quite different from that of Cassirer. Professor Voegelin's aim is to present symbolic fonns as expressions of the life of historical communities and to study those fonDS as to their role for that very life. His work does not only complement that of Cassirer but goes far beyond it both as to the historical material considered and as to the theoretical and methodological ideas. From the mentioned passages which I had the opportunity to see in manuscript form, I have become convinced that Professor Voegelin's research has importance far beyond the field from which he started, viz. Political theory and philosophy. To mention only one point: Professor Voegelin has worked out a new interpretation of Pannenides and the school of Elea, and this in tum has far-reaching consequences for the interpretation of both Plato and Aristotle, and not merely of their political ideas, but of their philosophies at large. It is my considered opinion that Professor Voegelin's work will shed new and unexpected light on the history of philosophy, especially Greek philosophy. The work which Professor Voegelin has accomplished thus far testifies far more eloquently of his abilities and qualifications than any repon could possibly do. There are very few people today who have even a comparable knowledge in the fields of history in general, of the history of political theories and ideas, and of the history of philosophy. There are also few whose command of languages. both ancient and modem, enables them to engage in work of such scope. I can only recommend. without any reservation, that Professor Voegelin be given all help and encouragement so that he might bring to final completion this most important work.

By PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIOLOGY ALFRED SCHUETZ. NEW SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK, JANUARY 5,1955

For almost twelve years I had the privilege of following closely the various phases of Professor Voegelin's work in progress. It is my considered opinion that Professor Voegelin's study - the finished pan as well as the working manuscript of the continuation - makes an outslanding contribution not only to the history of ideas but also the philosophy of the symbolic fonns and the theory of the myth. f do not hesitate to state that, in my opinion, Professor Voegelin is one of the outstanding experts in this panicular field. His erudition is tremendous and his dealing with the problems involved reveals the author as a seminal mind of first order. In its finished form his book will have, in my opinion, an

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importance comparable to Toynbee's Study in History. I feel strongl) that everything should be done in order to help the author to accomplish his pur-

pose. Plans for Work (Source: Application to the OF; October 8, 1949; HI 15.25, OF Files)

The work on which I am engaged concerns a systematic theory of politics. Range and nature of this work have been forming during the last twenty years. Hence I shall first give an account of the genesis of the work up to Ute present. l. The beginnings of the work go back to the late 20's. After I had finished the study on the "American Mind" (see Bibliography no. I) I planned to write a systematic theory of politics. Of this plan were executed a 'Theory of Law" and a 'Theory of Power". When it came to the treatment of the "Political Myth" it turned out that the existing theories of the myth were inadequate, and that t was unable to develop a tenable theory of my own because my philosophical training as well as my historical knowledge were insufficient. The project had to be abandoned for the time being. It was then that t began seriously to study the problem of the myth and the historical processes in which political ideas grow, become socially effective, and lose their effectiveness to be replaced by new ones. The fIrst result were the two volumes on the race idea, published in 1933 (see Bibliography nos. 2 and 3). By 1938 J had advanced the systematic problem sufficiently to publish a brief account of it under the title Political Religions (see Bibliography nos. 5 and 6). After I had come to America, in 1939, I started the major work that has occupied me to the present, a "History of Political Ideas". This work will have four volumes: "The Ancient World" (I), "The Middle Ages" (II), "The Modem World" (Ill and IV). The work is substantially completed and at present in the stage of revision. It will be published by the Macmillan Company. The first two volumes are to be published in 1950; the third and fourth volumes at the latest in the spring of 195 J. The completion of the "History" furnished both occasion and compulsion for working through the theoretical problems as well as the political institutions from the Mesopotamian and Egyptian Empires to the present. The most important systematic result was the development of a theory of the myth which stood the test of making possible the interpretation of all types of political ideas which actually occured in Western history from antiquity to the present. The theory proved in particular valuable in solving cenain problems of the Platonic myth which hitherto had resisted unravelling. Small samples of !.he application to the Platonic m)ths were published under the titles of "Plato's Egyptian Myth" (Journal of P li-

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

tics, Volume IX, 1947) and "Plato's Gorgias" (Review of Politics, Volume XI, October 1949). In general, throughout the UHistory" the systematic problems of a theory of politics were developed incidental to their historical appearance. Moreover, during the last four years I have undertaken a study of Chinese history and ideas. The results of this work willnot be incorporated (with a very few exceptions) in the just mentioned ·'History". They are already preparatory to the systematic work that I am envisaging now. II. With the work just outlined as a basis I think that I now can accomplish the task of writing a theory of politics which I had to abandon in 1930. I intend to keep this new work within the bounds of one volume; and I estimate that it will take for its completion about four to five years from the present. Its final shape it would be hazardous to prognosticate because experience has shown that problems have a habit of emerging during the concrete analysis. Nevertheless, it is possible to characterize its fundamental structure because the principal problems have been clarified through the work on the "History". The following is an enumeration of the principles that can be considered as definitely settled as well a substantially elaborated. The over-all aim of the work will be the restoration of the classic, that is, of the Platonic-Aristotelian range of a theory of politics. The realization of this aim entails the elaboration of{l) a philosophical anthropology, a theory of the nature of man, (2) a theory of political society as the field in which the nature of man actualizes itself, (3) a theory of the dynamics of political forms in the historical cycles, (4) a theory of ideas (political myths) as a constitutive factor of political reality. The laying of the theoretical foundations will be followed by a study on the types of historically successive political cultures. They will be (1) pre-

historic and primitive, (2) the cosmological civilizations (type: Babylon, Egypt, Chinese of the Shu-king period), (3) the classic civilizations (type: Hellenic, Chinese of the Confucian period), (4) the civilizations under the influence of salvation religions (type: Western-Christian, Islamic, Hindu, ChineseBuddhistic), (5) modem civilizational syncretism and the consequences of global "Westernization". The survey of political cultures will be followed by a survey and evaluation of the main types of philosophy of history which try to interpret the manifold of political cultures as an unfolding with an intelligible meaning. The main problems to evaluate will be (I) the cyclical rise and fall of political civilizations, (2) the intelligible increase of spiritual differentiation throughout history, (3) the increase of rational, systematic, world-immanent knowledge with its accompaniment of demythisation of human existence, (4) the pragmatic domination of nature. A closing section will analyse the structure of the contemporary spiritual crisis.

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153

Ill. May J now state the reason why I am applying for a Guggenheim Fellowship. With regard to the theoretical problems that occupy me at present, a considerable amount of work has been done during the last ten years in Europe. The

principal fields in rapid development are (I) philosophical anthropology, (2) philosophy of history, (3) history of ideas. With regard to these various developments my knowledge is inevitably imperfect because I can follow them only through the major treatises while the vast and precious detail of minor publications escapes me. And above all, I have not been in personal contact with the scholars in my field of interest for the last ten years, since I have come to America. Before I commit myself to final fonnulations of my own theory I feel it is imperative to spend several months in Europe in order to get more closely acquainted with the present state of my problems through study in libraries and through conversation with my European colleagues. It is not a question of doing research on materials, or of writing the book in Europe, - all the materials needed are available in American libraries as far as I have not collected them already. It is a question of getting acquainted with the current state of theoretical discussion. The peculiar nature of my need detennines the nature of my request. It would not be profitable for me to spend a prolonged time in Europe (for instance: a year or more); on the contrary, that would handicap me seriously because J would be separated from my own library and my apparatus of notes. What is needed for me is a briefer trip that will serve my orientation and the collection of bibliographies to be digested at home. Hence I plan, if possible, to spend the next summer in Europe during the three months of June, July and August. The prillcipai points of my pian are: (I) ~e"eral wet:ks in Paris in order to consult the Bibliotheque Nationale, and in order to see such colleagues as Henri de Lubac, Raymond Aroo and Rene Grousset~ (2) several weeks in Basel in order to get acquainted with Swiss and Gennan publications, and in order to see Karl Jaspers, Edgar Slain and Hans Urs von Balthasar; (3) if possible to see Alois Dempf (the author of Sacrum Imperium) wherever he may be at that time - in Munich or Vienna. If time and money is left over, there is a long list of desiderata ofa similar nature in Italy, Belgium and England. Whether the three months which I plan will be sufficient for my purpose, or whether after a year or two a second such tour will prove advisable I do not know beforehand. For the present, at any rate, I have no plans of this nature beyond the next summer - above all, because a trip of this kind deprives me of the time for the work itself. N. It is difficult to characterize the "presumable contribution to knowledge" of the projected work, as requested, because it does not deal with a specific, narrowly limited problem but will be an attempt at a systematic theory of politics. I can only point to the fact that, to the best of my knowledge, nobody has attempted such a systematic theory during the present generation. The last major

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ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

undertakings of this kind belong to the time of Max Weber and Pareto, that is to say, they belong in their conception to the beginnings of the century. As far as publication is concerned, no preliminary inquiries have been made hitherto. However, I have found no difficulties of publication for my work in the past; and 1 do not anticipate difficulties of publication for the presently intended work.

p0042b36

A3. Pictures

Eric Voegelin indulging in one of his favorite pastimes. (Source: Eric Voegelin Institute, Baton Rouge, LA)

00042606

156

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

"."

.. -.". "'" ......

t

';'..

..

LSU Campus in the 19405: Lec:he Hall (today Old Law Building) - "Modeling the United States Supreme Coun Building, the Law Building faces the LSU Campus from a prominent position on Highland Road. The 5800.000 structure not only provides space for the Law School, but for the Graduate School of Law, the Graduate School of Public Welfare Administration and the I)e,. partment of Government of the College of Ans and Scienees. Six towering columns fonn the entrance to the main lobby, above which reads the inscription 'Laws Unsupported by Morals of the People Are Ineffective...· (The Reveille, September 16, 1947) (Sources: LSU Gumbo 1943; Photo by Monika PuhI2000)

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APPENDIX

157

d.pertm....

gov• ."men. .ric ~e9e1in. robert j. M"is, de,...t. ment ~eaci; pt:ter j. ftieS5, wili.m c.. h.v.rcI.

--

LSU Government Department in 1953 (Source: LSU Gumbo 1953)

-" 903 Camclia Street (in 200 I): The Voegelins lived al this address from 1943-1946. In 1946. the Voegclins bought a house at Canal Street. Today, there is a highway-and only a street sign reminds of other times.

158

ERIC VOEGELIN IN SATON ROUGE

Certificates of Naturalization for Eric and Lissy Voegelin (Source: HI 111.275)

~2636

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sources

Interviews

By Monika Puhl Barry, Noblet J. Simmons; January 25, 2000, Baton Rouge (phone)

Goethals, Gregor; September 2, 2001, San Francisco Heilman, Robert B.; December 5, 2000, Seattle Holtman, Robert; January II, 200 I, Baton Rouge Michelli,Lois Nichols; October 10,2000, Baton Rouge Moyse, Hennann, Jr.; February 28, 2000, Baton Rouge Pascal, Robert A.; January 28, 2000, Baton Rouge

Sachse HI, Victor A.; December 13, 2000, Baton Rouge Scuma, Josephine; December 2,1999, Baton Rouge Simpson, Lewis P.; April 18, 2000, Baton Rouge Webb, Eugene, December 4, 2000, Seattle

By Borry Cooper Heilman, Robert; July 27,1995, ? Sandoz, Ellis; November 4, 1995, I.ndianapolis, IN Sandoz, Ellis; October I, 1995, Calgary, Canada Stanford, Donald; May 5, 1997, Baton Rouge, LA

Walters, Ernest J.; November 4, 1995, Indianapolis, TN

160

ERJC VQEGEUN IN BATON ROUGE

By Brian Boyer Bueno, Anibal; August 3D, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco Caringella, Paul; August 29, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Cooper, Barry; August 29, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco Fuller, Timothy; August 30,1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco

Havel, Ivan; September 2, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco Heilman, Robert 8.; August 29,1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco

Heningson, Manfred; September 2, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Jarren, Beverly; August 30, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Keulman, Kenneth; September 2, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco McKnight, Stephen; September 3, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco

Moore, Hiawatha; August 3D, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco Moulakis, Athanasios; August 31, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Niemeyer, Gerhart; August 31, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco Palous, Martin; September 2, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Sandoz, Ellis; August 30, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco

Trimpe, Helen; September 2, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Voegelin, Lissy; August 29, 30,1990, Palo Altol San Francisco Walsh, David; August 30, 1990, Palo Alto! San Francisco

Wiser, James; September I, 1990, Palo Altol San Francisco •

BIBUOGRAPHY

161

Hoover Institution on War. Revolution and Peace / Microfilm (HI) (in numerical order, according to the HI list of content) BIOGRAPHICAL FILE

2.4

Bibliographies and curricula vitae

3.3

Lecture lists

3.4

Membership certificates

3.5

Miscellaneous

3.6

Notices

3.7

Schedules and appointment calendars

3.8

Library

3.9

Memorial servIce, Stanford memorial Church, February 4, 1985

3.15

United States, Citizensbip, 1958-1964.

3.16

Depanure for, 1938

3.17

Residence stalUs, 1942-1943 CORRESPONDENCE

6.7

A!b:izio, Cocr.J.d, :945-1960

6.15

American Political Science Association, 1938-1984

6.23

Arendt, Hannah, 1951-1972

7.8

Balthasar, Hans Un; von, 1950

7.17

Baumganen, Eduard, 1931-1960

8.2

Bennett, Walter H. (Univen;ity of Alabama), 1943-1944

8.3

Bennington College (Raben D. Leigh), 1939

8.11

Bmtel, Hans and Hedwig, 1934-1958

,8.42

Brach, Hermann. 1939-1949

8.46

Brooks, Cleanth and Tinkum, 1948-1980

8.50

Bruning, Heinrich, 1938-1956

9.9

Carmichael, Peter (LSU), 1942-1957

162

ERIC VOEGEUN IN SATON ROUGE

10.4

Dempf, Alois, 1949-1972

11.2

Elliott, William Y. (Harvard University), 1938-1961

11.7

Engel.Janosi, Friedrich and Carlene (1st wife) and Christiana (2nd wife), 1938-1945

11.8

Engel-Janosi, 1946-1952

11.9

Engel-Janosi,1953-1959

11.11

Engel-Janosi, Madeleine, 1942-1960

12.25

Fliess, Peter J. and Helen, 1955-1976

13.16

Friedrich, Carl J., 1938-1972

15.25

Guggenheim Foundation (Henry Allen Moe), 1948-1957

15.27

Gurian, Waldemar, 1938-1953

15.28

Gurwitsch, Amn, 1947-1971

15.33

Haberler, Gottfried, 1938-1961

16.3

Hallowell, John H. (Duke University), 1949-1975

16.12

Haerdtl, K1ara and Fritz, 1938-1976

16.15

Harris, Robert J., Jr. (LSU). 1942-1975

16.17

Harvard University (Arthur N. Holcombe), 1938-1964

16.23

Havard, William e., 1947-1962

17.3

Hayek, Friedrich A. von, 1938-1966

17.5

Heberle, Rudolf and Franziska, 1940-1981

17.9

Heilman, Robert B., 1944-1981

20.7

JafTe, Geor8, 1945-1958

23.23

Loewenstein, Karl, 1940-1949

23.27

LSU, 1942-1966 (Williamson, Heberle, Middleton, Pascal, Fliess, Taylor)

23.28

LSU, 1944-1962 (Ellegood, Jarrett, Phillabaum)

24.3

Low, Marianne H., 1939-1967

24.4

Loewilh, Karl, 1944-1971

24.7

Machlup, Fritz, 1938-1962

24.11

Mann, Thomas, 1938-1939

2838

BfBUOGRAPHY

163

24.22

Martin, Roscoe C. (University of Alabama), 1942-1947

25.22

Mintz, Maximilian, 1938-1956

25.35

Morgenstern, Oscar (princeton University), 1938·1948

26.6

Mural~

27.34

Onken, Walter, 1950-1961

28.12

Parsons, Talcott, 1940-1944

28.13

Pascal, Robert A., 1963-1983

30.14

Rockefeller Foundation (Kittredge, Thompson, Willits), 19381969

30.17

Robrlich, George F., 1938-1971

31.23

Sandoz, Ellis, 1957-1963

33.15

Schnur, Roman, 1951-1967

34.4

Schreier, Fritz, 1938-1978

34.10

Schuetz, Alfred and lise, 1938-1946

34.11

Schuetz, Alfred and lise, 1947-1967

34.15

Schweiger, Clotilde, 1938-1947

34.16

Schweiger, Hertha M., 1939-1948

35.3

Scuma,Jo, 1970-1979

35.4

Sebba, Gregor, 1936-1963

37.1

Strauss, Leo, 1942-1964

38.9

United States. Department of State. Passport Division, 1948

38.16

United States. War Department. Military Intelligence Division (Cole),1942

3g.31

Uppsala University, Sweden (Engnell, Riesenfeld), 1956

38.38

Verdross-Drossberg, Alfred von, 1938-1961

39.17

Waal, Elizabeth de, 1938-1976

41.12

Weisskopf, Walter A. and Gertrude, 1939-1982

41.25

Will fort, Rita, 1938-1980

42.1

William Volker Fund (Richard C. Cornuelle, Kenneth S. Templeton, Jr., H. W. Luhnow), 1953-1960

Alex von, 1938-1959

164

42.3

ERIC VOEGELIN IN 8ATON ROUGE

Williamson, Rene de Visme, \956-\974 SPEECHES AND WRITINGS

50.9

Notes and research material, United States

51.9

"Reine Rechtslehre uDd Staatslehre," Zeitschrifi fuer oeffentliches Recht, 1924

51.10

Review of Felix Kaufmann, Die Kriterien des Rechts, Archiv fuer Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, 1924

51.1\

Review of Leo Wittmayer, Oesterreichisches Verfassungsrecht, Archiv fuer Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, 1924

51.12

uDie Zeit in der Wirtschaft," Archiv fuer Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, \924

51.13

"Ueber Max Weber," Deutsche Viertelsjahrsschrift fuer Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte, 1925

51.15

"Die Verfassungsmaessigkeit des 18. Amendments ZUT United States Constitution," Zeitschrififuer oeffentfiches Recht, April \926

51.\6

"La Folette und die Wisconsin-Idee," Zeilschrift flier Politik, 1927

51.18

"Zur Lehre von der Staatsfonn," Zeitschrift flier oeffemliches Recht, July \927

51.19

"Landwirtschaftliche Preise und Goldwert," Nalionalwirtschaft, c. \928

51.20

Untitled manuscript relating to Gennan political science, c. 1928

51.21

"Die ergaenzende Bill zum Federal Reserve ACI," Nationalwirtschaft, 1928

51.23

"Der Sinn der ErkJaerung der Menschen- und Buergerrechte von 1789,"Zeitschrift fuer oeffentliches Recht, 1928

52.\

Ueber die fonn des amerikanischen Geistes, 1928, Holograph

52.2

Ueber die fonn des amerikanischen Geistes, 1928, Reviews

52.4

'1)eut:sehland und Amerika," Frankfurler ZeilUng, June 10, 1928

52.6

Review of E.A. Mowrer, Amerika: Vorbild und Wamung, Frankfurter Zeitung, August \9, 1928

BlBLiOGRAPHY

165

52.8

Habilitationsschrift, November 19, 1928

52.10

"To discuss the problem of national types of mind ...:' c. 1929

52.15

"Die Transaktion:' Archiv fuer angewandte Soziologie, January/ March 1929

52.17

"Die amerikanische Idee vom Eigentum," Archiv fuer angewandte Soziologie, 1930

52.18

"Die amerikanische Theorie vom ordentlichen Rechtsverfahren UDd von der Freiheit," Archiv fuer angewandte Soziologie, 1930

52.21

Review of Charlotte Luetkens, Staat und Gesellschaft in Amerika, Archiv fuer angewandte Sozialwissenschaft und Sozial· polilik, 1930

53.8

Postscript to Dimnet, Ernst, Die Kunst des Denkens, 1932

54.10

"Amerikalrunde,"_FrankjUrter Zeilung, March 26, 1933

54.25

"Auszugsweise Uebersetzung der Entscheidungen des Obersten Gerichshofes der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika in der Goldklauselfrage vom 18. Febmar 1935," Miuei!ungen des Verbandes oesterreichischer Banken und Bankiers, 1935.

55.18

Review of Eduard Baumgarten, Benjamin Fraenklin: Der Lehrmeister der amerikanischen Revolution, Zeitschrift fuer oeffentliches Recht, 1937

61.1

"Extended Str'dtegy: A New Technique of Dynamic Relations,"The Journal of Politics, 1940

61.2

"The Growth of the Race Idea," The Review of Politics, July 1940

61.3

"The Technique of National Socialist Conquest," October 30, 1940. Speech, Rotary Cluh, Birmingham, Alabama.

61.14

"British War Aims," February 24, 1942. Speech, LSU

63.14

"Journalism and Joachim's Children," TIME, March 9, 1953

68.11

"Religion und politische Ordnung in den Vereinigten Staaten," July 3, 1958. Speech, Muenchner Amerika-Haus COURSE MATERtAL

86.1

Examination questions

86.2

Reading lists

00042bJ6

ERIC VOEGELIN IN SATON ROUGE

166 86.3

Research material and notes, 1930's

86.4

Research material and notes, 1940's-1950's

86.5

Research material and notes, 1960's

86.6

Miscellaneous

86.7

Syllabi, International relations

86.8

Syllabi, Political science. outline for a course, c. 1938-1940

88.7

LSU, "Russia and Eastern Europe," 1951

88.8

LSU, "China and Japan," 1952

88.9

LSU, "Jurisprudence:' 1954

88.10

LSU, "The Nature of the Law," 1957

90.11

University of Southern California, "Theory of the Capitalist Economy," 1953 June-July SUBJECT FILE

92.7

Austrians-United States

93.10

Europeans-United States

97.4

LSU

100.2

Student radicalism, Germany (West)

100.3

Student radicalism, United States

100.13

United States, general

100.14

United States, Miscellaneous

100.15

United States, Supreme Court

109.57

The Philosophy of Order, Essays on History, Consciousness and Poltics

110.254a

Lissy Voegelin at LSU, news clippings '57

111.262

Boyd Prof Awards wI congrats.

111.271

Letters of Condolence '85

111.273

Last Will & Testament-scholarship fund wI Lissy agreement

111.274

Lissy Voegelin Soc. Security Papers

111.275

Naturalization papers etc. '38, passport photos, Citizenship documents

BIBLIOORAPHY

167

112.310

Lissy Voegelin, LSU award wi pub. Corresp.

112.348a

News Clippings '50s·'605; honors for Voegelin

112.348b

Letter to Lissy and Eric Voegelin - death

114.361a

LSU lene" to Lissy Voeg. WI return of E.V.'s MS "In Search of Order"

114.365

Voegelin Library appraisal

114.366

Letters of inquiry re: tax status of library gift, contract with LSU

116.398

Heilman reminiscence inscribed mono. Copy to Lissy and Eric

129.431a

Note books, one from '63 by hand

129.431b

Passports, Eric & Lissy Voegelin

130

Tel. and Address books

133.437

Will and Testament EV & Lissy

Documents Bylaws and Regulations for the LSU Board a/Supervisors, Part U, Chapter n,

Section 2~14: Boyd Professorship Eric Voegelin files of the Government Department at LSU (Government Files)

Eric Voegelin Files of the Guggenheim Foundation (GF Files) Eric Voegelin Files afthe Rockefeller Foundation (RF Files)

LSU Bulletins 1941-59. La coli LD 3106 A18. Louisiana Stale Unive"ity Archives, LSU Libraries, Balon Rouge, Louisiana.

LSU Faculty Records. Microfilm UF, Reel 21. Louisiana State University Archives, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. LSU Press-Controct File Records. Range 126, Box 131, AOO30, folder 143148. Louisiana State University Archives, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. LSU Press-Promotion File Records. Range 126, Box 96, AOO30, folder 1212. Louisiana State University Archives, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

00042638

168

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

LSU Schedule aJClasses 1941-59. La coli LD 3107 A34. Louisiana State

University Archives, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. LSU, Office ojPublic Relations Records, RG# A0020, Reel 16 (1930-1980),

Louisiana State University Archives, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Office of University Relations at LSU, Boyd Professorship Records U.S. Bureau of the Census, Stalislical Abstract ofthe United States: 1941. (62nd ed., Washington D.C., 1941)

U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract ofthe United States: 1951. (72nd ed., Washington D.C., 1951)

U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statislical Abstract ofthe United States: 1961. (82nd ed., Washington D.C., 1961)

Verlical Files Records. Reel 33. Louisiana State University Archives, LSU

Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Vertical Files! LSU Conference, LSU Faculty Records. Reel 77. Louisiana State University Archives, LSU Libraries, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

Letters, etc. Cooper, Bany (ed): Faith and Political Philosophy. The Correspondence he-

tween Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin 1934-1964. (penn State Press, 1993)(Cooper 1993)

E-Mail from Henningsen, Manfred to 'evforum' (August 2, 2(01) E-Mail from Hughs, Glenn C. to Publ, Monika (December 23, 2000) E-Mail from Levold, Erwin (Archivist of the RF) to Puhl, Monika (AprilS, 2001)

E-Mail from Masingill, Frank to Puhl, Monika (December 8, 2000) E-Mail from Pagnan, Martin to 'evforum' (May 22, 2001) E-Mail from Quandt, Kenneth to Puhl, Monika (August 17,2001) E-Mail from Sandoz, Ellis to Puhl, Monika (April 6, 2001) E-Mail from Sandoz, Ellis to Szakolezai, Arpad (May 26, 2000) E-Mail from Szakolczai, Arpad to Sandoz, Ellis (May 26, 2000) E-Mail from Wagner, Fritz to 'evforum' (April 25, 2001)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

169

E-Mails from MasingiU, Frank to Sandoz, Ellis (November-December 2000) Emberley, Peter; Cooper, Barry (ed): Faith and Political Philosophy. The Correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin, 1934-1964.

(University Park., Pennsylvania: The PerLlsylvania State University Press, 1993) (Emberley/Cooper 1993) Gratholf, Richard (ed): Alfred Schuetz! Aron Gurwitsch. Briej"'echsel 1939 his 1959. (Muenchen: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1985) (Gratholf 1985) Lecture notes by Lois Nichols Michelli (fall 1951, 181 Political Theory; spring 1952, 182 Political Theory). Lecture notes by Noblet Barry (fall 1954, 172 Russian Government; spring 1955, 173 China and Japan; fall 1955, 181 Political Theory; spring 1956, 182 Political Theory). Letter from Heilman, Robert B. to Puhl, Monika (August 16,2001)

Letter from Heilman, Raben B. to Puhl, Monika (November 14,2000) Letter from Heilman, Robert B. to Publ, Monika (October 6, 1999) Letter from Steamer, Robert J. to Puhl, Monika (December 31, 2000) Letter from Voegelin, Eric to Scurria, Josephine (February 23,1958)

Letter from Voegelin. Lissy to Steamer. Jean and Raben (December 20,1959) Letter from Voegelin, Lissy to Steamer. Jean and Raben (December 7) iA:tlel fronl Voegelin. Lissy to

Steam~r,

JeaL and Robert (March 20, !958)

Scuma, Josephine: Reflections on thirty years in Government/Political Science at LSU, 1949-1979 (personal Notes, unpublished) (Scurria 1979)

Newspapers

"Schicksale Osterreichischer Gelehrter." In: Basler Nachrichten, August 22, 1938.

The Reveille, January 1941-February 1958.

"Definite Aims Are Needed for Fighting War, Voegelin Says." In: BalOn Rouge Advocate, February 25, 1942.

·'LSU Supervisors List First Three Boyd Professors." In: Baton Rouge State Times, June I, 1953.

00042638

170

ERJC VOEGElIN IN BATON ROUGE

"Boyd Professor To Lecture at Gennan College." In: BalOn Rouge State Times, September, 26, 1956. "First Volume ofVoegelin's 'Order and History' Is Out." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, October 28, 1956. "Voegelin's Work Appears Set For Long Debate, Discussion." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, October 28, 1956. "LSU Publishes First Volume OfVoegelin's 'Order and History·... ln: Baton Rouge State Times, October 29, 1956. "Dr. Voegelin to Organize Unit at Munich, Gennany:' In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, January 24, 1958. "Voegelin Examines Platonic Interpretation, Thoroughly." In: BalOn Rouge Morning Advocate, July 6, 1958. "Dr. Eric Voegelin To Speak on Campus." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, April I, 1962. "Dr. Eric Voegelin Lecture At LSU Humanities Series." In: BalOn Rouge Morning Advocate, April 6, 1962. "New Scholarly Volume Honors Dr. Voegelin." In: Baton Rouge State Times, July 26, 1962. "Book Honors Dr. Voegelin On Birthday." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, July 27,1962. "Dr. Voegelin Back at LSU As Humanities Lecturer." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, March 21, 1965. "Ex·LSU Professor To Lecture Here Thursday Night." In: Baton Rouge State Times, March 22, 1965. "Dr. Voegelin Lecture Set Here Tomorrow." In: Baton Rouge State Times, March 24, 1965. "Ideologies Are on Way Out Says Political Scientist." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, March 26, 1965. "Voegelin Tells LSU Group Ideologies Are Passing." In: Baton Rouge State Times, March 26, 1969. "Eric Voegelin Slates Lecture At LSU Monday."In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate, December 4, 1971. "Eric Voegelin Receives Book on 60th Birthday." In: Daily Reveille. July 31, 1982.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

171

"LSU Boyd professor succumbs at age 84." In: Baton Rouge Morning Advocate. January 23, 1985. "One of first Boyd professors at LSU dies at 84 in California." In: Baton Rouge State Times, January 23, 1985. "Voegelin Institute Established." In: Crowley Metropoliton, April 21, 1987.

"Boyd professors share secrets of their roads to academic success." In: LSU Today, Octobet 13,2000.

Secondary Literature

"Eric Voegelin and Voegelin Scholarship." Various articles and reviews about Voegelin and his work. In: The Review o/Politics. Fall 2000, Volume 62, No. IV. 707·830. "Journalism and Joachim's Children," In: Time Magazin, March 9, 1953.5761. (Time March 9, 1953) "Steamrollered by the Zeitgeist." In: Times Literary Supplement No. 5047, Decembet 24. 1999. (TLS Decembet 24, 1999) Biber, Douglas; Finegan, Edward (ed): Sociolinguistic Perspectives on Register. (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994) (Biber \994) B1eek, Wilhelm: Geschichte der Politikwissenschafi in Deutschland. (MUnchen: Beck, 2001) (Bleek 2001) Bleek, Wilhelm; LielZmann, Hans J. (00): Schulen der deutschen Po/iJikwissenschaft. (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 1999) BrOning, Heinrich: Memoiren /9/8-/934. (Stuttgart: Deutsche VerlagsAnstall, 1970) Clyne, Michael: Forschungsbericht Sprachkontakt. Untersuchungsergebnisse und praktische Probleme. (Kronberg: Scriptor Verlag, 1975) (Clyne 1975) Cooper, Barry: Eric Voegelin and the Foundations 0/ Modem Political Science. (Columbia & London: University of Missouri Press, 1999) (Cooper 1999)

172 _ _0

ERIC VOEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

"Surveying the Occasional Papers." Ln: The Review ojPolitics. Fall 2000, Volume 62, No. IV. 727-751.

Davis, Edwin A.: Louisiana. The Pelican State. (Baton Rouge. London: LSU Press, 1959) (Davis 1959) Dempf, Alois; Arendt, Hannah; Engel-Janosi, Friedrich (ed): PoJilische Ord-

mmg rmd Menschliche Exislenz. Festgabefuer Eric Voegelin zum 60. GeblirtS/ag. (Muenchen: Verlag CH Beck, 1962) Embry. Charles R. (ed): Robert B. Heilman and Eric Voegelin. A Friendship in Letters. 1944-/984. With a foreword by Champlin B. Heilman. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 20(4) Gebhardt, Juergen: Die Krise des Amerikanismus. Rcvolutionaere Ordnung und gesellschaftliches Selbstverstaendnis in der amerikanischen Republik. (Stuttgart, 1976) Gennino, Dante: "Eric Voegelin's Anamnesis." In: The Southern Review Vol. 7, New Series, No. I. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, winter 1971) 68-88. Gray, Richard (00): Robert Penn Warren. A Collection o/Critical Essays. (Englewood ClifTs, N.J.: Preotice-Hall, Inc., 1980) (Gray 1980) Hallowell, John H, (cd): Voegelin, Eric: From Enlightenment 10 Revolution. (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1975) Havard, William c.: "The Changing Pattern ofVocgelin's Conception of His· tory and Consciousness," In: The Southern Review Vol. 7, New Series, No. I. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, winter J 971) 49-67.

_ _. The Recovery 0/ Political Theory. Limits and Possibilities. (Baton Rouge, Loodon: LSU Press, 1984) (Havard 1984) _ _: "Voegelin's Changing Conception of History and Consciousness." In: McKnight, Stephen A. (cd): Eric Voegelin's Search/or Order in HistOIY. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, 1978) Heilman, Robert: "Eric Voegelin. Reminiscences." In: The Southern Review Vol. 32, No. I. (Baton Rouge, Loodoo: LSU Press, winter 1996) 147165.

_ _' The Professor and the Profession. (Columbia & London: University of Missouri Press, 1999) (Heilman 1999)

_ _. The Southern Connection. Essays by Roben Bechthold Heilman. (Ba· ton Rouge, London: LSU Press, 1990) (Heilman 1990) Henkel, Michael: Eric Voegelin. Zur Einfiihrong, (Hamburg: Junius, J998)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

173

Henningsen. Manfred: uThe Collapse and Retrieval of Meaning." In: The Review oJPolitics. Fall 2000, Volume 62, No. IV. 809-816. Herz" Dietmar: "Der Begriff der 'politischen Religioneo' im Denkeo Eric Voegelins." In: Maier, Hans (ed): 'Totalitarismus' und 'Polilische Religionen '. Konzepte des Diktaturvergleichs. (paderbom, et al.: Schoningh, 1996) 191-209. _ _; Weinberger, Vcronika: "Die Mlinchner Schule der Politikwissenschaft." In: Bleek, Wilhelm; Lietzmann, Hans J. (ed): Schulen der deutschen Politikwissenschafi. (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 1999) Hufeisen, Brina: "Englisch bei deutschsprachigen lmmigranten in Kanada." In: Munersprache. Vierteljahresschrift fUr deutsche Sprache. September 1995. (Hufeisen 1995) James, Henry: The Turn o/the Screw and other short stories. With a new introduction by Perry Meisel. Signet Classic (New York: Penguin Books, 1995) Jens,lnge (ed): Thomos Mann. Tagebl/echer 1951-1952. (Frankfurt a.M.: S. Fischer, 1993) Kirby, John; Thompson, William M. (ed): Voegelin and the The%gian: Ten Studies in Interpretation. Toronto Studies in Theology, Vol. IO. (New York, Toronto: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1983) (Kirbyrrhompson 1983) Kohn, Caroline: Karl Kraus. (Stuttgart: 1.8. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1966) (Kahn 1966) Kromkowski, John A.: '
ERIC VOEGEUN IN SATON ROUGE

174

Marsen, Thies: Zwischen Reeducalion und politischer Philosophie: der Aufbau der po/itischen Wissenschaft in Munchen nach /945. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 2(01)

Mesthrie, Rajend; Dewnert, Andrea; Leap, William L. (ed): Introducing Linguistics. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2(00) (Mesthrie 2(00) Miller, Perry: Jonathan Edwards (New York, 1949)

Monissey, Michael P.: The Theology ofEric Voegelin. (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994)

Oakeshott, Michael: "The Character of European Politics. Review of the New Science of Politics: An Introduction, by Eric Voegelin."ln: Times Literary Supplement No. 268g, August 7, 1953. 504. (TLS August 7, 1953)

Opitz, Peter J. (00): Eric Voegelin, Alfred Schuetz. Leo Strauss, Aron Gurwitsch. Briefwechse/ ueber" Die Neue Wissenschaft der Politik". (Munich: Verlag Karl Alber, 1993) (Opitz 1993)

_ _.; Sebba, Gregor (ed): The Philosophie ofOrder. Essays on History. th Consciousness and Politics. For Eric Voegelin on his 80 birthday, January 3, 1981. (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1981 )(Opitz 1981)

_ _""Spurensuche - Zum Einfluss Eric Voegelins auf die Politische Wis· senschaft in cler Bundesrepublik Deutschland." In: Zei/schrift fUr Poli· Uk, Jahrgang 36 (Neue Folgen), Heft 3, 1989. 235-250. (Opitz 1989) _ _.. "Stationen einer Rueckkehr - Voegelins Weg nach Muenchen:'In: Occasional Papers, Vol. XU (Muenchen, 1999) (Opitz 1999) Poner, lene M.: 'The Binh of Modernity." In: The Review ofPolilics. Fall 2000, Volume 62, No. lV. 795-808.

Romaine, Suzanne: Bilingualism. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989) (Romaine 1989) _ _. Language in Society. An In/roduc/ion to Sociolinguis/ics. (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 1994) (Romaine 1994)

Sandoz, Ellis: "In Memoriam: Eric Voegelin." In: The Sou/hem Review Vol. 21, No.2. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, spring 1985) 372-375. _ _. The Voegelinian Revolwion. A Biographicalln/roduc/ion. (DR & Lon· don: LSU Press, 2nd ed. 2(00) (VR)

_ _ (00): Eric Voegelin's Significance for /he Modem Mind. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, 1991) (Sandoz 1991)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

175

Schwaabe, Christian: Freiheit und Vernunft in der unversohnten Moderne: Max Webers kritischer Dezisionismus als Herausfordenmg des politischen Liberalismus. Periagoge Studien (Munich: Fink, 2002)

Sebba, Gregor: "Order and Disorder of the Soul: Eric Voegelin's philosophy of History." In: The Southern Review Vol. 3, No.2. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, spring 1967) 282-310.

Simpson, Lewis P.: "Voegelin and the story o/the clerks. .. In: Sandoz, Ellis (ed): Eric Voegelin's Significance/or the Modern Mind. (Baton Rouge, London: LSU Press, 1991) 71-110. Spolsky, Bernard: Sociolinguistics. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998) (Spolsky 1998)

Voegelin, Eric: Anamnesis. (Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1978) _ _.. Anamnesis. Ed. and translated by Gerhart Niemeyer. (Columbia: Uni-

versity of Missouri Press, 1990) _ _. Anamnesis. On the Theory o/History and Politics. Ed. and with an introduction by David Walsh, translated by Miroslav J. Hanak. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2002) (CW 6) _ _. Autobiographical Rejlecions. Ed. by Ellis Sandoz (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1989) (AR) _ _. Autobiographische Reflex.ionen. Translated by Caroline KOnig. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1994) . Dos Volk GOlles: Sektenbewegungen und der Geist der Moderne. Ed.

- - and with a foreword and an essay by Peter Opitz, translated by Hcike Kaltsehmidt. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1994) _ _. DerautoritiireStaal. (Vienna: Springer, 1936) _ _. Der GOllesmord: zur Genese lmd Gestalt der modernen politischen Gnosis. Ed. and with a foreword by Peter Opitz. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1999) _ _. Die Gro'pe Max Webers. Ed, and with an afterword by Peter Opitz. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1995) _ _' Die Politischen Religionen. (Vienna: Bermann-Fischer, 1938) _ _' Die Politischen Religionen. Reprinted edition with new Foreword. (Stockholm: Bermann-Fischer, 1939) _ _. Die Politischen Religionen. Ed. and with an afterword by Peter Opitz, Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1993) (pR 1993)

176

ERIC VQEGELIN IN BATON ROUGE

_ _ "Die Rassenidee in der Geisfesgeschichre. Von Ray his CanIS. (Berlin: Junker und Dunnhaupt, 1933) _ _ . "Die spielerische Grausamkeit der Humanisten "; Eric Voegelins 51Udien zu Nicco[d Machiavelli und Thomas Moros. With an afterword by Peter Opitz., translation and foreword by Dietmar Herz. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1995) _ _" Evangelium und Kul/uT: das Evange/ium als Antworl. With a foreword by Wolthart Pannenberg; aftelWord and translation by Helmut Win· terholler. Periagoge Studien. (Munich: Fink, 1997) _ _. History ofPolitical Ideas, Vol. I. Hellenism. Rome. and Early Christianity. Ed. Athanasios Moulakis. The Collected Works afETic Voegelin, Vol. XIX (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997) (CW 19) _ _. History afPoliticalldeas. Vol. II. The Middle Ages 10 Aquinas. Ed. Peter von Sivers. The Collected Works afEric Voegelin, Vol. XX (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997) (CW 20) _ _ . Hislory ofPolitical Ideas. Vol. III. The Laler Middle Ages. Ed. David Walsh. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. XXI (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998) (CW 21) _ _ . History ofPolitical Ideas. Vol. [V. Renaissance and Refonnation. Ed. David L. Morse and William M. Thompson. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin. Vol. XXI] (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998) (CW 22) _ _. History ofPolitical Ideas, Vol. V. Religion and the Rise ofModernity, Ed. James L Wiser. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. XXIII (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998) (CW 23) _ _' /-listory ofPolitical Ideas, Vol. VI. Revolution and the New Science, Ed. Bany Cooper. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. XXIV (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999) (CW 24) _ _. /-listory ofPolitical Ideas, Vol. VII. The New Order arid Last Orientation. Ed. Juergen Gebhardt and Thomas A. Hollweck. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. XXV (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999) (CW 25) _ _. History ofPolitical Ideas. Vol. VIII. Crisis and Ihe Apocalypse ofMan. Ed. Day;d Walsh. The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Vol. XXVI (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999) (CW 26)

42&3&

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Internet

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